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GOV. of riATVCOUTH COLONY.

^ ® MEMOIRS

AMERICAN GOVERNORS

BY JACOB BAILEY MOORE.

TOIi. I.

c NEW-YORK:
GATES Sl STEDMAN, 136 NASSAU STREET.
1846.

^"V'^i'^'Y

Entered, accotdingto Act of Congrets, in the year 1646,

BT JACOB BAILET MOORE,

In the Clcrk'jt Office of the District Court of the District of Columbia.

PREFACE.

The writer of these pages has formed the design of
preparing for publication, Mjemoirs of American
GovERKORS — embracing those who have successively
held the high oflSce of Chief Magistrate, in the sever-
al Colonies, which now form the United States; to
to be followed by Memoirs of the Governors of the sev-
eral States. The intelligent reader has perhaps felt the
want of such a work. Our best Biographical Dictiona-
ries contain but meagre sketches of a few of those pub-
lic men, who have been distinguished as Governors ;
while of others, who were renowned in their day, and
exercised an important influence upon the times in which
they lived, no account whatever is to be found.

To supply an obvious want, as far as it may be practi-
cable now to do, is the object of the present undertaking.
The task is a very laborious and difficult one, but with
proper diligence, and public encouragement, it may be
accomplished. It has been the aim of the author to
make his work full in details, precise in facts, and, as far
as possible, accurate and reliable as a book of reference.
Authorities have been carefully scanned; and, to avoid
the errors of copyists, as well as to reconcile conflicting
dates, originals* have been consulted, whenever they

IV PREFACE.

^ould be found. References to printed authorities, where
not otherwise specified, are generally to original editions.
Anachronisms are believed to be best avoided, in history,
by adhering to dates as originally written; and this
course has been adopted in the present work. Every in-
telligent reader understands the difference between the
Julian and the Gregorian year, or the Old and New
Style, and can readily make his own computation.

The general plan of the work will be seen at a glance.
In order that each volume may be complete in itself, — ?
embracing the Governors of two or more of the Colo-
nies, or States, in regular succession, — a chronological
arrangement has been adopted; and for the conven-
ience of the reader, a full and particular Index to all
the names, places and events, mentioned in the work, is
added.

The author has been kindly and even liberally assisted
by numerous individuals, to whom he has applied for in-
formation.. Years ago, when he first commenced the col-
lection of n]iaterials for this work, the rich stores preserved
in the archives at Plymouth, Boston, and Worcester,
were freely opened to him. He has since derived much
assistance from an examination of the books and manur
scripts of the New York Historical Society, of the ConT
gress Library, and in particular of the valuable library
pf Peter Force, Esq., of Washington City, whose col-r
lection of manuscripts and books, in the department of
American History, is unsurpassed in this country,

Septeinber, 1846.

CONTENTS.

PART I.

Governors of New Plymouth, from the Landinq
OF the Pilgrims, ik 1620, to the Union of the
Colony with Massachusetts Bay, in 1692 :

I. •JOHN carver, FiasT chosen in 1620, Page 11

II. 'WILLIAM BRADFORD, 1621, 49

III. «EDWARD WINSLOW, 1633, 93

IV. THOMAS PRENCIS, 1634, 139

V. JOSIAS WINSLOW, 1673, 175

VI. TH0M4S HINCKLEY, 1680, 201

PART II.

Governors of Massachusetts Bay, from the first
settlement of the colony, in 1630, to the ex-
PULSION OF Andros, in 1689 :

I. •JOHN WINTHROP, . . , First chosen in 1630, Page 237

IL THOMAS DUDLEY, 1634, 273

III. JOHN HAYNES, .,.,... 1635, 297

IV. HENRY VANE, 1636, 313

V. RICHARD BELLINGHAM, ...,..,. 1641, 335

VI. JOHN ENDECOTT, 1644, 347

VII. JOHN LEVERETT, 1673, 367

yill. SIMON BRADSTREET, 1679, 377

IX. JOSEPH DUDLEY, appointed in 1686, 390

X. EDMUND ANDROS, 1687, 403

* From Original Sketchea by Dr. Belknap, with addition! and corrections.

:6uCCE8»fON OF OOTERKORS OF THE CoLONIBS OF NeW PlTMOUTB AKD MAS-
SACHUSETTS Bat, Fiioii 1620 to 1693.

A. D.

Reigns.

New Plymouth.

Massachusetts Bat.

1620

James I.

John Carver.

1621

WiUiam Bradford.

1625

CharlcB I.

((

1630

((

John Winthrop.

1633

((

Edward Window.

1634

Thomas Prence.

Thomas Dudley.

1635

William Bradford.

John Haynes.

1636

Edward Wiaslow.

Henry Vane.

1637

William Bradford.

John Winthrop.

1638

((

Thomas Prence.

1639

William Bradford.

((

1640

((

Thomas Dudley.

1641

((

Richard BelUngham.

1642

(( *

John Winthrop.

1644

Edward Winslow.

John Endecott.

1645

((

William Bradford.

Thomas Dudley.

1646

((

.(C

John Winthrop.

1648

1649

Commonwealth*

John Endecott.

1650

((

Thomas Dudley.

1651

((

John Endecott.

1653

Oliver Cromwell.

1654

((

Richard BelUngham.

1655

((

John Endecott.

1657

Tliomas Prence.

((

1658

Richard Cromwell.

1660

Charlea II.

1665

Richard Bellingham.

1673—

^ «

Josias Winslow.

John Leverett.

1679

Simon Bradstreet.

1680

Thomas Hinckley.

1685

James II.

1686

Joseph Dudley.

1687

((

Edmund Andros.

1688

((

1689

WiUiam IIL

Thomas Hinckley.

Simon Bradstreet

1690

((

1692

((

New Plymouth united

with Massachusetts Bay*

PART I.

GOVERNORS OF NEW PLYMOUTH.

1620—1692.

INTRODUCTORY NOTE.

At the time of the death of Queen Elizabeth, in 1603, one hun-
dred and ten years after the discovery of America by Columbus,
no nation except the Spanish had effected a settlement in the New
World ; and in all the continent north of Mexico, not a single
European family was to be found. The French, in 1606, began
to make settlements in Canada and Acadie, and Spanish soldiers
were stationed at several posts in Florida. Twenty years had
elapsed since the first fruitless attempt of Sir Walter Raleigh to
establish a colony in Virginia, and not an Englishman was now
to be found in that country, and the grant to Raleigh had become
void, in consequence of his attainder.

In 1606, King James I., by an ordinance dated the 10th of
April, divided all that portion of North America, which is embrac-
ed within the 34th and 45th degrees of latitude, into two districts.
The Southern, called the First Colony, he granted to the London
Company; and the Northern, or Second Colony, he granted to
the Plymouth Company. The general superintendence of the
Colonies was vested in a Council, resident in England, named by
the King, and subject to all orders and decrees under his sign
manual ; and the local jurisdiction was entrusted to a Council,
also named by the King, and Subject to his instructions, which
was to reside in the colonies. Under these auspices commenced,
in 1607, the first permanent settlement of Virginia.

On the third of November, 1620, forty noblemen, knights, and
gentlemen of England, were incorporated by King James, under
the name and style of " The Council established at Plymouth, in
the county of Devon, for the planting, ruling and governing New
England in America." At the head of this corporation was the
2

10 INTRODUCTORY NOTE.

Earl of Warwick. The territory subjected to its jurisdiction, ex-
tended in breadth from the 40\h to the 48th degree of north lati-
tude, and in length from sea to sea — comprising all the present
inhabited British possessions north of the United States, all New
England and New York, tialf of New Jersey, nearly the whole of
Pennsylvania, and the whole of the country west of these states to
the Pacific ocean. Absolute property in this vast domain was con-
ferred upon the corporation, and full powers of government were
conceded, subject to the royal will. This patent is the basis of .
all the subsequent grants in New England.

Before this charter had passed the seals, the Pilgrims were on
their way to America. They had obtained permission from the
London Company to settle within their limits. Their intention
was to found their settlement upon the banks of the Hudson, but,
after a perilous voyage, they arrived at Cape Cod, in the 42d de-
gree of north latitude, beyoi^d the limits of the grant to the Lon-
don Company. It was too late in the season to retrace their steps,
and they resolved, therefore, as they were without authority from
the Plymouth Company, to establish for themselves a form of
government, which was done by a written instrument subscribed on
the 11th November, 1620, in the cabin of the Ma3rflower.

Such was the beginning of the Colony of New Plymouth.
Of the persecutions which drove the Puritans from England, and
led them afterwards to seek an asylum in the New World, and of
the perils which they encountered, upon the ocean and upon the
land, ample accounts are given in the sketches which follow.

GOVERNORS OF NEW PLYMOUTH.

I. JOHN CARVER.

The first effectual settlements of the English in New
England, were made by those, who, after the Reforma-
tion^ dissented from the Established Episcopal Church,
who were persecuted on account of their dissent, and
sought an asylum from their sufferings. Uniformity was
insisted on with a rigor that disgusted many conscientious
ministers and people of the Church of England, and
caused that separation, which has ever since existed.
Religious persons, who could not conform to the estab-
lishment, but taught the necessity of a more complete
and personal reformation, were at first distinguished by
the name of Puritans — a name which they never dis-
owned, though it was given in derision. Among these,
the most rigid were the Broumists^ so called from Robert
Brown, ^^a fiery young clergyman," who in 1680-1586,
headed a zealous party, and was vehement for a total
separation. But his zeal, though violent, as is often the
case with zealots, was not of a temper to resist persecu-
tion, and in advanced life, he accepted a living offered
by the Church he had reviled ; while others, who more
deliberately withdrew, retained their separation, though
they became more candid and moderate in their princi-
ples.* Of these people, a congregation was formgd

* Neal's N. E. i. 58, 64.

12 JOHN CARVER.

about the year 1602, near the confines of the counties of
York, Nottingham, and Lincoln, in England, who chose
for their ministers, Richard Clifton and John Robinson.*
The reigning prince at that time was James the First,
than whom a more contemptible character never sat on
the British throne. Educated in the principles of Pres-
byterianism in Scodand, he forgot them all on his ad-
vancement to the throne of the three kingdoms. Flat-
tered by the bishops, he gave all ecclesiastical power into
their hands, and entrusted sycophants with the manage-
ment of the state, while he indolently resigned himself
to Kterary and sensual indulgences; in the former of
which he was a pedant, in the latter an epicure. The
prosecution of the Puritans was conducted with unre-
lenting severity in the former part of his reign, when
Bancroft was Archbishop of Canterbury. Abbot, who
succeeded him, was more favorable to them ; but when
Laud came into power, they were treated with every
mark of insult and cruelty. Robinson's little congrega-
tion did not escape persecution, by quietly separating
from the establishment, and forming an independent
church. They were still exposed to the penalties of the
ecclesiastical law. They were harrassed with every
species of intolerance ; some were thrown into prison ;
some were confined to their own houses ; and others
were obliged to leave their farms^ and suspend their
usual occupations.! Such was their distress and per-
plexity, that an emigration to some foreign country,
seemed at length the only means of personal safety.

Their first views were directed to Holland, where the

* Prince, i. 4, 20. t See the history of Puritan sufferings in Neal, and autho-
jrities there cited, or the graphic account in Bancroft, i. 288 — 290.

JOHN CARVER. 13

-spirit of commerce had dictated a free toleration of reli-
gious opinions ; a blessing which neither the wisdom of
politicians nor the charity of clergymen had admitted
into any other of the European states. Mr. Robinson,
and as many of his congregation as found it in their
power, accordingly left England in the years 1607 and
1608, and settled in Amsterdam ; whence, in 1609, they
removed to Leyden.

John Carver, one of the most grave and honored of
the Pilgrims, and first governor of the colony of K€?w
Plymouth, is supposed to have been a native of Lincoln^
shire, England, where families of the name were khoWH
to exist ; and he is represented to have been one of the
deacons of the English Congregational Church at Ley-
den. Of his family, or personal history, prior to his
connection with the Pilgrims, little is known. The record
of the time and place of his birth, is nowhere found.
The eariiest account of him known to exist, refers to his
appointment as one of the agents of the Leydeii Church.
At that time, he was in high asteem as a grave, pious,
prudent and judicious man. The correspondence, be-
tween Sir Edwin Sandys, Treasurer of the Virginia
Company, and the Rev. John Robinson, pastor of the
Pilgrim Church, and a letter from the latter to Mr.
Carver, preserved in Governor Bradford's History, shew
that he was a person of consideration and character as a
philanthropist and christian. "I hope,'' said Mr. Robin-
son, in his parting address to Carver, ^Hhat you, having
always been able so plentifully to administer comfort unto
others in their trials, are so well furnished for yourself,
as that far greater difficulties than you have yet under-
gone (though I conceive them to be great enough) cannot

14 JOHN CARVER.

oppress you, though they press you, as the Apostle
speaketh. ^The spirit of a man (sustained by the Spirit
of God) will sustain his infirmity.' I doubt not so will
yours ; and the better much, when you shall enjoy the
presence and help of so many goodly and wise brethren,
for the bearing of part of your burden ; who also will
not admit into their hearts the least thoughts of suspicion
of any the least negligence, at least presumption to hare
been in you, whatever they think in others.^' Carver
was one of the oldest of the Pilgrims, and the circum-
stance that he was selected by Robinson as the individual
to whom to address his parting letter, shows that he was
a leading and trusted man.*

After residing several years in Leyden, various causes
influenced the congregation to entertain serious thoughts
of a removal to America. These causes were the un-
healthiness of the low country where they lived; the
hard labor to which they were subjected j the dissipated
manners of the Hollanders; especially the lax observance
of the Lord's Day;f the apprehension of a war at the
conclusion of the truce between Spain and Holland, which
was then near its close ; the fear, lest their young men
would enter into the military and naval service; the ten-
dency of their little community to become absorbed
and lost in a foreign nation ; their desire to live under
the protection of England, and to retain the language
and the name of Englishmen; their inability to give

* Young's Chronicles, 90.

t Sir Dudley Carleton, writing from the Hague, July 22, 1619, says, " It falls
out in these towns of Holland, that Sunday, which is elsewhere the day of rest,
proves the day of labour, for they never knew yet how to observe the Sabbath."
This violation of the Sabbath attracted the attention of the Synod of Dort,
which wfiemhled in 1618.

JOHX CARVER. 15

their children such an education as they had themselves
received ; .the natural and pious desire of perpetuating a
church, which they believed to be constituted after the
simple and pure model of the primitive church of Christ;
and a commendable zeal to propagate the gospel in the
regions of the New World.

In 16 17, having concluded to go to Virginia, and settle
in a distinct body under the general government of that
colony, they sent Mr. Robert Cushman, and Mr. John
Carver, to England, to treat with the Virginia Com-
pany, and ascertain whether the King would grant them
liberty of conscience in that distant country. Though
these agents found the Virginia Company very desirous
of the projected settlement in their American territory,
and wiUing to grant them a patent, with as ample priv-
ileges as they had power to convey; yet they could
prevail with the King no farther, than to engage that he
would connive at them, and not molest them, provided
they would conduct peaceably. Toleration in rehgious
liberty by public authority, under his seal, was denied. *

The business of the agency was for a long time de-
layed, by discontents and factions in the company of
Virginia, by the removal of their former treasurer, Sir
Thomas Smith, and the enmity between him and Sir
Edwin Sandys, his successor, f At length a patent was

* Holmes, Am. Ann. i. 158.

t Sir Edwin Sandys was the son of Archbishop Sandys, and the pupil of
Hooker. Hume says that in Parliament he was " a member of great authority ;"
and, for taking the popular side in 1614, was committed to the Tower. He suc-
ceeded Sir Thomas Smith, as Treasurer of the Virginia Company, on the 28th
of April, 1619. His election was brought about by the Earl of Warwick's hos-
tility to Smith. The historians of Virginia say that he was a person of excel-
lent endowments, great vigor and resolution. King James disliked him, on
account of his liberal principles, and when the year came round, he objected to

16 JOHN CARVER.

obtained under the company's seal ; but^ by the advice of
Bome friends^ it was taken in the name of John Wincob^
a religious gentleman belonging to the family of the
Countess of Lincoln, who intended to accompany the ad-
venturers to America.* This patent, and the proposals
of Thomas Weston,, of London, merchant, and other per-
sons who appeared friendly to the design, were carried
to Leyden, in the autumn of 1619, for the consideration
of the people. At the same time, there was a plan
forming for a new council in the west of England, to
superintend the plantation and fishery of North Virginia,
the name of which was changed to JSTew England. To
this expected estabhshment Weston and the other mer-
chants began to incline, chiefly from the hope of present
gain by the fishery. This caused some embarrassment,
and a variety of opinions ; but, considering that the coun-
cil for New England was not yet incorporated, and that,
if they should wait for that event, they might be detained
another year, before which time the war between the
Dutch and the Spaniards might be renewed,! the ma-
jority concluded to take the patent, which had been ob-
tained from the company of South Virginia, and emigrate
to some place near Hudson's River, which was within
their territory.

his re-appointment as Treasurer. "Choose the devil, if you will, (said he) but
not Sir Edwin Sandys."

* Wincob never came to America ; and all that is known of him is that he
was never of the least service to those who had obtained the patent at such toil
and cost. Bancroft, i. 305. The precise date of the patent is nowhere men-
tioned. Toung, in his Chronicles, 75, gives the probable reason why the patent
was taken in the name of Wincob, that the Leyden people being out of the
realm, the patent would not be granted in any of their names.

t The truce, which, after a war of above thirty years, was concluded between
Spain and the United Netherlands in 1609, was to expire by its own limitation
in 1621.

JOHN CARV£R. 17

The next springy ( 1620,) Weston himself went over to
Leyden, where the people entered into articles of agree-
ment with him, both for shipping and money, to assist in
their transportation. Carver and Cushman were again
sent to London, to receive the money and provide for the
voyage. When they came there, they found the other
merchants so very penurious and severe, that they were
obliged to consent to some alteration in the articles, which,
though not rehshed by their constituents, yet were so
strongly insisted on, that without them the whole adven-
ture must have been frustrated.

The articles, with their amendments, were these :*

^^ 1 . The adventurers and planters do agree that every
person that goeth, being sixteen years old and upward,
be rated at ten pounds, and that ten pounds be accounted
a single share.^^

^^ 2. That he that goeth in person, and fumisheth him-
self out with ten pounds, either in money or other pro-
visions, be accounted as having twenty pounds in stock,
and in the division shall receive a double share.''

'' 3. The persons transported and the adventurers shall
continue their joint stock and partnership the space of
seven yearSy except some unexpected impediments do
cause the whole company to agree otherwise, during
which time all profits and benefits that are gotten by
trade, traffic, trucking, working, fishing, or any other
means, of any other person or persons, shall remain still
in the common stocky until the division."

"4. That at their coming there they shall choose
out such a number of fit persons as may furnish their
ships and boats for fishing upon the sea, employing the

* Hubbard's N. £. 48.->Hazard*8 Hist. Coll. i. 87.

18 JOHN CARVER.

rest in their several faculties upon the land, as building
houses, tiUing and planting the land, and making such
commodities as shall be most useful for the colony."

" 5. That at the end of the seven years the capital and
profits, viz., the houses, lands, goods, and chattels, be
equally divided among the adventurers ; if any debt or
detriment concerning this adventure" *

'^ 6. Whosoever cometh to the colony hereafter, or
putteth any thing into the stock, shall at the end of the
seven years be allowed proportionally to the time of his
so doing."

^^ 7. He that shall carry his wife, or children, or
servants, shall be allowed for every person now aged six-
teen years and upwards, a single share in the division; or,
if he provide them necessaries, a double share; or, if
they be between ten years old and sixteen, then two of
them to be reckoned for a person, both in transportation
and division."

" 8. That such children as now go, and are under ten
years of age, have no other share in the division than
fifty acres of unmanured land."

" 9. That such persons as die before the seven years
be expired, their executors to have their parts or shares
at the division, proportionally to the time of their life in
the colony."

" 10. That all such persons as are of the colony are to
have meat, drink, and apparel out of the common stock
and goods of the said colony."

The difference between the articles as first agreed
upon, and as finally concluded, was in these two points :

1. In the former, it was provided that "the houses

* Here something seems to be wanting, which c&nnot now be supplied.

JOHN CARVER. 19

and lands improved, especially gardens and home-fields,
should remain undivided wholly to the planters at the
end of the seven years," but in the latter, the houses and
lands were to be equally divided, 2, In the former, the
planters were " allowed two days in the week for their
own private employment, for the comfort of themselves
and families, especially such as had them to take care
for." In the latter, this article was wholly omitted.

On these hard conditions, and with this small encour-
agement, the pilgrims of Leyden, supported by a pious
confidence in the Supreme Disposer, and animate'd by a
fortitude resulting from the steady principles of the reli-
gion which they professed, determined to cast themselves
on the care of Divine Providence, and embark for Amer-
ica. With the proceeds of their own estates, now put
into a common stock, and the assistance of the merchants,
to whom they had mortgaged their labour and trade for
seven years, two vessels were provided. One, in Hol-
land, of sixty tons, called the Speedwell, commanded by
a Captain Reynolds, which was intended to transport
some of them to America, and there to remain in their
service one year, for fishing and other uses. Another,
of one hundred and eighty tons, called the Mayflower,
was chartered by Mr. Cushman, in London, and sent
round to Southampton, in Hampshire, whither Mr. Car-
ver went to superintend her equipment. This vessel
was commanded by a Captain Jones, and, after discharg-
ing her passengers in America, was to return to Eng-
land. Seven hundred pounds sterling were expended
in provisions and stores, and other necessary prepara-
tions, and the value of the trading venture which they, car-

20 JOHN CARVER.

ried was seventeen hundred pounds* Mr* Weston came
from London to Southampton, to see them despatched.*

The Speedwell, with the passengers, having arrived
there from Leyden, and the necessary officers being
chosen to govern the people and take care of the provi-
sions and stores on the voyage, both ships, carrying one
hundred and twenty passengers, sailed from Southamp-
ton on the. fifth day of August, 1620.t

They had not sailed many leagues down the channel
before Reynolds, master of the Speedwell, complained
that his vessel was too leaky to proceed.J Both ships
then put in at Dartmouth, where the Speedwell was
searched and repaired; and the workmen judged her
sufficient for the voyage. On the twenty first of August,

* Weston continued to be an actiTe promoter of the New Plymouth settlement
until 1622. He then procured a patent, and commenced a plantation of his
own at a place called Wessagussett, (Weymouth,) in Massachusetts. Winslow
■ays, Weston ** formerly deserved well of us;" and Bradford, in 1623, says he
*' has become our enemy on all occasions." Weston was at New Plymouth, in
1623, where he was liberally assisted ; visited that place again in 1624, and from
thence went to Virginia. He died at Bristol, England, during the civil wars.
Prince, 135, 144.

t At the quay at Delilhaven, a multitude of people assembled, to withess
the embarkation of the first company destined to people the New World, and
to unite their sympathies and prayers for the safety and prosperity of the little
band. At the moment of their going on board, Mr. Robinson fell on his knees,
and with eyes overflowing with tears, in a most fervent and solemn prayer,
committed them to their Divine Protector.

** The winds and waves are roaring :
The Pilgrims meet for prayer ;
And here, their God adoring,
They kneel in open air."

Mr. Robinson never came to New England. He remained at Leyden until
his death, which took place on the first of March, 1625, in the 56th year of his
age. His widow and children afterwards came to New Plymouth, where his
descendants are still found. At his death, the church over which he presided,
and which his talents contributed to illustrate, was dissolved, some of its mem-
bers remaining in Holland, others removing to America. Thacher, 15.— Bay-
lies, i. 24.

t Prince, 71.— Morton, 10.

JOHN CARVER. 21

they put to sea again^ and^ having sailed in company
about one hundred leagues, Reynolds renewed his com-
plaints against his ship, declaring that, by constant pump-
ing, he could scarcely keep her above water, on which
both ships again put back to Plymouth. Another search
was made, and, no defect appearing, the leaky condi-
tion of the ship was judged to be owing to her general
weakness, and she was pronounced unfit for the voyage.
About twenty of the passengers went on shore. The
others, with their provisions, were received on board the
Mayflower, and on the sixth of September, the company,
consisting of one hundred and one passengers, (besides
the ship's officers and crew,) took their last leave of
England, having consumed a whole month in these vexa-
tious and expensive delays.

The true causes of these mis-adventures did not then
appear. One was, that the Speedwell was overmasted,
which error being remedied, the vessel afterward made
several safe and profitable voyages. But the principal
cause was the deceit of the master and crew, who, having
engaged to remain a whole year in the service of the
colony, and apprehending hard fare in that employment,
were glad of any excuse to rid themselves of the service.

The Mayflower, Jones, proceeded with fair winds in
the former part of her voyage, and then met with bad
weather and contrary winds, so that for several days no
sail could be carried. The ship labored so much in the
sea that one of the main beams sprung, which renewed
the fears and distresses of the passengers. They had
then made about one half of their voyage, and the chief
of the company began a consultation with the comman-
der of the ship whether it were better to proceed or re-

22 JOHN CARVER.

turn. But one of the passengers having on board a
large iron screw, it was applied to the beam, and forced
it into its place. This successful effort determined them
to proceed.

No other particulars of this long and tedious voyage
are preserved, but that the ship being leaky, and the
people closely stowed, were continually wet; that one
young man, a servant of Samuel Fuller, died at sea; and
that one child was born, and called Oceanus — a son of
Stephen Hopkins.

On the ninth of November, at break of day, they
made land, which proved to be the white sandy cliffs of
Cape Cod.* This landfall being farther northward than
they intended, they immediately put about the ship to
the southward, and before noon found themselves among
shoals and breakers.! Had they pursued their southern
course, as the weather was fine, they might in a few
hours more, have found an opening, and passed safely to
the westward, agreeably to their original design, which
was to go -to Hudson's River. But, having been so long
at sea, the sight of any land was welcome to women and

* Cape Cod was discovered, 15th May, 1602, by Bartholomew Gosnold, an
English navigator, who gave it the name, on account of the abundance of cod,
which he caught in the neighborhood. It was afterwards called Cape James,
by Smith. John Brereton, who was one of the companions of* Gosnold, and
wrote a journal of the voyage, says, '* they first made land May 14, in lat. 40
degrees" — and "about three of the clock the same day in the afternoon, we
weighed, and standing southerly off into the sea the rest of that day and the
night following, with a fresh gale of wind, in the morning we found ourselves
embayed with a mighty headland. At length we perceived this headland to be
a parcel of the main. In five or six hours we pestered our ship so with codfish,
that we threw numbers of them over again. The places where we took these
cods, (and might in a few days laden our ship,) were but in seven fathoms wa-
ter." — Brereton's Account of GosnoId*s Voyage, III Mass. Hist. Coll. viii. 86.

t These shoals lie to the southeast extremity of the Cape, which was called
by Gosnold PoirU Care, by the Dutch and French Malebarre, and is now known
by the name of Satidy Point.

JOHN CARVER. 23

children; the new danger was formidable; and the ea-
gerness of the passengers to be set on shore was irresis-
tible. These circumstances, coinciding with the secret
views of the master, who had been promised a reward by
some agents of the Dutch West India Company if he
would not carry them to Hudson's River, induced him
to put about to the northward.* Before night the ship
was clear of the danger. The next day they doubled
the northern extremity of the cape, (Race Point,) and, a
storm coming on, the ship was brought to anchor in
Cape Cod harbour, where she lay perfectly secure from
winds and shoals.

This harbour, being in the forty second degree of
north latitude, was without the territory of the South
Virginia Company. The charter which these emigrants
had brought with them of course became useless. Some
symptoms of faction, at the same time, appearing among

* Of this plot between Jftnes and the Datch, Secretary Morton says he had
certain intelligence. Memorial, 12. Nearly all the historians have adopted
without question the account of this affair given by Morton. Robertson and
fiozman speak of it as a rumor ; but the first doubt expressed of the truth of
this account is in Moulton's unfinis|^ed History of New York. Moulton is fol-
lowed by others, who consider the silence of Bradford and Winslow as to this
plot, conclusive against the representation given by Morton. Young's Chroni-
cles, 102. But there are also circumstances which go to sastain the generally
received account. It is known that the Pilgrims intended to settle near the
Hudson. Their patent did not authorize them to settle beyond the 40th parallel
of latitude. They knew that North Virginia, or New England, had been de-
scribed by Smith and others, as "a cold, barren, mountainous, rocky desart,"
** uninhabitable by Englishmen." They could not have been indifferent as to the
coast upon which they were to land ; and when they found themselves at Cape
Cod, they desired to return towards the South, but were prevented by the im-
portunities of a portion of their number. It is well known, that the Dutch
West India Company objected to English settlements on the Hudson, and
would very naturally seek to prevent them. Until further light therefore is
thrown upon the subject, the account given by Morton should not be hastily
rejected, sustained as it is by his own declaration that he had '* certain intelli-
gence" of the fact.

24 JOHN CARVER.

the servants, who had been received on board in Eng-
land, purporting that when on shore they should be
under no government, and that one man would be as
good as another, it was thought proper, by the most judi-
cious persons, to have recourse to natural law ; and that,
before disembarcation, they should enter into an associa-
tion, and combine themselves in a political body, to be
governed by the majority.* To this they consented;

^ In Mourt's Relation, (I Mass. Hist. Coll. yiii. 205,) is the following and
earliest account of the origin of this Compact : " This day, before we are come
to harbor, observing some not well affected to unity and concord, but gave some
appearance of faction, it was thought good there should be an association and
agreement, that we should combine together in one body, and to submit to

BDCH GOYERNHXNT AND OOYERNORS, AS WE SHOULD BT COMMON CONSENT AGREE

TO MAKE AND CHOOSE." A latc Writer questions the high motives usually at-
tributed to the pilgrims in adopting this compact. He supposes that it was
adopted to secure for the time the power of the orderly ovei; the evil disposed,
without any foresight of the vast political importance of the principles which
it established. Hubbard's edit. Belknap's Biog. ii. 306. However this may
have been, it is still beyond dispute, that the brief and comprehensive instru-
ment subscribed in the cabin of the Mayflower, established a principle, which
is the foundation of all the democratic institution|i in America — the principle
that the will of the majority shall govern. The proofs that these men were
sincere in their professions, and that civil as well as religious liberty, was an
object dear to their hearts, would seem to be conclusive, if we admit the testi-
mony of their own lives, and the concurrent statements of Mourt, Winslow,
Bradford, and Morton. So evidently thought King James, when, in 1604, the
Puritans desired permission to assemble and to be allowed freedom of discus-
sion. "You are aiming at a Scot's presbytery, (said he,) which agrees with
monarchy as well as God with the devil ! — I will have none of that liberty as to
ceremonies." So thought the Commons of England, who favored the Puritans
as their natural allies in the struggle against despotism — when the lines were
distinctly drawn — the established Church and the Monarch on one side, and the
Puritan clergy and the People on the other. Neal, ii. 52. Bancroft, i. 298.
The declaration of Robinson and Brewster, in their letter to Sir Edwin Sandys,
of Dec. 15, 1617, is in exact accordance with the spirit of the compact on board
the Mayflower : '* We are knit together as a Body, in a most strict and sacred
Bond and Covenant of the Lord ; of the violation whereof we make- great con-
science, and by virtue whereof, we hold ourselves straitly tied to all care of
each other's good, and of the whole." Bradford, in Prince, 52. If further
proof were wanting of the design of the pilgrims to establish independence, it
may be found in that memorable Declaration, drawn up by the Associates at

JOHN CARVER. 25

and, after solemn prayer and thanksgiving, a written in-
strument being drawn, they subscribed it with their own
hands, and by a unanimous vote chose Johk Carver
their governor for one year.

The instrument was conceived in these terms:
^^ In the name of God, Amen. We, whose Names
are underwritten, the Loyal Subjects of our dread Sove-
reign Lord, King James, by the Grace of God, of Great
Britain, France, and Ireland, King, Defender of the
Faith, &c.. Having undertaken, for the Glory] of God
and advancement of the Christian Faith, and Honour of
our King and country, a Voyage, to Plant the first Colony
in the Northern Parts of Virginia; Do, by these Presents, ^
solemnly and mutually, in the Presence of God, and of
one another. Covenant and Combine ourselves together
unto a Civil body Politick, for our better Ordering and
Preservation, and Furtherance of the Ends aforesaid;
and, by Virtue hereof, to enact, constitute, and frame
such just and equal Laws, Ordinances, Acts, Constitu-
tions, and Offices, from Time to Time, as shall be thought
most meet and convenient for the General Good of the
Colony ; unto which we Promise all due Submission and
Obedience. In witness whereof, we have hereunder
subscribed our Names, at Cape Cod, the eleventh of No-
vember, in the year of the Reign of our Sovereign Lord,
King James, of England, France, and Ireland, the Eigh-
teenth, and of Scotland the Fifty-Fourth, Anno Domini,
1620.^'

[The names of the subscribers are placed in the fol-

New Plymouth, and entered upon their records, on the 15th November, 1636,
in which the authority of English laws, " at present, or to come,'* is expressly
renounced, and Parliament denied the right of legislating for the Colony. See
Hazard, i; 408.

JOHX CARVER.

lowing order^ by Secretary Morton ; but Prince^ with his
usual accuracy, compared the list with Governor Brad-
ford's History, and added their titles, and the number of
each one's family which came over at this time ; observ-
ing that some left the whole, and others a part, of their
famiUes, either in England or Holland, who came over
afterward. He was also so curious as to note those who
brought their wives, marked with a (f ), and those who
died before the end of the next March, distinguished by
an asterism (*).]

1. Mr. John Carver,t

23.

Francis Eaton,!

2. Mr. William Bradford,!

24.

*James Chilton,t

3. Mr. Edward Winslow,f

25.

*John Crackston, [3]

4. Mr. William Brewster,f

26.

John Billington,t

5. Mr. Isaac Allertoii,t

27.

*Moses Fletcher,

6. Capt. Miles Standish,t

28.

•John Goodman,

7. John Alden,

29.

*Degory Priest, [4]

8. Mr. Samuel Fuller,

30.

•Thomas Williams,

9. *Mr. Christopher Martin,f

31.

Gilbert Winslow,

10. *Mr. William Mullins,t

32.

•Edmund Margeson,

11. *Mr. William White,t [1]

33.

Peter Brown,

12. Mr. Richard Warren,

34.

•Richard Britterige,

13. John Rowland, [2]

35.

George Soule, [5]

14. Mr. Stephen Hopkins,!

36.

•Richard Clarke,

15. *Edward Tilly,t

37.

Richard Gardiner,

16. *JohnTilly,t

38.

•John Allerton,

17. Francis Cook,

. 39.

•Thomas English,

18. *Thomas Rogers,

40.

Edward Dotey, [6]

19. ^Thomas Tinker,f

41.

Edward Leister, [6]

20. *John Ridgdale,t

21. *Edward Fuller,f

Total persons, .

. . 101

22. *John Turner,

Of whom w

ere subscribers to the Compact,

... 41

[I] Besides a son, horn in Cape

Cod

Harbor, named Peregrine. See

page 31.

[2] Of Governor Carver's family.

[3] Morton writes his name Craxtoi

[4] In Morton, Digery Priest.

[5] Of Governor Winslow's family

[6] Of Mr. Hopkins' family.

Government being thus regularly established, on a
truly republican principle, sixteen armed men were sent

JOHN CARVER. 27

on shore, as soon as the weather would permit, to fetch
wood and make discoveries.* They returned at night
with a boat load of juniper wood, and made report ^^that
they found the land to be a narrow neck, having the har-
bour on one side, and the ocean on the other; that the
ground consisted of sandhills, like the Downs in Holland;
that in some places the soil was black earth ^a spit's
depth ;' that the trees were oak, pine, sassafras, juniper,
birch, holly, ash, and walnut ; that the forest was open
and without underwood ; that no inhabitants, houses, nor
fresh water were to be seen.'' This account was as
much as could be collected in one Saturday's afternoon.
The next day they rested.

While they lay in this harbour, during the space of
five weeks, they saw great flocks of seafowl and whales
every day playing about them. The master and mate,
who had been acquainted with the fisheries in the north-
ern seas of Europe, supposed that they might in that
time have made oil to the value of three or four thousand
pounds. It was too late in the season for cod ; and,
indeed, they caught none but small fish near the shore,
and shellfish. The margin of the sea was so shallow,
that they were obliged to wade ashore, and the weather
being severe, many of them took colds and coughs, which
in the course of the winter proved mortal.

On Monday, the thirteenth of November, the women
went ashore under a guard to wash their clothes, and the
men were impatient for a farther discovery. The shal-
lop, which had been cut down and stowed between
decks, needed repairing, in which seventeen days were
employed. While this was doing, they proposed that

* Mourt's Relation, I Mass. Hist. Coll. viii, 206.

28 JOHN CARVER.

excursions might be made on foot. Much caution was
necessary in an enterprise of this kind^ in a new and
savage country. After consultation and preparation, six-
teen men were equipped with musket and ammunition,
sword and corslet, under the command of Captain Miles
Standish,* who had William Bradford, Stephen Hopkins,!
and Edward Tilly J for his council of war. After many
instructions given, they were rather permitted than or-
dered to go, and the time of their absence was limited to
two days.

When they had travelled one mile by the shore, they
discovered five or six of the natives, who, on sight of
them, fled. They attempted to pursue, and, lighting on
their tracks, followed them till night; but the thickets
through which they had to pass, the weight of their ar-
mour, and their debility after a long voyage, made them
an unequal match, in point .of travelling, to these nimble
sons of nature. They rested at length by a spring, which
afforded them the first refreshing draught of American
water. §

The discoveries made in this march were few, but
novel and amusing. In one place they found a deer trap,

* This intrepid soldier was the hero of New England, as John Smith was of
Virginia. An excellent account of him is found in Belknap's Biography, ii.
310.

t Stephen Hopkins was one of the assistants, or magistrates, of the colony,
from 1633 to 1636. Stephen Hopkins, governor of Rhode Island nine years
ftom 1755 to 1767, and one of the Signers of the Declaration of Independence,
was a descendant of Stephen Hopkins of the Mayflower. Farmer's Geneal.

t Edward Tilly died early in 1621. Farmer's Geneal. The exploring party
here referred to sat out on Wednesday, November 15. Prince, 74.

§ Mourt represents the spring to have been found on the second day, and
adds, " we brought neither beer nor water with us, and our only victuals were
biscuit and Holland cheese, and a little bottle of aqua vitee, so as we were sore
athirst." I Mass. Hist. Coll. viii. 208.

JOHN CARVER. 29

made by the bending of a young tree to the earth, with
a noose under ground covered with acorns. Mr. Brad-
ford's foot was caught in the trap, from which his com-
panions disengaged him, and they were all entertained
with the ingenuity of the device. In another place they
came to an Indian burying-ground, and in one of the
graves they found a mortar, an earthen pot, a bow and
arrows, and other implements, all which they very care-
fully replaced, because they would not be guilty of vio-
lating the repositories of the dead. But when they
found a cellar, carefully lined with bark and covered with
a heap of sand, in which about four bushels of seed-corn
in ears* were well secured, after reasoning on the mo-
rality of the action, they took as much of the corn as
they could carry, intending, when they should find the
owners, to pay them to their satisfaction. On the third
day they arrived, weary and welcome, where the ship lay,
and delivered their corn into the common store. The
company resolved to keep it for seed, and to pay the
natives the full value when they should have opportunity.
When the shallop was repaired and rigged, twenty-
four of the company ventured on a second excursion to
the same place, to make a farther discovery, having
Captain Jones for their commander, with ten of his sea-
men and the ship's long boat.f The wind being high
and the sea rough, the shallop came to anchor under the
land, while part of the company waded on shore from
the long boat, and travelled, as they supposed, six or
seven miles, having directed the shallop to follow them

* *^ Of divers colors, which seemed to them a very goodly sight, having seen
none before." Morton, 16.

t This party started on the 27th November. Prince, 75.

30 JOHN CARVER.

the next morning. The weather was very cold, with
snow, and the people, having no shelter, took such colds
as afterwards proved fatal to many.

Before noon the next day, the shallop took them on
board, and sailed to the place which they denominated
Cold Harbour.^ Finding it not navigable for ships, and,
consiequently, not proper for their residence, after shoot-
ing some geese and ducks, which they devoured with
" soldiers^ stomachs,'^ they went in search of seed corn.
The ground was frozen and covered with snow, but the
cellars were known by heaps of sand, and the frozen
earth was penetrated with their swords, till they gathered
corn to the amount of ten bushels. This fortunate sup-
ply, with a quantity of beans preserved in the same
manner, they took on the same condition as before ; and
it is remarked by Governor Bradford that in six months
after they paid the owners to their entire satisfaction. f
The acquisition of this corn they always regarded as a
particular favour of Divine Providence, without which
the colony could not have subsisted.

Captain Jones, in the shallop, went back to the ship,
with the corn and fifteen of the weakest of the people,
intending to send mattocks and spades the next day.
The eighteen who remained, marched, as they supposed,
five or six miles into the woods, and, returning another

* Prince conjectures this place to have been Barnstable Harbor. (Page 74.)
Bnt neither the time nor the distance can agree with this conjecture. Barnsta-
ble is more than fifty miles from Cape Cod Harbor by land, a distance which
they could not have travelled and back again in three short days of November.
Belknap supposes Cold Harbor to be the mouth of Paomet Creek, between
Truro and Welfleet, and the description given in Mourt's Relation corresponds
with this idea. Paomet is a tide-harbor for boats, distant between three and
four leagues from the harbor of Cape Cod. I Mass. Hist. Coll. iii. 196.

t Prince, 75.

JOHN CARVER. 31

way, discovered a mound of earth, in which they hoped
to find more corn. On opening it, nothing appeared but
the skull of a man preserved in red earth, the skeleton
of an infant, and such arms, utensils, and ornaments as
are usually deposited in Indian graves.* Not far distant
were two deserted wigwams, with their furniture and
some venison, so ill preserved that even "soldiers'
stomachs'^ could not relish it. On the arrival of the
shallop, they returned to the ship the first of December.
During their absence, the wife of William White had
been delivered of a son, who, from the circumstances of
his birth, was named Peregrine.f

At this time they held a consultation respecting their
future settlement. J Some thought that Cold Harbour
might be a proper place, because, though not deep
enough for ships, it might be convenient for boats, and
because a valuable fishery for whales and cods might be
carried on there. The land was partly cleared of wood,
and good for corn, as appeared from the seed. It was
also likely to be healthy and defensible. But the prin-

* Mourt, I Mass. Hist. Coll. viii. 215.

f The following account of him is extracted from the Boston News Letter
of July 31, 1704, being the 15th number of the first newspaper printed in New
England : " Marshfield, July 22, Captain Peregrine White, of this town, aged
eighty-three years and eight months, died here the 20th instant. He was vigor-
ous, and of a comely aspect to the last; was the son of William White and
Susanna his wife, born on board the Mayflower, Captain Jones, commander, in
Cape Cod Harbor, November, 1620, the first Englishman born in New England."
William White, the father, died at New Plymouth, in the spring of 1621. His
widow, Susannah, married Edward Winslow, the third governor of the colony.
This marriage was solemnized the 12th May, 1621. It is mentioned by Baylies,
as a singular coincidence that Mrs. White should have been the first mother and
first bride in New England, aqd mother of the first native governor of the
colony, who also attained the high and solitary honor of being commander-in*
chief oi the forces of the confederate Colonies, in a war involving their very
existence. Baylies, ii. 18.

X Morton, 17.

32 JOHN CARVER.

cipal reasons were^ that the winter was so far advanced
as to prevent coasting and discovery, without danger of
losing men and boats; that the winds were variable, and
the storms sudden and violent ; that, by cold and wet
lodging, the people were much affected with coughs,
which, if they should not soon obtain shelter, would
prove mortal; that provisions were daily consuming, and
the ship must reserve sufficient for the homeward voy-
age, whatever became of the colony.

Others thought it best to go to a place called Aga-
wam,* twenty leagues northward, where they had heard
of an excellent harbour, good fishing, and a better soil for
planting. To this it was answered, that there might
possibly be as good a place nearer to them. Robert
Coppin, their pilot, who had been here before, assured
them that he knew of a good harbour and a navigable
river, not more than eight leagues across the bay to the
westward. Upon the whole, they resolved to send the
shallop round the shore of the bay on discovery, but not
beyond the harbour of which Coppin had informed
them.

On Wednesday, the sixth of December, Governor
Carver, with nine of the principal men, well armed, and
the same number of seamen, of which Coppin was one,
went out in the shallop. The weather was so cold that
the spray of the sea froze on their coats, until they were
cased with ice, ^^ like coats of iron." They sailed by the
eastern shore of the bay, as they judged, six or seven
leagues, without finding any river or creek. At length
they saw ^^a tongue of land,f being flat off from the

* The Indian name of Ipswich, Mass. t This " tongue of land," i& Billings-
gate Point, the western shore of Welfleet Harbor.

JOHN CARVER. 33

shore, with a sandy point; they bore up to gain the point,
and found there a fair income, or road of a bay, being a
league over at the narrowest, and two or three in length ;
but they made right over to the land before them.'' As
they came near the shore, they saw ten or* twelve Indians
cutting up a grampus, who, on sight of them, ran away,
carrying pieces of the fish which they had caught. They
landed at the distance of a league or more from the
grampus with great difficulty, on account of the flat
sands. Here they built a barricade, and, placing senti*
nels, lay down to rest.

The next morning, Thursday, (December 7,) they
divided themselves into two parties, eight in the shallop,
and the rest on shore, to make farther discovery of this
place, which they found to be "a bay, without either
river or creek coming into it.'' They gave it the name
of Grampus Bay^ because they saw many fish of that
species. They tracked the Indians on the sand, and
found a path into the woods, which they followed a
great way, till they came to old cornfields, and a spacious
burying-ground enclosed with pales. They ranged the
woods till the close of the day, and then came down to the
shore to meet the shallop, which they had not seen since
the morning. At high water, she put into a creek; and,
six men being left on board, two came on shore and lodged
with their companions, under cover of a barricade and
a guard.

At dawn of day, on Friday, (December 8,) while at
their devotions, they were surprised with the war cry of
the savages, and a flight of arrows. Those of the En-
glish who had retained their arms, immediately stood on
the defensive; two muskets were discharged, and the

84 JOHN CARVER. -

other men who were armed were ordered not to shoot un-
til they could take sure aim, there being but four who had
retained their muskets. The Indians, seeing the others
run to the shallop, attacked them again, but being secured
by armor and armed with curtel-axes, they sustained
themselves until they obtained their muskets from the
boat — ^when a general discharge being made, the Indians
were intimidated, and all fled but one stout warrior, who
continued to discharge his arrows from behind a tree ;
but a bullet having struck the tree and scattered the bark
and splinters about his ears, he took to his heels, and they
all fled. The English pursued them a short distance
with shouts, to show that they were not intimidated, and
then returned to their shallop. Thus terminated the first
encounter between the Enghsh and aboriginals, without
bloodshed on either side, and the place was named Fitnt
Eacownter.

This unwelcome reception, and the shoal water of the
place,* determined the company to seek farther. They
sailed along the shore as near as the extensive shoals
would permit, but saw no harbour. , The weather began
to look threatening, and Coppin assured them that they
might reach the harbour of which he had some knowledge
before night. The wind being southerly, they put them-
selves before it.f After some hours, it began to rain ;
the storm increasing, their rudder broke, their mast

* Morton says, ** This is thought to be a place called J^amskeket." (Page
19.) A creek, which now bears the name of Skakit^ lies between Eastham and
Harwich, distant about three or four miles westward from Nauset, the seat of a
tribe of Indians, who (as they afterward learned) made this attack. Dr. Free-
man, in his notes on Mourt, I Mass. Hist. Coll. viii. 219, supposes this to be
Great Meadow Creek, in Truro, Mass.

t The distance directly across the bay firom Skakit, is about 12 leagues ) in
Prince, (p. 77,) it is said they sailed 15 leagues ^* along the coast."

JOHN CARVfiR. 35

sprung, and their sails fell overboard. In this piteous
plight, steering with two oars, the wind and the flood
tide carried them into a cove full of breakers, and it being
dark, they were in danger of being driven on shore.
The pilot confessed that he knew not the place ; but a
stout seaman, who was steering, called to the rowers to
put about and row hard. This effort happily brought
them out of the cove into a fair sound, and under a point
of land, where they came safely to anchor. They were
divided in their opinions about going on shore; but about
midnight, the severity of the cold made a fire necessary.
They therefore got on shore, and with some difficulty
kindled a fire and rested in safety.

In the morning they found themselves on a small un-
inhabited island, within the entrance of a spacious bay.*
Here they stayed all the next day (Saturday) drying
their clothes, cleaning their arms, and repairing, as well
as they could, their shallop. The following day, being
the Christian Sabbath, they rested.f

* This island has ever since borne the name of Clark's Island, from the mate
of the ship, the first man who stepped on shore. The cove, where thej were in
danger, lies between the Gurnet Head and Saguish Point, at the entrance of
Plymouth Bay.

tThis was the First Christian Sabbatb in New England. "The * May-
flower,' a name now immortal, had crossed the ocean. It had borne its hundred
paasengers o^er the vast deep, and after a perilous voyage, it had reached the
bleak shores of New England in the beginning of winter. The spot which
was to furnish a home and a burial-place, was now to be selected. The shallop
was unshipped, but needed repairs, and sixteen weary days elapsed before it
was ready for service. Amidst ice and snow, it was then sent out, with some
half a dozen Pilgrims, to find a suitable place where to land. The spray of the
■ea, says the historian, froze on them, and made their clothes like coats of iron.
Tive days they wandered about, searching in vain for a suitable landing-place.
A storm came on, the snow and rain fell ; the sea swelled ; the rudder broke ;
the mast and the sail fell overboard. In this storm and cold, without ^"tent, a
house, or the shelter of a rock, the Christian Sabbath appi'ovdied-r'the day
which they regarded al holy unto God — ^a day on which they were not to ^ do

36 JOHN CARVER.

On Monday^ December lltn, they surveyed and
sounded the bay^ which is described to be in the shape
of a fishhook ; a good harbour for shipping, larger than
that of Cape Cod ; containing two small islands without
inhabitants, innumerable store of fowls, different sorts of
fish, besides shellfish in abundance. As they marched
into the land,* they found cornfields and brooks, and a
very good situation for building.f With this joyful
news they returned to the company, and on the 16th of

any work.' What should be done ? As the evening before the Sabbnth drew,
on, they pushed over the surf, entered a fair sound, sheltered themselves under
the lee of a rise of land, kindled a fire, and on that island they spent the day in
the solemn worship of their Maker. On the next day their feet touched the rock
now sacred as the place of the landing of the Pilgrims. Nothing more strikingly
marks the character of this people, than this act. The whole scene — the cold
winter — the raging sea — the driving storm — the houseless, homeless island —
the ftunilies of wives and children in the distance, weary with their voyage
and impatient to land — and yet, the sacred observance of a day which they
kept from principle^ and not from mere feeling, or because it was a form of reli-
gion, shows how deeply imbedded true religion is in the soul, and how little
U is affected by surrounding difficulties." — [Barnes* Discourse at Worcester.J

* The rock on which they first stepped ashore at high water, is now enclosed
with a wharf. The upper part of it was separated from the lower part, and
drawn into the public square of the town of Plymouth, where it was known
by the name of The Forefathers* Rock. The 22d of December, (Gregorian
«tyle) has been regarded by the people of Plymouth as a festival. That portion
of the rock remaining in the square at Plymouth, was on the 4th July, 1834,
removed to the new Pilgrim Hall, erected in Plymouth, and placed in front of
that edifice, under the charge of the Pilgrim Society. A procession was
formed on the occasion, and passed over Golems Hill, where lie the ashes of
ihoae who died the first winter at Plymouth. A miniature representation of the
Mayflower followed in the procession, placed in a car decorated with ,flow-
£rs, and drawn by six boys — the whole being preceded by the children of both
«exes of tlie several schools in town. The Rock is now enclosed within a rail-
ingf formed of wrought iron bars, five feet high, resting on a base of hammered
granite. The heads of the perpendicular bars are harpoons and boat hooks al-
ternately — the whole embellished with emblematic figures of cast iron. The
upper part of the railing is encircled with a wreath of iron castings, in imitation
of heraldry curtains, fringed with festoons ; of these there are forty-one, bearing
the names of t^e forty-one puritan fathers, who signed the memorable compact
while in the cabin of the Mayflower, at Cape Cod, in 1630. Thacher, 199-

\ Mottrt's Rebition, in I Mass. Hist. Coll. viii. 220.

JOHN CARVER. 37

December, the ship came to anchor in the harbour, with
all the passengers, except four, who died at Cape Cod.

Having surveyed the land as well as the season would
permit, in three days, they pitched upon a high ground
on the southwest side of the bay, which was cleared of
wood, and had formerly been planted. Under the south
side of it was "a very sweet brook, in the entrance of
which the shallop and boats could be secured, and many
delicate springs of as good water as could be drank.'^
On the opposite side of the brook was a cleared field,
and beyond it a commanding eminence, on which they
intended to lay a platform and mount their cannon.

They went immediately to work laying out house-lots,
and a street ; felling, sawing, riveing, and carrying timber;
and before the end of December, though much inter-
rupted by stormy weather, by the death of two, and the
sicknei^s of many of their number, they had erected a
store-house, with a thatched boof, in which their goods
were deposited under a guard. Two rows of houses
were begun, and, as fast as they could be covered,* the
people, who were classed into nineteen families, came
ashore, and werfe lodged in them. On Lord's day, the
31st of December, they attended Divine service for the
first time on shore, and named the place Plymouth,
partly because this harbour was so called in Capt. Smith's
map, published three or four years before, and partly in
remembrance of the very kind and friendly treatment

* The first houses in Plymouth were on each side of a single street, which
leads firom the old church to the water side. ^' We agreed that every man
should build his own house, thinking by that course men would make more
haste than working in common." Mourt, in I Mass. Hist. Coll. yiii. 223. On
the place where it is supposed the common house stood, in digging a cellar in
1801, there were discovered several tools, and a plate of iron, seven feet below
the surface of the ground. Holmes, i. 166.

38 JOHN CARVER.

which they .had received from the inhabitants of Ply-
mouthy the last port of their native country from which
they sailed.*

At this time^ some of the people lodged on shore^ and
others on board the ship^ which lay at the distance of a
mile and a half from the town, and, when the tide was
out, there could be no communication between them.
On the 14th of January, very early in the morning, as
Governor Carver and Mr. Bradford lay sick in bed at
the storehouse, the thatched roof, by means of a spark,
caught on fire, and was soon consumed ; but, by the timely
assistance of the people on shore, the lower part of the
building was preserved. Here were deposited their
whole stock of ammunition and several loaded guns; but,
happily, the fire did not reach them. The fire was seen
by the people on board the ship, who could not come

* The original Indian name of the place was Accomack, which means (n>er
the water. It is evident that Accomack and Plymouth correspond : hat when
the Pilgrims arrived, they were told by Samoset that the place was called Pa-
tuzet. See, in Smith's General History, folio edition, the Map of New England
«8 " observed and described in 1614." Smith's " Description of New England,"
was published in 1616. " I took (says he) the description as well by map as
writing, and called it New England." He dedicated his work to Prince Charles,
begging him to change the '' barbarous names." In liie list of Indian names
given by Smith, which were changed by Prince Charles, Accomuck was
altered to Plimouth. See Force's Tracts, vol. ii. p. zii, of No. I. Smith, in his
'* Generall Historic," edition of 1626, page 247, describes '* the Present estate
of JVew Plimoth, in 1624;" and in his "True Travels," edition of 1630, page
46, he speaks of the condition of " JVeto Plymouth,'' in 1629. In III Mass.
Hist. Coll. iii., ' Smith's "Pathway to a Plantation," published in 1631, is re-
printed with a map, upon which Plimouth appears. The folio edition of his
** G«nerall Historic," published in 1632, has apparently the same Map, with
several corrections, and among others, the words " New Plimouth,*' for " Pli-
mouth.'* In a map, entitled " The South part of New England, as it is planted
this year, 1634," inserted in the first edition of Wood's New England Prospect,
a place near Narraghanset Bay is named Old Plymouth; and in the same map,
the Plymouth, which was settled in 1620, is called Jfew Plymouth. By Old
Plymouth, though not correctly placed on the map, was probably meant the
ephemeral settlement of Gosnold, on Elizabeth Island, in 1602. Holmes' Ann.
i. 119.

JOHN CARVER. 39

on shore till an hour afterwards. They were greatly
alarmed at the appearance^ because two men, who had
strolled into the woods, were missing, and they were
apprehensive that the Indians had made an attack on the
place. In the evening the strollers found their way
home, almost dead with hunger, fatigue, and cold.

The bad weather and severe hardships to which this
company were exposed, in a climate much more rigorous
than any to which they had ever been accustomed, with
the scorbutic habits contracted in their voyage, and by liv-
ing so long on shipboard, caused a great mortality among
them in the winter. Before the month of April, nearly
one half of them died.* At some times the number of
the sick was so great, that not more than six or seven
were fit for duty, and these were almost wholly employed
in attending the sick. The ship's company was in the
same situation, and Captain Jones, though earnestly de-
sirous to get away, was obliged to stay till April, having
lost one half of his men.

By the beginning of March, the governor was so far
recovered of his first illness, that he was able to walk
three miles to visit a large pond, which Francis Billington
had discovered from the top of a tree on a hill. At first
it was supposed to be a part of the ocean, but it proved
to be the headwater of the brook which runs by the town.
It has ever since borne the name of its first discoverer,f
which might otherwise have been forgotten.

Hitherto they had not seen any of the natives at this

• The exact bill of mortality, as collected by Prince, is as follows : In De-
cember, 6; January, 8; February, 17; March, 13 — total, 44. Of these, 21
were subscribers to the civil compact ; and 23 were women, children, and ser-
vants.

t It is to this day called Billington Sea.

40 JOHN CARVER.

place. The mortal pestilence which raged through the
country four years before, had almost depopulated it*
One remarkable circumstance attending this pestilence,
was not known till after the settlement was made. A
French ship had been wrecked on Cape Cod. The
men were saved with their provisions and goods.* The
natives kept their eye on them, till they found an oppor-
tunity to kill all but three or four, and divide their goods.
The captives were sent from one tribe to another as
slaves. One of them learned so much of their language
as to tell them, that " God was angry with them for their
cruelty, and would destroy them and give their country
to another people.^' They answered, that " they were
too many for God to kill." He replied that, "if they
were ever so many, God had many ways to kill, of which
they were then ignorant.'' When the pestilence came
among them, (a new disease, probably the yellow fever,f )
they remembered the Frenchman's words, and, when the
Plymouth settlers arrived at Cape Cod, the few survivors
imagined that the other part of his prediction would soon
^be accomplished. Soon after their arrival, the Indian
priests or powows convened, and performed their incan-
tations in a dark swamp three days successively, with a
view to curse and destroy the new comers. Had they
known the mortality which raged amongst them, they
would have doubtless rejoiced in the success of their
endeavours, and might very easily have taken advantage

* Morton, 27.

t Of the peculiar nature of this pestilence, we have no certain information.
Gookin says he "had discoursed with some old Indians who were then youths,
who told him that the bodies of the sick were all over exceeding yellow (which
they described by pointing to a yellow garment) both before they died and
afterward." I Mass. Hist. Coll. i. 148.

JOHX CARVER. 41

of their weakness to exterminate them.* But none of
them were seen till after the sickness had abated^ though
some tools which had been left in the woods were missr
ing, which they had stolen in the night.

On the sixteenth of March, when the spring was so
far advanced as to invite them to make their gardens, a
savage came boldly into the place alone, walked through
the street to the rendezvous or storehouse, and pro-
nounced the words. Welcome^ Englishmen! His name
was Samoset; he belonged to a place distant five days'
journey to the eastward, and had learned of the fisher-
men to speak broken English.

He was received with kindness and hospitality, and
he informed them ^^ that, by the late pestilence, and a
ferocious war, the number of his countrymen had been
so diminished, that not more than one in twenty remained ;
that the spot where they were now seated was called
Patuxet, and, though formerly populous, yet every human
being in it had died of the pestilence.'' This account
was confirmed by the extent of the fields, the number of
graves, and the remnants of skeletons lying on the ground.

The account which he gave of himself was, " that he
had been absent from home eight moons, part of the time
among the Nausets, their nearest neighbours at the south-
east, who were about one hundred strong, and more
lately among the Wampanoags at the westward, who
were about sixty ; that he had heard of the attack made
on them by the Nausets at Namskeket ; that these people

* Duringr the first winter, the settlers buried their dead on the banks of the
shore, since called Cole's hill, near their own dwellings, taking especial care by
levelling the earth to conceal from the Indians the number and frequency of the
deaths. Dr. Holmes mentions a tradition, that the graves at that spot, after the
great mortality alluded to, were levelled and sown over by the settlers, to conceal
their loss from the natives. Thacher, 28.

42 JOHN CARVER.

were full of resentment against the Europeans, on account
of the perfidy of Hunt, master of an English vessel,
who had vSOme years before the pestilence decoyed some
of the natives (twenty from Patuxet and seven from
Nauset) on board his ship, and sold them as slaves; that
they had killed three English fishermen, besides the
Frenchmen afore mentioned, in revenge for this affront.
He also gave information of this lost tools, and promised
to see them restored, and that he would bring the natives
to trade with them.^'

Samoset being dismissed with a present, returned the
next day with five more of the natives, bringing the stolen
tools, and a few skins for trade.* They were dismissed
with a request to bring more, which they promised to do

* " But, being the Lord's day, we would not trade, but, entertaining them,
bid them come again." Mourt. The same author, speaking of this friendly
tachem, whose salutation of *' Welcoms !" must have been grateful to the in-
habitants, says he was naked, '' only a leather about his waist, with a fringe
about a span long." The weather was very cold, and " we cast a horseman's
coat about him." *' He had a bow and two arrows, the one headed and the other
unheaded. He was a tall straight man ; the hair of his head black, long be-
hind, only short before ; none on his face at all. He asked some beer, but we
gave him strong water and biscuit, and butter and cheese, and pudding, and a
piece of mallard; all which he liked well." Samoset's companions, *'had
every man a deer skin on him ; and the principal of them had a wild cat's skin,
or such like,, on one arm. They had most of them long hosen up to their
groins, close made ; and above their groins to their waist, another leather : they
were altogether like the Irish trousers. They are of complexion like our
English gipsies ; no hair, or very little on their faces ; on their. heads long hair
to their shoulders, only cut before ; some trussed up before with a feather, broad-
wise like a fan ; another a foxtail, hanging out." The English had charged Samo-
set not to let any who came with him bring their arms ; these, therefore, left
** their bows and arrows a quarter of a mile from our town. We gave them
entertainment as we thought was fitting them. They did eat liberally of our
English victuals;" and appeared very firiendly ; "sang and danced after their
manner, like antics." " Some of them had their faces painted black, from the
forehead to the chin, four or five fingers broad ; others afler other fashions, as
they liked. They brought three or four skins, but we would not truck with
them all that day, but wished them to bring more, and we would truck for all.
So because of the day [Sunday] we dismissed them so soon as we could."

JOHN CARV£R. 43

in a few days. Samoset feigned himself sick, and re-
mained ; but as his companions did not return at the time,
he was sent to inquire the reason.

On the 22d5 he returned, in company with Squanto,
or Squantum, a native of Patuxet, and the only one then
living. He was one of the twenty whom Hunt had car-
ried away ; he had been sold in Spain ; had lived in Lon-
don with John Slaney, merchant, treasurer of the New-
foundland Company; had learned the English language,
and came back to his native country with the fishermen,*
These two persons were deputed by the sachem of the
Wampanoags, Mas-sas-o-ityj whose residence was at
Sowams or Pokanoket, on the Narragansett Bay, to an-

* Thomas Hunt, the first kidnapper and slave-dealer on the coast of North
America, commanded one of the ships, with which Captain Smith came to
New England in 1614. Smith sailed for England in Jaly, and left Hunt with
directions to procure a cargo, and proceed to Spain. His atrocious conduct is
thus related by Prince, from Smith, Mourt, &c. "After Smith left New
England, Hunt gets twenty Indians on board him at Patozet, one of wJhaim is
called SquantOy or Squantum, or Tisquantum^ and 7 more of Nauset, and carried
them to Malaga, sells them for slaves at JS20 a man, which raises Mieh an en-
mity in the savages against our nation^ as makes further attempts of commerce
with them very dangerous." *' Smith, generous and humane as he was in-
trepid, indignantly reprobates the base eonduct of Hunt. '^ Many of these
helpless captives, it appears, were rescued from sla/very by the benevolent in-
terposition of some of the Monks in Malaga. Squanto was probably one who
was thus relieved and liberated. He found a i&iend in Mr. Slaney in England,
by whose assistance he was enabled to return to his native land, on board of
Capt. Thomas Dermer's vessel in 1619. Thacher, 33- Drake supposes that
Bquanto, or Tisquantnm, was carried away txy Weymoi;th, in 1605, and cites
SirF. Gorges, as his authority. Book of the Indians, b. ii. 4. The Tasquan-
tum seized by Weymoutli, wis prohably not among those who were kidnapped
by Hunt, unless, nine years having intervened^ we may suppose him to have
been twice seized and carried away.

t Prince says, that Mas-sas-o-it^ is a word of four syllables, and was so pro-
sonBced by the ancient people of Plymouth (p. 101.) This remark is confirmed
by the manner in which it is spelled in some parts of Winslow's Narrative, Jlfa-
saS'O-wat, The sachem, in conformity to a custom among the Indians, after-
wards changed his name to Owsamequin, or Woosamequen. See Drake's
Book of the Indians, b. ii. 25.

44 JOHN CARV£R.

nounce his coming, and bring some skins as a present.
In about an hour the sachem, with his brother Qua-de-^

^qui-mihy and his whole force of sixty men, appeared on
the hill over against them. Squanto was sent to know
his pleasure, and returned with the sachem's request
that one of the company should come to him. Edward
Winslow immediately went alone, carrying a present in
his hand, with the governor's compliments, desiring to
see the sachem, and enter on a friendly treaty. Ma^a-

. soit left Winslow in the custody of his brother, to whom
another present was made, €ind, taking twenty of his men,
unarmed, descended the hill towards the brook, over
which lay a log bridge. Captain Miles Standish, at the
head of six men, met him at the brook, and escorted
him and his train to one of the best houses, where three
or four cushions were placed on a green rug spread over
the floor. The governor came in, preceded by a drum
and trumpet, which greatly delighted the Indians. After
mutual salutations,* he entered into conversation with the
sachem, which issued in a treaty. The articles were, '' 1.
That neither he nor his should injure any of ours. 2.
That if they did, he should send the offender, that we
might punish him. 3. That if our tools were taken away,
he should restore them. 4. That if any unjustly warred
against him, we would aid him; and if any warred against
us, he should aid us. 6. That he should certify his

* ^* Our governour kissing his hand, the king kissed him, and so they sat
down.** Mourt, in I Mass. Hist. Coll. viii. 329. On page 230 of the same,
Massasoit is thus descrihed : ^* In his person he is a very lusty man, in his best
years, an able body, graye of countenance, and sparing of speech ; in attire
little or nothing differing from the rest of his followers, only in a great chain
of white bone beads about his neck, and at it behind his neck hangs a little bag
of tobacco, which he drank (smoked) and gave us to drink. His face was paints
ed with a sad red-like murrey, and oiled both head and face, that he looked
greasily. The king had in his bosom, hanging by a string, a great long knife.*'

JOHN CARTER. 45

neighbour confederates of this, that they might not
wrong us, but be comprised in the conditions of peace.
6. That when their men came to us, they should leave
their bows and arrows behind them, as we should leave
our pieces, when we came to them. 7. That in doing
thus. Kino James would esteem him as his friend and
ally.^'

All which Massasoit cheerfully assented to,- and at
at the same time ^^acknowledged himself content to
become the subject of our sovereign lord the king afore-
said, his heirs and successors; and gave unto them all the
lands adjacent, to them and their heirs forever.''*

The conference being ended, and the company hav-
ing been entertained with such refreshments as the place
ajSbrded, the sachem returned to his camp. This treaty,
the work of one day, being honestly intended on both
sides, was kept with fidelity as long as Massasoit lived,
but was afterwards broken by Philip, his successor.

The next day, Massasoit sent for some of the Englidi
to visit him. Captain Standish and Isaac Allerton went,
were kindly received, and treated with groundnuts and
tobacco.

The sachem then returned to his headquarters, distant
about forty miles; but Squantum and Samoset remain-
ed at Plymouth, and instructed the people how to plant

* ^*The New Plymouth associated, by the &vor of the Almighty, began the
colony in New England, at a place called by the natives Apanm, alias Patazet ;
all the lands being void of inhabitants, we, the said John Carver, William
Bradford, Edward Winslow, William Brewster, Isaac Allerton, and the rest of
our associates, entering into a league of peace with Massasoit, since called
Woosamequen, Prince, or Sachem of those parts, he the said Massasoit freely
gave them all the land adjacent to them and their heirs forever." See, in the
Prefiice to the Laws of New Plymouth, 1685, «tThe Warrantable Grounds and
Proceedings of the first Associates of New Plimouth, in their laying the first
Foundation of this Government."

46 JOHN CARVER.

their coriij and dress it with herrings, of which an im-
mense quantity came into the brooks. The ground which
they planted with corn was twenty acres. They sowed
six acres with barley and pease; the former yielded an
indifferent crop, but the latter were parched with the
heat, and came to nothing.

While they were engaged in this labour, in which all
were aKke employed, on the 5th of April, (the day on
which the Mayflower sailed for England,) Governor Car-
ver came out of the field at noon, complaining of a pain in
his head, caused by the heat of the sun.* It soon deprived
him of his senses, and on the 6th of April, 1621, put an
end to his life, to the great grief of this infant plantation. f
He was buried with all the honors which could be shown
to the memory of a good man by a grateful people. The
men were under arms, and fired several volleys over his
grave. Jasper, a son of Governor Carver, had died on
the 6th of December preceding, and his affectionate wife,
overcome with grief for the loss of her husband and son,
soon followed them to the grave.

Elizabeth, a daughter, married John Rowland ;{ and

* Baylies observes, " it is not a little remarkable that such an effect should
liave been produced in this climate in the month of April."

f At a general meeting, March 23d, sundry laws were enacted, and Mr.
Carver was " chosen, or rather confirmed," governor for the ensuing year. He
sustained the office four months and twenty days only. The whole number of
survivors in the colony at the time of his death was fifty-five only.

t John Howland, the thirteenth signer of the compact, is counted as belong-
ing to Carver's family, whose daughter he married. The Plymouth colony
records speak of him as '* an ancient professor of the ways of Christ ; one of
the first comers, and proved a useful instrument of good, and was [one of] the
last of the male survivors of those who came over in the Mayflower in 1620,
end whose place of abode was Plymouth.'* John Alden of Duxbury, outlived
him fifteen years. The last survivor of the Mayflower was Mary Cushman,
daughter of Isaac Allerton. Howland died 23d February 1672, at Rocky Nook
in Kingston, aged 80. He had four sons and six daughters, some of whose

JOHN CARTER* 47

there were other children remaining^ but their names
are nowhere mentioned ; neither do they appear at any-
subsequent time in the annals of the colony ; they attain-
ed no civil honors; they rose to no distinction; but less
fortunate than the children of other governors^ they
remained in obscurity, and were unnoticed by the people.
The name of Carver does not appear in the assignment
of lands in 1623, nor in the division of cattle in 1627.
William, a grandson of Governor Carver, who lived at
Marshfield, acquired some notoriety on account of his
extreme age, having lived until he was one hundred and
two years old. This grandson, when ninety-six years old,
wa^seen labouring in the same field with his son, grand-
son, and great-grandson, while an infant of the fifth gener-
ation was in his house. He died 2d October, 1760.
It has been said that Jonathan Carver^ the traveller, who
died in London, 31 Jan. 1780, was a descendant of the
governor.*

Governor Carver is represented as a man of great
prudence, integrity, and firmness of mind. He had a
good estate in England, which he spent in. the emigra-
tion to Holland and America. He was one of the fore-
most in action, and bore a large share of sufferings in the
service of the colony, who confided in him as their friend
and father. Piety, humility, and benevolence were emi-
nent traits in his character, and it is particularly remarked
that in the time of general sickness which befel the
colony, and with which he was affected, after he had

descendants are still living in the Old Colony, and in Rhode Island. A gene-
alogy of the family, written by one of them, the venerable John Howland,
President of the Rhode Island Historical Society, is inserted in Thacher's Ply-
mouth, p. 129.

* Edinb. Encyclopedia, (Amer. edit.) v. 467.

48 JOHN CARVER.

himself recovered^ he was assiduous^ in attending the sick^
and performing the most humiliating services for them^
without any distinction of persons or characters.

In the records of the Church at Plymouth, due men-
tion is made of the sad loss sustained by the church and
colony in the death of Governor Carver. ^^ This worthy
gentleman was one of singular piety, and rare for humil-
ity, which appeared, as otherwise, so by his great con-
descendency, when as this miserable people were in great
sickness, he shunned not to do very mean services for
them, yea, the meanest of them. He bare a share like-
wise of their labours in his own person, according as their
great necessity required. Who being one also of con-
siderable estate, spent the main part of it in this enterprise,
and from first to last approved himself not only as their
agent in the first transaction of things, but also along to
the period of his Ufe, to be a pious, faithful, and very
beneficial instrument'^* .

The memory of Governor Carver is still held in
esteem ; and a broadsword, and other relics, which be-
longed to him, are presei^ed at Pilgrim Hall in Ply-
mouth, or in the cabinet of the Historical Society at
Boston, as precious memorials of the first chief magistrate
of the Old Colony.

* MS. Records Plymouth Church, i. 27.

IL WILLIAM BRADFORD.

When, at the commencement of the seventeenth
century, the little band of English Puritains gathered
together, and formed their congregation, near the con-
fines of the counties of York, Nottingham and Lincoln, —
choosing for their ministers, Richard Clifton and John
Robinson, — a sedate youth, then scarcely twelve years
of age, of grave countenance and earnest manner, was
observed to be a constant attendant upon their meetings.
That youth was William Bradford, an orphan. He
was bom in the year 1588, at Austerfield, an obscure
village in Yorkshire. His parents dying while he was a
child, his education was provided for by his grand parents
and uncles; but was limited almost exclusively to those
branches of knowledge deemed necessary to an agri-
cultural life, and such as generally falls to the share of
the children of English husbandmen. Deprived of other
sources of information, his love of reading naturally sought
gratification in the Bible, and he drank deep of the foun-
tain of truth in the sacred volume. He thus acquired
those deep impressions of piety, and that inflexible love
for, and disposition to maintain what he believed to be
the truth, for which he was afterwards distinguished.

His attendance upon the ministrations of Clifton,
deeply offended his relatives. They were hostile to the
new sect^ and their hostility was not likely to be softened
by the reflection, that one of their family, dependent in
some degree upon their friendship, had presumed, in
opposition to then* remonstrances, to embrace the faith
of the puritans. Young Bradford was therefore exposed
7

50 ' WILLIAM BRADFORD.

to their resentment, as well as to the jeers and scoffs
of his juvenile companions. But he had deliberately
made up his mind, in the full belief that his course was
right — and no persuasion nor menaces could induce him
to abandon the faith which he had thus adopted.

When he was eighteen years old, in the autumn of
1607, .Mr. Bradford became one of the 'company who
resolved upon an early removal to Holland, as the only
means of escape from persecution. The narrative of
their two first attempts, is best recited in the words of
Bradford himself, as follows :

^^ There was a large company of them proposed to
get passage at Boston, in Lincolnshire, and for that end
had hired a ship wholly to themselves, and made agree-
ment with the master to be ready at a certain day, and
take them and their goods in at a convenient place, where
accordingly they would all attend in readiness. So af-
ter long waiting and large expense, though he kept not
day with them, yet he came at length and took them
in, in the night. But when he had them and their goods
aboard, he betrayed them, having beforehand complotted
with the searchers and other officers so to do, who took
them and put them into open boats, and then rifled and
ransacked them, searching them to their shirts for money,
yea, even the women, further than became modesty, and
then carried them back into the town, and made them
a spectacle and wonder to the multitude, which came
flocking on all sides to behold them. Being thus, first
by the catch-poles, rifled and stript of their money, books,
and much other goods, they were presented to the magis-
trates, and messengers sent to inform the lords of the
council of them, and so they were committed to ward.
Indeed, the magistrates used them courteously, and shew-

WILJLIAM BRADFORD. 51

ed them what favor they could, but could not deliver
them till order came from the council table; but the
issue was, that after a month's imprisonment, the greatest
part were dismissed and sent to the places from whence
they came, but seven of the principal men were still kept
in prison, and bound over to the assizes.*

^^ The next spring after, there wdl another attempt
made, by some of these and others, to get over at another
place. And so it fell out that they light of a Dutchman
at Hull, having a ship of his own belonging to Zealand.
They made agreement with him and acquainted him with
their condition, hoping to find more faithfulness in him
than in the former of their own nation; He bade them not
fear, for he would do well enough. He was by appoint-
ment to take them in between Grimsby and Hull, where
was a large common a good way distant from any town.
Now against the prefixed time, the women and children,
with the goods, were sent to the place in a small bark,
which they had hired for that end, and the men were
to meet them by land ; but it so fell out that they were
there a day before the ship came, and the sea being rough,
and the women very sick, prevailed with the seamen to
put into a creek hard by, where they lay on ground at
low water. The next morning the ship came, but they
were fast and could not stir till about noon. In the
meantime the shipmaster, perceiving how the matter
was, sent his boat to get the men aboard whom he saw
ready, walking about the shore, but after the first boat-
full was got aboard, and she was ready to go for more,
the master espied a great company both horse and foot,
with bills, and guns, and other weapons, for the country
was raised to take them. The Dutchman seeing that,

* Bradford was among the number arrested upon this occasion, and was re-
leased in consideration of his youth.

52 WILLIAM BRADFORD.

swore his country oath ^eacramente/ and having the
wind fair, weighed anchor, hoisted sails, and away.
After enduring a fearful storm at sea for fourteen days
or more, seven whereof they never saw sun, moon nor
stars, and being driven near the coast of Norway,
they arrived at their desired haven, where the people
came flocking, admiring their deliverance, the storm
having been so long and sore, in which much hurt had
been done, as the master's friends related to him in
their congratulations. The rest of the men that were in
greatest danger, made a shift to escape away before the
troop could surprise them, those only staying that best
might be assisting unto the women. But pitiful it was
to see the heavy case of these poor women in distress ;
what weeping and crying on every side, some for their
husbands that were carried away in the ship, others not
knowing what should become of them and their little ones,
crying for fear, and quaking with cold. Being appre-
hended, they were hurried from one place to another till
in the end they knew not what to do with them; for, to
imprison so many women with.their innocent children, for
no other cause, many of them, but that they would go
with their husbands, seemed to be unreasonable, and all
would cry out of them j and to send them home again
was as difficult, for they alleged, as the truth was, they
had no homes to go to, for they had either sold or other-
wise disposed of their houses and livings. To be short,
after they had been thus turmoiled a good while, and
conveyed from one constable to another, they were glad to
be rid of them in the end upon any terms, though, in the
meantime, they, poor souls, endured misery enough."*

* Bee Appendix, No. I, Hutchinson's History of the Province of Massachu-
setts Bay, p. 449; or Bradford'^ Hist, in Young's Chronicles, 26.

WILLIAM BRADFORD. 63

After some time, Mr. Bradford succeeded in going
over to Zealand, though he encountered many difficul-
ties. ' He had no sooner sat his foot upon the shore, than
a malicious person, who had come as passenger in the
same vessel, accused him before the Dutch magistrates,
as a fugitive from England. But the magistrates were
not disposed to heed the tale of the slanderer, and when
upon inquiry they came to understand the cause and cir-
cumstances of Bradford's emigration, instead of putting
him to further inconvenience, they gave him their pro-
tection, and permission to join his friends at Amsterdam.

Finding it impossible successfully to prosecute agri-
culture in Holland, he was obliged to betake himself to
some other occupation; and, being then under age, he
put himself as an apprentice to a French Protestant, who
taught him the art of silk-dyeing. As soon as he at-
tained the years of manhood, he sold his paternal estate
in England, and entered on a commercial life, in which
it appears that he was not successful.

When the Church of Leyden contemplated a remo-
val to America, Bradford zealously engaged in the
undertaking, and came with the first company of emi-
grants in 1620, to Cape Cod. While the ship lay in
that harbour, he was one of the foremost in the several
hazardous attempts to find a proper place for the seat
of the colony, in one of which he, with others of the
principal persons, narrowly escaped the destruction
which threatened their shallop.* On his return from
this excursion to the ship, with the joyful news of having
found a safe harbour and a place for settlement, he
was met by the unwelcome intelligence, that, during his

* Prince, 76. See account in Life of Carver, pp. 33-35, of this volume.

54 WILLIAM BRADFORD.

absence^ his wife had accidentally fallen into the sea and
was drowned.*

After the sudden death of Governor Carver^ in April,
1621, the eyes of the infant colony were turned to Mr.
Bradford, as the proper person to succeed him; but,
being so very ill at that time that his life was despaired
of, they waited for his recovery, and then invested him
with the chief magistracy. He was at this time in the
thirty-third year of his age ; his wisdom, piety, fortitude,
and goodness of heart, were so conspicuous as to merit
the sincere esteem of the people.

While Carver lived, he was the sole executive officer.
No oath of office was required, and he entered upon his
official duties without ceremony or parade. The legisla-
tive and judicial power was in the whole body of the
people, who had the most entire confidence, that he
would not adventure on any matter of moment without
their consent, or the advice of the wisest among them.
When Mr. Bradford came to be governor, he requested
that an assistant or deputy governor should be appointed,
and the choice fell upon Isaa6 Allerton.t This measure

• Mrs. B. was drowned on the 7th of December. Prince, 76. Of this lady,
we learn from Prince, that her baptismal name was Dorothy : and from a letter
written at Leyden, by Roger White, addressed to GoTemor Bradford, it appears
that her muden name was May. I Mass. Hist. Coll. iii. 43.

t Isaac AUerton came over in the Mayflower, with his wife and four chil-
dren. His wife, Mary, died 25th February, 1621, and a few years afterwards
he married Fear Brewster, daughter of Elder William Brewster. In point of
property, he ranked first in the colony, and was a man of consideration in other
respects. He was sent to England in the fall of 1626, to complete a negotiation
which Standish had commenced with the adventurers there, but had been obliged
to abandon on account of the plague then raging in London. Prince, 156, 162.
He returned in the spring of 1627, having conditionally purchased for his asso-
ciates the rights of the adventurers for the sum of £1800, to be paid in seven years.
He also borrowed £200 at 30 per cent, interest, << to the great content of the
plantation." Prince, 165. He took a second voyage as agent in 1627, during
which he procured a patent for a trading place on the Kennebeck. He made
two voyages to England in 1629, to procure a new and enlarged patent for the

WII«I«IAM BRADFORD. 55

was deemed advisable from the precarious health of
Governor Bradford, and also to avoid any interregnum
in the government, in case of his death before his term
of office expired, as had happened in the case of Gover-
nor Carver-* They appointed but one assistant to the
governor, because they v^rere so reduced in number, that
to have made a greater disproportion between rulers and
people, would have been absurd, and they knew that it
would be in their power to increase the number when-
ever the circumstances of the colony should require it.
Their voluntary combination was probably at this time
considered only as a temporary expedient, until they
should obtain a charter under the authority of the king.

One of the first acts of Bradford's administration was,
by advice of the company, to send Edward Winslow
and Stephen Hopkins to .Massasoit, with Squanto, for
their guide. The design of this embassy was to explore
the country ; to confirm the league with that sachem; to
learn the situation and strength of their new friend ; to
carry him some presents ; to apologize for some misbe-
haviour on the part of the settlers ; to regulate the inter-
course between them and the Indians, and to procure
seed-corn for the next planting season.

These gentlemen found the sachem at Pokanoket^f

colony. Bat he met with many difficulties ; ** many locks (says Shirley) must
be opened with the silver, nay, with the golden key." I Mass* Hist. Coll. iii.
70. He gave ** great and just ofience (says Prince) in bringing over Morton,*^
the unruly leader at Merry Mount. But be was in the end successful in hi»
difficult undertaking for the colony, although the expenses and misunderstand*
vngB growing out of the transaction,, appear to have occasioned his final separa*
tion irom the colonists. He returned to England in 1631, and was ** no more
employed by the plantation." He became an enterprising trader at Fenobscoty
and elsewhere, and afterwards removed to New-Haven, where he died in 1659.

• Hubbard's Hist. N. E, 61.

i This was a general nume for Uie northern shore of the Narragansett Bay,
between Providence and Taunton. Rivers^and comprehending the present towur-

56 WILLIAM BRADFORD.

distance about forty miles from Plymouth. They deliv-
ered the presents, renewed the friendship, and satisfied
themselves respecting the strength, of the natives, which
did not appear to be formidable, nor was the entertain-
ment which they received either liberal or splendid.
The marks of desolation and death, by reason of the late
pestilence, were very conspicuous in all the country
through which they passed ; but they were informed that
the Narragansetts, who resided on the western shore of
the bay of that name, were very numerous, and that the
pestilence had not reached them.

After the return of this embassy, another was sent
to Nauset,* to recover a boy who had strayed away from
New Plymouth, and had been taken up by some tof the
Indians of that' place. They were so fortunate as to re-
cover the boy, and make peace with Aspinet, the sachem,
whom they paid for the seed corn which they had taken
out of the ground at Paomet, in the preceding autumn, f
During this expedition, an old woman, who had never
before seen any white people, burst into tears of grief
and rage at the sight of them. She had lost three sons,
by the perfidy of Thomas Hunt, who decoyed them, with
others, on board his ship, and sold them for slaves.

ffbips of Bristol, Warren, and Harrington, in the State of Rhode Island, and
Swansey in Massachusetts. Its northern extent is unknown. The principal
seats of the sachem were at Sowams and Keekamuit. The former is a neck of
land, formed by the confluence of Barrington and Palmer's Rivers ', the latter i»
Mount Hope. See Callender's Century Discourse, pp. 30» 73.

* Now Eastham, Mass.

f Mourt's Relation, in Purchas, ir. 1853. •* We sent Tisquantum to tell
Aspinet, the sachem of Nauset, wherefore we came. After sunset, Aspinet
came with a great train, and brought the boy with him, one bearing him through
the water. He had not less than an hundred with him ; the half whereof came
to the shallop side, unarmed with him ; the other stood aloof with their bows
and arrows. There he delivered us the boy, behung with beads,, and made*
peace with us, we bestowing a knife on him, and likewise on another that first
entertained the boy and brought him thither. So they departed from ua."

WILLIAM BRAI^FORD. 57

Squanto^ who was present, told her that he had been
carried away at the same time ; that Hunt was a bad
man ; that his countrymen disapproved of his conduct,
and that the English at Plymouth would not offer them
any injury. This declaration, accompanied by a small
present, appeased her anger, though it was impossible
to remove the cause of her grief.

It was fortunate for the colonists, that they had secured
the friendship of Massasoit, for his influence was found to
be very great among all the surrounding tribes. He was
regarded and reverenced by all the natives, from the Bay
of Narragansett to that of Massachusetts. T hough some
of the petty sachems were disposed to be jealous of the
new ^lony, and to disturb its peace, yet their mutual con-
nection with and reliance upon the advice of Massasoit,
proved the means of its preservation ; as a proof of which,
nine of these sachems voluntarily came to Plymouth, and
there subscribed an instrument of submission, in the
following terms, viz :

^^ September 13, Jnno Dom. 1621. Know all men by
these Presents, that we, whose Names are under Written,
do acknowledge ourselves to be the Loyal Subjects of King
James, King of Great Britain, France and Ireland, De-
fender of the Faitt, Slc. In witness whereof, and as a
Testimonial of the same, we have Subscribed our Names,
or Marks, as foUoweth :

Ohquamehud, Chikkatabak,

Gawnacome, Quadaquina,

Obbatinnua, Huttamoiden,

Nattawahunt, Apannow."*

Caunbatant,

* Obbatinnua, or Obbatmowat^ was one of the Massachusetts sachems; his

58 WILLMM BRAOFORB,

Hobbamock,* another of these subordinate chiefe^
came and took up his residence at Plymouth, where he
continued as a faithful guide and interpreter as long as
he lived. The Indians of the Island of Capawock, which
had now obtained the name of Martha's or Martin's Vine-
yard, also sent messengers of peace.

residence was on or near the Peninsula of Shawmnt, ( Boston.) Chikkatabak, or
Chicketawbat, was the sagamore of Neponset, (Dorchester,) and is frequently
mentioned in the History of Massachusetta. [See especially the early part of
Winthrop's Jonrnal.] He died of the small pox in November, 1633. These
Massachusetts sachems were not completely independent, but acknowledged a
degree of subjection to Massasoit. Caunbatant, or Corbitant ',, his residence was
at Mattapuyst, a neck of land in the township of S wansey. Mr. Winslow, who
bad frequent conferences with him at his wigwam and other places, represents
him as a hollow-hearted friend to the Plymouth planters, * a notable politician,
yet full of merry jests and squibs, and never better pleased than when the like
are returned again upon him.' Quadaquina, or Quindaquina, was a brother of
Massasoit. Of the five other sachems, who signed the instrument of submission,
no satisfactory account can be given. Davis' note, Morton's Mem. 67.

Cawnacome, or Caunacum, was sachem of Manomet, (Sandwich,) and died,
it is said, in 1623. Prince, 126, 133. The name Apannow has a singular resem-
blance to Epenow, who was a native of the southern part of Cape Cod, sup-
posed to have been carried to England by Captain Harlow, in 1611, and who
returned from England with Captain Harley, in 1614. Prince, 41. "In
Moort's Relation, quoted by Prince (p. Ill,) it is said, * Yea, Massasoit, in wri-
ting, under bis hand to Captain Standish, has owned the King of England to
be his master, both he and many other kings under him, as of Pamet, [part of
Truro,] Nauset, [part of Eastham,} Cummaquid, [Barnstable north harbor,]
Namasket, [part of Middleborough,] with divers others, who dwell about the
bays of Patuxet and Massachusetts ; and all this by friendly usage, love and
peace, just and honest carriage, good counsel," &c.

* Now commonly wril^n Hobomok. This true friend, to the English de-
serves a lasting remembrance. He was attached to them from the beginning,
and no threats or danger, or enticements could seduce him from his faithful-
ness. They were oflen indebted ^for much of their advaurtage and safety to the
sagacity of his observation and of his counsels. He served them in every way,
as guide, companion*, counsellor, and friend, unmoved by the ridicule and scorn
of those whom he had abandoned, and unawed by the sworn hatred of the
savage' and wily Corbitant. His services were acknowledged by a grant of
lands in the colony. Gentle and guileless in his temper, he was easily won by
the pure and simple truths of religion^ and, spite of all temptation, professed
himself a Christian. We are not informed of the date of his death, but we are
told in a work published in 1642, ("New England's First Fruits,") that "he
died amongst them, (the Knglish,) leaving some good hopes ia their heavts that
his soul went to rest" Note to Davis' Morton, 212*

WILLIAM BRADFORD. 59

Having heard much of the Bay of Massachusetts,
both from the Indians and the English fishermen, Gover-
nor Bradford appointed ten men, with Squanto, and two
other Indians, to visit the place and trade with the natives.
On the 18th of September, they sailed in a shallop,
and the next day got to the bottom of the bay, where
they landed under a cliff,* and were kindly received by
Obbatinnua, the sachem who had subscribed the submis-
sion at Plymouth a few days before. He renewed his
submission, and received a promise of assistance and de-^
fence against the s^uaw sachem of Massachusetts, and
,other of his enemies.

The appearance of the bay was pleasing. They saw
the mouths of two rivers which emptied into it. The
islands were cleared of wood, and had been planted, but
most of the people who had inhabited them, were either
dead or had removed. Those who remained were con-
tinually in fear of the Tarratines, who frequently came
from the eastward in a hostile manner, and robbed them
of their corn. In one of these predatory invasions,
Jf anepashamet, a sachem, had been slain ; his body lay
buried under a frame, surrounded by an intrenchment
and palisade. A monument on the top of a hill desig-
nated the place where he was killed.f

Having explored the bay, and collected some beaver,
the shallop returned to Plymouth, and brought so good
a report of the place, that the people wished they had
been seated there. But, having planted corn and built

* Supposed to be Copp's Hill, in the town of Boston.

i Shattuck, in the History of Concord, says Uiis <* was in Medford, near
Mystic Fond.*' Lewis, in his History of Lyn», says Nanepashamet was killed
about the year 1619, and that his widow, (the Squaw Sachem referred to by
Obbatiniitta,) (Bo&tinued the government.

60 WILLIAM BRADFORD.

huts at Plymoifth^ and being there in security from the
natives^ they judged the motives for continuance to be
stronger than for a removal. Most of their posterity have
judged otherwise.

In November, 1621, a ship arrived from England,
with thirty-five passengers, to augment the colony.*
Unhappily they were so short of provisions, that the
people of Plymouth were obliged to victual the ship
home, and then put themselves and the new-comers
upon half allowance. Before the next spring, ( 1 622, ) the
colony began to feel the rigors of famine. The Indians
had in some way become apprised of their situation, and
in the height of their distress, the governor received
from Canonicus, sachem of the Narragansetts, a threat-
ening message, in the emblematic style of the ancient
Scythians — a bundle of arrows, bound up with the skin
of a serpent. The governor sent an answer, in the same
style — the skin of the serpent, filled with powder and
ball. The Narragansetts, afraid of its contents, sejit it
back unopened, and here the correspondence ended.

It was now judged proper to fortify the town. Ac-
cordingly, it was surrounded with a stockade and four
flankarts; a guard was kept by day and by night, the
company being divided for that purpose into four squad-
rons. A select number were appointed, in case of acci-
dental fire, to mount guard with their backs to the fire,
so as to prevent a surprise from the Indians. Within
the stockade was enclosed the top of the hill, under
which the town was built, and a sufficiency of land for
a garden assigned to each family. The works were
begun in February, and finished in March.

* This ship was the Fortune, of fifty-five tons. She arrived November 9th.
Prince, 114.

WILLIAM BRADFORD. 61

At this time, the famine was beginning to be severe.
Fish and spring-water were the only food upon which
the people subsisted. The want of bread reduced their
flesh ; yet they had so much health and spirit, that, on
hearing of the massacre in Virginia, they erected an
additional fort on the top of the hill, with a flat roof, on
which their guns were mounted ; the lower story being
used as a place of worship. Such was the character of
these times and of these men. The temple of the Lord
was defended by cannon, and his worshippers were armed
men.* Sixty acres of ground were this year planted with
com ; and their gardens were sown with the seeds of
other esculent vegetables in great plenty.

The arrival of two shipsf in midsummer, with a new
colonists^ sent out by Thomas Weston, but without provis-
ions, was an additional misfortuflie. Some of these peo-
ple, being sick, were lodged in the hospital at New Ply-
mouth, until they were so far recovered as to join thpir
companions, who seated themselves at Wessagusset, since
called Weymouth.

The first supply of provisions was obtained from the
fishing vessels, of which thirty-five came this spring from
England to the coast. In August, two ships, arrived
with trading goods, which the planters bought at a great
disadvantage, giving beaver in exchange.J The sum-

* Baylies, i. 93.

t The Charity, of one hundred tons, and the Swan, of thirty. The Charity,
having gone on to Virginia, returned to Weymouth, and thence to England,
ahout the end of September, 1622. The Swan remained at Weymouth, for the
use of the colonists. Prince, 122.

t The Spanow, (Weston's,) which had returned from a fishing voyage on
the coast of Maine, and the Discovery, commanded by Jones, the former com-
mander of the Mayflower. « This ship," says Morton, (p. 39,) speaking of the
latter, '< had store of English beads (which were then good trade) and some

62 WILLIAM BRADFORD.

mer being dry^ and the harvest shorty it became necessary
to make excursions among the natives to procure corn and
beans, with the goods purchased from the ships. Captain
Standish was to have commanded this expedition, but
being driven back twfce by violent winds, and falling ill
of a fever, Governor Bradford took the command himself,
and after encountering some hazard from the shoals, he
made for a harbour at a place called Mannamoyck, [Chat-
ham,] and, after sounding through a narrow and intricate
channel, anchored. The governor, attended by Squanto^
went on shore, but the natives were shy of intercourse
for some time ; at length, understanding his intentions,
they threw oflf their reserve, and welcomed him with
much apparent joy, feasting him and his company on
venison and other food, — ^yet so jealous were they, when
they ascertained that the governor intended to remain
on shore during the night, that they carefully removed
their property from their habitations. Squanto having
succeeded in persuading them that the intentions of the
English were good, they were at length induced to sell
them eight hogsheads of corn and beans.

They intended to have proceeded farther down the
Cape, being assured both by Squanto and the Indians of
Mannamoyck that there was a safe passage, but their
design was frustrated by the sudden sickness of Squanto,
who was seized with a fever so violent, that it soon oc-
casioned his death, to the great grief of the Governor.
Although Squanto had discovered some traits of du-

koives, but woald sell none but at dear rates, and also a good quantity together ;
yet they (the planters) were glad of the occasion, and fain to buy at any rate ;
they were fain to give after the rate of cent, per cent., if not more, and yet
pay away coat beaver at three shillings per pound," ** which, (says Prince,) a
few years after, yields twenty shillings a pound."

WILLIAM BRADFORD. 6^

plicity, yet his loss was justly deemed a public misfor-
tune, as he had rendered the English much service. A
short time previous to his death, he requested the gov-
ernor to ^ pray that he might go to the Englishman's God
in heaven/ and he bequeathed his little property to his
English friends, as remembrances of his love.

In these excursions, Mr. Bradford was treated by the
natives with great respect, and the trade was conducted
on both sides with justice and confidence. At Nauset,
the shallop being stranded, it was necessary to put the
corn which had been purchased in stack, and to leave it,
covered with mats and sedge, in the care of the Indians.
This was in November, and it remained there until Janu-
ary, when another shallop was sent round, and it was
found in perfect safety, and the stranded shallop was
recovered.* Governor Bradford, having procured a
guide, when his shallop was stranded, with his party, re-
turned home through the wilderness fifty miles on foot.

At Namasket, [Middleborough,] an inland place, he
bought another quantity, which was brought home, partly
by the people of the colony, and partly by the Indian
women, their men disdaining to bear burdens.

At Manomet, [Sandwich,] he bargained for more,
which he was obliged to leave till March, when Captain
Standish went and fetched it home, the Indian women
bringing it down to the shallop. The whole quantity
thus purchased, amounted to twenty-eight hogsheads of
corn and beans, of which Weston's people had a share,
as they had joined in the purchase.

In the spring of 1623, the governor received a mes-
sage from Massasoit, that he was sick, on which occasion it

* Winslowy in Purchas, !▼. 1858.

64 WILLIAM BRADFORD.

is usual for all the friends of the Indians to risit them, or
send them presents. Mr. Winslo w again went to visit the
sachem, accompanied by Mr. John Hampden,* and they
had Hobbamock for their guide and interpreter. The
visit was very consolatory to their sick friend, and the
more so as Winslow carried him some cordials, and made
him broth after the English mode, which contributed to
his recovery. In return for this friendly attention,
Massasoit communicated to Hobbamock, intelligence of
a dangerous conspiracy, then in agitation among the In*
dians, in which he had been solicited to join. Its object
was nothing less than the total extirpation of the English,
and it was occasioned by the imprudent conduct of Wes-
ton's people in the Bay of Massachusetts. The Indians
had in contemplation to make them the first victims, and
then to fall on the people of Plymouth. Massasoit's
advice was, that the English should seize and put to
death the chief conspirators, whom he named, and said
that this would prevent the execution of the plot. Hob-
bamock communicated this secret to Winslow, as they
were returning home, and it was reported to the governor.
On this alarming occasion, the whole company were

* In Winalow's Journal, Mr. Hampden is said to be " a gentleman of Lon-
don, who then wintered with us, and desired much to see the country." Bel-
knap supposed this person to be the same who distinguished himself by his
opposition to the illegal and arbitrary demands of King Charles the First ; and
refers to the tradition that Hampden and Cromwell attempted to embark for
New England, in 1638. But the evidence seems to be conclusii^e, that the
great English patriot never was in America. Bancroft (i. 412,) thus disposes
of the question : '* A person who bore the same or nearly the same name, was
undoubtedly there ; but the greatest patriot-statesman of his times, the man
whom Charles I. would gladly have seen drawn and quartered, whom Claren-
don paints as possessing beyond all his contemporaries, ** a head to conceive, a
tongue to persuade, and a hand to execute," and whom the fervent Baxter re-
vered as able, by his presence and conversation, to give a new charm to the
rest of the Saints in heaven, was never in America; nor did he ever embark
for America."

WILLIAM BRADFORD. 65

assembled in court^ and the news was imparted to them.
Such was their confidence in Governor Bradford^ that
they unanimously requested him, with Allerton, his as*
sistant^ to concert the best measures for their safety. The
result was, a determination to strengthen the fortifications,
to be vigilant at home, and to send such a force to the
Bay of Massachusetts, under Captain Standish, as he
should judge sufficient to crush the conspiracy.

The people whom Weston had sent to plant his colony
at Wessagussett, were so disorderly and imprudent, that
the Indians were not only disgusted with them, but des-
pised them, and intended to make them their first victims.
One of the settlers came to Plymouth with a lamentable
account of their weak condition. He accidentally lost
his way on the journey, and thus escaped the tomahawk
of an Indian, who followed him. The Indian pursued
him to Plymouth, where, being suspected as a spy, he
was confined in irons. . Standish, with eight chosen men,
and the faithful Hobbamock, went in the shallop to Wes-
ton^s plantation, taking goods with him, as usual, to
trade with the Indians. Here he met the persons who
had been pointed out to him as the conspirators; who per-
sonally insulted and threatened him. A quarrel ensued,
in which seven of the Indians were killed. The others
were so struck with terror, that they forsook their houses
and retreated to the swamps, where many of them died
with cold and hunger. The survivors would have sued
for peace, but were afraid to go to Plymouth. Weston's
people were so apprehensive of the consequences of this
affair, that they abandoned their plantation; and the peo-
ple of Plymouth, who oflered them protection, which
they would not accept, were glad to be rid of such trou-
9

66 WILI^IAM BRADFORD*

blesome neighbors. Weston did not come in person to
America, till after the dispersion of his people, some of
whom he found among the eastern fishermen, and from
them he first heard of the ruin of his enterprise. In a
storm, he was cast away between the rivers Merrimack
and Pascataqua, and was robbed by the natives of all he
had saved from the wreck. Having borrowed a suit of
clothes from some of the people at Pascataqua, he came to
Plymouth, where, in consideration of his necessity, the
government lent him two hundred weight of beaver, with
which he sailed to the eastward, with such of his own
people as were disposed to accompany him. It is ob-
served, that he never repaid the debt but with enmity
and reproach.*

Thus, by the spirited conduct of a handful of brave
men, in conformity to the advice of the friendly Mas-
sasoit, a dangerous conspiracy was annihilated. But^
when the report of this transaction was carried to their
brethren in Holland, Mr. Robinson, in his next letter to
the governor, lamented with great concern and tender-
ness, '' O that you had converted some, before you had
killed any."f

Much obloquy has been thrown on the character of
the Pilgrims, for this attack upon the Indians. The ex-
istence of the conspiracy is said to have been ideal, and
it is confidently asserted in modern times, that the In-
dians were disposed to friendship when they were as-
sailed by Standish, and that the conspiracy was a mere
pretence on the part of the English to rid. themselves of
faroublesome neighbors, and to acquire their country ; but
any one who examines the proofs with impartiality, will

* Prince, 135. See note, on page 20. f Prince, 146.

WILLIAM BRADFORD. 67

be convinced of its existence, and that the colonists were
actuated neither by interest nor revenge, but only endea-
voured to secure their own safety by attacking those, who,
when their projects were matured, would have destroyed
them.*

In the autumn of 1623, Captain Standish proceeded
to the little settlement, which had been commenced by
David Thompson on the banks of the Pascataqua, where
the settlers readily supplied him with such provisions as
they could spare.

The scarcity which the colonists had hitherto expe-
rienced was partly owing to the increase of their num-
bers, and the scantiness of their supplies from Europe ;
but principally to their mode of laboring in common,
and putting the fruits of their labor into the public store j
an error which had the same effect here as in Virginia.

It will be remembered that the Fortune, which arrived
from England, in November, 1621, brought thirty-five
new settlers, and no supply of provisions. • A thrilling
narrative of the sufferings of the people at this period,
may be gathered from Winslow and Bradford. " They
never had any supply to any purpose after this time,
but what the Lord helped them to raise by their own
industry among themselves ; for all that came afterward
was too short for the passengers that came with iff
"About the end of May, (1622,) our store of victuals
was wholly spent, having lived long before with a bare
and short allowance; and, indeed, had we not been in
a place where divers sorts of shellfish are, that may
be taken with the hand, we must have perished, unless
God had raised up some unknown or extraordinary

* Baylies, i. 106. t Morton, 35.

68 WILLIAM BRADFORD.

means for our preservation."* Winslow was sent to
the fishing vessels at Monhiggon, on the coast of Maine,
to seek supplies, and procure enough to give each per-
son a quarter of a pound of bread a day till the har-
vest. They had planted this year nearly sixty acres of
corn, but the harvest proved a scanty year's supply for
the colony, ^^ partly by reason they were not yet well
acquainted with the manner of the husbandry of Indian
corn .... but chiefly their weakness for want of food.^f
In 1623, Governor Bradford says, J '' By the time our
corn is planted, our victuals are spent ; not knowing at
night where to have a bit in the morning, and have neither
bread nor corn for three or four months together, yet bear
our wants with cheerfulness, and rest on Providence.^'
Brewster, the ruling elder, lived for many months to-
gether without bread, and frequently on fish alone.
With nothing but oysters and clams before him, he, with
his family, would give thanks that they could " suck of
the abundance of the seas, and of the treasures hidden
in the sands." It is said that they were once reduced
to a pint of corn, which being equally divided, gave to
each a proportion of five kernels, which was parched
and eaten. §

To remedy as far as possible the evils of scarcity, though
it might not be in exact accordance with their engage-

* Winslow's Relation, I Mass. Hist. Coll., viii. 245, 246.

\ Morton, 39. X Prince, 135.

§ At the centennial feast, Dec. 22, 1820, much of the beauty, fashion, wealth,
and talent of Massachusetts had congregated at Plymouth. Orators spoke, and
poets sang, the praises of their pilgrim fathers. The richest viands gratified
the roost &stidious epicure to satiety. Beside each plate, five grains of parched
corn were placed, a simple but interesting and affecting memorial of the dis-
tresses of those heroic and pious men who won this fair land of plenty, freedom
and happiness, and yet, at times, were literally in want of a morsel of bread.
Baylies, i. 121.

WILLIAM BRADFORD. 69

ments,* it was agreed^ in the spring of 1623, that every
family should plant for themselves, on such ground as
should be assigned to them by lot, without any division
for inheritance ;f and that, in time of harvest, a competent
portion should be brought into the common store, for the
maintenance of the public officers, fishermen, and such
other persons as could not be employed in agriculture.
This regulation at once gave a spring to industry ; the
women and children cheerfully went to work with the
men in the fields, and much more corn was planted
than ever before. Having but one boat, the men were
divided into parties of six or seven, who took their turns
to catch fish; the shore afforded them shellfish, and
groundnuts served them for bread. Whenever a deer was
killed, the flesh was divided among the whole colony.
Water-fowl came in plenty, at the proper season, but the
want of boats prevented them from being taken in great
numbers. Thus they subsisted through the third sum-
mer, in the latter end of which two vessels arrived with
sixty more passengers.f But the harvest was plentiful,
and, after this time, the people had no general want of
food, because they had learned to depend on their own
exertions, rather than on foreign supplies.

The combination which they had made before their
landing at Cape Cod, was the first foundation of their
government; but as they were driven to this expedient
by necessity, it was intended to subsist no longer than

* By their a^eement with the adventurers in England, they were compelle4
to put the produce of their labors into a common stock. See page 17, ante.

t Prince, 133. Purchas, iv. 1866.

t '* The best dish we could present them with, is a lobster or piece of fish,
without bread or anything else but a cup of fair spring water." Bradford, in
Prince, 140.

70 WILLIAM BRADFORD.

until they could obtain legal authority from their sove*-
reign- As soon as they knew of the establishment of the
Council of New England,* they applied for a patent^
which was taken in the names of John Fierce and others^
in trust for the colony.f When Pierce saw that the
colonists were well seated, and that there was a prospect
of success to their undertaking, he went, without their
knowledge, but in their names, and solicited the Council
for another patent of greater extent, intending to keep
it to himself, and to allow them no more than he pleased,
holding them as his tenants, to sue and be sued at his
courts. In pursuance of this design, haying obtained
the patent, he bought a ship, which he named the Para-
gon, loaded her with goods, took on board upwards of
sixty passengers, and sailed from London for the colony
of New Plymouth, In the Downs, he was overtaken by
a tempest, which so damaged the ship, that he was obliged
to put her into dock, where she lay seven weeks, and her
repairs cost him one hundred pounds. In December,

* Established by James the First, November 3, 1620, while the Pilgrims
mere on their passage ; and styled ^*> The Council established at Plymouth, in
ihe county of Devon, for the planting, ordering, and governing of New England
in America." Hazard, i. 103—118.

t This patent, which Judge Davis supposes to have been sent over in the
f*ortune, in November, 1621, was some years since found among the old papers
in the Land Ojfice at Boston. It is dated 1st June, 1621, and bears the seals
•and signatures of the Duke of Lenox, the Marquis of Hamilton, the Earl of
Warwick, and of Sir Ferdinando Gorges. There is another signature so ob-
.«curely written as to be illegible. It gave to the patentee and his assoeiatoi
one hundred acres of land each, and one hundred for each person settled in the
3>ropo8ed colony, to be taken in any place not inhabited by the English, and
Aubject to a rent to the council of two shillings for every hundred acres ; a free
£shery also was given, freedom of trade with England and the Indians, and
authority to defend them by force of arms against all intruders. It does not
Appeaj what nse was made of this patent by the Plymouth planters ; it was not
long afterwards superseded by the second patent surreptitiously obtained by
Pierce. Davis' Morton, 73, 363.

WILLIAM BRADFORD* 71

1622^ he sailed a second time^ having on board one hun-
dred and nine persons; but a series of tempestuous
weather, which continued fourteen days, disabled his
ship, and forced him back to Portsmouth. These re-
peated disappointments proved so discouraging to Pierce,
that he was easily prevailed upon by the company of
adventurers to assign his patent to them for five hundred
pounds. The passengers came over in other ships. Of
Pierce, little is known, other than that he was one whose
avarice and ambition made him false to others. An
overruling Providence, however, which sooner or later
stamps disaster upon every scheme of iniquity, over-
whelmed this adventurer in calamities.

For several years after this time, the settlers at New
Plymouth were subjected to new difficulties, which
threatened the overthrow of the colony. The company
in England with which they were connected, did not
supply them Jin plenty. Losses had been sustained at
sea; the returns were not adequate to their expectations;
they became discouraged, threw many reflections on the
planters, and finally refused them any farther supplies;*"
but still demanded the debt due from them, and would
not permit them to connect themselves in trade with any
other persons. The planters complained to the Council
of New England, but they could obtain no redress. In
1626, they sent Isaac AUerton to England, Governor
Bradford and others of the principal men executing to>
him a power of attorney, to bind them in any contract
he might deem it proper to make with the adventurers^
on their behalf. He succeeded in obtaining an agree-
ment from the forty-two share-holders in England, to

"^ Bradford's Letter Book, I Mass. Hist. Coll., iu. 29, 36, 60.

72 WILLIAM BRADFORD^

relinquish all their rights in the colony for the sum of
jEISOO sterling. For the payment of this sum, eight of
the principal persons in the colony, with four of their
friends in London, became bound in the following year,*
To indemnify them against pecuniary loss, the settlers in

1628, executed to the undertakers, a release of the entire
trade of the colony for six years. " We thought it our
safest and best course, (says Governor Bradford,) to come
to some agreement with the people, to have the whole
trade consigned to us for some years, and so in that time
to take upon us to pay all the debts and set them free.^^f

These men were obliged to take up money at an ex-
orbitant interest, and to go deeply into trade at Kennebeck,
Penobscot, and Connecticut; by which means, and their
own great industry and economy, they were in due time
enabled to discharge the debt, and pay for the transpor-
tation of thirty-five families of their friends fi'om Leyden,
who arrived in 1629.J

In 1629, another patent, of larger extent than that
which had been issued to Pierce in behalf of the colony,
was solicited by Isaac AUerton, and taken out in the
name of ^^ William Bradford, his heirs, associates, and
assigns.''§ This patent confirmed their title (as far as

* The names of the undertakers were William Bradford, Miles Standish,
Isaac Allerton, Edward Winslow, William Brewster, John Rowland, John
Alden, and Thomas Prence, of New Plymouth^ and James Shirley, John Beau-
champ, Richard Andrews, and Timothy Hatherly, of London,

t Bradford's Letter Book, in I Mass. Hist. Coll., iii. 59.

X These thirty-6ve families, says Governor Bradford, " we were fiiin to keep
eighteen months at our charge, ere they could reap any harvest to live upon ;
all which together fell heavy upon us." I Mass. Hist. Coll., iii. 58, 74.

§ Hazard, i. 298—303. Prince, 196. This patent was dated January 13th,

1629. Besides confirming their title to their lands, this charter conferred on
them liberty to fish, to trade with the natives, to make laws not contrary to
those of England, and to *' seize and make prize of all who attempt to inhabit

WILLIAM BRADFORD. 73

the crown of England could confirm it) to a tract of
land bounded on the east and south by the Atlantic
Ocean, and by lines drawn west from the Rivulet of
Conohasset, and north from the River of Narragansett,
which lines meet in a f)oint, comprehending all the
country called Pokanoket. To this tract they supposed
they had a prior title, from the depopulation of a great
part of it by a pestilence, from the gift of Massasoit, his
voluntary subjection to the crown of England, and hifi^
having taken protection of them. In a declaration,
published by them in 1636, they asserted their "lawful
right in respect of vacancy, donation, and purchase of
the natives,'^* which together with their patent from the
crown, through the Council of New England, formed
" the warrantable ground and foundation of their gov-
ernment, of making laws and disposing of lands.'^f

In the same patent, was granted a large tract border-
ing on the River Kennebeck, where they had carried on

or trade with the natives within the limits of their plantation^ or attempt their
detriment or annoyance." The original patent, signed bj the Earl of Wax-
wick, as President of the Council, is preserved in the office of the Recorder at
Plymouth. It is written upon parchment, and has appended the Seal of the
Plymouth Company.
* Hazard, i. 404.

t In 1639, after the termination of the Feqiiot war, Massasoit, who had then
changed his name to Woosamequen, brought his son Mooanam to Plymouth,
and desired that the league which he had formerly made might be renewed and
made inviolable. The sachem and his son voluntarily promised, *' for them-
selves, and their successors, that they would not nee^essly nor unjustly raise
any quarrels or do any wrong to other natives to provoke them to war against
the colony ; and that they would not give, sell, or convey any of their lands,
territories, or possessions whatever, to any person or persons whomsoever,
without the privity or consent of the government of Plymouth, other than to
such as the said government should send or appoint. The whole court did
then ratify and confirm the aforesaid league, and promise to the said Woosame-
quen, his son and successors, that they would defend them against all such as
should unjustly rise up against them, to wrong or oppress them." Morton,
112, 113.

74 WILLIAM BRADFORD.

a traffic with the natives for furs, as they did also at Con-
necticut River, which was not equally beneficial, be-
cause they there had the Dutch for rivals.* The fur
trade was found to be much more advantageous than the
fishery. Sometimes they exchanged corn of their own
growth for furs; but European coarse cloths, hardware,
and ornaments, were good articles of trade, when they
could command them.

The patent had been taken in the name of Mr. Brad-
ford, in trust for the colony ; and the event proved that
their confidence was not misplaced. When the num-
ber of people was increased, and new townships were
erected, the General Qourt, in 1640, requested that he
would surrender the patent into their hands. To this
he readily consented ; and, by a written instrument, under
his hand and seal, surrendered it to them, reserving for
himself no more than his proportion, by previous agree-
ment. This was done in open court, on the 2d March^
1640, and the patent was immediately replaced in his
hands for safe keeping.f

While they were few in number, the whole body of
associates or freemen assembled together for legislative,
executive, and judicial business. In 1634, the governor

* The patent gave to the colonists at Plymouth, a tract of fifteen miles on
each side of the Kennebeck. About the same tiine Mr. Shirley and others took
out a patent for lands on the Penobscot, and sent out Edward Ashley, one of
their number, to superintend their operations there. In this enterprise, those
of Plymouth were induced, though ' reluctantly, to join, and a trading bouse
was built. I Mass. Hist. Coll., iii. 70—74. Winthrop, i. 166. This establish-
ment was soon after taken by the French, who retained it, in spite of all efforts
to dislodge them, till 1654. The trade to the Kennebeck seems to have been
quite profitable. "Our neighbors of Plymouth," says Governor Winthrop,
(Journal, i. 138,) « had great trade this year (1634) at Kennebeck, so as Mr.
Winslow carried with him to England about twenty hogsheads of beaver.**

i Hazftrd, i. 468.

WILLIAM BRADFORD. 75

and assistants were constituted a Judicial Court, and after-
wards the Supreme Judiciary of the Colony.* Petty
offences, and actions of debt, trespass, and damage, not
exceeding forty shillings, were tried by the selectmen of
each town, with liberty of appeal to the next Court of
Assistants. The first Assembly of Representatives was
held in 1639, when four deputies were sent from Ply-
mouth, and two from each of the other towns.

In 1649, Plymouth was restricted to the same num-*
ber with the other towns. These deputies were chosen
by the fireemen ; and none were admitted to the privilege
of freemen but such as were twenty-one years of age, of
sober and peaceable conversation, orthodox in the fun-
damentals of religion, and possessed of twenty pounds
rateable estate.

By the former patent, the colony of Plymouth was
empowered ^^ to enact such laws as should . most befit a
state in its nonage, not rejecting or omitting to observe
such of the laws of their native country as would conduce
to their good.^'f In t^® second patent, the power of
government was granted to William Bradford and his
associates in the following terms. J '' To frame and make
orders, ordinances, and constitutions, as well for the
better government of their affairs here [in England,] and
the receiving or admitting any to his or their society, as
also for the better government of his or their people at
sea, in going thither or returning from thence; and the
same to be put in execution by such officers and minis-
ters as he or they shall authorize and depute ; provided
that the said laws be not repugnant to the laws of Eng-

* Plymouth Laws, t Preface to Plymouth Law«, by Secretary Morton.
% Hazard, i. 302.

76 WILLIAM BRABFORD.

land, or the frame of government by the said president
and council hereafter to be established.'^

From the fir^t planting of the colonies, a general gov-
ernment over the whole territory of New-England, had
been a favourite object with the council which granted
these several patents; but, after several attempts, it finally
miscarried, to the no small joy of the planters, who were
then at liberty to govern themselves.*

In June, 1635, the Council of Plymouth surrendered
the Great Charter of New England to King Charles.
The cry of monopoly had been raised in parliament
against the council, and the high church party inflamed the
growing prejudice, because the council had encouraged
the settlement of those who had fled from persecution.
This event created great apprehension in the colony, and
we accordingly find, soon afterwards, that the people of
New Plymouth met in a body, and drew up a Declara-
tion of Rights, styled ^^ The General Fundamentals,"
which was adopted on the 16th November, 1636. This
Declaration was accompanied by a statement drawn up
with signal ability, entitled '^ The Warrantable Grounds

* The first essay for the establishment of a general government was in 1623,
when a ship commanded by Captain Francis West came to New Plymouth.
West " had a commission to be Admiral of New England, to restrain interlopers,
and such fishing ships as came to fish and trade without license"; but, finding
the fishermen ** stubborn fellows," he sailed away to Virginia. Prince, 137.
These, " stubborn fellows" complained to Parliament of this attempt to extort
money from them, and finally procured an order that fishing should be iree.
Morton, 47. In September, 1623, a second attempt was made to establish a
government over all the New England settlements. Capt. Robert Gorges, son
of Sir Ferdinando, arrived with a commission to be " Governor-general of the
country." Admiral West, Christopher Levit, and others, were of his Council.
But, ''finding the state of things not to answer to his quality and condition,"
he abandoned the enterprise, and early in 1624, returned to England. Morton,
52. Baylies, i. 125. Sir F. Gorges was appointed in 1637, governor-general
of New England, but never entered upon the government. See Life of Gorges,
in Belknap's Biog.

WILLIAM BRADFORD.' 77

and Proceedings of the first Associates of New Plymouth,
in their laying the first Foundation of this Govern-
ment/^ which prefaces the printed Laws.

In the formation of the laws of New Plymouth,
regard was had, ^^ primarily and principally, to the ancient
platform of God's law.'' For, though some parts of that
system were peculiar to the circumstances of the sons
of Jacob, yet, ^^the whole being grounded on principles
of moral equity," it was the opinion of the first planters,"
not at Plymouth only, but in Massachusetts, New Haven,
and Connecticut, that "all men, especially Christians,
ought to have an eye to it in the framing of their politi-
cal constitutions."* A secondary regard was had to the
liberties granted to them by their sovereign, and the laws
of England, which they supposed " any impartial person
might discern, in the perusal of the book of the laws of
the colony."

At first they had some doubt concerning their right
to inflict capital punishment A murder which happened
in 1630, made it necessary to decide this question. It
was decided by the divine law against shedding human
blood, which was deemed indispensable. In 1636, their
Code of Laws was revised, and capital crimes were enu-
merated and defined. In 1671, it was again revised^
and the next year printed, with this tide : ^^ The Book
of the Greneral Laws of the Inhabitants of the Jurisdiction
of New Plymouth;" a tide very similar to the codes of
Massachusetts and Connecticut, which were printed at
the same time, by Samuel Green, at Cambridge.

The piety, wisdom, and integrity of Mr. Bradford
were such prominent features in his character, that he

* Prefiice to Plymouth Laws.

78 WILLIAM BRADFORD.

was annually chosen governor as long as he lived, except
during three years, when Mr. Winslow, and two years,
when Mr. Prence, was chosen to that office ; and even
then Mr. Bradford was appointed the first or senior as-
sistant, which gave him the rank of deputy-governor. .

In the year 1624, the number of assistants was in-
creased to five, and in 1633 to seven, the governor having
a double vote. These augmentations were made at the
earnest request of Governor Bradford, who also earnestly
recommended a more frequent rotation in the office of
governor. He repeatedly sought to be relieved from the
office, but could obtain a release for no more than five in
a period of thirty-five years, and never for more than two
years in succession. His argument was, ^' that if it were
any honor or benefit, others beside himself should par-
take of it; if it were a burden, others beside himself
should help to bear it.'^* Notwithstanding the reasona-
bleness and equity of his plea, the people had such a
strong attachment to him, and confidence in him, that
they could not be persuaded to leave him out of the
government.

For the last twelve years of his life, Mr. Bradford
was annually chosen without interruption, and served in
the office of governor. His health continued good until
the autumn of the year 1656, when it began to decline,
and as the next spring advanced, he became weaker, but
felt not any acute illness until the beginning of May.

On the 8th of that month, after great sufiering at its
close, he became so elevated with the idea of futurity, that

* Morton, p. 58. In 1632, a law was passed, imposing a penalty of £S0, on
any peison who should refuse the office of governor, unless chosen two years
in succession, and £10 upon any person who refused to serve as a magistrate
or counsellor.

WILLIAM BRADFORD. 79

he exclaimed to his friends^ in the following morning^
'' God has given me a pledge of my happiness in another
world^ and the first fruits of eternal glory !" The next
day, being the ninth of May, 1667, he was removed from
this world by death, in the sixty-ninth year of his age, to
the great loss and grief of the people, not only of Ply-
mouth, but the neighboring colonies, four of which he
lived to see established, beside that of which he was one
of the principal founders.*

In addition to what has been said of Governor Brad-
ford's character, it may be observed that he was emi-
nently a practical man, of a strong mind, a sound judg-
ment, and a good memory. Though not favoured with
a liberal education, he was much inclined to study and
investigation. The French and Dutch languages were
familiar to him, and he obtained a considerable knowledge
of the Latin and Greek; but he more assiduously studied
the Hebrew, " because,'' he said, '' he would see with his^^
own eyes the ancient oracles of God in their native

beauty."!

He had read much of history and philosophy, but
theology was his favorite study. He was able to man-
age the polemic part of it with much dexterity, and was
particularly vigilant against the sectaries which infested
the colonies, though by no means severe or intolerant, as
long as they continued peaceable; wishing rather to foil
them by argument, and guard the people against receiv-
ing their tenets, than to suppress them by violence, or cut
them off by the sword of the magistracy^ Mr. Hub-

* These four colonies were Massachusetts, Connecticut^ New Haven and
Rhode Island.

t Mather's Magnalia, b. ii. c. 1.

80 WILLIAM BRADFORD.

bard's character of him is, that he was ^^a person of
great gravity and prudence, of sober principles, and, for
one of that persuasion, (Brownists,,) very pliable, gentle,
and condescending.^'

Governor Bradford wrote "A History of Plymouth
People and Colony,'' beginning with the first formation
of the church in 1602, and ending in 1646. It was con-
tained in a folio volume of 270 pages. Morton's Me-
morial is an abridgment of it. Prince and Hutchinson
had the use of it, and the manuscript was carefully de-
posited, with Mr. Prince's valuable Collection of Papers,
in the library of the Old South Church in Boston, which
fell a sacrifice to the fury of the British army in the year
1776.* He also had a large book of copies of letters
relative to the afiairs of the colony, a fragment of which
was, a few years ago, recovered by accident,! and pub-
lished by the Historical Society of Massachusetts.J To
this fragment is subjoined another, being a ^^Descriptive
and Historical Account of New England," written in
verse, which, if it be not graced with the charms of
poetry, yet is a just and affecting narrative, intermixed
with pious and useful reflections.

* ** The most important part of this lost History, I have had the good for-
tane to recover. On a visit to Plymouth a few years since, I found in the Re-
cords of the First Church, a narrative, in the handwriting of Secretary Morton,
which, on comparing it with the large extracts in Hutchinson and Prince, I
recognized as the identical History of Governor Bradford ; a fiict put beyond
all doubt by a marginal note of Morton, in which he says ** This was originally
penned by Mr. WUliam Bradford, governor of JVeto Plymouth" This fact of
the real authorship of the document seems to have escaped the observation of
all who had preceded me in examining the records." Re?. A. Toung, Pref.
to Chronicles of the Pilgrims, published in 1841.

t This Letter Book was accidentally seen in a grocer's shop at Halifax, Nova
Scotia, by James Clark, Esq., a corresponding member of the Massachusetts
Historicid Society, and by him transmitted to Boston.

1 1 Mass. Hist. CoU., iii. 27-76.

WILLIAM BRADFORD.

In Morton's Memorial, 144, are preserved ^^ Certain
Verses, left by Oovernor Bradford, declaring the gracious
dispensation of God's Providence towards him in the
time of his Life, and his preparation and fittedness for
Death." They may be of interest to the curious in such
matters :

** From my years young in dayes of Youth,
God did make known to me his Truth,
And caird me from my Native place
For to enjoy the Means of Grace.
In Wilderness he did me guide,
And in strange Lands for me provide.
In Fears and Wants, through Weal and Woe,
As Pilgrim pass'd I to and fro ;
Oft left of them whom I did trust-
How vain it is to rest on Dust !
A Man of Sorrows I ha"»e been,
And many Changes I have seen.
Wars, Wants, Peace, Plenty, have I known j
And some advanced, others thrown down.
The humble, poor, cheerful, and glad.
Rich, discontent, sower and sad :
When Fears with Sorrows have been mixt.
Consolations oame betwixt.
Faint not, poor Soul, in God still trust.
Fear not the things thou suffer must;
For whom he loves, he doth chastise.
And then all Tears wipes from their eyes.
Farewell, dear Children, whom I love,
Tour better Father is above :
When I am gone, he can supply ;
To him I leave you when I dye.
Fear him in Truth, walk in his Wayes,
And he will bless you all your dayes.
My days are spent, Old Age is come.
My Strength it fails, my Glass near run ;
Now I will wait, when work is done.
Until my happy Change shall come.
When from my labors I shall rest
With Christ above, for to be blest."

Of a like strain are the lines referred to in the follow-
ing extract from Gov. Bradford's will : " I commend unto
your wisdom and discretion, some small bookes written by
11

82 WILLIAM BRADFORD.

my own hand^ to be improved as you shall see meet. In
special, I commend to you a little booke with a blacke
cover, wherein there is A Word to Plymouth, A Word
to Boston, and a Word to Nqw England, with sundry
useful verses.'^*

Besides these, he wrote, as Dr. Mather says, ^^some
significant things, for the confutation of the errors of
the time, by which it appears that he was a person of a
good temper, and free from that rigid spirit of separation
which broke the Separatists to pieces.^^

Young, in his Chronicles of the Pilgrims, supposes
that the invaluable historical work, usually cited as
Mourt's Relation, printed in 1622, and containing a mi-
nute diary of events from the arrival of the Mayflower
at Cape Cod, Nov. 9, 1620, to the return of the Fortune,
Dec. 11, 1621 — was in fact the production of Bradford
and Winslow, chiefly of the former. Young has also
published in his Chronicles, copied from the Plymouth
Church Records, into which it was transcribed by Secre-
tary Morton, "A Dialogue, or the Sum of a Conference
between some Young Men, bom in New England, and
sundry Ancient Men, that came out of Holland and Old
England, anno domini, 1648.'' It is an interesting docu-
ment, and is probably one of those '' significant^' papers
above referred to by Cotton Mather.f

In his executive office. Governor Bradford was pru-
dent, temperate, and firm. He would suffer no person
to trample on the laws, or disturb the peace. During
his administration, there were frequent accessions of

* These verses, published from the original MS., may be found in III Mass.
Hist. Coll., vii. 37.

t See Young's Chronicles of the Pilgrims, 7, 113, 115, 40a-

WILLIAM BRADFORD. 83

new inhabitants, some of whom were at first refractory,
but his wisdom and fortitude obliged them to pay a
decent respect to the laws and customs of the country.
One particular instance is mentioned. A company of
young men, newly arrived, were very unwilling to comply
with the governor's order for working on the public
account. On a Christmas day, they excused themselves
under the pretence, " that it was against their consciences
to work.'^ The governor gave them no other answer,
than that he would let them alone till they should be
better informed. In the course of the day, he found
them at play in the street, and, commanding the instru-
ments of their game to be taken from them, he told them
that it was against Kis conscience to suffer them to play,
while others were at work, and that, if they had any
religious regard for the day, they should show it in the
exercise of devotion at home. This gentle reproof had
the desired effect, and prevented the necessity of a repe-
tition.

The first offence punished in the colony, was that of
John Billington, who was charged with contempt of the
captain's lawful commands, while on board the Mayflower.
He was tried by the whole company, and was sentenced
to have his neck and heels tied together; but on hum-
bling himself, and craving pardon, he was released.
This same Billington, however, in 1630, waylaid and
murdered one John Newcomen, for some affront, and
was tried and executed#in October of that year. Gover-
nor Bradford says — '^ We took all due means about his
trial; he was found guilty, both by grand and petit jury;
and we took advice of Mr. Winthrop and others, the
ablest gentlemen in the Massachusetts Bay, who all con-

WILLIAM BRADFORD.

curred with us, that he ought to die, and the land be
purged from blood."*

• * A prior execution for felony, took place at Wessagusset, (Weymouth,) in
1622. This rival settlement, which was commenced at that place under the
auspices of Thomas Weston, a London merchant, was composed in part of out-
casts and profligates, who being soon reduced to a state of starvation, com-
menced thieving among the Indians. The natives complained to the governor
of Plymouth, and at length became so exasperated by repeated outrages, that
the authorities were obliged to interfere in earnest, to appease the Indians ; and
one of the most notorious offenders was arrested and hung. A waggish report
became current soon after, that the real offender was sparied, and that a poor
decrepid old man, who could no longer be of service to the colony, was hung
in his stead ! '^ Upon this story," says Hubbard, ^* the merry gentleman that
wrote the poem called HudibraSy did, in his poetical fancy, make so much
sport."

" Though nice and dark the point appear,
(Q,aoth Ralph,) it may hold up, and clear.
That Sinners may supply the place
Of sufPeiing Saint8f it a plain Case,
Justice gives Sentence, many times,
On one Man for another's crimes.
Our Brethren of New-England use
Choice Malefactors to excuse,
And hang the Guiltless in their stead.
Of whom the Churches have less need :
As lately *t happened : In a town
There lived a CobbUr, and but one.
That out of Doctrine could cut, Use,
And mend Men's Lives, as well as Shoes.
This precious Brother having slain
In time of Peace, an Indian,
(Not out of Maliee, but mere Zeal,

Because he was an infidel,)
The mighty ToUipottfmey
Sent to our Elders an Ejuvoy,
Complaining sorely of the Breach
Of League, held forth by brother Patdky
Against the Articles in force,
Between both churches, his and ours ',
For which he craved the Sainta to render
Into his Hands, or hang th' Offender:
But they, maturely having weighed.
They had no more but him o» th» trade j
(A Man that served them in a double
Capacity, to Teach and Cobble,)
Resolv'd to spare him ; yet to do
The Indian Hoghan Moghan, too.
Impartial Justice, in his stead, did
Hang an Old Weaver tliat was bedrid."

Vide Hudibrasy Part II. y canto 2.

The story is here most ridiculously caricatured, as a slur upon the churches of
New England. Neal says, " that he [Weston] obtained a patent under pretence
of propagating the discipline of the Church of England in America." Hist. N. £.,
ch. iii. p. 102. But it does not appear that the people of Weston's plantation
had any church at all; they were a set of needy adventurers, intent only on
gaining a subsistence.

Hubbard seriously undertakes to contradict the story, and yet does so with
a qualification, that would not have deprived the poet of an illusion so conge-
nial to his purpose ; for he admits that " it i« possible, that justice might be
executed, not on him that most deserved it, but on him that could best be spared,
or who was not likely to live long, if he had been let alone." Davis' Morton.
This story was first put in circulation by Thomas Morton, author of the " New
English Canaan ;" but he mentions the fact only as a proposal, which was not
agreed to, and adds, that the guilty man, in fact, was the one who was finally
executed. See New English Canaan, p. 74, in Force's Historical Tracts, vol. 2.

WILLIAM BRADFORD. 85

The first duel and second oflFence that took place in
the colony^ was between two servants of Stephen Hop-
kins. They fought with sword and dagger, and were
both slightly wounded. — They were arraigned for the of-
fence, on the 18th June, 1621, before the governor and
company for trial, and were sentenced to have their heads
and feet tied together, and to remain in that position for
twenty-four hours. After an hour^s endurance of this
novel punishment, these men of valour begged for a re-
lease, and the governor set them at liberty.

His conduct towards intruders and false friends was
equally moderate, but firm and decisive. John Lyford
had imposed himself upon the colony as a minister of
the gospel, having been recommended by some of the
adventurers in England. At first his behaviour was plau-
sible, and he was treated with respect; but it was not
long before he began, in concert with John Oldham, to
organize a faction. Governor Bradford's suspicions of
these men were first aroused by the marked servility of
their conduct. He had admitted them to the councils of
the colony, and treated them with high consideration,
while they were plotting mischief, and concocting false->
hoods against the government. Governor Bradford, nar-
rowly watching their proceedings, at the very moment
when they had got their letters on board a vessel just
ready to sail, and, as they supposed, had successfuUy ar-
ranged the scheme which was to place them at the head
of affairs in the colony — took the decisive step which
exposed their perfidy. He followed the ship to sea in a
boat, and by favor of the master, who was a friend of
the colony, he intercepted their letters, and, on opening,
found them filled with the most base and calumnious

86 WILLIAM BRADFORD.

charges against both church and state in the new colony.
These men^ unaware of the secret in possession of the
governor, soon began to put on new airs. Lyford, in
open defiance of the authorities, set up a separate meet-
ing on the Sabbath, and undertook to administer the
sacrament. Oldham became obstreperous — derided the
existing magistrates — and when summoned to take his
turn at the customary military watch, he insolently re-
fused compliance, and, getting into some dispute with
Capt. Standish, drew his knife upon him. For this
outrage, Oldham was immediately seized and placed in
confinement.

Governor Bradford now summoned a court of the
whole body of freemen, to consider the conduct of these
offenders. He charged Lyford and Oldham with plot-
ting the overthrow of the colony, and with having sent
home the most cruel and unmanly accusations against
rulers and people. They boldly denied the charge, and
demanded the proof. Governor Bradford then rose and
addressed them, before the assembly, on the origin and
objects of the pilgrims in coming to the New World —
adverting with emphasis and feeling to the perfidy of
those, who, having since arrived and shared the hospital-
ity and privileges of the little community, were now en-
gaged in plotting their destruction. Lyford persisted in
denying the charge. On this, the governor, who could
refrain no longer, produced the letters, which established
the overwhelming truth of the accusations he had made
The offenders were forthwith tried, convicted, made a
full confession of their misconduct, and were expeUed
the plantation. After much importunity, Lyford was
allowed six months for probation; but his pretences

WILLIAM BRADFORD. 87

proved hypocritical, and he was ultimately obliged to de-
part. After several removals; he died in Virginia.*

Oldham having returned after banishment, his second
expulsion was conducted in this singular manner: ^^A
guard of musketeers was appointed, through which he
was obliged to psss ; every one was ordered to give him
a blow on the hinder parts with the butt end of his mus-
ket; then he was conveyed to the water side, where a boat
was ready to carry him away, with this farewell. Go, and
mend your manners J^ This discipline had a good eflfect
on him; he made his submission, and was afterwards
jGreely allowed to come and go on. trading voyages.f

* This man came to New England in 1624. Bradford says he was " sent by
a fiiction of the adventurers to hinder Mr. Robinson." Prince, 148. Mr.
Cushman, in a letter dated at London, January 24th, speaks of him as '^ a
preacher, though not the most eminent, for whose going Mr. Winslow and I
gave way, to give content to some at London.'* Complaint having been made
in England of the proceedings against Lyford, Mr. Winslow made such dis-
closures of his conduct while in Ireland, " for which he had been forced to
leave that kingdom, as struck all his friends mute." Prince, 153. He was
finally condemned by the adventurers as unfit for the ministry. He went from
Plymouth to Nantasket, thence to Cape Ann, and afterwards to Virginia, where
he died.

f Morton, 59. It cannot be doubted that the faults of Oldham were some-
what exaggerated. The accounts given by Bradford and others, shew that he
had rendered himself very obnoxious. He is represented to have been a man
of enterprise and courage, but of an ungovernable temper. Savage, in a note
to Winthrop, i. 80, says he was probably " less disposed to overlook this world,
in his regard for the next, than most of his neighbors." He went to Nantas-
ket, where he remained until his sentence of banishment was in effect remitted.
And we find that he was so far restored to the affections of the first colonists, as
to be entrusted with their letters to England, in June, 1628, when Thomas Mor-
ton was sent home a prisoner. I Mass. Hist. Coll., iii. 63. After the settle-
ment of Massachusetts, Oldham removed to Watertown, and was till his death
held in high respect by a people whose standard of morals was graduated by a
more rigid rule than that of their Plymouth neighbors, and who subjected the
characters of men to severer tests than were practised in the elder colony.
Oldham was the deputy from Watertown in 1632, in the first general court of
Massachusetts, to which deputies from the towns were summoned. He was a
daring trader amongst the Indians, and so great was the attachment of the
Narragansetts to him, that they gave him an island in the bay, (now called

98 WILLIAM BRADFORD.

Governor Bradford was twice married. His first
wife was Dorothy May, who came with him in the May-
flower, and on the 7th of December, 1620, accidentally
fell from the vessel into the sea, and was drowned- By
her Mr. Bradford had one son, John, who lived at Dux-
bury in 1662, and of whom there is only the traditionary
account, that he perished at sea.

The maiden name of Governor Bradford's second
wife, was Alice Carpenter, a lady of extraordinary ca-
pacity and worth. It is said that an early attachment
existed between Mr. Bradford and this lady, and that
their marriage was prevented by her parents, on account
of his inferior circumstances and rank. Being now a
widower. Governor Bradford, by letters to England,
made overtures of marriage to Mrs. South worth, who
was then a widow. She accepted his proposal, and with
a generous resolution, she embarked in 1623, to meet
her intended partner, — knowing that he could not well
leave his responsible station in the new settlement.
Her two sons, Thomas and Constant Southworth, the
younger of whom was only six years of age, came over
with her, and she brought a handsome estate into the
country. Her marriage with Governor Bradford took
place on the 14th of August, 1623. She died in March,
1670, aged 80 years. Their children were,

1. William, born 17th June, 1624, who was represen-
tative in 1657, assistant in 1658, and deputy governor of
Plymouth colony for many years. He was chief mili-
tary commander, with the title of major, and was an

Prudence) to induce him to settle near them. Sometime after, while on a trad-
ing voyage to Manisses, (Block Island,) he was killed in a quarrel with the
Indians, which act was one of the causes of the Pequot war. Baylies, i. 133.

WILLIAM BRADFORD. 89

active officer in Philip's war. He was one of the coun-
cil of Andros, in 1687. He was thrice married. His
first wife was Alice Richards, who died in 1671, at the
age of 44, by whom he had four sons, John, William,
Thomas, and Samuel. His second wife was a Wiswell^
by whom he had one son, Joseph, who removed to Con-
necticut. His third wife was Mrs. Mary Holmes, widow
of Rev. John Holmes, of Duxbury, by whom he had
four sons, Israel, Ephraim, David, and Hezekiah. She
died the year after Major Bradford. By his will, it ap-
pears that he left nine sons and six daughters — a noble
legacy for a new territory.

2. Mercy, the only daughter of Governor Bradford,
married Benjamin Vermaes, of whom I find no other
notice than that he was admitted a fi'eeman, 18th of May,
1642.

3. Joseph, who married a daughter of the Rev. Peter*
Hobart, of Hingham, lived near Jones^ River in Ply-
mouth, and died 10th July, 1715, in the 85th year of
his age, leaving one son by the name of Elisha. A
grand-daughter of his married a Mr. Waters, of Sharon,
and one of her descendants, Asa Waters, of Stoughton,
Massachusetts, possesses the Governor's family Bible^
printed in 1592, which contains a written list of the family
of Elisha Bradford, son of Joseph, and grandson of
Governor Bradford-
Thomas Southworth, step-son of GovemOT Bradford,^

was chosen an assistant in 1662, was one of the commis-
sioners of the United Colonies in 1659, 1662, and 1664^
He died at Plymouth, 8 Nov. 1669, aged 53. He mar-
ried his cousin Elizabeth, daughter of the Rev. John
Reyner, the minister of Plymouth.
12

90 WILLIAM BRADFORD.

Constant Southworth^ the other step-son of Governor
Bradford, was the elder of the two brothers, although the
younger took precedence in public employment. He
married a daughter of William Collier, of Plymouth, in
1637. He was a deputy from Duxbury, in 1649, and in
several other years; treasurer of the colony from 1659 to
1678, and often one qf the assistants. In the early part
of Philip's war, he was commissary-general, and accom-
panied the army. The famous warrior Church was his
son-in-law. He died at Duxbury, in 1678.

The name of Bradford,, has long been distinguished
in the annals of New England. Samuel Bradford, the
third son of William, and grandson of Governor Brad-
ford, settled at Duxbury. He had three sons, Perez,
Gershom, and Gramaliel. Gamaliel was a colonel of mi-
litia, representative, a counsellor from 1763 to 1771, and
for many years judge of the common pleas for the county
of Plymouth. His second son, Gamaliel, was a captain
in the French wars under Shirley and Pepperell, and
a colonel in the continental army from 1776 to 1783;
He was the feither of the Hon. Alden Bradford, late
Secretary of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts, and
author of some highly valuable publications illustrating
the history of New England. Alden Bradford, LL. D.
was born at Duxbury, in 1766. He graduated at Har-
vard College, in 1786, and was Tutor in that institution
three years. He then studied theology, and in 1793,
was settled in the ministry at Wiscasset, Maine. In Sep-
tember, 1801, his health failing, he was compelled to
resign his diarge, and he returned to Massachusetts*
He was' sooa after appointed Clerk of the Supreme Ju-
dicial Court, which office he held for ten years. He was

WILLIAM BRADFORD. 91

elected Secretary of the Commonwealth, in 1812, and
continued in that office until 1824. He died in Boston,
on the 26th October, 1843, aged 78.

John, the eldest son of the deputy governor, is fre-
quently mentioned in the Plymouth records, as selectman
and on various committees; and in 1692, he was deputy,
or representative from Plymouth to the general court.
He married Mercy Warren, daughter of Joseph Warren,
Their children were John, Alice, Abigail, Mercy, Samuel,
Priscilla, and William. He died December 8th, 1736,
in the eighty-fourth year of his age. Mercy, his widow,
died 1747, in her ninety-fourth year. Lieut. Samuel
Bradford, son of the first mentioned John Bradford,
married Sarah Gray, daughter of Edward Gray of Tiv-
erton, Rhode Island, and grand-daughter of Edward
Gray of Plymouth. Their issue were John, Gideon,
William, who died young, Mary, Sarah, William, Mercy,
who died young, Abigail, Phebe, and Samuel. The
aforesaid Lieut. Samuel Bradford, lived and died in
Plympton, 1740, aged fifty-six years. His widow mar-
ried William Hunt, of Martha's Vineyard, and died in
1770. The Hon. WiUiam Bradford, late of Bristol,
Rhode Island, was a son of the above Samuel Bradford,
He was born at Plympton, Nov. 4thJ 1729, and died 6th
July, 1808. In the revolutionary contest, he took a
decided part in favour of the rights of the colonies. In
the cannonade of Bristol, on the evening of Oct. 7, 1776,
by the British vessels of war, the Rose, Glasgow, and
Swan, he went on board the Rose, and negotiated for
the inhabitants. About this time, his own house was de-
stroyed by the enemy. He was afterwards deputy gov-
ernor of Rhode Island, speaker of the house of representa-

92 WILLIAM BRADFORD.

tives, and a senator in Congress. His eldest son, Major
William Bradford, was aid to Gen. Charles Lee, of the
jpevolutionary army. His residence was near the cele-
brated Mount Hope, and the story of King Philip, the
aboriginal proprietor, was familiar to his mind. His de-
scendants are numerous.

Dr. Dwight, after visiting the old cemetery upon
Burial Hill in Plymouth, in 1800, and finding there no
monument marking the resting-places of Governors Brad-
ford and Carver, and no grave-stone of an earlier date
than 1681,* laments that the precise spot where either
was buried cannot be ascertained. The grave of Carver
remains without a monument ; but over the spot where
Bradford is supposed to have been buried, a suitable
monument was erected in May, 1825, by some of his
worthy descendants.

Among the puritan relics which have been preserved,
and are now regarded as objects of great curiosity, are
several antique arm chairs; one belonging to Governor
Winslow, and preserved in the Hall of the Massachusetts
Historical Society at Boston, a second belonging to Gov-
lernor Carver, and a third belonging to Elder Brewster,
preserved in Pilgrim Hall at Plymouth, and the fourth ,
belonging to Governor Bradford. Of the three first,
engravings are given by Young in the Chronicles of the
Pilgrims. Governor Bradford's chair was used by the
presiding officer of the Old Colony Club, established at
Plymouth, in 1769. It reverted to the heirs of Dr. L.
Le Baron, on the dissolution of the Club, and is now pre-
^served by the family of N. Russell, Esq., of Plymouth,

III. EDWARD WINSLOW-

This eminently useful person was the eldest son of a
gentleman of the same name, of Droitwich, in Worces-
tershire, England, where he was born on the 19th Oc-
tober, 1696.* Of his education and first appearance in
life, we have no certain knowledge. He appears, how-
ever, to have been an educated and accomplished man.
In the course of his travels on the continent of Europe,
he went to Leyden, and there became acquainted with
Mr. Robinson, and the church under his pastoral charge.
To this church he joined himself as early as the year
1617; married about the same time, and settled in that
city, where he remained until the church had decided upon
a removal to America. He resolved to share their for-
tunes, and accordingly came hither with the first company
of emigrants in •1620. His name is the third on the
list of those who subscribed the Covenant or voluntary
compact, before their disembarcation at Cape Cod. He
was one of those who, in the little shallop or pinnace,
made the adventurous and perilous examinations of the
coast and bay of the Cape, and one of the first who came
on shore, to seek out the most eligible place for founding
a settlement in this then wild and unknown land. In all
the initiatory labours for establishing their little colony,
the nucleus of a great nation, he was ever active and
influential. Possessing a sound and well disciplined

* Extract from the records of St. Peter's church at Droitwich : '' 1595, Oct.
20, baptized Edward, son of Edward Winslow, born the previous Friday"—
which was the 19th. His mother's name was Magdalen, surname unknown,
aad she was married 3 Nov. 1594.— Young's Chron. 274.

94 EDWARD WINSLOW.

mind, a pious heart, and a happy address, he was emi-
nently useful, in mitigating the sufferings, and promoting
the welfare of the pilgrims; who, either on account of
the respectability of his family, or the excellent qualities
of his mind and heart, appear to have regarded him with
more than ordinary respect, and with a confidence which
was certainly never misplaced.

When the great sachem of the Wampanoags, Massa-
soit, first made his appearance, ^nd through a messen-
ger invited an interview with the settlers, Mr. Winslow
was deputed by Governor Carver to meet him; and he
voluntarily placed himself as a hostage in the hands of
the Indians, while their chief, Massasoit, held his con-
ference with the Governor.*

When Mr. Winslow arrived, his family consisted of
his wife Elizabeth, and three other persons. His wife
died on the 24th of March, 162 l,t and on the 12th of
May following he married Susanna, the widow of Wil-
liam White, and mother of Peregrine, the first English
child born in New England. This was the first mar-
riage solemnized in the colony.J

In July,§ 1621, Mr. Winslow went, in company with
Stephen Hopkins, to visit the sachem Massasoit at Po-
kanoket. The design of this visit is related in Brad-
ford's life.ir The particular circumstances of the visit

* See an accoant of this first interview, and the treaty between the English
iind the Indians of New Plymouth^ in ;the life of Carver, page 44, ante.

t Bradford, in Prince, 103.

t Bradford, in Prince, 105. See note p. 31, of this volume.

§ Morton says, "The second o€Jidy this year (1621,) they sent Mr. Edward
Winslow and Mr. Stephen Hopkins unto the great sachem, Massasoit, with a
gratuity, to congratulate with him,*' &c.— Memorial, p. 31.

IT See Life of Bradford, p. 55, ante.

EDWARD WINSLOW. 95

may be properly detailed here, in the very words of the
original narrative, supposed to have been written by
Winslow.

^^ We set forward the 10th of June,* about nine o^clock
in the morning^ our guide [Tisquantum] resolving that
night to rest at Namaschet,f a town under Massasoy t, and
conceived by us to be very near, because the inhabitants
flocked so thick upon every slight occasion amongst us;
but we found it to be some fifteen English miles. On the
way we found some ten or twelve men, women, and chil-
► dren, which had pestered us till we were weary of them;
perceiving that (as the manner of them all is) where victual
is easiest to be got, there they live, especially in the sum-
mer ; by reason whereof, our bay affording many lobsters^
they resort every spring-tide thither, and now returned
with us to Namaschet. Thither we came about three
o'clock in the afternoon, the inhabitants entertaining us
with joy, in the best manner they could, giving us a
kind of bread, called by them Mazium, and the spawn
of shads, which then they got in abundance, insomuch
as they gave us spoons to eat them; with these they
boiled musty acorns, but; of the shads we eat heartily.
After this they desired one of our men to shoot at a crow,
complaining what damage they sustained in their corn by
them ; who shooting some four-score off, and killing, they
much admired at it, as other shots on other occasions.

"After this, Tisquantum told us we should hardly
in one day reach Packanokick,J moving us to go some

* Mr. Prince thinks this is a mistake, and that it ou^ht to have been the 3d
of July. Prince, 105. .

t Part of Middleborough, Mass. *

t The same with Pokanoket. Indians words are spelled difierently by dif^
ferent wiiters* « I here follow the author from whom I copy.

96 EDWARD WINSLOW.

eight miles further, where we should find more store
and better victuals than there. Being willing to hasten
our journey, we went, and came thither at sunsetting,
where we found many of the Namascheucks, (they so
calling the men of Namaschet, ) fishing upon a ware which
they had made on a river* which belonged to them,
where they caught abundance of bass. These welcomed
us also, gave us of their fish, and we them of our vic-
tuals, not doubting but we should have enough wher-
e'er we came. There we lodged in the open fields, for
houses they had none, though they spent the most of
the summer there. The head of this river is reported
to be not far from the place of our abode; upon it are
and have been many towns, it being a good length.
The ground is very good on both sides, it being for the
most part cleared. Thousands of men have lived there,
which died in a great plague not long since; and pity
it was and is to see so many goodly fields and so well
seated without men to dress and manure the same.

"The next morning we brake our fast, took our leave
and departed, being then accompanied with some six
salvages. Having gone about six miles by the river's
side, at a known shoal place, it being low water, they
spake to us to put off our breeches, for we must wade
through. Here let me not forget the valour and courage
of some of the salvages on the opposite side of the river;
for there were remaining alive only two men, both aged^
These two, espying a company of men entering the river,
ran very swiftly, and low in the grass, to meet us at the
bank, where, with shrill voices and great courage, stand-
ing charged upon us with their bows, they denvanded

* Taunton Rivev,

JSDWABD WIKSLOW. 97

what we were, supposing us to be enemies, and thinking
to take advantage of us in the water ; but, seeing we
were friends, they welcomed us with such food as they
had, and we bestowed a small bracelet of beads on them.
Thus far we are sure the tide ebbs and flows,

^' Having here again refreshed ourselves, we proceed-
ed in our journey, the weather being very hot for travel,
yet the country so well watered that a man could scarce be
dry, but he should have a spring at hand to cool his thirsty
besides small rivers in abundance. The salvages will not
willingly drink but at a spring-head. When we came
to any small brook where no bridge was, two of them
desired to carry us through of their own accords ; also,
fearing we were or would be weary, offered to carry
our pieces [guns]; also, if we would lay off* any of our
clothes, we should have them carried ; and as the one
of them had found more special kindness from one of
the messengers, and the other salvage from the other, so
they showed their thankfulness accordingly in affording
us all help and furtherance in the journey.

^^ As we passed along, we observed that there were
few places by the river but had been inhabited, by reason
whereof much ground was clear, save of weeds, which
grew higher than our heads. There is much good tim-
ber, both oak, walnut tree, fir, beech, and exceeding great
chestnut-trees.

"After we came to a town of Massasoyt's, where
we eat oysters and other fish. From thence we went to
Packanokick, but Massasoyt was not at home. There we
stayed, he being sent for. When news was brought of
his coming, our guide, Tisquantum, requested that at our
meeting we should discharge our pieces. But one of
13

96 EDWARD WIirSLOW.

US going about to charge his piece, the women and
children, through fear^ to see him take up his piece, ran
away^ and could not be pacified till he laid it down again,
who afterward were better informed by our interpreter.

" Massasoyt being come, we discharged our pieces
and saluted him, who, after their manner, kindly wel-
comed us, and took us into his bouse, and set us down
by him, where, having delivered our message and pre-
sents, and having put the coat on his back and the chain
about his neck, he was not a little proud to behold him-
self^ and his men also to see their king, so bravely attired.

^^For answer to our message, he told us we were
welcome, and he would gladly continue that peac6 and
friendship which was between him and us; and for his
men, they should no more pester us as they had done;
also, that he' would send to Paomet, and would help xxs
with com for seed, according to our request.

"This being done, his men gathered near to him, to
whom he turned himself and made a great speech;
they sometimes interposing, and, as it were, ccmfirming
and applauding him in that he said. The meaning
whereof was (as far as we could learn) thus: Was
not he, Massasoyt, commander of the country about
them ? Was not such a town his, and the people of it f
And should not they bring their skins unto us? To
which they answered, they were his, and wodld be at
peace with us, and bring their skins to us. After this
manner, he named at least thirty places; and their
answer was as aforesaid to every one ; so that, as it was
delightful, it was tedious unto us.

"This being ended, he lighted tobacco for us, and fell
to discoursing of England and of the King's Majesty, mar-

EDWARD WINSLOW. 9fi

veiling that he would live without a wife. Also he talked
of the Frenchmen, bidding us not to suffer them to come
to Narroghiganset, for it was King James's country, and
he also was King James's man. Late it grew, but vic-
tuals he offered none ; for, indeed, he had not any, being
he came so newly home. So we desired to go to resl.
He laid us on the bed with himself and his wife; they
at the one end, and we at the other ; it being only planks,
laid a foot from the ground, and a thin mat upon them.
Two more of his chief men, for want of room, pressed
by and upon us, so that we were worse weary of our
lodging than of our journey.

"The next day, being Thursday, many of their
sachims or petty governors came to see us, and many of
their men also. There they went to their manner of
games for skins and knives. There we challenged them
to shoot with them, for skins, but they durst not, only
they desired to see one of us shoot at a mark ; who,
shooting with hail-shot, they wondered to see the mark
so full of holes.

"About one o'clock Massasojrt brought two fishes
that he had shot ; they were like bream, but three times
so big, and better meat. [Probably the fish called
Tataug.] These being boiled, there were at least
forty looked for share in them ; the most eat of them.
This meal only we had in two nights and a day; and
had not one of us bought a partridge, we had taken
our journey fasting. Very importunate he was to have us
stay with him longer ; but we desired to keep the Sab-
bath at home, and feared we should either be light-headed
for want of sleep ; for what with bad lodging, the savages'
barbarous singing, ( for they use to sing themselves asleep, )

100 BDWARD WIlfSLOW.

lice^ and fleas within doors^ and mosquitoes without^ we
could hardly sleep all the time of our being there ; we
much fearing that, if we should stay any longer, we
should not be able to recover home for want of strength.

" On Friday morning, before sunrising, we took our
leave and departed, Massasoyt being both grieved and
ashamed that he could no better entertain us ; and retain-
ing Tisquantum to send from place to place to procure
truck for us, and appointed another [guide], Tokamaha*
mon, in his place, whom we had found faithful before
and after upon all occasions."

This narrative gives us a just idea of the hospitality,
and also of the poverty of the Indians. They gladly
entertain strangers, with the best they can afford ; but
it is familiar to them to endure long abstinence- Those
who visit them must be content to fare as they do, or
carry their own provisions and be willing to share it with
them.

Mr. Winslow's next excursion was by sea to Mona-
higon (or, as the name is now written, Monhegon,) an
island a few leagues east of the mouth of the Kennebeck
river, to procure a supply of bread from the fishing vessels,
which resorted to the eastern coast in the spring of 1622,
He obtained a supply, which, though not large, was readily
given to the suffering colony, and, being prudently man-
aged in the distribution, amounted to one quarter of a
pound a day for each person till the next harvest. By
means of this excursion, the people of New Plymouth ob-
tained a knowledge of the eastern coast, of which they
afterwards availed themselves in the establishment of a
beneficial traffic with the natives.*

* Prince, 119. Parchas, iy. 1836.

EDWARD WINSLOW. 101

In the spring of the following year, ( 1623^ ) Mr. Wins-
low made a second visit to Massasoit, on account of his
sickness,* the particular circumstances of which are thus
given in his own words :f

^^News came to Plymouth that Massassowat| was
like to die, and that, at the same time, there was a Dutch
ship driven so high on the shore, by stress of weather, right
before his dwelling, that, till the tides increased, she could
not be got off. . Now it being a commendable manner of
the Indians, when any, especially of note, are dangerously
sick, for all that profess friendship to them to visit them
in their extremity, either in their persons, or else to
send some acceptable persons to them ; therefore, it was
thought meet, being a good and warrantable action, that,
as we had ever professed friendship, so we should now
maintain the same by observing this their laudable cus*
torn ; and the rather, because we desired to have some
conference with the Dutch, not knowing when we should
have so fit an opportunity.

^^ To that end, myself having formerly been there, and
understanding in some measure the Dutch tongue, the
governor [Bradford] again laid this service upon myself,
and fitted me with some cordials to administer to him ;
having one Master John Hampden,§ a gentleman of
London, who then wintered with us, and desired much
to see the country, for my consort, and Hobbamock for
our guide* So we set forward, and lodged the first
night at Namasket, where we had friendly entertainment,

• This visit was in March. Prince, 129.

t From the copy of WinsIow*8 " Good Newes from New England,*' reprint-
ed in Toang*8 Chronicles of the Pilgrims.
t Thus spelled in Winslow*8 narrative.
§ See note, page 64, ante.

102 EDWARD WINSLOW.

'' The next day^ about one of the clock^ we came to
a ferry in Conbatant's* country^ where^ upon discharge
of my piece, divers Indians came to us from a house not
far off. They told us that Massassowat was dead and
that day buried, and that the Dutch would be gone
before we could get thither, having hove off their ship
already. This news struck us blank, but especially
Hobbamock, who desired we might return with all speed.
I told him I would first think of it, considering now, that
he being dead, Conbatant was the most like to succeed
him, and that we were not above three miles from Mat-
tapuyst,f his dwelling-place. Although he were but a
hollow-hearted friend towards us, I thought no time so
fit as this to enter into more friendly terms with him and
the rest of the sachims thereabout ; hoping, through the
blessing of God, it would be a means in that unsettled
state, to settle their affections towards us ; and though it
were somewhat dangerous, in respect of our personal
safety, because myself and Hobbamock had been em-
ployed upon a service against him, which he might now
fitly revenge; yet esteeming it the best means, leaving
the event to God in his mercy, I resolved to put it in
practice, if Master Hampden and Hobbamock durst at-
tempt it with me, whom I found willing to that or any
other course might tend to the general good. So we
went towards Mattapuyst.

'^ In the way, Hobbamock, manifesting a troubled
spirit, brake forth into these speeches. ^ J\re€n womasu
SagimuSy^ &c. : ^ My loving sachem ! many have I known,

* His name is spelled Corbitant, Caunbitant, Conbatant, and Conbutant.
This ferry is probably the same which is now called Slade's Ferry, in Swansey .

t A neck of land in the township of Swansey, commonly pronounced Mat-
tapoiset.

EDWARD WIJTSLOW. 103

but never any like thee!' And turning to him^ said,
whilst I lived, I should never see his like amongst the In-
dians; saying he was no liar, he was not bloody and
cruel like other Indians; in anger and passion he was
soon reclaimed ; easy to be reconciled towards such as
had oflfended him; ruled by reason^ in such measure
as he would not scorn the advice of mean men; and that
he governed his men better with few strokes than others
did with many ; truly loving where he loved ; yea, he
feared we had not a faithful friend left among the In-
dians, showing how he oftimes restrained their malice
&c., continuing a long speech^ with such signs of lamen-
tation and unfeigned sorrow, as it would have made the
hardest heart relent.

" At length we came to Mattapuyst^ and went to the
Sachinio comaco^ for so they call the sachim's place^ though
they call an ordinary house tviteo; but Conbatant, the
sachim, was not at home, but at Puckanokick, which wa^
some five or six miles off. The squa-sachim^ for so they
call the sachim's wife^ gave us friendly entertarnment.
Here we inquired again concerning Massassowat ; they
thought him dead, but knew no certainty. Whereupon
I hired one to go with all expedition to Puckanokick,
that we might know the certainty thereof, and^ withal,
to acquaint Conbatant with our there being. About half
an hour before sunsetting the messenger returned, and
told us he was not yet dead, though there was no hope
we should find him living. Upon this we were much
revived, and set forward with all speed, though it was
late within night we got thither. About two of the clock
that afternoon, the Dutchman departed; so that in that
respect our journey was frustrate.

104 EDWARD WIirSLOW.

^^When we came thither, we found the house so
full of men as we could scarce get in, though they used
their best diligence to make way for us. There were
they in the midst of their charms for him, making such
a hellish noise, as it distempered us that were well, and
therefore unlike to ease him that was sick. About him
were six or eight women, who chafed his arms, legs, and
thighs, to keep heat in him. When they had made an
end of their charming, one told him that his friends the
English were come to see him. Having understanding
left, but his sight was wholly gone, he asked who was
come.*^ They told him Winsnow^ (for they cannot pro-
nounce the letter /, but ordinarily n in the place thereof. )
He desired to speak with me. When I came to him
and they told him of it, he put forth his hand to me,
which I took ; then he said twice, though very inwardly,
'Keen JVinsrumV ^art thou Winslow.?^ I answered
' ahhe^^ that is, ^ yes.' Then he doubled these words,
' Matta neen wonckanet nameriy WinsnowP that is to
say, ^ O Winslow, I shall never see thee again !' Then
I called Hobbamock, and desired him to tell Massassowat
that the governor, hearing of his sickness was sorry for
the same ; and though, by reason of many businesses,
he could not come himself, yet he sent me, with such
things for him as he thought most likely to do him good
in this his extremity; and whereof, if he please to take,
I would presently give him; which he desired; and,
having a confection of many comfortable conserves, &c.
on the point of my knife, I gave him some, which I could
scarce get through his teeth. When it was dissolved in
his mouth, he swallowed the juice of it, whereat those
that were about him much rejoiced, saying he had not

£DWARD WINSLOW. 105

SWallo\^ed any thing in two days before. Then I de-
sired to see his mouth, which was exceedingly furred,
and his tongue swelled in such a manner, as it was not
possible for him to eat such meat as they had. Then I
washed his mouth, and scraped his tongue, after which
I gave him more of the confection^ which he swallowed
with more readiness. Then, he desiring to drink, I
dissolved some of it in water, and gave him thereof.
Within half an hour this wrought a great alteration in
him, in the eyes of all that beheld him: Presently after
his sight began to come to him. Then I gave him more,
and told him of a mishap we had by the way, in break-
ing a bottle of drink which the governor also sent him,
saying, if he would send any of his men to Patuxet, I
would send for more of the same ; also for chickens to*
make him broth, and for other things which I knew were
good for him, and would stay the return of his messen-
ger if he desired. This he took marvellous kindly, and
appointed some who were ready to go by two of the
clock in the morning, against which time I made ready
a letter, declaring therein our good success, and desi-
ring such things as were proper. He requested me that
the day following I would take my piece and kill him
some fowl, and make him some English pottage, such
as he had eaten at Plymouth, which I promised; after
his stomach coming to him, I must needs make htm some
without fowl before I went abroad. I caused. a woman
to bruise some com and take the flower from it, and set
over the grit or broken corn in a pipkin (for they have
earthen pots of all sizes.) When the day broke, we
went out, it being now March, to seek herbs, but could
Bot find any but strawberry leaves,, of which I gathered
14

106 EDWARD WINSLOW.

a handful and put into the same^ and^ because I bad noth-
ing to relish it, I went forth again and pulled up a sassa*
fras root, and sliced a piece thereof and boiled it, till it
had a good relish. Of this broth I gave him a pint,
which he drank and liked it v^y well; after this his
sight mended, more and more^ and he took some rest.
That morning he caused me to spend in going from one
to another amongst those that were sick in the town,
requesting me to wash their mouths also and gire to each
of them some of 'the same I gave him^ saying they were
good folk. This pains I took with willingness, though
it were much offensive to me.

"The messengers were now returned, but finding his
stomach come to him, he would not have the chickens
tilled, but kept them for breed. Neither durst we give
him any physic, because his body was so much altered,
not doubting now of his recovery if he were careful.
Upon his recovery, he brake forth into these speeches :
^ Now I see the English are my friends, and love me ;
and whilst I live, I will never forget this kindness they
have showed me.^ At our coming away, he called Hob-
bamock to him, and privately revealed the plot of the
Massacheuseucks against Master Weston's colony, and so
against us. But he would neither join therein nor give
way to any of his. With this he charged him to ac-
quaint me by the way, that I might inform the governor.
Being fitted for our return, we took leave of him, who
returned many thanks to our governor, and also to our-
selves, for our labour and love ; the like did all that were
about him. So we departed.^'

In the autumn of the same year, ( 1623,) Mr. Wins-
bw went to England, in the ship Anix, which sailed ojq

' EDWARD WINSLOW. 107

the 10th September^ as agent for the colony, to give an
account of their proceedings, and of their condition and
prospects, to the adventurers, and to procure such sup-
plies as were necessary. While he was in England, he
prepared for publication a narrative of the settlement
and transactions of the colony at New Plymouth, under
this title : ^* Good Meiots fram JSTew England : or a true
Relation of things very remarkable at the Plantation of
Plimoth in JSTew England. Shelving the wondrous Prom-
dence and goodness of Gody in their preservation and
continuancey being delivered from numy apparent deaths
and dangersy ^c. Written by E. fV. who hath boime a
part in the fore-named troubles y and there lived since their
first ArrivalV^

This narrative, which was first printed at London,
in 1624, in GQ small quarto pages, embraces the history
of the colony from the return of the ship Fortune, in
December, 1621, to the 10th September, 1623, when
the author sailed for England. The book, in an
abridged and mutilated form, was re-printed, in 1625, by
Purchas, in the fourth volume of his Pilgrims, and has
been of great service to succeeding historians. This
abridgment was again published in 1802, in I Mass. Hist.
Coll., viii. 239 — 276, and the omitted passages were sup-
plied twenty years afterwards, in II Mass. Hist. Coll., ix.
Young, in his Chronicles, reprints the work, " for the
first time entire and in a legible form, from the original
London edition.^' Mr. Winslow was induced to pub-
lish this work, in order that the friends of the colony in
England might have a continuation of the narrative from
the point where Mourt's Relation ends, and also, to cor-
rect the misrepresentations which had grown out of the

I€8 EDWARD WINSLOW.

breaking up and dispersion, a short time before, of Wes-
ton's colony at Wessagusset, composed in chief of idle
and vicious persons, " who as they were a stain to Old
England that bred them, in respect of their lives and
manners amongst the Indians, so, it is to be feared, will
be no less to New England, in their vile and clamorous
reports, because she would npt foster them in their desir-
ed idle courses,'^ Appended to this work, is a " Relon
turn of such religious and dvill Lawes and Customes^ as
are in practice amongst the Indians^ adjoyning to them
at this day, As also what Commodities are there to he
raysedfor the mairUenance of that and other Plantations
in the said Country. ^^ This memoir excited great atten-
tion at the time it was first published, and is even now,
when the manners and customs of the aboriginals of
New England are better understood, read with interest.
In concluding, after speaking of the soil and productions
of the country, he alludes to the extravagant hopes which
too often influence the emigrant, and gives a salutary
warning to all such as ^^ with too great lightness undertake
^uch courses ; who peradventure strain themselves and
their friends for their passage thither, and are no sooner
there than seeing their fooUsh imaginations made void,
.are at their wit's end, and would give ten times so much
for their return. And can any be so simple as to con-
ceive that the fountains should stream forth wine or
beer, or the woods and rivers be like butchers' shops, or
fishmongers' stalls, where they might have things taken
to their hands ? If thou canst not live without such things,
:and hast no means to procure the one, and wilt not take
pains for the other, nor hast ability to employ others
Jfor thee, rest where thou aft > for as a proud heart, ^

CDWARB WIN9L0W* 109

dainty tooth, a beggar's purse, and an idle hand, be here
into^rable, so that person that hath these quaUties there,
is much more abominable.'^

In the following spring, (March, 1624,) Mr. Winslow
returned in the ship Charity from England having been
absent six months, bringing a good supply of clothing
and other necessaries, and, what was of more value than
any other supply, the first neat cattle ever brought into
New England.* The colonists learned from Mr. Wins-
low, that a strong party had been raised up against them
amongst the adventurers, who were extremely anxious
to prevent Robinson and the remainder of his church
from emigrating to America. He brought letters from
Robinson and Cushman. A carpenter caftie over for the
purpose of building two ketches, a lighter, and six
or seven shallops, and a person also to make salt. The
carpenter built his craft faithfully and speedily, but soon
died. The other was ignorant, and did not bring his
undertaking to any successful issue.f

During the summer of 1624, Mr. Winslow again
went to England, where he had an opportjinity of cor-
recting a mistake which had been made in his former
voyage. The adventurers had in the former vessel sent

* This fixes the date of the first importation of neat cattle, three heifera
and a hull being brought over at this time. Bradford, in Prince, 146. The set^
tiers were destitute of milk the first four years. The first notice of horses, is
in 1644 . Before their introduction, (says Thacher,) it was not uncommon for peof
pie to ride on bulls ; and there is a tradition in the Old Colony, that when John
Alden went to the Cape to be married to Priscilla MuUins, he covered his bull
with a handsome piece of broadcloth, and rode on his back. On his return, he
seated his wife on the bull, and led the uncouth animal by a rope fixed in the
nose ring. This sample of primitive gallantry would ill compare with that of
Abraham's servant, when, by proxy, he gallanted Rebekah on her journey, with
a splendid retinue of damsels ahd servants seated on camels, Isaac going out tQ
meet her. Gen. zxiv.

\ Prince, 146, 148.

110 EDWARD WINSLOW.

oyer John Lyford, a preacher, much against the wishes
of some of their number, who suspected him of b^ing
unfit for the office. Mr, Winslow and others reluctantly
consented to his coming. His worthless character was
soon discovered, and Mr. Winslow now imparted his
suspicions to the adventurers in London. A meeting
was had, and Mr. Lyford's friends employed counsel
to defend him ; but upon the examination it appeared,
that Lyford had been a minister in Ireland, where his
conduct had been so unprincipled and base, that he was
compelled to quit the Kingdom, and that the adventurers
had been imposed upon by false testimony concerning
his character. With this discovery, Mr; Winslow came
back to New Plymouth in the spring of 1625, happening
to arrive while the court was sitting on the affair of Old-
ham, who had returned after banishment. The true
characters of these impostors being thus discovered, they
were both expelled from the plantation.*

At the annual election in 1624, Governor Bradford
having prevailed on the people of Plymouth, to increase
ithe number of assistants to five, Mr. Winslow was first
relected to this office, in which he was continued by
^successive appointments until 1633, when, by the same
influence, he was chosen governor.f

At the close of the year 1624, the number of souls
in the colony was one hundred and eighty, who were

* See account of the proceedings in relation to Oldham and Lyford, in pp.
85— -87, of this volame.

t Grovernor Winthrop, in his Joarnal, under date of Jan. 1, 163|, says, " Mr.
Edward Winslow was chosen governor of Plymouth, Mr. Bradford haying been
goyemor about ten [twelve] years, and now by importunity got off" Savage's
Winthrop, 98. This remark sufficiently invalidates an insinuation of Hutchin-
:8on, that Winslow 's ** employment abroad prevented a competition between
Bradford and him for the governor's place.*' Hutchinson's History of the
Province of Massachusetts Bay, 457.

EDWARD WINSLOW. Ill

then all dwelling within the town. Thirty two dwelling
houses had been erected. The town was impaled for
half a mile in circumference. A well built fort was on
the hill, surmounted by a watch tower. For the last
three years the health of the colony had been remarka*
ble, and not one of the first planters had died. At Cape
Anne, a plantation had been commenced by people from
Dorchester in England, which they held of the Plymouth
people, and a fishing stage had been erected there-*

The harvest of 1625, was plenteous, insomuch that
the planters were overstocked, and wished to dispose of
some portion of it to the Indians. They had no other
vessels than two shallops built by. the carpenter sent out
to them in the preceding year, on one. of which they
laid a deck, and sent h^, laden with corn, ta the Kenne-
beck. They disposed of the corn to advantage,, and re-
turned with seven hundred pounds of beaver, beside
other furs, having also opened a profitable trade for fu-
ture occasions. ^^This voyage (says Gov. Bradford)
was made by Mr. Winslow and some old standards, for
seamen we have none."

The plantation at Monhiggon being broken up in
1626, and the commodities belonging to it being offered
for sale, Mr. Winslow accompanied Governor Bradford
to that place, on behalf of the company, where they unit-
ed with Mr. Thompson of Pascataqua in purchasing the
goods. They also purchased a quantity of French goods,
being part of the cargo of a ship cast away at Sagade-
hock.f

Mr. Winslow appears to have had the principal over-
sight of the commercial operations of the infent colony.

* Prince, 161. t Prince, 161.

112 EDWARD WINSLOW.

He was well qualified to conduct the maiiy difficult and
sometimes perilous enterprises, which it became neces-
sary to take, for the benefit of the colony. He fre-
quently went to the Penobscot, Kennebeck, and Connec-
ticut rivers, on trading expeditions, and rendered him-
self useful and agreeable to the settlers on those rivers.
' Governor Winthrop notices the following narrow es-
cape of Governor Winslow while on one of these expe-
ditions to the settlement on the Kennebeck, in the year
1642: "The Indians at Kennebeck hearing of the
general conspiracy against the English, determined to
begin there, ^nd one of them knowing that Mr. Edward
Winslow did jase to walk within the paUsadoes, pre-
pared hjis piece to shoot him, but as he was about it,
Mr. Winslow not seeing him nor suspecting anything,
but thinking he had walked enough, went suddenly
into the house, and so God preserved him.^'*

Upon coming to the chief magistracy in 1633, Gover-
nor Winslow found that disputes had commenced with
the Dutch of New Netherlands, respecting the trade upon
Connecticut river. A friendly correspondence had been
established in 1627, between the Dutch authorities and
those of New Plymouth, and during their intercourse,
the Dutch had given information of a fine river, extend-
ing far into the country, to which they had given the
name of Fresh river, but which the natives called Qwa^
nektacut. They extolled the lands bordering the stream,
and the river as convenient for trade, and urgently
pressed the people of Plymouth to open a trade with
the natives. But theit advice was neglected at the time.
Soon after, some of the Indians living upon the river,

* SaTii^*8 Winthrop, ii., 69.

EDWARD WINSLOW. 113

who had been driven from their homes by the Pequots,
came to Plymouth, and entreated the English to es-
tablish a trading house on the river, in the hope that
through their assistance they, might ultimately be re-
stored to their possessions, Mr. Winslow had himself
been to the Connecticut, or Fresh River, and found the
representations of the Dutch and Indians to be true.
But the people of Plymouth still declined to venture
upon the establishment of a trading house. The In-
dians renewing their requests b^th to the governments
of Plymouth and Massachusetts^ Governor Winslow and
Mr. Bradford proceeded to Boston, and. proposed to
Governor Winthrop and his council to join with Ply-
mouth in a trade to Connecticut for hemp and beaver,
and in the erection of a house for the purposes of com-
merce. It being reported that the Dutch were about to
build on Connecticut river, Winslow and Bradford rep-
resented it as necessary to prevent them from: taking pos-
session of that fine country ; but Winthrop objected to the
making of a plantation there, because there were 3000 or
4000 warlike Indians on the river; because the bar at
the mouth was such, that small pinnaces only could enter
it at high water; and because, seven months in the year,
no vessel could go in, on account of the ice and the vio-
lence of the stream. This proposal beifig declined, the
people of Plymouth determined to undertake the enter-
prise at their own risk. The nmterials for a house, en-
tirely prepared, were put on board a vessel, and commit^
ted to a chosen company, which sailed for Connecticut.
The Dutch of New Netherlands hearing of the design,
had just taken a station on that river, at the place where
Hartford now stands; made a light fort,^^and planted two^
15

114 £DWARD WII7SL0W.

pieces of cannon. On the approach of the Plyaiouth
adventurers, the Dutch forbade them to proceed up the
river, ordered them to strike their colours, and threatened
to fire on them.. But the commander of the enterprise,
disregarding the prohibitk)n and the menaces, went reso-
lutely forward, and, landing on the west side of the river,
set up his house at some distance above the Dutch fort,
and soon after fortified it with palisadoes. This was the
first house erected in Connecticut. The place where this
house was erected was a little below the mouth of Litde
River, in Windsor* It was called by the natives JVatar-
wanute. The sachems, who were the original owners
of the soil, having been driven from this part of the
country by the Pequots, William Holmes, who con-
ducted the enterprise from Plymouth, took them with
him to their homes, and restored them to their rights*
Of these sachems the Plymouth people purchased the?
land, where they erected their house. The conquering
Indians were offended at the restoration of the original
proprietors of the country; and the proximity of two
such neighbors, as the irritated Dutch, and the fero-
cious Pequots, rendered it difficult and hazardous for
the English to retain their new purchase.*

Mr. Winslow, in 1634, on returning from a trading
expedition to the Dutch at New York, left his vessel lu
Narragansett Bay, and thence went by land to Plymouth*
He called on his old friend Massasoit, who promised to
accompany him home. Before he set off, the sportive
sachem despatched a messenger before them to Ply-
mouth, to tell the inhabitants that Winslow was dead.

* Morton, 89; Savage's Winthrop, i. 105; Trumbuir, i. 29, 30; I Mtawfc
HiBt CoU.^v. 167..

EDWARD WINSLOW. 115

This report filled the whole colony with grief and lamen-
tation. The sorrow and mourning of the people, how-
ever, were of but short duration ; for the next day
Massasoit (or, as he was now called, Ousamequen,) ap-
peared, conducting the lamented Winslow into the town.
On being enquired of, why he sent such a message, he
answered by saying, that he might be the more welcome
when he came home.*

In 1636, Mr. Winslow undertook another agency in
England, for the colonies of Plymouth and Massachusetts,
partly on occasion of the intrusions which had been
made on the territory of New England, by the French
on the east, and by the Dutch on the west, and partly
to answer complaints which had been made to the gov-
ernment against the Massachusetts colony, by Thomas
Morton, who had been twice expelled for his misbeha-
viour, and was labouring in England with great zeal
against the colonies.

A special commission had been issued in 1634, to
Archbishop Laud and eleven others, with the most ex-
traordinary powers-f It menaced the complete subver-
sion of the colonies, and the most absolute tyranny both
in civil and ecclesiastical afiairs. The favorite scheme of
a general governor for all the colonies was again revived,
and Sir Ferdinando Gorges was the person selected.
Morton, whose efforts had been unceasing to effect this
result, in a letter to one of his friends, dated May 1, 1634,
ex:ultingly writes : ^' When I was first sent to England, to
make complaint, — ^I effected the business but superficially.
I have this time taken deliberation, and brought the matter

* Savage's Winthrop, i. 138.

t Hazard, i. 344->347. See also I Mass. Hist. Coll., iy. 119.

116 EDWARD WINSLOW,

to a better pass : and it is thus brought about that the King
hath taken the matter into his own hands, appointed a
Committee of the Board, and given order for a General
Governor for the whole territory to be sent over." But
this boast of the inveterate enemy of New England was
never realised. Owing to the troubles in Scotland and
Ireland, and the subsequent decline of the influence of
Laud and others of the council, the whole project failed,
the apprehensions of the people of New Plymouth and
Massachusetts were allayed, and both Winthrop and
Morton have recorded the event as a special interposition
of Providence.

Governor Winslow found his situation at this time
yery critical, and his treatment was severe. He pre-
sented a memorial in writing to the commissioners, in
which he set forth the encroachments of the French and
Dutch, and prayed for " a special warrant to the English
colonies to defend themselves against all foreign ene-
mies."* Governor Winthrop censured this petition as
ill-advised, "for such precedents might endanger our
liberty, that they should do nothing hereafter but by
jcommission out of England."!

The petition, however, was favorably received by
some of the lK)ard4 Winslow was heard several times
in support of it, and pointed out a way in which the ob-^
ject might have been attained without any charge to the
crown, by furnishing some of the chief men of the colo-
nies witl? authority, which they would exercise at their
(Own expense, and without any public disturbances. This

* $ee Appendix Jfo. I. Hutchinson'g Hist. Prpv. I^assachusetU Bay.
t Sayage*s Wi^tjirajp, i. 172.
t Morton, 94.

EDWARD WINSLOW. 117

proposal crossed the design of Gorges and Mason, whose
aim was to establish a general government ; and the arch*
bishop, who was engaged in their interest, put a check
to Winslow's proposals, by questioning him upon Mor-
ton^s accusations respecting his own personal conduct in
America.

The grave offences alledged against him were, that
he, not being in holy orders, but a mere laym^in, had
taught publicly in the church, and had officiated in the
celebration of marriages. To the former charge, Wins-
low answered, " that sonaetimes, when the church was
destitute of a minister, he had exercised his gift for the
edification of the brethren.'^ To the latter he replied,
^^ that, though he had olSciated as a magistrate in the
solemnizing of marriage, yet he regarded it only as a civil
contract;* that the people of New Plymouth had for a
long time been destitute of a minister, and were com-
pelled by necessity to have recourse to the magistrate in
that solemnity; that this was not to them a novelty, hav-
ing been accustomed to it in Holland, where he himself
\ had been married by a Dutch magistrate in the State
> House.^^ On this honest confession, the archbishop pro-

' nounced him guilty of the crime of separation from the

I National Church, and prevailed upon the board to con-

sent to his imprisonment. He was thereupon commit-
^ ted to the Fleet prison, where he remained for seventeen

^ weeks in confinement. But after that time, on petitioning

the board, he obtained a release. .

* Ministers were never licensed to solemnize marriages in New Plymouth ;
^ and in Massachusetts, previous to the union in 1692, the magistrates retained

this office in their own hands with peculiar jealousy. ** We are not willing (saya
Winthrop) to bring in the English custom of ministers performing the solemni-
ty of marriage. ''~Sav. Winthrop, ii. 313.

118 EDWARD WINSLOW.

On his return to New Plymouth, the colony again
declared their confidence and respect by choosing him to
the office of governor for the succeeding year, (1636.)
This was an important period in the history of the colony.
The surrender of the Patent by the council of Plymouth,
the arbitrary, though fruitless commission to Laud and
others, and the treatment which Governor Wiuslow had
himself experienced in England, all served to convince
the settlers of the necessity of adopting and declaring
the fundamental laws of the colony. Hitherto no laws
defining the powers of the government had been adopt-
ed, and the governor and assistants maintained their au-
thority rather by common consent, than any delegated
power. The laws of England were considered in force,
unless changed by colonial statutes; but there were no
lawyers in the colony, and but few persons who had any
practical knowledge of the science of law. The clergy
only understood its elementary principles, and they were
more disposed to follow the laws of Moses, than the laws
of England.

The period had now arrived, when all perceived the
necessity of defining the limits of the powers and the du-
ties of the magistrates, of establishing fimdamental and
organic laws, civil and criminal, and of placing the gov-
ernment on a stable foundation. This was done, by the
court of associates, in November, 1636, after which the
affairs of the colony appear to hav« been regularly and
faithfully administered upon the basis of a written code
of laws.

The Plymouth colonists in reHgious matters were
more tolerant than their neighbours of Massachusetts.
When Roger Williams, the apostle of liberty in New

EDWARD WINSLOW. 119

England^ had been driven from Massachusetts for his
opinions^ and was reduced to circumstances of extreme
indigence^ Governor Winslow extended to him the hand
of charity, and aflforded relief by advice and money. " It
pleased the Father of Mercies>'^ said Mr. Williams, " to
touch many hearts with relentings, among whom that
great and pious soul, Mr. Winslow, melted, and he kindly
furnished me at Providence, and put a piece of gold into
the hands of my wife for our supply.''

The year 1643, is memorable in the history of the
New England colonies. Since the establishment of New
Plymouth, the colonies of Massachusetts, Connecticut,,
New Haven and Rhode Island had sprung into existence,
and while the cpncems of each were well and safely man-^
aged by their local councils and assemblies, all felt the
necessity of some general authority to protect the common
interests of the whole. Governor Winslow seems to-
have looked to the establishment of such a power, when,
in 1636, he petitioned the royal commissioners in Lon-
don for a special warrant to the colonies to defend them-
selves against their enemies. Certain it is, that the sub-
ject was discussed, from time to time, until the want
of concert on the breaking out of the Pequot war, satis-
fied the people of the importance and necessity of some
general union for mutual defence against the Indians.
In 1643, Governor Winslow went to Boston, as one of
the commissioners . from Plymouth, where articles of
Confederation were drawn up and signed on the 19th of
May, by the commissioners of all the colonies present,
excepting those from Plymouth, who, for want of power
from their general court, deferred signing until the next
meeting; and then, (Sept. 7,) they also signed them^

120 £DWAR1> WIirSLOW.

Governor Winslow continued to act as one of the Com-
missioners until he left the colony in 1646.

The Commissioners declared, that, as in nation and
religion, so in other respects they be and continue as
one, and henceforth be called and known by the name
of The United Colonies of New England.

The features of this confederacy, the prototype of
the American Union, are thus described in Pitkin^s
Civil and Political History of the United States :

^' By the articles of confederation, as they were called,
these colonies entered into a firm and' perpetual league
of friendship and amity, for oflfence and defence, mutual
advice and succor, upon all just occasions, both for pre-
serving and propagating the truth and liberties of the
Gospel, and for their own mutual safety and welfare.
Each colony was to retain its own peculiar jurisdiction
and government, and no other plantation or colony was
to be received as a confederate, nor any two of the
confederates to be united into one jurisdiction, without
the consent of the rest. The affairs of the united colo-
nies were to be managed by a legislature to consist of
two persons, styled commissioners, chosen from each
colony. These commissioners had power to hear, ex-
amine, weigh, and determine all affairs of war or peace,
leagues, aids, charges, and number of men for war, — di-
vision of spoils, and whatsoever is gotten by conquest —
receiving of more confederates for plantations into combi-
nation with any of the confederates; and all things of a
like nature, which are the proper concomitants and con-
sequences of such a confederation for amity, offence,
and defence; not intermeddling with the government of
any of the jurisdictions, which, by the third article, is

£DWARD WINSLOW. 121

reserved entirely to themselves. The commissioners
were to meet annually, in each colony, in succession, and
when met, to choose a president^ and tMe determination
of any six to be binding on all.

" The expenses of all just wars to be borne by each
colony, in proportion to its number of male inhabitants,
of whatever quahty or condition, between the ages of
sixteen and sixty.

" In case any colony should be suddenly invaded, on
motion and request of three magistrates of such colony,
the other confederates were immediately to send aid to
the colony invaded in men, Massachusetts one hundred,
and the other colonies forty-five each, or for a less num-
ber, in the same proportion. The commissioners, how-
ever, were very properly directed, afterwards, to take
into consideration the cause of such war or invasion, and
if it should appear that the fault was in the colony in-
vaded, such colony was not only to make satisfaction to
the invaders, bat .to bear all the exjJenses of the war.

" The commissioners were also authorised to frame
and establish agreements and orders in general cases of a
civil nature, wherein all the plantations were interested,
for preserving peace among themselves, and preventing
as much as may be all occasions of war, or difference
with others, as about the free and speedy passage of jus-
tice, in every jurisdiction,^ to all the confederates equally
as to their own, receiving those that remove from one
plantation to another, without due certificates.

^4t was also very wisely provided in the articles,
that runaway servants, and fugitives from justice, should
be returned to the colonies where they belonged^ or
from which they had fled*
16

122 EDWARD WIKSLOW.

" If any of the confederates should violate any of the
articles, or, in any way injure any one of the other colo-
nies, such breach of agreement or injury, was to be
considered and ordered by the commissioners of the
other colonies.''*

This confederacy, which was declared to be perpet-
ual, continued without any essential alteration, until the
New England colonies were deprived of their charters
by the arbitrary proceedings of James 11. In the year
1648, aome of the inhabitants of Rhode Island request-
ed to be admitted into the confederacy, but they were
informed that the Island was within the patent granted
to New Plymouth, and therefore their request was de-
nied. The plantations at Providence were also denied
admission, and those beyond the Pascataqua were not
admitted, because " they ran a different course'' from the
Puritans. <

Mr. Winslow was for the last time chosen to .the
chief magistracy in 1644, having since Jie last filled that
office, been first on the list of magistrates. He was soon
after engaged in the public service abroad, and never
returned to New England.

In 1646, the colony of Massachusetts Bay prevail-
ed upon Governor Winslow to proceed to England in
their behalf, to answer complaints which had been pre-
ferred by Samuel Gorton and others, charging the Mas-
sachusetts authorities with religious intolerance and per-
secution.! Governor Winthrop remarks, that Mr. Wins-
low was ^^a fit man to be employed in our affairs in

* Fitk'in*8 History of the U. S., i. 50, 51. The Articles of Union are in
Winthrop, Hubbard, Neal, &c.

t HutchinBon's Hist, of the Colonj of Masiachiifetta Bay^ 145^149.

EDWARD WIXSLOW. 123

England, both in regard to his abilities of presence, I

speech, courage and understanding, as also being well | ;

known to the commissioners,"* He set sail about the f\

middle of October, 1646. |t

Gorton was an enthusiast of more than common

I".

ability, who gave the colonists much trouble. He came to i^

Boston in 1636; went thence to Nei\r Plymouth, where |

he caused some uneasiness; from whence he went to |

Newport, and there behaved so that they inflicted cor- §,

poral punishment upon him. He very soon got into I

difficulty with the authorities of Massachusetts, was ar- ^

rested and imprisoned, was afterwards liberated, and in I

1644, proceeded to England. On arriving there, he [

published an account of the proceedings against himself f

and others in New England, under the title of ''Simplir |

cities Defence against Seven-Headed Policy. Ofy Inno- I
cency Vindicated, being unjustly accused^ and sorely Cen--

suredy by that Seven-headed Church- Government united ^
in JVew Englandy^^ &c. Printed in London, in 1646, in
111 small quarto pages. f

Governor Winslow, on reaching London, found it
incumbent upon him to answer the publication of Gor-

* Winthrop, ii. 283, (Savage's edit.)

t Gorton's book ifi reprinted entire, from the original edition, in 'Force's
Collection of Tracts, Vol. IV, No. 6 ; together with the entire Letter of Gorton
to Secretary Morton, written in June, 1669, vindicating himself from the
charges contained in the Memorial — a portion of which letter was published by
Hutchinson in the Appendix to his History of the Colony of Massachusetts I

Bay. There is no doubt that the zealot, Gorton, was cruelly persecuted for
his singular theological opinions, expressed with a freedom that (Sometimes de-
generated into insolence. He was arrested by order of court, and in 1643, con-
demned to be " confined at Charlestown, and there set on work, and to wear
such bolts or irons as may hinder his escape,'* with the further condition, that
if he maintain " any of his abominable heresies," he should be, on conviction, j

put to death. Seven of his associates were also confined in separate towns.
Savage's Winthrop, ii. 147.

124 EDWARD WIirSLOW.

ton, and he accordingly published a reply, covering 103
small quarto pages, entitled " Hypocrisie Unmasked:
By a true Relation of the Proceedings of the Governor
and Company of the Massachusetts against Samuel Gor-*
ton^ a notorious disturber of the Peace^^^ &c. Appended
to this work, which has never been reprinted in America,
and of which Young supposes, that no copy exists in
this country, is a chapter entided, "^ Brief e JVdrration
of the true grounds or cause of the first Planting of J\rew
EngUmdy^^ &c. This portion of the book is reprinted
by Young, as, ^^ Chap, xxv,'^ of his Chronicles. The
same book was afterwards published in London, in 1649,
with the following tide : " The danger of tolerating Level-
lers ^ in a Civil State; or a Historical JVarration of the
dangerous practises and opinions wherewith Samuel Gor--
ton and his levelling accomplices so much disturbed and
mjolested the several plantations in JV^ew England : By
ICIdward Winslow, of Plymmith^ in J^ew EaglandJ^

Besides the complaints^of Gorton and his company,
Governor Winslow was especially instructed to answer
the charges of a want of religious freedom in Massa-
chusetts, and denial of civil privileges to such as were
not church-members, preferred against that colony, by
Robert Child,* William Vassall, and others. In answer
to the charge, that the Massachusetts government was
intolerant and arbitrary, he was specially instructed to

* Robejrt C.hiW was a physician, andliad taken his degree at the University
of Fadua, in Jtaly. He came to this country partly with the view of exploring
the mines ; purchased the patent of Richard Vines of Saco, in 1645 ; was un-
successful in his mining speculations ; afterwards became embroiled in political
controyersy^ in Massachusetts, and was fined and imprisoned for sedition. He
went to England in 1647, and never returned. Major John Child, who accom-
panied Vassall to England, was his brother. Winthrop says, ^* he was major of
a regiment in Kent.'' See page 126.

EDWARD WINSLOW. 125

eay, that " we have four or five hundred express laws,
as near the laws of England as may be ; and where we
have no law, we judge by the word of God as near as
we can.'' And in reference to the well known objections
in Massachusetts to the scheme of a general govern-
ment for New England, he was instructed to assert for
that colony their absolute power of government, as given
to them by their charter.*

Governor Winslow had several hearings before the
commissioners for the affairs of New England, among
whom were the Earl of Warwick and Sir Henry Vane,
both zealous Puritans, and friendly to New England, by
whose influence, doubtless, the colony escaped censure.

The ^times had greatly changed, and the Puritans
being in power in England, Mr. Winslow had great
advantage in this business, from the credit and esteem
which he enjoyed with that party. We have no account
of the particulars of this agency, but only in general,
that ^^by his prudent management he prevented any
damage, and cleared the colony from any blame or dis-
honour.''

But Massachusetts was not alone in her dread of the
advance of sectarism. Rhode Island Had been excluded
from the league on account of her toleration of what was
deemed to be heresy, and a better understanding of the
true principles of liberty was at the same time struggling
manfully for a foothold in ^ew Plymouth. Governor
Winslow, in a letter to Governor Winthrop, dated " 24
(9th) 1646," laments in the following strain the pre-
valence of a spirit of toleration in New Plymouth, which
had already gained over a majority of the deputies, and

* Savage's Winthrop, ii. 300.

126 EDWARD WINSLOW.

three of the assistants : "The sum of it was^ (says he,)
to allow and maintain full and free tolerance of reUgion
to all men that would preserve the civil peace, and sub-
mit unto government ; and there was no limitation or
exception against Turk, Jew, Papist, Arian, Socinian,
Nicolaitan, Familist, or any other, &c. But our Gov-
ernor and several of us having expressed the sad
consequences would follow, especially myself and Mr.
Prence, yet notwithstanding it was required, according
to order, to be voted. But the Governor would not suf-
fer it to come to the vote, as being that indeed would
eat out the power of godliness, &c. By this you may
see that all the troubles of N. E. are not at the Massa-
chusetts.''*

William Vassall, mentioned above, was of Scituate ; a
man somewhat in advance of the age in which he lived,
in his views of civil and religious liberty.f He was one
of the agents sent to England in 1646, with complaints
against the Massachusetts colony. Soon after his arrival
there, a pamphlet, purporting to have been written by
Major John Child, and no doubt prepared with the con-
currence if not assistance of Vassall, was published,
under the quaint title of " JWto England? s Jonas cast up
ct LondoTty^^ &c. — a small quarto, of 22 pages, printed
in London, in 1647. In a postscript to this pamphlet,

* Hutchinson's Coll. relative to the Colony of Massachusetts Bay, 154.

t William Vassall was one of the first assistants of Massachusetts, chosett
in England in 1629, and came oyer in 1630, in the fleet with Winthrop. He
soon aftsr returned to England ; but came back in 1635, and settled in Scituate
in the eolony of New Plymouth, where he remained until about 1650, when^
baving laid the foundation of several large estates in the West Indies, he ra*
moved to Barbadoes, and died there in 1655. Hutchinson says he was a man
of pleasant and affable manners, but always in opposition to government both
in Massachusetts and Plymoath.

EDWARD WINSLOW. 127

Major Child attacks the book published by Winslow
against Gorton, ("Hypocrisie tTnmasked/^) and charac-
terises him as ^^a principal opposer of the laws of Eng-
land in New England.''*

Winthrop characterises Vassall as " a man never at
rest but when he was in the fire of contention.'' Mr.
Winslow, who held the pen of an able controversialist,
was of course not long in preparing a keen and pungent
answer, vindicating the colony, and repelling the accu-
sations of his assailant ; and, as if the remark of Gov-
ernor Winthrop respecting Vassall had suggested it, he
gives his pamphlet the title of '^JVew EnglaniPs Salor*
mandeTy discovered by an irreligious and scornful Panir

• The title to Major Child's pamphlet, was probably suggested by the follow-
ing circumstances. The Rey. Mr. Cotton, at his Thursday lecture in Boston
before the sailing of the ship, in which Major Child and Mr. Vassall had taken
passage to London, preached from Cant. ii. 15 : " Take us tho foxes, the little
foxes, that spoil the vines," &c. ; and in his uses took occasion to say, that he
advised the shipmaster, that if storms did arise, to search if they had not in any
chest or t^nk any Jonas on board, which if you find, I do not advise you to throw
thepersom overboard, but the tmtingv. Storms did arise : and some of the pas-
sengers remembering Mr. Cotton's sermon, a woman from among them came from
between decks about midnight, to Mr. William Vassall, who lay in the grestt cabin,,
(but for the present was in the steerage doorway looking abroad,) and earnestly
desired him, if there were any Jonas in the ship it might be thrown orerboard.
He asked Iter why she came to him ? and she said, because it was thought he had
some writings against the people of God. But he answered her that he had
nothing except a petition to Parliament that they might enjoy the liberty of Eng-
lish subjects, and that could be no Jonas. After Uiis she went &ito the great
cabin to Mr. Thomas Fowle, in a like distracted manner, who told her he had
nathing but a copy of the petition, which himself and others bad presented to the
Court at Boston ; but that if she and others thought that to be the cause of the
storm, she and they might do what they would with it. So she took and carried
it between decks^ to them from whom she came, and they agreed to throw it
ovdrboasd ; but they had many great storms after that. After their arrival at
Loodony the report of an astonishing miracle was spread abroad, viz : the soving^
of the ship and passengers by throwing the petition to P)irliament overboard ;
whereas " it was only the copy of a petition to* their own Court at Boston ; and
the petition to Parliament was still in the ship, together with another copy of that
which was thrown overboard, and were as well saved as their lives and other
goods, and are here to be seen and made use of in conyenient time." [See tract
(imperfect) in II Mass. Hist. Coll. iv. 107.]

128 EDWARD WINSLOW*

phlety called JVew England^ s Jonas cast up at London^
Sfc.y owned by Major Jofm Childe^ but not probable to be
written by hiniy^^ Sfc. London, 1647, 29 pp. sm. 4to.*

The civilization of the Indians, and their conyersion
to the Christian religion, were objects which the people
of the colonies never lost sight of; and in this great and
good work, Mr. Winslow was, from principle, very zeal-
ously engaged. While in England, he employed his in-
terest with the members of Parliament, and other gen-
tlemen of quality and fortune, to erect a corporation
there for the prosecution of the design. For this pur-
pose an act of Parliament was passed, incorporating a
society in England ^^ for propagating the Gospel in New
England.^^* The commissioners of the United Polonies
were constituted a board of correspondents, and distri-
butors of the money, which was supplied in England by
charitable donations from all the cities, towns, and pa-
rishes, in the kingdom.f By the influence and exer-
tions of both these respectable bodies, missions were
supported among the Indians of New England; the
Bible and other books of piety were translated into the
Indian tongue, and printed for their use; and great
pains were taken by several worthy ministers and other
gentlemen to instruct the Indians, and reduce them to a

* See tract in III Mass. Hist. Coll. ii. 110.

* Hazard, ii. 146. The charter of this Society bears date Jaly 27, 1649. In aid
of the formation of the Society, a tract was published by Governor Winslow, in
London, in that year, entitled "The Glorious Progress of the Gospel amongst
the Indians in New England," &c. It was dedicated by Winslow to the ParKa-
ment, and contained some introductory remarks from his pen. The rest of the
pamphlet consisted of three letters from Eliot, and one fromMayhew, with an
appendix by J. D. [John Downam or John Drury.] This tract is reprinted in
III Mass. Hist. Coll, iv. 69.

t Hazard's Collection, i. 636.

EDWARD WINSLOW. 129

civilized state. Under the auspices of this Society, the
celebrated John Eliot undertook his apostolic and suc-
cessful labors among the Indians ofMassachusetts, aided
in the great work by the two Mayhews, the younger
Cotton, and others. Of this corporation, which he had
done much to establish, Mr. Winslow continued during
life to be an active and successful member in the promo-
tion of its interests in England-

The various employments of Governor Winslow in
England, on behalf of the colonies, and his own high
character, had given him a standing such as no other
New England man enjoyed at this time. His abilities
were acknowledged by the party then paramount in
England, and he found so much employment there and
elsewhere, that he never returned to New Plymouth.
Judge Davis, in a note to Morton, (p. 261,) says: Mr.
Winslow was one of the commissioners appointed to de-
termine the value of the English ships seized and de-
stroyed by the King of Denmark, and for which resti-
tution was to be made, according to the treaty of peace
made with the Protector, April 6, 1664. The com-
missioners were required to meet at Goldsmith's Hall,
in London, in the month of June ; and, in case they
should not agree by a certain day in August, were to be
shut up in a chamber, without fire, candles, meat, or
drink, or any other refreshment, until they should agree.
Of course, an order so perem[f)tory and so characteristic
of the times as this, would be likely to be effectual, and
accordingly we do not find that the commissioners had
any diflUculty in coming to an agreement*

When Oliver Cromwell (1655) planned an expedi-
tion against the Spaniards in the West Indies, and sent
17

130 XVWAKD WINSLOW.

Admiral Penn and General Venables to execute it, he
appointed three commissioners to superintend and di-
rect their operations, of which number Winslow was the
chief; the other two being Richard Holdrip and Ed-
ward Blagge.* Their object was to attack St. JJomingo,
the only place of strength which the Spaniards at that
time had in Hispaniola. It has been remarked, that
Cromwell well understood the character of Mr. Wins-
low, when he placed him at the head of this commission;
for both commanders and many of the officers employed
in the expedition, were strongly suspected of cherish-
ing a loysd attachment to the House of Stuart, and of
nourishing a secret dislike to the Protector. He there-
fore placed in this responsible situation, one whom he
could trust.f

The commanders disagreed in their tempers and
views, and the control of the commissioners was of iw
avail. The troops, ill^ppointed and badly provided, were
landed at too great a distance from the city, and lost
their way in the woods. Worn out with hunger and
thirst, heat and fatigue, they were routed by an incon-
siderable number of Spaniards ; six hundred were slain,
and Ae remnant took refuge on board their vessels,

Tq compensate as far as possible for this unfortunate
event, the fleet sailed for Jamaica, which surrendered
without any resistance. But Mr. Winslow, who par-

* Hume, chap. hd. Two interesting letters of Winslow, written from Bar-
badoes, March 16 and 30, 1654-5, are presenred in Thurloe's State Papers, iii.
249, 325. In the first, his opinion of oaths is thus expressed : " Our want of com-
missioners is Tery great I beseech you, in case any be sent, let us hare

men of such principles as will neither scruple to give or take an oath. For my
part, I look upos an oath as an ordinance of God, and as an essential part of
goremment, tiie very bond of soeiety, yea, so necessary, as without it, the maglft-
trate will not be able to determine between man and man."

t Baylies, ii. 20.

EDWARD WtirliLOW. 131

took of the chagrin of the defeat^ did not live to enjoy
the pleasures of victory. In the passage between His-
paniola and Jamaica^ the heat of the climate threw him
into a fever, which, operating with the dejection of his
mind, put an end to his life, on the eighth of May, 1656,
in the sixty-first year of his age. His body was com-
mitted to the deep, with the honors of war, forty-two
guns being fired by the fleet on that occasion.

The following well meant but inelegant verses, were
written by one of the passengers on board the ship in
which he died:

" The Eighth of May, West from 'Spaniola shore»
God took from us our Grand CommissioneT,
Winslow by Name ; a man in Chiefest Trust,
Whose Life was sweet, and Conyersation just ;
Whose Parts and wisdom most men did excel ;
An honor to his place, as all can tell."*

Before his departure from New England, Governor
Winslow had made a settlement on a valuable tract of
land in Marshfield, to which he gave the name of Cares-
well, probably from an ancient castle of that name, nine
miles from Stafford, in Staffordshire, a family seat of the
Vanes, ancestors of the Earls of Darlington and West-
moreland.f

Governor Winslow was twice married. His first

wife, Elizabeth, as has already been stated, died in March,

1621. His son, Edward, who came over with him, is

supposed to have died about the same time. By his

second wife, Susanna, who was the widow of William
/

* Morton's Memorial, 143.

i In Speed's Great Britain, (h. i. ch. 35,) Carswdll is named a» one of the
thirteen ancient castles in Staffordshire ; and Bowen (Uniy. Geog., i. 225,)
places Careswell among the chief seats of the nobility of the county. The
Marshfield estate, which for many years remained in the Winslow family, hat
recently passed into the possession of- the Hon. Daniejl Wxbstbb.

132 £DWARI> WIXSLOW.

White, and to whom he was married in May, 1621, he
had a daughter Susanna, and probably others. His only
son by this marriage, Josiah Winslow, became a distin-
guished man in the colony; was jl magistrate, governor,
and commander in chief of the forces of all the colonies
of New England, in the war of 1675 with the Indians.
He died in 1680, at the age of 6L*

Edward Winslow was the eldest of a family of five
sons and three daughters, the children of Edward and
Magdalen Winslow, of Droitwitch, in England. Ed-
ward was born 19 Oct. 1595, John in April, 1597, Ely-
nor in April, 1598, Kenelm 29 April, 1599, Gilbert in
Oct., 1600, Elizabeth in March^ 1601, Magdalen 26 Dec.
1604, and Josiah in Feb. 1605.

Johriy the eldest brother of Edward, came over in
1621, in the ship Fortune, and was married at New Ply-
mouth, sometime prior to 1627, to Mary Chilton, daugh-
ter of James Chilton, one of the first emigrants in the
Mayflower. The tradition in the family, confirmed by
a writing left at her death by Mrs. Ann Taylor, in 1773,
the last grand-child of John Winslow, is, that Mary
Chilton " was the first female who set her foot on the
American shore." This may refer either to the landing
at Cape Cod, where, as is mentioned by Belknap, "the
women went ashore to wash their clothes;" or, to the
landing at Plymouth. The descendants of John Alden
claim for him the honor of having been the first to leap
upon Plymouth Rock; but the tradition is best received,
which accords that feat to the adventurous maiden.
John Winslow resided in Plymouth till about 1656.
His children were mostly, if not all, born there. His oc-

* See Memoir of Joeiah Winslow.

EDWARD WINSLOW. 133

cupation was that of a merchant ; and he held diflferent
municipal offices in Plymouth. In 1661, with Antipas
Boies, Edward Tyng, and Thomas Brattle, he purchas-
ed the colony lands on the Kennebeck river, for £400
sterling, and they were afterwards well known as the
^^ Plymouth Company in Maine.^^ His place of resi-
dence was in the north part of ancient Plymouth,
called "Plain Dealing." This estate was sold to his
son-in-law, Edward GrSy, about the time of his removal
to Boston, and was, by the latter, disposed of to the Ply-
mouth colony in 1662, who purchased it as a residence
for Governor Prence. John Winslow died in Boston in
1674, aged 78 years; his wife, Mary Winslow, died in
Boston in 1678. Their children were, six sons— John ;
Isaac, who married a Parnell; Benjamin; Edward; Jo-
seph; and Samuel, who died at Boston in 1680; and
j&ve daughters — Sarah, whose first husband was Miles
Standish, Jr., second, Tobias Payne, ancestor of the
Paines of Boston, and third, a Mr. Middlecot ; Susanna,
who married Robert Latham ; Mercy, who married Ar-
thur Harris; Ann, who married a Le Blond, of Boston;
and Mary, who married Edward Gray, of Plymouth,
died in 1663, leaving two or three daughters and one
son. One of these daughters married Nathaniel South-
worth in 1671. Mr. South worth bought the estate of
"Plain Dealing'' in 1677, but in after years removed
to Middleborough, and there died, leaving three sons
and several daughters.

It is said that John Winslow, eldest son of John,
brought the Prince of Orange's declaration from Nevis
to New England, in Feb. 1689, for which he was im-
prisoned by Sir Edmund Andros. From the eldest son

134 EDWARD WilfSLOW.

John, (through John, son of the latter,) it is supposed
that the family of the late General John Winslow, of
Boston, is descended,*

Edward, the fourth son, it is thought, had a first
wife in Plymouth before he left that place. His second
wife was Elizabeth Hutchinson, daughter of Anne Hutch-
inson, celebrated in the history of Massachusetts for her
religious zeal, persecution, banishment, and tragical
death in 1643, (being slain by thfe Indians on Long-Island
with her family of sixteen persons, except one daugh-
ter.) Edward Winslow died in Boston in 1682, aged
48 years; his wife Elizabeth, in 1728, aged 89. The
deaths of the other 6hildren of John Winslow, except
Samuel, who died in 1680, are not known. The chil-
dren of Edward and Elizabeth were, Edward and four
daughters, of whom Susanna married an Alden, supposed
to be a son of John Alden, commander of the Province

* Brig. Gen. John Winslow was born in Boston, 29 Sept. 1753, and bred a
merchant. At the age of twenty-two, he entered the Revolutionaiy Army, as
Deputy Paymaster General, with the rank of Lieutenant, in the Northern Depart-
ment. He joined the army at Quebec, under Gen. Montgomery, and was in
the battle. June 8th, 1777, he received a commission as Captain of Artillery
and was placed under the command of Maj. Ebenezer Stevens, late a Major
General in New York. He was in the battle which resulted in the capture of
Burgoyne, and one of those who took the account of the stores, Slc, found in
his camp ; and also had the charge of many prisoners. He was afterwards sta-
tioned at West Point, and White Plains. When the American Army was re-
treating, under Gen. Wooster, from Quebec, and the enemy close upon their
heels, he saved the public chesty and lost his own baggage, and wardrobe, as val-
uable as, those of any officer in the line. He was thus left destitute of clothing,
sot having sufficient to change his linen for thirty-five days. He received, on the
settlement of his accounts as Paymaster — the footing of which was $865,700 —
a certificate from the Paymaster General, wherein his conduct was highly ap-
jNTOved ; and, it was said, he was almost the only Paymaster who had faithfully
accounted for the public money. He was at the battle of Ticonderoga, and when
the array, under Gen. St. Clair, retreated from that place, he again saved the
books and property entrusted to his care, and lost most of his own. He ob-
tained an honorable discharge, in Nov. 1778 ; was afterwards a brigadier general
of militia and held various civil trusts. He died 29 Nov. 1819.

EDWARD WINSLOW. 135

Sloop, who, being accused of witchcraft during the
witch mania of 1692, suffered imprisonment fifteen weeks
in Boston, Another daughter, Mrs. Ann Taylor, died in
Milton, in 1773, aged 94 — ^and was the last surviving
grand-child of John Winslow and Mary Chilton.

Edward, son of Edward, and grandson of John, was
bom in 1669; married Hannah Moodey, daughter of
Rev. Joshua Moodey, minister of the first church in
Boston, a zealous opponent of the witch mania, and who
suffered for it by being obliged to leave his church.
Edward Winslow had a family of nine sons and two
daughters. His eldest son Joshua, and youngest, Isaac^
were two of the principal mefthants in Boston, from
1730 to 1768. One of his sons, John, also lived in Bos-
ton till 1775, and removed to Dunstable, where he died
in 1778, aged 88.

Two of his sons, William and Samuel, were in the
commissariat department at the siege of Louisburg in
1745, and both died there. The youngest daughter of
Edward Winslow, by a second wife, Elizabeth, married
Richard Clark, an eminent merchant of Boston ; and a
daughter of the latter married John S. Copley, the cele-
brated painter. Their descendants are in England,
Canada, and Boston. Edward Winslow was a gold-
smith; he was a Colonel of the Boston Regiment,
and first sheriff of the County of Suffolk ; from about
1722 to 1742, his residence was in State street, the
estate since the site of the Tremont Bank. He died in
Boston in 1753, aged 84.

Joshua Winslow, great grandson of John Winslow
and Mary Chilton, married Elizabeth Savage, and had a
family of sixteen children. He died in October, 1767.

1S6 EDWARD WINSLOW*

Isaac Winslow, brother of the aforesaid, married Lucy
Waldo, daughter of Brigadier General Samuel Waldo ;
his second wife was Jemima Dubuc. He had by the
first wife eleven children, and two by the last. He was a
loyalist, having been appointed a mandamus counsellor
in 1774. He died in New York, in 1777. — His descend-
ants are principally in Boston, but many are also in
England.

Edward, the eldest son of Joshua, and great-great-
grandson of John Winslow and Mary Chilton, became
a clergyman of the Episcopal church, after some opposi-
tion from his friends, (having by them been destined for
the Congregational ministry, and to escape from whose
control he betook himself for a while to commerce,)
and succeeded Dr. Samuel Johnson at Stratford, Ct.
From 1764 to 1777, he was Rector of Quincy; but
as, on the Revolution opening, he could neither con-
sent to omit, nor yet safely read, the prayers for the
King, he resigned, and removed to New York city.
Here he died suddenly, while ascending the steps of his
house, on his return from a funeral, Oct. 31, 1780, aged
69, and was buried under the altar of St. George's
church. From him are descended those of that name in
North Carolina. Joshua, a younger brother, was a mer-
chant, married a daughter of Commodore Loring, and
died in Boston in 1775. His descendants are all in Eng-
land.

Margaret married Colonel Benjamin Pollard, Sheriff
of Suffolk, and many of their descendants are now living
in Boston. Isaac, the youngest, born in 1743, was edu-
cated for a profession, but abandoned this and became a
merchant. His first wife was a daughter of the Rev,

KBWARD WI]fSX.OW« 137

John Sparhawk, of Salem, ancestor of the Sparhawks
of New Hampshire ; his second wife was Mary Davis,
daughter of Benjamin Davis, of Boston, by whom he
had six sons and two daughters. He died in Boston in
1793. His descendants are in Massachusetts, New York,
and South Carolina.*

Kenelm Winslxno^ the second brother of Governor
Winslow, was at Plymouth before 1633. He married
Helen, daughter of John Adams, of Plymouth, in 1634;
he had lands in Yarmouth, in 1640, died whilst on a visit
at Salem, and was buried Sept. 13, 1672, at the age of
73.f From him are descended the families settled in
Yarmouth, and in Maine. Oliver Winslow, who set-
tled at Scituate, in 1730, was of the third generation
from Kenelm Winslow, and had a son Oliver, who was
killed in the French war of 1768, a son who settled at
Nobleborough, Maine, and a son Nathaniel, who inherit-
ed the bold spirit of his distinguished ancestors. He
entered t»he revolutionary army in 1776, rose to the rank
of major, and distinguished himself in the southern ex-
peditions.!

Gilbert Winslow^ third brother of the governor, came
over in the Mayflower; went to Pascataqua, after the set-
tlement was commenced there; and the tradition is, that
he went from thence to England, and never returned.
It does not appear that he left any family in New
Hampshire. The only taxable person bearing the name
of Winslow, resident in that province in 1732, was Sam-
uel Winslow of Kingston, probably a son of Samuel

• Thacher's Hist Plymbuth»94.
t Marshfield Records.
1: Deane's Scituate, 390

198 SDWARD WINSLOW.

WinBlow^ who was killed by the Indians at that place in
1710.

JosiaJiy the youiigest brother of the first Governor
Winslow, resided in Scituate in 1637. and was after-
wards of Marshfield. He died in 1674, aged 69.

Of the sisters of Governor Winslow, Elizabeth died
in January, 1604, and neither of them ever came to New
England.*

A fine portrait of Governor Edward Winslow is in
possession of the Massachusetts Historical Society, where
other family pictures have been deposited by one of his
descendants. The picture of Governor Winslow was
painted in London, in 1661, when he was in the 67th
year of his age.

The device on the seal used by Governor Winslow,
represents a pelican feeding its young. As an emblem
of paternal affection, it is placed in connection with the
names of some of the most distinguished of the pilgrims,
whose regard for posteritj^ prompted to their great en-
terprise, and influenced them to a firm endurance of many
hardships, dangers and sorrows.f

* For additional genealogical notes^ see Memoir of Jonah Winslow, in the
subsequent pages of this volume.

i Davis* note to Morton, 468.

139

IV, THOMAS PRENCE.

The fourth governor of the colony of New Plymouth,
was Thomas Prence^ who was a native of Lechlade, a
small parish in Gloucestershire, England, on the north
side of the river Thames, where his father and grand-
father .resided. He was born in the year 1600. His
father was of the proscribed sect of the puritans, or sepa-
ratists from the Church of England, and to avoid the per-
secution which every where followed the non-conform-
ists, in his native land, he is suppose^ to have gone with
the early emigrants to Leyden. We have no accounts of
the family after reaching that city, or of the education, or
early pursuits of Mr. Prence. But from the fact that he
brought a respectable patrimony to America, we are led to
infer that his family were in easy circumstances, and that
they were voluntary exiles, on account of a faith which
was dear to them, rather than needy adventurers, seeking
to mend their fortunes in a strange land.

Mr. Prence came to America in 1621, in the ship
Fortune, whibh arrived at New Plymouth in November,
being at that time in the twenty-second year of his age.
In the same ship, beside others of note in their day,
came Robert Cushman, the distinguished and always effi*
cient friend of the colony j John Winslow, the elder
brother of Governor Winslow ; and William Hilton, who
afterwards commenced the settlenient of New Hamp^
shire, and who wrote by the return of the Fortune a
glowing account of New Plymouth, in which he says,
ezultingly, "We are all freeholders; the pent-day doth

140 THOMAS PRENCE.

not trouble us; and all those good blessings we have, of
which and what we list in their seasons for taking."*
In a short time after his arrival, Mr. Prence was chosen
one of the assistants, and became an active and ulti-
mately an influential man in the affairs of the colony.

Public office in the days of the pilgrims, was little
sought after. It presented, neither a prize to tempt the
cupidity of the unworthy, nor a source of corruption
from any patronage attached to it. The unworthy were
thus kept from seeking it, and the people were unwil-
ling to trust any but the wisest and best men. Governor
Bradford, who had served the colony from 1621 to 1632,
esteemed it a mark of the popular favor to be relieved
in the following year, and when Winslow, who suc-
ceeded him, declined a re-election in 1634, he again
urged the choice of another than himself. But who
should be the man ? Carver, and Bradford, and
Winslow, had successively filled the office. The next
upon the list of the first-comers by the Mayflower, was
the venerable William Brewster; but he was the
ruling elder of the church, and civil and ecclesiastical
offices were among the puritans deemed incompatible.
Isaac Allerton, who by his character and standing was
well fitted for the chief magistracy, had left the colony.
The excellent Samuel Fuller, their first physician, with
twenty-three more of the forty-one who signed the
Compact of 1620, had fallen before the pestilence; and of
those who remained, Stephen Hopkins, Miles Stan-
dish, and John Alden, were the most prominent
Individuals. Hopkins was then one of the principal

• See Hilton's Letter, in Smith's ''New England's Triali," No. 2, Vol. II,
Force's CoUeetion of Tracts.

THOMAS PR£irC£. 141

magistrates; and Alden seems^ like him, to have been
content with the burthens of the same office^ which he
shared for more than forty years, outliving all the other
signers of the compact. Captain Standish, the hero of
the settlement, was beginning to feel the infirmities of age,
and possessed a temper too natural to his profession to
fit him for the duties of the chief magistracy.

The Fortune had brought a new accession of esti-
mable men to the colony, who were received with wel-
come, and the standing and qualifications of Mr. Prence,
caused him to be selected from among their number, as
the successor of Governor Wmslow, in 1634.

Previous to this time, settlements had been formed
at Duxbury, to which the families of Alden, Standish,
and Collier, had removed; and before the year 1635,
Mr. Prence appears to have removed to the same place.
The regulation existing at this time required that the
Governor should reside in Plymouth, and the people,
when the next election took place, returned to their old
favorite. Governor Bradford. Mr. Prence was however
at the same time chosen assistant, and served as such
during twenty years, when not filling other and more im-
portant offices.

The colony of New Plymouth at this time possessed
trading establishments upon the Connecticut and Kenne-
beck, which were sources of profit, but they not unfre-
quently caused embarrassment and collision. A short
time after Governor Prence entered upon his ofiice, he
was annoyed by intelligence of violent proceedings at
both these points. A man of the name of Stone^ a West
Indian of St. Christopher^s, by intoxicating the Gover-
nor of the Dutch fort on Connecticut river, obtained his

142 THOMAS PRENCE.

leave to take a Plymouth bark, which was lying there
at anchor. The master and most of the men being on
shore, he succeeded, and after weighing her anchor set
sail for Virginia, but some Dutch sailors, who had received
kind treatment at Plymouth, discovering his design^
pursued him with two vessels, and soon after recaptured
the bark.

Stone afterwards going to Massachusetts, was served
; with a process, and for the purpose of a compromise, he
went to Plymouth. In a dispute with the governor, he
was so transported with rage that he attempted to stab
him, but was prevented "by the vigilance of the gov-
ernor's attendants.

An act of violence was also perpetrated at Kennebeck/
within the limits of the Plymouth patent. A pinnace
belonging to Lord Say and Sele, and commanded by
one Hocking, sailed from Pascataqua into the Kennebeck,
^and he attempted to pass up the river for the purpose of
trading with the natives. Two of the magistrates of Ply-
mouth being there, forbade him; he persisted, and
declaring that "he would go up and trade with the
natives in despite of them, and lye there as long as he
pleased,^' went on.

The Plymouth men pursued him in a boat, and after
entreating him to depart, and receiving nothing but " ill
words '^ and positive refusals, finding his pinnace at
anchor, two of them went in a canoe, cut one of the ca-
bles, and attempted to cut the other; Hocking threatened
to shoot them; they defied him, and persisted; he fired^
and killed one. The pinnace having come up, with five
or six men on board, they fired on Hocking and killed
him.

THOMAS PREirci:. 148

At the general court at Boston, (May 16, 1634,) up-
on complaint of a kinsman of Hocking, John Alden,
one of the Plymouth magistrates, who was present at this
transaction, but at that time in Boston, was arrested an d
held to bail, "and withal (says Governor Winthrop)
we wrote to Plymouth to certify them what we had done,
and to know whether they would do justice in the cause,
(as belonging to their jurisdiction,) and to have a speedy
answer,'' Slc.

This was a high handed transaction on the part of
the authorities of Massachusetts, and naturally caused
much excitement among the people of Plymouth. Gov-
ernors Bradford and Winslow, Mr. Collier, and the pastor
of the church, were obliged to go to Boston and hold
conferences with the authorities there, before the diffi-
culty could be adjusted. Governors Winthrop and
Dudley appear to have interested themselves in the
exculpation of Plymouth, and the indignity offered
to this colony by the illegal arrest of one of her
magistrates, was overlooked, and soon forgotten. The
power of the younger colony, which was destined ulti-
mately to swallow up the older, was already beginning
to be felt.

Prior to the year 1634, although the governor and
assistants were the only magistrates in the colony, it does
not appear that they possessed the power of a judicial
court. They had no jurisdiction in civil actions, and in
criminal offences^ they could only ^ bind ovePthe accused
to appear at the general court. In 1633, a few laws,
such only as appeared to be of the naost urgent necessity,
were established. But as the settlements expanded, it
soon became obvious, that a code of laws must be adopt-

144 THOMAS pmxifcs.

ed; and the year 1636, may be considered the date of
the establishment of a body of organic laws in New
Plymouth.

On the 16th of November, at a court of Associates,
the following declaration was ordered :

" We, the associates of New Plymouth, coming hither
as free-born subjects of the State of England, and en-
dowed with all and singular the privileges belonging to
such, being assembled, do ordain that no act, imposition,
law, or ordinance, be made or imposed upon us, at the
present, or to come, but such as shall be made and im-
posed by consent of the body of the associates, or their
representatives legally assembled, which is according to
the liberties of the state of England."

Whether the laws of England which preceded this
order were renounced, is equivocal ; but the authority of
English laws, " at present, or to come," was by this de-
claration renounced by the whole body of the associates,
and Parliament was denied the right of legislating for
New Plymouth. This order, (says Baylies,) is the first
American Declaration of Rights, if not of Independence,
and the laws which followed, became necessary for the
protection of the people and the preservation of the gov-
ernment*

The time of the annual election was fixed for the
first Tuesday of June, when a governor and seven as*
sistants should be chosen^ ^^ to rule and govern the plan*
tation within the limits of this corporation," and the
decCion was confined to those who had been admitted as
freemen. The qualifications required to constitute a
freenan^ were^ to be twenty-coie years of age, of sober

• BayliM' Hist. ITew Flymoath, i. 839.

THOMAS PRENCE. 145

and peaceable conversation, orthodox in the fundamen-
tals of religion, and to possess a rateable estate of the
value of twenty pounds. All these were pre-requisites,
before any 'person could be admitted to the oath pre-
scribed to be taken by freemen.

The duties and powers of the governor, were^ de-
fined by law; but the office seems to have given to the
incumbent little more than the privilege of acting as
chairman of the court of assistants, or of the general
court — the honorary station of being the official head
of political society. He was destitute of the power of
appointing any of the officers of the government, or even
of nominating them; and of course he had no patronage^
or any mode of sefturing influence, excepting what arose
from the weight of his personal character. He could
call the assistants together, for the purpose of advising
with them in council, and in voting his voice was
double; but the assistants could refer all matters to
the general court, which the governor was obliged to
summon if they required it, and his duty in that court
was confined to the statement of the questions upon
which they were to act. The power of arrest was giv-
en to him, but no further than to restrain the offender,
until his offence could be investigated, either by the
court of assistants, or the general court. The power
of examining suspicious persons, and of intercepting
letters, was given, probably in consequence of the
memorable attempt of Lyford and others to subvert the
government of the colony in 1624.* It can "scarcely be
conceived, at this day, how a government could be ad-
ministered with .such limited authority in the executive.

* See page 85, of this volume.

146 THOMAS PRENCE.

The personal influence of the governor must have sup-
plied the want of legal power.

The want of power in the governor^ was not sup-
plied by the greater powers of the assistants. They
were to advise the governor^ and were restrained from
^betraying council.' They preside!! in the examina-
tion of offenders in public court, ^ and had a voice in
censuring.' One of them, by the consent of the others,
on the.ziomination of the governor, could discharge the
executive duties in his absence, and their power of arrest
was similar to that of the governor.

Within this narrow circle was confined the authority
of the assistants. In a factious society, this power would
have been constantly defied and contemned; but the col-
onists were a sober, moral, and religious, in fact, a well
regulated family, loving and obeying their magistrates,
with an affection and revqrence like that which children
render to their parents ; and the influence of the clergy
was a powerful support to this paternal government^
which depended so little on physical strength, and so
much on the moral force of opinion.* ' i

Prior to the year 1636, there appears to have been
no secretary to the colony, and the records were kept
by the governor. The code adopted at that period
was preceded by the declyatiofa, before referred to,t
styled " General Fundamentals'' in the records. A certi-
ficate signed in Dec. 1776, by John Cotton, the recorder
at Plymouth, referring to this declaration, says— ^ " The
above act stands in front of three manuscript law books, in
1636, 1668, and 1660, and of two printed Mies, in 1671

• See Baylieg, i. 229—235.

t See pages 76 and 118, oi this volume.

THOMAS PRENCE. 147

and 1685. In the year 1636, Plymouth colony first
formed or perfected their body or code of laws, they
being before governed by transient regulations or oc*
casional laws."* To the manuscript book of 1636, other
laws were added from time to time; and when any of
the former were altered or repealed, this was done by
the simple process of making interlineations or erasures,
instead of passing additional acts ! In 1658, the laws
were revised, and entered in another book, and they were
published, not by printing, but by the preparation of
copies in manuscript by the secretary, equal in number
to the number of towns in the colony. Into this book
the laws passed afterwards were copied, until 1664,
when there appears to have been another revision, and
a third book of laws was made, similar to the former.
This contains all the laws passed from that time till 1682.
The laws, which thus existed in three separate manu-
script volumes, have been bound in one, and are preserv-
ed. When the first printed edition was ordered in
1671, another revision was made, but the manuscript of
this no longer exists.f

In 1637, Governor Prence was particularly active in
raising a corps of volunteers to assist Connecticut and
Massachusetts in the expedition against the Pequot In-
dians, which resulted in the utter overthrow and exter-
mination of that tribe. The names of thirty-nine men,
who offered to go on that service, are on record, and the
document has the following caption : " The names of
the soldiers that willingly offer to. go upon the service

* Baldwin's sermon at Plymouth, Dec. 22, 1775. Hazard's Coll. of Pam-
phlets, in Force's Library, Washington, D. C»

t III Mass. Hist. Coll., ii. 265.

148 THOMAS PREXCE.

with Mr. Prence and the Lieutenant^ voluntaries.''* The
Pequots were a warlike tribe^ not inferior in courage to
any in the New World. They inhabited the territory
now occupied by the towns of New-London, Groton and
Stonington^ in Connecticut. Foreseeing the ultimate
extinction of their race, from the advance of the English,
this tribe, heretofore hostile to the Narragansetts, now
proposed to join them in an effort to exterminate the
whites- Fortunately for the colonists, the Narragansetts
refused the alliance, and the Pequots, more exasperated
than discouragied by their refusal, commenced hostilities
alone. They surprised stragglers, and scalped them, and
plundered and burnt the neighboring settlements — until
the infant colonies, particularly Connecticut and Massa-
chusetts, by a vigorous effort, succeeded in overpowering
and destroying the tribe. The troops raised in Plymouth,
fifty-six in number, were placed under the immediate
command of Capt. Standish, but the war was over before
they reached the scene of action. The Pequot nation
had ceased to exist.

In 1638, Mr. Prence was again elected to the office
of governor. It appears that he accepted the office with
considerable reluctance, and made it a condition that he
should not be compelled to remove from Duxbury. Dur-
ing his administration, in that year, a severe and exem-

* By "the Lieutenant," William Holmes is intended, afterwards promoted
to the rank of major, who became a freeman of the colony in 1633, and was
Appointed in 1635, with Capt. Standish, to teaeh the Train bands of Plymouth
and Duxbury. Major Holmes lived at Scituate, and died in 1649, without a
family. He was tjie leader of the Plymouth party, who, in defiance of the
Dutch authorities of New Amsterdam, took possession of the territory on Con-
necticut river, and erected the first house in Connecticut, at Windsor, in Octo-
ber, 1633. See page 113, of this volume; compare also Holmes, i. SSSS, and
Trumbull, i. 35.

THOMAS PRENCE. I4d

plary act of justice was exhibited, in the condemnation
of three colonists, for robbing and mortally wounding an
Indian.

It appears that four young men of Plymouth, who
were servants, absconding from their masters, attacked a
solitary Indian at Pawtucket, near Providence, but with-
in the limits of New Plymouth, and after inflicting upon
him a mortal wound, robbed him of a quantity of wam-
pum, and fled to Providence. Complaint was made to
Roger Williams, by the Indians, who were greatly alarm-
ed, and he called upon the authorities to have "justice
donc.^^ Roger Williams was particularly anxious that
the natives should behold in the prompt and signal pun-
ishment of these offenders, an example of the justice of
the English, and Gov. Winthrop of Massachusetts, whose
advice had been solicited, considered it a matter -in which
the whole country was interested. Governor Prence
and the authorities of New Plymouth promptly institut-
ed the necessary investigation. One of the criminals
fled to Pascataqua, where he was protect ^^. and finally
escaped put of the country. The others welre tried^ con-
demned, and executed, in presence of many of the natives^
who had assembled at New Plymouth. This execution
has been cited as an undeniable proof of the stern sense
of duty which was cherished by the Pilgrims. To put
three Englishmen to death for the murder of an Indian,
without compulsion, or without any apprehension of con-
sequences, (for it does not appear that any application
was made on the part of the Indians for the punishment
of the murderers,) denotes a rigor in the administration
of justice, unusual in new settlements, especi|dly in con-
troversies with the natives. It stands in our annals with-

150 THOMAS PRENCE.

out a parallel instance ; the truth of the fact is vouched
by all our early historians, and it was probably not with-
out its reward ; for the Indians, convinced of the justice
of the English, abstained from all attempts to avenge
their personal wrongs, by their own acts, for many
years. i

In 1643, we find Mr. Prence actively engaged in pro-
moting a new settlement at Nauset, or Eastham. Eight
towns had been settled within the Hmits of the colony
during the first twenty years, but Nauset, now thought to
be a very favorable spot, had been overlooked. The
people of Plymouth became alarmed at these frequent
removals from among them. Many persons had already
left the town, and now, when others of the most respecta-
ble among them desired to remove, it became a serious
question with the church, whether it were not better
for the whole body to remove at once to another place,
than thus to be weakened and insensibly dissolved. Meet-
ing after meeting was held, and, after much controversy,
it was finally agreed by the whole body that they would
remove together, on condition that they could find a
place sufficient for their accommodation.

A committee, at the head of which was Mr. Prence,
was now sent to Nauset, to make examination. Their
report was against the feasibility of removing to that place.
They purchased, however, the contiguous lands, belong-
ing to the natives ; and the Plymouth people finally gave
up the project of i removing the seat of government, and
consented that those who desired to begin a plantation
at Nauset, should be permitted to do so. Mr. .Prence
and his associates now obtained a grant of lands at Nau-
set, and went resolutdy forward with their new planta-

THOMAS PRENCE. . 151

tion. These persons were among the most respectable
inhabitants of Plymouth. The church regretted their
departure, viewing herself as a mother grown old and for-
saken by her children, if not in their affections, yet in
their company and personal assistance.* But however
the emigration might have been lamented at that time, it
was productive of good to the colony ; and eventually led
to the settlement of all the lower part of the county of
Barnstable ; in consequence of which the Indians there,
who from their numbers were a formidable body, were
overawed and their good will obtained, and they were
prevented from joining in hostilities against the Eng-
lish, in the wars which afterward occurred.

In 1664, Mr. Prence, then one of the board of assist-
ants, went to the settlement which had been formed on
the Kennebeck patent, and, under authority of parliament,
pursuant to directions of the court at New Plymouth,
organized a government, Thomas Southworth, son-in-
law of Governor Bradford, being appointed agent or
governor. He summoned a meeting of the inhabitants
at Merry-Meeting Bay, and some sixteen persons attend-
ed and subscribed the oath of fidelity to the government
of New Plymouth-! Seven years afterwards, the colony
disposed of this patent to a private company for four hun-
dred pounds sterling. J

* ^ And thas was this poor Church left like an ancient mother, grown
old and forsaken of her children, thotigh not in their affections, yet in regard
of their bodily presence and personal helpfulness, her ancient members, being
most of them worn away by death, and those of latter times being like children
translated into other families, and she like a widow left alone to trust in. God.
Thus she that had made many rich became herself poor." — Plymouth Chnrcb
Records, i. 45.

t Ha2sard*8 Coll. i. 583—586.

X See p. 133, of this volume.

152 THOMAS PRENCi:.

On the death of Governor Bradford, in 1667, Mr-
Prence was chosen his successor. There seemed to be
an obvious propriety in this selection. Mr. Prence had
held that office as early as 1634, and once afterwards,
and had been constantly in public employment. Nobne
stood before him in the public estimation, excepting per-
haps, Bradford and Edward Winslow, and with them he
certainly appears to have shared the confidence of the peo-
ple, and the highest offices of the government. As both
these respectable men were now deceased, there could
have been but little hesitation in giving him the station
of which he was not deemed unworthy, when they were
living. He was accordingly annually chosen to the
chief magistracy, from this time forward, for sixteen
years, until his death, which occurred in 1673.

The law, as has already been stated, required the gov-
ernor to reside at Plymouth; but there was a special dis-
pensation made in favor of Governor Prence until the
year 1665. In October of that year, ^4he country saw
reason to desire and request his removal into the town,
for the more convenient administration of justice.'^ Gov.
Prence now removed to Plymouth, and took possession
of a place, provided for him by the government, which
he occupied until his death. It was nearly two miles
from the centre of the town, on the road leading towards
Boston — ^and was called Plain^Dealingy the former resi-
dence of John Winslow, and afterwards of Edward Gray,
of whom it had been purchased by the colony. The
governor's salary was at the same time established at
fifty pounds per annum, and it was stipulated that he
should receive that sum annually as long as he continued
to be governor of the colony.

THOMAS PASirCX. 163

Governor Prence was not altogether happy in hia
administration of the government. The severe proceed*
ings against sectaries^ especially against the Quakers^
which were favored by him, and in which his conduct
wa^ intolerant, and in some instances overbearing, creat-
ed dissatisfaction even amongst those who were hostile
to the introduction of new sects. Governor Prence
himself, in temper and spirit, more closely resembled
the stern puritans who settled upon the Bay of Massa-
chusetts, than his predecessors in the government of
Plymouth. He saw with dread and misgiving the in-
creasing indifference of the people to the support of the
clergy. He knew that before the death of Governor
Bradford, that venerable man had spoken of it with
apprehension. He had endeavored, with Winslow,
ten years before, to check the growing influence of the
new sects among the deputies, and the people. Men
began to doubt the benefit of stated preaching, and chose
to exercise their own spiritual gifts ; and so inadequate
was the support given to the clergy, that many left the
colony. Gorton's extravagances had excited disgust;
and now when the Quakers, whose tenets and practices
bore some resemblance to his, began to appear, a large
majority of the people were ready to adopt the severe
policy pursued in Massachusetts^ which was now advo-
cated by Grovernor Prence.

There were still influential men in the colony who
were open friends of toleration, and had the nerve to op-
pose the popular current. James Cudworth and Thomas
Hatherly, two of the assistants, whose views were in
advance of the age, objected to the persecution of the
Quakers. They were at once proscribed and omitted
20

164 THOHAS P&EXC£.

from the magistracy; and in 1669, when the people of
Scituate returned General Cudworth as a deputy to the
general court, such was the bigotry of the majority, that
they unceremoniously denied him a seat.*

In a letter, written in 1658, General Cudworth thus
describes the state of public feeling at that time exist-
ing in the colony : " The state and condition of things
amongst us is sad, and so like to continue. The anti*
christian, persecuting spirit is very active, and that in
the powers of this world. He ihat will not lash, punish
and persecute men that differ in matters of religion,
must not sit on the bench, nor sustain any oflSice in the
commonwealth. Last election, Mr. Hatherly and my-
self were left off the bench, and myself discharged of my
Captainship, becau^ I had entertained some of the
Quakers at my house, thereby that I might be better
acquainted with their principles. I thought it better to

* Gen. Cudworth, who was one of the most estimable men in the colony,
came from England in 1632; settled at Scituate, where he was chosen a deputy
in 1649, and for several succeeding years. In 1656, he was chosen assistant, in
which office he continued until displaced as above stated. On the election of
Goyernor Josiah Winslow, in 1673, he endeavored' and with success, to make
honorable amends for the abuse and neglect which Cudworth had suffered from
his predecessor, Gov. Prence. In the colony records, July 1673, is an entry, that
*^ Capt. Cudworth, by a full and clear yote, is accepted and re-established, ib the
«880ciation and body of this Commonwealth." He was chosen an assisUuBit
again from 1674, to 1680, inclusively. In 1 675, he was chosen *' General and
Commander in Chief of ail the forces that are or may be sent forth against
the enemy," and he continued in that place until Philip's war was ended.
In 1681, he was appointed an agent for the colony to England. He was also
Deputy Governor the same year. On his arrival in London in the autumn of
1682, he unfortunately took the small pox, of which he died.

Mr. Hatherly was originally from Devonshire, afterwards a merchant of
London, and came to Plymouth in the ship Anne in 1623. He became a great
landholder, was one of the founders of Scituate, and was among the most enter-
prising men of the Colony. He was an assistant thirteen years, treasurer of
the colony, and one of the commiflsionen of the United Colonies. He died in
16G6| without issue.

THOMAS PRSNGE. 155

do so^ than with the blind world to censure^ condemn,
rail at, and revile them, when they neither saw their
persons, nor knew any of their principles. But the Qua-
kers and myself cannot close, in divers things, and so
I signified to the Court; but told them withal, that as I
was no Quaker, so I would be no persecutor.'^

The Quakers, who had endured persecution in Eng-
land, appeared in this country in 1656, and immediately
attracted the notice of the authorities. The leaders of
the sect in New Plymouth were Humphrey Norton and
John Rouse. They were turbulent men, violent in all
their proceedings, and in a very short time provoked a
persecution, which might not have followed, had their
conduct been as wise and discreet as that of Penn and his
followers in Pennsylvania. Severe laws were enacted
against them, and enforced with the rigor characteristic
of the times.

In October, 1667, Norton was summoned before the
court of magistrates, and being convicted of "divers
horrid errors,'' was ordered to depart from the jurisdic-
tion, and he was conducted by a marshal to the boundary
of Rhode Island. But the • spirit of these enthusiasts
was not thus to be subdued. Norton returned not long
afterwards, and was imprisoned. When arraigned before
the governor, and charged with his offences against the
laws, he said to the governor, "Thomas, thou liestl
thou art a malicious man !" His companion Rouse being
equally turbulent, they were both sentenced to be whip-
ped. The punishment was inflicted, when, after another
short imprisonment, they left the colony. Others of
the sect were banished, but no one Aiflered death, as in
the neighboring colony of Massachusetts*

|£0 THOMAS PRENCK.

Norton had offered a written paper to the governor,
which he refused to receive. Smarting under a sense
of the severity and cruelty with which he had been
treated, he addressed letters to Governor Prence and to
Mr. Alden, who was one of the assistants, in which he
vented his resentment, in strains approaching to elo-
qpence, and claimed to be a prophet, a delusion which he
probably cherished in all sincerity. A portion of the
letter to the governor, here follows :

" Thomas Prence, thou who hast bent thy heart to
work wickedness, and with thy tongue hast set forth
deceit; thou imaginest mischief upon thy bed, and
hatchest thy hatred in thy secret chamber ; the strength
of darkness is over thee, and a malicious mouth hast
thou opened against God and his anointed, and with thy
tongue and lips hast thou uttered perverse things ; thou
hast slandered the innocent by railing, lying, and false
accusations, and with thy barbarous heart hast thou caused
their blood to be shed. Thou hast through these things
broken and transgressed the laws and ways of God, and
equity is not before thy eyes ; the curse causeless can*
not come upon thee, nor the vengeance of God unjustly
cannot fetch thee up ; thou makest thyself merry with
thy secret malice, and when thou actest or executesf it,
it is in derision and scorn. The deadly drink of the
cup of indignation thou cannot escape, and the grief and
cause of travail will not be greater than thine. Since
first I saw thee, and before, thy false and lying tongue
hath been forged against me. I shall not write nor speak
this without ground, as thou hast done by me, but
plainly shall present thy doings before thy face; as firstly,
thy former warrant was forged upon a filthy lie, and

THOMAS PRENCE. 167

therein thou titlest me an extravagant person ; thy sec-
ond had helping hand in causing me to be recorded for
several errors, and like a shameless man would neither
acknowledge nor deny ; thy third, that John Rouse and I
were inordinate fellows, and never in the least made it ap-
pear wherein ; thy fourth that I intended within two days
after the time thou spake it, to make a preachment, as
thou in thy derision called it thereaways ; thy fifth, thy
promise that I should have the law, and afterwards went
about to deny it, so as from thee I never had it yet ; thy
sixth, popish and Jesuitical names, withal thy lying slan-
ders and false aspersions cast upon us from thy clamor-
ous tongue ; thy seventh, acting contrary to law, equity
and justice, and judgment, according to the evil of thine
own heart, — ^all these art thou guilty of, besides the de-
nying of my paper, which was presented to thee, contain-
ing part of my grounds of my coming ; thy eighth, thy
striving to dash my words back upon me, and to hinder
me to speak in the people^s hearing, striving what thou
could to stain the truth of Grod with thy envious tongue, all
which things are charged upon thy head, and as a peal of
hail stones will pelt upon thy heart; thou hast perverted
justice and true judgment, and hast defrauded the poor
and needy ; thou hast caused to defraud the righteous
owner of his goods, and art heaping it up as upon a hill,
wherewith thou wilt purchase to thyself and others a
field of blood, wherein to bury your dead. John Alden
is to thee like unto a packhorse, whereupon thou layest
thy beastly bag ; cursed are all they that have a hand
therein ; the cry of vengeance will pursue thee day and
night, for other men's goods, hard speeches, unrighteous
actions, which thou hast done and spoken against others

158 THOMAS PRENC£.

and us, without and contrary to the righteous law ; so
shall rest upon thee as frontlets upon thy head, and as
we have suffered without law, so shalt thou perish with-
out law, if thou repent not. The days of thy wailing
will be like unto that of a woman that murthers the fruit
of her womb; the anguish and pain that will enter thy
reins will be like gnawing worms lodging betwixt thy
tfeart and liver. When these things come upon thee,
and thy back bowed down with pain, in that day and
hour thou shalt know to thy grief that prophets of the
Lord God we are, and the God of vengeance is our God.

"Humphrey Norton."
Language of extreme bitterness like this, however it
may have been provoked by persecution, was not likely
to soften the hearts of those in power; and during
the year 1668, several disfranchising laws were passed
against the Quakers. " No Quaker, Ranter, or any such
corrupt person," was permitted to be a freeman of the
corporation. All such as were opposers to the good and
wholesome laws of the colony, or manifest opposers
of the true worship of God, or such as refused to do the
country service, being called thereunto, on conviction,
were denied the privileges of freemen. Any freemen
of the corporation being Quakers, or such as were mani-
fest encouragers of them, and so judged by the court;
and such as spoke contemptuously of the court and the
laws; and such as were adjudged by the court, ^^ grossly
(Scandalous, as lyers, drunkards, and swearers," &c. were
to lose the freedom of the corporation. All such as re-
fused to take the oath of fidelity, as Quakers, and their
abettors, were denied a vote in the choice of public oflR^
eers, and were restricted from holding offices of trust

THOMAS PRENCE. 159

The court also passed another law, with this pregnant
preamble : " Whereas sundry persons, both Quakers and
others, wander up and down in this jurisdiction, and fol-
low no lawful calling, to earn their bread, and also do
use all endeavours to subvert the civil state, and pull down
all churches and ordinances of God, to thrust us out of the
ways of God, notwithstanding all former laws provided
for the contrary :''

The court therefore directed, that a work-house or
house of correction should be erected, " for the restraint
of all such vagabonds as wander up and down without
any lawful calling, and also all idle persons, or rebellious
children, or servants that are stubborn and will not work,
to earn their own bread, and yet have not wherewith
to maintain themselves,'' &c.-

Much censure has been thrown upon the govern-
ment of Plymouth, for the severity of these laws, and
the cruelty of the punishments which were inflicted on
the Quakers. They were severe beyond what the
necessity of the case required, and were enforced with
rigor. But the task of palliation, in this case, is not
very difficult, however difficult it might be to find
grounds for a full justification. The circumstances of
the times, and the spirit of the age, should be considered
in prQuouncing judgment upon these dark passages in
the history of New Plymouth.

The Quakers who first appeared in the colony, were
not inhabitants of the country. They came from abroad^
originally from England, but immediately 'from Barba-
does. Although they professed to inculcate the principles
of peace and benevolence, they waged a most furiouat
war again^ a religion^ which was much endeared to th«

160 tHOMAfi PRCNCiU

people whom they were endeavoring to proselyte ; for
which that people had suflFered much, and who were
ready to suffer much more, if necessary, to attest their
strong conviction of its truth. Their laws, their govern-
ment, their forms of worship, all which they had been
taught to venerate, and were accustomed to love, were
denounced in harsh and vulgar terms, by utter stran-
gers- Their magistrates were openly insulted, and their
ministers were reviled, in language of insolent abuse.
It is not surprising, therefore, that they should have
attempted to check what appeared to them to be blas-
phemy and impiety. AltlK)ugh these new expounders
of the scriptures styled themselves the Prophets of God,
yet it was not an unnatural nor strange result in that
day, that they should have been regarded by those among
'whom they came, as men " possessed with demons. '^

It is very probable, that the deportment of Gov-
ernor Prence towards Norton, was domineering and
arrogant ; for he was a man who detested schismatics
of every shade, and had no particular sympathy for those
who affected to despise and deride all '^ human learn-
ing." Yet one far more indulgent than he was, placed
in the same situation, would have been himself possessed
of uncommon self-command, if he could have tolerated
personal insult, and tamely suffered himself to be charged
w^ith falsehood and malice, while in the very exercise of
his high authority on the judgment seat, and presiding
in court. Even in our own times, under a much more
tolerant system, and with a mitigated penal code, " con-
tempt of court,'' is deemed a high offence, and is pun-
i^ed accordingly. Still it is better that the hands of
power should fall gently on all enthusiasts in morals or

THOMAS i>RSirCX. IGI

religion, and on any who make pretence — even if it be
nothing tut pretence — of acting under the strong impulses
of religious feeling. The Pope of Rome, when he dis-
missed the too zealous Quaker without injury, who even
within the walls of the Vatican denounced him as the
^^ Man of Sin/^ and as " the Antichrist/^ acted wisely,
by choosing to consider this effusion of zeal, as an out- ^
pouring of insanity ; and, intolerant as he was to reli-
gious heresy, he could be charged with no want of in-
dulgence to human infirmity.

It has been observed, that the tolerant spirit which
ruled in the councils of Rhode Island, gave offence to
the other colonies. It was, beyond a doubt, the main
cause of her exclusion from the league of 1643. After
the Quakers had begun to flee to that colony, as a " city
of refuge,'^ the commissioners of the United Colonies
requested the government of Rhode Island to prohibit
the Quakers coming into that colony, and to expel those
who were already there. Governor Prence, at that time
a commissioner, joined in this arrogant request, the only
commissioner who refused his assent being General
Cudworth of Scituate. The answer of the government
of Rhode Island, is in admirable spirit. "As concerning
these Quakers, (say they,) which are now among us,
we have no law among us whereby to punish any for
only declaring by words, &c., their minds and under-
standings concerning the things and ways of God^ as to
salvation and an eternal condition. And we moreover
find, that in those places where these people in this
colony are most of all suffered to declare themselves
freely, and are only opposed by arguments in discourse^^
there they least of all desire to come J^
21

I^ THOMAS PRjB1VC£.

In 1668, the exasperation had increased to such a
degree, that the commissioners recommended to the colo-
nies the punishment of death against all of that "cursed
set of heretics/' who should be found in the country
after sentence of banishment- A panic seized the good
people of the colony, and further oppressive laws were
^ enacted against the Quakers; but fortunately the manda-
mus of Charles II., in 1661, finally put an end to their
persecutions in New England- The most obnoxioug
laws against them were soon afterwards repealed.

Public prejudice during all this time had prevailed
to such a degree in New Plymouth as to exclude from
her councils some of the best citizens in the colony, who
had been honest and bold enough to encounter it ; but
upon the accession of the second Governor Winslow,
these men were promptly restored to public trusts, and
regained the general confidence. The Quakers them-
selves, hitherto so turbulent, when left unmolested by
penal regulations, settled down into a quiet, orderly life,
and became the most peaceful, industrious and moral of
all religious sects.

Beside the difficulties already stated, which Governor
Prence had to encounter, he also met with serious em-
barrassments from the hostile feeling, which was increas-
ing amon^ the Indians. The demise of the great and
good sachem Massasoit; the accession of his son Alex-
ander, and his early death, under circumstances causing
great excitement and apprehension; the movements of
the warlike and resolute Philip, and the decisive meas-
ures, which it became necessary to take with the Squaw
Sachem of Pocasset, and the heads of other Indian tribes,
more orle^ under the inflneiioe pf Philip, required the

THOMAS PBjeirc£« 168

most constant vigilance and attention^ on the part of the
government.

After the death of Massasoit^ his two sons, Wamsutta
and Metacomet, appeared before the court at Plymouth,
and requested that English names might Ke given them.
Grovernor Prence gave to Wamsutta the name of Alex*
ander, and to Metacomet, that of Philip. In 1662, Gov-
emor Prence received information, by letters, from Bos-
ton, that Alexander was contriving mischief against the
English, and that he had solicited the Narragansetts to
engage in his hostile enterprises, denominated, by the
writers of that period, " a designated rebellion.'^ Capt.
Willett, who lived near Mount Hope, was appointed to
confer with Alexander, and to request his attendance
at the next court at Plymouth, to explain his proceedings.
From his conversation with Capt. Willett, his appearance
at court was expected. He did not attend, however,
but still continuing his intercourse with the Narragan-
setts, the government of Plymouth directed Major Josiah
Winslow, to bring him before them by force. Major
Winslow immediately proceeded, with ten men, to exe-
cute his instructions. On his way from Marshfield to
Mount Hope, he unexpectedly found Alexander at his
hunting house, about half way between Plymouth and
Bridgewater. He had with him a number of his men,
(Hubbard says, eighty,) well armed. Major Winslow, it
appears, came upon the party by surprise, and having
secured their arms, which were without doors, entered
the wigwam, and communicated his instructions. ^^The
proud Sachem,^' says Dr. I. Mather, " fell into a raging
passion, at this surprise, saying that the Governor had
no reason to credit rumors, or to send for him in such a

164 THOMAS PRCKCB.

way, nor would he go to Plymouth but when he saw
cause." By the advice of his interpreter, a brother of
John Sausaman, he was prevailed upon to submit. It
V9QB a warm summer day, and the Major kindly offered
his pri^ner the use of a horse ; but his squaw and sever-
al other Indian women, being of the party, who could
cot be furnished with horses, Alexander politely declin-
ed the offer, observing, that he could go on foot as well
as they, only entreating that they might march with a
slow pace, to accommodate the women. In this request
he was indulged ; and Major Winslow treated his royal
prisoner with every attention, consistent with the object
he was required to accomplish. It was necessary to,
wait, until Governor Prence could be informed of the
circumstances, arid should arrive at Plymouth, from
Eastham, where he then resided. The prisoner in the
mean time was taken to the Major's house, at Marshfield,
and was there courteously entertained. But the high
spirit of the savage king could not brook the affront.
^^ Vexing and fretting in his spirit," says Dr. Mather,
" that such a check was given him, he suddenly fell sick
of a fever." Every proper humane attention appears to
have been afforded him in his sickness. He was nursed
as a choice friend, and Dr. Fuller, a neighboring physi-
cian, prescribed for his relief.

His disease continuing, the Indians, in his train, en-
treated that he might be dismissed ; and their request was
finally granted, upon his engagement to appear at the
next court ; but he soon after died, Hubbard says, " be-
fore he got half way home."

There can be no doubt that the surprisal of Alexan-
der, followed as it was by his sudden death, greatly

THOMAS PREirCS. 165

incensed the Indians; and an examination of all the
facts disclosed in the case, will justify the received opin-
ion, that, from the hour of Alexander's death, the hearts
of his warriors were steeled against the English. The
account of the transaction which we have here given, is
almost in the words of Mather and Hubbard, who wrote
at the same time. It presents the conduct of the Ply-
mouth authorities in an unenviable light; for at the time
there seems to have been no evidence whatever of the hos-
tile designs attributed to the successor of the great sachem
of the Wampanoags, who had been so true a friend to
the English. The seizure of Alexander was therefore an
outrage, that might well wound the spirit of the savage
king, and animate his successor with the purposes of
revenge. Judge Davis, in his edition of Morton, presents
a different view of the case, and one which would go to
relieve the government of Plymouth from the harsh
judgment to which previous accounts had given rise.
It is contained in a letter from the Rev. John Cotton of
Plymouth, to Dr. Increase Mather, without date, but
probably written in 1677, and refers to the account
which had been drawn up by the authorities of Ply-
mouth, styled " jyarrative de Mexandro.^^*

The letter begins, " Major Bradford [who was "with
Mr. Winslow when Alexander was surprised] confi-
dently assures me, that in the J\*arratwe de^ MexandrOy
there are many mistakes, and, fearing lest you should,
through information, print some mistakes on that subject,
from his mouth I this write. Reports being here that
Alexander was plotting, or privy to plots, against tl>e
English, authority sent to him to come down. He

* Thif Narrative, in manusQript, is in the library of the Mass. Hist. Societj.

166 THOMAS PRBirCE.

came not. Whereupon Major Winslow was sent to fetck
him. Major Bradford with some others, went with him.
At Munponset River, a place not many miles hence,
they found Alexander with about eight men and sundry
squaws. He was there about getting canoes. He and
his men were at breakfast under their shelter, their guns
being without. They saw the English coming, but con-
tinued eating; and Mr. Winslow telling their business,
Alexander, freely and readily, without the least hesitancy,
consented to go, giving his reason why he came not to the
court before, viz : because he waited for Capt. Willett's
return from the Dutch, being desirous to speak with him
first* They brought him to Mr. Collier's that day, and
Governor Prence living remote at Eastham, those few
magistrates who were at hand issued the matter peacea-
bly, and immediately dismissed Alexander to return
home, which he did part of the way ; but, in two or
three days after, he returned and went to Major Wins-
low's house, intending thence to travel into the bay and
so home ; but, at the major's house, he was taken very
sick, and was, by water, conveyed to Mr. Bradford's,
and thence carried upon the shoulders of his men to
Tetehquet River, and thence in canoes home, and, about
two' or three days after, died."t

* Capt. Thomas Willett, who is here referred to, was one of the Lejden Pil-
gtima ; came over in 1629 ; was an assistant from 1651 to 1665, when he re**
moved to New York, and became the first English mayor of that citj. Owning
lands in the Narragansett country, he afterwards settled near Mount Hope,
wh^re he had much intercourse and influence with the Indians. He died al
Barrington, R. I., 4 Aug. 1674, aged 64. Francis Willett, distinguished in
Rhode Island, was his grandson, and Colonel Marinas Willett, of New Tork,
a ^Mtinguished officer of the revolutionary war, and mayor of the city, WM his
descendant.

f Davis* Morton, Appendix A. A. p. 425. See also Drake's Book of the
Indians, b iii. c. 1.

THOMAS PREirCE. 167

After the death of Alexander^ Philip his successor
appeared at Plymouth^ and renewed his professions of
peace. But the great chieftain^ foreseeing the inevitable
fate of his race, unless the march of the white population
could be arrested, was secretly nourishing his schemes
of vengeance, which precipitated the terrible war of
1675. A conviction on the part of Governor Prence,
that such was in fact the deliberate purpose of the wily
Philip, caused him to . adopt the rigorous measures
which have been noticed, and for which his wisdom and
humanity have sometimes been called in question. In
his belief, however, they were necessary to guard the
colony from sudden war ; and we know that the terrible
struggle did not ensue until after his death.

The visit from the Royal Commissioners, NicoUs,
Carr, and others, in 1665, was also productive of much
uneasiness in the cplony, and not a little embarrassment
to the authorities. New Plymouth was at this time the
weakest of all the colonies ; but she nevertheless con-
trived to hold on to her independence. The Com-
missioners promised them a charter, if they would set
an example of compliance, by allowing the King to select
their governors; but the general court, after due deliber-
ation, ^^with many thanks to the Commissioners, and great
protestations of loyalty to the King, chose to be as they
were.'^

Governor Prence extended to these Commissioner*
a most cordial reception, as the authorized agents of the^
King, and so managed, by a little skillful courtesy, a»
to avoid giving them the offence which the proceedingi?^
in Massachusetts had occasioned. In the reports of the
Commissioners, New Plymouth was consequently com-

168 THOMAS PREirCS.

plimented for her loyalty, and was, not long after, pro-
mised the especial favour of the King.*

It appears from the report of the Commissioners to
the King, that but ^^one plaint^^ was made to them at
Plymouth, and that was, that '^the governor would not
let a man enjoy a farm of four miles square, which he
had bought of an Indian." The fact, that no complaint
should have been preferred, except this one against the
governor, for exercising his pqjver to prevent a wrong,
discovers a degree of public confidence in the local
government of this little jurisdiction, which, has rarely
been equalled. To understand the grounds of the inter-
ference of Governor Prence, in this case, it should be
remembered, that in the treaty made with Massasoit in
. 1621, and renewed with that sachem and his son Alexan-
der, in 1639, the government of New Plymouth took the
precaution to prevent the Indians from disposing of their
lands to individuals. They foresaw that the practice, if

* The King was so well pleased with the loyal tone of the people of New
Plymouth, at this period, that he addressed them a letter coached in the follow-
ing gracious terms: ** Charles R. Trusty and well beloved, we greet you
well. Having received so lull and satisfactory an account from our commis-
sioners, both of the good reception you have given thera, and also of your dn-
tifulness and obedience to us : We cannot but let you know how much we are
pleised th^ewith ; judging that respect of yours towards our officers, to be the
true and natural fruit which deil^onstrates what fidelity and affection towards
us is rooted in your hearts. And although your carriage doth of itself, most
justly deserve our praise and approbation, yet it seems to be set off with the more
lustre, by the contrary deportment of the colony of Massachusetts, as if, by
their refractoriness, they had designed to recommend and heighten the merit
of your compliance with our directions, for the peaceable and good government
of our subjects in those parts. You may therefore assure yourselves, that we
shall never be unmindful of this your loyal and dutiful behavior, but shall,
upon all occasions, take notice of it to your advantage ; promising you our con-
stant protection and royal favor, in all that may concern your safety, pieaee and
.. welfslre. And so we bid you farewell. Given at our court at Whitehall, the
l^th day of April, 1666, in the 18th year of our reign. By his Majesty's com-
mand. Will. Marrice^'*

TH0MA3 PR£irO£, 169

allowed^ would be attended with the most pernicious
consequences; that it would lay the foundations for end-
less lawsuits^ and the Indians themselves would be
eventually stripped of all their lands^ by the deceptions
and intrigues of individuals. They therefore determined
to consider all sales by the Indians to individuals, without
the assent of the government, as invahd, and the chiefs,
father and son, agreed to the stipulation that none such
should be made. The wisdom of this policy can
scarcely be doubted.

Amidst various perplexities, during the long adminis-
tration of Governor Prence, the government at New
Plymouth appears on the whole to have pursued a firm
and steady course, in the promotion of the substantial
interests of the people; and if we except a lamentable
departure from a just and prudent toleration on religious
topics, during the sixteen successive years of his magis-
tracy, it is beheved, that little will be found to reprehend,
and much to approve. The bigotry which stained some
. portions of his career, was common to the age. His
integrity was never questioned, save by the enthusiasts
whom he looked upon as scoffers, and whose claim to
liberty of conscience, appeared to him but a claim to
reject the law of the gospel altogether. When Roger
Williams, in 1670, bold in his defence of the great prin-
ciples of religious freedom, proposed to Gov. Prence, to
^^ dispute these and other points of difference,^^ before the
public, at Boston, Hartford, and Plymouth,* — Governor
Prence replied, declining the proposition, but in terms
which proved that no opposition would be offered to him,
and no restraint imposed upon any persons who might

* See I Mass. Hist. Coll. i. 275, letter of Roger Williams.

170 THOJe^AS PR£lfGS.

desire to hear him. He denies that the Plymouth govern-
ment had any design to oppress a neighboring colony, or
to deprive them of "that which is by some cried up
above all you call New England's gods, viz. liberty for
every one to worship God as he lists, or liketh best; and
why not what God he liketh best also?^' He declines a
public discussion with Roger Williams, " not because we
have not some, through the grace of God, both able and
willing to maintain what truth we profess against gain-
sayers ; but who would expect to be any whit perfected
or completed in matters appertaining to God's worship,
by such as close not with any public worship upon earth,
that is known ? Not L Such worship," continues Gov-
ernor Prence, "and a Samaritan religion, are much alike
to me."*

The administration of Governor Prence is rendered
illustrious, by his zealous efforts to introduce a regular
system of free schools into the colony. It has been inti-
mated that a keen sense of his own deficiency in educa-
tion, compared with the ability and learning of his im-
mediate predecessors, first led him to espouse the cause
of free schools. If such was the fact, it is still more to
his credit; as a sense of personal deficiency oftener pro-
duces exactly the contrary result — a desire to pull down,
rather than to build up, the institutions of learning. It
is certain that he met with earnest, and for a time suc-
cessful opposition, and that at first he succeeded only so
far as to effect the establishment of a free school at Ply-
mouth, which was supported by the profits of the fishery
at Cape Cod. Previous to his death, however, he had
the satisfaction to behold the system which he had so

* See I Mass. Hist. Coll. yi. 203, reply of Gov. Prence.

THOMAS PRENCE. 171

earnestly advocated, and which was destined to work out
incalculable benefits to posterity, in successful operation
in most of the towns of the colony, and sustained, as he
knew it must be, to be extensively beneficial, at the pub-
lic expense. In the inventory of the library of Governor
Prence, after his decease, 44 school books are mentioned.
" This shews, he was a scholar,'^ says the late John Cot-
ton, Esq., in a manuscript quoted by Judge Davis. The
inference, however, is somewhat questionable, when
other indications are considered. But though he was not
a scholar, he was impressed with the importance of learn-
ing in the community, and indulged a generous zeal in
promoting literary acquisitions, which he did not himself
possess. The school books, in his possession were proba-
bly intended for distribution in the schools, which he had
succeeded in having established at the public expense.^
Governor Prence was often employed in other public
services of importance. He was a member of the coun-
cil of war, and treasurer of the colony ; was for twelve
years one of the Commissioners of the United Colonies,
and in 1672, was chosen the first president of the Board
of Commissioners, under the new articles of Confedera-
tion, adopted in September of that year.f

The integrity of Governor Prence was proverbial
among the people. As a magistrate, it is observed of
him, that he so scrupulously rejected every thing which

* Davis' Morton, 423.

t See account of the first union of the Colonies, page 120. The confederation
of the four colonies in 1643, was re-organized in 1672, in consequence of the
union of the New Haven colony with Connecticut, in 1665, and other changes
in the relative condition of the colonies. The power of the Commissioners was
now somewhat restricted, and instead of being executivei it was made in most
eases merely advisory. — Baylies, ii. 191.

172 THOMAS PRENCK.

had even the appearance of a bribe, that if any person,
who had a cause in court, sent a present of any kind to
his family during his absence, he immediately on being
informed of it, returned the value in money — sometimes
signifying to the party concerned that such a course of
conduct was more likely to operate to his injury than to
advance his cause.

His industry, energy, and sound judgment, rendered
him a very useful instrument in conducting the ajBfairs
of the rising colony, and would have made him a very
respectable public character in a far more considerable
community.

During his administration, there were two revisals of
the laws of the colony : one in 1658, the other in 1671.
The last digest is said to have been the work of his
hands.*

Among the good deeds of Governor Prence, we
should not omit to mention his exertions for a fixed and

* The revision made in 1671, was printed in 1672, by Samuel Green, at Cam-
bridge, in a folio of 50 pages. Thomas' Hist. Print, i. 260. Baylies says " that
not a single copy of the printed laws is now extant.*" Hist. New Plymouth,
ii. 73. He is however in error, as a copy of the edition of 1671, is in the Libra-
ry of the Massachusetts Historical Society. These laws were re-printed for the
Colony in 1685, by Green, at Boston, in a folio of dO pages, with the following
title : »» The Book of the General Laws of the Inhabitants of the Jurisdiction
of New-Plymouth, collected out of the records of the General Court, and lately
revised ; and with some Emendations and Additions Established and Disposed
into such Order as they may readily Conduce to General Use and Benefit. And
by the Order and Authority of the General Court of New-Plymouth, held at
Plymouth, June 2d, Anno Dom. 1685. Reprinted and Published. Nathaniel
Clerk, Secrt. Be subject to every Ordinance of Man for the Lord's sake. I Pet.
2. 13. Boston in New England : Printed by Samuel Green, 1685." A fine
copy of this edition of the Laws of New Plymouth, is preserved in the library of
Hon. Peter Force, of Washington City; appended to which are thirteen pages
of manuscript, containing copies of sundry Orders made by Governor Andros
And his Council, in 1687, respecting the courts of law, jurisdiction of justices of
the peace, &e. apparently copied from the original record, and certified by what
appears to be the genuine signature of *^ John West, D. Secretary"

THOMAS PREKCE. 173

competent support of an able and learned ministry. In
many of the scattered settlements, a disposition prevailed
to neglect this important branch of public instruction, and
to employ incompetent lay exhorters — practices which
he uniformly discountenanced.

The Plymouth Church records, in noticing the char-
acter of Governor Prence, depart from their usual
course, by an indication of his personal appearance, from
which it may be supposed that it was peculiarly digni-
fied and striking : " He was excellently qualifyed for
the office of governour. He had a countenance full of
majesty, and therein, as well as otherwise, a terror to
evil doers."

Governor Prence died at his residence in Eastham,
29 March, 1673,* in the 73d year of his age. His re-
mains were brought to Plymouth, and, on the 8th of
April following, honorably interred among the fathers
on Burial Hill.

Governor Prence was twice married. His only son
ThomaS) went to England young, married there, and soon
after died, leaving an only daughter, whose name was
Susanna. The governor was anxious that she should
come to America, but this was prevented by the fond-
ness of her mother. His eldest daughter Rebecca, was
married to Edmund Freeman, Jr. of Sandwich. These
were the children of Patience Brewster, a daughter of

* " Thomas Prence, Esq. Governor of the Jurisdiction of New Plymouth,
died 29th March, 1673, and was interred the 8th of April following^ after hee had
served God in the office of Grovernor 16 yeares, or neare thereunto. He finished
his course in the 73 yeare of his life ; hee was a worthy gentleman, very pious,
and very ahle for his office, and faithful in the discharge thereof, studious of
peace, a well-wisher to all that feared God, and a terror to the wicked ; his
death was much lamented, and his hody honorably buried at Plymouth the day
and yeare above mentioned." Plymouth Colony Records.

174 THOMAS PR£NC£.

the venerable William Brewster, to whom Governor
Prence was married in 1624. By his second wife, Mary,
who was the daughter of William Collier, one of the
assistants, formerly a London merchant, and to whom he
was married in 1635, he was the father of seven daugh-
ters, viz: Mary, married to John Tracy of Duxbury;
Elizabeth, to Arthur Rowland of Duxbury ; Judith, to
Isaac Barker of Duxbury ; Hannah, to Nathaniel Mayo,
of Eastham ; Jane, to Mark Snow of Eastham ; Sarah,
to Jeremiah Howes of Yarmouth ; Mercy, to John Free-
man of Eastham.

The Governor uniformly wrote his name Prence, as
given in this memoir. The common orthography is sup-
posed to be in conformity to the pronunciation, and ac-
cording to the mode of spelling adopted by the families
of Prince, who settled at Nantasket and Hull. Gov-
ernor Prence having left no male descendants, those of
the name in Boston, and other parts of the country, are
not of his family ; many of them are known to be de-
scended from John Prince of Hull, son of Rev. John
Prince, of East Shefford, in Berkshire, England, who
came to this country in 1633, settled first at Watertown
or Cambridge, was admitted freeman in 1636, removed
to Hull, and died there in 1676. Rev. Mr. Prince, the
chronologist, a grandson of John Prince, remarks, that
Governor Prence highly valued him, and claimed a re-
mote relationship.

176

V. JOSIAS WINSLOW.

JosiAs WiNSLoW; the fifth governor of the colony
of New Plymouth, was the son of Edward Winslow, of
whose life and public Services some account has been
given in the preceding pages. He was born at Marsh-
field, in the year 1629.* In his early education he
enjoyed neither the discipline nor advantages of a school
or college, as there was no school in the colony at that
period ; but he had the benefit of his father's immediate
care and instruction, as well as of the counsels and assis-
tance of the excellent Mr. Brewster and of Governor
Bradford ; and his public career served to shew that he
had profited by their examples of steady virtue, ener-
getic spirit, and disinterested public action. He was the
first native of the country who held the oflSce of gover-
nor, and has been pronounced " the most accomplished
man of his day in New England. '^

Mr. Winslow was introduced into public life at a very
early age. In 1643, probably as soon as he was eligible
to that post, he was chosen one of the deputies to the
general court from the settlement at Marshfield, and was
elected to< the same trust in several subsequent years.
In 1667, soon after the death of his father, he was ap-
pointed one of the assistants, and was annually re-elected
until chosen governor. Two years afterwards, in 1669,
he was appointed to a still more responsible station, in the

* Some writers give the English termination to the christian name of Mr.
Winslow, Josiah; but in this memoir, the name is given as I find it uniformly
written by himself, in all the manuscripts which X have seen, containing his.
signature.

176 JOSIAS WIKSLOW.

existing condition of the colony, that of major, or chief
military commander of the colony — a post hitherto held
by the warlike Miles Standish.

In the early periods of the colonial government, the
highest military oflGice was that of captain; but in 1653,
the military force was placed under the command of a
major, who was appointed by the council of war, con-
sisting of eleven men, to whom in that year had been
transferred the whole power of military legislation for
the colony, and the appointment of all military officers.
The major was the chief officer over all the forces of the
colony, subject only to the instructions of the council of
war.

During the memorable Indian war of 1675, Governor
Winslow had the command of the forces of the confeder-
ated colonies, as general-in-chief. He was first chosen
one of the commissioners from Plymouth colony under
the confederation, in 1658, and was re-elected to the
same office annually for thirteen successive years.

A brief survey of the principles and objects of this
celebrated confederation of the New England colonies —
the germ of our present happy union of independent
States — ^has been given in the memoir of the first Gover-
nor Winslow.*

In all the deliberations of the Commissioners, after he
became a member of that body, Mr. Winslow bore a
conspicuous part, and exercised a salutary influence. It
was an age of severe religious discipline. The tolera-
tion of any sect but one's own, was almost universally
considered at that time as absolutely heretical, and sub-
versive of all religious faith and discipline, and dangerous

* See pp. 120—122, of this volume. •

JOSIAS WINSLOW. 177

to the community.* The persecuted had in turn become
the persecutors. The laws against the anabaptists, and
more especially those against the Quakers, not then so
orderly a people as at present, were severe in the ex-
treme, and were executed to the very letter : fully de-
monstrating the truth of the remark of Montesquieu, that
*^ every religion which is persecuted, becomes itself per-
secuting; for as soon as by some accidental turn it arises
from persecution, it attacks the rehgion that persecu^
ted it.^^ •

It should be mentioned as- a circumstance honorable
to the character of Governor Winslow, that he opposed
the rigorous measures adopted in New Plymouth against
the Quakers. When the Commissioners of the United
Colonies, in 1668, exasperated by the obstinacy and vio-
lence of the new sect, issued to the several colonies the
recommendation that they should be put to death,
" unless they publicly renounced their cursed errors '^ —
he had the moral courage to oppose this horrible edict,
and he opposed it in every form. It is not often that
public men have the nerve to stand up in opposition to
the great body of the people whom they serve; less
often are they found to possess the strength of character

* The early writers of New England are seldom found to touch upon this
subject, otherwise than in terms of bitterness. Ward, in " The Simple Cobler of
Agawam," says—" That state that will give Liberty of Conscience in matters
of Religion, must give Liberty of Conscience and Conversation in their Morat
Laws, or else the Fiddle will be out of Tune, and some of the strings crack. * • *
It is said, That Men ought to have Liberty of their Conscience, and that it is:
Persecution to debar them of it : I can rather stand amazed than reply to this< :
it is an astonishment to think that the brains of men should be parboyl'din such
impious ignorance : Let all the wits under the Heaven? lay their heads to-
gether and find an assertion worse than this, (one excepted,) I will petition to be
chosen the universal Ideot of the World." — See "The Simple Cobler," in
Force's Tracts, Vol. Ill, No. 8.

178 J08IAS WINSLOW.

and capacity necessary to enable them to stem the tor-
rent of a general public delusion. This independence
of the popular sentiment, under the preceding adminis-
tration of Governor Prence, had caused General Cud-
worth, Isaac Robinson, and other excellent men to be
proscribed, and driven from public employment; but
Mr. Winslow's popularity was such, that he was enabled
to sustain himself in the attitude he had assumed. He
was in advance of the times; and the people soon
began to see it; so that in the end, when the popular
delusion had passed away, he was the more admirfed, and
his influence became the stronger, for his firmness in
maintaining his opinions.

Governor Prence died in the spring of 1673, and at
the next general court, which was held in June, Mr.
Winslow was chosen his successor. He had now an op-
portunity to make a further exhibition of his tolerant
principles. We accordingly find that he immediately
determined upon the restoration of a most valuable citi-
zen, then in retirement, to his rights as a freeman, in
order that he might avail himself of the benefit of his
abilities and integrity in the public service. This per-
son was General James Cudworth, an assistant from
Scituate, in 1657, who had been left out of office, and
disfranchised, under the administration of Governor
Prence, in consequence of his opposition to the harsh
proceedings against the Quakers.* Other persons, also
proscribed for their opposition to the persecution of that
sect, were soon after restored to their rights as freemen
by Governor Winslow. One of these was Isaac Robin-
son, son of the venerable puritan founder, John Robin-

* See pp. 154, of Uiis volume.

JosiAS wiirsLOW. 179

son, who seems to have inherited the liberal and tolerant
spirit of his father.

For some years previous to 1675, the people of the
colony had lived in general harmony with their Indian
neighbors. The treaty of 1621 with Massasoithad been
scrupulously observed, and while he lived, the Indians
were faithful to his promises. After his death, his son
and successor, Alexander, who was understood to be
conspiring with the Narragansetts against the English,
was summoned before the governor and council at Ply-
mouth, to answer to the charge. Hesitating about a com-
pliance with this abrupt summons, he was surprised by
a party under the command of Major Winslow, and
finally persuaded by one of his own counsellors to go to
the house of the governor at Plymouth. His indigna-
tion was so great at his surprisal, that it threw him into
a fever. He had leave to depart, on leaving his son as
a hostage, but he died before reaching home.*

Metacomet, of Pokanoket, better known as King
Philip, succeeded his brother Alexander. He affected
to renew the treaty of peace, but he was at the same
time secretly meditating the overthrow of the English.
Far more intelligent than most of his race, he beheld
with dismay the tokens which announced the felling for-
tunes of his country. He saw his people wasting away,
and that they must ultimately become extinct. He had
also family wrongs to redress, and personal enmities to
avenge. He had been subjected to ignominious treaties.
The expressions of reverence and respect which he had

* See particulars in relation to the surprisal and death of the sachem Alex-
ander, pp. 163—166, ante. Compare also accounts in Drake's Book of the In-
dians, U. iii. and authorities there cited.

180 JOSIAS WINSLOW.

uttered for the British monarch, had been construed into
submission, and an acknowledgment of fealty. When
summoned on some occasion to renew his treaty with
the English, he replied, " Your Governor is but a sub-
ject of King Charles of England. I shall not treat with
a subject. I shall treat of peace only with the King, my
brother. When he comes, I am ready!" Such was
the lofty spirit of the last monarch of the Wampanoags.
But he could not maintain it, nor withstand the rapidly
advancing power of the whites. They repeatedly sum-
moned him to appear before the English courts at Ply-
mouth and at Boston, sometimes upon frivolous charges^
and he was compelled to answer the summons. He was
charged with perfidy, for breaking promises made while
under restraint, and with impiety, for adhering to the re-
ligion of his ancestors, in compliance with the injunctions
of his father.* And he was finally required to deliver
into the hands of his enemies, all his weapons of defence.
Such were his supposed wrongs. His vengeance could
be glutted only by the blood of his enemies. His scheme
to accomplish that vengeance, was one of the most ex-
traordinary ever conceived by the mind of a savage. He
visited all the tribes dwelling within the limits of New
England, for the purpose of organizing a combination to
exterminate the whites. The plot seems to have been
well and carefully laid, and was ripening apace. Of this
confederacy he was to be the chief. Though the sachem
of a petty tribe, he soon raised himself to a prouder
eminence than was ever before attained by the red man
of North America. The Narragansetts had engaged to
join him with their whole strength, so that he could

* Hutchinson's History of the Colony of Massachusetts Bay, 276.

JOSIAS WINSLOW. 181

bring into service between three and four thousand war-
riors. The spring of 1676, was the period fixed for
commencing this great enterprise. The attack was to
have been simultaneous from the Cocheco to the Narra-
gansett. But the plot was prematurely developed, and
Philip w^s forced to commence the struggle before he
was prepared, and under many disadvantages.

The war commenced in June, 1675, in the following
manner. John Sausaman, a praying, or Christian Indian,
friendly to the English, gave them notice of the hostile
intentions of Philip and his allies. The information he
gave, cost him his life. He was met soon afterwards by
three or four of Philip's Indians, on a frozen pond, when
they knocked him down, and put him under the ice,
leaving his gun and hat upon the ice, to make the English
believe that he accidentally fell in and was drowned.
When the body was found, the wounds upon his head,
and the testimony of an Indian, who, from a hill over-
looking the spot, saw the murder committed, were suffi-
cient proofs against the murderers. They were there-
upon arrested, tried at Plymouth in June, 1676, con-
demned, and executed. Governor Winslow, in a letter
to the governor of Massachusetts, dated 4 July, 1676,
says, " I do solemnly profess we know not anything from
us that might put Philip upon these motions, nor have
we heard that he pretends to have suffered any wrong
from us, save only that we had killed some Indians, and
intended to send for himself, for the murder of John
Sausaman. The last that was executed this week, con-
fessed that he saw the other two do the murder. Neither
had we any thoughts to command him in about it.^^
Among the Indians, a murderer was left to the revenge

182 JOSIAS WINSLOW.

of relatives and friends of the victim; but the renegade
and traitor, was to be slain by any of the tribe who should
be able to reach him. Philip regarded Sausaman as a
traitor. Enraged to see the immediate actors brought
to punishnient by the English laws, and expecting that
it would be his own turn next, being conscious that the
murderers were employed by him, he took no pains to
exculpate himself; but gathered what strangers he could,
and together with his own men, marched them up and
down the country in arms.

Governor Winslow ordered a military watch to be
kept up in every town, but took no other notice of the
conduct of the Indians, hoping that when Philip saw
that measures were used for apprehending him, the
threatened storm would blow over, as it had done sever-
al times before. But the Indians coming in to him from
several quarters, gave him fresh courage, and he behaved
with insolence, first threatening the English at Swansey,
then killing some of their cattle, and at length rifling
their houses. An Englishman, at Swansey, was at
length so provoked, that he fired upon an Indian, and
wounded him.

This was an act that Philip desired, as among his
people there was a superstitious belief, that the party
which first shed blood in the struggle, would finally be
conquered. He now commenced an active war; and
believing, that nothing short of the destruction of the
English would secure the Indians from total ruin, he
exerted his utmost energies in prosecuting a war of ex-
termination. Murder, fire and desolation marked kss
course. There was scarcely an English family that did
not suffer in the loss of relatives^ or the destruction of

JOSIAS WIT78LOW. 183

property. The approach of the enemy was . noiseless,
like ^^the pestilence that walketh in darkness;" and a
dwelling wrapt in flames, or a family barbarously mur-
dered and scalped; were often the first intimations of
their appearance.*

Under the new articles of confederation, the regular
triennial meeting of the Commissioners of the United
Colonies was holden at Boston, in September of this
year, (1675.) Governor Winslow and Thomas Hinck-
ley, the two Commissioners from Plymouth, presented
to that body "A brief narrative of the beginning and
progress of the present trouble between us and the In-
dians, taking its rise in the colony of New Plymouth,
A. D., 1675." This paper, probably drawn up by Gov-
ernor Winslow, recited the circumstances which went to
shew the undoubted hostile intent of Philip, from 1671
to the massacre at Swansey, on the 26th of June, 1675*
The United Colonies at once declared the war to be a
common cause, and ordered the raising of a thousand
men.

At the close of the year, the colonies became aware
of the necessity of prosecuting an active campaign in the
midst of winter. It was no longer doubted that the
Narragansett Indians were in secret alliance with Philip.
A declaration of war against the Narragansetts was ac-
cordingly published in November, by the Commissioners
of the United Colonies. Governor Winslow, one of
their body, was appointed commander-in-chief of all the
the; forces. He was well qualified for this important
trust, by bravery and ability, tempered with prudence
and discretion.

* Willard, in Farmer and Moore's Hist. Coll. iii. 106.

184 JOSIAS WlNShOW.

It has been said that Governor Winslow was an
object of the mortal hatred of the Wampanoags^ on ac-
count of his agency in the capture of Alexander. Philip
made no secret of his purpose to avenge the affront; and
the governor found it necessary to put his house in a
complete state of defence- He deemed it prudent, also,
while the war lasted, to place his family out of the reach
of the tomahawk, and he accordingly sent his wife and
children to Salem.*

The Commissioners, deeming it of the highest im-
portance to anticipate their enemies, and frustrate their
plans, ordered that the army under General Winslow,
should prepare for active service by the 10th December.
Instructions were drawn up in form for the conduct of
the campaign, addressed to General Winslow ; a portion
of which, was as follows : —

" You are, at the time appointed, to march with all
convenient speed, with the forces under your command,
to the Narriganset country, or to the place where the
head quarters or chief rendezvous of the enemy is known
to be. And having acquainted your officers and soldiers
of your commission and power, you shall require their
obedience thereunto ; and see that they be governed ac-

• " My person, T hear, has been much threatened. I have about twenty men
at my house ; have sent away my wife and children to SaJem, that I may be
less encumbered ; have flankered my house, and resolve to maintain it, as long
as a man will stand by me." Gov. Winslow to Gov. Leverett, 4tk July, 1675.

The following order, transcribed from the Old Colony Records, may serve
to show the extent of the dangers, which at this time menaced the existence
of the colony : ** Ordered by the Court, that during the time of public danger,
that every one that comes to the meeting on the Lord's day, bring his arms
with him, and furnished with at least five charges of powder and shot, until
further order shall be given, under penalty of 25. for every such default." At
the same time an order was passed, prohibiting the waste of ammunition by firing;
at any thing, ** except at an Indian^ or a wolf»" under a further penalty of 5».
for every offence.

JOSIAS WIKSLOW. 185

cording to rules military, that all profaneness and dis-
order in your camp and quarters be avoided as much as
in you lieth, and that you impartially punish the break-
ing forth thereof in any.

'' You are to see that the worship of God be kept
up, and duly attended in the army, by daily prayer and
invocation of His name, and preaching of His word as
you have opportunity, and the Sabbath be not profaned,
but that, as much as in you lies, and the emergency of
your service will admit, you take care it be duly sanc-
tified, and your ministers respect it.

^ "And that you endeavour as silently and suddenly to
surprise the enemy as you can, and if possible draw or
force them to an engagement, and therein to do valiantly
for the honour of God and of our nation, and the in-
terest of the country ; and that you encourage valour in
any, and severely punish cowardice."*

The army under the command of Winslow consisted
of from fifteen hundred to two thousand men, including
volunte^s and Indians, and a troop of horse, under com-
mand of Captain Thomas Prentice. The Massachusetts
forces were divided into six companies, cpmmanded by
Captains Mosely, Gardiner, Davenport, Oliver and John^
eon, under Major Appleton. Those of Connecticut
were commanded by Major Treat, who had under him
Captains Seily, Mason, Gallop, Watts, and Marshall.
The Plymouth forces were commanded by Major Wil-
Kam Bradford, son of Governor Bradford, and Captain
John Gorham. It was unfortunate that Captain Church,
in consequence of some previous misunderstanding with

* The Instructions to General Winslow, are published in III Mass, Hist.
CoU.»L66.

186 JOSIAS WINSLOW.

the government, was prevented having a command on
this occasion ; but, at the particular desire of the com-
mander-in-chief, he took part in the campaign as a volun-
teer. The Narragans€^tt country, in which were to be
the war operations, was almost an entire wilderness.
Philip's fort was ' located in South Kingston, Rhode
Island, in an immense swamp, in the centre of which was
a piece of high ground, comprising about five or six
acres. The fortification was formed by high pallisades,
encircling the whole of the elevated land. The palli-
sades were encompassed by a thick and almost impenetra-
ble hedge of fallen trees, with their branches pointing
outward, of almost a rod in width. At one corner there
was an opening, where a large fallen tree was placed,
rising four or five feet from the ground, but this entrance
was defended by a sort of block-house, and by flankers
at the sides. The common entrance into this fort, was
by passing along the body of a tree, which had been
thrown over a body of deep water between the fort and
the main land, which could be done only in single file.
Within this strong enclosure, the Indiaijs had erected
about five hupdred wigwams of superior construction,
intended for the winter quarters of their whole people,
men, women and children. Here they had deposited a
large quantity of provisions, and baskets and tubs of corn
were so piled one upon another, as to afford additional
defence against the English bullets. It is estimated that
not less than three thousand people had collected here>
as their safe retreats. The warriors were armed with
bows and arrows, muskets and tomahawks.

On the 18th December, 1675, General Winslow's
army marched to attack Philip and his Narragansett al*

JOSIAS WIWSLOW. 187

lies, in their strong fort; the weather was cold and
stormy^ and the snow more than ankle deep on the
ground. The houses on their route, in which they ex-
pected ' to quarter that night, had been burnt down by
the Indians, before their arrival, and they werie destitute
of shelter during the night. At the dawn of the follow-
ing day, they resumed their march of fifteen miles, and
at one o'clock, reached thje margin of the swamp, where,
having no shelter from the inclemency of the weather,
and being short of provisions, they resolved to make an im-
mediate attack. Not an Englishman was acquainted with
the situation of the Indian fort ; but it was fortunate for
them, that, a few days before, some thirty -five , of Philip's
men had been made prisoners by Captain Mosely, among
whom was one named Peter^ who turned traitor to his
countrymen, and undertook to guide the army through
the intricate paths of the forest to the seat of his Sachem.
The assault was now commenced; the Indians at the
margin of the swamp were driven to their strong hold,
and the troops, without any regular order, rushed im-
petuously up to the barriers of the fort; the oflicers and
men were intermixed, but they faced death with boldness
and courage. The gallant Captains, Johnson and Daven-
port, with a number of their men, were soon seen to fall,
and as one after another was swept off at the narrow
passage, by the enemy's fire, others supplied the places
of the slain. Overwhelmed by the deadly fire of the
Indians, there was a momentary recoil, and the troops
'throwing themselves down with their faces to the ground,
the bullets passed over them. Two other companies ad-
vancing, were also compelled to retreat; but, animated
by the exhortations and exertions of General Winslow

188 JOSIAS WINSLOW.

and Major Appleton, the soldiers were rallied, and again
resumed the conflict. A few officers and men had now
forced their way into the fort, and here commenced a
personal combat, hand to hand. At this moment, a
voice was heard, ^^they run! they run! ^^ This operated
like enchantment upon the English, and a general rush
through the barriers ensued; the Indians were driven
from their posts at every point, and from wigwam to
wigwam in great confusion. An immense slaughter
took place; neither men, women nor children were
spared; all were hewn down, and the ground was liter-
ally encumbered with heaps of the slain. In the midst
of this awful fight, fire was communicated to their wig-
wams, when the howHngs and yells of the savages were
mingled with the roar of musketry, the raging of the
consuming fire, and the screams of the women and chil-
dren ; altogether forming a scene inconceivably appalling
to humanity.

The battle continued for three hours with unexam-
pled ferocity and obstinacy ; quarters were neither asked
nor received, but carnage and death were on every side.
The whole army, officers and men, fought with undaunt-
ed courage; the captains led their men to the conflict,
and continued at their head till they received the fatal
bullet. Captain Church, always brave, and never in-
active, by permission led the second party that entered
the fort^ and while within, he was struck at the same in-
etant with three bullets from a party of the enemy. He
received a severe wound in his thigh, and another slighf
wound, but the third bullet struck against a thick pair of
woollen mittens, which was doubled in his pocket, which
saved him from a fatal wound. For some time after the

JOSIAS WINSLOW. 189

fort was in possession of the English, the combatants in
various parts of the swamp^ continued the work of
slaughter.

The English being masters of the fort, it became a
question whether to hold possession of it for the present,
or to abandon it immediately. Greneral Winslow and
Captain Church were decidedly in favor of holding pos-
session. As the darkness of night was approaching, the
troops might find shelter in the wigwams that were not
burnt, and avail themselves of the Indians^ provisions,
which they greatly needed. But this measure was vio-
lently and very improperly opposed by one of the Cap-
tains and a surgeon, probably from the apprehension that
the Indians might rally their forces, and drive them from
the fort in their turn. The surgeon asserted that un-
less the wounded were removed that night, it could not
be effected the next day, when their -wounds would be
inflamed and painful; and turning to Captain Church,
whose blood was then flowing from his wounds, impu-
dently said to him, ' that if he gave such advice, he should
bleed to death like a dog, before he would endeavor to
staunch his wound. ^ It was now decided to quit the
ground, which was done with some precipitation, leav-
ing eight of their dead in the fort. It was indeed a cruel
dilemma, after fighting three hours, to be compelled to
march fifteen miles through the snow, and in a most
boisterous night, before they could halt, and the wounded
could be dressed ; and it is not strange that many of the
'wounded died before they could reach their destined
quarters. Drake has well said, that the sufferings of the
English after this fight, are almost without a parallel ia
history. The horrors of Moscow will not longer be re-

190 JOSIAS WINSLOW.

membered. The myriads of modern Europe assembled
there, bear but a small proportion to the number of their
countrymen, compared with that of the army of New
England and theirs, in the fight at Narragansett.*

Thus ended this memorable engagement, and the vic-
tory on the side of the English was purchased at the high
price of eighty men killed, and one hundred and fifty
wounded. Six brave captains were killed, viz: Daven-
port, Gardiner, Johnson, Gallop, Seily, and Marshall.
Lieutenant Upham was mortally wounded, and Captain
John Gorham, of Barnstable, died of a fever on the ex-
pedition. The number of Indians slain is uncertain; but
Hubbard says it was confessed by Potocky a great coun-
sellor amongst them, who was taken and executed, that
seven hundred fighting men were slain, and three hun-
dred wounded, the most of whom died. The number
of old men, women and children, who were burnt in
their wigwams, and who died from hunger and cold,
must have been immense.

Such was the result of the great Narragansett-Swamp
Fight. The suddenness of the retreat rendered the
honors of tlie victory equivocal, but the consequences of
victory followed ; the Narragansetts never recovered from
the effects of this terrible disaster. If treachery was ac-
tually designed, the crime was sufficiently expiated by
this horrible infliction.

When General Winslow arrived at his quarters at
Wickford, four hundred of his soldiers, besides the
wounded, were rendered unfit for duty, and many of

* Book of the Indians, b. iii. c. 2. See accounts of the Narragansett war,
as given by Church, Hubbard, Mather, Hutchinson, Trumbull, Baylies, d&c.
Drake's invaluable book embodies all that is necessary to be known of the
Indians of New England*

JOSIAS WIXSLOW. 191

them were frost-bitten. The snow that fell during the
night rendered travelling almost impracticable.

After some ineffectual attempts to renew the peace,
General Winslow, in January, 1676, marched for the
swamp, where the diminished forces of the Narragan-
setts were posted. As the English approached, the In-
dians fled, and when overtaken, dispersed singly into the
swamps, where it became a vain effort to pursue them.
The war however was prosecuted with unabated vigor,
in the following year, until the death of Philip, in Au-
gust, 1676, put a period to the contest. The Indians in
all the surrounding country, after the fall of their great
leader, generally submitted to the English, or fled and
became incorporated with distant tribes.

In this distressing war, more than six hundred of the
colonists were slain, twelve or thirteen towns were laid
waste, and about six hundred buildings, chiefly dwell-
ings, were destroyed by the Indians. The colonists con-
soled themselves with the reflection, that they had not
made a war of aggression, and that it was on their part
unprovoked. In a letter dated 1 May, 1676, Governor
Winslow remarked : " I think I can clearly say, that,
before these present troubles broke out, the English did
not possess one foot of land in this colony which was not
fairly obtained, by honest purchase from the Indian pro-
prietors.^^

The fall of Philip was then considered as the extinc-
tion of a virulent and implacable enemy. It is now
viewed as the fall of a great warrior, a penetrating states-
man, and a mighty prince. It then excited universal joy
and congratulation, as a prelude to the close of a merci-
less war. It now awakens sober reflections, on the in-

192 JOSIAS WIKSLOW.

stability of empire, the peculiar destiny of the aboriginal
race, and the inscrutable decrees of Heaven. The patri-
otism of the man was then overlooked, in the cruelty of
the savage ; and little allowance was made for the natu-
ral jealousy of the sovereign, on account of the barbari-
ties of the warrior. Philip, in the progress of the En-
glish settlements, foresaw the loss of his territory, and the
extinction of his tribe; and made one mighty eflfort to
prevent these calamities. He fell, and his fall contribu-
ted to the rise of the United States.*

The enterprising spirit of Governor Winslow was toa
great for his feeble frame, and at the beginning of Febru-
ary, 1676, he was compelled to retire from a command,
which required a considerable degree of physical hardi-
hood no less than military skill. The commissioners of
the United Colonies voted him a gratuity of one hundred
pounds, and a grant was also made to him by the Ply-
mouth Colony, in testimonial of the high sense enter-
tained by the people of his eminent services in the pre-
ceding campaign.

After the Indian war had terminated, the attention
of the government was directed to the great object of
obtaining from the King, the long promised charter for
the colony. Connecticut had received her charter, and
the royal favor had been promised in express terms to
the people of Plymouth. Governor Winslow, well
aware of the perverse policy prevailing in the mother
country, and of the efforts making by Massachusetts ta
ebtain a grant of the lands of Mount Hope, conquered
from the Indians, deemed it expedient to enlist the aid
of £dmund Randolph, sometimes called the ^^evilgeniw

* Ramsay's Univ. Hist., i. 28a

J0SIA8 WINSLOW. 193

of New England/' who had just been appointed to the
coUectorship of Boston, and possessed some influence at
court. Mount Hope was claimed by Rhode Island, and
also by John Crown, a favorite at court, who urged his
suit upon the ground of losses sustained by his father in
the surrender of Nova Scotia to the French, by the
treaty of Breda.

The necessity of sending an agent to London now
became apparent, and Governor Winslow was solicited
to undertake the mission. Randolph, in a letter to him,
dated 29 Jan. 1680, says — ^^The inclosed, from Crown,
came to my hands at Piscataqua : by that you will easily
see a necessity of speeding for court. I did not forget
to signify your grateful receipt of his Majesty^s letters ;
and being indisposed, you desired that nothing might be
done about Mount Hope, till somebody did appear from
your colony. Sir, be assured Mr. Crown will be doing,
and his interest at court is not small ; and considering the
tiecessifjr there is of renewing your charter, you can never
do your colony greater service, than to appear yourself at
Whitehall, where you will very well stem his designs.
I know not yet but I may wait upon you to England, in-
tending to be where I may be most serviceable to his
majesty's affairs, and assistant to the people of this coun-
try.''*

Governor Winslow's declining health, however, put
it out of his power to gratify the wishes of the peo-
ple. It might have been fortunate for the colony, had
it been otherwise; as the reputation which Governor
Winslow enjoyed at home and in England, aided by his
own address and accomplishments as a statesman and

* I Mass. Hist. Coll., vi. 92.

194 JOSIAS WINSLOW.

gentleman^ might have secured a charter, and perhaps
prolonged the separate existence of the Old Colony,

If it can be said that any one is fortunate, it may be
truly said of the second Governor Winslow. His whole
life was passed during the existence of the colony of
which he was a native. He knew no other country-
He died while it was independent, and before the extinc-
tion of its independence was anticipated or seriously ap-
prehended.

The early colonists, when they looked into their sit-
uation^ must always have felt a deep apprehension of
possible evils — a sense of insecurity ; an anticipation of
the desolation and bloodshed of an Indian war. At the
time of his death, the question was settled; the abori-
ginals were conquered ; and such as remained in the vi-
cinity of the English, were beginning to be objects of
commiseration, rather than of terror.

In the accomplishment of this great work. Governor
Winslow had been a principal and triumphant aclor. In
his native colony, he had stood upon the uppermost
heights of society. Civic honors awaited him in his ear-
liest youth; he reached every elevation which could be
obtained, and there was nothing left for ambition to covet,
because all had been gained. The governor acquired
the highest military rank, and had been engaged in active
and successful warfare, with the highest command then
known in New England. He presided over the legisla-
tive, executive, and judicial departments of the govern-
ment

Governor Winslow lived on his ample paternal dq-
main, and his hospitality was not only generous, but
(according to the notions of the age) magnificent. In

JOSIAS WINSLOW. 195

addition to his military and civic distinctions^ he had ac-
quired that of being the most accomplished gentleman^
and the most delightful companion in the colony ; and
the attractions of the festive and social board at Careswell,
were not a little heightened by the charms of his beauti-
ful wife.

Mild and tolerant himself, he witnessed with regret
the movements of that fierce spirit which would not tole-
rate the liberality, and was blind to the wisdom of Cud-
worth, Robinson, and others; and he had the address to
restore them to the confidence of the people, at a period
when the curse of the age, the spirit of religious bigotry,
was maddened by opposition, and armed with conscious
power.

Persevering, frank, bold, and resolute, he encoun-
tered the hazards of popular displeasure, with the same
fearlessness that he did the ambushes and bullets of the
savage&-^and he was successful.

Such was the heart, and such the spirit which ani-
mated the feeble frame of Josias Winslow. His health,
never good, was much impaired by fatigues, and exposure
in the Narragansett campaign ; after the war was over
it rapidly declined, and he sunk into his grave at the age
of fifty-one, in the fullness of his honors, and with his
mental faculties unsubdued by disease, and unimpaired
by age. This bright picture of his character has its
shades ; his courage bordered on rashness, and his ea^y
temper sometimes exposed him to the machinations of
the unworthy.*

Governor Winslow died on the 18th December, 1680,
in the fifty second year of his age. The expenses of his

* Baylies' History of New Plymouth, Part IV. 8—10. Thacher, 139.

196 JOSIAS WINSLOW.

funeral were directed to be paid from the public treasu-
ry^ "in testimony of the colony^s endeared love and af-
fection to him.'^*

Governor Winslow married Penelope, daughter of
Herbert Pelham, Esq. of Boston, an assistant in the gov-
ernment of Massachusetts, a gentleman of ancient family,
connected with the ducal house of New Castle. Mr.
Pelham took an early interest in the settiement of New
England, and came to Boston in 1645. He was an as-
sistant in Massachusetts, from 1646 to 1649, when he

* Tradition furnishes the following anecdote ; At the faneral of Governor
Winslow, Rev. Mr. Wiiherell, of Scituate, prayed "that the Governor's 0OD
might be made half equal to his father." The Rev. Dr. Gad Hitchcock, on
the same occasion, observed, "that the prayer was so very reasonable, that it
might be hoped that God would grant it, but he did not.'*

An elegy on the death of Governor Winslow, written by Elder William
Witherell, of Scituate, when eighty years old, has been preserved. The fol-
lowing extracts mark the character of the poem, the whole of which may be
found in Deane's History of Scituate, 395.

** How many San^^era hath thia geotleman,

In's life escaped, both by sea and land !

Fort fights, Shoals, duicksands, Quagmires, "Bogga and Sloughs,

Enough to plunge an hundred strong teamed Plougfas^

Yet he brake through 3 but now we see him have

Mir*d and stuck fast in a dry upland grave.

The Pitcher that went oft whole to the well.

Comes home at last, crack'd like a broken shelL

Our Court of Justice sits in widowhood ;

O'he Judge arrested — Baile will do no good.

Judges are stayes of States, when such stayes fall,

It bodes the weakening of the Judgment Hall. Isaiak uL 9.

Somewhat above thrice compleat seven years aince«

Plymouth hath lost blest Bradford, Winslow, Prince,

Throe skilful Pilots through this Wilderness,

To conduct Pilgrims ; all three called t'undress

Upon the top of Fisgah ; while we here Deiu xzztv. 4, S, 6.

Lofl Pilotloss, do without compass steer.

Thrioe honored Rulers, Elders, People all, '

Come and lament this stately Cedar's fall.

Cut down at's height, full noontide blest with shine

Of Royal favour, and (no doubt) Divine ;

Freighted with tunns of honour. Every man

At's best estate is altogether vain. Patdm xxxiz, 5."

Judge Davis, in a note to Morton, remarks, that ** this performance cannot
but be regarded with tenderness, when we look at the signature, ** Moestus
posuit, William Witherell, Octogenarius."

JOSIAS WINSLOW, 197

returned to England. He was of the same family with
Thomas, Lord Pelham, who on the death of John HoUis^
Duke of New Castle, 16 July, 1711, succeeded that no-
bleman in his titles and estates. Penelope Pelham, a
sister of Herbert Pelham, was the wife of Governor Bel-
lingham of Massachusetts. In the will of Herbert Pel-
ham, dated at London, January 1, 1673, proved March
13, 1677, he is called of Ferrers, in Bewers Hamlet, in
the county of Essex. His lands in Cambridge, Water-
town, Sudbury, and elsewhere in New England, were
given to his son Edward Pelham; and his personal pro-
perty, in this country, to that son and his daughter Pene-
lope Winslow, who survived her husband.*

Isaac Winslow, the only son of Governor Winslow,
bom in 1671, was eminently distinguished, having sus-
tained the chief places of power and honor in the colony,
as chief military commander under the governor, and for
several years Chief Justice of the Inferior Court of Com-
mon Pleas, Judge of Probate of Wills, and one of his
Majesty ^s Council for the Province of Massachusetts Bay,
for more than twenty years, and for several years Presi-
dent of that body. This gentleman possessed a truly
noble spirit, was much given to hospitality, and univer-

* She died, in 1703, aged 73. A late touiist into the Old Colony, descrihes
his visit to the seat of Mr. Winslow's family, in Marshfield, and to other mem«
orablei places, in that vicinity, in a manner that is creditable to his taste and
feeling. Speaking of the family portraits, that of Josias Winslow, he says, is
*< evidently by the hand of a master, and his beautiful bride makes one of the
^Uf). She appears about twenty, and her costume is more modern than that
given to other females of that period, of greater age. Her head-dress is of
great simplicity. The hair parted on the top, and falling in ringlets on each
side of her temples and neck ; the countenance bespeaks gentleness and intel-
ligence." [Alden Bradford, in Boston Commercial Gazette, 9th November,
1826.] The Winslow portraits are now in the cabinet of the Massachusetts
HisUMrioal Society.

198 JOSIAS WINSLOW.

sally beloved. He died at his seat in Marshfield, De-
cember, 1738, in the 68th year of his age.

His eldest son, a young gentleman of great promise,
by the name of Josiah, engaged in military service, re-
ceived a captain's commission, and was killed in battle,
with thirteen of his company, after a most gallant resist-
ance against a superior force of French and Indians, in
the war of 1724.

General John Winslow, the eldest of the surviving
sons of Isaac, was a distinguished and successful com-
mander. In 1740, he commanded a company in the ex-
pedition against Cuba, and afterwards rose to the rank of
Major General in the British service.

In 1755, an expedition against Nova Scotia was un-
dertaken by the British Government. The boundaries
were unsettled — ^the English claiming to the St. Lawrence,
the French restricting them to the peninsula of Acadia,
The French were in the occupancy of the disputed ter-
ritory, and had erected forts to defend it. To dispossess
them, was the object of the expedition, which was placed
under the command of Colonel Monckton. The troops,
which were mostly drawn from Massachusetts, were
placed under the immediate command of Lieutenant Col-
onel John Winslow, through whose personal influence
and exertions nearly two thousand men had been raised
for the expedition. He conducted the campaign with
great skill. The two French forts were captured, with
scarcely any loss on the part of the conquerors, and the
whole Province completely reduced, chiefly through the
enterprise and good conduct of Colonel Winslow. To
him was also entrusted the diflJcult and ungrateful task
of removing the French neutrals, who were all expelled

JOSIAS WINSLOW. 199

from Nova Scotia- Previous to commencing the cam-
paign of 1756, against Crown Point, General Abercrom-
bie sent for General Winslow, and to him was to have
been entrusted an attack on Ticonderoga, which was sus-
pended by orders from Lord Loudon, in consequence of
the disaster at Oswego- In 1756, he commanded at Fort
William Henry, on Lake George- He was also a coun-
sellor of the Province. He died at Marshfi^ld in 1774,
at the age of 73.*

General John Winslow left two sons, Pelham and
Isaac. Pelham was an attorney at law and a leading
citizen in Plymouth, but being a loyalist, became obnox-
ious to popular resentment, and found it necessary to
resort for safety to the British camp. He joined the Brit-
ish army soon after the battle of Lexington, received a
major^s commission, was soon after appointed a commis-
sary, and after continuing some years with the troops in
New York, died at Flushing, Long Island, in 1783. His
widow, originally Joanna White of Marshfield, returned
to and died at Plymouth, May 1, 1829, aged 84.

Isaac was of the medical profession, and resided on
the paternal estate at Marshfield, where he died in 1819,
aged 81 years. He married the daughter of Dr. Stock-
bridge of Scituate. His only son John, an eminent law-

* €ren. Winslow was remarkable for his skill in horsemanship. He im-
ported a valuable horse from England, and it was among hid greatest delights
to be mounted on his favorite animal. On a certain occasion, a number oi gen^
tlemen of Plymouth formed a party with Gen. Winslow, for a pleasure excur-
sion to Saquish, in Plymouth harbor, and to return to dine in town. While
there, Winslow fell asleep ; the other gentlemen silently withdrew, and pur-
sued their journey. When he awoke and found himself deserted, he mounted,
and daringly plunged his steed into the channel, swam him across, more than
half a mile, from whence he rode into town, making the whole distance but six
miles, while his companions were riding fourteen miles. On their arrival, they
were Bstonished to find the Greneral seated in the tavern, prepared to greet them
with a bowl of punch. Thacher^ 142.

200 JOSIAS WINSLOW.

yer, died at Natches^ Mississippi, in 1820, where he had
removed on account of his health.

Edward, the younger brother of General John Wins-
low, was an accomplished scholar, and a gentleman of
fine taste. He resided in Plymouth, and together with
his son, filled the offices of clerk of the court, Register
of Probate and collector of the port. Being a professed
royalist, he removed to Halifax with his family, soon after
the commencement of hostilities, where he died, June 8,
1784, aged 72 years. The ceremonies at his funeral
were in a style to confer the highest honor and respect
on his memory. In consequence of his removal, his
estate in his native town was confiscated, but every branch
of his family was by the British Government amply pro-
vided for during the remainder of their lives. His son,
Edward Winslow, Jr., was also an intelligent and accom-
plished gentleman; he graduated at Harvard College in
1765. He was one of the founders and most active
members of the Old Colony Club, and his address on the
22d of December, 1770, was the first ever delivered on
the Pilgrim anniversary. Being friendly to the royal
cause, he joined the British at Boston before the war
commenced, and was afterwards appointed a Colonel in
their service. He subsequently filled the offices of King's
Counsellor, and Justice of the Supreme Court in New
Brunswick, and died at Frederickton, in May, 1815,
aged 70.*

* There are yet in existence some relics belonging to the Winslow family.
A sitting chair which was screwed to the floor of the cabin of the Mayflower ;
fi>r the convenience of a lady : it is known to have been in the possession of
Penelope Winslow, who married James Warren. This chair is now in posses*
sion of a direct descendant from Peregrine White. A watch purse, composed
of small beads, which was made by Penelope Pelham, while on her voyage to
America. A curious ring, which contains the hair of governor Winslow } and
a pearl spoon. Thacher, 144.

201

VL THOMAS HINCKLEY.

The family of Hinckley was originally from the
county of Kent^ in*England. At a small parish in that
county^ called Egerton, John Lothrop, the pastor of the
churchy had embraced the faith of the puritans, and in
1623, renounced his orders in the church of England,
and removed to London. He was followed by some of
his parishioners, amongst whom was Samuel Hinckley,
the father of Governor Hinckley. Mr. Lothrop, in 1624,
became the second pastor of the first congregational
church gathered in London, on the plan of that of Mr.
Robinson, at Leyden. The church held their meetings
privately, and escaped the vigilance of their persecutors
for some time; but at length, in April, 1632, they were
discovered by the pursuivant of the Archbishop, holding
a meeting for religious worship at a house in Blackfriars.
Forty-two of them were apprehended, and eighteen only
escaped. Mr. Lothrop, with twenty-four others of his
congregation, were imprisoned for about two years,
when all but himself were released upon bail. Arch-
bishop Laud obstinately refusing to pay any attention to
his requests, Mr. Lothrop petitioned King Charles L,
and was set at liberty, in April, 4634, on the condition
offered, which he readily embraced, of departing from
the kingdom. He now embarked for Boston, with
about thirty of his church and people, where he arrived
September 18, 1634, in the ship Griffin. On the 27th
of the same month, he proceeded, with his friends, to
Scituate, where a considerable settlement had already
26

202 THOMAS HINCKLEY.

been made by "the men of .Kent/^ who gladly received
Mr. Lothrop as a former acquaintance.*

Mr. Hinckley was one of those who accompanied
Mr. Lothrop to Boston, and settled at Scituate. He
was admitted a freeman in 1637, and in 1639 removed
to Barnstable. Some of the first setSers of Scituate and
Barnstable, were men of education and easy fortune, who
had left homes altogether enviable, save in the single cir-
cumstance of the . abridgment of their religious liberty.
The "men of Kent," are duly celebrated in English his-
tory, as men of gallantry, loyalty and courtly manners.
Vassall, Hatherly, Cudworth, Tilden, Hinckley, and oth-
ers had been accustomed to the elegances of life in Eng-
land. They were men eminently qualified for transact-
ing not only the municipal concerns of their settlements,
but for taking an active and leading part in the govern-
ment of the colony.

Thomas Hinckley was born in 1621, and came to
New England soon after his father had made a settle-
ment at Barnstable. The mere recital of the various
public duties he was called upon to perform, some of
which were the most arduous and responsible, as well as
the highest in the government, is suflicient to shew that
he was a man of more than ordinary ability and influence.

* Mr. Lothrop was educated at Oxford, as appears from Wood's Athene
Ozonienses. Morton says, *' he was a man of a humble spirit, lively in dispen-
sation of the word of God, studious of peace, willing to spend and be spent for
the cause and church of Christ." He was twice married. Four sons came with
him from England : Thomas, who settled at Eastham, where his son Thomas
was bom in 1640, then at Barnstable j Samuel, at Norwich, or New London,
Conn. ; Joseph, at Barnstable ; and Benjamin at Charlestown, Mass. Barna-
has, and John, were born in this country, and settled at Barnstable. The Rey.
Mr. Lothrop died in Barnstable, 8 Nov., 1653. His descendants are numerous.
Mr. John Lothrop, of Boston, who wrote the memoir of the minister of Barn-
stable, published in II Mass. Hist. Coll., i. 163, was a descendant.

THOMAS HINCKLEY. 203

In 1646, he was first elected a deputy from Barn-
stable, and he was again elected in 1648, and at several
subsequent periods. In 1668, when Mr. Cudworth,
and Mr. Hatherly, two of the most excellent men in the
colony, were proscribed and driven from office, on ac-
count of their opposition to the rash measures against
the Quakers, Mr. Hinckley, falling into the popular cur-
rent, was chosen one of the assistants, and continued in
that office by successive re-elections until the year 1681.
At the election in 1680, Mr. Hinckley was specially
designated as deputy governor, in consequence of the
ill health of governor Winslow, whose death was appre-
hended, and the extreme age of Mr. Alden,* who, as
first assistant, would have succeeded to the chair, when
vacant. In June, 1681, following the death of Josias
Winslow, Mr. Hinckley was chosen governor, in which
office (e;Kcepting for the short period of the rule of An-
dros, when he was a counsellor,) he was continued until
the separate existence of the colony of New Plymouth
was terminated by its incorporation with Massachusetts,
under the charter of 1692. Upon that event, he was
named one of the counsellors of the province of Massa-
chusetts Bay, under the new charter.

The people of New Plymouth had for many years
been anxious on the subject of obtaining a charter. from
the crown, similar to that of Connecticut. They held
only under their patent from the Council of Plymouth^

* John Alden was one of the pilgrims of the Mayflower ; settled at Duz-
bary in 1640 ; was representative, 1641 to 1649 ; an assistant of the colony
under every administration, except that of Governor Carver — in all, 42 years.
He married Friscilla, daughter of William MuUins, by whom he had eight chil-
dren. He died 12 September, 1687, aged 89. A memoir, written by President
^ Alden, one of his descendants, is contained in Alden's American Epitaphs, iii.
964.

204 THOMAS HINCKLEY.

which had no powers of sovereignty, and which had long
since ceased to exist. They had all along felt that they
were at the mercy of the King, who might, at any time^
justify the dissolution of their charter, under the forms
of his prerogative. They had consequently adopted a
course of policy, which was designed to propitiate, as far
as possible, the royal favor, and had received frequent
assurances from Charles the Second, that a charter should
be granted.

The perils of the Indian war had been scarcely
passed through, leaving the colony comparatively weak,
when dangers of another character began to menace its
existence. Massachusetts on the one hand, and New
York on the other, were intriguing for the appropriation
of New Plymouth to themselves. The former colony
had on more than one occasion shown a disposition to
extend her borders. The conquered country of Mount
Hope, was originally included within the limits of the
Plymouth jurisdiction ; and notwithstanding its complete
separation from Massachusetts and contiguity to Ply-
mouth ; notwithstanding it had been conquered princi-
pally by the prowess of the people of this little colony,
the government of Massachusetts endeavoured to wrest
it from them, and to obtain a grant of its lands from the
King. Rhode Island, too, which had not even participa-
ted in the war, preferred a claim to the lands; and John
Crown, of Nova Scotia, alledging an obsolete claim of his
father on the bounty of the King, nearly succeeded in
obtaining the patent ; but the monarch finally granted the
lands to Plymouth. This was the only royal grant made
in New England of lands conquered from the Indians,
and was made in consequence of these conflicting claims.

THOMAS HINCKLEY. 205

In the controversy about Mount Hope, Governor
Winslow, at the close of his administration, had found it
expedient to cultivate the friendship of Edward Ran-
dolph, afterwards so odious throughout New England as
the tool of Andros, and who had already obtained an un-
enviable notoriety in Massachusetts,* Governor Hinck-
ley, well aware of the tortuous paths which marked all
approaches to the royal ear, also kept up a good under-
standing with Randolph, who engaged to do every thing
in his power to obtain the charter.

In September, 1681, General Cudworth was sent to
England, as the agent for the colony. But dying not long
after his arrival, he effected nothing, and his papers were
lost. The royal displeasure was now manifested against
Massachusetts; the qtw warranto had issued against that
colony; and the people of Plymouth were more than
ever in suspense between their hopes and fears. They
had already incurred the displeasure of the people of
Massachusetts, by what was looked upon as a timid and
time-serving policy; and now, they were threatened with
the mortification of finding all their professions of loyalty
disregarded by the King, whose favor they had been so
anxious to secure. Mr. Blaithwait, of the Plantation
Office in London, on the 27th September, 1683, address-

• Randolph, in a letter dated 29 Jan., 1680, to Governor Winslow, says—
*' I am received at Boston more like a spy, than one of his majesty's servants.
They kept a day of thanks for the return of their agents ; but have prepared a
welcome for me, by a paper of scandalous verses, all persons taking liberty to
abase me in their discourses, of which I take the more notice, because it so
much reflects upon my master, who will not forget it." The ** scandalous ver-
ses," to which Randolph alludes, are to be found in Farmer and Moore*s Hist.
Coll., iii. 30. Randolph was the most inveterate and indefatigable of those in-
triguing men who found access to the royal ear of Charles II., with complaints
against the colonies. On this mischievous business, he made no less than eight
voyages in nine years across the Atlantic. He died in the West Indies.

206 THOMAS HINCKLEY.

ed Governor Hinckley/ as follows: ^^I must deal plainly
with you. It is not probable anything will be determined
in that behalf until his majesty do see an issue of pro-
ceeding in relation ta the Massachusetts colony, and that
upon regulating their charter, that colony be brought
under such actual dependence upon the crown as becomes
his majesty's subjects. From hence it will be, that your
patent will receive its model; and although you may be
assured of all you desire, yet it will be expected that, in
acknowledgment of so great favors, such provisions may
be inserted as are necessary for the maintenance of his
majesty's authority.''

Anxious, if possible, to keep alive an interest in the
royal bosom, the general court, in November, 1683, for-
warded another address, wherein they congratulated his
Majesty upon his deliverance, in answer to their prayers
they hoped, from the late horrid conspiracy; and they
had appointed the fifteenth instant for a day of solemn
thanksgiving, for the salvation of his Majesty's royal per-
son from that and other hellish conspiracies.* They go
on to pray his Majesty's favor in granting them a char-
ter, having sent over a true copy of their patent from the
council of Plymouth. Randolph writes to the governor
of Plymouth, the fourth of March following, that he had
presented the address with the necessary amendments, to
his Majesty in council, that it would be printed, was gra-
ciously received, and that they would find the benefit of
it, in the settiement of their affairs. Upon the death of
Charles II., they were distinguished by James II., from

* Reference is here made, probably, to the attempt to assassinate Charles II.,
at the Rye House Farm, near Hoddesdon, in Hertfordshire, on his way from
Newmarket, called the Rye House Plot.

THOMAS HINCKL£Y. 207

tBe other colonies, by a letter under his sign manual, (26
June, 1685,) acquainting them with his accession to the
throne, the great things the parliament had done, the de-
feat of Argy le, and the landing at Monmouth, and the care
taken to prevent his success; all to prevent any false and
malicious rumors that might be spread among his Majes-
ty^s subjects at that distance. An address was sent to
the King, upon his accession, taking notice of the assur-
ances they had received from his royal brother, and
praying that his Majesty might fulfil them. This was
their last effort,* prior to the revolution of 1689.

Governor Hinckley took a deep interest in the efforts
of the Society for propagating the Gospel among the In-
dians. The labors of Eliot and the Mayhews had pro-
duced good fruits, and it appears from a statement drawn
up in 1685, by Governor Hinckley, that the number of
christianized Indians in the colony had increased.! The
duties which this new relation of christian amity between
the natives and the English, imposed upon the govern-
ment, were sometimes onerous. Governor Hinckley, in
the statement above referred to, says — "Their manner is
not to accept any to be praying Indians or Christians,
but such as do, before some of their magistrates or civil
rulers, renounce their former heathenish manners, and
give up themselves to be praying Indians; neither do
they choose any other than such to bear any office
among them. They keep their courts in several places,
living so far distant one from another. Especially the

* Hutchinson's Colony of Massachusetts Bay, 344.

t According to the statement forwarded by Governor Hinckley to the cor-
poration in England, there were at this time in the colony 1439 praying or
christian Indians, besides boys and girls, under tw^ye years of age, which
were supposed to be more than three times that number.

208 THOMAS HINCKLET.

four chief places often desire my help amongst them^ at
their courts, and often do appeal from the sentence of
the Indian Judges to my determination, in which they
quietly rest, whereby I have much trouble and expense of
time among them, but if God please to bless my endea-
vours to bring them to more civility and Christianity, I
shall account my time and pains well spent. A great
obstruction whereunto is the great appetite many of the
young generation have after strong liquors, and the cov-
etous evil humor of sundry of our English, in furnishing
them therewith, nptwithstanding all the court orders and
means used to prohibit the same.''*

Governor Hinckley, in his reUgious views, more close-
ly resembled the rigid Governor Prence, than the tolerant
Winslow.f While a deputy, a law was passed, at his
instance, and for that reason sometimes called ^^ Hinck-
ley's law," which provided, ^^ that if any neglect the wor-
ship of God in the place where he lives, and set up a
worship contrary to God, and the allowances of this Gov-
ernment, to the publick profanation of God's Holy Day,
and ordinances, he shall pay 10 shillings." When the
Quakers made their appearance in New Plymouth, it
was attempted to enforce the penalty of this law; but the
attempt failed, " because the offender must do all things
therein named, or else break not the law." General Cud-
worth states the curious fact, that in March, 1658, a
court of deputies was called, when, after passing sundry
acts touching the Quakers, they contrived to make this

* Hinckley Papers, Lib. Mass. Hist. Soc. In Davis' Morton, 407 — 415, is
an interesting memoir of the situation and number of the Christian Indians,
at that period in Massachusetts and New Plymouth colonies.

i Randolph, in a lettbr to the Archbishop of Canterbury, dated 27 October,
1686, characterises Governor Hinckley as << a rigid independent.'*

THOMAS HINCKL^fiT. 209

act serviceable^ by erasing the word ^^and'^ in the act,
and inserting the word ^^or/^ which, being disjunctive,
made every branch a law. The alteration, (says Cud-
worth,) though made in 1668, stands upon the record
as the act of 1651, and was enforced to the letter against
the Quakiers.*

When Mr. Hinckley came to the government of the
colony, he endeavored to carry out the policy of sus-
taining and extending a system of free schools, which he
had advocated in the council of assistants^ as well as to
secure a competent support for the ministers of religion,
then much neglected. When the first school was estab-
lished by law in Plymouth in 1672, Mr. Hinckley had
been appointed steward of the income set apart for its
support, and had remained its faithful and consistent
champion.

Prior to the year 1677, there was no law compelling
the people to contribute for the support of public wor-
ship. There had been no occasion for one. The people
were as much devoted to religion as their ministers; but
as the ministers in a manner monopolized the learning
of the colony, much of their time was employed in sec-
ular affairs, and they were possessed of a leading influ-
ence in the colony, and had sometimes consented to act
as public officers.

Whatever was bestowed upon them was by volunta-
ry donation ; but as the colony increased in population^
and new avocations engaged the attention of the people,
they neglected the suppcwt of their teachers. New plan-
tations also had been commenced, in which the poverty
of the people afforded a plausible excuse for this seglect*

* See Cadworth's Letter, in Deane's Skituate, 247.

210 THOMAS HINCKLST.

Many came into the settlement, who voted in all secular
affairs, and who felt but little interest in supporting pub-
lic worship.

The government of New Plymouth now saw or ima-
gined, a necessity for enforcing the support of religion
by law. Mr. Hinokley was an earnest and influential ad-
vocate of this policy. An act was passed in 1677, pro-
viding for a tax upon the people for the support of their
ordained ministers, and in the following year another act
was passed, requiring each town and village in the colo-
ny, to erect, finish, and keep in repair a house for pub-
lic worship.

The law required that all taxable persons, irrespective
of their particular faith or behef, should contribute to the
support of the regular congregational ministry; and
though it was much complained of. Governor Hinckley
insisted on the enforcement of its provisions against the
Quakers, who were the most numerous and wealthy of
the dissenting sects. After Dudley's short rule com-
menced in 1686, the Quakers complained of the ex-
action, as contrary to the King's design of universal
toleration. Dudley's commission did not include New
Plymouth, but Rudolph, in a letter to Governor Hinck-
ley, dated 22 June, 1686, undertakes to admonish the
latter in the following terms : — ^^ Perhaps it will be as
reasonable to move that your colony should be rated
to pay our minister of the church of England, who
now preaches in Boston, and you hear him not, as to
make the Quakers pay in your colony."* Governor
Hinckley complained of this as a great grievance, and
contended that if the government was refused the right

* Hutchinson's Hist. Colony of Mass. 357.

THOMAS HINCKLEY. 211

to lay taxes, for the support of the ministry, the people
would sink into barbarism. He knew that the puritans
had now nothing to hope, but much to fear from the im-
position of new laws by King James. He believed, as
did most of the people of New Plymouth, that though
it was pretended that the King was about to allow a uni-
versal toleration, it was only the prelude to the introduc-
tion of popery, and the imposition of grievous burthens
upon the protestants. He continued, as heretofore, to
enforce the collection of the tax for the clergy, until An-
dros, in March, 1687, sent him the following instruc-
tions: — ^^I am very much surprised you should issue
forth so extraordinary a warrant as is now brought to
me, under your hand and seal, dated the 12th of De-
cember past, so much mistaken and assuming (for pay-
ment of your minister) extrajudicially to command dis-
tress to be made on the goods of his Majesty's subjects.
Out of respect to you, I have put a stop to the execution
thereof, that, neither the constable nor you may be ex-
posed. Hoping you will be mindful of the station you
are in, for his Majesty's service and the quiet of his sub-
jects, that they be not amused nor troubled by mistaken
notions, or clandestine illegal practices,'' &c.

The despotic rule of Andros had now commenced.
Plymouth had no charter to surrender, but the govern-
ment was changed, and the colony was allowed no other
voice in public affairs, than the votes of the seven men
whom Andros had selected to be of his council. Gov-
ernor Hinckley, although he had experienced rude treat-
ment from Andros, accepted a seat in his council.

King James the Second came to the throne in Febru-
rary, 1686, and was proclaimed at Plymouth in April

212 THOMAS HINCKLEY.

He determined to consolidate the governments in New
England into one. Dudley, while the scheme was per-
fecting, was commissioned temporarily as president of
New England. But the royal grasp did not at first take in
all of the colonies. New Plymouth and Connecticut
were left out of the commission, until the appointment of
Andros, in June, 1686, whose connnission included all
New England, excepting Connecticut, and of their char-
ter he was subsequently authorized to receive the sur-
render.

Being without a charter, the government of Ply-
mouth, having distinguished itself for loyalty, could now
offer no resistance, and at once acknowledged and endea-
vored to make the best of the rule of Andros. Seven
persons were selected from the colony of New Ply-
mouth to be of the council of Andros, Governor Hinckley
being the first named upon the list. For a time, Mr.
Hinckley, acted as a judge of the prerogative court in
Plymouth, established by Andros; but the governor as
far as possible exercised the supreme power, civil and
judicial, and tolerated no man in office, who was not his
ready and willing instrument.

Some writers have considered it a stain upon the
character of Governor Hinckle^, that he consented to
accept office under Andros. Baylies says, "the reader
who reflects upon the transactions of that day in the
pilgrim colony, cannot but think that when Governor
Hinckley consented to act as a counsellor to Andros, he
fell from his elevation, and the brightness of his charac-
ter was dimmed. When the government of any country
is thrown into such hands, it is the wisest and best
policy to retire to that station which then emphatically

THOMAS HINCKLEY. 213

becomes the post of honor. It is true that Governor
Hinckley went far to redeem his character eventually,
by his manly resistance to the tyranny of Andros, but it
would have been better^ both for his own reputation and
the public good, had he never consented, by acting as his
counsellor, to have swelled the vanity of a petty despot,
and to have lent for a time the sanction of his high char-
acter to lessen the odium of measures which soon be-
came intolerable." ^^We regret to find, (says Judge
Davis,) that Governor Hinckley accepted a seat in the
council, which suspended the ancient authorities of the
country, and authorized or countenanced a course of
arbitrary, vexatious, and oppressive proceedings. — It
should be observed, however, that many of this council
were sincere well wishers to their country, and accepted
a seat at the board, with a view of preventing injurious
measures."

If the subsequent acts of Mr. Hinckley, while of the
council of Andros, are closely scanned, they will sustain
the most favorable construction which has been placed
upon his conduct. The colony possessed no charter;
their affairs had been conducted under a constitution of
their own, democratic in its forms and administration ;
the people professing loyalty to the crown which had
suffered them to enjoy their privileges. But they now
saw that they were at the mercy of one of the most des-
potic monarchs who ever filled the British throne — and
it may well be conceived, that the object of Governor
Hinckley might have been to watch over the interests of
the colony, as far as it was possible for him to do. He
did not consent to the measures of Andros^ and very
seldom attended the meetings of the council, after the

214 THOMAS HINCKLEY.

first. This was also the case with William Bradford^
Barnabas Lothrop, and John Walley, who were coun-
sellors with him from' Plymouth Colony.* They never
attended more than one or two of the meetings. Most
of the counsellors of Massachusetts also absented them-
selves, as they did not approve of the conduct of Gover-
nor Andros. It appears from documents which remain^
that Governor Hinckley was decidedly opposed to the
exceptionable proceedings of Andros and his adherents.
In his letter to Mr. Blaithwait of the Plantation office,
dated June 28, 1687, there is a full and free expression
of the many grievances which the colony suffered under
Sir Edmund Andros' administration. A petition to the
King, on the same subject, in October of that year, is
more minute and emphatic. It is signed, ^^ Thomas
Hinckley, in behalf of your Majesty's most ancient and
loyal Colony of New Plymouth in New England." — In
reference to the new patents and grants, which they were
compelled to take for their lands, fairly acquired, and so
long peaceably possessed, it is observed, that all the
money left in the colony, would scarcely suffice ^^ to pay
one half the charge for warrants, surveying and patents,
if every one must be forced thereto.'' The whole course

* Of Deputy Governor Bradford, a notice has already been given, in page
88 of this volume. Barnabas Lothrop was son of the Rev. John Lothrop, set-
tled at Barnstable, was a deputy six years, and an assistant in 1681. He died
in 1715, aged 79. John Walley was of Boston in 1671, was several times com-
mander of the Anc. & Hon. Artillery-, and colonel of the Boston regiment. Re.
moving to New Plymouth, he was six years an assistant, one of the council
under Andros in 1687, and with Bradford and Lothrop, counsellors under the
charter of William and Mary, in 1692. He was judge of the supreme court of
Massachusetts from 1700 to 1712, when he died at Boston, 11 January, aged 69.
He commanded the expedition against Canada, in 1690, and his journal is pub-
lished in the Appendix to Hutchinson's History of the Colony of Massachu-
setts Bay, 554^-566.

THOMAS HII9CKLE7. 215

of Governor Hinckley, during this period of difficulty,
seems to have been such, as to preserve the confidence
of the people ; for immediately after the deposition and
imprisonment of Andros, in 1689, the ancient privileges
of the colony of New Plymouth were resumed, and Gov-
ernor Hinckley was again called to the chief magistracy.

At this period of general despondency, the late gov-
ernor of Plymouth, Mr. Hinckley, had the courage to lay
at the foot of the throne, the complaints of the people.
In their behalf, acting for the Plymouth colony, he pre-
ferred a petition, in which the King was asked —

^That his majesty's subjects in New England might
be quieted in possession of all property, both in houses
and lands, as they enjoyed them before the government
was changed on the 24th of May, 1686; and that the
ancient records then settled for titles of lands, might be
confirmed.

^ That there be liberty of conscience in matters of re-
ligion ; that their former methods of swearing in giving
evidence may be allowed ; and that all their meeting-
houses might be left free to them, according to the inten-
tion of the builders thereof.

^ That no laws may be made nor moneys raised there,
without the consent of a General Assembly, as it is in the
other plantations.

^ That all townships may have liberty to assemble and
manage the business of their several precincts as under
the former government, and have power to reserve and
dispose of all voluntary contributions.

^That the college at Cambridge in New England,
and the revenues thereunto belonging, be confirmed in
the hands of a president and fellows, as formerly.'

216 THOMAS HINCKLEY.

This petition, and all others, were unheeded by the
King, who seemed to be influenced by a blind infatuation,
which, as it rendered him insensible to the perils by
which he was immediately surrounded, could scarcely
have been expected to have permitted him to become
sensible of those which were more remote. But a period
to the reign of misrule was at hand. Goaded to resist-
ance by the conduct of Azjdros, the people rose in a
body, and deposed him in April, 1689, and the news of
the revolution in England immediately followed. It was
hailed with joy in New Plymouth.

Of the seven counsellors from Plymouth, Nathaniel
Clark was the only one, who yielded a ready and servile
compliance to the wishes of Andros. He of course be-
came obnoxious to the people. The governor rewarded
him with the grant of Clark's Island, in Plymouth har-
bor.* As soon as the news of the imprisonment of An-
dros was received, the people of Plymouth declared
their detestation of Counsellor Clark, by a spirited mani-
festo, which bears date April 22, 1689, setting forth
his oppressions and his crimes, and declaring that they
seized upon his person, resolving to secure him, for the
hands of justice to deal with him according to his demer-

* This island, which contains a little more tPian 80 acres of fertile land, wis
the earliest resting place of the Pilgrims from amidst the storm which they en-
countered on the night of the 8th December, 1620, while coasting along the bay
before their final landing. These circumstances probably led the people to at-
tach a particular reverence to the spot. It was never sold, but reserved for the
benefit of the poor of the town. When the people heard that Clark had ob-
tained the grant, they met in town meeting, and determined at all h&Eards to
reclaim the Island. Their town clerk and committee^ together with the minis-
ter of Duxbury, were thereupon arrested by order of Andros, and bound over
for trial at Boston ; and Clark was already exulting in anticipation of the en-
joyment of his acquisition, when the &11 of Andxos restored the Island to it»
original proprietors. Tliaeher, 153.

THOMAS HINCKL£T. 217

its. He was accordingly imprisoned and put in irons,
and the next year sent with Andros, his master, in the
same ship to England.

The members of the general court of New Plymouth,
which was in existence in 1686, when the government
of Andros commenced, were now summoned together.
They assembled on the first Tuesday of June, 1689, and
reinstated the former government, at the same time issu-
ing the following declaration : ^' Whereas^ through the
great changes Divine Providence hath ordered out, both in
England and in this country, we, the loyal subjects of the
Crown of England, are left in an unsettled state, destitute
of government, and exposed to the ill consequences there-
of, and having heretofore enjoyed a quiet settlement of
government, in this their Majesties' Colony of New Ply-
mouth for more than three score and six years, without
any interruption ; having also been, by the late Kings of
England, by their royal letters, graciously owned and
acknowledged therein; whereby, notwithstanding our
late unjust interruption, and suspension therefrom, by the
illegal, arbitrary power of Sir Edmund Andros (now
ceased) the general court held here, in the name of their
present Majesties, William and Mary, King and Queen of
England, &c., together with the encouragement given by
their said Majesties' gracious declarations, and in humble
confidence of their said Majesties' good liking, do there-
fore, hereby re-assume, and declare their re-assuming of
their said former way of government, according io such
wholesome constitutions, rules and orders, as were here
in force, in June, 1686, our title thereto being warranted
by prescription and otherwise as aforesaid, and expects a
ready submission thereunto,^ by all their Majesties good
28

220 THOMAS HINCKLEY.

should do the same; but others refusing, the subscription
failed, as a matter of course.

' In February, 1690, the Rev. Ichabod Wiswall, the
minister of Duxbury, went to England, in company with
Messrs. Elisha Cooke, and Thomas Oakes, who were ap-
pointed agents of Massachusetts for procuring the con-
firmation of the ancient charter of that colony. Soon
after his departure, he was chosen an agent by Plymouth,
to obtain the confirmation of their's; and subsequently,
Increase Mather and Sir Henry Ashurst were appointed
to act conjointly with him. Mather had previously fled
from Massachusetts in disguise, during the administration
of Andros, and embarked for England, in order to lay
the complaints of that colony at the foot of the throne.

The agents were faithful to their trust, but the desir-
ed object could not be accomplished. In January, 1691,
Cotton Mather thus writes to Governor Hinckley, refer-
ring to letters received from his father — ^^I perceive,
that about the middle of last November, God had so
blessed his applications, as whejn all other means of resto-
ration to our ancient liberties failed us, he had obtained
of the King an order to the Judges, Holt and PoUexfen,
and the Attorney and Solicitor-General, to draw up a
new charter for us, which was done, but just as the ves-
sel came away, and waited for the broad seal. Gover-
nor Sclater (Sloughter) of New York, had Plymouth
put into his commission^ but purely through my father's
industry and discretion, he procured the dropping of it.
Our friends at Whitehall assured him, that if he had pe-
titioned for a charter to be bestowed upon Plymouth, by
itself, there bad none been obtained for you, nor for us
aeither ; wherefore he procured Plymouth to be inserted

THOMAS HIirCKLEY. ' 221

in our grant. But when Mr. Wiswall understood it^ he
came and told my father your Colony would all curse him
for it, at which the Solicitor-General, being extreme-
ly moved, presently dashed it out, so that you are now
again like to be annexed unto the government of New
York, and if you find yourselves thereby plunged into
manifold miseries, you have none to thank for it but one
of your own.^'

This intelligence excited much uneasiness and alarm
in Plymouth Colony. The Rev. Mr. Cotton in a letter
to Governor Hinckley, Feb. 6, 1691, urges him to re-
pair to England, and to use his best endeavors to pre-
vent the meditated arrangement. He assures the Gover-
nor that this is the opinion of many men of "wisdom,
prudence, and piety,'^ with whom he had consulted. " I
believe none amongst us,^^ he adds, "will be free to trust
any but yourself; and as for the many hundreds of
pounds, that must be collected to defray the charge of
such an undertaking, I find, amongst us, great readiness,
maugre all our great charges, to contribute liberally there-
to.^^ Mr. Cotton appears to have overrated the ability
or disposition of the people, to make the necessary con-
tributions.

The Court met in March, and with "hearty thanks,'^
expr^sed to Sir Henry Ashurst, Rev. Mr. Mather, and
Rev. Mr. Wiswall, besides a grant to Sir Henry Ashurst
of fifty guineas, and to the other two gentlemen of twen-
ty-five guineas each, voted to raise ^200 more, to be re-
mitted "toward the charge of procuring a charter.'^ Sir
Henry Ashurst was appointed sole agent, but was request-
ed to advise with Mr. Mather and Mr. Wiswall. The
amount voted, was not in the treasury, and a subscrip-

222 THOMAS HINCKLEY.

tion was opened, to raise the requisite sum, in the several
towns, under the direction of the deputies.

It appears by subsequent letters, from Governor
Hinckley to Messrs. Wiswall and Mather, that the whole
sum was not raised, and what was collected was returned
to the subscribers.

In a letter to Mr. Mather, dated 16 October, 1691,
Governor Hinckley says — " Your service in keeping us
from New York, and all other intimations for the good of
this colony, is thankfully received, and it would have been
well pleasing to myself and sundry others of the most
thinking men, who are desirous of supporting the minis-
try and schools of learning, to have been annexed to
Boston, yet the greater part of the people, and of our
deputies, are most desirous of obtaining a charter for
themselves, if possible to be procured, though so far as I
can discern, they had much rather be annexed to the
Massachusetts than New York, yet are not willing to
have it mentioned, lest it should divert any endeavours for
obtaining a distinct charter for themselves. It was voted
that two hundred pounds should be raised by a voluntary
contribution. On trial made, though some particular
men and towns did contribute liberally, yet others, by
reason of the great charge of the war, and partly being
discouraged by some leading men telling them that they
would but throw away their money, that they never would
be like to obtain a charter, nor you neither for the Mas-
sachusetts, thereby the sum proposed fell considerably
short, and by the court^s order, the whole sum not being
raised, none was to be sent. Not being in a capacity to
make rates for any equal defraying the charge, I see little
or no likelihood of obtaining a charter for u^, unless their

THOMAS HINCKLEY. 223

majesties^ out of their royal bounty and clemency, gra-
ciously please to grant it, sub forma pauperis^ to their
poor and loyal subjects of this colony.^^ The letter to Mr.
Wiswall is in the same strain, with the additional commu-
nication of some turbulent proceedings, in contempt of
the authority of the Colony, particularly in the county of
Bristol, in regard to taxes for operations against the
French, in which he says, the people about Dartmouth
and Little-Compton, were supported by Governor
Sloughter, who arrived in New York in March, 1691.

Before these letters were written, however, the bus-
iness was completed in England. The charter granted
to Massachusetts, in which Plymouth was included, bears
date October 7th, 1691. Mr. Wiswall could not be
reconciled to this arrangement, and strongly expressed
his feelings on the occasion, in a letter to Mr. Hinckley,
dated the 6th of November following: ^^I do believe Ply-
mouth's silence, Hampshire's neglect, and the rashness
and impudence of one, at least, who went from New
England in disguise by night, hath not a little contributed
to our general disappointment. Plymouth, the Massa-
chusetts, as far west as the Narragansett country, and
northward three miles beyond Merrimack river, the
province of Maine, and the lands from Sagadehoc east-
ward as far as the easternmost extent of Acadia or Nova
Scotia, are clapt into one province, under such restrictions
as I believe will not be very acceptable to those inhabi-
tants who must lose their ancient names. There are in
the new charter 28 counsellors (of which 4 for Pli-
mouth) a governor and a deputy, all nominated by one
who acts as if he were a sole plenipotentiary. The gov-
ernor, deputy and secretary are to be nominated and con-

224 THOMAS HINCKLEY.

tinued only durante bene placUo. Sir W. P, hath one |

that labours hard for his advancement.* I only reflect on '

New England's condition under this juncture of Provi-
dence, much like that of the Jews under Cyrus ascending ■
the throne of their oppressor. At his first appearance,
they were in hope to rebuild their city and sanctuary,
but were deprived of their expected privileges all his !
days by ill minded counsellors. All the frame of heaven
moves on one axis, and the whole of New England's in-
terest seems designed to be loaden on one bottom, and
her particular motions to be concentric to the Massachu-
setts tropic. You know who are wont to trot after the
bay-horse ; your distance is your advantage, by which
you may observe their motions. * Yet let me remind you
of that great statesman, Ecclesiastes, viii. 14. Few wise
men rejoice at their chains. Doubtless it would be ac-
counted hypocrisy before God, and ground of despair
among men, to see any person receive and entertain the
present and undeniable evidences of his disappointment,
with the usual testimonies and compHments attending the
desire accomplished."

Mr. Wiswall in this, and in other letters, indulges in
severe remarks on Mr. Mather, as if it were by his man-
agement, that the union of Plymouth with Massachusetts
was effbcted; but there is reason to believe that his jeal-
ousies, on this subject, were ^unfounded. Mr. Mather

* The Rev. Mr. Wiswall here refers to Sir William Phips^ upon whose ap-
pointmeait as governor in 1692, Cotton Mather exnltingly exclaims—" The tnn«
has come ! the set time has come ! I am now to receive an answer to so many
prayers. All of the Counsellors of the Province are of my own father's nomi-
nation, and my &ther-in-law, with several related to me, and several brethreA
of my own church, are among them. The Governor of the Province is not my
enemy, but one I baptized ; namely, Sir William Fhips, one of my owb flock^
and one of my deacest friends/'^Diaiy of Cott^ Matlier.

THOMAS HINCKLEY. 225

undoubtedly exerted himself to prevent the annexation
of Plymouth to New York; and from an attentive ex-
amination of all accessible documents^ on the subject,
there appears no reason to doubt his fidelity and sincerity,
in regard to Plymouth, as well as Massachusetts.* All
his influence and that of his friends, and of the country's
friends in England, which was very considerable, could
not, probably, however exerted, have prevented the an-
nexation of Plymouth, either to New York or to Massa-
chusetts.

There appears no evidence of discontent on the part
of Plymouth to this measure, after it was adopted. Gov-
ernor Hinckley, in the letter already quoted, says to Dr.
Mather, ^^that it would be well pleasing to himself and
sundry other of the most thinking men, who are desirous
of supporting the ministry and schools of learning," to
be annexed to Massachusetts. Plymouth Colony had
done worthily, during its separate existence. This was
then acknowledged, and will be acknowledged in all future
time ; but there has, probably, been no period since the
union, in which that transaction has been regretted by the
people inhabiting the territory. The similarity of charac-
ter, and identity of interests of every description, ren-

* Dr. Mather opposed the proceedings of Andros, in Massachusetts, with
such boldness and energy, that he was obliged to leave the province to escape
his tyranny. He was in England at the time of the revolution of 1688^ and
acquired great influence with the new government. Being considered the head
and representative of the clergy of Massachusetts, the ministers of the Crown
were desirouB to conciliate him; well knowing that in fact the ecclesiastical
was the predominating estate of the Colonial realm. To this end they gave
him the nomination of the governor, counsellors, and all the officers appointed
under the new charter. Quincy's Harv. Univ., i. 59. A knowledge of these
facts probably led the honest minded Mr. Wiswall to believe that Dr. Mather
possessed sufficient influence to have preserved the independence of New Ply-
mouth, had he chosen to exert it.

226 THOMAS HINCKLEY.

dered such a union rational and desirable, and it is ob-
servable that the people of New Hampshire, as Dr. Bel-
knap informs us, would gladly have been annexed to the
same government, and indeed, petitioned for such a union,
by a convention of deputies assembled for that purpose-
The measure was defeated only by the influence of the
heirs or assignees of some great proprietors.* It is to
the honor of Massachusetts, that none have had reason to
regret a comprehension with her jurisdiction, and that
her history, in every stage of her progress, exhibits mul-
tiplied instances of magnanimity,, public spirit, and regard
to the best interests of man.

By the new charter of 1691, four, at least, of the
twenty-eight counsellors, were to be from the territory^
^^ formerly called New-Plymouth.^' The four gentlemen^
named for this purpose in the charter, were Thomas^
Hinckley, William Bradford, John Walley, aaid Barna-
bas Lothrop.f

Governor Sloughter having arrived at New York,,
previous to the arrival of Sir William Phips with the
new charter of Massachusetts, attempted to exercise hi»
authority in the jurisdiction of New Plymouth, and issued
his orders as though it was a part of the province of New
York ; but the arrival of Phips at Boston, with the char-
ter, 14th May, 1692, occasioned their immediate suspen-
sion. A court having been summoned by the new gov-^
ernor, on the 8th of June following, the province of
Massachusetts Bay proceeded to exercise her newly ac-
quired authority without interruption. She had emerged
from her colonial state, to be a province of the empire j

* See Belknap'a Hist, of New-Hampshire, (Farmers edit.) 123»
t Davis* note, Mortoa'a Memorial, 473—477.

THOMAS HINCKLEY. 227

she had become sufficiently powerful to attract the notice
of the monarch; and her democratic tendencies were
henceforth to be more carefully watched by the ministers
of the crown. New Plymouth quietly submitted to her
younger sister, and the amalgamation of the two colonies
was soon perfected.

The last general court of the colony was summoned,
•and met at Plymouth on the first Tuesday of July — ^and
the last exercise of power by that body was the appoint-
ment of a day of solemn fasting and humiliation. The
iiays of the colony of New Plymouth were numbered i

The population of the colony at this period was about
thirteen thousand. There was little trade, and a heavy
debt impended oyer them. The whole personal prop-
erty of individuals was but little more than sufficient to
discharge the general debt, which had grown out of
the great Indian war. Yet there were here the elements
and seeds of that wealth, which in the next century was
developed, by the patience, honesty, industry, and ener-
gy of the people.

During the whole period of the independent exist-
ence of this colony, the government, almost self-constitut-
ed, had been respected and obeyed. It was found fully
equal to the exigences of peace and war ; and to the ac-
complishment of the great end of all governments, the
security of the rights of persons, and of property; and by
a firm and steady course of action, it was able to produce
a universal consciousness of that security.

The question may very naturally be asked, how it
happened that a population of adventurers, without mili-
tary force, and with little wealth, which is unquestiona-
bly a formidable element of power, and by which men

228 THOMAS HINCKIiEY. ^

often make their rule acceptable ; and with an equality
as general as was possible in any country which had a
government ; could, without the sanction of a royal char-
ter, and without the interference of the metropolis, which
in infant colonies is generally imperative and absolute, sus-
tain themselves so long, and without tumults and com-
motions, do every thing essential to the well being of the
community ? This question finds its solution in the re-
ligious character of the people. Worldly objects were
with them secondary, and that curse of all small and
independent communities, political ambition, found no
place amongst them. The highest offices were not sought,
but the services of such as were fit to sustain them were
demanded as the right of the people, and they were ac-
cepted, not for the sake of distinction, emolument or pleas-
ure, but from a sense of duty. Fearful of the loss of rep-
utation, men underwent the severe and painful duties
which such offices required.

Where there was no strife for power, no temptation
in the shape of emolument, and no passion for official dis-
tinctions, small was the danger of feuds and factions.

The junction of Plymouth with Massachusetts des-
troyed all the political consequence of the former.
The people of Plymouth shared but few of the favors
which the new government had to bestow, and it was sel-
dom indeed, that any resident in what was termed ^the
old colony' obtained any office or distinction in the
provincial government, dr (acquired any influence in its
councils. ,

Plymouth, however, may well be proud of the high
distinction which has been acquired by many of her
native sons, when placed in a more genial clime.

THOMAS HINCKLST. 229

She has furnished her full proportion of talent,
genius, learning and enterprise, in almost every depart-
ment of life; and in other lands the merits of the pos-
terity of the pilgrims have been acknowledged. They
may be found wherever the sway of the American repub-
lic is acknowledged, and even in the armies and navies,
and in the councils of our "father land,^^ they have won
their way to eminence, not by the aid of birth or femily
connections, but by the force of superior merit and trans-
cendent ability. Among the proudest names in the
British navy, may be found the descendant of the origi-
nal purchaser of Mattapoisett in Swansey,* and attached
to the title of one of the most distinguished of the Eng-
lish peerage, is the name of one of the early settlers of
Scituate.f

In one respect, the people of the Old Colony pre-
sent a remarkable exception to the rest of America.
They are perhaps the purest English race in the world;
there is scarcely an intermixture even with the Scotch
or Irish, and none with the aboriginals. Almost all
the present population are descended from the origi-
nal English settlers. Many of them still own the lands
which their early ancestors rescued from the wilder-
ness, and although they have spread themselves in every

* Mattapoisett Neck, in Swansey, was parchased by William Brenton,
governor of Rhode Island, of Philip, the sachem of Mount Hope, by deed
dated 23 June, 1664. Jahleel Brenton, grandson of Governor Brenton, had
twenty-two children. His fourth son, Jahleel, bom 22 Oct. 1729, entered the
British navy when a youth, distinguished himself in service, and rose to the
rank of admiral. He died in 1802. His son, Jahleel, was bred to the sea, rose
to be an admiral, and was knighted in 1810.

f Thomas Richard, the third Lord Holland, married an heiress of the name
of Vassall, and his son, Henry Richard Fox Vassall, is the present Lord Hol-
land, Baron Holland in Lincolnshire, and Foxley in Wilts. Playfair's British
Family Antiquities, ii. 182.

230 THOMAS HINCKLEY.

direction through this wide continent^ from the penin-
sula of Nova Scotia to the gulf of Mexico, some one of
the family has generally remained to cultivate the soil
which was owned by his ancestors. The fishermen and
navigators of Maine, the children of Plymouth, still con-
tinue the industrious and bold pursuits of their forefath-
ers. In that fine country, beginning at Utica in the State
of New York, and stretching to Lake Erie, this race may
be found on every hill and in every valley, on the rivers
and on the lakes. The emigrant from the sand banks of
Cape Cod, revels in the profusion of the agricultural op-
ulence of Ohio. In all the southern and southwestern
states, the natives of the ^ old colony,' like the Armenians
of Asia, may be found in every place where commerce
and traflic offer any lure to enterprise ; and in the heart
of the gigantic peninsula of Michigan, like their ances-
tors, they have commenced the cultivation of the wilder-
ness, like them, originally surrounded with savage beasts
and savage men, and like them, patient in suffering, des-
pising danger, and animated with hope.*

* Baylies, in conclusion of his Hist, of New Plymouth. The following re-
marks of President D wight, when contemplating the history of New Plymouth,
may be appropriately added : "The institutions, civil, literary and religious, by
which New England is distinguished on this side the Atlantic, began here.
Here the manner of holding lands in free soccage, now universal in this coun^
try, commenced. Here the right of suffrage was imparted to every citizen, to
every inhabitant not disqualified by poverty or vice. Here was formed the first
establishment of towns, of the local legislature, which is called a town meeting,
and of the peculiar town executive, styled the selectmen. Here the first paro-
chial school was set up, and the system originated for communicating to every
child in the community the knowledge of reading, writing, and arithmetic.
Here, also, the first building was erected for the worship of God ; the first re-
ligious assembly gathered ; and the first minister called and settled, by the voice
of the church and congregation. On these simple foundations has since been
erected a structure of good order, peace, liberty, knowledge, morals and reli-
gion, with which nothing on this side the Atlantic can bear a remote eompari-

THOMAS HIUCKLEir. 231

Governor Hinckley died at Barnstable^ in 1706, and
the following inscription is placed upon his tombstone :
^^ Beneath this stone, erected A. D. 1829, are deposited
the mortal remains of Thomas Hinckley, He died A,
D. 1706, aged 85 years. History bears witness to his
piety, usefulness, and agency in the public transactions
of his time. The important offices he was called to fill,
evidence the esteem in which he was held by the people-
He was successively elected an assistant in the govern-
ment of Plymouth colony, from 1668 to 1681, and gov-
ernor, except during the interruption of Sir Edmund
Andros, from 1681 to the junction of Plymouth colony
with Massachusetts.^^

Governor Hinckley's first wife was Mary Richards,
whom he married in 1641, and his sons by this marriage
were Samuel, born in 1652, and Thomas, in 1654. She
died soon after, and in 1659, he married Mary, the
widow of Nathaniel Glover, son of the Hon. John
Glover of Dorchester. She was the daughter of fauftr- v;f ,: ^»-

Smith, called Quarter-Master Smith, who came
from England in 1635, with his family, and setded at
Dorchester, Massachusetts. Governor Hinckley's chil-
dren, by his second marriage, were one son, Ebenezer,
and five daughters, one of whom married the Rev. Ex-
perience Mayhew, father of the celebrated Dr. Jonathan
May hew. Another daughter, Mercy, in 1686, married
Samuel Prince of Sandwich, the father of the Rev-
Thomas Prince, the chronologist. Mr. Prince speaks
in the following terms of the second Mrs. Hinckley :
^^She, to the day of her death, appeared and shone, in
the eyes of all, as the loveliest and brightest woman for

232 THOMAS HINCKLEY.

beauty, knowledge, wisdom, majesty, accomplishments
and graces, throughout the colony.'^

Descendants of Governor Hinckley, of great re-
spectability, are found in Massachusetts, New York, and
in the southern states. Hon. Samuel Hinckley, of North-
ampton, Massachusetts, who died 16 June, 1840, was
a descendant of Governor Hinckley. Judge Hinckley
was a soldier in the revolutionary war, and was wounded
in an engagement near the Hudson. He was a classmate
in college with Governor Griswold, Judge Baldwin, and
Chancellor Kent. He was greatly esteemed for the
purity of his character, his extensive liberality, and de-
voted patriotism.

Among the manuscripts in the library of the Massa-
chusetts Historical Society, are 3 vols, folio, of papers
collected by Governor Hinckley. They contain a mass
of valuable information relating to the early history of the
Old Colony.

PART II.

GOVERNORS OF MASSACHUSETTS BAT.

1630—1689-

INTRODUCTORY NOTE.

The CouDcil of Plymouth for New England, established by
James I. in November, 1 620, instead of engaging in the work of
planting colonies, contented itself with the revenues it could com-
mand from the sale of patents. The Pilgrims had crossed the ocean
to New Plymouth, and before the returning ships had brought in-
telligence of their success. Sir Ferdinando Gorges and Capt. John
Mason, who were active members of the Council, had each made
application for grants of territory in New England.

On the 9th of March, 1621, a patent was issued to Mason,
granting all the lands from Salem river, round Cape Anne, to the
liver Merrimack, and up each of these rivers to their sources, and
across from the head of one to the other. This district was called
Mariana.

On the lOlh of August following, a grant was made to Gorges
and Mason, of the whole country between the sea, the St. Law-
rence, the Merrimack, and the Kennebeck. And to this they gave
the name of Laconia.

A third patent was issued, 10th September, 1621, to Sir Wil-
liam Alexander, granting all the territory east of the river St. Croix,
and south of the St. Lawrence, already known as the Acadie of
the French, and since called Nova Scotia.

A fourth patent, granting a tract of ten miles on the Massachu-
setts Bay, and extending thirty miles into the interior, was issued
on the 13th December, 1622, to Robert Goiges, son of Sir Ferdi-
nando Gorges.

The fame of the plantation at New Plymouth had spread
throughout England ; but few settlements were made prior to the
year 1629. Weymouth, the ancient Wessagusset, is the oldest set-

236 INTRODUCTORY NOTS.

tlement in what was the colony of Massachusetts Bay, being settled
by a company under Thomas Weston in 1622.

In 1625, a plantation was commenced at Braintree. About
the year 1626, William Blackstone settled on the peninsula of
Boston, and in the autumn of the same year, the settlement which
had been commenced at Cape Anne in 1625, under the auspices
of the Rev. Mr. White, of Dorchester, in England, was removed
to Salem. A solitary pioneer had pitched his tent upon the heights
of Charlestown in 1627, and was joined by a few persons from
Salem in the following year.

On the I9th of March, 1628, the Council for New England
sold to Sir Henry Roswell and others, a belt of land, stretching
from the Atlantic to the Pacific, extending three miles south of the
River Charles and the Massachusetts Bay, and three miles north
of the Merrimack. Through the instrumentality of Mr. White,
other persons of wealth and character became associated with them,
and afterwards purchased rights in the patent. Among these were
John Winthrop, Isaac Johnson, Matthew Cradock, Thomas GofTe,
and Sir Richard Saltonstall. The company soon after chose Mat-
thew Cradock their governor, and sent over a few people under
Capt. John Endecott to prepare for the settlement of a colony.

On the fourth of March, 1629, Charles I. granted a patent to
these colonists, under the name of " The Governor and Company
of the Massachusetts Bay in New England,'^ and the grantees im-
mediately settled a form of government for the new Colony. But
on the 29th of August, 1629, the company, after much discussion,
decided that the government and patent of the plantation should
be transferred from London to the Massachusetts Bay, and that
their corporate powers should be executed there. From this period
dates the foundation and permanent settlement of the colony.
Early in the spring of 1630, the fleet which conveyed Governor
Winthrop and his company to America sailed from the shores of
England. Further particulars of the history of some of these
men, will appear in the following pages.

a. I. V EKDICOTT LITH.

Lith /or Moores American, (iofertwrs .

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t Dr. Belknap, copying iruxn iviather, places nts birth m idb7, but irom ba-
Tage's notes to Winthrop's Journal, i. 63, and ii. 338, it appears that he was bom
January 12th, 1588.

/ /

©(3)X JT'DZIf? WII5!TriBr38.(0)]Pc

LUJi for Moores American. Cioyertwrs .

GOVERNORS OF MASSACHUSETTS BAT.

I. JOHN WINTHROP.

John Winthrop, the first governor of Massachusetts,
"was descended from a family remarkable for its attachment
to the reformed religion, from the earliest period of the
Reformation. His grandfather, Adam Winthrop, was an
eminent lawyer and lover of the Gospel in the reign of
Henry VHL, and brother to a memorable friend of the
Reformation in the reign of Mary I., in whose hands the
martyr Philpot left his papers, which make a considera-
ble part of the history of the Martyrs. His father, Adam
Winthrop, was a gentleman of the same profession and
character.*

Governor Winthrop was born at the family-seat at
Groton, in Suffolk, January 12, 1688,t and was bred to
the law, though he had a very strong inclination to theo*
logical studies. At the age of eighteen, he was made a
justice of the peace, and his virtues became conspicuous.
He was exemplary in his profession, as an upright and
impartial magistrate, and in his private character, as a
christian. He had wisdom to discern, and fortitude to

* Adam Winthrop, the elder, was buried the 12 Nov., 1562. — Parish RegiB-
ter of Groton. No doubt this was the grandfather of Gov. Winthrop ; and
probably to him was made the grant of the manor of Groton from Henry VIII,
after the suppression of the religions houses. Savage, in III Mass. Hist. Coll.,
▼iu.2d7.

f De. Belknap, copying from Mather, places his birth in 1587, but from Sa-
vage's notes to Winthrop's Journal, i. 63, and ii. 338, it appears that he wasbor*
January 12th, 1588.

238 JOHN WINTHROP.

do right in the execution of his oflSce ; and as a gentle-
man was remarkable for liberality and hospitality. These
qualities rendered him dear to men of sobriety and reli-
gion, and fitted him to engage in the great and difficult
work of founding a colony.

After our fathers at New Plymouth, through many
difficulties, had prepared the way, and the fame of their
successful enterprise had spread over England, many of
those who disliked the corruptions and oppressions of
the English Church, made preparations for a removal
to America. The Rev. John White, a zealous puritan,
of Dorchester in England, succeeded in persuading a
number of wealthy men to commence a settlement at
Cape Anne, under the guidance of Roger Conant,
who had previously been at Plymouth and Nantasket.
The little company had gathered at Cape Anne in 1625,
but in 1626, found a more convenient refuge at Salem,
where " they resolved to remain as the sentinels of puri-
tanism in the Bay of Massachusetts.'**

At this time, liberty of conscience could not be en-
joyed in England. Many were so harassed for their
non-conformity, that they determined rather to make
settlements in a dreary wilderness, at the distance of three
thousand miles from their native country, than endure
the persecution to which they were constantly exposed.
They emigrated, not for the advantages of trade, but for
religion; and the enjoyment of liberty of conscience.
They wished to transmit the blessings of civil and reli-
gious liberty, to their posterity.!

The Council for New England, on the 19th of March,
1628, sold to Sir Henry Roswell, Sir John Young,

• Bancroft, i. 339. t Ramsay *8 Univ. Hiit.^i. 79.

jOHir wiNTHROP. 239

John Humphrey^ John Endecott^ Simon Whetcomb and
Thomas Southcoat, all from the vicinity of Dorchester^ a
patent for all that part of New England lying between
three miles to the southward of Charles river and three
miles to the northward of Merrimack river, and in length
within the prescribed breadth, from the Atlantic ocean
to the South Sea, or Pacific* The Rev. Mr. White of
Dorchester, who was at this time zealously engaged in
projecting an asylum for the persecuted non-conformists,
soon interested other and powerful friends to become as-
sociates in the enterprise-f These associates were John
Winthrop, Isaac Johnson, Matthew Cradock, Thomas
Goffe, and Sir Richard Saltonstall, who afterwards pur-
chased rights in the patent. Three of the original pur-
chasers parted with all their rights ; but Humphrey, En-
decott, and Whetcomb retained an equal interest with the
new parties.f

The company soon after chose Matthew Cradock
governor, and Thomas Goffe, deputy governor, with

* ChalmerB, 135.

i Rev. John White, A. M. was a natiw of Stanton St. John in Ozfordafaire,
where he was born in 1576, graduated at Oxford, and in 1606, became the rec-
tor of Trinity church in Dorchester, where he continued with little interruption
above forty years. He was one of the earliest friends of the projected colony
in Massachufietts, his object being to provide an asylum for the persecuted
XK>» conformists. He met with numerous discouragements, and it is said that
the undertaking was about to be relinquished, and those who had settled in the
new plantation were about returning home, when they received letters from Mr.
White assuring them, that if they would endure their painful conflict a little
longer, he would procure for them a patent, and all the necessary supplies for
the new settlement. They waited the event, and he made his pr.mi'^'^ good.
He was one ef the ooramittee on religion appointed in 1640, by the House of
Ifords, and one of the assembly of divines in 1643. He died at Dorchester,
Sag. 31 July, 1648, aged 73. He was usually ealkd ^ the patriarch of Dorches-
t8r«" end Wood says, the puritane ^ had more respect for him than even for
their diocesan." Mr. John White, the ejeeted non-conformist, was his son.
Bioofce'f Lives of the Furitaas, iii. 86.

X Prince, 171. Mass. Colony Records.

240 JOHN WINTHROF.

eighteen assistants; and sent over a few people under tbe
government of JohnEndecott,4;o carry on the plantation
at Naumkeak, and prepare for settling a colony. Ende-
cott, on his arrival, laid the foundations of Salem, the
first permanent town in Massachusetts.

When the news reached London, of the safe arrival
of the emigrants, the number of the adventurers had been
much enlarged. Interest was made to obtain a royal
charter, with the aid of Richard Bellingham, and of
White, an eminent lawyer, who advocated the design.
The earl of Warwick had always been the friend of the
company ; Gorges had seemed to favor its advancement,
and Lord Dorchester, then one of the secretaries of state,
is said to have exerted a powerful influence in its behalf.*

At last, on the fourth of March, 1629, the royal pa-
tent passed the seals, incorporating the associates as a
body politic, by the name of "The Governor and Com-
pany of the Massachusetts Bay in New England," with
as full powers as any other corporation in the realm of
England.f The company was empowered to elect for-
ever, out of the freemen of said company, a governor,
deputy governor, and eighteen assistants, to be newly
chosen on the last Wednesday in Easter term yearly, by
the greater part of the company; and to make laws not
repugnant to the laws of England. Matthew Cradock

• Bancroft, i. 342.

t See charter in Hazard, i. 239—255. The gnmtees named in this patent
wxe-^Sir Henry RoswtU^ Sir John Youngs Sir Richard Saltonstall, Tkonuu
Sautkeoat^ John Humphrey, John Endeeott, Simon WheUomb, leaac Johnson,
Samuel Alderelej, John Ven, Matthew Cradock, Greorge tiarwood. Increase
Nowell, Richard Perry, Richard Bellingham, Nathaniel Wright, Samnel Vassal],
Theophilus Eaton, Thomas Gofie, Thomas Adams, John Browne, Samuel'
Browne, Thomas Hutchins, William Vassall, William Pinchion, George Fox*
eroft. [The names in italics, are of the original purchasers.]

/OHII WINTHROF. 241

was constituted the first governor, and Thomas Goffe
the deputy governor. Sir Richard Saltonstall, and 17
other persons were constituted assistants.

A court of the Massachusetts company was soon after
holden at London, and settled a form of government
for the new colony. It ordained, that thirteen persons,
such as should be reputed the most wise, honest, expert,
and discreet, resident on the colonial plantation, should,
from time to time, have the sole management of the gov-
ernment and affairs of the colony ; and they, to the best
of their judgment were '' to endeavour to so settle the
same,^' as might "make most to the glory of God, the
furtherance and advancement of this hopeful plantation,
the comfort, encouragement, and future benefit of the
company, and of others, concerned in the commencement
or prosecution of the work. The persons thus appoint-
ed, were to be entitled " The Governor and Council of
London's Plantation in Massachusetts Bay, in New Eng-
land."*

Several persons, of considerable importance in the
English nation, were now enlisted among the adventur-
ers, who, for the unmolested enjoyment of their religion,
were resolved to remove into Massachusetts. Foresee-
ing, however, and dreading the inconvenience of being
governed by laws made for them without their own con-
sent, they judged it more reasonable, that the colony
should be ruled by men residing in the plantation, than
by those dwelling at a distance of three thousand miles,
and over whom they should have no control. At a meet-
ing of the company on the 28th of July, Matthew Cra-
dock, the governor, proposed that the charter should be

• Hazard, L 268—271.

242 JOHN WIWTHROP.

transferred to those of the freemen who should become
inhabitants of the colony, and •the powers conferred by
it, be executed for the future in New England- An
agreement was accordingly made at Cambridge, in Eng-
knd, on the 26th of August, between Sir Richard Salton-
stall, Thomas Dudley, Isaac Johnson, John Winthrop^
and a few others, that, on those conditions they would
be ready the ensuing March, with their persons and fam-
ilies, to embark for New England, for the purpose of
settling in the country.* The governor and company,
entirely disposed to promote the measure, called a gener-
al court ; at which the deputy governor stated, that sev-
eral gentlemen, intending to go to New England, were
desirouis to know whether the chief government with the
patent would be settled in Old or New England. This
question caused a serious debate. The court was ad-
journed to the next day, when it was decreed that the
government and the patent of the plantation should be
transferred from London to Massachusetts Bay. An or-
der was drawn up for that purpose, in pursuance of
which, a court was holden on the 20tix of October, for a
new election of officers, who would be willing to remove
with their families ; and '^ the court having received ex-
traordinary great commendation of Mr. John Winthrop,
both for his integrity and sufficiency, as being one very
well fitted for the place, with a full consent chose him
governor for the year ensuing."

It is evident from the charter, that the original design
of it was to constitute a corporation in England, like to
that of the East India and other great companies, with

* See, in Hutch. Coll. 25, 26, " The trae coppie of the agreements at Cam-
bridge, August 26, 1629."

iOKN WINTHROP. 243

power to settle plantations within the limits of the ter-
ritory, under such forms of government and magistracy as
should be fit and necessary. The first step in sending
out Mr. Endecott, appointing him a council, giving him
a commission, instructions, &c. was agreeable to this
construction of the charter.*

The emigrants to Massachusetts had no special war-
rant of toleration; they had not eren the promise of
connivance, which the pilgrims ten years before had ex-
torted from James I. The charter does not once men-
tion liberty of conscience or toleration ; though one his-
torianf has inadvertently stated, that " free liberty of
conscience was likewise granted to all who should settle
in the Massachusetts Bay, to worship God in their ow;i
way ;'^ and another J that ^Uhe charter granted toleration
to all christians except papists.'' At the distance of

j three thousand miles, however, across the ocean, they

felt themselves safe, beyond the reach of the archbishop
and high commission courts.

Preparations were now made for the removal of a
large number of colonists, and in the spring of 1630, a
fleet of fourteen sail was got ready. Mr. Winthrop having

I by the consent of all been chosen for their leader, imme-
diately set about making preparations for his departure.
He converted a fine estate of six or seven hundred
pounds per annum into money, and in March embarked
on board the Arbella, one of the principal ships.

[ Before leaving Yarmouth, an address to their fathers

and brethren remaining in England, was drawn up, and

* HutciiinBOii's Hist. Colony Mass. Bay, 13.

t Neal's Hist, of the Puritans, 4to. i. 544.
I t Hutchinson.

244 JORK WINTHHOP.

subscribed on the 7th April, by Governor Winthrop
and others, breathing an affectionate farewell to the church
of England, and their native land. " Wee are not of
those that dream of perfection in this world ; yet wee
desire you would be pleased to take notice of the princi-
pals and body of our company, as those who esteem it
our honor to call the Church of England^ whence wee
rise, our deare Mother, and cannot part from our native
Countrie, where she especially resideth, without much
sadness of heart, and many tears in our eyes, ever acknowl-
edging that such hope and part as we here obtain in the
common salvation, wee have received in her bosome,
and suckt it from her breast : wee leave it not therefore,
as loathing that milk wherewilii wee were nourished
there, but blessing God for the parentage and education,
as members of the same body, shall always rejoice in her
good, and unfainedly grieve for any sorrow that shall ever
betide her.''*

In the same ship with Governor Winthrop, came
Thomas Dudley, who had been chosen deputy governor
after the embarkation,! and several other gentlemen of
wealth and quality; the fleet containing about 840 pas-
sengers, of various occupations, some of whom were
from the west of England, but most from the neighbor-
hood of London. — The fleet sailed early in April ; and
the Arbella arrived off Cape Anne, on Friday, the 1 1th
June, and on the following day entered the harbor of
Salem*

* See App. No. I, Hutch. Colony Mass. Bay, 487.

t Dudley was chosen at a meeting held on board the Arbella, on the 23d
March, in place of Humphrey who remained in England. Prince aayg this
election *' is the last record of the Massachusetts Company in England."

JOHK WIKTHROP. 245

A few .days after their arrival, the governor, and
several of the principal persons of the colony, made an
excursion some twenty miles along the bay, for the pur-
pose of selecting a convenient site for a town. They
jgnally pitched down on the north side of Charles river,
(Charlestown,) and took lodgings in the great house
built there the preceding year; the rest of the company
erected cottages, booths and tents for present accommoda-
tion, about the town hill. Their place of assembling for
divine service, was under a spreading tree. On the 8th
of July, a day of thanksgiving was kept for the safe ar-
rival of the fleet. On the 30th of the same month, after
a day of solemn prayer and fasting, the foundation of a
church was laid at Charlestown, afterwards the first
church of Boston, and Governor Winthrop, Deputy
Governor Dudley, and the Rev. Mr. Wilson, entered
into church covenant. The first court of assistants was
held at Charlestown, on the 23d of August, and the first
question proposed, was a suitable provision for the sup-
port of the gospel.

Towards the close of autumn. Governor Winthrop
and most of the assistants removed to the peninsula of
Shawmut, (Boston,) and lived there the first winter, in-
tending in the spring to build a fortjfied town, but unde-
termined as to its situation. On the sixth of December,
they resolved to fortify the isthmus of that peninsula ;
but, changing their minds before the month expired^ they
agreed upon a place about three miles above Charles-
town, which they called first Newtown, and afterwards
Cambridge, where they engaged to build houses the en-
suing spring. The rest of the winter they suffered
much by the severity of the season^ and were obliged to

246 JfOHN WINTHROP.

live upon acorns, groundnuts, and shellfish. One of the
poorer sort, coming to the governor to complain, was
told that the last batch was in the oven ; but of this he
had his share.* They had appointed the 6th of Febru-
ry for a fast, in consequence of their alarm for the safety
of a ship which had been sent to Ireland for provision^ ;
but fortunately the vessel arrived on the 6th, and they
ordered a public thanksgiving instead thereof, to be kept
on the 22d of the same month.

In the spring of 1631, in pursuance of the intended
plan, the governor set up tne frame of a house at New-
town ; the deputy governor also erected one there, and
removed with his family. ' The town was taken under the
patronage of the government, and deemed a fit place to
be fortified. But about this time, Chickatabot,f the chief
of the neighboring Indians of Neponset, made a visit to the
governor, with voluntary professions of friendship. Gov-
ernor Winthrop thus describes his first interview with
this chief, under the date of March 23, 1631 ; —
^^ Chickatabot came with his sannups (chiefs) and squaws,
and presented the. governor with a hogshead of Indian
corn. After they had all dined, and had each a small
cup of sack and beer, and the men tobacco, he sent away
all tiis men and women (though the governor would have i

* " And when people^s wants were great, not only in one town but in divers
towns^ such was the godl j wisdom, care and prudence (not selfishness but self*
denial,) of our Governor Winthrop and his assistants, that when a ship came
laden with provisions, they order that the whole cargo should be bought for I

a general stock ; and so accordingly it w;as, and distribution was made to
every town, and to every person in each town, as every man had need." — Me-
moirs of Capt. Roger Clap, p. 15.

f See note respecting this savage, in Life of Bradford, p. 58. Chikkatabak
was one of the nine sachems who signed an instrument of submission to th»
English at New Plymouth, 13 Sept., 1631. Drake writes his name Chicka-
taubut ; Winthrop, Chickatabot, as in the text.

JOHEf WINTHROP. 247

Stayed them in regard of the rain and thunder. ) Himself
and one squaw and one sannup stayed all night ; and be-
ing in English clothes, the governor set him at his own
table, where he behaved himself as soberly, &c., as an
Englishman. The next day after dinner he returned
h()me, the governor giving him cheese, and pease, and
a mug, and other small things."*

The apprehension of danger from the Indians abated,
and the scheme of a fortified town was gradually laid
aside ; though, if it had been retained, the peninsula
would have been a situation far preferable to Newtown.
The governor took down his frame, and in October,
1631, removed it to Shawmut, which was finally deter-
mined upon for the metropolis, and named Boston.

The three following years he was continued, by
annual election, at the head of the government, for which
office he was eminently qualified, and in which he shone
with a lustre that would have done him honor in a
larger sphere and a more elevated situation. He was
the father, as well as governor, of the plantation. His
time, his study, his exertions,* his influence, and his in-
terest, were all employed in the public service. His wis-
dom, patience and magnanimity were conspicuous in the
most severe trials, and his exemplary behavior as a chris-
tian, added a splendor to all his rare qualifications. He
maintained the dignity of a governor, with the obliging
condescension of a gentleman, and was so deservedly re-
spected and beloved, that when Archbishop Laud, heark-
ening to some calumnies raised against the country, on
account of their Puritan principles, summoned one Mr.
Cleaves before King Charles I., in hopes of getting some

* Winthrop*! Journal, i. 48,

248 JOHH WUTTHROP.

accusation against the governor^ he gave such an account
of his laudable deportment in his station^ and withal^ of
the devotion with which prayers were made^ both in
private and public, for the King, that Charles expressed
his concern that so worthy a gentleman as Mr. Winthrop
should be no better accommodated than in an American
wilderness.

He was an example to the people, of that frugality^
decency, and temperance, which were necessary in their
circumstances, and even denied himself many of the ele-
gances and superfluities of life, which his rank and for-
tune gave him a just title to enjoy, both that he might
set them a proper example, and be the better enabled to
exercise that liberality in which 'he delighted, even, in
the end, to the actual impoverishment of himself and his
family. An instance is recorded in his Journal :* " The
governor, upon consideration of the inconveniences which
had grown in England by drinking one to another, re-
strained it at his own table, and wished others to do the
like, so as it grew, by little and little, to disuse."

The following anecdote, rdated in his Journal, under
date of the 11 Oct. 1631, will serve to show the accom-
modations which were sometimes found in the wilder-
ness : " The governor, being at his farm-house at Mis-
tick, (Medford,) walked out after supper, and took a
piece in his hand, sifpposing he might see a wolf, (for
they came daily about the house, and killed swine^
calves, &c.) and, being about half a mile off, it grew
suddenly dark, so as in coming home, he mistook his
path, and went till he came to a little house of Sagamore
John, which stood empty ; there he stayed, and having;

t Saving'* Winthiop, i. 3T.

JOHN WINTHROP. 249

a match in his pocket, (for he always carried about his
match and compass,) he made a good fire and warmed
the house, and lay down upon some old mats he found
there and so spent the night, sometimes walking by the fire,
sometimes singing psalms, and sometimes getting wood,
but could not sleep. It was a warm night ; but a little
before day it began to rain, and, having no cloak, he
made shift by a long pole to climb up into the house.
In the morning there came thither an Indian squaw; but,
perceiving her before she had opened the door, he
barred her out; yet she stayed there a great while,
essaying to get in, and at last she went away, and he
returned safe home, his servant having been much per-
plexed for him, and having walked about, and shot off
pieces, and hallooed in the night, but he heard them
not/'* Governor Winthrop would often send his ser-
vants on some errand, at meal-times, to the houses of his
neighbors, to see how they were provided with food;
and if there was a deficiency, would supply them from
his own table. .

The following singular instance of his charity, mixed
with humor, will give us an idea of the man. In a
very severe winter, when wood began to be scarce in
Boston, he received private information, that a neigh-
bor was wont to help himself from the pile at his door.
" Does he?" said the Governor; "call him to me, and I
will take a course with him that shall cure him of steal-
ing.'^ The man appeared, and the Governor addressed
him thus : " Friend, it is a cold winter, and I hear you
are meanly provided with wood ; you are welcome to
help yourself at my pile till the winter is over;'' and

* Savage's Winthrop, i. 62.

250 JOHK WINTHROF.

then he merrily asked his friend whether he had not put
a stop to the man's stealing.

In the administration of justice, he was for temper-
ing the severity of law with the exercise of mercy. He
judged that in the infancy of a plantation^ justice should
be administered with more lenity than in a settled state.

Complaints of the liberal spirit of Governor Winttrop
were made at a meeting of some of the leading men of
the colony, in January, 1636 ; when Mr. Haynes, then
governor, charged that Mr. Winthrop, while in office,
had '^ dealt too remissly in point of justice.^' Winthrop
replied, that his conduct had been in part misunderstood,
but ^4hat it was his judgment, that in the infancy of
plantations, justice should be administered with more
lenity than in a settled state, because people were then
more apt to transgress, partly of ignorance of new laws and
orders, partly through oppression of business, and other
straits.'^ He professed himself ready, however, on being
convinced of error, to take up a stricter course. The
ministers were then called on for advice in the case, who
all decided ^' that strict discipline, both in criminal offences
and martial afiairs, was more needful in plantations than in
a settled state, as tending to the honor'and safety of the
gospel." Whereupon Mr. Winthrop acknowledged that
he was convinced that he had failed in over much leni-
ty, and submitted to their judgment, strictly adhering
thereafter to the proposals which were made to support
the dignity of government, by an appearance of union
and firmness, and ^ concealment of differences and dis-
sensions among the public officers. Dr. Savage, remark-
ing upon this passage in the life of Governor Winthrop,
says — ^^ When the administration of Winthrop was im-

JOHN WIITTHROP* 261

peached by Governor Haynes, for too great lenity, it
seems natural, that such severe tempers as Dudley, and
Vane, and Peter, should unite in the attack ; and as the
rest of the clergy probably agreed with their ardent
brother Peter, the maxims of the first governor of the col-
ony would be overruled ; but when their united influences
were strong enough to compel him to acknowledge his
remissness in discipline, we are bound, as in our early
history we often are, to lament the undue dictation of the
church.^'*

His delicacy was so great, that though he could not,
without incivility, decline accepting gratuities from divers
towns, as well as particular persons, for his public ser-
vices, yet he took occasion, in a public speech at his
third election, in 1632, to declare that ^^he received them
with a trembling heart in regard of God's rule and the
consciousness of his own infirmity,^' and desired them
that for the future they would not be offended, if he
should wholly refuse such presents. ^^To which no
answer was made, but he was told after, that many good
people were much grieved at it, for that he never had
any allowance towards the charge of his place.^'f

In the year 1634, and the two years following, he was
left out of the magistracy.;]: Though his conduct, from
his first engaging in the service of the colony, had been
irreproachable, yet the envy of some raised a suspicion
of his fidelity, and gave him a small taste of what, in other
popular governments, their greatest benefactors have
had a large share of. An inquiry having been made of

* Savage's Winthrop, i. 179, note,
t Savage's Win||rop, i. 77.

t In 1634, Thomas Dudley was chosen goviernor ; in 1635, Jolm flaynes ;
and in 1636, Henry Vane.

262 JOHN WIITTHROP.

his receipts and disbursements of the public money during
his past administration, though it was conducted in a
manner too harsh for his delicate sensibility, yet he pa-
tiently submitted to the examination of his accounts,
which ended to his honor. Upon which occasion he
made a declaration, which concluded in these words :
^^ In all these things which I offer, I refer myself to the
wisdom and justice of the court, with this protestation,
that it repenteth me not of my cost and labour bestowed
in the service of this commonwealth ; but I do heartily
bless the Lord our God, that he hath been pleased to
honor me so far as to call for any thing he hath bestow-
ed upon me, for the service of his Church.and people
here ; the prosperity whereof, and his gracious accept-
ance, shall ,be an abundant recompense to me.'' In a
spirit of innocence and in the pride of just self-respect,
he adds the particular request, that "as it stands upon
record that upon the discharge of my office I was called
to account, so this my declaration may be recorded also,
lest hereafter, when I shall be forgotten, some blemish
may lie upon my posterity, when there be. nothing to
clear it.''*

The same rare humility and steady equality of mind
were conspicuous in his behavior, when a pretence was
raised to get him left out of the government, lest, by the
too frequent choice of one man, the office should cease
to be elective, and seem to be his by prescription. This
pretence was advanced even in the election sermons, and
when he was in fact reduced to a lower station' in the
government, and endeavored to serve the people as faith-
fully as in the highest ; nor would he sufffr any notice to

* Hutchinson's Coll. Mass. Bay, 41.

JOHN WINTHROP. 253

be taken of some undue methods which were used to
have him left out of the choice.'^

An instance of this rare temper, and the happy fruit
of it, deserve remembrance. There was a time when
he received a very angry letter from a member of the
Court, which having read, he delivered back to the mes-
senger, with this answer: "I am not willing to keep
such an occasion pf provocation by me.^^ Shortly after,
the writer of this letter, (Thomas Dudley,) was compel-
led, by the scarcity of provision, to send to buy one of the
governor's fat hogs. He begged him to accept it as a
gift, in token of his good will- On which the gentle-
man came to him with this acknowledgment : ^^ Sir, your
overcoming yourself, hath overcome me.'' The deputy
governor Dudley was of a choleric temper, and frequentiy
got into controversy with Governor Winthrop ; but the
latter, using the weapons most effectual with passionate
men, generally conquered with kindness.

But though condescending and gentle on every occa-
sion of personal ill treatment, yet, where the honor of
government or religion, and the interest of the people,
were concerned, he was equally firm and intrepid, stand-
ing foremost in opposition to those whom he judged to be
really public enemies, though in the disguise of warm
and zealous friends.

Of this number was the famous Anne Hutchinson,
a woman of masculine understanding and consummate
art, who held private lectures to the women at her house,

* This probably refers to the election of Bellingham in 1641. He had six
more votes than the other candidates, " but some votes were refused by the
magistrates because they had not given them in at the doors. But others,"
says Winthrop (ii., 35,) <* thought it was an injury, yet were silent, because it
concerned themselves.**

264 JOHN WINTHROP.

in which she advanced these doctrines, viz. : " that the
Holy Ghost dwells personally in a justified person, and
that sanctification does not evidence justification.'' Those
who held with her, were said to be " under a covenant
of grace/' and those who opposed her, " under a cove-
nant of works."*

Into these two denominations, the whole colony be-
gan to be divided. Her adherents prevailed in 1636 to
choose for governor Henry Vane,t a young gentleman
of an apparently grave and serious deportment, who had
just arrived from England, and who paid great attention
to this woman, and seemed zealously attached to her dis-
tinguishing tenets. Winthrop, then deputy-governor,
not only differed in sentiment, but saw the pernicious in-
fluence of this controversy with regret, and feared that,

• Ned gives the origin of the controversy in the following words ; " The
members of the church at Boston, used to meet once a week, to repeat the ser-
mons they heard on the Lord's Day, and to debate on the doctrines contained
in them. Those meetings being peculiar to the men, some of the zealous women
thought it might be useful to them. One Mrs. Hutchinson, a gentlewoman of
a bold and masculine spirit, and a great admirer of Mr. Cotton, set up one at
her house. She taught that believers in Christ are personally united to the
Spirit of God ; that commands to work out our salvation with fear and trem-
bling, belong to none but such as are under the covenant of works ', that sanc-
tification is not good evidence of a good estate. She likewise set up immedi-
ate revelation about future events, to be believed as equally infallible with the
Scriptures ; and a great many other opinions and fSwcies, which, under a pre^
tence of exalting the free grace of God, destroyed the practical part of reli-
gion.*' Neal's Hist., c. 5. p. 166.

f This person, so well known afterward in England, is thus characterized by
Lord Clarendon :

*'A man of great natural parts and of very profound dissimulation, of a
4iaick conception, and ready, sharp, and weighty expression. He had an unu-
sual aspect, a vuUum clausum, that, though no man could make a guess of what
he intended, yet made men think there was something in him extraordinary,
and his whole life made good that imagination. There need no more be said
of his ability than he was chosen to cozen and deceive a whole nation [the
Scots] which was thought to excel in craft and conning, which) he did with a
notable pregnancy and dexterity.*'

JOHN WINTHROP* 255

if it were suffered to prevail, it would endanger the ex-
istence of the colony. In the heat of the controversy,
Wheelwright, a zealous sectarian, preached a sermon,
which riot only carried these points to their utmost
length, but contained some expressions which the court
laid hold of as tending to sedition, for which he was ex-
amined ; but a more full inquiry was deferred for that
time. Some warm brethren, of Boston, petitioned the
court in Wheelwright's favor, reflecting on their pro-
ceedings, which raised such a resentment in the court
against the town, that a motion was made for the next
election to be made at Cambridge. Vane, the governor,
having no negative voice, could only show his dislike by
refusing to put the question. Winthrop, the deputy-
governor, declined it, as being an inhabitant of Boston ;
the question was then put by Endecott of Salem, and
carried for the removal.

At the opening of the election, (May 17, 1637,) a
petition was again presented by many inhabitants of
Boston, which Vane would have read previous to the
choice* Winthrop, who clearly saw that this was a con-
trivance to throw all into confusion, and spend the day in
debate, that the election might be prevented for that
time, opposed the reading of the petition until the dec-
tion should be over. Vane and his party were strenuous,
but Winthrop called to the people to divide, and the ma-
jority appeared for the election. Vane still refused, till
Winthrop said they would proceed without him, which
obliged him to submit. The election was carried in fa-
vor of Winthrop and his friends. The sergeants, who
had waited on Vane to the place of election, threw down
their halberds, and refused to attend the newly-elected

266 JOHN WINTHROP.

governor : he took no other notice of the affront than to
order his own servants to bear them before him; and
when the people expressed their resentment, he begged
them to overlook the matter.*

The town of Boston being generally in favor of the
new opinions, the governor grew unpopular there, and
a law which was passed in this year of his restoration ta
office, increased their dislike. Many persons who were
supposed to favor these opinions were expected from
England, to prevent whose settlement in the country the
court laid a penalty on all who should entertain any stran-
gers, or allow them the use of any house or lot jibove
three weeks, without liberty first granted. This severe
order was so ill received in Boston, that, on the gover-
nor's return from the court at Cambridge, they all re-
fused to go out to meet him, or show him any token of
respect. The other towns on this occasion increased
their respect towards him, and the same summer, in a
journey to Ipswich, he was guarded from town to town
with more cerenaony than he desired.

The same year a synod was called (30 August, 1637,)
to determine on the controverted points, in which assem-
bly, Winthrop, though he did not preside, yet, as head of
the civil magistracy, was obliged often to interpose his
authority, which he did with wisdom and gravity, silenc-
ing passionate and impertinent speakers, desiring that

* Hutchinson tells the anecdote, that Rev. Mr. Wilson, the minister, in his
zeal, upon this occasion, got upon the bough of a tree, (it being hot weather,
and the election like that of parliament-men being carried on in the field,) and
there made a speech, advising the people to look to their charter, and to consi-
der the present work of the day, which was designed for the choosing the gov-
ernor, deputy governor, and the rest of the assistants for the government of the
commonwealth. His speech was well received by the people, who cried out
** election ! election ! " which turned the scale .-

JOHN WINTHROP. v 257

the Divine Oracles might be allowed to express their
own meaning, and be appealed to for a decision of the
controversy ; and when he saw heat and passion prevail
in the assembly, he would adjourn it, that time might be
allowed for cool consideration, by which prudent manage-
ment the synod, after a session of three weeks, came to
an amicable agreement in condemning the errors of the
day. Eighty-two opinions, imputed to the followers
of Cotton and Wheelwright, were condemned as erro-
neous.* But the work was not wholly done until the
erroneous persons were themselves banished the colony.
Wheelwright, Aspinwall, Anne Hutchinson and others
were accordingly banished — this act of severity beittg
deemed necessary to preserve the peace of the common-
wealth. Toleration had not then been introduced into any
of the protestant countries, and the wisest and best men
were afraid of it, as the parent of error and mischief.

Some of the zealous opinionists in the Church of Bos-
ton, would Jiave had the elders proceed against the gov-
ernor in the way of ecclesiastical discipline, for his activ-
ity in procuring the sentence of banishment on their
brethren. Upon this occasion, to excuse himself, and
^^ prevent such a public disorder,'' in a well-judged speech,
to the congregation, he told them that, though in his
private capacity it was his duty to submit to the censure
of his brethren, yet he was not amenable to them for his
conduct as a magistrate, even though it were unjust. That
in the present case he had acted according to his con-

* Those who have the curiosity to look at the jargon of opinions deemed by
our fathers to be heretical, are referred to Welde's " Short Story of the Rise,
Reign and Ruin of Antinomians, Familists, and Libertines, that infested the
Churches of New England," published in London, 1644.

268 JOHN WIITTHROP.

iBcience and his oath, and by the addce of the elders of
the Churchy and was fully satisfied that it would not hare
been consistent with the public peace to have done oth^
erwise. These reasons satisfied the uneasy brethren;
and his general condescending and obliging deportment
so restored hina to their afflictions, that he was held in
greater esteem than before ; as a proof of this, some years
afterwards, upon occasion of a loss which he had sustain-
ed in his temporal estate, they made him a present
amounting to several hundred pounds.

A warm dispute having arisen in the General Court^
concerning the negative voice of the Upper Hous^ the
governor published his sentiments in writing, some pas--
sages of which giving great offence, he took occasion at
the next meeting of the jcourt, in a public speech, to tell
them " that, as to the matter of his writing, it was accord-
ing to his judgment, which was not at his own dispo-
sal, and that, having examined it by the rules of reason,
religion, and custom, he saw no cause to retjract it ; but
as for the manner^ which was wholly his own, he was
ready to acknowledge whatever was blameable. He said
that, though what he wrote was on great provocation,
and to vindicate himself and others from unjust aspersion,
yet he ought not to have allowed a distemper of spirit,
nor to have been so free with the reputation of his breth-
ren ; that he might have maintained his cause without
casting any reflections on them, and that he perceived an
unbecoming pride and arrogancy in some of his expres-
sions, for which he desired forgiveness of God and man."
By this condescending spirit, he greatly endeared himself
to his friends, and his enemies were ashamed of their
opposition.

JOHJf WSNTHROP. &5d

He had not so high an opinion of i democratic gov^
ernment as some other gentlemen of equal wisdom and
goodness, but " plainly perceived a danger in referring
matters of council and judicature to the body of the peo-
ple ;'^ and when those who had removed to Connecticut
were about forming their government, he warned them
of this danger in a friendly and faithful letter, wherein
are these expressions : '^ The best part of a community
is always the least^ and of that best part, the wiser is al-
ways the lesser ; wherefore the old law was, choose yd
out judges, &c., and thou shalt bring the matter to the
judg§.''

Governor Winthrop was* one of the original found-
ers of Harvard College, and his name and influence
were always given in its support. There is no one, (sayS
President Quincy,) to whose patronage the college WW
more indebted, during the period of Its infancy, and con-^
sequent weakness and dependence.^

In 1646, when he was deputy-governor, a great dis*
turbance grew out of some transactions at Hingham. It
was briefly this : A disagreement had fallen out in a mili-
tary- company at Hingham, touching an election of offi-
cers, which led to some mutinous and disorderly practice*
there; and the offenders being required to find bail for
their appearance at court, Winthrop, as a magistrate, otk
the refusal of some of them, ordered them to be com-
mitted. As there existed at that time great jealousy of
the authority of the magistrates, and as this business ex«
cited much feeling in Hingham, a pStition^ numerously
signed, was presented to th6 deputies, asking that the
case might be examined by the General Court. Win-

* Qtiiney's Hist. Hafr. Univ., i. 163.

260 JOHN WINTHROP.

throp was put on trial, and, after a prolonged examination
of six weeks, was fully acquitted, and the mutineers and
petitioners were fined in various sums, from £1 to £20,
for the costs of the court. Governor Winthrop now took
occasion publicly to declare his sentiments on the ques-
tions touching the authority of the magistrates, and the
liberty of the people. "It is yourselves (said he) who
have called us to this office, and being called by you, we
have our authority from God, in way of an ordinance,
such as hath the image of God eminently stamped upon
it, the contempt and violation whereof has been vin-
dicated with examples of divine vengeance. I entreat
you to consider, that when you choose magistrates, you
take them from among yourselves, men subject to like
passions as you are. Therefore, when you see in-
firmities in us, you should reflect upon your own, and
that would make you bear the more with us, and not
be severe censurers of the failings of your magistrates,
when you have continued experience of the like in-
firmities in yourselves and others. We account him a
good servant, who breaks not his covenant. The cove-
nant between you and us, is the oath you have taken
of us, which is to this purpose, that we shall govern you
and judge your causes by the rules of God's laws and
our own,* according to our best skill. When you call
one to be a magistrate, he doth not profess to nor under-
take sufficient skill for that office, nor can you furnish him
with gifts, &c.; therefore you must run the hazard of his
skill and ability. But if he fail in faithfulness, which by
his oath he is bound unto, that he must answer for.

* It must be observed, that the Mosaic law was at this time considered tlie
general standard, and most of the laws of the colony were founded on it.

JOHN WINTHROP. 261

^^ For the other point, concerning liberty, I observe a
great mistake in the country about that. There is a two-
fold liberty, natural, (I mean as our nature is now cor-
rupt,) and civil or federal. The first is common to man
with beasts and other creatures. By this, man, as he
stands in relation to man simply, hath liberty to do what he
lists ; it is a liberty to evil, as well as to good. This liber-
ty is incompatible with authority, and cannot endure the

least restraint of the most just authority The

other kind of liberty I call civil or federal ; it may also be
termed moral, in reference to the covenant between God
and man, in the moral law, and the politic covenants and
constitutions amongst men themselves. This liberty is
the proper end and object of authority, and cannot sub-
sist without it : and it is a liberty to that only which is
good, just and honest. This liberty you are to stand
for, with the hazard not only of your goods, but of your
lives, if need be.^'*

In the following year, a great excitement grew out of
the petitions of such as were non-freemen, who com-
plained that the fundamental laws of England were not
owned in the colony as the basis of government; that,
civil privileges were denied to men merely for not being
members of the churches ; and that they could not enjoy
Divine ordinances, because they belonged to the Church
of England. With these complaints, they petitioned for
liberty of conscience; or, if that could not be granted,

* From Mather's mutilated transcript of Governor Winthrop*s speech on
this occasion, the authors of the .Modern Universal History, condensed and
adorned, in vol. xxxix. 291,2, their report, as it delivered in St. Stephen's chapel,
of " the following speech, which is equal to any thing of antiquity, whether we
consider it as coming from a philosopher or a magistrate." Savage remarks,
that the original from Winthrop's own pen is far superior to their copy. See
Savage'f Winthrop, i. 5, and ii. 221—230.

262 JOHN WINTHROP.

for freedom from taxes and military services : the peti-
tion concluded with a menace, that, in case of a refusal^
complaint would be made to the Parliament of England.
From the foundation of the colony, all persons residing
within its limits, who were not church members, were
subject to several important disabihties. They were ex-
cluded from all the offices and honors of the state ; they
were not allowed to vote in elections or on laws, even
for town-laws and officers, saving only those of military
companies. They were, moreover, we can hardly doubt,
looked upon by the church members, not only with pity
as lost men, but with someiyhat of indignation as rebeb
against the Divine law, and treated sometimes with the
indifference or disregard which is often all that the more
privileged bestow upon the less. Among those who
were not members of a church, and so but half member&r
of the state, there were not a few persons eminent for
learning and talent, on whom these disabilities bore griev-
ously. Hence arose, and gradually increased, a dislike
of the government, and a purpose to get rid of the odious
restrictions, which at length gave rise tp the petition
referred to. William Vassall, of Scituate, a man of learn-
ing, wit, and address, was one of the leading fomenters
tof this movement ; and Dr. Robert Child, of Hingham,
whom Winthrop calls " a gentleman and a scholar,'' ably
seconded his efforts. The court refused to entertain the
petition, and an appeal was claimed to the commissioners
in Parliament. Some of the petitioners were stopped on
the eve of their sailing .for England, and held to bail.
On their examination they justified their petition, and
were fined in various sums from £4 to <£50. Persisting
in their opposition, and while preparing to prosecute

JOHNT WIWTHROP. 263

their appeal^ Child and others were arrested £uid impris-
oned. He afterwards went to England, where Vassall
was already, and attempted to excite an odium against'
the colony, but was successfully resisted by Edward
Winslow, their agent.*

This kind of argument was frequently urged by the
fathers of New England, in justification of their severity
towards those who dissented from them:, they main-
tained that all men had liberty to do right^ but no liberty
to do wrong. However true this principle may be in
point of morality, yet in matters of opinion, in modes of
faith, worship, and ecclesiastical order, the question is,
who shall be the judge of right and wrong ? and it is
too evident, from their conduct, that they supposed the
power of judging to be in those who were vested with
authority ; a principle destructive of liberty of conscience
and the right of private judgment, and big with all the
horrors of persecution. The exercise of such authority
they condemned in the High Church party, who had
oppressed them in England; and yet, such is the frailty
of human nature, they held the same principles and
practised the same oppressions on those who dissented
from them here.

Winthrop, befdre he left England, was of a more
catholic spirit than some of his brethren ; after he had
come to America, he fell in with the reigning principle of
intolerance, which almost all the Reformers unhappily
retained, as a relic of the persecuting Church from which
they had separated ; but as he advanced in life, he re-
sumed his former moderation ; and in the time of his last
sickness, when Dudley, the deputy-governor, pressed

* See We of Edward Window, pp. 124—138.

264 JOHJr WINTHROP.

him to sign an order for the banishment of a person who
was deemed heterodox^ he refused, saying that " he had
done too much of that work already."

Having devoted the greatest part of his interest to
the service of the public, and suffered many losses by ac-
cidents, and by leaving the management of his private
affairs to unfaithful servants, while his whole time and
attention were employed in the public business, his for-
tune was so much impaired, that, some years before his
death, he was obliged to sell the most of his estate for
the payment of an accumulated debt. Not only his time,
but much of his estate also,»was given to the public. In

1632, h^ tells us, "For want of a common stock, he had
to disburse all common charges out of his estate."* In

1633, the court ordered to be paid him £150 salary for the
year, and the money he had paid from his own purse is
the public service, being between <£200 and <£300 more.f
He informs us that when in office, his expenses hardly
fell short of £500 a year, £200 of which would have
supported his family in a private condition. In 1640, his
estate had become so reduced, partly by the misconduct of
his steward, who had contracted large obligations (£2500 )
for him without his knowledge, that several hundred
pounds (less than 500) were given him by voluntary
contribution in the colony ; and the court, the treasury
being, as it often was, empty, granted to his wife 30PO
acres of land : a strong proof of the high esteem in which
he was held, as well as of sympathy for his misfor-
tunes. J — In his will, made June, 1641, (afterward re-
voked,) he mentions that he owned a farm at Medford,
then as now called " the Ten-hills," an island called still

* Journal, i. 86. t Ibid, i. 105. t Ibid,ii. 1, 2.

JOHN WINTHROP. 266

Governor's^ in Boston Harbor, Prudence Island in Nar-
ragansett Bay, a lot at Concord, and another of 1200
acres on the Concord River, and 2000 acres still due
him from the country.*

He also met with much affliction in his family, hav-
ing buried three wives and six children. These trou-
bles, joined to the opposition a^d ill treatment which he
frequenfly met with from some of the people, so preyed
upon his nature, already much* worn by the toils and
hardships of planting a colony in a wilderness, that
he perceived a decay of his faculties seven years before
he reached his grand climacteric, and often spoke of his
approaching dissolution, with a calm resignation to the
will of Heaven. At length, when he had entered the
si:sty-second year of his age, a fever occasioned by a
cold, after one month's confinement, put an end to his
life, on the 26th of March, 1649. He was buried in the
Chapel burial ground in Boston, where his monument
may yet be seen.

Upon the occasion of the last sickness of Governor
Winthrop, the whole church fasted as well as prayed for
hiraf; and in that fast, the venerable Cotton preached on
Psalms XXXV. 13, 14; making this application — ^^Upon.
this occasion we are now to attend this duty for a gover-
nour, who has been to us as a friend in his counsel for
all things, and help for our bodies by physick, for our
estates by law, and of whom there was no fear of his be-
coming an enemy, like the friends of David : a gover-
nour who has been to us as a brother; not usurping au-
thority over the church ; often speaking his advice, and
often contra4icted, even by young men, and some of low

* Journal, ii. 360.

266 JOHN WINTHROP.

degree; yet not replying, but offering satisfaction also
when any supposed offences have . arisen ; a governour,
who has been to us as a mother, parent-like distributing
his goods to brethren and neighbors at his first coming ;
and gently bearing our infirmities without taking notice
of them.^'*

A fine portrait of Governor Winthrop is preserved in
the Senate Chamber of Massachusetts, with those of other
ancient governors. The house in which he lived re-
mained until 1775, when with many other old wooden
buildings, it was torn down by the British troops and used
for fuel. He lived on the lot at the corner of Milk
street, Boston, part of which was afterwards taken for
the Old South Church, and in the house subsequently oc-
cupied by Prince, the chronologist.

Governor Winthrop kept an exact journal of the
occurrences and transactions in the colony, during his
residence in it; entitled '' The History of JSTew England^
from 1630 to 1649.^' It affords a more exact and cir-
cumstantial detail of events within that period than any
compilation which has been or can be made from it; the
principles and conduct of this truly great and good man
therein appear in the light in which he himself, viewed
them; while his abilities for the arduous station which
he held, the difficulties which he had to encounter, and
his fidelity in business, are displayed with that truth and
justice in which they ought to appear.

The Journal was originally written in three separate
books. The two first remained, unpublished and un-
copied, in possession of the elder branch of the Winthrop
family, until the revolutionary war, when Gov. Trum-

* Mather's Magnolia, b. 2. c. 4.

JOHN WINTHROP. 267

bull of Connecticut procured the MS., and^ with the
assistance of his secretary, copied a considerable part of
it. After Governor TrumbulPs death, Noah Webster,
Esq. by consent of the descendants of Governor Win-
throp, published the MS. believing it to be the entire
work. It was printed at Hartford, in 1790, in an octavo
volume of 3^0 pages : and brought down the Journal to
the 26th October, 1644. In 1816, the third book of the
original MS. was found among the collections of the
Rev. Mr. Prince, in the dormitory of the Old South
Church, where for sixty years it had remained unnoticed.
It commences where the second volume closed, and con-
tinues the Journal to January 1 1, 1649, which was within
about ten weeks of the author's death. The whole work
was evidently in the hands of Mr. Prince in 1755,* as
it must have been previously in those of Mather and
Hubbard.

The fortunate preservation and recovery of the third
volume of the MS. Journal of Winthrop, as above stat-
ed, induced the indefatigable New England antiquary,
Hon. James Savage, to undertake the preparation of a
new edition, by whom the task was accomplished in
1825. Dr. Savage carefully revised the text, and added
a large body of illustrative notes, which are unrivalled
for historical accuracy, sagacity, and learning.

There is in the Library of the New York Historical
Society, a MS. entitled '^ AModellof Christian Chanty.
Written on board the Arbella, on the Atlantic Ocean.
By the Hon. John Winthrop, Esqr. in his passage (with
a great company of Religious people, of which Christian

* See Prince's Advertisement, prefacing Continuation of his Annals, II
Mass. Hist. Coll., vii. 190.

268 JOHN WIXTHROP.

tribes he was the Brave leader and famous Governor :)
from the Island of Great Brittaine to New England in
the North America. Anno 1630.^' It is an interesting
paper^ and has been reprinted in III Mass. Hist. Coll.
viii. 31—48.

Governor Winthrop was four times married^ and had
thirteen children.

His first wife was Mary, daughter of John Forth, Esq.
of Great Stanbridge in Essex, to whom he was married
on the 16th April, 1605. She was buried on the 26
June, 1615. His second wife was Thomasin, daughter
of William Clopton, who appears to have survived but a
short time the period of her marriage, as her burial is
mentioned as having taken place on the 1 1 December,
1616. The third wife of Governor Winthrop was Mar-
garet, daughter of Sir John Tindal, Knt.* to whom he
was married on the 29th April, 1618. She died at Bos-
ton, 14 June, 1647, being, says the brief record in Win-
throp's Journal, '^ about fifty-six years of age : a woman
of singular virtue, prudence, modesty and piety, and es-
pecially beloved and honored of all the country." Gov-
ernor .Winthrop afterwards, in 1648, married Martha,
the widow of Thomas Coytmore, of Charlestown, who
died on the coast of Wales, in 1645. She was the sis-
ter of Increase Nowell. She survived Governor Win-
throp, and on the 10th March, 1651, was married to
John Coggan, a successful merchant of Boston, who was
her third husband. The children of Governor Win-
throp, were —

* This genUeman, who was a Master in Chancery, was assassinated 12 Not.,
1616, for making a report against a suitor in a cause of comparatively small
amount. The murderer was examined 16 Nov., and next day hanged himself
in prison.

JOHN WINTHROP. 269

1. John^ who was born atGroton, England^ 12 Feb.
1606. After completing his education in the University
of Cambridge, and rn Trinity College, Dublin, he trav-
elled into France, Holland, Flanders, Italy, Germany,
and Turkey, and united the accomplishments of a gen-
tleman with the erudition of a scholar. In 1631, he
came with his father's family to New England, and was
chosen a magistrate ©f the colony of which his father was
governor. In 1633, he be^an the plantation of Ipswich.
In 1634, he went to England, and in 1635 returned with
powers from lords Say and Seal, and Brook, to settle a
plantation at the mouth of Connecticut river. He was
afterwards chosen governor of the colony of Connecti-
cut. — At the restoration of Charles II. he went to Eng-
land, and obtained a charter incorporating New Haven
and Connecticut into one colony, ^^w^ith a grant of priv-
ileges and powers of government, superior to any plan-
tation which had^been settled in America.'' From this
time he was elected governor of Connecticut fourteen
years successively till his death. He was one of the most
distinguished philosophers of his age. His name appears
among the founders of the Royal Sociely of London.
Several of his essays are inserted in the Transactigns.
In the height of the Indian war, while he was attending
to his official duty in Boston, as one of the Commission-
ers of the United Colonies, he fell sick of a fever, and
died April 7, 1676, and was buried in the same tomb
with his father.*

2. Henry, born in Groton, in Jan. 1607. He was
accidentally drowned at Salem, 2 July 1630, the day

* Further particulars respecting the second Governor Winthrop,and his de-
scendants, will appear in the Lives of the Governors of Connecticut, in a
future volume of this work.

270 JOHN WIXTHROP.

after his arrival. He had married a lady by the name of
Fones, and left issue a daughter.

3. Forth, who died in England a short time after
his father sailed.

4. Anna, baptized 8 August, 1614, and buried the
26th of the same month.

6. Anna, baptized 26 June, 1615, and buried the
29th of that month. •

6. Mary, who is mentioned in the will of her father,
dated 17 May, 1620. She was married about 1633, to
Rev. Samuel Dudley, son of Governor Thomas Dudley,
who resided at Cambridge, Boston, and Salisbury, and
finally settled at Exeter^ N. H., as the minister of that
town. She died at Salisbury, 12 April, 1643.

7. Stephen, born in March, 1619; was representa-
tive from Pascataqua, N. H. in 1644; went to England
in 1645 or 1646, with Rainsburrow, his brother-in-law,
lived in the parish of St. Margaret, in Westminster, com-
manded a regiment in CromwelPs time, and became a
member of parliament. He was much trusted by the
Protector. He succeeded General Harrison, the exqui-
site enthusiast, who troubled Cromwell so much with
his anticipation of a kingdom of saints.* He died prior
to 1669.

8. Adam, born 7 April, 1620, admitted freeman in
1641, and died 24 Aug., 1652. His wife was Elizabeth
Glover.f His son Adam, graduate at Harvard College^
1668, commanded one of the three militia companies of

• See note in Savage*B Winthrop, i. 126.

i Dr. Farmer, in his Genealogy, following earlier aathorities, makes Adam
the eldest son of Winthrop by his third wife ; but the Parish Register of Gro-
ton^ in Suffolk, extracts from which are furnished in Savage's '* Gleanings for
New England History,'* (III Mass. Hist. Coll. viii.) makes Stephen the elder
eon by this marriage. k

JOHN WiWTHROP. 271

Boston^ which assembled on the deposition of Andros,
was representative for several years^ a counsellor under
the charter of 1691^ and a judge of the superior court,
and died 30th August, 1700, aged 52. His son Adam,
graduated at Harvard College, 1694, was representative
and counsellor, and commanded t^e Boston regiment.
He died 2d October, 1743. His son John, graduated at
Harvard College, 1732, was in 1738, appointed HoUis
Professor of Mathematics and Natural Philosophy, in
Harvard College, and <\^as one of the most learned men
of the age. He died 3d May, 1779, aged 64.^^*

9. Deane. He was born March 16, 1623, was mem*
ber of the artillery company, 1644, freeman, 1665, was
concerned in the settlement of Groton, which was pro-
bably so named, in honor of his father's native place.
He died at Pulling Point, March 16, 1704, aged 8K

10. Samuel, born in August, 1627. In 1647, he
was in the West Indies. In 1647, his father writes, to
John Winthrop, Jr., that Samuel was married in Holland
to a Dutch woman, and was intending to visit Boston on
his way 1:0 Barbadoes.

11. Anne. This daughter was born in April, 1630,
after her father had left England. She died on the pas-
sage to this country, when eighteen months old.

12. William, born r4th August, 1632. He proba-
bly died young, as the records do not mention his birth.

13. Joshua, born 12th December, 1648, the only
child by his last wife. After the death of Governor Win-
throp, the General Court gave <£200 to his infant Joshua ;
and in case he died before attaining the age of twenty-

* See notice of Professor Winthrop, in Quincy's History Harvard Univer-
sity, ii. 207—224.

272 JOHN WINTHROP.,

one years, one-third of the sum was to go to the widow,
one-third to Deane Winthrop, and the remaining third
to. Samuel Winthrop. The paternal regard of the colo-
ny was, however, ineffectual, as the Boston records show
that " Joshua Winthrop, youngest son of the late Mr.
John Winthrop, Esquire, died 11th January, 1651."

Governor Winthrop had five sons living at the time of
his decease, all of whom, notwithstanding the reduction
of his fortune, acquired and possessed large property,
and were persons of eminence. The high reputation of
the first Governor of Massachusetts, has been well sus-
tained by succeeding generations of his family ; and no
name, perhaps, in the history of New England has been
more richly adorned by exalted public and private char-
acter, or more generally respected, than that of Win-
throp.*

* Additional genealogical notes, and sketches of the distinguished descend-
ants of Governor Winthrop, will be given in the Memoirs of the Governors of
Connecticut.

273

11. THOMAS DUDLEY-

Thomas Dudley, one of the most distinguished of
the Puritan setders of New England, and second gover-
nor of the colony of Massachusetts Bay, was born at
Northampton, in the neighborhood of the residence of
the Earl of Northampton, in the year 1676. There is a
tradition among the descendants of Governor Dudley, in
the eldest branch of the family, that he was descended
from John Dudley, Duke of Northumberland, who was
beheaded 22 February, 1663, and some of the name have
been anxious to trace their descent to that ambitious
courtier; but whoever will take the pains to consult Dug-
dale's Antiquities of Warwickshire, will be satisfied that
our honest old Puritto could not have descended from
the Dudleys, who figure so much in English history.
His descent, however, was probably quite as honorable ; as
Dugdale produces evidence to show that Edmund Dud-
ley, the privy counsellor of Henry VH., was the son, or
grandsoi of John Dudley, a carpenter, and of very hum-
ble origin — and not descended from the family of Sutton,
Baron of Dudley, in Staffordshire, as was pretended
by the Duke. It was the marriage of Edmund Dudley
with Elizabeth, the daughter agd heiress of Sir Edward^
Grey, Viscount Lisle, that gave to him his family distinc-
tion, and his talents gave him his influence and power.
He was born in 1462, became a lawyer and privy coun-
sellor to Henry VH., and speaker of the House of Com-
mpns in 1505. He retained the favor of this monarch,
who bestowed upon him great wealth. Henry VUI.,
36

274 THOMAS DUDLEY.

inherited his father's treasures^ but not his friendships ;
and Dudley was beheaded on Tower Hill, 22 Aug. 15 10.
John Dudley, the son of Edmund, was born in 1502,,
and after the ^accession of Edward VI., was made Earl
of Warwick^ and in 1551, Duke of Northumberland^
He fell in the vain attempt to raise his daughter-in-law,
the Lady Jane Grey, wife of Lord Guilford Dudley, to
the throne, as successor of Edward, and was beheaded
by order of Queen Mary, 22 Feb. 1553. Sh- Robert
Dudley, son of the Duke of Northumberland, born 1532,
was a favorite of Queen Elizabeth, by whom, in 1564,
he was made Baron of Denbigh and Earl of Leicester.
He died 4 Sept. 1588. Ambrose Dudley, brother to the
Earl of Leicester, who died at Bedford House, near Lon-
don, 21 Feb. 1589, was ^*^ deservedly called the good
Earl of Warwick.^^* The Duke of Northumberland
had eight sons and five daughters, and from one of these
sons, the Rev. Samuel Dudley, son of Governor Thomas,
supposed his family to have been derived.

A late writer, speaking of Robert Dudley, son of the
Duke, who became the favorite of Queen Elizabeth, and
was made Earl of Leicester, says the disputes about his
descent, go back to his great grandfather, who is describ-
ed by one party as a carpenter, and by the other as a
nobleman ; while a third, acting as umpire, proposes to
reconcile both theories by making him a ^* noble timber-
merchant.'^ However the dispute may be decided, the
jest, founded on the first theory, is too good to be lost ;
it was said, that ^^ he was the son of a duke, the brother
of a king, the grandson of an esquire^ and the great

* Dugdale's Antiquities of Warwickshire. Eippis' Biographia Brittanica,
▼ol. T. art. Dudley.

THOMAS DUDLEY. 275

grandson of a carpenter; that the carpenter was the
only honest man in the family^ and the only one who died
in his bed."

It does not appear that Governor Dudley ever claim-
ed descent either from the family of Warwick or of
N^orthumberland; and there have been those of the
name^ who would not exchange the title and privileges
of an American citizen, for the brightest coronet that
glitters in Europe.

Thomas Dudley was the only son of Captain Roger
Dudley, who was slain in battle. Being left an orphan,
he was taken into the family of the Earl of Northampton,
where he remained for several years. He next entered
the office of a judge of the name of NichoUs, in the ca-
pacity of a clerk, in which situation, the judge being a
kinsman of his mother, he was allowed many favorable
opportunities for the acquisition of knowledge. These
advantages he faithfully improved, and became distin-
guished among the young men of his age, for intelligence,
courage and conduct. Inheriting from his father, a taste
for military adventure, and the most direct path to pub-
lic honors during the reign of Elizabeth being the pro-
fession of arms, when the Queen ordered levies for the
French service, he was appointed to the command of a
company, marched into the field, and was at the siege of
Amiens, under Henry IV. On the conclusion of a treaty
of peace. Captain Dudley returned to England, and set-
tled in the neighborhood of Northampton. Here he
married ^^a gentlewoman whose extraction and estate
were considerable;'^ which circumstance introduced him
to an acquaintance with several eminent and pious dis-
senting clergymen. He attended their ministrations with

276 THOMAS DUDLEY.

a devout and prayerful spirit, and became one of the
most sincere and inflexible of the persecuted body of the
Puyitans.

It was not long after this, that Lord Say and Seal,
and other persons of quality, recommended Mr. Dudley
to Theophilus, the fourth Earl of Lincoln, who came to
his title on the death of his father, 16th January, 1619.*
The young Earl, on coming to his estate, found it incum-
bered with heavy debts, and conceiving a good opinion
of Dtidley, made him steward of the household, and
entrusted to him the management of his affairs. Find-
ing him to possess more than ordinary discretion, the Earl
would rarely, if ever, (says Mather,) do any matter of
moment without his advice. He soon extricated the
estate from its embarrassments, and increased the income.
In his business transactions, he exhibited so much fore-
sight, sagacity, and fidelity, as to gain the entire confi-
dence of that nobleman and his family. Mr. Dudley
remained about ten years steward of the Earl of Lin-
coln, when he removed to Boston, in Lincolnshire, where
he became a parishioner of the famous John Cotton, and
the associate of those noble spirits, who were soon to lay
the foundations of religious freedom in the new world.
^^ Nevertheless the Earl of Lincoln found that he could
be no more without Mr. Dudley, than Pharaoh without

* Mather oalls lyJB " the best family of any nobleman then in England;"
and Collins' Peerage informs us, that Thomas, the third Earl of Lincoln, who
was descended from a family that came in with William the Conquerer, had by
one wife eight sons and nine daughters. One daughter, Frances, mi^rried John,
son and hfeir of Sir Ferdinando Gorges ; another, Susan, married John Hum-
phrey ; and a third, the Lady Arbella, married Isaac Johnson, and came over in
the fleet in 1630, and died soon afler. So that a close relationship to New Eng-
land would be acknowledged by the House of Lincoln. Savage's Winthrop, i.
34, note.

THOMAS BUBLET. 277

his Joseph, and prevailed with him to resume his former
employment, until the storm of persecution upon the
non-conformists caused many men of greal worth to trans-
port themselves into New England.^^*

Mr. Dudley was one of the five undertakers of the
settlement of the Massachusetts colony, and came over
with the charter in 1630. He was far advanced in life
for such an undertaking, being fifty-four years of age.
Before the sailing of the fleet, while the Arbella, in which
he embarked, was riding at anchor in the harbor of
Cowes, Mr. Dudley was chosen deputy governor, in the
place of John Humphrey, who remained behind. His
own graphic account of the first steps in this great en-
terprise, contained in his letter of 12 March, 1631, ad-
dressed to the Countess of Lincoln, is the best that can
be given. The following are extracts from this letter:

^' For the satisfaction of your honor and some friends,
and for use of such as shall hereafter intend to increase
our plantation in New England, I have in the throng of
domestic, and not altogether free from pubUc business,
thought fit to commit to memory our present condition,
and what hath befallen us since our arrival here ; which I
will do shortly, after my usual manner, and must do
rudely, having yet no table, nor other room to write in,
than by the fireside upon my knee, in this sharp winter ;
to which my family must have leave to resort, though
they break good manners, and make me many times for**
get what I would say, and say what I would nof

" Touching the plantation which we here have begun,
it fell out thus : about the year 1627, some friends being
together in Lincolnshire, fell into some discourse about

• Mather's Magnalia, b. 2. Q. 5.

278 THOMAS DUDLEY.

New England^ and the planting of the gospel there ; and
after some deliberation^ we imparted our reasons by let-
ters and messages^ to some in London and the west
country, where it was likewise deliberately thought upon,
and at length with often negotiation so ripened, that in
the year 1628, we procured a patent from His Majesty,
for our planting between the Massachusetts Bay, and
Charles river on the south, and the river of Merrimack
on the north, and three miles on either side of those riv-
ers and bay, as also for the government of those who did
or should inhabit within that compass, and the same year
we sent Mr. John Endecott and some with him, to begin
a plantation and to strengthen such as he should find
there, which we sent thither, from Dorchester and some
places adjoining ; from whom, the same year, receiving
hopeful news. The next year, 1629, we sent divers
ships over, with about three hundred people, and some
cows, goats, and horses, many of which, arrived safely.
These by their too large commendations of the country,
and the commodities thereof, invited us so strongly to go
on, that Mr. Winthrop of Suffolk, (who was well known
in his own country and well approved here for his piety,
liberality, wisdom, and gravity,) coming into us, We
came to such resolution, that in April, 1630,. we set sail
from old England, with four good ships.* And in May
following, eight more followed, two having gone before,
in February and March, and two more following in June
and August, besides another sent out by a private mer-
chant. These seventeen ships arrived all safe in New
England, for the increase of the plantation here, this
year, 1630, but made a long, troublesome, and a costly

* The Arbella, Jewell, Ambrose, and Talbot.

THOMAS DUDLEY. 279

voyage, being all wind bound, long in England, and
hindered with contrary winds after they set sail, and so
scattered with mists and tempests, that few of them ar-
rived together. Our four ships which set out in April,
arrived here in June and July, where we found the colo-
ny in a sad and unexpected condition ; above eighty of
them being dead the winter before, and many of those
alive, weak and sick ; all the corn and bread amongst
them all, hardly sufficient to feed them a fortnight, inso-
much, that the remainder of one hundred and eighty ser-
vants we had the two years before sent over, coming to
us for victuals to sustain them, we found ourselves wholly
unable to feed them, by reason that the provisions ship-
ped for them, were taken out of the ship they were put
in, and they who were trusted to ship them in another,
failed us, and left them behind ; whereupon, necessity
enforced us, to our extreme loss, to give them full liberty,
who had cost us about sixteen or twenty pounds a per-
son, furnishing and sending over. But bearing these
things as we might, we began to consult of the place of
our sitting down, for Salem, where we landed, pleased
us not. And to that purpose, some were sent to the bay
to search up the rivers for a convenient place ; who upon
their return, reported to have found a good place upon
Mistick ; but some other of us seconding these to approve
or dislike of their judgment, we found a place Uked us bet-
ter, three leagues up Charles river, and thereupon, un-
shipped our goods into other vessels, and with much cost
and labor, brought them in July, to Charlestown ; but
there receiving advertisements by some of the late arrived
ships from London and Amsterdam, of some French pre-
parations against us, (many of our people brought with

280 THOMAS DUDLEY.

US, being sick of fevers and scurvy, and we thereby un-
able to carry up our ordnance and baggage so far) we
were forced to change counsel, and for our present shel-
ter, to plant dispersedly, some at Charlestown, which
stands on the north side of the mouth of Charles river j
some on the south side thereof, which place we named
Boston (as we intended to have done the place we first
resolved on ;) some of us upon Mistick, which we named
Medford ; some of us westward on Charles river, four
miles from Charlestown, which place we named Water-
town ; others of us, two miles from Boston, in a place
we named Rocksbury ; others upon the river of Sawgus,
between Salem and Charlestown ; and the western men,
four miles south from Boston, at a place we named Dor-
chester. This dispersion troubled some of us, but help
it, we could not, wanting ability to remove to any place
fit to build a town upon, and the time too short to delibe-
rate any longer, least the winter should surprise us be-
fore we had built our houses. The best counsel we could
find out, was to build a fort to retire to, in some conve-
nient place, if any enemy pressed thereunto, after we
should have fortified ourselves against the injuries of wet
and cold. So ceasing to consult* further for that time,
they who had health to labor, fell to building, wherein
many were interrupted with sickness, and many died
weekly, yea almost daily."

^^ And of the people who came over with us, from
the time of their setting sail from England, in April,
1630, until December following, there died, by estima-
tion, about two hundred at the least — so low hath the
Lord brought us! Well, yet they who survived, were
not discouraged, but bearing God's corrections with hu-

THOMAS DUDLEY. 281

mility and trusting in his mercies, and considering how,
after a great ebb, He had raised our neighbors at Ply-
mouth, we began again, in December, to consult about a
fit place to build a town upon, leaving all thoughts of a
fort, because upon any invasion we were necessarily to
lose our houses when we should retire thereunto; so
after divers meetings at Boston, Rocksbury and Water-
town, on the 28th of December, we grew to this resolution
to bind all the Assistants (Mr. Endecott and Mr. Sharpe
excepted, which last purposeth to return by the next
ships into England,) to build houses at a place, a mile
east from Watertown, near Charles river, the next spring,
and to winter there the next yfear, that so, by our exam-
ples, and by removing the ordnance and munitions thither,
and such as shall come to us hereafter to their advan-
tage be compelled so to do ; and so, if God would, a for-
tified town might there grow up, the place fitting rea-
sonably well thereto."*

In the same letter to the Countess of Lincoln, Mr.
Dudley gave the following advice to those who were
hoping to better their worldly condition by emigration.
It reminds us of similar judicious counsels given six years
before by Governor Winslow :

" But now having some leisure to discourse of the
motives for other men coming to this place, or their ab-
staining from* it, after my brief manner I say this — that
if any come hither to plant for worldly ends that can
live well at home, he commits an error of which he will
soon repent him. But if for spiritual, and that no par-
ticular obstacle hinder his removal, he may find here

* The whole of this letter may be found in Coll. N. H. Hist. Soc, iv. 224 —
249 ; and in Force's Historical Tracts, vol. 2, No. 4.

2^2 THOMAS DUDLEY.

what may well content him^ viz : materials to build^
fuel to burn^ ground to plant, seas and rivers to fish in^
a pure air to breath in, good water to drink till wine and
beer can be made, which, together with the cows, hogs
and goats brought hither already, may suffice for food,
for as for fowl and venison, they are dainties here as
well as in England. For clothes and bedding, they must
bring them with them till time and industry produce
them here. In a word, we yet enjoy little to be envied,
but endure much to be pitied in the sickness and mor-
tality of our people. And. I do the more willingly use
this open and plain dealing, lest other men should fall
short of their expectations when they come hither, as we
to our great prejudice did, by means of letters sent us
from hence into England, wherein honest men, out of a
desire to draw over others to them, wrote somewhat
hyperbolically of many things here. If any godly men,
out of religious ends, will come over to help us in the
good work we are about, I think they cannot dispose of
themselves nor of their estates more to God's glory and
the furtherance of their own reckoning, but they must
not be of the poorer sort yet for divers years. For we
have found by experience that they have hindered, not
furthered the work — and for profane and debauched per-
sons, their oversight in coming hither is wondered at,
where they shall find nothing to content them. If there
be any imbued with grace, and furnished with means to
feed themselves and theirs for eighteen months, and to
build and plant, let theni come into our Macedonia and
help us, and not spend themselves and their estates in a
less profitable employment : for others, I conceive they
are not yet fitted for this business."

THOMAS DUDLEY. 283

Mr. Dudley^ as has already been stated, was in favor
of making Newtown, now Cambridge, the metropolis of
the colony; and after consultation, Governor Winthrop,
and the assistants, agreed to settle there, and streets and
squares, and market places, were duly surveyed and laid
out. In the spring of 1631, Mr. Dudley and others
commenced building. Governor Winthrop had set up
the frame of a house, but soon after changed his mind,
and removed it to Boston. Mr. Dudley finished his
house, and moved into it with his family. The first
houses were rude structures, the roofs covered with
thatch, the fire-places generally made of rough stones, and
the chimneys of boards, plastered with clay. The settlers
were publicly enjoined to avoid all superfluous expense,
in order that their money might be reserved for any un-
foreseen necessities. Mr. Dudley having finished his
house with a little more regard to domestic comfort,
exposed himself to public censure. At a meetipg of the
governor and assistants, he was told, that " he did not
well to bestow such cost about wainscoting and adorning
his house, in the beginning of a plantation, both in regard
to the expense, and the example.'' Dudley's answer was,
that it was for the warmth of his house, and the charge
was little, '^ being hut clapboards nailed to the wall in the
form of wainscot. ^^

The removal of Winthrop to Boston, in violation of
\i\& first understanding with Dudley, Bradstreet and
others, was a source of mutual uneasuiess ; and the mis-
understanding, on that and other matters, led Dudley,
in April, 1632, to resign his oflices of deputy governor
and assistant of the colony. He even meditated for a
time an abandonment of the colony, and a return to

284 THOMAS DUDLEY.

England. But the ministers and the magistrates saw
the evil of this dispute between the two foremost men
of the plsjntation, and after repeated and earnest meetings,
succeeded in bringing about a reconciliation. Dudley's
resignation was adjudged by the court of assistants to be
a nuUity, and he again entered upon the duties of his sta-
tion.* '^ Ever after (says Winthrop) they kept peace and
good correspondency together in love and friendship."

Mr. Wilson, the first minister, having left Boston,
in March, 1631, on a visit to England, the religious ser-
vices of the church were performed alternately by Gov-
ernor Winthrop, the deputy-governor Dudley, and Mr.
Nowell, the ruling elder, until November of that year,
when Mr. John Eliot arrived, and preached with them
until his settlement at Roxbury. Hubbard says these
men, in the absence of their pastor, accepted the charge,
^^knowing well that the princes of Judah, in King He-
zekiah's reign, were appointed to, teach the people out
of the law of God."

In 1632, there being frequent alarms from the In-
dians, a palisade was commenced about Newtown. ^ Mr.
Dudley '' impaled above a thousand acres," and the court
of assistants ordered a tax of <£60 to be raised for the
purpose of enclosing Newtown with the palisade. Each
town made choice of two men to advise with the gov-
ernor about raising a public stock.

In 1634, at the meeting of the general court in May,
Mr. Dudley was chosen governor. This was the begin-
ning of a new era in the history of the colony. It was
the first legislature in which the representative principle
was recognized. Three .delegates from each of the

• Savage*B Winthrop, i. 72—78, 82—89.

THOMAS DUDLEY. 2§6

towns were in attendance — the session was continued
during three days — and Winthrop remarks^ as if glad to
escape from doubt, that ^^ all things were carried very
peaceably, notwithstanding that some of the assistants
were questioned by the freemen for some errors ingovem-
menty^^ &c. The powers of the general court were now
defined, the trial by jury was ordained, and orders were
made regulating the future elections of the representa-
tive body. It Was decided that there should be four
general courts every year, the whole body of freemen
hereafter assembling only at the court of election; the
other courts to be held by the deputies. Each town was
authorized to choose two or three deputies to represent
them in the general court. This was the second house
of representatives, in the American colonies.

The origin of the representative body, is an impor-
tant event in our history, well worth a more deliberate
scrutiny than has been freely bestowed upon matters of
more trifling interest. Hutchinson says, it seems to have
been agreed upon or fallen into by a general consent of
the towns, and that it was a thing of necessity. Savage
conjectures that the ^^' assistants were become weary of
the exercise of all the powers of government, and desired
others to participate in the responsibility."* But a consid-
eration of the tendencies of the* age may well lead to the
conclusion, that it was not so much that the assistants
were tired of governing, as that an ardent desire existed
and was increasing among the people for a more eflScient
share in the responsibility of government — a desire which
has been conspicuous among their descendants. The
towns were allowed two or three deputies each, and it

* Savage's Winthrop, i. 128.

2S6 THOMAS DUDLEY.

appears that they accepted the grant with eagerness, and
almost invariably chose the larger number. The true
origin, after all, may be traced, perhaps, to the commit-
tees of two from each town, chosen in 1632, to agree
upon the method of providing a public stock. The mat-
ter of taxation, has always been a topic of interest with
the people, as connected with representation; and the ex-
penses of the proposed fortification of Newtown, proba-
bly, had its effect — in other words. Governor Dudley^s
old ditch around the college, the remains of which were
visible not many years since, may have been the im-
mediate cause of the establishment of the first house of
representatives in New England !

The general court at this session also established a
military commission, vested with the most unlimited au-
thority. At the head of this commission Governor Dud-
ley was placed, having Winthrop, Humphrey, Haynes,
Endecott, Coddington, Pynchon, Nowell, Bellingham and
Bradstreet for his associates. They were deputed, in the
words of the record,* ^^to dispose of all military affairs
whatsoever ; shall have full power and authority to see
all former laws concerning all military men and munitions
executed; and also shall have full power to ordain or
remove all military oflScers, and to make and tender to
them an oath suitable to their places ; to dispose of all
companies, to make orders for them, and to inake and
tender to them a suitable oath, and to see that strict dis-
•cipline and trainings be observed, and to command them
forth upon any occasion they think meet ; to make either
offensive or defensive warj as also to do whatsoever
may be further behooveful for the good of this plantation

* I Col. Records, p. 139.

THOMAS DUDLEY. 287

in case of any war that may befal us; and also that the
aforesaid commissioners^ or a major part of them^ shall
have power to imprison or confine any that they shall
judge to be enemies to the commonwealth ; and such
as will not come under command or restraint^ as they
shall be required^ it shall be lawful for the said com-
missioners to put such persons to death. '^ This was
a formidable power to be intrusted to any man^ or body
of men, but it seems never to have been exerted to the
injury or discontent of the people.

In the following year, Governor Dudley was super-
seded by John Haynes, afterwards Governor of Connec-
ticut. He was chosen assistant in 1636, and in the fol-
lowing year, when Sir Henry Vane was governor. For
tte years 1637, 8, and 9, he was deputy governor. At
a general court in 1636, it was ordered that a certain
number of the magistrates be chosen for life — and Gov-
ernors Winthrop and Dudley were raised to this new'
dignity. " Only three years (says Savage,) did this
council for life subsist." The object of the change was
to tempt over spme of the nobility and other leading men
of England, who were ambitious of tides, by assuring
them of a similar tenure of power in this new country.
It was a weak device, which met no favor among the
people, and was soon abandoned.

In 1636, Anne Hutchinson, a woman of familistic prin-
ciples, and an ardent enthusiast, held meetings and gave
lectures for the propagation of her peculiar sentiments.
Her zeal and eloquence attracted numerous hearers, and
her adherents rapidly increased. The whole colony was
soon divided into two parties, the one called Antino-
mians, and the other Legalists. Governor Dudley, al-

288 THOMAS DUDLEY.

ways foremost in what he believed to be his duty, op-
posed the new heresy with great zeal, and with Winthrop^
Wilson, and. others, maintained the principles and prac-
tices of the churches as they stood before this woman
came into the country. With them in sentiment and
feeling were the ministers and people of the other con-
gregations ; but Mr. Vane, the governor, and the Rev.
Mr. Cotton, countenanced the opinions of Mrs. Hutch-
inson — her party became strong — the church was divided
in twain — mutual censures passed between the brethren^
and every thing in ecclesiastical affairs wore the aspect
of disunion and change. The civil power of the colony
was at last brought in to crush the heresy, and proved
effectual for the time. Mrs. Hutchinson was banished,
as was Wheelwright, her brother — all the principal men
in the colony who had favored their preaching, were dis-
armed — and many, to escape banishment, became volun-
tary exiles from the colony.* The trial of Mrs. Hutchin-
son is a precious document for those who would under-
stand the manners, customs, and principles of our fathers-
It is preserved by Governor Hutchinson, in the Appen-
dix to his History of Massachusetts.!

* Rev. John Wheelwright came from Lincolnshire to New England in
1636. He is said to have been at the University with Cromwell, who when
Wheelwright waited upon him in England, after he was Protector, remarked to
the gentlemen about him " that he could remember the time when he had been
more afraid of meeting Wheelwright at foot-ball, than of meeting any army
since in the field, for he was infallibly sure of being tript up by him." Mather,
in A pp. to Belknap, iii. 225. Wheelwright, after his banishment, went to
Exeter, New Hampshire, from thence to Wells, in Maine, afterwards to Hamp-
ton, and finally settled in Salisbury, Massachusetts, having lieen released from
his sentence of banishment. He died at Salisbury, 15 Nov. 1679, at an ad-
yanced age.

i See ftirther particulars in relation to Mrs. Anne Hutchinson, in Memoirv
of Winthrop and Vane, in the present volume.

THOMAS DUDLEY. 289

In 1640, Mr. Dudley was again chosen governor,
taking the place of Winthrop. The latter thus modestly
notices the event. '' Some trouble there had been in
making way for his election, and it was obtained with
some difficulty ; for many of the elders labored much in
it, fearing lest the long continuance of one man in the
place should bring it to be for life, and, in time, heredi-
tary. Besides, this gentleman was a man of approved
wisdom and godliness, and of much good service to the
country, and therefore it was his due to share in such
honor and benefit as the country had to bestow."

Richard Bellingham succeeded Governor Dudley in
1641, and Winthrop was governor in 1642. Although
uniformly chosen one of the assistants, when not in a
higher station, Dudley refused to accept that place in the
latter year, unless the general court would give him lib-
erty to remove from their jurisdiction whenever it might
suit his convenience, without being bound in any existing
oath or regulation, either as an officer, counsellor, or as-
sistant. To these conditions the general court readily
assented.

About this period, there was something like a strug-
gle between the magistrates and ministers for power and
influence. Mr. Cotton preached the doctrine, that the
priesthood ought to be consulted by the magistrates, not
only before they went to war, but in all civil affairs of
the Commonwealth, and Mr. Rogers, another minister,
told the people, that no governor ought to be contin-
ued in office for more than a year. These opinions met
the indignant opposition of Governor Dudley, and even
the milder spirit of Winthrop was roused against them.
But however the ministers and magistrates might disa-
37

290 THOMAS DUDLEY.

gree as to their separate powers, they were sufficiently
united to preserve for many years, through their regula-
tions as to the qualifications of freemen,* the closest union
of church and state*

In 1644, there being twenty-six training bands and a
troop of horse in the colony, it was ordained that there
should be one general officer in time of peace, whose
title should be Sergeant-Major General. Governor Dud-
ley, although sixty-eight years of age, was chosen to this
office.

In 1645,. Mr. Dudley was again chosen governor,
and he was deputy governor from 1646 to 1649. In
1650, he was for the fourth time elected governor; was
deputy governor in the two following years; and assist-
ant in '1653, in which office he died.

* By the old colony laws, no man could have a share in the administration
ef civil government, or give his voice in any election, unless he was a member
of one of the churches. A citizen was required to become a member of the
church, before he could be a freeman, until 1664, when the general court re-
pealed the law relating to the admission of freemen, but passed another law
allowing English subjects, being freeholders to a certain value, who were cer-
tified by the minister of the place to be orthodox, and not vicious in their lives,
to be made fireemen, although not members of the churches. The following is
the form of the

Freeman's Oath. — "I, A. B., being by God's providence an inhabitaait
and freeman within the jurisdiction of this commonwealth, do freely acknowl-
edge myself to be subject to the government thereof, and therefore do here
Bwear by the great and dreadful name of the ever living God, that I will be
true and faithful to the same, and will accordingly yield assistance and support
thereunto, with my person and estate, as in equity I am bound, and will also
truly endeavor to maintain and preserve all the liberties and privileges thereof,
■obmitting myself to the wholesome laws and orders, made and established by
the same; and further that I will not plot nor practice any evil against it, nor
eonsent to any that shall so do, but will timely discover and reveal the same to
lawful authority, now here established, for the speedy preventing thereof; more-
over I do solemnly bind myself in the sight of God, that when I shall be called
to give my voice touching any such matter of this state wherein freemen are to
deal, I will give my vote and suffrage as I shall judge in mine own conscience
may best conduce and tend to public weal of the body, without respect of pei^
wons^ or favor of any man. So help me God, in the Lord Jesus Christ."

THOMAS DUDLEY. 291

Governor Dudley, shortly after the removal of the
Rev. Mr. Hooker and his associates from Newtown (Cam-
bridge) to Hartford, in 1636, himself removed to Ispwich;
but his public engagements rendering it inconvenient
for him to be so far from the seat of government, he es-
tablished himself at Roxbury, where he died on the 31st
July, 1653, in the seventy-seventh year of his age. He
was a man of sound judgment, the most inflexible integ-
rity, of great public spirit, and exemplary piety. With
strong passions, he was still placable and generous in dis- '
position. He was intolerant towards religious sectaries;
and his zeal against heretics did not content itself with
arguments addressed to the understanding, or reproofs
for the conscience. He was shocked at the heresy of
Roger Williams, who preached liberty of conscience, and
voted for his banishment. Even more alarmed was he
at what he beheved to be the progress of error, when the
famous Antinomian controversy a short time after shook
the foundations of the churches; and with proportionate
zeal did he exert himself to procure the banishment of
Wheelwright, Anne Hutchinson, and others, as opposers
of God's word, and enemies of the state. Through the
whole of his life. Governor Dudley opposed and denoun- '
eed what he deemed to be heresy, with an honest zeal,
which, in these days of universal toleration, is sometimes
referred to as a blot upon his fame. But the candid and
judicious, who are acquainted with the history of the Pu-
ritans, and the circumstances under which ^'they came
into a corner of the new world, and, with an immense
toil and charge, made a wilderness habitable, on purpose
there to be undisturbed in the exercise of their worship,'^
will never be found censuring and railing at their errors.

292 THOMAS DUDLEY.

They will rather wonder at the wisdom of the views,
the disinterested nobleness of principle^ and self-sacri-
jficing heroism displayed by these wonderful men, to
whom the world is indebted for the most- perfect insti-
tutions of civil and religious freedom known among
men.

Morton thus speaks of the merits of Governor Dud-
ley : — ^*His love to justice appeared at all times, and in
special upon the judgment seat, without respect of per-
sons in judgment, and in his own particular transactions
with all men, he was exact and exemplary. His zeal to
order appeared in contriving good laws, and faithfully
executing them upon criminal offenders, heretics, and
underminers of true religion. He had a piercing judg-
ment to discover the wolf, though clothed with a sheep-
skin. His love to the people was evident in serving them
in a public capacity many years, at his own cost, and
that as a nursing father 'to the churches of Christ. He
loved the true Christian religion, and the pure worship
of God, and cherished, as in his bosom, all godly minis-
ters and Christians. He was exact in the practice of
piety, in his person and family, all his life. In a word,
he lived desired, and died lamented by all good men.'^*
A less favorable estimate is placed upon his character
by Dr. Savage, who says, " A hardness in public, and
rigidity in private life, are too observable in his charac-
ter, and even an eagerness for pecuniary gain, which
might not have been expected in a soldier and a states-
man.'^ Hutchinson says " he was zealous beyond meas-
ure against all sorts of heretics.^' Of him Roger Wil-

* Morton's Memorial, 139. See also Jobnson's estimate, in Wonder- Work-
ing Providence, p. 52.

THOMAS DUDLEY. 293

liams spoke^ when he said, " it is known who hindered,
who never promoted the liberty of other men's con-
sciences.^'

The following lines were found in his* pocket, after
his death, written apparently a short time before he died :

" Dim eyes, deaf ears, cold stomach, shew

My dissolution is in view.

Eleven times seven near lived have I,

And now God calls^, I willing die.

My shuttle's shot, my race is run,

My sun is set, my deed is done.

My span is measur'd, tale is told,

My flower is faded, and grown old.

My dream is vanished, shadows fled,^

My soul with Christ, my body dead.

Farewell, dear wife, children, and friends !

Hate HERESY ; make blessed ends ;

Bear poverty ; live with good men ;

So shall we meet with joy again.
Let men of God in courts and churches watch.
O'er such as do a toleration hatch ;
Lest that ill egg bring forth a cockatrice,
To poison all with heresy and vice.
If men be left, and otherwise combine.
My Epitaph's, I died vo Libertine."

Governor Dudley had an anagram sent to him in
1646, by an unknown hand, which is yet preserved in
the files of the first Church in Roxbury.

"Thomas Dudley.

Ah ! old must dye.
A death's head on your hand you neede not weare ;
A dying head you on your shoulders beare ;
You neede not one to mind you, you must dye,
You in your name may spell mortalitye.
Young men may dye, but old men, these dye must;
'Twill not be long before you turn to dust.
Before you turn to dust ! ah ! must ! old ! dye !
What shall young doe, when old in dust do lye ?
When old in dust lye, what New England doe ?
When old in dust do lye, it's best dye too."

Dudley, however, survived this solemn warning sev-
eral years. The amusement of anagramatising the names

294 THOMAS DUDLEY.

of men^ was much indulged in by our forefathers, and
was in practice, says Mather, " as long ago as the days
of old Lycophron." Camden, in his ^^ Remaines," has
a chapter upcm anagrams, and cites numerous instances
in various languages. The acrostic is another species of
false wit nearly allied to the anagram. Numerous ex-
amples may be found in our early books. " The rude
rhymes of the Pilgrims, (says Judge Davis,) will find a
ready apology with all who consider their circumstances
and the literature of the age. Ample corppensation for
any literary defects will be found in the history of their
lives.'' "Hitherto, (says Camden,) will our sparkefied
youth laugh at their great-grandfather's English, who
had more care to do well, than to speak minion-like ;
and left more glory to us by their exployting of great acts,
than we shall do by forging of new words, and uncouth
phrases."*

Governor Dudley, as has before been mentioned,
married his first wife in England. She died 27th Sep-
tember, 1643. In the following year, he married Mrs.
Catherine Hackburne, widow of Samuel Hackburne.
This lady survived Governor Dudley, and was married
to Rev, John AUin of Dedham, 8th November, 1653, a
little more than three months after the governor's death.
The children of Governor Dudley, by both marriages,
were,

1. Samuel, born in England, about 1606, came to
this country with his father, was educated fot the minis-
try, married Mary, daughter of Governor Winthrop in
1633, resided at Cambridge, Boston, and Salisbury, and

finally settled at Exeter, as the minister of that town, in

* Camden*s Remaines of a Greater Worke, p. 18.

THOMAS DUDLEY. 296

1650, where he died early in 1683, aged 77. He was
a representative in 1644, from Sahsbury. His wife died
at Salisbury, 12th April, 1643; and he afterwards mar-
ried a second and third wife. The descendants of Rev.
Samuel Dudley are very numerous in New Hampshire**

2. Anne, born in England,^ in 1612. At the age of
sixteen she married Simon Bradstreet, afterwards gover-
nor of Massachusetts, and accompanied him to New
England in 1630. She was a woman of rare accompUsh-
ments, and wrote a volume of poems, probably the ear-
liest in America, a second edition of which was published
in 1678.t She died 16th September, 1672.

3. Patience, who married major-general Daniel Den-
nison, distinguished in the early annals of the colony. J

* See Farmer and Moore's Collectiuns^ i. 155, and ii. 237.

t Savage says ** it does credit to her education, and is a real curiosity, though
no reader, free from partiality of friendship, nright coincide in the commenda-
tion of the funeral elogy hy John Norton :

" Could Maro's Muse but hear her lively strain,
He would condemn his works to fire again.
******
Her breast was a brave palace, a broad street^
Where all heroic ample thoughts did meet,
Where nature su^h a tenement had ta'en,
That other souls, to hers, dwelt in a lane."

X General Dennison was born in England in 1613, was of Cambridge m
1633, removed to Ipswich before 1635, was a deputy eight years, speaker in
1649 and 1651, major general in 1653, and an assistant twenty-nine years. He
died 20th September, 1682, aged 70. He is spoken of by high authority as one
of the few " popular and well principled men in the magistracy." Savage says v
" The moderate spirit by which he was usually actuated, had not a general
spread, yet the continuance of his election to the same rank for many years,
where his sympathy was not, in relation to the controversy with the Crown,
in unison with that of the people, is evidence of the strong hold his virtues and
public labors had acquired." The " Irerdcon or Salve for New England's Sore^'*
of which he was the author, displays his accomplishments as a scholar. John-
son observes, he was a " godly faithful man, which is the fountain of true vali^
dity — a good soldier, of a quick capacity, not inferior to any of the chief offi-
cers; — his own company are well instructed in feats of warlike activity."
Whitman's Hist' Anc. and Hon. Artill. 170.

296 THOMAS DUDLEY.

4 Mercy, born 27th September, 1621, who married
Rev. John Woodbridge, the first minister of Andover,
Massachusetts. She died 1st July, 1691.*

6. — ' , who married Major Benjamin Keayne, of

Boston, the only son of Capt. Robert Keayne, founder
of the "Ancient and Honorable Artillery Company'' of
Boston. The father alludes to this in his will as "sbi
unhappy and uncomfortable match.'' He went to Eng-
land, where he repudiated his wife, and died about 1668.

6. Deborah, born 27th February, 1645.

7. Joseph, born 23d July, 1647: The second Gov-
ernor Dudley; of whom, see memoirs in subsequent
pages of this volume.

8. Paul, born at Roxbury, 8th September, 1650,
when his father, the venerable Governor Thomas, was
73 years old. He married Mary, a daughter of Gover-
nor Leverett, \jras Register of Probate for several years,
and died in 1681.

* Mr. Woodbridge was born at Stanton, in Wiltshire, in 1613, was educated
in part at Oxford, came to New England in 1634, and settled at Newbury as a
planter, but becoming a preacher, was ordained at Andover in 1645. He went
to England in 1647, returned in 1663, and again settled at Newbury ; was
chosen an assistant in 1683 and 1684, and died 17 March, 1695. His brother,
Benjamin Woodbridge, D. D., was tfie first graduate of Harvard College.

297

in. JOH^ Uaynes.

JoHi^ Haynes, the third governor of Massachusetts
Bay^ was a native of the county of Essex^ in Englandy
where he possessed an elegant seaty called Copford Hally
with which he inherited an income of a thousand pounds
a year. A gentleman of easy fortune^ surrounded by all
the comforts of life;, he had no motive of a pecirniary na-
ture urging him to exchange his native land for another.
He had^ however^ attached himself to the puritan inter*
est, and watched with eagerness the progress of the emi-
gration to America. The hopes of the pilgrims were
beginning to be realized. The difficulties and dangers of
the original settlements, had been surmounted. New
Plymouth had become a prosperotts colony, and the
foundations of Boston, Dorchester, Roxbury, Watertowny»
and Cambridge had been laid. The decrees of the En-
gUsh Star Chamber, and the persecutions of Archbishop
Laud,' were " sifting the wheat of the three kingdoms,'' and
furnishing abundant seed to plant the deserts of New Eng-^
land with men of resolute and unbending hearts.

Won by the invitations of Governor Winthrop and
others, Mr. Haynes, in 1633, determined to remove ta
New England. Two long months were occupied in the
voyage, during which three sermons a day beguiled the
weariness of the passengers, of whom there were two
hundred on board the ship. The vessel, which was cal-
led the Griffin, arrived at Boston on the 4th September,-
bringing, in. addition to Mr. Haynes,. three of the most
eminent fathers of the New England church: Cotton,
38

298 JOHN HAYWES. .

Hooker, and Stone, the first of whom settled at Boston^
and the others at Cambridge, then called Newtown.

A man like Mr. Haynes, "possessing a large estate,
and larger affections ; .of a heavenly mind, and spotless
life; of rare sagacity, and accurate but unassuming judg-
ment ; by nature tolerant, ever a friend to freedom, and
ever conciliating peace^' — for such is the modem estimate
of his character* — would not long remain unnoticed m
any community. We accordingly find that at the next
election, in 1634, be was chosen one of the assistants of
the colony. In the same year, he was placed on the ex-
traordinary commission, consisting of seven persons, to
whom was deputed the disposition of ^^ all military affairs
whatsoever,'' with power to levy war offensive and de-
fen^ve, and to imprison, or put to death, any whom they
i^nld judge to be enemies to the commonwealth.!

In 1635, Mr. Haynes succeeded Governor Dudley
in the chief magistracy of the colony. " The reason was,,
partly, because the people would exercise their absolute
power, and partly upon some speeches of the deputy.'' J
Roger Ludlow was the deputy referred to, and aspired
to be governor at this election. § When the vote was
declared in favor of Mr. Haynes, be protested against
the election as roid, because the deputies of the several
towns had agreed upon the election before they came ;

* See Bancroft's Hist. i. 362. t See p. 286, of this ▼olume.
i Savage's Winthrop, i. 158.

I Ludlow was one of the founders of Dorchester, and one of the first assist^
■ots of the colony . Immediately after the occurrences in 1635, when he thought
bis claims neglected, he left the eolony, and became am active and influential
man in Connecticut, where he was a magistrate, deputy governor, and Commis-
sioner of the United Colonies. In 1654, he removed to Virginia, and the time
of his death is unknown. Hubbard says he was the b«other-iu-taw of Endecotl.
He compiled the first code of laws ui Connecticut.

JOHir HAYNES. 299

whereupon the general court dropped him from the list
of magistrates. In the infancy of the plantation, the
expenses of government bore somewhat heavily upon
the people, and Governor Haynes took occasion to in-
form them, in his address upon taking the chair, ^^ that he
should spare the usual charge towards his allowance,
partly in respect of their love showed towards him, and
partly for that he observed how much the people had
been pressed lately with public charges.'^*

Soon after Governor Haynes was installed in oflSce,
information was received that the Dutch authorities at
Manhattan, contemplated a settlement on the Connect!--
cut river, whereupon he sent a barque round the cape to
the Dutch governor, to acquaint him that the King had
granted the river and country of Connecticut to English
subjects, and desired him to forbear building any where
thereabouts. A war of words ensued between the two
colonies, but hostilities were averted.

Governor Haynes was superseded in the following
year, by Henry Vane. Hutchinson says, that " Mr.
Haynes being no longer a rival to Mr. Winthrop, he
would have been the most popular man, if Mr. Vane's
solemn deportment, although he was not then more than
24 or 25 years of age, had not engaged almost the whole
colony in his favor.'' Savage says of Mr. Haynes, that he
was ^^ fortunate in being governor of Massachusetts, and
more fortunate in removing after his first year in oflSce,
thereby avoiding our bitter contentions, to become the
father of the new colony of Connecticut."

As early as 1634, measures had been taken by Mr.
Haynes and others, to ascertain the feasibility of coin-

* Say&ge's Winthrop, i. 159.

300 JOHN HATN£S.

mencing a new settlement on the Connecticut river.
Straitened for room at Newtown^ they applied to the
general court for leave to remove^ and the question was
for sometime debated, and permission finally refused.
But the number of proposed emigrants increasing, the
general court afterwards consented. In October, 1636,
a company of sixty removed, and settlements were com- '
menced at Windsor and Wethersfieldj and John Win-
throp, jr., returning from England with a commission
from Lord Say and Seal, commenced a plantation at Say-
brook* The succeeding winter proved so severe, that
famine began to be apprehended; the settlements were
partially abandoned, and many of the emigrants were
obliged to return to Massachusetts. Their sufferings
were extreme, and the few that remained, had to subsist
jupon acorniB, malt, and grain.

In the spring of 1636, preparations were made for a
more effectual settlement upon the Connecticut, and af-
ter due deliberation, the whole body of Mr. Hooker's
church and congregation, came to the determination to
remove. They commenced their journey in the month
of June. It was to be through a dreary and trackless
wilderness, of more than a hundred miles. They had
no guide but their compass ; no covering but the heav-
ens. There were about one hundred persons, men, wo-
ja^n, and children-^atthe head of whom, were the Rev.
Mr. Hooker, Mr. Samuel Stone, and others, who were
iactiye le.^iders of the colony. They drove along with
them, a hundred and sixty head of cattle, and subsisted on
their march through the wilderness, upon the wild fruits
which they found, and the milk of their cows. Fish
and fowl were plenty; and, as they usually tarried a short

JOHN HATNES. 301

time on the banks of the little lakes that lay embosomed
in the wilderness^ their young men^ on such occasions^
busied themselves in taking game. Occasionally^ a huge
bear would cross their path in advance, and hurry off
affirighted by the formidable array. The deer, which
were plenty in those days, would snuff up the breeze
which told of the advancing column, and fly far off into
the deep forests. Now a wolf or panther, more bold
than the other inhabitants of the wild, would loiter by
the wayside, as if to dispute the passage of the adven-^
turers, until the noise of the herd, or the shouts of the
herdsmen, or the ominous crack of firearms, admonished
them to retire. The females who were ill, or too feeble
to endure the journey on foot, which was through
a perfect wilderness for more than a hundred miles,
were borne in litters upon the shoulders of the young
athletic men. In the evening, as they came together,
and set their watch to keep off the beasts of prey, or
prepare to guard against any incursions of the In-
dians, the prayers of that little congregation went up
into the arches of heaven to the Almighty's footstool ;
and when the first ray of morning light tipped the tall
pines, the thanksgivings of humble and contrite hearts
were offered to the throne of mercy.

The whole journey occupied nearly a fortnight, and
during their march they had no shelter but the broad
canopy above, or such as the branches and boughs of the
trees afforded. Yet they accomplished their journey
with perfect safety, and arrived with joy at their future
residence, pleased to behold the beauties of the noble
valley which skirted the broad and beautiful Connecticut.
The Indian name of the new settlement was Suck-

302 JOHK HATITES.

iaug. The territory was now purchased of Surickquas-
eoiiy the Indian sachem of the neighborhood^ and a
good understanding kept up with the tribe for several
years. The town soon began to prosper ; the settlers
multiplied in numbers^ and increased in wealth; and
many of the existing families of the present opulent city,
trace their descent from the little Newtown colony, to
whose exodus we have adverted.

In the spring of 1637, Mr. Haynes removed his fam-
ily to Connecticut, and settled at Hartford. It was a pe-
riod of intense gloom in the little colony. The Pequots,
then the most warlike tribe in New England, were jeal-
ous of the new settlements, and plotting their ruin.
Many persons had been killed, or taken, and crueUy tor-
tured. The court of assistants determined on offensive
operations, as the only means of conquering the enemy,
and the colonies of New Plymouth and Massachusetts
agreed to aid them in the struggle. The army com-
manded by Captain John Mason,"*^ and consisting of
seventy-seven Englishmen, sixty Moheagan and river
Indians, and about two hundred Narragansetts, marched
on the 24th of May to Nihantick, a frontier to the Pe-
quots, and the seat of one of the Narragansett sachems.
The next morning a considerable number of Miantoiii-

* Capt. John Mason, the distinguished Peqaot warrior, was bom about 1600,
«ad bred to arms in the Netherlands, under Sir Thomas Fairfax. He came to
this country about 1632, was admitted freeman in 1635, having been one of the
first settlers of Dorchester, which he represented in 1635 and 1636. In the lat-
ter year he removed to Windsor, Connecticut, was of Saybrook in 1647, and of
l^orwich in 1659. He was a magistrate firom 1642 to 1659, deputy governor,
1660, and nine succeeding years, and major general of Connecticut. He died -
»t Norwich, 1673. His son, John, a captain, was wounded in the great battle
wlih the Narragansetts, 19 Dec. 1675, and died in September following. De-
scendants of this energetic warrior are found in New England, one of whom is
the Hon. Jbbsmuh Masoit, LL. D., of Boston.

JOHN HATNES. 303

moh's men^ and of the Nihanticks. joined the English^
who renewed their march, with nearly five hundred In-
dians. After marching twelve miles to a ford in Pawca-
tuck river, Mason* halted, and refreshed his troops, faint-
ing through heat and scanty provisions. Here many of
the Narragansetts, astonished to find it his intention to
attack the Pequots in their forts,* withdrew, and returned
home. Under the guidance of Wequash, a revolted
Pequot, the army proceeded in its march toward Mistic
river, where was one of the Pequot forts, and, when
evening approached, pitched their camp by two large
rocks.f Two hours before day, the troops were roused
to the eventful action, the issue of which was in fear-
ful suspense. After a march of about two miles, they
came to the foot of the hill, on the summit of which
stood the hostile fort. The day was nearly dawning^
and no time was to be lost. Mason, throwing the troops
into twrf divisions, pressed forward with one to the eas-
tern, and Underbill with the other, to the western en-
trance. When Mason drew nigh the fort, a dog barked^
and an Indian instantly called out, Owanux ! Owanux I
[Englishmen ! Englishmen !] The troops pressed on^
and, having poured a full discharge of their muskets
through the palisades upon the astonished enemy, entered
the fort, sword in hand. A severe conflict ensued. Many
of the Indians were slain. Some of the Eriglish were
killed, others wounded ; and the issue of battle was yet
dubious. At this critical moment, Mason cried out to

* The Fequots had two forts, one at Mistic river ; another several miles dis-
tant, which was the fort of Sassacus, their great sachem, whose very name
filled the Indians with terror. " Sassacns," said the Narragansetts, ** is all onm
God ; no man can kill him." I Mass. Hist. Coll., iz. 84.

t In Groton, Connecticut, now catted Porter'* socks.^ Tsumbully i. 83..

304 JOHCr HAYN£:S.

bis men^ ^^ We must burn them.'' Entering a wigwam
at the same instant, be seized a fire brand, and put it
into the mats with which the wigwams w^ere covered ;•
and the combustible habitations were soon Wrapped in
flames. The English, retiring without the fort, formed
a circle around it; and Uncas with his Indians formed
another circle in their rear^ The devouring fire, and
the English weapons, made rapid and awful devastation^
In little more than the space of one hour, seventy wig-
wams Were burnt; and, either by the sword or the flamesy
five hundred or six hundred Indians perished. Of the
English, two men were killed, and sixteen wounded.

The Governor and council of Massachusetts, on'
receiving intelligence of the success of the Connecticut
troops, judged it needful to send forward but one hundred
and twenty men. These troops, under the command of
Captain Stoughton, arriving at Peq^ot harbor in June,
and receiving assistance from the Narragansett Indians,*
surrounded a large body of jP^quots in a swamp, and
took eighty captives. The inen, thirty in number, were-
killed, but the women and children were saved. Forty
men, raised by Connecticut, and put under the command
of the heroic Mason, joined Stoughton's company at
Pequot.* While the vessek sailed along the shore, these
allied troops pursued the fugitive Indians by land, to
Quinnipiack,f and found some scattering Pequots on their
march.- Receiving information at Quinnipiack, . that the=
enemy were at a considerable distance westward, in a
great swamp, they marched in that direction, with all

* New London was originally called Pequot; and was occupied by the Pe--
^ot tribe. See page 148, of this volume,
t' The Indian name of New Hav&n^

JOUN HATNSS; 306

possible despatch/ about twenty miles/ and came to the
swamp, where were eighty or one hundred warriors,
and nearly two hundred other Indians. Some of the
English rushing eagerly forward, were badly wounded ;
and others, sinking into the mire, were rescued by a few of
their brave companions, who sprang forward to their
relief with drawn swords. Some Indians were slain;
others, finding the whole swamp surrounded, desired a
parley j and, on the oflfer of life, about two hundred old
men, women, and children, among whom was the sachem
of the place, gradually came out, and submitted to the
English. The Pequot warriors, indignantly spurning
submission, renewed the action^ which, as far as it was
practicable, was kept up through the night. A thick fog,
the next morning, iavoring the escape of the enemy, ma-
ny of them, among whom were sixty or seventy warriors,
broke through the surrounding troops. About twenty
were killed, and one hundred and eighty taken prisoners.
Thie captives were divided between Connecticut and
Massachusetts, which distributed them among the Mo-
heagans and Narragansetts. Sassacus, the chief sachem,
fled with about twenty of his best men to the Mohawks,
who, at the request of the Narragansetts, cut off his head ;
and his country now became a province of the English.
However just the occasion of this war, (says Holmes,)
humanity demands a tear on the extinction of a valiant
tribe, which preferred death to dependence.*

In addition to the embarrassments occasioned by the
struggle with the Pequots, the settlers of Connecticut, as
the winter approached, were menaced with starvation.

* Morton, 99. Hubbard's Indian Wars, 36—54. Trumbull, i. 69—77.

306 JOHK nsYums*^

The snows, which came frequent, were foor feet deep
from the 4th of Novembery 1637, until the23rd of March
following, and the cold was severe. In this emergency^
through the agency of a few persons sent among the fe-*
dians^ now at peace, supplies of corn were procured, and
the danger of famine averted.

Governor Haynes accompanied Uncas, the Moheagan
sachem to Boston, in 1638, when the latter, who had give»
oflfence to Massachusetts by entertaining some of the hos-
tile Pequots, sought a reconciliation. " This heart,'' said
the sachem, laying his hand upon his breast^ as he ad-
dressed the governor, ^^is not mine, but yours; I have
no men ; they ai-e all yours ; comftiand me any diflSeult
thing, I will do it j I will not believe any Indians' word^
against the English ; if any man shall kill an Englishman^
I will put him to death, were he never so dear to me."*^
The presents and promises of Uncas were accepted, and
he was ever afterwards faithful to the whites.

For a period of nearly three years after the settle-
ment of Connecticut, all the powers of government were
exercised by the magistrates. They had a general su-
perintendence of all the affairs of the plantation, without
any direct assistance from the body of freemen*

But in 1639, the people determined to establish a:
constitution for themselves. All the free planters of
Windsor, Hartford and Wethersfield accordingly assem-^
bled at Hartford, on the 14th January, and adopted a
constitution, based on the broad foundations of liberty
and religion, which has been admired as the model of a
republican system, and continued for a century and a

* Savage's Winthrop, i. 266. See also Records of United Colonies, qaoied
in Hutchinson's Colony Mass. Bay, 142.

JOHX HATNCS. 307

!ialf to be the basis of the civil government of Conaec^
ticut.

This constitution ordained that there should be annu-
ally two general courts, or legislative assemblies, one in
April, and the other in September ; that in the first, all
public officers should be chosen ; that a governor should
be aniiually appointed ; that no one should be chosen to
this office unless he had been a magistrate, and also a
member of some church; that the choice of officers
should be by ballot, and by the whole body of freemen ;
and that every man was to be considered a freeman, who
had been received as a member by any of the towns,
and had taken the oath of fidelity to the commonwealth ;
that each of the three towns should send four deputies
to the general court ; and that when there was an equal
division of votes on any question, the governor should
have the casting vote.*"

The first election under this constitution was heJd
in the April following, when John Haynes was chosen
the first governor of Connecticut. His distinguished
character, and the important part he had taken in the
early settlement of the colony, naturally pointed him
out for this station. One of his earliest acts, was to
press upon the assembly the necessity of establishing a
code of laws ; and that body proceeded as occasion
required to discharge that duty. The laws at first were
few, and time was taken to consider and digest them.
The first statute in the Connecticut code is a kind of
declaration, or bill of rights. It ordains, that no man's
life shall be taken away ; no man's honor or good name

* Hazard, i. 437 — 441, where the Constitution is inserted. Trumball, i. App.
No. 3.

308 JOHN HATNES.

be stained ; no man's person shall be arrested, restrained,
banished, dismembered, nor any wise punished; that
no man shall be deprived of his wife or children; no
man's estate or goods shall be taken away from him, nor
any wise endamaged, under color of law, or coun-
tenance of authority, unless Jt should be by the virtue
of some express law of the colony warranting the same,
established by the general court, and sufficiently pub-
lished; or in case of the defect of such law, in any
particular case, by some clear and plain rule of the word
of God, in which the whole court shall concur. It was
also ordained, that all persons in the colony, whether in-
habitants or not, should enjoy the same law and justice
without partiality or delay.*

Under the constitution of Connecticut, no person
could be chosen governor oftener than once in two years.
Edward Hopkins was accordingly chosen to that office
in 1640. Governor Haynes was again chosen in 1641 ;
but in 1642, from some disagreement among the freemen,
both Mr. Haynes and Mr. Hopkins were dropped in the
election, and George Wyllys was appointed governor.,

In 1643, Gov. Haynes was re-instated in office. In
the same year, four of the New England colonies united
in a confederation for mutual ' protection and defence.
This union was proposed by the colonies of Connecti-
cut and New Haven, as early as 1638, but was not final-
ly completed until 1643.t

Gov. Haynes was one of the most active agents in ac- *
complishing this important measure, and spent several
weeks in Massachusetts in bringing the matter to a con-
clusion. He was for several years one of the commis- ,

* Old code of Connecticut. t See pp. 119 — 123, of this volume.

JOWX UATISZS. SOQ

sioners of the United Colonies from Connecticut under
this confederation.

In the autumn of 1646, Governor Haynes, being on his
way from Connecticut to Boston, was overtaken hy a
tempest, and came near perishing/ Gov. Winthrop, in
a letter, dated 19 November, says, "Mr. Haynes is come
safe to us, but in great danger to have perished in the
tempest, but that beyond expectation, wandering in the
night, God brought him to an empty wigwam, where
they found two fires burning, and wood ready for use.
There they were kept two nights and a day, the storm
continuing so long with them, with much snow as well
as rain.'^*

Gov. Haynes had during the same year escaped as-
sassination. Sequassen, a petty sachem, hired one of
the Waronoke Indians to kill Gov. Hopkins and Gover-
nor Haynes, with Mr. Whiting, one of the magistrates.
Sequassen's hatred to Uncas was insatiable, and, prob-
ably, was directed against these gentlemen, on ac-
count of the just and faithful protection which they had
afforded him. The plan was, that the Waronoke In-
dian should kill them, and charge the murder upon Uncas,
and by that means to engage the English against him to
his ruin. After the massacre of these gentlemen, Se-
quassen and the murderer were to make their escape to
-the Mohawks. The Indian who was hired to perpetrate
the murder, after he had received several girdles of wam-
pum, as a part of his reward, considering how another of
his tribe, named Bushheag, who attempted to kill a
woman at Stamford sometime before, had been appre-
hended and executed at New Haven — conceived that it

• Savage's Winthrop, ii. 352.

810 JOHX HAVITES.

would be dangerous to murder English sachems. He
also revolved in his mind, that if the English should not
apprehend him and kill him, he should always be afraid
of them, and have no comfort of his life. He also re-
collected that the English gave a reward to the Indians,
who discovered and brought in Bushheag. He therefore
determined, that it would be better to discover the plot,
than to be guilty of so bloody and dangerous an action.
In this mind he came to Hartford, a few days after he
had received the girdles, and made known the plot.*

Governor Haynes, while' resident in Massachusetts,
seems to have embraced the extreme views of Dudley,
Peters, and others, in reference to rigor and strictness
in government ; and he arraigned the conduct of Gov.
Winthrop, as being too lenient toward offenders, where-
upon greater strictness in discipline civil and military
was enjoined upon the magistrates.! But after his remo-
val to Connecticut, he seems to have become more toler-
ant in his views, and to have regretted the harsh pro«
ceedings adopted in Massachusetts against the Anabap-
tists. Roger Williams, in a letter dated from Providenco ,
22d June, 1670, says — "The matter with us is not
about these children's toys of land, meadows, cattle,
government, &c. But here all over this colonic, a
great number of weake and distressed soules scattered are
flying hither from Old and New England; the Most-
High and only wise hath in his infinite wisdom provid- *
ed this country and this corner as a shelter for the poor
and persecuted, according to their several perswasions.
And thus that heavenly man, Mr. Hains, Governour of
Connecticut, though he pronoun9ed the sentence of my

* Trumbull, i. 158. t See Life of Winthrop, p. 250, ante.

JOHX HAYNBS. 311

long banishment against me at Cambridge, then New-
town, yet said unto me in his own house at Hartford,
being then in some diflference wi(h the Bay, '^ I think,
Mr. Williams, that I must now confesse to you, that the
most wise God hath provided and cut out this part of
the world for a refuge receptacle of all sorts of con-
sciences. I am now under a cloud, and my brother
Hooker, with the Bay, as you have been; we have re-
moved from them thus far^ and yet they are not satis-
fied.^^*

Governor Haynes died at Hartford, in 1654. He
was twice married^ and had eight children ; five sons and
three daughters. By his first wife, he had Robert, Heze-
kiah, John, Roger, and Mary ; and by bis second, Joseph,
Ruth, and Mabel. When he came into New England,
he left his sons, Robert^ and Hezekiah, and his daugh-
ter, Mary, at Copford Hall. Upon the commfencement
of the civil wars in England^ Robert espoused the royal
cause; but Hezekiah, declaring for the parliament, was,
afterwards, promoted to the rank of major-general, under
Cromwell. Upon the ruin of the king's aiFairs, Robert
was put under confinement, and died without issue.
Hezekiah enjoyed Copford Hall, under his father, until
his decease. He then possessed- it as a paternal inheri-
tance, and it descended to his heirs- John and Roger,
who came into this country with their father, sometime
before his death returned to England. Roger died on
his passage or soon after his arrival. John graduated at
Harvard College in 1656, returned and was admitted
to the degree of Master of Arts at Cambridge in England,
and was settled in the ministry, at or near Colchester,

"" Williams* Letter to Major Masoxij in I Mass. Hist. Coll. i. 280.

812 JOHN HATirSS.

in the county of Essex/ in England, where he died before
1698) leaving issue. Joseph, graduated at Harvard Col-
lege in 1658, was ordained pastor of the first church in
Hartford, and died 24 May, 1679, leaving one son, John,
a magistrate, and judge of the superior court of Connec-
ticut, who graduated at Harvard College in 1689* Mary
married Joseph Cook in England ; Ruth married Sam-
uel Wyliys, son of Governor Wyllys, of Hartford, and
Mabel was married to James Russell, of Charlestown, a
counsellor, judge,. and treasurer in Massachusetts; and
all had issue. The Rev. Mr. Haynes, of Hartford, had
one son, John, a gentleman of reputation, for some years
one of th§ magistrates and judges of the colony. ^ He had
sons, but they died without issue, and the name became
extinct in this country.

Trumbull, in noticing the death of Governor Haynes,
says — "He was not considered, in any respect, inferior
to (Governor Winthrop. He appeared to be a gentle-
man of eminent piety, strict morals, and sound judgment,
H6 paid attention to family government. His great in-
tegrity, and wise management of all aflfairs, in private and
public, so raised and fixed his character, in the esteem
of the people, that they always, when the constitution
would permit, placed him in the chief seat of govern-
ment, and continued him in it till his death.^^*

* Trumbuirs Hist. Conn. i. 216.

se:^ Miisfm^ w^^

FftOM AN ORIGINAL AT STRAWBERRY HILL.

Zuk^. for Moores j4 liter iceuv Ctoyernors.

313

.... ^.^..ij vaii*^, me elder, was chosen from Carllple, in the parHamentff
which assembled in 1614, 1^0, aAd 1625, and in every parliaraent' aAdrwaids tdr
the time of hisdedth, being elected forThetford in Norfolk, .Wilton in Wiltshiw,
and for the county of Kent. Willis' Notitia Parliamentaria.

2 :^ siissriBi'F ^ASJ

FROM AN ORIGINAL AT STBAWBEBRY HILL.

Luh'. for Moores j4 m.eric€uv Ctoyernors.

313

IV. SIR HENRY VANE.

Thu Vanes are descended from an ancient family
in Wales. The ancestor of this, family^ and of the Earlsr
of Westmoreland and Darlington, was Howel ap Vane, of
Monmouthshire, who lived before the Conquest. The
first of the name distinctly noticed in history, is Sir
Henry Vane, who was knighted by Edward, the Black
Prince, for his bravery at the battle of Poictiers, in 1356^
Six generations are recorded between Howel ap Vane
and the Knight of Poictiers, and several generations suc-
ceeded, when we find another of the family, Sir Ralph
Vane, knighted by Henry VIIL, for good conduct at the*
siege of Boulogne. He died without issue, and was suc-
ceeded by John, his brother, who changed the name ta
Fane, and left two sons, Henry, the ancestor of Lord
Barnard, and Richard, from whom is descended the Earl
of Westmoreland. Henry, grandfather of Sir Henry
Vane, died at Roan, 14 October, 1596. His san Henry
of Raby Castle in Durham, and Harlow in Ken!, who*
resumed the name of Vane, ,was barn 18 February^
1589, and was knighted by James I. in 161 L Af-
ter finishing his travels, and completing his ednca--
tion in foreign languages, and the other learning of his
day, he was elected to Parliament from Carlisle in 1614,*^
and continued from that time, for nK)re than thirty years,
ta exercise a controlling infiuence in the senate and the

* Sir Henry Vane, the elder, was chosen frcm Carliere, in tlie parliaments
Whicll assembled in 1614, 1620, aAd 1625, and in every parliaiBent- afldrwaids t<y
the time of his death, being elected forThetford in Norfolk, Wilton in Wiltshiw,
and for the county of Kent. Willis' Notitia Parliamentaria.

314 SIR H£?IRT VANE.

cabinet. King James appointed him Cofferer to Prince
Charles, an pffice which he continued to sustain, after
the latter had ascended the throne. He was also a mem-
ber of his Majesty's Privy Council. In 1631, he went
to Denmark as Ambassador Extraordinary, and shortly
afterwards, in the same capacity, he visited the court of
Gustavus Adolphus, King of Sweden. In both countries,
he concluded treaties of great importance to the com-
merce and power of England. He also acted a con-
spicuous part in military affairs. In 1633, and again in
1639, he entertained King Charles with great splendor
in his castle at Raby. In the last named year he was
made Treasurer of the Household, and advanced to the
highest seat in the administration, as his Majesty's Prin-
cipal Secretary of State. The Earl of Strafford was his
rival, and after the Earl had been attainted and brought
to the block, through the instrumentality of Sir Henry
Vane and his son, the King became offended, and re-
moved the elder Vane from his offices. He remained,
however, in parliament, until ejected by Cromwell, in
1653. He died in 1654.

Sir Henry Vane, -the elder, married Frances, daugh-
ter and heiress of Thomas Darcy, of Essex, and had a
family of fourteen children. Sir Henry, the principal
subject of this memoir, being the eldest, and born in
1612. Two of his brothers, Thomas and John, died
young. George was knighted, 22 Nov. 1640, and
buried at Long Newton, in Durham, 1 May, 1679, having
had thirteen children. Charles was distinguished as a di-
plomatist in the times of the Commonwealth, particularly
as Envoy to Lisbon. Margaret, the eldest sister, 3 June^
1639, married Sir Thomas Pelham, ancestor of the

SIR HENRY VANE. 316

famijies of the Duke of New Castle, Earl of Chichester,
and Lord Yarborough. Anne, born in Aug. 1623, mar-
ried Sir Thomas Liddell, of Ravensworth Castle, Dur-
ham, who died in 1697. Frances, born 30 April, 1630,
married Sir Robert Honeywood, and another married
Sir Francis Vincent.*

It will thus be seen that young Vane's entrance into
life was under the most favorable circumstances. At six-
teen years of age, he became a gentleman commoner of
Magdalen College, Oxford. In his early youth, accord-
ing to his own account, he had been giddy, wild, and
fond of "good fellowship,^- but the year before entering
College he became seriously inclined. As he progressed
in his studies, he became alienated from the doctrines and
forms of the established church, and when the period of his
matriculation arrived, he quitted his gown, declined to
take the oath of allegiance and supremacy, and thus for-
feited his membership at the University. Leaving Ox-
ford, he passed over to the Continent, visited Holland
and France, and spent some time in Geneva.

The rumor of his abandonment of the church, soon
became known to the King, and his Majesty was advised
to take steps to recover him to the cause of the establish-
ment. Archbishop Laud, too tyrannical to be a safe
counsellor or friend, undertook to reclaim the young dis-
senter, but failed. The circumstances caused some excite-
ment in the ^higher circles of English society at the time.
Sir Henry Vane, the elder, then of liis Majesty's Privy
Council, who was strongly opposed to the puritans, was
greatly disturbed by the course of his son. To relieve

* Betham'^ Baronetage of England. See also Playfkir's British Family
Antiquities, and the Biographia Britannica, art. Vane

316 SIR HENRY VAKE.

his father from embaprassment, young Vane detern^ined
to remove to America. At first, the father was opposed
to the plan ; but afterwards yielded, at the instance of
the King.

Mr. Vane arrived at Boston, in one of the ships that
came over in the autumn of 1635. On the 1st of No-
vember, he was admitted -a member of the church.of
Boston, and on the 3d of March following, to the free*-
dom of the colony.*

The colonists were naturally prepared to receive him
with open arms ; and their regard and attachment were
increased, as they became personally acquainted with him.
His interesting demeanor, grave and commanding aspect,
■and extraordinary talents; but above all his extensive
theological attainments, entire devotion to the cause of
religion, earnest zeal for its institutions, and the un-
affected delight with which he waited upon its ordinances
and exercises, won the admiration, love, and veneration
of the Puritans. After a short residence in the country,
when the annual election came round, in May, 1636, he
was elected Governor of Massachusetts, being at that
time but twenty-four years, of age.

His administration was brief and stormy. He con-
tended for principles which were in advance of the times,
and soon found the applause w^hich every where met his
arrival, turned into distrust, and eventually into opposi-
tion.

When his election as governor was announced, a sa-
lute was fired by the shipping in the harbor, there being
at the time some fifteen large vessels in port. The lead-
ing men had nciisgivings about there being so many for-

* Savage '■ Winthrop, i. 170; ii. 366.

SIR HENRY VANE. 317

eign vessels in the harbor, and were apprehensive lest
the presence of their officers and crews should corrupt
the morals of the inhabitants- Governor Vane under-
took to remedy the evil ; and inviting the captains of all
the ships to dine with him, he succeeded in effecting an
arrangement, by which inward bound vessels were to
remain below the fort, until the Governor's pass should
be obtained ; all invoices to be submitted to the inspection
of government before landing; and none of the ships'
crews to remain on shore after sunset.*

Soon after this, the mate of a British vessel affected to
be very indignant because the King's colors had not been
displaj^d upon the fort ; and in a moment of excitement
he denounced the colonists as a set of "rebels and trai-
tors.'' The people became so clamorous against the
mate, for this insult upon their loyalty, that Gov. Vane
' was obliged to order his arrest. The crew resisted the
marshal, but the captain of the vessel at last surrendered
the mate, who made an apology ; and this being done,
the British officers were inclined to insist, that the flag
should be hoisted over the fort. This was a sad dilem-
ma for the puritans. Endecott had just before torn the
cross from the flag at Salem, and now that they were re-
quired to hoist the flag, on which the dreaded Papal
Cross was represented, was an abomination. On the
other hand, to refuse to acknowledge the King's sove-
reignty by displaying his flag, might subject them to great
difficulty. They hoped to escape, however, by the re-
ply that there were no such colors in the country. The
captains offered to lend them a flag; and then the ques-
tion had to be submitted to the clergy. The result was,

* Savage's Winthrop, i. 187.

318 SIR HENRY VANE.

that the request of the captains was at last refused ! Gov-
ernor Vane, although a puritan, strenuously opposed
this over scrupulous conduct of the magistrates, and was
supported by Dudley, one of the straitest of the sect.
And the obnoxious flag, with the terrible cross, was
finally displayed without the authority of the government,
on the personal responsibility of Governor Vane and Mr.
Dudley. From this hour the popularity of Governor
Vane declined.

During the administration of Governor Vane, Mrs,
Anne Hutchinson, the founder of the sect of antinomians,
arrived from England. Possessing extraordinary gifts,
the happiness of her life consisted in religious exercises
and investigations. It was her fortune, (says Upham,)
^^to raise a contention and kindle a strife in the infant
commonwealth of Massachusetts, which has secured to
her name a distinction as lasting as our annals.^'* She
established meetings, and set herself up as a spiritual
teacher. Her opinions were hostile to those of the cler-
gy and the government ; but the power of her eloquence
and exertions soon carried the people of Boston with
her; and when the government took steps to silence her,
the sympathy became almost universal in that city. All
beyond the limits of Boston was under the sway of the
dominant clergy. Governor Vane espoused the cause of
Mrs. Hutchinson, as an advocate of religious freedom,
and continued to defend her, until at the close of his ad-
ministration, he returned to England.

The religious views of this extraordinary woman,
which set the colony in a flame, are substantially express-
ed in the following description.

* See Upham'B Life of Sir Henry Vane, in I Sparks' Biography, it. 133.

SIR HENRY VANS. 319

She believed that it was the dwelling of the Holy
Spirit in the believer's hearty that is^ the possession and
exercise of the pure and genuine and divine spirit of
Christianity in the soul itself, which constituted justifica-
tion^ or made a person acceptable to God ; that the ex-
ternal and formal indications of piety^ or sanctification,
might appear where this inward spirit was not expe-
rienced^ and that in such cases they were utterly worth-
less ; and that the great end of the religion revealed in
the Scriptures^ was not so much to make our conduct or
outward deportment correct^ or bring us under a coven-
ant of works, as to include us under a covenant of grace,
by imparting to ouf souls the Holy Spirit of God.

However unpalatable such doctrines were in a for-
mal and sanctimonious condition of society and manners,
they would probably meet with a hearty response . from
enlightened Christains of all denominations at the present
day. It is indeed wonderful, that a female in Mrs.
Hutchinson's circumstances, placed beyond the reach of
every influence that might be thought necessary to lead
to such results, encompassed by the privations of a wil-
derness and the cares of a young and numerous family,
could have made such an advance beyond the religious
' knowledge of her age.*

When the next election came round, the controversy
was at its height. Vane, although he meditated a return
to England, was the candidate of the friends of toleration,
and Winthrop was supported by the clergy and magis-
trates. The fathers and founders of the colony now re-
gained the ascendancy. Mrs. Hutchinson, and her broth-
er, John Wheelwright, were banished, and some of the

* Upham'8 Vane, in I Sparks' Biog. iv. 138.

320 SIR HEIfRY VANE.

principal persons in Boston who had defended her were
disarmed.'^ Governor Vane, after a spirited pamphlet
controversy with Governor Winthrop, on the great ques-
tions at issue, bade adieu to the colony.f He took pas-
sage for England, in August, 1637, accompanied by Lord
Ley, a young nobleman, son and heir of the Earl of Marl-
borough, who had come over a short time before to see
the country. A large concourse of the inhabitants of
Boston followed their honored friend and former chief
magistrate to the wharves, and many accompanied him
to the vessel. A parting salute was fired from the town^
and another from the castle.

Governor Vane's first appearance m public life, after
his return to England, was in 1640. About this time,
through his father's interest with the Earl of Northum-
berland, then Lord High Admiral of England, he w^as
joined with Sir William Russell in the lucrative office of
Treasurer of the Navy, whom he supplanted in 1643, and
became sole Treasurer. He took his seat in the House
of Commons on the 13th April, 1640, as member for
Kingston upon Hull.

So great was the reputation he had previously ac-
quired, and the impression produced by his appearance
and conduct in the House during the brief continuance'
of this Parliament, that it became an object of some
importance to secure his favor and influence to the gov-
ernment. He was accordingly signalized by the expres-
sions of royal regard. In June, 1640, be received from
King Charles the honors of knighthood, and was there-

• See notices of the antinomian heats, in pp. 254—258, 287, 288, of thia
volume.

t The pamphlets comprising this controversy are preserved in Hutchinson's
Collection, pp. 67—100.

SIR HENRY VANE. 321

after^ until the death of his father^ in 1664, distinguished
by the title, either of Sir Henry Vane the Younger, or
Sir Henry Vane of Raby Castle, Knight.

A new parliament having been summoned by the
King, Sir Henry Vane was re-elected, and took his seat
in the celebrated Long Parliament, which commenced on
the 3d November, 1640. His career from this period was
somewhat distinguished in its bearings upon the destiny
of England. He took an open stand against the arbitrary
measures of the King, and was soon considered one of
the principal leaders of the party of republicans in
Parliament. Wood, in his Atheni(B Oxonienses^ thus
utters the opinion of a royalist of Vane : " In the be-
ginning of the Long Parliament he was a promoter of
the rebellion, a frequent committee-man, a speech-maker,
a preacher, an underminer, a juggling fellow, and a plot-
ter to gain the estates of other persons, that adhered to
his Majesty in the worst of times. In sum, he was the
Proteus of the times, a mere hotch-potch of religion,
chief ringleader of all the frantic sectarijans, of a turbu-
lent spirit and working brain, of a strong composition of
choler and melancholy, an inventor not only of whim-
seys in religion, but also of crotchets in the state,
(as his several models testify,*) and composed only of
treason, ingratitude, and baseness.''* Clarendon gives
the description of him already quoted, on page 254 ;
while Hallam, in his Constitutional History of England,
speaks of him as follows : " The royalists have spoken
of Vane with extreme dislike ; yet it should be remem-
bered, that he was not only incorrupt, but disinterested,
inflexible in conforming his public conduct to his prin-

* Atheniss Oxonienses, iii. col. 580.

322 SIR HEPTRT VAKJB.

ciples^ and averse to every sanguinary and oppressive
measure; qualities not very common in revolutionary
chiefs."*

In the movements of the party, headed by Mr. Pym,
which led the Earl of Strafford to the block, and pre-
pared the way for the overthrow of the monarchy, Sir
Henry Vane bore a conspicuous part. Sir Thomas
Wentworth, then Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, in 1639,
had opposed the appointment of the elder Vane as Sec-
retary of State; and when raised to the peerage, in
January, 1640, as Earl of Strafford, he procured his pa-
tent to be made out with the title of " Baron Raby of
Raby Castle," thus appropriating the name of an estate
belonging- to Vane. Clarendon says, it was " an act of
the most unnecessary provocation,^' on the part of Straf-
ford, and there is little doubt that the Earl was made
to atone for the insult upon the scaflFold ; for from this
period the Vanes, father and son, pursued him with
an irreconcileable hatred. After the EarPs impeach-
ment, when the bill was likely to fall to the ground for
want of evidence, Sir Henry Vane communicated a
paper, taken from his father's closet, containing memo-
randa, taken by the Secretary, of opinions given by the
Earl and others at a Cftuncil on the 5th May, 1640.
This paper, (the production of which, under all the cir-
cumstances, is a stain upon the character of the two
Vanes,) and the elder Vane's testimony, caused the at-
tainder of the Earl.f

• Hallam'B Constit. Hist.

t On the nth November, 1640, the House of Commons resolved apon an
impeachment of the Earl of Strafford, and Pym, the great parliamentary leader,
was appointed to manage the impeachment. The charges were reduced to
98 articles, alledging various misdemeanors and traitorous counsels to the

SIR HENRY VANE. 323

In February, 1641, he carried up to the House of
Lords the impeachment against Archbishop Laud ; and
in the great debate upon the Episcopacy, in June, 1641,
he distinguished himself in the House of Commons.
When the Assembly of Divines was summoned, in 1643,
he was nominated by Parliament as one of the lay mem-
bers. In the same year, when Parliament found it ne-
cessary to gain assistance to enable them to bear up
against the King, he was appointed one of the Commis-
sioners to proceed to Edinburgh, for that purpose.
The mission was perfectly successful. The Solemn
League and Covenant was agreed upon ; a complete
union was formed between the patriots of England and
Scotland, upon a basis which also comprehended the
Irish, and was adapted to secure their favor and aid.

King. Upon the impeachment no allusion appears to have been made by Mr.
Pyra to Sir Henry Vane, or to any evidence in his possession ; and there does
not appear to have been any judgment on the impeachment. On the lOih of
April, 1641, in the House of Commons, Sir Henry Vane, the younger, and Mr,
Pym, were enjoined tq disclose any facts within their knowledge. Pym now
produced a copy of the private notes taken by Secretary Vane of a meeting of
the Council on the 5th May, going to shew that the Earl of Strafford, at that
meeting, advised the King to traitorous measures, and the words of the paper,
purporting to be the very words of the Carl, were quoted. The elder Vane af>
fected great surprise at the revelation, but afler proper dalliance, upon his last
examination, confirmed the principal charge, and the younger Vane coolly ex-
plained how he obtained the private memorandum from his father's secret cabi-
net, and imparted it to Mr. Pym. On the same day that this scene took place, the
bill of attainder against the Earl was first read. An examination of the trial on
the impeachment shews, that not one of the other Lords who were at the Coun-
cil of the 5th May, could remember any such words as were charged in the pa-
per thus produced, (when other evidence was likely to fail,) and sworn to by
Secretary Vane. Nor does it appear firom the records that the House of Com-
mons passed any vote justifying the conduct of the younger Vane on this occa-
sion, as has been stated by some of his biographers. Whatever may have been
the demerits of the great Earl of Strafford, a careful examination of all the au-
thorities forces upon us the conviction that he fell a sacrifice to the enmity of
the two Vanes. See Whitelock's Memorials, Rushworth, Nalson, L'Estrange,
and Clarendon, and other contemporary authorities.

324 SIR HENRY VANE.

Hume gives the credit of this transaction to Sir Henry.
" In this negotiation/^ says he, " the man chiefly trusted
to was Vane, who in eloquence, address, capacity, as
well as art and dissimulation, was not surpassed by any
one, even during that age so famous for active talents.
By his persuasion was framed at Edinburgh the Solemn
League and Covenant.^^* When the Covenant was rati-
fied in Parliament, on the 22d September, 1643, his
name was subscribed next to that of Cromwell on the
list.

As the civil war raged. Sir Henry Vane was inces-
santly engaged in Parliament, and upon various com-
missions appointed to treat with the King. In this capa-
city he was at the treaty of Uxbridge in 1645, and at
the Isle of Wight in 1648, and, it is said, "was always an
enemy to peace. '^f He resisted all attempts at compro-
mise, except upon such a basis as would forever protect
the people against the tyranny of the crown. But other
counsels prevailed. On the 5th December, 1648, the
Commons voted, 129 to 83, that the terms offered by the
King ought to be accepted. Sir Henry Vane considered
this to be equivalent to a restoration of Charles to the
throne.J

Not so thought Cromwell. He appeared next day
with a troop of horse, and forcibly seizing forty-one of
the members, expelled them from parliament ; those re-
maining being devoted to his interests, and thenceforth
known as ^' The Rump.'^

This proceeding of Cromwell was dis^proved by
Vane, who for the present withdrew from Parliament,

* Hume's Hist, of England. t Biographia Britannica.

% See History of independency, Part II, p, 26. Pari. Hist. iii. 1145. 1146.

SIR HENRY VAXE. 325

and took no part in the impeachment, trial and execu-
tion of King Charles, which followed.*

Charles suffered on the 30th of January, 1649.
On the 17th of February a Council of State was installed,
into whose hands the executive government of the na-
tion was committed. Sir Henry Vane was appointed a
member of the Council, Cromwell used great pains to
induce him to accept the appointment, and, after many
consultations, he so far prevailed in satisfying Vane of
the purity of his intentions in reference to the Common-
wealth, as to overcome his reluctance again to appear
in public life. He took his seat in the Council nine
days after its instalment, and immediately entered, with
his accustomed energy and ability, upon the duties of
the office. He continued to be in the Council from 1649
to 1653. The powers exercised by that body were
very great. They were intrusted with the entire com-
mand of the military forces of England and Ireland, and
were authorized to raise and control a navy, and to con-
duct the whole administration of the country, in refer-
ence both to its offensive and defensive operations in
war. Sir Henry Vane was for some time President of
the Council, and, as Treasurer and Commissioner for the
Navy, he had almost the exclusive direction of that
branch of the public service. The foreign relations were
wholly under his management. He planned and con-
ducted the war with the United Provinces, in which
Blake gathered his laurels, and won for his country the
proud title of mistress of the seas ; and he exhibited a

* " Sir Henry Vane did not approve putting the King to death, nor of the force
pat on Parliament, but withdrew while these things were acting." — Burnet's
History of his Own Times, i. 163.

326 SIR HflfRT VAfifE.

patriotic and generous spirit to his countrymen by an
unusual example of disinterested devotion to the pub-
lic cause. In order to lighten the burden of the war,
and to encourage the people to carry it on with vigor^
he voluntarily relinquished the profits of the very lucra-
tive office he held, as Treasurer of the Navy, and ap-
propriated them to the common treasury.*

But the genius of Sir Henry Vane was not confined
to the conduct of foreign wars, brilliant and wonderful
as was its exercise in that department. At this period
of his life his labors were so various, so complicated and
so constant, that they were regarded as almost incredi-
ble. From an early hour in the morning until late at
night, he was every moment engaged in the actual trans-
action of business.! His acts are stamped upon the his-
tory of his country.

On the 20th April, 1653, Cromwell suddenly entered
the House of Parliament, and, backed by his soldiers^
exclaimed, ^^ You are no Parliament ! Begone, and give
place to honester men.'^ Thus ended the famous Long
Parliament, and Cromwell had established his authority

* The income thus relinquished was from £5,000 to £6,000 per annum.

1 The fnllowlng tribute of praise was at this period addressed to Sir Henry
Vane, by the great Poet of England :

" Vane, young in years, but in sige counsel old, ]

Than whom a better senator ne'er bold

The helm of Rome, when gowns, not arms, repelled
The fierce Epirot, and the African bold.
Whether to settle peace, or to unfold

Th^ drift of hollow states hard to be spelled ;

Then to advise how war may best upheld

Move by her two main nerves, iron and gold,

In all her equipage ; besides to know

Both spiritual power and civil, what each means.
What severs each, thou hast learnt, which few have done ;
The bounds of either sword to thee we owe j

Thereibre on thy firm hand Religion leans
In peace, and reckons thee her eldest ion.**

Scmt Unvor,

SIR REKRT VAITE. 327

upon the ruins of the Commonwealth. Sir Henry Vane^
shocked at the conduct of Cromwell, now retired to his
estate at Raby Castle.* Here he wrote and published a
pamphlet, entitled the ^'Healing Question/^ in opposi-
tion to Cromwell, for which he was summoned before
the Protector, charged with seditious intent, and required
to give bond to keep the peace, which neglecting to do,
he was arrested and imprisoned in Carisbrook Castle in
the Isle of Wight; from which, Cromwell not choosing
to take his life, he was liberated at the close of the year
1666.

Oliver Cromwell died on the 3d September, 1658,
and Richard, his son, succeeded to the Protectorship.
A new Parliament was summoned in January, 1659.^
The partisans of the new Protector opposed the return
of Sir Henry Vane; and though he was duly chosen from
his former borough, they gave the election to another.
He determined to persevere, and was finally returned
from Whitchurch, in Southamptonshire.

Fearful that the republican party, which was strong
in the House, might gain the ascendancy, the leading

* " When Lieutenant Colonel Worsley entered the House of Commons with
two files of musqueteers, to drive out the members, on 23th April, 165^, Sir
Henry Vane said aloud, *This is not honest; yea, it is against morality and
common honesty.' Upon which Cromwell fell to railing at him, crying out
with a loud voice, * O Sir Henry Vane, Sir Henry Vane I The Lord deliver me
from Sir Henry Vane !" Ludlow's Mem. IL 457.

"Young Sir H. Vane, notwithstanding the affronts he received at the disso-
lution of the Parliament, was invited, being in Lincolnshire, by a letter from
the Council, which invitation he answered by a letter extracted out of that part
of the Apocalypse, wherein the reign of the Saints is mentioned, which he
saith he believes will now begin; but for his part he ier willing to deter his share
in it until he comes to Heaven ; and desired to be excused in yielding to their
desires. Yet upon second thoughts he is come to London, and I believe will,
like Tiberius, upon little entreaty, accept a share in this empire." Intercepted
Letter T. Robinson to Mr. Stoneham at the Hague, June 3, 1653. Thurloe's
SUte Papers, i. 265.

328 SIR HENRT VANE.

officers of the army, on the 21st of April, 1669, sent a
request to Richard, to dissolve the Parliament, intima-
ting very plainly that unless he complied, they should
deprive him of power, and assume the whole gov-|
ernment to themselves. The Protector accordingly
despatched the Keeper of the Seals to dissolve the Par-
liament. Getting information of this design, the House
ordered their doors to be closed, and the gentleman usher
of the black rod was not permitted to enter. It was on
this occasion, (says Mr. Upham, following the Biographia
Britannica,) that Sir Henry Vane delivered the follow-
ing speech, which produced an overw^helming eflFect upon
the House and nation, and entirely demolished the power
of the Protector:*

" Mr. Speaker : Among all the people of the universe,
I know none who have shown so much zeal for the li-
berty of their country, as the English, at this time, have
done. They have, by the help of Divine Providence,
overcome all obstacles, and have made themselves free.
We have driven away the hereditary tyranny of the
house of Stuart, at the expense of much blood and trea-
sure, in hopes of enjoying hereditary liberty, after having
shaken off the yoke of kingship; and there is not a man
amongst us, who could have imagined that any person
would be so bold as to dare attempt the ravishing from
us that freedom, which has cost us so much blood and so
much labor. .But so it happens, I know not by what
misfortune, we are fallen into the error of those, who
poisoned the Emperor Titus to make room for Domitian,
who made away Augustus that they might have Tiberius,
and changed Claudius for Nero.

* See Upham 's Life of Vane, in I Sparki, ir.

sill HEI^RY VANE. 329

'j St " I am sensible these examples are foreign from ' my

ii: subject, since the Romans, in those days, were buried in
SI lewdness and luxury ; whereas the people of England
ie . are now renowned, all over the world, for their great
TL virtue and discipline; and yet suffer an idiot, without
le: courage, without sense, nay, without ambition, to have
fl dominion in a country of liberty.

It "One could bear a little with Oliver Cromwell,

s^ though, contrary to his oath of fidelity to the Parliament,
1 contrary to his duty to the public, contrary to the res-
li! pect he owed to that venerable body from whom he re-
c: ceived his authority, he usurped the government. His
OF merit was so extraordinary, that our judgment and pas-
sions might be blinded by it. He made his way to em-
^ pire by the most illustrious actions. He held under
. his command an army that had made him a conqueror,
- and a people that had made him their general.
( " But as for Richard Cromwell, his son, who is he ?

r What are his titles? We have seen that he has a sword
by his side, but did he ever draw it.'^ And, what is of
■;. more importance in this case, is he fit to get obedience
from a mighty nation, who could never make a footman
. obey him ? Yet, we must recognise this man as our
king, under the style of Protector ! — a man without birth,
without courage, without conduct. For my part, I de-
clare. Sir, it shall never be said that I made such a man
my master.^^

"This impetuous torrent swept every thing before it.
Oratory, genius, and the spirit of liberty never achieved
a more complete triumph. Ii was signal and decisive,
instantaneous and irresistible. It broke, at once and for-
ever, the power of Richard and his party, and the con-
42

330 ilR HEKRT VANE.

trol of the country again passed into the hands of the
republican^. Richard immediately abdicated the Pro-
tectorate, having at the same time issued a Proclamation
dissolving the Parliament; and the general voice of the
country viras so clearly and strongly uttered, that the mili-
tary factions bowed to jts demand, and the famous Lang^
Parliament, which Oliver Cromwell had dispersed in
1653, was once more summoned to assemble, by a de-
claration from the council of officers, dated on the 6th of
May, 1669."*

Such is the account given by the intelligent biogra-
pher of Vane, of the effect of a supposed speech of Sir
Henry Vane. His authority is a note in the Biographia
Britannica, copied from Oldmixon'sHistory of the Stuarts.
Where Oldmixon found it, does not appear, and his au-
thority is not always to be relied upon. Neither White-
locke, who was in Parliament at the time, nor Ludlow,
also in Parliament, and the friend of Vane, make any
mention of the speech; nor does it appear from Burton's
Diary during the Protectorate, used by Clarendon, that
,any such speech was made by Sir Henry Vane, or any-
body else in Parliament. The entire speech is probably
a fiction.f

The Parliament assembled by Richard in January,
upon the demand of the army was dissolved by Procla-
mation on the 22d of April. On the 6th of May, the

* Upham's Life of Sir Henry Vane, in I Sparks, iv.

t For many of the corrected dates given in this memoir, and in particular for
the correction of some of the modern accounts of Sir Henry Vane's agency in
bringing the Ear] of Strafford to the block, and in the proceedings pending the
abdication of Richard Cromwell, the writer is indebted to the suggestions of that
thorough antiquary, Peter Force, Esq., of Washington, O. C, and the free use'
of the rich stores in his invaluable library.

SIR HENRY VANE. 331

army published a Declaration^ requesting the members of
the Long Parliament to re-assemble, and that body met on
the 7th, at Whitehall.

The records of the time would seem to disprove any
feeling of hostility towards Richard. Indeed the Parlia-
ment treated him with kindness, and in the debates given
by Burton, he is rarely spoken of, even in the stormiest
scenes in that body, with harshness. ' When the army
began to dictate, and the Parliament doubted his power
or right to the protectorship, he seems to have made up
his mind to seek his own comfort and security by abdi-
cating. On the 7th of May, 1669, the Commons made
their declaration against any government of a single per-
son. Kingship, or House of Peers ; and on the same day,
Fleetwood, Haslerigge, Vane, Ludlow, Salway, Syden-
ham and Jones were- made a Committee of Safety. On
the 14th, a Council of State was agreed upon, and Sir
Henry Vane was one of the number. On the 20th of
May, he was one of the committee appointed ^^ to prepare
a Declaration to the Nation how affairs stood with the
Commonwealth, when the House was interrupted [20^
April, 1653,] and how affairs stood at present.'^ On the
25th, he was appointed at the head of a committee to con-
sider " what is fit, to be done as to the settlement of a
comfortable and honorable subsistence on Richard Crom-
well, eldest son of the late Lord General Cromwell.^'
And on the same day, Richard's letter of abdication is
dated.

On the 26th of May, Sir Henry Vane was placed
first on a committee of seven, to manage the affairs of the
Admiralty and Navy, and in September, he was Presi-
dent of the Council. On the 13th of October follow-

332 SIR HENRY VANE.

ingy the army took possession of the Hall where Parlia-
ment sat, and prevented their further meeting. Vane now
took sides with the army against the Parliament. On the
17th, he was one of the committee of ten appointed by
the council of officers, to carry on the affairs of Govern-
ment; on the 26th, was one of the Committee of Safety ;
and on the 1st of November, was one of a committee
appointed to consider a form of government for three
nations as one commonwealth.*

On the 26th December, 1669, through the influence
of General Monk, the Parliament was again assembled.
That body were now suspicious of Vane, and question-
ing some of his proceedings with the army, on the 9th
of January following, ordered him to retire to his house
at Raby, and await further orders, at the same time dis-
missing him from Parliament. Delaying to comply, and
endeavoring to stir up opposition to Parliament, the
House in February ordered him to be sent under cus-
tody to Raby, and afterwards to be conveyed by the
Sergeant at Arms to his house at Bellew, in Lincolnshire.

After King Charles' restoration. Sir Henry Vane,
having no apprehension of danger, went up to his house
in London. But on the 11th June, 1660, the House of
Commons resolved that he sliould be one of the twenty
persons excepted out of the King's Proclamation of Par-
don, and in July following he was committed to the
Tower. From the Tower he was afterwards" removed
to other prisons, and finally to the Isle of Scilly. In
August, 1660, the Commons petitioned the King, that

* Whitelocke, p. 688, says Sir H. Vane was commissioned 5 Nov. 1659, to
raise a regiment of horse. On the 14th Jan. 1660, Parliament ordered that the
regiment of foot, called Sir Harry Vane's, should be forthwith disbanded.

SIR HENRY VANE. 333

if Sir Henry Vane should be attainted, his hfe might be
spared — to which the King assented ; but after the in-
surrection of the Fifth Monarchy men,* in January, 1661,
the Commons withdrew their request that his life
might be spared, and he was remanded to the Tower-f

He was arraigned before the Court of King's Bench
for trial, on the 23 June, 1662, the verdict of guilty was
rendered on the 6th, sentence pronounced on the 11th,
and on the 14th, he was executed on Tower Hill.

It being observed that the dying speeches of the re-
gicides made an impression upon the multitude, unfavor-
able to the government, measiires were taken to prevent
Sir Henry Vane from addressing the people. ^^His tri-
al," says Bancroft, " he had converted into a triumph."
And when he offered to address the people from the
scaffold, the King's officers interrupted him, trumpets
were blown in his face, and personal violence was resort-
ed to in snatching away his papers. " Blessed be God,"
he exclaimed, as he bared his neck for the axe, '' I have
kept a conscience void of offence to this day, and have
not deserted the righteous cause for which I suffer."
His heroic bearing upon his execution, was the admira-

* The principal idea of this fanatical sect, was, that our Saviour was coming
down, to erect a Fifth Monarchy upon earth, which was to last for a thousand
years. Sir Henry Vane's pamphlet, called "The Retired Man's Meditations,"
&c., published in 1655, contained an exposition of some of the mystical doc-
trines of these enthusiasts.

t The government had now resolved to crush the republican party, of which
Vane was a leader. "Certainly," wrote the King, "Sir Henry Vane is too
dangerous a man to let live, if we can honestly put him out of the way." Lud-
low says, "the cause of his destruction was because his adversaries knew, his
integrity, and feared his abilities." But Burnet says, " the great share he had
in the attainder of the Earl of Strafford, and in the whole turn of affairs to the
total change of the government ; but above all the great opinion that was had of
his pjirts and capacity to embroil matters again, made the Court think it was
necessary to put him out of the way."

334 SIR HENRY VANE.

tion of the times; and produced so great a sensation
throughout the kingdom, that the King found it expedi-
ent to allay the public sympathy, by restoring to the fam-
ily of Sir Henry Vane all his estates and honors.

Sir Henry Vane, in July, 1639, married Frances,
daughter of Sir Christopher Wray, of Glenkworth, in Lin-
colnshire, and had a family of eleven children. Christo-
pher, the elcfest, was knighted by Charles H., was of the
Privy Council to James H., and in July, 1698, was
created Baron Bernard of Bernard Castle, in the Bish-
oprick of Durham. He married Elizabeth, eldest daugh-
ter of Gilbert Holies, Earl of Clare, and sister and co-
heiress of John, Duke of New-Castle, and died at his
seat in Fairlawn, Kent, in 1723.

Gilbert Vane, the second Lord Bernard, died in 1753 ;
and his sorf, Henry Vane, in the following year was cre-
ated Viscount Bernard and Earl of Darlington. He
married a daughter of Charles, Duke of Cleveland, and
died in 1758.

The present lineal descendant is William Harry Vane,
who in 1833, was created Marquis of Cleveland, with
the names and titles of Baron Raby of Raby Castle^ and
Duke of Cleveland.

S35

V. RICHARD BELLINGHAM-

RiCHARB Bellingham, the fifth Governor under
the first Massachusetts charter, was a native of England,
born in 1592. The editor of Winthrop says, "he was
of a good family in England, and perhaps Richard Bel-
lingham, who was recorder of Boston, in 1625, was his
father." He was educated to the profession of the law,
which he abandoned, and came to this country in 1634.*
On the 3d of A^igust in that year, he joined the church
at Boston, with his wife Elizabeth, whose death is men-
tioned as having occurred not long after.

Mr. Bellingham was one of the twenty-six original
patentees named in the charter of King Charles I. in
1 628 ; and being well qualified to take an active part in
the affairs of the infant colony, the opportunity was not
long wanting. He was chosen a deputy in March, 1635.
He was an assistant from 1636 to 1639, and from 1643
to 1652; and was also treasurer of the colony from 1637
to 1639. In May, 1635, the general court placed him

* Johnson, in the " Wonder- Working Providence," thus noti&es the arrival
of Mr. Bellingham : " At this time came over the much honored Mr. Richard
BeUin^hanij whose Estate and person did much for the civill Government of this
wandering people, hee being learned in the Lawes of England, and experiment-
ally fitted for the worke, of whom I am bold to say as followeth :
EicHARous now, arise must thou, Christ seed hath thee to plead,
Rid people's cause, with equall Lawes, in wilJernesse them lead;
Though slow of speech, thy counsell reach, shall each occasion welT,
Sore thy stem look, if cannot brook, those wickedly rebell.
With labour might thy pen indite doth Lawes for people's leamiog;
That judge with skill, and not with will, unarbitrate di^ceiniog; *

Bkixinoham, thou, on valiant now, stop not in discontent.
For Christ with crown, will thee renown, then spend for him, be spent ;
As thou hafft done, thy race still run till death, no death shall stay
Christ's work of might, till Scripture light bring Resurrection day."

336 RICHARD BELLINGHAM.

upon the commission for military affairs^ which Winthrop
says " had power of life and limb" — ^and which was in-
deed the most important power exercised in the colony.*
His associates in the commission were the governor, de-
puty governor, Winthrop, Endecott and others, and they
were empowered to make war offensive and defensive,
and to imprison such as they might deem to be eneniies
of the commonwealth, and in case of refusal to come un-
der restraint, to put offenders to death.

At the succeeding general court, held at Newtown,
[Cambridge,] 6th May, Mr. Bellingham was chosen dep-
uty governor. From this period he was annually cho-
sen a magistrate until 1641. Hutchinson represents
him to have been, at this period, like Winthrop, Dud-
ley, and Bradstreet, a man of property and estate above
most of the planters of the colony.

In the framing of the colonial laws, which occupied
the attention of the General • Court from time to time,
Mr. Bellingham, being a lawyer, and a man distinguished
alike for good judgment and integrity, had a greater
share than any other person of his time, excepting per-
haps Governor Winthrop.

" In 1640, Mr. Bellingham was re-elected deputy-
governor; and at the election in 1641, he was chosen
governor, in opposition to Winthrop, by a majority of
six votes. There were rival and party interests, even
at that early day, amongst those who had fled from a
common persecution. Winthrop seems to have been
the favorite candidate of the General Court, and Bel-
lingham, for the time, to have been the candidate of the

* See pp. 286, 298, cf this volume.

HICHARB BfiLLIKC^HAM. 337

people ; and no sooner was the result known^, than the
Court manifested their discontent, by repealing the or-
der formerly made for an annual allowance of ^100 to
the governor. There was no general dislike of the ex-
cellent Winthrop, but the people held to the democratic
doctrine of rotation in office, even to the neglect of so
good a man as Winthrop, '' lest there should be a gover-
nor for life.^' Mr. Winthrop seems to have felt some
little mortification at this result, and complained that
" there were divers who had not given in their votes/^
and were denied by the magistrates, " because they had
not given them in at the doors.^^* At the following
election, however, the Court party rallied, and Winthrop
was again elected.

During the few years preceding, the harmony of the
people was greatly disturbed by the Antinomian contro-
versy, in which the celebrated Anne Hutchinson bore so
conspicuous a part. There were factions in the church,
and factions in state, which for a long time divided the
people on almost every question. There were other
circumstances, however, which contributed to render
the first administration of Bellingham unpleasant, and
finally unpopular. Toward the close of the year, the
General Court being in session, there were " uncomfort-

* "There had been much laboring to have Mr. Bellingham chosen, and wben
the votes were numbered, he had six more than the others; but there were
divers who had not given in their votes, who now came into the court, and de*
sired their liberty, which was denied by some of the magistrates, because thejr
had not given them in at the doors. But others thought it was an injury, yet
were silent, because it Concerned themselves, foi* the order of giving in their
votes at the door was no order of Court, but only direction of some of the ma-
gistrates; and without question, if any freeman tender his vote before the elec-
tion be passed and published, it ought to be received."— Savage's Winthrop,
ii. 35.

338 RICHARD BELLINOHAM.

able agitations and contentions between the gorernor and
Court.'' Winthrop says that they arose from the jealousy
of the governor, at ^' seeing some others of the magis-
trates bear more sway with the people than himself^ and
that they were called to be of the standing council for
life, and himself passed by.'' And he goes on to pro-
nounce the conduct of Grovemor Bellingham in this in-
stance to be the ^^ occasion of grief to many godly mindB^
and matter of reproach to the whole Court in the mouths
of others.''

The prejudices of Governor BeUingham's opponents^
in this case, seem to have outstripped their judgment, as
his alledged offences bear no proportion to the formal rep-
rimand which was imposed. One was, that the gover-
nor had taken the part of a poor miliar, of the name of
Howe, of Watertown, in a dispute about the title ot a
mill, against the rich and austere Dudley ; and another
was, that he had interfered improperly in the matter of
a fine imposed upon a citizen for an infraction of the
law. The governor was inflexible in his opinions, and
probably did not spare his opponents in the heat of the
controversy. The deputies, after consulting together^
gave him, says Winthrop, ^^ a solemn adnumitian, which
was never done to any governor before."

There was another proceeding, however, on the part
of the governor, which greatly offended the puritan
delicacy of the elders and magistrates. Winthrop, who
relates many other things less proper to be told, gravely
expresses a doubt whether the facts in this case were
^' fit to be published." There resided at this period in
the family of Governor JBellingham, a young man, who
had been paying his addresses to a gentlewoman of ti^o

RICHARD RELLIN6HAM. 339

neighborhood^ of the name of Penelope Pelham^ a sister
of Herbert Pelham;* and matters had proceeded so far,
Winthrop says, that she '^was ready to be contracted to
him" in marriage. The governor, who was a widower,
suddenly made overtures to the damsel, who, being daz-
zled by the prospects of a better establishment thus sud-
denly placed before her, accepted his suit, jilted her for-
mer admirer, and married his excellency. This little
episode in the affairs of the colony, excited universal
attention and animadversion. The governor, it seems,
not only disappointed the hopes of the unsuccessful
suitor, but he committed a gross breach of order, in re-
fusing to have his contract of marriage published where
he dwelt, according to law, and also by performing the
marriage ceremony himself. This he claimed the right
to do, in his capacity of magistrate, but it was contrary
to the practice of the colony. These offences were
deemed so inexcusable, that he was presented by the
grand inquest for a breach of the law ; and the General
Court, not being in a very friendly mood, took up the
matter, and through their secretary formally summoned
the governor to answer to the prosecution. But the
governor, refusing to descend from his high place as
judge on the bench, to take the bar as an offender, and
the magistrates not wishing to proceed to extremities,
the matter was finally suffered to rest, without any fur-
ther proceedings. Rut the popular opinion was for the
time decidedly against the governor, and, as a conse-
quence, in 1642, he was dropped from office, and Win-
throp chosen in his stead.

* Herbert Pelham was an asBietant from 1646 to 1649. He was of the same
family with Thomas, Lord Pelham, who on the death of John Holies, Duke of
New-CasUe, 15th July, 1711, succeeded that nobleman in his estate and titles.

340 RICHARD BELLIN6HAM.

After this, we hear little of Governor Bellingham for
several years, except in occasional conflicts with his
brethren of the magistracy, whose course he did not ap-
prove. With Mr. Saltonstall, of Salem, one of the most
worthy of the fathers of New England, we find Gover-
nor Bellingham frequently joined in opposition to the rest
of the council, and taking part with the deputies against
the powers claimed by the magistrates.*

In 1644, another controversy arose out of a trifling
affair, which set the little colony by the ears, and so di-
vided the magistrates and deputies, that the elders were
obliged to interfere, and the difficulty was only ended by
both parties finally getting weary of the dispute, and glad
to compromise. A poor woman had lost a swine, which
strayed away, and after some time she found it, as she
alledged, in the possession of a rich neighbor. She
claimed the swine, but the neighbor denying that it was
her's, refused to deliver it up. She appealed to the mag*
istrates. Bellingham, with his usual readiness to protect
the interests of the weaker party against the more pow-
erful, took up the cause of the poor woman ; while Dud-
ley, on the other hand, as in the case of the miller, es-
poused the cause of the partrician. The contest waxed
warm, and there being no hope of ending it, Dudley and
Bellingham, at last, ^^ in order that the public peace might
be restored," arranged a compromise between the par-
ties.

In a popular excitement which occurred two years
afterward, when some '^ persons of figure," who had set-
tled at Scituate, undertook to complain of the illiberal-
ity of the government of the colony, we find Mr. Belling-

* Savage's Winlhrop, ii. 186, 209.

RICHARD B£LLINGHAM« 341

ham opposed to rigorous measures, and in favor of that
Christian toleration, which has since become a distin-
guishing feature in our institutions."^

In 1663, Mr. Bellingham was again chosen deputy
governor; and in the following year, governor. In 1656,
he was again elected deputy governor, and was annually
re-elected until .1666. He was then chosen governor, in
which office he continued under annual elections until
his death, in 1672.

During this long period, he was actively engaged in
the affairs of the colony, and carefully watched over its
interests in the trying periods of the revolution, the pro-
tectorate^ and the restoration. During the latter years
of the reign of Charles I., and during the stern despo-
tism of Cromwell, when the colonists were increasing in
numbers and wealth, and were apprehensive of some
invasion of their chartered privileges, Bellingham was
an admirable pilot to carry them through the storm. Af-
ter the restoration, and at a time when fears were enter-
tained of the disposition of Charles II. respecting the
charter, Mr. Bellingham was appointed, with Leverett
and others, " to receive the charter and duplicate there-
of in open court," for safe keeping. The same deter-
mination probably existed at this time to preserve their
Charter, at whatever hazard, that actuated the people of
Connecticut, when Andros, twenty-two years afterwards,
demanded the surrender of theirs.

In obedience to a royal summons, agents had repaired
to London to answer allegations against the colony, with
whose explanations the King declared himself to be sat-

* Savage's Winthrop, ii. 292. See notices of the controversy with the men
of Scituate, pp. 124—127, 261*^263, of this volame.

342 RICHARD BELLIITGHAM.

isfied^ and promised to confirm their charter^ at the
same time enjoining upon them the toleration of Epis-
copalians and Quakers. A short time afterwards^ how-
ever, the colony was alarmed by the appearance of four
royal commissioners, who had been appointed for the
purpose of exercising a superviswy power over all the
colonial governments. The spirit of the colony was
roused. They considered the commission to be, as in
truth it was, in derogation of the powers granted by
their charter. The colonial government had now a
difficult task to perform. On the one hand, they were
determined to resist at the threshhold any invasion of
their chartered privileges, and on the other hand, loyalty
to the sovereign required that they should be discreet
in their proceedings. An extra session of the General
Court was summoned, and the bold and decided stand
at once taken, not to recognize the authority of the com-
missioners. An address was at the same time forwarded
to the King, explaining and defending the course adopted.
The proceedings of the commissioners were in general
arbitrary and impolitic, and adapted rather to distract
than to tranquilize the people. On their return to Eng-
land, they did not fail to represent the conduct of Massa-
chusetts in the most unfavorable light. The King was
vexed at this instance of disregard for prerogative, and is-
sued peremptory orders to Gk)vemor Bellingham and four
others, who were named, to appear before him, and ^^ an-
swer for refusing the authority of his commissioners.'^ In-
stead of complying with this injunction, they addressed a
letter to the Secretary of State, in which they affected to
doubt the authenticity of the royal mandate. They pro-
fess the utmost loyalty, and say that their case had been

RICHARD BELLINOHAM. 343

already so well unfolded^ that the wisest among them
could not make it any clearer. With this manifestation
of loyalty, and the timely present of a ship-load of masts
for the royal navy, at that time much wanted, and which
was sent forward to the King, he was appeased-^and
the cloiid, which had for some time been gathering over
the colony, was dispersed.

Contemporary with the alarm occasioned by the pro-
ceedings of the Royal Commissioners, was the religious
excitement occasioned by the anabaptists. A law had
been passed against them in 1644, with the penalty of
banishment for adherence to their opinions, and con-
tempt of civil authority. It does not appear, however, that
any prosecutions were commenced until about 1666, when
the sect had considerably increased. The dawn of a better
spirit was seen in 1668, when, before proceeding to ban-
ish those who were deemed heretics, an opportunity was
given for them to maintain their opinions before the pub-
lic. In March, of that year, the anabaptists were sum
moned to a public dispute upon their peculiar sentiments,
" that it might be determined whether they were erro-
neous or not.^^* Six of the ablest divines in the colony
were appointed to manage the debate, and, as if fearful
that these learned clergymen might not be a match for
a few illiterate baptists, the governor and magistrates were
requested to meet with them. The debate began on the
14th of April, and continued two days, in the first
church at Boston. Governor Bellingham took part m

* A record of thif remarkable conference, whereof the first day occapiea
some forty pages, and the second twenty-six pages of manuscript, is yet in
existence ; and doubtless deserves more notice than our theological antiquaries
have yet bestowed upon it. See II Mass. Hist. Coll., (Danforth Papers,) viii.
111.

344 RICHARD B£LLIN6HAlir«

this conference^ the result or proceedings of which have
never been made public. The storm which had threaten-
ed the peace of the colony, however, from this quarter^
soon passed over*

Although, as before intimated, Governor Bellingham
was less rigid than his associates Winthrop and Dudley,
in his religious opinions, he was devotedly attached to
the puritan faith, and warmly opposed any movement,
which he feared might weaken or prejudice the church-
He was opposed to the establishment of a new church
in Boston, in 1669, ^' as detrimental to the public peace,'^
and summoned the council to consider the subject, but
they declined to interfere. In the whole controversy
growing out of the settlement of Davenport, he was the
advocate of the first or original church.

The witchcraft delusion was at this time existing in
New England, and a sister of Governor Bellingham, the
widow of William Hibbins, was executed in June, 1656,
as a witch, being the second victim in this country to that
absurd fanaticism.* Hutchinson intimates that some pe-
cuniary losses of her husband, in the latter part of his
life^ had so soured her temper, that she became quarrel-
some, and falling under church censures, was so odi-
ous to the people, that they accused her of witch-
craft. It was of her that the famous Norton made the
remark, that " one of the magistrates' wives was hanged
for a witch, only for having more wit than her neigh-
bors.''!

* William Hibbias was admitted a freeman, May 13, 1640; was a deputy
from BnstoD in 1640 and 1641, and an assistant from 1643, to his death, July 23,
1654. He was a man of some note, and had been agent of the colony in Eng-
land.

* Savage's Winthrop, i. 321. Hutch. Colony Mass. Bay, 187.

RICHARD BELLINOHAM. 345

The prior case of witchcraft here referred to, was
that of Margaret JoneS;, who was condemned as a witch,
and executed at Charlestown, Massachusetts, in 1648.
From this period, although the belief in witchcraft was
general, we hear of no 'more executions, until after the
great Sir Matthew Hale had pronounced judgment against
the Suffolk witches in England, when there was found to
be so great a resemblance between the Old England de-
mons and the New, that the most sanguinary proceedings
were enacted in Massachusetts, until the very excess of the
delusion, in 1(592, put an end to the melancholy trage-
dy.*

Governor Bellingham died on the 7th December,
1672, at the age of 80. He lived to be the only surviv-
ing patentee named in the charter. As a man, he was
benevolent and upright; as a Christian, devout and con-
scientious ; and as a magistrate, attached to the interests
of the people, and resolute in defending them. Hub-
bard speaks of him, as ^^a very ancient gentleman,
having spun a long thread of above eighty years, a nota-
ble hater of bribes, and firm and fixed in any resolution
he entertained.^' Mather, following Hubbard, says, that
^^ among all his virtues he was noted for none more than
for his notable and perpetual hatred of bribes," and for
this he would honor him with a Theban statue. Nor
does the testimony stop here ; for, in the Granary burial-
ground, in Boston, over his tomb is inscribed :

" Virtue's fast friend within this tomb doth lie,
A foe to bribes, but rich in charity."

* An account of the Witchcraft Delusion in Massachusetts, will be given in
the Memoirs of Lt. Gov. Stoughton and Sir William Phips, in a subsequent
.volume of this work.

346 RICHARD BELLINGRAM.

By his will, executed on the 28th November, a few
days before his death, he left his large property at Rum-
ney Marsh, for charitable and pious purposes ; but the
instrument was drawn in such a manner, that the Gen-
eral Court set it aside, and made a diflFerent disposition
of the estate. Mrs. Penelope Bellingham, widow of
Governor B., died at Boston, May 28, 1702.

Governor Bellingham had several children, of whom
it appears by his will, made in 1672, that only one sur-
vived him. Samuel Bellingham was born in England,
and probably accompanied his father to New England, in
1634. Having completed his academical studies and
taken his first degree at Harvard College, in 1642, he com-
menced the study of medicine, and repaired to Europe,
to enjoy those advantages in completing his professional
studies, which New England did not at that time afford.
He travelled on the continent, was sometime at Leyden,
and obtained from that university the degree of Doctor
of Medicine. It is believed that he visited New England
afterwards ; but he finally settled in London, in the parish
of St. Anne, in Westminster, whereabout 1695, he mar-
ried Widow Elizabeth Savage, who had been a resident
of Boston. He lived to an advanced age, but the time
of his death is unknown.

6.8»"»f.IKDrC0TT LTTK. JOfflUt ,

C. PfRSCNS.

/V** a. do^umrrtotypt cf/>jr t/tAe original to rclm/ie in tht posSKSstun »F W.P£tidic»ilMtf. Salomes-

Lith . for Moores Anteriavt (iovertwrs.

tUe pian auupicu Ul luajnug tuc new k^\jxsjxaj v.** j.^j.
* See pp. 235—241, of thii volume.

e.8»"»f BTOICOTT LTTH.KnJMC.

frtm a Dmyiterreotypt ot>^ iftAe oriyiiud vtUurt in iht possess fn «f W.P.£MdicoltIitf.Salmm.,Ms.

Lith. for Moores Anteriooui> (ioverfiors.

347

VI. JOHN ENDECOTT.

JoHK Endecott was a native of Dorchester, in
Dorsetshire, England, where he was born in 1588. He
followed the profession of a chirurgeon in his native
county, after coming of age ; and becoming attached to
the puritan interest early in life, he emigrated to this
country, in September, 1 628. He was one of the founders
of Salem, the ancient Naumkeag, the oldest town in the
colony of Massachusetts Bay. His was the first successful
attempt to establish a colony on the Bay : and although
he was afterwards overshadowed by the lofty character of
Winthrop, Endecott may be considered the real foun-
der of Massachusetts. Johnson says, that Endecott,
who came with the colonists "to govern," was "a fit in-
strument to begin this wilderness work ; of courage bold,
undaunted, yet sociable, and of a cheerful spirit, loving
or austere, as occasion served." He is characterised by
Hutchinson, as one of the most zealous undertakers, and
the most rigid in principle amongst the colonists.

Of the initiatory proceedings in the settlement of the
second and principal New England colony, an account
has been given in the preceding pages.* Mr. Endecott
was one of the six original purchasers of Massachusetts,
named in the patent granted by the Council of Plymouth,
19 March, 1628, and one of the three who determined
to retain their interest in the company, when its original
design of a commercial enterprise was abandoned, and
the plan adopted of making the new colony an asylum

* See pp. 235—241, of thii volume.

348 JOHN i2NDEC0TT.

for the persecuted puritans of England. Two months
after the patent was obtained, preparations had been
made for the embarkation of settlers, at the head of
whom was Endecott, accompanied by his wife and family,
'^ hostages of his fixed attachment to the New World."*
On the 28th of June, the company of emigrants sailed
in the ship Abigail, from Weymouth in England, and
they arrived at Salem on the 8th of September, where
Endecott, " uniting his own men with those which were
formerly planted in the Country into one body, they
made up in all not much above fiftie or sixtie persons.''!
Mr. Endecott, on his departure, was provided with
instructions, to which the historians of New England
tuirn with pride. ^^If any of the Salvages," said they,
^^ pretend right of inheritance to all or any part of the
lands granted in the patent, we pray you endeavour to
purchase their tytle, that we may avoid the least suspi-
cion of intrusion. "J The government under the patent
was organized, and at first designed to be continued in En-
gland, Matthew Cradock§ having been chosen governor

* Bancroft, i. 341.

t The Planter's Plea, Lond. 1630, p. 76. Speaking of Endecott's arrival,
the same work continues: " his prosperous lourney and sate arrivall of himselfe
and all his company, and good report he sent backe of the country, gave such en-
couragement to the worke, that more adventurers joining with the first Vnder-
takers, and all engaging themselves more deeply for the prosecution of the
designe, they sent over the next year about three hundred persons more.'*

t Hazard, i. 263.

§ Matthew Cradock, who was governor of the corporation in England, until
its transfer to Massachusetts in 1629, was an eminent merchant of London,
more forward in advancing out of his substance than any other of the adventur-
ers. He never came to this country, though he continued for some years to
carry on a trade by servants in the colony . He had a small fishing establish-
ment at Mystick, opposite Winthrop's Ten Hills Farm. Savage refers his death
to 1644, and a descendant, George Cradock, is mentioned by Douglas and
Hutchinson as holding public trusts in the colony.

JOHN ENDECOTT. 349

of the Company. — The design was to constitute a corpo-
ration resembling the East India Company, with power
to settle plantations within the limits of the territory, un-
der such laws and government as they should see fit to
impose, with magistrates of their own appointment.
To the colonists the only privilege allowed, was that of
choosing two of the thirteen counsellors, who, with the
governor, were to rule the plantation. Under these re-
strictions, Mr. Endecott entered on his. brief career as
ruler of the new plantation.

To protect themselves against the Indians, a military
company was organized by the settlers, and Mr. Ende-
cott was placed in command. Soon afterwards, the dis-
'solute proceedings of the settlers at Merry Mount having
caused much scandal to the colony. Captain Endecott
went to Mount WoUaston, and publicly reproved them,
changed the name of their settlement to Mount Dagon,
cut down their May-pole, and admonished them with
threats to change their course of conduct. This per-
haps was a reprehensible proceeding, but the orgies of
these people had become so scandalous, that Captain
Standish of New Plymouth had been ordered to break
up their establishment altogether.* .

The patent from the Council of Plymouth gave a
good title to the soil, but no powers of government to the
colony ;^ in consequence, when the design of the planta-
tion was changed, a charter was obtained from Charles I.,
bearing date the 4th March, 1629. The original patent,
under which Mr. Endecott came to New England, hav-
ing been surrendered and the government transferred to
the grantees under the charter, his duties as governor of

♦Prince, 175-177.

350 JOHN ENDECOTT.

the plantation^ of course^ ceased, upon Winthrop's arrival
with the charter, and a commission as governor of the
colony, in 1630.

Captain Endecott was chosen an Assistant in 1630,
and continued in office until 1634; was again elected in
1637^ and remained in the same office until chosen to
that of deputy governor in 1641. He succeeded Gov-
ernor Dudley in 1645, as Sergeant Major General, then
the highest military office in the colony, and continued
to discharge its duties until 1649.

The early portion of Mr. Endecott's career, as a
magistrate and christian, is disfigured by acts of intoler-
ance and rashness. In forming the first church of the
puritans at Salem, two articles were agreed upon — first,
that the Salem church should be independent of the
church already established at Plymouth, and second, that
the authority of ordination should not exist in the clergy,
but should depend upon the free choice of the members
of the church, who should have a representative of their
power in the person of the ruling elder. The new church
rejected the ceremonies and rites, and virtually disclaimed
the authority, of the church of England. This proceed-
ing was offensive to a portion of the settlers, who, how-
ever they dissented from the arbitrary rule of the English
bishops, were nevertheless sincerely attached to the ritual
of the English Church. ^

Two of the most influential settlers, John and Samuel
Browne, the one a lawyer, the other a merchant, both
men of character and members of the colonial council in
England, withdrew from the church at Salem, and set
up a separate society. They had followers. No act of
theirs could have excited greater uneasiness. The little

JOHN EICDECOTT. 351

band of puritans^ who had just erected the standard of
their faith in the wilderness, suddenly beheld the arm
of that church which had oppressed them in England,
stretched out against them in the New World. They saw
no course left, but to crush the faction at a blow. The
persecuted of the Old World now became the persecutors
of the New.

Endecott was determined to execute the plan of
church government which had been adopted, and con-
sidered himself clothed with sufficient power to enforce
compliance. " If any prove incorrigible," said the Com-
pany, in their instructions to Endecott, "ship such per-
sons home by the Lyon's Whelp.''* His admonitions
to the Brownes had been disregarded, and neither Mr.
Endecott nor his associates could be satisfied with half
way measures. The heresy must be crushed. And
they who could not be terrified into silence, says Bentley,
werie not commanded to withdraw, but were Seized
and transported as criminals.! These proceedings cast
a shade over the reputation of Endecott in England,
which the friends of the colony finally thought it prudent
to remove by endeavours of private reparation to the
parties aggrieved.

* Hazard, i. 263. For all these proceedings of Governor Endecott, he seems
to have had ample warrant in his instructions, the general tone of which may
be further understood by what follows :

" To the end that the Sabbath may be celebrated in a religious manner, we
appoint that all that inhabit the plantation, both for the general and particu-
lar employments, may surcease their labour every Saturday throughout the year
at 3 o'clock in the afternoon, and that they spend the rest of that day in chate-
chizing and preparing for the Sabbath, as the ministers shall direct."

Instructions were also given " to settle some good orders, whereby all per-
sons, resident upon our plantation, may apply themselves to one calling or other,
and no idle drone be permitted to live among us.''

tBentley, in I Mass. Hist. Coll. vi. 245.

352 JOHir ENDECOTT.

Roger Williams, the apostle of religious toleration,
arrived in Salem in 1631, and his influence was soon
apparent in the little community. Before his arrival,
Endecott had embraced the doctrine of veils for the wo-
men in the church ; and if he worshipped in the beauty
of holiness, he was determined that human beauty should
form no part of his pleasure. A uniformity of dress
might be favorable to uniformity of manners, but though
encouraged, could not be enforced. The veils might
produce the best effects on the public solemnities, and be
liable to no serious objections. Endecott's heart was
upon the practice, and having the assent of the ministers,
he did not lack the zeal to enforce the injunction.*

The settlers of new countries, in addition to other
obstacles, rarely fail to meet with difficulties of a person-
al nature s^mong themselves. An incident is recorded
by the historians, which goes to illustrate the temper of
Mr. Endecott. In 1631,*a quarrel had arisen between
him and Thomas Dexter, who had settled* at Lynn, in
which the Salem magistrate so far forgot his dignity as
to strike Mr. Dexter. The offence^ of course, was
grave enough in such a community, to attract general
notice, and was brought before the court at Boston. En-
decott, who was detained by accident from the trial,
wrote Governor Winthrop, as follows: "I desired the
rather to have been at court, because I hear I am much
complained of by goodman Dexter for striking him ; un-
derstanding since it is not lawful for a justice of peace to
strike. But if you had seen the manner of his carriage,
with such daring of me, with his arms akimbo, it would
have provoked a very patient man. He hath given out,

* BenUey, in I Mass. Hist. Coll. vi. 246.

JOHN ENDEOOTT. 353

if I had a purse^ he would make me empty it^ and if he
cannot have justice here, he will do wonders in England;
and if he cannot prevail there, he will try it out with me
here at blows. If it were lawful for me to try it at
blows, and he a fit man for me to deal with, you should
not hear me complain-'^ The court adjudged the mag-
istrate to have broken the peace, and fined him £10,
although Dexter was doubtless the greater bully of the
two.

In 1634, Mr. Endecott was chosen one of the board
of military commissioners for the colony, seven in num-
ber, who were vested with the extraordinary and sum-
mary power of levying war, and of arresting, imprison-
ing, or executing persons deemed to be enemies of the
jstate.*

The zeal of Endecott, warmed by the influence of
Roger Williams, prompted him, in 1634, to another act
of imprudence, for which he received the public censure-
The banner used by the train band at Salem, had the
cross of Saint George worked upon its folds. In his
impetuous resolution to put down every remnant of
what he deemed to be popish or heathenish super-
stition, he cut the cross from the standard- The people
deemed the act to be a rash one, and were apprehensive
the government in England would consider it an insult
to the national flag. The matter was accordingly brought
before the general court at Boston, and after due investi-
gation, they "adjudged him worthy admonition, and to
be disabled for one year from bearing any public oflice;
declining any heavier sentence, because they were per-
suaded he did it out of tenderness of conscience and

* See p. 286, of this volume.

354 JOHN SNDECOTT.

not of any evil intent."* The indomitable spirit of the
Salem magistrate was not daunted by this censure, and in
Roger Williams, then the beloved minister of Salem, he
had a faithful co-operator against heresy and sin in the lit-
tle world around them. The bold preaching of Williams
became distasteful to the rulers of the colony, and an
attempt was made to silence him, before proceeding to the
act of banishment, which not long after followed. The
people of Salem defended their preacher, and Endecott
justified their defence, in terms which were offensive to
the magistrates and deputies, whereupon they committed
him. Finding it useless to resist, he finally made the
acknowledgment required, and was released-!

From this period, Mr. Endecott seems to have acted
in full harmony with the other leaders of the colony,
and to have regained the esteem, which his imprudent
zeal in the outset had jeoparded. In 1636, he was
placed in command of an expedition from Massachusetts
against the Pequot Indians. John Oldham, of Cape
Ann, had been murdered by a party of the natives, who
fled to the Pequots, and were protected by them. Con-
sidering them abettors of the murder, the Massachusetts
government decided to send a military force under com-
mand of Endecott, with a commission to offer the Pe-

* Savage's Winthrop, i, 158. It is a fact worthy of note» that, in the very
next year, afler solemn consultation, only two of the council would consent to
spread the King's colors even in the fort, on account of the Cross in them. (See
p. 318, of this volume.) Hence, it has been observed, that Endecott's assent to
Roger Willffems' heresy may have had some influence in subjecting him to the
censure above mentioned. Felt, than whom no one has more carefully studied
the character of the first settlers of Massachusetts, in his Annals of Salem,
says most of the principal men of the coluny thought as Endecott did on the
subject of the cross. " The difference between them was, that he manifested
his opinion in deed, and they retained theirs in secret.'^ Annals of Salem^ 77.

\ Savage's Winthrop, i. 166.

JOHN EKDSCOTT* 355

quots terms of peace^ on condition of their surrendering
the murderfers and forbearing further acts of hostility, or
else war. When the military force arrived, the Pequots
fled where pursuit became impracticable, and little was
eflfected by the expedition. Winter was approaching,
and Capt Endecott deemed it prudent to return. He did
not escape censure -for the ill success of his expedition*
The enemy was indeed emboldened by the result — ^and in
the following year committed further aggressions, which
were finally avenged, by the extinction of their tribe
by the English under the warlike Captain Mason, aided
by the friendly Narragansetts.*

In 1644, Mr, Endecott was chosen governor of Mas-
sachusetts. He was again elected to that office in 1649,
and also from 1651 to 1653, and from 1655 to 1664, in the
whole fifteen years — being at the head of the administra-
tion of the colony for a longer period than any other
governor under the old charter.

His administration was of course marked by the en-
ergy, as well as by the faults, of his character. A stern
magistrate, fired by an intense zeal against all heresy, he
was ready to apply the sword of the civil power for it^
extinction. When the enthusiast, Anne Hutchinson, be-
gan to disturb the churches by her preaching, Endecott
was found by the side of Dudley and the fiery Hugh
Peters in opposition to her heresy. The elders and ma-
gistrates were shocked by the boldness of her teachings,
and alarmed at the progress of her doctrines among the
people of Boston. Endecott assumed a high preroga-
tive against all dissenting sects, and history records that
as a magistrate he did not bear the sword in vain. Mrs.

* See pp. 148 and 302, of this volume.

356 JOHN CNDECOTT.

Hutchinson^ after a formal trial, was banished, and the
most conspicuous of her adherents, or rather those who
were opposed to her persecution, were disarmed. Sever-
al persons at Salem were disgraced, or excommunicated.
Others, suspected of being friendly to the anabaptists,
were deprived of personal liberty, or restricted to pre-
scribed bounds; and in 1644, banishment was decreed
against the whole sect. The spirit of this law was re-
tained in the act of 1646, against heresy — and ten years
after, when the Quakers made their appearance in Mas-
sachusetts, an act of banishment was passed upon the
entire sect, with the penalty of death, if disregarded.

The rumor of the coming of the Quakers, filled the
colonists with alarm. A fast was ordered on account of
it in June, 1656. In October, the hated sect had made
their appearance. The Court of Assistants thereupon
pass an order, forbidding masters of vessels bringing them
over, under a penalty of «£100. They next order that
if any Quaker comes into Massachusetts, he shall be con-
fined, whipped, kept at work, and not suffered to speak.
Any person bringing a Quaker book into the colony, was
to be fined £5 for every book ; any one defending their
doctrines, 40s. for the first offence, £4 for the second,
and if persisting, then to be imprisoned and banished.

1667. October. The Court order a fine for every
hour's entertainment or concealment of a Quaker, of
40s. They further order that if any male of that sect
return after banishment, he shall have one of his ears
cut off; and for a second return, shall have the other ear
cut off, and be kept at the house of correction. Any
female so doing, to be whipped, and kept at the house
of correction. If any of either sex come back a third

JOHN ENDECOTT. 367

time^ they were to have their tongues bored through with
a hot iron. And any colonists siding with them were to
be treated with equal severity.

1658. May. The Court order that any person at-
tending a Quaker meeting shall pay 10*., and £5 for
speaking where it may be held. In October of this year^
the Quakers increa*sing^ notwithstanding their persecu-
tions, the Court order them to be banished on pain of
death.

1661. May. • The Court ordei- that Quakers when
discovered, shall be made bare from the middle upwards,
tied to a cart, and whipped through the town to the
boundary of the colony, and if returning a second time,
to be similarly punished and branded on the shoulder, if
a third time, to be banished on pain of death. On the
27th November, 1661, the General Court assembled to
consider the order of the King, forbidding the further
persecution of the Quakers, and voted to comply with
the order.

Sanguinary as these laws were, they were executed
in many cases, and in all the forms enumerated, except-
ing those of boring the tongue and cutting oflF the ears.
Heavy fines were imposed, and imprisonment and stripes,
chains and the dungeon, and even death were inflicted.
In all these rigorous measures. Governor Endecott con-
curred, with the hearty zeal of an honest but misguided
man.

In 1659, two men and one woman, (Quakers,*) were
tried before the general court of Massachusetts, and sen-
tenced to death. The two men were executed, but the

* Their names were William Robinson, Marmadake Stephenson, and Mary-
Dyer. Another, William Leddra, was executed, in March, 1660.

358 JOHN ENDBCOTT.

woman was reprieved, on condition of her departure
from the jurisdiction in forty-eight hours; and if she re-
turned, to suffer the sentence. She was carried, how-
ever, to the gallows, and stood with a rope about her neck
until the others were executed. " The blood of the
martyrs is the seed of the church" — and many of these
enthusiastic people actually courted persecution. The
infatuated woman above mentioned returned, and was
executed in 1660. Charles II. was restored in 1660,
and in the following year issued a mandamus forbidding
the further persecution of the Quakers.* The bloody
laws were repealed, and the dawn of that glorious tolera-
tion appeared, which has since redeemed and elevated
the character of the country.

Dr. Robertson styles Governor Endecott ^^ a deep en-
thusiast," and it is certain that his energetic mind was
not unfrequently directed to the rigorous enforcement of
frivolous observances. Well might the historian Hutch-

* The Mandamus of King Charles is dated at Whitehall, the 9lii day of
September, 1661, and is directed ''To our trusty and well-beloved John Ende-
cott, esquire, and to all and every other the governor or governors of our plan-
tations of New-England, and of all the colonies thereunto belonging, that now
are or hereafter shall be, and to all and every the ministers and officers of our
plantations and colonies whatsoever within the continent of New-England."
There is a copy of it in Hazard's Collections, ii. 595, in SewelFs History of the
Quakers, i. 475, and in the Journal of George Fox, pp. 326, 327. Fox gives
the following account of its being presented to the governor. It was brought
over in 1661, by Samuel Shattock, who had been banished by the government
ot Massachusetts for being a Quaker. He and Ralph Goldsmith, the com-
mander of the ship in which they came, *' went through the town [of Boston]
to the governor's, John Endecott's door, and knocked. He sent out a man to
know their business. They sent him word their business was from the king of
England, and they would deliver their message to none but the governor him-
self. Thereupon they were admitted in, and the governor came to them ; and
having received the deputation and the Mandamus, he put off his hat and looked
upon them. Then going out, he bid the friends follow. He went to the deputy
governor, and after a short consultation, came out to the friends, and said ' We
shall obey his majesty's commands.' *' George Fox, Journal, folio p. 326.

JOHN ENDECOTT. 369

inson remarkj that the scrupulosity of the good people
of the colony must have been at its height^ when Gov-
ernor Endecott, the most rigid of any of the magistrates,
joined in an association against the custom of wearing
long hair.*

It is observed by Mather, in the Magnalia, that after
the death of Mr. Dudley, the notice and respect of the
colony fell chiefly on Mr. Endecott. He was at the head

* Harvard College Records, under date of 3d mo. 10th day, 1649, contain
the following paper, drawn up by the governor and magistrates against the cus-
tom of wearing long hair :

" Forasmuch as the wearing of long hair, after the manner of Ruffians-
and Barbarous Indians, has begun to invade New England, contrary to the rule
of God's word, which says it is a shame to wear long hair, as also the com-
mendable custom generally of all the godly of our nation, until within these
few years :

" We the magistrates^ who have subscribed this paper, (for the shewing of
our own innocency in this behalf,) do declare and mamfest our dislike and de-
testation against the wearing of such long hair, as against a thing uncivil and
unmanly, whereby men doe deforme themselves, and offend sober and modest
men, and doe corrupt good manners. We doe therefore earnestly entreat all
the elders of the jurisdiction (as oflen as they shall see cause) to manifest their
zeal against it in their public administrations, and to tftfce care that the mem*
hers of their respective churches be not defiled therewith, that so such as shall
prove obstinate and will not reform themselves, may have God and man toi
witness against them. The third month, 10th day, 1649.

Jo. Endecott, governor. William Hibbins,

Tho. Dudley, dep. gov. Thomas Flint,

Rich. Bsllinoham, Rob. Bridges,

Richard Saltonstall, Simon Bradstrext.*'

Increase Nowell,

A like absurdity in former days pricked the conseieaces of prelates, king*
and courtiers. Anselm, Archbishop of Canterbury, pronounced an anathem».
of excommunication on all who wore long hair. Serlo, a Norman bishop, ac>
quired great honor by a sermon which he preached before Henry I. in 1104^
against long curled hair, with which the king and his courtiers were so much
affected, that they consented to resign their flowing ringlets, whereupon the^
pTudent prelate, determining to give them no time to change their minds^
pulled a pair of shears out of his sleeve, and performed the operation with his
own hand. A canon is still extant, of the date of 1096, importing that such as-
wore long hair should be excluded from the church whilst living, or being
prayed for when dead. Now, the very curates rejoice in ringlets and macas-
sar.— jB^acA;. Edin, Mag. Ivi. 460.

860 JOHN ENDKCOTT.

of the colony, during the difficult and critical period of
the great political dissensions and civil wars in Eng-
land. Mr. Endecott's bias in that controversy was ap-
parent, and corresponded with that of the country, but
the public proceedings were temperate and wise. On
the restoration of Charles IL, the English statesmen
could not fail to perceive that the spirit of liberty was
every where prevalent in the colonies. The Earl of
Clarendon, in framing his plan for their government by
commissioners, remarked, that " they were already har-
dened into republics." In 1664, the royal commission
was established, over-riding the existing charters, and
in April of the following year, they began to execute
their trust in Massachusetts. Governor Endecott was at
this time in the chair, and when the commissioners pro-
ceeded to sit in judgment upon the governor and gen-
eral court of the colony, the spirit of the puritans was
kindled, and the general court " published by sound of
trumpet their disapprobation of this proceeding, and pro-
hibited every qne from abetting a conduct so inconsist-
ent with their duty to their God, and allegiance to the
King." The crest-fallen commissioners departed, threat-
ening against the authorities of Massachusetts " the pun-
ishment which many in England concerned in the late
rebellion had met with." Thus early appeared in the
fathers of Massachusetts the unyielding spirit of liberty,
which a century afterwards was found to be invincible
in their descendants. The famous stamp act was passed
just a century after this abortive essay of the royal com-
missioners.

The firmness of Governor Endecott in these pro-
ceedings was noted in England, and instructions were

JOHN EITDECOTT. 361

giveli to the end that another person more acceptable to
the King should be chosen governor at the next election.
Governor Endecott died, however, before the effect of
this recommendation could be ascertained. But as his
integrity and firmness in the great agitations through
which they had already passed, had gained the confi*
dence of the people, there can be no doubt that the royal
intimation to his prejudice would have been altogether
disregarded.

Governor Endecott, before his election to that office,
removed from Salem to Boston, where he died in office
on the 15th March, 1665, in the 77th year of his age.
His will, dated at Boston, 2d May, 1659, mentions the
house he lived in, which was on the lot formerly the re-
sidence of Gardiner Greene. The house, a part of
which was lately standing at the corner of Court and
Church streets in Salem, occupied by Governor Ende-
cott during his residence there, was first erected by the
Dorchester company at Cape Ann, and removed from
thence to Salem in 1628, by Walter Knight and others,
for the Governor's use. The Rev. John Sparhawk oc-
cupied this house in 1736, and Timothy Orne, Sen.,
afterwards. It was afterwards known as the "Ship
Tavern." Governor Endecott was a large landholder in
different parts of the country. The first grant ever
made in the interior of New Hampshire, was of 600
acres selected for Governor Endecott of the finest inter-
val land on the Merrimack, in Concord. It was granted
in 1657, and is now known as the Endecott, or Sewall
farm. The farm cultivated by Governor Endecott near
Salem, is said to remain in possession of a descendant.
There is a good portrait of Endecott in one of the apart- ^
46

362 JOHN ENDECOTT.

ments of the State House at Boston ; and another, said to
be an original, in possession of W. P. Endicott, Esq., of
Salem.*

Governor Endecott has not unfrequently been repre-
sented as rude and uncultivated, inexperienced in the
passions of men, and untouched by any of the finer feel-
ings and sympathies of our nature. Stern, inflexible,
and uncompromising, particularly towards those who
differed from him in religious matters ; his great firm-
ness and decision have often been construed into grovel-
ling wilfulness and unbending obstinacy. That he was
a man of good intellectual endowments, and mental cul-
ture, and that he possessed a fearless and independent
spirit, which well fitted him for the various duties he
was called upon to perform, is very certain. But his
highest claim to distinction rests upon the fact that he
was a successful leader of the Pilgrims, and his name is
80 closely associated with the first settlement of the coun-
try, and with whose early history his own is so closely
interwoven, that the learned and Rev. Dr. Bentley, of
Salem, in a letter to the elder Adams, says, " above all
others, he deserves the name of the Father of New
England.^^

The principal charge against Governor Endecott is
his want of liberality in religious matters. ^^But where
was liberality to be found in the seventeenth century ?
Governor Endecott's integrity and firmness in all the po-
litical questions which were agitated in his day with the
mother country, merited the confidence and gratitude of
his own. His was no temporizing policy. He was a

*This gentleman is also said to possess the small sword used by Governor
Endecott, and some of his Manuscripts.

JOHN ENDECOTT. 363

faithful sentinel upon the watch-towers of his country^s
interests, ever jealous of her rights, and ever zealous for
her welfare. He fulfilled all the trusts committed to his
care with an honesty of purpose, and a fidelity that
knew no fear ; haying for his reward, far above all earthly
distinctions, the approval of his own conscience in a life
well and usefully spent. '^

Prom Prince, we learn that Governor Endecott
brought a wife from England, of whose death no ac-
count is given. Her name was Anna Gover. His
second wife was Elizabeth Gibson, whom he married
18th August, 1630, She survived her husband.* Gov-
ernor Endecott bad two sons —

John^ the eldest, was born about the year 1632, re-
moved with his father to Boston in 1644, was married,
Nov. 9, 1653, to Elizabeth, daughter of Jeremy Hou-
chin, of Boston, admitted freeman in 1665, and died in
1667, leaving no children.

Zerubabely the second son, was born in 1635, was a
physician, and lived in Salem ^ and from him have de-
scended all the Endecotts who have lived in Salem and
its immediate vicinity. He was father of six sons and

seven daughters. His first wife was Mary , the

mother of most, if not all, of his children. His second
wife was Elizabeth, widow of Rev. Antipas Newman,
of Wenham, and daughter of Governor John Winthrop,
of Connecticut, to whom he was married some time sub-
sequent to the year 1672. He was admitted a freeman
in 1665, and died March 27, 1684. The names of his

* The property of Governor Endecott's widow not being sufficient for her
support, the general court, in 1671, granted her an annuity of £30 during her
widowhood. This act was an indication of the public respect both for her and
her deceased husband, pelt's Annals of Salem, 239.

364 JOHN ENDECOTT.

children, which are here mentioned in the order of their
births, were Elizabeth, Elizabeth, Zerubabel, John,
Samuel, Zerubabel, Benjamin, Joseph, Mary, Sarah,
(who married Nathaniel Gilbert of Boston,) Elizabeth,
Hannah and Mehitable. The three first died in infancy,
and the others survived their father. By his will, dated
Nov. 23, 1683, he bequeathed to his two eldest surviv-
ing sons, John and Samuel, the old homestead of his
father in Salem, (now Danvers,) called the "Orchard.^^
To Zerubabel, Benjamin and Joseph, he left a tract of
land of 556 acres, granted by the General Court to the
Governor, and bequeathed by the Governor to him, on
the Ipswich river in Topsfield, (now Boxford,) to be
equally divided between them, with a proviso that if
either died without heirs, his part was to revert to the
survivors. The five daughters inherited an island of
about two acres near Marblehead, called Gotta Island^
and other legacies.

JohUy eldest son of Zerubabel, and grandson of the
Governor, was born about 1662; was, like his fa\her, a
physician, and some time in London, England, complet-
ing his education. He married Ann , had one

son, Robert Edwards, who died without issue, and one
daughter, Anna, who married her cousin Samuel, Dec.
20, 1711. He died at Salem, probably on the " Or-
chard*^ farm, in May, 1700. Felt, in his Annals of Salem,
says he was " active, useful and respected.^'

Samuel^ second son of Zerubabel, was born about the
year 1664, lived at the "Orchard" in Salem, married

Hannah ^ and had two sons, John and Samuel.

Until within a few years, the " Orchard farm " has beien
cultivated by, and has been tlie resid^ce of, some one

JOHN ENDECOTT. 366

of the descendants of Samuel^ many of whom have led
peaceful and quiet lives, cultivating the soil for a liveli-
hood, without entering public life, any further than oc-
casionally representing the town in which they resided,
either in the legislature or in municipal trusts; while
some of the fifth and many of the sixth generation turned
their attention to commerce, and were successful mer-
chants, fulfilling all their obligations with fidelity. There
are one or two families living in Worcester county, Mas-
sachusetts, but Salem and vicinity has been, and still is,
their ^' home.^' Some have been sea captains, generally
in the China trade, and having '^ had enough of the sea,^^
are now filling responsible and honorable stations in
society.

Zerubabely third son of Zerubabel, was born Feb. 14,

1664, married Grace , by whom he had one son,

named Zerubabel, and five daughters, Grace, Mehita-
ble, Elizabeth, Phebe and Hannah. In 1715, he was
living on his inheritance in Topsfield, as a farmer, where
he died. The son Zerubabel dying without heirs, sub-
sequently to the father, the five sisters finally possessed
the family estate.

Benjamin^ fourth son of Zerubabel, was born in
1667, and in 1715 was living on the Topsfield farm as a
farmer, where he died in 1735, without heirs.

Josephy fifth son of Zerubabel, was born at Salem
(the birth place of all his father's children) in 1669, mar-
ried Hannah , and left at his death, according to

his will, recorded in the office of the Secretary of State,
at Trenton, New Jersey, two sons, John and Joseph, and
two daughters, Ann Gillam, and Elizabeth Delavane.
A grandson, Joseph Bishop, is also mentioned. In a

366 JOHN ENDECOTT.

deed executed by him^ and recorded in what is now
Boxford, Massachusetts^ he styles himself " Joseph En-
decott, of North Hampton, county of Burlington, in West
Jersey, in the government o'fNew York, yeoman.^' He
died in May, 1747, at North Hampton.

Benjamin, son of John, and grandson of Joseph En-
decott, of North Hampton, was a soldier of the Revolu-
tion. John, his son, was lately living, at an advanced
age, in Port Republic, New Jersey, where others of the
family reside.

About the year 1700, there were living in Boston
three brothers, John, William and Gilbert Endecott, the
elder of which appears to have been a man of some note,
if owning lands and houses, and holding the office of
church warden in King's Chapel would make him so.
Where these brothers were born, or whence they came
to Boston, is uncertain. John, the eldest, was father of
about ten children, none of which survived him ; Wil-
liam, of about as many more, of which no account can
be given, and Gilbert, of two only, whose descendants
are numerous in Norfolk county, Massachusetts, where
he died, Oct. 18, 1716. The families of that name in
Boston, are supposed to be derived from Governor En-
decott, and those residing in New York are descended
from Gilbert, of Boston.

The Governor spelt his name Endecott ^ and this mode
of speUing was retained as late as 1724, as the records
show. "Since that time, it has been variously written,
Endicott^ Indecotty and Endicot^ and few names have suf-
fered more from distortion in spelling than this.

367

VII. JOHN LEVERETT.

JoHx Leverett was a native of England, and came
over with his father, Elder Thomas Leverett, in compa-
ny with the Rev. John Cotton and others, in 1633.
Thomas Leverett lived at Boston, in Lincolnshire, Eng-
land^ where all his children, sixteen in number, were
born and baptized, the youngest of which was baptized
12th April, 1632. Mr. Leverett, being disposed to aid
the emigration of settlers to Massachusetts, advanced fifty
pounds sterling, for the purpose of transporting poor
families, building churches and fortifications, maintaining
ministers, and other public charges of the plantation.*
He came over in 1633, in company with the Rev. Mr.
Cotton and others, became a member of the Boston
church in October of that year, at which time his wife
Anne also joined, and on the 5th November following,
was admitted to the freeman^s oath. Dr. Cotton Mather
ascribes to the vigilance and discretion of Mr. Leverett,
while in England, the defeat of many designs to molest
his friend Mr. Cotton for non-conformity ; and says, that
"quickly after Mr. Cotton's ordination in Boston, the
church called and settled Mr. Leverett as their ruling
elder, which office he sustained till his death.^^

* The general court of Maesachusetts, 19 Oct. 1652, acknowledged the obli-
gations of the colony to Elder Leverett, by the following vote : " Whereas the
father of Captain John Leverett, deceased, was an adventurer with the first into
these parts, by adventuring money for the forwarding the plantation, who never
had any allowance of land or otherwise for the same : This Court doth hereby
grant to Capt. John Leverett, his son, all those small Islands lying within the
Bay between AUerton's Point, and Nehenot, not heretofore granted." Mass.
Colony Records.

368 JOHN LEVERETT.

John Leverett was born in July, 1616, and, notwith-
standing the numerous family of his father, is said to
have been his only son and heir at the time of Elder
Leverett's decease.* He Vas admitted to the Boston
church, 14th July, 1639, and made a freeman in 1640.
Soon after his establishment in Boston, he engaged in
extensive business as a merchant, and was concerned in
hazardous commercial adventures with Edward Gibbons,
by which he impaired his fortune. He also became a
distinguished military officer, and in 1663, was chosen
major general of the colony, and again in 1666. He was
an active member of the Ancient and Honorable Artil-
lery Company of Bojston for more than thirty-two years ;
and, besides other offices in the company, was commander
in 1652, 1663, and 1670.

Mr. Leverett spent a considerable portion of his life
in the service of the colony. In 1642, he was sent with
Edward Hutchinson, on an embassy to Miantonomoh, the
sachem of the Narragansetts, the object of which was to
ascertain the truth of the current rumors, that the In-
dians all over the country had combined to cut oflf the
English settlements. It was a period of great alarm. A
constant watch was kept in the several plantations from
sunset to sunrise, and places of retreat provided for the
women and children in case of attack. The Indians
within the colony were disarmed ; but after all, there
seems to have been no sufficient grounds for the general
alarm. Mr. Leverett informed the sachem of the rea-
sons of his coming, and that the governor required of
him an explanation.

* See Apper-dis to W:,lda'o Defence of the Title of John Leverett to the
Muscongua L^ndj, &c., falio, i7i^6, p. 41.

JOHN LEVERETT. 369

His reception by the great chief, is thus described by
Winthrop : " Miantonomoh carried them apart into the
woods, taking only one of his chief men with him, and
gave them very rational answers to all their propositions.
He visited Boston according to his promise. Being cal-
led in, and mutual salutations passed, he Was set down
at the lower end of the table over against the governor,
and had only two or three of his counsellors, and two or
three of our neighboring Indians, such as he desired, but
would not speak of any business at any time, before some
of his counsellors were present, that they might bear
witness with him at his return home of all his sayings^

"In all his answers, he was very deliberate, and showed
good understanding in the principles of justice and equity
and ingenuity withal. He demanded to have his accu-
sers produced. The English answered, the accusers
were not in their power; that they did not intend to
give any credit to their charges, until they had informed
him of them, and given him an opportunity to deny them^
He then asked, why they disarmed their Indians, if they
had not credited these charges? They answered, they
had done it for their own security, some of the Indians
at Saco having robbed some of the whites; and with this
answer he was satisfied. He gave many reasons why
they should hold him free of any such conspiracy, al-
ledging it to be a fabrication of his enemy, Uncas. He
said that, being innocent, he trusted to the justice of the
English, and that he would come to them any time they
requested, if they would only send him some Indians
he liked. The greater part of two days were spent in
making arrangements, and all things were accommodated.
Only some difficulty we had to bring him to desert the
47

370 JOHN LEVERETT.

Nyanticks, if we had just cause of war with them. They
were, he said, his own flesh, being allied by continual
intermarriages. But at last he agreed, if he could not
bring them to make satisfaction, he would leave them ta
the English. When we should go to dinner, there was
a table provided for the Indians to dine by themselves,
and Miantonomoh was left to sit with them. This he
was discontented at, and would eat nothing until the gov-
ernor sent meat for him from his own table. When he
departed, we gave him and his counsellors, coats and to-
bacco, and when he came to take leave of the governor,
and such of the magistrates as were present, he returned
and gave his hand to the governor, saying that was for
the rest of the magistrates who were absent.^'*

Mr. Leverett spent some time in England, in 1644-5,
and while there, was appointed a captain in Rainsborrow^s
regiment, in the service of parliament, but soon after re-
turned to Massachusetts. He was first chosen represen-
tative from Boston, in 1661, and during a portion of the
year was Speaker of the House. He was re-elected in
1652 and '3, and again in 1663, '4 and ^6.

In July, 1652, Mr. Leverett was one of the commis-
sioners appointed to visit the settlements in Maine, and
declare them to be under the jurisdiction of Massachu-
setts. Soon after, a county called Yorkshire was estab-
lished in Maine, and sent deputies to the general court
at Boston.

In 1653, the public mind having become impressed
with the idea that a plot had been concerted by the Dutch
Governor Stuy vesant and the Indians, for the destruction
of the English colonies, Mr. Leverett was appointed one

* Savage^s Winthrop, ii. 81.

JOHN LEVERETT. 371

of the commissioners of Massachusetts^ to the Dutch gov-
ernment of New York, and was made commander of the
forces contemplated to be raised in case of war. In 1654,
he had a military command under General Sedgwick, in
expelling the French from Penobscot, an enterprise in 'i>
.which they succeeded with very little difficulty.* yd ^4.^

In 1655 , Mr. Leverett again went to England, and [\^^,^
was employed in the public service there for some time ^ **
until his return in 1662. Immediately after his return
he was re-elected to the assembly of the colony, and was
chosen speaker in 1663 and in 1664. He went with
Lusher and Danforth, in 1666, to Portsmouth and Dover^
as one of the commissioners to enquire into the distur-
bances there, which had been created by a faction head-
ed by one Abraham Corbett, inimical to the government
of Massachusetts. Corbett was in the end arrested, tak-
en to Boston, and fined and otherwise punished for sedi-
tious behavior.f

He was one of the four persons, in 1664, to whom
the patent or first charter was delivered by the general
court, to be kept safe and secret, together with a dupli-
cate, which they were directed to dispose of as might
be most safe for the country. Governor Bellingham,
Thomas Clark, and Edward Johnson were the others.|

In 1665, Mr. Leverett was chosen an Assistant, and
continued in that office until 1670. In 1671 and 1672,
he was elected deputy governor.

At the election in 1673, he was chosen governor to
succeed Mr. Bellingham, and was annually re-elected
without opposition until his death, in 1679.

* All the country from the Penobscot to Port Royal was conquered with very
little resistance. Hutchinson's Colony Mass. Bay, 183.
t Farmer's Belknap, 60. t See p. 341, of this volume.

S78 JOHN L£V£R£TT.

As has already been stated, the authority of Massa-
chusetts had been extended over the settlements in Maine^
and Governor Leverett had visited that territory in 1652^
and several times afterwards, to arrange the terms of sub-
mission. The inhabitants in some cases resisted the
claim of Massachusetts, regarding it as a usurpation ;* and.
to put an end to the troublesome controversy, the gov-
ernment of Massachusetts, in 1677, purchased of Gorges
the province of Maine for the sum of j£ 1,260 sterling.f
In February, 1680, the General Court of Massachusetts
assumed the charter granted to Gorges, under their right
of purchase, and proceeded to frame a civil administra-
tion for the province. The delay of nearly three years
after the purchase to assume the patent of Gorges, may
be accounted for from the disagreeing opinions as to the
best mode of governing the newly acquired territory, and
from the known hostility of the King to the purchase by
Massachusetts. Charles II. had intended, with the pro-
vinces of Maine and New Hampshire, to make provision
for his son, the Duke of Monmouth, and had been for
some time in treaty with the proprietor of Maine, but
was outwitted by the agents of Massachusetts. He was
so deeply affronted when he heard of the transfer, that
he reprimanded the agents for their disloyal interference,
and required them to assign their purchase to the crown,
upon payment of the sum they had given. This they
refused to do, and Massachusetts, with the usual resolute
steadfastness which actuated her people whenever the
royal prerogative bore hard upon them, determined to
make the most of her purchase.

* See Folsom, Hist. Saoo and Biddeford, pp. 84—90^
t Hutchinson's Hist. Col. Mass. Bay, 313.

JOHX LBVERETT. 373

In 1678, Edward Randolph, who had been appointed
collector of Boston, came over, bringing a commission,
empowering certain persons to administer an oath to the
go^rnor- that he would faithfully execute the Royal
^cts of Trade. The colony were determined to evade
these acts, and Governor Leverett refused to take the
oath required. The people considered the navigation
acts as an invasion of their rights, as they were not repre-
sented in parliament; and the controversy ended only
ivith the subversion of their charter.

Governor Leverett is described by Cotton Mather, as
'' one to whom the affections of the freemen were signal-
ised his quick advances through the lesser stages of
honor and office, unto the highest in the country; and
one whose courage had been as much recommended by
mai'tial actions abroad in his younger years, as his wis--
dom and justice were now at home in his elder.^^*

He received the order of knighthood from Charles II.
in 1676 ; but he suppressed the title, or knowledge of it,
during his life, probably on account of his republican
employments, and the genius of the colonial government.
He was in England at the time of the restoration, attend-
ing to the interests of the colony, which brought the
King acquainted with his talents and influence, and led
to the bestowal of subsequent honors.

"The Governor under the old charter,^' says Hutch-
inson, "although he carried great port, yet his share in
the administration was little more than any one of the
Assistants. The weighty affairs of the war, and the
agency, during his administration, conducted with pru-
dence and steadiness, caused him to be greatly respect-

* MagnaFia, b. 2. c. 5.

374 JOHN LEVJCRJBTT.

ed."* ^^ Great military talents/^ says Savage, " fitted him
for the place of sergeant-major-generalf several years,
and in the higher station of governor, in the most peril-
ous period Massachusetts ever knew, Philip's war, tfeey
were fully exerted.'^ In this great struggle, Massachu-
setts furnished her full proportion of men and means ;
and many of her bravest sons fell, before the Indians were
conquered. The command of the forces raised by the
United Colonies devolved upon General Winslow, the
governor of New Plymouth^ and a summary of the events
of that sanguinary war will be found in the memoir of
Josias Winslow.J

Governor Leverett died on 16th March, 1679. His
funeral was made a pageant, not unlike that of royalty in
England. §

The disease of which Governor Leverett died was
the gravel, as appears by Mather, and also an interleaved

* The general court of Massachusette, 7th May, 1662, " Ordered, that Ma-
jor General John Leverett have granted to him 500 acres of land, referring to
his services in the country, hoth in England and here ; which 500 acres shall
be laid out to him together, with 500 more, formerly granted to him in refer-
ence to his father's adventure of the sum of £50 put into the public stock, in
consideration whereof, Brewster's Islands were formerly granted to the said
Major John Leverett, but since adjudged by this court to belong to the town of
Hull, whereupon the court granted the 500 acres last mentioned." Mass. Col.
Records.

1 The first regular organization of militia in the country, was in 1644, when
great exertions were made to render the militia efficient, and the emulation of
the people was excited to provide for emergencies that might happen. All males
were enrolled at sixteen — none being exempt, except" timorous persons,'* and
there were but few who would permit themselves to be thus classed. The sol-
diers were required to do duty eight days in a year under a penalty of 5*. a
day— and a day's duty was the whole day spent in laborious drill, not a few
hours of showy parade. The general court labored to avoid all high titles,
and therefore ordered one general officer for the colony, whose title was Ser-
geant Major General, to be chosen annually.

t See pp. 179—192, of this volume.

§ See Whitman's Hist. Anc. and Hon. Art., p. 95.

JOHN LEVERETT, 375

Almanack of 1679. His picture, in the military costume
of that day, his sword, collar, and gloves, &c., are pre-
served in the Essex Historical Rooms, at Salem. He
wore long hair, but is the first colonial governor painted
without a long beard. He is said to have laid it aside in
CromwelPs court.

Governor Leverett was married, in 1639, to Hannah
Hudson, daughter of Ralph Hudson, deceased, who by
his will had bequeathed to this daughter ".£100 upon
her marriage, and after his and his wife's decease, hi»
new house in Boston with the yard adjoining, which then
stood close to the market, on the south of the old Town
House, and also his great lot of forty-six acres at PuUen
Point.^^ To match this respectable endowment, Elder
Leverett at the same time settled upon his son various
tracts of land and other property, and upon the decease
of himself and wife, "his dwelling house in Boston, with
the houses and gardens adjoining^ and a hundred acres
of land at Muddy River.^^

The time of the death of the first wife of Governor
Leverett is uncertain. The death of bis second wife,
Sarah, who survived him twenty-five years, is mentioned
as having occurred at Boston, 2d January, 1706, when
she was at the age of 74. Mary, daughter of Governor
Leverett, married Paul Dudley, son of the first Governor
Dudley. He died in 1681, at the age of 31.

Hudson Leverett, only son of Governor Leverett, was
born in 1640. Hutchinson says, he did not support the
reputation of his father ; but John Leverett, his son, in
the presidency pf Harvard College, gave a character to
that institution which it had never before attained.* He

* Savage*8 Winthrop, ii. 245.

376 JOHN L£V£R£TT.

graduated in 1680^ was afterwards a tutor, became a mem*
ber of the legislature, speaker of the assembly, counsellor,
judge of the superior court, and of the court of probate.
He was one of the founders of Brattle street church in
Boston. In 1708, he was chosen President of Harvard
College, in which station he continued until his death,
which was sudden, 3d May, 1724. He was endowed
with great powers of mind, and was conspicuous for his
learning. His talents were eminently practical* He
knew better than most men what course to shape in diffi-
cult times, and how political and religious factions were
to be managed or controlled. To these characteristics
the College owed much of the prosperity it enjoyed at
that period ; and these conferred the reputation for suc-
cess, which has ever since rested upon his administration.
In all his official relations, his industry, vigor, and fideli-
ty were conspicuous and exemplary. Flynt's Funeral
Oration ascribes to him Aristotle^s words to Plato — ^^Hic
jacet homoy quern non licet y non decet^ impiis vel ignorant
tibus laudareJ^ His literary merits procured him honors
from abroad, particularly a membership in the Royal So-
ciety of London.*

* Qaincy'B Hist, of Harvard University, i. 323. Whitmaxi's Hist. Ane. aiid
Hon. An. Co. 249.

377

VIII. SIMON BRADSTREEt.

Simon Bradstreet was a native of Horblitig, A
email village near Folkingham, in Lincolnshire^ England)
where he was born in March^ 1603* His father, born
of a wealthy family in Suffolk, was one of the first fel^
lows of Emanuel College, and highly esteemed by per-*-
sons distinguished for learning* In the year 1603, he
appears to have been minister at Horbling, in Lincoln-
shire, but was always a nonconformist to the church of
England. He was afterwards preacher to the English
congregation at Middleburg, where he was most proba-*-
bly driven by the severity of persecution. He was liv*
iiig about the year 1630. The first planters of New
England had the highest respect for him, and used to
style him " The venerable Mordecai of bis country.'^*

The son was entered at the grammar school, where^
after spending some time, he was taken into the family
of the Earl of Lincoln^ in Which he remained about eight
years, under the direction of Thomas Dudley, holding
several offices at different periods in the household of
the EarL His capacity, and the desire which his father
expressed to give his son an education, induced Dr»
Preston, an intimate friend of the elder Bradstreet, to
interest himself in behalf of the son* He was thereupon
entered at Emanuel College, Cambridge, in the capacity
of governor to the young Lord Rich, son of the Earl of
Warwick. This young nobleman, however, did not
come to the university ; and a brother of the Earl of

* Brockets Lives of theTuritans, iii. 519.

378 SIMOX BRADSTREET.

Lincoln, of rather idle and dissipated habits, being then
in college, and claiming too much of the time and atten-
tion of Bradstreet, he left the institution after about a
year, and returned to the Earl of Lincoln. Mr. Dudley
being about to remove to New England, his post of stew-
ard in the household of the Earl was conferred on Brad-
street. He was afterwards steward to the aged Coun-
tess of Warwick, and here became acquainted with Anne,,
daughter of Thomas Dudley, whom he married, in 1628,
This connection induced him to join the company of
Winthrop, Dudlej'^ Saltonstall, Endecott, and others,
who were then about to embark for New England. In
March, 1630, he became associated with the company
of colonists ; and, embarking with his family, arrived at
Salem in June following. He was at the first court held
at Charlestown, 23d August, 1630, and was there elected
secretary of the colony,, and remained in office until
1644. He is named as the seventh member who joined
in forming the first congregational church of Charles-
town and Boston.

In the spring of 1631, Mr. Bradstreet removed to^
Cambridge, and was one of the earliest settlers of that
town. He resided, with Dudley, Saltonstall, and othere,
for a time, at Ipswich, between 1635 and 1644, and af-
terwards removed to Andov^r, where he became one of
the first planters of that town, in 1648.

Among those who were banished from Massachu-
setts, on account of their antinomian principles, was Cap-
tain John Underhill, who settled at Dover, New Hamp-
shire, and, on the expulsion of Burdet, was chosen
"governor" of that town. He was himself an enthu-
siast of bad character,*and introduced Hanserd KnoUys,

SIMON BRABSTREET. 379

an Antinomian Baptist, to the ministry there. KnoIIys
busied himself in calumniating the Massachusetts settlers,
and soon raised up a strong party in opposition. Thomas
liarkham, a zealous churchman, from England, headed
this new party. One party dealt out bulls and excom-
munications ; and the other imposed fines and penalties ;
until the little settlement became a theatre of riots, as-
saults and general disorder. The government of Mas-
sachusetts, which had always had an eye upon the east-
ern settlements, now thought it time to interfere j and
Mr. Bradstreet, Hugh Peters, and Samuel Dalton, were
appointed commissioners to inquire into the difficulties
at Dover, and attempt a reconciliation. These peace
makers travelled from Boston to Dover on foot, and hav-
ing ascertained that both parties were in fault, succeeded
in adjusting the feud, by persuading one party to remit
its fines and penalties, and the other to annul its cen-
sures and excommunications.*

When, in the year 1643, the New England Colonies
formed their memorable confederation, or union for mu-
tual protection and defence, Mr. Bradstreet was one of
the commissioners on the part of the Massachusetts colo-
ny, and took an active part in the proceedings. f The
records of that period, in all the public affairs of the col-
ony, show how diligent and useful he was as a public
officer, through all the changes of the infant common-

* See Farmer's Belknap, 23-26, and Farmer and Moore's Collections, ii. 236.

t Governor Winthrop, in noticing the selection made by the deputies for
this important service, calls " the choosing one of the younger magistrates
(Bradstreet) a great error," although he pronounces him to be ''a very able
man." The reason probably was, that Mr. Bradstreet was ** an eastern man,*'
being at that time a resident of Ipswich ; for he was one of the original assistants,
and had been fourteen times re-elected to that office, although he was^now but
forty years of age.

380 SIMON BRADSTREET.

wealth. As one of the most active magistrates^ he \irsts
noted as rarely ever absent from his post ; and in his capa-
city of secretary of the colony, his papers bore the marks
of a clerkly hand, and of a mind so well trained in matters
of law, and legislation, that he is spoken of by the editor
of Winthrop, as having been "bred to the bar/^

Mr. Bradstreet, although a strict Puritan in faith,
and as decidedly opposed " to all heresy and schism,'^ as
his austere relative Dudley, was endowed with a differ-
ent temper ; and for the sake of peace, or with the hope
of reformation, could more readily excuse an offender.
He seems to have been imbued with a spirit more gen-
tle, and to have been influenced by a better idea of reli-
gious freedom, than some of his associates in the colony.
While the Antinomian controversy was pending, he
seems to have been inclined to more moderate measures
than the exasperated magistrates and elders. When
Anne Hutchinson was arraigned, before Governor Win-
throp, and during two days, in presence of the whole
authority in church and state united, maintained her
ground with a self-possession and ability that came near
carrying some of the judges in her favour, as her argu-
ments already had convinced a majority of the Boston
church, — Mr. Bradstreet was for persuasion rather than
force. He remarked to Mrs. Hutchinson, that she ought
to forbear her meetings, because they gave offence ; and
when she interposed a plea of conscience, he replied that
he was not against all women's meetings, and even con-
sidered them to be lawful, but still thought they should
be avoided, as matters disturbing the public peace.*

* See Account of the Trial of Anne Hutchinson, in Appendix to Hutchin-
foni vol. ii.

SIMON BRADSTREET. 381

The rigorous discipline which the churches and mag-
istrates enforced at this period^ caused many to be pub-
licly arraigned and punished, for offences, which would
at this day be deemed trivial and insignificant. To
speak evil of rulers, was an oflfence, and there were nu-
merous instances in which this breach of order was pun-
ished with severity. Mr. Bradstreet, on occasions of this
description, frequently took ground in favor of freedom
of speech, and voted, in opposition to the majority of
magistrates, against presentments and fines " for words
spoken in contempt of government.'^

In the same spirit, which was in advance of the age,
when the witchcraft delusion overspread the colony, he
discountenanced the excesses into which the government
was betrayed. Brattle, in his account of this delusion,
makes honorable mention of ^^ the few men of understand-
ing, judgment and piety, inferior to few if any in New
England, that do utterly condemn the proceedings, and
do freely deliver their judgment that these methods will
utterly ruin and undo poor New England.^' Among the
first of these he names Mr. Bradstreet.*

In 1650, Mr. Bradstreet was one of the commission-
ers assembled at Hartford, to determine the long contro-
verted boundary line between the Dutch Colony of New
Amsterdam, (New York,) and the Enghsh Colony of
New Haven.

The settlements which had been made at York and
Kittery, in Maine, under grants from Gorges, early at-
tracted the notice of the government of Massachusetts.
They claimed the territory on the Pascataqua, as contain-
ed within the bounds of their charter. In 1661, avail-

* I Mass. Hist. Coll. v. 75.

382 8IM0N BRADSTRE£T.

ing themselves of the advantages presented by the dis-
sensions among the people of those settlements, the gov-
ernment of Massachusetts appointed Mr. Bradstreet one
of the commissioners to treat with the disaffected at
York and Kittery, about coming under the jurisdiction of
Massachusetts. In the following year, matters had been
so far matured, that on Mr. Bradstreet's again appearing
at Kittery, and summoning the inhabitants to come in
and acknowledge their subjection to Massachusetts, they
resolved to surrender, and signed an instrument of sub-
mission, which was soon after followed by a similar
submission of the people of York, Saco, Wells, &c.

In June, 1654, we find Mr. Bradstreet active in a
meeting at Ipswich, on the subject of preparing a refuta-
tion of certain calumnies, which had been forwarded to
the Protector Cromwell, against the general court of
Massachusetts.

It was some months after the restoration of Charles
n. became known, before he was proclaimed in Massa-
chusetts; although a loyal address was voted and for-
warded, in December, 1660. The colonists were alarmed
as to the consequences, of the great revolutions in the
parent state; and sinister reports of evil for a time kept
the people in a state of feverish anxiety. In May, 1661,
the state of public affairs was brought before the general
court, Mr. Bradstreet was placed at the head of a com-
mittee ^^to consider and debate such matters touch-
ing their patent rights, and privileges^ and duty to his
Majesty, as should to them seem proper.^^ This com-
mittee, after grave deliberation, embodied their report
in an able state paper, drawn up by Mr. Bradstreet^ and
adopted by the general court iu special session, 10th

SIMON BRADSTREET. 383^

June^ 1661. This report declares in emphatic terms the
rights and liberties of the colony, under the charter, fol- •
lowed by a declaration of allegiance, loyalty and duty to
the king.

The Massachusetts address to the King met a favor-
able reception, notwithstanding strong representations
had been forwarded against the colony, growing out of
the persecutions of the Quakers, and other rigorous
measures. The royal mandamus soon after put an end
to this persecution; and Massachusetts was summoned
to answer complaints made against the government of
the colony. In this emergency, Mr. Brad street and Mr.
Norton were despatched to England. They met with
a favorable reception at court, and in answer to the
address and petition of Massachusetts, they were intrus--
ted with a letter from the King, which promised a full
pardon of political oflfences, and a confirmation of the
ancient privileges of the colony, but coupled with such
conditions as created at once, in the midst of the general
rejoicing at the prospect of peace, a deep gloom through-
out the colony. The requisitions of the King, in this^
instance, were in the highest degree tolerant and enlight-
ened, far beyond the scope of most of the acts of his^
reign. Bradstreet and Norton understood the matter in
this light, and so it was considered by the best friends of
the colony in England. But the general court looked
upon the King's letter as requiring a surrender of their
rights, which they determined not hastily to assent to^
The agents, who were supposed to have made unneces-
sary concessions^ were now loaded with reproaches, and^
evils which it could not have been in their power to avert,,
were laid to their charge. Mr« Norton, a faithful and

384 SIMOK BRADSTREET*

honest man, who -went reluctantly upon the embassy,
. could not bear up under the general reproach; but Mr*
Bradstreet, conscious that he had in no way compromit-
ted the honor or rights of the colony, steadily defended
his course, and advocated a dutiful compliance with the
requisitions of the King, as the best and only safe course.
When the royal commissioners arrived in 1665, Mr.
Bradstreet was one of the few who counselled a quiet
compliance, and protested against the declaration of the
general court drawn up in answer to the demands of the
commissioners. The sturdy democracy of the Puritans,
however, forbade their yielding an iota of what they
conceived to be their chartered privileges; and they not
only denounced the proceedings of the commissioners,
but prohibited any one from abetting or aiding them.
If the course advised by Mr. Bradstreet might have been
under the circumstances, the more prudent and politic,
that adopted by the colony was in fact more noble, and
better becoming a community of freemen.

In 1673, Mr. Bradstreet was chosen deputy governor,
and continued in that office under repeated elections, until
the death of Governor Leverett, in 1679. In May of
that year, he was first chosen governor, at the age of
seventy-six years, having previously been chosen an as-
sistant for fifty years in succession. He was annually re-
elected governor, until May, 1686, when the charter was
dissolved, and Dudley commenced his administration as
president of New England. Dudley's commission from
James II. bore date the 8th October, 1685, and Mr.
Bradstreet was the first of the seventeen counsellors
named in the commission. The new president, on re*
ceiving his commission, waited upon Mr. Bradstreet at

StMOX BllAl>STR££t. 386

his house^ the 14th May, 1686; but Mr. Bfadstreet de-
clined accepting the appointment, as did his sOn, Dudley
Bradstreet, also named as counsellor.*

The tyranily of Andros, which followed the short
rule of Dudley, bringing with it the most gloomy fore^
bodings as to the future, nerved the arms of the people
and knit their hearts in unisoii for ultimate reslstancCi
The venerable Bradstreet^ though Verging upon ninety
years of age^ was consulted by the people, and gave his
advice as the Nestor of New England. In a letter
which Hutchinson has preserved, on the subject of the
arbitrary seizure of lands, and contempt of title deeds,
by Andros, Governor Bradstreet states with admirable
clearness his opinion of the case.f

When the people of Boston, on the l8th of April,
1689, rose in arms, and the inhabitants from the sur^
rounding country flocked in to the assistance of their
brethren of the capital, Mr. Bradstreet and fourteen of
the magistrates of 1686, addressed a message to Andros,
in the name of the people, demanding of him, an im-
mediate surrender of the government and fortifications4

* Hutchinson's Hist. Colony of Mass. Bay, 351.

t Hutchinson's Colony of Mass. Bay, 360, 361.

t The following is the message referred to, which is copied ^om the origi-
nal handbill, printed in black letter by Creen, in 1689, in pospession of Col.
Peter Force, of Washington, D. C

^^At the Town House in Boston : April 18th, 1689;
" Sir, — Ourselves as well as many others the Inhabitants of this town and
places adjacent, being surprised with the People's sudden taking to Arms, in the
first motion whereof we were wholly ignorant, are driven by the present Exi-
gence and Necessity to acquaint your Excellency, that for the Quieting and
Security of the People inhabiting this Countrfey from the imminent Dangers
they many wayes lie open and are exposed unto, and for your own Safety j We
judge it necessary that you forthwith Surrender, and Deliver up the Govern-
ment and Fortifications to be preserved, to be Disposed according to Order and

386 SIMON BRABSTREET.

The governor with his council resisted, and withdrew to
the fort. "Just then, (says Bancroft,) the last governor
of the colony, in office when the charter was abrogated,
Simon Bradstreet, glorious with the dignity of fourscore
years and seven, one of the early emigrants, a magistrate
in 1630, whose experience connected the oldest genera-
tion with the new, drew near the town-house, and was
received by a great shout from the freemen. The old
magistrates were reinstated, as a council of safety; the
whole town rose in arms, ^ with the most unanimous re-
solution that ever inspired a people ;' and a declaration,
read from the balcony, defended the insurrection, as a
duty to God and the country. ^ We commit our enter-
prise,' it is added, ^ to Him who hears the cry of the op-
pressed, and advise all our neighbors, for whom we have
thus ventured ourselves, to joyn with us in prayers and
all just actions for the defence of the land.' On Charles-
town side, a thousand soldiers crowded together; and
the multitude would have been larger if needed. The
governor, vainly attempting to escape to the frigate, was,
with his creatures, compelled to seek protection by sub-
Direction from the Crown of England, which is suddenly expected may arriye^
Promising all Security from violence to your Self, or any other of your Gen-
tlemen and Souldiers in Person or Estate : or else we are assured they will
endeavor the taking of the Fortifications by Storm, if any opposition be made.

"To Sr. Edmond ^ndross, Knight.
William Stoughton, Simon Bradstreet, Wait Winthrop,

Thomas Danforth, John Richards, Samuel Shrimpton,

Elisha Cook, William Brown,

Isaac Addington, Barthol. Gedney,

John Foster,

Peter Sergeant,

David Waterhouse,

Adam Winthrop,

John Nelson.
" Boston. Printed by Samuel Green, 1689."

SIMON BRADSTREET. 387

mission; through the streets where he had first displayed
his scarlet coat and arbitrary commission^ he and his
fellows were marched to the town-house, and thence to
prison. All the cry was against Andros and Randolph. *
The castle was talcen; the frigate was mastered; the
fortifications occupied." The people voted to re-assume
the old charter ; representatives were chosen ; and Mas-
sachusetts again assembled in general court, calling Brad-
street to the chair of state.*

Mr. Bradstreet was annually re-elected Governor of
Massachusetts, and of New Hampshire, under 4he union
of those provinces, until the arrival of Sir William
Phips, in May, 1692, with a charter, which deprived
the people of the right of choosing their chief magis-
trate. In this charter he was named as senior counsel-
lor. But the venerable old man, after more than half
a century of public service, now retired from office, and
closed his eventful career at Salem, on the 27th March,
1697, in the 95th year of his age. His great age is at-
tributed by Mather to his temperate habits of life. The
inscription upon his tomb, in the ancient burial place at
Salem, is as follows :

SIMON BRADSTREET,

Armiger, ex ordine Senatoria, in colonia Maasachnsettenii ab anno 1630, nsqne ad aonnm 1673.
Deinde ad annum 1679, Vice-Guberaator. Denique ad annum 1686, ejusdem coIonisB, communi
et constant! populi suffragio, Gnbernator. Vir, judicio Lynceario preditua : quem nee numma,
nee bonoB bllexiL Regis authoritatem, et populi libertatem, sBqua lance libravit. Religione
cerdatua, vita innocuus, mundum et vicit, et deseruit, 97 die Martii, A. O. 1697. Annoq.
Gnliel. 3t ix. et /Eu 94.

His epitaph, says-^lt, gives a correct idea of his
character : — " He was a man of deep discernment, whom
neither wealth nor honor could allure from Kluty. He
poised with an equal balance, the authority of the King,

* Hutchinson, 373—382. Bancroft, ii. 447.

S88 SIMON BRADSTREET.

and the liberty of the people. Sincere in Religion^ and
pure in his life^ he overcame and left the world." The
assembly of the province being in session at the time of
•his death, "in consideration of the long and extraordi-
nary service of Simon Bradstreet, late Governor, who is
now deceased, voted JSlOO towards defr^iying the charges
of his interment.''

The first wife of Governor Bradstreet, as has already
been stated, was Anne, daughter of Governor Thomas
Dudley, whom he married in England. She died 16th
September, 1672, at the age of 60 years. "She is,''
says Savage, " the most distinguished of the early ma-
trons of our land by her literary powers." A volume of
her poems was published in 1*678. It was dedicated to
her father, in a copy of verses, dated 20 March, 1642,
and is probably the earliest poetic volume written in
America.*

There is also in possession of one of her descendants,
a manuscript volume, in the hand-writing of Mrs. Brad-
street, dedicated to her " Dear Son Simon Bradstreet,"
and containing seventy seven " Meditations, Divine and
Moral," which she intended to continue through the
volume, as we are told in a note written by her son,
^^but was prevented by death." Extracts from these
Meditations are given in the History of the First Church
of Charlestown, Massachusetts.!

After the death of his first wife. Governor Bradstreet,
in 1680, married Ann, widow of Capt. Joseph Gardner,
who was killed in the memorable Narragansett fight, 19
Dec. 1675, This lady was a daughter of Emanuel Dow-

* See page 295, ante.

t By Rev. William I. Budington, published in 1845.

SIMON BRADSTREET. 389

ning^ distinguished for her talents and accomplishments.
She died 19 April, 1713, aged 79;

Governor Bradstreet's children were, four sons and
four daughters, viz.

Samuely vfho was graduated at Harvaixi College in
1653, of which he was one of the fellows, was admitted
freeman, 1663, was representative for Andover, in 1670,
and died before 1683.

Simoriy graduated at Harvard College in 1667, was
ordained as minister of New London, Connecticut, 6
Oct., 1670, and died in 1688.

Dudley J who was born 1648, was representative for
Andover, in 1677 and 1692, was colonel of militia, and
one of the Council of Safety, appointed in 1689,

Johriy born 31 July, 1652, and settled at Salem.

JlnUy who in 1659, married Thomas Wiggin, of Exe-
ter, New Hampshire.

Dorothy^ who married Rev. Seaborn Cotton of
Hampton, New Hampshire, and died 26 Feb., 1671.

Hannahy who married a Wiggin ; and Mercy ^ who in
1672, married Nathaniel Wade of Medford.

The Rev. Simon Bradstreet, son of the minister of
New London, and grandson of Gov. Bradstreet, was
graduated at Harvard College in 1693, and settled at
Charlestown, 26 October, 1698. He was a man of great
learning, and lively imagination ; but in the latter part of
his life, became so hypochondriacal, that he was afraid to
preach in the pulpit, lest he should die there, and for
some time delivered his sermons from the deacon's seat.*

* The anecdote is told of him, that when Lieut. Gov. Tailer introduced him
to Gov. Burnet, who was himself a scholar, he said " Here is a man, sir, who
can whistle Greek.'*

390

IX. JOSEPH DUDLEY.

Joseph Dudley^ son of Governor Thomas Dudley,
was born on the 23d of July, 1647, at Roxbury, Massa-
chusetts. He was the son of the Governor's old age,
being born after his father had attained the age of sev-
enty years. During his childhood, he was under the
care of his excellent mother, and the Rev. Mr. AUin of
Dedham, to whom she was married after the death of
Gov. Dudley. He was educated at the free school in
Cambridge, under the famous Master Corlet, and at
Harvard College, where he graduated in 1666, in the
18th year of his age. Hutchinson says, ^^he was edu-
cated for the ministry, and if various dignities had been
known in the New England churches, possibly he had
lived and died a clergyman; but without this, nothing
could be more dissonant from his genius. He soon
turned his thoughts to civil affairs. Ambition was the
ruling passion, and perhaps, like Caesar, he had rather
be the first man in New England, than second in Old.''

He was admitted a freeman in 1672, and in 1673 he
was first chosen a representative from his native town,
Roxbury, and was re-elected for the two following years.
In 1676, he was chosen one of the assistants, in which
ofiice he continued, (with the exception of one year,)
until 1685, wheahe was appointed President of Massa-
chusetts and New Hampshire.

When the great Indian war broke out in 1676, Dud-
ley was appointed one of the commissioners of Massa-
chusetts, who, accompanying the military forces of the

JOSEPH DUDLEY, 391

colony into the country of the Narragansetts^ were ena-
bled to dictate the terms of a treaty, with the chiefs of
that tribe, by which they bound themselves to aid the
English in the war against Philip.* Mr. Dudley was
present at the great battle with the Narragansetts in
December, 1675, and wrote to Governor Leverett an in-
teresting account of the battle, which is published by \
Hutchinson.

Mr. Dudley, with a keen perception of the future in
political affairs, attached himself to the moderate party
in 1680, inclining to the opinion that it was best to ac-
quiesce in the surrender of the old charter, and wait for
circumstances. This is supposed to have paved the way
for his agency to England, to which, in conjunction with
Major John Richards, he was appointed in 1682. He
professed himself warmly in favor of the restoration of
the charter, but his conduct in England proved him to
have played the courtier, rather for his own advancement,
than for the interests of his native* land. His mission
was unsuccessful, and he returned to Boston, 23 Octo-
ber, 1683. His proceedings not proving satisfactory to
the people, he lost his election as an assistant in 1684.

During his visit to England, finding that he could
not serve his country by obtaining a confirmation of the
old charter, he determined to look well to his own in-
terests ; and accordingly became a prominent candidate
for the chief magistracy. Dudley was a finished cour-
tier, as well as an adroit poUtician, and the idea of having
a New England man, born and brought up among the

t* Hutchinson, i. 289—291 ; where the articles are inserted. The Narragan-
setts, who were then very powerful, had promised Philip to rise, in the spring of
1676, with 4000 men.

392 JOSEPH DUDLEY.

inhabitants^ appointed governor, was a circumstance that
gave him many friends — an advantage which a man of
his address knew well how to use. He was successful
in his application, and when the government of Massa-
chusetts was changed, in 1686, to a President and Coun-
cil, he was appointed to the presidency. The people
had resisted as long as possible the surrender of their
charter; and when the Rose frigate arrived in May, 1686,
with Dudley's commission, the general court informed
the new president and council, that they did not consid-
er their assuming of the government as just; but if they
considered themselves bound to obey the King, they
might, and the court would endeavour to act legally.*

King James II. was proclaimed with great ceremony,
in the "High street in Boston,'' on the 20th April, 1686,
and Mr. Dudley received his commission on the 16th
May, and published it on the 26th, when the new Pres-
ident first met the Council in forili.f iie was commis-
sioned as President of Massachusetts, New Hampshire,
Maine, and Rhode Island ; and to assist him in the gov-
ernment, fifteen mandamus counsellors were appointed
by the crown. No house of deputies was recognized.
To the President and Council, thus constituted, was com-
mitted the power of managing and controlling all the

* See Hutchinson's Colony Mass. Bay, 342. The town of Salem, in antici-
pation of Dudley's appointment, gave th« following instructions to their depa-
ties in the general court : ** In case Mr. Dudley, &c.j said to be nominated and
ajithorized by his majesty to edit another government here, do publish a loyal
nullification of our Charter, and a commission from the King for their accept-
ance of the government here, then our instruction to you is, that you give no
countenance to any resistance, but peaceab^ withdraw yourselves, as represent-
ing us no longer." Felt's Annals, 282.

f Dudley's commission as President of New England, is dated 27 Sept. 1685.
He acted from 25 May, 1686, until 20 Dec. 1686, when Andros arrived.

JOSEPH DUDLEY. 3^3

public affairs. The new government went into opera-
tion, 25 May, 1686. In general, all the existing legal
usages were observed. But Dudley's administration was
short, and, though unpopular with the people, seems not
to have been a very grievous one. It lasted but four
months and twenty-six days, when the next political rev-
olution brought ^ndros upon the stage, as governor of
New York and New England. This man arrived at
Boston on the ^Oth December, and published his com-
mission on the following day. Dudley was retained as
one of his Council, of which he became president, and
w^as also made one of the Justices of the Superior Court.
In this capacity, he opposed some of the proceedings of
Andros and the Council, in their attacks upon the titles
of the people to their lands. In other matters, however,
he generally went with the party of Andros, and so man-
aged as to keep up a friendly understanding with him
and with Randolph, his infamous agent and confidential
adviser.

Mr. Dudley, of course, became peculiarly the object
of dislike among the people, who regarded him as little
better than the betrayer of their liberties. And, when
in April, 1689, they overturned the government of An-
dros, Dudley, as one of the most obnoxious, was arrested
and kept a close prisoner for a long time. On the 16th
May, 1689, a ship arrived from England with advices of
the proclaiming of William and Mary. This was most
joyful news. The fears of the people, of any bad con-
sequences, from their late revolutionary actions, were
now over. " On the 29th, the proclamation was pub-
lished in Boston, with greater ceremony than had ever
been known. Governor Bradstreet and his council, the
50

394 JOSEPH DUDLEY.

civil and military officers^ merchants of the town, and
country, being on horseback, the regiment of the town,
and many companies of horse and foot from the country,
appearing in arms — a great entertainment was prepared
in the town house, and wine was served out to the sol-
diers,'*

On the 5th of June, the representatives from several
towns assembled at Boston. The council immediately
proposed to them to consent to the liberation of the gentle-
men seized by the people, upon security, but this was
not agreed to ; and on the 27th, they resolved that they
were not bailable, and sent up articles against them.
Sir Edmund Andros, Col. Dudley,* and others, remained
in close custody for upwards of twenty weeks. At last,
an order was received from the King, approving the
course pursued by the people, and old magistrates, and di-
recting that Andros and the rest of the prisoners should
be sent forthwith to England. This order arrived late in
the year, and on the 16th Feb. 1690, Sir Edmund An-
dres, Mr. Dudley, and several others, embarked for Eng-
land.

Lieut. Gov. Danforth, in a letter to Dr. I. Mather,
speaking of the transactions of this period, says, ^^Mr.
Dudley is in a peculiar manner the object of the people's
displeasure, even throughout all the colonies, where he
hath sat as judge; they deeply resent his correspondence
with that wicked man Randolph, for overturning the gov-
ernment. The Governor and Council, though they
have done their utmost to procure his enlargement, yet
cannot prevail, btit the people will have him in the jail;

* Whitman- supposes that Dudley obtained his title of Colonel^ hj an appoint-
ment in the British army while in England.

JOSEPH DUDLEY. 395

and when he hath been by order turned out, by force
and tumult they fetch him in.^^ Dudley himself, in a
letter to <Jotton Mather, dated 1st June, says, "I am
told that this morning is the last opportunity for rolling
away the stone from the mouth of this sepulchre, where
I am buried alive,'' &c. And in a letter to his brother-
in-law. Gov. Bradstreet, dated 12th Sept., he says,
^^ After twenty weeks unaccountable imprisonment, and
many barbarous usages offered me, I have now to com*
plain that on Monday, the whole day, I could be allowed
no victuals, till nine o'clock at night, when the keeper's
wife offered to kindle her own fire and warm something
for me, and the Corporal expressly commanded the fire
to be put out. I may be easily oppressed to death.
God will hear them that complain to him. I pray your
direction for your oppressed kinsman, J. D."

. Gov. Dudley returned to his native country towards
the close of the year 1690, having been much more suc-
cessful in conciliating the favor of the crown, than he
could hope to be of regaining the confidence of the peo-
ple. He was now looking to another sphere of action
for public honors. The supreme court of the colony of
New York was established on the 6th of May, 1691,
and on the 15th Mr. Dudley, who had previously been
appointed a member of the council of New York, was
appointed chief justice by. Governor Sloughter. On the
11th Nov. 1692, after the arrival of Gov. Fletcher, he
was removed from this station, on account of not being
resident in the province. As a member of the council of
New York, and senior in the board, he was entitled to
preside in the administration of that province, on the
death of Sloughter; but being absent in Massachusetts at

396 JOSEPH PUDLEY.

the time, the chief position was given to another, a pro-
ceeding which Mr. Dudley did not think it worth while
to contest.

Mr. Dudley went the third time to England in 1693 ;
where he remained until 1702. While there, he was
eight years Deputy Governor of the Isle of Wight, un-
der Lord Cutts, through whose interest he was also re-
turned a member of the House of Commons, for the
borough of Newton in Southampton. On the death of
King William, he returned with ^commission from Queen
Anne, as governor of Massachusetts and New Hampshire,
with which he arrived at Boston, 11 June, 1702, and
was received, says the Boston News Letter of that day,
"with great respect and affection.'^* He was sworn
intto office, 13th June, 1702. During his absence in
England, he had managed to take advantage of the
complaints transmitted from Massachusetts against Gov-
ernor Phips, and after having caused him to be arrest-
ed in London, and held to bail in ^620,000, found it an
easy matter to supplant him.

On meeting his first assembly, Dudley gave " instances
of his remembering the old quarrel, and the people, on
their parts, resolved never to forget it.^'f " All his in-
genuity could not stem the current of their prejudice
against him.'' A stated salary was demanded for the
governor. " As to settling a salary for the governor,''
replied the House, " it is altogether new to us ; nor can
we think it agreeable to our present constitution ; but we
shall be ready to do what may be proper for his support."

* Sir Charles Hobby, a native of Boston, was a rival of Dudley for the
office of governor. He died in London, in 1714.

t Bancroft, iii. 09, 100.

JOSEPH DUDLEY. 397

Here began the controversy which nothing but indepen-
dence could solve. In vain did Dudley endeavor to win
from the legislature^ concessions to the royal prerogative;
and he, and for a season his son also, became the active
opponents of the chartered liberties of New England,
endeavoring to effect their overthrow, and the establish-
ment of a general government, as in the days of Andros.
In December, 1702, he wrote to the board of trade in
England, that "many of the council were Common-
wealth's men, <ind that until the Queen should appoint a
Council, nothing could be done." In December, 1703,
he writes to the secretary of state, that he " had communi-
cated the Queen's requisitions to the assembly relative to
Pemaquid, and the settlement of salaries — but though he
had used all possible methods, he found it impossible to
move that sort of men, who loye not the Crown and Gov-
ernment of England to any manner oif obedience.''
About this time, the copy of a letter written by Paul
Dudley, son of the governor, who was then attorney
general, was made public, in which he made the offen-
sive declaration, that " this country will never be worth
living in for lawyers and gentlemen, till the charter is
taken away." Hutchinson says the governor had no
rest for the first seven years.*

At the general election in May, 1703, Governor Dud-
ley negatived five of the newly elected counsellors — men
of probity, influence and popularity — ^but whose course
towards him, in the revolution of 1689, he could not so
far overlook, as to admit them among his confidential ad-
visers. Thomas Oakes, a representative from Boston,
and a popular leader of the opposition, was this year

* Hutchinson, ii. 140.

398 JOS£PH DUDLEY.

chosen speaker of the house. The governor negatived
the choice. He was then chosen to the council, when
Dudley negatived him there also. He was for many
years, representative from Boston, and in 1705, was
again chosen speaker. Dudley negatived the choice, and
ordered the house to choose another person, but they re-
fused. These proceedings, of course, rendered the gov-
ernor very unpopular with the people. The belief was
also becoming somewhat general, encouraged by the Scan-
dals of his enemies, that he was secretly encouraging an
illicit trade with the French possessions in North Ameri-
ca — ^a charge which does not seem to have had any foun-
dation.

In July, 1702, Gov. Dudley visited all the eastern
frontiers as far as Pemaquid, taking with him such gen-
tlemen of the generaf court as he thought proper, where
he met the delegates from the Indian tribes, and confirmed
the treaties which had been formerly made. Queen Anne
had already declared war against France, and the colonies
soon became again involved in a French and Indian war*
To keep the eastern Indians at peace/ Governor Dudley
in June, 1703, held another conference with the chiefs,
who assured him that they had no thought of breaking
the peace, which ^^ should continue as long as the sun
and moon.'^ In six weeks after, they attacked all the
settlements from Casco to Wells, burning and destroying
all before them. Governor Dudley, during this painful
struggle, appears to have laboured with great earnest-
ness to prosecute the war, and protect the people from
their enemies. The war continued' until the treaty of
Utrecht, in 1713, was known in America, when the east-
ern Indians proposed to treat of peace, and Governor

JOSEPH DUDLEY. 399

Dudley finally concluded a treaty with them at Ports-
mouth, on the 13th July.*

From his first arrival as governor, Dudley had shown
a fond regard for the interests of his Alma Mater ^ and
President Quincy, in his elaborate History of Harvard
University, classes Gov. Dudley among the greatest ben-
efactors of the college. " Of all the statesmen, who have
been instrumental in promoting the interests of Harvard
University, Joseph Dudley was most influential in giving
its constitution a permanent character.'' When, howev-
er, near the close of his career, the trustees of the col-
lege refused to make a son of the governor their treasurer^
the corporation incurred his resentment, and that of the
family.

The demise of Queen Anne occurred in 1714. This
event rendered the tenure of Goyernor Dudley's office
precarious — his influence declined, and he seems to have
gathered his robes about him to quit the stage. He met
the Assembly for the last time in May, 1716, but made
no speech, as was his wont. He was superseded in No-
vember, of that year, by (Jovernor Shute.

Gov. Dudley's administration was popular in New
Hampshire. Beside his attention to the general interests
of the province, and his care for its defence against the
Indians, he had the particular merit of favoring the
views of the people who were opposed to Allen's claim ;
and they made him amends, by promoting in the assem-
bly addresses to the Queen, defending his character
when it was attacked, and praying for his continuance in
office, when petitions were presented for his removal.
A good harmony subsisted between the governor and

* Penhallow's Indian Wars, 72— 80.

400 JOSEPH DUDLEY.

people, and between the two branches of the legislature
of the province, during the whole of his administration.*
The general feeling in his favor was evinced in 1707,
when a petition from Massachusetts to the Queen against
the governor, was read before the general assembly in
New Hampshire. The council and representatives in full
assembly, nemine contradicentey voted that some of the
charges were scandalous, unheard of, and false re-
proaches ; and they drew up an address to the Queen, in
which they justified his administration from all those ca-
lumnies, and prayed his continuance in the government.!
Governor Dudley, as one of the original grantees of
the town of Oxford, Massachusetts, conceived the pro-
ject of forming there a settlement of French Protestants,
who were looking for safety by flight to other countries,
on the revocation of the edict of Nantz.J A correspon-

* John Usher, wko was lieutenant governor of New Hampshire under Dud-
ley, furnishes a key to the good understanding between the governor and the
people of New Hampshire. In a letter written in January, 1704, to the Board
of Trade and Plantations, he says that ** Dudley, in consideration of £160 per
annum, allows a Republican party to govern, and every one against a Crown
government, in places of trust." In a previous letter to the Board, dated Dec.
1703, Usher complains of the had state of the government of New Hampshire-^
. " which will not be happy unless a Governor is sent, who, without regard to
money, will enforce the prerogative, and curb their anti-monarchical principles.*'
Sampson Sheafe, then collector of the customs at New Castle, in Feb. 1704,
wrote the Board of Trade, that " Usher had come to a ticklish government, as
the people are of an ungovernable spirit, and, notwithstanding their pretensions,
are against monarchical government." [From copies of Records in Plantation
Office, London, in possession of Col. Peter Force, Washington. D. C.J

t In June, 1706, a petition was presented to the Queen for the removal of
Governor Dudley, on the charge of mal-administration of the government and
of being secretly concerned with the smugglers. It appears that he had granted
permits to some of those traders to carry contraband articles to Port Ro^al. This
was the source of many suspicions against him. The general court of Massa-
chusetts, however, passed a vote in Nov. 1707, expressing their belief that Mr.
Dudley was innocent of the charge. Felt, 344. Hutchinson, ii. 145.

t Henry IV. of France, on the 13 April, 1598, signed at Nantz, an edict,
granting *< perpetual and inviolable liberty of conscience to the ProtestsAts.**
This edict was revoked by Louis XIV. on the 8 Oct. 1685

JOSEPH DUDLEY. 401

dence took place between some of the leading Protestants
at Rochelle, and the proprietors of Oxford^ which result-
ed in the settlement of that town in 1686, by thirty
Huguenot families, who had escaped from France.*

' On leaving office, Governor Dudley retired to his'
estate in Roxbury, where he died on the 2d April, 1720,
in the 73d year of his age. "He was buried, (says the
Boston News-Letter,) on tbe 8th, in the sepulchre of
his father, with all the honors and respect his country
was capable of doing him. He was a man of rare endow-
ments and shining accomplishments, a singular honor to
his country. He was early its darling, always its orna-
ment, and in age its crown. The scholar, the divine, the
philosopher, and the lawyer, all met in him.'^ Hutchin-
son says, "he apphed himself with the greatest diligence
to the business of his station. The affairs of the war, and
other parts of his administration, were conducted with
good judgment. In economy, he excelled, both in pub-
lic and private life.''

Such is the judgment of a contemporary, and of the
early historian of Massachusetts, respecting the second
Governor Dudley. Bancroft, with the added lights of his-
torical investigation, comes to this stern estimate : " The
character of Dudley was that of profound selfishness.
He possessed prudence and the inferior virtues, and was
as good a governor as one could be, who loved neither
freedom nor his native land. His grave is among stran-
gers; his memory has perished from among those whose
interests he flattered, and is preserved only in the coun-
try of his birth. He who loved himself more than free-

* See an interesting memoir of the French Protestants of Massachusetts, by
the late Dr. Holmes, in 3d vol. 3d series Mass. Hist. Collections.

402 JOSEPH DUDLEY.

dom or his country^ is left without one to palliate his
selfishness."*

Governor Dudley married, in 1668, Rebecca, daugh-
ter of major-general Edward Tyng, of Boston, afterwards
of Dunstable. She survived the governor about two
years, and died 21 Sept., 1722. Their children were,

1. Thomas^ born 26 February, 1670, graduated at
Harvard College in 1686.

2. Edwardy bom 4 September, 1671, died in Janua-
ry, 1683.

3. Paul) born 3 September, 1675, graduated at H.
C. in 1690j and died at Roxbury, 21 January, 1761,
aged 75. He finished his law studies at the Temple,
London ; was appointed attorney general of the province,
and afterwards chief justice. He was a learned and
pious man, and founder of the Dudleiati Lecture at Har-
vard College. A member of the Royal Society of Lon-
don, several valuable articles from his pen are found
among their published transactions.

4. Samuely born in September, 1677.
6. John, born 28 February, 1679.

6. Rebeccay born in 1681, married 15 Sept. 1702, to
Samuel Sewall, son of Chief Justice Sewall, and propri-
etor of a large estate in Brookline, where he died of pa-
ralysis in 1751, aged 73.

• 7. Catharine^ who died young. 8. Mrme.

9. William^ born 20 Oct. 1686, graduated at H. C.
in 1704, was a colonel of militia, and member of the
council.

10. Daniel) born 4 FebVuary, 1689.

11. Caf Aariwe, 2d ; and 12. Mary.

* Bancroft, iii. 100.

403

X. SIR EDMUND ANDROS.

Sir Edmund Akdros^ ^' Seigneur of Sausmares/'
as he styled himself,* and ^^a poor Knight of Guernsey/'
as he is called by Oldmixoni^ was a native of Guernsey,
where he was born in 1632. His family is represented
to have been wealthy and respectable, and Edmund was
secured a commission in the army, in which he after-
wards obtained the rank of major. Circumstances had
introduced him to the notice of the Duke of York, who
took him under his protection ; and his connection with
that prince, led to his subsequent employment in Amer-
ica.

The treaty of Westminster, of 9- February, 1674,
restoring to England the possession of her American ter-
ritories, the Duke of York obtained from Charles XL a
renewal of his patent, for the same territory which had
been conveyed to him in 1664. This patent was dated
29th June, and two days thereafter the Duke appoint-
ed Major Andros, Governor of his territories in Ameri-
ca.^ In May, 1674, Andros was empowered by a royal
order to raise 100 soldiers in London, besides officers,
and transport them to New York, to garrison the fort
there, of which he was to have command. On the 31st
October, 1674, Andros arrived at New York, received
the surrender of the territory from the Dutch authorities,
and re-established the former government of the Duke.

* In a grant of land, or confirmation of a prior grant, to Richard Smith, on
Long Island, dated 25 March, 1677, Andros styles himself, " Edmund Andr0s^
Esquire^ Seigneur of Sausmares, Lt. & Gov. Genl." &c.

/ 404 SIR £DMUKD AJfDROS.

One of the first acts of his administration, was
to arraign Captain Manning, who on the 28th July,
1673, treacherously surrendered the English fort at
New York to the Dutch, whose invading fleet had come
to anchor off Staten Island. Manning escaped the pun-
ishment of death, but was publicly disgraced, — Andros
in this case exhibiting almost the only act of lenity record-
ed of him towards an offender, by using his influence
with the court martial to avert the sentence of death.

The territory conferred on the Duke, by his charter,
comprehended not only New York, but the greater por-
tion of the whole coast to the north.* The charter it-
self went so far as to sanction whatever ordinance the
Duke of York, or his agents, might establish, and
in regard to justice and legislation, (says Bancroft,) An-
dros, the governor, was left to his own conscience and
his employer. He entered at once, upon the execution
of all his powers.

Not content with jurisdiction in civil and military af-
fairs. Governor Andros extended his supervision over
the moral and religious conduct of the people. Some

* The grant, in terms, was as follows : ^^ All that part of the main land of
New England, beginning at a certain place called or known bj the name of St.
Croix, next adjoining to New Scotland, in America, and from thence extending
along the seacoast, unto a certain place called Pemaquie, or Pemequid, and bo
up the river thereof, to the furthest head of the same, as it tendeth northward ; ex-
tending from thence to the river of Kimbequin, and so upwards, by the shortest
course, to the river of Canada, northward ; and also all that island or islands com-
monly called by the several name or names of Meitiwacks, or Long Island, situate
and being towards the west of Cape Cod, and the narrow Higansetts, abutting
upon the main land between the two rivers, then called and known by the sever-
al names of Connecticut and Hudson's river, together also with all the said river
called Hudson's river, and all the land from the west side of Connecticut river
to the east side of Delaware bay, and also all those several islands called and
known by the nimes of Martin's vineyard, or Nantucks, or otherwise Nan^
tucket."

SIR EDMUND ANDROS. 405

shallow enthusiasts in that day, as sometimes happens in
the present, making loud professions of personal and
exclusive righteousness, Andros, on the 15 Feb. 1675,
issued a warrant for the arrest and imprisonment of one
of them, named John Gerrits, ^^ for pretending to extra-
ordinary sanctity'^ — pretending that Christ abided in him,
^^ and endeavouring to instil these notions into the minds
of others, particularly some married women,'' &c. The
next day, he issued a warrant to arrest another, named
Peter Ellet, ^^for reporting that he had seen sights
or visions over the city, or fort, to the great uneasiness
of the public mind.''

He next interfered in a religious dispute, which
had sprung up at Albany. A Catholic clergyman, who
had-ibeen recommended to Andros by the Duke of York,
was by the governor stationed at Albany. The Dutch
minister at that place disputed his right to administer
the sacrament, as he had not the approval of the Classis
of Amsterdam. A bitter controversy arose. The Alba-
ny magistrates, taking the part of their minister, imprison-
ed the catholic priest; whereupon Andros ordered his im-
mediate release, and summoned the magistrates before
him at New York. Warrants were issued against them,
and Leisler, who afterwards figured in the history of the
province, refusing to comply with the order, was thrust
into prison. Finding, after a time, that he was beginning
to lose ground in attempting to enforce an ecclesiastical ju-
risdiction, Andros finally gave over the further prosecu-
tion of this matter, and turned his attention to other
portions of the territory claimed by the Duke.

He now required the submission of the inhabitants
of Long Island, and of the whole country west of the

406 SIR EDMUND ANDROS.

Connecticut river. The people of the eastern part of
Long Island at first resisted his demand, but they finally
submitted to his authority.

The people of Connecticut resolved to maintain
their independence of the Duke of York, as their char-
ter was of prior date to that of the Duke. Detach-
ments of militia were therefore ordered to New-Lon-
don and Saybrook, the troops at Saybrook being placed
under the command of Capt. Thomas Bull, of Hartford.

Early in July, 1675, the people of Saybrook were
surprised by the appearance of Major Andros, with an
armed force, in the Sound, making directly for the fort.
They had received no intelligence of the hostile expe-
dition of Andros, and having no instructions from the
governor, were undecided what course to take, when at
a critical juncture Capt. Bull with his company arrived,
and preparations were at once made for the defence of
the fort and town. The assembly met at Hartford on the
9th of July, and immediately drew up a» protest against
the proceedings of Andros, which they sent by express
to Saybrook, with instructions to Capt. Bull to propose
to Andros a reference of the dispute to commissioners.

On the 11th, Major Andros, with several armed
sloops drew up before the fort, hoisted the king's flag on
board, and demanded a surrender of the fortress and
town. Captain Bull immediately raised his majesty's
colors in the fort, and arranged his men in the best man-
ner possible. The major did not like to fire on
the king's colors, and perceiving that, should he attempt
to reduce the town by force, it would in all likelihood be
a bloody afiair, he judged it expedient not to fire upon
the troops.

SIR £I>MUND ANDROS. 407

Early in the morning of the 12th of July, Andros
desired that he might have permission to land on the
shore^ for the purpose of an interview virith the minis-
ters and chief officers of the town. He probably flat-
tered himself that if he could obtain a foothold upon the
soil, and then read the Duke's patent, and his own com-
mission, to the people, it would make a serious impres-
sion upon them, and that he would be able to gain by
artifice that which he could never accomplish by force
of arms. He was allowed to come on shore with his
suite. Captain Bull and his officers,. with the officers
and gentlemen of the town, met him at his landing, and
informed him that they had, at that instant, received in-
structions to tender him a treaty, and to refer the whole
matter in controversy to commissioners, capable of de-
termining it, according to law and justice. Major An-
dros rejected the proposal at once, and forthwith com-
manded, in his majesty's name, that the Duke's patent,
and the commission which he had received from his
royal highness, should be read. Captain Bull, compre-
hending at once the artifice of Andros, commanded him^
in his majesty's name^ to forbear the reading. And
when his clerk attempted to persist in reading. Captain
Bull repeated his command, with such energy of voice
and manner, as convinced the Major that it might not be
altogether safe for him to proceed.

The Yankee captain, having succeeded in silencing
the valiant representative of the Duke, next informed
him that he had a communication to deliver from the as-
sembly, and he then read the protest. Governor Andros,
affecting to be well pleased with the bold and soldier-
like appearance of his opponent, asked, " What is your

408 SIR EDMUND ANDROS.

name ?" He replied, " My name is Bull, Sir." " Bull V^
exclaimed the governor, " It is a pity that your horns
are not tipped with silver." Finding that he could make
no impression upon the officers or people, and that the
legislature of the colony were determined to defend them-
selves, in the possession of their chartered rights, An-
dros prudently gave up his design of seizing the fort.
The militia of the town courteously guarded him to his
boat, and going on board, he soon sailed for New York,
and Connecticut was no more troubled by his presence,
or interference, until after the accession of James the
Second.

Andros, acting in the spirit of his master, discour-
aged even the mention of an assembly, and proceeded to
levy customs, and to establish ordinances, without the
consent of the people. The Puritans of Long Island,
however, were so unanimous in opposition, claiming a
representation as an inalienable birthright, that Andros
at length advised the Duke of York to concede to them
legislative franchises. The reply of James, marks the
spirit of the man: ^^I cannot (says he) but suspect as-
semblies would be of dangerous consequence, nothing '
being more known than the aptness of such bodies to
assume to themselves many privileges, which prove de-
structive to, or very often disturb, the peace of govern-
ment, when they ^re allowed." The people, however,
continued to tfrge their righTt as British subjects to a
representation, and in October, 1683, under Governor
Dongan, the successor of Andros, after an unwearied
struggle of thirty years, an assembly was convened, chosen
by the people themselves, who until this time had been
allowed no share in the government.

SIR EDMUND ANDROS. 409

During the year 1680, Philip Carteret^ as the depu-
ty of Sir George Carteret, resumed the government of
East Jersey, He was a popular chief magistrate. He
encouraged a direct trade with England, unincumbered
w^ith the customs exacted by Andros at the port of New
York. The commerce of New York was thus placed
in jeopardy ; and Andros, disregarding the patent of
the Duke of York to Sir George, undertook to claim
that the ships of New Jersey should pay tribute at
New York, The people of Jersey resisted, and Car-
teret was ' imprisoned by order of Andros; but finally
released by the verdict of a jury. Andros then at-
tempted to intimidate the government of New Jersey, by
the royal patent to the Duke. But the firmness of, the
legislature preserved her independence. While this con-
troversy was going on, Andros had been to England and
returned. The rights of New Jersey had been confirmed
by the English tribunals ; and New York, presenting for
the time the rare spectacle of free trade, as a consequence
was left without a revenue. Andros returned to Eng-
land, in May, 1682, and was succeeded in the govern-
ment of New York by Thomas Dongan^ in September
of the same year.*

The Dube of York succeeded to the throne in Feb^
1685, under the title of James the Second ; and on the 3d
June, 1686, appointed Sir Edmund •Andrew, who had
been knighted on his return from New York, as Gover-
nor of all the New England colonies, excepting Connecti-^
cut. Chalmers says, " there was a great new seal appoint-*

* Though Colonel Dong&n was appointed to the government of New York
on the 30th Sept. 1683, h'e did not arrive in New York until the 27th AugUit)
I 1683.— Smith, i. 66, ed. 1829.

! 62

410 SIR £DMUND ANDR08.

ed for New England, under the administration of Andros,
M^hich was honored with a remarkable motto : JWinquam
libertas gratior extaV^ Hume, speaking of the colonies,
says, ^^ King James recalled the charters, by which theii
liberties were secured; and he sent o^er governors vest-
ed with absolute powers. '^

Governor Andros arrived at Nantasket oil the 19th
December, 1686, in the Kingfisher 60 gun ship, landed
at Boston on the 20th, and the same day published his
commission.* " He was received,^^ says Chalmers, ^' with
a satisfaction in proportion only as he was less dreaded
than Kirke.^'t Andros held his first Council on the 30th
December, and commenced with fair professions; but
soon violated them, and proved himself a fit and wilUng
instrument of tyrftnny. He evidently entered upon the
discharge of the duties of his oflSce with a strong preju-
dice against the people of Massachusetts, and exhibited
his arbitrary temper by removing from oflSce the magis-
trates under the old charter, and overturning most of the
institutions of the first settlers of New England.

The last records of the State, under the old charter,
appear to be of May 12th, 1686. Such was the rigor
of his government, that the people were universally
dissatisfied. They despised him and his confidential asso-
ciates. So sensible was he of this, that, by some means at
this day ynkhown, he or his Secretary Randolph, des-

* The Commission to Andros is published, from an authentic copy, in
Force's Tracts, vol. IV. No. 8.

t Colonel Kirke, afterwards so infamously distinguished by the cruelties
which he practised upon the adherents of the ill-fated Duke of Monmouth, had
actually been appointed in June, 1684, by Charles II., as Governor of Massa-
chusetts, New Hampshire, Maine, and New Plymouth 3 but the death of the King
annulled the appointment.

SIR EDMUND AXDROS. 411

troyed or carried away all the records of his administra-
tion, and there is now no trace of them, or even a single
paper relative thereto, left in the office of the Secretary
of State at Boston.

Andros was authorized by his commission, to appoint
and remove the members of his council; and with their
consent, to make laws, impose taxes, and control the mili-
tia of the country. He was also empowered to grant
lands on such terms, and subject to such quit-rents, as
should be approved by the King. The council at first
consisted of forty or more persons, but after a short time
a few only acted with the governor, and seven being suf-
ficient for a board, he took care to select such as were
likely to. prove themselves his most devoted adherents.

A series of despotic measures ensued. The press
was placed under the censorship of his secretary and in-
strument, the notorious Randolph. Personal liberty was
disregarded, and none were permitted to leave the prov-
ince without license from the governor. Magistrates
alone were permitted to solemnize marriages, and mar-
riages were not allowed, until bonds with sureties were
executed to the governor, to be forfeited if any lawful
impediment should afterwards appear. Enormous ex-
actions were made in the shape of fees, particularly in
matters of probate. The people were only allowed to
vote for municipal officers; and the vote by ballot was
abolished. And when the people of Lynn remonstrated,.
Andros told them plainly, ^^ There is no such thing as a
town in the whole country." He gave out that all titles
to land were annulled ; and when Indian deeds were pro-
duced, he declared them to be " no better than the scratch
of a bear's paw." Landholders werei obliged again^

412 * SIR EDMUND ANDROS*

ta pay for lands which they had quietly held for forty or
fifty years. A tax of a penny in the pound and a poll-
tax of twenty pence was laid. The towns generally re^
sisted its payment, and the people of Ipswich published
a protest against the exaqtio©, as being contrary to law,
for which the most conspicuous amongst them were im-
prisoned, and fined,^ one of whon> was the intrepid John
Wise, the minister of the town,, who was suspended
from his ministerial functions, fined <£dQ, and compelled
to give bonds for good behavior.*

The first episcopal society in Boston had been formed
in June, 1686, by Edward Randolph and ten others^
^nd they had obtained permission tp use a room in the
town hall for public worship. When Andros arrived, he
determined to obtain, by favor or force, a more suitable
place. The archbishop of Canterbury had suggested
that one of the congregational meeting-houses might be
obtained for episcopalian worship, by way of compromise
with the clergy of that sect, in exchange for liberty of
conscience. But when this proposition was made known
to the Boston clergy, they answered with one voice,, that
they ^^ could not consent thast any of their meeting-houses
should be used for Common Prayer worship.^' They
also refused to have their bells, tolled for episcopal meet^

* AndroB, returning from an expedition into Maine, in Marcl^l()89» calling
upon Rev. Mr. Higginson of Salem, inquired by " what title the colonists pre-
sumed to hold their lands?" Higginson replied, '*by the rijghts of oecupation
and of purchase from the natives." Andros said "the land$ were the King's,
because he had given them only by a charter, which the colonists had violated,
and thus forfeited'*' J^igginson added, that "the King himself had no other
than a Popish right to New England, but that protestants denied the validity of
such a grant." Andros, at length, growing warm, said "Either you are his
subjects, or his rebels !** — iatiniatingthat if the people would not take out new
patents and pay rents, they should be treated as rebels. Felt's Annals, !290.

SIR EDMUND ANDROS. 413

ings. On the evening of December 22^ Mr. Mather and
Mr. Willard waited on the governor at his lodgings, and
^^ thoroughly discoursed his excellency about the meeting-
houses, in great plainness, showing they could not con-
sent to his demands.'^ The governor, either from an un-
willingness to waund their feelings too rudely,, or from
a fear of displaying his power too suddenly, seemed to
say that be would not impose upon them what was man-
ifestly so disagreeable. And so the matter was suffered
to rest, but for a short time only. On the 23d of March,
1687, the governor sent Mr. Randolph for the keys of
the south meeting house, now called the Old South, in or^-
der that the Episcopalians might have prayer there. A
committee of six,* of whom Chief Justice Sewall was one,
thereupon waited upon his Excellency, and earnestly
represented to him that the ho use. was their own private
property, and to repeat that they could not consent to
part with it to such use as had been requited. This was
on Wednesday. The following Friday, which was Good
Friday, Sir Edmund Andros sent to command the sexton
of the South Church to open the doors and ring the
bell, for the service of the Church of England. The sex-
ton, though he had resolved not to do so, was persuaded
or intimidated into compliance, and the Governor and
his party took possession of the house, where the epis-
copal service was afterwards regularly performed until
he left the province.*

In relation to this matter, which excited so much
feeling among the people of Boston at the time, it
may be said, that if Andros had never done any thing
worse than introduce the Episcopal mode of worship,

* 6reenwood*8 HUt. King*i Chapel, Boiton, p. 38.

414 SIR EDMITND ANDROS.

his name would not have been covered with so much
obloquy. The Puritans of 1686^ had as little charity for
their christian brethren of the Church of England, as
they had previously shewn for the Baptists and Quakers.
Hutchinson mentions that this feeling was carried so far,
that a deacon of the South Church actually interfered
and prevented the burial of one Lilly, according to the
form prescribed in the burial service of the Church.
What would have been the reflections of the worthy dea-
con, could he have foreseen, that in less than a century, his
own Church would be indebted to the liberality of King's
Chapel for the privilege of worship? While the British,
in the Revolutionary War, made use of the Old South
for a riding school, or circus, the South congregation
were received with welcome at King's Chapel, and min-
gled with their Episcopalian brethren in worship at that
sanctuary.

On the 12th January, 1687, Andros published his
commission at Providence, dissolved the government of
Rhode Island, broke its seal, and assumed the adminis-
tration.

The colony of Connecticut, as has already been stat-
ed, was not originally included in Andros's commission.
Supplementary instructions were, however, issued by
the King, under date of the ISth September, and on the
22d of December, Governor Andros wrote to Governor
Treat, of Connecticut, that he was ^^ particularly empow-
ered and authorized to receive the surrender of the char-
ter" of that colony.

Connecticut for some time evaded his demands. But
on the 13th June, 1687, he sent his Secretary, Randolph,
to Connecticut, with a threatening message, which that

SIR EDMUND ANDROS. 415

governmsnt disregarding, Andros, with his suite, and
some sixty regular troops, repaired in October to Hart-
ford, where the assembly was then in session. Appear-
ing before that body. Governor Andros declared the
government to be dissolved, and demanded the surrender
of the charter. The assembly was slow to surrender
the charter, or to adopt any motion to bring it about.
The tradition is, that Governor Treat represented the
great expense and hardships of the colonists, in planting
the country ; the blood and treasure which they had ex-
pended in defending it, both against the savages and for-
eigners; the hardships and dangers to which he himself
had been exposed for that purpose ; and that it was giv-
ing up his life, to surrender the patent and privileges so
dearly bought, and so long enjoyed. The important af-
fair was debated at large, and kept in suspense until the
shades of evening had descended, when the charter was
brought, and laid upon the table, where the assembly
was sitting. By this time, great numbers of people,
sufficiently bold to undertake whatever enterprise might
be necessary or expedient, were assembled. The lights
were all at once extinguished, though no disorder or
confusion prevailed; and when re-lighted, the charter
had disappeared. William Wadsworth, of Hartford,
stealing noiselessly through the crowd, had taken away
the cherished patent, which he concealed in the hollow
of an oak, which is yet standing to confirm the tale. Sir
Edmund assumed the government, on the 31st October,
1687, and calling for the records of the colony, wrote
the word '' Finis,'^ at the close of the proceedings.

Returning to Boston, Governor Andros continued his
course of arbitrary measures there, and directed the ra-

416 SIR EDMUXD ANDROS.

pacity of his Secretary to the settlements in Maine; but
that territory had already been subjected to official pil-
lage. In the spring of 1688, Andros, at the head of a
body of seven hundred men, proceeded to the Penob-
tscot, against the Eastern Indians, who retired on his ap-
proach, and his only trophy was the plunder of the house
and fort of the Baron de St. Castine.*

In March, 1688, a new commission was issued by the
King, adding New York and the Jerseys to the jurisdic-
tion of Andrbs, and on the twenty-eighth of July, the
order to Governor Dongan, of New York, to deliver up
the seal of the province to Andros, was read in the pro-
vincial council, and placed upon the records. But an im-
portant change in the affairs of England and her colonies
was near at hand.

In addition to the real grievances under which the
people of New England labored, their fears were excit-
ed. They believed Andros to be a papist ; that he had
hired the Indians, and supplied them with ammunition,
to destroy their frontier settlements; and that he was
preparing to betray the country into the hands of the
French.f At the same time, the large strides that King

* In the summer of 1841, a quantity of silver coins, of different denomina-
tions, and varying in date from 1641 to 1682, was found at Johnson's point,
near the site of the old fort, and residence of the Baron Castine, supposed to
have been deposited by him and his followers near the time when his settle-
ment W9S destroyed.

t ** Revolution in New England Justified," pages 39, 40. Justice to Sir
Edmund Andros requires it to be stated in reply to the allegations in ** Revolu-
tion in New England Justified," that he sent a letter to the Justices of the
Court of New Hampshire, concerning trading with the Indians, whereupon it
was, probably in pursuance of the instructions contained in it, at a private or
special session, holden on the 28 January, 1688-9, by his Majesty's Justices,
<^ Ordered, that no person within this Province (of New Hampshire) presume
to trade with, furnish, or supply, any Indian or Indians (particularly those of
Fennicook) with any ammunition, instruments of war, goods, provisions, or

SIR EDMUXD ANDROS. 417

James the Second had been making towards the estab-
lishment of popery and despotism, excited the most
terrible apprehensions.

The news of the landing of the Prince of Orange
in England; reached Boston on the 4th of April, 1689.
Andros was so excited with alarm at the news, that he im«
prisoned the messenger, (John Winslow,*) who brought
a copy of the Prince's declaration to Boston, and pub-
lished a proclamation commanding all persons to be in
readiness to oppose " any invasion from Holland,'' which
proclamation was utterly disregarded.

The patience of the people had long since been ex-
hausted. They now resolved upon striking a decisive
blow. On the morning of the 18th of April, the town
of Boston was in arms, and the people from the country
poured in, to the assistance of the capital. The insur-
rection was general. The citizens were unanimous in
their determination to overthrow the existing government.
Early in the morning, the boys were seen running along
the streets of Boston, armed with clubs, encouraging one
another to fight by the sides of their fathers, who were
gathered in arms in various parts of the city. The cap-
tain of the Rose frigate was one of the first seized and con-
fined, and the arrest of others followed. The drums
began to beat a general summons to the multitude to
gather near the fort, when Andros sent a messenger re-

any thing whatsoever. And whosoever can give any information of any per-
son or persons that have already supplied and furnished the said Indians with
ammunition, or instruments of war, they are desired forthwith to give notice
thereof to the next Justice of the Peace, that they may he secured, and pro-
ceeded against with all severity." Records of the Court of Quarter Sessions^
held at Great Island, New Hampshire, in 1688-9.
* See p. 133, of this volume.

418 SIR EDMUND ANDROS.

questing four of the ministers to come to him at the fort,
to act as mediators between him and the people. The
ministers did not consider it safe to do so, and declined.
By this time the multitude had secured all the obnoxious
persons about town, and Andros was summoned to sur-
render.* The frigate, now commanded by its lieutenant,
made preparations for battle, but the commander, who
was in custody, sent him word to forbear, as all who had
been arrested would be put to death, should he fire upon
the people. Andros now endeavoured to escape *on
board the frigate, but his retreat had already been cut
oflf by the multitude, who were approaching on both sides
of the fort. The lowei: battery was deserted by the reg-
ulars, who fled up the hill into the fort; and such was
their panic at the appearance of the multitude before
them, that, though the cannons were charged with grape,
they did not fire a gun. The people marched up to the
mouths of the cannon. Capt. John Nelson, a merchant of
Boston, entered the fort, and made the second demand
for Andros to surrender. Sir Edmund, finding resistance
useless, surrendered to Capt. Nelson, and was conduct-
ed under guard to the house of John Usher. Here he re-
mained for a short time, until the people began to clamor
for his imprisonment in a place of greater security.
Nothing would satisfy them but binding the Governor
with cords, and carrying him to a safe place. Capt. Dan-
iel Fisher, of Dedham, whose father had suffered great
indignity from Andros, was soon seen among the crowd,
leading the pale and trembling Sir Edmund by the collar
of his coat, from the house of Usher, back to Fort Hill.
The revolution was complete. A declaration, defending

* See pp. 385—387, of this volume.

SIR EDMUXD ANDROS. 419

the insurrection^ was publicly read; the old magistrates
were reinstated as a Council of Safety ; and the venera-
ble Governor Bradstreet was made their president. On
the 29th May, William and Mary were proclaimed King
and Queen at Boston.^

Andros and his accomplices, in the meantime, re-
mained in confinement, until the pleasure of the king
and queen could be made known. Andros on one occasiqn
managed to elude the vigilance of his keepers, and escap-
ed, but was soon after taken in Rhode Island, and agaii^
conducted to prison.f On the 30th of July, William
III. issued an order for the immediate conveyance of
Andros, Randolph and others to England, " to answer
what may be objected against them.^' The order was
not received until near the close of the year, and in Feb-
ruary, 1690, they were sent home to England.

In considering their case, the king was placed in an
awkward dilemma. If he condemned the conduct of
Andros, and sanctioned the proceedings of the colonists,
it might be used as an argument and precedent in favor
of future insurrections. On the other hand, to approve
the course of Andros, and censure the acts of the people,
would be condemning the very same course which had
produced the revolution in England, and elevated him-
self to the throne.| The case was therefore summarily
disposed of. The colonists were confirmed in their

* See Bjfield's ** Account of the Late Revolution in New England;" and
«' Reyolution in New England Justified." [Both these rare tracts are re-print-
ed, from originals, in the 4th volume of Force's Tracts.] Compare also Hutch-
inson's Colony of Massachusetts Bay, 373—382, and Bancroft, ii. 447.

t Byfield, in his Account of the Revolution, says Andros attempted " to es-
cape in women's apparel, and passed two guards, and was stopped at the third, be-
ing discovered by his shoes, not having changed them."

t See extracts from letter of Elisha Cooke, in Hutchinson's Colony of Mass.
Bay, 394.

420 SIR EDMUND ANDROS.

rights. Andros was released, and though generally re-
garded as a bad man and magistrate, he still contrived to
retain a degree of influence at home.

In 1692, a little more than two years after his dis*
grace at Boston, he was appointed by William III. gov-
ernor of the province of Virginia, in which office he
remained until he was superseded by Nicholson, in 1698.
Andros arrived in Virginia in Feb. 1692. Beverly, Burk,
and other historians of that colony, represent him to have
been actuated in his administration by a sound judgment
and liberal policy — to have been exact, diligent and
methodical in the mandgement of business, and of great
public generosity. Beverly says he was "a great en-
courager of manufactures. He also gave particular marks
of favor towards the propagation of cotton, afterwards
so much neglected. He was a great lover of method —
caused all the loose and torn records in the pubHc of-
fices, which were of any value, to be transcribed into new
books — took measures for their preservation, and for re-
ducing them to such order that they could at once be
referred to. The public offices were burnt in October,
1698, just before his term of office expired, but the pa-
pers were saved. By great diligence, he got them all
properly arranged before he left the government. He
made offers to rebuild the public edifice at his own ex*
pense in part, and would have done so, had he not been
superseded."* Whether Andros, in his last government
in America, found a people in spirit more congenial with
his own, or, what is more probable, had learned wisdom
from misfortune, it is certain that few governors of Vir-
ginia were more generally beloved. He returned to

* Beverly, nee. 142, j>. 90. Burk, ii. 316.

SIR EDMUND ANDROS. 421

England in 1699, was governor of the Island of Guern*
sey, from 1704 to 1706, and died in London in Februa-
ry, 1714, Douglas says, "at a very advanced age," He
-was 82, at the time of his death. His wife died at Bos-
ton, according to Sewall, in February, 1688.*

History has done no more than justice to Andros, in
stamping him with the character of a tyrant. Oldmixon,
in 1741, said he "was a man of as mean a character as
fortune,^^ and that it was a matter of amazement that
such a man should have been continued in office after the
revolution. Smith, the historian of New York, says of
Andros, that " he knew no law but the will of his master,
and Kirke and Jeffries were not fitter instruments than
he to execute the despotic projects of James 11.^^

The family of Andros is one of the most ancient upon
the Island, and descendants were living in Guernsey and
Alderney, as late as 1798. John Andros, the ancestor
of Governor Andros, was, from 1682 to 1607, one of the
twelve jurats or judges, who, with the bailiff, composed
the Royal Court of the Island — an office which contin-
ued in some of the family name down to as late a period
as 1706. Amice Andros, the father of Sir Edmund, was
bailiff of the Island from 1660 to his death, on the 7th
April, 1674, 2et. 64. In the inscription upon a mural

* There is something striking ii^the few words of Judge Sewairs description
of what he witnessed at Lady Andros*s faneral. *< Between 4 and 5, Feh. 10th,
I went to the funeral of the Lady Andros, having been invited by the dark of
the South Company. Between 7 and 8, (lychns [torches] illuminating the clou-
dy air) the corpse was carried into the herse drawn by six horses, the soldiers
making a guard from the governor's house down the Prison Lane to the South
meeting-house; there taken out and carried in at the western door, and set in
the alley before the pulpit, with six mourning women by it. House made light
with candles and torches. There was a great noise and clamor to keep people
out of the house, that they might not rush in too soon. I went home»"^MSk
Diary of Judge SewaU.

422 SIR EDMUND ANDROS.

monument in the church of St. Martin's, Guernsey, over
the remains of Amice Andros, Esq. he is styled ^^ Seig-
neur of Sausmares and Jerbourg, Hereditary Steward of
the Island, Lieutenant of Ceremonies in the Courts of
Charles I. and IL, Judge of the Royal Court of Guern-
sey, and Major General of the Forces of the Isle,'' &.c.
After his death, the office of bailiff was filled by his son,
Edmund Andros, until his departure for New York, in
August, 1674. The Seigniory or Lordship of Sausmares,
is of Norman origin and great antiquity in the Island.
The fief became vested in the family of Andros, by inter-
marriages with that of Sausmares.

The fief or manor of Anneville, granted by Henry
VIII. , to Nicholas Fachin, remained for some time in
that family, and then descended to that of Andros, who
possessed it in 1676- It consisted of some 27 farms and
tenants.

The late major general Brock, of the British army,
who fell in the battle of Queenstown, U. C. 13th Oct.
1812, was a descendant of the Andros family.

END OF VOLUME FIRST.

INDEX.

Abbot, ArchbiBhop of Canterbury, 12.

Abigail, ship, 348.

Aciuiie, settlements in, 9. Destroyed by
the English, 198.

Accqmack, Plymouth, 38.

Adams, Thomas, 240.

Acorns, settlers live upon, 246.

Acts of trade resisted, 373.

Adams, Helen, 137.

Adams, John, of Plymouth, 137.

Adding^on, Isaac, 3o6.

Agawam. See Ipsioich.

Agawam, "Simple Cobler of," 177.

Alden, John, 26, 46, 72, 109, 132, 134,
140, 143, 156, 157. Notice of, 203.

Alden, President Timothy, 203.

Aldersey, Samuel, 240.

Alexander, Sir William, grant to, 235.

Alexander, son and successor of Massa-
soit, 162. Charged with hostile inten-
tions, 163. Arrest and sudden death
of, 164, 166, 179. "Narrative de Al-
exandro," 165.

Allerton, Isaac, 26, 45. Notice of, 54.
Assistant to the governor, 55, 65, 71,
72, 140.

Allerton, John, 36.

Allerton, Mary, 54.

Allerton, Mary Cushman, last survivor
of the Maynower, 46.

Allin, Rev. John, 294, 390.

America, Winslow's advice, as to fit per-
sons to come over to, 108. Dudley's
do., 281.

Amsterdam, English puritans at, 13.
Ships from, 279.

Anabaptists, persecution of, 343. Pub-
lic conference with, 343.

Andover, settlement of, 378.

Andrews, Richard, 72.

Andros, Amice, 421, 422.

Andros, Sir Edmund, his birth and fam-
ily, 403. A favorite of the Duke of
York, 408. Appointed Governor of
New York, 403. Arrest of Capt.

• Manning, 404. Vested with large

. powers, 404. Undertakes to regulate
religious affairs, 405. duarrels with
the Albany magistrates, 405. Re-
quires surrender of Long Island settle-

ments, 406. His expedition to Hart*
ford, 406. Outmanaged by a Con-
necticut captain, 407. Gives up his
enterprise sind returns, 408. Advice
to Kong James about an assembly,
408. Claims tribute from ships of
New Jefsey, and imprisons their
governor, 409. Returns to England,
and is superseded, 409. Appointea
Governor of New Ei^a^land, 212, 409.
His arrival and reception, 410. His
arbitrary conduct, 385, 411—414.
His letter of reproof to Gov. Hinck-
ley, 211. Opposed by Gov. Hinck-
ley, 214. Tajces possession of the
South Church in Boston, 413. Dis-
solves the government of Rhode Isl-
and, 414. Proceeds to Hartford, and
assumes the government there, 415.
Visits Maine, and plunders the house
of the Baron de St. Castine, 416.
New York €uid New Jersey added to
his government, 416. People deter-
mine upon his overthrow, 385, 417.
Alarmed by news of Revolution in
England, 133, 417. Insurrection in
Boston against, 417. Is deposed and
imprisoned, 216, 418. Declaj^ion
against, 386. Is denied bail, 394.
]&capes, and is retaken, 419. Sent
home to Englaind, 419. Escapes fui^
ther punishment, 419. Governor of
Virginia, in which his administration
is popular, 420. Returns to England,
and is Governor of the Isle of Guern-
sey, 421. Death of, 421. Notices of
his family, 421, 422.

Andros, Jonn, 421.

Anecdotes of Winthrop, 248. Of Crom-
well and Wheelwright, 288. Of the
Pope and the Cluaker, 161. Of Rev,
Mr. Witherell, 196.

Anneville, manor of, 422.

Anselm, Archbishop of Canterbury, 359.

Antinomians, doctrmes of, 254, 319. Op-
posed by the clergy, 255, 288. De-
nounced by Synod at Cambridge, 257 «
Adherents banished, 257, 287, 356.

Apannow, submission of, 57.

Apaum, Plymouth, 45.

Appleton, Major Samuel, 185, 188,

Arbella, ship, 243, 267, 277.

424

IICDEX.

Army raised against the Narragansetts,

Arrows, sent as a challenge, 60.
Ashurst, Sir Henry, 218, 220. Sole

ageht of New Plymouth, 221.
Ashley, Edward, agent at Penobscot,

74.
Assembly of Divines, 239, 323.
Assistants, in New Plymouth, number

increased, 78, 110. Powers of, 145.

First court of, in Massachusetts, 245.
Associates, New Plymouth, 26, 45.
Association against wearing long hair,

359.
Aspinet, sachem of Nauset, 56.
Aspinwall, William, banished, 257.

Baldwin, Judffe Henry, 232.

Bancroft, Arcnbishop of Canterbury, 12.

Bancroft, George, cited, 386, 401.

Barker, Isaac, 174.

Barnstable, or Gummaquid, 30. Under
Massasoit, 58.

Battle of Narragansett Swamp, 187. —
With Pequots, 303.

Baylies, Francis, memoirs of New Ply-
mouth, cited, 195. Cluoted, 227—230.

Beauchamp, John, 72.

Beaver, trade in. 111.

Bellingham, Elizabeth, 335.

Bellingham, Penelope, 346.

Bellingham, Richard, birth and educa-
tion, 335. Arrives in Boston, 335.
Deputy, assistant, and treasurer, 335.
Johnson's notice of, 335. One of the
military council, 286. Deputy govern
nor, 336. Chosen governor, 253, 289,
336, 341. Is censured by Winthrop,
338. Takes the part of a poor miller
against Dudley, 338. Offends the peo-
ple by marrying a young lady, and
performing the ceremony himself, 339 .
Is indicted for the offence, and sum-
moned to answer; but refuses, Eind the
matter is dropped, 339. He is left out of
office, 339. Takes the part of a poor
woman against a rich neighbor, wnich
sets the colony by the ears, 340. Op-
poses persecution, 341. Charter pla-
ced in his hands, for safe keeping, 341,
371. Ordered to England, by the King,
342. Evades the order, and pacifies
the King, 343. Takes part in ailispute
with the anabaptists, 344. , Opposes
establishment ofjtiew church in Boston,

344. His sister hung for a witchi or
" for having more wit than her neigh-
bors," 344. His death eind character,

345. Notice of his family, 346.
Bellingham, Rev. Samuel, 346.
Bentley, Rev. William, 351.

Bernard, Lord, 334.

Billingsgate Point, Wellfleet, 32.

Billington, Francis, discovers Billing^ton
Sea, 39.

Billington, John, 26. Executed for mur-
der, 83.

Bishop, Joseph, 365.

Blackstone, William, first settler of Bos-
ton, 236.

Blaffge, Edward, 130.

Blaithwaite, Mr. 205, 214.

Board of Trade and Plantations, records
of, cited, 400.

Boston, first visit to, 59. Setded, 236,
245,247. Sachem of, 58.

Boston Harbor, or Bay of Massachusetts ,
Governor Bradford's visit to, 59.

Boyes, Antipas, 133.

Bradford, Hon. Alden, notice of, 90.

Bradford, Dorothy, wife of Gov. Brad-
ford, drowned, 54.

Bradford, Col. Gamaliel, 90.

Bradford, Joseph, son of Grov. B., no-
tice of, 89.

Bradford, Mercy, 89.

Bradford, William, his birth and educa-
tion, 49. Joins Robinson's and Clif-
ton's church, 49. Imprisoned, 51. Re-
moves to Holland, 53. Accused as a
fugitive, 53. Apprentice to a silk-dyer,
53. Unsuccessml in trade, 53. Ac-
companies pilgrims to New England,
26, 53. Makes an excursion from Cape
Cod Harbor, 28,'53. Sick when store
house was burnt, 38. His wife drown-
ed, 54. Chosen Governor of New
Plymouth, 54, 140. Sends an embas-
sy to Massasoit, 55. Sends party to
Nauset, to recover a boy, 56. Anoth-
er to Bay of Massachusetts, 59. Re-
ceives a threatening message from Can-
onicus, 60. Makes a voyage for com,
&c., 62, 63. Sends message to Mas-
sasoit in his sickness, 64. Receives
intelligence of a conspiracy of the In-
dians, 64. Adopts measures of defence,
65. Negotiates with the adventurers
in Elngland, 71. Surrenders the pat-
ent to the colony, 74. His death, 79.
His character, 79, 80. His history of
the colony recovered by Rev. Dr.
Young, 80. Part of his letter-book
found at Halifax, and published, 80.
Other compositions, 81, 82. His dis-
creet course towards offenders, 83. De-
cisive proceedings with Lyford and
Oldham, 85—87. Notices of his de-
scendants, 88— 92, 151.

Bradford, William, son of Gov. B., no-
tice of, and of his descendants, 88---91,
165, 185. 214, 226.

Bradford, Hon. William, of R. I., notice
of, 91.

INDEX.

425

Bradford's History, recovered by Rev.

A. Young, 80.
Bradstreet, Anne, poem of, 295, 388.
Bradstreet, Dudley, 385, 389.
Bradstreet, Simon, birth sind education,

377. In the family of the Earl of
Lincoln, 377, and of the Countess of
Warwick, 378. Marries the daugh-
ter of Governor Dudley, and comes to
"New England in the fleet with Win-
throp, 378. Settles at Newtown, 283,

378. Signs declaration against wear-
ing long hair, 359. Secretary of the
colony, 378. One of the military
council, 286. Visits Dover, to settle a,
dispute, 379. Commissioner of the
United Colonies, 379. More liberal
in principle than his associates, 380.
Opposes the witchcraft delusion, 381.
Treats with settlers of Maine, 382.
Defends the rights of the colony, 382.
Sent to England as an agent; is success-
ful, but censured by uie colonists, as
having yielded too much, 383. Coun-
sels submission to the King, as the
wisest course, 384. Chosen governor,
and is in office when James II. dissolves
the charter, 384. Named as counsel-
lor under Dudley, but refuses to act,
385. A leader of the people on the
overthrow of Andros, 385. His sum-
mons to Andros to- surrender, 385. Is
again in the chair of state, 387, 419.
His death and chfiiracter, 387. Inscrip-
tion on his tomb, 387. Notices of his
descendants, 388—389.

Bradstreet, Rev. Simon, 388, 389.

Braintree, settlement of, 236.

Brattle, Thomas, 133, 381.

Brenton, Admiral Jahleel, 229.

Brenton, Gk)v. William, 229.

Brereton, John, at Cape Cod, 22.

Brewster, Elder Wilham, 24, 26, 45, 54,
68, 72, 92, 140, 174, 175.

Brewster, Fear, 54.

Brewster, Patience, 173.

Brewster's Islands, 367, 374.

Bridges, Robert, 359.

Britterige, Richard, 26.

Brooke, Lord, 269.

Browne, John, 240, 350.

Brown, Peter, 26.

Brown, Robert, a zealous separatist, 11.

Browne, Samuel, 240, 350.

Brown, William, 386.

Budington, Rev. William I., 388.

Bull, Capt. Thomas, his resistance of
Andros, 406.

Burial Hill, in Plymouth, 41, 92. Forti-
fied, 61. Artillery planted on, 61.

Burdet, George, 378.

Burnet, Bishop, cited, 333»

Burnet, Gk>v. William, 389.

Bushheag, a Waranoke or Westfield In-
dian, 309.
Butler's Hudibras, cited, 84.

Callender, John, cited, 56.

Cambridgie, Synod at, 256.

Camden, William, ■ " Remaines" cited,
294.

Canada, first settlement in 9. River of,
404.

Canonicus, messenger from, with hostile
message, 60.

Capawock, Martha's Vineyard, 58.

Cape Anne, plantation at, 1 1 1 , 238. Re-
moval to Salenl^ 236, 238.

Cape Cod discovered by Gosnold, 22.
Explored by Pilgrims, 29, 93.

Cape James. See Cape Cod*

Careswell, in Marshfield, seat of Gov.
Winslow, 131. Named from a castle
in Staffordshire, 131. .

Carleton, Sir Dudley, on the Sabbath in
Holland, 14.

Carpenter, Alice, 88

Cartaret, Sir George, 409.

Cartaret, Philip, 409.

Carver, Elizabeth, 46.

Carver, Jasper, 46.

Carver, John, appointed agent to the En-
glish settlers at Leyden, 13, 15, 17.
Superintends the equipments for emi-
gration, 19. Chosen governor of the
company, 25, 54, 140. Makes an ex-
cursion from Cape Cod to look for a
harbor, 32. Skirmish with the natives,
34. Lands on Clark's Island, 35. Re-
turns to the ship, 36. Makes a set-
tlement at Plymouth, 37. His sick-
ness, 38. His recovery and visit to
Billinffton Sea, 39. JHis interview
with Massasoit, 44, 94. His death,
46, 92. His character, 47, 48. His
posterity, 46. His sword and other
relics preserved, 48.

Carver, Jonathan, the traveller, 47.

Carver, William, 47.

Castine, Baron de St.. 416.

Cattle, first brought mto New England,
109.

Caunbatant, submission of, 57, 58, 102,
103.

Cawnacome, sachem of Manomet, sub-
mission of, 57, 58.

Centennial feast, at Plymouth, 68.

Charity, arrival of ship, 61, 109.

Charles I., 76, 201, 247, 324. Beheaded,
325 335 349.

Charles II.', 162. Letter of, to New Ply-
mouth, 168. Rye-house plot against,
206. Restoration of, 332, 333, 360,
372, 382, 403. Mandamus of, for-

426

IXDEX.

bidding further persecution of Ctua-
kers 358.

Charlestown, first settled, 236, 245, 280,
First Court at, 378. Church estab-
lished at, 245.

Charter, efforts of New Plymouth to ob-
tain, 192. Of Connecticut, 192. Of
New Plymouth, 119. New, of Massa-
chusetts, 226.

Chichester, Earl of, 315.

Chikkatabak, submission of, 57, 58. Vis-
its settlers, 246.

Child, Maj. John, 124. His " New En-
gland's Jonas," 126. Winslow's
"New England's Salamander," in an-
swer, 127.

Child, Dr. Robert, noffce of, 124, 262.

Chilton, James, 26, 132.

Chilton, Mary, first female who landed
from the May-flower, 132, 135.

Christian Chanty, Winthrop's "Modell
of," 267.

Chronicles of the Pilgrims, Young's,
cited, 82.

Church, Major Benj. 90, 185, 188, 189,
218.

Church, first in Chsirlestown and Boston,
245. At Plymouth, proposed remo-
val of, 151. Records of, 173. At Sa-
lem, founded, 350.

Clap, Capt. Roger, cited, 246.

Clare, Earl of, 334.

Clarendon, Lord, his character of Vane,
254.

Clark, Nathaniel, counsellor of Andros,
imprisoned, 216.

Clarke, Richard, of Plymouth, 26.

Clark, Richard, of Boston, 135.

Clark, Thomas, 371.

Clark's Island, pilgrims at, 35. Given
away by Andros, and reclaimed, 216.
Described, 216.

Cleaves, 247.

Cleveland, Duke of, 334.

Clifton, Rev. Richard, 12, 49.

Clopton, Thomasin, 268.

Clopton, William, 268.

Coddin^on, William, 286.

Codfish in Cape Cod harbour, 22.

Cogigan, John, 268.

Corns found at Johnson's point, near
old fort Castine, 416^

Cold Harbor, m Truro, 30.

Cole's Hill, in Plymouth, 41.

Collier, Mary, 174.

CoUier, William, 90, 143, 166, 174.

Commissioners, Royal, visit New Ply-
mouth, 167. Their favorable report,
168. Visit to, and reception of, in
Mass. 342, 360. Of United Colonies,
request of, .to Rhode Island, to ex-
pel Ctuakers, 161. Answered by
Rhode Island, 161.

Committee of Safety, P|rliamentary , 332.
At Boston, on the expulsion of An-
dros, 419.

Common House, at Plymouth, 37, 38,

Community of goods, 17, 69.

Compact of the Pilgrims, 25.

Conant, Roger, setdes Cape Anne, 238.

Confederation of N. E. Colonies, 119.
Articles of, 120. Re-organized, 171.

Congregational Church, first in America,

Connecticut, explored by Winslow, 113.
Settlement of opposed by Winthrop,
113. Trading house at, 113. Threat-
ened resistance of the Dutch, 114.
Disturbances at, 141. First house in,
148. Settlement of, 269, 300. Char-
ter of, 192, 269. Emigration from
Newtown to, 300. Sufferings of set-
tlers, 305. Constitution established,
306. First governor of, chosen, 307.
Visited by Andros, 406. Submits to
Andros,4l4. Charter of, concealed ,415.

Cooke, Elisha, 220, 386, 419.

Cook, Francis, 26.

Cook, Joseph, 312.

Copford Hall, 297, 311.

Copley, John S., 135

Coppin, Robert, pilot, 32, 34.

Copp's Hill, in Boston, visited, 59.

Corbett, Abraham, arrest of, 371.

Corbitant. See Cawnhatant,

Corlet, Elijah, 390.

Com. See Indian Com.

Cotta Island, 364.

Cotton, Rev. John, of Boston, 127, 257,
265, 276, 288, 289, 297, 367.

Cotton, Rev. John, of Plymouth, 129,
146, 221.

Cotton, John, Esq., 171.

Council of Plymouth established, 9,
70, 235. Charter of, surrendered to
Charles I. 76.

Council of State, in England, 325, 331.

Coimcil of War, in New Plymouth, 176.

Counsellors, under Andros, 214. Under
Massachusetts charter, 226.

Courts, established at Plymouth, 75.

Coytmore, Thomas, 268

Coytmore, Martha, 268.

Crackston, John, 26.

Cradock, Georffe, 348.

Cradock, MatUiew, 236- Grovemor of
the Massachusetts Company in Eng^
land, 239. Notice of, 348.

Cromwell, Oliver, 64, 129, 324,326, 382.
Expedition against West Indies, 130,
270. Anecdote of, 288.

Cromwell, Richard, 327, 328, 329, 330.
Abdicates, 331.

Cross, cut from the flag at Salem, 353.

Crown Point, expedition against, 199.

Cudworth, General James, 153. Notice

IXDCX.

427

of, 154, 161, 178, 203, 203, 208.

Cuminaquid, Barnstable, 58.

Cushman, Robert, 15, 17, 19, 109. Ar-
rives in the Fortune, 139.

Cutts, Lord, 396.

Dalton, Samuel, 379.

Danforth, Thomas, 371, 386, 394.

Darcy, Francis, 314.

Darcy, Thomas, 314.

Darlington, Earl of, 334.

Davenport, Capt., 185, 187, 190.

Davenport, Rev. John, 344.

Davis, Benjamin, 137.

Davis, Judge John, cited, 129, 171, 213,
294.

Davis, Mary, 137.

Declaration of Rights in New Plymouth,
first in America, 144. In Massachu-
setts Bay, 382, 383.

Deer trap, 28. Mr. Bradford caught in,

Delflhaven, partine at, 20.

Denbigh, Baron of, 274.

Dennison, Gren. Daniel, notice of, 295.

Dermer, Capt. Thomas, cited, 43.

Dexter, Thomas, of Lynn, 352.

Discovery, ship, 61.

Discussion, public, on toleration propos-
ed by Roger Williams, 169. Dedmed
by Gov. Prence, 170.

Divmes, Assembly of, 239, 323.

Dongan, Gk)v. Thomas, of N. Y. 408,
m, 416.

Dorchester Company, at Cape Anne,
361.

Dorchester, Lord, 240.

Dort, Synod of, 14.

Dotey, Edward, 26. Punished for duel-
ling, 85.

Dover, riotous proceedings at, 379.

Downam, John, 128.

Downing, Emanuel, 388.

Drake, Samuel G. 43. His Book of In-
dians cited, 179, 189, 246.

Drury, John, 128.

Dubuc, Jemima, 136.

Dudley, Ambrose, 274.

Dudley, Anne, 295, 278, 388.

Dudley, Deborah, 296.

D\idley, Kdmund, 273.

Dudley, Lord Guilford, 274.

Dudley, John, Duke of Northumberland,
273.

Dudley, Joseph, his birth and education,
390. Early employments, 390. In
Narragansett campaign, 391. Issentas
agent to England, 391. His intrigues,
392. Appomted President of New
England, 392. Is superseded by An-
dros, made president of his Council,

and chief justice, 393. Hated by the
people, and imprisoned on the over-
throw of Andros, 393, 394. His suf-
ferings in prison, 395. Is denied bail,
and ordered to be sent to England for
trial,. 394. Conciliates the royal favor,
and is made chief justice of New
York, 395. Is superseded, and ffoes a
third time to England, 396. Is de-
puty ffovemor of the Isle* of Wight,
and Member of Parliament, 396.
Supplants Sir William Phips, and
returns as governor of Massachusetts
and New Hampshire, 396. Ctuarrela
with the assembly in Massachusetts,

396. Complains of democracy of the
people, 397. Negatives counsellors^

397. VisittoPemaquid,398. Confer-
ence with eastern Indians, 398. The
friend of Harvard College, 399. Su-
perseded by Grov. Shute, 399. His
administration populfiir in New Hamp-
shire, 400. Assists the Huguenots, 401.
Death and character, 401.' Notice of
his family, 402.

Dudley, Mercy, 296.

Dudley, Patience, 295.

Dudley, Hon. Paul, 397, 402.

Dudley, Paul, 296.

Dudley, Robert, Earl of Leicester, 274.

Dudley, Capt. Roger, 275.

Dudley, Thomas, his birth and early
employments, 273. Some of his femily
claim descent from the Duke of Nor-
thumberland, 273. In the family of
the Earl of Northampton, 275. Cap-
tain in French service at the siege of
Amiens, 275. Becomes steward to the
Earl of Lincoln, 276. One of the
original undertakers of Massachusetts
Colony, 242, 277. Arrives in the fleet
with Winthrop, 244, 277. Chosen
deputy governor, 277. Letter to the
Countess of Lincobi, 277—282. Set-
tles at Newtown, 283. Is censured
for building a good house, 283. Mis-
understanding with Winthrop, 253,
283. Attends to religious services in
absence of the Pastor, 284. Chosen
governor of Massachusetts Bay, 284,
289, 290, 298. One of the Military
Commission, having power of life €uid
limb, 286. One of the council for life,
287. Opposes the heresy of Anne
Hutchinson and others, 287. An ene-
my of toleration , 263, 293. Appointed
major general, 290. Removes to Ips-
wich, and to Roxbury, 5J91. Death
of, and character, 291,292. Epitaph,
by himself, 293. Notice of his family
and descendants, 294—296, 318, 340,
359, 377, 378, 380, 388.

Duel, first in Plyraouth,punishmentofj65.

428

IKDEX.

Duellinff how punished in New Fly-
mouth, 85.

Dugdale, William, cited, 273.

Dutch of New York, controversy of
Massachusetts with, 299.

Dwight, Dr. Timothy, cited, 92, 230.

Dyer, Mary, quakeress, hung, 358.

Eastern Indians, war with, 218. Trea-
ties with, 398.

Eastham, settlement of, 150.

Eaton, FVancis, 26.

Eaton, Theophilus, 240.

Election, annual, in New Plymouth, 144.

Eliot, Rev. John, 128, 129, 207, 284.

Elizabeth Islands, 38.

Elizabeth, Clueen, 274.

Ellet, Peter, 405.

Emigrants to America, advice to, 108,
281.

Emigration to New England, motives
for, 238, 241. To Connecticut, 300.

Endecott House, in Salem, 361. In Bos-
ton, 361. Farm, in Salem, 361. In
Concord, N.H., 361.

Endecott, John, the real founder of Mas-
sachusetts, 347, 362. Bom in Dorset-
shire, England, and bred a chirurgeon,
347. One of the original purchasers of
Massachusetts, 239, 378. Grovemor
of the plantation, 240, 243, 278, 348,
349. Arrives at Salem, 348. Forms
military company, 349. Cuts down
May-pole at Mount Wollaston, 349.
Is superseded by Winthrop, 350. As-
sistant, deputy governor, and major
eeneral, 350. Forbids Church of Eng-
land worship, and sends episcopalians
home, 351. Orders veils to be worn
by women at church, 352. His quar^
rel with Dexter, of Lynn, 352. One
of the military council, 286, 353. Cuts
the cross from the flag, 317, 353. Is
suspended from office, 353. Defends
Roger Williams, and is imprisoned ;
recants, and is released, 354. Com-
mands an expedition against Pequots,
354, Chosen governor for fifteen
years, 355. Inexorably hostile to sec-
taries, 355, 357. Approves persecu-
tion of the Cluakers, 357. King's
mandamus to, 358. Joins association
against wearing long hair, 359. Firm-
ness in resisting royal encroachments,
359, 361. Death of, 361. Character,

362. His houses in Salem and Bos-
ton, 361. Notices of his descendants,

363, 366.

Elndecott, John, son of Gov. E., notice

of, 363.
Endecott, William P., 362.

Endecott, Zerubabel, son of Gov. E.,
notice of, and of his descendants, 363-
366.

Englishmen, three, executed for murder,
149.

English, Thomas, 26.

Epenow. See ^^pannow.

Episcopalians, toleration of, 342. First
society of, in Boston, 412. Opposi-
tion to, 414.

Fachin, Nicholas, 422.

Fairfax, Sir Thomas, 302.

Famine, at New Plymouth, 61, 67, 68.

Fane, Henry, 313.

Fane, John, 313.

Fane, Richard, 313.

Farmer, John, and Moore, J. B., ••Col-
lections^' of, cited, 205.

Fast at Charlestown, 245.

Felt, Rev. Joseph B., cited, 387, 412.

Fifth Monarchy men, idea of, 333.

First offence in Plymouth, 83.

First purchasers, or undertakers, names
of, 72, 347.

Fisher, Daniel, 418.

Fishing, at Cape Cod, 22. At Ply-
mouth, 27, 36.

Flag, the royed, defaced at Salem, 317,

Fletcher, governor of New York, 395.

Fletcher, Moses, 26.

Flint, Thomas, 359.

Flynt, Rev. Henry, cited, 376.

Force, Peter, his Collection of Tracts re-
ferred to, 123, 177, 281, 385, 410, 419.
MSS. in library of, 172, cited, 400.

Forefather's Rock, account of, 36.
Forefather's Day, 36.

Fort, of Narragansetts, taken, 186. Wil-
liam Henry, 199.

Forts, in Nova Scotia taken, 198. Of
Pequots, 303.

Forth, John, 268.

Fortii, Mary, 268.

Fortune, arrival of, 60. Passengers by,
67.

Foster, John, 386.

Fowle, Thomas, 127.

Foxcrofl, Greorge, 240.

Fox, Rev. George, 358.

Freeman, Edmund, Jr. 173.

Freeman, John, 174.

Freemen, qualifications of, 75, 144. Oath
of, 290.

French Protestants, in Oxford, 400.

French settiements, driven from Maine,
371.

FuUer, Edward, 26.

FuUer, Samuel, 22, 26, 140.

Furs, trade for. See Betmer,

INDEX.

429

G. ,

Gallop, Capt. John, 185, 190.

Gardner, Ann, widow, 388.

Gardner, Capt. Joseph, 185, 190, 388.

Grardiner, Richard, 26.

G^dney, Bartholomew, 386.

General Fundamentals, declaration of, in
New Plymouth, 76, 146.

Grerrits, John, 405.

Gibbons, Edward, 368.

Gibson, Elizabeth, 363.

Gilbert, Nathaniel, 364.

Glover, Elizabeth, 270.

Glover, Hon. John, 231.

Glover, Nathaniel, 231.

Glover, widow Mary, 231.

Goffe, Thomas, 236. Deputy governor,
239, 240.

Goldsmith, Ralph, 358.

Groldsmith^s Hall, meeting of commis-
sioners at, 129.

Gt>odman, John, 26.

" Good News from New England," quo-
ted, 101, 107.

CSorges, Sir Ferdinando, 43, 70, 115.
Grant to, 235, 240. Connected with
the family of Lincohi, 276. Sells his
grant of Maine, 372, 381.

Gorges, John, marries Frances, daughter
of Earl of Lincoln, 276.

Grorges, Capt. Robert, 76. Grant to,
2S.

Gk>rham, Capt. John, 185, 190.

Gorton, Samuel, 122. Enthusiast, 123.
His " Simplicity's Defence," 123. His
letter to Morton entire in Force's
Tracts, 123. Cruelly persecuted, 123.
E. Winslow's answer to, 124, 153.

Grosnold, Bartholomew, discoverer of
Cape Cod, 22.

Grospel, society for propagation of, in N.
E., 128, 207.

Gover, Anna, 363.

Government instituted in New Ply-
mouth, 144—146.

Grovernor, powers and duties of, pre-
scribed in New Plyroouth, 145. Re-
quired to reside at Plymouth, 152.

Grampus Bay, 33. '

Grantees of Massachusetts, 240.

Gray, Edward, 91, 133, 152.

Gray, Sarah, 91.

Great Meadow Creek,Truro, 34.

Greene, Grardiner, 361.

Greene, Samuel, 172, 385, 386.

Grey, Sir Edward, 273.

Grey, Lady Jane, 274.

Griffin, ship, 201, 297.

Grimsby, m Lincolnshire, 51.

Griswold, Gov. 232.

Groundnuts, settlers live upon, 246.

Gurnet, 35.

Hackbume, Mrs. Catharine, 294.

Hackburne, Samuel, 294.

Hair, Association against long, 359.

Hale, Sir Matthew, 345.

Hamilton, Marquis of, 70.

Hampden, John, 64, 101.

Harley, Capt. 58.

Harlow, Capt. 58.

Harrison, General, the enthusiast, 270.

Hartford, settlement of, 301.

Harvard College, 259, 376.

Harwood, George, 240.

Hatherly , Timothy, 72, 153. Notice of,
154, 202, 203.

Haynes, John, birth and education, 297.
A man of fortune, 297. Arrives th the
Griffin, with Rev. Mr. Cotton, and
others, 297. Chosen governor of Mas-
sachusetts the second year after he ar-
rives, 287, 298. One of the military
council, 286. Superseded by Vane,
299. Complains of Winthrop, 250.
Removes to Connecticut, 302. Ac-
companies Uncas to Boston, 306.
Chosen first governor of Connecticut,

307, and is often chosen afterwards,

308. Active in bringing about the
confederation, 308. In danger of
perishing in a storm, 309. Attempt to
assassinate, 309. His religious views
more tolerant after leaving Massachu-
setts, 310. Death of, and character,
311, 312. Notices of his family, and
descendants, 311, 312.

Henry, I., anecdote of, 359.

Henry IV., 275, 400.

Henry, VII., 273.

Henrj, VIII., 237, 273, 313, 421.

Herrings used as manure, 46.

Hibbins, Anne, widow of Wm. H, ex-
e(juted for witchcraft, 344.

Hibbins, WiUiam, 344, 359.

Higginson, Rev. John, 412.

Hilton, William, 139.

Hinckley, Ebenezer, 231.

Hinckley, Mercy, 231.

Hinckley, Samuel, 201.

Hinckley, Samuel, son of Grov. Hinck-
ley, 231.

Hinckley, Hon. Samuel, 232.

Hinckley, Thomas, birth and education,
202. Arrives in the Griffin, 201. Set-
tles at Barnstable, 202. Several years
a deputy, 203. Chosen deputy gov-
ernor, and governor, 203. Goes with
the popular current, 203. Cultivates
the favor of Randolph, 205. An active
supporter of the plan of extending the
Gospel among the Indians, 207. His
account of the Christian Indians, 207.
Account of Narragansett difficulties,

430

INDEX.

183. Rigid in his'religious views, 208.
Earnest to prevent profanation of the
Sabbath, ana to provide for support of
religious worship, 208, 209. A friend
to free schools, 209. Enforces laws,
laying taxes for support of ministers,
and is admonished therefor by Ran-
dolph, 210, and by Andros, 211. Sub-
mits to Andros, and accepts a seat in
his council, 211. Disapproves his
despotic measures, 214. Lays com-
plamts before the King, 215. Re-
assumes government, on overthrow of
Andros, 217. Attempts to procure a
charter, but is discouraged, 220, 222.
Prefers union with Massachusetts to
annexation to New York, 225. One
of the first counsellors under the new
charter, 226. Death of, and character,
231. Notices of his descendants, 232.
His manuscripts, 232.

" Hinckley's Law," 208.

Hinckley Papers, 208, 232.

Hingham, dispute at, 259. Citizens of,
fined, 260.

History of New England, Winthrop's,
editions of, 266.

Hitchcock, Rev. Gad, 196.

Hobart, Rev. Peter, 89.

Hobbamock, or Hobomok, takes m> his
residence at Plymouth, a true friend
to the English, 58, 64, 65, 101.

Hobby, Sir Charles, 396.

Hockmg, , killed at Kennebeck,

142.

Holdrip, Richard, 130.

Holland, Lord., a descendant of Yassall,
229.

Holland. See Low Countries,

Holies, Elizabeth, daughter of Earl of
Clare, 334.

Holies, Gilbert, Earl of Clare, 334.

Hollis, John, Duke of Newcastle, 197,
315, 334.

Holmes, Rev. John, 89.

Holmes, Lieut. Wm. 114. Notice of,
148.

Honey wood. Sir Robert, 315.

Hooker, Rev. Thomas, 291, 298, 300.

Hopkins, Edward, Governor of Con-
necticut, 308, 309.

Hopkins, Oceanus, bom, 22.

Hopkins, Stephen, son of, bom at sea,
^, 26. Notice of, 28, 55, 85, 94, 140.

Hopkins, Stephen, governor of R. I. 28.

House lots laid out at Plymouth, 37.

Houses, building of, at Plymouth, com-
menced, 37.

Howes, Jeremiah, 174.

Howe, the miller, case of, 338.

Houchin, Elizabeth, 363.

Houchin, Jeremy, 363.

Howlond, Arthur, 174.

Howland, John, 26. Notice of, 46, 72.
Hubbard, Rev. Wm., cited, 163, 267,

284, 345.
Hudibras, Butler's, quotation from, 84.
Hudson, Hannah, 375.
Hudson, Ralph, 375.
Hudson's River, pilgrims sail for, 22 ,23.
Huguenots, in Massachusetts, 401.
Humphrey, John, 240, 244,276, 277, 286.
Hunt, Capt. Thomas, the kidnapper, 42,

43, 56.
Hunt, Wm. 91.
Hutchinson, Anne, 253, 254, 257, 287,

288, 291, J18. Banished, 356. Her

belief, 319, 337, 380.
Hutchinson, Edward, 368.
Hutchinson, Gov. Thomas, cited, 80,

110, 214, 243, 299, 373, 375, 390.
Hutchins, Thomas, 240.
Huttamoiden, submission of, 57.

Independence, an object of the puritans,
24, 144.

Indian Com , first found, 29. Indian mode
of storing, 29. Taken from the Indians,
30. Twenty acres planted, 46. Seed
com taken from the Indians paid for,
56. Sixty acres of, planted, 61. Pro-
cured at Namasket and Manomet, 63.

Indians, first sight of by pilgrims, ^. —
Seen around a grampus, 33. Encoun-
ter with, 34. Destroyed by pestilence,
40, Kidnapped by Hunt, 43. Taken
by Weymouth, 43. Submission of
to King James, 45. Embassy to, 55.
Submission of nine sachems , 57 . Peace
with Aspinet, 56. Seed com taken
from, paid for, 56. Conspiracy among,
64. Conspiracy cmshed by Standish,
66. Namascheucks,'96. Hospitality
of, 100. Pequots commence nostih-
ties and are destroyed, 148, 303—305.
Narragansetts refuse to join them, 148.
Supposed plot with the Dutch, 370.
Executed tor murder of John Sauaa-
man, 181. Narragansetts make war,
182. War declared a^;ainst by United
Colonies, 183. Commissioners go with
the fiirmy , 390. Number of Christian ,
in New Plymouth, 207. War with
Eastem, 218. Order against furnish-
ing arms to , 416. Lands of, regulation
respecting purchase of, 168, 348.

Instmctions, to Gren. Winslow, 184. To
Gov. Endecott, 348, 351.

Ipswich, Agawam, 32, 412.

James I., ^rant to Council of Plymouth »
9. Hostility to the Puritans, 12. Dia-

INDEX.

431

likes Sir Edwin Sandys, 16. Refuses

toleration, 243, 313. Indian Allegiance

to, 45, 57.
James II., 122, 206. Proctedmed at New

Plymouth, 211. Addressed by New

Plymouth, 207, 211. Proclaimed in

Boston, 392, 403, 408, 409.
Jamaica, surrender of, 130.
Johnson, Edward, cited, 335, 347, 371.
Johnson, Isaac, 236, 240, 242, 276.
Johnson, Lady Arbe]la,276.
Johnson, Dr. Samuel, 136.
Johnson, Captain Isaac, 185, 187, 190.
Jones, Captain, of the Mayflower, 19.

Plot ascribed to, 23, 29, 30, 39, 61.
Jones, Margaret, executed for witchcraft,

345.

Kea3me, Major Benjamin, 296.

Keayne, Captain Robert, 296.

Keekamuit, seat of Massasoit, 56.

Kennebeck patent, 54. Pilgrims trade
at, 72, 111. Disturbances at, 142,
144. Government organized, 151. Pa-
tent sold, 133.

Kent, Chancellor, 232.

King, Edward, 133.

King's Chapel, Boston, 414.

Kingfisher, ship of war, 410.

Kirke, Colonel, 410, 421.

Knight, Walter, 361.

Knollys, Hanserd, 378, 379.

Laconia, grant of, 235.

Lands of Indians, regulations respects
ing purchase of, 168, 348.

Larkham, Thomas, 379.

Latham, Robt. 133.

Laud, Archbishop, 12, 115. Winslow
heard before, 116. Sends Winslow to
prison, 117, 201, 247, 297, 313, 323,
412.

Laws of New Plymouth, established and
defined, 77, 118, 143. Revisions of,
147. Different editions of, 172.

League with Scotland, 324.

Leavitt, Christopher, 76.

Le Baron, Dr. L. 92.

Leddra, William, quaker, hung, 357.

Leftists, party called, 287.

Leicester, Earl of, 274.

Leisler, Jacob, 405.

Leister, Edward, 26. Punished for du-
elling, 88.

Lenox, Duke of, 70.

Leverett, Anne, 367.

Leverett, Hudson, 375.

Leverett, John a native of Lincolnshire,
367. A merchant in Boston, 368.—

Major General of the colony, 368. On
an embassy to Miantonomoh, 368,
370. Goes to England, and engages in
the service of parliament, 370. Returns ,
and is chosen Speaker of the House, 370.
Commander of forces 371. In an ex-
pedition against French, 371. Again
visits England, 371. Returns and is
chosen governor of Massachusetts,371.
Inquires into disputes at Dover, and
Portsmouth, 371. His visits to Maine,

372. Refuses to enforce the royal acts
of trade, 373. Knighted by Charles II.,

373. Death of, 374. Character, 373—
375. Grants to, 367, 374. Notices of
his family, 375, 376, 296.

Leverett, Rev. John, notice of, 375.

Leverett, Mary, 296, 375.

Leverett, Saran, 375.

Leverett, £Uder Thomas, notice of, 367,

375.
Lewis, Alonzo, History of Lynn, cited,

59.
Leyden, pilgrims at, 13, 93.
Ley, Lord, 320.
Liddell, Sir Thomas, 315.
Lincoln, Countess of, Dudley ^s Letterto,

277, 377.
Lincoln, Theophilus, Earl of, connection

of his family with New England, 276r
Lisle, Viscount, 273.
London Company. See Virgima Cwnr

pany.
Long hair, association against, 359.
Long Island, submission of, to Andros,

406. Allowed representation, 408.
Loring, Commodore, 136.
Lothrop , Barnabas , 202. Notice of, 214,

226.
Lothrop , Benjamin , 202.
Lothrop, Rev. John, 201. Notice of^

202.
Lothrop, John, 202.
Lothrop, Joseph, 202»
Lothrop, Samuel, 202.
Lothrop, Thomas, 202.
Loudon, Lord, 199.
Louis XIV. ,400.
Low Countries, reason for removing"

from, 14.
Ludlow, General, Memoir of, cited, 330^
Ludlow, Roger, notice of, 298.
Lusher, EUeazar, 371.
Lyford, John, 85, 86, 87, 110;
Lyon's Whelp, ship, 351.

Maine, settlements in, su^ected to Ma»-
sachusetts, 370, 372. Purchase of, by
Massachusetts, 372, 381, 382.

Mandamus of Charles II., 162, 358.

Manisses, Block Island, 88.

432

IWDEX.

Mannamoyck, Chatham, 62.

Manning, Captain, 404.

Manomet, sachem of, 58.

Mar^eson, Edmund, 26.

Mariana, grant of, 235.

Marlborough, Earl of, 320.

Marriages, first in New Plymouth,
94. Solemnized in New Plymouth
and Massachusetts by magistrates,!!?.

Marshall, Capt. 185, !90.

Martin, Christopher, 26.

Mary, aueen, 237, 274.

Mason, Capt. John, grant to, 235.

Mason, Captain John, the warrior, !85.
Notice of, 302.

Mason, John, 302.

Mason, Hoif. Jeremiah, 302.

Massachusetts Bay, grant of, 236. Ori-

final purchasers of, 236. Explored
y pilgrims, 59. Government of,
transferred to New England, 236,
242. Patent of, 236, 349. Names of
grantees, 240. Original design, 242,
349. Company in London, 241, 244.
London's plantation in, 241, 349. Tol-
eration not granted, 243. Rejected,
257. Distress of settlers in, 248.
Charter placed in safe keeping, 341.
Spirit of people noticed in England,360.
Ctuo warranto against, 285. Contro-
versy of, with Gorton, 122. Complaint
against by Dr. Child, 124. Purcnases
territory of Maine, 372. Militia first
organized in, 374. Records of, des-
troyed or carried away, 411.

Jl^assasoit, 43. Description and enter-
tainment of, at Ndw Pljrmouth, 44.
Treaty with, 44. Acknowledges sub-
jection, 45. Visit to, 55. Friendly
to the Endish, 57. Sick, 63. Visited
by E. Winslow and John Hamp-
den, 64, 101. With his son renews
the lea^e with Pilsrims, 73. Visited
by Winslow and Hopkins, 94. His
entertainment and speech, 98. Visits
ed by Standish ana Allerton, treats
them with groundnuts, 45. Wins-
low's account of visit to, in sickness,
101. Reported death of, 102. Re-
ception by, 104. Tended by Wins-
low, 105. Recovers, 106. Anecdote
of, 114. Death of, 162.

Mather, Dr. Cotton, cited, 82, 220, 224,
261, 267, 345, 367, 373, 374, 395.

Mather, Rev. I., cited, 163, 220, 224,
225, 394, 413.

Mattapoiset, in Swansey. See Maitor
puyst.

Mattapuyst, in Swansey, residence of
Caunbatant, 58, 229.

May, Dorothy, 88.

Mayflower, ship, 19, 21. Birth on board
the, at sea, fSiy 23. Peregrine White

bom on board the, 31. Sails for Eng-
land, 46. Last survivor of, 46.

Mayhew, Rev. Experience, 231.

Mayhew, Rev. Dr. Jonathan, 128, 207.

May, Mr. father of Dorothy, wife of
Gov. Bradford, 64.

Mayo, Nathaniel, 174.

Medford, or Mystic, settled, 280.

Meeting-houses, towns required to build,
210.

Meitiwacks, Long Island, 404.

Merchant ajid venturers, agreement with,
17. Interest of purchased, 64.

Merrymeeting Bay, 151.

Merry Mount, 55. Name of, changed
by Endecott to Mount Dagon, 349.

Metacomet, son of Massasoit. See
PhUip.

Miantonomoh, sachem of the Narragan-
setts, 303. Embassy to, 368. Des-
cription of, and his visit to Boston, 369.

MiUtary Commission, extraordinary
powers of, 286, 336.

Military rank in New Plymouth, 176.

Mihtia, first organized, 374.

Milton, John, ms sonnet to Vane, 326.

Monahiggon, or Monhegan, Wxnslow^s
visit to, for provisions, 100. Planta-
tion at, broken up, 111.

Monckton, Col. 198.

Monk, General, 332.

Monks of Malaga, liberate Indians, 43.

Monmouth, Duke of, 372, 410.

Montgomery, G«n. Richard, 134.

Mooanam, son of Massasoit, 73.

Moody, Hannah, 135.

Moody, Rev. Joshua, 135.

Mortality, of the Pilgrims, 39, 41.

Morton, Nathaniel, cited, 23, 24. Me-
morial, 81. Gorton^s letter to, 123,
202, 292.

Morton, Thomas, 84. Sent home a pris-
oner, 87, 115. Charges of, against
Winslow, 117.

Mosely, Capt. Samuel, 185, 187.

Mount Hope, residence of Massasoit,
56, 92. Granted to New Plymouth,
204. Claimed by Massachusetts, 192,
204. Claimed also by John Crown, and
by Rhode Island, 193, 204.

Mount Wollaston, 349.

Mourt^s Relation, authors of, 82.

Mullins, Priscilla, 109, 203.

Mullins, William, 26, 203.

Murder, punished, 149.

Muscongus lands, Leverett^s title to, 368.

Namascheucks, 96.

Namasket, 58. Winslow and Hopkins

at, 95. Winslow and Hampden lodge

at, 101.

INDCXi

433

Ntfmskeket Greek, 34^

J^anepashemet, gmve of, 59.

Nantz, edict of, 400.

liarragansetts, challenge from the, 60.
Answered, 60. Make war against the
English, 182. Brief narrative of the
war with, 183. Their forts taken by
the English, 186. Betrayed by Peter,
187. Great numbers slain, 190. Trea-
ty with, 391.

Narrative de Alexandro, 165.

Natawanute, Windsor, Conn. 114.

Nattawediunt, submission of, 57.

Naumkeag, Salem, 347.

Kauset, Eastham, 34, 41, 42, 56, 58,
150.

Neal, Daniel, 243, 254.

Nelson, John, 418.

Neponset, Milton, Sachem of, 58, 246.

Newcastle, Duke cfi, 197, 315, 334.

New England, patent for, 9. Grant to
Plymouth colonists, 70. Scheme of
general government in, 76, 115. Pro-
ject fails, 116. Confederation of colo-
nies in, 119. Winthrop's Hist, of, 266.
First Englishman born in, 31. Un-
reasonable expectations respecting, 108,
281. Winslow's Narration of Grounds
of Planting, 124. Episcopacy in, 84,
351. Established in, 412. Seal of, un-
der Andros, 41,0.

New English Canaan, by Thomas Mox^
ton, 84.

Newcomen, John, 83.

New Jersey, resistance of to Andros,
409.

New London, 148.

Newman, Rev. Antipas, 363.

Newman, Widow Elizabeth, 363.

New Plymouth, introductory note, 9.
First settled, 37, 38. Pilgrims arrive
at, 22. Rock and place of the landing
at, 36. Conclusion of pilgrims to set-
tle there, 37. Buildings commenced at,
37. Burial Hill forufied at, 61. Sa-
moset at, 41. Weston's colony at, 61.
Trading vessels at, 61. Settlers of, ap-
ply for a patent, 70. Grant of, in the
name of John Pierce, and others, 70.
Colonists purchase rights held in Eng-
land, 72. Colonists open trade at
Kennebeck, Penobscot, Connecticut,
72. Grant of, and tract on the Kenne-
beck, 72. Courts established at, 75.
First assembly in, 75. Declaration
of rights, 76, 144. Laws estab-
lished in, 77, 118, 143. Records of first
church in, 80, 173. First offence in,
83. Duel at, ^. Parties punished,
85. Supplies obtained at eastward,
100. Condition of in 1624, 111. Plen-
tiful harvests. 111. Invited by the
Dutch and Indians to settle on the

Connecticut, 112. Colonists build
trading house at Connecticut, 113.
Opposed by the Dutch, 114. En-
croachments on by French and Dutch,
115. Body of laws for, formed, 118.
Colonists more tolerant than those of
Massachusetts, 116. Sell lands on the
Kennebeck, 133. Lands purchased of
Indians, 150. Proposal to remove the
town, 151. Laws against duakers,
158, 159. New Charter sought for,
192, 203. Union of, with Massachu-
setts proposed, 204. Number of Chris-
tian Indians in, 207. James II. pro-
claimed at, 211. Counsellors under
Andros, 214. Q,uietl]r submits to An-
dros, 212. Resumes its ancient privi-
leges, 215. Petitions the King, 215*
Declaration of the Gen. Court, 217.
Condition of the colony of, 219. Rfr^ •
newed ' efforts of, for charter, 219.
Grants to agents, 221. Want of means .
to obtain charter, 222. United with
Massachusetts, 223. Last General
Court of, 227. Condition of Uie
colony of, when annexed, 227 — 230.

Newtown, Cambridge, settled, 245, 247,
283, 285, 286. Settlers emigrate Uf
Connecticut, 300.

New York, surrender of, to the English^
403.

Nianticks, or Nyantics, 302, 370.

NichoUs, Judge, 275.

Northampton, Earl of, 273, 275.

Northumberiand, Duke of, 273, 274.
Earl of, 320.

Norton, Humphrey, 155. Abusive let*
ter of, to Gov. Irence, 156.

Norton, Rev. John, 383.

Nova Scotia, expedition against, 198.

NoweU, Increase, 240, 268,.284, 286, 35»«

Oakes, Thomas, 220, 397.

Oaths, Winslow^s opinion of, 130. Form

of freeman's, 290.
Obbatinnua, sachem of Shawmut, sub^

mission of, 57, 59.
Office, penalty for refusing, 78. Not

sought after, 140.
Ohi^uamehud, a Wampanoag, submicK

sion of, 57.
Old Colony Club, 92.
Oldham, John, 85, 86, 87, 110.
Oldmixon, 330, 403, 421.
Old Plymouth, 38.
Old South Church, Boston, 413.
Oliver, Capt., 185.
Original purchasers of Massachusetts^

347.
Orne, Timothy, 361.
Owsamequin. See JUomuoitr

434

IKD^tX.

Pamet, Truro, 58.

Paomet Creek. See Cold Hmhovr.

P&rris, Arthur, 133.

Pascataqua; 66. Settled by David
Thompson, 67, 149.

Phtento, 16, 30, 54, 70, 72, 73, 74, 240,
404.

Patente, of New England, 9, 10. See
PUgrima, Ako Plymouth, and Jtfossui-
ektuetts Bay.

Pawtucket, 149.

Patuxet, Plpnouth, 38. Squanto, only
survivinff native of, 43.

Pelham, Edward, 197.

Pelham, Herbert, notice of, 196, 339.

Pelham, Penelope, wife of Grov. Bel-
lingham, 339.

Pelham, Penelope, 196, 197, 200.
; Pelham, Sir Thomas, 315.
t Pelham, Thomas, 197, 339.

Pemaquid, 397, 404.

Penn, Admiral, 130.

Penobscot, 72. Patent, 74.

Pepperell, Sir Wm., 90.

Pequot, New London, 304.

PequoU, 73, 88, 114. Expedition against,
147. Volunteers from Plymouth
against, 148. Country of, 148. Des-
truction of, 302.

Perry, Richard, 240.

Persecution, of the pilgrims, 12, 50. Of
the auakers, 153, 162, 177, 208. Of
Anabaptists, 177,257,356. Of Epis-
copalians, 351.

Pestuence, among the Indians, 40.

Peter, a Narragansett, betrays his coun-
trymen, 187.

Peters, Hugh, 251, 379.

Philip, son of Massasoit, 162. Suc-
ceeds Alexander,' 165. Causes of war
with, 165. Appears at Plymouth, 167.
Refuses to treat except with the King,
180. Prepares for war, 180. War
with •commenced, 165, 181. His forts
taken, 187. Death and iharActer of,^
191.

Philpot, the martyr, 237.

Phips, Sir William, 224. Arrives with
new charter of Massachusetts, 226,
387. Arrested and supplanted by
Dudley, 396.

Pierce, John, 70, 71.

Pilgrim Hall, at Plymouth, 92.

Pi^rims, persecuted in England, II.
Form separate church, 12. Resolve
on flight to Holland, 12. Their first
attempt prevented, 50. They are im-
prisoned, 51. Second attempt, 51.
Remove to Amsterdam and Leyden,
13. Contemplate removal to Americ|L,
iA. Reasons, 14. Obtain a patent

from the London Company, 16. Ar-
rangements of, for leaving Holland, 17.
Agreement of, with the merchant ad-
venturers, 18. Hard conditions, 19.
Embark at Delflhaven, 20. Ships of,
put back , 20, 21 . Speedwell dismissed ,

21. Sail again, 21. Descry Cape
Cod, 22. Stand for Hudson River,

22. Put back to Cape Cod harbour,

23. Plot against, 23. Compact be-
fore landing, 24. Objects of the com-

gict, 24. Subscribe the compact, 26.
xamine the coast, 27. Qhoose John
Carver governor, 25. Excursion of,
under Miles Standish, 28. Their first
sight of the natives, 28. Their dis-
coveries, 29. Second expedition of,
29. Indian graves, &c., discovered
by, 31. Consult about place of set-
tlement, 31. Third expedition of, 32.
Are exposed to intense cold, 32. First
encounter of, with Indians, 33. SaiV
along the shore, 34. In great danger,
35. Land on Clark's Island, 35. At
Plymouth, 36. Lay out house-lots
and commence building, 37. Nome
theif settlement Plymouth, 37. Store-
house of, burnt, 38. Two of, lost in
the woods, 39. Grreat mortality amo^ie
the, 39. Receive Samoset, 41. And
other Indians, 42. Secure the friend^
ship of Massasoit, 57. Accessions
to, by the Fortune, 60. Put on short
allowance, 60. Menaced by the Nar-
ragansetts, 60. Fortify the town, 60.
Famine of, 61. Plant sixty acres of
com, 61. Supplied by Captain Jones,
61. Their sunerings described, 67.
Pint of com divided among, 68.
Abandon their system of community
of goods, and prosper, 69. See JVeio
Plymouth.
Pinchion, William, 240, 286. •

Pkindealing, estate of, in Pljrmouth, 133,.

Plymouth Church, 151, 173.

Plymouth Colony. See Mw Ph/mouih.

Plymouth Company, 9. In Maine, 133^

Plymouth Harbor explored, 23. Pil-
grims arrive in, 22. Fish and fowl-
abound in, 27.

Plymouth Rock, 36.

Pocaaset, squaw-sachem of, 162.

Pokanoket, extent of, 55. Expeditioxr
to, 95.

Pollard, Col. Benj., 136.

Pope, the, and the CLuaker, anecdote ofl
161.

Population of New Plymouth in 1624,
HO.

Powows, Indian, 40.

Prence, Thomas, a native of Gloucester-
shire, 139. One of the original ondeps^

INDEX.

435

takers of New Plymoutih, 72. Cornea
over in the Fortune, 139. Chosen
Grovemor of New Plymouth, 141.
Raises a compcuiy of volunteers against
the Pequots, 147. A second time gov-
ernor, 148. Prompt punishment of
murderers, 149. Makes a settlement
at Easthara, 150. Organizes govern-
ment at Kennebeck, 151. Again
chosen governor, and re-elected six-
teen years, 78, 152. Removes to Ply-
mouth, 133, 152. His place of resi-
dence, 152. Rigid against sectaries,
153, 178, 208. ifroscnbes those who
are tolerant, 154. j*" Punishes the Ctua-
kers, 155. Is bitterly denounced by
them, 156. - Approves laws for their
disfranchisement, 158. Apology for,
159. Gruards against apprehended at^
tacks of Indians, 162—167. Inter-
course with the Royal Commissioners,
167. Secures their favorable report,
and approbation of the King, 168. Is
invited by Roger Wilhams to discuss
the question of religious freedom, 169.
Dechnes, 170. Introduces free schools
into the colony, 170. His efforts to
provide for support of ministry, 173.
Noted for his integrity, 171. Death
of, and character, 173. Notices of his
descendanU, 173, 174.

Prentice, Capt. Thomas, 185.

Priest, Degory, 26.

Prince, Rev. John, 174.

Prince, John, 174.

Prince of Orange, declaration of, brought
by John Winslow, 133.

Prince, Samuel, 231.

Prince, Rev. Thomas, 174.

Prince, Thomas, cited, 24, 26, 80, 231,
266, 267.

Providence Plantations, 122.

Puritans, relics of, preserved, 92, 200.

Puritans, the first settlers, 11. At Am-
sterdam, 13. Of England, in power,
125. Their object independence, 24,
144. See PUgnnu.

duadequina, brother of Masaasoit, 44.
Submission of, 57.

duakers, 153, 155. Laws against, in
New Plymouth, 158. Character of
first, 160. Anecdote of the Pope and
one of the, 161. Banished on pain of
death, 162, 357. Persecution of, 153—
162, li7, 208. Persecution of ended
by mandamus of Charles II., 162, 358,
383. They become peaceful citizens,
162. Toleration of. 342. Severe laws
^fainst, in Massachusetts! 356—357.
J^ecutM ia Boston, 357.

Clueen Anne, 396, 398, ^9.

Glueen Elizabeth, death of, 9.

Cluincy, Pres. J., cited, 225, 259, 376,

399.
Gluinnipiack, New Haven, 304.

Raby Castle, 320.

Rainsburrow, Col., 270, 370.

Raleigh, Sir Walter, 9.

Randolph, Edward, 192, 205, 206, 373,
387, 393, 394, 410, 411, 413, 419.

Ranters, laws against, 158.

Rattlesnake's skin, sent with arrows to
the Plymouth settlers, 60.

Records Plymouth Church, cited, 173.

Representative body, origin of in Massa-
chusetts, 285.

Revolution in New England, 385, 393*
417. —6 -^

Reyner, Elizabeth, 89.
Reyner, Rev. John, QQ.
Reynolds, captain of the Speedwell, 19.
Puts back twice, and ship abandoned,

R^ode Island, 122. Exi^luded from the
League, 125, 161. Tolerance in, 16L
Requested by Commissioners of Uni-
ted Colonies to expel duakers, 161.
Answer of, ^and refusal, 161. Submits
to Androa, 414.

Richards, Alice, 89.

Richards, Major John, 386, 391.

Richards, Mary, 231.

Rich, Lord, 377.

Ridgdale, John, 26.

Robertson^ William, cited, 358.

Robinson, Isaac, 178.

Robinson, Rev. John, 12. Qoes over te
Holland, 13. His parting letter to
Carver, 13. Present at embarcation of .
Pilgrims, 20. Remains at Leyden, ^
notice of, 20, 49, 66, 87, 93, 109,.178,
201.

Robinson, Thomas, letter of respecting
Vane, 327.

Robinson, William, quaker, executed^
357.

Rock, Fore&ther's, account of, 36.

Rogers, Rev. Mr., 289.

Rogers, Thomas, 26.

Rose, frigate,' 382, 417, 418.

Roswell, Sir Henry, 236, 238, 240.

Rouse, John, 155.

Roxbury , settlement of, 5X80, 28L

Ruling elders, 350, 367.

Rump Parliament, 324.

Russell, James, 312.

Russell, N. 92.

Russell, Sir William, 320.

Ryehouse plot, 206. - «

4^6

INDEX.

Babbath, first Christian in New England,
35. Regulations for observance of in
Mass. 351.

St. Clair, Gen. 134.

St. Domingo, Expedition against, 130.

Salem, Settlement of, 347. Church es-
tablished at, 350. Military company
formed, 348. Resolution of town of,
392,

Salsto'nstall, Sir Richard, 236, 240, 241,
242,340,359,378.

Samoset, description of, and reception at
Plymouth, 41) and of his Indians, 42.
Ijistructa the settlers how to plant com,
45.

Sandys, Sir Edwin, 13. Notice of, 15,
24.

Saquish, in Plymouth Harbor, 35, 199.

Sassacus, sachem of the Pequots, 303,305.

Saugus, Lynn, 280.

Sausaman, John, 164. Reveals hostile de-
s^s of, and is killed by Philip's In-
dians, 181.

Sausmares, Seigniory of, 422. •

Savage, Elizabeth, 135, 346.

Savage, James, cited, 250, 261, editor of
Winthrop, 267, 292. 299, 374.

Say and Selp, Lord, 142, 269, 276, 300.

Seafowi abundant at Cape Cod, 27,

Seal of New England under Andros, 410,

Secretary of New Plymouth, 146.

Sedgwick, Gen. Robert, 371.

Seily, Capt. 185, 190.

Sequassen, a 9achem, 309.

Sergeant, John, 386.

Sergeant Major General, 290, 350.

Serlo, Norman bishop, against long hair,
359.

Settlements in Canada, &c.,9.

Sewall, Chief Justice, 402, 413, 421.

Sewall, Samuel, 402.

Schools established in New Plymouth,
170, 209.

Scituate, settlement of, 201, 262.

^harpe, Samuel, 281.

Shattock, Samuel, 358.

Shawmut« Boston, sachem oft58, 245.

Sheafe, Sampson, 400.

Shirley, James, 72, 74.

Shirley, Gen, JVilliam, 90.

Shrimpton, Samuel, 386.

Shute, Gov. Samuel, 399.

Sickness, Indian customs in, 101, 104.

Slade's Perry in Swansey, 102.

Slaney, John, 43.

Sloughter, Gov. of New York, 25^, 223,
395.

@mith, John, C^pt., 28, names Plymouth,
37. History and map of New Eng-
limd, 38r Detests Hunt, the kidnap-
per, 43,

Smith Laurence^ 231.

Smith, Richard, 403.

Smith, Sir Thomas, 15, 16.

Snow, Mark, 174.

Soule, George, 26.

Southampton, pilgrims leave, 20.

Southcoat, Thomas, 239,240.

South Church, Boston, 412, 414.

Southworth, Constant, 88, 89, 90.

South worth, Nathaniel, 133.

Southworth, Thomas, 88, 89, 151.

Sowams, seat of Massasoit, 56.

Spain. See United Provinces.

Sparhawk, Rev. John, 137, 361.

Sparrow, ship, 61.

Speedwell, tonnage of the, 19. Puts back,
20. Dismissal, 21.

Squanto, or Squantiun, history of, 43,
44, 45, 55, 56. Death of, 62, 95, 97.

Squaw sachem of Massachusetts, 59.
OfPocasset, 162.

Standish, Capt. Miles, 26. Military
commander at New Plymouth, 28,
176. Heads an excursion along Cape
Cod, 28. Goes to meet Massasoit,
44, 45, 58, 62. Expedition against
Indians at Weymouth, 65, 66. ViBits
Pascataqua, 67, 72. Attacked by Old-
ham, 86, 140, 141, 148, 170.

Standish, Miles, Jr., 133.

Stephens, Major Gen. Ebenezer, 134.

Stephenson, Marmaduke, quaker, hung*,
357.

Stockbridge, Dr. 199.

Stone,llev. Samuel, 298, 300.

Stone, a West Indian, t«^es a Plymouth
bark at Connecticut, which is retaken
by Dutch sailors, 142.

Stonington, 148.

Storehouse at Plymouth, 37, 38.

Stoughton, Capt. Israel, 304.

Stoughton, William, 386.

Strafford, Earl of, 314, 322, 323, 330, 333.

Stuyvesant, Gov., supposed plot of, with
Indians, 370.

Suckiaug, Hartford, 301.

Sunckquasson, sctchem, 302.

Sunday in Holland, 14.

Swamp Fight, Narragansett, 186.

Swan, arrival of the, 61.

Synod, at Cambridge, 256.

Tailer, Lieut. Gov. William, 389.
Tarratines, Eastern Indians, 59.
Taunton river, pestilence on, 96.
Tax for the support of the clergy, 210,

For fortifying Newtown, 285.
Taylor, Ann, 132, 135.
Ten Hills Farm, 264.
Thompson, David, 67, 111,
Ticonaeroga, 199,

INBSX.

437

Tilden, NaUianiel, 202.

Tilly, Edward, 26, 28.

Tilly, John, 26.

Tindal, Sir John, 268.

Tindal, Margaret, 268.

Tinker, Thomas, 26.

Tisquantum. See Squanto,

Toleration, want of in Elngland, 15, 243.

In Holland, 13. In New Plymouth,

125; which Winslow laments, 126.

Denounced, 177.
Tracy, John, 174.
Tnwie opened on the Kennebeck and ;

Connecticut. 72, 74, 111, 112. Wins- ,

low engaged in, 112. '
Treat, Major Robert, 185. Governor of

Connecticut, 415.
Treaty with Massasoit, 44.
Trumbull, Rev. Benjamin, cited, 312.
Trumbull, Grov. Jonathan, 267. l

Turner, John, 26.
Tyng, Edward, 402.
Tyng, Rebecca, 402. I

u. i

Uncas, sachem of the Mohegans, assists
English against Pequots, 304, 306,
309. I

Underbill, Captain John, 378. |

Undertakers, or first purchasers, names '
of, 72, 277, 347.

Union of New Plymouth with Massa- '
chusetts Bay, 204, 223.

United Provinces and Spain, truce be-
tween, 16.

Upham, Rev. Charles Wentworth, cited, i
319,327,330. '

Upham, Lieut. Phinehas, 190.

Usher, John, 400, 418.

Utrecht, treaty of, 398.

Uxbridge, treaty of, 324.

Vane, Sii^ Christopher, Lord Bernard,
334.

Vane, Sir George, 314.

VlBLne, Sir Henry, the elder, 313, 314.
Notice of, 314, 315.

Vane, Sir Henry, birth and descent,
313—315. Education, 315. Embraces
the doctrines of the dissenters, 315.
Emigrates to New England, 316. Is
chosen governor of Massachusetts
Bay, 254, 299, 316. Espouses the
cause of Anne Hutdiinson, 288, 318.
Is superseded by Winthrop, 319. Con-
troversy with, 320. Returns to Eng-
land, 320. Appointed Treasurer of
the Navy, ana elected to Parliament,
320. Ki%hted by Charles I., 320. In
hong Paruament, 331. One of Com-

missioner!^ for New England, 125.
Opposes the King, 321. His agency
in the attainder and death of the Earl
of Strafford, 322. Attends Assembly
of Divines, 323. Arranges League
with Scotland, 323. Is on commis-
sions to treat with the King, at Ux-
bridg;e, &c., 324. Withdraws from
Parliament J and takes no part in trial
and execution of Charles I., 325. One
of the Council of State, 325. Plans and
directs the brilliant naval enterprises
of England, 326. Opposes conduct
of Cromwell, aind is imprisoned, 327.
Again in Parliament, 327. His re-
ported speech, said to have over-
whelmed Richard Cromwell,328— 330.
The speech probably a fiction, 330.
Active in Parliament, 331. President
of Council of State, 331. Joins the
army against the Parliament, 332.
One of the Council of Ofllcers, and of
Committee of Safety, 332. Ordered by
Parliament into custody, 322*. Ex-
cepted from pardon by Charles II.,
and sent to the Tower, 332. Executea
on Tower Hill, 333. His character,
and opinions, different accounts of,
321, 333. His estates and honors res-
tored to his family, 334. Notice, of
his descendants, 334.

Vane, Sir Henry, knight at Poictieurs,
313.

Vane, Gilbert, 2d Lord Bernard, 334.

Vane, Howell ap, 313.

Vane, Sir Ralph, 313.

Vane, William Harry, Duke of Cleve-
land, 334.

Vassall, Samuel, 240.

Vassall, William, 124. Character of,
126, 202, 240, 262, 263. Lord Hol-
land, a descendant of, 229.

Veils, adopted for women in the church,
352.

Venables, Gen., 130.

Ven, John, 240.

Vermaes, Benjamin, 89.

Vincent, Sir Francis, 315.

Vines, Richard, 124. '

Virginia Company, 9, 15. Pilgrims ap^
phr to, 15. Grant a patent, in name
of^Wincob, 16.

Virginia, settlement of, 9.

Wadsworth, William, 415.

Waldo, Lucy, 136.

Waldo, Gen. Samuel, 136, 368.

Walley , Major John, notice of, 214, 226,

Wampanoags, 41. Hostile to Gov. J,

Winslow, 184. See MastaaoUy JiUxaih

der, and PkUip.

T. Barnard, Printer,
WaMngUm Citj/,

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Memoirs of Amofican governors.

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