Skip to main content

Full text of "Memoirs of the life and correspondence of the Right Hon. Henry Flood, M.P., colonel of the volunteers: containing reminiscences of the Irish commons, and an account of the grand national convention of 1783 .."

See other formats 


Google 



This is a digital copy of a book that was preserved for generations on library shelves before it was carefully scanned by Google as part of a project 

to make the world's books discoverable online. 

It has survived long enough for the copyright to expire and the book to enter the public domain. A public domain book is one that was never subject 

to copyright or whose legal copyright term has expired. Whether a book is in the public domain may vary country to country. Public domain books 

are our gateways to the past, representing a wealth of history, culture and knowledge that's often difficult to discover. 

Marks, notations and other maiginalia present in the original volume will appear in this file - a reminder of this book's long journey from the 

publisher to a library and finally to you. 

Usage guidelines 

Google is proud to partner with libraries to digitize public domain materials and make them widely accessible. Public domain books belong to the 
public and we are merely their custodians. Nevertheless, this work is expensive, so in order to keep providing tliis resource, we liave taken steps to 
prevent abuse by commercial parties, including placing technical restrictions on automated querying. 
We also ask that you: 

+ Make non-commercial use of the files We designed Google Book Search for use by individuals, and we request that you use these files for 
personal, non-commercial purposes. 

+ Refrain fivm automated querying Do not send automated queries of any sort to Google's system: If you are conducting research on machine 
translation, optical character recognition or other areas where access to a large amount of text is helpful, please contact us. We encourage the 
use of public domain materials for these purposes and may be able to help. 

+ Maintain attributionTht GoogXt "watermark" you see on each file is essential for in forming people about this project and helping them find 
additional materials through Google Book Search. Please do not remove it. 

+ Keep it legal Whatever your use, remember that you are responsible for ensuring that what you are doing is legal. Do not assume that just 
because we believe a book is in the public domain for users in the United States, that the work is also in the public domain for users in other 
countries. Whether a book is still in copyright varies from country to country, and we can't offer guidance on whether any specific use of 
any specific book is allowed. Please do not assume that a book's appearance in Google Book Search means it can be used in any manner 
anywhere in the world. Copyright infringement liabili^ can be quite severe. 

About Google Book Search 

Google's mission is to organize the world's information and to make it universally accessible and useful. Google Book Search helps readers 
discover the world's books while helping authors and publishers reach new audiences. You can search through the full text of this book on the web 

at |http: //books .google .com/I 



3§. 



^^4. 




r 



• 




iai.efi/^omai Thm^Vi/f 



afU^, /■'S/v^-t?* ^ffh,3.i;^. 



MEMOIRS 



OP THE 



LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE 



OF THU 



RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD, M. P, 



COLONEL OF THE VOLUNTEERS 



CONTAIN I NU 



REMINISCENCES OF THE IRISH COMMONS, AND AN ACCOUNT OF THE 

GRAND NATIONAL CONVENTION OF 1783. 



'* Nothing stimulates to great deeds more strongly than great examples.**— Flood. 



BY WARDEN FLOOD, ESQ. 

^ Late Captkin &litt Ragiment } 
AUTHOR OF "A SKETCH ON THE POLITICAL AND MILITARY STATE OF PRUSSIA. 



DUBLIN: 
JOHN GUMMING. 16, LOWER ORMOND-QUAY ; 

LONDON : 
LONGMAN, ORME, BROWN, GREEN, AND LONGMANS. 

MDCCCXXXVIII. 



(^^4. 




DUBLIN ! 

PRIKTBD BY OEOBOB FOLDS. 1, ST. AXDKJEW.STBBET, 

(OPPOSITE TRINITY-BTBEBT.) 



TO 

THE PROVOST, 

FELLOWS AND PROFESSORS, 

OF THK 

UNIVERSITY OF DUBLIN. 



I dedicate this memorial of Mr. Flood to you, from a 
sense of your eminence as men of Uterature and science, 
who have elevated the character of the University you 
preside over, to rank with the most distinguished of 
Europe. Where could I, with equal propriety, have 
sought patronage more ptire and exalted? Where 
could I, with more probability, have sofight indulgence 
for an imperfect performance?; 

It is to men of genius, to instructors of moral and 
political philosophy, to men respected for their private 
virtues, and admired for their learning, that any account, 
however indifferent, of a person of kindred spirit, is 
justly inscribed. 

I remain. 

With the greatest deference, 

Your obedient servant, 

THE AUTHOR. 



INTRODUCTION. 



The period comprised in these memoirs, is the most 
interesting portion of the constitutional history of Ireland. 
We begin when the dawn of freedom pierces the gloom 
of past centuries, and we advance as the morning of 
nationality breaks upon us, which promises so much for 
its meredian brightness. 

The accession of George the Third was, to Ireland, 
an era for the diffusion of principles of government, of 
a more comprehensive character than hitherto practised ; 
which something less than a quarter of a century 
matured and ratified by an act of renunciation. 

The infusion into the native legislature of a few men 

who were enlightened by the philosophy of Locke, and 

the learning of Molyneux, produced a gradual, but 

manifest change in the sentiments and acts of the senate 
and cabinet. 



vi INTRODUCTION. 

" The case of Ireland" went to establish in the minds 
of the learned, national distinctness and constitutional 
independence, and to which the arbitrary mandate of 
the British parliament, shortly after its publication, 
gave a new and additional interest. The work was 
instructive to the young legislator from the numerous 
statutes it reviewed and explained. He rose from its 
perusal imbued with the theory, — as it is said of the last 
of the Roman Tribunes, " he arose more energetic, 
devoted, and patriotic, from the study of the pages of 
Livy," — like the waters that receive their taste and 
property from the ore they pass through. "The case of 
Ireland," however, was limited to the intellectual, from 
its philosophical gravity, legal research, and historic 
allusion. 

" The Letters of Swift" had a more general effect 
from their extensive circulation : written too, in a style 
so as to be accessible to every mind, and agreeable to 
many tastes. They appealed to the patriotism of those 
who were enlightened and influential, they instructed 
those who were uninformed, and they sarcastically 
reminded those who were in power. 

It is true these productions appeared before the time 
strictly within the limits of this work ; but this was the 
season of their germination, and that of their fructuition 
followed. 



. INTRODUCTION. VII 

As we descend in the page of constitutional history 
from Molyneux and Swift, the mind, without interrup- 
tion, passes to Flood' and Grattan, for, on the political 
arena, none equalled or rivalled them, in learning, in 
eloquence, or in devotion to their fatherland. Though 
their destinies have been diversified, and they have 
radiated with different and peculiar effulgence; they, 
of all their contemporaries in parliament, concentrated 
the powers of their understanding to regenerate, to 
adorn, and to elevate Ireland. 

The national affairs and the statesmen of Ireland, 
have generally received too partial a colouring. The 
hand who has designed the picture, has uniformly occu- 
pied the fore-ground with figures of his own predilection, 
and represented them with perfections after his own 
peculiar mannerism. We, therefore, need not be 
surprised at the pointedness of an author* whose 



• The anonymous author of " Strictures on Plowden." One sentence 
will be sufficient to justify the text. My authority says — " Mr. Plowden 
has thought proper to dignify his work with the title of * A Review of the 
state of Ireland,* while it is> in fact, nothing more than an intemperate, 
and highly impolitic party pamphlet, differing only in bulk and price, 
from those casual publications which attract notice for a short time, and 
then sink into eternal oblivion. " 

Doctor Middleton has exhibited, as nearly as possible, the partialities of 
Dion Cassius. 

See ** Strictures on Plowden." 



Vlll INTRODUCTION. 

acumen is undisputed, when he draws to the mind seme 
resemblance as annalists, in a ^Maborious compiler" 
and Dion Cassius. 

Mr. Hardy, as the biographer of the ^^ noble Maoeenas 
of regenerated Ireland,'' had an opportunity of giving 
a minute and national view of many momentous trans** 
actions, which he did not accomplish. He has neglected, 
or purposely suppressed, the refined friendship, and 
early co-operation of lord Charlemont and Mr* Flood ; 
at a time, when the flame of freedom had a vestal pmrity 
with them. The noble earl in one of his letters after 
a long course of years and trials writes to his friend in 
these terms. ^^ Is there upon earth a man I love more 
than you, or in whose company I find more delight? 
My friendship for you must be proof against everjrthing, 
since even an interval of deviation,* it is, thank Fate ! 
no more in the ^ idem de sentire de RetptMicai has not 
been able to affect it." Mr. Hardy has descended to the 
pedestrian path, and has interwoven the party views of 
his political patrons, with portraitures of celebrated 
men; executed, indeed, with much astuteness and 
plausibility. He is entitled to my particular notice 
firom his superficial judgment of the motives of Mr. 



* On the ** Simple Repeal." 



INTRODUCTION. IX 

Flood ; though lie has in this, transgress^ tbe jefuion 
laid dawn by Cicero, and followed by Middleton — ^' tfaat 
we are not to form our opinions of illustrious men by 
a pactieular part of their lives, but by the wh(rfe course 
and tendency of their public services." 

Lord Charlemont's own words, in reference to another 
great man, who had his days of unpopularity, is the 
mildest and most appropriate rebuke to his biographer: — 
" One thing, however, appears very extraordinary, if 
not indecent, no member of the opposition speaks without 
directly abusing lord Chatham, and no friend ever rises 
to take his part! — qui non defendii alio culpante^ is scarce 
a degree less black, than, ^ absentem qui rodit amicum,* 
Is it possible that such a man is without a friend ?' '* 

Such was the earl's indignant commentary in his early 
correspondence with Mr. Flood. 

An eminent writer says — " The reader will be sur- 
prised to hear that upon that very question of reform 
(which he condemns in his book) Mr. Hardy spoke and 
voted with the right honorable mover." When he, 
therefore, proceeded to stigmatize the ^^ approvers of 
the measure, he must have been marvelously candid, or 
very forgetful." 

In his life of Charlemont, he draws his party, stand- 
ing out, as it were, in bold relief, while figures less 



I . 



X' INTRODUCTION. 

agreeable are faintly out-lined, or totally omiUed. 
Often he seems to emulate the sophists in the decline 
of eloquence in Greece,^^his blandishments and hyper- 
boles are so disproportionate to many of his favorites, 
that they remind one of the fife-player of Sophocles, 
who used to inflate his cheeks to blow into a small instru- 
ment. 

The sources whence these memorials are drawn may 
be enumerated. The letters of lord Charlemont to 
Mr. Flood form a very essential contribution; they 
display the amiable smd patriotic virtues of the noble 
correspondent, in a more attractive form ^han have yet 
been presented to public admiration. He writes, in one 
of them, when his political aspirations were high : — 

*^ Farewell, my best of friends, let us keep up that 
true and firm foundation of friendship, the idem valk 
aique idem nolle; and while there are yet two who prefer 
the public interest to their own, I will not despair of 
the republic." 

Familiar letters, written by men of elevated rank who 
were conspicuous in the arena of contentious politics, 
have been invested with eminent literary value from 
the time of Cicero and Atticus, to that of Bolingbroke 
and Swift. They, in fact, give the real motives which 
actuated the writers, too frequently left to crude and 



INTRODUCTION. XI 

impexfect conjecture, or to the mercy of a political 
opponent. The correspondence embodied in this work 
extends over no lesis than thirty years. 

The senatorial disquisitions on state afiairs are taken 
from the ** parliamentary debates ;" a work scarce, and 
difficult to be found complete. 

To major sir James Cauldwell, the first eminently 
gifted reporter, I am indebted for the earliest notice of 
the Irish commons — he confined his attention to the 
most eminent men, on leading subjects of debate. 
Seldom, indeed, has the glittering garb of Bellona 
mantled, in modern times, so much ability and acquire** 
ment. The earl of Rosse has left the public an admirable 
treatise of the ancient literature of Ireland,* wherein 
Mr. Flood's comprehensive views are eloquently unfolded. 
The noble lord commemorated the character of his 
venerated friend when the acerbity of faction knew 
no limits, — the tomb had lost its sacredness. ( 

The editors of the Dublin University Magazine have 
paid homage to the great men of the last century, by 
introducing graphic notices of their public services. 
That periodical has presented to its readers sketches, 
which, like the cartoons of the great masters, possess 



• Defence of Ireland. 



Xli INTRODUCTION. 

all Ae bold configuration of die celebrated originals ; 
they^ recall to the mind the lofty conceptions, the 
impassioned eloquence, the varied learning, the philo^ 
sophy of what is noble and transcendant in oar nature. 
If I could express a compliment worthy of those who 
have raised the national literature to a point of 
distinction equally honorable to their country and to 
themselves, I would embrace this occasion. 

The principal public characters of the Irish commons, 
which are introduced, are taken, for the most part, from 
a valuable little work, written by Mr. Scott, M. A. of 
Dublin University. His cognomen " Beau Myrtle," 
will bring to the minds of many his celebrity for Attic 
wit, and powers of delineation. 

^* The Original Letters," form the illustration and 
versification of several remarkable incidents in the life 
of Mr. Flood. This collection is the tanquam tabula 
naujragixB of the many valuable manuscripts that ought 
to be the property of the literary world. 

That Mr. Flood made a translation of the iiamotts 
oration of Demosthenes is well known to several now 
living; his imitations of Pindar were extolled as worthy 
of a mind highly favored for the sublime of lyric com- 
position. It is with great regret that I have not been 
enabled to give a more satisfactory account of his 



• • • 



INTRODUCTION. Xlll 



C( 



literary remains." The censure justly falls on his 
testimental executors, who should have been more 
solicitous about the papers of so remarkable a man, 
whether viewed as a statesman, or as a man of letters. 

It would little become the biographer of Mr. Flood 
to condescend to pander to the political prejudices that 
govern the public mind at present. I disclaim the sen- 
timent. While I have endeavoured to infuse into 
my humble performance the spirit that animated the 
epocha of the Irish revolution, I have done no more 
than was consistent with the enlarged views, and 
elevated character of the individual most prominent on 
the scene. The state of the kingdom is, in every 
political sense, dissimilar. Mr. Flood never entertained 
the doctrine of a union of legislatures; the measures he 
propounded were in consideration of Ireland being 
capable of legislating for herself, and by a verisimilitude 
of institutions and laws, to have as close a foedera- 
tion of interests, as it was possible to reciprocally 
enjoy, by the incorporation of the representative 
assemblies. Peace or war, treaties of commerce, or 
treaties of conquest, pertained to the first estate. These 
were the concurrent sentiments of Charlemont, 
Brownlow, and Grattan. 



XIV INTRODUCTION. 

Rumour had first assigned the task of biographer 
to the present earl of Rosse, from his friendship with 
Mr. Flood in his latter days, his acquaintance with 
the interesting politics of that period, and his 
distinction as a man pf letters. It is much to be 
regretted by the literary public that his lordship has 
not found time for the undertaking. 

Mr. Commissioner Burrowes was likewise named: 
and I regret to find he relinquished a performance to 
which he was so capable of doing ample justice ; not more 
from his comprehensive mind, than his ingenuous nature. 
Therefore it was with much hesitation, doubt, and 
anxiety, that I undertook the compUation. I was 
impelled by a generous motive rather than an idea 
of my own capability. Some little encouragement was 
extended to me by some periodicals and literary men 
of consideration, partly from my diligence in collecting 
materials, and partly from the success of an essay 
which I published when engaged with the active 
duties of a military life.* 

Should my efforts obtain the indulgence and appro- 
bation of my readers, a second volume may be 
expected to follow. 



• " A sketch of the military and political state of Prussia," on the idea 
of " a sketch of Russia," by sir Robert Wilson. 



INTRODUCTION. XV 

Great men are contemporary with every age, every 
country, and every individual of elevated mind. 
It is from the bright examples of the past, that good 
citizens, and eminent statesmen are prepared for the 
present. Are Plutarch's characters studied with less 
admiration and instruction — are their virtues and vices 
less known ; is the lustre of their actions less useful in 
exciting a noble emulation in the senate, the camp, 
and the forum, because these great men are living 
only in the mind ? 

I have contemplated Mr. Flood as a man of genius, 
and a public character worthy of biography. Such was 
the sole motive which actuated me ^^ to attend to the 
neglected, and remember the forgotten." 



The portrait that is prefixed to this memoir is an admirable resemblance, 
on a reduced scale, of the painting of Mr. Flood in the University. 
He is represented in the spirited attitude which conveys the notion of 
"action,'* as applied by the Attic models of oratory. 

Mr. Clayton has, in the finishing, far surpassed the harsh and uniform 
colouring of the University portrait. In that there is something austere 
and course in the lineaments, neither belonging to the features of the 
man, nor felicitously inventive in the painter. 

Mr. Clayton has caught the likeness, while he has more softly finished 
it. Nor has the sketch suffered in passing through the lithographic press 
of Mr. Allen. 



CONTENTS. 



CHAPTER ONE. 

From 1732 to 1764. 

Page 
Notice of his lineage and family. — Members who were in 
parliament. — Anecdote of Miss Warden, and her betrothed 
cousin, Mr. Cuffe.^-Early life and education of Mr. Flood.— 
His want of application at first. — Remarkable change when under 
the tuition of Dr. Markham. — His society with the learned 
Dr. Tyrwhit at Oxford.— His compositions. — Studies at the 
temple. — After seven years absence returns to Ireland. — He is 
elected member for the county Kilkenny, 1759. — Cautious 
reserve at first. — He is re-elected in 1760. — Early instances of 
friendship of lord Wandesford and of lord Charlemont — His 
marriage to lady Frances Maria Beresford. — Letter from William 
Annesley, viscount Glerawley. — Poems. — Death of the lord 
chief justice 1 



CHAPTER TWO. 

From 1764 to 1768. 

Social state of the kingdom. — Evils caused by misgovemment.-.- 
Mr. Fitzgibbon's description of the peasantry. — Mr. Flood's of 
the courtiers. — Mr. Flood's defence of the liberty of the press. — 
His efforts for the limitation of parliament, and three other 
important measures. — Correspondence with Mr. Pitt, (lord 
Chatham), Mr. Burke and lord Charlemont — Character of 
Charlemont. — His comparison of the oratory of lord Mansfield 
and Mr. Pitt. — Character and anecdotes of Mr. Hutchinson. — 
Sir William Osborne's characters of Mr. Perry and Mr. Flood. — 
" The flying squadron." 30 

a 



Xvili CONTENTS. 



CHAPTER THREE. 

Feom 1768 TO 1778. 

PaflT* 
Mr. Flood's first acquaintance with Mr. Grattan. — Their literary 

intercourse. — Mr. Grattan's pursuits. — The Mask of Comus 

Plays — Mr. Pope's estimation of Homer and Virj{[il how 
applicable to Flood and Grattan. — Octennial Bill causes a new 
Election. — The Borough of CalUin represented by two members 
whose estates adjoined. — Dispute about votes between Mr. Flood 
and " Jemmy Agar." — The latter*s stentorian voice. — Duel the 
first. — Duel the second. — Agar killed. — Letters from lords 
Charlemont and LiflTord. — Delicate sensitiveness of lord chancellor 
Liffbrd — Legal investigation. — The Barateriana. — Its value as 
a literary and political performance. — The chief writers of it. — 
Measures of lord Townshend's administration. — His protest, 
prorogation, and resignation. — Supposition that Mr. Flood was 
Junius 67 



CHAPTER FOUR. 

From 1773 to 1780. 

Mr. Flood goes to England Letter from lord Camden The 

political coterie of lords Camden and Chatham, and Mr. John Pitt 
—Lord Charlemont*s opinion of men in oflSce how judged. — Lord 
Harcourt, Sir John Blaquiere, and Mr. Flood. — Character of a 
chief secretary for Ireland. — Character of sir John Blaquiere ; of 
lord Harcourt. — An absentee tax supported by government.— 
Mr. Fortescue*8 speech and proposition .^-The onorous debt. — 
But two taxes available. — Lampoons on Flood, Hutchinson, and 
Burgh. — Lord Charlcmont^s letters. — Mr. Flood, vice-treasurer. 
— Hia motives explained. — Mr. Jenkinson and Mr. Webb*s 
letters.— Unfounded statements of Mr. Hardy ,— Lord Charlemont's 
position among Irish patriots. — Acts of the administrations of 
lords Harcourt and Buckingham. — The volunteers 84 



CONTENTS. XIX 

CHAPTER FIVE. 

1780 AVD 1781. 

Pago 
Mr. Fbod resigns the vice-treasurersbip. — His reasons. — Mr. 

Jenkinsdn declines presenting his resignation to .North 

Displeasure of die premier.<«--Mr. Flood opposes Mr. Eden in 
some of the most important measures.— The interpolations of 
Hardy.— Letter from Mr. Webb. — Character of Sir Edward 
Newenham. — Speech of Mr. George Ponsonby, collated with 
Bctitious passages of Hardy.— Grattan and Flood support a 
ymlted mutiny bill.*- Motion on Irish trade with the West Indies. 
.—Amusing story of Fitzgibbon, repartee of Flood. — Law of sir 
Edward Poynings debated by Yelverton and Flood— The 
former supported by government, the latter demands a total 
repeal of the law. — Character of Mr. Yelverton, the Irish 
Hyperides. — Static. of the catholic question in 1781. — Opinions 
of Charlemont, Flood, and Fox 129 



CHAPTER SIX. 

1781 AND 1782. 

Military force in lord BucJcingham's govemmenL — Cause of the 
organization of volunteer corps. — Their spirit and discipline. — 
Their political and military character closely united — 'The 
delegates, country gentlemen, in and out of parliament. — Mr. 
Eden, his majorities in the commons, in lord Carlisle's short 
viceroyalty. — Mr. Grattan's remaricable speech. — Concessions of 
the British cabinet. — Lord Charlemont as plenipotentiary.-~- 
Duke of Portland sent over by the earl of Rockingham. — Mr. 
Grattan's address to the crown, or an enumeration of constitu- 
tional disabilities. — Four dissentient members, two only mark 
their dissent with their votes. — Distinguished abilities of Mr. 
Walshe.— His eloquence, learning, and patriotism. — The opinions 
of Burke, Fox, and Beauuhamp, on the declaratory act. — Fir&t 
contest between Flood and Grattan on its adequacy to Irish 
independence 150 



XX CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER SEVEN. 

1782 Avo 1783. 

Page 
A difference of opinion between lord Cfaarlemont and Mr. Flood 
on the adequacy of the " umple repeal." — iietter from the noble 
earl. — Attempt to form fencible corps to supersede the volunteers. 
-^Intended motion of Mr. Flood in return for an act of 
renunciation-a-Mr. Serjeant Coppinger, an old and valuable 
servanti disseized of his office.— Mr, Martin's memorable motion 
on the subject — His able speech tracing the characters of 
Coppinger, Ponsonby, and Flood.— Notice of Mr. Martin..— 
Prejudices of Irish writers.... 173 



CHAPTER EIGHT. 

1783. 

Arrival of the earl of Northington. — Overtures made to Mr. Flood 
through the archbishop of York, at the instance of the earl of 
Northington. — Mr. Edraond Malone addresses a semi-official 
letter to Mr. Flood, — Reasons why Mr. Flood declined such 
invitations. — Parliamentary reform in Ireland, and a reduction of 
the military establishment— Early character of Mr. Parsons. — 
Lord Charlemoufs letter to the delegates of the volunteers. — 
Crisis in the opinions of Irishmen. — Motion for retrenchment in 
the military departments made by sir Henry Cavendish, seconded 
by Mr. Flood. — Opinions of Mr. George Ponsonby and Mr. 
Grattan, on the same subject — Cause of the dispute between 
Flood and Grattan— Their speeches. — These patriots compared. 
— Letters from the duke of Chandos 184 



CHAPTER NINE. 

From the 10th to the 29th or November, 1783. 

THE GRAND NATIONAL CONVENTION 234 



CONTENTS. XXI 



CHAPTER TEN. 

1788 AND 1784. 

Page 
Mr. Flood takes his seat, for the first time, as a member of the 

British parliament. — The incidents attending his speech on the 

India bill.— Analysis of that speech.^— Identity of opinions of 

lord Camden, Pitt, and Flood.— Courtney's ironical reply to 

Flood. — Probable reasons why Mr. Flood's speech was decried.'— 

What constitutes a failure in an orator 9 — Correspondence of the 

duke of Chandos about the borough of Winchester. — Evasiveness 

of the duke ; a challenge ensues. — Singular deficiency in spirit 

marked in his grace's conduct 275 



CHAPTER ELEVEN. 

From 1785 to 1790. 

Mr. Commissioner Burrowes.— His interesting memoranda about 
the borough of Seaford. — His anecdotes of Pitt, Erskine, 
Plsrsons, and Flood. — Notice of Mr. Burrowes as a public 
character.— The bill for parliamentary reform again introduced, 
by Mr. Brownlow and Mr. Flood. — The opponents to the 
measure.-^Mr. Gardiner and major Doyle, compared. — Mr. 
Toler, and Mr. Mason ; their opinions. — Sir William WrazalPs 
amusing account of the court cabinet, and parties..»The 
commercial regulations of Mr. Orde. — First introduction; 
Mr. Flood in a minority of two — His opinion gains ground. 
...^Opinions of Pitt, Fox, Brownlow, Grattan; the great 
importance of this debate. — Mr. Flood's resolution. — Corres- 
pondence of lord Charlemont. — Mr. Flood in the British 
parliament— His speech on the commercial treaty with France. 
— Opmions of Wilberforce, and Grenville. — Its reference to 
Ireland. 308 



Xxii CONTENTS. 



CHAPTER TWELVE. 

1790 AMD 1791. 

Pagr« 
Mr. Flood on parliamentary raform in Bnglaod-^Its simple, limited, . 
and practicable character..— A fSew passages oi Mr. Flood's 
exposition contrsfited with Mr. Gifford's criticiBm in his ^lifib 

of Pitt "-^Sentiments of Pitt and Fox in the debate DisBdution 

of pariiament— Mr. Flood indispo8ed.^Aocidettt that caused hw 
death.— Bequest of Mr. Flood..^OfaBerTations arising from this 
act.— Description of the pn>pert3r..^Tlie different members of his 
family considered by him.— Delicate inquiry into the iiataofi of 
his father and mother which rendered him iUegttiraate.-..-Mx. 
Flood's bequest viewed in its literary magnitude.^- Its munificence 
eulogised by doctor Playlair, author of the « British Family > 
ADtiqulty" and the earl of Rosse in ** The defence of Ireland.".. . 377 



MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE 



OF THE 



RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD, M. P. 



CHAP. L 

From 1732 to 1764. 

NoTicB of his lineage and fiunily— Members who were in parliament 
—.Anecdote of Miss Warden^ and her betrothed cousin, Mr. Cuife.^-^ 
Early life and education of Mr. Flood. — His want of application at first. 
—Remarkable change when under the tuition of Dr. Markham. — His 
socieCy with the learned Dr. Tyrwhit at Oxford. — His compositions.^ 
Studies at the temple. — After seven years absence returns to Lreland.— 
He is elected member for the county Kilkenny, in 1759.— Cautious 
reserve at first.— -He is re-elected in 1760.<».-Eariy instances of friendship 
of lord Wandesford and of lord Charlemont — His marriage to lady 
Frances Maria Beresford. — Letter from 'William Annesley, viscount 
Glerawley.— Poems..— Death of the lord chief justice. 

Hasted,* in his history of Kent, gives an account 
of the ancient lineage of this family, with its 
various ramifications ; and doctor Flayfairt has, 
more recently, introduced a notice of some of its 
members, in his large but unfinished publication. 



* Hasted's History of Rent, — folio, 
f Doctor Playfair's Family Antiquity. 

B 





2 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 

The Kilkenny branch, which derives its origin 
from the Kentish line, has been seated in Ireland 
for nearly two hundred years. The progenitor 
of this family was sir Thomas fludd (whose arms 
the descendants bear), of consideration in the 
time of the Tudors, and conspicuously so in the 
earlier part of the reign of Elizabeth. Sir Thomas 
was receiver general and treasurer at war to her 
majesty, and governor of the cinque ports, with 
many other distinctions. He likewise accompanied 
lord Willoughby with the English army sent to 
aid King Henry IV. of France. 

The knight had two sons, Thomas and Robert, 
the elder inherited the property of Milgate in 
the parish of Bearstead, which he afterwards sold 
for a considerable sum, he was much in favor with 
King James, and obtained many marks of royal 
condescension. He changed the orthography of 
the name to the modern style, flood, it having 
been previously written Fludd, probably from the 
Saxon derivative Flod. The younger son,* 
Robert, was remarkable for his eccentric philo- 
sophy, being a follower of Paracelcus. He 
travelled over the greater part of Europe, a very 
unusual tour at that period, and was well received 
by the learned, having taken two degrees at 
Oxford previous to his excursion. 

* Chalmer's Biographical Dictionary. 



I. 



RIGHT HON, HENRY FLOOD, 

He wrote his dogmas in the Latin language, chap. 
which Kepler and Menersius condescended to 
notice, and the latter thought some of them 
necessary to expose, by a particular confutation.* 
Major Francis Flood, who was lineally descended 
from the elder son of sir Thomas, was sent over 
to Ireland in the English horse, and was employed 
during the civil wars of the commonwealth, in 
1647. He married Miss Warden, a young lady 
of remarkable beauty, only child of colonel 
Henry Warden, whose lineage is derived from 
the county of Suffolk. The colonel, besides his 
professional rank, was a member of parliament, 
and inherited from his father, John Warden, 
the baronial estate in the county Kilkenny, 
called Bumchurch. On the death of colonel 
Henry Warden this property devolved on his only 
child, who espoused major Francis Flood. There 
is an anecdote of some interest connected with 
this lady which may appropriately have place 
here ; — ^besides her personal attractions and what- 
ever accomplishments that age could boast, she 
succeeded to considerable affluence, and her grand- 
mother had taken the prudent forethought of 
betrothing her to her cousin, a young gentleman 
of the Cuffe family, but the beauty, heedless of 
this engagement, selected for herself, the gallant 

* Examen Fluddanse Philosopliise. 




MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 

English officer whom tradition sajs^ was hand- 
some, agreeable, and certainly appreciated her 
attachment The grandmother of the fair prise 
was relict of John Warden, and she espoused, 
secondly, AgmondeshamCu£fe,* who had acquired 
lands in the same county, adjoining Bumchurch, 
and was the father of the first baron Desart by this 
lady, daughter of sir John Otway. 

Major Francis flood, was the founder of the 
family in Kilkenny, and had seven sons and a 
daughter, who subsequently established themselves 
at Farmley, Folestown, and FloodhalL The first 
was the right-honourable Warden Flood> lord 
chief justice of the court of kings bench, eminent 
for his abilities and acquirements, having passed 
through the intermediate legal appointments till 
he arrived at a distinction never before conferred 
on an Irishman, as the bench and other high 
offices of state were reserved, anterior to that 
time, for members of the English bar, indeed, 
they were a part of the patronage of the minister. 
During his residence at the Temple, he formed an 
attachment for a Miss Whiteside, but of what 
family we are not in possession of any account. 

It is certain, however, there were legal defects 
connected with her marriage, and the illegitimacy 
of her eldest child, was the opinion of a jury ; 



• Burke'i Peerage, Desart 



RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 

beyond this fact we are unacquainted with any 
circumstance deserving place in this biography. 
The lord chief justice had a seat at the council 
board, and represented the borough of Callan when 
solicitor general. 

The issue he had by this lady were, Henry, 
Jborn in 1732, the subject of this memoir, Warden 
and Isabella ; of these, the two latter died 
prematurely, and the ' eldest survived to be con- 
sidered ** one of the ablest men Ireland ever 
produced." Before devoting our pages more 
particularly to him, we may give a ^hort account 
x>f some of the family who were in public life 
during the last century, and in a degree contem- 
poraneous. 

The first in lineal priority was sir Frederick 
Flood,* bart. of Newtown-Ormonde, in the county 
Kilkenny, nephew to the lord chief justice, being 
son of his next brother John, first of Floodhall, t 
he was a member of the Irish parliament for many 
years, and was a zealous supporter of his cousin in 
many of his political contests : he may be said to 
have been rather an efficient member than a bril- 
iiant one, and exerted himself in local matters 
and useful undertakings. He represented the 



* Playfaire Family Antiquity, 
f Sir Jonah Barrington has, in his ** Personal Sketches/* an absurd 
story about a speech made by Sir Frederick, but the inventive faculty of 
Sir Jonah, is too notorious to require a serious notice of his anecdotes. 




6 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 



I. 



CHAP, county Wexford, of which he was custos rotulo- 
Tum^ in the imperial parliament : sir Frederick 
married twice— first, lady Julianna Annesley, 
and secondly, the honourable Miss Frances 
Cavendish. A brief sketch of a person who had 
been so many years in public life (upwards of 
forty years), may not be too great an mtrusion, 
particularly as the sketch was composed by a 
man of abilities. 

" Sir Frederick* was first known in Parliament 
as the friend and follower of his illustrious 
kinsman, Mr. Flood, and for years co-operated 
with him in all those measures that so justly 
exalted his reputation, and rendered his name 
dear to Irishmen. When Mr. Flood thought 
proper to join administration, the baronet was 
appointed a commissioner of the stamp office, 
and since that period he has generally supported 
the ministers, but without the furious zeal of a 
convert, or the impetuous ardour of a proselyte. 
His voice is far from good, and his elocution 
has a kind measured dignity and stately pomp, 
more suited, as we apprehend^ to the judge 
than the senator ; his language is plain, neither 
elevated nor figurative, but flowing evenly, it 
conveys his thoughts with sufficient clearness ; his 
action has the common fault of most lawyers — 

* Author of the " Principal Characters/* &c. 



RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 

that of being strongly tinctured with the tin- 
graceful manner of the bar. In argument he is 
diffuse^ and comprehensive ; not without art and 
acuteness in the management of a debate, and well 
skilled where to advance with determination, and 
where to recede with prudence. The arrangement 
of his sentiments h^s commonly merit, as, though 
not strictly methodical, it is orderly and regular, 
and from thence each of them tends, to reflect light 
on the other, whilst the matter of his harangues 
deserves praise, being laboriously sought for, and 
carefully selected. 

The next in lineal descent, was Warden 
flood, judge of the high court of admiralty 
of Ireland, nephew to the lord chief justice, 
and member for fialtinglass, a doctor of 
laws, &c. The corporation of the city of Cork 
presented him with a gold box in testimony 
of their grateful sentiments for his exertions 
in behalf of the commercial interests of the 
kingdom, and of that part in particular. He 
inherited from his father Francis, the estate of 
Paulstown or Polestown. The castle, now in 
ruins, was once the possession of sir Richard 
Butler, knight, one of the Ormonde family, it after- 
wards passed to the Agars,* and lastly to Francis 
Flood, who married Miss Anne Hatton, sister 

* Agar, Clifden family. 





8 MEM0IR8 or THE LIFE OF THE 

of colonel Henry Hatton, of Clonard, m the 
eoufity Wexford, a descendant of ar Ckristopher 
Hatton ; his eldest son was Warden, the judg«, 
who married the sister of general aDonevan.* 
His political character by the same master- 
hand,t informs us, — ^' From the rery ontset 
of his parliamentary career, he attadbed him- 
self to his illustrious kinsman, and acquired 
some fame in the cause 4he other invariably 
pur8i^*-the dignity and prosperity of IrdainL 
Appointed many years i^o to an office under 
government, he has since abstained from all 
acrimonious altercations, or momentous contests. 
His voice is clear, sweet, and perfectly distinct, 
though somewhat hurt by a sUgfat tendency to a 
lisp ; with a sufficient, but not very extrusive cmn- 
pass, its tones are always grateful to the ear, 
free from all harshness, and dissonance, and 
rudeness, and flowing in a dulcet stream of 
harmonious modulation. It is more adapted 
to persuade and conciliate, than to com- 
mand or to agitate ; his management of it is 
studiously directed to display all its advantages 
of which he seems not unconscious, no w«rm<b 
of feeling or ardour of debate ever raising it 
beyond its proper pitch, and he preserves to it 
at all times that medium of tenor that exactly 

^ Burke*8 Commoners. f Author of the " Principal Cbaracten." 




EIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 9 

aceoirds with its preyatling character. Though 
not jsi^eriorly copious in a choice of words, he 
has a oeleritj in speaking that impresses common 
lUinds with an idea of quick conception, but' 
is merely the effect of constant practice and 
AsSkj hahit ; and h^ice his deliyery, without 
beings xapid or predi{»tate» is never dull or 
drawing. His manner, neither confident nor 
cfY^hmxmgt is by no means diffident, it having 
an ample portion of self-possession, and that 
degree of modest assurance that appeacs to 
respect otheiB, without forgetting himself." 

He died towards the close of the last century, 
haying he&ti upwards of thirty years in parliament, 
and for a considerable time presided at the 
admisalty. 

Another member of the family represented 
the bcMTough of Knocktopher for a diort time, 
at a much later period than those of whom a 
notioe has been made. John flood, second of 
floodhall married Miss Aldworth of the county 
Corls^ grand-daughter of sir Richard Aldworth, 
kmght, provost marschal of Munster. Six 
members of the family were returned for 
counties or boroughs in Ireland. 

The num^ous anecdotes which give an interest 
to the boyhood of celebrated men, whose lives are 
interwoven either with the literature or politics 
of their age, are in some measure deficient in 




10 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 

this biography. When the motive is exalted, it 
is meritorious to trace the early indications of 
geniusy and to observe its brilliant cintilations 
in the spring-time^ as well as its infirmities in the 
autumn^ of life. There is another motive for 
recordmg the tales of early youth. It is often 
the lighter and more whimsical traits of character 
that are acceptable to the reader, which, when 
minutely and felicitously interspersed, contribute 
to delineate faithfully the individual. 

In many instances of Mr. Flood's early life the 
writer had to depend on adventitious information, 
and after all pass with rapidity from infancy — 
almost with the omission of adolescence — ^to man- 
hood, like a northern year in which Summer 
commences without the apparent quickening 
season of Spring. 

The limited traditions which remain of Mr. 
Flood's domestic education only permit us to 
state, that it was committed to the care of atten- 
tive and capable persons, who directed his early 
habits with great asdduity, for he was prepared 
in all the rudiments of elementary knowledge 
antecedent to his being' placed at a public school. 
He must have early developed quickness and 
extraordinary capabilities, for when he was six- 
teen he entered Trinity college, as a fellow- 
commoner. His father had the reputation of 
being a learned man, and probably was mindful 



RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 1 1 

of the classic maxim, that the character of the ^»'^* 
after man mainly depends on early education, his 
son, therefore, soon acquired from habitude a 
careful and appropriate manner of expressing 
himself, of which he displayed the advantage, at 
a later period, both in composition and oratory. 
The official occupation of solicitor general and 
member of parliament, required the constant 
attendance of his father in the metropolis, and it 
is more than probable that his youthful mind was 
too readily attracted by the amusements and 
gaieties of the capital, then the resort of the 
fashionable and best society in the kingdom, for 
we find his residence at the Irish* university was 
undistinguished by academical honors or studious 
habits, and his manners and appearance are the 
only circumstances for which he was then re* 
markable. After three years residence, he was 
removed to Christ*church, Oxford, and matri- 
culated as a gentleman commoner, when he had 
little more than laid aside the praetexteral robe, 
being about nineteen years of age, and was 
placed under the very eminent preceptorship of 
Doctor Markham, afterwards elevated to the 
dignity of archbishop of York, whose kind and 
friendly attention called forth his most earnest 
acknowledgments, when his brilliant career 

* Ryan's M'orthies. 




12 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 

enhanced the value of his sentiments. During 
his sojourn on the banks of the Isis, he 
developed enough of the ext^it and power of 
his mind to show it was of no ordinary mould. 

His genius and character are finely alluded to 
by a master-hand/ whose delineation lar surpasses 
any the writer could give, though drawn from 
the same sources of information. Here (Oxford), 
as in Dublin, gaiety was, for a season, the order of 
the day ; but the mind of the future senator was 
rapidly ripening to a perception of his destiny, aaid 
he began to be conscious of the hidden treasures 
which he possessed in these mental powers which 
had hitherto been too much neglected* 

The converse of the able men to whose society 
he was now admitted was calculated to awaken 
his latent powers, and at the same time to impress 
him with a conviction of his deficiencies. The 
learned Mr. Tyrwhit was one whose conver* 
sation he found particularly instructive, by whom 
he was simulated to betake himself to close 
study, for the purpose of storing his mind with 
knowledge, without which, he saw it would be 
vain to expect to make a figure in the world. He 
found that those who met at the table of that 
accomplished scholar were all familiar with topics 



• The Rev. Mr. Samuel O* Sullivan, in the University Magazine, for 

June, 1896. 




RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD* Id 

of science and literature to which he was a total 
granger, and he came to the noble resolution of 
burying himself amongst his books, until, by dint 
of application, he was qualified to converse with 
th^p om equal teitns. The learned gentleman 
and.his friends were in the habit of having evening 
icbscussions on subjects to which their high attain- 
ments gave additional lustre, this so heightened 
the ambitious ardour of their youthfiil associate 
that he preserved an almost total silence in their 
company, till his assiduous reading enabled him 
to participate. To attain this honor he b repre- 
smifted* to have devoted himself to a course of 
mathematics and logic to which, it may be 
presumed, the faculties of his mind gave him 
facility, judging from his raciosination in whidi he 
employed the ^* enthymema^'* a mode of argu- 
mentation, by suppressing one of the members of 
the syllogism, that was more adapted for a learned 
imdience than a mixed assembly. Simultaneously 
with the severer studies, he read such (^ the 
Gredc and Roman authors as he had not before 
perused. And it is a remarkable &ct, worthy of 
record here, that such was the effect of the salutary 
example of having daily intercourse with learned 
mefi, that fvom this time to his death he constantly 
employed his leisure in recurring to classical 



Obituary of considemble penou. Gentlemen's Magazine, 1991. 




14 MEMOIRS OP THE LIFE OF THE 

literature, and it is recorded that he read Greek 
with the satne ease as English. 

He took his degree, as bachelor of arts, after 
a residence of two yeaw, as a genileman com. 
moner, at Christ-church, during which time he 
composed his first poetical production, entitled, 
" Verses on the death of Frederick, Prince of 
Wales,** published in the Oxford collection of 
17^1 • At a later period an ode on Fame, and 
a translation of the first Pythian ode of Pindar, 
which were in private circulation. The orations 
of Demosthenes and .^chines for the crown, 
and some of the brilliant efforts of Cicero 
were translated by him when he first entered 
on his parliamentary career. In this he seems 
to have followed the plan laid down by the 
eloquent Roman for himself, who transfused 
into his own language the most renowned speci- 
mens of Grecian oratory. Thus it may be 
remarked here, as it has been in other instances, 
'* that genius attracts and assimilates to itself 
whatever is valuable either in the pursuits of 
literature or the productions of art.*'* 

He now enjoyed a university reputation which 
must have been gratifying as a prognostic of his 
future fame. His fellow students looked on him 
as a man of no ordinary promise, and those who 



* Roscoe, in Lorenzo. 




RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD, 15 

were competent from closer intimacy to form a 
more accurate judgment, regarded him as qualified 
to take a foremost station in any department of 
science or literature, to which he might choose to 
devote the faculties of his mind. ^* But there were 
very few men/' says an eloquent and philosophic 
authority/ ^* of whom it might be so truly said, 
that they seemed equally qualified for succeeding 
in such a variety of different, and even opposite, 
pursuits,— had he applied his powers to history 
he would have been a first«rate historian, — ^had he 
chosen to fill a professors chair, whether of 
mathematics, moral philosophy, or modem or 
ancient languages, there were few who could have 
illustrated the several subjects that might come 
under his review with more clearness, more 
elegance, or more perspicuity. And the ardour 
of his temperament as well as the energy and 
determination of his character, gave him such a 
command over the sentiments and the convictions 
of those with whom he converse^l, as naturally 
hegai the persuasion that his influence would be 
equally powerfiil if he once obtained a seat in 
parliament.'' 

After he left Oxford he went to the Temple. 
The profession of the law, was always highly 
esteemed in Ireland, as qualifying the mind either 
for the bench or the senate, and to the highly 



* The Rev. Samuel O* Sullivan. 




16 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 

gifted, it offered the combination of emolument 
and fame ; but when the accumulation of wealth 
was not the guiding and paramoimt sentiment^ at 
least, jurisprudence was a noUe and necessary 
acquisition to senatorial distinction. The lord 
chief justice had ample means to render his son 
independent of the trammels of a profession ; he 
wisely obliged him to pursue the derious and 
difficult course of forensic learning; the great 
advantages of which he manifested in the discus* 
sion of some of the delicate questions of that 
period. 

From the completion of his academical course 
to the time he left England, was about seven 
years, passed chiefly in the agreeable society of 
the remarkable personages of the day, and where 
he first met lord Charlemont, who had returned 
from his extensive travels in Europe, with the 
celebrated Murphy, the noble lord's tutor^ 
Occasionally Mr. Flood relieved his other occu- 
pations by the attractive one of poetry : he drank 
deeply of Pirene's fount, and courted the Muses 
in many fugitive pieces, among others an ode on 
Hampden. Whatever tendency he had to this 
delightful branch of literature, he cultivated with 
care ; even amidst the turbident course of Irish 
politics he was not unmindftd of this taste, as we 
shall find constant allusions and compliments to 
his muse, in letters which are interspersed in this 
volume. 



RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 1? 



I. 



He was seven and twenty when he returned to ^^^ 
Ireland, to stand forward as the representative of 
his county, (Kilkenny,) for which he was duly 
dieeted. And without drawing any comparison, 
it is a curious coincidence in the lives of great 
men, that in the same period of life ^' the 
two most renowned orators of Greece and 
Rome, figured on the public stage of the worldj 
as if in geniuses of the first magnitude, that 
was the proper season of blooming towards 
maturity.'** 

He entered on his parliamentary career at the 
close of tl^ reifiii of Geor&fe the second, and 
i,^. A. »ln>i„^.. of L duke of Bedfo.d 
in Ireland. The short time that intervened 
before the dissolution, occasioned by the death of 
that monarch in the following year, scarcely 
gave him an opportunity of addressing the 
house } and as some expectation was formed of 
his oratorical qualifications, it evinced judgment 
in so young a member abstaining from any display, 
or inviting the attention of the house, till he 
had a Bobjeet of sufficient interest for that purpose. 
He took his seat on the opposition £^de, and 
remained an observer more sedulous of acquiring 
a knowledge of the rules and forms of parlia- 
mentary procedure, and an acquaintance with the 



• Dr. Middleton. 




18 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 

opinions of certain politicians — ^the only waj, in 
those days, when the debates were not published — 
than anxious to push himself on the notioe of 
the house unopportunely : probably from a just 
notion of the value of first impressions, which» 
on so many ocoaisions in public as in priyate, 
influence the destiny of the individual. 

The new parliament received him a member 
re-elected for the same county, and the two 
following letters from lords Charlemont and 
Wandesford evince the warmth of such friends: 
but the latter marks clearly how the interest in 
the county was divided at that time, and the 
cordial support he received from the Butlers. 



LETTER FROM LORD CHARLEMONT. 

"My dearest Flood, 

'' I HAVE succeeded in your commission just as I woidd 
always wish to do in your service. Inclosed you have two 
letters from lord Wandesford which will, I hope, ensure your 
success, and to-morrow he sets out for Castlecomer. Ho giv«s 
you both his voices, though he fears that lord Moim^g^aivett 
may he so piqued by his so doing, that he may be induced to 
join with the speaker ;* so that you accept of his two voices at 
your own hazard. 

*' I have often inquired about Rawlings, but he is as yet out 
of town. I shall, however, constantly inquire after him, and 

-^- — ■ — - — -- — ■■ - — — _ — I - — ^ 

* Mr. Ponsonby. 



RIGHT HOX. HENRY FJLOOD. 19 

endeavour to secure him. I have declined Armagh, for reasons chap. 
which I shall tell you when we meet No mofe now, as I ^* 

must not detain your express. 

" Yours most faithfully, 

'' Charlemont." 



LETTER FROM LORD WANDESFORD. 

"Dublin, Sunday, three o* Clock . 
" Dear Sir, 

" I had the honor of seeing lord Charlemont this 
morning, who gave me your letter, and also Messrs. Burke 
and'Hohson's. I should have answered your former letters, 
but I was so uneasy in my mind about my children, that I 
really could not think of it^ which I hope you will excuse. 

'' It has given me great pleasure to hear of your success in 
the county, and I flatter myself you will have greater yet. As 
you was the first friend that applied to me in opposition to the 
speaker and Agar, paiticularly the latter, I certainly must 
support you with all my weight, and I flatter myself lord 
Mountgarrett will give you all his interest also, which will 
eflfectually destroy the combined interest in our county. 

" If there is a possibility of serving Mr. Butler on this 
occasion, I should be very glad of it ; but I fear the speaker 
is too strong for us : you are llie best judge of that. What 
have you dene with old Agar P I fear he will go. against you; 
but he will give all his interest to Mr. Butler. I would have 
you consult lord Mountgarrett upon that head : he has great 
influence over him. 

" I hope to see you on Tuesday, if possible, in Kilkenny. 

'* I am, dear Sir, 

" Your sincere well wisher, &c. 

" Wandesford,*' 




20 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 

He addressed the house from the opposition 
side on the national embarrassmentSy which 
demanded the most serious consideration of 
the legislature. In this speech he is represented 
to have expressed himself with pointed energj 
on the measures and policy of the lord primate 
Stone, who had exercised an unbounded sway, 
not more by his abilities than the blandishments 
of his manners and the proAision of his pa- 
tronage. In the council chamber every measure 
was propounded before being introduced to the 
commons, where the influence of his grace 
secured its adoption. To this system Mr. 
Flood directed the poignancy of his sarcasm, 
which excited the ire of the primate, unaccus- 
tomed as he was to any language not laudatory 
of his government : and the bitterness and versa- 
tility of his grace's sentiments are preserved in a 
trite anecdote. It was however the scathing of 
the venerable oak by setherial fire, — the branches 
were shattered and withered, but the trunk 
remained uninjured. He lived to direct the 
councils of Ireland for three years more, before 
death removed him from the scene of his evanes- 
cent powers. Possessed of a genius and an ambition 
like Wolsey he exercised them on a more limited 
and less conspicuous sphere. 

In this year, Mr. Flood married lady Frances 
Maria Beresford, with whom he obtained a 



LETTER* FROM WILLIAM ANNESLEY, ESQ. 

'* Castle- Wellan, 

** I THINK, I may venture to say with certainty, that neither 
you nor Frances imagine my wife or I, want any inclination 
to pay our respects to you wherever you are, and therefore, I 
shall only tell you the true reason why we cannot have that 
pleasure this summer. I am engaged in a very heavy mass of 
buildings, a market house for the use of the people who attend 
this place every Monday, and eight houses in the town, all of 
which I intend to finish, if possible, before I leave this for any 
time together ; these buildings, I expect, will be the means of 
making Casde-Wellan a comfortable country village. 

''From your letter, I g^ess, you are entering on a new 
scene — a country life — quite different from what has hitherto 
opened to you, and if I am to form the same judgment of you 
as of myself, I think you will find a country life a much more 
pleasant and agreeable way of life, than that uncertainty, diffi- 
culties and disappointments, of a political one, which is generally 
attended with uncertainty, and often with very disagreeable 
disappointments. 

" If, hitherto, you have not had it in your power to taste 
the sweets of a country life (not having had a place of your 

* The present earl Annesley, had the kindness to give, me this letter. 




RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 21 

considerable accession of fortune, and one of the 
most powerful connexions in Ireland. On his 
marriage, Mr. William Annesley, (afterwards 
created viscount Glerawley, married to lady 
Anne Beresford,) wrote to his new brother-inJaw 
the following advice : — 




32 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 

own to amuse yonrself at,) the case is now alterod. You are 
now in possession of what before you had only the prospect 
of, — a wide difference with respect to thinking and acting — 
politics and books though they relish well, yet without 
other associations become languid and insipid. Variety is by 
most people thought agreeable, and I have almost brought 
myself to be of opinion, that the best farmer may be the best 
eommonwealih's man ; for the best politician will see nature in * 
the country and will improve upon it. He will converse with a 
different class of his fellow creatures, from those he meets in 
what he calls ' the world.* He will learn to know himself — 
the first object that every man ought to have in his mind. In 
a country life he will have frequent, almost daily, opportunities 
of judging of men and of things from what falls within his 
own knowledge. I have no doubt but your good sense and 
disposition will receive much more benefit and advantage 
from such observations than I have. 

" I do sincerely wish you success in all your undertakings 
and with our good wishes to you and Fanny, your 

" Affectionate brother, and 

" IVifost obedient servant, 

" Wm. Anneslby.'* 

This recommendation of a country life from a 
man of abilities and experience to the young 
politician, was admirably calculated to check his 
ardor; and he seems to have librated in the 
balance of destiny, till his acquaintance with lord 
Charlemont determined him, in favor of the scale 
in which politics with all their brilliant chimeras 
were placed. 




RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. £3 

The vicissitudes of nearly thirty years after 
thttt letter, might have induced him to write over 
his portal, as did the hero of La Sage, — 

< * 

" Inveni portum. — Spes et Fortuna valete ! 
Sat me lusistuis, ludete nunc alios." 

In consequence of his marriage, the lord chief 
justice settled the whole of his estates on him, and 
his fortune was increased by the bequest of his 
uncle, and other accessory circumstances. 

He now took up his residence at Farmley, a 
«!naU but agreeable seat, not perhaps, extensive 
enough for his plans and pursuits, such, however, 
as formed a pleasant retreat from the cares and 
duties of parliament. It was here that the 
amateurs of dramatic literature met and gave an 
example, which was successftiUy followed many 
years afterwards in Kilkenny, where the histrionic 
taste and talents of a Becher, a Power, and a 
Rothe were rendered more attractive by the 
presence of Miss O'Neil. In fact the traditions, — 
for they are so to the writer, — of those days form 
a brilliant and delightful retrospective view, when 
contrasted with the political perplexities, and 
the rise or ruin of families, — ^when unanimity 
and friendly intercourse of society were in unison 
with the proverbial hospitality and intellectual 
pre-eminence of the county. The theatre, which 
once contained the gay and the accomplished, is 
now a mart of miscellaneous furniture without a 




24 MEMOIRS OF TH£ LIFE OF THE 

vestige, except the wooden walls, to remiiid an 
observer of the famed amateurs of the sock and 
the buskin. 

Mr. Flood laid the foundation of this taste, 
then novel in Ireland, which had such repute, 
subsequently. At the time to which we have just 
alluded, he certainly was more distinguished for 
classical pursuits, — those favourite studies which 
we trace in the correspondence of his literary 
friends, — than settled political opinions regarding 
beneficial acts for Ireland. The warmth of his fanc^, 
and the cultivation of his mind, perhaps, gave him 
a bias for poetry, that species, too, in which the 
boldest figures are permitted — ^the lyric seemed to 
have been most congenial. He wished to make his 
habitation in the country a sort of Tusculum 
where he might relax firom the occupations of the 
senate, and to associate with Leland, and VaUancy, 
and Burke, and Charlemont, all votaries of the 
Muses, '' and whose medals the swans of Lethe 
have caught, and carried to the consecrated 
Fane.''* 

This is the time, when he made a systematic 
application of the rules and instructions of 
Quintilian, and followed the practice which Cicero 
relates of himself, — ^that of transferring the most 
beautiful passages of the ancient authors into his 



* Lord Bacon. 



" AN ODE ON FAME. 
I. 

" O MI6HTT FAME ! 

Thou for whom CaBsar, reckless>^ fought. 
And Regulus his righteous sufiering sought; 
What can the sense of mortals tame» 
And Nature's deepest murmurings hush. 
That thus on Death they rush P 
That horror thus and anguish they controul. 
Touched by thy airy power, that lifts the daring soul P 

II. 

The Indian on the burning iron bound. 

By busy torturers compassed round. 

Beholds thee, and is pleased ; 
And, with a towering frenzy seized. 




RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 25 

own language, and constantly keeping in view, the 
qualifications set forth, as necessary to form 
the complete orator. " Nemo poterit esse 
omni Umde cvmulatis orator^ nisi erit omnium 
return magnarumy atque artium scientiam 
consecutus** 

The following ode which was printed for private 
circulation, conveys a very favourable impression 
of his poetic fancy, and may properly be placed 
at the close of this chapter, with a letter from one 
of his literary friends. 



* Reckless— -Pi^ fas et nefas* 



MBHOIBS OF THE LIFE OF THE 

Tdk Oam thej know not bow ta Icill ; 
Denuudi a lorme&t fit for men to feel. 
And dictates some fierce pang, some more envenomed « 

in. 

The female ^irit, MiD, 
And timtrntns of ill. 
In aDfleat dimes, by thy commanding will. 
Dauntless can mount the mournful pyre. 
Where a dead husband waits the funeral fire. 
No unbecoming human fear 
The exalted sacrifice ddays ; 
la youth, in beauty's flov'hng year. 
Serene, she mingles with the blaze, 
Beholds, unmoved, the gamers' bosoms heave. 
And takes, without a tear, her consecrated leave. 



IV. 

The hall of Odin rang— 

Amidst the barbarous clang 

Of boastful chiefs and dire alarms, 

The warrior hears thy m^c ciy. 

Thundering, " To arms, to arms." 
Struck by the sound, behold him fly 
O'er the steep mountain's icy bar. 
And drive before him Shout and Pain, 
And Slaughter mad, the dogs of war; 
Then, of his boodess trophies vain. 
Back to the hall of Death return. 
And brood upon the name which his wide ruins earn. 



le orator renowned, 

to tyrannic outrage blind, 

dread voice stood Macedon astound ; 

It moved his mighty mind ? 




RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 27 

He saw the GTsecian genins braved. 
And his own Athens half enskTed ; 

Beset by woes. 
By base, domestic, treasonous foes. 

And overwhehned by arms : 
Amidst these congregated harms. 
He meditates the proud re^f of death ; 
And^ whflst the future he surveyed. 
Thus bursts into prophetic breath : 

" My deeds she]! sound 
" Through ail the wondering nations round, 
" Wherever freedom's honours shall be found, 
'^ And all my present ills shall be by Fame o erpaid." 

VI. 

Long on the wateiy waste Columbus hung. 
When Nature now^ with boding tongue, - 

Seemed to pronounce his doom ! 
Famine smote the blasted crew — 
Portentous tides beneath him flew — 
Her aid the astonished card withdrew : 
And rushing to an untrod grave. 
Desperate, he seemed the abyss to brave 
Of Ocean's wild, immeasurable womb. 

vn. 

Rescued, at length, from Ruin's ways. 
In vain Iberia's thankless shores he sought. 

And a new worid in triumph brought. 

Envy, her slanders lewdly brays ; 
His godlike toil, a ruffian train betrays. 
Pensive he paused dejected for mankind. 

And half his lofty thought resigned ; 

When glory beamed upon his mind. 




Q8 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 



And bade him ne'er bow down to sleep^ 
Till o'er the vast Atlantic deep 
His sails adventurous he again unfurled^ 
And snatched a deathless name from his recovered world. 

vra. 

Brief is the frame of mortal birth : 
Wherefore the unsubmitting mind 
Less brooks to pass forgotten into earth ; 
And> whilst to anxious doubt inclined. 
It longs for some stherial scope 
Whereon to rest the aspiring hope. 

Fame cries from heaven, '* Be brave ; 
" Dabe greatly, and tht name shall live, 
" And thou upon the tonoites of men survive, 
" Though death should shut thee up in an eternal 

GRAVE." 

IX. 

Hence that unquenched lust. 
In noblest minds the noblest deeds to dare ; 

That, should they sink in dust. 
Their memory may renounce this fleeting doom ; 
And, shaking off the tomb. 
May wander through the living air. 
And traverse earth with their renown. 
And eternize their date by an immortal crown. 



LETTER FROM W. BLAKENEY, ESQ. 

" Dear Flood, 

" Webb is loud in praise of your odes : what, alas ! 
shall Blakeney say P His voice is much too low for fame ; he 
must content himself with 




RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 29 

PraiBes not loud but deep, which the poor tongue 
Would fain prodaim, but cannot 

Yet let me whusper^ 

( Flaoco etiam invito) tibi oontigit Pindaram Bemulari penna panim lolubili. 

*' Pray tell lady Frances (with my best respects) that Mr. 
Mason makes a very good report of her young favourite. 

Vale ac yive ! 

Memor acta son alio rage puertin 

Mutatseque simul toge. 

W.B. 

Scriptus et in teigo, 

" I beg leave to send a note upon a line of Pope, in which 
the lord bishop of Gloucester seems to have imitated the 
punctuation, style, and spirit of alderman Faulkner more 
happily than any of the modems : — 

Half froth, half venom, spits himself abroad. * 

Ep. to Arbtahnot, 920 Une. 

" I shall set out for Dublin on the Idth of next month. 
May I pass a week in Dominick-street before I go to Farmley ? 

" W. Blakbnet. 

" Bath, SdJyfy,** ** Scriptus et in tergo.»*. 

In this ( 1764) year his father died at an advanced 
age. The official situation of lord chief justice 
of the court of king's bench, he retained till his 
demise. 



* Alluding to those frothy excretions called by the people Toad-spits, 
seen in summer time hanging upon plants, and emitted by young insects 
which lie hid in the midst of them^ for their preservation, while in their 
helpless state. 



30 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OV THE 




CHAR 11. 



From 1764 to 1768. 

Social state of the kingdom. — Evils caused by misgovernmeiit— - 
Mr. Fitzgibbon*s description of the peasantry. — Mr. Flood's of the 
courtiers. — Mr. Flood's defence of the liberty of the press.— His 
efforts for the limitation of parliament, and three other important 
mevuret.— -Correspondence with Mr. Pitt, (lord ChothamX Mr. Burke 
and lord Charlemont. — Character of Cbarlemont.— His comparison of 
the oratory of lord Mansfield and Mr. Pitt — Character and anecdotes 
of Mr. Hutchinson. — Sir William Osborne's character of Mr. Perry 
and Mr. Flood. — ** The flying squadron.' 



«» 



The acts of successive administrations had given 
an arbitrary character to the statute-book, whiGfai 
changed the assimilated charter* granted by Henry 
the second to the assembled ecclesiastics and digni- 
taries of the nation at Cashel, to an instrument of 
oppression. Before the Elizabethan era had closed, 
the constitution existed but in name ;t and the 
inhabitants of the soil were degraded, without the 
craft and cunning of an eastern tribe, to a state 
little better than ** hewers of wood and drawers 
of water*'* 

To trace with a transient pencil the moral and 
political state of Ireland from the era of the new 



Molyneux. f Phil. Survey. 




RIGHT HON. HENEY FLOOD. 31 

reign^ to the aoqu^ion of the octeunial bill, will 
not be ini^Qpsistent with the ol^ects of this 
biography. 

The kingdom was in the extreme of poverty * 
and degradation at the close of the reign of 
George the second, arising from a misconception 
of the extent of its resources, by the British cabinet, 
and the supineness of the national parliament to 
make these difficulties known. The accumulation 
of debt was only equalled by inconsiderate profu- 
sion. The loans required by the exigencies of 
the jstote augmented the former, and the facile 
and ignorant acquiescence of the commons, the 
latter.t The establishments, civil, military, and 
pensionary were onerous for a country so impove- 
rished — the pensiqns alone amounted to a very 
considerable t item, — ^these rendered taxation 
oppressive, and all combined, lent a pretext to 
turbulance, and extended impunity to the pro- 
moters of insurrection long after foreign hostility 
had fled the coast. The people of Ireland, shaded 
by the gloom of intermittant storms, were easily 
excited to discontent and alarm. And for a time 
they wandered in darkness and calamity, ^^ without 
the word as a lantern unto their feet and a light 
unto their paths." 



• Gordon's History, vol. iL f Caldweirs Reports. t 72,000. 



32 




MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 

Amid the complexity of erents* foreign and 
domestic, it would be calumnious to aanime that 
ministers were exclusively indiflferent to the 

embarrassments of Ireland. Statesmen, however 
gifted with public virtue and ability to govern, 
were unable, at once, to counteract them. Por, 
in the words of an able hi8torian,t " it is the 
misfortune of those who are concerned in con* 
ducting human affairs, that, however pure and 
capacious their own conceptions may be, they 
must accommodate themselves to the circumstan- 
ces with which they are environed, and use the 
instruments within their reachJ^— The taint 
of corruption had infested the majority of the 
national legislature, and the population remained 
in ignorance of the advantages of civilized life. 

As the governors were not residents, but visiters, 
their titles form but a nomenclature in the history 
of Ireland, for their policy (flagicious as it may 
have been in former periods), neither belonged to 
one party nor another, but was the uniform tenor 
of domination. Votes of credit to a large amount 
— an increase of the military establishment — an 
increase of the viceregal grant — and immoderate 
addition of pensions, formed the most prominent 
acts of five administrations in Ireland. 

To descend from the vicious features of polity 
which are the enduring, and therefore historical, 

* Belsham, vol. III. f Godwin Com. vol. 1. 




EIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 33 

points for contemplation, we have the fervid and 
eloquent description of a witness to the country's 
social condition, humiliating as it was true : — 

. *** Itis always with regret that I discover the nakedness of 
my country^ but on this occasion I ought not to hide it. Upon 
this occasion I must remind you^ that Ireland is npt more 
than one-third peopled ; our trade lies under such disadvantages 
that two-thirds of the population are unemployed, and are^ 
consequently, condemned to the most deplorable indigence ; a 
state that cannot fail to render them wretched in proportion as 
the luxury of a few has multiplied artificial wants^ but of 
which they have no further knowledge than just serves to excite 
envy and discontent. We have neither foreign trade nor home 
consumption sufficient to distribute the conveniencies of life 
among us with a reasonable equality, nor sufficient to pay 
any tax proportioned to our number. 

" This island is supposed to contain three millions: of these, 
two live like the beast of the field, upon a root picked out of 
the earth, almost without hovels for shelter or clothes for cover- 
ing. What must become of a nation in this situation, which 
at the same time is contracting a debt which must eveiy year 
increase, by a very considerable excess its expenses above its 
income ? What method can be found to prevent the ruin of 
a state in which these evils not only continue, but increase P . 

" What mode of taxation can be devised ? — Shall we tax 
leather where no shoes are worn, or tallow where no candles 
are burned P What tax can be devised on the necessaries of 
life where they consist wholly of roots and water P " 

Mr. Flood's description of the courtiers may 
appropriately follow Mr. Fitzgibhon's t state of the 
people.. 

• Caldwell's Reports. 

f This Mr. Jitzgibbon was father to lord Clare. 

D 




34 MEMOIRS OP THE LinS OF THE 

'' Sir, it must give eyeiy member of this'house the hi^^bc^l 
satisfaction to reflect that we now meet freed and dilsencumbered 
from the apprehensions under which we suffered the beginning 
of the last session. We have also the happiness of being 
acquainted with the dispositions of each other, so that no 
requisite is wanting for the mature consideration of what may 
be inost for the advantage of our country, independant of €v«y 
other object It is, however, a melancholy reflecticto, that 
those who distinguish themselves by their independence, disin- 
terestedness, and public spirit ; those who make the advantage of 
their country their only object, are, too often, branded with 
the name of ' faction,' and, under that approbrious appellation, 
held forth to public obloquy and reproach, merely because 
they wfll not concur with the mean, interested, and selfish views 
of those who implicitly adopt the measures of a court, that 
they may themselves become the objects of court favor. But, 
whatever designing knavery may pretend or thoughdess igno- 
rance admit, the word 'faction* as a term of reproach, may 
justly be retorted upon those by whom it is so liberally bestowed 
on oAers. They are certainly a faction, in this sense, who 
unite upon any selfish or contracted view, against the public or 
general interest, whether they are many or few. Those who 
injudiciously endeavour to extend the prerogative under the 
spacious pretence of supporting it, tl^ose who encourage the 
exercise of unconstitutional power, assumed by a minister 
under the colour of strengthening the hands of government, 
and diose who concur in the distribution of pecuniary grati- 
fications to individuals, at the expense of the nation, as a 
compliment to royal munificence, — ^those, and those only, 
deserve to be stigmatized with the name of '* fiiction/ It is 
certak), indeed> that they do not more mist^e their oWn- true 
interest, than the true interest of those in whose measures they 
implicitly concur. As the supreme and only real happiness 
and honor of the prince are derived wholly from the freedom, 
wealth, and happiness of his people; so tiie happiness and hotior 




RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 35 

of a miniver, if be may be truly ao called^ — are nothing more 
than tbe reflec^d honor and happinesa of his prince; so true 
it is» that Providence has made, the real happiness of the indir 
vidual dep^id upon the same conduct that produces the happi- 
ness of the whole. That every vice is manifestly a folly, and 
be who sacrifices tbe interest of his countzy, its freedom, 
independanc^ or wealth, to any private advantage for himsdf, 
his faraly^ or his Mends, eventuaUy betrays the very individuals 
he would serve, by taking away what is of infinitdy more 
.▼alue tbaniio can givie. For what, in the estimation of honesty 
and reason) can be equivalent to a common interest in those 
inyaluaUe Uessings that distii^ttish a £tee people ? God forbid 
that I should renounce or di^Miage the forcible yet tender ties 
of perfonal friendship, parental affection, or ingenuous grati- 
tude ! Permit me to say, that no man in this house is more 
under the influence of these attachments than myself; no man 
haa a more ardent lore for his friend, a strcmger sense of obli- 
gation, nor warmer passions. Nor do I dream that any man 
is bound to love those whom he has never aeen more than these 
idbo are endeared to him by the ties of nature and of blood ; 
much less, that he. can love the public who do not love his 
relations and his friends, which must make, to eveiy one not 
devoid of humanity, the most endearing part of it; but, I say, 
that he only punues the tme intemt of his tt^ds and his 
relations, who concurs in every measure to secure to them that 
upon which every other blessing depends — freedom and inde-^ 
p^idance-^ without which neither labor, is profitable nor rest 
aweet; without which gold is not wealth, nor titles honor ! 

*' The narrow-minded, selfish court sycophant, who, in the 
wicicednesa of his foUy sacrifices the many to the few, does, in 
fact, sacrifice the few with the many ; and does nothing more 
than involve those for whom 1^ is willing to betray his co^mtiy 
Hi the ruin which hia treacheiy is bringing upon it The fool 
of court faction is like those who employ him-^the dupe of his 
own cumiing and the scourge of his own vice. The nameless 




36 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 

vermin that court sunshine quickens in the slime of venality 
will soon find that the same influence which produced, will 
destroy them ; when the moisture of that dirt in which they 
crawl is a little farther exhaled, they will find it stiffening 
about them — ^they will first be deprived of motion, then of 
life, and the next wind will sweep them away with the dust in 
which they perished ! 

*' It is not, indeed, strange, that remote should be sacrified 
to immediate good, when the temptation strikes strongly upon 
the sense, and the principles both of virtue and of wisdom, 
by which it can be resisted, are wanting. But it is strange, and 
not leas deplorable, that in this country, many should be fomd 
who sacrifice their chief interest to a subordinate one, still more 
remote and precarious, who give away their share in the public 
prosperity, not for immediate riches and titles, but for mere 
names and shadows — for prombes never meant to be fulfilled : 
for painted vapours which appear solid only by their distance, 
which float in airy regions where they can never be approached 
and which vanish for ever with the light that gilds them ! 

" Nay, in this age of vanity and dissipation, men are cor- 
rupted even by less than a promise, a trivial compliment, a 
familiar and gracious smile, or an extended hand are deemed 
valuable considerations for those inestimable blessings which our 
f(«efathers procured us at the expense of treasure, of ease, of 
health and even of life itself. While this infatuation spreads 
among us, and its eflects are proportionally more extensive and 
more alarming, it behoves those who are not yet circumscribed 
with the enchanted circle — ^those who have still the use of 
nnperverted reason, and who still estimate the blessings of life 
by their just value, to exert themselves in behalf of their 
native country, and, like its guardian angel, ' watch over it for 
good.' They are deeply concerned in its particular welfare as 
distinct firom other parts of the British dominions ; they are 
acquainted with its true interest and know how it is to be 
pursued, which cannot be the case with those who Immknt us 
with their company firom the other side of the water. 




RIGHT HON, HENRY FLOOD. 37 



" This tender — this jealous vigilance is still more necessary 
as it is not our happiness to have a native prince to wield a 
sceptre among us^ hut must appear to our sovereign as we are 
represented hy others, and receive the henefits of his adminis- 
tration, not directly, hut as it were, hy reflection" 

The liberty of the press was, at this period, 
shackled and restrained with many impediments. 
The debates in parliament were unreported, and 
even notes were forbidden, as against the rules of 
the house ; all besides the ministers and members 
were, not only totally uninformed on the progres- 
sive subjects of legislation during the session, 
but commentaries, indirectlj^made on the capacity 
of members, or public functionaries, were punished 
by arraignment at the bar of the commons. The 
case of Wilson, a printer, cannot be considered 
unimportant, since lord Bacon says, '^ maxima 
d minimis suspendens*^ 

Mr. Fortescue, a gentleman of consideration, 
moved in the house of commons, "that the 
printer of the * North Briton,' be committed to 
Newgate prison.'* The motion was sustained by 
a minister, and a person of great notoriety at 
the time, the venerable Anthony Malone, a 
privy councellor, and chancellor of the Irish 
exchequer, whose character has been figuratively 
expressed, " he was a great sea in a calm,'* in his 
decrepitude ; " but a great sea in a storm,*' in the 
energy of his youth. On this occasion, he used 



MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 

all the sophistry that his earlier and later years 
bad acquired, to attach the signification of 
" defamatory libel," to the cited article of the 
" North Briton," which he represented as reflecting 
on the character of the individual, and on the 
honor and dignity of parliament. 

Wilson was arraigned at the bar of the house of 
commons, though in a delicate state of health, 
for a " heinous offence against the character of a 
representative." Several, besides Mr, Malone, 
were for committing him to Newgate ; fortunately 
for the man, and the freedom of the press, there 
was one young champion ready to avow his di^ent 
from such doctrines, and who obtained the 
compliments of the venerable senator, even in 
the unpopidar seat of the opposition. 

" Mr. Flood rose and aaiA — ' Mr. Speaker, the right bononble 

gentleman has in a very ingenious manner twined and twisted 

the paragraph in question, to make it appear to be a Ubel ; 

and I hope that I may he allowed to try if I cannot twine 

and twiat it (ill it appeani not to be a libel. The ' Nobth 

Bbiton,' sir, whatever iu merit or demerit as to its princq>les 

and tendency, is universally admitted to be the performance of 

a person who has acquired a habit of writing, an abill^ of 

expressing sentiment clearly, correctly and forcibly ; and this, 

■ir, is an abili^ very different from quickness of conception, 

It, or any other natural faculty of the 

rooke, therefore, may be a gendeman of 

, very sound judgment, and even esten- 

et may not have acquired the knack of 

degree as the author of the 'North 




RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 39 

firiton.' To 8ay« thecefore, that be had not littrdry ability 
for a work of that description, d»l not imply that be was 
deficient in undenstandihg ; nor is the mere want of Uterary 
abiHiy a disgrace to gentlemen who hare more important 
objects for their attention than Uterary peffamumees. 

"Suppose I should read some anonymous verses^ and 
should say> I thought them as good as Mr. Pope's; and 
suppose somebody should add, they were written by sir 
Arthur Brooke, would it be deemed a reflection on his under^ 
standing if I sdiould say, I did not think him capabie of 
writing verse so well P I therefore can never consider the 
jpan^raph in question a libel. The right honorable gentleman 
has, indeed, inferred that it is a libel in the sense of the house, 
from the unanimous opinion of the members that it is a breach 
of privilege; 'and this inference would be just, supposing the 
paragraph to mention sir Arthur Brooke in his pritatecapaoi^ 
only, but the paragraph mentions him, with a sneer, in his 
political capacity as being one of the majority of this house ; 
and I apprehend that the presuming to publish any inuendo 
with respect to the majority or minority of this house, is a 
breach of privilege, setting sir Arthur Brooke out of the 
•qu^tion« . . 

"I am extremely sorry to differ from the right honorable 
gentleman whose years, experience, and ability, must give 
great sanction to his construction of the words in question, but 
I thought it my duty to explain my own sense of them ; and 
as in my sense they are not a libel, I shall never give my vote 
^for sending the publisher to Newgate. . 

** Mr. Malone closed the debate in these words — 'It is very 
indifferent in what sense the fire and imagination of that 
young gentleman may construe the words in question. His 
sense is contrary to mine, and I believe to that of every one 
else in this house. I am obliged to him for the compliments he 
paid my abilities ; but, for my own part, I make no pretensions 



40 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 

CHAP. to any diing more than a Ikde eommon sense^ which natimdly 
i^* understands words in their common and natural signification. 
I shall, therefore, make no farther reply to what has heen said, 
than to desire that the paragraph may be read, that every 
gentleman may judge for himself." 

Mr. Flood concurred, and the house divided in 
favor of his opinion. This was aa ovation for 
the young statesman on a momentous subject, 
contested by the most eminent member of the 
house. 

" During the same session, Mr. Flood greatly 
distinguished himself by his efforts to limit the 
duration of parliament.* It could not, however, 
be expected that he should be, all at once, suc- 
cessful. The parties interested in the continuance 
of things upon their old footing which ensured a 
perpetuity of profitable abuses, were too numerous 
and too powerful to be suddenly overthrown ; but 
through him the commons were every day rising 
in influence, and the liberal views and the manly 
reasonings of the patriot were sure, in the long 
run, to produce a result that would equal his 
most sanguine expectations. Until the duration 
of parliament should be limited, the constitutional 
connexion between the representative and the 
constituent could not be restored ; and until that 
should be accomplished, it would be vain to 

* Dublin University Magazine. 



BXGHT HON. HENRT FLOOD. 41 

expect that die house of commons would chap. 
sympathise with the awakening intelligence of 
the country," 

So lightly and negligently was this important 
question treated by the adherents of government, 
that it was converted to a matter of jest and 
ridicule. " Mr. Owen Winne said * it was a mere 
mouthful of moonshine, ad captandum vulguSy* 
and sir Charles Coote said, he believed those 
who proposed the bill had got their dinners, and 
had the advantage over those who had been 
fasting all day.* *'t Illustrative of the supineness 
of some members of the commons, one peculiar 
instance is given by an itinerant^ philosopher, of 
a member who absented himself for seven years 
from his parliamentary duties, who at last reluc- 
tantly appeared at the summons of the speaker. 
From these anecdotes we may fairly appreciate the 
zeal, perseverance, and abilities of a few, in 
the lower house, who laid the foundation of that 
constitutional system which, for a time, Ireland 
enjoyed ; but,- like a brilliant coruscation, it was 
of passing endurance. 

At the close of lord Hertford's administration, 
the four paramount considerations to which Mr. 
Flood gave up his time and mental labor to 
obtain, were, — ^the limiting the duration of 



* Reports. t Caldwell's Reports. \ Dr. Campbell. 



42 MfiwoiBS rnirHE ure of the 

<»^- |>ttfliamei[t)-^1iie elueidation of ^< the' law of sir 
£dward Poyning,' — ^the establisliment of' a con- 
stitutional militia, — ^' to prove that the constitution 
of parUament in die kingdom of Ireland did 
still exist/'* 

When vfe consider the complication of these 
subjects — ^the number of statutes to be explained 
or repealed — ^the new ones to be enacted — ^the 
|K>wer of veto assumed by the privy council of 
Ireland — ^the power of alteration in that 6f 
(England — ^the numberless minor hindrances to 
direct and salutary legislation, we must confess 
it required a noble devotedness of mind, and 
Hn unremitting exertion to overcome them. 



LETTER TO THE RIGHT HON. WILLIAM PITT. 

" SiK, 

''I know not how to apologise for this address, 
except I may lye allowed to offer in excuse the nature of its 
aiAjeot, and the ftrdor of that admiration which I feel for the 
-virtues, and for the abilities of the person to whom it ia 
directed. Having had the honor to have been introduced to your 
knowledge last winter, by a letter from lord Grandison, and 
liaving then, in a conversation which I shall ever reflect upon 
•with pride, heard you declare your sentiments upon the 
(particuJar proprie^ of a militia law in this country, I deter- 
'^nined io take the first opportunity of endeavouring to digest a 



• Vide, Case of Ireland. 



M 



LETTER TO MR. FLOOD. 
Sir, 



''The honor of your laont -^bligiiig <s^0Qsmibamom 
reached me just as I was leaving Bath, since ^which time much 
gout, and some business in the house of commons, have left 
me but litde in condition to write : it is with great satisfaction 



mOHT HON. HENRY F&OOD« 43 

bill vi^n that 9«b)ect» founded. (m. that tlaw, which En£^d chap. 
owes to your <wise.ai)d patriot .perseverance, so fav as it seemed J^^ 
capable of being .adapted to this kingdom, and have obtained 
leave from the house of commons accordingly to prepare such 
it bill. It is unnecessary for me to say, that I should esteem 
it the greatest. honor and felicity of. my life, if, amidst the 
impcdantcQUoems. in which you are engaged, you would 
permit me, when the bill is printed,. to lay at your feet this 
humble attempt, to which I have been excited hy a love for my 
i^ountry, and a reverence for your great example. Far be 
£n>m me the exlmvagance to imagine that it could merit your 
^min^te. cottsidemtion; but if by the glance of a superior 
. genius, you should perceive that there was nothing inypracticaUe 
in it, it might perhaps induce an inquiry into its fate, if it 
should be transmitted to England, and procure its return to 
•this country, if it should not be unworthy of it. Upon this 
principle it js that I have presumed so Jbr ; ha|q;>y if hae, .or 
anywhere, I could have a share .in promoting .those .wise and 
public spirited endeavours, which have so deaexvedly endeared 
and dignified your name. 

" I have, sir, the honor to remain, 

'* With the profoundest respect, 
" Your most humble, and most obedient servant, 

*' Henbt Flood." 



u. 



44 MSMOnS OF THE LI9£ OF TH£ 



Ikal I now beg kive to caqmn, though kte» the tnie Bense I 
have of the Teiy flattering sentimciitB yon aie so good, iir» U> 
enfcortam on the rabjed of one w^ lecab widi partkokr 
pleasore the conversation with which jon honored him ai 
Hayes, on some matters rdating to the conntrj where jou are, 
whoae wdfiune every diinlmfig Englishman wifl ever consider as 
his own. My widies in genend on this head are voy sinoetn, 
and my sense of die utility of an efiectoal militia ray strong. 
Zeal without knowle^e, or with qnite an inadequate oni^ 
concerning many partkridars of essentiil importance in a 
consideration of this nature, might gread^ mislead me, were 
I to hmrd a judgment how fiur the militia laws of Kngisnd 
would, widi pnqpriety and eflect, iqiply to Iidand. In dus 
ciicumstanoe I must only respect wad af^dand the attempts, 
always open to form upon ^oper grounds, a final judgment 
with regard to so important an object. I wiD only add, that I 
esteem myself fortunate in receiving so favorable a mark of 
your opinion, and diat I beg yon wiD be persuaded of the true 
and considefaticn with whidh 

** I have the himor to be, sir, 

" Your most obedient, 
" And most humble semnt, 

"WnxiAiiPirr.- 



One of the first letters firom lord Charlemont 
to Mn Floods was during the short admiiiistnition 
oi lord Hertford, and it illustrates a principle 
Yetj oftoi acted on bj the latter, in r^ard to 
Irish affiiirs, — that <'he did not run headlong 
against goyemment at onetime^ and with gorem- 
ment at another ; but adapted his conduct, as he 
ought to do, to what he saw, and what he felt,** — 



V 



RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 45 

it is estimable in showing the coincident yiews of ^^^^' 
his noble friend with his own. ^'' 

A protest, remarkable for its boldness and dis- 
tinctness of political sentiments, was, at this time, 
entered on the journals. The passage most striking 
is the following, which embodies the proposition 
(rf Moljmenx,* — " Although the crowns of 
England and Ireland be united, yet Ireland is a 
distinct kingdom, and as such, has a distinct and 
separate executive, as well as a distinct and 
separate legislature.'* There is every reason to 
iDonclude that this protest was drawn up by 
Mr. Flood, not only from the characteristic 
principles it unfolds, but that lord Charlemont 
almost wholly depended on him in matters of 
such extensive import, and wrote to him on the 
subject. Lord Rockingham was then premier, 
nevertheless, lord Charlemont in this instance as 
in subsequent ones, preferred the interest of his 
country to a uniform consistency to his party 
in power, to which the little politician so rigidly 
adheres. 

At this time Mr. Burke entered the British 
parliament, for the first time, under the auspices 
of the earl of Rockingham, to whom he was 
private secretary. From these circumstances Mr. 
Flood wrote to him, as some novel restrictions 

^— — ^^— ^-*'~^~^^~ " ^^^^._ .,.^^^^_ ■ . ■ ■ ■ . _ ■ ■ 

* One of tfie six propontioxft in the Case of Ireland. 



46 MBHOIB8 OF THE LIKE OF THE 



II. 



0KAF« were' afypirehboded by the few who oecupied Hiem^ 
selves about the wel&re of IrefaouL 

The late protest bj lords Charlemont and 
Tyrone, was= occasioaed bj a rertrtction on the 
com trade, and now some other ' meesiiro wa9 
oontemplated, of a like tendency. FeWi if wyf 
personam England, have so well understood the 
political and comm^^ial state of Ireland a& Mr. 
Burke, and none owed her a more grateful 
regard. 

'^ To your inquiry, concerning some pi^oposi^ 
tions in a certain ass^mUy, c^ a nature injurioiis 
to Ireland, since your departure, I know nothing 
of the kind^ except one attempt made by a Mr. 
Shiffiier to lessen the number of the ports of 
entry in Britain and Irebnd, aUowed for the 
trade of wool and woollen yam, of the growth of 
the latter country. This attempt was grounded on 
the decrease of the import of these commodities 
from Ireland, which they rashly attributed to the 
great facility of the illicit transport of wool from 
Ireland to France by the indulgence of a number 
of ports. This idea, founded in an ignorance of 
the. nature of the Irish trade, had w^ht with 
some persond ; but the decreased import of Irish 
wool and yam^ being accounted for, upon true 
and rational principles, in a short memorial deli- 
vered to Mr. Townshend, he saw at once into it 
with his usual sagacity ; and he has sileneed this 
complaint, at least for this session/' 



LETTER FROM LORD CHARLEMONT. 

*^ London, Hertford-st, Fwodilly, 1766. 

''Judge of my disftppointmoat, my dearest Flood. 
Detained in Ireland by contrary winds for almost three weeks, 
in constant expectation of sailing every day» I bad omitted 
answering your letters, and was of course doubly anxious to 
see you, in older to obviate any ill opinion, you might bave 
conceived of me ftxxax my appavent. negligence* At length 
die wind seired, audi set cut with a thorough confidence that 
I was travelling towards you. Arrived in London, my first 
care was to send to the St. James's cofiee house. The answer 
was that you were gone to Paris, but were expected back in a 
very few days, and the next morning I received your billet, with 
an account of your having been obliged to set out for Ireland. I 



RIGHT HOK. HEKRV FLOOD* 47 

At the close of Lord Hertford's administration ^»^* 
Mr. Flood departed for England, and visited lord 
Chatham at Bath. The object of this interview 
partially transpires in lord Charlemont's subse? 
qoent cdrresp(»idence;. It is probable that a 
conditional support to lord Bristol was promised. 

The conference on Irish afiairs, which took 
place on this occasion, is pointedly referred to in 
the noble earPs own words, who even then had 
little confidence in a minister when his native 
Itod was concerned. We must feel an unlimited 
admiration for the high-minded character of his 
patriotism ; yet an unnecessary degree of despon- 
dency k often observable in his. political antieipa^ 
tions. 



48 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 

CHAP. had expected the utmost pleasure in meeting you here. A 
''' thousand reasons concurred to render an interview necessary. I 

well knew that in our circumstances letters were likely to he but a 
poor resource ; indeed I hardly ever remember being more really 
disappointed. The unexpected absence of a beloved mistress 
could scarcely have affected me more. I am afraid that this was 
almost the first time that, in the object of my ardent expectations* 
the utile had been mixed with the dulce, which could not fail to 
render my disappointment still more grievous to me. But now 
to your letters, for which, and for your kind confidence in me, 
ten thousand thanks. Your interview with the Patagonian**^ 
has turned out pretty much as I expected. It is easier for a 
camel to go through the eye of a needle, or for a rich man to 
enter into the kingdom of heaven, than for a politician to lay 
aside disguise, or for a minister here to think as we would with 
regard to our affairs. A great deal was, no doubt, to be 
expected from his peculiar character ; but that characters, even 
the highest, almost always vary with a change in situation, the 
difference between this and your former conference is, I think, 
an incontestible proof. My disappointment of last year was 
no way inferior to your s at present The highest and best 
founded esteem, a long acquaintance, nay, even a friendship 
between us, made me entertain the most sanguine hopes. But 
my friend was a minister ! Indeed, my dearest Flood, we must 
depend upon ourselves alone. Firmness, as you well observe, 
may gain, or the want of it lose, every thing. 1 4un, however, 
extremely glad that you have seen and conversed with him, 
and highly approve of every thing you said : his being made 
acquainted with what I am proud to call our W2i:y of thinking, 
may be of the greatest advantage. As soon as he comes to 
London, I shall be introduced to him, and if we should ever 
have any conversation upon public matters, you may be sure 
that he shall perceive that you and I are unisons. Even 



* Lord Chatham. 



RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD, 49 

without the assistance afforded me by your letter, I flatter chap. 
myself that an exact similitude of principle and sentiment ^'' 

would have rendered our discourse nearly of the same import ; 
but our correspondence, which I beg may be constantly 
cbntmued/wiU still further arm and instruct me. I have been 
asked by several, by Bristol amongst the rest, whether it were 
true that you were to undertake next winter in Ireland ? My 
constant answer is, that I know nothing about it, but that 
I was certain your political principles are unchanged and 
unchangeable. 

** Hamilton has this instant been here. I have just now 
•been told, says he, that Augustus Hervey has said that lord 
Bristol has had a letter from lord Chatham, with an account of 
an interview between him and Mr« Flood, in which the latter 
had, in the handsomest manner, declared that he would support 
lord Bristol's government ; in consequence of which declaration 
he was to be the first man provided for. My answer was, that 
in the manner the stoiy was told, I did not give credit to it ; 
that I thou^t it very likely that Flood might have seen lord 
Chatham^ that he might, in the course of conversation, have 
said that his influence in the administration made him hope 
for such measures as a man of principle might support, and 
that upon this probability the report was founded : but that I 
knew my friend too well to believe that he had made any 
declaration without conditions and proper reservation. That I 
wished, for the sake of my country, that it might be true that he 
had so declared himself, as I was veiy sure, if. he had 
done so, it must have been upon such conditions as would be 
highly advantageous to the public, the interest of which, I was 
thoroughly convinced, he would always prefer to his own. 

" I have just now received your's from Chester. What 
you miscal teazing, is to me the most flattering of all compli- 
ments : your confidence in me gives me the sincerest pleasure, 
principally because I am Conscious that I am not totally 
undeserving of it ; for though I can by no means answer for 

E 



50 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 

CHAP. my head, I think I can be responsible for my heart. You 
^^* may be sure that I shall conduct myself exactly according to 
your instructions. I have called on lord Bristd, but have nai 
as yet seen him. If he should enter into any poUtipal convef** 
sation with me, I wiU immediately give you an account of it 
If your name should come in question^ I shall speak my own 
thoughts of you, which will be, I am certain, just as yo« 
would wish. 

*' With regard to him I shaU caxefuUy follow your instruct 
tions. Thurloe is not yet come to town, prevented I suppose 
by the snow. Farewell, my dearest, best of friendly pioxlon 
this inooherent letter, which has been fifty times interruptoA. 
I think we have a great deal to hope, and nothing to fears stiek 
is the ground we stand on. I shall inquire with regard to the 
seat in parliament both for tou and fob mtsslf. By the by, 
I do not think it amiss that it should be supposed here that 
WB BOTH intend to come into parliament Once more farewdH, 
and believe me most sincerely your affectionate and faithful 
friend, and as firm in my principles as I am in my friendship, 

'* Chablbmont." 



In this communication we find reference made 
to a letter sent to the great minister of the day, 
a copy of which Mr. Flood inclosed to his noble 
friend : — 

LETTER FROM MR, FLOOD TO LORD CHATHAM. 

" My Lord, 

" Ever since I had the honor to pay my respects tp 
your lordship at Bath, I have continued to labor under a 



The connected interest which the following 
correspondence preserves pending the appoint- 
ment of a viceroy in place of lord Hertford, 
requires that it should assume a continuous form, 
before entering on the government of lord 
Townshend. 

In this epistle we have the noble earl's com- 
parison of the oratory of lords Mansfield and 
Chatham, after a preliminary observation on his 
frieixd's health. 




EIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 51 

severe feverish disorder, which at that time lay so heavy on me 
that I am cooscious I was wholly incapahle of explaining 
myself with any degree of exactness or propriety. I wished 
to have acquainted your lordship with the sentiments of some 
gentlt^S^, who have done me more honor than I deserve in 
pennitting me to do so, and to whom therefore I think myself 
lespcmsiUe ; on which consideration alone I presumed to 
trouble your lordship with any such explanation. But as I am 
seituUe that, in the state in which I then was, I must have 
hem wholly unequal to so delicate a task, I think it ^y duty 
fa eicpress my sense of it to your lordship, in as much as I 
4lould not wish, by so imperfect a detail, to be the possible 
iastrunient of the smallest misconception, either as to- men or 
things, with respect to any person, and, least of all, with 
legpect to that person for whom I have the highest reverence. 

" I have the honor, to be, my lord, 
** Your most obedient, and 

'^ most humble servant, 

" Hbnry Flood." 



5^ MEMOIRS OF TH£ JAFE OP THE 




LETTER FROM LORD CHARLEMONT. 

" London, 1766. 

"The pleasure I received from your letters, my dearest 
Flood, which would otherwise be as perfect and as entire 
as my friendship and regard for you, is not a little alloyed and 
diminished by the disagreeable accounts they too often contain 
of the very precarious state of your health. For heaven's 
sake, what should sickness have to do with you ? Can. she 
then extend her baleful influence over the spirits P for surely 
otherwise you, who are all soul, could never be liable to her 
attacks ! Are there not enough of those, whose souls, as well 
as their bodies, seem to be moulded of clay, and who ought 
therefore to be wholly and entirely subject to her cursed 
domination? Over such let her extend her tyranny, and 
heaven knows that her empire will be sufficiently extensive, 
indeed almost universal ; but let the few spirits that yet remain 
unadulterated and unmixed with the dross of matter, be as they 
ought to be, (if all be true which we are bound to believe), 
free from her hated despotism. But spirit will in the end 
triumph, and must remain superior to all her lawless eflbrts ; 
and therefore I will lay aside my fears with regard to you, 
and proceed to thank you for your last kind letter, which 
afforded me the highest satisfaction, by informing me of your 
glorious perseverance in what I am proud to call our common 
cause, and of lord Tyrone's deserved success. I could readily 
have believed almost any thing of the complete and unalterable 
servility of my worthy brethren, yet this last instance out-does all 
the rest, and, had it been reported of any other body of men, 
would indeed have been scarcely credible. That men on this 
side of the water should be blinded by the dazzling light of court 
sunshine, however extraordinary, is not out of nature ; but that 




RIGHT HON, JiENRY FLOOD, 53 



a mouthful of moonshine, for sucb^ alas ! is the dim reflected 
lustre of our secondary court, should be able thus to dazzle 
and to blind, is indeed wonderful, and argues the most extreme 
weakness of sight. ***«-*** 
*.* * * ** « « « # 

But indeed, my dear Flood, I must stop here, for I am really 
tired: besides I do not so well recollect lord Mansfield's 
arguments as those of his antagonist, and that for many good 
reasons ; — ^because they did not to me carry conviction with 
them, — ^because sophistry is not so easily traced and recollected as 
plain and strong reasoning, and, — ^because my attention was more 
fixed by Chatham than by Mansfield, from a degree of partiality 
and prejudice in his favour which I am by no means ashamed 
to confess. There never was a better fight ; each of them spoke 
thrice ; both as eloquent and as ingenious as possible, but in my 
opinion the victory in argument remained with lord Chatham. 
The bill was however committed without a division. For me to 
attempt a comparison between these two great men would be 
much too hardy an enterprise. In all the parts of oratory they 
are, I think, nearly equal ; though they who pretend to be 
unprejudiced, (which I am proud to say I am not), may perhaps 
think that Mansfield in his speaking has more of the orator; 
though all will allow that Chatham has, even in his manner, 
more of the good citizen and virtuous man. The one seems 
always to speak from conviction, and more from his heart than 
his head. The general good of mankind seems to be his 
particular interest, and the warmth of his zeal persuades as much 
as the strength of his argument : the other apparently speaks 
for a party, and harangues as if his cause were not his own, but 
merely his client's. Lord Mansfield's manner seems to command 
your attention, and to order you to be convinced, under the 
penalty of passing for a fool. Lord Chatham entreats you to 
listen to him, a request which it is impossible to refuse, and sues 
you to be convinced for your own good. Mansfield can never 
divest himself of the lawyer ; he speaks as if' he were fee'd : 




54 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 

nor is his manner, though excellent, void of the bar cant. 
Chatham is the polite gentleman, without cant, or the smaBeat 
degree of affectation, and seems to deliver his sentiments fer no 
other reason than that he thinks himself in the right, and that it is 
his duty to persuade others to think as he does. Mansfield, in 
short, seems to persuade for his own advantage ; Chatham for 
that of his audience : the one commands your admiration, the 
other gains your love. Mansfield is strong in sophistiy, and 
puzzles you out of your senses; Chatham is as strong in 
unravelling that sophistry; and you thank him for restoring 
you to your reason : but I have foolishly and unwittingly 
undertaken a task which I cannot accomplish. « « * 



Mr. Flood's first negotiation to become a 
member of the British senate— 

" My dearest Flood, 



* ''I have not as yet been able to see John Pitt upon the 

business which you so very kindly recommended to my care> 
but I shall endeavour to talk with him about it before I Bmah 
this letter. You may be assured that I shall be a faithful and 
diligent agent, even though I must confess that in this matter I 
shall in some respects be forced to act against my inclination, 
nay, even perhaps, in some degree, in contradiction to that warm 
love of my country, which b, I hope, one of my most ardent 
passions. Can we spare you P must we then lose you ? But 
you are even too good for us ! yet you will not, you cannot be 
lost to us, of this I may be certain ! Nay, pv hi^, in your 
double capacity you may still be more useful : it must be so, 
and that is one of your reasons Ux desiring a footing bere. 



LETTER. 

''London, April 9, 1767. 
" My Dbarbst Flood, 

" TfiovQH mj health is at present in a more 
promising situation than it was when I last wrote, I am not 
however, by any means equal to the attempt of writing so 
much tm my heart would dictate to me in answer to the 
coilteilts of your last. I must therefore content myself with 
saying a very few words upon an occasion, which, if justice were 




EIGHT HON. HENRT FLOOD. 55 

This argument I confess is necessary to obviate the remorse 
which I might otherwise feel in being any way instrumental 
in depriving my forlorn country of her principal support^ 
of her dulce deem et prtesidium ! 

" I have seen and talked to John Pitt. He has spoken to his 
Iriend, who has promised to give him the preference. The price 
cannot be exactly determined, but will probably not exceed 
£3,000, of which it also may fall short, and should it exceed, 
it will be by a trifle. There will be a security, as far as that 
matter can be secured, of re-election : you have no other step 
to take but to determine, and, as soon as possible, to write to 
me an account of your determination. After that, you will have 
nothing else to do but to hold the above mentioned sum in 
readiness, and to think about a qualification. He expressed 
the greatest pleasure at being any way instrumental in 
bringing this matter about, which pleasure, he said, was 
incF^ed by his knowledge of your sentiments with regard to 
his cousin, lord Chatham. I told him that I was well acquainted 
with your veneration for his character, of which he might be 
suns, while he continued to act as he hitherto has done. So 
diis matter is in a fair way of being settled, and poor Hibemia 
is likdy to lose the only tuneful string of her harp. * * 




56 MEMOIRS iOF THE LIFE OF THE 

done to it^ would certunly require a very long letter ; yes, my 
dearest Floods I fear indeed that you have been treated illi 
and that we have in some degree both of us been deceived, and 
yet I cannot think that we have any reason to find fault with 
our own conduct, or to repent either our credulity or our 
moderation, since, had we been less credulous and lesa 
moderate, I do not see that it would have been possible foi: 
us in any way to have prevented what, at all events, would 
certainly have happened. For my own part, I know little or 
nothing of the transaction. T3rrone, who used to be my. c^n* 
stant visiter, seldom now comes near me, and I have had. 
no opportunity for this long time past of saying a word to him 
in particular ; I hear that he declares that lord Bristors great 
openness and unreserve towards him in commuBicatiiig his 
thoughts and intentions, has won his heart. Lord Bristors 
policy I do not well understand, but take it for granted that 
he over-rates Tyrone's influence over those, who are fakdy 
termed his party ; and even with regard to you, I have some 
reason to believe that he thinks himself tolerably secure* 
Lord Chatham has, I believe, misunderstood, for he is not 
capable of misrepresenting, some part of your conversation 
with him. I have several times been assured that lord Bristol 
received a letter from him in consequence of your visit at Bath, 
in which he informed him that you had, in the' handsomest 
manner, and without stipulating any thing for yourself, offered 
to support him in Ireland, and this account, I was informed, 
came from Augustus Hervey : my answer has always been that 
it must be a mistake, for that I was sure you had tied yourself 
down in no way. Perhaps your warmth of expression, animated 
as you were by your veneration for lord Chatham, might have 
made you drop something in that conversation which mi^t 
have been thus misinterpreted: but all this is of little 
consequence, when compared to the much more impcKtaiit 
consideration of the part which you ought to take in the present 
critical emergency. There never was yet a point which seems 




RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 57 

to me to require more coolness of deliberation, nor must your 
lieat of resentment, however justly you may be inflamed, have 
any ^are allowed it in 3rour decision. That, which has ever 

BEEN TOUR FIRST PRINCIPLE, THE DESIRE OF SERVING TOUR 
COUNTRT, IS THE STAR BT WHICH TOU MUST STEER, UOr mUSt 

you sufler the storms of passion in any degree to bias or turn 
you out of your direct course. This is, I well know, a different 
man<mivre, but your guiding constellation will ever remain 
ilficlouded, and you have a pilot in your breast, who will, if 
ymi tiTist implicitly to him, infallibly steer you clear of all 
daoiger. If lord Bristol should, as it is possible he may, come 
oi^r to Ireland, armed with those long expected benefits which 
have ever been the object of our wishes, public and private, 
afi opposition to his measures would most certainly in that case 
be impossible from those whose first aim is their country's 
service. This, however, may or may not be, and indeed 
unfortunately the latter is, I fear, more probable, but I only 
mention it as a possibility to be maturely weighed and reflected 
on. My treatment has also been none of the most satisfactory; 
for though certainly of some consequence, and though inti- 
matdy known to most of his family and connexions, I have 
never been in any degree confidentially treated; a civility which 
I undoubtedly might have expected. Yet I am determined 
not to suffer any pique, which may naturally rise from a slight 
of this sort, in any way to bias my public conduct: but I need 
expatiate no further upon this head. You see at once, I 
am sure, the whole drift of my argument, and your goodness 
will, I make no doubt, incline you to excuse my presumption 
in hazarding these needless hints. Yet the -most truly upright 
man, and the most incapable of being infiuenced by any other 
motive whatever, may sometimes yield to the almost irresistible 
impulse of resentment, nor is there, perhaps, any of our 
pasnons so powerful to shake the best guarded resolution. 
Trisies ui ine. From all that I have now hinted you will 
readily conclude what is my opinion ; reserve is still absolutely 




58 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFK OF THE 

necesMory, nor do I thiak that any thing which has yet happened 
ought in any degree to change our system; let ua ke^ ourselves 
yet clear of all engagements^ and wait for those events hy 
which we must finally be decided. In the mean time be as 
angry as you please, for indeed I fear you hare great reason ; 
nor do I think it at all necessary, any mose than it would be 
manly to conceal your anger from him who has .offended you. 
You cannot be more truly angry than I am, and that entirely 
Upon your account: I too should like to show it, but shall 
Wait in this point for your directions. But let our anger be 
only pointed against those who deserve it, nor let it in any sort 
ibfiuence us with regard to our public behaviour. But perhaps 
all this wise discussion may turn out absolutely nugaUny^ and 
the system upon which all our deliberations are founded may, 
long be&re the time of reducing them to practice, vanish like 
the ' baseless fabric of a vision/ * * « « ♦ 



lift II 1 



The following letter refers to the negotiations 
for a seat in the British pai'liament) which Mr. 
Flood contemplated at this period :«^^ 

LETTER FROM LORD CHARLEMONT. 

" London, April 18, 1767. 
** Ml DsARssT Flood, 

" Immediateiv upon the receipt of your last letter 
I wrote to John Pitt, whose hurry of business had prevented 
me from seeing him for some time past, to beg that he would 
call on me as soon as possible, and this morning he has been 
irith tile. I told him that you were uneasy at the uncertainty 
With which this a£air seemed to be attended ; that you were 
desirous of knowing the name of the person with whom you 
Hrere to treat, as well as of the place in question ; and that you 




RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 69 

irtfliied to Ve at tiofme certttinty widi regard to the eytnt* To 
this he ire^ed, that he was totally ignoiaiit both of the 
principal to be treated with> and of the name of the place ; 
that &e person who had mentioned the v^it, waft one on whom 
he eould d^end> who^ being under obligations to him> woald> 
he was certain^ gire the prefbrenoe to any person of his reoom<' 
mending ; that> however, he was but an i^nt in this business, 
and that> from some words which had dropped from him in a 
late <ronyersa^on, he was rather induced to believe that the 
matter Was not as yet upon a secure footing, but was to be 
soon determined by some event at law, which event, however^ 
his fi^end appeared absolutely secure of. He concluded by 
saying, that though he himself thought it could not fail, he 
would not, however, upon any account, have you lely wholly 
upon this overtiu^, but that, if you had any thing surer in 
view, he would, by all means, have you prefer it. He enlarged 
upon the strong desire he had to see you in parliament, and 
said, but that in a sort of confidence to me, that if some 
invincible obstacles did not stand in his way, he should be 
delighted to have the honor of bringing you himself int(5 
padiament. By this conversation you see that matters are by 
no means so certain aa could be wished, and tfant you are 
entirely at liberty to declare yourself off or on as you may 
think best. Whatever you may resolve on, you have but to 
communicate to me, and Mr. Pitt shall be immediately informed 
of your determination, and the sooner this Was done, I should 
think, thd better. As to him, I do not believe that there is 
in the world aU honest^r man, or one on whom you may with 
more safety depend. His only reason for desiring not to be 
mentioned in this affair arises from his delicacy, as he is in 
general an utter enemy to this kind of sale ; and were it not 
from ins high opinion of you, and, his idea of the great use 
you would be of, I am certain he woukl not have interlered 
in a transaction of this kind. ^ * * ^ ^^ 
*'»fe'^ ******* 

" Lord Chatham still continues very ill, and does no business. 



60 




MBMOms OF TH£ XIFE OF THE 

His doctors^ however, promiae faiily. The mmlstxy, however, 
seem upon the whole in a heUer situfttioQ than iSbey^ hare yet 
been, especially since the late victory. 

" Pardon this lame account, from a lame man. I am still 
a prisoner, and, if at all, mend but very slowly. The weather 
is sadly unfavoarable to me. Farewell, my dearest F^ood ; 
believe me ever your'a most faithfully. 

'' A few posts ago you received a long letter horn me : i 
long for an answer. 

'' You ask me whether I do not think that it would be right 
that certain persons should be undeceived with regard to their 
mistaken idea of their friend's influence? I think so 'most 
certainly, but in what manner is it to be -done ? I hate 
declared to all idbo visit me what I know of that matter^ 
but whether that will ever reach lord Bristol's ears is doubtful* 
If you think of any proper method, communicate it. 



The preceding letters certainlj display lord 
Charlemont to great advantage : the contrast of 
the two leading orators, lords Chatham and 
MansEeld, is so just and discriminating that the 
mind of the reader easily appreciates the several 
peculiarities of their eloquence* 

The noble earl eminently excelled in a grace-* 
fill diction; neither studied nor pedantic, yet 
conveying his thoughts perspicuously ; with a 
propriety and a warmth of expression which 
entitle his letters to a place in epistolary litera- 
ture. There was a singular coincidence in the 
sentiments and efforts of lord Charlemont ^tnd 
Mr. Flood at the period which this correspon- 
dence perpetuates ; and without presumption the 




mom HON. H£NfiY FLOOB* 6 1 

cA^pBUdt expfession of Seneca, with regard to 
saoiker great man^ may be applied to him — 
" nomen Attici perire Ciceronis epistolis non 

Lord Charlemont and Mr. Flood lived long 
enough to experience the mutability of political 
hxs^t and to see the unprofitableness of their 
long and assiduous labors. 

Since the time of Titus Fomponeus, we find 

but few in the pages of history who possessed, in 
^sk equal degree with the noble earl, the more 
endearing virtues adorned with the accomplish- 
ments that polite literature and foreign travel 
a£ford. In every letter, almost in every sentence, 
we trace the warm affection of a friend in the 
most refined conception. As a politician, he 
stood the mediator of parties and the untiring 
patriot. In his character seems to be blended 
much of what is noble in nature, with what is 
most attractive in learning and the arts. 

His munificence was without ostentation ; his 
political exertions were without reward ; his 
integrity was without spot. Endued with a mild 
and limited genius, a quick perception, and a 
discriminating taste ; the more ardent faculties of 
his mind were subdued by the benign influence 
of benevolence : and of the illustrious men of his 
countiy, he most deserved the name, as he most 
resembled the character, of Atticus. 



II. 



62 M£MOIR8 OF THE LIFE OF THE 

09AP. Sttck was lord Chorlemont^ divested of lliat 
adulatory langiiage irhich ovBratrains the orii* 
naiy incidents of life into a fiintastic rerlnage.* 

The state of oratory was by no means deficient 
in the Irish commons ; and so forcibly was sir 
James Caldwdlt impressed with the style and 
classical purity of some eminent members, tihat 
he compiled his *^ Reports/' and thought them 
worthy of being dedicated to Mr* Pitt* 

Mr. Hutchinson and Mr. Flood were the most 
conapicuous y and tliough their cfaaraeteristies 
were distinct and oppo^te, yet they were h^^ 
admired. 

They entered parliament in the same year. Mi^ 
Hutchinson attached himself to the court party 
almost from the outset of his career, and Gon^ 
tinned, through many administrations, its ready 
and plausible defender. Mr. Flood joined the 
opposition, and continued there, with the excep- 
tion of five years, during his public life. 

The courtier was the more skilful^ prudent, and 
pliant i his obsequiousness to power often ren^ 
dering him the more successfiil. The patriot vws 
bold and ind^tigahle ; neither regarding with a 
minute delicacy persons in office, nor pasrang with 



■ W i.W U»1»l 



•4.A. 



* My* Heady conrtaatl^ BiakeB bim the cempanien and fmnd ^ foreign 
potentatcsy and the rival in heraldic lore of " Mowbray, Lanchaster 
Heralds, Blue Mantle, and Rouge Dragon !" 
t See his " Dedicatiou«*' 




BIGHT HON. HBNRT FIOOP. 63 

iniMffeieiiee the flogttiow system of policy pur* 
sued, nor the constitutional violations of the 
prWy eouQciL 

The^ shades of eontrart were remarkahle. The 
dark and port^itous aspect of the patriot never 
asamned a tone <tf umbrage deeper than the 
vernal alternations in the courtier. 

Though Mr. Flood's eloquence was not 
Demosthenean at this early indication of his style, 
— ^bdng more Livian,-«-yet Mr. Hutchinson's less 
resradbled that of Hyperides, but rather the style 
of the rhetorician Gorgias« Doctor Campbell* said 
of this statesman, at a time more advanced, when 
his oraitory had improved by the acquisitions of 
art^ VkA the advantages of di^^lay, '^ that he had 
a melUflttoiBi voice and pleasing elocittion. Hii 
ek<Nrdium gave me great hopes of great matters, 
hui his oratory is of that wordy ostentatious 
character which sometimes disappoints your ex. 
peetation. Here he is called the '^prancw/' 
horn a similitude tibey find in Inm to a horse in 
the Mon^e — ciMrvetHng 0t the height of hi$ 
mettle without making any^ ^ progre^formwd^* 
which peculiarity was not attic in the days oi 
Hyperides, no more than the agnomen could 
have been affixed to him by his Ath^an rivals. 

Two anecdotes; related by a fellow of Trinity 
college, t are so characteristic and amu^ing^ 



• Pbil. Survey. f The ^^^^ ^^ " Lacrymae Academic*," 




64 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 

that they claim a place in any notice of Mr. 
Hutchinson. 

** When addressing the board of Fellows, he told 
us, ' though we took great pains to instruct the 
students in the sciences, we did not exact an 
equal attention in instructing them in the clas* 
sics, that at Eton the lads were actually better 
skilled in the learned languages than the students 
of Trinity college. He told us that before his 
son went to Oxford, and while yet a school-boy, 
when he came home at long vacation, he opened 
the famous oration of Demosthenes for ' the 
crown,' for his son to translate some pages into 
EngUsh, which he easily performed, although on 
inquiry, his son told him he never read the 
hook before I* The indignant Fellow exclaimed, 
* he found it very difficult to believe that a school- 
boy could explain at sight a book that had 
exercised, and in some instances baffled, the 
acumen of some of the most able critics since the 
' revival of letters in Europe.' Mr. Hutchinson 
wished to qualify his assertion, but the perti* 
nacious doctor said, — ' No ; the difficulties of 
that book are thicker set than the stars of the 
firmament.' " 

The other anecdote is in reference to a public 
examination of the candidates for the first fellow- 
ship. Mr. Hutchinson inquired of one, at what 
period eloquence flourished most amongst the 




RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 65 

Greeks? The candidate, not recollecting the 
precise answer, guessed, — in the time of the Pelo- 
ponnesian war. Here, in his turn, the candidate 
puzzled Mr. Hutchinson, who forgot the era of 
Alexander's death. He remained for some time in 
Very laughable perplexity, but wishing to say 
something that would neither fully admit nor yet 
deny the propriety of the answer, observed, — 
"* Right, sir, but at what time in that war ?* Thus 
killing Alexander the Great during the Pelopon- 
nesian contest, to manifest his knowledge of his 
favorite author, Thucydides." 

Hie earlier cast of Mr. Flood's public charac- 
ter we conceive to be justly presented in the 
words of sir William Osborne* on an occasion 
of an address to the crown : — ** Whatever may 
be my opinion of the motion of the honorable 
gentleman (Mr. Perry) on the opposite bench, I 
shall most heartily concur in the subsequent 
motion of the honorable gentleman (Mr.' Flood) 
whose steadiness and uniformity of conduct give 
a sanction to his proposals, and a confidence to 
his professions ; uniformity of conduct is a proof 
of integrity, and there is no reason to suspect 
him of prostituting his abilities to private pur- 
poses under the specious appearance of patriotism 
and public spirit, who steadily opposes the destruc- 



* Reports of Sir James Caldwell. 

F 




66 MEMOIRS OF TH£ LIF£ OF THE 

tive projects of jobher$ and the friends of 
jobbers^ whether they affect in general to dteplay 
their oratory for the court or against it.* I shall 
always think those measures most worthy <rf 
attention which are recommended by members 
whose inquiry with regard to any question is, not 
from what party it comest hiU what is it$ 
tendency^* A sentiment well worthy of the 
patriotic sir William Osborne, whose speech is 
highly descriptive of his parliamentary conduct 
through life. Mr. Perry on this occasioA mxif^ 
ported the court with a small party called th^ 
*' flying squadron/' from the fecility with which 
they veered from side to side, not indeed a$( 
^' fickle fancy chose,'' but as court ii^uenee wap 
more or less seductive. 

This is one of the many instances whw^ w^ 
find that, for personal aggrandizement, a certain 
tact and moderate talents, with an expedient 
manner of directing them, are far move profitable 
than the mastw-mind that disdains to ascend hf 
low degrees. 



* Mr. Hardy has decorated the wigs of the court officials of this period 
with a grotesque prolusioii of garlands of forget-«e>4H>i§ and amaradis. 



JIIOHT HON. HXNRT FLOOD. 67 



CHAR III. 



Prom 1768 to 1773. 



Mr, Flood's fint aoqnamtenoe with Mr. Ontttn —Their titeiMy iator* 
ooune-^Mr. Grattan*s punuits.— The Mask of Comua.— Plays.— 
Mr. Pope*s estimation of Homer and Virgil how applicable to Flood 
w$A ^hfa^taBt-^Qoteimial Bill eausct m now El8etion.---.The Bofough 
of Callan represented by two members whose estates adjoined. — Dis- 
pufie about votes between Mr. Flood and ^ Jemmy Agar.** — Tlie 
littat^ 9te0tDri«B yeitvre^— Doel Ae fint — Dael the secojui^^-Aglr 
killed. — Letters from lords Charlemont and Lifford. — Delicate sensi- 
tiveness of lord chancellor Lifford. — Legal inyestigation. — Hie 
B*ntefiai|»..p<.Bp value as a lileraiy md prtitieal perfonnaoce,- The 
ehief writers of it.— Measures' of lord Townshend*s administration. — 
His prcAest, prorogation, and resignation.^Supposition that Mr. Flood 



It was at this period that Mr. Flood first chap. 
became aequaiated witk Mr. Grattan, through ^"' 
dean Mariey. He was a much younger man» 
and did not enter parliament for six years after 
k»rd Townshend's resignation ; however, he ex- 
ercised his brilliant talents in many political 
essays on the governments considered inimical to 
the freedom of parliament and national indepen* 
dence. Private plays were then much the fashion, 
and Mr. Grattan assisted at these amusements at 
Farmley, to which allusion is made in a memoir 




68 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 

preceding a collection of his speeches. Little 
did he think that he was destined to become the 
corrival of the fame of his host in oratory and 
patriotism. Both men can be estimated without 
the deterioration a partisan is sure to follow, — 
an error, Mr. Pope remarks, of those who draw 
their parallels of Homer and Virgil, " as if one 
should think to raise the superstructure by under- 
mining the foundation.*' 

Mr. Grattan, however, just now, was pursuing 
a less perilous course than politics. He was 
wandering at leisure amidst the groves of Acar 
demiis. The Mask of Comus was written abdut 
this time. 

A very unfortunate event occurred shortly 
after the passing of the octennial bill : writs for 
the new election had been issued, the borough of 
Callan, which returned two members, had long 
been jointly repr^ented by the Agars and the 
Floods. Sir William Petty mentions one of eacH 
family in the parliament of the duke of Grafton 
for that borough. On the new election " Jenimy 
Agar of Gowran,"* and Mr. Rood of Farmley, 
divided the representation; but a misunder^* 
standing occurred about disputed rights, which 
terminated fatally to the former. 



* The familiar style he was known by at the time. This family was 
afterwards elevated to the peerage, and assumed other names iif addition 
to Agar. 




RIGHT HON. HENRY JLOOD. 69 

The pistol was considered a more honorable 
mode of deciding political differences than logic, 
rhetoric, or constitutional means. Duelling was 
thought by many, in those days, an Sclat neces- 
sary to character ; a good shot might with greater 
confidence spit forth the aspic venom of his 
niature^ or when it failed, he might freely exercise 
a loud voice and determined gesture. 

Mr. Agar was a practised shot, and felt perfect 
^curity in his skill ; he, therefore, readily chal- 
lenged his opponent to end their electioneering 
dispute. Mr. Flood accepted the message, and 
a meeting took place at Holyhead, where Agar 
was slightly wounded ; but so incensed was he 
at haying missed his adversary, that before the 
election was over Mr. Flood received a second 
cartel. The hostile interview took place on the 
race course of Kilkenny, where lots were drawn 
for the first fire: Agar got it; he aimed, and 
grazed Flood, but without wounding him. Agar 
demanded, in the voice of a stentor, for Flood to 
fire ; he did so, and shot him through the breast. 
Before sufficient medical aid could be procured 
Agar expired. This lamentable circumstance 
caused deep chagrin to Mr. Flood; and an 
important correspondence was interchanged be- 
tween lord Charlemont, lord chancellor Lifford, 
and Mr. Flood, on the mode of justificatory trial 
to be pursued. 



70 MEMOIRS OF THE LIF£ OF THE 




LETTER FROM LORD LIFFORD. 

" Mt good Lord, 

** The precedents which your lordship left, being 
very defective, I have caused a diligent search to be inade at 
the secretary's office from the beginning of the present century, 
but without discovering any one precedent which, in my appre- 
hension, applies to the present case. Under these circumstances 
it will be too much for me, in so delicate a business as thiis is, 
to make myself responsible for a measure which seems opep 
to the objection of its being unprecedented; an objection 
which, in any thing respecting the administration of justice, is 
with me a formidable one. 

"\ must, in justice to his excellency my lord lieutenant, 
lay before him the result of my inquiry, and it is probable 
that he will, as seems to be natural, call upon the attorney and 
solicitor-general for their opinion ; and possibly they, in their 
knowledge and experience in public business here, may recol- 
lect something that may afford more light than is to be had 
from searches at public offices. Your apology last night 
was quite unnecessary to me, who can never think it any 
trouble to receive your lordship's commands, and who am 
happy whenever I can give you any just proof of my respect. 
I shall return my answer to my lord lieutenant s letter to«day, 
I have the honor to be, with the utmost respect, 

" My lord, your lordship's 

" most obedient and faithful 

" humble servant, 

" LlFFORD," 
JJrumeondraf Sunday morning^ 

iOth September y 1769* 



JUGHT HON HSN&Y £LOOD« 71 



LETTER FROM LORD CHARLEMONT TO MR. FLOOD. 

" My dsabest Flood, 

''In trnth I have passed but a bad night; tbis 
momtiig* bowevoTi I have been someidiat comforted by the 
coiieB(|iwiices of a yasit which I made (o the chanceUor. 
Detanaiued to tiy a new method, I resolved to talk of the 
loid lieutenant's behaviour in a more violent style than what I 
had hitbeito used. ' My lord,' said I, ' I am come to inform 
you, that a petition has yesterday been presented from the 
borough of L ■ ■ d, desiring, &c. ; to which his excellency 
has bera pleased to give a most extraordinary answer, that he 
would consult your lordship upon the matter, vdiicfa, as you 
wdl know, he has ahneady done long since ; so that, by what I 
perceive, the affair is left in the same situation in which it was 
a month ago. Now, my lord, is not diis conduct most 
amazing ? What must we judge of it P What but that which 
every one does think, that his excellency has a mind to 
prevent Mr. Flood's attendance in parliament, till some 
favorite scheme be agitated, to which he fears my friend's 
opposition.' The chancellpr seemed startled, but endeavoured 
to excuse him by talking of his dilatoriness and indolence. 
' My lord, that may possibly be true, but no one will believe 
it, nor think it possible that a person in his character should 
not be actuated by a motive of a much worse kind ; and, 
indeed, if that should be the case, some friend ought to let him 
know the certain consequence whkh must follow from this 
dUatoriness, and the infinite mischief he will bring upon him* 
self by it.' Some more conversation of this kind ensued, when 
at length he told me that he now saw the matter in a very 
diilerent light ; that the petition had entirely altered the state 
of the question ; that if no objection upon further conside"* 



CHAP. 

III. 



72 MfiMOIBS OF THE LIFE OF THE 

ft 

CHAP, ration ihould occur, he now saw none to the measure, and 
^'i* should certainly recommend it; that he should see the 
lord lieutenant this day, who would undoubtedly mention 
it to him. ' For heaven's sa&e, my lord/ said I, 'don't leave 
it to him ; speak to him yourself about it, or ten to one it may 
as usual be omitted or forgot.' 'I certainly will,' said he, 
' and every thing in my power shall be done ; in the meanwhile, 
I would have you know of Mr. Flood whether he has any 
objection to the judges Henn and Smith, who, as youngest 
judges, will probably be appointed. For, if he. has, I shall^ 
take care that others be sent in their place.' For this reason 
principally I send off this letter by express, in order that you 
may answer it by the same express, and infonn me whe^r 
diose judges are pleasing to you. Matters are now, I think, 
upon a good footing, and the only fear I now have is of the 
attorney and solicitor. 

'' Lord Annaly is now in town, so that, if you think of bail, 
you ought to come to town." 

** Wednesday 1 Itk, one o'clock" 



LETTER FROM LORD CHARLEMONT. 

" Bayleys Office, Sept. 6. 
"My dearest Flood, 

" On a consideration of your letter, which I this 
day received, I thought it not improper to wait on our fHend 
the chancellor, from whom I am this minute returned. I told 
him that I had heard from you, and that you having aj^lied 
for the commission, did suppose that lord Townshend has 
'already referred the matter to him ; and, in consequence, had 
desired me to apply to Mr. Wolfe, in order that precedents 
might be laid before him. He answered, that he had as yet 
heard nothing of the matter from the lord lieutenant ; but had 



BI0HT HON. HSNBY FI.OOD. 7^ 

« 
drsit4y cQBsUered the point, and did believe that preoedentt chaf^ 

ought be found; and that, when referred to, he ahould take ^'^ 

care to put the affair upon the proper footing, renewing the 

wannest assurances that, in eveiy thing not inconsistent with 

tlie law of the land, he should be happy to serve you. He 

desired, however, that I would take care that Wolfe should 

have the precedents in readiness. Those two you mention he. 

was already apposed of; indeed, I had mentioned them to him 

beiore. I then told him that, supposing the commission to be 

granted, I believed you would not choose that the trial should 

Q9me. on before the first week in October, premising that I now 

spoke to him rather as a person who honored me and my friend 

wkb his fiiendsbip and good wishes, than as the lord cfaan- 

cellor ; and therefore begging, that if my ignorance or aeal 

should induce me to mention anything improper, he would be 

so good as to stop me. He replied, that with regard to the time, 

it could not be earlier than what I had mentioned, as time is 

alwajTs given upon these occasions to prepare for a defence ; 

and that, even when the time had been appointed, you might 

have it postponed, by alleging that you were not ready. 

'* I now hinted delicately and distantly, that I did believe 

there were certain persons who might not be so eligible, &c. 

Here he stopped me with — * this, perhaps, may not be quite 

proper : if there be any person a relation to the deceased, or 

any one who can be supposed to harbour any resentment 

against the person to be tried, these, as men of honor, must 

refuse the commission.* And after thinking a litde,. he added, 

' I don't know but that I may think it right, when the appoint* 

ment ishall be made, to call upon your lordship, as a person so 

nearly connected with your friend, to desire to know of you, 

whether any exception lies against such appointment.' This, 

with many strong professions of desire to serve you, was thc^ 

sum of our conversation, which I have put down in such a- 

huny» as my eyes ache sadly, that I fear you will scarcely 

understand me. On the whole, all goes on, I think, very. 



74 MEMOIRS OF TH£ UFfi OF THE 

CHAP. weU ; but I wish my lord lieuteiuuit would be speody* I only 
"^J. ^Mri' tho desire of Iceeping you inimparlkiaeiit, iwwhkhi^^ 
I tdl erery whate ^at tbo ottsaet is bailable* 

«« The dbancellor^ unprovdked too, made use of ma exiHfea' 
sion that pleased me : 'it would be most dishononLble and 
unworthy to keep an affiur of this kind hanging over ssi A a 
man's head during the session of parliament 

'' Pearson is out of town, but Bayley has undertaken your 
business* 

^ No excuses fcnr heaven's sake! Is ttotyourbusineisieaily 
my own ? Indeed it is so much like my own, that I woMter 
I go about it with so much alacrity. 

" Adieu my dearest, dear friend ; write to me immediately. 



LETTER FROM LORD CHARLEMONT. 



t* 



Mt dearest, dear Flood, 

it Without making any remarks upon 'it, I send 
you, by express, the inclosed letter from the chancellor, which 
has, indeed, given me the greatest uneasiness. His arguments 
to me against granting the commission, in the two last vkks 
which I made him, were, — ^that ^ere is no precedent where a 
commission has been granted at the request of the defendant ; 
that the legality of such procedure may be doubtful, as he has 
met with a passage in lord Coke which seems to point that 
way. That unless the measure were clear from all objection, it 
would not only be dishonorable for you, but might also be 
attended with bad consequences to you, as an i^peal might bd 
made. Notwithstanding this perhaps too great caution of his» 
he is, I am convinced, sincerely your fnend, which truth, the 
trouble which he shows at not being able immediately to comply 
with your desire, and the pains he has taken in this afl^r, 
sufficiently evince. Still I think, however, th^e are some 



It would hare been improper to have mentioned 
this painful incident and to have omitted the 
above letters, which give an insight into the 
motiviSB and elevated character of lord Lifibrd 
on a deUcate matter, wherein all the efforts of 
private intimacy could not shake him from the 
Lpaxtial attribute, of his high office, which he 
so justl J felt. 

After a judicial investigation, Mr. Flood re- 
sumed his parliamentary duties. 

The exertions of the preceding eight years had 
done much ;*-*«a few distinguished men had worked 
a vJsiUe change in the policy of government, and 
whlcb now auspiciously began to operate more in 
unison with a representative system. The period 
of lord Townshend's administration was univer<- 
sally allowed to be the spring-time of a practical 
adaptation of the British constitution to Ireland. 



BIGHT HOST. HENRY FLOOD* 75 

hopes ; but sbndd diey fail, for GodV nke come to towii« and give chap. 
in bail st the long s baacb> as soon as k is passible so to do. I ^3l 
will not tell you how greatly I am distressed at the ill success 
of my negotiation, because you well know how warmly, how 
sincerely, how really I am your friend. 

'*Thct chttnceSor agreed periectly widime, thai the {wesent 
agitation of the country wm a strong additional reason for dM 
meatiire ; and seined to wish it as warmly as I could do. He 
thinks, that in case you should fail in regard to the commission, 
you ought to consider whether it will not be more eligible to 
be tried at the king's bench. 



III. 



76 MEMOIRS OF THE JLIFE OF THE 

CHAP* A bill for rendering the judges permanent had 
received a virtual sanction ; and the bill for 
limiting the duration of parliaments in this king- 
dom passed in its octennial form. The aurora of 
freedom had risen with healing on her wings> and 
smiled with promises of benefits to come. 

An authority* of discrimination has said, — 
** There can be no doubt, that it was mainly 
owing to the energy, the ability and the perse- 
verance of Mr. flood, who stood out from the 
rest of his contemporaries at this early period, 
with a bold distinctness that rendered him the 
principal figure in the picture." And it for- 
tunately happened that there was a virtuous 
coincidence in the motives and actions of loscd 
Charlemont and his friend ; and what the earl t 
desired above all things, but was incapable of 
giving utterance to in the commons^ his friend 
conveyed in a chaste and convincing eloquence* 
The noble lord's nervous temperament was. to 
him an insuperable impediment to public speak- 
ing, and he was not a member of the commons, 
though Armagh wished to return him ; hence he 
was invariably obliged to depend on an able 
leader, and he avers in his letters ^^ that he would 
neither sign a protest, nor make a political en-^ 
gagement, without first consulting his friend.'' 

* Dublin University Magazine. 

f He was not at this time an earl ; that creation was subsequent. . 



RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 77 

1^ leader of th6 opposition of the house of chap. 



eonmions was eminently succeiSsful in the promi- 
nent acts which passed in lord Townshend's 
viceroyalty. At first he was inclined to give 
adhesion to this government, from his cordial 
intimacy with Mr. Charles Townshend, the secre- 
tary, from whom much was expected. The 
|»r6ceding letters of lord Charlemont testify the 
intricacies and uncertainties connected with any 
minister's policy for Ireland ; which, indeed, may 
he attributed to the concatenation of circumstances 
with an equal probability as disinclination. Mr. 
Flood says,* — " I never opposed lord Townshend 
till after the prorogation and protest. — ^Now 
•what did I oppose ? — The violation of the privi^ 
leges of this house with regard to money bills, 
and the wanton augmentation of offices by the 
division of the board of commissioners into two 
parts.** The nature of his opposition was marked 
more by a high-minded direction of policy, than 
a factious hostility. In one of the ephemeral 
essays of that time, we have a strict delineation 
of the course he pursued. 

t"But what language can we find to express 
our gratitude to him, who proved by irrefragible 



* Irish Parliamentary Debates/ 1 783. 

f This sketch has been attributed to sir Hercules Langrishe, one of the 
writers of the " Barateriana.** 



III. 



78 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 

CHAP, urgfumeiits our inabilify to support tlia expense 
wldeh would be incurred by ike intMided 
increase of foxes I * 

*' His ealeulatioiis were ao fidr, that even jnour 
own scribe was forced to adknowleii^ tliejr wate 
just. Indeed, upon wboterer subject tUnu chsaBi- 

knowledge, accuracy, and perspicuity, tbat one 
would imagine that subject had been theparticuiar 
and chief object of his inquiry. 

« Does he make calculations f^*— ^Hbat liuithe- 
matician more exact. Does he plead his country's 
cause ? — what breast does not glow wkk patriot- 
ism ;. he se^ns nearly to approach that great 
original, Demosthenes — ^whom he so well rmieas 
stands. He has all his fire^ brevity, and persps- 
euity. And, we trust, he will be handed down 
to posterity not only as a g^us and orator, but 
what is much more to his honor. 

''Your excellency (lord Townshend) we are 
certmn, ^1 excuse this digression on the character 
of one you cannot hdip but admire^" 

It would appear from this essay, thact the 
financial plans^ and an undue exeordse of powar 
by the viceroy, were the debated points. The 
opposition were, at this time, more numerous 
than those which preceded ; and were additionally 

* Placemen, 



RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 79 

IbnnidaUe from braag composed of die lendiag ^k^- 
jfiuailtes in tbe kingdomt asBieted by great parlia- 
mentaiy talents* 

<^ Hie esGertiond in the commons were consi- 
denbly aided Seom witliout by the fbgitiTe j^ecee^ 
and nasqmnadei hj aaourmouft writers; those 
eom^i^inl*]^ 
from their elegance of compoeHion, sarcastic wit» 
ajand pointed uid brilliant figures* 

The chief governor was faoetiouslj designated 
Samdio^ and his immediate adherents had impro- 
priate cognomens^ which thinly veiled their 
potiticaL deUnquencies and vices^ which were not 
allayed by a single patriotic virtue. There was 
soine exaggeration, on the part of *^ Borateriana ;"* 
and if they were deficient in e^grsmmatic tarn 
and deEcate satire^ at leasts their imitative talents 
were felt, for the drastic and scourging effect cf 
Juvenal. 

After the close of the session^ lord Towmhend 
retimied to England ; and a gentiemant whose 
traits are penciled with happy boldness, relieved 
with the jnstest lights and shadei^ proposed to the 
ecmmions a vote of thanks to his msjnty for the 
continuance of his exceUency as viceroy. The 



* The eminent writers were, Sir Hercules Langrishe^ Mr. Grattan, 
(then a young barrister not in parliament), and Mr. Flood. 

f Mr. Hutchinson in the " Barateriana." 



80 MEMOIRS Ot THE LIFE OF THE 

€HAF. motion caused Mr. Ponsonby to resign the 
speaker's chair ; Mr. Flood dissented, and with 
him the opposition. 

• Mr. Perry, whom the historian says, '^Jrotn a 
patriot had become a courtier j** was elected by 
a government majority to be speaker, who in 
lord Northumberland's ministry was remarkable 
as leader of the ** flying squadron,'' a party the 
well known couplet of Lucretius would describe. 

Mr. Perry voted for the continuance of lord 
Townshend, after his excellenc}r's censure on the 
commons, expressed in a protest. The viceroy 
resigned ; but the parliamentary triumphs were 
important. The fundamental franchise, without 
which ^^ the house of commons was but a shadow^^t 
was obtained, — the practice of the Iridh privy 
council to certify money bills to the British^ was 
rejected. This last ^ort determined his es^^l- 
lency to exile the parliament from the capital, by 
a long prorogation. 

Without resting on barren and uninterestin|f 
spots, in the interval of time before the measures 
of lord Harcourt, we may pass to where the view 
is more extensive and varied, and to objects 
more worthy of any memorial. 

* Gordon*8 Hist. vol. ii. 

f Tke impotence of the Irish legislature, before 1768) is truly deicribed 
in the " Philosophical Survey.'* 




RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 81 

It has been said, with every degree of proba* 
bilify, that the fugitive pieces of political satire 
in prose and verse tended to overwhelm and 
confonnd the courtiers and government of lord 
Townshendy folly as much as the formidable 
opposition* This remarkable effect leads the 
biographer to relate the current opinions that 
Mr. Flood had pretensions to the authorship of 
Junius. And without more than recording a 
few anecdotes on the subject, he may have had as 
well sustained pretensions, as some who have been 
put forward; since hypothetical arguments, 
however lengthened, in support of a particular 
and popular personage, do not give greater 
certainty to the fact.* 

A litwary inquiry so curious as the authorship 
of the celebrated letters of Junius, has baffled 
for years the most ingenioiis conjectures. The 
nearer we approach the object of our inquisitive- 
ness, when we are almost about to place the chaplet 
of immortal bays on the head of the supposed 
author, he eludes the completion of our labor, 
— ^like a delightfol delusion of nature which 
pictures to our vision an imaginary object that we 
pursue with confidence till nearness informs of 
its unreality . It is fortunate Junius has left no 



* Loud Rosse has been mentioned^ as strongly of opinion that Mr. 
Flood was Junius. 



82 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 

CHAP, certain trace of his personal distinctnessy — no 
III. - - - 

clue to say* he was the man. 

Mr. Flood, howeyer, possessed much of the 
peculiar genius of that imter, and a classic 
commentator^ remarked, when the political war- 
fare was carrying on, that his satire had much of 
the epigrammatic point of Archilocus. The 
time Mr. flood flourished, his politics, his 
compositions, and his position in society, gave a 
sort of colouring to the supposition that was 
hazarded by many of his acquaintances, regarding 
his identity with Junius. The following anecdotes, 
however, are all the materials with which the 
biographer has to sustain the fact. Colonel Luttrel, 
(the first lord Carhampton), was a great stickler 
for abuses, particularly in the army and pension 
estimates ; he gave bitter and unmitigated oppo- 
sition to any measure suggested by Mr. Flood, 
for their diminution. In one of the letters of 
Junius the colonel is exhibited in no very enviable 
position. He happened to visit the house of a 
friend, whom he found attentively perusing a 
paper : — * What are you reading?' inquired Luttrel 
— ' A letter of Junius,' responded his friend, ' who 
do you think is he ?* — * Why,' said the colonel, 
* to be sure, that d d fellow, Harry Flood.' 

• Author of the " Principal Characters.** 



RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 83 

The conjecture of colonel Luttrel operated as a ch^^- 
welUttested fact, and gave an acerbity to his J^ 
observations, within and without the doors of 
parliament, when opposed by his Junius. 

When sir Lawrence Parsons was on a visit at 
Farmley, one evening the conversation turned on 
Junius. Mr. Flood, who had been in his study, 
entered the room just as lady Frances said that 
Junius ought to make his real name known. Mr. 
Flood sat down, and looked fixedly at lady 
Frances ; the conversation on the authorship 
dropped, and afterwards Mr. Flood turned it to 
some other subject. Sir Lawrence Parsons 
thought he traced, in the manuscript of the 
letters at WoodfalFs, the small, cramped, hand- 
writing of lady Frances Flood. 

The question he put to a connexion of his, is 
characteristic enough of the man, and of Junius. 
* What is your definition of a secret ?' — * A cir- 
cumstance only known to two persons.* — * No ;' 
replied Mr. Flood, ^ it ceases to be a secret the 
moment it is known to any one but yourself.* 



8i MEMOIRS OF THE LIfE OF THE 




CHAP. IV. 

Prom 1773 to 1780. 

Mr. Flood goes to England.— ^Letter from lord Camden— The political 
coterie of lords Camden and Chatham and Mr. John Pitt«— Lord 
Charlemont*8 opinion of men in oflSoe, how judged. — Lord Harcourt, 
Sir John Blaquiere, and Mr. F1ood.-*ChBrBcter of a duef aeferetary 
for Ireland. — Character of sir John Blaquiere ; of lord Haroourt — An 
absentee tax supported by govemment — Mr. Fortescue's speech and 
proposition..— The onorous debt.— But two taxes available.— -Lampoons 
on Flood, Hutehinson, and Burgh.— Lord Charlemont*s letters— Mr. 
Flood, vice treasurer.— .Ifis motives explained— Mr. Jenldn8on*li 
and Mr. Webb's letters. — Unfounded statements of Mr. Hardy— Lord 
Charlemont's position among Irish patriots. — Acts of the administra- 
tions of lords Harcourt and Buckingham— Tlie volunteen. 

« 

Mr. Flood took his departure for England, 
where his political connexions were rather 
influential than numerous. A letter from lord 
Camden is introduced, to indicate the circle of 
statesmen he moved in : — 

LETTER FROM LORD CAMDEN. 

" Sir, 

" I was very unfortunate this morning to be abroad 
when you did me the honor of calling at Camden Place ; and 
I wto the more vexed, as I returned not ten minutes after you 
was departed. I shall hardly forgive your impatience to leave 
my house> unless you will favor me with a second visit, and 



But the principles distinctive of the two great 
parties contending for power, were apart and 
inapplicable to the state of Ireland, then a weight 
of little consequence in the imperial balance of 
power. The justness of lord Charlemont's 
opinion on this point is strikingly apposite, 
when he says to his co-patriot, — ** Men in office 
are to be judged by their actions alone ; I will 
suspend my judgment till I see the good or evil 
effects of their administration/' Such was the 
uncertain policy with regard to Ireland, when 
lord Harcourt came over as viceroy. Mr. Flood 
was written to by sir John Blaquiere, secretary 
and confidential adviser to his excellency: 

* With lord Chatham and Mr. John Pitt. 




SIGHT IMN. HBNRT WhOOlD. 85 

give me an opportunity of renewing an acquaintance which I 
remember to have been commenced between us some years ago 
at Bath.**^ It is hard to say whether I wish it more upon your 
own account, or upon lord Lifibrd's recommendation. If you 
will be only so good as to let me know by a line if you intend 
me this fayor, your letter will reach this place every day in the 
week at seven o'clock in the morning ; but you must not return, 
as you did to-day, before you have fairly seen the place, as well 
as the owner. 

" From your most obedient, and 

'* faithful servant, 

« Camdbk." 
Aug. 12, 1773, C0mdenrflac0. 




86 MBMOIR8 OF THE LI9£ CUP THE 

several notes, indicatnre of tiie light Mr* Flood 
was placed in at this juncture, remain; one^ 
however, will suffice to attest the fact. 

LETTER PROM SIR JOHN BLAQUIERE. 

"CasthsUth Feb. 1774. 
" Dear Sir, 

'' Surely you must well know that my lord Ikutenaiit 

it always at home to see you, when you desire it I ais at tfaii 

moment preparing dispatches, which must be sent off before 

two o'clock ; and I believe we are are all engaged to be in the 

house soon after that hour. I am, nevertheless, at your service 

when you please. I shall not stir till I go to the house, and I 

shall always be happy to wait upon you, being 

" Most faithfully, 

" your obedient servant, &e. 

" J. BLAaUISRB." 



He certainly was courted and honored with 
every degree of confidence by his excellency and 
the secretary; in return, he lent a dignified 
support to many of the government measures. 
The ordinary character of a chief secretary for 
Ireland is thus described by a contemporary 
writer.— "The efficient minister of a lord 
lieutenant is commonly considered as the 
transient enjoyer of an official department, un- 
connected with the country, and only concerned 
to execute with punctuality the orders ha had 



EIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 8? 



IV. 



received. The p^rmaneat prosperity of the chap. 
nation is. .nth him. a secondary object, while the 
temporary ease and convenience of his master's 
government is his aim. and the splendor or 
emolument of his own administration is his 
end I But should a secretary attempt to reside 
in that kingdom to which he had come as a 
guest of short continuance, — should he have 
formed there the dearest and tenderest con- 
nexions, and should he hare acquired, by their 
means, considerable and extensive property, he 
is impelled by the most powerful motives to a 
decided regard for the lasting welfare of the 
country, and cogently induced to give to the 
statesman a strong colouring of the character of 
the citizen.'^ 

*^ Sir John Blaquiere is the only secretary we 
remember to have resided here after the termina- 
tion of his ministerial office, and though doubtless 
during its continuance, some exceptionable 
measures were introduced and carried, yet one 
boon was offered to the acceptance of Irishmen, 
of such magnitude and importance as could have 
lully compensated for many faults, and which 
nothing but the most unaccountable caprice or 
undue private influence caused to be rejected — 
The t€^ on absentees* — ^that eminent feature of 



* A tax much in favor with the educated and resident proprietary of 
Ireland, in 1773. 




S8 MBMOIRS OF THE UF£ OF THE 

his adminiBtration evinced a sedulous dtteiiti^m to 
the truest interest of the naticm, and a sineare 
desire to promote it. Without a most fortuitous 
concurrence of accidents it will never again b# 
c^ered to our option ; but the o£fer jui^ly entitles 
sir John Blaquiere to the meed of public gratitude. 

As he inherits from nature a masculine under^ 
standing and good sense, and has taken psiBs Aq 
store his mind vrith no small fond of usedful and 
various knowledge, the matter of his speeches 
ha9 real merit, being pregnaat with inBtmctioa 
and weighty with information ; not heedlessly 
gleaned or negligently produced, but delected 
with judgment and prepared witli ability. Since 
he ceased to be a minister, though possiUy, too 
compliant in general with his successors in office, he 
has, in a variety of instances, manifested a warm 
inclination to promote the trade, to improve the 
manufactures, and to advance the agriculture <tf 
Ireland. 

Such is the biographic notice of sir Jdbn 
Blaquiere,* written by a member of the Irish 
university, a persont of no ordinary pow^ni of 
discrimination, and from the anonymous character 
he assumed, may be fairly supposed to have 
written his characters without undue bias. 



* Mr. Hardy treats him with contemptuous pleasantry, 
t Mr. Scott, M. A. 



RIGHT HON. HBKRT FLOOD. 

Of lord Harcourt it may be saidi he was 
distinguished lor benevolence, generosity and 
kindnes6)*->-tho6e ** leniores aninuB virtutesy^ 
which eaptirate the affections. In his political 
capacity he is represented as a different personage 
from lord Townshend, *' being fitted quietly to 
follow 1^ direedons of the British minisfary," but 
after an administration of between four and five 
years he was removed because Ae was not suffi- 
i^nUy obsequious.* His endeavours to amelio- 
rate Ireland were numerous^ considering the 
portentous difiSiculties Great Britain as well as 
Ireland had to contend with. 

In the Autumn of this year, 177S» Mr^ flood 
and lord Charlemont returned to Ireland. The 
object of the former was to obtain firom lord 
North a favorable consideration of commercial 
propositions and a moderate tax on *' monies 
transmitted to landlords not residing in the 
kingdom.^ At that time there appeared no 
oilier possible means of alleviating the country, 
burthened with a national debt of nearly a million. 
A right honorable member, Mr. Fortescue, ener- 
getically defined the subject in these words :-^ 
*^ When I mention the word absentee, 1 mean a 
person possessed of landed property in this 
kingdom which he never sees, and where he has 



89 






* Gordon's History, voJ. II. 




90 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OP THE 

no habitation, oUt of which he draws as much 
money, and spends as little in it, as he possibly 
can. We have gone on in the old Irish way 
heaping debt upon debt, — Pelion upon Ossa, — - 
till like the giants of old, we are now crushed 
with the weight of them.'* 

The only two taxes available were, one on 
imported beer, the other on absentees, but of 
such limitation that would not lead to a general 
landtaac The proposition of this distinguifihed 
senator (Mr. Fortescue) was simply,* — "Tlmt one 
shilling in the pound be taxed on all ^umif 
actually remitted out of the kingdom to absentee 
landlords/* 

Mr. Flood's proposition was^ <Uhat a tax of 
two shillings in the pound should be laid on the 
net rents and annual profits of all landed 
property in Ireland, to be paid by all persons 
who should not actually reside in the kingdom 
for the space of six months in each year." Mr. 
Hardy says, — ^^This measure, for a loi^ time 
past very generally favored by the people of 
Ireland, was particularly supported by Mr, 
Flood in the house, and out of doors by lord 
Charlemont, ' who, however, was by no means so 
zealous in the sequel for its adoption.'" Mr. 
Hardy in his anxiety to adapt his statements to 

* Gentleman's Magazine, 1773. f Hardy, vol. 1. p. 331. 




RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD* 91 

the Qpinions of the time in which he wrote, 
(18 IS), aad for a partiqular party, has laid 
himself open to be contradicted by the evidence 
of Ii»rd Charlemont's letters ; for in one of these 
he writes to Mr. Flood,--*-*^ an administration 
which, as you may well remember, I, even at 
fiirst, umid9t all iU flattering promises j suspected, 
and which in every instance, one only excepted, 
-^the absentee tax, — I had strenuously and 
umformly opposed/' The noble earl supported* 
die Absentee tax on three several occasions. 
Twioe when proposed by Mr. Fortescue and 
Mr. Flood, in the first part of lord Haroourt's 
government; and then again when Mr. Flood 
was vice treasurer, and moved by him as a 
minister of the crown. 

It has been sophistically stated that, — ^^ this tax 
was v«ry generally favored by the people of 
Irelandy'' — as if this portion of the community 
were of minor or indifferent consequence, com- 
pared with the great land holders. If this 
financial scheme was untoward, so vfete the 
necessitudes of the Irish nation. The tax was 
not unprecediNited or an innovation, for it was 
practised in the reign of Richard the second. It 
is fair to assume it was considered applicable to 
the exigencies of the kingdom in 1773, for the 
-■ ■ I II 1 1 ■ I ■ I II II , I I. 

* By the vote of the Hon. Mr. Caufield, M. P. for Charlemont. 



92 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 

CHAP, divisioiis in the commons were nearly balanced^ 
having been 12 to 14,* and the last time a motion 
was made by Mr. flood, it was thrown out by 
ministers changing their views durii^ the debate* 

Long preceding the acceptance of .oiBce by 
Mr. Hussey Burgh and Mr. Flood, innumerable 
pasquinades and satires issued from the press 
written with the most poignant sarcasm, clothed 
in such classic attire that something pleasant was 
extracted from their very bitteme8B.t 

The provostship was first conjectured as likf ly 
to satisfy at once ambition and avarice m Mr. 
flood ; and the duke of Leinster was to &id a 
post for his protegSf Burgh. A school-inaster 
named Irwine, first invoked the classic muse at 
the altar of the black Nemesis, not, indeed, to 
reward, (one of the attributes of the goddess), 
the virtues of these statesmen, but to diastise 
them for joining any administration, however 
promising I The inexorable Farcsa had deter- 
mined to cut the thread of their political 
existence. Irwine was certainly the most 
distinguished of these jealous patriot-poets, and 
his imitations of the drama of JSschylus should 
adorn this work, — though the ** dramatis 



* Annual Register, 1773. 

f Translations from the Greek, in dramatic verse, dedicated to 
Flood and Bui^h. 



LETTER FROM LORD CHARLEMONT. 

" Dublin, March ISih, 1775. 

''Aftxb a tedious and anxious expectation^ so tedious 
indeed, tliat expectation was almost lost in despair, a letter was 
at length brought me from my dear Flood ; I new the super- 
scription, for I had not yet forgot your hand-writing, and 
opened and read it with the utmost eagerness. It comes from 
you — it contains assurances of your friendship^it is a mark of 
your remembrance, and, as such, I thank you for it; but is it 



RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 93 

person^'' be all the monstrous progeny of cihap. 
Tartarus, — ^had circumstances permitted. How- 
eve;*, his arrangement was a strophe, antistrophe, 
and chorus, with an apposite application <tf 
mythic names to the objects of his vengeance. 

The poet's vaticinations were, however, not 
strictly indicative of the official cast of places. 
Mr. Hussey Burgh accepted the high legal 
tank of prime Serjeant , some time after, Mr. 
Hutchinson honored the university of Ireland 
J>y becoming provost; and lastly, in October, 
177^9 Mr. Flood was gazetted to the office of 
vice*treasurer, and, at the time, a privy councillor 
in both kingdoms. 

Lord Harcourt had now a united force of 
influence and talent; the hon. Mr. Caulfield 
had supported his excellency, notwithstanding 
lord Charlemont remained aloof. 



94 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 

CHAP. exactly sueh a letter as the unprecedented interval in our 
^^' correspondence, your former kind and unlimited confidence, 
and our long and uninterrupted friendship, had given me 
reason, nay, perhaps a right to expect at the present crisis ? 
I dare not answer this delicate question. Ask your own heart, 
for mine may he mistaken. At least, I am sure that the two 
first pages are perfectly useless : they are filled with excuses for 
not having sooner answered the notification of my son's birth. 
Excuses are civil, but are they friendly P I wanted no answer 
— ^itwas not an answer — it was a letter I expected: but no 
more of this — already I have said more than I intended ; but 
there is a jealous sensibility in real friendship ; it is alive aU 
over, and smarts at the slightest touch of neglect. Neither is 
it always possible to restrain its efiTusions ; and, writing to you, 
why should I endeavour it ? I have been ill too, nervously ill, 
and of consequence am the more easily wounded. Disorders 
of this kind have upon the mental eye an effect nearly similar 
to that of the jaundice upon the corporeal organ, and the mind 
tinges every object with its own dark colour. I have, indeed, 
been veiy ill, and various vexations have contributed to make 
me so; but the approaching fine season may be of service, 
and, if matters should turn out as I wish, the bustie of next 
winter may prevent any ill consequence from that unsalutary 
time of the year. 

'* You know this place too well to expect much news, and 
are too much engaged in the important transactions of the busy 
metropolis to prize any which I might be able to send you 
from hence. A relation of grievances is not pleasant, and in 
truth I have nothing dse to send you. Every day produces 
new cause of complaint. The present administraticm is sudi 
as to make us look back even upon the last with regret, and this 
leaden is even worse than the former iron age ; iii short, my 
visionary hopes that there might be a possibility of seeing 
such an administration in this country, as might induce me to 
alter my mode of conduct, are now absolutely at an end ; and 



RIGHT HON, H£NRY FLOOD. 9^ 

I £rmly believe that^ however ine^^tually, I shall remain an chap. 
opponent even to my dying day. You have, no doubt, heard of ^' 
the college transactions: they have been whimsically enter- 
taining ; but H and Mason have, I fear, ruined the cause, 

and given triumph to the adversary, by refusing to sign the most 
reasonable, and indeed, at present, the most necessary, of tests. 
Yelverton, who has consented to sign it, is, as I hear with 
pleasXire, likely to succeed ; the provost, finding it impossible to 
bring in the two members, will, it is supposed, join him, in 
opposition to his first antagonists, and by that means may 
possibly bring in his son. 

" When shall I see you in Ireland ? I never longed for it 
more, and that for many cogent reasons. I have a thousand 
things to say to you. I wish you also to account for your long 
and unprecedented silence, which my heart assures me you will 
be able to do in the most satisfactory manner. Indeed, my 
dearest Flood, notwithstanding the apparent gloom of my 
letter, that heart is still the same, and confidently believes 
your s to be unalterable ; and bereft, as I have been for a tedious 
interval, of every support to my confidence, I still trust that 
the idem velle and idem nolle, that only true basb of friendship, 
will still subsist between us, and that I shall ever remain, as I 
now am, most sincerely, 

" Your warmest and truest friend, 

" Charlbmont." 

" Since I wrote the above, I am informed that Yelverton 
absolutely disclaims the smallest connexion with the provost. 
So much the better; and I the more ardently wish him success. 
There will be many elections warmly disputed, and some 
changes ; whether for the better time will show — for the worse 
they can hardly be. All our respects to lady Frances. My 
love to such friends as you may see." 



96 MEMOIRS OF TH^ LIFE OF THE 

CHAP. The noble earPs brother, shortly after the date 
of this letter, was lost in his passage from Holj* 
head to Dublin, where his parliamentary duties 
called him ; and we find in two or three of his 
lordship's letters the most delicate tender of the 
borough of Charlemont to his friend — '* I wish I 
were armed with an hundred votes, or what would 
be nearly equal, with your unbiased tongue to 
render my opposition thoroughly effectual. Yes» 
from the bottom of my heart, I do most sincerely 
hate and detest our present administration. 

" Exclusive of public motives, for private 
reasons^ if private they may be called, — it 
seduced my brother, and has done far worse — ^it 
has endeavoured to seduce my friend I'* In the 
same epistle the amiable lord writes — " Nothing, 
not even the acknowledged fallibility of huipan 
nature — even in the best of men— can give me a 
right, even for a moment, to suppose that you 
are capable of acting otherwise than as you ought ; 
yet, what I have written you must see, for I 
should esteem it a crime against friendship to 
conceal from you any thought of mine which in 
any way regarded you. Neither can I fear that 
anything contained in this letter can possibly dis- 
please you, when you consider that all I have 
written proceeds from two motives only, which 
are, I am confident, equally dear to you — Friend- 
ship and Patriotism." 



» >» 



LETTER FROM LORD CHARLEMONT. 

" Dublin, June 6th, 1775. 

*' MvBBMVs, a madman of the fbttrteentb century^ wrote 
an additional book to the iEneid; aad some blockhead or 
otheTj if I remember rights even hazarded a supplement to die 
Iliad ! These are authorities^ though by no means excuses : 
yet^ bad as it is, (and it cannot be worse than I think it J take 
what follows : — 

Hence with that adage proud. 
By haughty stoics preached aloud. 

That rirtue is its proper meed ! 
No ; bounteous heaven, her sons t' incite. 
Hath plac'd in view the guerdon bright, 

A guerdon bright indeed ! 

« 

TTis fame — ^for this mt Henry stands 
Firm in his country's cause ! 

Xvainst ev'ry foe her right maintains. 
Asserts her liberty, her laws ; 
And views with scorn the hireling bands 
Of mercenary, willing slaves. 
Exulting in their chains ! 

H 




RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 97 

After forcibly putting the argument of opposi- 
tion and patriotism being thereby discredited 
among the people, the earl adds — " that of public 
confidence, I am certain, applies more precisely 
to you than any man since the fall of Pulteney — 

' Facilis descensus Avemi : 

Noctes atqne dies petet atri janua Ditis : 

Sed xeTocax« gradum, suprasque evadere ad auras. 

Hoc opus, hie labor est, 




9S MEMOlBa OF THE LIFE OF THE 

Foi thb the tyrant's kown he bsaves ; 
Nor can die tempter s dangerouB skUl 

Decline the soul to iU^ 

Or stoop his mind to shame ! 
Though from her doud of vapours bland 

Raised from th' exhAusted knd» 
Dark corruption round him shower 
Riches, titJes^ pomp, and power, 
Un}XK>v'd his steady course he bends 
To where the gUtt'iing goal aseends^ 
And gains eternal fame ! 

"Heaven grant that it may be so; that you may ever 
retain unimpaired those honors for which you were* bom ; and 
that you may still continue an object of my admiration, as I 
feel you ever must be the object of my love. Such are the 
zealous,, the warmest wishes of a faithful, a tenifer, but, alas ! 
an anxious heart; which, though it be sufficiently sanguine to 
h^e the best, still, in a matter so essential to all its feelings, 
caimot be entirely void of fears. Indeed, my dearest> dear 
Flood, I am completely miserable about you. This in^>eneti*able 
gloom of mystery which still hangs over you — iMs cloud 
which shadows and obscurer the piovi^ iBnea%i disagreeably 
puzzles my hopes, though it caABOt e^Uipgjush them. I had 
flattered myself that our meeting might have cleared the 
important point ; but still shadows;, do^ds, and darkness rest 
upon it ! Many and many are the Q0.uflea which, render this 
state of uncertainty highly distressful to me ; and you know 
me well enough to guess them aU; Yet there is one cause 
which, whatever it may cost me, fetr both onx sakes^ I think it 
my duty to mention. You rememb^ an interesting conver- 
sation that passed between, us not long before your departure. 
At that time, as you may well judge by the^ tenor of my 
conduct, compared with your knowledge, of my sentiments, I 
was thoroughly persuaded thajt, you were a» I wished you. / 



« 



Believe me ever unalteraWy, 
" yoQT faithful^ and 

'' tmly afi^tion«le^ ^e(Ad> 

"Chabibmont." 



RIGHT HO^. HENRY FLOOD. 99 

ihen fluttered myself wilk a hope of ihe most pleasing kind ; ctkkv. 
and was almost selfish evumgh to wish thai you might have ^^' 
occasum to make use of my offer *^ But alasi thai dear 
object of my heart is now, I doubt, unattainable* The 
uncertainty of yotir present sUuaiion, notwithstanding my trttsi 
and confidence in you, renders the execution of that darling 
project morally impossible. For, though I would stiU stake my life 
and fertune upon the propriety of your political condud, my 
conscience tells me that I have no right to hazard that which is 
not my own, but which I hold in trust for my comdry. One 
method alone remains', Ufhich would perfectly reconcile my 
umhes to my duiy, arid would make me ike happiest of mortals, 
3ui this I need not now mention, tmd, if ever the mentioning of 
it should be necessary^ I would much rather it came from' 
you than from me. But no more of this ; — ^w&at I have already 
said ha:s shaken every nerve in my frame* It has come from 
itte like the tearing away a forked itfrow. Neither do I believe 
it watt ned^dsary, as I ttn certain ^at yon are sufficiently 
ae^aiated with my hearty and with aS its feelings^ to know as 
well as I do all that passes therein^ upon this delicate point. 
Indeed^ I should have mentioned it when we last met> but the 
joyful surprise of our meeting, and the suddenness of your 
deparCote, afforded me no t^portuftity. Adieu, my dearest, 
dfejit Fldod — ^I can write no more. Indeed I aim not well— 
my family> tbOr is stiU distressed. My child, though better, 
is not yet well, and Mary is of consequence still uneasy ; an 
anxiety of which I thoroughly partake. — ^Adieu. 



* Tkeborouglkof ChirUmoirt. 



100 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 



" Upon reading over my letter, I am thoroughly persuaded 
that I have given myself a deal of unnecessary trouble, certain, 
as I am, from my thorough knowledge of your sentiments, of 
your h^art, and of its feelings and friendship for me, that this 
matter must long since have appeared to you exactly in the 
same light as it does to me.** 




" That the noble earl would have chosen Plood 
above any other man, to represent his borough 
interest, in the event of such interest being 
required to secure his return to parliament^ is 
clear, we think, from the intimation which this 
letter contains ; and the manner in which 
principle triumphs over personal regards, and 
the patriot rises above the friend, reminds us of 
the purest days of Grecian and Roman virtue* 
Flood must have been greatly struck by the 
noble lord's magnanimous candour, as well as 
touched by his affectionate expostulations."* 

On Mr, Flood's return to his seat, Farmley, in 
the county Kilkenny, he received the following 
letter, which is the last extant prior to his 
acceptance of office. 

« 

LETTER FROM LORD CHARLEMONT. 

" Dublin, June 1 5th, 1775. 
" Mt dbarbst^ dear Flood, 

" As you promise to write to me with respect to the 
principal suhject of my last, I will at present enter no farther 

* Dublin Uniyenity Magazine. 




RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD, 101 

into that point ; neither do I think it hy any means necessary, 
as I am thoroughly confident that all my ideas upon that head, 
and all the thoughts of my heart with regard to it, are as well 
known to you as they can be to myself. Of this, indeed I was 
fully convinced, even before you told me so : and my letter 
was rather calculated to confirm and to justify your already 
formed opinion, than to give you any information respecting 
my sentunents, which, how deeply soever they may be impressed 
on my soul, I wear so much on the surface^ that one far less 
quicksighted than you are, both from natural sagacity, and 
from the sympathy of friendship, might easily have discovered 
^m. 

** The letter which I wrote in answer to your s from England, 
desiring intelligence with regard to some particular points and 
persons, was wholly taken up with a matter which appeared to 
me far more important than any information I could have 
communicated. I could, indeed, only have said in general, 
that administration was unpopular, even among its own creatures 
— ^that the few real good men were daily more and more confirmed 
in their opinion of the rectitude and necessity of opposition ; that 
the fluctuating band would probably be fixed by their dislike to 
the secretary, and by the critical period of the parliament ; that 
a proper and unusual spirit seemed to be rising in the country, 
especially in the northern parts ; and that the particular person 
at whom you hint, was likely, as well from interest as from a 
sort of acquired principle, to be firm and active, provided only 
he were assured of concurrence and support, an assurance 
which the tenor of the last session seemed to give him some right 
to require. This was all I knew ; and even this appeared to 
me a ground-work sufficient on which to build a respectable 
opposition ; at least it was certainly so to one who thinks as I 
do, that, though every possible method is to be pursued towards 
the strengthening a national party, yet that a failure in success, 
or even a certainty of defeat, is no reason for ceasing to oppose, 
where there is well-grounded reason for opposition. In truth. 



102 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 

CHAP. my dearest friend^ I am well nigh sick of politics^ aad begin to 
^^* think that the utmost an honest man can do^ in the present 
state of affiiirs, is to preserve himself nntainted, to watch the 
turn of the times^ in expectation of a more favorable conjunc- 
ture, and to act, in the mean while, upon every occasion, 
according to the unbiassed dictates of his conscience. An 
opposition, exclusive of its success, is, I am convinced, 
essentially and indispensably necessary to the existence of a 
constitution circumstanced as ours is ; and the more respectable 
find formidable it is, the better. I am also thoroughly persuaded 
that no season ever called for and warranted opposition more 
than the present. The share I shall have in this party, the 
part I shall act, will ever be unimportant. Yet I have a name 
— ^I have a character— ^I have, however inconsiderable it may 
be, an hereditary following ; and nothing will, I trust, ever be 
able to induce me— no, not all the wealth and pre-eminence 
that kings can bestow, though I am, through my own folly, a 
needy man, and though I am by no means unambitious of the 
power of serving my friends, — to withdraw my mite from the 
almost exhausted treasuiy of the nation. There it shall lie ; 
small as it is, it lies there free from interest ! With regard to the 
plans of union, and to all those means which you call human, 
I should be happy and proud, according to the utmost extent 
of my abilities, to co-operate in them* But though they i^ould 
fail, as it is by no means improbable they may ; though our 
numbers should be reduced to the few perhaps imprudent 
men who think as I do; nay, though I were left alone, 
unassisted, and derided for my singularity^ I should think it 
still my duty to myself, however unprofitable it might be to my 
country, to stand alooe ; and, in doing that which I should 
deem right, to dissent from every one. Every possible means 
to procure success, or to render even defeat in some degree 
profitable, ought undoubtedly to be pursued. But rectitude, 
in the end, though it cannot command success, can never fail in 
one great and important point, — ^the satisfaction of our own 




RIGHT HOK. HSNBY FLOOD. 105 

caascieikce. Were I tbe member of a Roman repaUic, and 
that there existed a Cttsar^ I trust I ahouid act the part of Cato 
in one instance only excepted — that I would die in the attempt 
of the tyrant's destruction, rather than by my own hand. 
Elxccpting that single particular^ he acted, I think, the only 
part which was left him to act 7%« ff^ds imke ^mre of CUUo i 
So they did^ they gave him spirit to save hnmelf firom 
slavery, and to eternize his date by an immortal crown. 

" With respect to the declaration to which yon allude, I am 
heartily «orry, my dearest friend, that we difiSsr in opinion. 
There is no point which I have weighed more caiefutiy ; and 
upon the most mature eonsiden^on, I am so thoroughly 
convinced of the propriety of that measure, in the present 
situation of afiairs, that, were I myself now a candidate, I 
would not suffer myself to be elected without having previously 
made such a declaration, every one of which I look upon to be, 
as far as it goes, a partial place-bill, and the only one assuredly 
within our reach. I can, however, easily conceive a difference 
of sentiments upon this head : and according to his own opinion 
every man must act. But that this is the light in which I see 
it, and the only light in which I probably ever shall see it« 
you have kindly and fairly concluded from the hint hazarded 
in my last letter. 

" You tell me that you wish I should pay you a visit at 
Parmley ; so do I most sincerely — nothing could give me more 
pleasure. Is there upon earth a man I love more than you, or in 
whose company I find more delight P My affection for you must 
be pax)of a^unst every thing ^ since ev^ an interval of deviation, 
(it is, thank fate ! no more,) in the idem sentire de Republica has 
not been able to affect it. But indeed, my dearest friend, I am 
by no means as yet in a state of health for excursions — I am 
stUl liable to those cursed attacks upon my head and eyes, which 
make my life miserable ; and have at this instant, in order to 
obviate them, a perpetual blister upon my neck. Till the 
physicians permit me to leave off this troublesome remedy, it 




I04f MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 

is impossible for me to stir from home; imd this was the principal 
reason why I did not see you in Engknd. They flatter me, 
however, that a little time will put an end to this disagreeable 
necessity ; and as soon as I can be certain that the stopping of 
the blister is attended by no ill consequence, I shall be at liberty 
to take my pleasure^ that is to say, to Tint you. 

*' Your friendship, and not your judgment, approves of the 
lines I sent you. The approbation, however, makes mehappy, 
for I would much rather you were my friend than my judicious 
admirer. But I am not a litde vexed at your supposing I 
could have a better theme. 

" Farawell my dearest, dear Flood. All our compHments to 
lady Frances ; and believe me, ever unalterably^ 

" Your faithful and 

« truly affectionate friend, 

'' CfiARLBMOKT." 

ft 

" Lady C. directs this letter, and it is sealed with a Medusa's 
head, for fear of opener»." 



Mr* Flood succeeded in the office of vice 
treasurer of Ireland,* Mr. Jenkinson, afterwards 
lord Hawkesbury, whose predecessor had been 
the earl of Chatham. 

The British cabinet was embarrassed by the 
unfavorable turn which external politics had 
taken ; and the ill-starred policy of lord North 



* Since the days of ^sir Henry Sidney to the time of Mr. Flood, the 
office of vice«trea8urer had been considered the best appointment of the 
crown in Ireland. It was useless in later timet. 




RIGHT HON. HBNRT FLOOD. 105 

required ihe assifltance of an individual who 
directed or influenced the greater part of the 
Irish commons. The invidious, however, con- 
sidered his acceptance as a dereliction from the 
consistency of party views ; and others, a 
desertion of the national cause. He had, 
therefore, to contend with the malicious insinu* 
ations of avowed enemies, and the aspic venom 
of anonymous assailants. 

Conscious rectitude may afford to contemn 
ordinary slander, which emanates from a super- 
ficial knowledge of the conditions, or crude 
examination of the motives of the person. But 
lord Charlemont's epistolary interposition with 
his friend arose from the most elevated consi- 
deration. 

The first symptom of that jealous guardianship 
of every honorable and patriotic action is 
contained in the preceding letters ; and among 
the many admirable ones, those selected for this 
volume are most delineative of the motives and 
actions of the noble earl and his friend* They 
discover, too, the distrustful opinions of lord 
Charlemont with regard to administrations 
generally, when the improvement of the social 
condition of the people of Ireland was concerned. 

Doubtless, Mr. Flood must have been deeply 
affected by the arguments and sentiments of an 
individual so ardently devoted to his country. 




106 MEMQIfiS OF THE LIFE OF THE 

wko, wkiie his mind presrated (he itntest 
reflections on *' the patriot in office and out of 
office/' his heart infused the wiu'mth of an 
affectionate regard. 

We find the delicacy <^ this aegotiaiiont wbich 
was pending for a considerable tiHie, unfolded ill 
the subsequent letter from Mn Flood to lord 
Harcourt, then viceroy. 



LETTER FROM MR. FLOOD. 

" 1775. 

" My LobD; 

'' AsouT two months since, wlien I had the honor 
to receive a message from your exceUency, o£bring me the 
vice-treasorership, I reminded your excellency that above a 
year ago I signified to you in writing, by a friend of mine> 
that I WW not to be considered as a pecson wfco had pledged 
himself to accept that office ; and Uiat if any thing had passed 
that led your lordship to that opinion, it was no longer to be 
regarded as having passed. The writing remains, and is alone 
sufficient to prove that I cannot be chaigged with causing the 
vice-tseasurership to be vacated, or Mr. Fox's pension to be 
granted, both of which events were long subsequent. 

'* Seeing afterwards in the London papers, however, various 
leports about such a negotiation, I went, before last Christmas^ 
to a person of consequence in England, your excellency s 
friend and mine, who had interposed with me first on the 
subject of government, and to him I declared, in the most 
express terms, that I would not accept that office : that person 
did convey this to Mr. Jenkinson ; Mr. Jenkiason has ainee 



BIGHT HON. iiENRY VhOOB. 107 

told i&e he xefiued w ccamnunicate it sb a message to your CHikP. 
lordship ; but I was never apprised o£ that refusal ; Bor caa ^^' 

hi3 not commuuicatiiig my desire afiect me <m the share I had 
in the matter^ which was none at all. Mr. Jenkinson certainly 
kaew my declaration before any negotiation began with him^ 
or with Mr. Fox ; hence it is clear that I was not responsible 
for that peBiston. I saw that it must be highly disagreeable to 
your ^xceUeoey to be stated in England as having vacated, by 
strong means, an office of rank, without sufficient authority from 
the person to whom it was to be offered. I wished to disembarrass 
you by any reasonable concession; I wished to lighten the burden 
to the public ; and if I could do neither by an absolute refusal, 
and both by a conditional aecepting of it, I thought it a duly 
to the public bo to accqptii;, retaining to myself the power of 
relinquishing it at any time when public duty demanded such 
a relinquishment I declined the office, therefore, as it came 
originally to me with the burden upon it ; but said that, if it 
ahoald ioome eased as to liiac incumbnuieey I should not object 
to it In a subsequent conversation, Mr. Jenkinson stated, 
that, by a retrenchment of £1000 a year, viz., the additional 
salaiy of the Almager, Mr. Fox*s pension would be counter- 
balanced all but £700 a year ; and that by your raising of the 
absentee tax, the net burden of the whc^e pension would be but 
about £&iO. To diis state of the matter, die restoradon tx> the 
IdngdcHB q{ a great c^Bice with a considerable salary was to be 
added, which in one light was a point of decorum and dignity 
to the countiy, and in another was a point of pecuniary 
advantage and national saving. I confessed that this state 
aita^ Ae matter : it iMPOught it so near in effect to the idea I 
had originally stated^ as one upon which I wis eapable of 
acc^ting the office, that I thought it but candour to say, that 
iipon that ground I could concur on the subject, and possibly 
disembarrass your excellency. Your lordship seeming to doubt 
that lord North might have disposed of the office in the 
interim, asked me whether I desired you should write to stop 



108 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 

CHAP, him from doing so ; I said hot, mt HonvB bbing ro bisbm- 

^^' BARRASS TOUR LORDSHIP^ ANP TO SBRTE THE PUBLIC, 

WHEREAS THAT WOULD HAVE THE APPEARANCE OF ASKING 
THE OFFICE FOR MT PERSONAL EMOLUMENT. 

" I have the honor to be, 

''your excellency's most obedient, 

" and most humble servant, 

'* Henry Flood." 



It would appear that no person could kave 
been more sensitive of his public character, from 
the stipulations on which alone he acceded to the 
offer of becoming rice-treasurer of Ireland; 
besides the above explanatory letter, it was 
agreed to make the << absentee tax"' a government 
question, with many other measures of a more 
liberal and extensive tendency. That these 
benefits were urged chiefly by Mr. Flood botih 
in the privy council and the house of commons, 
during lord Harcourt's viceroyalty, — that a 
political land tax on absentees had, at first, the 
approbation of the English and Irish govern- 
ments, are sufficiently authenticated by lord 
Rockingham's letter, wherein his lordship 
says: — "Lord North's second answer to our 
application contains an explicit account of 
the design. It is coloured over with the usual 
pretences of supplying the revenue and restoring 



RIGHT HON. Hl^NRY FLOOD. 109 



* Those who were nominees, a yeiy numerous body indeed, 
f Letter to lord North. 

I The effect of this tax would hare been to secure a rendent nobOitj 
and gentry; consequently^ local improyements around them, and a 
general extension of the ways of social order : facts that no sophistry, 
eren from a poiitioal eeonomisti can distort 



IV. 



public credit* But if the ordinary revenue of ^^^ 
Ireland, hj any management, is become, now in 
the time of profound peace, so unequal to the 
establishments as to require extraordinary aids, 
we cannot conceive that the necessity of new 
taxes can furnish a reason for imposing such as 
are unjust. • • * * Many gentlemen* of 
consideration for their interests and abilities, will 
oppose this project in Ireland ; but, with the 
previous countenance it has received here^ it. 
is to be apprehended their opposition may prove 
ineffectod, and that the tax may be transmitted 
to England before the end of November/*t 
lliere cannot be a more complete proof of lord 
Rockingham's ignorance of the financial distress 
of Ireland and the burden of taxation and 
restriction with which it was afflicted ; neither 
was there any taxi: more just^ because then the 
absentees were, compared with the period since 
tile union, few but of immense wealth, and hence 
able to bear the very moderate imposition of two 
shillings in tiie pound. Tiberius Gracchus could 
not have suggested a more disinterested imposi- 



110 MftMOIRS or TH£ LIFfi OV THE 

^^^' tion; and it' waft lightMuft because it saved the 
poor and needj, and felt on the* affluent, 
luxuriouft^ and anti-national* Le^d Qtarlemont, 
Mr. Ktmnlow^ and Mr. Fortescue concurred 
viiih Mr* Flood, in the propriety of this meadure, 
and l&eir opinions, founded on a personal 
itnowle^e of tfaenr country, were of fer more 
weight than ih& sc^istieal and seMsh protests 
of the five dissentient peers to whoin lord Norfli 
succumbed* Besides, throughout Irelbnd the 
piDJect was received with acclamation* 

The political reader ought to consider lord 
Chorlemont the point on which all the great 
luminaries corradiated, and he reflected a 
brilliancy that was not his own* His delicate 
health, and his inability to speak in public, limited 
his dforte to protests and interpositions. His 
gentle nature was more remarkable for the 
lenicres virttites, than bold pre<^minent genius. 
H^, ther^ore, ^ected his influence to secure 
coincident views in some individual leader of 
the oppo»tion in the Irish house of commons. 

The circumstance of dean Maiiey recommend- 
ing his young relative, Mr. Grattan, then a 
barrister, to. the noble earl for the representation 
of the borough of Charlemont, was a fortunate 
accident for the fame of both. And when the 
oratorical powers of Mr^^ Grattan attained a 
certain importance, from that moment lord 




RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. Ill 

Chasl^iicnii rose connpicHousIy mto notice as* a 
pabticisiu But tke impedimentEr natvre placed 
im the compoiition of his eharaetep, hremediably 
det^miaed libat he mast be dependaiit on the 
abilities and popularity of another, for political 
renown, and though he might have been eminently 
good, (and really was so) yet he never alone 
covld lu^e been tcanscendantly great. He was 
estimated therefore, in his political career by the 
aggregate body according to the administration, 
when his timid reserve was more or less manifest j 
during the Rockingham cabinet^ when all was 
wumimibby^ his^poskdon waa IMUiant and heribone 
forth with ikte lustre of the eminent men who 
gained the triumph of the constitution ; but in 
the ministry of Mr. Pitt, when the political 
atoLosphere wag more troubled, he faded away 
almost imperceptibly. 

Thoij^h a reformer and supporter of an 
absentee tax, yet he was against the extension of 
the elective franchise to catholics,^ and. against 
any measure which appeared democratic: hence 
he alternately coimtenanced and discouraged the 
volunteers and 1^ delegates of the four provinces 
of IcidaAd*. 

The intimation which we find in the letter of 
Mr. Jenkinson may be considered a semi-official 
notification to his successor ^ and it is important 
as it alludes to the difficulties that arose in the 



112 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 

CHAP, negotiation, which are minutely described by 
Mr. Flood himself in his letter to lord Harcourt, 
and referred to by his confidential friend Mr. 
Webb in a communication here subjoined : — 



LETTER FROM MR. JENKINSON. . 

'* London, Oel. \%ih, 1775. 
" Dear Sir, ^ 

*' By a letter from Dablin I understand that you 
have determined to accept the office of Tice-treasurer; and I* 
see by the gazette that the kmg has ahready signed a letter, 
appointing you to be my successor. Allow me to ^t this ' 
early opportunity of expressing the joy which I feel on^this' 
oocaJiion. . As a private man> I take a warm and sincere part 
in every advantage that happens to yourself; and i UiHekt 

THAT IN THE PROGRESS OF THIS BtTSINESS ANY THING SHOULD 
HAVE HAPPENED THAT WAS DISAGREEABLE TO YOTT. As a 

public man> I rejoice that the king has brought into his service - 
a gentleman of so great importance, and of such distinguished 
abilities. Permit me^ at the same time> to make my adcnow- 
ledgments to you for the many proofs of friendship and regard 
which I received from you during my residence in Ireland ; 
and to assure you that I am^ with great truth and regard. 

" Dear sir, 

" Your faithful humble servant, 

" C. Jenkinson." * 
•* My best respects attend lady Frances." 



RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 113 



LETTER FROM MR. WERE 

'' Mt Djiab Sib, 

'* Imm BBUTBLT OH the receipt of your letter I went 
to Bath, and put the inclosed manuflcript and printed paragraph 
into hands of quick circulation : the next day I found that the 
substance of both had made its way into most of the London 
papers. It is asked — ^what security hath the public that a 
salazy taken from one office may not be annexed to another? 
I answer, that it is hard to make you responnble for the tem- 
perance or virtue of men in power ; that the difficulty which 
y^ have thrown upon administration to make an office fit for 
your acceptance, proves in you a greater attention to the public 
than to ^them, and should produce in us a fair presumpdon 
that your future conduct with regard to both will be of the 
same complexion. On this ground, rejecting minuter circum- 
stances* I dwell : — or, as your eloquent secretary would more 
manfully express it, ' I fix my foot upon this rock.' Heavens! 
how long shall eloquence assume the part of a prize-fighter, 
and, half bold, half timid, balance under the shelter of a 
hanging, guard P Bestcnre her, for you can, to her wonted 
dignity, and look into confusion the printer's devils. 

" Farewel, my dear friend. How is your health ? How 
does good lady Frances ? 



if 



I am, 

" Your ever faithful 

" And affisctionate friend and servant, 

*' Daxiei Webb. 



'' Newton, Uth J^av., 1775. 



cnaF. 

IV. 




114 IdJLMOIRS OF TH£ LIIE OF THE 

Viewing these papers coUectirely, thej bear 
clear evidence that the paramount motives of 
Mr. Flood were to render a high office accessible to 
Irishmen, hitherto reserved for members of the 
British cabinet, and next, hy becomii^ a minister, 
to e:terci8e his influence in the privj council of 
Ireland in forwarding measures which he had 
unavailingly debated in parliament. Before tracing 
in a very transient manner, the most remark- 
able features of the governments of the loid^ 
Harcourt and Buclringfaam, which conprue tiie 
term of Mr. Flood's official capacity, we must be 
permitted to correct some misrepresentations to 
be found in the very partial work of Mn Hardy. 

There are feelings of the heart which instinct- 
ively infltt^ice us to guard the laurel on the 
consecrated tomb of genius, from wanton 
aggression, or unsustained aspersion; at the 
time that our noblest feelings are thus exerted, 
the mind conU'ok them within truth and justice. 

Mr. Hardy has stated-^** Mr. Flood's otjad; 
in accepting a lucrative situation was the large 
addition to his income, exhausted as his estate 
then was by parliamentary and election contests 
of various kinds," this is unfounded. 

Mr. Flood possessed about five thousand pounds 
a year unincumbered, exclusive of the fortune he 
got with lady Frances Beresford. He had no chil- 
dren — ^the elections from 1759 to I768 were three. 



RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 115 

Tke first was an uncont^ed election for the chap. 
county Kiikeony ; the second, on the accession of 
George the third ; and again, after the passing of 
the <^tetmiel bill : it may be, the second and third 
were contested, but the constituents of Kilkenny 
» Gftilan were not numerous, and tenants always 
voted with their landlords. The above facts are 
stated from the impression, that even the most 
veracious are not to be depended on, where they 
make an averment and give no authority for it« 
Mr. Hi^dy s^n, has stated, ** till Mr. Mood's 
acoeptaiM^e of office, he was the uniform friend 
mid su)>porter of lord Charlemont: their intu 
mamf then cea^d*^* ♦####♦ 

ThiQ whole tenor of the noble earl's con^espond- 
ence, both on the eve of the appointment of Mr. 
Flood, and immediately subsequent, renders this 
likewise unfounded, but the following sentence is 
too apposite not to be cited :-— " My affection,'* says 
lord Charlemont, " for you must be proof against 
€rrery thing ; since even an interval (it is, thank 
jgkte ! no more) in the idem ^entire de repuhlica 
has not been able to affect it.** So much for the 
authority of Mr. Hardy. In like manner on many 
particulars, he has been more anxious to establish 
his own partial views, than the truth of the 



* The indelicacy of such a statement, without evidence, or the possibility 
of kriDwiftg acdtkr&fely, is more itialicious than veraeious.' 



116 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 



IV. 



^^t^ transactions. Pasdt^ unnoticed 1^. Hardy's 
epithets of *Mefection" and "rays of vanity,*' 
we arrive at a more plaumble paragraj^* 

" At such a period Mr. Hood indulged himself 
with the prospect of an almost entire ascendancy 
in the cabinet of Ireland* He flattered himself 
that his talents could easily sway a very amiable, 
very well bred incurious old nobleman, and an 
active, adroit colonel of dragoons. In short, 
like the Roman lyric poet, on another occasion, 
he menaced many and charming things, and like 
him too, he lived amid such menaces and his new 
occupations nor rightly according to the ideas 
of others, nor agreeable to himself. He soon 
discovered that the vice-treasurership was given to 
him not to call forth any novel ambition, but as 
far as it could effect it, to extinguish even the 
embers of the old. The castle of Dublin was, 
to him, the castle of indolence, and, like other 
IriBhmen of eminence, in those days, however 
be might endeavour to win his way to power and 
emolument, by public activity, he could only 
obtain both by public repose.'* 

This is altogether a misrepresentation. 

** No despicable plans of private emolument — 
no paltry schemes of party interest debased the 
dignity of his character, or reduced him to the 
low level of common men j but his object was the 
national welfare, and to improve the condition 



IV. 



RIGHT HON. HENBY FLOOD. 117 

of tibe people.^* In the obituary of considerable ^^j^^- 
persons t there is a lengthened account. Mr. 
Hardj comjHled his book in 1812 (twenty-two 
years after the death of Mr. Hood,) under cir- 
cumstances which we presume made him forgetftil 
of, or indifferent to, that classical recommendation 
which Doctor Middleton says was Cicero's, ** that 
a writer should not dare to affirm what was 
false, or to suppress what was true ; nor to give 
any suspicion of either favor or disaffection.'' 

To form our notions of a great man from some 
separate points of conduct without regarding their 
connexion with the whole, or the figure that they 
make in his general character, is like examining 
thii^ in a microscope which were made to be 
surveyed in the gross ; every mole rises into a 
mountain, and the least spot into a deformity, 
which vanish again into nothing when we contem- 
plate them in their proper medium, and in their 
natural light." | 

However party feelings may have endeavoured 
to mislead, it cannot be denied that lord Harcourt 
administered the government of Ireland in a 
high-minded and beneficent manner. The first act 
on his arrival in the country, was calculated to 
augur well. An extension of advantages to the 



* Principal Characters. f Gentleman^s MagazinCi 1791. 

\ Doctor MiddletoD. 



118 MfiMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 

eHAf. Roman catholic propriatory, which was received 
with acclamation and gratitude by them.«'^1[1ie 
eeoond was an absentee tax to enaUie the revenue 
to meet the ordinary expendituria ; and tiius l^ a 
simple mode to avoid a compficated i^stem of 
finance, called *^ the Tontine scheme.'' * — ^The 
third was the reduction of the twelve commissioners 
of the revenue to seven, by which act alone 
twenty thousand a year was saved, a considerable 
item in the Irish budget ; these commissioners 
were men of powerful interest, which rendered 
their diminution a greater difficulty than can well 
be imagined in the present time. The fourth wius 
a saving of the salary of the vice-treasurer, of 
three thousand five hundred a year ; as explained 
in the letter of Mr. Flood to lord Harcourt. 
The fifth, the passing of a militia law in the 
Irish commons : moved by Mr. Ogle, at the 
request of Mr. Flood. The sixth, the relaxation 
of certain commercial restrictions. The seventh, 
— (the last act of the government of lord 
Harcourt) — His excellency, in November, 1775, 
sent a message to the commons, desiring their 
concurrence with the king's intention to send four 
thousand men to America, thereby disburdening 
the Irish finances of nearly one hundred thousand 
a year. These soldiers were to be replaced by an 



* GordoB'i Ffistoiy of Ireland. 



RIGHT BON. HENRY FtOQD, 119 

equal number from Eogliuid, without adding to onxr. 
the expenditure of Ireland. 

The embargo which was placed on Irish exports 
^a& in no way be attributed to the government 
of lord Harcourt. It was, in fact» an exercise 
of the prerogative which nothing less than the 
imtoward exigencies of Great Britain could 

,^ify. 

The social war with America annihilated, for a 

timet the commercial resources of the capitalists 
at home ^ and, therefore, compelled lord North 
to recommend an act of the crown, which 
necessitated Ireland to share in the calamities 
which endured for two years. 

The efflux of Irish commodities was but scanty, 
**^ limited supply of linens and provisions : nor 
was Ireland capable of carrying on, at this 
period, an extensive and important trade with 
foreign states, owing to the long continued com* 
mercial restrictions, which settled trade and 
capital in the neighbour-kingdom. 

The sending four thousand men to America, 
and the two years' embargOi formed two points 
of exclamation in the famous invective of 
Mr. Ghrattan, in 1783, (seven years after), but, 
however we may admire the rhetorical figures of 
that ardent orator, yet the first was with 
the concurrence of both legislatures, in both 
kingdoms ; and the second an act of prero- 




1^ MEMOIB8 OF THE LUB OF THE 

gative^ during the prorogatioa of the Idsh 
parliament. 

Neither lord Harcourt nor Mr. Floods ia pQiat 
of constitutional history, deserved to be slpigimi? 
tized for acts arising from the necessitudes o^ the 
empire. 

His excellency was now removed from the 
viceroyalty of Ireland. Why ? — ^Because he had 
not sustained the plan of govemmenf laid dowii 
by his predecessor, lord Townshend ; or, as an 
historian* expresses himself, — *' because he waei 
not energetic and obsequious enough to tk€ 
British cabinet.'' 

The criteria by which we ought to be guided 
in our opinion of lord Harcourt, are the mea- 
i^res passed by the legislature with the support 
of government, the colonial embarrassments, 
diplomatic relations with foreign powers, and 
the domestic views of the "secret advisers** t 
of the crown ; thus comprehensively considered, 
his excellency would be rather entitled to the 
gratitude and praise of Irishmen, than any 
expression of dispars^ement. 

Before closing this part, it must be mentioned, 
to Mr. Flood's advantage, that, even at .this 
early period, he urged in the privy council 
the following important measures, which were 
embodied in the concessions of I78S : — 



* Gordon's Hist vol. ii. f Wrazairs Memoirs. 



RlGHt nOtJ. ^ENRY FLOOD. 121 



IV. 



A limHed mutiny bill for Ireland. That all chap 
altered money bills should be thrown out. That 
privy touncil bills should not be defended by the 
drowD. 

' Er^rj one acquainted with the political 
bi3tory of Ireland,* of times antecedent to this 
era, must be aware of the importance of three 
such objects: for these he strove with all the 
influence of his position.t 
' The two following letters cannot be omitted, as 
showing how much the lord lieutenant confided in 
Mr. Flood, and the sentiments of the latter with 
regard to his countrymen at a crisis of invasion. 

LBTTER FROM LORD HARCOURT. 

" Dublin Castle, August 20. 

" SlE, 

" I am sorry to hear that the nocturnal meetings are 
not discontinued^ as they may he productive of great disorder 
and riot. The sheriff of the county has^ I apprehend, akeady 
sufficient authority to call out the posse comitatus whenever the 
exigencies of the case may require it ; and the army, when 
caHed iipon> is obliged, in common with all other subjects, to 
assist the sheriff in the preservation of the peace. Upon 
inquiiy at the office, it does not appear necessary to issue out 
any particular order to the troops on this occasion ; but if you 
know any two neighbouring justices, either of the county of 
Kilkenny or Tipperaiy, a general order shall be lodged in their 

• Dr. Campbell's. ** Political Survey,*'^ and Mr. Molyneux's <* Caw 
of Ireland considered." 

f Gentleinan!s Magazine, Obituary 1791. 



1S9 MEMOIRS OF TH£ LIKE OF THE 



cuup« kandi^ empovrering theDi jointljr to caB i^n the troopg for 
!▼• their assistance^ whenever it shall be deemed necessaiy. If yoQ 
think such an order would be of use, you will send to 
Mr. Waite^ (in sir John Blaquiere*s absence) the names of th« 
two gentlemen in the commission in whose hands you wooid 
wish to have it lodged, and &e oii^ shaft be iKspalcbfiA 
without loss of time. 

"I had a good deal of conversation with Mr. Warden 
Flood,"*^ who called upon me the day before yesterday al 
St. Woolstan 8. I heard yesterday from -sir J. Blaquiere. 
who seems now to entertain ratho: a more fimuifak 
opinion of the afiair which he is soliciting, Aan ke did for 
some time ; I am sorry, however, it is not in his power tot write 
with more certainty of success, but that depends on others, not 
on him. I was in hopes the matter would have been decided 
before now ; but in a transaction where more persons than two 
are unavoidably concerned, delays will happen in spite of all 
Blaquiere*s diligmee and activity, which have been fully exerted 
on this occasion. 

" I am, sir, 

" with the greatest regard, 
*' your most humble and obedient servant, 

" Harcourt." 



LETTER FROM MR. FLOOD. 

"MyLojid, 

'^ Permit me to take the earliest opportunity to 
acknowledge the honor of your excellency's communication, 
and to express my happiness to find that the security of the 
country is in a state satisfactory to your lordship, whose 
information is universal and of the best kind. 



* Judge of the high court of admiFalty. 



Mr. Charles Townshend^ secretary to the new 
viceroy^ addressed the annexed communication to 
Mn Hood. 

LETTER FROM THE RIGHT HON. a TOWNSHEND. 



Stanhope-street, Jtme 29th, 1777. 
Sir, 



*€ ~ 



"I am extremely obliged to you for tbe honor of 
•your letter, which I should have acknowledged sooner, had I 
not entertained hopes of paying my respects to yon in person. 



RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD* .123 

'< I akoiiU not haTe ventured to hvm ixi€ntioa«d vkal I did* crav. 
Iwt fiom the tsslimony of my own eyes in oheerving bow the ^* 
idea, of invasion, when thought certain, affected seYeral here, 
wiiere I had an opportunity of personal remark. I am 
perfiBctiy content daat my individual safety should depend on 
Aoit ef die pulilic, about which, though I am with reason 
soUcitoua, I have as few fears as any body. I da not deny that 
an MEiemy may infinitdy distress, who cannot conquer. I 
know that great reliance is to be had on the native valor and 
gen^osity of the Irish, and I have not mentioned to any 
body heie what struck me in the countenances of many of the 
leiwer order, who have come within my observation. 

«< My wishes have confided in a favorable reeeptipiL from 
your excellency, feeling that they have his miyesiy s service and 
the public good for their object 

" I have the honor to be, 

" your excellency's most respectful, 
" obedient servant, 

" H. Flood." 



124 . MBMOmS OF THE LIFE OF THE 

OKAP. I wished much to h«re qualified myself in Iidund for the new 
J^ ^ office to which the king has heen graciously pleased to appoint 
me ; hut, it heing necessary for lord Nugent's health that he 
should go this summer to Spa, we shall he obliged to keep the 
king*s letter here till the end of August, or the beginning of 
September next, in^ order that die great seal of Ireland may 
not be put to our patent till within less than tUee monthis of 
the. meeting of our parliament, when the usual bill enabling us 
tp qualify ourselves here may pass. 

'' I think it a very fortunate, as well as honorable circum- 
stance for me, that I have two such colleagues as lord Nugent 
and yourself: you may be assured that I shall be happy tb 
receive your instructions, and to concur with you in every diing 
which relates to our office. 

" I am, with great regard. Sir, 

" your most obedient, humble servant, 

" Charles Townshend." 



No terms could have been more flattering as to 
the political importance of Mr. Flood than these ; 
and certainly had lord Buckingham been accom- 
panied by such a secretary, much might hssfe 
been anticipated. 

When his excellency did arrive, a Mr. Heron 
assumed the important duties of the chief 
secretary's office, and so disgusted those who 
knew the duties and difficulties of such a post, 
as to disincline the most eminent to give any 
but a qualified support. We find Mr. Flood, 



; RIGHT H()N,.HENEY FXOOD. IStS 

when tracing his political conduct, speaking of ohaf. 
this period thus — 

^ I felt myself to be a man of too much 
situation to be a mere placeman ; if not a minister 
to «enre wj country, I would not be the tool of 
salwy. I voted with government in matters of 
importance when they were clearly right, and 
against them in matters of importance when 
they were clearly wrong j and on matters ' of 
fimaU moment J did not vote at all,*' * 
. No expression is more repugnant to a 
great mind than, — ^^ ibimus, ibimus, ut cunque 
prtEcedes ;** and no line of conduct could have 
been more exemplary and high minded than 
that observed by this statesman. 

The moral and social conditions of Ireland 
were almost the reverse of analagous to those of 
England; hence, either whig or tory working 
out rigidly a party poUcy would so &r err. 
that instead of being remedial, such a course 
would infallibly be detrimental ; because as yet, 
Ireland had not, practically, an identity of laws 
and institutions. 

The ^ovost, Mr. Hutchinson, published his 
commercial propositions, which were so patriotic 
in their clmracter as bear ample testimony that 



* Parliamentaiy Debates; 178d. Vindication. 



126 MCMOXAS OF THE LIVE OF TSE 



IV. 



cujLf. the placeman can likewke ba deserting of die 
honorable appellation of patriot. 

This pamphlet, probably, suggested to Mr. 
Hussef Burgh the idea of moving parHameiit to 
the consideration of the oommerdal interesCs of 
the kingdom. Mr. Burgh, at the opening of the 
session of this year, moved the address to Iris 
mi^esty, in which the following sentence wm 
introduced, — ** It is not by temporary ex^pedieiits, 
but by an eattension of trade, that Ireland 
can be wieliorated.'' Mr. flood, who was seated 
in the vice*trea6urer'B place, said audibly^ *^ wby 
not ^Jree trade /''* The amendment eteetrified 
the house; the words were adopted by his friend, 
and the motion was carried unanimoudy. 

The noble, ing^iuous conduct of Mr. fiurgfa is 
finely alluded to : — ^* I shall return once more to 
the sentiments of that beloved character I have 
just described^ — He was a man o^et whose life or 
over whose grave envy never hovered ; he was a 
man widbiing ardently to serve his ooun<^ himself, 
but not to monopolise the service, — ^wishing to 
partake and communicate the • glory of what 
passed. He gave me, in his motion for a free 
trade, a foil partidpation of f^at honor /'t 

At a subsequent stage of this motion, brfoi^ 



• Barrington and Hardy agree in admitting this fact, 
f Parliattetitary Debates, 1763. 



UORT HOK. HS^ftY FLOOD. 1(27 



III. 



tho Britivh parlunneitt, lord North observed ^^ap. 
that these commerciai advantages :were resumable 
at pleasure**— ^^ that the act would be a boon 
resfmmbh a* pkeeure.*'* This eiqpression of the 
preoiiar hurt the rising spirit of the Irish legisla- 
ture^ the consequence was, that Mr. Grattan 
Mihodiied in a motion one of the propositions 
mtlh regavd to the independency of Ireland to be 
finmd in the celebrated little work of Hr% 
Mo^Tneux, (which has often been refi^rred to in 
this volume)) which engnged the attention of everj 
Biraiber of the house. The debate lasted to an 
unusual hour, and Mr. Secretary Heron collected 
all the forces of government to oppose this 
declaration* Mr. Grattan had introduced his pro- 
position in one of his earliest and most impressive 
efforts of his eloquence ; but before he divided 
the house, Mr. Flood rose, in office as he was, 
and requested him to withdraw his motion, as a 
nugority was engaged to oppose it, Mr. Grattan 
did so, and thereby a declaration of rights was 
saved from defeat. 

Shortly after the close of lord Buckingham's 
administration of Ireland, Mr. Grattan, who 
henceforth appears prominently active in every 
great measure^ made a motion for a ^Mimited 
mutiny bill j" this was seconded by Mr. Flood, a 

* Bekham, vol. vr. 



128 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 

CHAP, measure he had already urged in the privy counciL 
It was rejected ; yet the repeated efforts awakened 
that spirit of independence which assumed so noble 
and impoBing a form but two years subBequent. 

The alarm generally felt in both kingdoms 
about an invasion of the French in Ireland called 
forth and armed the famous volunteers. This 
extraordinary army was magically raised without 
religious distinction. The fabled caduceus had 
not a more instantaneous spell than that produced 
by the apprehension of an incursive war. At 
tL men" tou, p«i«l th, earl of B»*togbu» 
was recalled. 



RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 129 



CHAP. V. 



1780 AND 1781. 



Mr. Flood resigns tbe ▼ice-treasurership..~Hi8.rea8ons.*-Mr. Jenkinson 
declines presenting the resignation to Nortti— -Displeasure of the 
premier.— Mr. Flood opposes Mr. Eden in some of the most important 
measures.*— The interpolations of Hardy.^-Letter from Mr. Webb.— 
Character of Sir Edward Newenham. •— Speech of Mr. Geoige 
Ponsonby, collated with fictitious passages of Hardy.— Grattan and 
Flood support a limited mutiny bill.— -Motion on Irish trade with 
the West Indies.— Amusing story of Fitzgibbon, repartee of Flood. — 
Law of sir Edward Poignings debated by Yelverton and Flood.— 
The former aopported by government^ the latter demands a total 
repeal of the law. — Character of Mr. Yelverton, the Irish Hyperides.— . 
State of the catholic question in 1781. — Opinions of Charlemont, 
Flood, and Fox. 



Towards the close of the earl of Buckingham's chap 



government, Mr. Flood resigned his official 
situation. The reasons assigned by himself for 
this step are, — that the legislative measures 
contemplated by him were not acquiesced in ; and, 
now that the social war carried on against the 
American settlements had terminated, there wa6 
no ostensible grounds for the continuance of 
restrictions commercial and fiscal. 

His resignation had been intrusted to the same 
friend through whom the first overtures of office 

K 



V. 




132 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 

It is difficult to comprehend how Mr. Hardy 
could have justified to himself an interpolation, 
which, however euphonous and classical, con- 
veyed a stigma on a public character not 
^Warranted bj any impartial testimony, or by 
the speech to which he alluded. Sir Edward 
Newehham remarked on the observations of 
Mr. George Ponsonby, " that he lamented that 
gentlemen should forfeit their places for acting 
conscientiously." What did Mr. Flood oppose ? 
-^The new secretary's view of the state of the 
nation ;— he opposed the perpetual mutiny bill, — 
he opposed the war restrictions on Irish trade, — 
he opposed a modification of the law of sir 
Edward Poynings. Such were the read causes 
of his opposition to Mr. Eden. 

It has been observed by a writer on the public 
character of Mr. Pitt5«---'^that few operations of the 
mind demand a more refined discrimination, — a 
greater diversity of information, — and a more 
patient research, than the estimating the motives 
and actions of men who have been universally 
allowed to have been eminent ; and the very 
great reserve there ought to be in questioxdng 
the propriety of either.*' How far Mr. Hardy 
felt and Understood this deUcacy, we shall have 
occasion to see in the progress of this work. 

Mr. Flood replied : — " The honorable gentle- 
man has said that I am emerged from a seven 



. » 




mOHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 131 

O lux Dardanae^ spes O fidissima Teucrunij 
Quae tantae tenuere moras P 

^'i^T this, or any tbing like it, was addressed to 
hhn, — / know not that it was, — ^it no way 
a&<^d his determination." No such felicitation 
is to he found in the reports, nor does the speech 
of Mr. George Ponsonby bear any such insinu- 
ation. His words on the occasion were :— - . ; ^ 

^^ He rejoiced to see the right hon. gentleiQan, 
after an eclipse of seven years, burst forth in 
such a blaze of eloquence. Though at all times 
he had the utmost reliance upon his judgment 
and integrity, particularly in the present case, 
where nothing but public spirit could induce 
him to risk the loss of one of the best appoint- 
ments government could bestow; yet he must 
differ from him in the representation he had 
given of this country, Ireland. And he thought 
he himself was entitled to some credit, when it 
was considered that he was the son of a man 
who had given up even the chair of that house 
rather than support a ministry which he thought 
was doing wrong.' If employments were in his 
gijPty few persons should stand before the right 
honorable gentle man, but he did not think it 
unparliamentary to mention the risk he ran from 
obeying the dictates of conscience."* 



lij *'^ • Irish parliamentary debates, vol, i. 1781. 




132 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 

It is difficult to comprehend how Mr, Hardy 
could have justified to himself an interpolation, 
which, however euphonous and classical, con- 
veyed a stigma on a public character not 
Wrr anted by any impartial testimony, or l^ 
the sp^h to which he alluded. Sir Edward 
Newehham remarked on the observations of 
Mr. George Ponsonby, ** that he lamented that 
gentlemen should forfeit their places for acting 
conscientiously/* What did Mr. Flood oppose ? 
— ^The new secretary's view of the state of the 
nation ;^— he opposed the perpetual mutiny bill, — 
he opposed the war restrictions on Irish trade» — 
he opposed a modification of the law of sir 
Edward Poynings. Such were the reaJ causes 
of his opposition to Mr. Eden. 

It has been observed by a writer on the public 
character of Mr. Pitt^' — *^ that few operations of the 
mind demand a more refined discrimination, — a 
greater diversity of information,*-^«md a more 
patient research, than the estimating the motives 
and actions of men who have been universally 
allowed to have been eminent ; and the very 
gteat reserve there ought to be in quertiopii^ 
the propriety cjf either.*' How far Mr. Hardy 
fdt and Understood this delicacy, we shall have 
occasion to see in the progress of this work. 

Mr. Flood replied : — " The honorable gentle- 
man has said that I am emerged from a seven 




RIGHT HON. HENEY FLOOD. 133 

years* eclipse.* It is true I supported lord 
Harcourt's administration; but was I eclipsed 
when, on several occasions, I went not with 
them, and stated my reasons for doing so ? I 
also supported lord Buckingham. On that 
eireatful day when a free trade was demanded, 
was I ecHpsed? When a bill of rights was 
the subject of debate, did I shrink from the 
question ? My ambition has been, when out of 
office, not to be factious, and when in office, not 
to be venal. 

His friend and constant supporter, sir Edward 
Newenham, is thus characterised by an able 
writer.t * 

" Few representatives have appeared in a more 
conspicuous station for many years, than sir 
Edward, and he has attempted, with undeviating 
assiduity, to acquire the fame of patriotism, and 
to rival those names rendered illustrious by its 
glory. Should he in his attempt at any time have 
trangressed those bounds of moderation beyond 
which even virtue degenerates into vice, the 
sincerity of his zeal pleads loudly in his defence, 
and the rectitude of his intentions sanctifies his 
conduct.** 

Of Mr. George Ponsonby anon. He gave his 
adhesion to lord Carlisle's short lieutenancy, 



* In faqty he was not six years in office, 
f Author of " Principal Characters.** 




134 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OP THE 

and became a placeman in the duke of 
Portland's. 

Mr. Grattan moved for a limited mutiny bill, 
seconded by Mr. Flood, who said, — that the 
perpetual mutiny bill was a pillow upon which 
liberty could never repose — it was a matter that 
should be reiterated through every period of the 
session — ^there was no comer of the kingdom in 
which it should not be spoken of, — ^nor was there 
a person in the kingdom, who had a regard for 
its freedom, that should not be active in opposing 
it. The supporters of Mr. Eden said, — that the 
perpetual mutiny bill was a law for the govern- 
ment of an army, eventual on your having an 
army J and your having an army, was eventual on 
the will of parliament. This sort of sophistry was 
little calculated to abate the ardour, or deceive 
the understanding of such men as the mover and 
seconder, but it sufficed to give the secretary a 
majority. The discussion of this question 
produced some of the noblest effects of eloquence, 
intermingled, however, with an acerbity which 
nothing but the keenness of debate could 
excuse. The subsequent anecdote had the 
eflFect of dispelling the storm that lowered on 
the opposition side : — 

The attorney-general said — " When I was at 
the temple, there was a parish clerk who used to 
raise the psalm, and who went by the name of 




RIGHT HON. HENRT FLOOI>. 135 

Harry Plantagenet. . I had taken it into my 
head that the family of the Plantagenets was 
quite extinct, and was induced by curiosity to ask 
this man how he came to be called by that name. 
Accordingly I went to him one day, and men- 
tioned to him my wish to know his story : — ^ I 
was once a king/ said he, ^and reigned with 
uncontrolled dominion over hounds, greyhounds, 
beagles, and terriers, by which I have acquired 
this name ; but if you please, I will relate my 
story at large/ * Go on, Harry,* said I. — * I 
lived in the neighbourhood of Windsor forest, 
when a boy, and used frequently divert myself 
with hunting the king's deer,' — * Go on Harry,' 
said I. * I hallooed, and I shouted so loud and 
so often, that there was not a dog in the pack but 
what obeyed my voice — ^not a lad in the forest 
but attended my call.' — * Go on, Harry,' said I. 
* At last, sir, the chief huntsman, perceiving what 
command I had over the dogs and the sportsmen, 
resolved to take me into his pay.' — *Go on 
Harry,' said I. ' I accepted of his offer ; but I 
now found myself so much at my ease, that I 
grew indolent, and insisted upon riding out to 
bunt in jurniture^ for I always loved to hunt in 
furniturey — * Go on Harry,' said I. * I was 
indulged with furniture ; but I soon perceived 
that the younger fellows, who could now outride 
me, became greater favorites with the chief 



136 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFtS OF THE 

CHAP, huntsman/ — * Go on Harry/ said I. < This stung 
me to the quick, and I determined to pick a 
quarrel about the fringe of my fiimiture» which 
was torn, and which I would have repaired at 
the chief huntsman's expense/ — ^ 60 on, Harry/ 
said I. ^ I immediately b^^ to hunt in oppo- 
sition, but not a dog obeyed me, nor a sportrann 
attended my call/ — ^ Go on, Harry/ said I. ^ I 
hallooed, and I roared, and I shouted, until I 
was weary, but still without any effiset. I had the 
mortification to find I had totally lost my influenoe 
in the forest, and retired to this parish, to devote 
the remainder of my days to the making of my 
soul, and now raise the psalm, and join m.the 
thanksgiving-' 

The attorney-general told this story with 
infinite humour, and he had scarcely proceeded a 
few sentences, when the gloom which had pre- 
vailed was dispelled, and the house was convulsed 
witii laughter at the point and pleasantry with 
which he applied his fable. 

The suddenness of this witty and successful 
attack, which was evidently prepared, did not 
prevent Mr. Flood from making a brilliant 
repartee, which, perhaps, is more to be admired 
from the quickness of the impromptu : — 

** I cannot perceive the smallest similitude 
between this story and my situation, except that 
my name is Harry. I have, indeed, been a 



RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 137 



V. 



]iuilt0man, but never a whipper-in. The right ghaf. 
honorable gentleman has tibe happy talent of 
turning every thing to his advantage. When he 
bectune an object of popular resentment, he 
traversed the streets with a guard — ^he looked 
BlelanGhoIy at the bar — i^ghed in the house — 
qried in the eouncil-chaiaber — and blubbered in 
the anteHToom. The people were astonished-^-the 
wonienwentijato mourning-government, through 
all h^ functions, vma suspended, — and nothing 
could allsiy the genei^ concern, but a plentiful 
reversion to the right honorable gentleman. 

^* When the fleets of England made a number 
of unimportant descents, at a great expense, on 
the French coast, during the last century, it was 
wittily said, — ^ we were breaking panes of glass 
with guineas ;' — and though the right honorable 
gentleman's house is filled with the richest and 
most costly furniture, yet, I will venture to say, 
^t no part of it cost so much as the crown 
GLASS with which his windows were repaired." 

This repartee restored both q)eakers to good 
temper, and the house fully enjoyed the amuse^ 
mmt thus afforded. 

The gumting of a ^^free trade" to Ireland 
had given rise to many very important commercial 
questions, and the West Indies was considered 
the key-stone by which the commerce of Ireland 
was upheld. Mr. Grattan supported the prin 



138 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 

OHAP. ciples that Mr. Flood developed on this particular 
measure. The ^^Jura amicissima gentes^ to 
speak in federal language," said Mr. flood, ^^ is 
applicable to Ireland, which is an independent 
kingdom, having a completely free and supr^Doe 
legislature of its own \ it has, accordinglj, a full 
right to enter into commerce, and conclude 
treaties with every nation on the globe/' 

He was for giving expansion to the recently 
acquired commercial advantages, an impetus to 
home manufactures, and for legislating in a manner 
conciUatory and deferential to the British senate. 
The mere granting a direct trade was insufficient, 
without a protecting duty, to give vigour Mid 
strength, hope and stimulation, to the Irish 
merchant and refiner. Mr. Eden opposed this 
view with an overwhelitiing majority.* 

In a memoir like this, it would be misplaced to 
introduce the interesting dissertation on the law 
of sir Edward Poynings. The two resdutions 
moved were, — first, *^that a committee be ap- 
pointed to examine the precedents and records 
this day produced, and such others as may be 
necessary to explain the law of Poynings." — 
Second, <*to declare from the report of that 
committee, what the law of Poynings and the 
constitution of this kingdom actually wwe.'* 

* Irish parliamentary debates, 1781. 



RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 189 



V. 



The provost had been selected to reply to this chap. 
exposition of the law, in its perverted pra<;tice» 
not only from his acknowledged erudition, but 
that a pretext might be afforded the secretary for 
c^iosing Mr. Flood's propositions, and extend 
government protection to the moderate views of 
Mr. Yelverton. The provost confessed the high 
authorities produced by the mover, and expressed 
himself in these terms, — ^' If he had not been 
aequatnted with them, he would have given credit 
to the researches of the right hon. gentleman who 
with such labour and industry had produced them 
to the house. He agreed to the first resolution, 
bttt exposed the second, because it led to a 
** declaration of rights,* which should never be 
used, except in matters of the utmost necessity. 
He had heard every syllable of the right honorable 
gentleman's very learned " and eloquent oration, 
but he had heard no abuse the privy council had 
made of their power." The provost considered 
the three links of the adamantine chain which 
united the crowns of both nations, were, — " the 
law of sir Edward Poynings — the declaratory act 
— and, the power of appeal !" 

Of this contumelious condition Mr. Yelverton 
only proposed a modification. Mr. Flood's view 
of the subject was more comprehensive, — " To 
restore the constitution to its original vigour, and 
obviate the evil effects of misrepresentation.*' His 




140 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 

final amendment was conceived in these words, — 
** Whereas doubts have arisen on the coniBtructiou 
of the lawp commonly called * Poynings/ and of 
the third and fourth of Philip and Mary, expla- 
natory thereof, — ^be it enacted, by the king's 
most excellent majesty, by and with the consent 
of the lords spiritud and temporal, and commons, 
in this present parliunent assembled^ and by tibe 
authority of the same, that the said law of 
Poynings and the said law of Philip and Mary be 
and stand repealed, save only as follows : — * **' 
His peroration contained all the chief points 
adverse to Mr. Yelverton's modification^ and coo- 
eluded with this pathetic address : — ** And now, 
Mr. Speaker, if I have a feeling in the inmost 
puke of my heart, it is that which tells me^ that 
if, after twenty years' service, I should pass this 
question by neglectingly, I should be a base 
betrayer of my country. It is that which tdls 
me that the whole earth does not contain a bribe 
sufficient to trifle with the liberties of this land. 
I do, therefore, wish to subsmbe my name to 
what I now propose, to have them handed down 
together to posterity, that posterity may know 
there was, at least, one man who disapproved of 
the temporising bill now before the house — ^a 
bill that future parliaments, if they have power, 
will reform, if they have not, with tears will 
deplore. 




RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 141 

The contest between Mr. Yelverton and Mr. 
Flood was sustained throughout every stage of 
this bill with unexampled ability and learning, 
marked by the most subtle discrimination of 
the law. Mr. Yelrerton was distinguished 
for bland and captiyating manners, and a 
commanding eloquence, which always pleased, 
and frequently succeeded. Perhaps of all his 
political a^soiate^ he approached nearest the 
ehanioter of Hyperides. His bill, too, was 
within the ministerial limit ; and he exulted with 
conscious triumph, when he chided his rival with 
having '< abandoned this child of his meditations 
and labours for seven years,** — ^however inwardly 
he must have felt, thafr now was the only time 
that offered for its realization. His great com- 
petitor burst forth with sentiments of indig- 
nant pride at the idea of a compromise, and 
exdaimed-*--^^ Nothing short of the restitution 
of the powers of the legislature, without the 
appearance of a fetter, would suffice." The 
annexed letter pictures distinctly his efforts, the 
style of liis eloquence, the peroration, and 
die pathetic close to successive debates on the 
pervemon of the law of Henry the fleventh. 

LETTER FROM MR. WEBB. 

" I wiD trust lord Cbarlemont another time. You 
are now just what I wished you to be seven years ago ; you 



14!^ MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 

CHAP. have filled up the measure of my most sanguine hope. Is it 
^' a tempered energy, a manly self-possession; an articulation 
supported through every syllable; an action liberal, unme- 
thodized, sometimes graceful, and always impressive. I will 
speak well of you where I can ; where I cannot — ^be silent. 
That Close was exquisite : it was a periect accord of veit^ 
sentiment, and gesture. Is not dus, that which Demiosdienep 
understood by the word action P While I triumphed with 
you, I suffered for another — omnium jtidicio capex imperandi 
$i nunquam imperasseU Mr. Pulteney has taught me to quote 
Tacitus, and you well know how to make it applicable. The 
Secretary is not a man of abilities. The amendmeit was not a 
subject for a division at the opening of a session : the with* 
drawing it would have been popular and handsome ; but he is 
in trammels, as poney, and will never do more than shuffle. 

** Ever your*s, 

" D. Webb. 
" Suffolk-street, Wednesday." 



Another question of the utmost importance 
agitated the Irish senate at this epocha, the 
consideration of catholic disabilities. The fol* 
lowing lucid statement is given by an authority of 
leading notoriety : — << And here it is necessary to 
remark, that this great man was a decided oppor 
nent of catholic emancipation. He was one of 
the first who drew a clear distinction between 
personal liberty and political power ; and while 
he readily consented to repeal all such enact- 
ments as placed any restriction on the former j 



RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD, 143 



V. 



he exercised a jealous guardianship over the chap. 
latter ; and maintained, that if ever the elective 
franchise was extended to the Roman catholics, 
there would be an end to the integrity of our 
protectant constitution/'* On the 19th of 
February, 1782, a motion was made by Mr. 
Gardiner to empower Roman catholics to take, 
purchase, and enjoy estates, &c. ; to which an 
amendment was added, — to have, hold, and 
inherit estates in fee simple, except avowsons, 
and lands to which a ric^ht of making* seneschals 
i, annexed, or any b»r^ or boroufh right, b, 
which members might be returned to parliament.** 
On this amendment Mr. Flood said, — That he 
always wished to embosom the Roman catholics 
in the body of the state ; yet, without courting 
praise from one party or censure from another, 
he should, speaking neglectful of both, deliver 
his opinion on this great subject ; and hoped 
it would be received with the same candour it 
was given. 

" About five years ago, (1773), a law was 
passed, granting the Roman caAolics infinitely 
less than is now proposed : the day was celebrated 
with rejoicing, and it was thought we had 
reeondled every party. I am sorry to hear 
gentlemen speak as if we had done nothing for 

* University Magazine, Julj, 1896. ^ 




144 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 

them. The right honorable gentleman, Mr. 
Gardiner, who prepared the bill now before us, 
well knows I did object to that indiscriminite 
clause } one reason was, that while you were 
endeavouring to conciliate that estimable and 
beloved body of men, you seemed to hide your 
bounties, and to show only the severity of the 
laws. If a sorry popish agent had done this, he 
would have been unworthy the man for whom he 
acted, nor would it much siu^prise me ; but a 
protestant parliament should be wise and frank 
to explain and declare the whole scope of their 
intention. In the former laws, leases for yeare 
were granted to them, upon the avowed principle 
of restraining them from any influence in eleo- 
tions. This law, then, goes beyond toleration ; 
it gives them a power, and tends to make a 
change in the state. I have a great respect for 
the Roman catholics; and, though I will not 
condemn, yet I will not approve their conduct. 

** The question ninety years ago was, whether 
popery and arbitrary power should be established 
in the person of king James, or freedom and the 
the protestant religion in the person of king 
William. Four fifths of the inhabitants of 
Ireland adhered to the cause of king James; 
they were defeated, and I rejoice in their defeat* 
The laws that followed this event were not laws 
of persecution, but of political necessity : and 



RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 145 

are you now prepared for a new government? chap. 
Can you possibly suppose that, though the Roman 
catholics prefer you to every other people, they 
will prefer you to themselves ? What, then, is 
the consequence if you give them equal power 
mth the protestants ? — Can a protestant consti- 
tution survive ? Yet should the majority of this 
nation attempt to alter the constitution, I 
firmly bdieve they would be repelled by the 
minority, and tliefi a total convulsion must 
follow. . 

" It is necessary, when you are granting Roman 
catholics indulgence, that you should distinguish 
between the rights of property and the rights 
of power. While a man is engaged in acquiring 
property he is in a habit of industry, and 
when acquired it ties him to the state. But 
with great respect to my right honorable friend, 
I think the question of religious toleration 
should have been brought on first, because 
I, am certain it would not have met with 
a, single dissenting voice j and it would have 
been a glorious opportunity of showing the 
liberality of a protestant parliament : but though 
we wish to extend toleration to Roman catholics, 
we do not wish to shake the government. We 
should allow them to purchase lands, but we 
should carefully guard against their possessing 



146 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 



V. 



CHAP, any power in the state. Therefore, for the 
f benefit of all, and that we may not destroy the 
balance of the state, — ^for I am sure no Roman 
catholic wishes to unhinge the state,— let us grant 
them full security in matters of property, but 
prevent their interference in matters of state. As 
to what has been said of the indulgences granted 
to protestants in other countries, 1 must observe, 
that nothing can be more mischievous than for 
one state or one individual to follow exactly the 
example of another. Difference of circumstances 
should produce diflferent modes of action. The 
emperor of Germany is himself the sole legislator 
of the state, — he is himself a catholic, — nor do 
the protestants in his dominions bear a propor- 
tion of more than one in a hundred to his popish 
subjects. Besides, the protestants of every 
country acknowledge the Sovereign as head of 
the Church, whereas catholics look to a foreign 
jurisdiction in matters ecclesiastical." 

These opinions lord Charlemont and several 
distinguished men participated. A critic of 
remarkable shrewdness* says, " Mr. Rood seems 
to have been one of the smalL number of 
politicians in whose mind the experience of the 
past excited some distrust of the future.* 

I ■ «i " . ' ■ ■ ■ ■ ' ' ' - ' 

* Author of ** Strictures on Plowden." 



RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 147 



LETTER FROM LORD CHARLEMONT. 

"Dublin, Jan. 1st, 1782. 
*' Mt dearbst Flood, 

«<» You should have long since heard from me, but 
■tbat I hare been prevented by illness ; and though I now sit 
down to write, it is merely because I must write to you, and 
not that I conveniently can : my stomach complaint is not 
much better, and consequently my nervous sufferings grow 
worse and worse, and particularly my eyes are so weak as to 
r^dertbem scarcely fit for use. 

''The altered money bill, as I suppose you have heard, 
succeeded beyond expectation. In the committee, ministry 
attempted to smuggle through a bill, adopting one of the 
alterations out of three, but were defeated by the perseverance 
of a few, and by the want of sufficient numbers for a division ; 
and afterwards in a fuller house th^ fairly gave up the point, 
jand sent the bill back, word for word, as it was formerly sent; 
reserving to themselves the power of inserting the clause which 
had been added (and which all parties agree is not only usual; 
but useful, and was omitted by mistake) into some other bDK 
This seems to be a point gained, and I believe we owe our 
success, not only to the perseverance of our friends, but 
principally to the lord lieutenant's*^ thinking himself insulted 
by the alteration. The house seems to me to he rumdng mad 
on the subject of popery. Gardiner s bill, which, as castrated, 
may, for aught I know, be rendered innocent in its operation, 
is, however, in my opinion, extremely exceptionable in its 
mode; which, in direct opposition to what ottght to be the 
first principle of all laws in favor of papists, seems calcu- 
lated to irritate the protestants as much as possible, and to 
oblige the papists as little. JVb law of this kind ought certainly 

• The Duke of Portland. 





148 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 

to he proposed mthout a moral certamty of its being carried 
almost unammously ; yet ttnll this bill, I believe, be strongly 
opposed in the commons, and possibly rejected by the lords. 
For my ovm part, I have not yet made up my mind about it, 
as I have not seen it, and know its purport only by report : 
but I wish to heaven that gentlemen would, in this delicate 
point, let the courUry alone ; suffer things to remam as they^ 
are, and not hazard the ruin of that, growing coalescence, 
which, to my certain knowledge, was beginning to take place 
between men of all persuasions, 

" Neither is it, as I am told, at all certain that even the 
exploded part of the law may not again be brought into 
question, and that some wise man may not move, by way of 
amendment, that which it would, in my opinion, be rui|i to 
grant. Indeed, I begin to fear that the humorous account 
given by some wag of the present house of commons, may 
not only have humour but truth in it 

^' Well, but my dearest Harry, I can write no more ; my 
eyea begin to fail me^ and I must conclude. My spirits are 
very low, and that circumstance may, perhaps, make me. see 
matters in an unfavorable light : but I do not like the present 
progress of affairs. There is, to be sure, one luminous spot, at 
which I love to gaze, and which administers comfort under all 
my oppressions : you may guess what that spot is, when I 
asscire you that I am,* 

" My dearest, dear Flood, 
*' your faithful and more than affectionate friend, 

" Charlemont. 

'* Can you read this scrawl ? I am sure I cannot write it 
over again. All our ladies send their compliments to you 
and to lady Frances : mine to her ladyship ; and to her, and 
to you, the compliments of the season." 

• This letter does not bear out Mr. Hardy. Had their intimacy 
ceased P-^Was the earl's admiration diminished ? 




RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 149 

Mr. flood concluded his sentiments on this 
great question thus, — " I am as much a friend to 
the principle (toleration) as any gentleman in this 
house. I love and admire the Roman catholics ; 
they ought to do likewise by the protestants ; for 
I challenge the world to show a similar liberality 
to that which we now manifest : but an unbounded 
confidence is not to be placed in mankind. There 
should be a salutary caution — a constitutional 
jealousy — and though we talk as sentimentally as 
we please, yet we should not give without con- 
sideration. Gentlemen say, * we should not clog 
or disgrace our gift,' but our constitution must 
be partial, and our policy must be partial too.'* 

As this view of the subject has been considered 
replete with political wisdom and ^' statesmanlike 
sagacity worthy of admiration,*'* it has been 
deemed a duty to embody it in this memoir. 
Mr. Fox's opinion, expressed at the same time, 
is given in these words, " The intestine divisions 
of that country, Ireland, are no more, — ^the 
religious prejudices of former ages are forgotten, 
— and the Roman catholics being restored to the 
rights of citizens, would become an accession of 
strength and wealth to the empire.** *• Alas !*' 
says my authority, "how often are the most 
sanguine and the best founded expectations of 
mankind disappointed.** t 

• Dub, Univ. Mag. 1836. f Author of " Strictures on Plowden." 



1 50 MEMOIRS OF THE UFK OF THE 




CHAP. VI. 



1781 AND 1782. 



Military force in lord Buckingham's government.— Cause of the orga- 
nization of volunteer corps.— Their spirit and diBc(p]ine.<-^Tli0tf - 
political and military character closely united. — The delegatest country 
gentlemen, in and out of parliament. — Mr. Eden, his majorities in the 
commons, in lord Carlisle's short viceroyalty. — Mr. Graitan^ remark- 
able speech.— -Concessions of the British cabinet..— Lord Charlemont 
as plenipotentiary.— Duke of Portland sent over by the earl of 
Rockingham.— Mr. Grattan's address to the crown, or an enumera- 
tion of constitutional disabilities. — Four dissentient members, two ordy 
mark their dissent with their votes. — Distinguished abilities of Mr. 
. Walshe. — His eloquence, learning, and patriotism.- The opinions of 
Burke, Fox, and Beauchamp, on the declaratory act— First contest 
between Flood and Grattan on its adequacy to Irish independence. 



The want of a sufficient regular military force, 
towards the close of the earl of Buckingham's vice- 
royalty, gave rise to the volunteer corps, who soon 
became animated with the noblest sentiments of 
patriotic devotion, as well as emulative of military 
dclat. This domestic force felt proud of the confi- 
dence reposed in them, to an unlimited degree, and 
the national vanity was gratified by the splendour 
of their costume, and the martial precision of 
their evolutions. 




RIGHT HO]^. HENRY FLOOD. 151 

' No more than three years had elapsed from 
their first organization, till they assumed a political 
character, by the delegation of a select body of 
their officers to convene at Dungannon,* to 
propound measures for the consideration of the 
national legislature. This meeting the delegates 
themselves designated as the effluence of a 
** corrupt representation.*' The overwhelming 
and well-organized majorities of Mr. Eden, who 
had opposed some of the most popular measures, 
seemed to countenance the epithet that was then 
applied to the parliament of Ireland. 
' The two preceding seer etari es differed essentially 
in character and in consequence, from the present. 
Mr. Heron was considered as devoid of com- 
manding talents, unskilful in bringing forward or 
wi&drawing questions, and his supporters fluctu- 
ated, from a consciousness of his defects. Sir 
John Blaquiere, with more talent and activity, 
introduced, as government measures, many of an 
ameliorative tendency, and of a comprehensive 
description ; yet, he never was certain of a 
cordial and powerful co-operation. 

Therefore, these secretaries were dubious as to 
the strength of their partizans, and their parlia- 
mentary successes were neither complete nor 
important. It was reserved for Mr. Eden, a 

J I ■ . _i_ __i ■ I II ■ ■ ■ I I 11 1 ■■ II II I I III — — ■ ■ - - - — - — 1 - ■ - — 

* BelshaiUy toI. iv. Irish Parliamentary Debates. 




152 MEMOXBS OF TH£ LIF£ OF THE 

gentleman of superior abilities and. considerable 
tact in the managemenjb of his rotainers^ to 
negative questions by large majorities that. had 
been brought under consideration of the , house' 
of commons by its most popular members. ; 

His pertinacity in opposing for two years all' 
the measures for legislation, superinduced ilmt 
incipient demonstration of aixor^ political ipower 
— " the Dungannon convention,''T— which at onee* 
embodied a series of resolutions that apprised 
him how little he was aware that the majoritaas 
he directed did not . represent the national will. 
Not till his recall was he aware of his ^delusion ; 
and then he tried to mitigate the fault of his 
precipitancy in Ireland by a hasty motion in the 
British senate. ^ 

The line of policy hitherf^o pursued,t with but 
few exceptions, called forth this extraneous eflFort 
of enthusiasm for national independence. The 
resolutions at Dungannon though considered 
within constitutional limits, yet the ^^ address to 
the minority in parliament/' was in a style too 
dictatorial and resolved to avoid the imputation 
that, without a Camillus, the meeting seemed, 
however, to adopt the sentiments of the Roman, 
in their most elevated interpretation, — ^^ Arma 

aptarey atque ferroy non auro patriam et 

■ ' I' -■ '■ - ii»ii .■■PI.. I .ii.iii..iii«^i» 

* Hansard, 1762. f BelshaJD, vol. iv. 




RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 153 

libertdtem recuperarSy** — thus verging tbe line 
of demarkation between the legitimate means of 
representing gnevances, and the awful alternative 
of a social war. Confident in their power and 
popularity, the volunteers of Ulster extended 
their fhxm into three provinces, diffusing an 
emulous energy in the cause of national freedom, 
which they had reason to believe the majority in 
the commons were unwilling to advocate. 

Lord 'North had early foreseen the probable 
issue of the enrolment and organization of a 
popular force, when the apprehension of an 
ineursive war had passed away; he, therefore, 
discouraged the policy of lord Buckingham, of 
arming and equipping this tribunitiaii body, 
except temporary for the impending crisis. 
Though the plremier had anticipated what took 
place three years subsequent, yet, during the 
government of that viceroy, no sentiment tran- 
spired but of a loyal and generous devotion 
to their country; The example of America, 
however, was too recent and too remarkable not 
to excite the fears of lord North, who perceived 
in the patriotic endeavours of Ireland's ' ablest 
and most disinterested statesmen and the sym- 
pathies of the people, a determined and powerful 
resistance to his policy. In lord Carlisle's 
government they increase in numbers and con- 
sequence ; and in the duke of Portland's their 




154 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 

spirit was indomitable and their determination 
declared — " to be free.'** 

In Ireland all institutions, ciinil, military, or 
ecclesiastical, have ever evinced a political bits : 
it, therefore, could not be expected that a 
national and domestic force could abstaiii from 
making their martial character accessary to the 
attainment of political rights with which they had 
been made familiar. Even had the simple and 
effectual plan of lord Shelbourne for Ei%Iandt 
been applied to organize an internal defensive 
body for Ireland, instead of the volunteers, it 
would have been equally instrumental in obtainiog 
national independence, alike ancillary, however 
hypothetical the advantage. 

Mr. Grattan collated the Dungannon resolu- 
tions with his motion, and ** stated in a sentence 
the provocations of a century." As herald of 
that assembly, he offered, in portentous words, 
either peace or war. — " From injuries to arms, 

from arms to liberty 'y LIBERTY WITH EnGLANI^, 

if England is so disposed ; but at all events 
LIBERTY.*' These words, uttered in an ardent 
and eloquent address, electrified a credulous and 
romantic people. From the circumstance of the 
earl . of Rockingham becoming premier, lord 
Charlemont was invested with a diplomatic com- 

* Gordon, voL ii. and Belsham, hist, f Dodsley*f An. Beg. for 1762. 



LETTER FROM LORD CHARLEMONT. 

'' Dublin, I3th April, 1782. 

" My psabsst Flood, 

'' For heaven's sake come immediately to town ; 
matters are in as good a train as possible, but we want your 
wisdom and advice. I have but a moment to write, and must 
therefore conclude my short note> as I shall conclude my life. 



€i 



Your most truly 

" affectionate and faithful 

" Chaslemont." 



He declined; however, this solicitation ; pro* 
bably he knew that Mr. Grattan had undertaken 




RIGHT HON. H£NRY FLOOD. 1S5 

misttOfn to unite his ptf ty in support of the duke 
of Portland: he interested himself as a charge 
(Pnff^ires for the new ministry. Lord Rockiiigham 
vfnkea, — ** I should hope that an adjournment of 
the house of oommons in Ireland, for a fortnight 
or thi«e weeks, in order to give the duke of 
B(a*tibnd an opportunity of inquiring into the 
opinions of jour lordship and of the gentlraaen 
of the first weight, will be readily assented to.** 
Immediately the noble earl communicated with 
Mr« Mood, and the following short note abun* 
dantly indicates the earnestness with which he 
daimed and conridered necessary, his assistance. 




the enumeration of Irish grievBnceg, each of 
wliich had been the subject of a separate motion 
and of bis especial recommendation either at th^ 
council boar^ or in parliament. - -k ■ 

The new ministry were conscious that liot a 
moment was to be lost in presenting to the tti^ 
Cerberus a polit^l confection which might avert 
his vigilan^ce for a season^ as the only means by* 
which they could enter the cabinet with securit]f 
and success. Accordingly Mr. Fox, (the Orpheus 
of our illustration,) wrote to the noble earl 
requiting his aid and that of his protege^ Mr/ 
Grattan, in preparing a confect at once agreeable 
to the taste and sufficient to appease the appetite 
of the monster. 

Mr. Grattan, therefore, was intrusted by lord 
Charlemont with the drawing up a summary of 
constitutional defects which was to be moved by 
him in the form of an address or petition to the 
throne. The marquess of Rockingham and Mr. 
Fox having taken the initiative in this measure, it 
assumed the gracious form of a concession, and 
was received as such by the majority in parliament, 
who expressed their gratitude in a language too 
adulatory not to excite the contempt of the high- 
minded of the British senate. 

The honors that the Mitylenians paid to 
Pittacus scarcely surpassed those decreed by the 
Irish senate to Mr. Grattan for his short though 




RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 157 

v^uable seryice -,* but there are two points of 
(JiasimUaritj between tbe sage of antiquity and 
the modern piitriot. The extent which the cast 
of a javelin passed over was the moderate limit 
whjoh Pittacu^ chose, for Icfng and arduous 
^ffrvic^Bg and his precepts of govemtnent and 
pl^losophy were worthy of being' inscribed on 
the tefiftple of Delphi j but Mr. Grattan^ who 
wa& personally anxious to imitate the Mitylenian^ 
WPf.rewfirded mutii^cently for his service ; and 
the elaborately wrought temple which contained 
his precepts, dissolved like the poet's t on the 
appevance of the day-god. 

We i^all narrate the parliam^fitary and consti- 
tutional history of this important renunciation 
OU' the part of England ; which, either in[ a 
retrospective or an eventual consideration, is one 
of the most interesting subjects in the psige of 
our national transactions. 

When Mr. Grattan had moved his address, 
sir Samuel Broadstrecrty the recorder, rose to 
eocpress his gratitude at the present event, and 
gave his concurrence in every point but one — 
'^ that all constitutional questions between botii 
naitiqus were at an end." Mr. Flood followed,1: 
and thus eitpressed hid opinion :— '< A great reform 

I » I ■ ■ ■ ■ ■ ■ ■ ■ ■ ■ I. . ■ » — 

* ■ • ^ 

* Mr. Grattan was returned for Charlemont at the end of 1775, and in 
Aprilf 178Q, be made his faraous motion, 
t Mr. Pope's " Temple of Fame." 
\ Irish pariiamentary debates, vol. iii. 1782. 



158 MEMOIRS OF THE LIPE OF THE 

CHAP, i^ust ensue in consequence of what bad been done. 
It was true, nothing appeared to him at present 
which could disturb the general harmony, but 
there were many English acts still existing, which 
operated in this kingdom, and notwithstanding 
the laudible acquiescence which appeared in 
the renunciation of English claims, who oould 
engage that the present, or another, administra- 
tion might not, at some future period, change 
their minds ? He begged gentlemen to consider 
the language held out in the English home of 
commons. 

^* They asserted the right to external legislation, 
and the honorable member who seconded the 
motion on Irish affairs, did not give up that 
right, but as a matter of convenience and com- 
pact. Even the secretary, Mr. Fox, asserted 
this right to external, though he gave up that of 
internal, l^slation. It may, therefore, be 
imagined in England, that you imply what they 
asserted, — ' that they had a right to bind you! 
He could not see the necessity of that paragraph^ — 
* that all constitutional questions between bodi 
nations were at an end/ At a moment fre» from 
excitation than the present, he would recommend 
that no expressions should be used which after^ 
wards could be laid hold of to their prejudice. 
He thought the paragraph dangerous, and begged 
to have it withdrawn.'* 



RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD* 159 

Mr. Martin and Mr. Walshe were of a like chap. 

VI. 

opinion; the latter in a luminous speech, in 
which the following remarkable passage occurs — 
^' He thought it a duty he owed to his consti* 
tueiitsi-— he thought it a duty he owed to himself, 
as an Irishman, to state in the face of his country 
those objectioins which to him seem decisive 
against that part of the address/' 

Mr. flood said he did not entertain a murmur 
of discontent, and declared to Mr. Grattan that 
he meant not, by any means, to oppose the 
address, but to deliver his opinion. 

That power of the mind which we understand 
by prescience, distinguished this statesman above 
any of his contemporaries, at least in the Irish 
senate, and is singularly instanced on this very 
occasion. Amidst all this excitation attendant 
on the fancied reality of national independence, 
ushered in with the superlative eloquence of Mr. 
Grattan, that, like the glorious orb of day, gilds 
and beautifies all he touches, and, like him 
too, causes an illusive image which the fond 
eitpectation longs to reach, but, when arrived at, 
k but a mirage — a delusion I Amidst the 
acclamation of the populace, and the pompous 
applause of many an ignorant and venal senator, 
the ungracious and daring scepticism was uttered.* 

* Parliamentary History. 




160 MEMOIRS OF TH£ LIFE OF THE 

Four members were dissentient — Broftdstreet» 
Walshe^ Martin^ and Mood. Two marked their 
opinions by their votes, the othar two with their 
voices only. The calm and dignified sentiments 
of these men, unmored by immediate <»i]6es» 
conveyed doubts of the perfectness of the 
^^ Address to the Throne" from tibe hour it 
was first announced in parliament* Let us see 
now if their sceptical views were justified by 
the history of this transaction. . . 

<^When the matter of establishing the legis** 
lative and judicial independence of Irel^fid 
was under the consideration of the late ministry 
(lord Rockingham's), two ways of doing it had 
occurred. The one, by a renunciation of what 
the country held to be rights but which it was 
rmdy to give up. This mode, however, it was 
foreseen, might give offence to the people of 
Ireland, who contended that England had never 
any such right. The other mode was,— by 
declaring that England, though she had exercised, 
had never been legally possessed of such a right ; 
but to this mode -of renunciation it was justly 
^prehended that the parliament of Chreat 
Britain would not he brought to consent*** 

The measure <^ a simfde repeal of the 
declaratory act of the 6th of George I., was 



* Doddey's Register. 




RlOirr HON. HENRY FLOOD. l6l 

therefore moved by Mr. Fox, and adopted as most 
consistent with the spirit of the people there^ 
(Ireland), and the dignity of the government 
here J* This explanation is taken from the Annual 
Register, at a time when Mr. Burke was supposed 
to have written for it. Now, Mr. Burke's speech 
in the British parliament coincides with this, and 
shows with what reluctance even he relinquished 
internal, to say nothing of external, legislation. 
Mr. Burke said : — " So many and great revolu- 
tions have happened of late, that he was not 
surprised to hear the right honorable gentleman 
treat the loss of the supremacy of England over 
Ireland as a matter of very little consequence. 
Thus, one star, and that the brightest ornament 
of our orrery, having been suffered to be lost, 
those who were accustomed to inspect and watch 
our political heaven, ought not to wonder that it 
should be followed by the loss of another." — 

'* So star would follow star, and light light. 
Till all was darkness and eternal night." 

Mr. Fox's disinclination to concede the full 
extent of unfettered legislation, was as avowed 
as that of Mr. Burke. He expressed himself> 
when alluding to his reluctant concession of 
internal and external legislation, which ^Hhe 
Irish had imprudently insisted on having, and 
which he had himself given up in com* 

M 




1G2 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OP THE 

pliance with the strong prejudices of that 
nation, though with a reluctance that nothii^ 
but irresistible necessity could have overcome." 
Such was the confession of that ^eminent 
orator ; and it is but justice to ^n Irishmmi 
whom Fortune did not so graciously smile 
on, but who was not inferior to liim in 
qualities of the mind, or in attainments which 
give strength and efficacy to it, to state, that 
Mr. Walshe penetrated the hidden motives and 
springs of the British cabinet. Mr. Walihe 
said : — '^ These expressions in the addiiess he 
thought too strong; because, in his opimmi, 
they preclude any future address^ if it i^ould 
be found that any matter had been stated in the 
former address that required amendment or 
regulation. 

" With respect to the repeal of the 6th of Geo. I. 
he relied on it as a lawyer that it was inadeqwstte 
to the emancipation of Ireland. The 6th of Geo. I. 
is merely a declaratory law, — ^that law declares 
that England has a power to make laws to bind 
Ireland; what then does its repeal do 'with 
respect to Ireland ? simply this, and not a jot 
more, it expunges the declaration of the power 
from the English statute book, but it does, not 
deny the power hereafter to make laws to bind 
Ireland, whenever England shall think herself in 
sufficient force for that purpose. 




RIGHT HON. HENBY FLOOD* l63 

*• How pregnant this doctrine of Mr. Fox's is 
with every misehief — najf with absolute destruc- 
ticm to this country 1 The parliament of Ireland 
may make laws for their internal legislation; 
that iBp he gives us leave to tax ourselves — ^he 
permits us to take money out of our purses for 
the convenience of England^ but as to external 
legislation, there Great Britain presides: in 
Mty thing that relates to commerce, to exportation, 
there Great Britain can make laws to bind 
Ireland. 

^^ The fair construction of the matter is this : — 
Ireland, you shall not enjoy your natural and 
constitutional rights — that of making the most of 
the produce of your land ; you shall not send 
your goods to the best and most profitable 
markets. No, said Mr. Fox, that may hereafter 
mterfere witkthe interests of Englandl-that may 
hurt the pride of the British legislature. So that 
by this doctrine, England may shut or open our 
ports at pleasiure. See then the absurdity of our 
situation I Ireland is said to have a ^ free trade,' 
but the key of it is in Mr. Fox's pocket."* 

The preceding observations on the « address 
to the throne,'' demonstrate that it was considered 
imperfect by four of the most able and learned 
men in the Irish commons, and that two 

* Parliamentary history, 1782. 




164 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 

members, at least, of the English cabinet were 
adverse to the legislative independence of Ireland. 
But a very short interval elapsed when Mr, 
Flood's judgment was found to rest on more sure 
basis than men of shallower understandings 
contemplated. 

The new secretary, Mr. Grenville, in conse- 
quence of a decision of lord Mansfield, made a 
motion for leave to bring in a bill ** for removing 
and preventing all doubts which have arisen or 
might arise concerning the exclusive rights of the 
parliament and courts of Ireland in matters of 
legislation or judicature, and for preventing any 
writ of error or appeal from any of his majesty's 
courts in that kingdom, from being received, 
heard and adjudged, in any of his majesty's courts 
of Great Britain.** In the same important debate, 
Mr. Eden, whose acquaintance with the affairs and 
statesmen of Ireland gave a high degree of value 
lo his opinion, said, " A doubt originated by the 
learned lord, with whom he had lived twenty years 
in habits of ^-iendship, forcibly stated in Ireland by 
the legal precision of Mr. Walshe, supported by 
the admirable and unwearied abilities of Mr. 
Flood, and countenanced by the manly firmness 
and eminent integrity of the recorder of Dublin, 
was certainly not to be treated otherwise than with 



* Hansard's debates. 



BIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. lQ6 

respect/* But of all who addressed themselveB ^hap. 
to this subject, lord Beauchamp was the most v>-y>^ 
pei^picuous in language, irrefragible in argument^ 
and historically correct in narrative. His lordship 
jspoke on this occasion in these words. — *^ That 
there were many jealousies in Ireland was not to be 
doubted, thf^t there were grounds for these 
jealousies was an incontrovertible position the 
right bonor/able gentleman (Mr. Eden) who spoke 
last made eyident. He had said, ^ that the writ 
of error from Ireland returnable into the king's 
bench of England was coeval with the constitution 
of Ireland.' It was impossible therefore, that the 
jQiere repeal of the 6th of Geo. I. could take this 
writ away. Now, if it did not take it away, with 
what truth in argument could the right.honorable 
gentleman say, that this country had completely 
surrendered ev^ry legislative axid every judicial 
jurisdiction over Ireland. But the right honor- 
able member would say, * it was only the appellant 
jurisdiction of the house of lords that the Irish 
complained/ Then, to what did a writ of error 
brought into the king's bench ultimately tend ? 
why. to establish that very appellant jurisdiction 
of the British house of lords, of which the Irish 
had complained; for no man could doubt but 
.the party, who, in the appeal to the king's bench 

* Hansard's debates, 1782. 



166 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 

CHAP, should think himself aggrieved, nay, by law 
entitled to take out a writ of error returnable to 
parliament, and thus the English lords would 
come once more into possession of that very 
judicial jurisdiction, the right honorable gentle- 
man would have the Irish erroneously believe 
had been fully surrendered up to them. 

** Though it was erroneously said, that the right 
of England over Ireland in matters of legislation 
had been surrendered, scarcely three weeks had 
pasded when the English parliament legisittted 
for Ireland^ by passing an act prohibiting the 
exportation of blocks used in calico printing, in 
which act Ireland was expressly named,* not- 
withstanding the very recent repeal of the 6th 
of Geo. I. 

^* Had not the Irish just cause for alarm at this 
breach of faith with them ? But was this the 
only instance of attempting to legislate for 
Ireland ? No : for that kingdom was expressly 
named in the act which opened the British ports 
for the importation of sugars, &c. the product of 
St. Kitts, and other late British islands in the 
West Indies. Surely an attempt to open th^ 
ports of a kingdom was one of the highest acts 
of sovereign power.*' Mr. Pitt acquiesed in this 
motion of Mr. Grenville, and it was carried. 



* Hansard*8 debates. 



RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. l67 

The concession of so much power by the British chap. 
nation was, in fact, matter of the gravest reflection ^^^y^ 
for those who were capable of comprehending the 
extent of such a relinquishment ; — -judicial and 
legislative jurisdiction, internal and external legis- 
lation. The latter would, in a degree, have altered 
the course of the marine commerce of Great 
l^iitain. Hence, we perceive lord Abington direct- 
ed the Sorce of his abilities against the concession. 
He made a motion to that effect, and laid his claim 
to the future assumption of rights and laid his 
protest before the lords against the claims of 
Ireland, whilst the delegates of the volunteers were 
on tiie spot in their ambassadorial capacity. 

Consequential from this motion and protest, 
Mr. Flood said in the Irish parliament, — " I will 
not speak at large to a question which I have 
already so fully explained, unless some opposition 
shall be made. I will only premise one idea. It 
has been granted that Ireland ought to obtain the 
best possible security for her liberties, and it was 
manifest that legal security was the best, as was 
proved in the case of the union between England 
and Scotland. Now, though I do not think such 
a union would be desirable, the circumstances 
of the two countries being so differentj yet I 
think such sort of security as that which England 
gave to Scotland at the union, would be advan- 
tageous to Ireland. The union of England 




168 MEMOIM OS THE LIFE <^ THE 

and Scotland was the union of both crowns and 
both legislatures. The crowns of both nations 
are already united by a strong bond ; for by a 
law of our parliament it is decIared»*-N.< that 
whosoever wears the imperial crown of Ei^laod 
shall also wear the crown of Irdfuoui/ The 
consent of that personage under the greai seal 
of England, and consequently with the knowle^^ 
of all the great officers of England, must always 
be had to the acts of the Irish houses of legidia* 
ture before they can become laws* This bond of 
union I would never wbh to impair, but I should 
like to see parliament as well secured in its rights 
as the crown. Therefore, * I moye for leare to 
bring in heads of a bill for the purpose of 
affirming the sole and exclusive right of the 
parliament of Ireland for to make laws for this 
country, internal and external."' The right 
honorable Denis Browne, in an able speech^ 
seconded the motion. Mr. Walshe followed, and 
his words deserve the more attention from, his 
unspotted integrity as a patriot, and the eloquenos 
with which he embellished the most difficult 
forensic matters. " The question under debate,'' 
said he, ^* I am confident is one of the greatest 
magnitude that ever came before the commons of 
Ireland. This day may for ever decide the fatp 
of this country ; I shall therefore hope that on 
this great constitutional question, on which ^the 



RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD* 169 

T6I7 exhitence of Ireland depends, — I say, I hope chap. 
rea^bn and sound judgment, not number Sj may 
govern the -decision of this assembly. If my 
r^bt honorable friend fail this day in asserting 
the rights of his country, he will, at least, have 
this satisfaction, — that of proving himself a faithr 
fill servant of the nation/' Mr. Flood was, 
however, left in a minority of thirteen. 
' It' is probable that Mr. Grattan himself began 
to feel the force and cogency of the arguments 
urged, and demonstrated by events ; for he was 
induced to move a resolution which was unworthy 
the « magnanimous champion,*' as he has been 
styled by his admirers. The resolution was,— 
'^That the legislature of Ireland was indepen- 
dent, and that any person who should propagate 
in writing or otherwise an opinion that any right 
whatsoever, whether external or internal, existed 
in any other parliament, or could be revived^ 
was inimical to both kingdoms."^ The unjusti^r 
fiable personality of this resolution, its arbitrary 
inconsistency with the subject-matter of debate, 
betrayed a want of wisdom, though much of 
prejudice, in the mover. Mr« flood instantly 
observed, ^^ he never would agree to a resolution 
to put the nation under a worse than Russian 
government. Shall this house, — shall the house 



* Farliamentary debates, 1782 ; and Barriogtoii*B Historic Memoirs. 



170 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 



VI. 



CHAP, of peers — shall every man in tb^e land be 
prohibited from speaking, be prohibited from 
writing, because a particular set of men shaU hear 
the truth ? — That they have not done adequate 
justice to Ireland. Are they so very sensitive Co 
hear their actions and opinions canvaaaed ? Did 
the honorable gentleman intend to pull down the 
liberty of the press and deface the constitution?" . 

Mr. Grattan then altered his resolution, upon 
which Mr. Flood sarcastically falicitated him?— r 
'^ I am glad to see it introduced in place of th^ 
first proposed by the honorable gentleman, I am 
happy to find men's mouths are not to be closed^ 
or their pens prevented from asserting the rights 
of Ireland ; that the child of the mind might still 
be- delivered, and the offspring of the imagination 
was not to be abortive. I rejoice to find that 
my opposition has given the honorable member 
an opportunity of changing his resolution, as his 
former one would not receive too sudden or too 
severe a rebuke which tended to prevent investi- 
gation and for ever sink the constitution.'^ 

To follow these great men in the display of 
their transcendant powers, would be to forget th^ 
limits prescribed in biographical writing ; from the 
halcyon days of Mr. Grattan's address, till the 
time when Mr. Flood finally obtained a renun* 

* Parliamentary debates, and Barrington's historic memoirs. 



RIGHT HON. HEKRY FLOOD. 17 1 



VI. 



ciation on the part of England it was a continuous c^^^* 
argtmientatire combat, in which the inexhaustible 
muniticm of their intellects was lavished at each 
suceessiye position. 

The former, as it were, stood arrayed in a 
highly burnished mail and glittering arms, 
holding a charter of liberty for his country in his 
hand, too confident in his recent success to 
require its ratification. The latter, panoplied 
in the old rusty armour of the constitution, 
demanded that its forms should be observed, the 
parchment of your " rights" being worthless 
without a legislative renunciation and the royal 
signet. 

This most interesting and all-important debate, 
(at the time), closes with this fine peroration, 
which for a noble assemblage of ideas and exalted 
sentiments is not easily rivalled : — 

" Were the voice with which I utter this, the 
last effort of my expiring nature, — ^were the 
accent which conveys it to you the breath that 
was to waft me to that grave to which we all tend, 
and to which my footsteps rapidly accelerate — I 
would go on ; I would make my exit by a loud 
demand of your rights. I call upon the God of 
truth and freedom, who has often favored you, 
and who has of late looked down upon you with 

* Hampden. 



n^ MSHOUtS OF THE LIFS Off THE 

CHAP gueh a peculiar grace and glory of protection, — 
to continue to you his inspirings, — ^to crown 
you with the spirit of his completion, — to assist 
you against the errors of those that are honest 
as well as the machinations of those that are 
not/' 



' . V 



HIGRT M0«. Ht^RT FLOOD. 173 



CHAPTER VII. 



1782 AND 1783. 



A difference of opinion between lord Charlemont and Mr. Flood on the 
' adequacy of the " simple repeal."— .Letter from the noble earl.— 
Attempt to form fencible corps to snpersede the volunteers— Intended 
motion of Mr. Flood in return for an act of renunciation.-~Mr. 
Serjeant Coppinger, an old and valuable servant, disseized of his 
office — Mr. Martin's memorable motion on the subject*- His able 
speech tracing the characters of Coppinger, Ponsonbj, and Flood.-— 
Notice of Mr. Martin.— Prejudices of Irish writers. 



The political differences which had arisen from chap. 
recent discussions threw a shade over the friend- 
ship that had so long subsisted between lord 
Charlemont and Mr. Flood. This was the first 
and only instance of any serious alienation of 
regard, . or severence in their politics. The 
inediatorial character the noble earl thought it 
right to assume from the moment the marquess of 
Rockingham had confided to him the intentions 
of his cabinet, made him feel with peculiar 
tenaciousness any opinion or sentiment, that 
might lead to disruption of the connective chain 
which united the nominal independence of the 



174 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 

CRAP, kingdom of Ireland with the party whom he 
considered its benefactors in England. 

In all his views there was a spirit of chivalric 
inconsequence which might easily be traced ; 
but to confine the observation to acts of the 
legislature, he maintained the adequacy of a 
repeal of a declaratory law for all subjects of 
national legislation^ and he was offended by the 
suggestion of doubts ; again, we find him indignant 
at the idea of ** commercial propositions'' from 
England, yet, he had resigned external legislation 
when he accepted the '' simple repeal ;" — again, 
on the " regency question'* he hastened, to bear 
the resolutions of the Irish commons which were 
in contradistinction to those of the British : and 
lastly, he established a whig club at Belfast, which 
soon descended from the lofty sentiments of that 
party to a reunion which spawned many of the 
rebellious subjects of 1798. Hence, though he 
had neither the sagacity, nor the clear compre- 
hensive view, nor the thorny knowledge which 
form the great statesman, yet, he will always be 
admired for benevolence, adherence to his party, 
and devotion to his fatherland. 



BIGHT HON. HENftY FLOOD,, 17^ 



LETTER FfiOM LORD CHARLEMONT, 

« Dublin, 2Sth June, 1782. 
*' My »bar Fxood, 

** My joumej to the souths after having gone through 

all my northern busmess, will be so precipitate, that it will, I 

fear, be absolutely out of my power to comply with my own 

inclination in acccepting your very kind invitation. In short, 

I have so much to do, and so litde time to do it in, that 

I must attend to business only, without any thought of 

jpkfifrure. ^Foreign news I know of none; and respecting 

.domestic intelligence, you are, I suppose, already informed 

that the Dungannon meeting have unanimously entered into 

what I think very proper resolutions, declaratory of then* 

satisfaction. Some there are still discontented, and I am sorry 

for it; but how could it be otherwise, when they have the 

sanction and impression of your opinion — of your eloquence ? 

O, my dear Flood, what are you about ? You never have 

taken a part so disagreeable to my feelings, because you never, 

till now, have done any thing which I could not some how 

justify to myself, and consequently to others. The cry is 

against you ; I do not join in it : friendship forbids me. But, 

alas ! why must I be silent P why cannot I defend you, as 

hitherto I have ever done ? 

''I did not mean to have mentioned this matter, but in 

writing to you, I am so used to speak my thoughts, that I 

could not avoid it. I desire, however, no answer to this part 

of my letter, as I do not wish to enter into a controversy with 

you upon a subject on which, after the fullest deliberation, I 

am clearly decided. 

''All our affectionate compliments to lady Frances, and 

believe me, in spite of the essential difference in our present 

opinion, 

" Ever your s, 

" Chablemont." 



GHAP* 

VII. 



176 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 



VII. 



CHAP. Xhe new ministry attempted to form at this 
period fencible regim^its in Irdand^ so as to 
supersede the necessity of the continuance of the 
volunteers in arms, who were now looked on with 
as much suspicion as the pretorian legions of 
Rome ; and, in fact, though there was noAing 
sinister or subyersive in their contemplations, it 
cannot be denied, they demanded rather than 
petitioned for their rights. The duke of Portland 
attempted, too late, the introduction of what might 
have been a good substitute for a militia, and a 
more amenable force than the volunteers. But 
what might have been salutary at first, now 
occasioned jealousy and apprehension. 

Mr. Flood, therefore, was altogether opposed 
to the raising of fencible corps, as a misapplica« 
tion of the funds voted by the house of commons 
for a more noble purpose,* and usdess and 
unpopular as a military body. The retainers of 
government and the personal friends of the duke 
acquiesced in the plan. 

The project Mr. Flood contemplated in the 
event of the concessions to Ireland being as 
complete as he considered necessary for the 
national welfare, is accurately given in the 
following paragraph found in a letter from the 
duke of Chandos : — 



•.» 



* To raise sailors for the British navy. 




RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 177 

" I have heard from good authority, that if 
the English ministry would consent to the 
darling measure of the volunteers,— an Irish bill 
of rights,— a proposition would be made in the 
Irish parliament of the greatest advantage to 
England. The proposition is, that the commons 
of Ireland should vote four ships of an hundred 
guns each, to be called after the four provinces of 
this kingdom, to be presented to the king and 
parliament of Great Britain, as an earnest of 
what Ireland would do for her sister kingdom 
when, by a free trade, her means shall have been 
increased. I understand that Mr. Flood is the 
person who intends to make this motion, and that 
he will meet with support from all parts of the 
house. I wish that persons in power may not 
stand in the way of so noble a grant.'' 

The lofty patriotism of such a design reflects 
no small degree of honor on the projector, when 
the critical situation of the British navy, which 
had to sustain an unequal conflict with the 
combined fleets of France and Spain, is taken into 
consideration. 

There was nothing unreasonable in the 
concessions required. Mr. Fox had said in 
parliament that " the measure of * simple repeal* 
could not stand alone, but must be accompanied 
by a final adjustment, on solid basis, of perma- 

N 



178 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 



m. 



^HAP. nent connexion bet^neen the two khigdoms ;" 
and lord Rockingham had expressed himself 
similarly. 



LETTER FROM THE DUKE OP CHANDOS. 

" Minehenden-kouse, &2rf April, 17®. 
" Dear Sir, 

" My letters are so frequent, I fear you will 
necessarily look upon them as persecutions ;' but I had 
engaged in my last to give yoii some infortAatioft rdatite 
to the progress of the Irish legislature bill dirou^ our house: 
It was moved to be read a second time yesterday se nnight ; 
there was no debate on the merits of the bill, but all parties 
being pretty full of matter, a long desultory conversation took 
place, and great part of it had as much to do with the biU, or 
Ireland^ as it had to do with Pekin or Canton. Upon- the 
whole, I thought the duke of Portland did not seem much 
pleased with the bill, and in my opinion lost a very favorable 
opportunity of paying sonie proper compliments to Ireland^ 
and totally declined any explanation of his Irish system, or 
even informing us whether he had any. In the course of Ae 
ideas I sdbmitted to the house, I co%ild not lefraiA fr6*» 
acquainting them with the very violent proceedings of l^id 
North towards you, in advising the king to strike your name 
off the council books of both countries, unheard, without 
notice, and without giving any reason : I threw out, that 
it was not improbable but, after the recess, I might movef 
the house to take that business into serious consiiAamtlaic 
However, before I determine, upon that point afos(dutely, I 
must know whether I have your permission so to do;..if.l^ 
have, you will be pleased to send me any particular information 



MR. martin's defence OF COPPINGER. 

A very affecting incident occurred at this 
time, and, from its extraordinary unjustness, was 
the subject of a motion in parliam^it and a 
pietition to the duke of Portland, viceroy, in 
behalf of Mr. Coppinger, who had been tortuously 
deprived of his office to make room for Mr. 
George Ponsonby. Mr. Martin, the mover, 
represents this unjust proceeding in an oration 
that would not be unworthy of the genius of 
TuUy ; he closed his motion by a reference to 
the conduct of Mr. Ponsonby towards Mr. Flood, 




RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 179^ 

you may think of use. After the house vas up, lord Carlilse 
told me that it was at his instance that you were removed from 
the council, and that, on his informing you of it, you said that 
he had done very right. In my idea, this makes no difference ; 
for a measure of the lord lieutenant's, adopted by the minister, 
becomes his own, and he must be responsible for it 

'' I wish to hear from you on this subject as soon as 
possible. The lord lieutenancy of Ireland at present goes a 
begging : the duke of Devonshire, lord Fitzwilliam, and lord 
Derby have refused ; lord Northington is the person at present 
talked of. Both houses are at present adjourned for the holidays. 

" The duchess joins me in sincere good wishes to yourself 
and lady Frances. 

*' I am, dear sir, 
'' your very faithful and obedient humble servant, 

" Chandos." 



180 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFB OF THE 

CHAP. to which allusion has been made before, and 
presents a striking portrait of the latter. Coming* 
from a person of so much weight and conse- 
quence in the Irish parliament, conveyed in 
language highly oratorical, it cannot be misplaced 
or inapplicable here. To Mr. George Ponsonby 
he said, — 

" Let me council him, let me say to him, tear from you, as 
you would the poisoned shirt, the ill-fated gift of Dejanira — 
the office your character is now encumbered with ; tear from 
you that office before you warm in it — tear it from you before 
its infamy commixes with your blood and tarnishes your 
honor. I, now, sir, call on the old gentleman, father to the 
gentleman to whom I have been addressing myself — ^I say to 
you, go to the castle — you have often gone there for worse 
purposes — ^I say worse purposes, because you never could go 
on so good a purpose : say to his grace, without the servility of 
a courtier — ' Sir, you meant to serve me and my family ; you 
have injured me, and you have disgraced your government : 
my son has abilities, and he wishes to rise on the broad basis 
of his own merit, and if he cannot thus rise, I desire to see 
him low for ever. Take back this gift, and give it to the 
proper owner.' I desire the old gentleman to go while it is 
possible he can get admission to the castle; for when the 
enormity of this foul deed has got to the ear of the public — 
I appeal to the bar, I appeal to the gallery, I appeal to the soft 
breast of beauty that adorns that box (formerly consigned to 
court sycophants) — if you do not now go, the serjeant of the 
battle-axe guard will not open the door for you, the aid-de-camp 
in waiting will not present you, for both will suppose that your 
return is the signal of your dismissal. If you do not go, I 
pledge myself that I will, though my horse's feet have not torn 
up the smooth pavement of the castle yard — ^though I have 




KIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 181 

not unnapped the carpet of the presence-chamber with my 
frequent visits, nor dinned in the viceregal ear servile flattery. 
I will exhort the representative of majesty, as the ambassador 
of the onhappy man, to redress him; and if he does not • 
redress him here, I will find the way to the palace of St. James ; 
I win get myself presented to the royal sovereign, and deplore 
the injustice the best chief governor, with the best intentions, 
has done, by an act that would dishonor Verres — that would 
disgrace the regions of Constantinople. I will tell this, because 
in his royal breast to know and to redress a grievance are one." 

After this pathetic appeal to the feelings of 
his audience on Mr. Coppinger's destitute 
situation, after thirty years' arduous service, and 
now supplanted by Mr. George Ponsonby j the 
orator turns to contrast this act with the public 
character of Mr. Hood. 

" I have now told you what Mr. Coppinger has done ; let 
me now inform you what he has not done (alluding td Mr. 
George Ponsonby). He never, sir, at an early or at a late 
period in life, stood forth the avowed advocate of corruption ; 
he never said within these walls, to the greatest character that 
ever adorned this country — a character not to be profaned by 
the tongues of impious men, whose name will die only when 
our constitution expires, whose transcendant abilities will bd 
handed down to posterity, while the history of this island shall 
bc) read^ her laws and her constitution survive — ^who is the 
present adoration of this nation, and whose death will be 
lamented as the bitterest calamity with which angry heaven 
visited this land — whose transcendant merit is such,- that it 
keeps the merit of every other man at an awful and respectful 
distance — whose abilities are of such a god-like nature, that I 



182 MJSMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF TIfE 

CHAP. proteit, if ever I ihall st^ttd forvrard ^le lulvocate of the pneaent 
^2l . ^^' ^ B^^ ^0 ^ ^y teUiug tny son, if God should bless me 
with .one» that the period. ii^ which I acted wae pref(^:ahle to 
that in which he might hope. for. I say preferable, because I 
lived in the same aera, and had the honor to be bom in the 
same country with that great man/' 



The orator continues the contrast between Mr. 
George Ponsonby and Mr. Flood. The portrai- 
ture may be overcharged, — ^the glowing colours 
may be unsuited to the present taste or the 
present conception of the man ; but they are the 
deliberate sentiments of Mr. Martin, a gentleman 
of rank, property, and learning, who was impelled 
by the most honorable motives to expose the 
corrupt traffic of an office, whereby an honest, 
tried, and humble servant of the crown was 
reduced to penury, merely to give place to an 
individual of strong parliamentary connexion.* 

We have now brought the biography of Mr. 
Flood to the close of this year ; and, in reference 
to his political conduct, the parliamentary 
debates, as published, have been diligently con* 
sidered : for, in a country so uncongenial to 
impartial Representation, where the page of 
history is often stained with the gall of party 

* The author of the " Principal Charactert." 




miOHT HON* HENair FLOOD. 183 

bitterness, it is difficult to arrive at a just 
appreciation of men and measures. We had to 
trace back to the pure sources of truth, or its 
nearest resemblance, and drink of those waters 
before they commingled with tributary streams, 
which, though they add volume and force, 
generally destroy their purity and flavour. 



184 JHEMOIRS OF TH£ JUFC OF TH£ 




CHAP. VIII. 



1783. 



ArriTal of tbe earl of NortliiDgtoii.-»OTertures made to Mr. Flood 
through tbe archbishop of York, at the instance of tbe earl of 
Northington.— .Mr. Edmond Malone addnnes a semi-official letter to 
Mr. Flood. — Reasons why Mr. Flood declined such invitations. — 
FBrliamentary reform in Ireland, and a reduction of the military 
establishment. — Early character of Mr. PtoK>ns.— Lord Chariemantls 
letter to the delegates of the volunteers. — Crisis in the opinions of 
Irishmen..^ Motion for retrenchment in the military departments made 
by sir Henry Cavendish, seconded by Mr. Flood.— Opinions of Mr. 
George Ponsonby and Mr. Grattan, on the same subject — Cause of 
the dispute between Flood and Grattan — Their speeches. — These 
patriots compared.— Letters from the duke of Chandos. 



Previous to the arrival of the earl of Northingtou, 
almost on the formation of the coalition ministry, 
an overture was indirectly made to Mr. Flood to 
join the government, which he declined, though 
advantageous to his personal aggrandizement. 
Indeed, a considerable part of the British nation 
averted their eyes from a union which militated 
against political integrity, and a cabinet, whose 
members did not entertain coincident principles, 
could not promise a long duration, but must 
divaricate, with diminished public confidence, and 




RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 185 

personal lustre. His political sagacity, as well as 
his principles, prevented his taking office, however 
plausibly the present instance might have suggested 
the reflection, that the attachments and aversions 
of statesmen are often guided by their interests 
or convenience. 

One of the letters which elucidates Mr. 
Flood's situation and conduct, at this period, is 
from Mr. Edmond Malone, a friend of his, who 
was connected with the administration. In 
one part of this communication he says, — "I 
am well, though not officially, informed that the 
new government is thoroughly impressed with the 
sense of your importance,^' and hints to place in 
these terms, — " I have good ground for believing 
that the office of chancellor of the exchequer may 
be vacated, and if any office is an object to you, 
I take it for granted that must be one.'' — 
These expressions of Mr. Malone are concurrent 
in time and tendency with a letter from the 
archbishop of York, Dr. Markham, to his former 
pupil. His grace writes at the instance of lord 
Northington — " who wishes for nothing so much 
as the assistance of your abilities ; and it should 
depend on yourself what share of the public 
business you might choose to engage in." 



186 MEMOIRS OF TfHZ LIFE OF THE 



CHAP. 

vin. 



LETTER FROM MR. MALONE. 

" DSAB Pw)OD, 

" Yon wiQ probably^ before yoo receive this letter, 
have heard that lord Northington is appointed lord .li^utepaot 
of Ireland, and Mr. Wyndham, of Norfolk, , (not lord 
Egremont's brother,) a gentleman of good fortune, his 
principal seeretory. 

''This new appointm^it is the occasion of my taking up 
the pen at jHresent, for the purpose of asking yon ii^hether 
yott mean to come to England shortly, or have any wish or 
intention to form any part in the new administmticm in the 
oiext session in Ireland. I trouble you with these inquiries 
hot from idle curiosity, but because I am well, though not 
efficiaUy, informed that the new government is thmroughly 
impressed with the sense of your importance ; and, of course, 
I should think, would wish to make an arrangement that 
should be the means of obtaining your friendship . and 
assistance. 

"I shall not enlarge farther on this business till I hear 
from you what your intentions or wishes are. Among other 
things that I have reason to think are attainable,.! have good 
grounds for believing that the office of chancellor of the 
exchequer may be vacated ; and if any office is an object to 
you, I take it for granted that must be one. 

'' It is so long since I have seen you, that I am entirely 
ignorant whether such an office, or any other, is at present an 
object of your wishes ; and I am also aware, that you may 
have particular reasons for not choosing to disclose your 
intentions to any one. I request, therefore, you will be so 
good as to communicate or withhold your thoughts from me 
on this subject as you please. If you think fit to employ me, 
I think it may be in my power to put things in such a train as 



LETTER FROM W. MARKHAM, ARCHBISHOP OF YORK. 

'* Bloofnsbury-square, May 3, 1783. 
" My Dear Sir, 

" My friend, lord Northington, has undertaken the 
government of Ireland ; and, knowing as I do the rectitude of 
his mind, and his many respectable qualities, I have anxious 
wishes for the success of his administration. I had a conver- 
sation with him this morning. Your importance was too 
conspicuous to escape making a part of it. I told him that I 



BIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 187 

will be agreeable to you ; and you well know that there are chap. 
many occasions in which a middle-man la a useful one. ^ ^^^^' 

H' *' You will, I am sure, readily believe that I have no other 
object or interest in this business, but doing you, and the public 
at the same time, a service. I must, however, once more repeat, 
that what I write is neither at the desire, nor even with the 
knowledge, of any peison ooncemed in government ; but is 
merely in consequence of my putting together a number of 
things ibsA have lately fallen within my private observation, 
and in which, I think, I can*t be mistaken. Mr. Wyndham, 
the new ^secretaiy^ is an acquaintance of mine, but I have not 
seen him since his new appointment. He is a man of strict 
honor, and does not go to Irekmd with any view to emolument, 
it being with great difficulty that he was prevailed upon to 
accept of his present employment ' 

" I am doubtful where you are at present, but will direct to 
Dublin. I wish either business or inclination led you a little 
inore to this part of the world, being, my dear Flood, with 
perfect truth, 

'' Your sincerely afiectionate, 

" EdMOND MAIiONB." 

''Lmdon, April 24, 1783, 

Queen Anne-street, East.'* 




1 88 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 

thought myself justified, by long experience of your clumicter, 
in amuring him, that though you had expressed quick 
resentments of what you thought ill treatment, yet no man 
had a clearer or purer sense of a fair and honorable conduct. 
That It was impossible you should have any views contrary to 
the public interest ; and that, while the measures of government 
were honestly directed, I did not believe you would se^ an 
interest in opposing them ; and that as no man possessed the 
means of doing so essential services to government, I wished 
him, if possible, to look to your support. I went so far as to 
tell him, that if he thought my long friendship with you might 
be made useful in facilitating the approaches to a friendly 
intercourse, he might use my services. 

" He expressed himself much obliged to me, said he knew 
your value, and esteemed your character, and wished for 
nothing so much as to have the assistance of your abilities : 
that it should depend upon yourself what share in the public 
business you might choose to engage in : that you should be as 
confidential to him as yon pleased, and should never have 
reason to complain of his conduct. 

" I was led by the esteem and afiection which I have always 
had for him, and my unremitted wish to make myself useful 
to you, to make that offer to him, persuaded that it will be an 
act of kindness, essential to the honor and interest of both, 
and I heartily pray it may be with efiect. 

" I wish you to send me an answer which I may communi*- 
cate to him. Our kindest compliments to lady Frances. 



it 



I am, dear sir, 

** Your most faithful servant, 

" W. Ebob." 



However amiable and conciliatory this inter- 
position of Dr. Markham must hare appeared to 



RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD* 189 

Mr. Flood, recommended by a long course of chap. 
friendship and disinterested benevolence, yet he v>y^ 
was obliged to oppose, in some degree, the 
government of lord Northington. Such is often 
the contrariety of politics, that when they do not 
sever, they disregard tilie claims of amity. 

The two points of opposition Mr. Flood felt 
it consistent to give — but which did not prevent 
his attending court, — ^were on a financial re- 
trenchment, and a parliamentary reform. The 
transitory but diligent administration of earl 
Temple, with whom Mr. Flood enjoyed a 
confidential intercourse, pointed to where economy 
might be practised in the one, and rendered 
manifest the impurity of the other." * 

In these views many of the younger members^ 
of the house, and some of the more experienced; 
concurred. This minority amounted to about 
forty, who were uninfluenced by the secretary. 
Among the former was Mr. George Molyneux 
and Mr. Laurence Parsons j among the latter, 
were sir Henry Cavendish, sir Edward Newenham, 
Right Honorable Denis Browne, Mr. Coote, and 
Mr. Jephson, whose exertions in the national 
welfare were considerable. Mr. Parsonst claims 



♦ Gordon Hist, vol. ii. 

f His Defence of Ireland, to which is prefixed an account of Mr. 
Flood's views ^nd opinions on the literature and antiquity of Ireland. 



190 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 



VIII. 



cHAi». a pre-eminent place in this biograplij, as he exerted 
in more mature years, his abilities and acquire* 
ments to diffuse a knowledge of the great literarj 
objects that were contemplated hy his venerated 
fiiend, and to protect his posthumous fame. The 
character of the youthful politician is thus 
described:-^" Educated in the university of 
Dublin^ he early distinguished himself by regu- 
larity of conduct, a sedulous attention to literary 
pursuits, and a winning affitbility of deportment 
that conciliated the affections of all. Thus 
qualified,, the university elected him, when yet 
young in years, as one of its representatives, and 
his abilities fully justified the propriety of its 
choice. In oratory his language is shnple and 
flowing, though seldom figurative, is ever correct— 
his reasoning is close and argumentative ; his 
matter always good, not skimmed fi-om the 
surface, but drawn from the depths of his subject 
.^-not the frippery and tinsel of a superficial: 
d'eclaimer, but the sterling one of a well informed 
speaker. 

** On all public questions Mr. Parsons has uni- 
formly acted with integrity, honor, and patriotic 
virtue ; hence he has secured (which next to the 
approbation of his own mind is most valuable,) the 
applause of genius, of learning, and of virtue.*** 

• The author of the « Principal Characters." 




EIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 191 

Such Wad the pfomismg commencemeM of a 
geiitleman whose mature years have been honored 
by literaiy fame, iii addition to his academic 
reputation and patriotic serrideB. 

The period of the earl of Northington's rice- 
royalty forms a crisis in the pofitical and moral 
condition of Ireland. What had beeii conceded 
by the British legislatures in the earlier part of 
the year preceding did not suffice for the rising 
spirit of the Irish nation ; and on reflection, we 
ought to be the less surprised when we recollect 
the axiom — " that nothing can repress the general 
will of a nation to be free.'' Grateful and sensible 
the majority were, yet as long as the gravb 
imperfections of the representative body were 
permitted to exist, the free-will offering of Great 
Britain was, as uiiproductive ad the talent that the 
unwise servant placed in a napkin. At this period 
it was computed that no more than sia:ty members 
of the Irish parliament were independent, or 
beyond the influence of the crown I The earl of 
Charlemont, a conspicuous individual from the 
accidents of his rank and the ascendancy c^ his 
party, strove to keep the nation within the 
trammels which would give power and efficacy to 
his political connections, forgetful that Machi- 
evelli* had written, "that it is hopeless to reduce 

• n Principet 



192 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 

CHAP, to slavery (or to a particular party) a nation 
embued with the spirit of freedom/' and the bold 
spirits that entertained the thought, were not 
likely to mind the delicately defined boundaries 
which he would feign impose. His mind, indeed, 
was more at ease in translating the euphonous 
language of the laureat Fetrarcha, or writing 
eulogies on the character of sir Phillip Sidney, 
than in devising means to avert or guide the 
political storm that he might have perceived, 
lowered on the horizon. The delegates ci the 
volunteers had sent him a programme of their 
intentions, and the earl, as their general and 
mentor, wrote from Lurgan his rescript— to 
meditate on ** reform alone.'' 

In his early correspondence with Mr. flood, 
he was wont to compare him to Hampden, from 
the energetic boldness of his nature, and other 
peculiarities of his life, traits of character, and 
habits of study, which might seem to bear out a 
resemblance ;* and such a character was adapted 
to the present state affairs of Ireland. His 
energies, then, were called forth to direct this 
new development of political power, which 
the nation evinced, by convening an association 
of some of her wealthiest, most intelligent, and 
most disinterested members. 

^ Clarendon and Godwin, 




RIGHT HON. HSNRT FJLOOD. 193 

To what did his exertions tend ? To obtain 
an independent parliament, as the constitutional 
means of connecting other abuses. The conven- 
tion, which was shortly to assemble in the capital, 
probably did npt exceed in number one hundred 
and sixty del^ates, who professed moderate 
doctrines of divil liberty, and whose practical 
wisd(»a was not inferior to their disinterested 
patriotism: there was, indeed, an extraneous 
spirit, not guided by such honorable motives. 
The great mass of the yolunteer army, from 
north to south, from east to west, were armed 
spectators, and might well awaken a timorous 
spirit in some, and point the declamation of 
others. For such a struggle, — for working the 
principle involved in the concessions of 1782, in 
its most enlarged consequences, we can perceive 
in the character of Mr. Flood some of those 
faculties^ and that intrepidity of soul, which 
induced the earl of Charlemont to compare him to 
the immortal patriot of the seventeenth century. 

His stake, too, was considerable, in fortune, in 
refutation, and in connexions who would take 
umbrage at the extinction of family boroughs. 
He was, as it were, thrust from the constitutional 
ground of political warfare, on which he would 
willingly have taken issue, to a site where the 
national feelings were more truly represented^ 
Such is the poiiiraiture of him at this contentious 

o 



194 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OP THE 



VIII. 



CHAP, and perilous time of Irish history ; and we shall 
presently have to follow him to a scene where he 
conducted the national impulse to a peaoeAil, 
though not triumphant, issue. 

The summer of this year, Mr. Flood went to 
England, in the course of which he made a ^risit 
to Ayington, the seat of the duke of Chandos, 
where he probably concluded his negotiation with 
his gprace for the representation df Winchester, 
which borough he canrassed in September, and 
then returned to Ireland, preparatory to the 
opening of the session. He caught a severe 
cold in his passage over, and asi attack of gout 
added much to retard his accustomed activity. 
Nevertheless, he resumed his parliamentiuy 
duties, which commenced in October, 1783. 
After the usual preliminaries, a motion of eon- 
sidemble financial importance was moved by sir 
Henry . Cavendish, on the ^th of the saime 
month, the scope of which was to make a 
^* retrenchment in the military estabikhment of 
Ireland.'' Nothing was more necessary than a 
diminution c^ the national eicpenses, and none 
seemed to afford a curtailment so advantageously 
as this department of the state ; particularly, as 
peace was established, and a militia or the 
volunteerd were equally adequate, under wise and 
judicious direction, to ttie exigencies of Ireland 
at the time. This question was introduced by 



VIII. 



RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 195 

sir Henry Cavendish without a word of person- ^J^ap 
ality or offensive allusion to any member of the 
house i however, Mr« Geo. Ponsonby replied to the 
baronet,* in terms too exoiting not to give a tone 
to the debate, wluch brought fortli Ihe celebrated 
invective of Mr. Grattan, the probaUe cmise of 
which we shall briefly narrate. — A good under* 
standing and a co-operation on many political 
transactions, continued between Mr. Grattan 
and Mr. Fl6bd, till the difference on the ^^ simple 
repeal ;" he ultimate triumph of the latter gave 
a deeper tinge to the umbrage occasioned by 
their first contentions. *^ The reasonings of Mr, 
Flood rapidly propagated themselves through the 
country. The most eminent authorities assented 
to the correctness of his positions. The volun- 
teers caught the alarm, — ^he was addressed by one 
body after another, until all Ireland seemed to 
be converted to his opinion, and 'simple repeal' 
was scouted as utterly inadequate and delusive.'' 
Mr. Flood, in his reply to the addresses from the 
Connaught volunteers, used some words at which 
Mr. Grattan took o£Eirace ; a challenge ensued, 
and the parties were prevented meeting only by 
the interference of the civil power. Both were 
men of the coolest courage; and it is to be 
feared, that had they met in the field the conse« 

* Puiiftmentary debates pf Ireland. 



VIII. 



196 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 

CHAP, quence would have been fatal. Two remark^tble 
incidents show that no ungenerous thought, or 
ignoble act characterised his public exertions, 
which shall be noticed subsequently. 

Mr. Flood supported sir Henry Cavendish's 
motion, at the the same time he wished to extend 
its operation. His opening ^ech is thus given 
in the parliamentary reports :— 



''Sir, I find myself little capable of sneaking to this 
question, oppressed with sickness as I am, and not in the least 
degree expecting such a question this night, arid more 
astonished than ever I was in my life, to find the least symptom 
of opposition arising on the opposite side of the house. 

"The opposition to it should originate here, for the 
Resolution does not go so far as it ought to do. In lord 
Townshend's administration a resolution was proposed — ' that 
the condition of this country required every practicable 
retrenchment to be made in its expenses,' — and the adminis- 
tration of that day thought they had done enough, and allowed 
themselves latitude sufficient, by amending it with the words, — : 
* consistent with the welfare thereof, and the honorable support 
of his majesty's government,' The resolution, so amended, 
stood then exactly like the present motion, which I think still 
allows too great an inlet to public profusion. 

"Some men will think of their own welfare, when the 
welfare of the country is the object, and include their own 
3upport within the honorable support of his majesty's gevem- 
ment. I did not think any man on the side of adminis- 
tration, would have opposed this motion — ^I rather supposed 
they would have called out, in triumph, to let it pass — ^they 
would have exulted to see the new commons — * the new country, 
Ireland, in her emaocipated and dignified state, would not 



V 




RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 197 

tolerate the nonsense that \ras current in lord Townshend's 
administration. 

'' I am as willing as any man to pay compliments to 
ministers, both here and in England ; to allow them every 
degree of credit for their honorable intentions ; I have not the 
smallest ground for animosity or resentment to them ; and 
when I hear economy recommended from the throne, almost in 
the words of the hon. baronet, I am the more astonished at a 
ministerial opposition to this motion. 

" Indeed, I believe the words of that recommendation were, 
hy some accident, misplaced, or that government has not 
digested a plan of retrenchment ; it should not have followed 
immediately the mention of the Genevan colony* — a body of 
virtuous men, who, to avoid the most ignominious slavery, 
have sought an asylum in this country, — it was not the proper 
place to use the word economy — there, it disgraces the virtuous 
and generous acts of men who have just recovered their own 
liberty ; by placing it there, we may lose a great deal of honor, 
yet can save very little money. It is not to such little things 
we are to look for relief, — our retrenchments should reach 
establishments, — and, not like England, plunge deeper each 
day in ruin. Ministry both here and in that kingdom, have 
often been warned of the consequence that must follow, but 
these warnings have been treated as the visions of speculative 
men. England, that great and mighty country ! now staggers 
imder a load of debt, distress, and dismemberment;* her 
expenses overwhelm her, and where is the man who will say, 
she shall be redeemed P Where is the man who will say, 
I will redeem her, and will say how ? Though every little 
minister, or every little man who imagines he is a minister, is 
ready to undertake the management of her affairs. 



* For the history of the immigration of Genevese, see Gordon, vol. ii. 
t The separaUon of America, and embarrassment in India. 




i98 MEMOIRS OF THE IJFE OF THE 

** Where is the man who will say« Ireland ought to have a 
peace establishment of fifteen thousand men? When the 
augmentation took place, in lord Townshend's administration, 
this countiy was unable to bear it, and, since that day, we have 
been involving her deeper and deeper, because at ^reX we 
embarrassed her in an undertaking beyond her strength. 

** When all the world united against Britain, and she was 
surrounded by enemies, we gave way to the feelings of our 
hearts, and spared her four thousand men ; and some time after, 
in the moment ' de flotgranU hello,' we granted her more dian 
half our remaining troops. If, then, in time of war, ^^ 
country remained secure without regulars, will any man say» 
that in the time of profound peace, she ought to support fifteen 
thousand men P No. NoW is the time of reducing your 
military establishment ; let your intention be known this day 
that the right honorable secretary may have time to communicate 
with England P If you neglect the present opportunity no 
minister will have even a pretence for restoring the finances 
of this country. 

'' I am no partizan, either here or in England ; I can gain 
nothing — ^I am, in either place, ready to support ministers, 
when they are right, and, whenever they are wrong, to oppose 
them, and resist measures. At present, I hope my honorable 
friend will allow me to alter his motion, and state a precise 
idea. I would have it run thus, — Resolved, ' that the condition 
of Ireland requires every practicable retrenchment, and that 
the military establishment, in its present state, affords room for 
effectual reduction.* I love the army as a body of brave and 
worthy men, but I would not sacrifice the kingdom to their 
benefit. 

"Now, sir, if ministers really mean economy, they will 
agree to this amendment of mine : if not, they will amuse us 
with the words only.** 



RIGHT BDN. HENRY FLOOD. 199 



MR. GRATTAN. 

" I skaHl uot trouble you loug, uor take up the time of the 
house by apoh)gizuig for bodily ixkfirmity, or the affectation of 
ilifinnity. I shall not speak of myself^ or enter into a defence 
of my character, having never apostatized. I think it not 
necessary for the house now to investigate what we know to be 
4act. I think it would be better for the house now to go into 
the business, as the house did on another occasion, without the 
formality of the committee's report. 

^ As to myself, the honorable reward which a grateful nation 
Itas bestowed on me^ for ever binds me to make every return in 
my power^ and particularly to oppose every unnecessary 
expense. I am far from thinking with the honorable gentleman 
as to the speech^ and I believe he will find instances where 
economy was recommended from the throne, but prodigality 
practised. This was the case in lord Harcourt s administration 
— one which had the support of the honorable gentleman, and 
therefore he, of all men, cannot be at a loss to reject that 
illusory economy which has so often appeared in the speeches of 
viceroys. 

" With respect to the Genevese, I never thought it possible 
to give the speech such a bias as has been mentioned; and 
that people will be deceived if they give credit to any declama- 
tion that infers from the words of the speech from the throne, 
iui3rthing but an honest economy in applying the public money 
fairly to their use. The nation has deserved great honor by 
this transaction, and I should be sorry to have it tarnished by 
inference or insinuation. 

"In 1781, when the burdens of Ireland were comparatively 
small, I made a motion similar to this on the table; the 
honorable gentleman then opposed me. I have his sanction 
now, that I was right and he was wrong ; and I say this, that 



CHAP 
VIII. 




800 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 

though gentlemen may for a while TOte against retrenchments^ 
they wiU^ at Itust, see the necessity of them. Yet, while I 
think retrenchments ahsolutely necessaiy^ I am not very sure 
this is just the time to make it in the army. Now, when 
England has acted justly, — I will not say generously, — ^now, 
when she has lost her empire, when she still feels the wounds 
of the last unhappy war, and comforts herself only with the 
faithful friendship of Ireland. 

" If, in 1769, when the liberties of Ireland were denied, and 
those of America in danger, it was thought unadvisable to 
retrench our army ; there can be no such reason to reduce it 
now, when both are acknowledged and confirmed. 

" When we voted four thousand men to batcher our brethren 
in America^ the honorable gentleman should have opposed 
that vote : but, perhaps, he will be able to explain the propriety 
of sending four thousand men thither. But why not look for 
retrenchment in the revenue and other departments P 

" In my mind, the proper mode would be to form a fair 
esdmate of what would be a reasonable peace establishment; 
and reduce our several departments to it" 



In the preceding speech of Mr. Grattan, it 
would be impossible to excuse the spirit of 
its personality, were we not provided with the 
introductory sentences which elucidate the motive* 
The depreciation of the statesmanship of Mr. 
Grattan was very general, owing to the limited 
view he advocated of the important questions 
pending between the legislatures of England and 
Ireland, from April, 1782, to January, 1783. 
From their incompleteness at the first period, to 



' BIGHT HON. HENBY FLOOD. ^ 201 

their accomplishment at the second. It has been cthaf. 

vm. 

assumed that his opinions originated in his magna- 
nimitj, and an unqualified reliance on the good 
faith of England ; and while the sentiment does him 
honor, yet ite sufficiency ha« never been considered 
in international transactions. The context of his 
speeches on two occasions quoted by authorities,* 
would not seem to imply that confiding sentiment 
attributed to him. 

" The act of renunciation," writes Mr. 
Belsham, *^ was a necessary consequence of the 
general plan of Irish freedom, for the mere repeal 
of the declaratory act, did not in the views of the 
common law make any difference in the relative 
situation of the two countries,'' i. e. the dependency 
of Ireland. 

Hence, when this wordy contest arose, Mr. 
flood was in his meridian of fame, and his distin^ 
guished antagonist almost in the nardir point of 
obscuration. 

The next point in the foregoing speech is, the 
Genevese colony, to whom Mr. Flood wished to 
extend the shield of Irish protection and to main- 
tain by Irish hospitality, an accession of protestants 
as well as hardy peasants to colonise a district 
uninhabited by natives. Mr. Grattan, however, 
as the champion of government'and defender of 

^— ■ !!■ n I la L I ■ I - ^^ ^^ ^ „ 

* Belsham, toI. ii. " Author of the Strictures on Plowden." 




202 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 

their measures and establishments just now^ thought 
differently. The advantage was hypothetical at 
the time^ from the circumstance of the adv^urers 
being republicans, but which was counterbalanced 
hj their hekig uncompromising protestants. 

The next point is lord Harcourt's ministry. 
An analytical view of that nobleman's acts has 
been given in another psu*t : but he certainly lost 
the confidence of lord North by his too great 
partiality to Irish interests. From the first to the 
last act of his government, we have historically* 
before us, instances of a remarkable liberal policy, 
and even economical for that time. 

When Mr. Grattan in the last pari^raph refers 
to a motion he made in 1 781, for retrenchment, 
which was then opposed by Mr. Flood, and thus 
to mark his inconsistency, we are at a loss for a 
reason why he should have assumed such a position 
for an argument against the motion on the table* 

There was no analogy between the state erf 
affairs in 1781 and 1783, no more than ikeste was 
between a state of war and a state of peace. 
^ If Mr.' Flood opposed a retrenchment of the 
military establishment at the first named period, 
a wise cairtton countenanced his views ; but no 
circumstance whatever forbid a reduction at the 
last period. 

* Gordon's history, vol. ii. 



RIGHT HON. HENRT FLOOD. 203 



MR* FLOOD'S REPLY. 



€€ 



The right honorahle memher can have no douht of the 
propriety of my saying a few words in reply to what he has 
delivered. Every memher of this honse can hear witness of the 
infirmity I mentioned^ and, therefore, it required hut little 
candour to forhear a nocturnal attack on that infirmity. But I 
am not afraid of the right honorahle memher, — I will meet him 
any where, or on any ground, hy night or by day. I would 
istand poorly in my own estimation, and in my country's 
opinion, if I did Hot stand far above him. I do not come heri 
dressed in a rich wardrobe of words, to delude the people — I 
am not one who has promised repeatedly to bring in a ' bill of 
rights,' yet does not bring in that bill, or permit others to do it. 
I am not one who has threatened to impeach the chief justice 
of the king's bench, for acting under an English law, and 
aflerward's shrunk from that business. I am not the author of 
the ' simple repeal,' — ^I am not one who, after saying, • the 
parliament was a parliament of prostitutes,'*^ endeavoured to 
make their voices subservient to my interest. I am not one 
who would come at midnight, and attempt by a vote of this 
house to stifle the voice of the people, which my egregious 
folly had raised agamst me. I am not the gentleman who 
subsists on your accounts. I am not the mendicant patriot 
who was bought by his country for a sum of money, and sold his 
country for prompt payment. I am not the man who in this 
house loudly complained of an infringement made by England 
hy including Ireland in a bill, and then sent a certificate to 
Dungannon, that Ireland was not included ; I never was bought 
by the people, nor never sold them. The gentleman says, ' he 
never apostatized,' but I say, I never changed my principles, — 



* Parliamentary debates.».Mr. Grattan*^ epithet. 



VIII. 



804r MEMOIRS OP THE LIFE OP THE 

CHAP, let ereiy man say the same, and let the people believe them if 
^"^' they can. 

'' But if it be so bad a thing to take office in the state, how 
comes the gentleman connected with persons in office P They, 
I hope, are men of virtue, or how comes the gentleman so 
closely connected with colonel Fitzpatrick P I object to no 
man for being in office, — ^the patriot in office is the more a 
patriot for being there. There was a time when the glories of 
the great duke of Marlborough shrunk and withered before 
those of the right honorable gentleman. When palaces 
superior to Blenheim were to be built for his reception, — ^when 
pyramids and pillars were to be raised and adorned with 
emblems sacred to his virtue : but the pillars and pyramids are 
now sunk, though then the great lord Chatham was held inferior 
to him ; however, he is still so great, that the queen of France,! 
dare say, will have a song written on the name of Grattan. 

*' Lord Harcourt practised economy ; but what was the 
economy of the duke of Portland P One hundred thousand 
pounds were voted to raise twenty thousand seamen, though it 
was well known, that one-third of the number could not be 
raised I And what was the application of the money ? — it was 
applied to the raising the execrable fencibles ! 

''It is said, I supported lord Harcourt s administration, 
— it is true ; but I never deserted my principles, but carried 
them into the cabinet with me. A gentleman who now hears 
me, knows that I proposed to the privy council, an Irish mutiny 
bill, and that not with a view to a parliamentary grant I 
supported an absentee-tax, and, while in office, I registered my 
principles in the books of government The moment I could 
not influence the ministry to the advantage of this nation, 
I ceased to act with them. 

" I was the first who ever told them, than an Irish mutiny 
bill must be granted. 

"If this country is now satisfied, is it owing to diat 
gentleman ? No — the 'simple repeal/ disproved and scouted by 



MR. GRATTAN'S INVECTIVE. 



u 



In respect for the house, I would wish to avoid personality^ 
and return to the question ; but I must request liberty to 
explain some circumstances alluded to by the honorable 
member. The honorable member has alluded to St. Chris- 
topher's bill; I will declare the fact, he may teU a story. 



^ When this reply was made, Mr. Flood had been four and twenty 
years in parliament ; his antagonist little more than seven, — ^which gave an 
air of assumption to the speech of the younger member. Hence the 
indignation of the veteran senator, at so sudden an attack. Lacedemonian 
and Roman deferential manners, in this respect, were more commendable. 

A pecuniary grant from an impoverished nation, was consistent enough 
with the majority of the commonsj-^always prodigal of the public 
money. Parliaments were generally so ; for what could be more easy 
than enunciating the little monosyllable,' ''aye.** 'Mr. Grattan was 
-superior to them t he at first declined, and only accepted a lesser sum 
after much hesitation. He seemed to feel this was paying him by 
anticipation. 

The British senate did not vote a grant to lord Chatham till the lapse of 
many years* devoted service ; which was consistent with their own dignity 
and respect for the man. Milton defended, with his eloquence, the 
commonwealth, and sacrificed his eye-nghi in the cause, without pecu- 
-niaiy reward. 



RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD* 205 

all the lawyers in England and Ireland, shows the contrary i chap. 
and the only apology he can make, is that he is no lawyer at ^^^^* 
all. A man of warm imagination, and brilliant fancy, will 
sometimes be dazzled by his own ideas, and may for a moment 
fall into error ; but a man of sound head could not have mad^ 
so egregious a mistake, and a man of honest heart would not 
persist in it after it was discovered. 

" I have now done. Give me leave to say, if the gentleman 
enters often into this sort of colloquy with me, he will not have 
much to boast of at the end of the session."* 



206 M£MOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 

CHAP. When I receiyed a copy of tliat bill, it gave vie mttch pain 
^'^* and much offence; I thougfat I saw the old intention of 
binding Iieland by Bnglisb laws ; I, therefore, spoke to that 
efbet in this house. I abo showed the bill to the most virtuous 
and dble in this kingdom, who were of opinion, 'that my 
suggestion was wrong ;' in this opinxon I acquiesced. 

''As to coming at midnight to obtain a vote impeding 
silence on the people, I deny it; it wms mi8*stated in the 
papers. My resolution was, ' to dedave this couatiy fin6» and 
that any person who diould tipesk or write to the contrary, was 
a public enemy.' All this house, all the revered and respected 
characters in this kingdom heard me, and know what I say is 
true. But it is not the slander of a bad tongue, of a bad 
character, that can defame me ; I maintain my reputation in 
public and in private Me : no man who is not a bad character 
can say I ever deceived him ; no country has ever called me 
cheat 

" I will suppose a public character, — a man not now in this 
house, but who formerly might have been here, I will suppose 
it was his constant practise to abuse every one who differed from 
him, and to betray every one who trusted him. — ^I will suppose 
him active, — I will begin from his cradle, and divide his life 
into three stages. In the first, he was intemperate; in the 
second, corrupt ; and in the third, seditious. Suppose him a 
great egotist, his honor equal to his oath, and I will stop him 
and eay — Sir, your tslents are not so great as your Ufe is 
infamous ; you were silent for years, and you were silent for 
money. When affairs of consequence were debating, you 
might have been seen passing these doors like a guilty spirit, 
jfmt waiting for the moment of putting the quesdon, that you 
might hop in and give your venal vote; or, at times, with a 
vulgar brogue aping the manner, and affecting the infirmities 
oi Chatham ; or, like a kettle-drummer, lathering yourself into 
popolari^ to cat^ the vulgar ;-^-or you might be seen hovering 
over this dome, like an ill-omened bird of night with sepulchnd 



It is ssud Mr. Grattan never liked recurring 
to this exertion of vituperative eloquence, which, 
like ** the fly of Ethiopia,*' maddened and plagued 
whom it pursued. We no where find in English 
elocution an instance of so much personal acerbity 
in debate. This speech, and two others of Mr. 
Grattan, against Mr. Corry and Mr. Giffard, 
will always be remembered, as much from the 
inordinate excess of villification in which he 
indulged, as from the celebrity of his oratorical 
powers. However, Mr« Grattan's invective 
against Mr. Flood is pre-eminent for its sustained 
length. The figures he chose to convey his 
vengeful ire, gave it much the character of 
premeditation. The apostrophe, by which he 
dexterously brought before the house a supposi- 
tious character, allowed him to observe the 



RIGHT HON. HENRT FLOOD. 907 

notes, a cadaverous aspect and broken beak, ready to sloop and chap. 

pounce on your prey. You can be trusted by no man — the ^^^^* 

people cannot trust you — the minister cannot trust you; 

you deal out the most impartial treachery to both. You tell 

the nation that it is ruined by other men^ while it is sold by 

you. You fled from the embargo, you fled from the mutiny 

bill> you fled from the sugar bill ! I, therefore, tell you, in 

the fiice of your country, before all the world, and to your beard, 

you are not an honest man"* 



* Reiport in the parliaBaentery debates. 



208 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 

CHAP, courtesy due to it, while the other figure, the 
aparinthmesisj permitted him to enumerate the 
assumed political derelictions and personal defects 
of his adversary, with a minuteness and bitterness 
that is without parallel. 

The promethean vulture did not gorge on the 
vitals of his victim with a more insatiable appe- 
tite, than did Grattan on the character of his 
political opponent. 



MR. FLOODS VINDICATION. 

'* I have beard a very extraordinary harangue indeed^ and I 
challenge any member to say, that any thing half so unwar- 
rantable was ever uttered in this house. The right honortible 
gentleman set out with declaring he did not wish to use 
personality, and no sooner had he opened his mouth, than 
forthwith issues all the venom that ingenuity, and disappointed 
vanity, for two years brooding over corruption, had produced. 
But it cannot taint my public character, — four and twenty years 
employed in your service has established that ; and as to my 
private character, let thatbe learned of my tenants, my fiiends. 
and those imder my own roof; to them I appeal, and this 
appeal I boldly make, with an utter contempt for insinuations 
false as they are illiberal. The whole force of what has been 
said rests on this, — ^that I once accepted office, and this is 
called apostacy ! Is a man the less a patriot for being an honest 
servant of the crown P As to me, I took as great a part with 
the first office of the state in Ireland at my back, as ever the 
right honorable gentleman did with mendicancy behind him.". 

Here Mr. Flood paused, and the speaker took 
the opportunity to interpose, and said he had 




RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 209 

suffered inexpressible pain during the contest, and 
nothing but the calls of the house to hear the two 
members, could have made him sit silent. Mr. 
Flood being constrained to discontinue, left the 
house, and a message was immediately sent to 
Mr. Grattan. They had almost reached the 
ground appointed for a serious meeting, when 
they were arrested, and bound over to keep 
the peace, in recognizances of twenty thousand 
pounds each. It was, however, felt by every one 
that Mr. Flood should have a fiirther opportunity 
of vindicating his fame from an attack, which he 
certainly had not provoked, and which, from the 
intensity of its virulence, and concatinated 
severity, bore so many marks of pre-meditation. 
The most ample report is to be found in a 
recent number of a periodical ; * but the points 
of this denunciatory harangue are preserved in 
the foregoing report. On the 1st of November 
Mr. Flood was permitted to continue his vindica- 
tion, during which time the house extended to 
him, the indulgence of speaking in his place 
seated, owing to the continuance of his indisposi- 
tion. As this speech has been characterized 
in the following words, I shall present it without 
any curtailment. — " Mr. Flood never forgot what 
was due to his audience or to himself; and, 

* University Review, March, 1836. 



210 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OP THE 

accordinglyy his defence does not contain a single 
sentence which at anj future period he could 
have wished imuttered. It is free from a single 
particle of ungenerous personality, or enrenomed 
yituperation.'' 




'* Mr. speaker, I wish to take the eailiest opportnnity of 
addressing a few words to vou, and likewise to the house, on 
the situation I left yon in last Tuesday. Yon heard, sir, and 
this house heard me, the suliject, as I think, of an unwamntable 
attack. I rose to defend m^-self, I am snre with temper — ^I 
am not lightly moved — ^I was, however, interrupted, though I 
did not hnng any fictitious suhject befwe you, or set out without 
the appearance of an argument. In consequoice of interraption 
I left the house, but soon after, I understood the house would 
give me liberty to proceed, and I wish lo take the eaiiiest 
opportnnity of returning yon my thanks for that peimission ; 
and at the same time that I do so, I hope you will suffer me not 
to render it an empty indulgence, but, on the present occasion^ 
permit me to take up the subject where I left off: — 

*' When, sir, you find me out of order, — ^when yon find me 

drawing a suppositious chaneter, — ifhea I say any thing 

nnpariiamcsitary, slop me. I rise, sir, in d^enoe of an injured 

character ; and when I recal the aversions of that nig^t, — while 

I despise them, they shall be recalled only to be disproved. As I 

have endeavoured to defend the r^ts of this country for four 

and twenty years, I hope the house will permit me to defesd 

my reputation. My puUic life, sir, has been divided into 

three parts — and it has been despatched by three ^HdietB. The 

first pert, that which preceded lord Harcourt s administratioii ; 

the next, which passed between lord Harcourt s and Imd 

Caiiisle's ; and the third, which is subsequent Tlie first has 

a summaiy justice done it, by being said to be ' intempoate/ — 

the second is treated in like maaner, by being said to be 




RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 211 

' venal/ — and the conduct of the thirds is said to be that of an 
' incendiary.' 

" Sir, there are some cases of so peculiar a nature^ that a 
strict adherence to the order of the house would be the height 
of injustice. The attack made on my character went back, not 
only to the arguments of two or three nights before, but to the 
conduct of twenty years antecedent : therefore, sir, I hope that 
if animadTersions of twenty years are allowed to one, I may 
have an opportunity of referring to arguments used three 
days ago. 

" With respect to that period of my life which is despatched 
by the word 'intemperate,' I beg the house would consider 
the difficult situation of public men, if such is to be their 
treatment That period takes in a number of administrations, 
in which, the public were pleased to give me the sentence of 
their a^robation. Sir, it includes, for I wish to speak to fjacts, 
not to take it up on epithets, the administrations of the duke 
i^i Bedford, lord Halifax, the duke of Northumberland, lord 
Hertf<H^, and lord Townshend. Now, sir, as to the fact of 
' intranperate/ i wish to state to you how that stands, and let 
the honorable member see how plain a tale will put him down. 
Of those 'five administrations diere were three, to which I was 
so far from giving an ' intemperate' opposition, that I could not 
he said, in any sense of the word, to oppose them at all — ^I 
mean the three first I certainly voted against the secretary, 
(Mr. Hamilton) of the day, but oftener voted with him. In 
lord Hertford's administration I had attained a certain view, 
and a decided opinion of what was fit, in my mind, to be done 
Amt Irdand. I had fixed on three great objects of public utility, 
I endeavoured to attain them, with that spirit and energy with 
which it is my character and nature to act and to speak, — as I 
must take the disadvantages of my nature, I will take the 
advantages of it too, — they were resisted by that administration. 
What was the consequence ? A conflict arose between that 
administration and me, but that conflict ought not to be called 



212 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 

CHAP. opposition on my part; no, it ought rather to be called 
^^^^' opposition on theirs. I was the propounder — they resisted my 
propositions. This may be called a conflict with, not an 
opposition to, that administration. What were those three 
great objects ? One was to prove that the constitution of 
parliament in this kingdom did stiU exist ; that it had not been 
taken away by the law of Po3mings, l)ut tbat it was by an 
infamous perversion of that statute, by which the constitution 
had suffered. The second was, the establishment of a consti- 
tutional militaiy force, in super-addition to that of a standing 
army, — the only idea that ever occurred in England, or in any 
free country in Europe, was that of a constitutional militia. 
The third great object I took up, as necessary for Ireland, was 
a law for limiting the duration of parliaments in this country. 
These were three great, salutaiy, and noble projects, worthy of 
an enlarged mind. I pursued them with ardour, I do not deny 
it, but I did not pursue them with intemperance. I am sure I 
did not appear to the public to do so, since they gave my 
exertions many flattering testimonies of their approbation; 
there is another proof, however, that I was not ' intemperate' — 
I was successful. Intemperance and miscarriage are apt to go 
together, but temperance and success are associated by nature. 
This is my plain history with regard to that period. The 
clumsiness or virulence of invective may require to be sheathed 
in a brilliancy of figures, but plain truth, and plain sense are 
best delivered in simple language. 

"1 now come to that period in which lord Harcourt 
governed, and which is stigmatized by the word 'venal.' 

''If every man who accepts an office is 'venal,* and an 
' apostate,' I certainly cannot acquit myself of the charge, nor 
is it necessary. If it be a crime universaUy, let it be universally 
ascribed; but it is not fair that one set of men should be 
treated by that honorable member as great friends and lovers of 
their country, notwithstanding they are in office, and another 
set of men should be treated as enemies and apostates. What 




RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 213 

is the troth ? 'Every thing of this sort depends on the 
principles on which office is taken^ and on which it is retained. 
With r^ard to myself^ let no man imagine I am preaching up 
a doctrine for my own convenience; there is no man in this 
house less concerned in the propagation of it I have no treaty 
with the right honorable member on this floor, nor will I have 
any. Sir, I b^ leave briefly to state the manner in which I 
accepted the vice-treasurership : — 

^ It was o^red me in the most honorable manner, with an 
assurance not only of being a placeman for my own profit, but 
a minister for the benefit of my country. My answer was, 
that I thought in a constitution such as the British, an inter- 
course between the prince and the subject ought to be honorable. 
The circumstance of being a minister ought to redound to a 
man's credit, thou^ I lament to say, it often happens other- 
wise; men in office fi^uently forget those principles which 
they maintained before. I mentioned the public principles 
which I held, and added, if consistently with them, firom an atom 
of which I would not depart, I could be of service to his 
majesty's government, I was ready to render it. I now speak 
in the presence of men who know what I say. After the 
appointment had come over to this kingdom, I sent in writing 
to the chief governor, that I could not accept it unless on my 
own stipulations. Thus, sir, I took office. 

" The administration before, I opposed only in part, the first 
session I did not I never opposed lord Townshend till after his 
prorogation, and protest, and money bills, which appeared to 
me an infamous violation of the privileges of parliament. 

'' By the protest he endeavoured to make the journals of the 
house of lords instead of being a record of their privileges, a 
monimient of their disgrace. What did I oppose in that 
administration ? The violation of the privileges of this house 
with regard to money bills, and the wanton augmentation of 
offices by the division of the board of commissioners. 



214 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 

CHAP. '' In lord Harqourt's administration what did I do ? I had 

^Hi' the board of commissioners again reduced to one, by which a 
saving of twenty thousand pounds a year waa e^cted. I 
went further, I insisted on having every altered money bill 
thrown out, and privy-council bilk not defended by the crown. 
Thus instead of giving sanction to the measures I had opposed, 
my conduct was in fact, to register my principles, in the records 
of the court — to make the privy-council witness the privileges 
of parliament, and give final energy to the tenets with which I 
commenced my public life. The right honorable member who 
has censured me, in order to depreciate that economy, said, 
' that we had swept with the feather of economy the pens and 
paper off our table,' a pointed and brilliant expression, is 
far from a just argument. This country had no reason to be 
ashamed of that species of economy, when the great nation of 
Britain had been obliged to descend to a system as minute, it 
was not my fault, if infinitely more was not done. If adminis- 
tration were wrong on the absentee tax, they were wrong with 
the prejudices of half a century, — they were wrong with every 
great writerthathas treated of Irish affairs, — ^they werewrongwith 
some of the plainest principles of human nature in their favor. 
Conversely, I will suppose the determination not to except this 
tax to be right, still it was meritorious in lord Harcourt to have 
offered it. To show that I was not under any undue influence 
of ofiice, I appeal to the memory of many gentlemen present, 
whether, when the disposition of the house was made to alter 
on the absentee tax, and when administration yielded to the 
violence of parliament, — I appeal to the consciousness and 
public testimony of many present, whether / did veer and turn 
with the secretary, or, whether I did not make a manly stand in 
its favor. After having pledged myself to the public I would 
rather break with a million of administrations, than retract ; I 
not only adhered to that principle, but, by a singular instance 
of exertion, found it a second time under the consideration of 
this house. 



RIGHT HON- HENRY FLOOD. 215 



''Thus, in lord Townshend's time I brought the bill for chap. 
limitii)^ the duration of parliaments to a final and triumphant ^^^' 
close, by which I restored to the universal community of Ireland 
a. rights of which they had been deprived for a century, without 
it, this house was but a shadow. Having restored this root of 
all other rights, I practised economy in lord Harcourt*s vice- 
royalty. Hence, then, instead of relinquishing my principles, 
I preserved them — instead of getting a minority * to vote for 
them I brought a majority to give an efficient sanction to their 
truth. By accepting office at that time, and acting as I did, I 
acted the part of an honest minister between the prince and the 
people; in doing so I think I was more a patriot, than if out of 
office, I had made empty declamations without any advantage 
to the public. 

" In lord Harcourt's ministry the vice-treasurership was offered 
me, accompanied with every declaration that could render it 
acceptable to an honorable mind. Did the administration of 
England send over an office usually reserved for one of their 
distinguished members, and, of their own accord, offer it to a 
reprobated man P I take the facts of both countries to disprove 
this calumny. 

'' Is it since I have justly become a mark of obloquy P I 
flatter myself not. With regard to lordHarcourt s administration 
the charge is, 'I did too much; with regard to lord Buckingham's, 
I did too little :' these two accusations run a little in contrary 
directions, and like a double poison, each may cure the opera- 
tion of the other. The fact is, I acted not on visions and 
imaginings, but on sound common sense, — the best gift of God 
to man, — which then told me, and which still whispers, that 
some administrations deserve more active support than others. 
I adopted my conduct to these conditions — to what I saw and 
what I felt — neither giving a headlong opposition to govern- 
ment at one time, nor an indiscriminite support at another. 

* The minority that generally supported Mr. Flood. 




SI 6 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 

" Did I support lord Harcourt ? — Why ? Because he gave 
me an influence in his goyemment ; and it would be nonsence 
to say, a man would not support his own councils : but lord 
Temple did not give me an influence, and I did not give him 
my support. Was there any thing more fair ? I felt mys^ 
a man of too much situation to be a mere placeman ; if not a 
minister to serve my country, I would not be the mere tool of 
salary. What was the consequence ? I voted with govern- 
ment in matters where they were deaily riffht, and against 
them in matters of importance where they were clearly wrong; 
in questions of little moment I did not vote at all. Why ? 
Because I scorned, by voting for them, on such occasions, 
to seem to pay court :«such was my plain way of dealing. 

" I told lord Buckingham I could not attend the cabinet 
councils of the sage Mr. Heron ; was that duplicity ? I did 
more; I sent my resignation to England through the same 
friend by whom the first communication was made me on the 
subject of office ; but from an idea of friendship to me, he took 
time to consider, and at length declined to deliver my resignsr* 
tion. Thus much of the middle period. 

" The third, commencing with lord Carlisle's administration, 
in which my conduct has been slandered as an '' incendiary.'' 
There was not a single instance in which the right honorable 
gentleman (Mr. Grattan) did not co-operate. If I am an 
incendiary, I will gladly accept of the society of that right 
honorable member, under the same appellation. If I was an 
incendiary, it was for moving what the. parliaments of both 
kingdoms have since given their sanction to. If that is to be 
an incendiary, God grant that I may continue so. Now, sir, 
I do not know that my dismission from office was thought any 
disgrace to me ; I do not think this house or the nation thought 
me dishonored. The first day I declared those sentiments for 
which I was dismissed, I thought it .{o my honor. Many very 
honorable and worthy gentlemen, one of whom is since dead, 
except in the grateful memory of his country, — one who thought 




EIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD* 217 

me so little the character of an * incetidiaiy>' that he crossed 

the hoiise> together with others^ to congratulate me on the 

honor of mj conduct^ and to embrace me in open paiiiament* 

At that moment I surely stood free of the imputation of 

an 'incendiary!' But this beloved character^ (Mr. Burgh), 

over whose life or over whose grave envy never hovered. He 

was a man wishing ardently to serve his country, but not 

wishing to monopolise the service, — ^wishmg to partake, and to 

communicate the glory of what passed ! He gave me, in his 

motion for * free trade,* a full participation of the honor. On 

a subsequent occasion he said, — ^I remember the words well, 

they are traced with a pencil of gratitude on my heart, — * that 

I was a man whom the most lucrative office of the land had 

never warpt in point of integrity.' The words were marked, 

and I am sure! repeat them fairly; they are words I should 

be proud to have inscribed on my tomb« Consider the man 

from whom they came — consider the situation of the person - 

concerned, and it adds and multiplies the honor. My noble 

friend, — ^I beg pardon, he did not live to be ennobled by patent, 

but he was ennobled by nature, — ^was thus situated : he had 

found himself obliged to surrender his office, and enter into 

active opposition to that government from whom he had obtained 

it ; at the same time, I remained in office, though under the 

circumstance of having sent in my resignation. That he did 

not know; but, careless to every thing except honor and 

justice, he gave way to those sentiments of his heart, and he 

approved. 

" I have mentioned, sir, that short period during which the 
character of an 'incendiary' must have come on me, 'like a thief 
in the night,' and taken me unawares. 

" Sir, I have received this day, from the united delegates of 
the province of Connaught, an approbation, ' with one voice,* 
as they emphatically express it, of that conduct that has been 
slandered by the epithet of ' incendiary !' An assemblage, not 
one of whom I have ever seen, not one of whom I have even a 




S18 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 

chance of doing a service for, and> therefore, could hayenolhing 
in contemplation, but the d<»ng aji act of justice. Sir, I had a 
similar expression of {^probation from another province — 
Ulster. Therefore if I am an incendiary, all Connaught are 
incendiaries — ^all Ulster are incendiaries ! With two provinces 
at my back, and the parliament of England in my favor, (by 
the act of remuneration) I think I need not fear this solitary 
accusation. I have also the judicial power in my favor ; if my 
arguments were not right, lord Mansfield's were not right I 
ask, was he wrong? After having mentioned the judicial 
power, let me bring before a highly respectable body— -the corps 
of lawyers of Ireland — ^who, after six months* meditation in a 
committee by ballot, gave their sanction to that opinion, which 
is the opinion of an ' incendiary,' if I deserve that name. 
Then, if lord Mansfield be an incendiary — ^if the parliament 
of England are incendiaries — if the corps of lawyers of 
Ireland are incendiaries — ^if the Ulster delegates are incendiaries, 
if the Connaught delegates are incendiaries — if all the societies 
who joined in that opinion throughout this kingdom are 
incendiaries, — then, in the name of God, let me be added to 
the number, let me be an incendiary too ! 

''Sir, one circumstance more I must mention, as it is 
somewhat extraordinary. It has been said by the right honorable 
member (Mr. Grattan,) that ' I am an outcast of government 
and of my prince.' Certainly, Sir, my dismission from office 
was attended with the extraordinary circumstance of my 
dismission from council, hence I suppose it is, that the right 
honorable member has called me the ' outcast of Government 
and my prince ;' it was certainly sir, an'extraordinary transaction ; 
but it likewise happened to Mr. Pultney, and the duke of 
Devonshire;* therefore it is not a decisive proof of a reprobated 
or factious character, and it is the first time it has been 
mentioned to disadvantage. 

* Mr. Fox, was likewise erased from the list of privy councillors, in 1798. 



This justification closed the colloquy between 
Mr. Flood and Mr. Grattan, and with it, their 
acquaintance. "They met accidentally a short 
time after, and Mr. Flood bowed in such a way 
as to show he was quite willing to forget what had 
occurred ; but his advances were received so 
coldly as not to encourage a repetition of them : 
and it is but reasonable to suppose that Mr. 
Flood would have found it easier to forgive a 
charge of apostacy, which he felt he had triumph- 
antly disproved, than Mr. Grattan a charge of 
incapacity, which the feeling of the public, as 
likewise the conduct of the British minister, was 
calculated to impress on him, the belief was well- 
founded."* There is another instance of Mr. 
Flood's magnanimity towards his rival. After 

* Dublin University Magazine. 




RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 219 



''Sir> I have trespassed too long, and I am impressed with 
the weight and multitude of thanks which I owe you and the 
house. I have troubled you too long on a private subject; 
with your permission, I will endeavour to make amends the next 
day, by bringing before you, one of greater importance — the 
economy of the nation. 

" Sir, you have heard the accusation of the right honorable 
member. I appeal to you if I am that suppositious character 
he has drawn, if I am that character, in any degree, I do not 
deprecate your justice, but I demand it ; — ^I exhort you for the 
h<mor of this house — ^I exhort you for the honor of your 
country, to rid yourselves of a member who would be unworthy 
to sit among you." 




Q20 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE t)F THE 

the luminous introductory speech of Mr. Grattan 
when he brought before parliament the edicts of 
Dungannon, in the shape of a motion of his own, 
when he apostrophized the daughter of '' Yirginius 
sacrificed to virtue, and the seven bishops sacri- 
ficed to liberty/' He hurried away his auditors 
by this memorable effort of impassioned eloquence, 
glowing with figures and sentiments of the 
boldest character, and inspired them with the idea 
of a public meeting complimentary to the mover. 
Mr. Flood was invited to take the chair at an 
aggregate meeting of the officers of the volunteers, 
on the 18th of April, 1782 :~ 

COLONEL the RIGHT HON. H. FLOOD, M.P. in the Chair. 

'* Resolved unanimously — ^^fliat the thanks of this meeting 
be given to Henry Grattan^ Esq. for his extraordinary exertions 
and perseverance in asserting the rights of Ireland." 

This was one of several resolutions moved and 
acquiesced in by lords Granard, Aldborough, 
Charlemont, and many other distingxiished men. 

Both these instances indicate how little Mr. 
Flood was actuated by jealousy, or any of the 
meaner motives, which his detractors have indus- 
triously attributed to his political doctrines. 

The subsequent letters from the duke of 
Chandos are descriptive of the sensation caused 
by this violent attack of Mr. Grattan. 



9^IGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. ^21 



LETTER PROM THE DUDE OF CHANDOS. 

"Avington, 9th JSTav. 1783. 
" Dear Sir, 

*^ The great anxiety of mind which the duchess and myself 
have suffered from the receipt of your letters of the 30th past 
aad ' 1st. instant, you must much easier conceive than I can 
express. We both unite in one idea and one request. We are 
most thoroughly convinced that you have been most grossly, 
maliciously, and enviously attacked and insulted by Mr. Grattan, 
which nothing can justify, and whose conduct must be repro- 
hated' by every one breathing, possessed either of good sense or 
honor* You have acted like a man of honor and feeling in 
consequence of his ill usage ; and to take any further - steps, 
particularly after what had passed in the house of commons 
afterwards, would draw down the censure of rashness on 
yourself. You are amply possessed of the sentiments, of the 
house, by their not suffering him to reply to you ; that alone 
was a fuU and most honorable justification of you, and the 
severest censure upon him. It is from these reasons that we 
do most earnestly intreat you to pursue this business no further ; 
and we shall be under die cruelest anxiety till we receive an 
assurance from you to that effect I intreat you to be persuaded 
that I feel for your honor, as much as I could for my own, 
and nothing should induce me to join in this request, was I 
not convinced in my own mind that you have received and done 
every thing becoming a man of the nicest honor, and such 
satisfaction, that, in your circumstances, I shou^i be most 
perfectly satisfied with. His conduct has been that of an assassin, 
an assassin for Government, who, I suppose, is to pay him. 
Unprovoked as he was, there is but one way to answer for his 
conduct There is but one opinion here relative to the shameful 
business ; and whatever glosses hireling writers may put upon 





322 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 

his outrage^ no man of honor or common sense can have any 
other than what I have imputed to him ahove. I conjure you 
to consider the value yoor life is o(, to your family^ friends (in 
which numher we must place ourselves in the first class )^ and 
to both countries. Be assured Mr. Grattan must lose himself 
in the eyes of all men, and parties ; even his own must abhor 
him. 

'' I received in two letters a fall account of the whole business ; 
from my friend Coote ; * to whom I should not do justice, was 
I not to inform you the part he takes in the ill usage you have 
received, and how highly he venerates and respects you : I have 
a very great regard and esteem for him (not the less for his 
feelings on this late afiair), and shall be much obliged to you 
lor any countenance you may be kind enough to give him. I 
think you judge right in your intentions relative to the castle. 
It was my wish to have remained here till after Christmas, but 
on fur&er consideration have determined to remove to London 
to-morrow, to be in readiness for the meeting of parliament. 
I will write to you from thence; at fNresent our minds are too 
full of you to think either of the poplins or the lawsuit, but 
beg you and lady Frances to be convinced we are most perfectly 
sensible of your kind attention to us ; our best wishes attend 
you both. 

I intreat you to send me a line by the first mall. 

" I am, dear Mr. Flood, 

your v^ faithful and 

" obedient humble servant, 

" Chandos.** 



* Mr. Charles Henry Coote, M.P., for the Queen*^ County. 



(4 



« 



RIGHT HON, HENRY FLOOD. 223 



LETTER FROM THE DUKE OF CHANDOS, 

" Landon, Nov. 12, 1783. 
" Dbar Mr. Flood, 

*' I CANNOT but remain under very great anxiety- 
about you till I hear from you again, wbich I am in hopes of 
every hour. To corroborate the opinion I took the liberty of 
giving you in my last, I have the satisfaction of finding every 
body in the same way of thinking ; and this morning at the 
levee it was much talked of, and his majesty expressed his 
astonishment at the violence. Every body exclaims at the 
speaker s suffering members to run such lengths. Believe me, 
as an honest man, your honor and character stands perfectly 
dear in this country ; the attack appears malicious, unprovoked^ 
and unjust, as it is untrue : I do flatter myself that you will 
see the business in the light I wish, and in which all others 
behold it. The parliament met yesterday, when we received a 
speech from the throne, as innocent as it was gracious ; so 
innocent, that the address in both houses passed nem. con. Our 
address was presented to-day, but I did not go up with it, as it 
did not contain what I think it ought to have done : and though 
I may think the ministers have succeeded in not saying too 
much, yet I diink they ought to have said more. 

" The house of commons ere to go upon the East India 
business next Tuesday. Yesterday I had mttch conversation 
with Lard Temple, who mentioned you in the kindest manner, 
and expressed the highest indiynaUon at the treatment you met 
unth the other day. The houses are by no means full, though 
more of the leaders in town than I could have expected. All 
is quiet at present ; every one looks shy upon his neighbour. 
There has nothing yet come to my ears worth your notice ; 
except, that I am informed the king has positively refused the 
making the peers. The duchess, whose feelings I assure you 



CHAP. 

Tin. 



S24 MEMOIBS OP THE LIFE OF THE 

CHAP. have been much affected by the late buiinew^ joins me in every 
^'^* ^ good wish to you : our minds are at present not a little agitated 
as our daughter was this morning inoculated. We desire you 
to remember us most kindly to lady Frances. 

'* I am, dear Mr. Flood, 

" Your very obedient, and 

'' Faithful humble servant, 
" Chandos." 



FLOOD AND GRATTAN COMPARED. 

Within the period of their lires, some of the 
most memorable circumstances occurred in the 
constitutional history of their country, since its 
unstipulated submission to Henry the second, 
and his investiture with the regal diadem.* 

Mr. Flood entered the Irish senate towards the 
close of 1759? in his twenty-seventh year, and 
continued for sixteen years unrivalled ; dissemi- 
nating the doctrines of Molyneux and Locke, and 
receiving the encomiums of the venerable Malone, 
and the upright Osborne. Many acts of great 
national importance are comprised in that period. 

Mr. Grattan entered the senate, the autumn 
of 1775, in his twenty-fifth year, sixteen years 
after his rival, and began his labours when the 
constitution of his country assumed the semblance 
of the British. Though endued with the spirit of 

* " The Case of Ireland." 



RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD* 225 

the age; yet, till he moved the " address to the <^«^P' 
throne,** he ineffectually toiled. That momeut 
was propitious,-^— the moral and physical energies 
of Ireland were roused, and he was instrumental 
in effecting, after a brief career of six years, 
what had been the meditations of his rival for 
twenty.four. 

The talents and acquirements of these great 
men were characteristic of their natures. Mr. 
flood seemed to condense all the powers of his 
mind to convince ; energy, strength, and ratiocina- 
tion, were more eminent in him, than his contem- 
porary. To assist and keep in action these facul- 
ties, his memory was the most retentive, and his 
perception the most discriminating: his imagina- 
tion was made subservient, which the frequent 
use of the syllogism was adapted to effect.— 
** Therefore, in argument he was superior, in this 
respect, surpassing any man in the Irish senate, 
displaying as the subject demanded, a close and 
Compact, or a diffuse and comprehensive style; 
pertinently enforcing the principal points of the 
question, connecting what was separate, and 
scientifically unfolding what was abstracted."* His 
acquirements as a scholar, combined with his 
natural temperament, directed him to follow the 



* Mr, Scott, M.A. 



226 MEMOlks OF THE LIFE OF tH^ 

cHAf . severest model ot Grecian eloquence, aiid, itmay be 
said of him, as Plutarch has said of Demosthenies, 
" his ability to explain himsiaif, was a iirerA 
acquisition, and not so' perfect VM that it required 
great candout and indulgence in the audience.** 
Mr. Flood aimed at the force and vehemence of 
his model, and the habit of versification g^v^ 
him a power of coftdensitig his thoughts with 
sententious brevity. 

Mt. Grattan had iniore bfillifibt t&t^tfts ; arid 
an unrestrained imagination ^^ve a mat^ific^nce 
to his style. His mind cintilated ^ith new-born 
sparks of patriotic fire, that with the rapidity of 
the electric fluid, passed from one to another. 
The profusion, the splendour, the viiri^^ of hk 
imagery, received all the art t^nd B/ttM^cy 
of the md6t perpect rhetorician } ther^ore, hi6 
powers were such as would captivate and p^iisuad^, 
rather than convince.t " In invective, a spedete 
of elocution ill-suited to the pnr|)OE$es of public 
deliberation, he endeavoured to excel. His 
weapons though sufficiently sharp, wei-e tottdly 
destitute of polish ; and the compo^tidti of his 
famed philippic,^ had much more of the broad 
and coarse ribaldry of the bar, than the pointed, 
the elegant, and the witty raillery of the senate ; 
his reproaches had a sting that refused to be 



* Langhorne. f Mr. Scott, M. A. \ Against Mr. Flood. 




mGIfX HON. HENRY FI.OOD. 9^' 

be^e4> wl^h Cicero mui^t h§ye tf Id him ^^ die 
Qi:aAor should avo^d.'' 

Mr* Flqqd ia i^vectiv^ peculiarly e^ccelM ; \q 
gave it; a .popgoAQcy aod i^eyerity ijvhich the iambic 
i^ea^ure of Archilocus hardly e^^eeded ; and 
whj/ph the p^p^t cpnversaiit cM^d most obstinate 
in such contests, had after months of preparation, 
felt to be more keen and more cutting than their 
studied philippics. His arrangement was cleari 
reguW, and accura^tely scientific, gradually leading 
from what was easy to what was abstruse — ^from 
fir^at was concede^ to what was disputed } forming 
a connected chain of argumemtation, wherein no^ 
fi linl^ could be broken without diminishing its 
force, nor one removed without ii\juring its 
evidence. 

Mr. Grattan's voice was thin, sharp, and not 
powerful \ his stature short, his action* peculiar, 
4lid his delivery rapid* Mr. Flood's voipe was 
clear and distinct ; his delivery though not rapid, 
was suited to the ardour qf his language. His 
action was spirited aqd dignified ; his figure tall, 
^d manners courtly. 

Mr. Grattan, in the memory of his countrymen 
is the more popular patriot and orator, from his 
advocacy of the catholic claims, and abolition 



* Lord Byron says, '' harlequin manner/* in his observations on him. 

— Zt/e and Correspondence by Moore, 



▼HI. 



228 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 

CHAP, tithes, and the comparative recency of hi0 
triumphant endearours. It has been said of him 
in regard to these great questions — ** that as from 
the laurel leaf of the concpieror's crown is 
extracted a poison destructive of the human race. 
So splendid services and indisputable desarts may 
be converted into means of disturbing the public 
mind, and embittering the public happiness hj 
sapping the firmest foundation of property, and 
agitating questions pernicious in their origin and 
pestilent in their progress,*** 

Mr. Flood made the greater sacrifices for his 
country ; but he maintained the opinion of 
protestant ascendancy in the . institutions, as iii 
the property of the country ; he was thevefore 
against the extension of the elective firancluse to 
catholics at that period, — his political scepticism 
diminished the regard of the catholics for him. — 
With men of letters and with statesmen, he is the 
more to be admired. 

He was profoundly versed in all constitutioiial 
and political learning, familiarly acquainted with 
law, and deeply skilled in the theory of commerce. 
" To record his parliamentary conduct would be 
to enumerate all the great questions that have 
been discussed for the last thirty years,t in each 

• Mr. Scott, M. A. 
f Mr. Scott, the writer of this paragraph, published his " Characters," 
in 1789. 



ftlGHT HON. HENBY FLOOD. 229 



VIII. 



of which betook the mo$t decided part in &vor <^hap. 
of the prosperity of Ireknd, and the honor of 
the crown/* 

His felicitous application of classical allusion 
Is exemplified in the following instance. — When 
presfidng a question of importance on ministers, 
he was eyafiively replied to, ^Hhat the secretary 
who was acquainted with the subject was absent/' 
then turning to the empty bench of the secretary 
he said, '* formerly the oak of Dodona used to 
utter oracles of itself, but the wooden oracle* of 
our days is obliged to g^ye his responses by 
deputy.** On an important debate, when thirteen 
of the Hillsborough club, who had been enjoying 
a bacchanalian festival, came in at the close of 
the discussion to gire their votes against him. He 
stopped on seeing them enter the house dressed 
in orange and blue, (the colours of the club). 
** Hah ! what do I behold ! I hail those glorious 
colours auspicious to the constitution! These 
honorable men have, no doubt, spent the night 
in vigils for the glory and fortune of the com- 
monwealth ;'* — ^then, extending his arms, — "come, 
come^ to this heart with all your patriotism.*' 
This raillery had a magical effect ; it put to 
confusion and flight the herd of partisans. 



• " The wooden oracle ** wai Mr. Heron. 



SSO MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 



VIII. 



CHAP. A very remarkable instance is related of his 
apostrophising the figure of Corruption. In the 
midst of his speech, he saw a whipper-in of 
government taking down the names of such as 
-promised their votes, and soliciting others, as he 
was gliding from bench to bench, on his venal 
errand. The oi*ator saw him, — he instantly 
stopped^ and looking with astonishment as if 
he sB^'w a frightful apparition ; he broke idlence, 
—"What," he said, "is that I seel Shall 
the temple of freedom be still haunted by tlie 
foul fiend of bribery and corruption? I see 
personified before me an incarnation of that 
evil principle which lives by the destruction of 
public virtue 1" Then, using an exorcism, — 
"Avaunt, thou loathsome sprite, — thou pander 
to ministerial profligacy I and no longer pollute 
with thy presence this edifice consecrated to the 
constitution I" 

We are assured that the sensation produced in 
the house was indescribable ; the personification 
of Corruption disappeared, and the orator was 
admired for the happy application of the noblest 
but most hazardous figure of elocution. He 
resumed the subject of debate with a more 
favorable disposition of the house. 

Mr. Grattan always prepared* himself for 
particular subjects ; his eloquence was glowing, 

I ■ I ■ I II ■■ 111 I I I 11 ■ I M ... mmmmmt^^^t 

* Vide Grattan in the Gall. 111. Irishmen. 



ItfOllT HON. H^NRY FLOOD. 231 

impqssipned, ampUfying, aud figurative, — J)our- chap. 
tray^qg. splendid, idi^Uties, which, as they decoyed v>v>m» 
|>he adminiptratig^, not unfrequently carried 
pm^mQIX to the hroaste pf his auditors. His 
^jfgxnm^^t £j).Qund^d in. poi^tulates and generalities 
^0 df^xt^rou^jy iatroducQd, as to appear just and 
f^^pofiijiji^, whi^n. most, fallacious. This remark will 
Jiot be . supposed depreciatory, wh^n it is consi- 
fd^r^d, that the cautery of his eloquence was so 
often applied to the protectant ecclesiastical 
i^tabUslunent, .more with ftn irritaljiug effect, than 
a .tendency to reipove, pr to redress grievances. 

There was also a mai:ked difference in their 
jpArodilction to the British s^nf^te :•— 

Mr. JFirQftD was too. proud to be strictly a 
j&>llQwer of a p9yty,-rrnor would he have a patron. 
JEJf^ ^therefore, entered the new political arena 
in x\,o way coiistraii\ed to either side. He had 
taken ofi^ce from .a tory minister, (lord North) 
^nd was an admirer of lord Chatham and his son, 
fiucceeeively. His avowed principle about parties 
was, — " With, respect to Ireland, I regard 
measures^ not men!* Hence, he had no political 
supporters in the British senate ; but he had a 
reputation of .thirty years to save him from the 
;calumny of the " chaj*tiered libertine.'* 

Inconsistencies. in Jus public conduct are much 
lees apparent, than in many other .statesmen, 
contemporaneous and subsequent. His genius 



S3S MEMOIRfi OF THE LIFE OF THE 

cBAP. was less indebted to those accessories which are 

VIII. 

indefinitely placed under the head of fortune. 

. Mr. Gbattan was an undeviating whig^ 
and from the outset, had patrons, — first* lord 
Charlemont, then Mr. Fox, next, lord Fitzwilliami 

He s^ppeared in the British senate, under tibe 
auspices of the whig leader, to speak on that 
** midtum vexata question" the catholic claims^ — 
one, of all others, he was most familiar with ; he 
therefore was prepared to second the motk>n, aa^ 
encouraged by Mr. Fox, who brought him from 
a remote seat, he spoke with a success which 
determined his renown. 

Fortune put forth all her accessories to secure 
him never-fading glory. He was the morning- 
star that rose with the dawn of freedom over his 
fatherland ; he appeared sixteen years later, and 
continued thirty years after, his rival luminary 
had set. The period, the measures, and the 
administrations were auspicious : and his plastio 
disposition secured him the favor of his patrons 
and his party. He said of his rival, ** that he 
forgot he was a tree of the forest too old and too 
great to be transplanted at fifty ;^ yet, he himself 
was transplanted at sixtt/; but the solution is 
readily found in this contrast, — Flood was a 
member of two legislatures, Grattan of one ; the 
affedrs of Ireland were not so generally enter- 
tained in the British senate in the time of the 



RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 2S3 

farmer^ as in that of the latter ; the complexity chap. 
of domestic and foreigpa politics in the time of 
Flood, their convergence and unity in that 
of Grattan. Both were ardent advocates of 
freedom; the one with a learned and philo- 
sophic mind, the other with an enthusiastic and 
impetuous nature. 

Had they lived in times of national political 
vicisdtude, amid an energetic commonwealth, the 
<»pacious and learned mind of Flood — like that 
of Vane or Hampden — ^would have constructed 
a temple to liberty ; while the persuasive elo- 
quence of Grattan would have adorned and 
illumined the shrine. 

Nor have their posthumous honors been less 
contrasted. The ashes of Grattan have been 
inumed with the great at Westminster ; and the 
irtxmed marble is a memorial of his glorious life. 
But of Flood, no monumental tablet records his 
£smie; no living statue bent in allegoric grief; nor 

even, lowly slab to mark who sleeps beneath."* 

' III - I - ■ - - — ■ - ■ - - — ^- 

* The characters of Flood and Grattan are conceived from the following 
authorities — Dublin University Magazine, Gordon's History, Barrington's 
Historic Memoirs, and Lord Byron's Remarks on Grattan and Flood, and 
Mr. Scott's " Principal Characters." 

Mr. Flood is buried at Bumchurch, the family burying place for 
•evenl generations. When the writer wasqaartered.in Kilkenny, in 
1835, he went out to see Mr. Flood's tomb. He asked the grave-digger, 
" Where is Mr. Flood's tomb?" ** Is it the grave of the great sir Harry ?** 
(th^ bye-n^e the country people had for him) — ** Yes, where is it?" 
'* Why, there's nonche's buried there by the church wall." 



SS4 MBMOIBS Of THE. LIFE OP THE 



CHAR IX. 



From THE 10th to the 29th of Novembsb, 1783. 



THE GRAND NATIONAL CONVENTION. 



CHAP. JSoTH kingdoms were wvolved in at^oncatepation 
jo£ colonial and domestic events, when Mn 
^William Fkt considered ^he parliai^ent of 
Englwd jbalow a virtual repr^se^ts^UpPf . and 
Mr. Flood .iQaintaiBed the pf^Uftm^Pt of Ireland 
*wa8 • Eicarcely above a npmin^ represQiitation, oi 
the people. In bpth ai^emblies, the gp*eat, nuiiia- 
-terial leaders of parties were rigidly adhered to, 
as transcending in importance the welfare of 
^constituencies, and the primary duties of repre- 
jsentatives. 

But if ithe evil was observable in England, 
.what was it in Ireland ? Where the .accumulation 
(^'borough interest in the bands of a few, was 
exercised for their particular advantages, and 




RIGHT HON. HEKUT FLOOD. S8S 

wliiere a Harpalas was sure to find a mereexiarj 
adVookte. These defects led the ^volunte^rs at 
the second Dungannon meeting', to draw up 
categories,* which they addressed to their general, 
the earl of Charlemont, for his approbation. 
•* We humbly hope,'* said they, " your lordship 
will favor us with your s^oitments at large on 
this stubject, (reform), pointing out such a specific 
mode of reform, and the most digible steps 
Itodirig to it, as come up to your loitdship's ideas. 
'We have yet another favor to request-^that your 
lorddiip would inform us whether shortening the 
durlition of parliaments, exclusion of pensions, 
limiting the number of placemen, and a tax on. 
Ikbsentees, be, in your lordship's opinion, flubjects 
on which the volimteers of Ireland ought to 
interfere ?*' 

In this passage we have an averment of the 
deUberative character of the meeting, then- 
precise objects, and their reference to lord 
Oiariemont how far they ought to interfere. 
After a &w introductory compliments, the noble 
earl replies in the following words : — " A reform 
in the Tepresentation of .Ireland is a ^measdre 
which, most certainly, meets with my warmest 
approbation ; and you may be assured that 
I shall co-operate with every sincere lover 



* BeUbamy toI. iv. 




286 MElf OIRS OP THE LIFE OF THE 

of his couatry towards the attainment of that 
desirable object: but to point out a * specific 
mode/ is a matter of so difficult a nature, that I 
should esteem myself presumptuous if I should 
attempt it.* 

^* Respecting the other points upon whidi you 
desire my judgment, they are all of them 
important and of nice discussion; but I wiU 
abstain from entering into them, for this plain 
reason — ^that I would heartily recommend it to 
yoii, to confine yourselyes to the one great 
measure only, which, when once carried into 
execution, will infallibly secure all benefits of 
inferior magnitude/' 

Such was the advice of lord Charlemont, 
though spontaneously invested by the delegates 
with the power of putting a veto on any one, or 
all, of the topics enumerated. But, on the contrary, 
he only gave priority to reform, and consecutively 
would follow " benefits of inferior magnitude.'' 
As a privy^ounciUor-^as an avowed supports* 
of Mr. Fox, (now one of the ministry), lord 
Charlemont might, with propriety, have suggested 
doubts on the compatibility of this second Dun* 
gannon meeting to discuss questions, which 
seemed to be an encroachment on the province 
of parliament. Instead, however, of the high 
*-«"»'— —^ i.ii»»i III I I — ^— — ^— — ■ i^.»— ». I ^1 . Ill .1 »■ I 

* Hardy I vol. ii. 



RIGHT HOK» HBNRT FLOOD. $37 

eonsid^ation of the impolicy of encouraging the <^^J^^' 
bold innovations contained in the categories, he 
enjoined them in persuasive language to meditate 
on the attainment of their plans. From this time 
the volunteers had four months to digest their 
schemes, and to correspond with members of the 
British legislatures. The resolution for a select 
committee of delegates to assemble in Dublin, in 
the beginning of November, to decide definitely 
on a bill of reform, had been taken before Mr. 
flood arrived from England. 

It was too late to change their opinions ; 
but it was possible to control them. While lord 
Charlemont and others cautiously withdrew from 
the effects of that force they themselves had 
contributed to encrease, Mr. flood took the 
more statesmanlike course, of directing them. 

From the 10th to the 29th of November, the 
convention sat continuously, discussing plans of 
parliamentary reform, but pre-eminently that 
submitted to the committees of examination by 
Mr. Flood. It may be in the recollection of the 
reader that several members of parliament were 
likewise delegates, and no hint was given that their 
proceedings were considered unconstitutional, 
though nineteen days had elapsed, and the parlia* 
ment were simultaneously deliberating, and the 
privy ^council were inimical to the convention. Yet 
neither body took a step to assert their dignity. 



938 MiJ^JOOIf^ Cr XUB Jt^HE OM THE 

«Hi*. if it were reaUj impugiied. No ; the firBt aet of 
the new parliasa^ent rras to vote am addceati of 
thanks to the volunteers, and^ by inference, to thQ 
eonyention that was about to assemble t 

Here it may be deemed excusable, if o^pe 
more we introduce Mr. Hardy. The context of 
his book and his i^ech may be instructive tp 
view him in his duplex character, as a niesii(hev 
of parliament for the manor of MoEmghan, and, 
on this particular event, apologist for the earl of 
Charlemont. 

SPEECH— 29th NOVEMBER, 1783.» 

''That from, the gentlemen who composed the convention^ 
he could apprehend no danger to the constitution. That as to 
the military assemhly sitting in the metropolis, he agreed with 
gentlemen that it was a novel and extraordinary proceeding, 
nor did he wish to see it drawn into a precedent ; hut he would 
ask, was not the situation of Ireland itself novel and 
extraordinary ?********** 

" But in fact, whatever share the convention might have had 
in it, the honorahle gentleman who made the motion, and the 
right honorable gendeman who aeconded it, bring it forward 
as their own act, and not that of any supposed body of men 
whatsoever. Does not this disavowal of conventional inter- 
ference, tacitly pay this house that respect, the infringeipent of 
which, is so loudly exclaimed against P and may not those who 
are the most severely jealous of its dignity be, in some measure, 
satisfied when the right honorable gentleman, (Mr. Flood,) 
notwithstanding all the predominant influence which his great 



* Iriab parliamentary debates. 



Ri(mT HOK.^^ HENRY FIOOD. 389 

and w^f'^dAdowmg abilities are sand to baVe secured ta him im BUMPk 
that convention, do^s not attempt to appear before gentkinea 
in any other cbaraetet than an- undistinguished memb^ of 
parliament, properly, and constitutionally asking leave to 
bring in a bUl to ^move certain defects in the representation 9f 
the people P" 

BOOK VOL. II. p. 131.* 

The conyention was, independent of its military 
origin, which alone was sufficient to condemn it, 
the least justifiable of any conyention that eyer 
sat in Ireland. It thought proper to meet, not 
only immediately t after the revolution of 1782, 
but directly at the same time with the new 
parliament, whose character or whose temper, on 
any subject, had not been tried at all ; and super- 

X 

added to that, the particular subject for the 
promotion of which the conyention now met— 
parliamentary reform — ^had never, as a question 
of debate, been entertained by any house of 
commons whatever in Ireland. 

SPEECH._29di NOVEMBER, 1788. 
'* It behoved the house of comnions to take the subject 
proposed into their own hands, and as soon as possible to meet 
it with temper and with firmness, to be above the little finesse 
of setting their dignity against their duty,---of sheltering them- 
selves in their dereliction of the latter, by an afiected support 

* Memoirs, 

f One year and seven months after. How credulous he must have 
thought his readers. 



240 MEM0IB8 {Xf THE LIFE OP THE 

CHAP. of the ybrffwr; and above aD^by one great comprehentife and 
^^* honest invettigation of this subjecty to innte the people to 
prefer an early confidence in them^ their newly dected natural 
guardians of their rights, to any body of men in the world. 
*««««* It had been said that the bill for 
a reform was the work of the convention, to that he could only 
say, that had there been the slightest allusion to, — the slightest 
avowal of the interposition of the convention in this business, 
he would not hesitate a moment as to the manner of his voting 
that night." 

BOOK.-.VOL. IL p. 1^. 

Several of the minority, and all the delegates 
^ho had come from the convention, were in 
uniforms,* and bore the aspect of stem hostility. 
On the other hand, administration being 
supported on this occasion by many independent 
gentlemen, and having at their head very able 
men, such as Mr. Yelverton, presented a body 
of strength not always seen in the ministerial 
ranks, looked defiance at their opponents, and 
seemed almost unassailable. They stood certainty 
on most advantageous ground, and that ground 
given them by their adversaries." 

SPEECH._29iB NOVEMBER, 1788. 

''It was, in fact^ beneath the dignity of any hoase of 
commons^ to evade the discussion of a great constitutional 



* No very unusual practice. Party coatume was one way of knowing 
the retainers. The reader will be amused at observing the context of 
the book aod speech ; how admirably the latter nullifies the former. 



ni^HT aOK. HENRY FLOOD. 24 1 

question; but for the present houie, whieh had' been so ohap. 
recently elected^ and elected almost in the very effulgence of the ^^ 
Irish revolution ; for such a house to shrink totally back from 
thevBBY TiRST CONSTITUTIONAL QUESTION that Came before it, 
without any stipulation on the part of those who opposed it 
naw» to su}^rt it on a future day^ when brought forward in 
what appear^ to them a less questionable form, would, in his 
opinion^ be rather disgraceful. ♦ * * * If they 
did not — if they merely shifted off the question on account of 
THE CONVENTION, without any serious intention of taking it 
upon themselves, what would be the consequence ? The 
question might, indeed, be exiled again and again from that 
house, but it would not be in their power to banish it from the 
people. They would have " scotched the snake, not killed it" 
The idea -of a reform has already been taken up by many 
respectable counties, and if absolutely rejected to-night, will, 
in ati probability, be taken up by many more, — the minds of 
people will be more heated than ever, and the event will be, 
that after many a conflict in this house, instead of a long 
digested, moderate, rational plan of reform, — if reform shall 
be found necessary, — such a reform as shall be found congenial 
to the principles of the constitution, and no more ♦ * * 
instead of this, we shall in some giddy inauspicious moment, 
pr^pitantly adopt some plan, every feature of which will 
denote the wild hostility against the constitution which produced 
it. * * * * The honorable member closed 
his speech, by giving his affirmative voice to Mr. Flood's 
proposition !'* 

Probably, we could not find a more perfect 
example of tergiversation. It must be borne in 
mind hy the reader, that the above citation is 
frcHn the maiden speech of Mr. Hardy, who 
took his seat, for the first time, as the nominee 

R 




242 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 

of lord Granard on the important 29th of 
November. As the inceptive address of a man 
of talent it is well worthy of perusal, as being 
the longest and most comprehensive mude on 
that occasion. It is evidently a studied one, as 
indeed most first speeches are, the common-places 
of the subject matter, being neither trite nor 
unconnected ; and the arrangement being lucid 
and to the point. But it is pitiable to trace 
how prejudicially he wrote against himself 
twenty-six years afterwards, and how wrongfully 
he stigmatized the reputation of a great 
public character. His work having the name 
of " Charlemonf* prefaced to it, gained a circu- 
lation and credence by no means its merit, either 
from the narrative of events, the exactness 
of his biography, or the impartiality of his 
personal sketches. His speech and his book are 
a modern instance of the facility of argument 
which is recorded of Callisthenes, "who, when 
asked to speak, chose for his theme the Mace- 
donian nation, which he did in so good a manner 
as to excite the plaudits of his hearers, whereupon 
Alexander said — " it is easy to be eloquent upon 
so good a subject, but turn your style and let us 
hear what you can say against us** which 
Callisthenes did with that sting and life, that 
Alexander interrupting him, said — ^the goodness 



RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 



243 



IX. 



of the cause made him eloquent before, and chaf. 
despite made him eloquent then again.*'* 

More extended citations, alternately from his 
speech and book, would rather be further 
'CCMToborative of his humiliating servility to a 
^party, than conclusive as to facts. We may now 
be pardoned for turning to a few passages where 
he descends again into personality : — 

BOOK VOL. II. p. 108. 

**A dicjtator was appointed, not indeed in 
naso^ but substance. The bishop of Derry moved 
thc^t Mr. Henry Flood, who had not been one of 
the conuoittee should be appointed an assessor ; 
and here was displayed the potency o( oratorical 
talents in such a body o[ men, and the justice of 
lord Boliogbroke's observation, that the house of 
commons, or, in short, any assembly partaking of 
the nOiture of the house of commons, is like a 
pack of hounds — ' they will always follow the 
mm. who ^ows them most game.'" If lord 
Bolingbrooke ever made so vulgar a simile, we 
can easily apply it to his meaning — ^pensions, 
places, and perquisites ; what Mr. Hardy's 
pedestrian idea may have been, we need not take 
the trouble to seek. He is not very courteous 
to the lords, commoners, members of parliament. 



* Lord Bacon on learning. 




S44 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF IIHE 

whom he had praised shortly before ; but it is 
as astutely said. A warm intimacy had long 
subsisted between the earl of Bristol and Mr. 
Flood, they coincided and acted together in the 
convention, one point of difference only excepted. 
The right reverend earl wished the elective frai^ 
chise extended to the catholics, in which opinion 
the duke of Richmond concurred ; Mr. Flood, on 
the contrary, limited his bill to the protestants, 
which was analogous to the ancient laws of the 
constitution, and consistent with the state aflairs 
of the period ; and this peculiarity in the framing 
of his reform, preponderated almost unanimously 
with the delegates. His legislative wisdom was 
confessed by the addresses of three provinces, the 
opinions of the lawyers of both kingdoms, and 
the British act of remuneration : his ascendancy^ 
therefore, was complete, and not without 
plausibility, he may have been a ** dictator." The 
last sentence of the paragraph does little honor 
to the genius of lord Bolingbroke, if he ever 
used the expression, still less to the house of 
commons his reflection was drawn from. 
However, its application to Mr. Flood and the 
convention is unfortunate — the duke of Richmond 
recommended universal suffrage " in the most 
decided language," says Mr. Belsham, and on the 
same subject men of the first abilities were 
consulted, lord Effingham, Mr. Pitt, Dr. Price, 




' RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. £45 

Dr. Jebb, and major Cartwright. Mr. Flood, in 
tBLCt, lost some of his popularity by the limitation 
he put to the elective franchise I 

As Mr. Hardy pretends that Mr. Flood was 
" the dictator" of this assembly of gentlemen, a 
reflection arises — ^how a far presiding mind 
was beneficial or hurtful in such a political scene ? 
A philosophic and eloquent historian resolves 
the theorem at once in a lucid and instructive 
form : — ^* But in the complicated scene of human 
affairs there is no theory that will fit all cases. 
Among beings capable of pleasure and of pain, of 
enjoyment and suffering, the general advantages 
is the supreme law to which all others give place ; 
ikie hazard and the evil are in one man, setting 
up his judgment and superseding the judgment 
of others when the affair is theirs. His intention 
may be the purest that can be imagined — ^his 
judgment may be enlightened in the highest 
possible degree ; but this is perhaps one of the 
cases, in which the event must decide upon the 
soundness of the proceeding.*' 

What was the event here ? We shall find it to 
have been the rejection of parliamentary reform 
in. any shape or guise. This was only the 
immediate result. But what was the ultimate 
one? The easy management of a legislative 
union — ^the abrogation of the constitution of 
Ireland; and, though the efforts of science 



1246 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 



IX. 



CHAP, may render distance unimportant — ^though the 
unwearied application of statesmen may now do 
much, yet for nearly half a century Ireland felt 
her destitution* 

BOOK.— VOL, IL p. 116. 

"Flood's angry frown and angry comments 
exiled them all. His plan, notwithstanding all 
his subtle interpretations and comments, was, on 
sober investigation, found not much superior to 
many which preceded it. Nay, there were some, 
who like Dangle in the play, thought the 
interpreter was the hardest to be understood of 
any of his coadjutors/' 

We find here some malignancy superadded to^ 
circumstantial misrepresentation. 

Mr. Flood's plan of reform for Ireland, 
submitted to the convention at the Rotunda on 
the motion of the right honorable and right 
reverend the earl of Bristol, bishop of Derry, and 
approved by the lords, commoners, members of 
parliament, and delegates, assembled @8th of 
November, 1783. 

SCHEME OF REFORM. 

" That every protestant freeholder or leaseholder, 
possessing a freehold or leasehold for a certain 
term of years of forty shillings value, resident in 
any city or borough, should be entitled to vote at 
the election of a member for the same. 




RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD, 247 



" That decayed boroughs should be entitled to 
return representatives by an extension of franchise 
to the neighbouring parishes. That the suffrages 
of the electors should be taken by the sheriff, or 
his deputies on the same day at the respective 
places of election. That pensioners of the crown 
receiving their pensions during pleasure, should 
be incapacitated from sitting in parliament. That 
every member of parliament accepting a pension 
for life> or any place under the crown, should 
vacate bis seat. That each member should 
siibscribe an oath that he had neither directly nor 
indirectly given any pecuniary or other consi* 
deration with a view of obtaining that suffrage of 
an election. Finally, that the duration of 
parliament should not exceed the term of three 
years." 

This was the plan he considered applicable to 
tiie exigencies of Ireland, in 1783; neither 
enigmatical, nor difficult of interpretation : and 
with reference to the sera, and the moral and social 
condition of the kingdom, appeared simple and 
effectual^ What was the consequence ? " It was,'* 
writes Mr. Belsham,* " received with great 
applause, and resolutions to the same purport: 
unanimously passed."* 

TTie suggestions of the earl of Bristol though 

• VoU iv. p. 38, et seq. 




94A MEMOIRS or tk£ life of the 

admirable for philantrophy, were scarcely pre- 
ferable to ^* universal suffrage'' recommended by 
the Duke of Richmond. But there is another 
proc^ that this measure was not forced on the 
houses Mr. Flood was left in a minority of 
Jbrty'nine^^ which in the venal state of represent* 
tation at that time, was the most powerful minority 
on a great question since the absentee tax. The 
sentiments of a learned and eloquent testimony, 
Dr. Browne, subsequently, we believe, fellow of 
Trinity College, may conduce to give a right view 
of this important historical transaction, adorned as 
it is with a lustre of language, which invests a 
by-gone subject with attraction and interest. " He 
could not endure the thought, that while the great 
names who offered the bill, floated down the stream 
of time, his little bark should not be seen to 
pursue the triumph.t The question is magnu 
ficent and simple ; it is, whether you will receive a 
bill of the first magnitude, introduced by the first 
men in this house ? A bill which professes to 
restore the constitution to its pristine vigour, and 
that beauty with which it appears in theory and 
in history — which proflFers to ?idd sinews to virtue, 
and perpetuity to liberty. It seems to be * the 
messenger of glad tidings/ It bears a promising 
countenance — " multum magna et prceclara 
■ » ■' — ^—^ 'I 1 .1. i .,1 i .1. «■ III 

* Hardy says, seventy-seven. f Irish parliamentary del>ates. 




RIGHT HON. aSNRY FLOOD. 349 

minantu I we ought to receive it, even if its garb 
were a little exceptionable, but it is not : it 
approaches jou in the robes of decency, with the 

MODESTr AND FIRMNESS of DETERMINED VIRTUE. 

It does not enter this house with force ; but it is 
received with force. It is unattended with 
violence; but it is met with violence. I have 
seen no violence this night, but on the part of 
administration : but the frenzy of administration 
has conjured up terrific forms, which no man in 
his sober senses could see.'* 

*' Mr. Brownlow at the desire of the delegates, 
seconded the motion to bring in the bill, he was 
opposed, with uncommon violence by the 
servants of the crown, and with such threats 
of intimidation as ought never to be heard in a 
legislative assembly ; by him they were heard and 
despised.* His respectable character is well 
known, and generally esteemed ; but no where 
more than in his own county, where no person 
should be so absurd as to think of voting against 
him. Of ample fortune and liberal birth, these 
form his smallest praise, whose foundations are 
much deeper laid, and are not to be shaken by the 
stormiest blasts of calumny or envy. As an orator, 
he has, indeed, few claims to public distinction, 
for his voice is thin, sharp, and disagreeably toned, 

* Author of the principal characters of the Irish commoni. 




350 MEMOIES OF TH£ LIFE OF THE 

alike deficient in strengfth and melody ; and his 
maimer is neitiier pleasing nor conciliating* His 
matter, though far superior to either, and scmie- 
times solid and sometimes new, is not jretof the v^ 
first impression, it forcibly strikes but does not 
always convince. His language though sparingly 
ornamented, is yet neither low nor mean, but pos* 
sesses a degree of easy and imstudied elegance, 
rather the effect of polite intercourse thanof careful 
choice } his arguments are easy and natural, con- 
genial to common apprehensions, and free from 
all sophistical inyolution. Spirited, indeed, he is, 
and sometimes bold even to daring ; but though 
the fire of his elocution is strong, it is more the 
steadiness than the splendour of its blaze that we 
have to admire. If he does not animate his 
audience by the qualities of ardour and of energy, 
he yet ever obtains their complacent attention by 
the dignity of his conduct, by the decision of his 
actions, and by his unblemished moral reputation. 
But what gives an irresistible weight to every 
word he utters, is the acknowledged independence 
of his mind and the undeviating rectitude of his 
parliamentary conduct. No tool of party, and no 
slave of state, he is the real representative of an 
independent county, supporting its rights with 
steadiness and echoing its sentiments with integrity. 
Dashing defiance in the teeth of the minions* of 

* Minions of power, Yelverton, Scott, and Fltzgibbon. 




RIGHT HON. H£KRT FLOOB. 25 1 

power, he stands firm as on a rock ; and in a 
certain perilous situation* showed himself undis- 
mayed by their opposition, and unterrified by their 
threats ; whilst others are to be a^^uded for 
abilities and eloquence, he is to be rerered for 
worth and patriot virtue.'' Such was the indiri* 
dual who presided as chairman of the committee 
convention, and who was selected from his moral 
and political influence to second the measure of 
reform. His speech in the commons ispreserved,t 
and pithily expresses the exact state of a&irs in the 
following remarkable words, which are indicative 
of the retainers of government. — ^" Gentlemen 
opposite are at a great loss for arguments when 
they conjure up aerial phantoms of armed men 
presenting it on the point of the bayonet.'* 

The opinion of a moderate and judicious 
recurrence to the first principles of representation, 
was entertained by some in both houses of 
parliament, and very generally in the country. 
Hence we find almost the first act of the house 
of commons, on the 14th of October, was 
deliberately to vote an address of thanks to the 
volunteers for their continued patriotic services, 
which body had delegated a select number 
of their officers to meet on a day appointed, and 
for the discussion of a subject premeditated. 

* The convention. f The parliamentary debates of Ireland. 




252 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 

The motion of lord Sudley, in the commons^ 
was followed by a proposition from the earl of 
Montnorris in the lords, who presented a bill for 
the ** frequent holding and assembling of parlia** 
ments in this kingdom/'* The first act counte* 
nanced the volunteers in their proceedings, and 
the second implied the necessity of a more 
vigorous system of legislation. 

Lord Charlemont, who had been but recently 
inade a privy councillor by the viceroy, ambitioned 
the honor of being president of the convention $ 
a post, it is fair to assume, he would not have 
sought^ had Mr. Fox, who was in power, 
expressed his disapprobation, or had the earl of 
Northington considered it discourteous. Mr« 
Hardy, however, thought it requisite to write, in 
181S, an apology for the noble president in 
reference to his conduct, in I78S ; for he sayst — 
*^ to the astonishment of lord Charlemont, Mr» 
Flood arose about four o'clock in the afternoon 
of Saturday, November 29th, and proposed that 
he, accompanied by such other members of 
parliament, as were then present, should 
immediately go down to the house of com- 
mons, and move for leave to bring in a bill 
exactly correspondent, in every respect, with that 
he had submitted to, and was approved of by, the 

• Belsham, Vol. IV. f Hardy's Memoirs, Vol. 11. 



IX. 



RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 253 

convention." If tins statement be not a fiction, <^0af. 
it is difficult to account for the noble 
lord's astonishment, for he, in his letter from 
Lurgan, had selected that precise subject, and that 
aione for their consideration ; he was conscious 
that reform was canvassed in every possible 
manner, and that the very convention he presided 
over was composed of gentlemen, who for four 
months had studied and prepared schemes more 
or less applicable. It is likewise unfortunate that 
facts do not coincide with the precipitancy Mr. 
Hardy has given to the discussion ; but the truth 
is, the bill for parliamentary reform was not the 
first subject that engaged the attention of the 
house of commons, on the 29th of November, for 
on reference to the reports,* a parliamentary 
debate took place on a financial system, when Mr. 
Yelverton defended that of government, and Mr. 
Mood strongly recommended the report of the 
committee of accounts, of I768, as a model for 
the plan to be pursued in I78S. Therefore, he 
could not be said to have hurried from the bar of 
one house to that of another. The committees 
having examined the bill framed by Mr. Flood, it 
was finally approved on the S8th, the day previous 
to the debate, and then Mr. Brownlow was 
chosen by the convention to second the motion. 



* Irish Parliamentary debates. 



IX. 



S54 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 

CHAP. Mr. Hardj again says, *• to this proposition** he, 
Mr. Flood, added another — ** that the convention 
should not adjourn till the fate of the motion was 
ascertained.** Now, sir Jonah Barrington, an au- 
thority, on this subject, preferable to Mr. Hardy, 
because more free from disingenuous subtlety 
and malice, gives the resolution in these terms : — 
^ That the sittings of the convention should be 
permanent till the piu*liament had decided the 
question.*** The implications of these propositions 
are essentially different. It is apparent, however, 
throughout the narrative of the biographer^ that 
he was anxious to avert the odium from the noble 
president to the individual whom he designates 
the " dictator,** and lord Charlemont gains little 
by so indifferent a compliment, for it follows, he 
had no power to amend the resolution* or even 
to negative it — that Mr. Brownlow was beyond 
the pale of his authority, and likewise the greater 
part of the assembly — that he presided less with 
the active energies of a man than the quiescent 
decorum of a paged. 

•• A more complete designation and avowal,** 
says Mr. Hardy, " of a deliberative assembly 
co-existing with the lords and commons, and 
apparently of co-extensive authority could scarcely 
be made.'* 

* Historic Memoin. 




BIGHT HOIJ. HENRY FLOOD. ^3 

And where could censure^ be more properly 
applied, than on a government which permitted 
suck innovations, without an effort to suppress 
what was contumatious to the legislature and 
executive? The remark militates strongly against 
the coalition. ministry, who Idiought to sway the 
gigantic influence of popular opinion, by the 
instrumentality of a new-made privy councillor, 
who, by his pres^oce, might seem to legalize the 
meeting, though he were not 

" Of Adantean shoulders fit to bear. 
The weight of heaviest cabinets." 

Mr. Hardy continues — " Lord Charlemont had 
received a hint of this extraordinary movement 
from Mr. Flood, but it was no more than a hint," 
It would be ridiculous in any one but an apolo- 
gist to state, that the president of a dangerous 
meeting, which, as he asserts, assumed powers 
co-extensive with the legislature, knew nothing 
of the proceedings, except " a hint," particularly, 
when a session of three weeks of animated discus- 
sion had elapsed. Mr. Flood having recently 
differed with the noble earl, on a point already 
noticed, it is more than probable he did not 
consult lord Charlemont, what line of conduct he 
should pursue, when as a statesman he must have 
perceived, that the fever which had risen almost to 
its crisis, by the almost abrogation of popular rights 



056 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 



IX. 



CHAP, for centuries, required instant means to alleviate, 
hj carrying off the humours and evils of the 
state by popular remedies. If the means were 
unconstitutional and perilous, the irresolution 
of ministers on the one hand, and the exuberant 
eloquence of popular orators in both countries on 
the other^ had encouraged this political distemper.* 
The wretched condition of the Etrurian peasantry 
in the time of the Gracchi, scarcely surpassed the 
distresses of the unrepresented and unheeded 
peasants and farmers of Ireland up to this period ; 
and the humane and touching exclamation — ''The 
wild beasts of Italy have their caves to retire to, 
but the brave men who spill their blood in her 
cause, having nothing left but air and light /*' 
" Without housQ3, — without any settled habita- 
tions, they wander from place to place with their 
children : and their generals (their represen- 
tatives) do but mock them — '* could be appositely 
paraphrased to depict the destitution of the Irish. 
A powerful oligarchy had long enjoyed ascen- 
dency, and their nominees formed a part of the 
national representation. 

Before proceeding to the more interesting 
coUition of the parliament and the volunteers, 
it is hoped that a personal slander may be repelled 



* This hypothesis is used merely for the ar^ment Mr. Hardy himself 
admitted in his speech, when mists and visual delusions had not obscured 
his ken, that it was constitutional. 



IX. 



RIGHT HON- HENRY FLOOD, 257 

without unnecessarily detaining the reader. Mr. chap. 
Hardy says, ** Nor would be, Mr. Flood, perhaps, 
haye brought the measure forward at all, had he 
not been impelled by personal motives. His great 
ambition was to take the lead in this .business of 
reform, aa at that time he looked to a seat in the 
British parliament/' If the plan of parliamentary 
reform had received a close investigation by two 
committees,, during a session of three weeks, it 
could not be said to be hurried into the house of 
commons to. serve Mr. Flood's personal conveni- 
ence J neither could the house reject it on the 
hypothetical argument, that it was the identical 
measure adopted by the national convention. Mr. 
Flood was a member of the British parliament at 
the time. Before October the 8th, the negotiation 
for the borough of Winchest^er had been con- 
cluded. The visit Mr. Flood made the duke of 
Chandos, in the summer of this year, terminated 
the affidr, and the agent's, and the duke's letters, 
refer to the writ of election being ready on the 
12th of October. 

Yet, as such documents are of no interest except 
that they substantiate the fact, they are purposely 
omitted here. But a communication from a man 
of letters,* his unalterable friend, bearing date the 



* Mr. Webb, author of essays on the antiquities of Ireland, and 
poems, &c. 

8 



258 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 

CHAP. 7th of November, which shall be introdueed a 
little subsequently, has this conclusire seRtenoe — 
** You remember from the first of our acquaintance 
I wished to see ymi a member of the Englidi 
parliament; You tell me^ * thai you are come in 
on the most unexceptionable form/ I had not the 
least doubt of that from the mommii thal^ I first 
heard of it/' 

Mr. Hardy has thought proper to follow 
Mr. Flood and his friend, the earl of Bristol^ 
with an acrimonious spirit of detraction, which 
can only be accounted for, as suitable to the tastes 
and opinions of bis party ; not, indeed, unlike the 
petty politicians alluded to by Mr. Burke-^^' Tria 
faciunt monachumf*^bene loqui de supefwre^ 
legeire breviarium taUter qualiter^ et ^ine res 
vadere ut vadunt^^ as the best recommendation 
to notice. 

The colliMon between the gor^mmsnt and 
the yolunte^^ commenced by sir Edward 
Newhenbam acquainting the house^ ^^Thal^ pur- 
suant to a notice he had given some time since^ 
he would have brctnght <m the business oi parlia- 
mentary reform but a right hanosable friend of 
k», who had promised his assistance, would now 
bring it forward instead of him.'^ After these 
introductory words from sir Edward, Mr. Flood 
rose and said : — ^^ Sir, thou&rh the subject on which 
I propose troubling the house is of the first 



ftlOHT HON. H£NRlr FLOOD. 269 

importance, yet I shall not anticipate the future chai^. 
discussion of it. I theref<n*e, sir, most humbly 
move you for leave to bring in a bill for the more 
equal representation of the people in parliament." 
Brief and decorous ae these preliminary observa- 
tions were, Mr. Yelverton, then attorney-general, 
violently repudiated the idea, as originating in an 
armed assembly, and therefore, inconsistent with 
the freedom of debate to receive it. In a highly 
declamatory speech, on a measure not regularly 
before the house, he expressed himself with 
so much art and insinuation, as to engage the 
passions of both sides. It is true, that the 
coalition ministry were averse to the proceedings 
of the convention and the volunteers ; and instruc- 
tions were transmitted on the advent of the bill, to 
the servants of the crown in Ireland to offer every 
opposition to the present design. Such was the 
policy of ** the monstrous coalition,** as Mr. Powys 
emphatically termed that, between lord North and 
Mr. Fox—" the lofty asserter of the prerogative, 
had now joined alliance with the worshipper of the 
me^e&by of thepeople I** The inftuence of the cabinet 
was too nicely balanced to be unmoved by the 
agitation which pervaded every part of the sister 
kingdom. The plausible grounds taken up by 
the able placemen c^ the Irish government 
complied to the letter of their inst^ctions. They 
resisted the introduction c^ a bill of reform as a 




260 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 

mandate from an armed assembly ; though the 
same argument would have been applicable to the 
formidable first and second Dungannon meetings 
which had equally dictated to the legislature. 
. As Mr. Yelverton, took the initiatiye in this 
momentous debate, Mr. flood, replied on the 
inferences to be drawn from one of the wisest 
political maxims — " Principiis obstaJ' 

MR. FLOOD'S REPLY TO MR. YELVERTON,* 

*' Sir, I have not mentioned the hill, as heing the measure of 
any set of men, or hody of men whomsoever. I am as free to 
enter into the discussion of the hill as any gentleman in this 
house, and with as little prepossession of what I shaU propose. 
I prefer it to the house as the hill of my right honorable friend 
who seconded me, — ^will you receive it from us ? (Here Mr, 
Flood sat down, and after a short pause he rose and said,) In 
the last parliament it was ordered, ' that leave be given for the 
more equal representation of the people in parliament' — this was 
in the duke of Portland s administration, an administration the 
right honorable gentleman (Mr. Yelverton) professes to admire,, 
and which he will not suspect of overtiuning the constitution. 

" I own, from the turn which has been given to this question,. 
I enter on it with the deepest anxiety ; armed with the authority 
of a precedent I did not think any one would be so desperate 
as to give such violent opposition to the simple introduction of 
B, bill. I now rise, for the first time, to speak to the subject, and 
I call on every man, auditor, or spectator, in the house, or in the 
galleries to remember this truth, — that if the volunteers are 
introduced in this debate it is not I who do so. The 
right honorable gentleman, says, ' if the volunteers have 

* Irish parliamentary debates. 




RIGHT HO^, HENRY FLOOD, 26l 

upproved it he will oppose it ;' but I say, I bring it in as a 
member of tbis boase, supported with the powerful aid of my 
right honorable friend (Mr. Brownlow,) who sits behind me. 
We bring it in as members of parliament, never mentioning the 
volunteers. I ask you, will you receive it from us — from us 
your members neither intending by any thing within doors or 
without, to intimidate, or over awe you P I ask, will you — will 
you receive it as our bill, or will you conjure up a military 
phantom of interposition to af&ight yourselves P 

*' I have not introduced the volunteers, but if they are 
aspersed, I will defend their character against all the world. By 
whom were the commerce and the constitution of this country 
recovered P — ^By the volunteers ! 

" Why did not the right honorable gentleman make a 
declaration against them when they lined our streets — ^when 
parliament passed through the ranks of those virtuous armed 
men to demand the rights of an insulted nation P Are they 
different men at this day, or is the right honorable gentleman 
dilTerent P He was then one of their body ; he is now their 
accuser ! He, who saw the streets lined, — who rejoiced — who 
partook in their glory, is now their accuser ! Are they less wise, 
less brave, less ardent in their country's cause, or has their 
admirable conduct made him their enemy P May they not say, 
we have not changed^ but you have changed. The right 
honorable gentleman cannot bear to hear of volunteers ; but I 
wiU ask him, and I will have a starling taught to hollow 
IN HIS EAR. — ^Who gave you the free trade P who got you the 
free constitution P who made you a nation P The volunteers .'* 
" If they were the men you now describe them, why did you 



* Declaration of the volunteer army of Ulster. " That the dignified 
conduct of the amuf lately restored to the imperial crown of Ireland its 
original splendour — ^to nobility, its ancient privileges, and to the nation 
at large, its inherent rights as a sovereign independent state." Such was 
the assumed power of the volunteers, in 1782. The parliament was 
considered then ahnost anti-national. 




264 MfiMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 

family connexions, rai3ed themselves to the 
first rank in their respective states, by ihe sole 
force of their own deserts. Remarkably different 
as the constitution of our government is, from 
the republics wherein they flourished, yet still the 
same path, to reputation, to opulence, and to 
honors, which they trod, is open ; and the modern 
orator, eminent at the bar and in the senate, 
commands the issues of success, and fixes at 
pleasure the fortunes of his family. We find 
these results singularly coincidental to the public 
characters and fortunes of the four most able 
supporters of the Irish government, for a quarter 
of a century. 

Mr. Yel verton instantly received as a reward for 
his labours the chief baronship of the exchequer, 
and Mr. Fitzgibbon the attorney-general^ip.'^ 



* Aa anecdote, of Fitzgibbon and Scott, was related to the writer 
by a gentleman who knew the fact. — After the elevation of these 
men to their new dignities, they were invited to dine with an 
attorney, who first brought them into notice in the Four Courts, 
by giving them briefs ; they accepted his invitation, not wishing to discard 
their old friend ; but as he lived in an unfashionable street they did 
not like to have noticed the '* lowly means by which they did ascend.** 
Fitzgibbon drove to an adjacent street, and then alighted from his carriage, 
and walking sneakingly to the house, he met Scott, they passed without 
recognition : to avoid detection they walked to the end of the 
street in opposite directions, and turned ; both met again, but finding they 
were engaged to the same liost, Scott said to Fitzgibbon — ''Ah! Mr. attorney- 
general, 1 see we are both engaged to the same place, do not be ashamed, 
pray let me show you the way" They entered the alley which led to 
their old benefactor's house, which their new-born vanity wished to 
conceal. 




RIGHT HON. HENRT PLOOD. S65 

Mr. Flood, finding the brgatus of gbvemment 
had found it expedient to stigmatize the 
delegates and their proceedings, he moved an 
address to the king in the convention, on Monday 
the 1st December, two days after the debate, in 
the name of the delegates of all the volunteers off 
Ireland. 

** The delegates of the volcmteers of Ireland^ 
beg leave to address your majesty, expressive of 
their duty and loyalty, claiming the merits of 
their past exertions, and imploring your majesty 
that their humble wish to have certain 
manifest perversions of the parliamentary 
representation of the kingdom of Ireland, 
remedied by the legislature in some reasonable 
degree, might not be attributed to any spirit of 
innovation, but to a sober and laudable desire to 
uphold the constitution, to confirm the satisfaction 
of their fellow-subjects, and to perpetuate the 
cordial union of both kingdoms/* 

Such was the address which Mr. Flood thought 
incumbent on the delegates to lay at his 
Majesty's feet, after what had transpired in the 
house of commons. He then moved *^ that the 
convention do adjourn sine die,'* which was put 
by the president, lord Charlemont, and carried 
unanimously. 

The noble earl published a protest, in which 
he ratified the opinions and acts of the convention. 
By which manifestation of his sentiments he 



266 MEMOIB8 OF THE LIFE OF 

CHAP, gave Qmbrage to the viceroyv the tari of 
Northmg^n, and the usual court civilities were 
discontiimed during the brief period that remftined 
of his excellency's goyeminent. 

The generous and high-minded earl of Bristol, 
took too conspicuous a parti as the rival of iord 
Charlemont, not to hare a place in the memorials 
of that brilliant political anomaly. Whatever 
the meanness of Mr., Hardy may have poked out 
against that nobleman, — ^whether true or &l8e^-^*^ 
no person can deny his princely munificence, and 
his disinterested regard for Ireland, united iaone 
of the mort accomplished peers of the realm. 

The general tenor and scope of Mr. Mood's 
policy with regard to Ireland, are distinctly deve- 
loped in the following s^itence of an annalist of 
much ability* — ** To reform the government and 
constitution upon protestant principles, and still 
to preserve the protestant ascendancy, was all 
that, in present circumstances, the state of the 
kingdom could bear ; and all that an enlightened 
benevolence would consequently aim to accom* 
plislu" This was evidently the object of the 
present bill, and had it not passed through the 
ordeal of the convention, there could have been 
no constitutional argument for its rejection by 
the house of commons. It requires an intimate 
knowledge, and a minute, and patient investiga- 



* Belshanii toI. iv. p. 88. 



EICaST HOK« HENRY FLOOD. S67 

tion of the local historj of tkat time, to form «kap. 
B judgment on the idea^—how far auch an 
asseoiUage of mien of property, of character, and 
of influence,, were justified in convening, in a 
manner they must have known was anomalous 
to the constitution, and constructively con- 
tumatious to the legislature. 

The opinion of a disinterested man of letters, 
who witnessed this debate, which has been 
meretriciously coloured by some narrators, will 
be found worth a volume ; from the point 
and pleasantry with which it shadows forth the 
whole scene, — ^like the touches of a master-hand, 
which give vivacity and character to a picture. 

LETTER FROM DANIEL WEBB, ESQ. 

" Mt dbar Sib, 

*' As I cannot have the pleasure of seeing yoii 
before yoa leave town, you must indulge me in a few moments* 
conversation on paper. I congratulate with you on the abrupt 
dismission of your bill. It was the victory of power, not 
of prowess. Unable to cope with you hand to hand, ikey 
mminted the flying island of Gullivar, and crushed you und« 
ike weight of their rubbish! I shall reserve for a future 
conversation the particular remarks I made on the whole 
debate. But I cannot withhold my impatience to declare the 
pleasure I received from your conduct throughout. It was 
masterly, to my apprehension, consummate. 

" Your very affectionate 

'' And obedient humble servant, 

"Danikl Webb." 
'* To the Right Hon* Henry Flood.'' 




268 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 

A good deal of cordiality, and some friendly acts, 
in the ordinary acceptation of the term, were 
interchanged by Mr. Flood and the duke of 
Chandos, whose correspondence was frequent^ 
and for the most part, of a political character. 
Such letters of his grace as were foimd to 
contain interesting matter, or collateral evidence 
as to the a&irs Mr. Flood was prominently 
engi^ed in, are embodied in this work* The 
following illustrate two remarkable points — ^his 
position at this crisis in history of Irish affairs, 
and his opinions with reference to future policy. 

LETTER FROM THE DUKE OF GHANDOS. 

" Londan, J^ovember ISth, 1783. 
"Dear Mr. Flood, 

"Your kind letters of the 7th and 11th (the last of 
which I received last night) are now before me ; I return you 
my hearty thanks for them, as they have made our minds 
something easier relative to you. The salutation that a certain 
gentleman met with, I am not surprised at ; it is such a one as 
he must expect from every unprejudiced person everywhere, 
and is exactly what he deserves, and is strict truth. I had 
written thus far when your's of the 13th came to my hand. 
I am highly pleased with the compliment, a very distinguished 
one indeed, which you have received from the delegates,* 
which I think must be a finishing stroke to the person I have 
alluded to above. 

" Few honorable and distinguished situations fall to a man s 
lot without their difficulties ; there are no roses without thorns : 

* The unanimous addresses of the volunteers. 




RIGHT HON. HENRT FLOOD. 269 

yet your abilities and good sense, assisted by honest and truly- 
patriotic principles, will, I am certain, carry you through the 
slippery path you have to tread, with safety to yourself, and 
real advantage to your country ; I need not say to your own 
gloiy, for, had not that been firmly rivetted in the eyes and 
hearts, of the publie, you had not been called to the situation^ 
You are now endued with the power of canying your country 
to the attainment of the objects they wish for, in a temperate 
and constitutional process,, and of making parliament the 
^umnel of what may yet he wanting to complete, legally, what 
the parliament of England meant to cowvey to them. Other 
modes, the offspring of violence and intemperance, might 
overturn the constitution; but could never establish a settled 
free government. A gust of wind may overset a vessel ; but 
no storm, however strong or great, can ever set her right 
again. Conduct like yours cannot fail of making Ireland a 
great country ; not only without prejudicing England, but even 
making her more splendid, from the reflecting beams. It has 
ever been my firm opinion, long before this question''^ was 
agitated between the two countries, that the more Ireland was 
freed from the heavy shackles with which she was formerly 
loaded, the more advantage this country must reap from her ; 
and I firmly believe* a confined idea of the true policy of 
government, and an avaricious and unjustifiable desire of 
monopoHsing trade in a few manufacturing towns in England/ 
were the causes of such mischievous and ungenerous measures 
towards the sister kingdom. Whenever Ireland becomes 
possessed of her natural advantages to th^ir due extent, and 
her constitutional privileges, in amity and conjunction with 
England, I will pledge my little knowledge in predicting that 
both countries must increase in honor, wealth, and commerce. 
What then must be the result ? Respect from foreign countries, 
plenty and peace at home, and the firmest foundation of our 

* Mr.. Flood's doctrine of external, as well as internal, legislation. 



370 MEMOIRS OfF TBE LTTB OF THE 

CMAF. natural oongtitation — ^that ii to iay, the free enjojniient of diat 
^^ ^ beaveoly united governmeiit of limited loonarcfa j, and libertj' 
withoiit licentiottsness, or the anarchy^ of a republic Feeling 
joor pzeaent sitnatton, and knowing yoar principles, I have 
^eatiiKd to write my MotHmenis thm» Jreehf to yon^ not pn^ 
tmmuif to ijfitr yo% an idoa, but to gwe you my roa$o9U, «iPily 
(abmost procodmy my fiiondMp to you) I rofoia $o f^eoHf 
iu your prosoni unexampled, ylorioue, and (permit me to add) 
most riyhteouily deserved eUuation. I most now apeak to you 
at a private man, and I heg joa to attend tome ; Ibrif I know 
my own abilities, I think I am better qualified for a friend 
dum a politician, I have no deficiencies in my heart, though, 
God knows, very many in my head. Last week the dudiesa 
and I were very apprehensive lest you might be assassinated; 
now we agree equally in opimon, that wet feet, or over 
exortion in a fit of the gout, may be as fatal as a leaden bolus, 
or incision of a toledo blade ; th^efore, we entreat you, keep 
bouse till you are well, and do not make proeessions on wet 
groundr I honor the house of commons lor the indulgence 
given you to speak Httiny. In that posture, your lai^uage, 
doquence, and argument have raised you to the sides: had 
you be^i on your legs, you must have soared to the heavens* 
You make me happy in your increasing numbers on thc^ 
different divisions f when a snowbaM is once sent rolling, every 
turn it makes increases its magnitude: lioU it on, thetelore, 
til) it comes to the si^e of the globe, and when it has corn* 
pleled that diiaension, no one can be so fit to guide its 
motions aa yourself* 

'' I can easily conceive, from the pain of the gout, what 
you must have sufiered, when you retired from the house; 
and the rddef from nature that you received, reminds me that 
the oak perspires, whenever an hardy and daring man attempts 
its root with the as^e ; an ehn may, but no oak can, be under-* 
mined, for diat has a tap root / hitherto approve of every 
step the delegates have taken ; (hevr last move, as 1 Rave 




RIGHT HON. HENRT FLOOD. 871 

told you above, has charmed me. How much do I feel 
myself indebted io yon, in the centre of all your business, to 
vindicate me from general Luttrell's attack. The general was 
in part right; however, there never was an office I more 
ambitioned, if I could have been appointed to it at a time that 
I could have served Iieland, and have been invested with full 
powan ; but he is indeed much mistaken in m^ if he could 
imagine I would have taken the office from a spring adminis- 
tration, the bastard offiipring of an unnatural conjunction,* to 
have loaded Ireland with a peace estaUishment of fifteen hun* 
died men; when one rotten part at that c<»miptadministratio!i 
had drawn every elective man out oi the country, and left it 
te fall a sacrifice to any foreign power that might have invaded 
H« in CNrdsr to protract a war which Lord Norths for yearib 
had made a job of. No ! I had rather wait behind bia chairj 
or give him his stirrup, than occupy the castle at this 
mcMneat Jie vohiUeera preserved Ireland in time of woof^ 
sMd have certednfy a right to expect a reduction^ of the 
forces in time of peace; mid whUsi they exert themselves 
for ihat pmpose eonsHtutionaUy, and as loyal subjeeis ti> their 
sovereiyn, they have a right to my^ best tvishes, however 
insiyn^cant they may be* Nothing of any moment passes 
here worth your notice. This day Mr. Fox is to bring on the 
EfHTt India, busiiiesa in the houae of commons. You ma; 
depend upon hearing from nie>> aa often aa I can find any 
thing tQ make a ktter tol^raUe. Your most admirable defence 
has been very imperfectly printed in our papers; I shall 
therefore endeavour to get it into one of Ihem correct 

«< Dear Mr. Flood. 

** Your very faithful and sincere friend, 
"And humble servant, 

" Chandos." 



* The ecMlition between lor4 North and Mr. Fox. 
f The objeot of sir Henry Ca?endieh*s motion, which Mr. Flood 
supported, and Mr. Grattan opposed. 



27^ MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 




LETTER FROM THE DUKE OF CHANDOS. 

"London, 26th of J^ovember, 1783^ 
" Dear Mb. Flood, 

*' Your letter of the 19th has given us very great 
eomfert. The East India biH ooeasions greM eoaimdfiofus, 
and I think is very likely to blow iq> the present administnUioit 
very speedily ; and therefore I cannot but lament your being 
absent at this very critical period^ and yet am aware how much 
you are wanted where you are. It is said, and I believe with 
troth, that loid Mansfield and lord Stomiont have bodi 
refused to support the bill. Yesterday the duke of Richmond, 
lord Thurlow, and lord Temple, dined with me, to talk the 
bill over. Mr. Pitt was to have been with us, but was kept in 
the house of commons. We were all unanimous, that it was 
best for us to take no steps in the house of lords, (or some days 
at least. To-morrow the second reading is to take place in the 
house of commons : it seems to be the firm determination of 
administration to drive the bill first through that house ; but as 
we have yet not a single evidence or paper before us, I think 
they must give us some time.. I hope we may be able to 
protract till after the holidays. On the event of this bill, I 
think will depend the fate of the present ministers. I do not 
absolutely wish fcnr an alteration before Christmas, yet I think 
much art and ability must be exerted to prevent the fever 
coming to a crisis too soon. 

''We are much pleased with the contents of your last 
Dublin paper. I have now only to add our best oompliments 
to you and lady Frances. 

"I am, dear Mr. Flood, 

" Your very sincere and faithful 

" Friend and servant, 

** Chanbos.** 



RIGHT HON. HENRT FLOOD. ^3 

** P. S. — ^If you can send a friend some of lord BeUamont s 
01* lord Momitiiiorris's oratory^ without egotism^ it may be 
acceptaUe ; but it must be duty free." 



Amid domestic a&irs, we bave accompanied this 
stetesiiittii through the most tempestuous seaison ; 
his star, which had guided him felicitously in 
a long and perilous course, now waned faint into 
a dubious lights as he neared the long-expected 
harbour of his ambition/ 

A ooiiiplimentarj short missive from the 
ducheds of Chandos, on the dedication of some 
furtive poems to her grace, may with propriety, 
close this part of the memoirs of Mr, Flood. 

LETTER FROM THB DUCHESS OF CHANDOS. 

«^ Chando9-H&usey 29ik Nov. 1783. 
'' DuR Sib, 

'' I FEAR you wjU llive couclnied by dxis tiuie^ lliat 
the first fruits devoted to me from your consecrated quill have 
been slighted, and that I have even forgot you ; but I knew 
not wheiie my thanks and good wishes might meet you, till I 
heHrd of your acdval in Dublin. What happened to you 
then, I would wish to obliterate ; retaining only in mind the 
joy I felt at your having so honorably triumphed over your 
enemies. The duke's sentiments went hand in hand with mine 
to you upon that subject, therefore he has left nothing for me 
to add upon it. I must renew my request to you, to take care 
of your health ; first, from the friendship 1^ bear to you ; and 
next, for the sake of this unfortunate country, where your 

T 





37^ MEMOIRS OF TH£ LIFE OF THE 

ftssifltance is much wanted, to save it, if possible, from sinking. 
I will hope you may not come too late. Rapid are the strides 
Mr. Fox is making to establish himself arbiter of these 
kingdoms, which he will effectively do, if his East India biU 
passes both houses of parliament : then adieu to the liberties 
of these countries. 

r 

'' You have now done erery thing you can do for the benefit 
of Ireland, consistent with your principles of moderation. 1$ 
it your opifdon tluit Ireland cannot exist as a nation, imte" 
pendent of England ? You are in the minority in your own 
parliament — ^you probably may be in the same predicament 
here ; but then you will have a more ample field for the display 
of your unbounded abilities. You will shine forth as a bright 
luminary in our darkened hemisphere — ^yoa will make the 
hacknied rogues bow down their heads, abashed at your 
superior talents, founded on just and right principles. You 
have moderated the spirit of rebellion in your own Country ; — 
you may do more here — ^you may prevent it. 

''I shall not trouble you with any news, as the duke 
writes constantly to you, though, by your account, you have 
only received one letter from him. 

" We join in compliments to lady Frances and yourself, 
with every good wish ; and hope you will soon afford us the 
pleasure of seeing you in England. 

''I am, dear sir, 

'' Your faithful humble servant, 
X' • ^ "Anna Eliza Chandos." 



RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 875 



CHAR X. 



1783 AND 1784. 



' Mr. Flood takes his seat, for the first time, as a member of the British 
' parliament. — The incidents attending his speech on the India bill.— • 
Analysis of that speech. — Identity of opinions of lord Camden, Pitt, 
and Flood. — Courtney's ironical reply to Flood — Probable reasons 
why Mr. Flood's speech was decried. — What constitutes a failure in an 
orator? — Correspondence of the duke of Chandos about the borough 
of Winchester. — Evasiveness of the duke; a challenge ensues.—- 
f . Singalar diefieiency in spirit marked in his grace's conduct. 



Mr.. Flood took his seat, for the first time, ds a chap. 



member of the British senate, for the borough of 
Winchasterl He arrived on the night of the 
Sd of December, at the close of the debate oii 
Mr. Fox's Indiia bill. His intention was simply 
to vote with Mr. Pitt against the bill, which had 
unceasingly occupied the mind of the nation ; 
4>esides which, it was the great trial of strength 
between the antagonist parties. The subject 
matter, however transcendental in importance to 
British interests colonial and domestic, had been 
exhausted by statesmen, who devoted the whole 



X. 



ftjQ MEMOIRS OF THE UfX QF THE 

CHAP, energies of their minds to it alone: whose 
eloquence delineated every diversity of view, and 
clothed with a fresh verdure the arid portions of 
oriental history. Reason, too, examined with 
scrupulous precision every point in the newly 
suggested theorem of government. Mr. Flood, 
therefore, entered the house almost imder every 
conceivable disadvantage ; — a subject of polity of 
the first magnitude, — a new field of contention^ 
— a double phalanx, inspired and led cm by 
rival genius. Fatigued from a long journey at 
an inclement seaaon^-^^uffering from that lassitude 
of nature, which the spirit struggles ineffectually 
to overcome — he rose, unprepared to speak at 
any length, either as to the details of the bill or 
the results to be ^acpected from it, bui mev^y to 
accompany his vote with a few sentences on the 
prinoipie oi so comprehennve a measuire. A 
eoncatenation of orouastaacea insidiously i» 
diuced^ hha. to trespass beyond the limit hia hefter 
judgment had firtt suggested 

It wouM have beisn^ fortunate for his&me, had 
he remained silent^ or YiaA he inflexibly adhered 
t0 bis ^ ifttentibn ; ' there ' \^as ample excuse £(»r 
eithen l^e aflhirs of British India presented mk 
indidfeiit untouched, nor new line of argmaentar 
tion undebated } and his having been so raeetitlff 
occupied in Ireland^ precluded the possibility ctf 
his acquiring an accurate knowledge ef the 



HIOfiT HON. HBNRY fLOOD. 277 

YiJuminouB reports on the table of the hoiKie. c^^^* 
But iht lofty station he had alwaj^ hA^ in. hJ0 
6wn Goilatry^ and the high ,xar<^le he moved in^ 
planed him. fNTonunently Jl>efore the cOmmjoop of 
Great Brita«i« ia which he had ma»y acq«ai«t. 
wMiEBf but no political cQnnex|onfi4 His bold 
SBnouncement^ '^^thatberoee to speak ind^endetit 
of either of the great leaders^" has been censured 
as^ putiing both sides against bini^ without taking 
the trouUe to examine, the ptobable reaapn of 
such a. dedaration. i 

.Mr*, flood sat for a borough in the nomination^ 
pf the duke of Chandas, but whlch^ von this 
occasion^ had been purchased for the sum of four 
thousimd. pounds; he therefore took his seat^ not 
as the nominee of his grace^ but as an indepen^ 
dent member, as to vote or opinion^ This pjroud 
sentiment was highly icharlEieteristic ; of the ^an, 
ecEemplified in* farmer iiiataniees.. 
' . In this expression >he delieateiy implied though 
he gave his negative to the bilU yet . hei was 
not thereby to. be considered lan adherent to &e 
opposite side« In ikiental powers that constitute 
genius of a superior^ ordei\ he could not be said 
to have been infericnr to any around himi and in 
various and profound learnings few, if any» su^« 
passed him in that house. Consequently, we 
find Hansard, (who probably was indebted to 
Woodfall), has given the following relation of 



\^78 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 



X. 



CHAP. Mr. Flood's speech, as well as a particular mention 
of the courtesy of the house : — " Mr. Flood rose, 
and in compliment to him as a new member and 
as a speaker of great expectation, • profound 
silence prevailed directly ; and he was listened to 
for a considerable time with the utmost attention* 
Mr. Flood began with apologising to the house 
for venturing, unacquainted as he was with the 
subject of Indian affairs, neither having read the 
reports on the table, nor knowing more of their 
contents than he had heard at a distance, to 
deliver an opinion on a bill so important as that 
under consideration. He thought it, however,^ 
an indispensable act of parliamentaiy duty, to say 
a few words on the occasion ; and when he did 
so, he begged the house to give him credit for 
speaking his sentiments impartially. 

" He was connected with no party ; and equally 
unacquainted with administration or opposition. 
He entertained the most profound respect and 
veneration for many gentlemen on both sides of 
the house, whose characters were justly entitled 
to his esteem, as they had already obtained that 
of the public. He declared that he anxiously 
desired to be present before a measure of such 
magnitude had passed that house. When he 
assured the speaker that he was in the Irish 
parliament on Wednesday last, he trusted it 
would be admitted that he had been as expeditious 



RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 279 

9S possible in order to reach the place he had the <^hap. 
honor to Btend in. 

. ** It could not be expected, after his acknow- 
ledged want of acquaintance with the subject, 
that he should enter into the particulars or 
details of ^ the system proposed hj the bill for the 
future government of India, He thought, 
however, that a measure of such serious im*- 
portance ought not, on ' any: account, to be 
precipitated ; lest that, instead of proving an 
adequate recovery, it should tend to increafiie 
the grievance, it was professed to be intended to 
cure. He urged the novelty of the plan, its 
extensive operation, and the violent effect it 
would necessarily produce. In support of this 
assertion he instanced ' chartered rights,' ought 
undoubtedly to be held sacred, and never to be 
interfered with, but in the most urgent aiid 
pressing necessity. 

" By what he had learned in the course of the 
day, the confusion of the company's affairs begaa 
with the interposition of parliament. The bill 
of 1773 ^^ intended as a regulation for the 
company, and that bill appeared to have been the 
cause of much disorder and distress. Ought not 
the house, therefore, having before their eyes the 
evils occasioned by having once interposed, to 
take warning, and avoid the still greater evils 
that might foUowtheir interfering again ? 



SBO MEMOXHS Oa^ THE LIFE OF THE 

«BAy. • ^< diarters ot^t to be beld sacred : Aey nqglit 
be regulated, but they ought not to be d4aQaM>- 
-Itdied. It was a rule with him to treat public 
bcxBed with respect, especiallf so, a^greatcomponj 
who had abttnda&t merit, and who hadi done 
their country several essential services. It had, 
however, been said, that necessily justified the 
demolition of the company's charter in the 
present instance: that necessity, nevertiMesfi^ 
remadned to be proved. The exerdse of power 
i>ught always to be governed by discretioi^ by 
^hat lawyers termed ^ a. sound discretion*' It 
"was neither decent nor wise to proceed to dis^ 
franchise the East India company, and to assume 
the direction and government of their teriltorial 
^acquisitions, with precipitation. 

<^ He had always been accustomed to hear a 
high character of Mr. Hastings; to consider 
him a man of good heart, sound understanding, 
and not given to rapacity. A plah, therefore, 
that went to dispossess Mr. Hastings of the 
govemor-generalship of India, did not come to 
him recommended in the strongest Aiannen. Tlie 
bill seemed questionaUe on other grounds. It 
was to continue four years. — Did the right 
honorable secretary intend to make the system 
permanent, or was it to last no longer than four 
years? Before a new system was adopted, — 
one, too, that was by many declared not to be 



RIGttt IIOI». H3BK1EIT FLOOD* 861 



X. 



coiifl<atutionaI»-^tl^e bouse ougbt to be eertoia «^^'- 
th)rt*i( would answer the -end proposed. - .Coidd 
tke right honorable secretary . sajr^ that ai the 
eiqpixation of four yeans, it would ka^e had iinie 
toacc^mpliAanypemai^ntgood? Ifiiec«uld 
not, he had better not try tihie ei^eriment) 
notwithstanding the large majority afc his back." - 

Haying put this strongly, Mr. Flood touched 
on sereral parts of the billv 

*^ The bill strudii: him as either eonveying a 
great additional influence to the cro wvb ^i^ lodging 
influ^ice in hands where -it would- be more 
dimgerous, in proportion as it was more uncon- 
stitutional. 

'^ With regard to the sixteen direetoins who were 
to manage the company's affitirs in foture, he 
made no scrufde to say, the- had every possible 
good opinion of their integrity and other parts 
of their charactw : but were- they attentive to 
business ? Were they ecmyersant in- the aflUib of 
India, and likely to conduct the affiurs of the 
company in a better system .than the diteetott 
had done hitherto ? The nine assistant direolors 
had all been, he understood, formerly ^nployed 
in the business of the company ; and two. of the 
seven directors had been in that ci^Mieity likewise^ 
but the remaining five had-not» This, therefore^ 
did not appear to him a presage of the business of 
the company being likely to be better i^arried on 



S82 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 

CHAP. in future than ithadbeenheretofore. Why take the 
management of their affairs out of the company's 
hands? Property was universally admitted to 
be the best ground of legislation; hence, thQ 
company were entitled to legislate their owij 
poncems, because they would, undoubtedly^ 
legislate the best. 

*^ The commissioners authorised by the bill, he 
compared to the Roman decemviri, and fatal had 
been those decemviri to Rome. He expatiated 
on the danger of so far weakening the preroga- 
tive or the influence of the crown, as to set up 
an authority sufficiently powerful to keep the 
crown in subjection. 

/ " He feared the board of seven was to be like 
the board of admiralty, the board of treasury, 
or the board of trade, where one man had all 
the power, and the rest were but ciphers: Three 
of the directors are to be a quorum, a circum- 
stance which confirmed him in the opinion to 
which he had just alluded ; thus three would 
govern the majority of four." 

Mr. Hansard has the following note on this 
speech : — " After a variety of remarks, delivered 
with great correctness of phrase, but in a more 
deliberate and sententious manner than is the 
custom of our parliamentary speakers, Mr. Flood 
concluded with more apologies, declaring that 
under all circumstances of the measure, he could 



RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOP. 883 



X. 



not think of voting for the third reading of th0 chap* 
bill."* 

. The heads of the \diole speech have been 
transferred to these pages, that the observations 
which . follow iDight sustain the character of 
impartiality, from the facile reference to it. As 
emanating from a person who had given almost 
undivided attention to the government of Ireland, 
it required little candour to accept his excuses 
for not having a minute acquaintance with this 
particular bill, for colonial regulation on a novel 
plan. To examine and digest the voluminous 
reports on the alleged mismanagement of the 
company's affairs, required time and a secluded 
application ; and to address the house as a 
legislator in a style commensurate with the extent 
and variety of the topic, . demanded the concen- 
tration of the faculties of the mind for sometime 
previous to the debate. Beyoi^id a general 
historical knowledge of India, the information 
derived from the daily press, and such opinions 
as his correspondents in England might have 
afforded him, it cannot be supposed that he was 
anywise conversant. 

To this intent his opening sentences were 
directed, to prepare the house for the imperfect 
remarks he had to offer. He evidently wished 

— -_ r -r I _ ■ r 1 it . _ i - 

• Hansard, 1788. 



£84 MCU0IIU3 DF THE UfE OF TfiE 



4»iAP. to remove any in^Hreandn the house mighi hdre 
entertained, of his intention to speak compf ehen« 
nttdiy on the ijisestiiHi* However^ tiie> great 
poiitMien of ih^ hoits^, the {^rifotinid siknc6> «ad 
Bfevy. oAer naik of courtteyi induskMl' hifn' to 
attend his remarks, in obedience^to' those ime^ 
quiyocal signs of th«ir wishts. Heprepnsd^ ivtth 
much political Kumen, certain :^nta i&nd 
princqiles of ihe bill, ' whidi vi^re assumisd ds 
defeotire. His aril genius, ^^ whose tsyes drop 
poi«»i/' posMSsed Mr« Goortney to tmoA. his 
ambitious af^irings for ii^ute ^renown, and to 
mark.€oii8piGU(»]8ly for iutwe distinguished man^ 
an example, how tranritory is, that hsth^^ which 
is 'ilependent on tiie capridiousnesi; of . pubUc 
a^lause. Mr. Courtney arose,, and wilh thd 
aspic venom of an evil totigue, be began his 
reply, in a strain of irony oommingled with Utent 
maliee, which, as he proceeded, displayed, all* the 
Tindidiiveness of his nature, in .an unprovoked 
attack. Mr. Flood rose to resent thia aspeif^ 
Hon of his fame, when the i^peaka mterpoised, 
as it was already three o'clock, and he had 
spoken. 

Sir William Wraxall, in his memoirs, says,* — 
^* Mr^ Henry Mood, one of the most celebrated 
orators in the Irish parliament, (who> bad just 
— — -...,■■ .. .-^■_ - — ~ — . — > »■ ^ ■- 

* Wraxall's Memoirs, vol. iii. 



RIGHT HOIf. HSNRY FLQOB. 9BS 



X. 



h^n brought ia for WinQh^flter), rising for the o^^p. 
Jfir^ turns proposed ta-spea^ in the British faow^ 
ef commoi^i, Hia a^iearaiiQe pro<kK^d an 
in^a^^t €fil|D^ aB4 he wa^ h^^^i ^th umiY^nicd 
cuiioQJ^j while he ^eliTefed hi^ ^fWlUilMe ntpgt ^hkh 
were strongly inimical to the East India bil). 
Though possessing little local or accurate ii^r- 
xoation on the immediate «ttiy^ct of dehat^, he 
spokf ^th great ability andrg^>ad sense ;^ but the 
slow» f^eaeured, and seateatious ^^e of en^nctn- 
tiqn whith characterised his eloquepcej^-^^-however 
calcmlate^ to excite admnfatkw it wght W in 
the sei^te ^ the sister kingifosiip^ i^eared to 
£;iigl^h ears eold^ st^; mi defi(Heiifc in pomq of 
the best recommeii^^opi to att^tlop^ VvS^tt^ 

natelj^ too» for Flooc^ c^e ef hkro^jsnoL couotrjmeiH 
Courtney, instantly opened oj^ him esuoh a battery 
of fi4kule and wit> see^KKmd with aUuskasfa or 
refleoHoiis of jllie Hiest persicaml wdpainfulkin^ 
y»}^ck tsHBemed to oT(^rwhdm thc^ imw meiaberi^ 
Mr. Moore; in a Tecettt woii^^ hias; a passage 
wlgch waa oniy kjicxwu Ut some of Mr% Hood's 
relatives mA. a few otheiss^ — ^th«t. Mr» Courtney 
conl^ssed to lord Byr^n that he was ai^tualied by 
resraAqient-i^perscMial pi^ue» So pitkhl are the 
motives of some men I ''When X met old 
Courtiiij^y^ the oiratw^i at Rog^rs'> the poetfsjr i« 

^1 I I I II I I i j u I— ■« I J , ■■ .1 I. I I t^m % ■ ; I I I n I H M > I > 

« Lif9 of (iovd Bjrrcm. 




286 i^EMoms OF the life of the 

1811-12, I wa8 much taken with the portly- 
remains of his fine figure, and the still acute 
quickness of his conversation. It was he who 
silenced Flood in the English house, by a crushing 
reply to a hasty debut of the rival of Grattan in 
•Ireland. 

<* I asked Courtney,-— for I like to trace 
motives, — ^if he had not some personal provoca- 
tion, for 'the acrimony of his answer seemed to me 
■to involve it ? Courtney said, he had. That when 
in Ireland,, (being an Irishman), at the bar of the 
Irish house of commons. Flood had made a 
personal and unfair attack on himself, who, not 
being a member of that house, could not defend 
iiimself ; and that some years afterwards, the 
opportunity of retort o£fering in the English 
parliament, he could not resist it.-' ^ 

Probably, in parliamentary Ustory, there is 
not a more ignoble instance of resenting a 
^' personal 4ind un&ir attack,*' even supposing the 
assumed pretext to be a fact undisputed. 

The affectation of a dihut for a man who had 
been a public character for nearly thirty years of 
his life, would have been ridiculous enough : he 
had evidently not the remotest notion that his 
reputation as an orator would be compromised by 
the shortness of his address, or that ,any one 
could harpy on it as his <' failure," when no 
ostentatious display was intended. But the 



RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. ^87 

analysis of tliat speech, which his detractors chap. 
eagerly trumpeted as his failure, bears evidence 
of a clear insight to the novel power about to be 
created by Mr. Fox. 

. The coincidence of the principal points of 
Mr. Rood'Q speech, with Mr. Pitt's in the 
commons, and lord Camden^s in the lords, may be 
succinctly adverted to. The attack on chartered 
rights, — ^the unconstitutional power ' placed in 
irresponsible hands, — the insecurity thereby occa^ 
sioned to all great corporations, — ^the incongruity 
of the seven commissioners, — the creation of a new 
execiitiye colonial government, independent of 
the crown, and therefore dangerous to the realm* 
In so many particulars, Mr. Pitt and Mr. Flood 
agreed in their opposition } but the latter added 
the important historical fact, that the measure of 
1773 was practically unfavorable to the present 
'scheme of interposition with the company's 
IkfEGiirB.* 

In the.foUowing particulars, there will be found 
a like coincidence between lord Camden and 
Mr. Flood. The wrong done the India company, 
by divesting them of the management of their 
own affairs, — ^the violation of private property, — 
the influence given to any one who chanced to be 
minister. 

* Hansard's debates, vol. for 1783. 



98$ MMiOntS OF TBE LIFE OF THE 

OBAF, ^ Mr. Flood made alliwon to the decemviml 
povrev, mhI ihe disaslraufi ' efleds of stich an 
innoYdlioa on tiie Roman conBtittttion ; and by 
parity of reasoning, the novel power ctf -a board 
of QOBumasioner* oreaited fay ike biH^- with unli- 
mited and* inresponflSble coatrouli' who atdf 
rei^umd 4a Appiuft to tender thetn dangerous; 
IniiiQt» aa ttr WilHui Wramtl oays, the^ speedi 
dispk^ed* '^gveat abiUty and gfood seme^'* And 
not mtdnded^ to exceed & comment He Anprodho. 

ItiepoMible it WQuid.haro been uncensored^ 
had not the epirit of the worst of the Bomenidee 
taken: poasessmi of the- breast 'of Mr. Oourtney; 
Mr* ^FloodVpolitical opponente'in Ireland 'werd 
delighted at tiods recepftion from his countrymaou 
Slander winged^ her rapid flight, -and appeared 
in mnlkilbrmed dtapes in every part of his native 
land where he bed an antagonist* 

Such is the abstract pleasure which the herd of 
mankind have, in removing the wreath df merit 
from thd bjrow ef ' the illustrious e&Ah from the 
most pedestlian motives d party, or from an 
unwiUtngn^s fo give the meed of praise to thobe 
who are^ Dot fjbeir fiivorite models of ezceHenoel 
These> 'howevw, never foi^get to evince an elabo* 
raitely minude att^tion to accidental or imphnhptn 
speeches ; and estimate abilities and services on 
such slender pretensions : thus being deliberately 
inattentive to acts and characteristics which form 



RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 

the basement and ennoblement of genius, while 
the more fragile ornaments of the superstructure 
are preserved for sinister detraction. 

Mr. Webb, who has been introduced as one of 
the friends and coirespondents of Mr. flood, was 
an early contributor to the Irish academy, when 
in its infancy ; he added likewise to the literature 
of his country, by throwing light on the druidical 
remains of his &therland ; and whether regarded 
as a philosopher or friend, he i& entitled to far 
more than the poor encomium of the author of 
this memoir. One of his last letters extant was 
written in this year, and may suffice to indicate 
his judgment and taste. 



289] 



LETTER FROM DANIEL WEBB, ESQ. 

" My Dear Sir, 

" You may remember that it was my wish, from the 
first of our acquaintance, to see you a member of the English 
parliament : if it was from the recollection of this circumstance 
that you gave me the friendly notice of my wish being 
accomplished, I am the more obliged to you for this instance 
of your attention. I thought the scene of your action too 
narrow for you, and, though it has been greatly enlarged since 
that time, yet, the volunteers must pardon me, if I think that 
even now, the British senate is the first political theatre in the 
world ; and if the first, the fittest for such abilities as yours. 
You tell me that you are come in on the most unexceptionable 
form ; I had not the least doubt of that, from the moment 
that I first heard of it : little spirits are made to be instru- 

U 





990 MEMOIRS OF TH£ LIFE OF THE 

ment^, the superior to employ tkem. TfJents like y^vae% wo^lfl 

be disgraced by acting under any other direction than th^t of 
the public good and your own honor, two things in name, and 
but one by their nature. You say you could put a great 
many questions to me, touching things past; I could put 
many more to you, eoneeraiiig those whieh aie to eeme, and 
with a certainty of being much better answered ; ta)ce two or 
three with this indulgence, that you may answer them or not 
as it happens to suit you. Can you so temper independence 
as to stop short of separation ? Can you trade, in your present 
circumstances, without protection P And, are protection and 
independence reconcilable ideas ? Equalieation <^ trade, what 
a conception [ it not the thing itself founded in equally ? I 
should be more explicit to another i you will understand me. 
What is trade, if successful, but a system, in which the 
individual outwits, and the government bullies ? You want 
strength for the one, and experience for the other : I will not 
question the happiness of your disposition for either. Things 
will mend, and the time will come when you may trick and 
cozen as well as your neighbours. Apropos \ give me your 
opinion of the following lines; it will be less trouble 
than to answer such old-fashioned questions: if you 
approve theoi, they shall become a part of my little poem on 
the madness of men, a subject inexhaustible, whether the 
examples be drawn from the aggregate or the individual. You 
wiU judge of the poem a3 it may deserve, but I will admit of 
QQ ab«^tement in the good opinion which J wish you to have 
p^ your very affectionate 

'* And obedient humble servant, 

" Pakisl Wisbb. 

'* Let the nations bow down to a senate or king. 
With respect for the n^me, and distaste of the thing ; 
It matters not much how we vary our plan. 
One, many, or few, still the agent is man. 



A little preceding we related the transactioii 
of the purchase of th^ borough of Winchester, 
«»d tbi^ k »«9 WU)luded in the begmping of 
October, 1783, A new incident occurred, — 4kG 
dissolution of parliament, shortly after the 
rejection of Mr. Fox's India bill. The party 
now m power never contemplated such a reverse 
to thioir antagonists, which entailed a complete 
oTerthrow to their political ascendancy, when 
on the eve of establishing a basis of prepon- 
derance> of, alijaost, ever-during iniQuence. Mr. 



BIGHT HON. H£NEY FLOOQ, 991 

S^onte, moa^^h* %b4 mob, ar^ cfimpcMfed of one clay ; chap. 

If they're mad who commaQd, are they wise who obey ? ^• 

Who was he who first brought bitter herbs from the east P 

They are'nauseous — ' That's right, import sweets from the west ;* 

Is this right ? — ' Very right, it is well understood, 

* That to multiply wants is a national good : 

' }/hik thjB pro^e89 of t}^ings,*--traffic, ta^s, a fleet, 

' Str^teh your aims round the globe, till your colonies meet; 

' Let your flag, in its pride, to th' antipodes roam, 

' Send your thunders abroad, — and stop payment at home ;' 

The dominion of wealth, a commercial controul. 

Founds a greatness of state on a meanness of soul ; 

Exults ip a spli^4our, which, fatally bright. 

Self-destroying, consimies that which gives it its light. 

Not such were thy principles, Sparta, thy pride 

Was by virtue, no less than in arms, to preside : 

Hear, ye statesmen, and blush, when on record ye fiB4> 

That the poocest and best were the first of miinkin4 " 




292 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 

William Pitt bad become the star of the ascendant ; 
Mr. Fox had culminated, and gradually declined 
to his immersion. The duke of Chandos was a 
supporter and partisan of the former ; and, 
consequently, he exerted his borough interest to 
accommodate and strengthen the premier, who 
was in a minority. Mr. flood, in expressing his 
opinion on the India bill, declared himself quite 
independent ; and, we think, with a true sense 
of self-dignity by no means unbecoming in a 
person like him, who was in every way on 
equality with the celebrated leader of the British 
senate. It is easily conceded that the very idea 
of a purchase implies an acquisition of something 
unshackled and unrestrained. Hence, we have 
the motive of the duke for violating his engage- 
ment, in favor of his relative, Mr. Gamon ; and 
the motive of Mr. Flood for insisting on his right 
in equity, to the full extent that an honorable 
and sensitive mind could adventure. 

A portraiture of the duke, drawn from the 
admissions in his own letters, will aid us in 
appreciating his grace, and the sequence of his 
lengthened correspondence. 

The character political of the duke of Chandos 
lay lightly on the surface of events and contin- 
gencies ; he neither wearied his faculties by 
sounding the depths of Machiavellian polity, nor 
idealized amid the schemes of Utopians. No } 




RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 293 

he smoothly glided along, like such practical 
politicians, on the unruffled surface of borough 
interest, in the political value of which he was 
familiar ; preferring this mode to the divings of 
the Florentine secretary, or the imaginings of 
classic philosophers. 

The mundane shrewdness of his grace, is 
clearly hinted in this missive : — 

LETTER FROM THE DUKE OP CHANDOS. 

"Jlvington, \i)th October, 1783. 
" Dear Sir, 

" Mr. Harmood dined with me yesterday, who told 
me that he had settled every thing relative to your business 
with your friend at'Winton, and that his deputy will 
deUver, on Saturday, to Mr. Graham, the instrument wanted. 
I inclose you a letter I received last night from Mr. James 
Graham. I think you had better let him wait upon you, 
unless you wiU take the trouble of calling upon him at Lincoln's 
Inn, and talk to him upon the subject. I shall write to him 
by this post, and desire he will send the instrument down by 
one of his clerks, as he will be able to swear to the delivery, 
and prevent the under-sheriff from playing any tricks : it may 
be attended with some smaU additional expense, but certainly 
will put the business on a sui-ety. 

"I hope you will not think me impertinent in hinting 
another matter to you, which may have escaped you, which is 
a qualification* It will be best to settle that whilst you are in 
town; for, though they cannot oblige you to specify your 
qualification before you take your seat, yet I apprehend they 
may, on election, oblige you to swear to one ; but Mr. Graham 
will inform you of this most minutely, if you think proper to 



S94 M&MOIftS OF THE LI7£ OF THE 

euAP, consult him apon it. We were \ery glad to hear that you 
i^L . 8^^ ^^ ^ ^^^^ without losing your Inmks. In a company 
of twenty-two^ at dinner here yesterday^ your healthy &c. went 
round in bumpers of champaign; the company were much 
disappointed at not seeing you here^ but said that of you 
which would make yoU blush, could you be ignorant of your 
meriting the best which can be said of you. 

" Another company, I believe not less numerous, will follow 
the steps of their predecessors yesterday, this day. Since you 
left Avington,! have been informed lord Sandwich is to resume 
his seat at the head of the admiralty, in the room of lord 
Keppel. The duchess always joins me in every good vrish, 
and the whole circle desire their proper compliments. I remain 
with the greatest truth, 

" Dear sir, 

" Your very obedient, 

*' Faithfiili humble servant. 



$« 



Instead of Mn Flood being te-eletited to serve 
in the new parliament of 1784, a Mr. Cxamon, 
brother-in-law to the duke, was returned. 

Mr. Flood naturally felt keenly this* Au 
interchange of letters took plac^, between tibe 
borough proprietor and the late member. The 
sentiments of Mr. Flood are conveyed in the 
succeeding letters, which, we apprehend, place 
the character of the duke of Chandos in a rtiry 
unfavolttble light. 



RIGHT HON. HENBT FLOOD. ^5 



LETTER FROM MR. FLOOD. 



€( 



April, \6, 1784, Cleveland tld\o. 



" Mr« FLdol> sends his ooiii][>limentt to the duke df Chandos. 
Late lit hight> the ldth> he received the honor of his grace's 
letter of that date> which contains matter so new as to require 
explanation. On seeing the return for Winchester, when h^ 
got to London, Mr. Flood Supposed some uncommon change 
to have taken place; and lest, if he went himself, some 
awkwardness might arise, he requested an intimate friend to 
wait on his grace, to express certain grounds of Mr. Flood'tf 
surprise. The day after his arrival, namely, the 6th instant^ 
Mr. Fkod had the honor of seeing the duke at Cleaveland 
Row, and, in the respective conversations with his Mend and 
with Mr. Flood, the grounds of fact were admitted hy hia 
gitice on which Mr. Flood i^eposes. the duke told Mr. Flood 
he would ,do evefy Uiing he cottld to remedy what Mr. Flood 
onnpkfined of. Mr. Fldod said that the <diiltem hundreds 
w^^ cmaSnly in his grace's power. His grace said, hut wi^out 
dweying on it, that there was a difficulty in the people of 
Winchesl^. This mentioned, Mr. Flood did not enter fully 
into the gromid, hut said, tt would be strange if his support 
of the Winchester address should have hutt him ai Winchester, 
when his very woithy coUeague had not been prgudioed hy te 
contrary conduct That topic being resumed in his grace's 
ktler, Mr. Flood adds, that he knows Winchester enough to^ 
respect highly the constituents of it, and not the kss for 
knowing that their attachments are not to be shaken, and that 
&e same persons who rectimmended him before, could certainly 
recoittfn^d hi&i agidn with equal efiect. In short, Mr. Flood 
htift a eonsdous knowledge that his dwn Vote at Witiehester is 
not to be shi^en by any event, and that he would give it at 
any time in suj^ort of % certain interest, against any pretensiona 



CHAP. 



S96 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 

CHAP. of his own, or of any other person : he knows how many 
others are in the same sentiment 

" On Saturday, the 10th inst, Mr. Flood put on paper^ for 
his grace 8 recollection, the grounds of fact that had been 
admitted as before mentioned, thinking it a matter of necessaiy 
attention so to do, in a case where both their honors were 
concerned, and in which, he presumes, it is equally the wish 
of both that nothing injurious to the feelings of either should 
happen. He must, therefore, confess his surprise that in the 
duke's letter of the 13th, after the subject had taken its position 
for so many days, his grace should refer to the recollection of 
his -law agent, and to a period of time antecedent by a year 
to those expressions and events which govern the present 
question. 

'' It is true that, in the ye|r 1782, the subject of a seat in.ihe 
British parliament for Mr. Flood (generally, however, and not 
specifically for Winchester) was brought forward by the jdoke, for 
it nevei: originated with Mr. Flood. On the day befwe Mr. 
Flood was to leave his grace's house at Avington, for London, 
the sulject was particularly pressed by the duke, and he 
expressed concern that it had not occurred to him when they 
were near the Isle of Wight, where a vacancy had just happened : 
the duke said he would write directly about that vacancy, and 
send to London after Mr. Flood, if necessary. Mr. Flood 
went next morning ; the duke unexpectedly came after him, 
and then, at Chandos house, there was a short conversation 
with his gmce 8 law-agent to this effect : the agent was sent to 
a person in London, concerning the before-mentioned vacancy, 
but it was found to be engaged. He was then desired to look 
out any where else he could for a seat at Mr. Flood's expense. 
There was no vacancy at Winchester at that time, nor was 
Winchester mentioned but incidentally, thus. .The agent was 
desired to try whether Mr. Stanhope would accept the chiltem 
hundreds, on condition of a seat being to be acquired for him 
at Mr. Floods expense^ as soon as possible; or upon the 



RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 297 

means bdng supplied to Mr. Stanhope himself. If a vacancy chap. 
in Winchester could be so obtained^ the duke declared he ^* 

would faring in Mr. Flood for that padiament Mr. Flood 
admits the dedaration went no farther at that time ; but was 
not till a year afiter that Mr. Gamon*8 name was menti<«ed for 
Winchester at all, as is stated in Mr. Flood's letter of the 10th 
instant It is evident that on that occasion Mr. Flood was to 
have treated with Mr. Stanhope, not with the duke, for the seat 
at Winchester. Now, that Mr. Flood should agree to be at 
the expense ai another seat in order to vacate Winchester, on 
the condition of rendering his seat dependant on another, is an 
idea which confutes itself, and is worthy mentioning, as it 
maufests a radical misconception, which he presumes will be 
no longer retained. The sentiment, however, namely, that 
Mr. Flood would render either his seat or conduct dependant 
on the approbation or disapprobation of another, is totaRy 
inconsistent with his being a finee representative, and is a 
conception which cannot meet with too speedy or too perfect 
a disavowal. The whole idea of the chiltero hundreds, from 
beginning to ending, amounted simply to this, that, whenever 
anodier seat could be procured, at Mr. Flood's expense, he was 
ready to vacate Winchester. As to Mr. Stanhope's conduct in 
not vacating Winchester, as above proposed; certainly, as 
the proposition then made was to allow Mr. Stanhope to make 
an advantage of the duke's influence at Windiester, which the 
duke himself had never made, Mr. Flood thought it would be 
extraordinary if Mr. Stanhope should refuse such an o£kr. 
Mr. Flood's condnsion to the agent was, that an ind^^endodt 
seat was his object, and he commissioned the agent to get sudi 
a seat for htm. So much for the year 1782, which, however, 
cannot alter what is subsequent, however what is subsequ^it 
might affbet that. 

'* As to his grace's assistance in looking now lor another 
seat, with reference that ought to have preceded the omission 
of Mr. Flood at Winchester ; nor could such a search, in his 




398 MEMOIRS OF THE USE OF T&E 

gnec't preunt ttttuttioii^ and with Mt. flood*! Midlneit lo 
iiecomBiodate, have muearned i an iiliciiia^iy> fi»id^ed now 
taore preoarioui bj delay^ is not an «qaivalttit for a oertakit/, 
wUch was the only advantage that Mr. Flood «v«r songht fifom 
Wiach««ltr. As to hit graca a friendahip^ Mr. Flood will 
alwayi respect it as he ought ; but in this oas6) ha hat only to 
detive that the duke mXi adhere to hie own deblaiutioDe. Mh 
Flood 18 duly sensible of hii grace's rank ; but the dbke w^ 
Jinows> that in certain deaer^timiifl of men^ diough of diffet^t 
nnkBt their never ean be any idea of fH^deh%> bttt on the 
ground of pearfect and equal reciprocity; that hia gfaoe*il 
friradship and Mr. Flood s> noTtr had> and never could faave^ 
any other feondation. fiis grace dedared (not privatriy 
iniher) that hia object was^ that Mr. Flood dkould be in « 
aitttation of efiiciency^ which his grace has not conght te 
hknedif t his gpraoe stated Mr» Flood'e i^tuation and claiiie, aa 
high as it was possible M Mr. Flood to wii^ hbt* Flood 
Heed not^ therefore, ent^ into any esthnaie of them hinMidf ; 
ni4lher nosds Mn Flood to remind his giace of words need by 
Mr. Flood at the time of hk ele^tiony and i^n baa gr«ce'a 
going into office last Chrietttas. They were too stalked to 
eik:!^ his giace'e recollection, and coniahied the aaest exfdicft 
stipnktion of pariiaim^tary Ubeny . 

** The dake, in his letter> admits that bo& before and after 
Christmas last, his grace intended to bring Mr. Flood in for 
Wincheeter ; it k clear, tk^^re> duit then his grace w48 not 
aigiged to Mr. Gamon. On the lOth of March laet, about a 
fcfftnlght befote Ihe dissoliition) the duke wrote a fiiendly lener 
to Mr. Flood to Ireland, but made no mention of thia change 
of sentinient. Is it just^ that, at so late a peiiod, engageisenia 
l^indd be tak^n regardless of Mr. Flood, without commmaaca-' 
tion with him, and without any notice to lock elsewhere ; or 
any ^^ae on the part of the doke and of his agent to firolride 
a snbtrtitute for the seat so to be taken away from Mr. Flood, 
contnuy to his con^sedly just and grounded elq^ectntityns f If 



RIGHT HON. HENRY VLOOD* 009 

tudi declatatioilB are of fio wei^bt lli m«tMrs of honoiable 
engBgement, ^at can constitute claim, or establish secvri^ ? 
As to any telactance in the constituents of Winchester, Mr. 
Flood has already said enough on that part of the subject. As 
to his grace's having spoken to Mr. Flood after Christmas, about 
his conduct, he is sure that his grace does not mean to insinuate 
that he thought himself authorised to animadvert on Mr. Flood's 
parliamentary conduct ; or that his grace did not say that he 
wished that no decided difference might arise between adminis* 
tration and Mr. Flood, lest it might induce some application 
to embarrass his grace in his purpose of having Mr. Flood 
returned for Winchester, in case of a dissolution. 

*' The promise to Mr. Gamon, as to Winchester, mentioned 
to Mr. Flood in 1783 by the duke and duchess, was relinquished 
by them for Mr. Gamon, as soon as mentioned : a place was 
stated by them as the object for Mr. Gamon» and Mr. Flood 
was engaged by their graces to assist in obtaining it whenever 
he could. The duchess repeatedly expressed her wish that Mr. 
Flood might sit for life for Winchester. Mr. Flood always 
said he was ready to acquire a seat, without expcBse to th« 
duke, for any fiiend of the duke's, or f<Nr himself : that it has 
not been required, lies not on Mr. Flood, but on the agent. 

''Mr. Flood's situation was not an object for adventure* 
The duke has so fully eaqpressed his sense of that, that Mr. 
Flood will not dwell on it 

" The more that Mr, Flood revolves this subject^ the moi% 
he is convinced that there cannot be two fientimentB> &ial]^> 
with respect to it, between his grace and Mr. Flood ; and, 
dierefore, he is die more desirous to be thus e3t|di0it in the 
matter." 



We find the facts herein mentioned confirmed 
by the testimony of the bearer of this commuiii* 



300 MEMOIRS OP THE LIFE OF THE 

CHAP, cation from Mr. Rood ; yet the duke thought it 
requisite to inrolve himself in a labyrinth of 
explanations, the first of which h 



LETTER FROM THE DUKE OF CHANDOS. 

" Chandos House, 22d April, 1784. 

" The duke of Chandos makes his compliments to Mr. Flood, 
and lord Bellamont having done him the honor of delivering 
Mr. Flood*s letter of the 15th to him on the 19th, troubles him 
with a few lines in answer. As it was the duke s wish to be 
correct in what he said, he thought it would be equally 
satisfactory to Mr. Flood, as to himself, to have the relation of 
the original grounds of recommending Mr. Flood at Winchester 
stated by a third person who was present And the duke 
conceives what then passed to be material, because he never 
intended to pledge or bind himself to a greater extent than he 
did at that time. If Mr. Gamon s name was not then men- 
tioned, the duke repeatedly declared that he could not assist 
Mr. Flood, at Winchester, for a longer period than that parlia- 
ment, consistent with his own views and engagements towards 
his own family and connexions. The duke assures Mr. Flood, 
that he never had the smallest idea that he could have any 
pretence to controul or animadvert on Mr. Flood's parliamentaiy 
conduct: and nothing could be further from his intention than 
from any expression to ^ve him the least degree of ofl^ce, or 
offer any thing that could be injurious to his feelings. 

'' The duke cannot help repeating what he said in his former 
letter ; that he never meant to pledge himself to recommend 
Mr. Flood to Winchester for a longer period than the last 
parliament; and that even had it been otherwise, the dnke 
could not efiectuaUy have recommended Mr. Flood at this time 
to the city of Winchester : for the consequence would most 
certainly have been the ruin of his interest there, as most of his 
friends were determined not to re-elect Mr. Flood. This last 



LETTER FROM MR. FLOOD. 

" Mr. Flood sends his compliments to the duke of Chandos : 
in answer to his grace s letter of yesterday^ he hegs leave to 
repeat, that^in his conception, the year 1782 has nothing to do 
with the present question. Winchester was not then in object ; 
nor was there an expectation of a vacancy there, unless it could 
be found at Mr. Flood s expense. Add to this, that notwith- 
standing any thing the duke could declare in 1782, yet, on his 
grace s changing his purpose in 1783 and in 1784, the former 
declaration must fall to the ground of CQurse. The duke admits 
that before and after Christmas last, he meant that Mr. Flood 
should come in for Winchester this parliament, and that he 
never intimated a change of intention until he wrote to Mr. 
Flood, in Ireland, a letter dated the 24th of March last. The 




RIGHT HON. HENRT FLOOD. SOI. 

reason alone the duke knows Mr. Flood himself (if he had been 
upon the spot) would have deemed sufficient, and Mr. Flood 
may be convinced of the fact, on the slightest inquiry. 

" The duke most certainly would have communicated with 
Mr. Flood, both as to his intentions and the situation of 
Winchester, had not his very sudden departure for Ireland 
(which was so much so, that though the duke had the pleasure 
of seeing Mr. Flood the night before he went, he either did not 
know of his going the next morning, or did not think it 
necessary to apprise the duke of it) and the as sudden 
dissolution of parliament prevented him. 

" As soon as the duke did know of the dissolution, he wrote 
to Mr. Flood. 

'' In no part of this business hath the duke ever had an idea 
of want of attention or regard to Mr. Flood ; so far from it, he 
has always been happy in giving him every possible proof of 
both." 



SOS MBMOin OF THE LIFE OF THE 




mtm Ntnni iar Winchstter being dated the dd of April 
ibUowingy thus the inlbnnatioii was of no possible avail. 

" Mr. Flood left London suddenly ; be staid to the Uai 
moment till be waa sent for express* and till be was near being 
too lale for the business to which be was summoned. Bef^^xre 
be slapped into bis cbai9e> be wrote to the dukoj it being too 
early to see him : and several days before he had informed his 
grace that be must soon go for a short time to Ireland ; he could 
not name the day or hour. 

** Mr. Flood left London the (^tb of March last; the duke 
might have communicated a change of sentiments by letter, as 
well as in conversation ; but though his grace did write to 
Mr. Flood on the 10th of March^ he never intimated any such 
ehange. Mr. Flood cannot doubt the duke's influence at 
Winchester; neither can he doubt Im graces opportunities to 
obtain a succedaneum at Mr. Floods expense; and it is 
impossible for him to add more for the removal of difficulty or 
doubt 

'' April 23, 1784, CUvelmd-rtm:* 



LETTER FROM THE DUKE OF CHANDOS. 

" MtMohenien B^toi, 26th Jpril, 1784. 

''The duke of Chandos makes bis comjdiments to 
Mr. Flood, and is favored widi bis letter of the 23d. The dnke 
cannot but regard the transaction of tiie year 1782 as the* 
basis of every ^ing which has passed since. 

''The duke, in a former lettor, admitted that about 
Christmas, when he imagined a dissdintion was likely to biqppen 
immediately, he was inclined to recommend Mr. Flood for 
Winchester, though he never bad engaged so to do : and bis 
reason was, that be thought at that time, if Mr. Flood could 
be accommodated with a seat, he might probably oome inte 
office, and that there might, at that moment, be no other means 



LETTER FROM MR. FLOOa 

'* Tuesday, 21 tk April, 1784, Cleveland Raw. 

^ Mr. Flood sends his compliments to the duke of Chandos : 
he hoped his last letter would have finished the explanation 




laGHT HON. HXNRT FLOOD. SOS 

Qf his itettog a seat; tibeiefort, nader that pressiiig eircuni'- 
stance, be would have trusted to Mr. Flood's giring up his 
seat at Winchester, as soon as he could have got another seat 
Ifor himself, rather than he should have risked coming into 
place. 

** Mr. Floods not coming into office, and the pariiament 
not being dissolved^ certainly altered the case. 

** The duke has some reason to think, that it was Mr. 
Flood s opinioni w well as his own, that as the parliament 
was not dissolved before he went to Ireland in Maxch, that the 
dissolution would not take place till the 9ummer* This was 
the reason that the duke did not communicate widi Mf. 
Flood on the subject of Winchester by letter. 

" The duke nev^ could think of endeavouring to obtain 
a perpetuity at Winchester for Mr. Flood, to the prejudice 
of bis own family^ or that any of them should be brongbt 
into parliament at Mr. Flood'9 expense. The duke meant to 
accommodate Mr. Flood ixx the remainder of the last parlub- 
ment; but must repeat, that be never looked iqpon himself 
a* under any engagement relative to a new one : and cannot 
conceive it possiblci that the fiien^y disposition aUuded to 
above, under vezy pressing cucomstances, can ever be 
constrained into a new engagement. 

" Having said this, the duke begs to repeat what he said 
in his former letter, that he will be very happy to assist 
Mr. Flood's wishes, relative to his obtaining a seat to the 
utmost of bis power." 




304 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 

of this matter, but his grace's answer of yesterday's date 
requires a word. Mr. Flood has stated the transaction of 
1782 exacdy according to the fact, and he leaves it to speak 
for itself. The duke expressed his intention, as well after 
Christmas as before, that Mr. Flood should come in for 
Winchester this pariiament. Neither was Mn Flood going or 
not going into office mentioned as having any diing to say 
to the matter. This Mr. Flood positively affirms. Mr. 
Flood is free to say that intentions repeatedly declared in 
serious matters, and between serious men, embarking persons 
of a certain description, in concerns of depth and moment, 
aflecting their whole situation, held on to the last moment, 
and until qiportunities are lost that cannot be retrieved ; he 
is free to say, that in his mind, and as he conceives in that 
of all mankind, such circumstances do constitute a serious 
ground of obligation to all the feelings of honor. To those 
feelings in his grace's breast Mr. Flood has confidently appealed, 
and to those feelings he wishes to give the freest scope. 

'' His grace, he is sure, will be so good as to remember 
that Mr. Flood never has wished to occupy Winchester for 
one moment longer than until another seat was obtained, and 
that without the smallest expense to the duke." 



Lord Bellamont,* who was bearer of the several 
letters to and from the duke^ finding the result 
likely to be more responsible than he thought 
it prudent to undertake ; yet not wishing to 
break friendship with Mr. Flood, wrote several 
evasive excuses for declining any further interpo- 



* A newly created peer. 



RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 



305 



A MEMORANDUM OF SIR LAWRENCE PARSONS. 

" Wednesday, the 19th of May, Mr. Parsons 
received from Mr. Flood the following letter, 
with a desire to read it to the duke of Chandos, 
which Mr. Parsons did the same day : — 

" ' Cleveland Row, Wednesday, \9tk May, 1784. 

" ' My DEAR Sir, 

'' ' I am sure you do me the justice to feel that no 
man can more lament the peculiarity of my situation respecting 
the duke of Chandgs than I do, or can he more disposed to 
accommodate his grace to every wish to rectify it. You know 
it is not the value of a seat, hut superior feelings that actuate 
me. A necessity to vindicate those feelings in a manner incon- 
sistent with the honor of the duke, I should esteem a very great 
misfortune; I wish, therefore (as you permit me so to do,) 
to suppose it may he prevented ; and if it should not, I will give, 
heforehand, every satisfaction to his grace for the liberty I must 
take, which my life can offer. 

" ' I am, my dear sir, 

" ' Yours faithfully and affectionately, 

" ' Henrt Flood," 
" ' Sir Lawrence Parsons," * 



sition, though he acknowledged Mr. Flood's claim, c'^^p- 
in equity and honor, on the duke. Sir Lawrence 
Parsons, actuated by a more elevated mind, and 
impressed with a more just sense of the simulated 
conduct of the duke of Chandos, presented the 
last communication from Mr. Flood. 




SOG MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 

" For an answer to this the duke referred Mr. 
Flood to what he had abeady stated to him, in 
his letters on the subject of Winchester ; and 
added, that he was still ready to assist Mr. Flood, 
as far as lay in his power ; and expressed a wish 
that Mr. Flood would wait till the fourteen days 
after the meeting of parliament were expired, or 
till the opening of the next session, as some 
opportunity might occur, in the interim, of 
obtaining a seat for him. Mr. Parsons asked the 
duke, if Mr. Flood was satisfied to wait till the 
opening of the next session, would the duke then 
return Mr. Flood for Winchester, unless, or 
until, a seat could be obtained elsewhere ? The 
duke answered in the negative. 

'* Saturday, the 12th of June, Mr. Parsons 
took the same letter to the duke of Chandos, 
with a message indorsed. Mr. Parsons had 
directions from Mr. Flood to read both to the 
duke, and, on the duke's desiring personal satis- 
faction, to appoint the shortest day, as Mr. 
Flood was obliged to return to Ireland the week 
following. 

The message indorsed was as follows : — 

' The within letter signified^ that, as matters then stood, 
Mr. Flood, if he were to deliver his sentiments, must declare, 
that the duke of Chandos had acted dishonobably hy him. 
It is with great pain that he feels this declaration is at 
length extorted from him. 

"'Jwu 12(A, 1784.' 



(C 



€* 



t •» 




RIGHT HON. HENEY FLOOD. 307 

" To this the duke answered, that he could 
only repeat what he had already said so often — 
that he was ready to give Mr. Flood every 
assistance in his power to procure him a seat in 
parliament. Mr. Parsons asked the duke, was 
that the answer he should take back to Mr. 
flood ? The duke said he could give no other. 
Mr. Pai'sons then said, he thought it necessary to 
inform the duke, as he might have something 
further to add, that Mr. flood would be obliged 
to leave the kingdom in a few days. The duke's 
answer to this was, that if Mr. flood would 
famish any friend here with powers to conclude 
for a seat in his absence, he would do what he 
could to obtain one for him. 

"L. Paksons." 
''UthJune, 1784.*' 



SOS MEMOIRS OF THE LTFE OF THE 




CHAP. XL 

From 1785 to 1790. 

Mr. Commissioner Burrowes. — His interesting memoranda about the 
borough of Seaford. — His anecdotes of Pitt, Erskine, Parsons, and 
Flood.-— Notice of Mr. Burrowes as a public character. — The bill for 
parliamentary reform again introduced, hy Mr. Brownlow and Mr. 
Flood. — The opponents to the measure. — Mr. Gardiner and major 
Doyle, compared. — Mr. Toler, and Mr. Mason ; their opinions. — 
Sir William Wraxall's amusing account of the court cabinet, and 
parties.— The commercial regulations of Mr. Orde. — First introduc- 
tion ; Mr. Flood in a minority of two.— His opinion gains ground. 
—Opinions of Pitt, Fox, Brownlow, Grattan ; the great importance 
of this debate. — Mr. Flood's resolution. — Correspondence of lord 
Charlemont. — Mr. Flood in the British parliament.—- His speech on 
the commercial treaty with France. — Opinions of Wilberforce, 
and Grenville. — Its reference to Ireland. 



It is always a pleasing duty to record the virtues 
of the good, as well as the efforts of the great ; 
and, at this period of Mr. Flood's biography, we 
are gratified by the contemplation of a public 
character who has passed a long life of unspotted 
integrity. 

Mr. Burrowes, when but a young man at the 
temple, was selected by Mr. Flood, from his 
brilliant and promising talents, his assiduity in 
business, and his engaging manners, to canvass 
for him in the borough of Seaford, at a time when 



MEMORANDA OF MR. COMMISSIONER BURROWES. 

<< Finding myself disabled, by my present 
infirm ^ from collecting ™ch documcL „d 
materials as would otherwise be within my reach, 
and as would enable me to give you in detail, all 
particulars relating to Mr. Flood's connexion 
with the borough of Seaford, I shall merely 
confine myself to such circumstances as occurred 
within my own knowledge, and are still perfectly 
within my recollection. 

^^ In the year 1784, being then a law student in 
London, in the last year of my preparation for 
being called to the Irish bar, the present earl of 
Rosse, (then sir Lawrence Parsons), introduced 
to me his friend Mr. Flood, who had been invited 
and importuned by a large body of men, who 
claimed to be entitled to vote for the borough of 
Seaford; and who pressed him to become a 
candidate, and with his powerful abilities, to 
advocate and establish rights of which they had 
been illegally disfranchised. 



XI. 



RIGHT HON. HENRT FLOOD. 309 

the two great rivals, Pitt ^nd Fox, sent each a <^^ 
competitor from their respective parties against 
Flood. — But we shall give the preference to the 
authentic and interesting narrative of Mr. 
Burrowes himself, to any imperfect endeavour of 
ours. 




SIO MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 

^^ A similar trust had been, it seems, confided to 
other persons, who, it was suspected, were undul j 
influenced to betray the cause, and abandon the 
pursuit. Mr. Flood examined the question, and 
became of opinion that the borough ought to be 
opened, and he and my friend, sir Lawrence 
Parsons, requested, a few weeks before the 
election, that I would personally go down to 
Seaford, live amongst the claimants, (who were 
generally fishermen) until the day of the election, 
and, as representative of Mr. Flood, superintend 
and manage the cause. I shortly found that 
very many of the claimants were anxious to have 
a candidate for the second seat, and actually 
pressed me to become that candidate, — a request 
with which I could not think of complying. It 
occurred to me, however, that a talented and 
popular associate would be a highly useful acquis 
sition to Mr. Flood ; and knowing that the assizes 
in East Grinstead were to be held in a few days, 
where Mr. Erskine (perhaps the most talented 
and popular advocate then in England) always 
attended, I conceived the project of tendering to 
him the same support upon which Mr. Flood was 
standing, and soliciting his co-operation. I 
therefore posted to East Grinstead, and at a very 
early hour on the first day of the assizes, before 
the court was open, procured access to Mr. 
Erskine, stated to him the legal grounds upon 




RIGHT HON* HENRY FLOOD. 311 

which I conceived the petitioners would succeed, 
under good and prudent management, and 
requested him to unite with Mr. Hood* He 
heard all I had stated, and read all such papers 
as I produced, with great interest: and, after 
declaring himself to be quite satisfied of the 
justice of my conditions, said he would at once 
accept my offer, but that he was so circum- 
stanced, that he ought not and would not take 
any important step in politics, without the 
approbation of his friend and patron, Mr. Charl^ 
Fox. In proof of his zeal and sincerity, he 
immediately sent back all his briefs, and repaired 
to London, to confer with Mr. Fox upon the 
subject, assuring me, that he would communicate 
the result to me, by a letter to Seaford, A few 
days after, I received a letter from Mr. Erskine, 
communicating his regret that he could not ujiite 
with Mr. Flood, not being able to obtain the 
permission he sought. 

" iSr Lawrence Parsons was then prevailed 
upon to become a candidate, in conjunction with 
Mr. Flood. I remsdned at Seaford until the day 
appointed for holding the election, and attended 
at the hustings, as representative of Mr. Flood, 
followed by a mob of claimants, not one of whose 
votes was admitted ; and after struggling ineffec- 
tually, equally against the candidates supported 
by Mr. Fox and Mr. Pitt, I returned to London, 




312 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 

finished my term duties, came to Ireland, and 
was called to the bar in Easter, 1785. 

^* A petition was lodged against the return, and 
it was vacated, on the ground, I believe, that no 
proper and l^al notice had been given of the time, 
of holding the election. 

'^ Mr. Flood again became a candidate, and 
was again defeated. There was a second petition, 
which succeeded ; and Mr. Flood again becoming 
a candidate, was finally returned, and sat in 
parliament for Seaford. 

'' All these proceedings having occurred while 
I was in Ireland, following my profession, I am 
unable to give particulars as to state details. 

** After my return to Ireland, I lived in strict 
intimacy, — I might almost say friendship,-— ^with 
Mr. Flood, until the day of his death; and 
confess that I indulged the vanity of myself 
recording to posterity, the history and personal 
qualities of, perhaps, the ablest man Ireland ev^ 
produced, — ^indisputably, the ablest man of his 
own times : but the vice of procrastination, which 
I fear is deeply rooted in my nature, has frustrated 
my ambitious and anxious wish ; by year after 
year diminishing, while it should have increased^ 
my stock of materials, until it has at length left 
me equally destitute of necessary details, the 
means of collecting them, and the power of 
equably combining and laying them before the 
public. 




RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. SIS 

^^ In this state, I cannot but be gratified to 
find that so near a relative of Mr. flood, with 
ample means of obtaining information, and deeply 
interested in rescuinfir so fireat a name from 
.bUrio. .r nu»,pr<Lt.ti^. ha. undert<&e. 
the task. I most heartily wish success to your 
pious labours. Had the condition of my body 
and mind allowed it, I would have laboured to 
procure for you more than the anecdote (I cannot 
well call it by any other name) which I hare 
supplied. It is, however, strongly illustrative of 
the character of Mr. Flood, and of the opinion 
entertained of him at the period to which I 
allude, — ^namely, that he could not be lulled, 
intimidated, or deceived ; and that, bom with 
powers calculated to lead, he would not — ^he 
could not — dwindle into a mere instrument. 
Examine the public prints of that period, and 
you will find all (as well those that supported the 
ministers, as their antagonists) agreeing and vying 
with each other in traducing, and, as it is 
called, writing down, Mr. Flood. In many of the 
prints, speeches are ascribed to him which he 
never made, and which, from their folly and 
absurdity, no man well acquainted with him 
would have, on any evidence, believed to be 
his.'* 




S14 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 

It would have been fortunate for the fame of 
Mr* Mood, had the compilation of the incidents 
of his life been undertaken by a gentleman so 
capable of the performance. As a member of 
parliament, Mr. Burrowes was distinguidied for 
his patriotic endeavours. His eloquence, whether 
on forensic matters or those of general legislation, 
displayed a capacious mind, a keen perception of 
hctSf and a skillftil adaptation of his powers. To 
the former, either a close reasoning or a pathetic 
addre8s,«-*to the latter, a philantrophy and 
benevolence in unison with his character. 

After presiding for some time at one of the 
courts of law in Ireland, the octogenerian has 
now retired from the public scenes of life. But, 
even now, there remains a vivacity of manner, 
and a qiuckness of memory quite remarkable ; 
which, with his handsome phisiognomy and portly 
figure, leave an impression on his visiters, not 
very easily obliterated. 

Sir William Wraxall has amusingly related the 
political intrigues and mysteries of the times 
preceding the dissolution of the late parliament, 
and has discovered to his readers the devious 
course a minister had to steer, — ^how many 
obstructions and hidden rocks periled his way on 
the ocean of politics. We find narrated, as 
historical facts, the efforts of the secret cabals, 
the double cabinets, the influence behind the 




RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 315 

throne, which, for the greaeter part of half a 
century, alternately guided and thwarted succes- 
sive goyemments. Amid such entanglements, 
we may wonder how so many and great thin^ 
were achieved ; even though the premature 
separation of the American provinces was an 
effluent part of such a system. 

Now, however, Mr. William Pitt obtained the 
confidence of the monarch, and shortly after, 
that of the nation. He, at once, emancipated 
himself from such difficulties, and gave a bold 
distinctness to his political views. In ihe 
instructive and interesting volumes we have just 
noticed, the superior claim to attention he evi* 
dently holds, places him next to lord Chatham 
for probity, and the arrowy directness of his 
conduct, in the earlier part of his career. But 
of all the interesting remarks and delineations of 
character, none is more worthy of reflection than 
the illusory prophecies, — ^the complete absence of 
prescience in some of the brilliant orators and 
statesmen, who were admired and followed in the 
senate ; the blindness of party resentments, which 
often restrained the best designs for improvement, 
merely because they did not emanate from them- 
selves : and these failings are most remarkable 
among those who imagined they were the more 
liberal. 

Such observations are not irrelevant to this 




316 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 

biography, and the state affiiirs of Ireland. — 
That kingdom being removed from the imme- 
diate sphere of the young premier, the only 
consequence of the change, was the removal of 
the earl of Northington, who was succeeded 
by the duke of Rutland. Insular transactions 
were not less complicated, nor was the public 
mind dissuaded from reform by the violent debate 
in the commons, the preceding year; but 
conversely, more ardour was displayed, and a 
more pronounced opinion in the utmost parts of 
the island. Hence Mr. Flood and Mr. Brownlow 
brought before the commons the measure detailed 
in the preceding chapter ; yet, though no pretext 
could be found for its instant rejection, it was 
received with little cordiality by the majority, 
and with derisive declamations by the crown 
officials. 

Lord John Cavendish and sir Edward Crofton 
were among the minority of eighty-five who 
voted for the bill of Mr. Flood and Mr. Brownlow. 

The state of Ireland, in political sentiments, 
cannot be more accurately portrayed than in the 
words of Mr. Flood, in rising to present the 
bill,-^"When last I did myself the honor of 
moving the house for leave to bring in a bill for 
the more equal representation of the people in 
parliament, it was the pleasure of the house to 
negative the proposition by anticipation, and to 




RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 817 

declare, you would not suffer the bill even to be 
brought in, but fancied to yourselves * a daggei* 
of the mind/ which marshaled you the way, to 
an iniquitous deed against the constitution. 

*^ The subject was sent back to the people, by 
whom it had been discussed with excess of 
application. The approbation it met could only 
be equalled by the ardour with which it was 
adopted. The more examination it underwent, 
the more it appeared founded in right, and the 
unanimous, and the persevering spirit with which 
it came back to this house, proved it too firmly 
riveted in the hearts of the people, to be easily 
erased by an abrupt and unusual mode of refusal. 
It contained not my sentiments alone, but the 
sentiments of the nation, declared both publicly 
and privately, in every capacity. I was therefore 
anxious to return to this kingdom, that I might 
be in my place, in order to stand forward in 
promoting the measure. 

^^ I admit, that it will be thought by some 
gentlemen injurious to their private interestj if 
the constitution were restored to its original 
security; but they must also admit, that it is 
contrary to every principle of right and justice, 
that individuals should be permitted to send into 
this house two, four, or six members of parliament, 
to make a traffic of venal boroughs, as if they 
were household utensils.'^ 



318 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 

CHAP. It seemed a point agreed on in England, that 
a parliammitaiy rrform was necessary. I shall 
mention the opinion of lord Chatham, upon 
whose posthumous fame the present administra- 
tion* so firmly stands, defended by the nation, 
(though that great and illustrious man had been 
for ten yean neglected by the public, and so 
lai^e a portion of his valuable life suffered to be 
lost to the cixnmunity,) — ** his sentiments on this 
important matter most strongly enforced its 
necessity/' 

In continuation, Mr. Flood drew from analogy 
the more pressing necessity of infusing fresh 
vigour into the Irish representation. 

On the second reading, Mr. Monck Mason 
replied to all the arguments urged within and 
without the doors of parliament. His attachment 
to the opinions of men of the adverse party, and 
unlimited influence, rendered his opposition 
unavaUing, among politicians who understood the 
character of the speaker, as well as the speech 
itself. Mr. Mason had qualities which gave him 
precedence of many placemen. His abilities 
were consideraUe, his learning abundant and 
various, his taste in literature the result of 
a cultivated mind. The political propensities of 
this person were not quite so flattering. << He is 



• Mr. William Pitt's. 




RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 319 

not only the friend, but the eager and ready 
partizan of all ministers, however dissonant their 
views, or discordant their plans ; d^ending with 
promptitude the profusion of one, and the 
parsimony of another; stepping forth to the 
front of the battle in their defence, and hazarding 
all attacks in that aacred cause with dauntless 
intrepidity ! Such merit is never unrewarded/** 

There w^e other members who objected to 
this measure of reform, owing to its exclusive 
provisions, at least so they pretended. Some 
argued from an instinctive prejudice in favor of 
borough interest ; some from the opacity of their 
understandings ; and some from a conscientious 
conviction. 

The bill proposed was founded on three parti- 
Qulars, by which we must estimate its rdiative and 
intrinsic value. The state of property, the state 
of society, and the existing state of the statuary 
laws. 

The simulation of philantrophy in a few, 
extended their providence to the erection of a new 
political power ; and the real benevolence of a still 
smaller number, desired to bestow acts of seeming 
beneficence, (notwithstanding the jealousy of the 
constitution,) to the whole catholic population 
of Ireland. Mr. Luke Gardiner, and major 



* Author of the ** Principal Characters. 



«> 




S20 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 

John Doyle, may be selected to illustrate 
these doctrines and motives of action. They 
were diametrically opposed in character, in 
fortune, and in attainments. Mr. Gardiner 
represented in parliament the county of Dublin, 
and was an old and prominent member of the 
commons. Major Doyle, on the contrary, was 
known as the nominee of lord Granard, and 
under such patronage obtained a seat in the 
legislature of his country. The former, at an 
early period of his life, advocated the partial 
repeal of the laws restrictive of the catholics in 
the disposition of property, — ^he was the first 
promoter of this particular object. The latter, 
was for a promiscuous extension of the elective 
enfranchisement to both persuasions. The one, 
offered his sentiments with ability and learning, 
his speeches always evincing a careful preparation 
and a courteous deference. The other, harangued 
'* at a venture," in a rude idiom and provincial 
accent. The correct reasoning, and de^ research 
of Gardiner, commanded the attention of his 
auditors. The desultory argument, and unme- 
thodized style of Doyle, would have secured him 
oblivion, but for humorous stories happily 
introduced, and quaintly told. 



it 



His matter, now to sense, now nonsense leaning, 
Means not — ^but blunders round about a meaning. 



RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 321 

AAiong the class of minor politicians who ohap. 
opposed reform on the present, and on the former .^^ 
occasion, none deserve precedence more than Mr. 
John Toler, second sergeant. We will essay a 
portrait, or a few touches of a portrait, of tnis 
member, though in some features it is difficult to 
arrive at a close resemblance. 

The art of creeping, and the art of pushing, 
were equally practised and equally successful 
in this golden age ; to the extent, that 
men, neither remarkable for their talents, nor 
for their femily pretensions, — "who knew no 
omens but their patron's cause," — obtained 
place, emolument, and even rank. Mr. John 
Toler is noticed by our austere delineator, 
**as working his way to the judicial bench, — 
advancing with the daring confidence of one of a 
majority. As a placeman and a lawyer, seeking 
to be a judge, his political conduct is readily 
known — ^it is invariably guided by the polar star 
of the castle I*** Such directness, of course is, 
albeit, preferable to that meandering line which, 
like Hbgarth's curve, has ample sufficiency of 
windings, without any marked consistency or 
determination. 

Mr. Brownlow and Mr. Flood were . obliged 
to concede to the ministerial majority, in con- 



* Scott, Barriogton. Parliamentary debates, passim. 

y 



S22 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 

CHAP, tradistinction to the general expression of opinion 
throughout the kingdom. 

In the summer and autumn of 1785, the most 
transcendantly important subject was disctKsed 
in parliament, that had engaged it since the 
introduction of the charter of independency,— the 
commercial regulations introduced under the 
auspices of Mr. secretary Orde. We shall view 
them with the advantage of the sentiments of the 
four most conspicuous statesmen of both countries. 
First, however, let us glance at the relative fitness 
of Britain and Ireland, for a community of trade 
with reciprocal duties ; and how such regulations 
were received by the persons immediately inte- 
rested. In England, the merchants and manu- 
facturers coveted the rich and certain harvest of 
a monopoly ; they required it too, after the 
stagnation occasioned by colonial wars ; they felt 
earnestly therefore, on a system of dubious, and 
only prospective, advantage to them. England 
had, besides, a certain influx and efflux of 
commerce, so unremitting as to entitle her, the 
emporium of Europe. They believed it their 
own immediate interest to oppose the first series 
of commercial regulations. Ireland was conversely 
Btuated. Trade was in its infancy; ardour 
indeed was felt, but speculation was wanting. The 
merchants and traders had petitioned the legis- 
lature for protecting duties; so impotent were 



BIGHT HON, HENRY FLOOD. 328 

their efibrte at competition. Ireland had no chap. 
certain or permanent trade to any extent ^ there- 
fore she opposed the commercial regulation 
from an apprehension^ that her puny sources 
would be lost in the mighty channels of British 
commerce. To misrepresent the project, ^ pest 
pf pamphlets troubled the public mind in both 
kingdpm^. 

It is curious to contrast the balancing of this 
question, by the merchant and by the statesmen ; 
the positive and present tenacity pf the former, 
with the refined, more distant, yet not less sure, 
inductions of the latter. 

The commercial intercourse between the two 
kingdoms proposed by Mr. Pitt, is thus luminously 
expl^ne4 by him — 

'^ In a business of such moment, he knew that 
it was equally unnecessary for him to desire the 
attention of gentlemen, as to intreat that th^y 
would pnter into the consideration of the subject 
without prejudice, ^nd with the earnestness which 
its political magnitude required. 

^* There was not a man in the house, of 
whi^tever party or descriptioiiL — however ftttached 
pr cpnpected, who would npt agree that the 
s^tUng of the commercial intercourse of the two 
countries, pn a firiq, libersil, and permanent 
l^is, by which ^ end might for ever be put to 
jealoi^des and clamour — by which all future 




324 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 

pretexts to discontent might be removed, and by 
which the surest foundations of ^ture strength 
and opulence might be laid, was one of the 
greatest topics which could be agitated in parlia- 

« 

ment, and one of the most desirable objects that 
they could accomplish. 

With regard to this important question, he 
conceived it to be simply this — What ought to be 
the principles on whieh the relative commercial 
interests of the two kingdoms should be settled, 
in the system of intercourse to be established 
between them? In answering this question, he 
had no difficulty in saying, that the system should 
be founded on principles of expediency and 
justice. He should confine himself to general 
principles in the exposition of the subject this day* 
The motion with which he should conclude would 
fully explain the principles. It had a reference 
to the commercial regulations which had been 
read at the table, and which the 4iouses of lords 
and commons of Ireland had declared to be the 
basis of what they should consider as a proper 
and effectual system of intercourse. 

"It required not philosophy,'* said Mr. Pitt, 
" to reconcile us to a competition which would 
give us a rich customer instead of a poor one. 
Her prosperity would be a fresh spring to our 
trade. The stipulation was, the surplus c^ the 
hereditary revenue, wherever there should be a 



XI. 



RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 325 

surplus, and this fund, the committee would per- ^^^p* 
ceive, was precisely that from which it would be 
best collected, — ^proportionate to the degree the 
Irish should be benefitted by the commercial 
regulations. * * * * Then it would be 
found that our strength would grow with the 
strength of Ireland ; and instead of feeling 
uneasiness or jealousy at the increase of her 
commerce, we should have reason to rejoice at 
such a circumstance ; because this country would 
derive an aid for the protection of trade, propor- 
tioned to the increase of commerce in Ireland/' 

The resolution with which Mr. Pitt concluded, 
was — *^ That it is the opinion of this committee, 
that it is highly important to the genera} 
interests of the empire, that the commercial 
intercourse between Great Britain and Ireland, 
shall be finally adjusted.; and that Ireland 
shall be admitted to a permanent and irrevocable 
participation of the commercial advantages of this 
countiy, when the parliament of Ireland 

SHALL permanently AND IRREVOCABLY SECURE 

AN AID out of the surplus of the hereditary 
revenues of that kingdom, towards defraying the 
expense of the general commerce of the empire 
in time of peace.*** 

Lord North and Mr. Fox not only differed, in 
toto ccBlOf from Mr. Pitt, but considered the 

* Hansard. 



XI. 



326 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 

CHAP. manner tbe proposition came before the house, 
derogatory to its dignity. Mr. Fox, emphatically 
said, — " He would trust every thing to the 
generosity of Irieland, but hot much to her 
prudence.*'* 

The great leader opposed to the young and 
magnanimous premier, dissented from his project, 
and the merchants and manufacturers involved 
him in the mUzes of twenty propositions, which 
Mr. Fox scattered to the Winds, in his &mous 
reply on the 30th of May : he s&id,— *^ Compare 
the twenty propositions on your table v^th tike 
eleven original ones as introduced to the house ; 
compare his language that day, with the language 
of to-night ; compare the nature of the two strings 
of propositions, substantially and Aindamentdlly 
subverted in many parts; in all, materially 
altered, with those reiterated declarations, ^ that 
not one principle would, on any terms, be meddled 
with.' 

** Who proposed the schieme to Ireland, as a 
digested system, final and complete, pledging the 
faith of government that the eleven propositions 
contained the whole, and that not one of them 
should be altered? — The honorable gentleman. 
Who swelled the eleven to eighteen propositions, 
in a variety of points radically altered and 
overturned ? — The honorable gentleman. Who 

* Hansard's debates. 



RIGHT HON. HSNRY FLOOD. 3^ 



XI. 



assured the body of British traders and manufac- ci^ap. 
turers that their respective branches should be 
faithftiUjr secured from every evil ? Who denied 
that assurance after ? Who solemnly declared in 
the face of this house, that the principle of the 
eleven propositions should be inviolate? Who 
YfBB it afterwards that openly violated this solemn 
declaration ?*' Such was the rebuke the young 
inexperienced judgment of Mr. Pitt received, on 
his vacillation between his simple and involved 
plans. Mr. Fox spoke in the most pointed terms, 
on the fourth resolution, " which,** he said, 
** would appear to any man living, of common 
wnse, to be virtually to make laws for Ireland, 
and would be to renovate, rashly and wantonly, 
the jealousies of the whole Irish nation, upon a 
point of the most peculiar tenderness and delicacy. 
In vain were attempts made to assimilate this 
surrender of the legislative independence of 
Ireland, with the treaties between two sovereign 
states.*' 

He concluded his review of the whole question 
with these remarkable words : — " I would not 
sacrifice the commerce of England, to destroy 
the constitution of Ireland ; that is not the price 
I would pay, and that is not the thing I would 
purchase.'* 

The commercial r^ulations may, even now, 
command considerable interest: it is with that 




328 MEMOIRS OF TH£ LIFE OF THE 

impression, the writer imagines, the judgment of 
the reader is more consulted by presenting, 
condensed, the opinions of the first statesmen of 
Britain, than his crude and imperfect notions. 

We shall follow the sentiments of the parlia- 
ment of Ireland. The first series comprised, 
under eleven heads, passed the legislatures fi*om a 
feeling that the native legislature was ^^ unshorn 
of its glory" by approbation. The Irish l^is- 
lature had as many vacillators. and sophists as 
any public assembly ; therefore, it was never 
remarkable for steadiness of purpose ; and as the 
by-views of many must have been of a mixed 
description, a secretary, with the personal 
advantages of Mr. Orde, was sure to make a 
d^but the most flattering. He carried his first 
series of propositions, leaving Mr. flood in a 
minority of two. They were returned to Ireland 
with the additions of which Mr. Fox complained 
in England. Again, Mr. Orde ushered them in 
with expressions the most conciliatory ; for to 
advance to a committee was the grand desideratum 
of his diplomatic mission. Mr. Flood opposed 
this pricipitancy, in the following words : 

" Sir, I did not know that this subject would have been 
forced forward, or, indisposed as I was, I would have come 
down here, when the motion was first proposed. This subject 
is of a most important nature, and demands our most serious 
attention. I beg a pause for consideration with regard to these 
resolutions. For the reception of them 1 confess mjself not 




RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 3^ 

prepared. It would have been more decorous to have allowed 
the bouse some days for tbeir discussion^ when a measure of 
sncb ms^nitude, was to be a measure of permanent legislation, 
and which had been entertained by the right honorable 
secretary and his coadjutors, for months preceding their 
introduction to this house. I am equally against an hasty 
disapprobation, and an hasty approbation. Were I to supplicate 
you for some little indulgence, on account of my own infirmi- 
ties, it would be the height of presumption indeed; but I 
implore you for the sake of the empire at large — for the 
interests of this nation in particular — ^for the satisfaction of 
posterUy — ^for the honor of parliament — ^nay, for the honor of 
administration, I desire, I implore a short delay. "^ 

'' Every member must know, if ever there was a subject 
that required a man to be regardless of pride, regardless of 
health, regardless of his own feelings, it must be this. No 
member of this house can have less objection to the adminis- 
tmtion of England, and that of Ireland, than I have : but I 
have not an implicit faith in any minister. 

'' I agree with Mr. Pitt, ' that, considering what before had 
been given, very little, indeed, remains at present to give.' I 
agree with him, also, 'that it can never be supposed that 
Ireland, poor as she is, and young in manufacture; can ever 
rival England, established in trade, and rich in capital ;' and I 
cannot help expressing my surprise at the contrast of the 
reception of these words of the minister in England, and in 
this kingdom ; in the former, they are understood as a presage 
of integrity and wisdom ; yet, when reiterated in the latter, 
they are converted to instances o( faction or design. 

"The infancy of our commerce and manufactures, the 
poverty of our people, have forced us into a variety of bounties 
and encouragements, in order to give some stimulus to the 
languor of the nation. Donations from societies and parlia- 



* The secretaiy pushed hb advantage, and the house went into 
committee on the propositions. 



dSO M&MOIRS OF THE Uf£ Or THE 

CHA^. meiit^ are applied to this purpose. In a word, eveiy thing 
J^^^ respecting manufactare and husbandry, receive some pecuniary 
encouragement. Duties of protection and preference, necessary 
to foster the infant commerce of Ireland, of a similar complexion 
to those enjoyed by the British mercfaiMit, wete demanded and 
granted by this house. The right honorable secnetary, when 
he first mentioned the idea of tribute, did it with a trembling 
diffidence ; and mentioned it, not as a amdition on the part of 
Britain, but as a presentiment of spontaneous generosity on 
the part of Ireland. On its first introduction, it was delicately 
and timorously announced at the end of the propositions; 
now, it is in the van of a host, as a peremptory demand and 
absolute condition ! 

" To speak at present to the third resolution. What does it 
except P Not less than all the countries between the Cape of 
Good Hope and the Straights of Magellan; in the least 
exaggerated estimate, a fourth of the terraqueous globe, aboTe 
what Britain has any title of prescriptive or conquestorial 
right We hear with surprise of a Roman pontiff giving this 
hemisphere to one prince, and that hemisphere to another 
prince ; yet here we have half a hemisphere cut off in a paren- 
thesis; and that in a resolution purporting to extend the 
commerce of Ireland ! 

'' As to foreign trade, one word dispatches that, — ^indepen- 
dence. Independent Ireland has every right of foreign trade 
which Britain possesses; for this, therefore, she had no 
compact to make; this had been adjusted in 1780, for the 
English parliament declared in that year, by resolution, ' that 
the unshaken loyalty of Ireland entitled her to a participation 
in colonial trade with like advantages.' In equity imd good 
faith, what have we to ask that this did not give P Britain 
boasted of the liberality of the transaction, and Ireland 
illuminated !*' 

These sentences present but an epitome of 
his extended purview of the statutory history of 



UGHT HCK^. HENRY FLOOD. 531 

Ireland, as connected with the proj[)oded com- chap. 
mercial regulations. 

To enter more minutely, in memoirs which do 
not pretend to give Mr. Flood's speeches, but 
Merely partieulw passages in this tety interesting 
debate, would be impertinent to the design. Yet 
there was no national question that he examined 
with more criticid acumen, and followed to its 
relinquishment with more pertinacity. He 
opposed Mr. Orde firom ^e commencement, and 
was left in a minority of two ; as the propositions 
became better understood, they appeared less 
favorable and auspicious, even to the parliament ; 
but when they were again brought forward, with 
ttn enumeration much increased and involved, the 
national feeling flushed with indignation. Instead 
of Mr. Flood being in a minority of two, he 
divided with a support of one hundred and ten. 
Disapprobation was not limited to the strong 
minority in parliament : the nation denounced 
the scheme as insidious, and what Fox and Flood 
early pointed out to be an infringement on the 
legislative capacity of the commons of Ireland, 
received a fresh and glowing colouring from 
Grattan. 

From the moment Mr. Pitt became premier, 
he forgot reform in England, and opposed it in 
Ireland. In regard to the latter country, the 
motive readily presents itself, — the house of 



992 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 

OHAP. commons would be less manageable* Is the 
motive more difficult to be evolved on the. 
commercial treaty ? — ^We imagine not He would 
be less embarrassed in negotiations on trade with 
foreign states, and the parliament would» hj their 
acceptance, relinquish external legislation. 

Mr, Pitt had already an amenable body in the 
parliament of Ireland^ whose names we forbear 
to mention, though in all ages and countries 
there are some recorded who gloried in successful 
delinquency. 

We have given the resolution with which Mr. 
Pitt concluded his introductory address to the 
commons of England. Mr. flood ridiculed the 
idea of '* a perpetual and irrevocable law/' and 
«a perpetual and irrevocable tax/' which the 
casual transactions of a few years would be 
sufficient to demonstrate the futility. The vanity, 
too, of any jnan wording a condition, ** perpetual 
and irrevocable," but more particularly in 
reference to a surplus revenue that had no 
existence, but was eventual on the state of 
.commerce. Then, turning from what was condi- 
tional in the proposition of Mr. Pitt, he fixed on 
what was positive in the condition of trade and 
manufactures in Ireland, and the inalienable 
rights of the constitution. He conducted the 
mind through the intricacies of statutes, and less 
.oratorical portions of history, and rested on the 




RIGHT HON, HENRY FLOOD, 333 

commercial concession of Charles the second, 
after the restoration, by which a free trade was 
clearly conveyed, and the right was only 
renovated in 1789. Then, by a simple process of 
induction, and self-evident interrogatories, he 
convinced the understanding how inapplicable 
they were as a boon, and how unnecessary 
as a means of closer federation, between the 
kingdoms. 

It was from Mr. Flood's tinwearied application 
to such subjects, that furnished a distinguished 
lawyer with the observation, — " That it was not 
by a single instance that he could characterise 
him ; he was a debater of every night, bringing 
to the contest erudition and diligence, to aid 
character and eloquence.*** 

Mr. Flood considered it necessary to assert 
the dignity of the constitution by the following 
resolution : — " That we hold ourselves bound 
not to enter into any engagement to give up the 
sole and exclusive right of the parliament of 
Ireland to legislate for Ireland, in all cases 
whatsoever, as well externally as commercially 
land internally." It was on this remarkable 
occasion, that eccentric genius, Curran, ex- 
claimed, — " The siege that was round the 
constitution is raised I — ^the enemy is gone I We 

• Phmips. 



384 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 

CHAP, may go abroad and trace the dangers we have 
escaped. Nor let us forget, in our exultation, to 
whom we are indebted for our deliverance/' Tq 
Mr. flood be said^ ** Here all tbe wisdom of th^ 
state is coUectedt exploring your weakness and 
your strength, detecting every ambuscade, and 
pointing to the bidden battery that was brought 
to bear on the shrinp of freedom/' 

Mr. Orde relinquished his commercial regula* 
tions, and the city of Dublin illuminated. 

Mr. Brownlow, Mr, Forbes, and Mr. ConoUy, 
were eminently distinguished on this occasion, as 
they were on every subject of national interest. 
Filial duty has been careful to preserve the 
speeches of Grattan j there we ms^y turn for the 
brilliant antithesis, the daring metaphor, and the 
exciting thought ; but he was rather an orator 
on particular stages of the measure, than a 
debater of each successive proposition. 

Imitative writers, even of eminence, have 
followed each other in a by-path to a conclusion 
without premises : at most, a mere assertion or 
postulate, that the minority in parliament were 
erroneous in rejecting such a scheme of marine 
legislation. Yet, if Britain proffered to her 
sister the treasures of the east and the west, it 
was at a time of feebleness and inability, when 
she had neither capital to engage, hands to secure, 
nor strength to execute. 



RIGHT HON. HBNRT FLOOD. 3SS 



XI. 



We shall now resume the correspondence of obap. 
the amiable earl of Charlemont. It is like 4;urning 
to a rich and goodly prospect, which at once delights 
the imagination and gratifies the heart. The first 
letter in continuation, and which immediately 
alludes to Mr. Flood's consistent conduct 
throughout the foregoing debate, and to his 
consummate disquisition on "the doctrine of 
attachments,** one of the most important con- 
siderations, in regard to the liberty of the 
subject. 

LETTER FROM LORD CHARLEMONT. 

" Do not be afraid^ my dearest Flood, nor do me the injustice 
to harbomr the least doubt of my being capable of preferring 
any country whatsoever to that which you inhabit. As long as 
the younger sister can boast of such children as you, and one or 
two more, selected out of her numerous offspring, there is no 
sort of chance, that the elder should ever prevail over her in 
my affectionate and dutiful regard ; and though I may like 
well enough, to pa^s some of my time with my rich and 
magnificent aun^ yet I shall ever esteem my poor mother s 
humble cottage as my realjhome, and as the maternal heartji 
to which both my duty and my indination will ever recal me. 

" How very unlucky I have been in not arriving in time to 
find you in town ; and how much more so do I account myself, 
in not having it in my powar to indulge my inclinations by 
accepting of your kind invitation, and by following you to the 
country ! But the truth is, that though I am now tolerably 
well, my health is still in so precarious a state, as to oblige me 
to a perpetual continuation of sea-bathing, the only sum 
preservative against that cursed complaint which has so horribly 
tormented me, and the dread of which still continues to alarm 



336 




MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 

me. Were it not for this important consideration, though I 
never had any thoughts of going to Killamey, I should 
certainly see you in the county of Kilkenny ; for, indeed, I 
can by no means content myself with constantly hearing of 
you, though the universal applause of your autumn's achieve- 
ments, which is from all sides echoed to me, might certainly be 
sufficient to satisfy a friendship less selfish than I confess mine 
to be. Is there no chance of business calling you to town P 
Indeed, I long to see you ; nor is it possible that I should be 
satisfied with this distant method of assuring you that I am, 
with the strictest truth and sincerity, my dearest Flood, 

" Your most faithful friend, 

*' and affectionate humble servant, 

" Charlemont. 
"Marino, llth July, 1786. 

"My best respects to lady Frances, and my affectionate 
compliments to Langrishe." 



The efforts of Pitt and Fox to exclude Hood 
from parliament, in England, Mr. Burrowes has 
shown us, were unavailing. He was returned for 
Seaford ; and time pressed him to proceed to 
London, to take his part in the debate on 
the commercial treaty with France; in which 
negotiation, a vigilant guardian of Irish trade 
was required. 

Mr. Pitt and his party quickly perceived the 
advantage of a union, either by a commercial 
code and treaties with foreign states, (including 
Ireland, though not expressly named), or an 



RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD# SS7 

opeA assault on the kgislafiire. Th^ former, was 
quite within the scope of political circumvention ; 
the latter, required time and a gradual sapping 
beAeath the firm foundation of the constitution. 
To Uiese prefects the noble correspondent refers; 



LETTER FROM LORD CHARLEMONT. 

*' Dublin, Wh Nov. 1786. 
" My bear Flood, 

*'The renewal of a correspondence wWeh has been 

r • 

too long interrupted, is much too precious to allow me to leave 
yoiur letter for a moment unanswered ; and I therefore sit down 
to write a few Hnes, in spite of a distressful and alarming 
weakness in my eyes, which renders the smallest exertion 
difficult and painful to me. I heard of your being in Dublin, 
and immediately inquired where you were to be found. The 
fruit of my inquiries was, to be informed that you had sailed. 
One would imagine diat you were under the jurisdiction of 
Shdcspeare*s witches-— ' 

" Come like shadows, so depart,*' 

''The English papers have lately been infested with the 
idea of a union ; but, except from them, I know nothing of it : 
neither can I suppose it possible that any such notion can have 
entered the heads even of our present administration. When 
we had no constitution, the idea was scarcely admissible : 
what then must it be now ? I hope and believe, however, that 
it is merely the inflammatory lie oT the day, grounded perhaps 

upon CERTAIN lATE BRITISH PEERAGES. At all evCUtS, the 

attempt would tend only to disgrace the movers, and to raise a 
dame in the country. 

Z 




SS8 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 

« 

OHAP. " As to the conunercial treaty, it is dificuk to say any thing, 

''' as its real contents have not, I believe, transpired, I have, 
however, generally talked aboat it to some mercantile people. 
Opinions seem divided : some few think it possible that we 
might send oar linens with advantage to France ; but I will 
mention my fears, and those of many others. If we should 
send any linen, which I think doubtful, it could oely be of the 
superfine, the least essential article of the trade ; and if French 
cambrics were to be poured in upon us, that profitable branch 
of manufacture would be annihilated. But the great danger 
I take to be, that if the French be favored in the article of 
linens, other nations (the Prussian dominions, for example, 
and other parts of Germany, who have all of them treaties 
with England, under the terms of ' the most favored nation,') 
might lay claim to the same immunities, which would be not 
only dangerous, but, I should fear, fatal to our staple and 
only real commerce. Whether you will be able to understand 
my meaning, I know not ; but I send these ideas, crude a^ 
they are, to one who is, I am convinced, an unalterable friend 
to the constituti<m and commerce of Ireland,; and whose 
abilities are equal to his wish to serve his native country* 

*' Adieu, my dear Flood ; — my eyes will not suffer me to do 
more than to assure you that I am 

"Your most faithful, 

'' And affectionate humble servant, 

" Charlemont. 

" I wish to heaven you would give us somethmg better for 
the support of our infant academy, than your money !" 



Before passing to the commercial treaty with 
France^ in the discussion of which Mr* Flood 



LETTERS FROM THE MSS. IN THE CAULFIELD 

LIBRARY. 

The traits of character of the late earl of 
Charlemont assimilate, in many instances, to those 
traced with the golden pen of eloquence of a 
modern biographer.* 

The amiable earl was the ^^ patricB pater •* 
Besides, he had the Florentine's taste for virtA ; 
his taste for the poets j and his preference for 
freedom, instead of tjTanny in any form. On 
leaving the Caulfield library, all these ideas 
possess your mind at once. Of any private 
collection, it is the most extensive and best 
selected in Ireland: every arrangement gives 
the visitejr an impression of the earl's inclination 
to magnificence. — Statues, busts, antiques, appro- 
priately placed, amidst the literary lore of Greece, 
Rome, and modem Europe. 

* Roscoe's life of LorenEO d« Medici. 



BIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. S39 

took SO remarkable a part, the reader is chap. 

XI. 

requested to extend his indulgence, and forgive 
an anachronism, occasioned by the introduction 
of some interesting letters, which were only 
obtained when the grea^^er portion of this work 
was in the press. 



840 MEMOIRS OF THE LITE OF THE 

cHAv. Secret history of tbe defeat of the ** 

bill," which Mr. Flood propounded for Ireland, in 
1766 :— 

"Mt Dearest pear Lorj>, 

"T find it in vain to attempt any exfresiioiiiof the 

infinite pleasure I receive from your admirable letters ; they 
satisfy in every thing but one — in that particular they render me 
more dissatisfied — ^that you, who speak so inimitably of othos, 
will not speak for yourself. 

''I waited for the fate of my militia bill before I 
acknowledged your last It was finally determined yesterday : 
the whole power of government was set against it^ merely 
because I was the proposer of it. Monday last> when I was to 
make my report, Gisbome, in an elaborate argument, 
controverted the whole bill, and moved that the report 
stand postponed to the first of July. Lord Beauchamp 
(strange?) seconded the motion. I endeavoured to confute 
what diey had said, our firiend Langrishe supported* me. 
Neville Jones spoke sensibly in my favor, w^ich you wil 
wonder at. The trumpet of the house turned; and the attorney 
general', who is offended, joined against the postponement iii 
favor of recommittal. Gisbome, Beauchamp and Hutchinson 
were obliged to retract. - 

'^Yesterday having moved heaven and earth to get, and keep 
people away, and after having amused weak men with promises 
of a militia bill next session of parliament, they (government,) 
got sir Archibald Achison to move, * that Mr. Carew*,* who 
had taken the chair for me, ' should leave it' We had a long 
debate, and Hutchinson and your humble servant had another 
pitched battle. On whatever »de argumeiit was, numbers went 
lamentably against us. 

*' One awkward circumstance happened* in the debftte. I 
had received a letter about a week before, from the Genius of 



Reply to Lord Charlemont's proposal to 
accompany him to London, to consult . on Irish 
politics; with an allusion to some anonymous 
letters which were directed against Mr. Flood : — 

" Mt dearest Lobd> 

" You set me on fire. I would that I could accompany 
you ! I know nothing in the world that would be so pleasing 
to me^ and nothing that is so impracticable^ I am glad that 
you go to shake hands with your friends, though tbeir Irish 
politics and ours are so repugnant I sent inclosed a paper 
last nighty without examining it — ^I see now, that it is incautious, 
and wish it burned. Mr« Knappf writes to your lordship an 



' BfOmr HON. fl£^NR¥ WhOQD. - §41 

HaxbSj* in ^hich h^ ir^eaJ^ his ^favorable sentiments £ov chap. 
militia in this country ! I mentioned this to tvro or idiree ^ ^^^ 
frimids in confidcince ; B^uchamp heard of it ; be supposed, I 
pKsome, that I would. m^Jte use of this, j[ which was very 
abaurd,) and prq^ared a little harangue, which obliged me to 
call on him for an explanation. On this he allowed he had 
no foundatio!^, and retracted. Was it intended to make a 
malicious use, or was it mere absurdity P 

*' Forgive my hurry, and the veiy ill amends I make you 
for your invaluable correspondence, and believe me to be, 
with the most heartfelt sincerity, 

'* My dear lord, 

** Your very affectionate and obedient, 

"Henry Flood." 
*' March 27, 1766." 



* Lord Chatham* f A confidential cleriu 



^2 




M£MOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 

authentic account^ which I entreat your lordship to make use of 
in England. 

" llie marquess of Rockingham^ the dukes of Bedford and 
Portland^ lords Clare^ and Shelhume^ Righy, Cust the speaker ; 
lords Bristol^ Hillshorough, and Chatham^ had the anon3rmous 
letter. I heg that you will devise the best means of justifying 
me that occurs, and that can be followed with convenience. It 
is of the last moment to, 

'* My dearest, dear lord, 

" your ever affectionate, 

"Hbnrt Flood." 
"March 26, 1769." 



Account of two duels between lord Townsend 
and lord Ancram — sir John Blaquiere and Mr. 
Bagenall : — 

'' My dearest Lord, 

'' Your letter to-day has given me infinite pain. I 
hope, however, it is your solicitude for our valuable friend, 
rather than his danger, that awakens your apprehensions. I 
entreat you will remember me to him, as one who takes the 
most real part in what concerns him, and feels the most 
anxious wishes for his safety. His honor needs no guardian ; 
and yet, since there is to be a narrative, I think it right and 
itianly in lord Ancram to put his name to.it. 

"The world is the tribunal of honor: and our friend may 
appeal to it with security. 



'* My dearest^ dear lord, 

" ever your's. 



<f 



"^Hbnry Flood." 
February 6, 1773." 



The mind of the reader will readily recur to 
some verses, composed by lord Charlemont, in 
one of his letters, in 177^9 conveying advice and 
eulogy on the political conduct of his friend. 
We have, in the following, an acknowledgment 
and some brief observations, explanatory of his 
new position with regard to administration. 

LETTER FROM MR. FLOOD. 

"My ever bear Lord, 

"A thousand thanks for your excellent lines ; I wish 
them a better theme^ however. 

" Your last letter^ was not necessary to make your ideas 
known to me upon another subject, with respect to which^ 
I will write with. that frankness that becomes us both. I 




BIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 343 



'' I am glad, for the sake of soldiership, that lord Townshend 
has acted properly. Would that he had been as meritorious, 
without being so successful a combatant ! 

'' You will have heard before this of a duel here between 
aecretaiy Blaquiere and Mr. Bagenall, in which both behaved 
veiy bravely, the former even with a peculiar gallantry, as the 
account goes. 

. '' I have not been in the same, but almost equal dangers, by 
becoming a huntsman, and have got a wound without any 
honor to console me for it ! However^ it does not signify, and 
I dismiss my bandage to-morrow, and return to the chase 
again. I beg to hear from you, and that you will remember 
me particularly to lord Ancram. 



944^ MBMOraS OP the life of IHE 



CHIP. 
XI. 



told you my present situation exacdy. — ^I had nothing to 
add on it. I hoped you could have told me something of 
other persons, particularly one about whom I wrote to you 
from England. Without union nothing can be ddne; and 
onion is not to be obtained merely by wishing it^ or hy itx 
being right Human means must be taken. 'The goda 
take care of Cato/ sounds well^ but it ended very ill. Recti- 
tude, without activity and practical wisdom, or policy on the 
means, will, in the end, almost always fail. Here has been 
die cause of every thing that has gone wrong ; and I fea^die 
cause does not diminish. 

''A declaration such as your lordship alludes to, unless 
made by a sufficient number, rs unwise. As the world goes, 
it lessens the influence of those who make it ; and made by a 
individual without reference to a particular object, it implies a 
condition and engagement, as incompatible with fame as with 
interest. It would be said to be a bart^nng of a |H)6sible 
change in a man s sentiments as to what would be best for the 
public, and the selling of the freedom of a man's mind, for that 
which an inconsiderable sum could purchase. 

"You have not seen it in this light, I well know; 

possibly you never may : but it is evidently so to me. 

. '' I would to God you could pay us a vi^ here : you ean 

spare time now better than ever. I could then enter minutely 

into the state of men, which is the first thing to be considered 

upon the head of practicability — no small point in public 

measured. 

*' I am, my dearest lord, 

" Yoiurs, ever unalterably, 

"Henry Flood." 
"June Sth, 1776." 



When men of high rank and character are 
engaged in matters that immediately regard their 



RIGHT HON. HENRT FLOOD. 94f5 

good or evil report, there is a sensitive delicacy xi. * 
in the stipulations, no less than a dignified 
secrecy, which must tenaciously be observed; 
otherwise embarrassment ensues, which may mar 
arrangements beneficial to the public. Next, there 
was an invidiousness that Dr. Leland noticed 
as common among Irish statesmen ; caution, 
then, on Mr. Flood's part, was indispensable. 
We perceive all this, even without Leland's 
testimony, in the disunion and want of harmony 
of public men. The political aphorisms, those 
only, who have known and acted with a variety 
of politicians can fairly judge. 

During the recess of the autumn of 177^> 
Mr. Flood and lord Charlemont renewed their 
correspondence on literary niatters ; a sort of 
relaxation he enjoyed at suck intervals. 

His notion as to blank verse, will be better 
appreciated by the poet. 

*' My syeb dear Lord, 

''You have convinced me that even lyric poetry 
would be better in blank verse : at least I see there is some- 
thing in the turn of the ancients, that rhyme cannot give — 
a certain grace, and, like all grace, it lies in motion. Now, 
rhyme constrains the poet in the movement of his numbers, 
as for so much, is destructive of grace. The motions of a 
child, tolerably made, are more graceful than those of the best 
dancing master. 

'' I am afraid rhyme is a dancing master ! and with that 



346 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 

CHAP. smart observation^ I will make my bo\r ; and assure you I am, 
^^* not merely in the conclusion of a letter, 

" My dear Lord, your's ever, &c. 
'^'Au^tlSth, 1775. ''Henet Flood. 

" You are answerable for my sin ! 

TO QUINTUS HIRPINUS. 

aORACX B. U. ODK 11. 

What the. Cantabrian fierce, or Scyth, 
(Severed by Adria's gulph opposed,) 
Revolve, — cease, Quintus, to inquire; 
Nor tremulous, toil about a life 
That seeks but little. Comeliness, 
And sleek youth fiy ; and sapless age 
^ The wanton loves and easy sleep 
Dismisseth. On the vernal flower 
The same bloom sits not always; nor 
Fix'd to one aspect shines the moon. 
All ruddy. Wherefore then fatigue 
'With endless thoughts the unequal mind ? 

Why not beneath this plantane tall, 
' Or pine thus idly laid, with rose 

Our grey locks scented, whQst we may 
Carouse, we with Ass3nian nard 
Anointed ? Say, what nimbler youth 
Shall in the cool stream passing by. 
Our cups of hot Falernian slake P 
Who the sequester'd* wanton lure, 
Lyde from home ? Go, bid her haste ; 
In Spartan guise, with artless knot. 
Her hair ; and with her ivory lyre. 



* The unpoetic genins of a commentator on the MS. corrected the expression to 
** wojfufard/* we fancy, by no means an emendation ; probably, for the alliteration, 
for a ** wagfward waiUon** is a scarce animal enough. *' Sequester'd,** as nsed by 
Mr. Flood, is quite analogoiu to the sense, and quite poetical, as we And it in 
Milton, Fope, and Sh^spesre. 




■ RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. S47 

Here follows a very elegant short missive from 
Mr. Flood, remarkable for delicacy of compliment, 
and energy of thought, which has a sybUline value, 
derived from its conciseness ; it touches, — but 
merely touches, — ^the popery laws ; and it would 
be well for the posthumous fame of other 
statesmen, had equal caution and penetration 
marked their acts. 

> 

'^Mt ever dearest Lord^ 

''A thousand thanks for your kind letter. The 
weakness of your eyes proved the strength of your friendship ; 
you have an happier art than that of Midas, — ^you touch 
every thing into virtue. 

" I agree with your lordships that we are too apt to run 
mad on all subjects^ and on that of liberality or the very name 
of it, above all others. I wish we could borrow some of the 
politic virtues from our sister England, and I think we could, 
lend her some of the liberal ones. 

'' I am frightened aboutthe popeiy business. It ought to be 
touched only by a master-hand. It is a chord of such won- 
derful potency, that I dread the sound of it^ and believe with 
you, that the harmony would be better, if, like that of the 
spheres, it were, at least for a time, inaudible. 

'' This county, you know, is not the soil of patriotism. 
All I hoped for here, was to be tolerated. To my surprise, the 
Kilkenny volunteers have broken the enchantment, and their 
first accents have been those of liberty. Who knows how we 
may improve P 

" Lady Frances joins me in every compliment and respect 
to lady Charlemont, and all the felicitations of the season. 
" My ever dearest lord, 

" Yours unalterably, &€. &c. 
*' January, 1782. ''Henry Flood." 



XI, 



9iS MBMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 

Mr. Edmond Malone, the writer of the 
following letter, deserves a more extended notice 
than the prefatory observations to a letter. He 
was the literary friend aod correspondent of 
lord Charlemont ; he was the undeviating friend 
and anonymous defender of many acts in 'Hood^s 
political career. With tlie noble earl his 
histrionic tafite and judgment were appreciated 
and confided in* His mind pervaded the whole 
scope of dramatic literature, not confined by 
our language, but embracing the most approved 
authors of France and Italy. Lord Charlemont 
often took advantage of so valuable a frieiid to 
increase his collection of books ; his letters^ 
AereforBf are almost altogether literary, and the 
lighter and more agreeable efforts of criticism. 
The subsequent communication is not strictly of 
the above character, as he enters into a 
lengthened commentary on Mr. flood's speech 
on the -celebrated law of lord deputy Poynings, 
and his resignation of the vice-treasurership. 

Mr. Maloiie moved in the first circles, and 
took upon him a very delicate mission from Mr. 
Flood to the duke of Chandos. 

LETTER FROM MR. EDMOND MALONfi. 

"London, 1782. 
" Mt Dear Lokd, 

"You say you will not trouble me with politics^ as 

I am not mucli addicted to that science. I was once deeply 




RIGHT HON. HEl^T FLOOD. 84Q 

engaged by it ; but a most unfortunKte at^aehraeat^ wbich serer 
could have redounded much to my honor^ and has ended 
most unhappily, has estranged me from that and albiost every 
thing else except a feW friends, the recollection of whom is one 
of d^e last scmieaneiiCs tbht I shaB part with. 

** i endearoorto eaqd^y mythsughts with bdoks and writing, 
and when t am weary of th^m, fly into company, and when 
disgusted with that, return back to the other. But all will not 
do : there is little chance in getting over an attachment that has 
continued with unabated force for thirteen years, nor at my 
time of life is the heart veiy easily captivated with a new object. 

" You see how frankly I confess my weakness to you ; but 
if I am not much mistaken, you will make some allowance for 
the extravagance of this sort of sensation, which is aHied, 
however remotely, to some of the best feelings of the heart. 
I am a~ very domestic kind of animal, and not at all adapted 
lor solitude. 

*' Notwidnrtanding what I have said, I was, I assoiae you, 
not a little pleased to hear of the noble part that our frieiid 
Flood has acted. W. Jephson and I, in a paper that we wrote, 
r believe seven years ago in his' defence, on his accepting an 
office, predicted that he would do exactly what he has done. 
It was a long essay in the Freeman, but I have forgot the 
signature and have no copy^ I wish he had thrown «p two 
years ago, he would still have appeared more brilliant; 
however, his fame, as it is, will be immortal. 

''I see all the lawyers have differed with him about the 

construction of Poyning's law. When I saw the account 

of such men as Crookshank, Fitzgibbon, &c. browbeating him 

and setting him right, I could not help thinking of ' girls with 

.spits and boys with stones waging puny war' witii Coriolanus! 

"I have, for my own part, no doubt of his interpretation 
being right, and I hope this opposition will rouse him to do 
what I have long urged him to do— -I mean, to arrange all the 
curious matter that he has collected on that subject and to 




350 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 

publish it After his three hour's speech about ten year's ago 
upon it> I endeavoured when I went home, to put as much of it 
on paper as I could recollect^ and I have still the copy by me. 
If, therefore, he does not do what I have suggested, his 
admirable argument will go down to posterity in a sad ccHrupted 
and imperfect state. I hope you will urge him to it* It surely 
is a NATIONAL CAUSE, and will do him the highest honor, 

" Believe me, my dear lord, 

'' Most affectionately yours, 

"En. Malonb/* 



The idea of ** girls with spits and boys with 
stones waging puny war on Coriolanus,'' is happily 
descriptive of some of the belligerents. It is 
unfortunately true, that Mr. Flood neglected to 
publish his famous dissertation on the perverted 
law, and no correct copy of that speech has yet 
come to the hands of his biographer ; for true it 
is, that all memorial of Mr« Flood is in *^ a sad, 
corrupted, and imperfect state/' 



" Beneath we have lord Charlemont as busy 
with his volunteer army, as if C»sar and the 
tenth legion had engaged his morning studies. 
Considering the noble general's delicate frame, 
he certainly made some attempts at Roman 
celerity. 



RIGHT HON. HENRT FLOOD. 351 



lifiTTER FROM LORD CHARLEMONT. 

'* Dublin 26th June, 1787. 

" Mt Deaeest Flood, 

" As you have flattered me with the hope of meeting 
you in the north, I delayed writing till I could he ahle with 
some degree of precision to give an account of the manner in 
which my northern progress is to he conducted. On the 9th of 
July I shall he at Bellewstown hill, hut shaU return from 
thence to Dublin ; shall set out again on the 15th, shall be at 
Newry on the 16th, and the 17th at Belfast, where the reviews 
last three days : on the 25th I shall he at Deny, and shall 
remain there two or three days : from thence to sir Annesley 
Stewart's, in the county of Donegal, from whence, after a short 
visit, I shall proceed to the county of Armagh, where I have 
many visits to pay, which will fill up the time till the Newry 
review on the 20th of August ; which being concluded, 
I shall return to Dublin. And so finishes my campaign, 
prosperously I hope, but still more so, if I should have the 
pleasure of meeting you at any or all the places I have 
mentioned. No news stirring. My letters from England 
assure me that there is an implacable animosity and violent 
quarrel between lord Sandwich and lord G. Germaine. 

" I have lately been much out of order with a weakness in 
my stomach, which still continues troublesome. 



€1 



Believe me ever, my dearest Flood, 

''Your faithfully and truly affectionate, 

"Charlemont." 



OHAP. 
XI. 



359 MEMOIRS OF THB LIFE OF THE 

CHAP. 

LETTER FROM LORD CHARLEMONT. 

'' DuhKfh ^7th Jnbf, 1787. 

**My dearest Flood, 

" If Griffith* still be with you, return him my most 
. sincere thanks for the information he sent me of your recovery, 
for which I am the more obliged to him,* as^ by his alacrity in 
performing that duty of friendship, he evidently testified the 
kind justice of his opinion, that every thing which concerns 
you must at all times most intimately interest me. I received 
his letter during the hurry of reviews, and had not then a 
moment's leisure to thank him for it, and I now chuse rather 
to write to you than to him, in hopes that your health may be 
sufficiently confirmed to allow you to send me a single line, 
which may vouch its confirmation ; but if writing should still 
be inconvenient to you, at all events let him add to the 
obligations already conferred by another line of comfort, 
assuring him that his last letter was not only in the highest 
degree a consolation to me, but was honored by the joy of 
armies ! Farewell,, my dearest Flood ; believe me ever, with 
truth and sincerity, 

*' Your imosl faithful, 

*' asd truly affectionate, 

" Cqablemont." 



* Mr. Richard Griffith, one of the ablest men in the Irish commons 
of 1785. " He has ever been one of the foremost in supporting every 
scheme of public utility or national improvement ; earnest and strenuous 
in the defence of constitutional freedom, and seldom favored mmisters 
with his countenance or vote." 



RIGHT HON, HENRY FLOOD, 353 



LETTER FROM LORD CHARLEMONT. 

" Marino, 2d Augvrst, 1787. 
" My Dearest Flood, 

" A letter written by your own hand must necessarily 
have afforded me the most sensible pleasure, since I look upon 
it as a proof of your recovery ; than which, besides the private 
considerations of friendship, nothing can be more desirable to 
me, whose ruling passion is, I trust, the love of my country, and 
of its honor. The body of the volunteer army is undoubtedly 
diminished, though the north still keeps up a very respectable 
peace establishment. I this year reviewed at Belfast, notwith- 
standing the horrid weather, above eighteen hundred men, near 
one thousand at Broughshane, and full eight hundred at 
Downpatrick. Their appointments and discipline are as good 
as ever, a certain sign that their spirit is unaltered, and indeed 
I believe it is unalterable. 

''The Royal Irish Academy is at present adjourned for the 
summer season, to meet again in October, at which time, or 
possibly sooner, we shall give the world a specimen of our 
labours, which will not, I hope, upon the whole displease you ; 
nay, I will venture to. flatter myself, that it will so far meet 
your approbation, as to induce you to render our second 
volume still more valuable. Indeed we expect it from you» 
not only as a man of letters, but as a patriot As you will 
discover among the essays a trifle, de ma fa^m, I find 
myself inclined to make my excuse for it beforehand, 
assuring you that I produced and suffered it to be inserted, 
though conscious of its total want of merit, merely p<mr 
incourager Us autres. 

" The ladies desire their best good wishes and congratulations 
upon your recovery, jcHning with me in the most sincers 

2a 



CHAP. 
XI. 



S54f MSlfOIRS OP THE LIFE OP THE 

CHAF. respect! to lady Frances. Adiea, my dearest Flood : beliete 
^'' me erer unalterably. 



u 



Your most faithful and taroly aifeetionate, 

*' Chablsmont/ 



LSTTtR t^ROM LORD CHARLSMOKT. 

"Manno, \6ik Sept. 1787. 

" Mt SBARS8T Flood, 

«' I did, it is tmfe, ibiget to mentioft te my Um le«M- 
^ diteoVery which has beefi mad^ widi regard to Ofesii^> whick 
faow«vcr is not, I bdie?e, Y>f that ittponsAce i»kieh yon seem fo 
a^ppdae^ Doctor Yonag, one of the Inost tbgeftious, leal^ed^ 
«nd amiaUa men tkxm «didfig> In a toitf «» the Nm^ of 
6coida&4» skid to ^e Hebrides, olNaiaed ki manusmpt^vieMi 
Kne baHads, of which he has ^v^a « Ule^ translation : frott 
^arts of these ballads it Is dett that M'Phek«on has ttdten muny 
passages in his poem, though so strang^y ii^tel*ed, and bedaubed 
with bmament, so vwoUeia viA bi«d^ ted Hiidigui%d by 
figwva, that tboir liiii^ ortgte Is banly to^iiaUe. Om 
tiRutastanoe is, h^mw¥t, vfatesiMi and turibus, ihat whek«v^ 
Inland is mendoti«d> as it i^equi^lly ia, did Galed«>Bia& has 
tskini dure to put ScoUaad in its pkvee. Thene tnmalatious, 
Iradi « short diasfr ta <iou» in whidi ntf t It wOk>d is said agHlfisI 
the Paeudo-OasMB, wiil be published \A <Kir fira&sacdons; iKud 
iiideed, thcAigh their aatiquily be ooHaSsly net ^eiy mmole, 
jf^en will« { ^nk, find >thetn both ciirbas and amoBteg, asiv«A 
from the sitnpie poetic beaMies of Mne, asfroMi^dddi^^ttlt 
wbimnoalitjr of Mhen. 

'' With regard to my paper, y«iar Aie^y Hlfectiem <ii41I%e 
totally disappointed. It is, thank fate, far Mnw «rilMMIi ; "Mt 
when you perceive ho# mctivmdy trifling it I0> ymi #ffl-do me 
the justice to believe that I suffered it to be iliserfed tn«»e^ 



A letter from the poet Jermngham, the 
erary friend of Malone, QiarlemoBt, and 
flood, eaimot be omitted, howerer imperfect out 
acquaintance ^th the extent of Mr. Flood's 
classical pursuits ; yet this note, with the allusions 
scattered throughout lord Charlemont's corres- 
pondence, conreya clear notion as to his taste: — 

LETTER FROM MR. E. JERNINGHAM. 

'* Candmi'StreeU Jom* 27. 
*' Sib, 

" I take the liberty of fiMBeiHiag jou nay best r^gi^^, 
Mdof beggiuigllieiiivorof yooraffeeptaiioB'Df iiiyptexKU The 
ffit^ mmor^sf^'&a^^ w«se Mnbitioiui<of reading i|^ Fersat 
lo the most celebrated oratoas : it is the same kind oi.ambitioo 
that prompts me to trouble jou with mi^e. I should be happy 
in renewing our lihealricd convenation at the playhouse, where 
I veeoDeot hnring the Ikhknt of frequenlfy laeeliiig you Jaat 
ffctr. 



BIGHT HON. H£NEY FJUQOP* 9^^ 

widi the viev of enoouni^jig joay fdiffid^tni bretbren.; aod I have cbap. 
Ae fwtisfiM^tioa to diiuk that it has had the deaur«d efiecC ^'* 

^' The man who pan speak like you can always write ; but, 
«irttii thongb X had die assurance and kSl^y, which indeed I have 
not, io thJD& myaelf « writer, alas! the viet term h not trii«. 

"AH our oompUmesits lo lady F/aaees, and bdieve me ever 
ttnaheralhly, 

"Your most faithful, 

'' and truly affectionate, 

'* Charlemont." 




356 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 

" I wish yoa was here« particularly now« that you might 
enjoy the singuhur entertainment of a French gendeman. 
Monsieur Tesier, affords in his reading a play. Nothing can 
give an idea of his excellence, hut the imagining a troop of 
comedians equally perfect The last time I saw him perform, 
Mr. Garrick was present, who owned he had exceeded his 
expectation. He read a comedie harmaiante, in which he had 
frequent opportunity of displaying hoth his tragic and comic 
powers. 

'' I have the honor to be, with the greatest esteem, 

"Your most obedient humble servant, 

*' Edward Jerkingham." 



We owe to the oratorical fame of Mr. Flood in 
the British parliament, a particular notice of his 
long and learned speech on the commercial treaty 
with France. 

He went over prepared for this subject, and 
had he failed to make a display equal, if not 
superior, to any member who spoke on that 
occasion, his opponents would have had fair 
grounds for depreciating him as a statesman. 

A short analysis of this speech, we trust, will 
be pardoned by the reader. 

Mr. Flood spoke in reply to Mr. Pitt, on the 
wide extending consequences of such a treaty — 
that, W the reasoning of the merchants and 
manufacturers had weight and preponderance in 
regard to Ireland, on the commercial propositions, 
how much more forcibly would it apply to such a 




RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 357 

rival as France on the present question. To 
apply tills argument, he reviewed the existing 
state of the three kingdoms, showing clearly, it 
was always hitherto the policy of Britain to oppose 
such concessions, and always the policy of France 
to obtain them. The anomalous position of 
Ireland and France by this projected treaty, and 
inferentially the want of consistency in the policy 
of Mr. Pitt on this question. Tracing with 
precision international transactions by treaties in 
any degree referable to commerce ; and closing 
'the whole with an emphatic answer to Mr. 
Grenville. 

We prefer giving the observations of a 
gentleman* of distinguished character in literary 
circles, to a continuation of our less enlightened 
remarks. 

" As a proof of the undecaying vigor of his 
intellect, we will subjoin a few extracts from a 
speech which he delivered in 1787> in reply to 
Mr. Pitt, whose commercial system he combated 
with a force of concentrated ratiocination, which, 
whatever may now be thought its value in the eyes 
of political economists, certainly at the time when 
it was delivered, received no sufficient answer. 

' It is not natural for men to believe that the maxims, by 
which they have permanently flourished, are absurd and 

*^ "" ^* ■ ■■■■■! 1—^^— M ■ ■■ ■■ ■ m ^^— ^W^— ^i^^— .i^M^i^^M ■ ■ ■ M l ■ » ■ I I ■ ■■ 11. I ■ - ■ ■ ■ ■ > ■ ■ - 

*The Rev. Samuel O'SuUivan. 




S5d MSMOIRS OF THE LIFE OP THE 

MBneow. Neither is h nattind for diem fo beCeve diat tira 
enlig^btRned nationg hare^ for a centoiy, eMitempIaled the 
attne object in one view — and that both of them ase mistaken. 
Yet all this must be admitted before we can admit, that (qpening 
the ports of these two kingdoms to each other is not advanta- 
geous to France and prejadiclal to Great Britam. I will not 
pepeai what hM been stated, that this treaqr is the progeny of 
those of 1677 and of 1713. I will not repeat that the tieatjr of 
1677 was dictated by France to the ignominious king who 
dishonored your (hrone; that even a pensioned parliament 
rejected it, and substituted protecting duties and prohibitory 
ktrs; that James the second, when he wished to coiieiliat0 
France^ and Co enslaire England, re-opened the ports ; thai 
King WiUiam and the reVolotiiHi barred them up again ; that 
from the commercial ignorance of our negociators in 1713, 
(confessed by themselves,) the treaty of Utrecht, as to that 
part of it by which the two kingdoms were to be opened to 
each other, was also dictated by Prance; that the parliament, 
though greatly obsequious to the queen, reprobated that part o€ 
the treaty ; that all wise men, and all subsequent parliamenla to 
this day applauded their conduct. I will omit these consider- 
ations, though weighty and considerable ; but what happened 
in 1763 P Amidst all her calamities and concessions, France 
struggled for this principle with peculiar avidity. The situation 
of Great Britain was commanding ; and rather than not hare 
a peace at all, France receded. What happened in 1783 ? 
France returned to this principle with equal ardor. The 
situation of Great Britain wfts not equally commanding. But 
though the principle was not peremptorily rejected, as before, 
yet neither was it admitted. It was referred to future discussion ; 
that is, in fact, it was evaded. And what, then, are we desired 
to do now ? To admit a principle, which, for an hundred years, 
France has been importunate to gain ; and which, for an 
hundred years. Great Britain has been resolute to refuse; 
which .would have made the treaty of 1763 worse than it was. 




RIGHT HQN. H?NRy Fl^OOP* ^Wf9 

wbeu it wts thpugbt to \^ in«4i»quate ta qu? gl^Qr ; 9»A wUch 
would have made ib^ tr«a,^ of 1783 wor^Q than it wa^^ wben it 
wa9 tbought tQ be toa bwnlliating (ov our distress. 

'It is ^lUQb boairtiiedx ii^deed> tbat tbe ^paanufafctur^rs otq 
pleased witb ibis treaty. Asi bow^v^j wben ibey wero 
displeased witb tb^ Jrisb trtaty^ tb^ir stro&gest ^d most 
fixpress disapprpbatiop was tbaugbt immaterial by mimsters ; 
tbeir surmised satisfaction i^ thi^ tireaty now oanmot be argued 
by tbe s^me men ^ w^bty in its favor. Wben I look upon 
your table, bowever^ I see no applioatioQ from any maQufa^-* 
turers in fayor pf tbis measiire; but I do soil tb^r« a petition 
from a obamber* containing varipui classy of manufacturers, 
against it ; for so tbe petition certainly is as far as it reacbes« 
It is true, it is on tbe face of it a petition only for time and 
deliberation ; and tberefpre it is ridiculed^ with what rea3<m I 
sea not Wbat else couW tbey bave done witb oqud propriety ' 
In so few days after tbe completion of tbe treaty, to call on you 
to give an instant and undeliberate negative to a measura 
comprehending every state^ as well as every commercial 
consideration, would certainly have been censured as prematura 
and presumptuous. How much more absurd and presumptuous 
would it have b^en to df sire you to give an instant negative 
where tbey neither had as yet> nor could have becomingly 
given a negative themselves. Sut I will not refer to what tha 
manufacturers may thin^, or to wbat tbey may talk> while it is 
doubtful ; but to what they bave publicly reasoned, of which 
we can judge, apd to wbat they have sworn, which we musi 
credit. On the Irish treaty tbey gave evidence, and till they 
cc^e to your bar tp re^T&et tbat testimony, I bave a right to 
the benefit of it; and if the manufacturers were now standing 
at your bar, I would ask them, were they afraid of Ireland at 
that time ; a^d are tbey not afraid of France now F And if 
any of them should answer in the affirmative, I will ask him, 
wbat could be his possible reason P Is it that France is one of 
the most industrious^ enterprising, and manufacturing nations 



S60 



MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 



CHAP, in the worid i and that Irelaiid is not 80 ? Is it that France has 
all labour, and manufactural labour in particular, cheaper thui 
Ireknd P Is it that France has five times the territory, e^ht 
times the population, and for^ times the capital of Ireland ? 
If England had committed an error in her treaty with Ireland, 
were they afraid that she could not rectify her error without 
war ; whereas, with France, are they sure it might not cost a 
war P If Ireland should have gained in the event, were they 
afraid of it; because it would have been the gain of fellow 
subjects and of the empire ; and as to France, are they not 
afraid of it; because it will be the gain of our rival, and 
therefore a loss to the empire P These opinions are too absurd 
to be credible. 

' Of the woollen manufacturer I would ask, whether in dyes, 
in oils and Spanish wool, France has not advantages which 
Ireland had not, (nor Britain either); whether France does not 
rival British woollens in many parts of the world, whereas 
Ireland did not P Whether France has not one hundred towns 
engaged in the woollen manufacture for one that can be 
reckoned in Ireland P And whether France sends either wool 
or woollen yarn to Great Britain ; whereas Ireland sends both ; 
whilst Great Britain sends neither to Ireland, whatever she may 
to France P I would ask of the cotton manufacturer whether 
in the raw material, France has not many advantages, while 
Ireland had not P (nor Britain either herself.) Of the iron 
manufacturer, I might demand what mighty advantages had 
Ireland to render her more formidable than France P And I 
might ask Mr. Wedgwood himself, if no other country could 
rival his manufacture, why he was so much afraid of Ireland P 
And if any other country can, why he is not at all afraid of 
France P 

'As to the wines and brandies of France, it is evident that 
by her climate she has in them a physical monopoly of 
expensive luxuries, for which it is her interest to secure the 
richest and the most luxurious customer she can — namely. 




RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. S6l 

Great Britain ; whereas, Ireland could have no such object in 
a treaQr with Britain, nor Great Britain with Ireland. And 
here I might ask, not of manufacturers only, but of all 
mankind, whether necessaries will not make their way without 
treaty, and even in spite of prohibition, where superfluities will 
not make their way P I would then desire it to be remembered 
that the exports from France to Britain are luxuries, and 
next to luxuries ; and that our exports to France are mostly 
utilities of the first or second necessity. What follows ? That 
our exports stand less in need of treaty, and less in fear of 
prohibition than those of France ; and therefore, that treaty is 
advantageous to France.' 

" We do not cite these extracts for the purpose 
of claiming entire approbation for Mr. Flood's 
opinions as a political economist. We know how 
widely the clearest sighted men have diffei*ed 
respecting the important positions discussed in 
his speech ; and even if our inclination led us to 
stray beyond the strict limits of biography, and 
to engage in that discussion, our space would not 
permit us to do it justice. No, our only object 
is to exhibit the matchless power of lucid and 
energetic logic which that great man possessed, 
and to prove that what is called ^ his failure^ in 
the English house of commons, did not prevent 
him from subsequently exhibiting those powers, 
in a manner that must have extorted the admi- 
ration of his hearers. Well might Grattan say 
of him, ^ give him the thunderbolt, and he had 
the arm of a Jupiter/ 



962 HSM 0IB8 OF TSE LSFB OF T«E 

CHAV. 'Wlit|,Iadk,kdMolgcct of acoiB«MScidii«li«f Not 

to be for ofcr bosj in npf^jriog ochor conotiics, 9nd to 1«iit< 
itielf to be siq^^plied hy them. Tbat would bo qNwd* 
IlBiiiitobieci]% to sofyply itfelf ; ita focondj to fOH^j olbflr«« 
Wlisl ibllovi? Tbat tvo gioal ne^^bbovriiig covatrioi of 
aMiiQ£Mtiiie c«o oofcr bo capibd oibjecta to cadi odior; and 
that, finr tbii j^ain reafos, tbat tfarf aiiii«t b«ro the gie^loil 
ooantitv of «"*■!•* ' conuiioditieB i tbe amteit oaantitT of lMwn*» 
iOFj^y; and, tfaarednre^ tho anaOest quantity of rwfvoeii 
waatf. No axiom can be ckaicrtfaaii ibis; aiidtb^efoi?jdio 
ri^ boQoiable menbtr, (Hr. Pitt,) wbo always fM09 what i§ 
ftrongpest for bis case, did aigne that a pfofitablo ei^dmogi^ 
niig^t take place between these two conntiies. And why? 
Becaose Fnmce, be said, is a coimtxy of prpdoce, and because 
Great Britain is a country of manufacture. Now, this is true 
in sound, but false in reality. To make it true in reality, it 
would bare been requisite to add, that the produce of Franco 
is a produce necessaiy or useful to Gieat Britain«^wlienas it is 
luxurious as to wines, and as to brandies it is mischierooa. It 
ought, also, to be added, that France is nai a country of 
manufacture ; that is to say, that she is unable to supply 
herself with manu&ctnres — because, in that case, it is likely 
abe woold consume ours. But this b so &r from being the 
ttruth, that sho manufactures enough not only to supply herself, 
but to acquire a yearly balance of bullion, much larger than 
any other country in Europe. We also, it is true, manufacture 
enough not only to supply ourselves, but to obtain a balance 
in specie, though not to the amount of France; that is, France 
manufactmw 4nou^ for twettty«£(>ur m.illionfi of people, and 
wo manufacture enough for eight mflUons, X will not^ howeyer, 
infer from thence that she manufactures three times as much as 
we do ; I mean to reason fairly ; and therefore, I admit that 
eight millions of our people consume more manufactures than 
eight, but not ^han twenty-foar millioDs of Frenchman. Now, 
if the quantity of her manufacture is at least equal lo the 




RIGHT HOK. HSNRT VhOOfD. 363 

quantily of otus, we can odlj surpass her in tiie quaEt^ ; and gelipv 
though even in quali^ some of her manufiEu^tures excel oura, 
yet I am willing to suppose that^ as to quality, we excel her in 
more, fiut what does this conclude as to the home consump- 
tion of Flunce ? Nothing at aS. As long and as far as, from 
poverty, from economy, or from nationalty and prejudices, she 
is content with her own manufactures, she will not consume 
ours. She could only import them for the use of other countries. 
JVok;, does any man serionsly wish to make France the medium 
efouT commerce with other covmtries, and to give up an active 
for a passim traffic ? To give all the advantages of freight, 
commission, correspondence, and the preference as to the raw 
materials, or useful produce of those other countries in return. 
Id France, instead of to England, and to make her the 
mercantile factor of Great Britain P Can any man entertain 
do insane an idea ? Is any man so hlind as not to see how 
much that would put this country into the power of her rival in 
peace, and of her enemy in war ? What a wound it would 
enahle France to give to this kingdom, upon the outset of 
hostilities ? Or how difficult it might be, in such circum- 
8tances> to induce a mercantile people like the English io 
endure such a shodc ; and not rather to snfier the basest 
indignities that could be heaped upon a nation P 

' The great objects of such a country as this, are those 
countries which are destitute of manufactures, but rich in 
bullion, or in necessary or highly useful commodities. Spain, 
fh>m defect of industry and from abundance of bullion, is such an 
object Holland, from defect of taritoiy, and from commercial 
opulence, is such another. The northern kingdoms are objects 
from a plenty of commodities of the first or second neeessity. 
Both the Americas are objects. Portugal is an object. But, 
look round the world, and, perhaps, you will not find many 
countries that are less oljects to Great Britain than France — ^I 
mean of useful commerce ; and to negociate for unuseful, or 
fbr pernicious t):affic, would be too absurd.' 




864 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 

'' The following observations upon the impor- 
tance of the home market, may» even at the 
present day, not be without their use to our 
tentative experimenters in commercial legis- 
lation : — 

' If I be told that the manufacturers of Ireland were nearlj 
as adverse to that treaty as the manufacturers of Great Britain, 
I admit it« and upon the same principle — a principle that I 
should not now mention^ but that it bears fully and directly 
upon the present subject. Now« what was that principle P That 
the certainty of the home market is better than the ehoMce of 
any other. Great Britain had protected her market for a 
century, and, at the end of that century they saw how she 
flourished. Ireland had not been permitted to protect her 
market during the same period, and at the end of it they felt 
how she stood impoverished. Spain had adopted, during 
almost the same period, a system contrary to that of protection, 
and, in spite of Peru and Mexico, it had beggared her. The 
market of the world is a great thing in tound ; hut, in reality, 
the home market is to every country greater than that of all the 
rest of the world. As to Great Britain, this is peculiarly true. 
One illustration will prove it The com of Great Britain is 
encouraged in its foreign consumption by a bounty on export; 
yet, though thus forced into the foreign market, what is the 
proportion of the foreign to the home consumption of British 
com ? Not one in thirty-two. I know, however, that com 
being a first rate necessary of life, is in greater consumption 
at home, and greater production abroad, Uian less necessary 
commodities; and therefore, (meaning to reason fairly,) I do 
not state the disproportion between the home and the foreign 
consumption to be as great in all things, as it is in that 
particular commodity; but, after having rendered the idea 
striking by this example, I will, by another and a short illustra- 




RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. S65 

don, render it precise. Every man must see this, that if the 
home consumption were equal to the whole produce of the 
national industry, foreign consumption would he of no value 
to British, industry. What follows ? That foreign consumption 
is only worth to British industry th4it sum by which the exports 
of Great Britain exceed all that she imports for home 
consumption. The home consumption, it is evident, is equal 
to all the rest, saving the sum of that excess. Now, compare 
that excess with the national consumption of eighty or ninety 
millions, and the immense superiority of the home market of 
Great Britain, over that of all the rest of the world, will he 
apparent. What follows P That it would he absurd to hazard 
this, for the chance of the market of one foreign country; and 
especially of France, that is so peculiarly capable of supplying 
herself. 

' Besides the extent of the home market, there is a steadiness 
in it that is invaluable. The caprice or hostility of foreign 
powers may make great and sudden revolutions in the foreign 
market ; but the home market, if we are wise, we can always 
depend on, for steadiness, and, in effect, for monopoly. 
Reflect on the immense expense to which we have gone for 
distant colonies. And why ? Was it not for the sake of their 
monopoly P Though in distant colonies that must always be 
imperfect. How absurd, then, would it be to relinquish the 
monopoly of the home market, which is so much more perfect, 
and so much more extensive than that of all the colonies in the 
world !* 

" After some fine observations, showing the 
impolicy, the dishonor, and the danger of 
certain provisions in the treaty, he thus 
proceeds : — 

'To talk, therefore, of making France the most favored 
nation by Great Britain, appears to me to be absurd ; and to 



366 MBMons OF thk x.ife of the 

o«AP. nake W so «t presenl^ to be dkhononUe too. WlMt aiift 
"• die nalione of Europe think of it ? Iliey know ihaX m the 
gloiy of the duke of Marlboroogh's victories, you rejected the 
]>nnciple. Thejr know that in the triumphs of 1762, you 
fc^eded k ; and if }amr, in the (Bresk dianaaakenneiit of jioiir 
«upire by Fvanoe, yon shall, for ^ ftrst d»e» jufanic to it, 
ihey will not impute it to gr a titu d e^ t hey will not imppte it to 
phfloa^hy — ^I dare not say to what Aey mi^ impute it. 
Ha«eto<bre they moat acknowledge that, though you may, 
aometnes, hafe been imfoitnnttte, you never were depressed. 
You lia«« fitood, {as yoar own BaiBie^ did in Asta^) ptesentmg 
A framt te«^"ery 'danger ; «o that nothing but an explosion fiwoB 
Iwavenoovkl node you. Butif dMy read tfau inaty, thof mnast 
Ifcank Ihat 4af ts -o^er; and if they see yaai recede iram the 
other countries of Europe to bury yourselves in the embniees of 
France, they may imi^;ine that you have deserted liiat atotion 
wiiidi you kaiw hitherto maintained in Euiope. Now, I ask, 
emn you desert litat atatioii •? And I anawer, tiMt you eannet,; 
ft»t, because it wocdd be in^rious; and next, becaoae it 
would be unsafe. The moment tkmt yeu were to let fM Ihitt 
ttivndaTdt it wvM pan to seme ^ther fewer; mnd^eu wemU 
emue to ^ the hope, tmd cease to be the pride vf Ew r a p e . 
Tilt enemies of your ^former greatness would panme yo«r 
retreat, 'ftrough ihey would stand akof from ye«r pow^. Txs 

1V&TX0V THAT HAS Of7CS DARED TO BE GBfiAT, H^B «0 

BXFETT m tTTTLEVESs — she must ooudnue her darings, or 
she will suffer the pains of pusillanimity !' 

** This is worthy of Chatham ; and will Burely 
be fallowed to contain profound political wisdom. 
We owe Mr. flood this acknowledgment ; as 

* Colonel BailliQ, who, being suddenly attacked and surrounded by the 
troQps of Byder Ally, formed his men into a solid square, and thus 

IVpCuCu 1ID aSaamunSk 



Tke following patfiagie esfosBB Its defec^re 
pomte, in relation to tbe commercial interests of 
Ireland, and refers to tKe superintending influence 
tliat ihe British parliament ought to possess and 
eacereise. This he spoke a day «r tm> itfter tiie 
precedii^ :«^^ 

**! -can vgsare tht limise 1 feel no eittreme anxie^ for the 
dbufimnwt trf luijr %enfeflts fbr Ireland, through the medium of 



RIGHT HOK. HSKRT FLOOD. 867 

our readers may recollect that vfe gave Mr. cHAr. 
Grattan great credit for a similar sentiment, when 
it now appears that he was merely repeating what 
had been much better said by his illustrious rival 
nearly tw^irty years before^ After a fine allienkm 
to Elizabeth and Cromwell, both of whom, in 
most trying circumstances, placed England at the 
head of Europe^ he thus concludes : — 

* Whk tiieae gloxws before my eyes, and Jcnembermg lioir 
mMf i^y hxve baen augnented vithin «i luaMfared y«m> 
1 alnid in sstonisdimcDt at «d» pmmbte ^ itoB ttMy^ ^irkick 
oaJU on ss, m a tone of iiiatti{>li» lo t«iKerselke i^em «€ that 
ventnrf . I vamiDt bsip asldng uipdf> irho tJioae men are, 
fdio diuB sttniBion'a nighty natium, to vmounfee its honons, aad 
to Mk»m Its «Bp«riorky ? Batybetiieywhothey may, if they 
i«k MS to d^oae Great BritaiA, and to put Fraooe imo the 
thinw of Eotapt^^l answer, no. If tbey as^ me to r^ed 
ikt revdutioii* I answer, vo^— ^v tbe liber^ l^t c«me with it, 
or At ^ary that ^>iloiired k, or t^ maxims of bommeree and 
of sgurcmmemt that liafa (hsrished and adorned %oiii;-^ 
centaraa to inawinr ly a reiterated iiegativ<e. I coaMe ^t 
you urtU do die tame-; and I co«el«de.' " 




868 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 

a treaty to which I hare so many ohjections, on the grouiid of 
its heing disadvantageous to Great Britain. On a former day 
I stated, that if the sentiments of the merchants and manufac- 
turers remained unaltered, they could not be but adverse to a 
treaty with Fiance, founded on prindplea so tranaeendaady 
more injurious to their, interests, than the pfUM^es of the 
former treaty with Ireland. Nothing could be more self- 
evident than if the reasoning of the manufacturers had been 
right on that occasion, and their apprehensions had been 
justified, the same chain of facts and arguments would apply 
more forcibly on the present occasion ; and their apprehensions 
would be still more justifiable. With regard to the cabinet of 
France, (understanding that Ireland was implied and compre- 
hended in the present treaty, although it was not so declared in 
express words, in any part of it), I would ask, what security 
had Ireland for her share of the advantages or privileges which 
the treaty held out to Great Britain P Were privileges or 
advantages likely to arise from it, any more than those she had 
obtained by the cabinet of Lisbon, extending to her those of 
the Methuen treaty, in which it was well known they had 
refused to sufier Ireland to participate, though in violation of 
the spirit and meaning of that treaty P For this breach of 
faith on the part of Portugal, no redress had been obtained on 
the part of Ireland, although it had been five years in 
negotiation. I must express my conviction that the commercial 
treaty before the house is neither calculated to benefit Great 
Britain nor Ireland; and I think a stronger proof of its 
objectionable invalidity could not be stated to the friends of 
Ireland, than the extraordinary position in which it would 
place the two countries of France and Ireland, by entitling the 
former to commercial advantages and privileges in Great Britain, 
to which the latter was not entitled ; and likewise extending to 
Ireland benefits from France which she could not obtain from 
England. I feel that every honest Briton must be a friend to 
Ireland, because her interests were so deeply interwoven with 
those of England, that they were inseparable considerations." 



XI. 



RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 369 

The closing sentences angered Mr. William ^'hap. 
Grenville, who rose with warmth to defend the 
commercial arrangements offered bj that house 
to the Irish parliament, and extolled the liberality 
of the twenty-one propositions in no very 
measured language; and he imputed to Mr. 
Flood, primarily, the cause of their rejection : to 
which Mr. Flood replied, — 



"I could not have conceived it possible for three or four 
natural expi^essions^ to have drawn down on me an animad- 
version delivered in so high and imperative a tone. Being a 
Native of Ireland, and having the honor to possess a seat in the 
parliament of that kingdom, I thought it my indispensable 
duty not to sit silent when so much had been said on the 
subject of Ireland, and its commercial interests ; but I plainly 
see, if any man professes himself to be the friend of Ireland^ 
he is to be reprehended and stigmatized as the enemy of 
Great Britain. 

** I have before declared, that I am a friend to both countries, 
and I said that every honest Briton must be the same. The 
right honorable gentleman has contended that Great Britain 
is not the dependant of Ireland, it is undoubtedly true; 
but is not Great Britain bound to take care of the interests 
of every part of the empire ? The parliament of Great 
Britain is the imperial parliament Is it not then the 
indispensable duty of that parliament, in every great national 
measure, to look to the general interests of the empire, and to 
see that no injurious consequences follow to the particular 
interests of any part of it ? If this is admitted, will any 
man say that Ireland is not to be considered on this important 

2b 



S70 MEMOIRS OF THE LXfE OF T«£ 

OHAF. occasion — and why P^-Because the parliament of Ireland had 
^^ ^ rejected with disdain the coinmercial treaty of 1785. The 
right honorable gentleman told them ' that in 1785, this house 
had made a liberal offer to Ireland ;' this is the first lime that 
it has been owned that the treaty of 1785 was the offer of 
GreatBiilain ! At die time, Ibelieve, tke right hon. member 
called them ' the Irish propositions/ and stated them as coming 
from Ireland. The right honorable gentleman has now 
confessed the fact^ that the propositions were English propo- 
sitions, sent originally irom hence to Ireland, and then sent 
back, and finally returned from En^and in a shape widely 
altered from their original appearance ! 

''The right honorable gentleman has talked of delusion, 
and insinuated, that those who endeavoured to open the eyes of 
the parliament of Ireland, are ashamed to avow their conduct. 
The right honorable gentleman is mistaken : I gloxy in the 
share I took in that transaction. The ofier had been insidions, 
and, under colour of commercial advantages, the constitution 
of Ireland was endeavoured to be bartered away. 

" I hope it would not be thought, that I have obtruded the 
subject of Ireland upon the house ; it was agitated by several, 
before I interfered : nor should I have said thus much, had I 
not thought, that my silence would have been deemed a 
dereliction of duty on my part, of a cause which it would ever be 
my pride to assist in supporting. There was something so high 
in the tone of the right honorable gentleman, that it struck my 
ear as extraordinary. I could not imagine he meant any thing 
personal, but I beg to say, that no man living shall brow beat 
me, or awe me into an unbecoming silence." 

Mr, GreiiTille apologised. Mr. Wilberforce 
answered from the ministerial side. His exor-* 
dium was highly eulogistic of Mr. Flood's speech. 



RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 871 

though he considered the treaty would have chap. 
different results. 

" Such was Mr. Flood in England. We have 
felt it our duty to be thus copious in our extracts 
from this most able speech, because of the idle 
notion that was so current, that he was unable to 
maintain his reputation before a British audience. 
His first appearance, unquestionably, did not 
serve him ; but who can read the passages which 
we have quoted, and not be ready to admit, that 
his failure, as far as it could be called a failure, 
was owing, purely, to the accident of having been 
betrayed into a speech without having made any 
sufficient preparation ? He now fully vindicated 
the estimate of his early admirers ; and were he 
a younger man, or had he enjoyed better health, 
it is probable that many such eflfbrts would have 
given him a station and an influence in the British 
house of commons that would have satisfied his 
highest ambition. — But he was now declining 
into the vale of years ; and the motives which 
stimulated to parliamentary enterprise, could 
operate but weakly on the veteran politician, 
whose youth and manhood had been passed 
amidst the stormy contentions of the Irish senate, 
and who felt himself now, in advanced life, a 
stranger in a strange land, politically invalided. 
Such was Mr. Flood's precise position at the 
period of which we write. His conduct upon 



372 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 

CHAP. the renunciation clause in his own country, and 

XI. 

his opposition upon the India bill in England, had 
alienated Fox. His breach with the duke of 
Chandos separated him from the party of Rtt, 
from whom, indeed, he would in any event have^ 
been separated, by his impracticable self-will, and 
his sturdy independence. Even if Pitt were not 
too haughty to court him as a follower^ he would 
have been too proud to follow a leader. He wa^ 
therefore, * himself alone.' There was no section 
of the house, of which he Was acknowledged as 
the head. And, without a parliamentary gather- 
ing, such as it would have been perfectly hopeless 
for him to attempt to muster, he clearly saw that 
permanent senatorial pre-eminence was not to be 
attained^ He, therefore, we think, judged wisely 
in not addressing the house often; and never 
except upon great occasions, when the weight of 
his character, as well as the importance of the 
subject, were sure to command attention.''* 



LETTER FROM LORD CHARLEMONT. 

" Dublin, 26th Nov. 1788. 
" My Dearest Flood, 

" How it has happened I do not know, but, 
though you have written, I have not received any letter from you 
since your departure from Ireland^ and even began to be a little 

* Dublin University Magazine,— Gall. Ulus. Irishmen. 



LETTER FROM LORD CHARLEMONT. 

" Dublin, \9th Dec. 1788. 
" My Dearest Flood, 

" I HAVE this moment received a note from lady E. 
Packenham, with Mrs. Greville's answer to her application. 
She is, it seems, determined not to make any engagement on 
the subject till the vacancy happens. 



RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 373 

uneasy at not hearing. Your letter, by our friend Parsons, chap. 
relieved me. Lord Longford not being in town, I had ^^* 
recourse to his sister, lady Elizabeth, who confirmed what I 
before believed, that her brother had resolved never more to 
sell. She has, however, at my request, written to Mrs. Greville, 
who is now in England, and will soon receive an answer 
explanatory of her terms, which I will take care to transmit to 
you. I have also employed some active friends to inquire 
elsewhere. 

** I am not sure whether I ought to wish you success at Sea- 
ford^ but, since it is a favourite object, my wishes must, in 
spite of me, coincide with your s. An English seat deprives 
us of your attendance in your most proper place. Your abili- 
ties are transplanted to a foreign soil, where, however they 
may flourish, they do not afford, as they ought to do, a shelter 
to your country. 

** Before your departure for England, may we not hope to 
see you in Dublin P 

'* Your s ever, 

*' Most faithfully and most affectionately, 

CHARLBMOirr." 

*' The king's life does not seem to be in immediate danger, 
though his situation is, I fear, most deplorable." 



374 MEMOIilS OF THE LIFE OF THE 

CHAP. ** In the present critical and unprec^ented situwtioii of pttbUc 
^^* affairs^ however ardently I generally wish for your attendance 
here> I am happy that you are in London^ as the interests of 
Ireland require a vigilant guards who knows and loves lier 
constitution. Nothing can, in my ojnnion, be clearer than 
her rights. Freed from the slavish bondage of English |u;ts of 
parliament, she can never submit to be in any degree bound 
by resolutions, declarationsj or adjudications of a convention. 
This however must, I conceive, be well understood by all 
parties, and especially by that with which you seem to be 
connected, whose genuine Whiggish principles must prevent 
their entertaining a doubt upon this head ; yet, in the present 
hurry and confusion, watchfulness may be necessary, and 
where can we find a more alert watehmanP Our pceseot 
lieutenant must, I conceive, be left here till be op^s the se«^ 
sion, since, till there shall be an Irish adjiuHcaUon, xiP dbange 
can, I should think, be made in the viceroyalty; and when 
proper documents shall be laid before us, I will venture to 
assert his royal highness will find an unanimity here far more 
perfect than (I am sorry to say) he is likely to find in England. 
What these documents should be, is a question of some diffi- 
culty. Perhaps letters from the two English to the two Irish 
speakers, supported as they would be by public notoriety, might 
be deemed sufficient, or perhaps it might be better the state 
physicians should visit his majesty, and make their report. 
This, however, I do not look upon as very essential, but 
certain it is that whatever is done in England, in point of 
adjudication, must be repeated in Ireland. Though at first 
glance, somewhat startled at Mr. Fox*s proposition, it has, I 
confess, upon mature consideration, greatly pleased me. Our 
monarchy is, thank fate, hereditary, and nothing but extreme 
necessity should induce us to admit of election in any part of 
it. You observe how, in writing to you, I hazard all my 



BIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD; 87^ 

ideas crude md indigested; a certain symptom of tbat invari* chap. 
able friendship with which I am ^^' 

** Your ever affectionate and ftdthf«l« 

'' Charlbmont. 



€f 



Love and compliments to all friends." 



The epistolary intercourse which bad continued 
for so long a period, between the amiable earl of 
Charlemont and Mn Flood, and which reflected 
many of the political scenes for thirty years, is 
now brought to a close. No doubt, many inte- 
resting letters were destroyed, by some ignorant 
and careless persons who were permitted to touch 
Mr. Flood's papers after his death.* 

The opinions he entertained and expressed on 
the regency question, were coincident with those 
of Mr. Fox. Had he been in Ireland, we feel 
assured he would have participated in the trans- 
actions at Charlemont house. 

The closing reminiscence of the parliament of 
Ireland, within the limits of this work, is not the 
most pleasing for contemplation, whether we 
regard it in reference to a learned and grave 



* Lady Frances Flood was so overcome with grief as rendered her 
incapable of giving any directions; and none of his testamental 
executors were on the spot* 




376 MEMOIBS OF THE LIFE OF THE 

national assembly, or the indiyidual pursuits of 
public men. The historian* has found an epithet 
the most contumelious for some, and the exalted 
mindof Grattant dared others, in the commons of 
their country, to a defence of their bj-interests. 

The influence which Catherine the second 
obtained over the Polish diet, was scarcely more 
complete, than the control Mr. Pitt was rapidly 
securing in the legislature of Ireland. 

• Gordon, voL ii. f Orattan*8 ipeecby 1789L 



RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD, 377 



CHAP. XII. 

1790 AND 179L 

Mr. Flood on pvrltamentaiy refonn in England. — Its simple, limited, 
and practicable character. — A few passages of Mr. Ilood'j exposition 
contrasted with Mr. Gifford*s criticism in his « Life of Pitt"—. 
Sentiments of Pitt and Fox in the debate. — Dissolution of parliament. 
BIr. Flood indiqposed«— Accident that caused hia death..-.Bequest of 
Mr. Flood.— Observations arising from this act.— Description of the 
property.-.-The different members of his family considered by him. 
Delicate inquiry into the Uaiaon of his father and mother, which 
rendered him illegitimate.^Mr. Flood's bequest viewed in its literary 
magnitude.— His munificence eulogised by doctor Playfair, author of 
(he ** British Family Antiquity," and the earl of Rosse, in ^ The 
Defence of Ireland." 

When Mr, Flood produced his moderate scheme ^^' 
of reform, in the parliamentary representation of 
England, the incipient commotions of revolution 
in France had excited sentiments inimical to his 
views, however constitutional and salutary, among 
the powerful party in office, and their adherents 
in parliament. Now, we know that event, in the 
the cycle of change, was, in its sequel, beyond 
the worst anticipation in March, 1790; but 
politicians feigned or felt an alarm, and commu- 
nicated their apprehensions before the evil had 
developed itself. Not that they could find in 



XII. 



978 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFB OP THE 

CHAP. England a coincident state of society, in its most 
comprehensive meaning, to give a shadow of 
argument to their fears ; — not that the political 
integrity of Great Britain would lose its equipoise, 
but that the party in power might be weakened. 
Mr. Burke* was the first to change sides ; and 
the humble dependant of Mr. secretary Hamilton, 
who, by the condescension of lord Rockingham, 
was brought into parliament, now arrayed himself 
amoi^ the aristocratic champions against reform, 
and he who bad lived so long on the bounty of 
others, was naturally unwiUing to extinguish 
rotten boroughs himself. 

Mr. Pitt considered the charge of innovation 
to have been fairly attached to his own plan in 
1788, and therefore he opposed Mr. Flood's in 
this year. The acknowledgment was convenient. 
He, probably, felt secure in the favor his goverur 
mental projects were likely to receive ; and it was 
politic, as well as courteous, to attribute a fallacy 
to himself, than to a new opponent : ther^y he 



m ^ > -«ii 



* Mr. Burke, like all birds of pasBagef knew when to emigrate. Aa 

an Irishman, he had little claim to the gratitude or affection of his 
countrymen. His poliUcal conduct was too chequered, — too careful of 
hk own interest to be a model. Fbz, or even SSieridan^ we imagine, fitf 
surpassed him» in the best feelings of the heart. Envy predominated in 
his literary and political character. Though the style of his elaborate 
omipoeitions had admiron, and his speeches are text-books of political 
philosophy ; yet, when he rose to speak, it was the signal to leave the 
house; and his grotesque appearance astonished and amused prince 
Frederick of PrussiB. 




RIGHT HON. HENBT FI.OOD* 879 

rid himsalf of all refonxi. Whatever d^free of 
insincerity maj have actuated him, we are not left 
in any doubt as to Mr. Fox's sentiments. That 
ix^penuous statesman, with a candour so perfectly 
his nature^ not only discountenanced some 
hyperbojical expressions of his friends, but 
coneliided by saying — *^ He thought the outline 
of the present proposition, the best of all that he 
had yet heard suggested. li^ therefore, the 
question was put, he would vote against the 
adjournment"* That was an handsome acknow^ 
ledgment, and must have satisfied Mr. Flood, 
whose scheme was impliedly preferred to those of 
lord Chatham and Mr. William Pitt. 

Gifford, the biographer of Mr. William Pitt, 
has thought proper to make the following remark : 
" The principle which Mr. Flood laid down as 
the ground of argument was this — ^that as the 
whole nation were bound to abide by the decisions 
of the majority, the representatives of the nation 
should be chosen by the majority of the people, 
and if this were not the case, the people were not 
represented at all. The proposition," continues 
Mr. Gifford, " was novel, though not very intelli- 
gible j nor was it rendered more so by the 
arguments Mr. Flood employed to illustrate it. 
The remedy he suggested for the alleged evil, was 

* Hansard. 



380 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 

oHAP. the addition of one hundred members to the 
house of commons, to be chosen by the resident 
householders in every county .•*• 

Such is Mr. Gifford's style of dispatching the 
mover and his motion* It often happens that a 
biographic writer raises himself in hia own 
fond imagination, to a level with the genius of 
the person of whom he treats, and from that 
elevated point, looks with contempt on minds he 
deems inferior* He likewise attunes his note of 
praise or dispraise, in harmony with the key of 
his patron* We shall see how superficidly Mr. 
Gifford examined this motion, even though the 
sentiments of Mr. Fox lay before him ; the par- 
liamentary part of his work being no more than 
a metaphrased edition of the debates* 



MR. FLOOD'S SPEECH AND PROPOSITION. 

Let us perceive the just value of Mr. Gifford's 
criticism by a few passages : — 

''Before I go farther into this subject^ however/ 1 must stop 
to notice a declaration of a right honorable member (Mr. Fox), 
that he was an enemy to absolute government^ whether in the 
form of monarchy, aristocracy, or democracy ; — ^I go farther, 
and am an enemy to any two of those orders combined, without 
the intervention of the third. And though I do not distinguish 

• " Gifford'8 Life of Pitt," vol. ii. 



RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 881 

between any of the tliree^ so as to expiresa a preferenee^ yet I chap. 
have a right to say^ that as all just govenunent must be founded ^^^* 
in the choice of the people, and must have their benefit for it» 
end ; so it is clear^ that the popular order of government is at 
least, as indispensable and as valuable as either of the other. 
Now, what is the popular order of government in the British 
constitution ? It is the representation of the peopk ; - that 
great arcanum and wise mystery of our government, by which 
it so much excels all the governments of antiqui^. By this 
principle, though scattered over a great country, a great people 
can possess an efficient influence in their own legislature, 
without being legislators themselves* But how? not by the 
shadow, but by the substance of representation : or, in other 
words, by an actual and not a virtual representative. Now in 
what does actual representation consist P In this, that as, by 
the general law of the constitution, the majority is to decide 
for the whole, the representative must be chosen by a body of 
constituents, whereof the elective franchise may extend to the 
majority of the people. For what can be so evident, as that, 
if the constituent body consisted of but one thousand for the 
whole nation, the representatives chosen by that thousand 
could not, in any rational sense, be the actual representatives of 
the people P It is equally clear in reason, that nothing less 
than a constituent body, formed on a principle that may extend 
to the majority, can be constitutionally adequate to the retiurn 
of an actual representative of the people, and that, unless the 
people be actually represented, they are not constitutionally 
represented at aU. 

'' I admit that property, to a certain degree, is a necessary 
ingredient to the elective power ; that is to say, that franchise 
ought not to go beyond property, but at the same time to say, 
that it ought to be as nearly commensurate to it as possible. 
Property, by the original principle of the constitution, was the 
source of all power, both elective and legislative ; the liberi 
tenentes, including at that time, in eflect, the whole property of 




38S MEMOIRS Ot THE LIFE OF THE 

die country, and extending to the mass of the people, were the 
dective body. The persons whom they chose to parliament 
sat in right of the property of their electors ; and the barons sat 
in right o( their own baronies, that is to say, of their own 
fireperty. At that time they were not creatures of royal patent, 
as now. But now that the lords are creatures of royal patent 
merely, and that freehold property is a very inferior part of the 
property of the nation, the national property is not as fully 
r^resented as it was originally, and as it ought to be still by 
the constitution." 

He then finely alludes to the state of France, 
and for that very reason he recommends 
preparation for the coming storm,— 

" But I am told this is not the time. And why P because, 
forsooth, there are disturbances in France. Now, first, I say, 
that if those disturbances were ten times greater than, with 
every exaggeration, they are represented to be, yet that mass 
of confusion and ruin would only render the argument more 
completely decisive in favor of a timely and temperate reform 
here. And why ? because it is only for want of timely and 
temperate reform there, that these evils have fallen upon France. 
They could not begin with reparation in France ; there was 
nothing to repair : they did not begin with ruin ; they found 
ruin accomplished to their hands. Neither the king nor his 
ministers knew where to find the constitution. The king called 
upon the notables (no legal body) to see where the constitu- 
tion was to be found. Not a vestige of it could be recovered ! 
They had lived so long as slaves, that they had unlearned the 
constitution ; they were driven to speculation, because practice 
had vanished ; and hence all those calamities which have 
excited such tragical exclamations here. 

"To what have the convulsions at former times in England 
been owing ? to the same want of temperate and iiTne]y correc- 




RIGHT HON. HENEV FLOOD* 9SS 

tion. Had the encroachmenU of the Todors been seasonaUy 
repressed. Charges the £rst might not have mistaken those 
usuipations to be his constitutional prerogative ; and so the 
n^iseries of the nation might have been avoided. Had not the 
evil practices of Charles the second been so tamely endored 
as to encourage the tyranny of James, the kst revolution might 
not have become necessary. I am no friend to revolutions,, 
because they are an evil : I am, therefore, a friend to timely 
reform, and for this reason, that it renders revolutions unne- 
cessary ; whilst they who oppose such reform may be enemies 
to revolution in their hearts, but they are friends to it in 
their folly. 

" Another strong argument from the situation of France, 
in favor of a reform, is this, that France wOl improve her 
constitution. Now what has enabled this country to be at 
all times equal, and sometimes superior, to France ? Not her 
climate or soil, which are not superior; nor her territory nor 
population, which are so greatly inferior; it is only in the 
excellence of her government she has found her superiority. 
What follows ? that if France improves her government you 
must restore yours. Again, what is your situation as to 
external danger ? France, the great object of external danger 
to England, can no longer give alarm : during her disturbances 
she cannot have the power ; and after her liberty is established, 
she will not have the inclination to make ambitious war. The 
better her government is, the more rational wiU be her councils ; 
the more rational her counsels, the more pacific they will be. 
Kings may hope for glory, and their ministers and minions 
may hope for plunder from warfare ; but what can the people 
expect from an ambitious war ^ Nothing but an accumulation 
of taxes, and an effusion of blood. Now if a state of external 
danger would be a strong argument against a reform, a state of 
external safety is as strong an argument in its favor. Again^ 
what is your situation at homeP You are not in a state 
of despondency, on the one hand, that might tempt you 



384 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 

ft 

CHAP, to a measure of despair ; nor in a state, on the odier hand, of 
^l^ ^ that drunken prosperity by which nations are rendered 
ignorant of the present, and regardless of the future. Yon 
are in that happy medium which is the best friend to sobriety 
of judgment, and consequently the fittest state for framing a 
rational and temperate reform; the only one that I would 
propose^ and the only one to which I would consent." 

First glancing at the true cause of the American 
war, he then presents the plans and opinions of 
lord Chatham and Mr« William Pitt, — 

'' Again, this secret of inadequate representation was told 
to the people in thunder in the American war, which began 
with virtual representation, and ended in dismemberment. To 
the inadequacy of representation I charge that war* Profuse 
counsels attendant on unconstitutional majorities had left upon 
you a debt, which induced the minister to look to America for 
taxes. There the war began; the instinctive selfishness of 
mankind made the people and parliament wish that others 
should be taxed rather than themselves. At first, and until 
America resisted, I agree that this wish was common to the 
parliament and people : but when America resisted, and the 
measure came to deliberate judgment, the people were the first 
to recover their senses, whilst the minister with his majority 
went on to ruin. I say that the inadequacy of representation, 
as it was the cause, so it was the only argument that was 
attempted in justification of that war. When the American 
exclaimed that he was not represented in the British House of 
Commons, because he was not an elector, he was told that a 
very small part of the people of England were electors ; and 
that he was therefcMre in the same state, in which an infinite 
majority of the people of England were placed. As they 
could not call this actual, they invented a new name for it> 




RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 385 

and called it virtual representation, and gravely concluded that 
America was represented. The argument, no doubt, was 
fallacious ; it was perfectly sufficient, however, to impose on 
multitudes, in a nation wishing that others should be taxed 
rather than themselves ; and who were in the habit of thinking 
that the American? being an inferior species of beings, tliey 
ought to be contented with their situation, though they did not 
partake at all in the elective capacity. The influence of cor- 
ruption within doors, and of this fraud of argument without, 
continued the American war. 

''It terminated in separation, as it began in this empty 
vision of a virtual representative ; and in its passage from one 
of these points to the other, it swept away part of the glory, 
and more of the territory of Great Britain, with the loss of 
forty thousand lives, and one hundred millions of treasure ! 
Virtual parliaments, and an inadequate representation, have 
cost you enough abroad already; take care thet do not 

COST YOU MDRB AT HOME, BY COSTING YOU YOUR CONSTI- 
TUTION. 

" But the people of England have not only read this secret 
in the dead and decisive letter of events, but they have 
imbibed it from the living oracles of their ablest statesmen. 
When the city of London, the greatest and freest metropolis of 
the world, applied to lord Chatham to assist them in shortening 
the duration of parliaments, what was the answer of that great 
minister ? it was this, ' that shortening the duration of parlia- 
ments alone would not be sufficient ; that alone, it might do 
hurt ; that the representation itself must be amended :* and his 
proposition was, to infuse a fresh portion of vigour into the 
representative body by an addition of county representatives, 
leaving the rotten boroughs to drop off by time. The authority 
of the son, both when a minister, and when not a minister, has 
been added to that of the father. The authority of many 
other of the most eminent men might be cited in addition ; 
indeed of all, except those who are wise enough to startle at 

2 C 




S86 MEMOIRS OF THE Ll«£ Of THE 

restoring, as if it were innovating the conitilution ; and who 
grow enamoured of abuses, provided tbey aare old* 

After recapitulating the assigned defects in 
the preceding motions, Mr. Flood recomiuend3 
his simple proposition : — 

** My proposition is free frcmi all these oljectioiis ; for it is> 
that one hundred members should be added> and that ijaeiy 
should be elected by a numerous and a new body of rospoKisiUe 
electors ; namely, the resident householders in every county—^ 
resident, I say, because that the principle of the constituttim is 
so strongly in favor of residence, that it ordained that no non- 
resident could be an elector : and with reason ; first, because 
residents must be best acquainted with every local circumstance ; 
and next, because they can attend at every place of eltc&m, 
with the least inconvenience and expense to themselves or to 
the candidate. Householders, I say, because^ being masters or 
fathers of families, they must be sufficiently responsible to be 
entitled to franchise. There is no country in due wmid in 
which the householders of it are considered as the rabble : no 
countiy can be said to be free, where they are not aHowied to 
be efficients ; — ^they are, exclusive of the laUble, the great mass 
of the people — they are the natural guards of pqnilar Hbert^ 
in the first stages of it : without them it cannot be xetai&ed ; 
as long as they have this constttational infhieiuse^ and tiE the^ 
become generally corrupt, popular liberty cannot be tafaen awmy^ 
Whenever they do become generally corrupt^ it caniHit lie 
retained : neither will it be long possessed if they ha:ve not ihim 
constitutional influence ; for the liberty of a nation, lOEe thsF 
honor of individuals, can never be safe but in their owtt. 
custody. The householders of this countiy hare a better ri^it 
to consideration and franchise than those of any other cooatiy^i 
because they pay more for it. It is admitted, that ewery 



RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. ^7 

individual of this country, one with another^ pays fifiy ceap. 
shillings a year to the revenue in tax. The master or &ther of ^ ^^^ 
a family must contribute, in proportion, for himself and for 
each individual of his family, even to the child that is hanging 
at the breast Who shall say that this class of men ought to 
be confomided with the rabble P Who shall dare to say that 
they ought to be prescribed from franchise P They maintitiii 
the affluence of the rich, the dignity of the noble, the majesty 
-of the crown ; they support your fleets and your armies ; and 
i|rho shall say, that they shall not have this right to protect 
t^ir liberty P" 

Mr. flood arrires at his conclusion^ after 
citing the reflections of Machiavelli and Mon- 
tesquieu, on the polity of free goyemments; 
Blackstone, Hume, and Sherlock, on the existing 
Btate of influence and prerogative, in the British 
constitution : — 

** Let us not flatter ourselves that there is a destiny peculiar 
to JBnglaad : she has lost her liberty more than once — it is our 
basineBS to take care that she shall never lose it again. Machi- 
avelli says wisely, that no free government can last that is not 
otssBL brought back to its first principles ; — and why P Because 
the esoellence of a free government is, to control the evil 
passicms and practices of rulers. What is the consequence P 
Those passions and practices are at perpetual war with such a 
constitution — ^they make a constant efibrt to undermine or evade 
this harrier which is opposed to them. What is perpetually 
assailed, must be perpetually defended — what is incessantly 
sapped, must be incessandy repaired. It is nonsense to say 
that the English constitution, because it was once the best in 
the world, can never want reformation. A bad government 
cannot easily become worse; it therefore may not want, and 



S88 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 

CRAP, certainly does not deserve, reparation. A good government 
^''* does easily become worse: it is with difficulty it can be pren 
served even by vig^ance ; and, of all things in the world, it 
best deserves to be repaired. The proposition which I make to 
you is practicable — that cannot be denied — it cannot be denied 
to be efficient — it will add a body of reqxHudble constituents, 
of such number that a majority of the people may have the 
exercise of franchise : thus it cures the defect of the constituent 
body ; and on the representative body it will have this good 
effect, that there will be no longer a decided majority in the 
house of commons, under another choice and anoth^ influence 
than that of the people; it leaves every ccMinty, city, town, 
borough, manor, as it finds them — it molests none of the 
private proprietors of that which ought not to be private. And. 
what does it ask of them in return P Nothing, but that they 
will suffer the constitution to be indemnified, and the influence 
of the people to re-enter the representative. To cany all this 
into execution would require but one short provision ; namely, 
that the sheriff of each county be required, by himself and 
his deputies, to take the poll of the resident householders of 
his county, in each parish, on the same day : thus this great 
remedy to the constitution may be obtained in one day, with 
less tumult and expense than attends upon the election of a 
diminutive borough ; thus the representative will be chosen, as 
he ought to be, by the people; and, by shortening the duration 
of parliaments, he will continue to act as if he were so 
chosen." 

Mr. Flood's reply to a host of opponents^ we 
conceive to be a happy combination of memory, 
argument, and a dignified consideration of what was 
due to himself. A single passage must suffice : — 

'' I have given an ' opportunity to some of the rhcfst 
distinguished members of the most distinguished parts of the 



Now the mine was about to spring under his 
feet, which was to close his political career. 

A dissolution of parliament was shortly to 
take place in both kingdoms ; and there is much 
reason to suppose, that the great leaders in both 
kingdoms conspired to keep him out of both 
parliaments. The people nowhere took him up I 



HIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 389 

kingdom to express their approbation of this proposition. I chap. 
have given an opportunity to a right hon. member (Mr. Fox) ^^^' 
to declare himself again a friend to an amendment of the 
representative^ in those clear and unequivocal terms which 
best become the manliness of his talents; and I consider 
myself as eminently fortunate that my plan has so far 
recommended itself to a judgment of such authority^ that he 
has not hesitated to say, that it is the best plan which has yet 
been suggested ; and to add, that by the introduction of the 
resident householders it is well adapted to give representation 
to that mixed kind of property which is now become general in 
ibis kingdom. I am glad to acknowledge myself to be further' 
indebted to him for having answered the objections of a right 
hon. member (Mr. Windham), so as to leave me little to say 
beyond that acknowledgment. In a superior tone of argument 
be has proved to that gentleman (and by a friendly voice) Ae 
emptiness of his objections; and therefore, whilst I admit with 
pleasure, the urbanity and neatness of the right hon. gentleman's 
r^ly, and the wit and humour with which it was replete, I 
have only to reiterate, that it was he, and not I, that assumed 
every thing which it was requisite to prove ; and that his speech 
was like a fair vision that captivates the eye by an agreeable 
illusion, but that vanishes before the touch, and fades into 
innihilation." 




990 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 

This is mentioned not to cast any uncommon 
stigma on the Irish, — ^though he was the last man 
in the senate whom they ought to have suffered to 
be neglected. — However, the greatest characters 
in all countries and in all ages, have experienced 
similar mutability. 

At length both parliaments were elected, and 
Mr. Hood was a member of neither. He retired 
to his seat, Farmley, in the county Kilkenny ; 
and his great mind, which was never depressed 
at the most malignant misrepresentations of his 
political antagonists, was not so well able to 
sustain the neglect and ingratitude of his 
countrymen. 

He had a severe attack of gout, when he made 
an imprudent exertion to extinguish a fire in 
some of his premises ; he caught a severe cold, 
which turned to a pleurisy, that occasioned his 
death, on the 2d of December, I79I9 in the 
fifty-ninth year of his age. 



MR. FLOODS BEQUEST OF FIVE THOUSAND A-YEAR 
TO THE UNIVERSITY OF DUBLIN. 

The consideration of this important subject 
divides itself into three parts : — 

First, the description of property bequeathed ; 
second, the members of Jiis family, and his 




RIGHT HON. HENBT FLOOD. 391 

own illegitimacy ; third, the literary scope and 
uaefiilnass of his object. 

The estate in fee, now designated Farmley, 
was anciently a baronial property, and is thus 
recited : — ^^ The baronial castle, with the estate 
or appurtenances, comprising one thousand and 
sixty-five Irish acres, was granted to Colonel 
Warden* which was enrolled in August, 1666.*' 
This waa the only grant to him from the 
erown^ for particular service. It was a con- 
fiscated property, originally the possession of 
a powerful family, the Barrons of the county 



* XXTRAGT FROM DR. PLATFAIR*8 FAKILT AMTIQUITT. 

'' AoMovDisHAM CuFFR, Esq. eldest son of Joskfh, his father, was 
attainted by king James's parliament, in 1689, with his brother Thomas, 
and bad hia estate sequestered ; but was restored to it again by king 
William, to whom he did great service in the reduction of the kingdom, 
being the chief person his Majesty relied on for the quick dispatch end 
iafe conveyance of the ammunition and provisions to his camp. He 
married Anvx, widow of John Warskn, of Bumchurch, in the county of 
Kilkenny, Esq. and died in December, 1727, having had many children, 
of whom four sons and one daughter survived their infancy, and were, 
1st, John, created lord Desart by patent dated 10th November, 1733. 
Hence, Mrs. Wardbn, daughter of Sir John Otway, was mother of the 
first baron, whose grandfather, Joseph Cuffr, took up arms in 1649, 
under Oliver Cromwell, when he came to reduce Ireland to the obedience 
of the English parliament, commanding then a troop of horse, and with 
Major Warden was instrumental in reducing the city of Cork, the 16th 
of October that year, for which they (Major Warden and Captain 
Joseph) had an order of government, dated 1st of August, 1653, to have 
their arrears stated from that day, (the reduction of Cork), or the dates of 
their respective commissions at their elections. Cuffe obtained deben- 
tures from the government, and made several purchases, and had two 
grants of lands under the acts of settlement. He married Martha, 
daughter of colonel Agmondisham Muschamy, and had twenty children !" 




SQ2 MEMOIRS OF THE UFE OF THE 

Waterford, who were the lords of Bumchurch. 
The other estates were leasdiolds, on lives 
renewable for ever, or ecclesiastical^ on renewable 
fines. 

The whole of Mr. Flood's property extendedt 
(not continuously,) from near Knocktopher to 
the city of Kilkenny ; and may have produced 
a rental, in his time, from six to seven thousand 
yearly — ^five thousand of which was ultimately to 
devolve to the University of Ireland. 

The above property in fee, was derived from 
the Warden family. It appears that major 
Warden distinguished himself in the reduction 
of the city of Cork, in the Cromwellian 
conquest. 

It is certain that John Warden resided at 
Burnchurch castle, (the old town still exists,) no 
despicable place of security in times of civil com- 
motion. When that family became extinct, in the 
male line, the property became heritable in Anne 
Warden, who brought it to the Flood family, the 
members of which were, in the first and second 
generations, men of exertion and ability. 

The lord chief justice extended the property, 
in, and about Kilkenny, and his sixth brother, 
Francis, followed his example at Paulstown. 

The father of the subject of this memoir 
did not make him heir to all the estates — ^but, 
in consequence of a distinguished connexion 



* BXTRACT PROM DA. PLATFAIr's PAMILT AITTIQUITT. 

"This highly respectable family is descended (in Irehmd) from 
Francis Flood, who manied the only daughter and sole heiress of 
Colonol Warden, of the county Kilkenny, who possessed a large estate 
in that county, by whom he had seven sons and one daughter. First, the 
right honorabre Warden Flood, lord chief justice of the king's bench in 
Ireland, who died in possession of that office, and left two sons, Henry, 
of Fajrmley, in the cwunty, Kilkenny, who manied lady Francss Maria 
Beresford, seventh daughter of the first earl of Tyrone, by lady 
Catherine La Poer, — Warden, Jocblyn, and a daughter Isabella, 
who died without issue. The heir at law to Mr. Flood in the male fine, was 
John, brother to sir Frederick Flood, a baronet of the kingdom of Ireland, 
3rd of June, 1780, who married, first, the right honorable lady Juliana 
Annbsley, second daughter of tiie rixtb earl of Anglesey, and sister tp 
the earl of Mountnorris ; he had no issue. He married, secondly, the 
honorable Miss Frances Cavendish. He possessed two or three small 
estates in Wexford and Kilkenny, and obtained a considerable kun in hi* 
alliances. 

" Sir Frederick married his daughters to opulent men ; yet he hoarded 
money to a laige amount, though he did not know for whom. He 
censured the bequest of his cousin for neglecting him, though he had 
more thousands than he had years to live, according to ordinary 
longevity.** 




RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. S^S 

by marriage, and with proviBions for his 
brother and sister. Indeed, his being iUegi. 
ti&mte was suffi4:^ient ground for hesitation ; 
though Mr. flood was not '^ the accident of an 
accident," nor the spurious offspring of inconti- 
nence, but the premature evidence of a liaison 
before marriage.* The court of exchequer found 
this to be tiie fact in law ; not, however, without 
much difficulty ; and chief baron Yelyerton had 
the inexpressible satisfaction of pronouncing hk 
opinion on the immorality of the act, the illegi- 



894 MEMOIK8 OF THE LIFB OF THE 

<^^^^* tinmcy of his deceased opponent^ and the nullity 
of his bequest. 

After appointing lady Frances Flood (widi 
whom he received a marriage portion of ten 
thousand pounds) his residuary legate^ to hold, 
during her natural life, all the lands, houses, 
hereditaments and estates, whatsoever, lyii^in 
the county Kilkenny, city and libertiea thereof, 
and parish of St. Canice, all of which were settled 
on him, upon his marriage with Udy Franoeg,^ 
amountmg to about five thousand aryear,*--Jie 
distributed the eventual possession of his real pro- 
perty among his relations by consanguinity. He 
bequeathed the freehold and leasehold interests 
which he received from his uncle, Charles Flood, 
late of Ballymack, in the said county, esquire, to 
Warden Flood, of Paulstown, esquire, in as lull, 
ample, and beneficial a manner as they were 
bequeathed to him by his uncle. 

He bequeathed to his cousin, colonel Hatton 
Flood, of the first dragoon guards, son of his late 
Uncle Francis, of Paulstown, esquire, *^ All that 
and those, the house, demesne, houses, lands, 
hereditaments and estates, so settled on him on 
his marriage, as aforesaid, lying and being in the 
county Kilkenny, in fee and for ever." This 
distribution was to have effect from the death of 
the lady Frances Flood, and conditional, on his 
bequest to the University of Ireland not being 
accomplished. 



RIGHT ^ON• HENRY FLOOD. 89^ 

Colonel Hatton Flood relinquished ey^ <^^- 
claim that he might have, in right of the above 
l^nesty to John Flood, esquire, his cousip* . who, 
in consideration of that act, gave him fomr 
thousand pounds. 

The colonel had served his majesty so long in 
the wars of Germany and Flanders, that his health 
^ umch impaired ; he could not expect a long 
tenure of life, and, being unmarried, he thwefore 
had no interest but that the property should be 
possessed by the family. We have no reason to 
oBbt, why John Flood, esquire, the heir-at*law to 
ike above properties, was overlooked ; but the 
court of exchequer, in 1793) determined that he 
was the legitimate and rightful clidmant to the 
property devised to the University of Ireland. 

A number of dependants were considered by 
Mr. Flood, and two trust-worthy servants are 
particularly noticed. . 

It is impossible to know, and useless to inquire, 
why Mr. Ambrose Smith, his confidential law- 
ag^it and man of business, was noticed beyond 
an ordinary consideration, and in preference 
to those whom natural ties pointed out to 
the mind of every one : but the eccentricities oi 
genius, like the inventions of Daedalus, are often 
tmaccountable. 

"To the University of Ireland, commonly 
called Trinity College, Dublin, by whatsoever 



396 MEMOIBS OP THE LIFE OF THE 

<^^* style, and under whafsoerer title it is most 



Zll. 



properly and legailj chaiaeterized and 
gnidiedy to hold in fee and for ever for the 
purposes hereinafter mentioned ; that is to say, I 
will and direct that on their coming into possesion 
of this my bequest, on the death of my said wife, 
they do institute and maintain, as a perpetual 
establishment, a professorship of and lor the 
native Irish or Erse language, and that they do 
appoint, if he be still living, colonel Charles 
Vallancejr to be the first professor thereof, witii a 
salary of not less than three hundred pounds 
sterling a-year, seeing that by his eminent and 
successful labours in the study and recovery of tbat 
language, he well deserves to be first appointed.' 
And I will and appoint, that thej do g^nt one 
annual and liberal premium for the best, and 
another for the next best composition in prose or 
verse, in the said native Irish or Erse language, 
upon some point of ancient history, government, 
religion, literature, or situation of Ireland; and 
also one other annual and liberal premium, oiie 
for the best, and another for the next best comi- 
position in Greek and Latin prose or verse, on 
any general subject by them assigned ; and orie 
other annual and liberal premium, one fbr tlie 
best, and another for the next best composition 
in English prose or verse, in commemoration 
of some one of those great characters, eitber 



\ 

I 
t 
i 



RIGHT HON. HENRT FLOOD. 997^ 

of ancient or mo4^n nations, who have beent chap. 
eminently serviceable and honorable to their 
conntry, seeing that nothing stimulates to 

^RSAT DEEDS MORE STRONGLY THAN OBMAT^ 

£XAMPLES i and I will that the rents and prpfits 
of my said lands, houses, hereditaments, and 
ftstates, shall be further applied by the said 
University to the purchase of all printed bo<^ 
and. manuscripts in the said native Irish or 
£rse language, wheresover to be obtained, and 
next, to the purchase of all printed books and 
manuscripts of the dialects and languages that 
are akin, to the said native Irish or Erse language, 
and then to the purchase of all valuable bookSf 
and editions of books, in the learned, and in th^ 
modern polished languages." 



"As the bequest of the late Mr. Flood to Trinity 
College, Dublin, has been much misunderstood 
and misrepresented, I have been induced to lay itr 
before the public, with some explanatory observa*- 
tions. Not meaning, however, at all to touch 
upon any of those questions respecting it, which 
are npw priding before the courts of law, hut 
qierely to vindicate his posthumous fame from the 
a^rsions of the ignorant and disingenuous. 
• "It has been said most untruly, and believed 

^ met absurdly, that it was Mr.Flood's design, in his. 



t 



898 HSXOIR8 OV THE LIR OF THE 

"^- legacy to Ae Collie oi DuUiii, to bring ihe 
InA language again into genienl use in thn 
oountiy. Bnt his will shows that his only object 
was to have it studied by some men of letters $ 
there being many curious and yaluaUe recwds in 
that language, which would throw a considerable 
light upon a very early era in the history of the 
human race, as well as relieve this country from 
the most unjust chaises of ignorance and 
barbariBm, at a time when it was by br more 
enlightened and ciyiliased than any of the adjacent 
nations. 

** Mr. Flood, therefore, in his bequest, desired 
that all the manuscripts in the Irish language, 
which could be obtained should be purchased, 
and deposited in the library of Dublin college. 
Probably many of them are now mouldering in 
public and private collections on the continent, 
whither the ancient fiutnilies of Ireland conveyed 
them in troubled times. Many of them in tl^ 
reign of queen Elizabeth were in Denmark f 
which induced the king of Denmark to apply to 
her by his unbassador to s^id over some learned 
man from this country to translate thraa, and one 
actually was engaged for that purpose: tiie 
Engli^ council, however, in the illiberal spirit 
of those times, prevented it, lest, as they siad, it 
might be prejudicial to the English intwest. 
Many of the Irish manuscripts were lately in 




RIGHT HON. HENRT TLOOP. 899 

libraries in France, some also in the Vatican, and 
if diligent search were made, and large prices 
ofiered, probably many more might now be saved 
from the depredations of time, and which will 
otherwise very soon be lost irretrievably. Mr. 
Lhuyd, the great antiquarian of Wales, prizes 
especially the books of the Irish laws, as likely to 
throw a great light on the customs and manners 
of early times* Yet were there many books of 
tibiese laws extant even in the last century, the 
names only of which are known at present. It 
is time to save what remain.'' 

^^ Often did Mr. Flood remark to me, that 
while in the East ingenious men were collecting 
and translating, with such laudable industry, the 
ancient writings of the inhabitants of that region 
betweeai Indus and the Ganges, the valuable 
memorials of our own island were n^lected and 
pushing. He thought that many of the truths 
of ancient history were to be found at these two 
extremities of the lettei'ed world; that they 
would reflect light and knowledge upon each 
afber, aiid lead to a more certain acquaintance 
with tiie earlj history of man. His great mind 
was wont to combine the most distant things ; to 
bring the east and west into a juxta-position, 
mid by the comparison of these extremes to 
examine the immutable coincidences of truth." 




400 MEMOIRS OF TH£ LIFE OF THE 



** There is nothing novel in craditing the great 
antiquity of the Irish nation. Some very high 
authorities of Greece and Rome attest it. The 
ancient English and Spanish histories attest k. 
But there is one instance in which it was admitted 
on so solemn an occasion, that I must relate it 
particularly, 

*'Atthe council of Constance, a.d. 14179 a 
dispute arising between the French and English 
about precedency, the English canonists urged» 
' that the world being divided into three parts^ 
Europe, Asia, and Africa, Europe was distributed 
into four kingdoms; namely, first the Roman, 
second the Constantinopolitan, third the Irish, 
which is now transferred to the English, and 
fourth the Spanish. From which it is plain, that 
the king of England and his kingdom are among 
the most eminent and most ancient of the kings 
and kingdoms of Europe/ And in conseque»3e 
of this plea England was declared the fifth nation 
in the council. 

** Here, at a most solemn convention ; after a 
deliberate investigation, by the most learned men 
of the times ; in a case where the rank and 
precedence of kingdoms were at issue ; the great 
antiquity of the Irish monarchy was stated and 
pleaded by Englishmen^ as surpassing that of 
England and of France, and almost every other 




RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 401 

European nation. Yet we often hear men now, 
vam of their own uninformed fancies, treating as 
extravagant and absurd, whatever is said of the 
antiquity of this nation, and speaking of it as a 
weak whim in Mr. Flood to give any credence 
to it. 

'*But Mr» Flood's authority alone ought to 
impress upon these manuscripts a deep stamp of 
dne£t and estimation. He was certainly one of 
the greatest men that ever adorned this country. 
His mind was the most capacious ; his reason the 
most athletic ; his judgment Ihe most balanced ; 
his erudition the most profound. His nature was 
too dignified to deceive others ; his intellect too 
piercing to be deceived himself. Yet he, in the 
most solemn act of his existence, when he was 
going to leave a great memorial to all posterity 
of his unabating patriotism, and to make l^e 
termination of his life accord with all his actions 
while living, in which his country was his first 
and parsunount object ; for the prosperity of 
tdiich he lived and laboured ; and in the same 
ardour for its fame was just about to die : he, I 
say, consecrated with his dying breath these 
venerable records, and embalmed them, and his 
own fame together, to all posterior ages; and 
thus, by such a conduct, at such a time, when he 
knew that nothing but truth could throw glory 
around his declining orb, and when there was an 

2d 




402 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 

end of every inclination, which could cast 
obscurity upon truth, has given a testimony, 
which ought to satisfy uninformed men of the 
value of these ancient writings, though uncor- 
roborated by all the high authorities that bear 
evidence in their support. 

" Nor was Mr. Flood singular in his opinion 
on this subject; the learned doctor Johnson 
strongly recommended the. cultivation of Irish 
literature, as will appear from the following 
letter to Charles OConnor, Esq. ; author of 
the dissertations on the history of Ireland :— 

' Sir, 

' I have lately by the favor of Mr. Faulkner, seen 
your account of Ireland, and cannot forbear to solicit a 
prosecution of your design. Sir William Temple compkias 
that Ireland is less known than any other country, as to it3 
ancient state. The natives have had little leisure, and little 
encouragement, for inquiry ; and strangers, not knowing the 
language, have had no ability. 

'I have long wished thiat the Irish literatore were 
cultivated. Ireland is known by tradition to have be^once 
the seat of piety and learning ; and surely it would be very 
acceptable to all those who are curious, either in the original 
of nations or the affinities of languages, to be further informed 
of the revolutions of a people so ancient, and once so 
illustrious. 

' What relation there is between the Welsh and Irish 
languages, or between the language of Ireland and that of 
Biscay, deserve inquiiy. Of these provincial and unextended 
tongues, it seldom happens that more than one are understood 



n 



' *^ But his great bequest did not terminate here. 
He has ordered by his will that, after all the 
manuscripts in the Irish language that can be 
purchased have been obtained, then those books 
and manuscripts in the languages that have an 
immediate affinity to the Irish shall be likewise 
purchased ; thereby showing the great chain of 
thought that moved through his mind upon this 
subject ; and that though the fame of Ireland, 
as preserved in these ancient records, was his 
primary object, the wide horizon of his intellect 
embraced the early history of the whole human 
race, which he hoped would be illustrated by 
the connexion and comparison of these collateral 



RIOHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 403 

by any one man ; and, ther^fore^ it seldom happens that a fair ohap. 
comparison can be made. I hope you will continue to cultivate ^'^* 

this kind of learnings which has lain too long neglected, and 
which, if it be suffered to remain in oblivion for another 
century, may, perhaps, never be retrieved. As I wish well 
to all useful undertakings, I would not forbear to let you know 
how much you deserve, in my opinion, from all lovers of 
study, and how much pleasure your work has given to, 

' Sir, your most obliged, 

'And most humble servant, 

' Sam. Johnson.' 
' London, 9tk ApH, 1755/ 




404 MEMOIRS OF THE UflS OF TBE 

testimonies. After this his bequest extendfir to 
the purchase of books in alt langnag^es, at the 
discretion of the governors of the University ; 
thereby insuring to Ireland, in a course of time* 
the greatest library in the world. Of all the 
stupendous works of the Egyptian Ptolemies, 
none have transmitted their memories to posterity 
with a more luminous fame than their great 
library at Alexandria. The bequest of Mr. 
Flood is not less worthy of renown : it is the 
same in object, and not less in extent.* How 
can a nation be truly great without learned men ? 
And how can men be truly learned without such 
great repositories of literature to resort to ? If 
the acts which have most stigmatized the most 
stigmatized barbarians, the Vandals and the 
Goths, have been the (kstruction of such 
collections of lettered works, surely he who 
founds and institutes such must receive propor- 
tionate applause from the civilized world ? But 
his great bequest, which, for wisd<Hn and 
magnificence of design, exceeds any thing of 
this kind upon record in ancient or modern 
times, goes further still : to use his own expiring, 
words, ^ seeing that nothing stimulates to great 



* The estate he bequeathed for this purpose is worth five thousand 
pounds a year. 



RIGHT HON, HENRY FI.OOD. 405 

deeds more strongLj tii«d great examples^' he chak 
orders that the characters of some of those great ^""* 
men in ancient and modem times^ who have been 
eminently seryiceahle and honorable to tibeir 
Gountrj, should in annual compositions be 
commemorated in our University ; tbat their 
exalted actions may stand forth and be portrayed 
in living colours before every rising generation 
here to the end of time : that their ennobling 
dentiments may be poured into the minds of the 
yotti^, to swell their thoughts to high conceptions 
and illustrious deeds : that the wreaths of true 
ho«or and of hme may be hung up in their 
view to excite them to those actions of refined 
and sublimated virtue^ by which alone they can 
hope to reach them. 

^^ This was the extensive range of Mr. Flood's 
bequest to the public; having first manifested 
in his will all the wise and tender anxieties and 
cares for those around him, for whom duty and 
afiiection taught him to provide : having for these^ 
when be was about to retire from the world, 
provided every means of competency, and spread 
every shade of protection which a prudent and 
liberal mind . could suggest ; he then turned his 
eyes upon Ireland — Ireland, for whose prosperity 
and liberty and glory he had so many years so 
illustriously toiled, and which was now to be 



406 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE QB TfiE 

CHAP* closed from his view for ever. His ^eat spirit^ 
while it was just hovering over the tomb, was 
still busied about the future fame of his country. 
It dictated those expiring accents, which direct 
that the materials of learning, from all parts of 
the earth, should be from time to time collected 
and deposited in the bosom of our Universitj« 
Thus founding for his country an everlasting 
pyramid of all the accumulated knowledge of 
man, which should out-top the works of all other 
nations, and by which every future genius of our 
island might climb to the summit of human 
intelligence, cmd take his towering flight, — 
Lastly, to excite to this and to every thing else 
great and worthy, he orders that the most exalted 
examples of the most exalted men, that have ever 
improved and dignified human nature, may be 
applied to transfuse their virtues into the 
expanding bosoms of our youth ; that thus, 
as it were, through the medium of his last will, 
his voice, though dead himself, might call 
continually from the tomb upon the aspiring 
oflbpring of every succeeding age to ennoble 
their minds, and spread glory over their country, 
by their knowledge, their talents, and their 
virtues. 

^* Thus this great patriot, after having made 
every possible provision for the past and future 




RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 407 



fame of Ireland, sunk into his grave. The 
impartial judgment of subsequent ages will 
consider him as unrivalled in his own country ; 
and had it been his fortune to have moved upon 
a theatre as capacious as his own mind, his cele- 
brity would not have been exceeded by any man's 
in any other.** 

Doctor Playfair follows lord Rosse with 
enthusiastic expressions of the literary design of 
this bequest. Doctor Playfair, from whose 
literary mine, many of the compilers of histories 
of families have stolen the materials of their 
little pyramids of fame, writes — " What could 
have been more noble ? What could have been 
more wise ? What could have been more 
characteristic of a mighty mind, and a patriotic 
heart, than the whole scheme of that bequest ? 
A bequest to the people of Ireland, under the 
direction of the University I To draw the 
ancient national records from neglect and 
oblivion ; to make a great deposit in the 
kingdom of all the valuable works of literature, 
to encourage learning and learned men ; and 
to inflame posterity by the annual celebration 
of great exploits, to the sublime ambition of 
emulating them I" 

We have now performed our duty ; we have 
endeavoured to portray with the utmost fidelity 
the character of a great man, who was, in an 



408 MEMOIAS OF THE LIFE, ETC. 

OKAP. essential degree, the founder of constitutional 
rights in Ireland ; — of sufiSciently eminent familj 
and large fortune, be never was debauched by 
ambition in his public character ; nor are there 
any instances of his private life deficient in 
amiabUitjT, courtesy, and beneficence. Yet the 
words of Nerva, in his missive to his adopted 
successor, may appropriately dose our. imperfect 
biography :— 

" 7V/tt Phahi, tuis lacrymas tdciscer^ no^iras'* 



THE END. 



U-S !- — " - - ■ A .--» . HI. C-J . 



'» 



V 



1 






1