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VOL. I. 


IPuftlbKtiet in ®t:lrtnats to Hn M&itatst, 


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Printed by Samusl Bshtlst and Co., 

Bangor Houac, Shoe Lane. 


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Some years ago, while assisting my brother, Mr. 
Thomas Keppel, in collecting materials for his " Life of 
Viscount Keppel,'" I met with several of the letters 
relating to Lord Eockingham's time, which I now send 
forth to the world. It occurred to me that the publi- 
cation of them would be a desirable contribution to 
literature. The Bedford and Chatham Correspondence 
have already displayed the opinions which guided two 
sections of the Whig party : there remained a third, 
which hitherto has had no exponent — that section, 
namely, of which Lord Eockingham became, soon after 
George the Third's accession, the acknowledged leader. 
I have endeavoured to supply this defect in the present 
Volumes. The Letters will speak for themselves. In 
the Illustrations which connect them I have endea- 
voured to restore a portion of their contemporary 
interest. Whatever opinion may be formed of my 
portion of the work; the value to the historian will 
remain the same. 

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The staple of the work consists of the Papers of 
Lord Rockingham himself, now in the possession of his 
nephew and successor, the present Earl Fitzwilliam. 
My own family collection furnished its quota ; and I 
have been further assisted by the kindness of the 
Duke of Richmond, the Earl of Hardwicke, and the 
Rev. Charles Lee, great nephew of Lord Rockingham's 
friend, Attorney-General Lee, who have granted me 
free access to their respective family documents. 

To my friend. Sir Denis Le Marchant, my best 
acknowledgments are due, for a sketch of the character 
of the Right Honourable Henry Seymour Conway, 
accompanied by several interesting letters, written 
during the early period of the Field Marshal's life. 

I avail myself, likewise, of this opportunity to ex- 
press my sincere thanks to the officers of the British 
Museum, Sir Henry Ellis, Sir Frederick Madden, Messrs. 
Panizzi, Holmes, Watts, and Von Bach, for the readi- 
ness and courtesy with which they have on all occasions 
assisted me in my researches. 

11, Grosvenor Square, 
January 19, 1852. 


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PAG 9 

George the Third's First Speech. — His Claim to the Character 
of "Briton** considered — His Education. — The Leicester House 
School of Politics.— The First Day of the King's Reign;— Cha- 
racters of Newcastle, Chatham, Choiseul, and Hardwicke . 1 


Menaced Invasion of 1759. — France sues for Peace. — Hans 
Stanley. — Abbe de Bussy. — Duke of Newcastle to Lord Hard- 
wicke. — Negociations for Peace. — Lord Hardwicke to Viscount 
Royston. — Character of the Duke of Bedford. — Duke of New- 
castle to Lord Hardwicke. — Lord Hardwicke to Lord Royston. 
— The Pacific Professions of France considered.— Duke of New- 
castle to Lord Hardwicke. — Mr. Pitt resigns the Seals. — Letters 
from Dr. Birch and Soame Jenyns . . . .20 


Earl of Egremont appointed Pitt's Successor. — Duke of New- 
castle to Lord Hardwicke. — Threatened Rupture with Spain. — 
Lord Royston to Mr. Yorke. — Want of Union at Court. — Siun- 

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moning a New Parliament. — Rival Lists. — Characters of Lord 
Temple and George Grenville. — Choice of a Speaker. — The 
King's Visit to the City. — Pitt's Conduct on that Occasion.— 
Mr. Milbanke to Lord Rockingham. — Character of Barr6. — Mr. 
Milbanke to Lord Rockingham. — Effects of the Parliamentary 
Debate . . . . .54 


War with Spain declared. — Letter of Duke of Newcastle. — 
Proposed Attack on the Havannah. — Earl of Albemarle. — Com- 
modore Keppel. — Sir George Pocock. — Letter to Lord Albemarle. 
— Character of Count de Viri. — Choiseul to Bailli de Solar. — 
Letter to Lord Hardwicke. — Duke of Newcastle to Lord Hard- 
wicke. — Lord Bute's secret Negociation with Vienna. — Letters 
from the Duke of Newcastle to Lords Hardwicke and Rocking- 
ham, on his Resignation of the Office of First Lord of the Trea> 
sury, and to the Duke of Cumberland with his Answer . .85 


Duke of Newcastle's Resignation. — Character of Sir Francis 
Dashwood. — Negociations for Peace. — Character of Due de 
Niyemais. — Capture of the Havannah. — Henry Fox. — Court 
Persecution of the Whig Party. — Duke of Devonshire's Dis- 
missal. — Character of Lord Rockingham. — Characters of Lords 
Kinnoull, Lincoln, and Ashbumham, and Duke of Rutland. — 
Proposed Alliance among the Whigs. — Dismissal of Whig Lord 
Lieutenants and Custom-House Officers. — Lord Mansfield . 117 


Resignation of Lord Bute. — Alleged Motives for it. — Grenville 
Administration. — Imprisonment and Liberation of Wilkes. — 
Leicester House Scheme. — Negociations between Lord Bute and 
Mr. Pitt. — Mr. Pitt's Interviews with the King. — Bedford Ad- 

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inini8tration.-*-Death of Duke of Devonehire. — Proposed New 
Ministerial Arrangements, — Correspondence between Lord Hard- 
wicke and his Brother . . . . .165 


Arbitrary Dismissal of General Conway and other Military 
Officers. — Letters relating to the Regency Bill. — Duke of Cum- 
berland's Statement of Negociation for Change of Ministers. — 
Character of Lord Lyttelton. — Protectionist Riots. — Appoint- 
ment of Commander of the Troops. — Correspondence with the 
King and His Ministers on the Riots. — Prorogation of Parlia- 
ment. — Ministerial Difficulties of the King. . • . 1 80 


Meeting of Whig Leaders. — Characters of the Duke of Graf- 
ton, Gen. Conway, Dowdeswell, Lord John Cavendish, Thomas 
Townshend, and Sir G. Savile. — Rockingham Administration. — 
Character of, and Overtures to. Lord Shelbume. — Lord Dart- 
mouth. — Lord Holland's Overtures. — Death of Duke of Cum- 
berland. — The " General Warrant." — The King's Aversion to 
the Rockingham Administration. — The Stamp Act. — Opening of 
Parliament. — The King's Correspondence on Parliamentary De- 
bates. — Proposed Change of Ministry. — Overtures to Pitt. — 
Characters of Lords Talbot and Northington. — Right of Taxing 
the Colonies. — Cabinet Resolutions on the Stamp Act. — Corre- 
spondence and Debates on its Repeal. — Pamphlet on the Repeal. 
— Character of Jeremiah Dyson. — Bill for Repeal passed. .218 



j Hume and Rousseau. — The Militia Bill. — Character of Mr. 

\ Trecothick. — Dinner in Celebration of the Stamp Act Repeal. — 

\ Mistrust of England in Continental States. — Resolutions on 

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General Warrants. — Resignation of Duke of Grafton. — Extracts 
from Lord Hardwieke's " Memoriall.*' — Character of Duke of 
Richmond. — Characters of Lords North and Egmont. — Duke of 
Richmond's Journal — Inquiry into Lord Bute's suspected Inter- 
ference in Public Affairs. — Pitt appointed Minister. — Dismissal 
of the Rockingham Ministry . . . . .31.5 

Field Marshal Ubnrt Seymour Conway 

. 371 


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I f 




or THB 








" Born and educated in this country, I glory in the 
name of Briton, and the peculiar happiness of my life will 
ever consist in promoting the welfare of a people, whose 
loyalty and warm aflfection I consider as the greatest 
and most permanent security of my throne." 

Such was one of the first sentences which Greorge 
the Third addressed to Parliament, on his assumption 
of the kingly office. By the words of the paragraph 
here cited, he evidently intended to imply some pre-emi- 
nence on his own part over his two immediate pre- 
decessors, who were "born and educated" in another 
land. That the sovereign should have first drawn 

VOL. I. B 

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breath within his own sea-girt isle, that he should 
speak its language, unalloyed by foreign accent or 
idiom, were attractive novelties to Englishmen who, 
for nearly half a century, had been governed by alien 
princes. Equally new and pleasing was it to the people 
to find in the new monarch, a youth of manly form, 
of an open and ingenuous countenance, of affable and 
prepossessing manners, and untainted with the usual 
vices of his age and station. But, admitting these 
moral and physical advantages, it may, I think, be 
questioned whether he were really better qualified than 
his royal progenitors to promote the welfare of the 
people whose affection and loyalty he thus aspired to 
possess. To any " education " befitting the consti- 
tutional sovereign of Great Britain he had little or 
no claim. In tastes and habits he was an English- 
man ; so much the mother country had done for him : 
but his youth had been passed almost exclusively in 
the society of his mother, the Princess Dowager of 
Wales, and of his governor, John Stuart, Earl of. 
Bute. The former, a German Princess, derived her 
notions of the rights and immunities of a sovereign 
from the petty despotic court in which she had been 
herself brought up. The latter, a Scotch nobleman, 
arbitrary and inexperienced, mysterious and intriguing, 
added to these disqualifications for a royal instructor, 
that of having hitherto lived in such complete seclu- 
sion, as to know as little as his youthful pupil him- 
self of the character and feelings of the English 
people. It had ever been the Princess's aim to instil 

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into her son's mind her own political prejudices. From 
his boyhood she had whispered into his ear, " Greorge, 
be King." Lord Bute had sedulously enforced this 
maternal precept, and the joint tutelage of these two 
instructors proved, during his protracted reign, that 
the seed had fallen upon no ungenial ground. 

Immediately on the accession of George the Third 
to the throne, an artful system of party management 
was organized so as to give eflfect to these precepts and 

The system, indeed, was not altogether new. It 
originated in the factious court of Frederick Prince 
of Wales, George the Second's eldest son. From the 
residence of the heir apparent, its centre and cradle, 
it was denominated the Leicester House School of Poli- 
tics. Its inventor was Bolingbroke, and its leading 
features are shadowed forth in the " Craftsman *' and 
the " Idea of a Patriot King." In the preceding reign 
a somewhat similar experiment had been made by 
Pulteney, Wyndham, and Carteret. But it was Lord 
Bute, the favourite of the youthful sovereign, who 
really rendered the machinery, for a time, effective. 

The primary object of the Leicester House system 
was to break up the powerful Whig confederacy which 
had been, with little intermission, in power since the 
Revolution, and without any interval since the acces- 
sion of the House of Brunswick. Strong in family 
connexion and popular sympathy, the Whigs had seated 
and retained that dynasty on the throne, and their 
motive in upholding a foreign rather than a native 

B 2 

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line of princes was, that they might the more eflFectually 
protect the liberties of the people against the encroach- 
ments of the crown. 

But since the Whigs, collectively, were too power- 
ful and too popular a body to be summarily dismissed, 
the leading men were to be removed, one by one, from 
the Cabinet and the Household. They would thus be 
expelled from office without the benefit of popular 
feeling in their behalf, and would enter opposition as 
a corps distrustful of one another, and disunited among 
themselves. Had the designs of the Court been con- 
fined to the adoption of a less liberal school of policy, 
the new scheme would not have differed from an ordi- 
nary intrigue for the removal of opponents and the 
acquisition of office. But the royal junto had a deeper 
and more unconstitutional purpose in 'view. They 
wished virtually to supersede both the old Whig and 
Tory parties, and to create a third party, which might 
form a permanent barrier against the attempt of any 
future cabinet to act independently of the royal will. 
The old method of ruling by favourites was to be 
revived under a new form. In the place of an indivi- 
dual minister, a Buckingham ' or a Strafford, whom 
popular odium might easily displace, or an Abigail 
Masham, whom a responsible minister might purchase or 
disregard, a cabinet or household of favourites was to be 
placed around the sovereign, in numbers sufficient to 
divide and weaken popular hatred, and with influence 
enough to command a certain measure of political sup- 
jport. A confederacy of renegades from every political 

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section of the state was accordingly formed, which was 
afterwards known by the appellation of "King's Friends." 
The members of this new association abjured all party 
distinction, and professed to regard the pleasure of the 
sovereign as the sole source and condition of power. 
Although holding many of the offices under the crown, 
they acted irrespectively of the King's constitutional 
advisers, and voted with or against ministers according 
to the expressed or supposed predilections of their royal 

In a " Memoriall of Family Occurrences," written by 
the second Earl of Hardwicke,* in the year 1770, he 
describes the treatment which the Whigs experienced at 
the accession of George the Third. He refers, it is 

♦ Philip Yorke succeeded to the earldom of Hardwicke, on the 
death of his &ther, the celebrated Chancellor, in 1 764. He sat for 
several years in the House of Commons as member for Cambridge- 
shire, under the title of Viscount Royston, and was a frequent and 
efifective speaker in Parliament He became subsequently Lord-lieu- 
tenant of the county, and High Steward for the University of Cam- 
bridge. In J 766 he was admitted into Lord Rockingham's cabinet. 
He was indeed a warm friend of that statesman, but, unable from the 
infirm state of his health- to take any very active part in politics, 
he devoted the greater part of his time to literary pursuits. Lord 
Hardwicke was a writer both in prose and verse. While an under- 
graduate at Cambridge, he was a contributor to the ^ Athenian Letters." 
He published also " State Papers," and the " Life of Sir Dudley Carie- 
ton." Some of his poetical compositions may be met vrith in the 
Cambridge Collection of Verses. He was the friend of Birch, Soame 
Jenyns, and Dr. Young, all three of whom have dedicated some of 
their works to him. He was also in correspondence with Robertson, 
Hume, and GarricL His private letters, many of which appear in 
these pages, convey a favourable impression of his abilities. 

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6 FIRST DAY OF [l76a 

true, only to his own relations, but the remarks apply 
equally to the party of which the Yorke family were 
leading members. 

"In the beginning of the new reign," writes Lord 
Hardwicke, " no apparent alteration happened in our 
situation, — we were cajoled and courted for the first 
weeks of it: in short, the exterior was fair and plausible; 
but, in reality, Lord Bute- had the sole power and 
influence ; and he was determined to work out the 
old servants of the crown, as soon as he possibly could 
bring it about, notwithstanding the many difficulties 
which seemed to be in the way of it. How he accom- 
plished this great task, which has made him, ever 
since, so unhappy a man, is not within the compass of 
this paper. It will suffice to mention, that he princi- 
pally availed himself, with great art and finesse, of the 
dissensions between the Duke of Newcastle and Mr. 
Pitt ; that he played oflF one against the other occasion- 
ally, till he had got rid of the popular minister; and 
when that was compassed, he strengthened himself in 
the cabinet, by bringing in Lord Egremont and Mr. 
Grenville, and never left intriguing till he had rendered 
it impracticable for the old Duke to continue in office 
with credit or honour." 

With the tenderness which characterized the Whig 
of that period towards a prince of the dynasty of its 
own adoption. Lord Hardwicke has omitted to mention 
Lord Bute's most efiective coadjutor, in playing off 
Newcastle against Pitt,— the sovereign himself; who, in 
all the mysteries of king-craft, so far, at least, as they 

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1760.] THE KING'S REIGN. 7 

consisted in " art and finesse," was perhaps the more 
accomplished adept of the two. To the truth of this 
charge, the transactions of the very first day of his reign 
bear evidence. ^ 

Early on the 26th of October, 1760, his grandfather, 
Greorge the Second, had risen apparently in his usual 
health. At half-past seven of the same morning he had 
ceased to breathe. His death took the nation, but not 
his successor, by surprise. " The Princess Amelia," 
says Walpole, " as soon as she was certain of her father's 
death, sent an account of it to the Prince of Wales, 
but he had already been apprized of it. He was riding, 
and received a note from a German valet de chambre^ 
with a private mark agreed upon between them. With- 
out surprise or emotion, without dropping a word that 
indicated what had happened, he said his horse was 
lame, and turned back to Kew. At dismounting, he 
said to the groom, " I have said this horse was lame, I 
forbid you to say to the contrary." 

From Kew, the new king went to Carlton House, 
which then belonged to the Princess Dowager. Here 
he first met his ministers. The account of what passed 
at that interview, and the manner in which he adroitly 
" played oflF" one minister against the other, are given 
in the following letter from his first Lord of the Treasury, 
written the day after the demise of the Crown. 

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" Cockpit,* October 26, 1760. 
"I WILL give you a short account ^of what passed 
since our ever to be lamented loss. Mr. Martin f had 

* From the Cockpit at Whitehall, Philip Herbert, Earl of Pem- 
broke and Montgomery saw Charles the First walk from St. James*s 
to the scaffold. Here, in the Council Chambers, Guiscard stabbed 
Harley, Earl of Oxford, 

" And fixed disease in Harley's closing life.** 

Thus far Cunningham's " London." What follows is from the pen of 
that most excellent man and upright, intelligent judge, the late Lord 
Chief Justice Tindal to his niece Mrs. Frederic West, who obligingly, at 
my request, wrote to him for the information it contains. *' As to your 
enquiry about the Cockpit, you will find frequent mention of it in the 
time of Charles the Second and James the Second, both in Evelyn's 
" Memoirs " and in Pepys's. At that time it was used for the purpose 
its name denotes, frequent matches of cock -fighting being carried on 
there by the Court, forming part, as it did, of the Palace of West- 
minster, close behind the place where the Treasury now stands. 
Queen Anne, of course, did not indulge in such unladylike amuse- 
ments ; and the graver manners of the Court during the succeeding 
reigns, soon put the site upon which it stood to a more useful destina- 
tion ; for it was turned into a Court for the Committee of the Privy 
Council to sit in, on the decision of all Prize causes, all appeals from 
the courts in the colonies of Jersey and Guernsey, and the like. 

" There is at this moment, nearly on the same spot, a new court 
for the same purposes, forming part of the Treasury buildings. I my- 
self have fought many matches there when I was at the bar, not with 
warlike birds armed ¥dth steel spurs, but with the more peaceable 
weapons of argument, and at this day I not unfirequently form one 
of the judges there to decide the contests of the combatants." 

f Samuel Martin, Member for Camelford, Secretary of the Trea- 
sury. He owed this office to Mr. Legge, and was the earliest deser- 
ter from Newcastle's standard. He earned for himself considerable 
notoriety by his duel with Wilkes, whom he shot through the body. 

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orders to send to me yesterday upon the road, to come 
immediately to the new King at Carlton House. I 
first went to Kensington, and there put on my clothes, 
and went to Cjrlton House, where I expected to meet 
the council ; but, upon my arrival, found Mr. Martin. 
He explained it, that I was to come alone. Imme- 
diately my Lord Bute came to me, and told me that 
the King would see me before anybody, or before he 
went to council; that compliments from him, Lord Bute, 
now were unnecessary ; that he had been, and should 
be my friend, — I should see it. I made suitable returns, 
and was called in to the King. He began by telling 
me, that he desired to see me before he went to council; 
that he had always a very good opinion of me; he knew 
my constant zeal for his family, and my duty to his 
grandfather, which he thought would be pledges or 
proofs of my zeal for him. I said very truly, that no 
one subject His Majesty had, wished him more ease, 
honour, tranquillity, and success in the high station to 
which Providence had now called him ; and I think I 
cannot show my duty to my late royal master better, 
than by contributing the little in my power, to the ease 

He is said to have practised at a taiget six months before he uttered 
the words which led to the hostile meeting. As mmisterial favours 
quickly succeeded this affair, Churchill assumes that he took this step 
as the readiest way to acquire or regain them. In his *' Duellist/' 
the poet speaks of Martin, as, 

" Placing his craft in confidence. 
And making honour a pretence 
To do a deed of deepest shame. 
Whilst filthy lucre is his aim.'* 

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and success of the reign of his grandson and successor. 
His Majesty said these remarkable words, * My Lord 
Bute is your goodfriefnd^ to which I replied, I thought 
my Lord Bute was so. Mr. Pitt was not sent for to 
Carlton House till some time after I had been there, 
and suspects, and, indeed said, the declaration was 
concerted with me, whereas I did not know one single 
word of it till the King communicated it to my Lord 
Halifax, Mr. Pitt and myself, and ordered me to read 
it, which I did very clearly and distinctly. His 
Majesty then said these words, * Is there anything 
wrong in point of form ? ' We all bowed and went 
out of the closet. Mr. Pitt afterwards said he did not 
hear it distinctly, particularly the last words. I then, 
from memory, repeated it to him. 

" He wrote last night to Lord Bute. He had a con- 
ference of two hours, and told me that, as far as related 
to himself, Mr. Pitt, it was as satisfactory as he could 
wish. In short, Pitt was extremely hurt with the 
declaration projected, executed and entered in the 
council books, of which he had no previous notice. It 
was at first ^ engaged in a bloody %joar.^ ^ That,' 
says Pitt, *is false in the English part of it, we are 
sine clade victory'*' and that the last words about 
* peace' certainly hurt him; he said the 'allies 'were 
left out; and to be short, it is altered, and Mr. Pitt's 
words were put in, but Lord Bute is not pleased." 

* From front to rear the bloodless vict&r sped, 

Mowed down the embattled field, and wide the Blau^ter spread. 

Francis's Horace, B. iv., Od. 14. 

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Mr. Harris, who has given this letter in eMenso^ in 
his Life of Chancellor Hardwicke, has made two errors, 
one of omission, the other of commission, which mate- 
rially weaken the point of Mr. Pitt's remarks. The 
learned biographer has not given the Latin quotation, 
and he has written " words " instead of " allies." The 
last word of the following paragraph from the King's 
Speech will point out the latter erratum, and the words 
in italics will show the epithet which Pitt substituted 
for " Uoody:' 

" And as I mount the throne in the midst of an 
expensive bui just and necessary war, I shall endeavour 
to execute it in the manner likely to bring on an 
honourable and lasting peace in concert with my 

* ALLIES.' " 

It is with much diffidence I venture to appear as an 
apologist for the writer of the foregoing letter. Forty- 
six years of public service have procured for the Duke 
of Newcastle notoriety rather than reputation. Few 
portraits, indeed, have been sketched by so many un- 
friendly hands. Smollett, King, Glover, Chesterfield, 
Walpole, Waldegrave, Codington, have each assailed 
him in turn. He was, in factj the butt against which 
contemporary ridicule levelled all its shafts. That he 
was fretful, busy, intriguing, unmethodical, and self- 
sufficient; that his demeanour lacked dignity, and that 
he mistook expedients for principles, cannot be denied; 
indeed his numerous unpublished letters, to which 
I have had access, rather corroborate than weaken 
the fidelity with which these traits have been deli- 

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neated. Bat his contemporaries would see only the 
superficial and ridiculous points of Newcastle's cha- 
racter. They would not do justice to his many sterling 
good qualities. He was courteous, aflFable, accessible, 
humane, a warm friend, a placable enemy. His 
talents were not suflSciently appreciated. They were 
far above mediocrity. It was his want of method that 
made them not more generally available. He both 
spoke and wrote with ability and readiness. Upon his 
private life rested no stain, and in an age of political 
imngiorality he was one of the most personally disin- 
terested men of his day. He understood clearly our 
relations with the continental states. His views of 
civil and religious freedom were in advance of his 
age, and he acted on them whenever his fears, his 
jealousies, or his ambition — a most comprehensive ex- 
ception indeed — permitted his opinions to aflFect his 
conduct. His faults were obvious; he clung indeco- 
rously to place and power. But it does not appear 
that either its emoluments or even honours were the 
real attractions of office. Newcastle, like the Sergeant- 
at-Law in Chaucer's tale, had a morbid appetite for 
employment : — 

'' No whar so besy a man as he thar n'as. 
And yet he seemyd besier than he was.** 

To this restless craving for occupation, may be 
ascribed the Duke's officious intermeddling with the 
departments of his colleagues, and his querulous jealousy 
of the least interference with that over which he himself 
presided. Like an enthusiastic chess-player, he would 

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eagerly direct another's moves, while he would hardly 
endure even a looker on at his own game. 

In the following pages frequent mention will be made 
of Newcastle's great contemporary, William Pitt, after- 
wards Earl of Chatham. Original documents will be 
produced illustrative of his character and his policy. 
Should this eminent statesman appear in an unfa- 
vourable light, the reader is requested to weigh well 
the authorities before he rejects the verdict There 
is no wish to derogate from Lord Chatham's real 
merits. Yet the writer of these pages cannot overlook 
the almost concurrent testimony of his contemporaries, 
or conceal from himself that Pitt's reputation was more 
specious than solid. His brilliancy as an orator, in 
fact, obscured as " with excess of light " his errors as 
a statesman. Much will remain to him when the 
glare has been removed from his renown ; but the 
public has been too prone to take Lord Chatham at his 
own estimate of himself, and not to have distinguished 
sufficiently between the dazzling surface and the sub- 
stantial worth. Few public men, indeed, present a more 
imposing aspect to posterity. 

The efiect of his eloquence is unquestioned, but his 
speeches themselves have been scantily recorded. He 
was at once the Cicero and the Soscius of his age : a 
great orator, and a consummate actor. As a member of 
the cabinet, he was incredibly haughty, impracticable, 
and even obstructive to his colleagues. As a leader of 
opposition, he was more formidable as an assailant than 
faithful to his adherents or consistent in his measures. 

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14 EARL OF CHATHAM. [1760. 

To his sovereign, he was alternately harsh and sub- 
servient; to the nation he was an energetic, but a 
costly and hazardous guide, never scrupling to arouse 
passion, or to incur debt where glory was to be won 
" in flood or field." Finally, as a statesman, he dis- 
played rather the accomplishments of a Bolingbroke 
than the solid prudence of a Burleigh. He shone 
principally as a war minister. His talent for con- 
ducting military operations blinded him to the disastrous 
effects of war to his own country, and to mankind. 
Of social improvements, or financial skill, he exhibited 
no proofs.* He rendered his country glorious rather 
than prosperous : and he bequeathed to his successors, 
the dangerous rather than the salutary precedent of 
preferring " arms to the gown." 

These were his defects, and they were grievous; but 
his virtues too were singular and illustrious, especially 
if they be measured by the general standard of his age. 
" His private life," as Lord Chesterfield justly remarks, 
" was stained by no vice, and sullied by no meanness." 
His habits were domestic, his sentiments lofby, his 
knowledge was various, and his taste refined. His 
letters to his nephew. Lord Camelford, breathe a noble 
and generous spirit, and abound in weighty sense and 
graceful diction. Throughout his correspondence with 
his wife and his illustrious son, pervades a tenderness 

* Junius's Letters, xi. : " I entirely agree with Macaroni, that this 
country does owe more to Lord Chatham than it ever can repay, for 
to him we owe the greatest part of our national debt, and that, I am 
sure, we never can repay." 

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1700.] DUG DE CHOISEUL. 15 

which shows that his arrogance was part of his theatrical, 
rather than of his natural temper. He was made up of 
contrasts. It is much easier to eulogise or to condemn 
him, than to draw a just portrait. He was a man to be 
loved and to be feared equally. To him belongs the 
merit of having been the first to raise the standard of 
morality in public men. To him also, unfortunately, 
clings the discredit of raising his voice at all seasons 
for open war, from the moment when on first entering 
parliament he promoted a rupture with Spain, in 
order to overthrow an obnoxious minister, to the time 
when, with his dying breath, he braved the enmity of 
Europe, rather than forego the claims of England to 
supremacy over emancipated America. The letters 
which are interspersed in . this work will show the 
strong and various inconsistenci^ of this powerful, 
rather than great statesman. 

The councils of France were, at this time, guided by 
Etienne Francois Due de Choiseul, a man who rivalled 
Pitt in the boldness of his measures and the energy of 
his character, as he resembled him in his public and 
private profusion. The common ancestor of the De 
Choiseuls was Regnier, Comte de Choiseul, who flou- 
rished in 1060. 

The Duke has been described by a contemporary, as 
being "of an excessive ugliness;" but this plainness 
was redeemed by the brilliancy of his eyes and the 
intelligent expression of his countenance. His man- 
ners were gay, flippant and presumptuous. He was 
thoroughly unguarded in his language, and careless 

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16 DFC DE CnOISEUL. [l760. 

whom he oflTended. The Dauphin having complained 
to Louis the Fifteenth of his conduct, Choiseul replied, 
— " That he might have the misfortune to become his 
subject, but that he would never be his servant." His 
wit clever, pointed, and satirical, vented itself in epi- 
grams and bons mots^ and the bitter irony of his remarks 
is said to have suggested to Gresset, the original of 
Cleon, in the comedy of Le Mechant. He commenced 
his career as a soldier, as Gomte de Stainville, and 
acquired much distinction in his profession. 

The favour of Madame de Pompadour turned him 
from war to diplomacy. After obtaining, through her 
influence, the embassies of Rome and Vienna, he suc- 
ceeded, in 1757, Cardinal Bernis as minister of foreign 
affairs. From this period Choiseul became virtually the 
head of the French Cabinet, although he was never 
formally invested with the title of Minister. It was in 
vain that Pitt enfeebled the armies, and annihilated 
the navies of France. Choiseul reinvigorated the one 
and replaced the other, and by his famous " Family 
Compact," in 1761, he united once more against Eng- 
land, the sovereigns of the House of Bourbon. His 
firmness long secured for him the confidence even of 
an unstable and profligate master, while his expulsion 
of the Jesuits in 1764, rendered him the darling of 
the French nation. His name was in every mouth, 
his portrait on every snuff-box. In the following 
extract, from a letter of the Duke of Newcastle to 
Lord Rockingham, 8th of July 1767, we have a con- 
temporary glimpse of Choiseurs renown. "France, 

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1761.] EARL OF HARpM^^ ^- J 5" 

everybody knows, is master of ^aa in. and thos e 
monarchies are as effectually ' Wt^i \^^^0^ 
under one head. The Due de Choiseul, the present 
sole minister^ ahsduie, able^ bddy and enterprising^ and I 
suppose no friend in heart to us. Their army complete 
to a man, well officered, well appointed, and well paid. 
Their trade flourishing everywhere, and encroaching 
upon ours, and I am afraid, after what has passed, their 
credit as stable as ours." 

Choiseul had risen by the favour of one royal mis- 
tress: he owed his fall to the displeasure of another. 
Having by some biting sarcasm offended the notorious 
Madame du Barri, he was, in 1770, driven by her 
intrigues from the capital. His departure was an 
ovation. His exile on his estate at Chantilly thinned 
the halls of Versailles. For all great and good men 
shunned the court of the sovereign, while a splendid 
and select society flocked to the retreat of the banished 
minister. Madame du Deffand has drawn an agreeable 
picture of the retirement of the Due and Duchesse de 
Choiseul; and the Abb^ Barth^lemi has introduced 
them into his " Anacharsis," under the names of Arsane 
and Phedame. 

. If the suffices of contemporaries and posthumous 
history may be accepted as proofs of extraordinary 
merit, Philip Torke, first Earl of Hardwicke, may be 
justly considered a great man. His greatness, indeed, 
had not the glare of Pitt*s reputation; it was rather 
forensic than parliamentary, and more judicial than 
either. His gifts were both natural and acquired. He 

yOL. I. c 

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18 CHARACTER OF [1761. 

had nearly all the qualities of a great orator, and nearly 
every charm of personal demeanour. His manners per- 
haps would have been more attractive if he could have 
acquired a little more ease. But a certain degree of 
stateliness was natural to him. He lived on terms of 
intimate friendship with his sons, yet he would address 
them as " Dear Lord Royston," and " Dear Mr. Yorke." 
As a Judge, his demeanour was perfect. " When Lord 
Hardwicke," said Lord Mansfield — an admirable critic 
of eloquence and law — " pronounced his decrees. Wis- 
dom herself might be supposed to speak.'' His appoint- 
ment to the Great Seal forms an era in our juris- 
prudence He resigned it, indeed, in 1756, but he was 
still regarded as the ministerial leader in the House of 
Lords. George the Second held Lord Hardwicke in 
such esteem, that during his frequent absences from 
England he six times appointed him one of the Lords 
Justices for administering the affairs of Government. 
In the cabinet and on the woolsack he was indeed " a 
counsellor well fitted to advise."' To the strictest 
integrity he added consummate knowledge of the law ; 
to his professional experience he brought acquaintance 
with men and manners, and his skill in foreign politics 
and international jurisprudence equalled his learning in 
the statute book. His eloquence was of the grave, 
deliberative kind. It did not arouse the passions, but it 
convinced the reason of hb audience. His arguments 
were a chain of demonstrations; his illustrations were 
enforced by expressive and handsome features, and by 
dignified and graceful gestures. The moral character 

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of Lord Hardwicke corresponded with his public career; 
he was temperate and consistent. In the bosom of his 
family he was as indulgent and estimable as Pitt him- 
self, while to his friends and colleagues he was more 
equable and trustworthy. His staunch Whig politics 
did not render him a mere partisan. He gave reasons 
for his faith, and indeed inclined rather more to the 
side of Prerogative than was acceptable to some of his 
political associates. A noble, serene, and deeply learned 
man, Lord Hardwicke may be regarded as the most 
able member of the administration which George the 
Third inherited from his predecessor. 

c 2 

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Early in 1759, France declared her intention of 
making a descent upon the British coast. This was 
but the repetition of a menace which, uttered three 
years before, had caused consternation, disaster, and 
disgrace throughout the land, and led to the judicial 
murder of Admiral Byng. But in the interval between 
the first and second threat, the helm of state passed 
from the trembling hands of Newcastle into the firm 
grasp of the elder Pitt. The change soon became 
manifest; a few months after France had made the 
boastful announcement, her troops had been beaten, 
her fleets annihilated, her commerce destroyed, her 
colonies rendered valueless, and her credit reduced 
to so low an ebb that her government was obliged to 
declare itself bankrupt in no less than eleven descrip- 
tions of stock. 

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176 I.J MR. STANLEY. 21 

In this desperate state of affairs, Choiseul sued for 
peace. But Pitt, who thought the prosperity of a 
country depended upon conquests, rather than com- 
merce, and who fully partook of the vulgar prejudice, 
that "France is our natural enemy," turned a deaf 
ear to every offer of accommodation. " Some time be- 
fore, he would," he said, " have been content to bring 
that country on her knees, now he would not rest till 
he had laid her on her back." * All further attempts 
at negociation were, in consequence, for a time aban- 
doned; but, in the spring of 1761, Choiseul, encouraged 
by the pacific declaration of George the Third, made 
another effort to bring hostilities to a close. His over- 
tures were favourably received by the pacific section of 
the Cabinet, t who were all agreed as to the expediency 
of closing a war which had outlived its original objects, 
and who so far prevailed, as to appoint three commis- 
sioners for a general congress, to arrange that ministers 
should be sent from the respective Courts of London and 
France, to settle the preliminaries of peace. Augsburgh 
was the proposed place of meeting for the commissioners. 

Hans Stanley, of Paul ton's Park, New Forest, J the 
negociator on the part of England, was grandson of 
Sir Hans Sloane, the founder of the British Museum. 
He was a man of awkward appearance, ungracious 

♦ Walpole. 

t The Dukes of Newcastle, Bedford, and Devonshire, Lords Hard- 
wicke, Mansfield, and Granville, &c, 

i Mr. William Sloane Stanley, the present possessor of Paulton's 
Park, is great nephew of Mr. Hans Stanley. 

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22 ABB£ DE BUSSY. [1761. 

manners, irascible temper, and eccentric habits. Yet he 
possessed considerable talents and acquirements. Lady 
Hervey describes him as "a very ingenious, sensible, 
knowing, conversable person, and what is still better, 
a worthy, honest, valuable man." In the Chatham 
administration he was appointed Ambassador to St. 
Petersburgh. He continued to hold some office or 
other till 1780, when he was displaced. This treat- 
ment so preyed upon his mind that he put a period 
to his existence. 

The French minister, the Abbe de Bussy, was one 
of the senior clerks of the French Foreign Office. He 
had, on a former occasion, been sent by his court on 
a mission to George the Second, whom he greatly 
disgusted by the impertinence of his manners. The 
King once asking him " Is there anything new in 
Paris?" Bussy flippantly replied, "Yes! Sire, there 
is a frost." The Abb^ was adroit, persuasive, and 
thoroughly conversant with business. He had formerly 
been private secretary to the Due de Richelieu. He 
was a short, thickset, deformed little man, and had the 
nickname of Bussy Ragotin^ to distinguish him from 
Dupleix's coadjutor in the Carnatic, who was called 
Bussy Butiuj and from Madame de S^vigne's agree- 
able cousin and correspondent, the Comte de Bussy 

Beyond the appointment of these negociators, the 
peace party in the cabinet were unable to make any 
udvance. Two days before the bearer of the French 
olive-branch arrived in London, Pitt dispatched a large 


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armament under the joint command of Major-General 
Hodgson and Commodore Keppel, to Belleisle, in order 
to eflfect the reduction of that island. " The plan," 
says Walpole, " was by many believed calculated solely 
to provoke the Court of France, and to break off the 
negociation.'** The language of the great war-minister 
breathed the same spirit in the Cabinet and in the 
royal closet, as in his public acts and demonstrations.' 
In a letter to Lord Hardwicke, dated the 15th of 
April, 1761, the Duke of Newcastle gives an ac- 
count of a long audience of Mr. Pitt with the King. 
After stating that his great rival's conduct was ^^as 
bad, as unjust, as hostile, and as impracticable as 
ever came even from him," the Duke thus pro- 
ceeds: — 

" When he (Pitt) came out he told me part of it, 
and his Majesty told me the rest. Mr. Pitt said he 
had laid his thoughts fully before the King; that he 
had told his Majesty that he did by no means think 
ill of the state of the war; that he was far from doing 
it with regard to the war in Germany ; that he thought 
the total destruction of the French in the East Indies, 
the probability of taking Martinico, and the effect 
this expedition to Belleisle might have; as weU as 
the probable events of this campaign^ would enable us to 
gel a peace which should secure to u^ all Canada^ Cape 
Breton^ the islands^ the harbours^ the fisheries^ and par^ 
iictdarh/ the conclusive fisliery of Newfoundland; that if 
he was even capable of signing a treaty without it, 
* " Geo. in. i. 56." 

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he should be sorry he had ever got again the use of 
his right hand, which use he had but just recovered; 
and went on railing at the Commissariat as the occasion 
of all our misfortune. 

'^ The King said, he was sure I had done my part, and 
when Mr. Pitt talked of an inquiry, the King said he 
knew I had given strict orders for a strict inquiry to 
be made. He then told the King his scheme of peace. 
His Majesty understood him, as I did, to mean that 
he should at first acquaint the French Minister, who is 
expected here, that these are the terms from which we 
will not depart His Majesty reasoned strongly with 
him against making any such declaration ... I with- 
drew fully satisfied with the King and myself, but more 
sensible of the injustice and ingratitude of Mr. Pitt 
than ever man was. I told the King, whenever any 
measure of his own (Pitt's) miscarried he would fling 
the blame upon anybody to get off himself — King of 
Prussia, Elector of Hanover, or any other person what- 
ever. Mr. Pitt talked strange stuff to me. Upon the 
whole, I look upon all he said to me for a menace, in 
which he will be greatly disappointed; but at the same 
time I see what I am to expect from him and his blood- 

In the course of the negociations, France proposed to 
guarantee Canada to England, and, in return for this 
concession, desired a confirmation of the same privilege 
of fishing on the coast of Newfoundland, that had been 
enjoyed by her subjects under the treaty of Utrecht; 
that Cape Breton should be restored as an ahri or point 

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1761.] FOR PEACE. 25 

of refuge for their fishermen. Upon this proposal the 
Duke of Newcastle writes as follows to the Earl of 
Hardwicke : — 

"August 7th, 1761. 
. ** The method I would propose to your consideration is 
this, that after M. Bussy has received and executed his 
orders, and Mr. Pitt has had Mr. Stanley's full account 
and obsenrations which he has promised, we should 
propose to state our real tdtimatum^ which we should 
make as low and as near to that we may judge would 
be accepted as possible. The great point is that of the 
fisheries; the rest, I think, may be accommodated. 

** Whether there is a right to fish in the Gulf of 
St. Lawrence, or whether that part of the sea is pro- 
perly called Mare Clatmcm or Mare Liberuniy^ I can't 
pretend to say, but it is what Mr. Pitt has ever been 
fencing against, and is, to be sure, in itself a consider- 
able question in point of interest and navigation. The 
next point is the giving some unfortified place, a port 
in those seas as a place of refreshment or refuge for 
their seamen. 

'* But the great point to be thoroughly weighed and 
considered is what will, what must be the consequence 
of our breaking oflF this negociation for peace, and 
continuing this dangerous and expensive war, and 
whether after many more millions spent, and many 
thousand more valuable lives lost, we may not be in 
a condition to accept a much worse peace than we even 

* This is in allusion to two celebrated treatises by Selden and 
Grotius in the preceding century. 

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now may have, and infinitely worse than we might have 
had three years ago." 

At the same time that M. de Bussy presented the 
French tdtimaium to onr Grovernment, he wrote to Mr. 
Pitt to beg for a conference upon its contents. The 
British Minister drew up an answer to the application, 
and laid it before the Cabinet Council on the 13th 
of the month; " Not," writes the Duke of Devonshire, 
^^ as a document to be deliberated upon, but as a 
decision to be adopted."* 

This statement is confirmed in the following letter, 
which furnishes a forcible illustration of the haughty 
tone which Pitt habitually adopted towards such of his 
colleagues as happened to differ from him. 


"Grosvenor Square, August 15th, 1761. 
*' Tired with the attendance of two very long dis- 
agreeable days, I sit down to thank you for your kind 
letter of the 11th. Our first meeting was on Thursday 
(13th), when we sat from half-an-hour past one till 
half-an-hour past seven; and yesterday (14th), from 
two till half-an-hour after five. Very stormy they 

were ; but we rid out the tempest. Mr. P had no 

conference with Bussy, though the latter had asked 
one by letter.^ The reasons assigned for declining it, 

« Wifien's House of Russell, ii. 472. 

t "M. de Bussy to Mr. Pitt. August 5th, 1761 : — If your 

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1761.] to LORD ROYSTON. 27 

were taken from some passages in the letter, relative to 
the return of the French memorial concerning Spain, and 
of the other concerning the King of Prussia's countries 
and places conquered by the arms of France ;* but more 
particularly by reason of a strong complaint made of 
the * Ton imp6ratif et pen fait pour la negotiation,' 
used in the letter, sending back those two memorials, 
and in the paper of points. We know that the draught 
of Bussy's letter was transmitted to him in heec verba by 
the Due de Choiseul, with orders to send it as it was. 
You guess who was much hurt by this ; though in my 
conscience, I think the balaiK^e of words is still on our 
side. After much altercation, and some thumps of the 
fist on the table, it was at last carried (on my motion), 
that the conference should be had ; but not without an 
answer to Bussy's letter, by which the interview was 
to be appointed. The meeting of yesterday was pro- 
fessedly upon the draught of that answer. It was 
produced : much too long and too irritating, f Several 
objections were humbly made, and strongly supported ; 
but not a word would be parted with. * We would not 
suffer our draught to be cobbled!' Neither side 
receded, but it will go as drawn. If, after this letter, 

excellency is desirous of having a conference with me on the subject 
of the ultimatum, I will attend your commands." — Par. Hist. xv. 

* French Ultimatum. — " As to what concerns Wesel, Gueldres, 
and other countries in Westphalia^ belonging to the King of Prussia, 
which are actually in the possession of the Empress Queen, the King 
(of France) cannot stipulate to surrender the conquests of his allies." 
— Par. Hist. •<* See Parliamentary History, xv. 1069. 

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28 CHARACTER OF [1761. 

Bussy Agrees to the conference without fresh orders 
from his Court, I shall think it a good sign, that 
France has no mind to break off the negociation. 
A long letter was read from your friend Stanley,* of 
just half a quire of folio paper, in a close hand. It 
is a very able one, though with a mixture of flights 
and improprieties. But he says in so many words, 
that he is absolutely convinced and sure, that the 
French Court will as soon part with a province of 
old France, as with the entire fishery^ and that he is 
no more attended to when he talks upon that subject, 
than if he talked of Japan. M. de Choiseul says he 
should be pulled to pieces in the streets of Paris. 
There are also some civil but strong observations upon 
the style of his principal,! which you may be sure con- 
tributed not a little to the ill-humour. I remember Sir 
Robert Walpole used to say that two nations might be 
writ into a war, and so I think they may into per- 
petuating a war." 

All the members of the Whig cabinet were opposed 
to this warlike policy, with the exception of Pitt 
himself, and his brother-in-law Lord Temple. But 
the real, if not the acknowledged leader of the advocates 
of peace, was John Russell, fourth Duke of Bedford. 
Upon him alone the loud thunders and supercilious 
bearing of the great commoner, made no impression. 

♦ "Article IV. of the answer of the British Minister to the 
ultimatum of France." — See Par. Hist. xv. 1065. 
t Mr. Pitt. 

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" When they wanted to combat Pitt,'" says Horace 
Walpole, "they always summoned the Duke of Bedford/' 
The noble author of the Reform Bill, has, I think, suc- 
cessfully rescued his great grandfather's reputation 
from the virulence of Junius and other assailants. 
For that yirulence, there were at the time many pre- 
texts. The Duke's character presented several points 
of attack to his adversaries. His abilities were rather 
solid than brilliant. He was an inelegant speaker; 
although, in tHe opinion of an admirable judge of par- 
liamentary eloquence,* "he was not without some reason* 
ing matter, and method." But neither by his oratory 
nor by his pen was he qualified to demolish argulnent, 
or to blunt and intimidate invective. He filled with 
credit to himself, many of the highest offices in the state, 
and while at the head of the Admiralty, contributed 
greatly to improve the efficiency of the navy. His 
feelings were naturally warm ; but neither in friendship 
nor in enmity was he very discriminating. He was 
more under the influence of domestic and social pre^ 
possessions, than was quite salutary for his public 
character : for his relations were Tories, and his com- 
panions profligates, and the prejudices and excesses of 
his own circle reacted upon his own estimation with the 
world. Hence the Duke of Bedford was often held re- 
sponsible for errors of conduct from which he was him- 
self really exempt. In his case, the proverb " noscitur 
ex sociis,'' was applied in its full extent, and to his 
general disadvantage. Partly through the vices im- 
« Chesterfield. 

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puted to him, and partly from his facility in adopting 
the tone of his companions, he became one of the most 
unpopular men of his day. Prior to his departure 
for his embassy, he was hooted by the mob, and as he 
was getting into the boat at Brighton, that was to 
convey him to the packet, some one in the crowd called 
out, " It is not the first time he has turned his back 
on Old England." 

In two respects posterity will judge of the Duke more 
impartially than his contemporaries couM do. He was 
not, like them, dazzled by the glare of war, and he 
held doctrines analogous to those of free trade. Thus 
the very opinions which render his descendant and 
namesake "so known, so honoured" by his country- 
men in these our times, were the source of obloquy 
and misrepresentation to the "John Russell" of the 
eighteenth century. 

Indignant at the dictation to which the Duke of 
Bedford had been subjected in the two " long disagree- 
able days " to which Lord Hardwicke refers, his grace 
declared his determination of taking no Airther part 
in deliberations upon which there was to be no exercise 
of private judgment. A like assurance was made by 
the Duke of Devonshire, and on the 17th of August 
the Duke of Newcastle apprises Lord Hardwicke of his 
resolution to desire the King's leave to retire from 

" The manner," continues the Duke, " and matter 
used and agitated in all our late meetings, the deter- 
mined resolution to carry on this dangerous and ex- 

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1761.] TO LORD HARDWICRB. • 31 

pensive war, without considering how or with whom; 
the treatment that the greatest and most respectable 
persons meet with, if they presume to diflTer with any 
thing that has been done, or shall be proposed, and 
the making personal points of what ought to be free, 
cool, and deliberate debate and consideration amongst 
those whom his Majesty has appointed for that purpose 
— this conduct has, and will drive every person from the 
Council who is at liberty to go. The Duke of Bedford 
has already taken the resolution to come no more. 
The Duke of Devonshire the same, after the present 
consideration of the peace be over, which will now be 
very soon at an end. Your lordship (my great and first 
adviser and assistant there) will not, I conclude, come 
oftener than shall be absolutely necessary. My Lord 
Mansfield, I conclude the same. In what situation and 
with whom alone should I then be» if I was weak enough 
to remain in my present station. 

^^ But that which has determined me is this. I doubt 
the possibility of finding twenty millions (and less would 
not be sufficient) for carrying on the war another year. 
I see the dreadful consequences to the public, if it 
could be done, for it must be at such an interest as 
must afiect for ever the proprietors of above one hun- 
dred millions in our Funds; and this, in my opinion, 
with less chance of obtaining a good peace at the 
end of the year 1762, than (if we had temper and 
good disposition) there is even, at the present time; 
and that, I think, is clearly Mr. Stanley's opinion." 

Although the Court had not deviated from its in- 

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tention of getting rid of the Whig Administration, it 
was most anxious to prevent their retirement at this 
critical juncture. Lord Bute told Dodington, in the 
early part of this year, he was not for pushing them 
yet, for if the peace was a bad one, as it must be, 
they would certainly proclaim that it was owing to 
their dismission, because they were not suffered to bring 
the great work to a happy conclusion, to whom the 
glorious successes which had hitherto attended their 
conducting it were entirely to be attributed.* In ac- 
cordance with these views the King made it a personal 
request to the Duke of Bedford that he would attend 
the Cabinet Council in which the British vltimatum 
was to be presented, and " the Duke was apprised that 
after much discourse with Lord Bute, he would not 
differ with them (the peace party) in the next dis- 
cussion, but yield the opinion he had formerly ex- 
pressed." f The Court was alarmed into this concession 
by a dinner at Newcastle House, of which the Duke of 
Bedford had partaken. J 

Accordingly we shall find that at the next meeting 
of the Cabinet there was a considerable abatement in 
the tone previously adopted by the advocates for war. 

♦ Diary, p. 433. 

t Wiffen's House of Russell, iii. 474. 

X^ Wiffen. 

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" GroBvenor Square, August 22nd, 1761. 

' Hi mot us animorum atque heec certamina tanta, 
Temporis exigui spatio suspensa quiescunt'* 

" We had two meetings this week ; the same persons 
present. All was calm and decent. The great points 
of liberty to fish in the Gulf of St. Lawrence, and an 
abri. Many speeches. At last, both agreed to by ali. 
Those who had the most violently opposed, professing to 
acquiesce in the opinions of others for the sake of 
preserving unanimity in the King's council, 

" For your clearer information, I enclose two papers : 
one^ a short abstract, wherein you will see, in one view, 
wherein we and France have hitherto agreed, and 
wherein we differed. The other, not^Sy which I put 
down to assist my own memory, and from which I 
spoke. Tou need not trouble yourself to send them 
back; but bring them with you when you come to 
town. It is also agreed to speak clearly now about 
Dunkirk being put on the foot of the Treaty of Aix, 
and the liberty of fishing and drying fish on Newfound- 
land, according to the thirteenth article of the Treaty 

♦ It is hardly necessary to point out the little freedom which 
Lord Hardwicke has taken with Virgil : — 

Hi motus animorum atque haec certamina tanta^ 
Pidtferis exigm Jactu eampressa quiescunt. 

Virg, Georg. iv. 86-7. 

VOL. I. D 

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of Utrecht. It has also been agreed with the bonne 
foi of the French king's declaration about Nieu- 
port and Ostend; and that each side (after our par- 
ticular Peace made) may assist their respective allies 
in money only. Thus far is settled, and we meet on 
Monday to fix the particular place for the ahri^ which 
does require information and consideration. I suppose 
the despatch to your friend may go on Wednesday. 
Whether this will do now, I don't pretend to prophesy, 
but I believe it would have done some time ago. Much 
will now turn upon the boasted union with Spain, 
which I fear has gone a great way. I should have told 
you, the conference between Mr. P(itt) and B(ussy) was 
had, but that did not advance the negociation much. 
Mr. P.'s letter to Mons. B. was sent as drawn; to which 
B., in his answer, only says, that he should make no 
observation upon it, than to say, that, on consideration, 
he judged it best to leave it to his Court to determine 
whether any answer at all, and if so, what answer 
should be given to it; insinuating that the letter 
would have warranted him to write to his Court for 
further orders before he took his conference. They 
seem to endeavour to chicane about the limits of 
Canada on the side of the Ohio. Here we stand at 

In the early stage of the negociations, France, not 
content with sending in to the British government her 
own memorial of propositions, forwarded also one from 
the Court of Madrid. Adolphus infers from this step, 

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that the French ministers were not " sincere '* in their 
wish for peace. It is possible that the Court of Ver- 
sailles, rather than submit to the terms which we have 
seen Pitt was inclined to impose,* might have hoped 
that another campaign would have rendered the British 
cabinet more reasonable; but it is hardly to be supposed 
that France, wholly exhausted in her resources, would, 
even with the aid of an additional ally, have wished 
for a continuance of hostilities, or that Spain, entirely 
dependent on her distant colonies for her revenue, would 
have been desirous to embroil herself with the " Mistress 
of the Seas." The characters, indeed, of the persons 
possessing the principal influence in those countries are 
opposed to the historian's hypothesis. 

The sensual Louis regarded, as is well known, all 
business connected with the war as a disagreeable inter- 
ruption to that course of licentiousness into which he 
had plunged. Madame de Pompadour, the reigning 
favourite, was a friend to peace and England. To 
the Duke of Choiseul, " peace," as Mr. Wiflin properly 
observes, " was almost as necessary as to Lord Bute ; 
for, though he enjoyed the entire confidence of his 
sovereign, he had potent enemies, and the rupture of 
a treaty so necessary to the treasury, and the repose of 
France, would have been fatal to his credit, and, indeed, 
existence as a minister. Then as to Charles the Third, 
though sovereign of Spain, and resenting the indignities 
which England had heaped upon him as £ing of the 
Two Sicilies; yet, being a wise, humane, and prudent 

♦ See page 28, line 1 9. 

D 2 

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prince, he would hardly have wished for a war that 
must have put a stop to those plans of internal improve- 
ment, which he had been so anxious to introduce into 
his country ; while his minister, Don Ricardo Wall, had 
created himself enemies for his supposed partiality 
towards English interests. 

The most natural conclusion appears to be, that 
France, anxious to avoid the mortifying concessions 
which would have sunk her in the scale of nations, 
sought the Spanish alliance, in the hope that England, 
from the fear of involving herself in a new war, might 
be induced to relax the rigour of her conditions. These 
expectations may have been strengthened by the pacific 
professions of the King and Lord Bute. Unfortunately, 
for all the countries concerned, the course adopted by 
France was productive of exactly contrary effects — 
although the memorial from Spain was immediately 
withdrawn, and the Court of Versailles disclaimed all 
intention of offence, Mr. Pitt's resentment, so far from 
being appeased, turned into a fresh channel. He ap- 
peared to be now determined to lay Spain " on her 
back," as well as France, and instructed Lord Bristol 
to make the strongest remonstrances against a memo- 
rial which, as he termed it, " best spoke its own 

To Mr. Pitt's angry representations, the Spanish 
minister replied with much temper and moderation; 
declared that the King of Spain was " absolutely free 
from the least offence to His Majesty, and, indeed, 
appeared disposed to set aside every claim which the 

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national pride of his master would allow him to con- 

These conciliatory advances were not, however, pro- 
ductive of an amicable adjustment. On the 18th of 
September, Mr, Pitt laid before the Cabinet intelligence 
which he had received of a secret treaty recently 
concluded between France and Spain. Conceiving the 
articles of this treaty to be adverse to the interests of 
Great Britain, he proposed to commence a series of 
hostile operations against Spain, and submitted a plan 
of them to the Council. These proposals bearing the 
signatures of himself and Lord Temple, became the sub- 
ject of anxious discussion in the secret conclaves of the 
advocates for peace, and of stormy debate in the three 
Cabinet Councils which assembled to consider them. 


"September 21st, 1761. 

" Mr. Pitt brought his paper, or rather protest, this 
day to the King, and offered it to his Majesty, who 
declined accepting it. My Lord Bute was present, 
and said, *As you. Sir, have given your reasons, and 
those of Lord Temple, for your opinion, it is but rea- 
sonable that those who dissent from you should give 
theirs also.' And I think it was agreed that Mr. 
Pitt's paper should be inserted in the minute with 
our dissent. 

" The King said to Mr. Pitt that he would take no 
resolution with regard to Spain till Mr. Stanley was 

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arrived, for he believed he might give some necessary 
lights with regard to Spain. Mr. Pitt seemed sur- 
prised, but said nothing. 

" When he came to Council (my Lord Mansfield, who 
had been very ill in the night, was there), Mr. Pitt 
resumed the debate, so far as related to the paper, to 
which he was determined to adhere. 

" Lord Bute spoke, and mentioned with great respect 
your Lordship's absence, and my Lord President's, 
which, added to the use that might be had in seeing 
Mr. Stanley, was a reason for putting off this con- 
sideration. Mr. Pitt replied, that he had heard all 
that the most able men could say. He had not de- 
parted from his first opinion, and should not; neither 
did he see any use that Mr. Stanley could be of. Lord 
Bute named the King as wishing to have Stanley 
here, before his Majesty came to any decision. The 
Duke of Devonshire and myself spoke strongly in ad- 
hering to our former opinions. The Duke of Devon- 
shire proposed the orders to be sent to Lord Bristol, 
to require an explanation what the intentions of Spain 
were, and to enter into the expedient proposed about 
the logwood; but, at all events, in case of an unsatis- 
factory answer, my Lord Bristol should immediately 
come away. Lord Mansfield spoke long, not veiy 
dearly^ but rather on our side, laying it down that 
it did not appear to him what operations could be un- 
dertaken against Spain that would suffer by the delay. 

" That gave Mr. Pitt a great advantage, to expatiate 
upon his great schemes, and the almost certainty of the 

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success against the united force of the House of Bour- 
bon ; but then there was not an hour to be lost. 

" Lord M — replied, that * if that was the case, it 
would then appear in a very different light,' and plainly 
made fair weather with Mr. Pitt. 

" My Lord Bute mentioned his behaviour to me after- 
wards, and said, * My lord^ thai is the man.^ * Mr. Pitt 
adhered to his paper, said he would not execute any 
other measure, and insinuated that the other Secretary 
of State might do it. f Mr. Pitt lamented his situation, 
repented of the difficulties he had been led into by the 
French negociaiion, and was determined now to abide 
by his own opinion. He spoke very long, very well, 
and very determined, but with great politeness and 
candour. His brother-in-law % was the very reverse ; 
he spoke long, indeed, very pompously, very passionate, 
very ill-bred, but very determined; and showed plainly 
that their party was rather to quit, or at least to have 
no share in any measure but their own. 

" My Lord Temple was very abusive, and said he 
thought ' some of the company had paid dear for their 
whistle, rekupatmu^ I took this up, I hope, with 
spirit, and I think, to the satisfaction of my friends. 
The meeting ended ; adjourned, as it were, sine die^ for 
Stanley ; and Mr. Pitt gave his papers in form to my 
Lord Bute, to be delivered to the King. After all was 
over, my Lord Bute, the Duke of Devonshire, and I had 

• Note by second Lord Hardwicke : — " Yet Lord Bute made 
great use of him afterwards." 

t Lord Bute. it £arl Temple. 

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a most material conference, which they desired I would 
communicate to your Lordship. The Duke of Devon- 
shire and I declared that no consideration or threat 
from Mr. Pitt should make us depart from our opinion. 
My Lord Bute said we were right; that the thing was 
over; that after what had passed, Mr. Pitt and my 
Lord Temple would not stay. Besides, if Mr. Pitt 
would execute nothing but his own paper, business 
could not go on, and, therefore, he would concert with 
us what was to be done. 

** We both said that, without departing from our 
opinion, we wished anything might be done to keep 
Mr. Pitt; my Lord Bute said that was impossible." 


" Newcastle House, September 23rd, 1761. 
*' The King with great difficulty made Mr. Pitt leave 
this letter * with his Majesty, and his Majesty was so 
good as to show it to me and to the Duke of Devonshire. 
The substance of it, to the best of my memory was, that 
he Duke de Choiseul had sent his sister, Madame de 
Grammontf to him, Stanley, to desire that the nego- 

* From Mr. Stanley. 

t Beatrix de Choiseul Stain ville married in 1759 the Due de 
Grammont. The duchess was a portly Amazon, with a florid com- 
plexion, small sparkling eyes, a rough voice, and haughty, overbearing 
manners. " Wonderfully agreeable,'* says Walpole, " when she 
pleased ; a vehement friend ; rude and insolent enemy." For thirty 
years her salons were the resort of all that was witty and gay in 
Paris. She had an almost unbounded influence over her brother. 

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elation might not be broken off; that he, Choiseul, was 
sincere for peace ; that the affairs of Spain should not 
prevent it, or should be dropped; and that if we, Eng- 
land, meant sincerely peace, and not to justify ourselves 
to the public upon the measures we had taken, he, 
Choiseul, would sincerely concert with us the measures 
to be taken jointly with regard to our respective allies 
in Crermany. Stanley also says, * I have this not only 
from the Duke de Choiseul's sister, but from M. Choi- 
seul's enemies, and from some of the highest rank and 
distinction^' whom the King very rightly observed to me 
was from the Prince de Conti,* from whose house Mr. 

Her memory stands charged with having availed herself of that in- 
fluence to promote the unjust accusation against General Lally, and 
to confirm the iniquitous and cruel sentence of death pronounced upon 
that brave but unfortunate officer. The duchess became, in her turn, 
the victim of a sentence equally iniquitous and cruel, as that which 
she had instigated. In April, 1794, she was dragged with her friend, 
la Duchesse du Chlltelet, before the bloody tribunal of Fouquier 
Tinville. She was accused of harbouring aristocrats. She haughtily 
replied, that she would not tell a lie to save her life. At length, 
turning round on her judge, she said, — ** Que ma mort soit decidee, 
9ela ne m*etonne pas, j*ai en quelque sort occupe Tattention du public, 
quoique je ne me sois jamais m^le d*aucune afFaire depuis le com- 
mencement de la revolution, mes principes et ma mani^re de penser 
sent connus ; mais," continued she, pointing to Madame de Ch&telet, 
*' pour cet ange, en quoi vous a-t-elle ofiens^ ? elle qui n'a jamais fait 
tort k personne et dont la vie enti^ n*ofiTe qu'un tableau de vertu et 
de bienfaisance." Both were led from the tribunal to the scaffold. 

* Louis Fran9ois de Bourbon was bom in 1717, and succeeded his 
&ther as Prince de Conti in 1725. At the age of eighteen he entered 
the army, and made his first campaign with Marshal Belleisle. In 
1 744 he was sent with twenty thousand French troops to co-operate 
with the Spaniards in the conquest of Piedmont. At the battle of 

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Stanley dates his letter. I find by the King that these 
letters have made no impression upon Mr. Pitt, though 
they have made a great one upon his Majesty and Lord 
Bute. The King seemed so provoked and so weary, that 
his Majesty was inclined to put an end, at all events, to 
the uncertainty about Mr. Pitt. I told my Lord Bute 
of it, who admitted what I said to him, but observed 
very rightly, that the King went too fast. He said, 
Mr. Pitt had given in his opinion in writing to the 
King, which the King showed me this day. It is signed 

Temple (P.S.) 
W. Pitt." 

Coni he had his cuirass pierced in two places, and two horses shot 
under him. He served subsequently in Germany and Flanders. He 
returned to Paris at the time of the peace, devoted himself to litera- 
ture, and associated with the most distinguished men of letters of his 
day. Some of his poetry has been preserved. Siding with those who 
were in opposition to the measures of the Court, the Prince incurred 
the displeasure of Louis the Fifteenth, who nicknamed him " mon 
cousin Tavocat." " The Prince of Conti," writes Lord Tavistock to 
his father in 1 764, '* has gained great credit in the affairs of the par- 
liament this winter, and continues very full of employment." * In 
the following reign he supported the parliaments in their opposition to 
the economical reforms of Turgot. It is said that shortly before his 
death (which happened in 1776), he caused his coffin to be brought 
to him, and caused himself to be placed in it to see how it would fit 
'* He was,** says Walpole, *' handsome and royal in his figure, gracious 
at times, but arrogant, overbearing, luxurious, and expensive.'* 

* Bedford Correspondence, iii. 260. 

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" Claremont, September 26th, 1761. 

" The lords, without exception, that is, our friends, 
have all been severally with the King, and have spoken 
their opinions boldly to his Majesty. The King told me 
nobody spoke stronger than my Lord Mansfield; and 
his Majesty is much pleased with my Lord Halifax. 
I am sorry to acquaint you, that yesterday a second 
letter was received from Mr. Stanley (copies of which I 
here enclose, and beg that you will return them to me) ; 
that Stanley y contrary to his declaration in his last letter 
of tjie 25<A, is coming away without either waiting for, 
or putting M. Choiseul in mind of the memoricd he 
promised us. I suppose he thought his orders were too 
strong for him to dare to disobey them. 

" Mr. Pitt saw the King yesterday, but said not one 
word upon Stanley's letter. He triumphs much upon 
Grimaldi^s letter ^"^ and I suppose mil do no more upon that 
very remarkable compression in Stanley's, * when Spain 
declares war, I suspect an attack upon PortugaV This, 
my Lord Bute says, supposes a resolution in Spain to 

* The Marquis Geronimo Grimaldi was at this time ambassador 
from the King of Spain to the Court of Versailles. He was a member 
of a noble Genoese fiEunily. He had been originally intended for the 
church, and received his education at Rome. In the time of Philip 
the Fifth, he was the representative of his native republic at the 
Court of Madrid, where he was known as the handsome Abbe. 
There he so wormed himself into the good graces of the King, as to 
be retained in his service. Before he went to Paris^ he had been 
sent bj the Court of Madrid in a diplomi^ic capacity to Sweden and 

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declare war. But, however unfortunate that may be, 
it by no means justifies Mr. Pitt's advice, * To break 
first with tliem.^ Tlie King seems every day more 
offended with Mr. Pitt, and plainly wants to get rid of 
him at aU events.'' 

On the 20th of September, Mr. Stanley demanded 
his passports, and shortly afterwards arrived in Eng- 
land. The Duke of Newcastle thus announces to Lord 
Hardwicke his conference with the late envoy. 

"October Ist, 1761. Thursday morning. 

" I HAVE had a very long, dry, and fruitless conver- 
sation with my friend Stanley, the whole tending to 
war and not peace. Former facts abridged by him, 
softened, and not quite verified, and supported; pre- 
sent dispositions stated in a favourable light for the 
views and measures of those who diifer with us. 

" I send your lordship, for your consideration^ before 
I see you, a note I took of what passed with my Lord 
Mansfield, relating to what we should do at our 
meeting to-morrow."' 

Holland. On his return from his French embassy, he was, at the 
nomination of Choiseul, appointed minister of foreign afiairs in 
the place of Don Ricardo Wall. Grimaldi appears to have been a 
man of very inferior capacity. Choiseul, who acquired a great 
ascendancy over him, induced him to sacrifice the interests of Spain 
to those of France. But for his mismanagement the Havannah 
need not have been placed in jeopardy. The Duke of Bedford in 
his correspondence speaks of Grimaldrs intrigues, and of his hostile 
disposition towards England, 

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- [The following note upon this letter is by the second 
Lord Hardwicke.] 

" After Mr. Pitt was out, Mr. Stanley did say clearly, 
and to myself, that he thought his manner of negociat- 
ing, spoilt the peace, and that France, though humbled 
and weakened, was still a power which had an exist- 
ence in the world. H.'^ 

The "meeting to-morrow,'^ alluded to in the fore- 
going letter, was summoned for the purpose of giving 
a final answer to Mr. Pitt's proposition. With the 
exception of the great war-minister, and his brother- 
in-law. Lord Temple, the cabinet was opposed to an 
immediate declaration of hostilities with Spain. Mr. 
Pitt, on this decision of his colleagues, declared " this 
to be the last time he should sit in that council. He 
thanked the ministers of the late King for their sup- 
port; said he was himself called to the ministry by 
the voice of the people, to whom he considered himself 
as accountable for his conduct, and that he would 
no longer remain in a situation which made him re- 
sponsible for measures he was no longer allowed to 
guide.''* On the 5th of October, accordingly, he re- 
signed his office, and his example was followed two 
days afterwards, by Lord Temple. 

Mr. Pitf s secession, and his motives for it, appear 

to have been foreseen by more than one person. " Your 

lordship must remember," writes Bubb Dodington to 

Lord Bute, "some months ago, I said I thought Mr. 

♦ Annual Register, 1761, p. 43. 

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Pitt would never make peace, because he could never 
make such a peace, as he had taught the nation to 
expect."* Soame Jenynsf makes a similar remark in 

* Adolphus' History of England, App. vi. p, 481. 

t Soame Jenyns, the poet, M.P. for Cambridge, a friend and neigh- 
bour of Lord Hardwicke, whose children he frequently made the 
subjects of his muse ; hence Walpole calls him " the poet laureate of 
the Yorkes." This agreeable writer was bom in 1 703. During Sir 
Robert Walpole's administration he was appointed a Lord of Trade, 
but having a great dislike to party distinctions, was allowed to hold 
his appointment under every succeeding minister, until the Board 
itself was abolished. ' His writings in prose and poetry spread over 
almost the wholfe^ field of literature, comprising, amongst many other 
topics, Essays onj theology, metaphysics, politics, and dancing. In 
private life, Jenyns was a man of much sweetness of temper. 
He had a lively and pleasant turn of wit ; his conversation was 
sparkling, " and," according to the Rev. Mr. Cole, " full of merry 
conceits and agreeable drollery, which was heightened by his inarticu- 
late mtoner of speaking through his broken teeth." ** He was," says 
Richard jDumberland, '* the man who bore his part in all societies, 
with the most even temper and undisturbed hilarity, of all the good 
companions I ever knew. He came into your house at the very 
moment you had put upon your card ; he dressed himself, to do your 
party honour, in all the colours of the jay ; his lace, indeed, had long 
since lost its lustre, but his coat had faithfully retained its cut ever 
since the days when gentlemen wore embroidered figured velvets, 
with short sleeves, boot cuffs, and buckram skirts. As Nature cast 
him in the exact mould of an ill-made pair of stiff stays, he followed 
her so close in the fashion of his coat, that it was doubted whether he 
did not wear them ; because he had a protuberant wen just under his 
pole, he wore a wig that did not cover above half his head. His eyes 
were protruded like the eyes of the lobster, who wears them at the end 
of his feelers ; and yet there was room between one of these and his 
nose for another wen, that added nothing to his beauty. Yet I heard 
this good man very innocently remark, when Gibbon published his 
History, that he wondered anybody so ugly could write a book." — 
Memoirs, 4to, 247-8. 

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the following extract from one of his letters to Lord 
Royston : — 

" I am not much surprised at the intended resigna- 
tion, because I was always satisfied, that sooner or later, 
it must happen. Your lordship must remember, that I 
have often said Mr. P(itt) never would or could agree 
to any peace, but that he must push things so despe- 
rately, that no one could follow him, and then make 
that an excuse for quitting, when he found it impossible 
to go on ; every event since, has confirmed me in this 
opinion, and I am certain that it is not in his power to 
act now on any other plan.'' 

When Mr. Pitt quitted the government, the Court 
resolved he should leave his character behind him. 
Unconnected by birth with any of the old Whig families, 
the source of his power lay in the affections of the 
people. His haughty bearing towards the late sove- 
reign, had long excluded him from that place in the 
administration, which in public opinion he was en- 
titled to fill. This proscription had obtained for him 
a high reputation for independence, while his refusal 
to appropriate, when paymaster of the forces, the emo- 
luments of his office, bad produced an opinion highly 
favourable to his disinterestedness. To destroy his cha- 
racter for these two qualities, the Court persuaded 
him to accept the barony of Chatham for his wife Lady 
Hester Pitt, and an annuity of three thousand pounds 
a-year for three lives for himself. In the first instance, 
he appears to have been duped by these insidious boons, 
for, in his interview with the King, to give ug the seals, 

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he was so overcome by the apparent graciousness of 
his reception, that he declared he did not come prepared 
for such exceeding goodness, and burst into tears; and 
in a letter to Lord Bute, in which he desires his lordship 
"to lay him at the royal feet,'' he declares himself 
" penetrated with the bounteous favour of a most benign 
sovereign and master." But he cannot long have 
doubted the design of the Court, for they inserted in 
the same gazette, his resignation of the seals, and his 
acceptance of the peerage and pension. Further to im- 
pugn the aggressive policy on which he grounded his 
resignation, they added an article from Spain, setting 
forth the pacific intentions of that country. 

The announcement was not without its effect at 
the moment. " The city and the people,'' writes Rigby, 
on the 12th of October, " are outrageous about Lady 
Cheat em^ as they call her, and her husband's pension," 
and in a postscript he mentions, that Mr. Pitt was to be 
burned that night in great pomp in the city. 

With a view to repel these attacks on his popularity, 
Pitt wrote to his friend, Mr. Alderman Beckford, to 
justify his conduct. The letter afterwards made its 
appearance in the Public Ledger. In this document he 
alleges the same reasons for his retirement that he had 
assigned to his colleague, that " he would not remain 
responsible for measures which he was no longer allowed 
to guide/^ 

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" Newcastle House, October 20th, 1761. 
Tuesday, 7 o'clock. 

** I ACQUAINTED Lord Bute with my city news, that all 
was fire and flame there; that Mr. Pitt's letter had 
brought back all his old friends to him ; that there was 
to be a meeting of the Common Council this day to 
instruct his Majesty in the most violent manner to sup- 
port war and warlike measures; with some compliments 
to Mr. Pitt. My Lord Bute seemed quite unconcerned, 
and said bravely, that he did not trouble himself about 
it, or inquire what Mr. Pitt did. I told his Lordship 
that I knew, as I do, that an agent of Mr. Pitt's said, 
'there was no union at Court;' and Lord B. made me 
no answer to that." 


"Oct. 1 7th, 1761. 

" The St. James's Chronicle of this evening, will, in 
all probability, furnish your Lordship with a copy of 

* Thomas Birch was bom in 1 705. His parents were Quakers ; 
his fiither was a coffee-mill maker. The son, by unremitted applica- 
tion, and amidst numerous difficulties and disadvantages, became 
qualified to take orders, though he had not received an university 
education. In 1 732 he was reconmiended to Chancellor Hardwicke, 
then attorney-general, to whom, and to whose son, the second earl, 
he became indebted for his numerous church preferments. In 1752 
he was elected one of the Secretaries of the Royal Society, and the 
following year was created a doctor of divinity. Poor Birch used to 
yOL. I. E 

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50 DR. BIRCH [1761. 

Mr. Pitt's letter to some eminent citizen, which appeared 
this morning in the Public Ledger ^ and occasioned so 
great a demand for that paper, that above three thousand 
were sold before noon; before which time the Gazetteer 
was reprinted with that letter, which came out early 
in the morning, wanting that very remarkable piece. 
Bristow, the publisher of the Ledger^ acknowledged to 
me that he had seen the original, and that his copy was 
given to the public with the writer's consent, but would 
not inform me to whom it was addressed, whether Sir 
James Hodges or Alderman Beckford,* though he in- 
timated that my Lord Mayor had a copy of it, or another 

pride himself on his riding. In 1766 he was killed by a fall from 
his horse. Hudibras has spoken of 

" An ancient sage philosopher 

Who had read Alexander Ross over." 

A reference to *< Watts' Bibliotheca Britannica" will show that 
Birch's works are nearly as voluminous as those of Ross. His first 
great work was a General Dictionary, historical and critical, including 
a translation of Bayle» with several thousand new lives. He was 
the author of twelve other pul)lications, chiefly historical or biogra- 
phical ; and was an extensive contributor to many other works. Dr. 
Heathcote, a brother author, and fellow member of a club of literati, 
who met once a week to talk learnedly for three or four hours, says 
'' Birch was an honest, humane man, warm and zealous in his attach- 
ments to persons and principles, but of universal benevolence; that 
he was cheerful, lively, and spirited, an early riser, and a man of 
great general knowledge. He afiforded much literary information to 
Johnson, who made him the subject of a Greek epigram.*! '' Tom 
Birch,** said the great lexicographer, '' is as brisk as a bee in con- 
versation, but no sooner does he take a pen in his hand, than it 
becomes like a torpedo to him, and benumbs all his faculties.** 
♦ William Beckford, M.P. for London, of whom more hereafter. 

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1761.] TO LORD ROYSTON. 51 

letter to the same purpose sent to him. Your Lordship 
needs no criticism upon the inaccuracy of the compo- 
sition,* nor shall I animadvert upon his avowal that 
his inducement to quit his post was because ?ie was no 
longer allowed to guide tlis pttblic measures. His owning 
the acceptance of the public marks of his Majesty's 
favour will overset the representation made by Mr. 
Beckford, who employed his agents to circulate on Thurs- 
day, that though Mr. Pitt had received such oflfers from 
Lord Bute, he had not yet accepted them. Mr. Dingley,t 
the Sussian merchant, was in particular authorised by 
Mr. Beckford to declare this; and an attempt was made 
under the colour of such an assertion, to form a cabal in 
the city in his favour. On Thursday it was asserted 
that Mr. Pitt had written to his friend, Sir James 

* Wilkes used to say that Chatham was the hest orator, and the 
worst letter-writer of the age. 

t Charles Duigley, the projector and proprietor of some saw-mills at 
Lhnehouse, was a man of much eccentricity. He obtained consider- 
able notoriety in 1769, by standing in opposition to Wilkes and not 
obtaining a single TOte. " The hero of the meeting,** writes Lord 
Temple, *' Master Dingley, struck Wilkes's attorney, who knocked 
him down in return." His own version of the encounter is contained 
in a letter to Lady Chatham : — << In 1745 I entered myself a com- 
mon soldier in the foot-guards, and the same spirit of loyalty, and the 
desire to do some noble act, induced me to offer my services to snatch 
and destroy the danger and confusion, by representing the County of 
Middlesex. I got into a scuffle. By a blow I gave Wilkes's attorney, 
Reynolds, I got such a hurt from his teeth, as to make my hand very 
lame and worthless.** Junius says that '* the miserable Dingley was 
induced to oppose Wilkes by the Duke of Grafton, and that he died 
of a broken heart in consequence of having been so contemptuously 

B 2 

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Hodges, to contradict the Gazette account from Madrid, 
of Saturday last, with regard to the pacific disposition 
of Spain; and yesterday there were alarming appear- 
ances of a new popular ferment, tending to restore him 
once more to power." 

The " meeting of the Common Council," to which 
the Duke of Newcastle alludes,* agreed upon a repre- 
sentation to the four representatives of the City, urging 
them " to oppose all attempts for giving up such places 
as may tend to lessen our present security, or by re- 
storing the naval power of France, render us subject 
to fresh hostilities from that natural enemy;" and in 
another part alludes to the nation's ability still to carry 
on, and vigorously prosecute the present just and neces- 
sary war.f 


" Claremont, Oct. 18, 1761. 
" Mr. Pitt's almost avowed opposition opens a new 
scene, and his directing that opposition to the applica- 
tion of the supplies, shows what I always foresaw, that 
all his malice would be directed against the old Admi- 
nistrcUionj notwithstanding his compliments at Council. 
He will think by that to be less offensive to the King 
by sparing his Minister and favourite, and may be 
glad^not to be desperate with either. He will also 

* See ante, page 49, line 4. 

f Annual Register for 1761, p. [301.] 

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lay the enormous expenses occasioned singly by his 
own measures, on the corrupt, ignorant, or loose ad- 
ministration of the Treasury, which ought to have pre- 
vented it. I just touched yesterday, upon Mr. Pitt's 
most astonishing letter ; nothing can be more offensive 
to a King^ more insolent in itself, more mischievous 
to Council, or show more marks of a hurt disappointed 
heart. But it carries with it also, certain proofs of 
hatred, revenge, and opposition. Against whom? the 
principal object ought to be the principal actor in it. 
But, in fact, he was the sole author of it. 

' Resolved to ruin or to rule the state." '♦ 

* Diyden's Absalom and Achitophel, Part I. v. 1 74. 

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Newcastle had hoped that the retirement of his 
great. rival and colleague would lead to the restoration 
of his own political pre-eminence. " I never," says Sir 
George Colebrooke,* "saw the Duke in higher spirits 
than after Mr. Pitt, thwarted by the Cabinet in his pro- 
posal of declaring war against Spain, had given notice 
of resignation;" but Lord Talbot, who as "a King's 
friend,** probably knew what was likely to happen, ad- 
vised his Grace " not to die for joy on the Monday, nor 
for fear on the Tuesday." f The poor Duke was not left 
long in doubt, for immediately upon the resignation, Ldrd 
Bute assumed the entire management of public affairs. 

* Manuscript Memoir, quoted by Sir Denis Le Marchant in 
Walpole's Memoirs of George the Third, 
t Walpole. 

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The first act of the favourite was to bestow the 
vacant Seals on Charles Wyndham, Earl of Egremont, 
son of Sir William Wyndham, the celebrated Tory leader 
in the two preceding reigns. Walpole, who speaks 
disparagingly of him, admits that he had ^^a great 
deal of humour." He was a thoroughly well-bred man, 
but of a haughty, overbearing disposition. Junius says 
^^ that, notwithstanding his pride and Tory principles, 
he had some En^ish stuff about him." The principal 
set of his short ministry, was his answer to the Spanish 
memorial, which did him much credit. Like his father, 
he died suddenly at the age of fifty-two. "If," says 
Bishop Newton, "he had entered earlier into business, 
he might have made as considerable a figure as his 
father. He had seldom occasion to speak in parlia- 
ment, but whenever he did speak, it was with great 
clearness, force, and energy^ and he was thought very 
much to resemble his father in manner as well as 
good matter, having a little catch and impediment in 
his voice as Sir William Wyndham."* 

It is difficult to form a correct opinion of the first 
official act of the new secretary ; for although he de- 
clared that act to be his own, yet it is not quite clear 
from the letter that follows whether the document to 
which he was directed to put his name, expressed his 
own opinions, or whether, in the spirit of the new 
rSgimej he was the mere registrar of a royal edict. 

♦ Bishop Newton's Life and Anecdotes, folio edition, p. 69-70. 

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" October 20th, 1761. 

" Lord Bute said, the King has given orders to my 
Lord Egremont to prepare a letter for my Lord Bristol,* 
expressing his Majesty's desire to correspond with their 
{the Spaniards) assurance to heal and soften all the 
depending disputes amicably with each other, */W'0- 
vided they made it appear to the King that there was 
nothing offensive contained in the last treaty with Paris.^ 
My Lord Bute said, 'this has been agreed at St 

* Oeorge William, second Earl of Bristol, eldest of the three sons 
of the celebrated Lord Hervey, and of the equally celebrated " Mary 
Lepel,** a lady whose wit, beauty, and vivacity, inspired the pens of 
Pope, Chesterfield, Pulteney, and Voltaire, of whom, the last-named 
addressed her in English verse. Lord Bristol was at this time 
ambassador at the Court of Spain. Throughout his difficult mission 
he appears to have conducted himself with singular ability and 
temper. Walpole says he was '' a very Spaniard in formality and 
pride." From other accounts he appears to have inherited that 
degree of effeminacy in person, manners, and dress, that led Pope to 
dub his father '* Lord Fanny .** But this exterior by no means indi- 
cated Lord Bristol's real character. He was a man of great personal 
bravery. Sailing once in his brother Augustus Hervey^s ship during 
the Seven Years' war, the vessel was menaced with an attack from a 
French ship of greatly superior force. In spite of the entreaties of his 
brother, Bristol insisted upon remaining on deck, sword in hand, 
saying that as he had the honour to represent a Sovereign distin- 
guished for personal courage, he ought to behave as his master would 
have done on a like occasion. When Bristol was ordered to quit 
Spain, in every Spanish village that he passed, he was pursued with 
huzzas and acclamations deprecating the war. — (European Magazine, 
xxix. 239.) Lord Bristol died in 177j. Both his brothers succeeded 
in turn to the earldom. 

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James's, I suppose, between my Lord Egreraont and 
himself; for, notwithstanding the little council of us 
four, I know nothing of the matter.^ 

" I found, by his brother,* that strong measures and 
strong declarations are to do everything to prevent 
the junction of France and Spain. Sure, we have 
tried these measures long enough." 

The oflScial despatch here ordered to be prepared, 
whether emanating from the King himself, or the joint 
production of the concUiabtdum^ had very important 
results. The obvious policy of the Court was to pre- 
serve peace with Spain, for thus alone could Ministers 
hope to justify their rejection of Pitt's aggressive policy. 
The object of the letter, therefore, was evidently to 
"heal and soften all the depending disputes," while 
the " strong declarations " it contained were to prove 
to the Court of Madrid that the British Government 
had lost none of its vigour and efficacy by the late 
change of hands. The means did not answer the end. 

The PROVISO mentioned in the Duke of Newcastle's 
letter was more than Castilian pride could endure. 
Don Ricardo Wall, the Spanish Minister, who had 
hitherto proved himself a warm friend to England, 
upon receiving Lord Egremont's communication, de- 
clared with much vehemence of manner that he him- 
self would be the man to advise the King of Spain, 
since his dominions were to be overwhelmed, at least 
to have them seized with arms in his subjects' hands, 

* The Hon. James Stuart Mackenzie, Lord Bute's only brother. 

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58 LORD ROYSTON [l761. 

and not to continue the passive yictim he had hitherto 
appeared in the eyes of the world. Lord Bristol, the 
British Ambassador, was at the same time informed 
that no answer would be given, and that his Excel- 
lency might retire at the time and in the manner 
most convenient to himself. 


" Dear Brother, " St. James's Square, Dec. 27, 1761. 

" This aflfair of Spain gives me a good deal of con- 
cem, and the more, as I cannot approve ihe conduct of 
our friends in it. I think they have been weakly and 
timidly submitting to others, whom they ought to have 
led. They have been playing Mr. Pitt's game in the 
nation, and that of France at the Court of Madrid. If 
ever there was a quarrel founded on pwictilio and a 
point of good breeding^ this seems to be the instance; 
and then it becomes a little serious to engage two 
nations in blood and enmity, on no stronger provoca- 
tion. Lord Bristol has executed the King's orders in 
a masterly manner, as appears by the copy of the note 
he left in Wall's closet, and which I doubt not the 
Duke of Newcastle will show you. Fuentes* will 

* Count de Fuentes, Spanish Ambassador at the Court of St. 
James's. " A dull, cold man," according to Walpole, ** and wedded 
to all the forms of his religion." From his public despatches, from 
his priyate letters in the Chatham C(Nrrespondence, and from Coxe*8 
account of him in his Memoirs of the Kings of Spain, he spears to 
have been a skilful diplomatist. " M. de Fuentes,** writes Walpole 

to Lord Strafford, " is a halfpenny print of Lord H , His wife 

homely, but seems good-natured and civil. The son does not dege- 

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1701.] TO Mit YORKE. 69 

impute to his Lordship's offensiye language the rough 
answer of -his Court, and will declare that the. treaty 
between France and Spain is a mere family compact^ 
on which the latter have given their guarantee to the 
former^ with a view to what they, the French, shall 
lose in the course of this war. What are we then going 
to quanrel about? I must freely own, I think our Chief 
has been too yssdre in this affair. I mean, when the 
draught of Lord Egremont^i letter was considered in 
Council, and that he should have obliged tbam to 
weigh the consequences of extending and prolonging 
(I wish I may not add perpetuating) the war, a little 
more coolly and deliberately. Though Mr. Pitt would 
not submit to have his draught cobbled,* the Earl of 
Egremont surely had no such privilege to plead ; and 
when his Lordship said that his head was concerned in 
writing a proper letter to Spain on this occasion, I wish 
he had been told that every Minister at the Board was 
equally responsible to his country for the advice he 
gave, and for the manner in which that advice was 
directed to be carried into execution. 

" Above all, it was most extraordinary, in those who 
know Lord Bristol's connections with Mr, Pitt, to 
entrust him with the execution of such orders, and 

nerate from such high*born .uglineBs ; the daughter-in-law was sick, 
and they say is not ugly, and has as good a set of teeth as one can 
have when one has but two, and those black. They seem to have no 
curiosity, sit where they are placed, and ask no questions about so 
strange a country. Indeed, the Ambassadress could see nothing ; for 
Dodington stood before, the whole time, sweating Spanish at her.'* 
* See a»te, page 27, line 22. 

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not lay him under all the guards and restrictions in 
the manner which words can convey. The first person 
who gave me any intimation of the style of the despatch 
to Madrid, and the opposition which Lord Eg(remont) 
had given to the softening it, was Mr. Jones,* about 
three weeks ago; and I can safely declare, that I then 
said to him everything that I now say, after the event. 
This quarrel with Spain opens so wide a field of con- 
troversy — to many old claims, new acquisitions, schemes 
of private gain and public ambition, together with a 
certain increase of expense in every quarter where an 
attack is to be made or appre/iended — that I own I see 
no end of the violent situation we are in, and which 
I doubt will continue till public distress or absolute 
inability compels us to wind up, not as we might, but 
as we may — ^ liberavi animam meam.^ 

" Yours affectionately, " H." 

In this same letter of Lord Egremont, which was 
afterwards submitted to Parliament, the ambassador at 
the Court of Spain was informed that " the most per- 
fect harmony and mutual confidence now reign in his 
Majesty's CJouncils." This was evidently to do away 
with the report in the city that there was " no union 
at Court." The concluding paragraph in the Duke of 
Newcastle's letter of the 20th, already quoted, will 
show how far the intimation was founded in fact. 

* Hugh Valence JoneSi first cousin of Lord Royston, successively 
Secretary to the Duke of Newcastle, Member for Dover, and a Com- 
missioner of Revenue in Ireland. 

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" As for the matter (he, Mr. Stuart Mackenzie, said) 
of there being no union amongst us, that was the lie 
of the day, and would fall in twenty-four hours. I 
wish there were not so good grounds for the report." 

The summoning of a new Parliament afforded the 
King an opportunity of violating the spirit of the Con- 
stitution without openly departing from the letter. The 
time was not wholly unfavourable for such attempts* 
The country had lost its early zeal for the principles 
of the Whigs. The Whigs were not cordially united 
among themselves. The Tory party had begun to 
resume their ascendancy in the counties, even some 
of the old Jacobites had re-entered the precincts of the 
court. The issue of writs was delayed purposely, in 
order that Lord Bute might have the more time to 
mature his plans, and secure seats for the personal 
adherents of the Crown. From the following extracts 
it would appear that his Majesty, if he did not claim, 
at least appropriated to himself, as part of his personal 
prerogative, a share in the nomination to the govern- 
ment boroughs, and that both his ostensible minister, 
and his real adviser, each produced rival lists of his 
own friends and supporters. A century and a half had 
elapsed since similar artifices had been resorted to by 
the family, whose posterity the House of Hanover now 
excluded from the British throne. It appeared a bad 
omen, for the new reign to commence with a policy, 
the results of which had formerly overturned the 
monarchy. But neither the King nor his coterie were 
capable of benefiting by the lessons of history. 

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"January Idth, 1761. 
" I AM to be with my Lord Bute to-morrow at St. 
James's whilst the King is at the House. I told his 
Lordship that I should come to talk to him about the 
Parliament, and that I had but just got my papers 
and lists. He said it was high time, and I think 
(though in very good humour) talked in such a liian- 
ner, that I expect more lists from him than I shall 
carry to him. He said, Lord Falmouth had offered 
the King three members, but he did not tell me the 
King's answer." 

This liberal offer came from one of the most unblush- 
ing borough-mongers of the day. Hugh Boscawen, 
second Viscount Falmouth. In eflfrontery of solicitation 
he was equalled by Bubb Dodington alone, and he 
lacked the mother-wit which made that effi^ntery en- 
durable. In George the Second's reign, he told Pitt, 
at that time minister, that if he had not the garter, 
which was then vacant, his five members should vote 
against the government. " As long," replied Pitt, " as 
I remain in the Cabinet, your Lordship shall not re- 
ceive that distinction:" then turning to some by- 
standers, he added, " Optat ephippia Bos." — " Who 
calls me Bosf^^ inquired Falmouth. — "The remark," 
replied Pitt, " is not mine, but Horace's." — " If Horace 

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1761.] RIVAL LISTS. 68 

Walpole," exclaimed his Lordship, " has taken this 
liberty with my name I shall resent it." * 


" January 29th, 1761. 
" I HAVE heard nothing but civil messages from Lord 
Bute. Lord Anson told me yesterday, he complained 
of having heard nothing from me about the election. 
You know how I have been put oflf from time to time, 
and I don't see that his Lordship is yet disposed to 
fix a certain day. Lord Anson also said that Lord B. 
told him, the King would have several members to put 
in. His Majesty must find places for them ! " 


'' Newcastle House^ Monday, 5 o'clock. 
" I HAVE received the enclosed list from Mr. Legge. 
I beg you would communicate it to the Duke of Devon- 
shire, and my Lord Kinnoul, who, I hope, have told 
you what intelligence I had relating to Mr. Fox and his 
list. I see Legge proposes to make a complete list at 
present, and to alter it when he shall see the Court 
list. I am promised that, as soon as it is settled ; but 
Mr. Fox said this day, that they were to meet about it. 
I doubt whether we shall have time to let our friends 
know what to do." 

Mr. Legge, alluded to in the forgoing letter, was at 
♦ Wraxall. 

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64 RIVAL LISTS. [1761. 

this time Chancellor of the Exchequer, and member 
for Hampshire. He had, in 1759, offended George the 
Third, then Prince of Wales, by declining to withdraw 
his pretensions to the county representation, in favour 
of Mr., afterwards Sir Simeon, Stuart, a cousin of 
Lord Bute's. The following letter will show that this 
refusal was neither forgiven nor forgotten. 


" My Lord Anson has received orders from the King 
himself, to declare to the Docks,* that they may vote 
for whom they please in the Hajppshire election, even 
though the Chancellor of the Exchequer is a candidate." 


" I WILL go through the elections as well as I can, and 
endeavour to see what they (the Court) really intend. 
I think it is too late for them to do any mischief. 
They may be disagreeable, and defeat some of our 
friends, and act directly contrary to what they pro- 
mised; but they can't now alter the tone and com- 
plexion of the new parliament That is all settled, and 
so far, my staying in to this time has been of use." 

On the above letter, the second Lord Hardwicke has 
made the following remark : — ' 
" Notwithstanding the choice of the parliament, which 
♦ Of Portamouth. 

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the Duke of Newcastle piques himself upon, they forsook 
him for Lord Bute, when his standard was set up." 

No two monarchs were probably ever more pestered 
by their advisers, than Greorge the Second and his suc- 
cessor, by Lord Temple and George Grenville. Nor 
were their Majesties the only victims. There was 
scarcely a contemporary statesman who had not been 
bullied or bored by this ruthless pair of brothers. 
Both, indeed, were tormentors of the first order. Yet 
their connections rendered them indispensable; their 
talents, their knowledge of the world and of parlia- 
mentary forms, made them serviceable ; and their pro- 
fession of Whig principles gave them a kind of repu- 
tation for liberal sentiments. 

Richard, Earl Temple, the elder brother, had good 
business-habits, and much industry, and was by no 
means an inefficient speaker. His huge ungainly figure 
procured for him the nickname of ** Squire Gawky." 
The qualities of his mind were indeed as loosely put 
together as his limbs. With much ambition, his own 
wayward caprice, or masterless pride, constantly marred 
his plans of self-aggrandisement. He was frequently 
asking favours of George the Second. That monarch 
accounted himself at least a Turenne in war; yet his 
Privy Seal gracefully insinuated that his Majesty had 
no more spirit than Admiral Byng, whose death-warrant 
(unjustly however) he had just signed. 

One of Temple's grand schemes was to establish a 
triumvirate government, to be composed of himself, his 


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66 CHARACTERS OF [l761. 

brother George, and his brother-in-law, Pitt, — three men 
whose opinions were as opposite as the antipodes, and who 
were almost always at personal variance with each other. 

Temple appears to have had no fixed principles of 
action. He adopted the cause of prerogative against 
the Americans, and the side of Wilkes against the 
prerogative. Mischief appears to have been the main 
incentive of his actions; nevertheless, he preferred being 
a backer rather than a principal. He was Wilkes's 
prime instigator in his wicked pranks against the 
King and the Court. He was likewise Chatham's evil 
genius; and occasionally led his brother-in-law to com- 
mit imprudences into which a school-boy would scarcely 
have fallen. He was indeed the cause of half the errors 
and inconsistencies committed by that statesman. The 
result of his political life was, that Lord Temple, after 
thirty years' factious meddling in public affairs, died, dis- 
trusted and avoided by the associates of his earlier days. 

George Grenville was greatly superior to his brother 
in talents. Pitt considered him to be the best parlia- 
ment man in the House. Formal, punctual, and exact, 
he undoubtedly was. But his pride and pertinacity 
were as obstructive, as his regularity was conducive, to 
progress in affairs. Ingratitude was one of his besetting 
sins. Whatever may have been Lord Bute's demerits, 
he was at least Grenville's benefactor. Whatever may 
have been Pitt's profusion in war, Grenville long supported 
his martial measures. Yet he was among the first to turn 
against Bute, and to upbraid Pitt for his extravagance. 

Unlike as were the brothers in personal appearance. 

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there was much similarity in the conformation of their 
minds. Their common characteristics were pride, want 
of tact, and jealousy of all around thenu Each lost 
oflBce by the violence of his temper, and the haugh- 
tiness of each rendered a return to power impractica- 
ble. Each of them was revengeftil; each vented his feel- 
ings in pamphlets. Each possessed a stream of words^ 
which, in all places, and on all occasions, flowed from 
him "in omne volubilis cevum."* Like Temple, too, 
George Grenville regarded the King as the proper butt 
of his tedious harangues, and at times of his angry 
invective. " When he has wearied me for two hours," 
said George the Third, exhausted after one of these 
inflictions, "he looks at his watch to see if he may 
not tire me for an hour more.'* 

It was this last-named brother whom Lord Bute, at 
the commencement of 1761, succeeded in gaining over to 
the Court, having been, up to this period, the constant 
supporter of his brother-in-law, Mr. Pitt. " Avarice," 
says Walpole, " which he (Grenville) possessed in no 
less a proportion than his other passions, concurred to 
lead him from a master who browbeat and treated 
him superciliously, to worship the rising sun. Lord 
Bute was in want of tools, and it was a double prize 
to acquire them from his rival's shop." 

* Grenville was one evening at a concert. In the midst of a 
'' bravura " he addressed his neighbour in his usual loud monotonous 
voice on the subject of some grand fiscal scheme. This auditor sought 
a pretext to shift his place. Whereupon the financier, possessing him- 
self of pen, ink, and paper, committed his thoughts to writing, making 
the pianoforte, at which the singer presided, serve for a taWe. 

P 2 

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In the early part of the year, Mr. Grenville had 
been admitted into the Cabinet; but on Pitt's resigna- 
tion of the seals, he was appointed ministerial leader 
of the House of Commons. 

A meeting was held at the Cockpit, the night 
before Parliament assembled, for the purpose of hearing 
the King's speech read, and agreeing upon the choice of 
a Speaker. Since the days of Queen Anne, the Whigs 
only had attended on such occasions; but now that the 
friends of the Government and the friends of the King 
did not mean the same persons, the Tories uninvited made 
a strong muster of their forces. On this party, as on 
the sleeping courtiers in the fairy tale, time had wrought 
no change of sentiment or opinion. The crown, not 
the wearer of it, was the object of their idolatry. ♦ Cast- 
ing aside as untenable their favorite dogma of indefea- 
sible hereditary right, they complacently transferred 
their allegiance from a Stuart to a Guelph, — from a 
dejure to a de facto King. 


'' PaU Midi, Star and Garter, Nov. 2, 1761. 
" After a very pleasant journey, we arrived in town 

♦ Edwin Lascelles, Esq., Member for Yorkshire, was elevated to 
the peerage in 1790, by the title of Lord Harewood, of Harewood 
Castle. Dying without issue in 1795, the barony became extinct, 
but his estates passed to his heir-at-law, Edward Lascelles, created 
successively Baron Harewood, Viscount Lascelles, Earl of Harewood. 

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this afternoon; I called upon Sir George's* at eight 
o'clock, to go to the Cockpit, where we found such a 
crowd, of all complexions, especially of the old Tories, 
that with much difficulty we got up stairs. I made my 
way into the room, and got up to the table where 
G. G.f was placed at the head of it, and then re- 
commending Sir J. Cust for Speaker, which everybody 
seemed to approve. Sir John replied in the episcopal 
style, and thus it ended. Half of those who were 
present, I am sure never saw that room before — 
Shuttleworth,J for one; he is coming to sup with 


** Sir John Cust is Speaker," writes Walpole, " and, 
bating his nose, the chair seems to be well filled." § The 
new Speaker was selected for the post by Lord Bute, 
on account of his Tory politics. He was a country 
gentleman, of good family and large estates, of an 
amiable disposition and obliging manners. He was 
well acquainted with the usages of Parliament, but 

* Not Mr. Lascelles' colleague Sir George Savile, who was unable 
to attend the meeting, but Sir George Armytage, Member for York. 
The Armytages are a very ancient Yorkshire family. The present 
Sir Geoige is the great grandson of the baronet alluded to in Mr. 
Lascelles' letter. 

f Geoige Grenville. 

J James Shuttleworth, Member for Lancashire, a Tory follower of 
Lord Bute. His great grandaughter, the heiress of G^nthype^ mar- 
ried Mr.Kaye, the Commissioner of Education, now Sir James Phillips 
Kaye Shuttleworth, Bart 

§ The caricatures of the day point out the deficiency of the 
feature here alluded to. 

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was deficient in the energy necessary to restrain the 
turbulence of an ttwreformed Parliament. The following 
day he continued what Mr. Lascelles terms " the episco- 
pal style," refusing to sit down in the chair till he was 
forced into it by the douce violence of his proposer and 

On the 9th of November, (Jeorge the Third, who had 
been married only two months, went in state with his 
youthful Queen, to dine with the Lord Mayor. It was 
their Majesties* first visit to the city. Mr. Pitt, yield- 
ing to Lord Temple's persuasions, and as he afterwards 
declared, "against his better judgment,''* went with 
him in his carriage, and joined the procession. The 
result of this procedure might partly have been an- 
ticipated. The regal bride and bridegroom were re- 
ceived by the people with indifference, and Pitt's late 
colleague, with cries of " No Newcastle salmon.'' As 
for Lord Bute, he was assailed everywhere with hisses 
and execrations, and would probably have been torn 
in pieces by the mob, but for the interference of a band 
of butchers and prize-fighters, whom he had hired as 
a body-guard. All the enthusiasm of the populace 
was centred in Mr. Pitt, who was " honoured with the 
most hearty acclamations of people of all ranks," f and so 
great was the feeling in his favour, that the mob clung 
about every part of the vehicle, hung upon the wheels, 
hugged his footman, and even kissed his horses. | 

Mr. Pitt's ''joining himself to a pomp dedicated to a 

♦ Chatham Correspondence, ii. 165. f Gentleman's Magazine. 
X Annual Register, 1761, p. 237. 

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Court which he had just quitted was," as Walpole 
observes, " not decent" The effect of his conduct upon 
the King is alluded to in a letter from the Duke of 
Newcastle to Lord Hardwicke, written a few days after 
the banquet, in which he speaks of his Majesty's dis- 
pleasure with Mr. Pitt, for " his abominable conduct on 
my Lord Mayor's day." The day of retaliation was at 
hand. On the 9th of December, the Bang's Ministers 
were to move the renewal of the treaties with Prussia, 
and on the same day, the King's friends were to propose 
as an amendment, the recall of the troops from Ger- 
many. " A knot of chicken orators," were to be let loose 
on the ex-Secretary, to impugn his favourite war policy, 
and to be as personally offensive to himself, as the forms 
of the House would allow. Some idea of the interest 
anticipated from this debate may be gathered from the 
fact, that the house was so crowded with ladies, that 
it became necessary afterwards, to enforce the stand- 
ing orders against the admission of strangers. " The 
House,'' writes Lord Koyston to Lord Hardwicke, " was 
hot, and crowded as full of ladies, as the House of Lords 
when the King goes to make a speech. The Members 
were standing above half-way up the floor.'' 


"Dec. 9, 1761. 

^' The grand debate on the troops in Germany has 
been deferred a week, on account of Charles Bunbury, 

* Mr. Milbanke married the sister of Lord RoddnghAm. In 1766 
he was appointed Commissioner of the Revenue in Ireland* 

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72 MR. MILBANKE [l761. 

a son of Sir William's, just imported from Florence, 
a pretty man, a beau, and very fond of his figure,* who 
is to handle that slight and easy question of con- 
tinental measures, the Russian Treaty, &c. ; to move to 
have our troops immediately recalled. Mr. Dempster,t 
a Scotchman, lately started up, of a promising genius, 
and Mr. Glover, J are his seconds. I am told Mr. 
Bunbury is under the banners of Mr. Fox. Whether 
he means to patronize these popular points, and gain 
a little credit, or means it in enmity to Mr. P , 

* Thomas Charles Bunbury, of MUdenhall, M.P, for Suffolk, for 
which county he eat forty-three years. " Young Bunbury," writes 
Walpole to Sir H. Mann, " whom I sent to you, and you have lately 
sent us back, is enrolled in a club of chicken orators." In 1764, Mr. 
Bunbury succeeded his father in the baronetcy. Sir Charles was 
better known at Newmarket than St. Stephens, and was long the 
" father of the turf." His brother was the celebrated caricaturist. 
In 1 762, he became the husband of the beautiful Lady Sarah Lennox, 
whom it is supposed George the Third would have made his Queen, 
if he had not been prevented by the Princess Dowager. Afler the 
dissolution of this marriage with Bunbury in 1 776, Lady Sarah took 
for her second husband the Hon. George Napier, and by him, amongst 
other children, had Charles, the late gallant Commander-in-Chief in 
India. Lady Sarah was grandaughter of Charles first Duke of 
Richmond, the illegitimate son of Charles the Second, by Louisa de 
la Querouaille, Duchess of Portsmouth. Thus then there was till 
very lately in the active service of his country, an officer who is only 
fourth in descent from the " Merry Monarch." 

f Geoige Dempster, Member for Forfarshire. 

X Richard, or as he was familiarly called from his poem, '' Leo- 
nidas*' Glover, had received his political education in Leicester 
House. He at this time sat for Weymouth, and was one of the 
Members of whom Bubb Dodington made a present to the King. 
At the age of sixteen he wrote a much-admired poem in honour of 
Sir Isaac Newton, and later in life the more celebrated political ballad 

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(who is with the Ministry on this question), I know not. 
I shall not close my letter till I try to glean something 
from the debate of the day.*' 

«* Dec. 10th 1761. 
" As the foregoing part of my letter was the opinion 
of the day, I let it stand, and now present you with 
what I can collect from hearsay. After C. Town- 
shend* had opened his military Budget very ably, and 
declared the necessity of continuing the troops in 6er- 

of ''Hosier's Ghost" His other poems were the "Athenaid" and 
" Boadicea." His last political act was to support the claims of the 
West India planters. " In his person and habits he was a finished 
gentleman of the old school, slow and precise in his manner, grave 
and serious in his deportment, and always in the highest degree 
decorous. Before the year 1776, he wore a bag, his wig very accu- 
rately dressed, and a small cocked hat under his arm. In this 
costume he constantly walked from his house in St. James's Street, 
Westminster, into the city." This minute description of his dress 
was intended to identify him as the author of Junius, the " tall gen- 
tleman'* who was seen to throw a letter of Junius' in Mr. Woodfall's 
printing office in Ivy Lane. 

♦ The Right Hon. Charles Townshend. Burke's character of this 
"splendid orb" is too well known to be repeated here. Vanity 
appears to have been his ruling passion. Among the few persons he 
feared was George Selwyn. These two wits had once a trial of skill. 
Selwyn prevailed in the war of words. Charles afterwards took 
Selwyn in his carriage to White's. At parting, Selwyn said, " Re- 
member this is the first set down you have given me to-day." 

Townshend '^ had almost every great talent and every little quality. 
His vanity exceeded even his abilities, and his suspicions seemed to 
make him doubt if he had any. With such a capacity he must have 
been the greatest man of his age^ and perhaps inferior to no man of 
any age, had his &ults been only in moderate proportion. In short, 
if he had had but common truth, common sincerity, common honesty, 

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74 MR. MILBANKE [l761. 

many, as we were in point of honour obliged to go 
on with the plan we had engaged in, a plan that we 
had hitherto succeeded so well in, that the employing 
130,000 French in Germany, prevented them annoy- 
ing our coasts, and recovering what we have conquered, 
besides, the French might fall on Holland, who were 
not in a condition to defend themselves, and that 
the totality of the war had been the great means of 

"Rigby* spoke next; complained of the immense 

oommon modesty, common steadiness, common courage, conmion 
sense." — ^Walpole. 

« The Right Hon. Ridiaid Rigby, of Mistkj Hall, Essex, Member 
for Tavistock, Paymaster of the Forces, the lead^ of the Dnka oi 
Bedford's party in the House of Commons, hence called ^ Bloomsbuiy 
Dick." " His parts," says Walpole, " were strong and quick, but 
totaUy uncultivated ; and so much had he trusted to unaffected good 
sense, that he could never afterwards acquire the necessary tempera- 
ment of art in public speaking; he placed his honour in a steady 
addiction to whatever fiEu:tion he was united with ; and from the 
gaiety of his temper, having indulged himself in profuse drinking, 
he was often hurried beyond the bounds of that interest which he 
meant should govern aU his actions, and which his generoxis extrava- 
gance for ever combated." We may gather from a letter written by 
Garrick to Burke what sort of a life Rigby led at Mistley. " If you 
had a house on the swamps of Essex, where you were obliged to 
drink brandy by way of small beer to keep the ague out of your 
bones, I should long to be with you, but I have not a day to spare 
till I set out for the Paymaster." 

''When in his place in the House of Commons, Rigby," says 
Wraxall, '' was invariably habited in a full suit of a dark colour, 
without lace or embroidery, close buttoned, with his sword thrust 
through the pocket. Corpulent in his person, he was not on that 
account unwieldy or inactive. His countenance was very expressive, 
but not of gfenius, still less did it indicate timidity or modesty." 

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expense, and the vast effusion of blood; attacked the 
Treaties, particularly that with tiie King of Prussia, 
which confined us not to make a peace without his 
consent; made a weak attack on Mr. Pitt with great 
heat and impetuosity, and sat down. 

"The next champion that stood up, was Sir F. R 
Delaval,* who talked much, and said too little, for the 
recalling the troops : said he recollected to have heard 
a considerable person, lately retired from a great post, 
aflSrm, that whoever, in this country, of what size or 
stature soever, should venture to support Hanover 
measures, he would find it hang about his neck like a 
millstone, and sink him to the bottom of the sea;t but 

* Sir Francis Blake Delaval, Bart. Member for Andover. He was 
at this time a zealous disciple of Leicester House, but later he became 
a member of the society styled " The Supporters of the Bill of Rights." 
He was, however, looked upon with distrust by his associates, who 
considered him as a spy from the Court. On one occasion he and his 
famUy played * Othello" at Drury Lane, having hired the theatre for 
the purpose. In 1754, being opposed to Beckford at Shaftesbury, he 
thus addressed him : — 

'' Art thou the man whom mm famed Beckford call f " 

To which the other replied : — 

" Art thou the much more femous Delaval ? " 

Sir Francis was no finend to the statesman upon whose conduct he 
now conmiented. When Pitt received the pension and the peerage, 
Delaval said, ** The man is a fool ; if he had gone into the city, told 
them he had a poor wife and children unprovided for, and opened a 
subscription, he would have got 500,000/. instead of 3000/. a-year." 

t In the debate on the treaties in 1755, Pitt, attacking Fox, said, 
" He did not know what majorities would do, but this treaty (with 
Prussia) would hang h1ce a millstone round his neck, and sink any 
minister along with the nation." — Walpole's George the Second, 
i. 413. 

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76 MR. MILBANKE [l761. 

he saw that person, though not very robust, sitting as 
if it sat light on his shoulders. 

"Stanley* spoke well and ably; said he should 
speak to a point, that his late employment had given 
him an opportunity of examining thoroughly, and 
that if it was proved, all the rest was needless, namely 
that the German war was highly detrimental to France; 
he also attempted to show, that the Austrian alliance 
with France was unnatural, and the French at this 
time hated the Austrians worse than the English. 

" George Grenville spoke against the German war 
in general,! the Treaty, but thought it necessary, as 
we were so far embarrassed, to continue, but thought 
other plans might be proposed more effectual.^ 

"Mr. Pitt, with great serenity, congratulated the 
House on the temper of the day; that gentlemen spoke 
their opinions freely, without heat or animosity; gave 
his reasons artfully, for coming into, and going on with 
their plans, when he was entreated, pressed, and com- 
pelled to take the seals, but declared, from his infancy, 
he had ever inclined towards Continental measures; 

* The British Minister in France during the late unsuccessful 
negociation. See above, p. 43. 

t Mr. Grenville " had, during the last reign, avowedly or silently 
supported every one of Pitt's expensive German measures ; indeed, he 
had held by Pitt's favour one of the most lucrative places under 
Government, the Treasurer of the Navy. The scene was changed, 
and Grenville with it" — Walpole's George the Third, i. 104. 

X Grenville *' levelled several reflections indirectly at Mr. P[itt], 
and was more the aggressor than was perhaps advisable in this de- 
bate." — Lord Royston to the Earl of Hardwicke, Dec. 9, 1761. 

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complimented his friend Stanley, to the highest degree, 
for his abilities in his late negociation; congratulated 
his King, his country, &c., that they had a person of 
so great capacity among them; sneered at Rigby and ^ 
Sir Francis Delaval ; said he would not disappoint the 
gentlemen so far as to take no notice of them ; he con- 
fessed he did see the person of the latter standing up, 
and recollected to have heard him, — that was sufficient. 

" Lord Barrington supported the German war, and 
took an opportunity of defending Lord Ligonier, who 
was absent, and had been attacked upon some trivial 
military ftiatter, by Rigby. High words arose between 
them, and Rigby said, though he confessed himself not 
of abilities to face Mr. Pitt ; he was not a bit afraid of 
that noble lord, upon any ground. Lord Barrington 
assured him in return, that he was not in the least 
afraid to meet that gentleman in any shape, on any 

"Mr. Ongley* spoke next, for recalling the troops, 
without prevailing much, and said nothing worthy of 

" Mr. Nugent t spoke next, with the Ministry, but 

* Robert Henley, M.P. for Bedfordshire, assumed the surname of 
Ongley, on succeeding to the estates of his granduncle, Sir Richard 
Ongley. In 1776 he was created Baron Ongley, in the peerage of 
Ireland. '' Ongley spoke on the same side with Rigby, that he came 
down to the House with an honest enmity to the German war." — 
Viscount Royston to the Earl of Hardwicke, Dec. 9, 1761. 

f Robert Nugent, a native of Ireland. He had lived on terms of 
much intimacy with Frederick Prince of Wales, who, at the time of 

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^^ Mr. Legge said that it appeared to him that the 
diflFerence rose upon whether of two modes were the 
best, — ^the one that had succeeded, or one that might 
succeed; was much inclined to a peace, — ^not a bad 
one; and wished we had one. 

" Tommy Townshend, Mr. Huett,* Rose Fuller,t — 
all for continuing the troops. 

" Rose Fuller declared that he believed, if we recalled 

his death, owed him a considerable sum of money. The debt con- 
tracted by the father was liquidated by the son, who paid him off in 
the form of places, pensions^ and peerages. Nugent became succes- 
sirely Baron Nugent, Viscount Clare, and Earl Nugent. Opinions 
upon public matters he had none. He spoke and voted exactly as his 
master bade him. His religious creed sat as loosely upon him as his 
political He was brought up a Protestant, turned Roman Catholic, 
wrote a satire on his original creed, and died in the bosom of the 
Church he had so much ridiculed. 

This " voluptuous Irishman," as Glover calls him, was indebted to 
nature for an athletic form, a vigorous constitution, and a stentorian 
voice, an inexhaustible flow of spirits, a rich fund of humour, and a 
ready eloquence, in which bashfulness had no share. His coarse jokes 
lie scattered over the pages of Walpole. Nugent was author of 
several odes and epistles. He was a friend of Dr. Goldsmith, who 
addressed to him his celebrated '' Haunch of Venison.'* On one 
occasion he sent the Queen a bale of Irish manufisu^ure, accompanied 
by a copy of bad verses from himself. The wags of the '' RoUiad ** 
make her Majesty thank him for both pieces of stuff. 

* James Hewit, Member for Coventry, King*s Sergeant, brother- 
in-law of Sir George Savile. He subsequently became Lord Chan- 
cellor of Ireland. In 1768, he was created Viscount Lifford, in the 
peerage of that kingdom. The Duke of Graftcm speaks of him in his 
Journal '' as a true Whig, who bore a character to which all parties 
bore their assent of respect.*' 

t Rose Fuller, of Rose Hill, county of Sussex, M.P. for Maidstone, 
and aflerwards for Rye, Chairman of Ways and Means in Lord Rock- 

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the troops, our whole conquests would fall back into 
the hands of the French. 

^*The whole closed at eight o^clock, for continuing 
the troops^ nemine contradicente.^^ 

Before I give Mr. Milbanke's account of the second 
night's debate, I would introduce the following sketch 
of a new and subsequently conspicuous performer on 
the parliamentary stage. 

Isaac Barr6 was a native of Ireland. His parents 
kept a small grocer's shop in Dublin. At an early age 
he entered the army, and served with much distinction 
in America, against the French. Dividing his time 
between literature and the study of his profession, 
he found a kindred spirit for both pursuits in General 
Wolfe, who lived with him on the most intimate terms. 
He was present on the heights of Abraham, where that 
gallant young soldier, in the moment of victory, received 
his mortal wound. He was himself wounded in the 
same action. In West's celebrated picture of the death 
of Wolfe, Barr^ forms one of the group of officers round 
the dying General. Beturning to England, in 1760, 

ingham*8 first Administration. He was for several years a zealous 
Whig, but suddenly cooled towards the party. Among Lord Rock- 
ingham's papers is a list of the House of Commons, showing the 
political bias of each member ; his name there appears among the 
" doubtfuls." Almon says, that after Fuller's death it was discovered 
that he had for several years been in the receipt of a pension of 500/. 
a-year. Burke, who knew nothing of the cause, but felt the effect of 
his desertion, lamented to Lord Rockingham that ''his Lordship's 
withered old rose, who, in his best, was no better than adog-rose, had, 
within a few weeks, totally altered his hue." — Correspondence, ii. 8. 

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80 MR. MILBANRE [l761. 

he became the following year, through the agency of 
Mr. Fox, Lord Shelburne's nominee for Wycombe. His 
motive for attacking Pitt, in the manner described in 
the following letter, was for having neglected, as he 
supposed, his application for promotion. In a letter to 
Pitt, written in April 1760, he says, " After the defeat 
of his Majesty's enemies, the trophies I can boast only 
indicate how much I suflFered, — my zealous and sole 
•advocate killed, my left eye rendered useless, and the 
ball still in my head." 

His appearance on this his parliamentary dibut^ is 
graphically described by Walpole. " My ear was struck 
with sounds I had little been accustomed to of late — 
virulent abuse on the last reign, — and from a voice 
unknown to me. I turned and saw a face equally new; 
a black, robust man, of a military figure, rather hard- 
favoured than not, young, with a peculiar distortion on 
one side of his face, which it seems was a bullet lodged 
loosely in his cheek, and which gave a savage glare to 
one eye. What I less expected, from his appearance, 
was very classic and elegant diction, and as determined 
boldness as if accustomed to harangue in that place." 


'* Argyle Street, Dec. 28th, 1671. 

" In my last I was rather hasty, as I concluded before 

the sport was over. The next day produced some new 

combatants. Mr. Bunbury (whom I described in my 

last), with a flashy speech, and no small assurance, 

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abused Continental, Hanoverian, and Russian measures; 
called the King of Prussia * the petty elector of Branden- 
bourgh/ and spoke disrespectfully of the late King; a 
great deal of bombast and false action; a set speech 
calculated for a reply to Mr. Pitt the day before, but 
kept till it was stale. 

" Mr. Glover gave a long history of treaties for 
several years back, and aimed to prove the absurdity 
of the Prussian Treaty, wherein we were bound not to 
make peace without the King of Prussia's consent. 
Mr. Pitt showed the obligation was reciprocal, as was 
usual between parties engaged in a general treaty. I 
pass over some stragglers, to hasten to the hero of the 
piece. Colonel Barre, an Irishman of low birth, bred 
an attorney, but taking to the sword, was in high 
favour with General Wolfe, and good repute as a 
soldier, with u most consummate assurance, good figure, 
military countenance, and ready at his tongue, made 
a most violent attack on our late measures, the late 
K — ^g, and a personal one on Mr. Pitt. After abusing 
our treaties, &c., he said the nation had been so biassed 
in the late reign by the Court, that from the K — ^g to 
the lowest of the people, we were all become Hanovers. 
Then he attacked Mr. Pitt's political principles, and 
said his life had been a series of change and contra- 
diction, from the beginning to the end ; that after the 
most violent protestations against Continental and 
Hanoverian connections, when he had thrust himself 
into the Ministry, cameleon-like, he took the colour 
of the ground he stood on. He then ridiculed his 
VOL. 1. Q 

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82 MR. MILBANKE [l761. 

figure and action, saying, he was amazed to see the 
gentleman with solemn looks, with eyes uplift to heaven, 
one hand beating on his breast, and formally contra- 
dicting and disowning the principles he had maintained 
the day before. 

" Mr. Pitt was so mortified and hurried, that he said 
once or twice to his friend Beckford, * What 's to be 
done?' At last Beckford, all in a tremble, called him 
to order for using the Eing*s name, when, he said, the 
King had no confidence in him. A debate from thence 
arose on the use of the King's name, when Mr. Fox 
started up, and said the use of the King's name in that 
sense was not irregular, and that the honourable gentle- 
man had said nothing disorderly from the beginning to 
the end, and so hallooed Barre on again, who got up 
with the same intrepidity, and concluded without vary- 
ing his style. I fancy the House would not have 
suffered such scurrility on any other person, but they 
sneered to see the great warrior worried. I find Mr. 
Pitt was exceedingly mortified to find the House so 
little inclined towards him. I fancy he expected to 
shelter himself behind the Duke of New— e, and his 
party in the House ; and out of doors, thought he stood 
on good ground. In his speech, he had flattered the 
Duke of New — e for his conduct at the head of the 
Treasury; in the same style he flattered Lord Anson. 
Barr6, in plain words, in one part of his speech, called 
him ^the most infamous minister that ever England 

'* The Solicitor-General vindicated the late King very 

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handsomely and ahly, thoroughly answered all the dis- 
respectful hints that were thrown out against him, and 
declared that, to his certain knowledge, so far from the 
King's heaping up his Hanoverian treasures, and cut^ 
ting up the bowels of £ngUshmen, as Barr^ had expressed 
himself, he never applied any money from hence to the 
defence of his Hanoverian territories, till he had entirely 
exhausted the whole of his Hanoverian coffers. This 
is a circumstance but little known, and deserves to be 
made public. 

" I left Mr. Pitt's answers to Sir Francis Delaval 
short in my first letter. He turned to Mr. Fox, and 
looked him full in the face, and said, * if any gentleman 
in this country would venture to take the lead, on any 
other plan but the present, he would make his heart 
ache ;' and now, I think, I have answered the mill- 

The effect produced upon the House by this extra- 
ordinary philippic may be judged of by the observation 
to which it gave rise. Pitt made no manner of reply ; 
only turning to Beckford, and asking pretty loud, '* How 
far the scalping Indians cast their tomahawks ? " * When 
Barr^ sat down, he was observed to eat a biscuit, upon 
which some one cried out, " You should feed him upon 
raw flesh." Another observed that he knew of nobody 
fit to enter against him but an officer in America, who 
was distinguished by the name of " Kill him and eat 
him." Charles Townshend, being asked when the House 

* Walpole'8 Geoi-ge III. 

o 2 

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would rise for the holidays, replied, " I do not know, 
but when it does the roads will be as dangerous as if 
the army were disbanded." And Barr6, having said 
that he would not answer for his head, but would for 
his heart, "Yes," said George Selwyn, "if he could 
not the former would have been broken long ago." * 

♦ Walpole. 

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On the first day of the new year, the Count de 
Fuentes quitted England. On the fourth, war was 
formally proclaimed against Spain. The immediate 
occasion of these fresh hostilities, was Lord Egremont's 
vapouring despatch. But the war might probably have 
been altogether avoided, had Mr. Pitt, while Minister, 
adopted a more conciliatory tone towards the Court 
of Versailles. If that statesman would have granted 
such terms to France as she could have accepted 
without losing her position in the scale of nations, the 
famous " Family Compact," the ostensible cause of the 
rupture, would have been altogether unnecessary. Thus 
when Pitt, at the meeting of Parliament, claimed credit 
for his foresight and intelligence, in recommending im- 
mediate hostilities, may not the prophet be accused of 
having had some share in fulfilling his own prediction? 

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It is due to the Duke of Newcastle, whose memory 
stands charged with political delinquencies enough, to 
show that from almost the greatest crime of which a 
public man can be guilty, that of unnecessarily involv- 
ing his country in war, he was, in this instance, exempt. 
His correspondence throughout shows, that he was 
opposed to the aggressive policy adopted towards Spain. 
Writing to Lord Hardwicke, on the 10th of January, 
he says : — 

" Every friend I have dings in my ear, that the 
whole load of our miserable situation will be laid upon 
me. My Lord Bute complains that I am laying it all 
upon him; as long as he is the sole dictator^ there it 
ought to lie. But I never withdraw from what I have 
advised and think right. To be sure I did, and do, 
think the Spanish affairs might have been treated in a 
manner that would have given us a chance to have 
avoided the war. But that was mere matter of 
opinion, in which, to be sure, others might, and indeed 
did, differ without any unkindness or disrespect to me. 
I have (shown), and shall show, as much desire to carry 
on this terrible war against Spain with success, as any- 
body ; perhaps having tried a Spanish war with as much 
zeal, I am sure, as any man, even Mr. Pitt himself can 
do, and having found little success in it, I may per- 
haps not be quite so sanguine as others are.** 

Two days after the declaration of war, the Cabinet 
assembled, to concert measures for the approaching 

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" At the meeting on Wednesday," writes the Duke 
of Newcastle, "where there were none but the two 
Secretaries, the Duke of Devonshire, Lord Anson, 
Lord Ligonier,* Mr. Grenville, and myself, we began 
with my Lord Anson's project, of attacking the Havan- 
nah, and after hearing the facilities, which his Lordship 
and Lord Ligonier apprehended there were in doing 
it, we all unanimously advised the undertaking it 
as certainly a measure of the greatest importance to 
Spain; and the method proposed by them for it, will 
cause as little additional expense as a measure of that 
magnitude and consequence would do." 

In selecting the Havannah, the centre of the whole 
trade of the Spanish West Indies, as the point of 
attack, Ministers sought to avoid a repetition of the 
errors committed by their predecessors, in the former 
war with Spain, when operations were directed against 
so inferior a place as Porto Bello, instead of proceeding 
at once to Carthagena. 

The choice of the chief officers of this expedition 
was assigned to William, Duke of Cumberland. For 

♦ Field-Marshal Viscount Ligonier, of Enniskillen, created in 1 766 
an English Earl. He was a Frenchman by birth, but entered the 
English service at an early age. ''This honest old General,'' as 
Chesterfield calls him, served with much distinction under the Duke 
of Marlborough, and afterwards in the wars of Germany. So bril- 
liant was his conduct at Dettingen, that George the Second invested 
him with the order of the Bath on the field of battle. Ligonier was 
a thoroughly amiable man, and was both a favourite in the camp and 
the Court. He died in 1770, at the advanced age of ninety- two, 
retaining the gaiety of his nation to the last. 

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although the Whig predilections of the hero of Culloden 
prevented much intimacy between him and George the 
Third, yet the young King appears to have looked up 
to his uncle as a great military authority, and to have 
consulted him on all matters connected with his pro- 
fession. On this occasion, the Duke nominated to the 
chief command of the army. Lord Albemarle. Asso- 
ciated with Lord Albemarle, were his two brothers. 
To Augustus Keppel, the elder, who bore the distin- 
guishing pendant of commodore, were assigned the 
active naval operations of the siege, while upon 
William, devolved the storming of the Moro, the fort 
upon which the city of the Havannah mainly depended 
for its defence. 

George Keppel, third Earl of Albemarle, was at this 
time a Lieutenant-Greneral, a Privy Councillor, Governor 
of Jersey, and Colonel of the King's Own Dragoon 
Guards. From the age of sixteen he had been in the 
household of the Duke of Cumberland; and up to the 
period of his nomination, his Royal Highnesses inse- 
parable companion, whether in peace or war. After 
the battle of Culloden, Lord Albemarle, or, as he then 
was, Lord Bury, brought the intelligence of the victory 
to George the Second, who made him a present of a 
sword and five hundred guineas, and appointed him his 
aide-de-camp. He was very near, however, being dis- 
qualified for ever as a messenger of triumph, for on the 
morning of the action, " a poor mountaineer approached 
the lines of the English, demanded quarter, and was 
sent to the rear. As he lounged backwards and for- 

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wards through the lines, apparently very indifferent 
to what was going on, and even paying no attention 
to the ridicule with which the soldiers greeted his 
uncouth appearance. Lord Bury, aide-de-camp to the 
Duke, happened to pass, in the discharge of his duties, 
when all at once the Highlander seized one of the 
soldiers' muskets, and discharged it at that officer; 
receiving next moment, with perfect indifference, and 
as a matter of course, the shot with which another 
soldier immediately terminated his existence. He had 
intended to shoot the Duke of Cumberland, but fired 
prematurely, and without effect, at an inferior officer, 
whose gaudy apparel seemed, in his simple eyes, to 
indicate the highest rank." * 

Augustus Eeppel, the next brother, entered the navy 
at ten years of age, " went foreign " immediately, and 
continued afloat, with little intermission, until he hoisted 
his flag. After three years' cruise in the Mediter- 
ranean, as a midshipman, he returned home, in time 
to accompany Anson on his famous voyage round the 
world. He had the peak of his cap shot off at Payta, 
and was promoted to his lieutenancy for his gallantry 
in the capture of the Acapulco galleon. 

"On the'SOth of November (1743), I went," writes 
Augustus Keppel, "up in the cutter to Wampo, and 
so to Canton, to attend the Commodore to the Vice- 
King of Canton." f 

On the 30th of November, 1843, being, to a day, one 

• Chambers's Hist, of the Rebellion, ii. 90-1. 
t Keppel's Life of Viscount Keppel, i. 68. 

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hundred years later, Augustus Keppel's great nephew, 
Henry Eeppel, also a sailor, succeeded for the first time 
in getting within the walls of Canton.* 

At the age of twenty, Augustus Keppel, having now 
attained the rank of Captain, was appointed to the 
command of the " Maidstone," a fine fifty-gun frigate, 
in which he was the most successful cruiser of his time, 
until he ran her to pieces on the coast of Britany, 
while in hot pursuit of a large privateer, amidst rocks 
and shoals, and under the fire of the enemies' batteries. 
In the year 1749, Keppel was sent with a squadron of 
ships, to demand from the Dey of Algiers compensation 
for injuries inflicted upon English vessels by the Bar- 
bary pirates. The youthful Commodore and Envoy 
was of fair complexion and diminutive stature, and 
looked younger than his actual age — twenty-five years. 

" On his arrival at the palace," says Northcote, ** he 
demanded an audience, and, on his admission to the 
divan, laid open his embassy, requiring at the same 
time, in the name of the Sovereign, ample satisfaction 
for the injuries done to the British flag. Surprised 
at the boldness of his remonstrances, and enraged at 
his demand for justice, the Dey, despising his apparent 
youth, exclaimed that he wondered at the insolence of 
the King of Qreat Britain, in sending him an insigni- 
ficant beardless boy.. 

" On this the youthful hot-spirited Commodore re- 
plied, *Had my master supposed that wisdom was 

* My brother^ Captain Keppel^ was then in command of H.M.S- 
** Dido.** 

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measured by the length of beard, he would have sent 
your Deyship a he-goat/ The tyrant, unused to such 
language from the sycophants of his court, ordered his 
mutes to advance with the bowstring. The Commo- 
dore, being very near a window which looked out upon 
the bay, directed the attention of the African chief to 
the squadron then at anchor, telling him that if it was 
bis pleasure to put him to death, there were Englishmen 
enough on board to make him a glorious funeral pile. 
The Dey cooled at this hint, and was wise enough to 
let him depart in safety." * 

Keppel was the junior Member of the Court Martial 
that condemned B3mg to death. His efforts to save 
that unfortunate Admiral are too well known to be 
repeated here. 

In the year 1758, Keppel captured the Island of 
Goree, and, the following year, commanded one of the 
eight ships which, under Lord Hawke, in a heavy gale 
of wind, a high sea, a strange and rocky coast, and 
a lee shore, completely annihilated the French fleet. 
In this action Keppel sank the Th^s^, an eighty-gun 
ship, with a crew of fifteen hundred men. "Keppel's 
ship," says Walpole, " was full of water, and he thought 
he was sinking; a sudden squall emptied his ship, but he 
was informed all his powder was wet. ' Then,' said he, 
' I am sorry I am safe.' They came and told him a 
small quantity was undamaged. * Very well,' said he, 
* then attack again.' "f The next year he was appointed, 

♦ Northcote's Life of Sir Joshua Reynolds, L 32-3. 
t Walpole's Life of George IL ii. 395. 

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with General Hodgson, to the joint command of the 
expedition to Belleisle. 

Lord Albemarle's naval coadjutor, in the expedition 
against the Havannah, was Admiral Sir (Jeorge Pocock. 
This officer commenced his career under Sir George 
Byng. In 1748, as chief officer on the leeward station, 
he captured nearly forty vessels belonging to a French 
convoy. At the attack on Chandemagore, in 1757, he 
would not quit the deck, although he had received 
seven wounds. His principal services were in the East 
Indies. His competitor was poor Admiral Lally, who 
was so brutally executed in 1761. Lally was for some 
time a prisoner in England. On being introduced to 
Pocock, he thus addressed him : — " Dear Sir (Jeorge, 
as the first man in your profession, I cannot but respect 
and esteem you, though you have been the greatest 
enemy I ever had. But for you I should have triumphed 
in India, instead of being made a captive. When we 
first sailed out to give you battle, I had provided a 
number of musicians on board the *Zodiaque' (the French 
flag-ship), intending to give the ladies a ball on our 
victory ; but you left me only three fiddlers alive, and 
treated us all so roughly, that you quite spoiled us for 

To those who may wish to see a favourable portrai- 
ture of William, surnamed " The Butcher," from his 
severities in the Highlands, after the rebellion in 
1745-6, the following letter, and others of similar 
tenor, may prove interesting. 

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" My dear Lord, *' Windsor, Great Lodge, Feb. 24, 1 762. 

" A THOUSAND thanks for your letter of the 22nd. 
I have felt the bad weather, that has lasted ever since 
we parted, both in body and mind, for I have had a 
sharp fit of the gout (which, by the by, is going oflf) ; 
but the contrary winds were still more unpleasant, as 
I dread the loss of one single day at present, and that 
not the less for Knowles's* company, who is here 
croaking every day at dinner. Any bystander would 
think me the projector and fitter-out of the expedition ; 
but the truth is, the subject is so tender, that I cannot 
even allow suppositions, which, perhaps, are not quite 

" I must not omit saying, that I gave your brotherf 
false intelligence about the Moro fort, for he asked me 
whether ships could anchor before that fort, and I 
answered in the negative; but on further inquiry of 
Knowles, he says, the men-of-war may anchor as near 
as they please, in from four to six fathoms water; 

* To Admiral Sir Charles Knowles is due the merit of the original 
project for the reduction of the Havannah. Returning from Jamaica 
in 1 756f he obtained leave to view the fortifications of that city, and 
on the appearance of a rupture with Spain, submitted to Mr. Pitt a 
plan — probably the same which he laid before the Cabinet at the 
time of his resignation. Sir Charles afterwards showed his papers to 
the Duke of Cumberland, who forwarded them to the Government 

t Commodore Keppel. 

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though, he assured me, he had told your brother, yet 
I thought it best to write myself. 

** I have a million of compliments and good wishes 
from my sister Mary ;* and you know too well how much 
she loves me, not to think her sincere on the subject. 

" Dear Albemarle, get away as fast as I wish, and judge 
whether I don't love my easterly wind more than ever. 
Nobody can tell better what you have felt on this 
occasion, for our feelings have truly sympathized, as 
I am in hopes they ever will. 

" Yours for ever, 

" William." 

Scarcely had the war with Spain been proclaimed, 
than the Government, or rather Lord Bute, re-opened 
the negociation with France. " The first great outlines 
of the peace,*' writes Lord Chesterfield, "were arranged, 
under the sole direction of Viri, for Lord Bute was 
wholly ignorant of negociations and foreign policy.^ 

The Count de Viri was a native of Savoy ; he had 
been originally a monk. In the reign of Greorge the 
Second, he was appointed Minister to the English Court 
Yiri had the sagacity to foresee the position Lord Bute 

* Princess Mary, fourth daughter of George the Second^ married 
in 1740 Frederick, Landgrave of Hesse CasseL ''He was a brutal 
German, obstinate, of no genius, and afler long treating Princess 
Mary, who was the gentlest and mildest of her race, with great in- 
humanity, had for some time liyed upon no terms with her." — Wal- 
pole's Memoirs, i. 351. 

Queen Caroline, on her death-bed, spoke of " the meek and mild 
disposition of the Princess Mary." — Hervey, il 513. 

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would eventually bold, and paid his court to him so 
effectually, as to gain a complete ascendancy over him ; 
indeed, the love of intrigue and mystery of the wily 
Savoyard, found a responsive feeling in the breast of 
the favourite. The conduct of the Peace was not the 
only commission with which Lord Bute charged Viri. 
It appears by the Hardwicke papers, that he had 
assigned to him the scarcely less difficult task of re- 
conciling the Duke of Newcastle to part with the 
power, while he retained the title of Minister. His 
services were amply rewarded. The King granted him 
a pension of a thousand a*year, on the Irish Pension 
list, under the name of Charles, and allowed his son 
to succeed him at the Court of London. On his return 
to Sardinia, Viri retired to his States in Savoy, on 
the plea of ill health, but in reality, to avoid the 
Marquis de St. Germain, the Sardinian Minister of 
Foreign Affairs, who he knew could not endure him. 
But hearing that the Marquis was ill, he so timed his 
visit to Turin, as to arrive when his enemy was at the 
point of death. Viri knew that he was in no good 
odour at Court. He had reason to suspect that the 
King of Sardinia was aware of the intrigues that he 
had set on foot, to prolong his stay in England. 

The day after the death of M. de Saint Germain, he 
appeared before the King and made his peace with his 
Majesty, by presenting him with a magnificent suite of 
Gobelin tapestry, which had been given him by Louis 
the Fifteenth. 

M. Dutens, the author of " Memoirs of a Traveller in 

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Retirement," was at this time Charge d' Affaires at the 
Court of Turin, and went frequently to see Viri. He 
was treated with much apparent confidence bj the 
Count, who seemed anxious to know who was spoken of 
as the new Foreign Secretary ; Dutens telling him that 
the Count himself was considered the successful candi- 
date: he replied, ^^I am tired of business, I have 
already, one foot in the grave, and how could any one 
be so simple as to imagine that / would now go to 
mix in the bustle of courts and politics." This assur- 
ance he repeated several times. He was actually at the 
time the Foreign Secretary. 

Dutens, on another occasion, applied to Viri on behalf 
of a friend. Some time after, the Minister sent for him 
as early as eight o'clock in the morning ; spoke in high 
terms of his friend, and satisfied him that his request 
would be granted. Dutens had scarcely got home, when 
he saw his friend, who laughing, told him he knew all 
that happened. " Count de Viri,** said he, *' sent for 
me at seven o'clock; he wished me to witness how much 
he had my affairs at heart, and made me conceal myself 
behind a screen, while he was talking to you.'' 

This love of concealment manifested itself in the 
most trifling concerns. He had once a slight wound on 
one of his legs, and sent for a surgeon to examine it. 
A similar accident happening to the other leg, he put 
that under the care of another surgeon, so that it might 
not be known he had hurts on both legs at the same time. 

When Viri died, his secretary said in answer to an 
inquirer, " He is dead, but he does not wish it to be 

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known;'" and the King of Sardinia, when he heard of 
his death said, " That he would have made a mystery of 
it, if he could." 

The negociations with France were carried on by 
Count de Viri through the medium of his country- 
man the Bailli de Solar, the Sardinian Ambassador 
at Paris. The Bailli had been previously Ambassador 
from his own Court, to that of Rome, at the satne time 
that Choiseul was Ambassador from France. A warm 
friendship had, since that period, subsisted between 

M. Dutens makes a favourable mention of the Bailli 
in his Memoirs. 

The allusion in the following letter, to the " dissen- 
sion int^rieure," sufficiently accounts for the tone 
adopted by the writer. 


« Le 28 Janvier, 1762, 
" Nous nous parlerons Lundi, mon cher Ambassadeur, 
sur les lettres de M. le Comte de Viry. Elles ont un 
tour entortill^, qui nous jette dans la m^fiance. II 
nous parait que, dans la situation actuelle, si les Anglais 
veulent de bonne foy la paix, il faut qu'ils agissent avec 
la m^me franchise que nous avons en vis-k-vis d'eux 
quand nous la voulions au printemps pass^. Cette 
franchise consiste k nous faire dire nettement, * Nous 
voulons la paix et nous vous offi'ons ainsi qu'^ I'Espagne 
telles conditions.' Sur cela on n^gocie, on se rapproche, 

VOL. I. H 

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et on conclue; si au contraire, Ton imagine k Lon- 
dres que sur des insinuations que peuvent 6tre d63- 
avoufes, nous ferons des propositions, on les y attendera 
long temps. Voil^ mon avis, et ce que je vous con- 
seille de mander a Monsieur de Viry. Je pense qull 
faut beaucoup refl^chir avant que de prendre un parti ; 
mais, quand on Ta pris, il ne faut pas t'^tonner pour 
Tex^cuter sur tout lorsqu'on a k faire as d'honnetes 
gens, qui sont bien ^loign^s de vouloir compromettre 
meme leurs ennemis. 

Le Ministfere Anglais ne pent avoir que trois vues, ou 
de semer, par des insinuations faciles, de la jalousie 
entre nos alli^, ou d'avoir int^r^t de faire actuellement 
la paix pour r^m^dier k la dissension interieure, qui se 
trouve dans le Conseil Britannique; ou parcequ'il sent 
que le fardeau de la guerre devient trop p^ant pour la 
monarchie. Si c'est la premiere vue qui la dirige, vous 
pouvez avertir M. de Viry qu'il ne reussira pas ; si ce 
sont les deux autres, il doit croire que nous desirous tr^ 
sinc^rement la paix; que nous nous piquons d'une pro- 
bite exacte, et que par consequent il n'y a nul incon- 
venient de nous faire des propositions. Vous observerez 
que nous ne sommes pas les mattres de parler les 
premiers, car nous avons des allies, dont il faudroit 
avoir Tagr^ment, ce qui seroit tr^ longue et dijficile; 
mais ces m^mes alli^ adopteraient par notre canal, les 
propositions d^ntes, que nous pouvions leur faire. Au 
reste ne croyez pas que la prise ou la non prise de la 
Martinique puisse nous d&"anger de notre syst^me 
politique. Je ne s^ais pas ce qui arrivera de cette 

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operation, mais je me suis arrange, eomme si les 
Anglais en avaient fait la conqu^te. Adieu, mon cher 
Ambassadeur ; je doute que j'aie rien k vous ajouter 
Lundi k tout ce que je vous mande, je vous aime, et je 
vous embrasse de tout mon cqeur." 

The copy of M. de Choiseul's despatch was sent to the 
Earl of Hardwicke by the Duke of Newcastle, with the 
following note f5pom himself. 

" Newcastle House, Wednesday, four o'clock. 
" I AM sure you were as much concerned and disap- 
pointed as myself, at the answer to Comte Viry. To 
be sure, they are provoking, especially some passages in 
M. de Choiseurs letter, that *la dissension dans le 
Minist^re,' or ' notre impuissance de faire la guerre,' 
may make us wish for peace. I find they have puzzled 

my Lord B extremely. I could not, however, 

avoid giving it as my opinion, both to his Lordship 
and to the King afterwards, that we should not put a 
final stop to this channel^ for that I was concerned that 
the German war was totally abandoned. This nation 
was not in a condition to carry on the remaining war 
one more year, and I think I can prove it. H(is) 

M(ajesty) made no reply. Lord B was high; that 

we must not lie down and submit, pointing out the 
going on no longer in this channel or way, but the 
Duke of Devonshire tells me since, that Lord Bute 
told him that Lord Egremont should write an office 
letter to Comte Viry, complaining,^ I suppose, of the 

H % 

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answer, and possibly sending to put a stop to the nego- 
ciations, and his Lordship, would also write a letter 
himself to Comte Viry. That may be to qiudify the 
other ^ but as he did not do me the honour to mention 
this to me, I can say nothing certain upon it. I wish 
to know your Lordship's thoughts upon the whole." 

Lord Bute's conduct, at this time, is an enigma. 
While he was half inclined to put a stop to negocia- 
tions in one quarter, he appears to have been equally 
zealous to promote them in . another. " He had or- 
dered Sir Joseph Torke," says Walpole, " to treat pri- 
vately with the Court of Vienna, without the know- 
ledge of the King of Prussia. To the confusion of the 
favourite, the first news he had of any answer to 
come, was from the Baron de Enyphausen, the King 
of Prussia's minister here." * 

This step, which Lord Bute took without the know- 
ledge of his colleagues, was, in the belief that the 
Court of Vienna would be more disposed to pacificatory 
arrangements than any other powers,— a most egre- 
gious blunder, considering the close relationship that 
existed between Austria and France, and the bad 
construction that would inevitably be put upon the 
proceeding by Frederick of Prussia. Nor does this 
message to Sir Joseph Yorke appear to have been 
the sole imprudence that Lord Bute committed in the 
matter; for it appears by the following letter, that 

* Walpole's Oeoiige the Third, i. 157. 

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1762.] WITH VIENNA. 101 

he wrote also to M. Alt, the minister of Hesse Cassel at 
the Court of St. James's. 


« Newcastle House, Feb. 17, 1762. 
" I SEND your Lordship, the very extraordinary letter 
which I mentioned, from M. Alt, though perhaps you 
may have had it in circulation. I think there never 
was so imprudent a communication from a Secretary 
of State, and sole minister, to a minister of a very 
suspected ally, and who will not fail to acquaint both 
the Courts of France and Vienna, that we are unable 
to go on with the war." 

On the 5th of February, the Duke of Bedford moved 
a resolution in the House of Lords against carrying on 
the war in (Germany. His motion was rejected. 

The nature of Lord Bute's communication to M. 
Alt on this subject may be infei^^ed from the next 
paragraph in the Duke's letter. 

**I think, also, with regard to his (Lord Bute's) 
colleagues, myself in particular, there never was so 
presumptuous, fidse^ and offensive one. To assume to 
himself the sole direction of the House of Lords. To 
assert, contrary to fact, that that majority would reject 
the Duke of Bedford's motion, no other way than by 
a previous question, and as contrary to fact, to assert 
afterwards that it was his Lordship that had induced the 

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majority to do it by the previous question. Is it possible 
for me to go on with this man? " 

The letters of the Duke of Newcastle, which have 
appeared in the preceding pages, will have pointed out 
some of the expedients by which the favourite sought to 
drive his veteran rival from that office which he aspired 
himself to fill. To show, by his correspondence, all the 
affronts that, with this object, were put upon the poor 
old Duke, would weary the reader's patience. One 
more letter will suffice. It was written five days prior 
to the declaration of war with Spain. 


*' Claremont, Dec. S0» 1761. 

" I HAVE not heard one word from my Lord Bute, 
in answer to my letter last Sunday; — and, to my greater 
surprise, I received this morning, at eight o'clock, the 
enclosed extraordinary uninforming note from my Lord 
Egremont, inclosing the draught of his answer to Count 
Fuentes, which I immediately returned with the en- 
closed letter. 

" I have also, this morning, from my porter, a sum- 
mons for a council, I think this day, upon what I know 
not. Was ever any man in my station, or infinitely 
less, treated with so much slight and contempt? When 
I had wrote to the Minister^ particularly to be informed 
when there was a council for the declaration of war, 
when that letter was showed to the Secretary of State, 

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1761.] TO LORD HARDWICKE. 103 

and when that Secretary sent me a note this moment, 
and mentioned the declaration of war not being settled, 
to have (if this should be the case) a Council fixed for 
this very declaration of war, and to have no notice of 
it from either Secretary's office, is an indignity, I 
believe, which never before was put upon a minister of 
my rank, station, age, and experience ; add to all this, 
promises to Portugal of six thousand men, and even 
of money, and not one word said to me upon either, 
except that His Majesty was graciously pleased to tell 
me of the first {viz. the troops) but particularly said, 
that there was no promise of money. Though your 
Ivordship will find, by my Lord Bute's letter to General 
Yorke,* that even that was resolved also. I men- 
tioned the six thousand men to my Lord Bute; his Lord- 
ship said, that they would not promise money without 
speaking to me ; I answered, * My Lord, Troops are 
Mmey^ to which he replied, * That is true.' Besides, 
even Mr. Pitt, till towards the last, always had that 
attention to me (and, I believe, to your Lordship) as 
constantly to send me his draughts, with copies for 
my own use, desiring me to make such alterations as I 
should think proper, before he produced them at the 
meeting of the King's Servants. These Ministers act 
in a very different way. When the great and fatal 
news came of the rupture with Spain, I was summoned 
the next day but one to the meeting of the Lords; 
when I came to St. James's, the two Secretaries were 

♦ The Hon. Sir Joseph Yorke, K.B. third son of Lord Chancellor 
Hardwicke, from the year 1751 to 1780 Minister at the Hague. 

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in with the King : when they came out, neither of them 
6aid one word to me, by way of conversation,— every- 
thing had been settled before; and at Council, your 
Lordship saw how little passed, and since that, you 
know all that has happened. 

" Whether it was a presumption in me to write to 
the Minister in the manner I did on Sunday, I don't 
know; I am apt to think that that which was wrote 
with quite a different view has displeased. The whole 
proves to me what I have mentioned to your Lordship 
before, that my Lord Bute's design is, that the first 
concoction of business shall be settled only between his 
Lordship, my Lord Egremont, and Mr. G. Grenville, 
which is in fact by my Lord Bute only. Li this situa- 
tion I cannot, I will not, go on to execute the most 
burthensome, the most difficult, the most responsible 
office in the whole kingdom, without rightful concert, 
confidence, and communication; and that I desire my 
Lord Bute may be told. I have my doubts whether 
any the best instead of the worst behaviour towards 
me, could or should induce me to expose myself any 
longer in the station I am now in. I wish your Lord- 
ship would say what you think proper, at least upon 
that point which relates to the Council." 

Unable, by personal slights, to drive his adversary 
from his post. Lord Bute, as will appear from the 
letters which follow, now assailed him in his adminis- 
trative capacity. The Duke of Newcastle had always 
maintained that this nation was bound by every prin- 

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1762.] TO LORD HARDWICKE. 105 

ciple of honour, to continue subsidies to Prussia. 
Hitherto the favourite had supported him in this 
sentiment. When, on the 5th of February, the Duke 
of Bedford moved in the House of Lords the discontinu- 
ance of the war in Germany, Lord Bute opposed the 
motion, on the ground that " the calling away the 
troops now would be attended with disgrace, infamy, 
and destruction." The following letter is characteristic 
both of the public policy and the individual vacillation 
of the veteran Minister. 


« April 10, 1762. 

"Though I have many observations to make, upon 
what passed at our last meeting, chiefly upon Mr. 
Grenville's treatment of the Treasury, his arraigning 
the Grerman war, and his urging even the most absurd 
impracticable method for reducing, or rather not pay- 
ing, the money now actually due thereupon; and on 
my Lord Bute's almost declaring that the Prussian 
subsidy should not be given, — I should scarce have 
troubled your Lordship with a letter upon them, if an 
incident had not happened since, in which, I think, we 
are all concerned, and myself very materially : nothing 
less than the inserting in the minute some material 
words, viz. * in a proper and parliamentary method^' 
which were never so much as mentioned ; but the view 
is plain, to answer Mr. Grenville's view of not raising 
the second million upon the vote of credit or sinking 

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fund, upon which your Lordship must remember no 
resolution was taken, but left to future consideration; 
as there was more than time sufficient for that purpose, 
the minute was read over correctly by my Lord Egremont 
woi'd for wordi and approved by everybody. If, after 
that, such a material alteration is to be made, and our 
names to be put to it without knowing one word of it, 
I for one will attend no more of these meetings. This 
is particularly hampering upon us in the Treasury, for I 
don't understand what is meant by it; though it must 
have some meaning, or it would not have been inserted 
— * a proper and parliamentary method /' The raising it 
upon the vote of credit is as proper and parliamentary 
method as any, if the vote of credit is extensive 
enough to enable you to do it. Does Mr. Grenville 
mean to come to Parliament for this measure? I sup- 
pose he does; but then he should consider where to 
raise the money by some new loan this year. For my 
part, / wotdd not attempt it. I have promised to raise 
no new money this year, and I will not break my word 
for Mr. Grenville. But what is remarkable, no one man 
has been so strong with me against raising more money 
this year than this very Mr. Grenville. But, my dear 
Lord, the whole is plain; Mr. Grenville, and perhaps 
others, are determined to get rid of the German war 

immediately [and of the D. of N tie too].* He 

therefore loads it with all the imputations he can find 
out, in order to render it so odious that nobody should 

* The words within the brackets inserted by the second Lord 

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1762.] TO LORD HARDWICKE. 107 

be for it; he sees that he cannot carry his point with 
me, and therefore he tries to overrule me in my own 
department; that, as to eiVecutiont he shall not do. 
I am not sure that his view may not be to force 
me out, and to set himself at the head of the Treasury. * 
That, with all my heart; for if there is not a peace 
(of which I don't see the least appearance this summer), 
I am determined not to engage another year; let Mr. 
Grenville carry on his maritime war as he pleases, and 
much good may it do him. 

" But to return to the question in the minute. I 
must have it set right; I cannot consent to have my 
name put to a thing I don't understand, much less 
when I am to have no interpretation of it, and the 
execution in consequence. When I see my Lord Bute 
I shall tell him my thoughts. I don't care to write 
about it to his Lordship, much less to Lord Egre- 
mont, to have it scanned by Mr. Grenville. 

" If your Lordship agrees with me as to the fact, of 
which I am certain, and as to the consequences which 
I apprehend, you will be so good as to let me have 
your thoughts ; or if accidentally you should see Lord 
Bute, I wish you would talk to him upon it. • . . 

** I hear a messenger from Petersburgh arrived yes- 
terday. I know not one word of what he brought. I 
perceive Sir Josephf knew nothing of his passing by. 
Indeed that mystery between Ministers obstructs busi- 
ness extremely, and never was practised before. But 

* Note by second Lord Hardwicke. *^ It certainly was the view." 
t Yorke. 

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we deal too much in mystery throughout I will add 
only one thought upon our foreign business. It should 
be determined forthwith whether we are to give the 
Prussian subsidy or not. The King of Prussia has 
been promised it. He ought to know in time whether 
that promise is to be fulfilled or not. I spoke two words 
to my Lord Bute upon it. I conjured him to think 
seriously before he refused it. All the answer I could 
get was, that the affair was still open." 


" Newcastle House, May S, 1762. 

^^ I AM under the greatest uneasiness and distress. 
The affair, I think, is over. I talked it fully with my 
Lord Harrington, who wrote a paper to prove that it 
was impossible for the Treasury to go on without a 
million in addition to that of the vote of credit; not 
to be put in the vote of credit, but to be voted in the 
Committee of Supply. 

" I went to Court at one o'clock, but my Lord Bute 
was gone. They said he was not well. When I went 
into the closet, I told the King I came to know his 
Majesty's command about the message. His Majesty 
seemed not to understand me. The King then went 
immediately, of his own accord, to the vote of credit. 
* Ton will have but a million, my Lord.' * Sir, that 
will not do.' I have discoursed with my Lord Bar- 
rington, who says we must shut up the Exchequer, 
if we have not more granted. His Majesty persevered, 

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1762.] TO LORD HARDWICRE. 109 

and I told him, since that was so, his Majesty must put 
it in a way that hb pleasure should be carried into 
execution, meaning that myself and my Lord B(arring- 
ton) could not. 

^* This being the case, it is most probable that I shall 
be obliged to resign on Wednesday next." 


" Newcastle House, Monday, May 10, 1762. 
" This day has produced some extraordinary discove- 
ries, all tending to prove the resolution taken by my 
Lord Bute to force me out immediately. The King^ 
who was very gracious the other day^ said not one word 
to me upon my own subfectj — a proof the party is taken. 
His Majesty talked very oddly about the borough 
Tiverton ; that it was a Court borough ; but, thank 
God, that is over, and I hope Mr. Gore chose.* Lord 
Bute went early away from Court to avoid the Duke of 
Devonshire and me. But, what is the more extraor- 
dinary, I send your Lordship direct proof, under Mar- 
tin's own hand, of such a behaviour in my Lord Bute to 
me in my office as hardly any gentleman acted towards 
another, let him be ever so insignificant. For a first 
Minister to give queries in writing to a Secretary of 
the Treasury, relating to facts to be known only in 
the Treasury, which facts were to determine his Lord- 
ship as to measures to be taken by the Government, 
without the participation or knowledge of the first 
* Mr. Gore was elected for Tiverton. 

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Lord of the Treasury, Minister in rank equal to him- 
self, and perhaps equal in responsibility, is an indignity 
never heard of before, or ever to be acquiesced in 
by me. The guilt of that pitiful secretary needs no 
explanation; the point now remaining to be considered 
is the time where, and the manner how, I should quit ; 
as to the time, I should think about the rising of the 
Parliament As to the manner, I would put it upon 
the last oflTensive act of overruling, or rather in med- 
dling with the business of my office, and engaging my 
colleagues and my secretary in open opposition to me. 
This the Duke of Cumberland approves. I have great 
reason to be satisfied with his Royal Highness; I have 
asked one favour of him, I ask of all my friends, and 
that is this, not to quit their employments, but to let 
everybody know, that what I do is with their approba- 
tion, and with some, by their advice, and that they shall 
continue to act with me^ in the same conduct as when I 
was in business^ or otherwise I am to be the scape-goat 
f(yr the whole. The Duke says the Duke of Devonshire 
will go no more to Council. I should think my friends 
should cease doing that when I resign." 

Upon the above letter the second Lord Hardwicke 
observes, ^' It is immaterial to ruminate on such old 
stories now, but the Duke of Newcastle when he quitted 
should either have got his friends to resign too, or 
retired absolutely, like L(ord) T(ownshen)d." 

Burke, in his " Thoughts on the Present Discontents," 

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offers the following defence of their continuing in office 
after the retirement of their chief: — 

" To the great Whig families it was extremely dis- 
agreeable, and seemed almost unnatural to oppose the 
administration of a Prince of the House of Brunswick. 
Day after day they hesitated and doubted and lingered, 
expecting that other counsels would take place, and 
were slow to be persuaded that all which had been 
done by the cabal was the effect, not of humour, but of 
system." * 


« May 19, 1762. 
" .... I WAS this day at Court. His Majesty was 
barely civil ; would not do a very right thing in the 
post-office at the recommendation of my Lord Bess- 
boro' f and Mr. Hampden. I desired the King's leave 
to attend his Majesty some day next week to settle my 
private account, and that I hoped his Majesty would 
allow me to retire from my employment a day or two 
after the Parliament rose. His Majesty asked me, 
whether I should go to Claremont. I said, *Tes; I 
might afterwards go to other places.' The Bong did 

* Burke's Works, ii. 238. 

t William Ponsonby, second Earl of Bessborough, married in 1 739 
Lady Caroline Cavendish, eldest daughter of William, third Duke of 
Devonshire. He was at tlus time one of the Postmasters General; an 
office which he resigned five months later. 

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not drop one word of concern at my leaving him, nor 
even made me a polite compliment, after near fifty 
years' service, and devotion to the interest of his Royal 
family. I will say nothing more of myself, but that I 
believe never any man was so dismissed. Bat all this 

puts me the more in the right. C * told the Duke 

of Devonshire that the resolution was taken not to ask 
me to stay." 

Writing on the 21st to Lord Hardwicke, the Duke of 
Newcastle says : 

" The Duke of Devonshire told n^ie this day as the 
greatest secret, that the King told him he would have 
a chapter of the Garter, and that he would give his 
brother Prince William one, and my Lord Bute the 
other.f They time it well, and I am glad of it The 
chapter is to be held on Thursday next, the day after 
my resignation. This lays me under the greatest 
difficulty. I am absolutely determined to go that day 
to Glaremont, to avoid all speculations about the day 
after. / am afraid this mil be thought want of respect 
in an old knight, to be absent at the election of a Kin^s 
brother. If that should be your Lordship's opinion, I 
must come to town again on Thursday morning, and 
return immediately after the election to Claremont. 

* Probably Mr. Calcraft> the army agent. 

t When this disposal of the vacant garters became known to Prince 
Henry, the liveliest of the King's brothers, he said, '' I suppose Mr. 
Mackenzie (Lord Bute's brother) and I shall have the green ribands." 

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1762.] TO LORD HARDWICKE. 113 

I don't like the appearance of assisting so soon after 
my resignation at Lord Bute's election, but that is of 
no great moment." 

There is no evidence to show that the Duke of New- 
castle attended the investiture of the new knights. 
But he was present at their installation, which took 
place at Windsor, on the 22nd of September. " The 
pomp was great; the King, Queen, and all the Royal 
family were there, except Princess Amelia." 

" His Grace (of Newcastle), 'Lord Temple and Lord 
Bute," writes Walpole, "met last Wednesday at the 
installation of the last. The first, when he performed 
the ceremony, embraced Lord Bute ; Lord Temple sat 
next him at dinner, but they did not exchange a 
syllable; and yet I do not esteem habitual virulence 
more than habitual dissimulation."* This incident 
appears to have furnished a subject for the pencil of 
the caricaturists of the day. In a letter of the 28th 
of September the Duke of Newcastle observes to Lord 
Hardwicke : ^^ As to my kissing my Lord Bute at the 
ceremony^ it is a necessary part of it, and, determined 
as I am to have nothing to do with his Lordship as 
Minister, I am the more disposed to show all sorts of 
civilities as a gentleman. I own I don't understand 
any of these prints and burlesques ; I am too dull to 
taste them, and if they are not decyphered for me, I 
could not in the least guess, very often, what they 
mean. I don't yet know what part I have in them, and 

♦ To Sir H. Mann, Sept. 26, 1762. 
VOL. I. I 

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as little what is designed for your Lordship. / detest 
the whole thingJ^ 

Shortly after the decease of Frederick, Prince of 
Wales, "The Duke," as he was called, par ea?ceUence^ 
had been on distant terms with the Duke of Newcastle, 
who had espoused the interests of the Princess Dowager, 
on the Regency question, to the prejudice of His Royal 
Highnesses pretensions. But shortly prior to the date 
of the previous letter, the Duke of Cumberland was 
reconciled to the Duke of Newcastle, and became more 
immediately identified ,with that section of the Whigs, 
of which his Grace was the recognized leader. 


"May 26, 1762. 

" His Majesty was pleased yesterday to express him- 
self more graciously to me than he had done for some 
time past. 

" The King was afterwards pleased to. speak more 
directly to the Duke of Devonshire, and said that he 
knew what I had done for the service of his family — 
that I had prejudiced my fortune by it; and therefore 
he wished the Duke of Devonshire would sound me, 
whether I would take a pension in any shape, privately 
or publicly, in any manner I should like. 

" His Majesty was this day very gracious also. I 
told the King I came to resign my employment, and 
return his Majesty my thanks for his gracious ofier to 

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me yesterday, and more particularly far what he had 
said to the Duke of Devonshire. That as I never served 
his Majesty nor his Royal predecessors with any view 
to the emolument of my employments, I was determined 
when I was out of his service, not to be any charge 
to him. That if my fortune had suffered by my zeal 
for his Majesty's Royal Family, it was my honour, 
my glory, and my pride ; and the gracious sense his 
Majesty had expressed of it was all the reward I desired. 
The King seemed to receive it very graciously; pressed 
me again to accept his offer, which his Majesty said he 
looked upon as a debt owing to me. To which I made 
the answer I have mentioned above. The King was 
pleased, at parting, to say that, he could depend on my 
support, to which I made a bow, and said nothing. I 
have been so much misunderstood on both sides of that 
question, that I thought it was best to be absolutely 
silent; as I had twice declared to the King, that I could 
make no promises, nor enter into any engagements 
upon that head." 


« Windsor, Great Lodge, May «6, 1762. 

" My Lord Duke of Newcastle,— 

" I return you many thanks for the early communica- 
tion of this great event, concerned as I and every honest 
man must be at it. Yet I have some pleasure to see 
the King has been pleased to show the sense he and 

I 2 

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all his family ought to have of your long, expensive, 

and most useful services. But I must take the freedom 

to add, that I most heartily rejoice at the manner in 

which you received the King's good intentions. Your 

friends must like it, your enemies will not dare to blame 

it. We shall meet at the Chapter to-morrow. If court 

should be over in time, perhaps you may like to call 

upon me afterwards, if not, the Lodge is not so far from 

Claremont, but that I may flatter myself with your 

company sometimes, for we have become spectators not 

actors, and have leisure to talk over past transactions, 

if precluded from the knowledge of fresh events. I hope 

you have no doubt but that I shall have the same regard 

for your services to the public, whether you are in place 

or out; and I must add that the manner of your going 

out has more decency and dignity than I have seen in 

my period. 

" I remain, 

" Tour very affectionate friend, 

" William." 

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On the Duke of Newcastle's resignation, Lord Bute 
became first Lord of the Treasury, Mr. Grenville, Se- 
cretary of State, and Sir Francis Dashwood, Chancellor 
of the Exchequer. This last appointment was not a 
happy one. Sir Francis was highly eccentric and 
grossly immoral. In his youth he went to Russia 
dressed in the costume of Charles the Twelfth of Sweden, 
in the hopes of captivating the heart of the Czarina. 
After leading a life free even for Italy, he returned to 
England, when he openly set at defiance every principle 
of decency and decorum. It has been urged that the 
public service would suffer if the private character of 
its servants were too narrowly examined. But no plea of 
state expediency could be pleaded for such an appoint- 
ment as that of Dashwood. His capacity was on a par 
with his propriety. His knowledge of accounts, if we 

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may believe his contemporaries, was confined to the 
reckoning of tavern bills, while to him " a sum of five 
figures wa3 an impenetrable secret." He had a coarse 
style of speaking, which had hitherto passed current 
for unadunied good sense; but no sooner did the new 
Ciianccllor of the Exchequer make his financial state- 
ment than the illusion was dispelled, and his budget was 
received ^vith loud shouts of contemptuous laughter. 

Scarcely had the favourite been two months installed 
in his new office than he invited the old Duke to return 
to the administration from which he had so lately driven 
him. In an interview with Lord Hardwicke, on the 
28th of Jnly, Lord Bute said, "He was glad to see 
the Bnke of Newcastle look so well, and in such good 
spirits ; that he had been sorry to hear reports that he 
was uneasy-" Lord Hardwicke replied, that " He knew 
no grounds for such reports. He (the Duke) might 
possildy nut be easy respecting the public, but that he 
never kne\^ him in better health and cheerfulness per- 
sonally in his life." Lord Bute said it had given him 
a great deal of uneasiness that his Grace had thought it 
necessary for him to leave the administration as he did; 
that he thtmght he could have gone on with his Grace 
longer and better than with anybody else ; for there was 
always a good humour about him, and he had not the 
starts and emotions that some others were liable to; 
that if he (the Duke) should think any office proper 
for his rank and age the King would most readily * 
confer it/' f 

The next conciliatory overtures were made through ^ 



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the medium of Lord Lyttletpn, — first, in a conference 
with Lord Hardwicke, ^d after in two direct communi- 
cations with the Duke of Newcastle himself. In these 
interviews with the ex-minister, Lord Lyttleton offered 
the Duke the post of Lord President of the Council. 

" The conference ended," said the Duke, ** with my 
resolution to accept no employment, nor to return to 
the Council. To come," said his Grace, " to support 
my Lord Bute and his measures, to have the odium 
thrown upon me, would not be a part much approved 
in the nation, and very improper for myself." 

Tbd foreign negociations of the preceding year were 
resumed in August 1762, and as a pledge of reciprocal 
sincerity it was agreed on both sides that envoys of the 
first distinction should be exchanged by the French and 
English Courts. Accordingly in September, the Duke 
of Bedford went to Paris, and the Due de Nivernais 
repaired to London, furnished respectively with full 
powers to adjust the preliminaries of peace. 

Louis Jules Barbon, Due de Nivernais, or Duke 
Nevemewj as the London mob soon learned to call him, 
was remarkable for his high birth, his poetical talents, 
his social accomplishments, and his personal ugliness. 
He was the French representative of the ancient and 
illustrious house of Mancini, was a Peer of France, a 
Grandee of Spain, a Eoman Baron, and a Prince of the 
Empire. The fastidious Chesterfield held him up as a 
model of politeness. He spoke several languages fluently, 
and was the author of many trifles both in verse and 
prose, which were popular enough at the time to excite 

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the raptures of the Chevalier D'Eon,* and the spleen of 
Madame G^offrin.f By his efforts to be universally agree- 
able, " la coquetterie de plaire k tout le monde," Niver- 
nais laboured to indemnify himself for the unkindliness 
of Nature in giving him a most unpromising exterior 4 
He was the meagre Frenchman of Hogarth's pictures 
and Smollett's novels. On his landing at Dover, a 
sailor, who having been a prisoner in France was fami- 
liar with the Duke's person, pointed him out to the 
crowd as the fattest Frenchman he had ever seen. And 
this nautical pleasantry was relished by no one more 
than the Duke himself. With all his advantages of birth 
and manners, the Duke was by no means a fortunate 
man. His health obliged him to quit his original 
profession of arms. His legation at Berlin, in 1756, 
was a failure—" It was thought," said Voltaire, " that 
an Ambassador who was at once Peer, Duke, and poet, 

* '* Le Seigneur dans toutes ses ambassades a toujours para comme 
Anacr6on couronne de myrthe et de roses, et chantant les plaisirs au 
sein de ses infirmit^s, et des plus p^nibles travaux.** May there not 
be a touch of satire in this compliment : — 

" Oft I'm by the women told, 
Poor Anacreon thou grow'st old." 

t Madame G^ofifrin, who belonged to a rival coterie, calls the 
Duke, '* Guerrier numque, politique manqu6, enfin manqu6 partout." 
But this lady's epigrams never want point, however they may lack 

X " If," said St. Simon to a Spanish sentry, who had been repri- 
manded by the Duke de Medina C61i for not presenting arms to his 
Grace '^ If, friend, you see any one exactly like a monkey at 
Court, in future, present arms to him, for you may be sure he is a 
nobleman of the highest order." 

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would flatter the vanity and the tastes of Frederic." 
But the philosophic monarch of Prussia was at that 
time in no very gracious mood with France, and vented 
his spleen by ridiculing its representative. Under 
Louis the Sixteenth, the Duke forfeited the favour which 
he had enjoyed under that monarch's grandfather. 

His domestic joys were as transient as his court fa- 
vours. His second wife, the Comtesse de Rochefort, whom 
he tenderly loved, died a few days after their marriage. 
Of his sons-in-law, one, the Comte de Gisors, fell at Cre- 
veldt, the other, the Due de Brisac, was torn in pieces 
by a revolutionary mob. He himself was stripped of 
his hereditary distinctions and his fortune, and thrown 
into prison. The Abb6 Barth^lemi, on that occasion of 
titles being abolished, said, "M. de Nivernais n'est plus 
Due k la Cour, mais il Pest encore au Parnasse." 

But even in the dungeon his desire to please did not 
forsake him. The ex-Duke, now "Citizen Mancini," 
wrote verses, even when momentarily expecting to be 
summoned to the scaffold. His good fortune — if to 
survive wealth, honours, and friends, can be so called — 
prevailed to the end. He survived the "Reign of 
Terror," and died in 1798, at the advanced age of 
eighty-two, writing on the day of his decease a humor- 
ous epistle to his friend and doctor M. Caille. 

On the 29th of September, intelligence reached Eng- 
land of the fall of the Havannah. The siege had been 
obstinate and protracted, but on the 12th of August, the 
era of the succession of the House of Brunswick to the 
throne, and the day on which the Prince of. Wales, 

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afterwards George the Fourth, was bom, that important 
city surrendered to the British arms, 

" We have dwelt,'' says Burke, in his " Annual Re- 
gister," " on this memorable siege, a longer time than 
we have on our plan allowed to such transactions; 
because it was, without question, in itself the most 
considerable, and in its consequences the most decisive 
conquest we have made since the beginning of the war; 
and because in no operation 'were the courage, steadi- 
ness, and perseverance of the British troops, and the 
conduct of tiieir leaders more conspicuous. The acqui- 
sition was a military advantage of the highest class; it 
was equal to the greatest naval victory, by its eflfects 
on the enemy's marine, and in the plunder it equalled 
the produce of a national subsidy." 


"Sept 30, 1762. 

" I MUST begin by first most sincerely congratulating 
your Lordship that our fears for the Havannah are now 
over, by the surrender of that place with eleven men 
of war of the line, three more sunk, and one million and 
a half sterling in money,* of which I had the first 
account last night, from the postmaster at Cobham, upon 
Captain Hervey'sf going through there with the news, 

* The plunder exceeded three millions sterling. 

t The Hod. Augustus John Kerrey, afterwards Earl of Bristol^ 
third son of the celebrated Lord Hervey. He was bom in 1724; 
entered the navy at an early age, formed part of Commodore KeppeFs 
squadron in 1759, and was under his immediate command at the 

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1762.] TO LORD HARDWICKE. 123 

«nd in a moment after, by a very obliging letter from 
the Duke, enclosing my Lord Albemarle's to him, of 
both which I send your Lordship copies; as also of a 
letter which I had iM& morning from my Lord Albe- 
marle. This event is of such real importance to the 
public, especially at this time, as you will see by the 
request of this letter, and does so much horumr to the 
memory of those who projected and directed it, in which 
nobody can take a greater share than myself and also to 
those who have had the execution of it, that I must own 
I have never known any one public success which has 
given me more real joy and satisfaction. I enclose also 
my Lord Egremont's dry note, and my dry answer." 


" Dear Birch, " Wimple, Sept. so, i762. 

"Lord Hardwicke received, this morning, by a 

Havannah. He was commanded by Keppel to camionade the Moro 
Castle. In the heat of the action, while his ship was strewed with 
dead and dying, he wrote as follows to the Commodore. The letter, 
which is in my possession, is unsealed and written in pencil upon the 
back of the private signals. 

•* I have the misfortune to be aground. Pray send a frigate to 
drop a bower off, and send the end of the cable on board here. We 
are luckily in a good line for our fire on the fort ; but the smoke is so 
great that it makes it impossible to see the effect we have had, or are 
likely to have ; nor can tell when the army will advance. Often 
duller, and ever yours, " A. Hbrvey." 

A portrait of Captam Hervey by Sir Joshua Reynolds is in the 
possession of the Corporation of Bury St. Edmunds, and is placed by 
them in the public library. The background of the portrait represents 
the attack on the Moro Castle. 

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flying packet from Mr. Cleveland, the great news of 
our success at the Havannah, upon which I most heartily 
congratulate you. I agree with you, that the impres- 
sion of such a blow must render the Court of Spain more 
tractable in the negociation, but how far, on the other 
hand, it may increase the dislike at home to a pacific 
system, I cannot pretend to determine. The nation in 
general will expect something very advantageous in the 
future treaty with Spain, in exchange for such a con. 
quest; and it is well, if the old cry of Take and Hold^ 
is not revived on the occasion. The uninterrupted 
course of prosperity which has attended our arms, in 
enterprises the most difficult and important, is scarce 
to be paralleled in history, and will make this era in 
our annals a most splendid one." 

The following congratulatory letter must be read 
with all due allowance for the writer's partiality. 


" Windsor, Great Lodge, Oct 2, 1762. 

" My dear Albemarle, 

" You have made me the happiest man existing; nay, 
you have almost repaid me for the severe anxieties I 
have gone through for these last three months, besides 
the disagreeable and tedious time your absence gave, 
without reflection of what you were to go through. 
Upon the whole, no joy can equal mine, and I strut 

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1762.] TO LORD ALBEMARLE. 125 

and plume myself as if it was I that had taken the 
Havannah. In short, you have done your king and 
country the most material service that any military 
man has ever done since we were a nation, and you 
have shown yourself an excellent officer; all this, I 
knew, was in you, but now the world sees it, and 
owns it. 

" Militarily speaking, I take your siege to have been 
the most difficult that has been since the invention of 
artillery. Sixty-eight days in that climate is alone 
prodigious; without any partiality to you, 'tis a great 
action in itself, setting aside the immense service you 
have done your country. I am so wrapped up still in 
your share of honour and glory, that I don't yet quite 
feel that pleasure I have to come to, as an Englishman, 
and an dd soldier. 

" Pray make my most sincere compliments to both 
your brothers. I hope, before you receive this, they 
will both be recovered. The storm of the Moro does 
William's heart and head great honour.* 

" I must thank you for your kind and informing 
lettersr Tour'Ifcifficulties my heart shared with you; 
but, I must say, I grudged even myself the trouble 
you were at, in the middle of all your business and 
ill-health, to give me that satisfaction. I am sorry to 
say, the Minister f is not quite so much obliged to 

* Major-General the Hon. William Keppel took the Moro Castle, 
upon which the town depended, by storm, but did all in his power to 
stop the further effusion of blood. 

t Lord Bute. 

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you, for you have removed the peace. By this time, 
you know the change of hands, and great as you and 
the army have made us appear abroad, as little are 
we at home, by unavoidable divisions that increase 
daily. You may judge the part I take when I tell 
you that ^Permis,^^ is, once a fortnight, for two 
hours at least, in the library here; you will see too 
much of all this at your return, and it is an improper 
subject for a letter. The King was very gracious 
to me yesterday, and seemed to allow you and family 
the merit you and they deserve ; — I won't answer for 
the reward.-f 

" We make you as rich as Croesus, J I hope it is so ; 
if not, it is the least matter ; health and owned merit 
are sufficient ingredients for happiness, so much the 
better if you add wealth to it. Brighton illuminated 
his thatched church, and all Egham was on fire, and 
even Bishopsgate had its bum-fires and illuminations. I 
hew London, the City especially, were nobly lighted up. 

* " Permis" the name given at Court to the Duke of Newcastle, 
who always prefaced his visits to the apartment o^he Princesses with 
'' Est il permis t** In his correspondence he spJRs of himself under 
this iotibriquet. 

t " My nephew, Mr. Keppell," says Walpole, *' is made Bishop 
of Exeter. How reverently ancient this makes me sound. Lady 
Albemarle ! there is a happy mother ! Honours^ military and eccle- 
siastic, raining upon her children. She owns she has felt intoxicated. 
The moment the King had complimented the Duke of Cumberland on 
Lord Albemarle's success, the Duke stepped across to Lady Albemarle 
and said, ' If it was not in the drawing-room, I would kiss you.' He 
is full as transported as she is.** — To Sir H. Mann, i. 119. 

J So spelt in the original. 

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" Keep yourself well, and return to us soon. It has 
been a long absence for two friends like us ; may it be 
the last. 

" Ever your hearty and sincerely affectionate friend, 

" WiLLUM." 

The hint thrown out by the Duke of Cumberland, 
in the preceding letter, that Lord Bute did not feel 
obliged to Lord Albemarle for the conquest of the 
Havannah, will receive elucidation from a letter that 
will shortly appear, but which itself requires a few 
preliminary observations. 

Short as had been Lord Bute's tenure of the ministe- 
rial throne, it had not proved quite the bed of roses 
he anticipated. The peace, unpopular in itself, be- 
came doubly so from his being considered its author. 
The meeting of Parliament was at hand. The Treaty 
was to be carried through the House of Commons. A 
purchased majority was the only mode in which this 
object could be effected. To whom was the task of 
bribing members to be entrusted? Dash wood was not 
fit for the business, and Grenville would not under- 
take it unless the recipients of the bribes were to look 
up to him as their patron. In this dilemma Lord Bute 
tried to gain over Henry Fox, the pupil of the Whig 
minister Sir Robert Walpole, the private friend and 
political adherent of the Whig Duke of Cumberland, 
and the avowed opponent of the Leicester House faction. 
The favourite's efforts were successful. Grenville was 
sent back to the Admiralty very much against his will. 

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128 HENRY FOX [1762. 

Fox, in consideration of a peerage in perspective, con- 
sented to take the management of the Commons, and to 
secure their assent to the peace, by any means, fair or 
foul. • 

So eager had Fox been to accept Lord Bute's invi- 
tation, that he closed the bargain before he had given 
any intimation of his intentions to the Duke of Cum- 
berland, or any other of his political associates. 

The following letter appears to have been put forth 
as a feeler. 


<« Sir, " Wednesday night, Sept. 29, 1762. 

" I most cordially wish your Koyal Highness joy of 
Lord Albemarle's success, to hear the particulars of 
which letter, after I shall have seen Lord Bute to- 
morrow, I stay in town to-night. 

" Yesterday, peace was thought desperate, at which 
time Rigby saw Lord Bute, and found him to appear- 
ance firm and not at all frightened. At noon a mes- 
senger came to Nivernais, and to the Ministers, and 
some letters from the Duke of Bedford, which brought 
all that had been asked, or could be expected, and 
peace was thought certain, and so declared by Niver- 
nais and Lord Bute. I went to dinner with the 
Duchess of Bed£)rd in this opinion, and had my chaise 
at the door to carry me out of town as soon as dinner 
should be over. I found Lord Bute with the Duchess. 

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He was excessively glad to hear I was there, and sent 
to me. He began with telling me how much he had 
wished, and how glad he was, to have half an hour's 
conversation with me, hoping he should learn your 
Soyal Highness's sentiments on this peace, which he 
had heard were changed. * If the K — were now to ask 
you, what did I think would be your opinion?' For 
it imported his Majesty to know merls opinion, and no 
person's more than your Royal Highness's. But first 
he would show me the Peace, and tell me the state of 
the present case with regard to it. Had he seen me 
yesterday morning, he should have told me our enemies 
would not make peace; he must now, he was afraid, 
say, that our friends could not. He then showed me 
the Peace, with its Articles relating to Spain and 
Portugal, as well as France, and the strongest assu- 
rances from France of Spain's consent in a week. Tn 
all these I think there were no amendments to be 
wished, but such as were merely verbal, and such as 
it cannot but be supposed the French would make 
as soon as asked. But, besides some immaterial ob- 
jections made by G. Grenville, which he had been to 
tire Lord Bute with this morning, he at last declared 
that he could not bring himself to sign any Peace, 
without stipulating some equivalent for the Havannah, 
which, by the way, he at that time thought we should 
not take; and he talked of sending for everybody that 
could be got to the Cabinet Council, nomnUment^ the 
Duke of Newcastle, Lord Hardwicke, and the Duke of 


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130 HENRY FOX [1702. 

Devonshire. * You have no right to send to the two 
first/ says Lord Bute, * and neither of the three would 
come/ In short, Grenville, frightened out of his wits, 
without knowing what compensation to ask, still in- 
sisted that he would sign no Peace without one. Lord 
Egremont, I hear, is as bad, or worse. * What do you 
think of this, Mr. Fox?' *I think, my Lord, that you 
have been very unlucky in your choice.' He asked 
Grenville whether he had any plan to lay before the 
King for carrying on a war, when he should tell his 
Majesty that he would not sign the Peace; for he, 
Lord Bute, assured him "he had none. G. Grenville 
had none, but said, he was sure France would agree 
to this if asked (which your Royal Highness sees was 
the business of Spain, not France). My Lord Bute 
desired him not to tell the King that; for if it came to 
speculation, he had a right to declare his, and should 
tell the King that he was as fully persuaded that France 
would not, as Mr. Grenville was that she would agree 
to it. Lord Bute then returned to his question about 
your Royal Highness. I told him that your Royal 
Highness always was and would be very sensible of the 
King's civilities, for you loved him ; and that I believed 
your Royal Highness had rather any Minister made a 
good peace than his Lordship; but I was persuaded 
you had rather even his Lordship made it than that 
it should not be made at all. 

" I was all this time so intent on finding out, if 
possible, what your Royal Highness wished to know, 
that I cannot be mistaken when I say, that he either 

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disguised his sentiments admirably, or has, as yet, no 
thoughts of treating.* I brought the Duke of New- 
castle's name in often; and, when I could do it very 
naturally, I directly asked him, if there was any 
tendency on either side to unite. He answered, * None 
in the world; and if there had been such a report, 
there was not the least ground for it.' I asked the 
same as to Pitt and him. He answered, ^ None;' and 
added) that the rancour and aversion of Pitt and Lord 
Temple was as great as possible. 

^^ I observed with astonishmrat, and so had Lord 

Gower and Kigby, who had talked with him before I 

came, that he seemed cool, and really at his ease, and, 

BOW and then, even jocose in talking of his own 

'precious Cabinet Council. 

" Upon reflection, sir, though I believe he has no 
thought of treating, yet I believe that he must, and 
will be driven to it. If that should be the case, and 
that the King tries to make your Boyal Highness the 
mediator, it will be much more worthy of you, than the 
character of the head of an opposition. Give me leave 
to add to what I said yesterday, these two considera- 
tions : — If his Majesty must have a sole Minister made 
in the room of his favourite, no share of administra- 
tion left with that favourite, his Majesty is lost, for as 
long as he sits upon the throne; and however it might 
please people now, on reflection the usage would be 

* The word ** treating ** might mean for peace^ but the context 
and letters which foUoW, will show that it related to inviting some of 
the late Mioiaters to return to office. 

K 2 

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132 HENRY FOX. [1762. 

thought hard, and your Royal Highness not to have 
acted a very friendly part to the Crown. 

" The next consideration is this : — may not Lord 
Bute (who being to continue in administration might 
prefer the Duke of Newcastle to Mr. Pitt for a col- 
league), if he is to leave administration quite, choose to 
give it up to Mr. Pitt, who would bring such a popu- 
larity with him to the King as has never yet been 
seen. Drove to go quite out, I think this would be 
the case. But at present he has, I verily believe, no 
thoughts of treating with anybody ; and perhaps may 
intend to give up to Grenville the point, so far as 
to ask a compensation for the Havannah. This indeed 
is delaying, not curing the evil ; and yet it may per- 
haps cure it by unforeseen accidents. But if he is 
drove to treat, your Royal Highness will, I dare say, 
excuse my having offered, in conversation and in this 
letter, some things to your consideration, which I can- 
not forbear thinking have great weight. 

" I am. Sir, 
Your Royal Highness' ever obliged, ever obedient^ 
and ever devoted, humble servant, 

" H. Fox. 

" Thursday morning. 

^* P. S. I am come from Lord Bute more than ever 
convinced that he never has had, or now has, a thought 
of retiring or treating. He says the French have been 
always told that if peace was not signed till the 
Havannah should be taken, some compensation should 

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be asked. He could wish this peace signed as it is, but 
nobody would join with him in that opinion ; so a com- 
pensation will be asked, and I guess it will be Florida. 
This puts off the difiiculty arising from his secretaries, 
till aa answer shall come from Spain. He shewed me 
Lord Albemarle's letter to him, commending him and 
his letter very justly, and very highly. In conversation 
he spoke of the setting out this expedition ; in which 
he hoped he had some merit towards your Royal High- 
ness, and what had been his demerits since^ he was at a 
loss to imagine. Indeed, sir, I could not tell him." 

In giving in his adhesion to the Court, without con- 
sulting his Royal Highness, or any of his friends, Fox 
had trusted to his own powers of persuasion to bring 
them over to his views. But in this expectation he 
was disappointed. When he made the avowal to the 
Duke, his Royal Highness bitterly reproached Fox with 
lending himself to the support of a tottering adminis- 
tration, and never again admitted him to his presence 
except at public levees, where he was treated with the 
utmost coldness and indignity, nor, as I shall have 
occasion to show, could any submission on his part ever 
restore him to the favour of that Prince. Failing with 
the Duke of Cumberland, Fox tried in turn to bring 
over the Duke of Devonshire and Lord Waldegrave to the 
Court, but in vain. **He even," says Walpole, " made 
applications to Newcastle, but the Duke of Cumberland 
had inspired even Newcastle and Devonshire with reso- 
lution." In a letter to Lord Hardwicke, dated the 21st 

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134 DURE OF DBV0N8HIRE. [l76t. 

of October, the Duke of Cumberland thus expresses 
himself : " Instead of advancing too fast, your Lord- 
ship will see that I have given a peremptory refusal 
to the overtures that have been made to me. Those 
by my Lord Halifax^ I am sensible^ as far as relates to 
himself J were meant with all the friemlship, affection^ 
and respect imaginable. Those fttmg out by Mr. Fos 
you wiU all haoe in your turns. His view is to create 
jealousies amongst us^ and to divide us. I thank God 
he has failed in his great attempt, and that unU sufficiently 
mortify him.^^ 

Foiled in this attempt to weaken if not to sever the 
ties of the Whig party, the Court now adopted another 
course. The King, it was given out, would be King, 
— would not be dictated to by his Ministers. The 
prerogative was to shine out — great lords must be hum- 
bled. The first victim to the new tactics was William 
Cavendish fifth Duke of Devonshire. In the preceding 
reign he had held the high posts of Lord Lieutenant 
of Ireland and First Lord of the Treasury, and Lord 
Waldegrave says, that " In the ordinary business of his 
office he showed great punctuality and diligence, and 
no want of capacity." He now held the office of Lord 
Chamberlain. He was a man of unsullied purity of 
conduct in every relation of life, but cautious and timid 
in his disposition, and not disinclined to a court. He 
had a great aversion to Lord Bute, and had been ill- 
used by George the Third when Prince of Wales, as 
well as by the Princess Dowager, who ironically styled 
him " the Prince of the Whigs." 

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Shortly after Newcastle's retirement, the Duke of 
Devonshire had intimated to the King that out of 
respect to his Majesty's person he would, if it was 
the royal pleasure, continue Chamberlain, as he did 
not consider that office of a political nature. He re- 
peated, however, that it was his determination to assist 
no longer at Councils which were conducted upon prin- 
ciples he could not approve. Notwithstanding this 
declaration he reo^ved early in October an official 
summons to form one of the Cabinet to decide on the 
final orders of the peace. This, agreeably to what he 
had declared to the King, he declined doing in the most 
respectful manner. " I am amazed," writes the Duke of 
Newcastle, on the 12th of October, " that after what 
' had passed, the King should expose himself to a refusal, 
or to lay the Duke of Devonshire under so great a diffi- 
culty as the King's commands on such an occasion must 
put upon him." The result of this refusal is shown in 
the next letter. 

^ Newcastle House, Oct. 28, 1762^ Thursday at night. 

" My dear Lord, 

" This express- brings your Lordship an account of 
the most extraordinary event that has happened in any 
court of Europe. The Duke of Devonshire went to 
St. Jameses (I believe, between you and me) with a 
design to resign the staff; but that, neither I nor any 
mortal knew, and I am sure was not suspected by the 

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King or Lord Bute. The Duke of Devonshire desired 
to speak to the King. The page came out and told the 
Duke of Devonshire that his Majesty had commanded 
him to tell his Grace he would not see him. The Duke 
then desired to know to whom His Majesty would have 
him deliver his staff? His Majesty sent him word by 
the same page that he would send his orders to the 
Duke of Devonshire. My Lord Duke has since been 
with my Lord Egremont, and has delivered to him his 
key and staff. I believe there never was such a beha- 
viour to the first and best subject the King has. It 
must affect all the nobility, and all those who can ap- 
proach His Majesty. Had I any call to it I know what 
I should do to-morrow. 

"Indeed, my dear Lord, these violences are very 
alarming, and the more as in this instance they are exer- 
cised upon one who the last time the King saw him at 
the installation was treated by His Majesty with the 
greatest seeming confidence and regard, and I know the 
Duke of Devonshire went to the Bath under the delu- 
sion that he was personally particularly well with the 
King, and never heard otherwise ^om the Court till he 
met with this treatment at St. James's." 

On the same day that the Duke of Devonshire re- 
signed, his brother. Lord George Cavendish, rendered up 
his wand of Comptroller of the Household. " He was," 
continues the Duke of Newcastle, " as ill-used in the 
closet as his brother, who was not permitted to come 
there. All the King said to Lord George was, * K a per- 

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son wants to resign his staff I don't desire he should 
keep it.' His Majesty gave his head a toss back and 
retired towards the window to set the staff down, and 
this is all that passed." 

This stretch of power called forth another opponent 
to the measures of the Court, — Charles Watson Went- 
worth, second Marquis of Rockingham, at this time a 
Lord of the Bedchamber, but soon to become the leader 
of the Whigs. This nobleman, born 19th March, 1730, 
was the youngest of five sons, who all, except himself, 
died in childhood. His father, Thomas Wentworth, 
was a direct descendant from the celebrated Eail of 
Strafford, whose fate is so intimately interwoven with 
that of his unfortunate master Charles the First.* Mr. 
Wentworth became, in the course of nineteen years, 
a Knight of the Bath, member for the West Eiding 
of Yorkshire, Lord Lieutenant of the same county, 
Baron Haith, Viscount Higham, Earl of Malton, Baron 
Bockingham, Marquis of Rockingham. So rapidly had 
some of these honours descended upon him, that Sir 

* The following hitherto unpublished letter of Lord Strafford is 
addressed to his daughter^ Lady Anne Wentworth^ who afterwards 
married Edward Watson^ second Baron Rockingham. It was written 
three weeks before his execution. Either he was imconscious of his 
impending fate, or he was anxious to delay for a time the affliction 
which its announcement would but too soon occasion : — 

'^ My DBABB8T NaN» 

" The time, I trust, drawes on wherein I may hope to see you, 
which will be one of the best sightes I can look upon in this world. 
Your &ther, as you desired, hath been hearde speake for himself, now 
thes three weekes together, and within a few days we shall see the 
conclusion. Ther is, I think, little fear of my life, soe I hope for a 

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Eobert Walpole said jokingly, soon after his being 
created an earl, ^^ I suppose we shall soon see our friend 
Malton in opposition, for he has had no promotion 
in the peerage for the last fortnight." 

His son Charles, the more immediate subject of our 
consideration, was educated at Eton. But little is 
known of him till ;the winter of 1745, when, at the age 
of fifteen, he went to Wentworth to pass the Christmas 
holidays. One morning he went out hunting, attended 
by a confidential groom, named Stephen Lobb. Nigh* 
came on, and neither master nor groom made their 
appearance. The next day it was reported tiiat JjOtA 
Higham and Stephen were seen riding in a northerly 
direction. A short time afterwards a letter arrived 
from the truant himself, dated Carlisle, the head-quar- 
ters of the Duke of Cumberland, who had just taken the 
field against the Pretender. Zeal for the Whig cause 
had impelled him to join the royal army. His family 
were, or professed to be, much displeased with him for 

meanes to be left me, to let you see how deare and much esteemed 
you are and ever shall be to me. 

** Look that you leame to play the good housewife^ for now, per- 
chance^ ther may be need of it ; yet however fortune befall me, 
I shall willingly give you the first good of it, and content myself with 
the second. 

" My dear hartte, plie your book and other learnings, which will 
be of use unto you hereafter, and you shall see we will live happily 
and contentedly, and live to see all thes stormes blowen over, that so 
at leisure and in ftdrer weather, I may tell you that which I am, and 
must in&llibly be, in all the conditions of life. Your loving father, 

*' Strapfordb. 

« Tower, this 19th April, 1641." 

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tiie anxiety his escapade had occasioned them. One 
only stood np for the yonthiul volunteer. This was 
Us annt, Lady Bel Finch, who being of a kindred mind, 
iqoked that ^^ the monkey Charles had shown such a 
spirit^ The letter which obtained his father^s pardon, 
has not been preserrid. Bat amongst his papers is the 
following to the Countess <rf Malton. It is without 
date, and written in a large schoolboy 

" Dear Madam, 

" When I think of the concern I have given you by 
my wild expedition, and how my whole life, quite from 
my infancy, has afforded you only a continued series of 
afflictions, it grieves me excessively that I did not 
think of the concern I was going to give you and my 
father before such an undertaking; but the desire I 
had of serving my King and country as much as lay in 
my po^^er, did not give me time to think of the unduti* 
fulness of the action. As my father has been so kind 
as entirely to forgive my breach of duty, I hope I may, 
and shall have your forgiveness, which will render me 
quite happy. 

^^ I am, Madam, 

" Your very dutiful Son, 


In 1750, Lord Higham, or, as he had since become, 
the Earl of Malton, succeeded his father as Marquis of 
Rockingham. Soon after he came of age he was ap- 
pmnted Lord Lieutenant of the North and West 

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Ridings of Yorkshire, and, in 1760, was made a Knight 
of the Grarter. He had formerly been a Lord of the 
Bedchamber to George the Second, and held the same 
post under his successor, till the Duke of Devonshire 
resigned the Chamberlain's wand* 

Eighteen years the leader of a party, and twice sum- 
moned to the councils of his reluctant sovereign, Lord 
Rockingham holds a prominent station in the reign of 
George the Third. Nor can it be objected to him that 
the fidelity of his adherence was secured by the ordi- 
nary ties of faction or interest Faith to their leader 
was, to the Whigs, a virtual renunciation of all those 
rewards which a chief magistrate has it in his power to 
bestow. Their adherence was the loyalty of respect and 
affection, not the casual allegiance of a cabal. It stood 
the test of long discouragement. It survived the 
severer trial of a brief official prosperity. The causes 
of the attachment of his followers must be sought in 
the character of the leader himself. Lord Rockingham 
possessed by nature a calm mind and a clear intellect, a 
warm benevolent heart, of which amiable and conci- 
liatory manners were the index. He was imbued with 
sound views of the principles of the Constitution, and 
with a firm resolution to make those principles the 
guide of his actions. If eloquence were the sole crite- 
rion of a great leader or a great minister, Rockingham 
would have but small claims to such a title. The 
malady which consigned him to the tomb, when he was 
little more than fifty years of age, had Imparted to his 
frame a sensibility of nerve which only extraordinary 

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occasions enabled him to overcome. He was a hesi- 
tating and an inelegant debater. His speeches, like 
those of the late Lord Althorp, commanded attention, 
not from the enthusiasm aroused by the persuasive 
arguments of the orator, but from the confidence placed 
in the thorough integrity and practical good sense of 
the man. He stood in a similar relation to a great 
minister — to a Fox, a Grey, or a Russell — which an 
able chamber-counsel bears to an Erskine. He lacked 
the outward graces. He possessed the inward power. 
If success in public measures be a test of ability. Rock*- 
ingham stood pre-eminent. In no one year between the 
Revolution and the Reform Bill were so many immuni* 
ties gained for the people, or, more properly speaking, 
so many breaches in the Constitution repaired, as in 
what was contemptuously called his ^^ Lutestring Admi- 
nistration;" * and all too in the face of one of the ablest 
and most unscrupulous Oppositions, of which the King 
himself was the head. 

In his relations to George the Third, Rockingham 
was " impar congressus Achilli." He was thoroughly 
in earnest, but his earnestness was for his country. 
The King was likewise in earnest, but his earnestness 
was for his prerogative. The one was all honesty, the 
other all insincerity. As the reader proceeds, he will 
find the royal letters most gracious, the royal conduct 
most disingenuous. He will perceive that the King 
authorized his Ministers to contradict rumours which 

* Charles Townshend said^ the Rockingham ** was a lutestring 
administration, fit only for summer wear." 

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himself had circulated, and that the ^^ Eing^a friends " 
were busily employed in. refuting the official state^ 
ments of the Cabinet. Had George the Third possessed 
common sincerity. Lord Kockingham's efforts to preserve 
the American colonies would probably have been effec- 
tual. But between the Minister, whose " virtues were 
his arts,"* and the Monarch, who, like Lysander, pieced 
the lion's hide with the fox's skin, the struggle was 
unequal, and Bockingham was arrested in his career 
of usefulness, and added one more ministerial victim 
to royal duplicity. 

The attention of the reader should now be called to 
Lord Eockingham's conduct on receiving the intimation 
of the Duke of Devonshire's dismissal. It will be seen 
in the letter which follows. 


"Sir, ''Nov. 3, 1762. 

" After the repeated instances of your Royal High- 
ness's condescension towards me, I hope it will not 
appear presumption in me to take the liberty to inform 
your Royal Highness of the motives and manner of 
my conduct. 

" The late treatment of the Duke of Devonshire 
seemed to me, in the strongest light, fully to explain 

* A quotation from Burke's inscription on the mausoleum at 
Wentworthy erected by the late Lord Fitzwilliam^ in honour of his 
unde. Lord Rockingham. 

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the intention and the tendency of all the domestic 
arrai^gements. I, therefore, had the honour of an au- 
dience of his Majesty on Wednesday morning, wherein 
I humbly informed his Majesty, that it was with great 
concern that I saw the tendency of the counsels, which 
now had weight with him : that this event fully showed 
the determination that those persons who had hitherto 
been always the most steadily attached to his Eoyal 
predecessors, and who had hitherto deservedly had the 
greatest weight in this country, were now driven out 
of any share in the government in this country, and 
marked out rather as objects of his Majesty's displea- 
sure than of his favour: that the alarm was general 
among his Majesty's most affectionate subjects, and 
that it appeared to me in this light; — it might be 
thought, if I continued in office, that I either had not 
the sentiments which I declared, or that I disguised 
them, and acted a part which I disclaimed. 

" His Majesty's answer was short ; saying that he did 
not desire any person should continue in his service 
any longer than it was agreeable to him." 


" WindflOT Great Lodge, Not. 5, 1762. 

"My Lord Rockingham, 

" I am very much obliged to you for the letting me 
know anything that relates to you, but much more for 
your information on so interesting an occasion as that 
of leaving the King's personal service at present. 

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"I am most sincerely sorry that we live in such 
times, that a man of your rank and steady attachment 
to the King and his family, should find himself neces- 
sitated to take the step you have taken. 

"You have one satisfaction, that all the kingdom 
will be convinced your views are meant entirely for his 
Majesty's service, however they may be received at 
present ; and no one is more so than I am. 

" I hope we shall soon see these clouds — nay storms 
— well over, and you, and others of your principles, at 
Court again. You'll be so good to make my sincere 
compliments at Chatsworth, and I hope we shall soon 
see you quite well in town. 

" I remain your very afiectionate friend, 

" William." 

To the Marquis of Granby, Lord Bockingham, in 
announcing the same event, says — 

" Seeing the affair in this light, I had the honour 
yesterday of an audience of the King, wherein I de- 
clared to his Majesty most fully, that, with the greatest 
concern, I saw that those whose counsels now weighed 
with his Majesty had, by this base step, fully explained 
the tendency of all their proceedings : that this, added 
to all that was gone before, would increase the alarm 
which I believed was very general among his Majesty's 
most affectionate subjects, and that, as my continuing 
in office might look as if I either did not feel these 
sentiments, or, if I did, that I disguised them, I 

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begged his Majesty's permission to resign, that I might 
not appear to act a deceitful part, which I disdained ; 
that I acted upon the dictates of my own judgment, 
and that his Majesty was the first man whom I had 
acquainted with my determination. His Majesty's an- 
swer was short, only saying that he desired no person 
to continue in his service any longer than was agreeable 
to him.'" 

On the 4th November, the day on which Lord Rock- 
ingham resigned, the Duke of Manchester was nomi- 
nated to the Bedchamber. The King then in council, 
called for the book, and, with his own hand, struck out 
the Duke of Devonshire's n^me from the list of Privy 

The only two precedents for such a course in the 
preceding reign, were those of Lord Bath, and Lord 
George Sackville; the one for open and virulent op- 
position, the other for his conduct at the battle of 

From this exercise of the prerogative may be dated 
the first attempt since the Revolution to organize an 
opposition on constitutional grounds. Thus, after the 
crown had passed to another family, and the controversy 
had shifted itself to other grounds, we find the Whigs 
were once more banded together to resist the encroach- 
ments of prerogative upon privilege. 

" The shocking event," writes the Duke of Newcastle, 
" in striking the Duke of Devonshire out of the Privy 
Council, enrages^ frightens, and alarms everybody ; and 

VOL. I. L 

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particularly my friend my Lord Kinnoull, who is come 
up a very different man from what I expected ; full of 
wrath and resentment, without management or disguise, 
determined to quit the Chancellor of the Duchy im- 
mediately ; * that * the Ministers (Lord Bute and Mr. 
Fox) have begun their acts of violence and they must 
take the consequence of it.' This, I dare say, we^hall 
find the general language, except some few Rats^ who 
will do their own business. Lord Lincoln,! and I dare 

* A few days aflerwards, Thomas Hay, eighth Earl of Kinnoull, 
resigned the Chancellorship of the Duchy of Lancaster, which he had 
held since 1758. During the life-time of his father, he sat as 
Viscount Dupplin, for the town of Cambridge, in three Parliaments. 
He was at different times a Lord j)f the Bedchamber and Paymaster 
of the Forces. In 1759 he was appointed Ambassador to the Court 
of Portugal, a mission rendered memorable by the line — 

" Kinnoull's lewd cargo, and Tyrawley's crew." 

After his resignation of his office, Lord Kinnoull retired to Scotland 
and passed the remainder of his life in improving his country-seat. 

Mrs. Montague, who paid him a visit in 1 770, writes, "I was delighted 
to find an old friend enjoying that heartfelt happiness which attends a 
life of virtue. He is continually employed in encouraging'agriculture 
and manufacture, protecting the weak from injury, assisting the dis- 
tressed, and animating the young to whatever is most fit and proper. 
He appears more happy than when he was whirled about in the vortex 
of the Duke of Newcastle." 

t Henry Clinton, ninth Earl of Lincoln, married Catherine, eldest 
daughter of the Right Hon. Thomas Pelham, and succeeded to the 
Dukedom of Newcastle on the death of his uncle. In January 1762), 
he was made *' Auditor of the Exchequer for life, the amplest sinecure 
in England," says Walpole, "except the Archbishopric of Canterbury." 
The following is the same writer's account of the expected resignation 
alluded to in the text : — 

" Lord Lincoln, Newcastle's favourite nephew and heir, displayed 

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say my Lord Ashburnham,* will resign next week, 
according to what we settled the other night." 

Amidst the many obstacles that presented themselves 
to the formation of this confederacy, was the dislike 
of the Duke of Cumberland to Mr, Pitt. So strong 
had been this feeling in 1759, that the Duke had sti- 
pulated the dismissal of Mr, Pitt as the sine qua non 
of his acceptance of the command in Germany. But 
this difficulty was now overcome. Some weeks before, 
the Duke of Newcastle declared his Royal Highness to 
be " in a very good way, and much softened towards 
Mr. Pitt ;f and in the letter just quoted, he says — 

more open ingratitude. He asked an audience of the King, called his 
uncle a factious old fool, and said he could not forget a message which 
himself had brought from his uncle to his Majesty in the year 1757, 
in which the Duke had signified to his then Royal Highness, that if 
he would not disturb the tranquillity of the rest of his father's reign, 
the Duke, in or out of place, though he hoped the latter, would sup- 
port his measures to the utmost. It was justice to recollect this 
promise ; but Lincoln's subsequent conduct, at the same time that it 
was inconsistent, was honourable neither to the King nor his uncle. 
He had a second audience, in which he told the King that the Duke 
insisted on his resigning ; * but if I must,' said he, * I will show but 
the more warmly the next day that I remember the message, of which 
I have kept a copy in writing.' The third time when he went to 
resign, he said he must oppose. The King told him his tone was 
much changed since his first audience. But the Court never had 
much reason to complain of Lord Lincoln's hostilities." 

* John Ashbumham, second Earl of Ashbumham. Walpole 
speaks of him as ''the chief &vourite of the Duke of Newcastle, 
whom he afterwards abandoned, being a very prudent and interested 
man." He resigned at this time his offices of Lord of the Bed- 
chamber and Ranger of St. James's and Hyde Parks, and was made 
Keeper of the Great Wardrobe in Lord Rockingham's first adminis- 
tration, t Letter to Lord Hardwicke, September 30, 17C2. 

L 2 

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148 DUKE OF RUTLAND. [i762. 

" I had yesterday a long conference with the Duke. 
I am every day more satisfied and convinced that his 
Koyal Highness will act in concert with us in every- 
thing; and is in the Tightest disposition imaginable; 
firm and determined —not rash or passionate. I think 
the following resolution is a thorough proof of it, for 
his Royal Highness would never desire to see Mr. Pitt, 
and that (if possible), since the conclusion of the peace, 
if he intended to keep any measures with Mr. Fox. 

" The Duke lays vast stress upon the Duke of Rut- 
land's* quitting. That devilish Fox and Caleraft f 
get in everywhere. The Duke apprehends Caleraft will 
do great hurt with Granby. The Duke extremely ap- 
proves our resolution, not to let our friends in the 
House of Commons resign, till we can communicate to 

* John Manners, third Duke of Rutland, father of the celebrated 
Marquis of Granby. His Grace was appointed Master of the Horse 
in 1761, but did not quit his office until five years afterwards, and 
then in order to facilitate some Ministerial arrangement of the King 
and Lord Chatham. In a letter, dated August 22, 1 766, George the 
Third desires Lord Chatham to " convey his approbation to the Duke 
of Rutland for his very meritorious conduct." 

f John Caleraft, a cousin, and formerly Private Secretary of 
the first Lord Holland, by whom he was introduced into public 
notice. He subsequently acquired a very large fortune as army 
agent. He afterwards abandoned his patron, and became in turn 
the confidential friend of the Duke of Bedford and Lord Chatham. 
It is probably to his desertion of Lord Holland that he is so severely 
handled by Junius, who always evinced a great partiality for that 
nobleman. The Duke of Cumberland's apprehension that Caleraft 
would "do great hurt with Granby," was probably that knowing 
Granby to be embarrassed in his circumstances, he thought he might 
be under pecuniary obligations to Caleraft. 

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them our plan of measures. Both his Royal Highness 
as well as myself wish that plan would be set about." 

Another impediment which lay in the way of a poli- 
tical alliance of the various sections of the Whigs, was 
the dislike which Pitt entertained for the Duke of New- 
castle. To soften this feeling, Thomas Walpole * had 
an interview with the great Commoner. The result of 
the conference is stated in the paper which follows. 
As the Duke of Newcastle observed in another letter : 
"/< is the many 

" Mr. Pitt entered into a long discourse of his con- 
duct, at the latter end of his late Majesty's reign, and 
duimg his pre^int Majesty's, to the time of his resig- 
nation, when he was reduced to such a situation, 
that, out-toried by Lord B., and out-whigged by the 
D. of N., he had nobody to converse with but the 
Clerk of the House of Commons. 

" That lately he had been applied to by persons of 
high rank to concur with Lord B. for the public good, 
with offers much above his deserts, and therefore he 
was ashamed to mention them. He told those persons 
Lord B. could not expect he would abet the tran- 
scendancy of power his Lordship had arrived at, after 
what had passed between them upon that subject, on 
the day of his Majesty's accession to the throne; when 

* Hon. Thomas Walpole, second son of Horatio Lord Walpole of 
Wolverton, a partner of Sir Joshua Vanneck, a banker, whose daugh- 
ter he married. He sat in many Parliaments. He was for some time 
President of the Constitutional Society. Mr. Walpole died in 1 803. 

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in a private conversation with his Lordship, Mr. Pitt 
told him his advancement to the management of the 
affairs of the country would not be for his Majesty's 

" Upon Lord B. taking the seals, Mr. Pitt having 
never seen Lord B. in private since the day above- 
-mentioned, his Lordship came to acquaint Mr. Pitt 
with his promotion, and received the same opinions 
as before: that Mr. Pitt did not think it for his 
Majesty's service. And that now his Lordship was 
arrived at fulness of power, he could not bear with 
the Duke of Devonshire, but insulted the nobility, 
intimidated the gentry, and trampled on the people, 
— he, Mr. Pitt, would never contribu^ to that yoke 
Lord B. was laying on the neck of the people. 

*' He said, if others had been as firm as himself, 
things would not have been brought to their present 
crisis; that he did not well see what was to be done; 
that the D. of N., D. of D., and Lord Hardwicke had 
been so much disposed to a peace ; the peace was now 
come, and seemed to be final. 

" After passing some strictures upon the late treaty 
of peace, 

'* Mr. Pitt then returned to the domestic part,— 
expressing his apprehension that the distinction of 
Whig and Tory was rising as high as ever; that he lay 
under great obligations to many gentlemen who had 
been of the denomination of Tories, but who, during 
his share of the administration, had supported govern- 
ment upon the principles of Whiggism and of the Revo- 

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1762.] OF THE WHIGS. 151 

lution ; that he would die a Whig, and support invari- 
ably those principles ; yet he would concur in no 
prescriptive measures; and though it was necessary 
Lord B. should be removed from the office he now 
held, he might not think it quite for his Majesty's 
service to have the Duke of N. succeed there : begging 
that this might not be thought to proceed from any 
resentment to the Duke of N., for whose person he had 
real regard, and who perhaps might have as much 
cause to complain of Mr. Pitt, as Mr. Pitt of his Grace. 
"With regard to himself, he had felt inexpresaiMe 
anxieties at holding office against the goodwill of the 
Crown ; that he would never put himself again in that 
situation, nor accept of any employment whilst liis 
Majesty had that opinion of him which he was ac- 
quainted with." 

Upon this document the Duke of Newcastle remarks, 
" The Duke (of Cumberland) does not dislike the ac- 
count Tommy Walpole gives of Mr. Pitt's conversation • 
It is the man, and, as such, we must take him, if wc 
would have him. . . The Duke apprehends he (the 
Duke of Cumberland) is to be closeted by the King, 
who will put him the short question, * Will you be 
for me or the Duke of Devonshire?' His Royal 
Highness does not intend to go to St. James's till the 
day before the Parliament, that they may know as late 
as possible his resolution and determination. He will 
take special care that none of his servants shall attend 
Mr. Fox's meeting before the Parliament." 

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Every Whig of note had by this time been driven 
from office, or been absorbed by the King's friends. 
The deserters, indeed, formed a very numerous section. 
" It is but too true," writes Newcastle to Hardwicke, on 
the 19th December; "what Mr. Fox said at first, my 
Lord Bute has got over all the Duke of Newcastle's 
friends. Never was man who had it in his power to 
serve, to make, to choose, so great a part of the mem- 
bers of both Houses, so abandoned as I am at present." 

The Court now pointed their batteries against the 
subalterns of the liberal party. Every relative, friend, 
or dependent of the Duke of Newcastle was, one after 
the. other, turned out of his office, and their proscrip- 
tion extended even to the offices of Customs and Ex- 
cise. Lord Bute disclaimed these violent proceedings, 
and in some instances recompensed the aggrieved 
parties, the object being that he might have all the 
merit and Fox all the odium. Upon this conduct the 
Duke of Devonshire thus comments, in a letter of 
the 26th of December, 1762, to the Marquis of Rock- 

" The turning out inferior officers, persons that are 
not in Parliament, and can have given no offence, is 
a cruel, unjust, and unheard of proceeding, and will 
most undoubtedly do the ministers no good, but on 
the contrary, create a general odium against them. 
As to one set of men endeavouring to throw it upon 
the other, I look upon it as mere artifice, for measures 
of this kind cannot be done but in concert, and there- 

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1762.] OF THE WHIG PARTY. 153 

fore I pay no regard to what they say on the subject, 
and only wish the time was come to retaliate upon 
them, and that they may have ample justice done 

" I have wrote my mind fully to the Duke of New- 
castle, that we should if possible keep our people quiet 
for some time; wait for events, and see what steps the 
Ministers take : if they propose anything that is wrong, 
oppose it; if not^ let them alone, by which means we 
shall gain time to collect our strength, and see whom 
we can depend upon; if we can get leaders and a 
tolerable corps of troops, I am for battle; but I am 
against appearing in a weak opposition, as we shall 
make an insignificant figure, prejudice our friends, and 
do no good." 

While one Duke was preparing, with his natural 
caution, temper, and dignity, for the approaching party 
struggle, another Duke — Newcastle — with an equally 
characteristic absence of these qualities, was venting 
his complaints to all who would listen to him. The 
Duke of Devonshire, to whom, among others, he had 
sent a detailed account of his grievances, wrote in 
reply : — 

" I am not surprised that these things affect you 
nearly, but the more you feel, the less you ought to 
show it, and therefore keep up your spirits, and con- 
sider that by talking of it and complaining, you afford 
matter of triumph to your enemies, and give them 

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encouragement to proceed to further acts of violence 
against your particular friends, in order either to in- 
timidate you or to oppress you quite." . . . 

" I agree entirely with the Duke of Cumberland, 
that it is much better we should be quiet for the pre- 
sent, and wait till some facts arise, that we can with 
weight and propriety lay hold of. When the Ministry 
come to lay open their plan of force and the different 
regulations for this country in time of peace, I am 
persuaded there will be matter for animadversion. 
Another advantage will be, th'at it will give time to 
collect our strength, and find out whom we can really 
depend upon: for acting in the uncertain manner we 
did before Christmas, will expose us and make us 

In the letter from the Duke of Devonshire to Lord 
Rockingham, of the 26th of December, already quoted, 
his Grace says, 

" I question much whether they will remove the 
Lord Lieutenants. I have told the Duke of Newcastle 
that the resigning deserves serious consideration, as 
our friends in the country may think we give them 
up. However, I shall be ready to do as my friends 
do ; I should be^ glad to know your opinion in case his 
Grace (Newcastle) is removed, if you think it right 
to resign, whether you could stay till I came to town, 
that we might go together." 

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Three days prior to the date of this letter, the Dukjs 
of Newcastle received an official notification from Lord 
Halifax, of his being deprived of the Lieutenancies of 
Middlesex, Nottinghamshire, and Sussex, and of the 
Stewardship of Sherwood Forest. 

The Duke of Devonshire, in a letter of condolence* 
upon this event, writes — '' 1 am pleased with a bon-moi 
that I am told is in one of the public papers (for 1 
never read them), viz. that the Ministers have turned 
out everybody your Grace helped to bring in, except 
the King." 

To the Marquis of Rockingham the Duke of New- 
castle also enclosed a copy of Lord Halifax's letter, 
" I send your Lordship," he writes, " a biUet-doiuv I 
received this morning from my good friend and rela- 
tive, the Earl of Halifax. I dare say it is the only 
one of the sort, for I have heard of no other: pray 
let me know if you have had one. Your Lordship 
knows that my opinion has always been that I am 
to be run at and singled out from all the rest." 

But on this occasion the poor Duke was not singled 
out, for the same official circular had been sent to 
the Duke of Grafton and Lord Rockingham, their re- 
spective Lieutenancies only being specified. 

In answer to Lord Halifax's letter. Lord Rocking- 
ham replied on the 24th of December. 

" I had the honour to receive your Lordship's letter, 
by his Majesty's command, to acquaint me that his 

♦ Dated Bath, December 29, 1762. 

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Majesty had no further occasion for my services as 
Lord Lieutenant, &c. I have one satisfaction which 
no person can deprive me of; which is, that during 
the time my father and I have held these offices, no 
opportunity has been omitted by either of showing 
our zeal for his Majesty's royal family, or for the 
service of our country." 

Walpole says that the same affi-ont, the dismissal 
from the Lieutenancy, being designed for the Duke of 
Devonshire, Fox affected to make a point of saving him, 
but the Duke, with proper spirit, scorned to be obliged 
to him, and resigned to accompany his friends. This 
assertion is confirmed by the following letter. 


"Dec. 30, 1762. 
" The removal of the Duke of Newcastle and Lord 
Rockingham from the Lieutenancies of their respective 
counties, appearing to me a clear indication that his 
Majesty does not think fit that those who have in- 
curred his displeasure should continue his Lord Lieu- 
tenants, and, as I have the misfortune to come within 
that description, his Majesty having been advised to 
show me the strongest marks of his displeasure that 
could possibly be shown to any subject, I look upon 
it as a respect due to my sovereign, and I owe it to 
myself, not to continue any longer in such an office. 
I must therefore beg the favour of your Lordship to 
carry to the King my resignation of the Lord Lieu- 

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tenancy and Gustos Rotulorum of the County of 

" I am, &c. 

" Devonshire." 


" I AM glad the Duke of Devonshire has resigned ; 
I wish his Grace's letter had been turned more seriously 
to the Ministers, but the effect in the world will tell 
the same as if it had been so expressed in his letter, 
for certainly the resignation is defeating the artifice, 
and declaring that his Grace cannot bear the surtnise 
that either of the present Ministers prevented his being 
turned out along with the other Lord Lieutenants." 

Lord Hardwicke says in answer — " The observa- 
tion which your Lordship makes, is, I think, in a 
great measure met by the words, * His Majesty having 
been advised,' &c., which plainly point at the Minis- 
ters; but if these words should be thought to fall short, 
they are amply supplied by his spirited letter to the 
Duke of Newcastle, which his Grace judged very rightly 
in sending by the common post and trusting to their 

The dismissals were not long confined to persons of 
high rank; a bitter persecution raged in eveiy depurt- 
ment. Men holding such humble situations as door- 

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158 DISMISSAL OF [l763. 

keepers were thrust out of them, solely because they 
had originally owed them to the opponents of the 
peace. In reference to this savage proscription, the 
Duke of Newcastle thus writes, on the 24th of January, 
to the Earl of Hardwicke : — 

" I SEND your Lordship the most cruel and inhuman 
list that was ever seen, not only in a free country, nor 
even in any civilized nation. This list, as I under- 
stand, was sent to the Custom House on Saturday last, 
and yet, cruel as it is, we are told it is only their first 
fircy and that we are to have a second; and what 
favours that opinion is, that they seem hitherto to have 
gone through only the Port of London, and the poor 
imhappy County of Sussex. Their brutality and inhu- 
manity may have satisfied, in some measure, their 
revenge. But if they meant by it to promote their 
interests in our county, I can assure them it will have 
a quite diflferent effect. 

" The Duke of Devonshire was so kind as to come 
hither on Saturday, and indeed his conversation was a 
great relief and comfort to me. The repeated proofs 
he gave me of his friendship, his manly way of talking 
and acting upon these cruelties committed upon me 
and my friends, and his resolution to let all the world 
know his detestation of them, will and must have an 
effect upon all honest men. 

" My Lord Cornwallis,* and Lord Thomas Cavendish, 

* Charles Comwallis, second Earl of Comwallis, at this time a 
Lieutenant- Colonel in the army» became a General Officer, was 

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Lord Middleton,* and Mr. Onslow, whom I have seen 
since, are determined, as well, as my Lord Villiersf 
and Tom Pelham, * To ciy aloud and spare not;^ and 
indeed, after such a behaviour, measures or management 
with the authors are only marks of fear and weakness, 
and will encourage these men in the continuance of 
their barbarous proceedings. There is not one single 
man turned out, against whom the slightest complaint 
can be made, in the execution of their oflSce. Most of 
them were excellent oflScers. I find several of my 
friends are determined to mention these cruelties in 
their speeches in the House of Commons. 

"I hope they will be supported by men of more 
weight and experience than themselves. They don't 
propose to make any motion or formal complaint. I 
hear the late Speaker J (who is provoked beyond mea- 
sure) says that may be regularly done ; and I am told 

created Marquis Com walliB in 1 792, filled the office of Commander- 
in-Chief, was appointed Lord- Lieutenant of Ireland in 1799, was 
twice Governor-General of India, in which country he died in 1805. 

* George Broderick, third Viscount Middleton, married, in 1752, 
Albinia Townshend, great niece of the Duke of Newcastle, and sister 
of Thomas Townshend, first Viscount Sydney. 

t Gkorge Bussy Villiers, Viscount ViUiers, afterwards fourth Earl 
of Jersey, Member for Tam worthy a Lord of Admiralty in 1761, 
which office he resigned in 1763. In Lord Rockingham's first admi- 
nistration he was Vice-Chamberlain, but did not quit office with his 
friend. General Keppel, in anticipation of the united parties of Bed- 
ford and Rockingham coming into office in 1767, proposes to his 
brother to make " examples of the Onslows, Townshends, Shelleys, 
not forgetting the little Lord Villiers." — (Life of Lord Keppel, vol. i. 
p. 392). 

X The Right Hon. Arthur Onslow, for upwards of three and thirty 

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160 EARL OF MANSFIELD. [l7«3. 

that there are many instances in the old Journals of 
such speeches, or part ^ them, being inserted in these 

The allusions in the next paragraph will be more 
intelligible, if we recall to mind that the name of Mur- 
ray had been a few years earlier than the date of this 
letter intimately connected with Jacobitism, and that 
the odium of such an imputation was by no means 
obsolete. In a poem entitled the " Processionade," 
published in 1746, William Murray, Earl of Mansfield, 
and Chief Justice of England, is thus celebrated : — 

years Speaker of the House of Commons. He retired on the 1 8th of 
March, 1761. 

" He was elected Speaker," says Brown Willis, "by as unanimous 
a concurrence of all the Members in general, as any of them had been 
by their constituents in particular ; and as he enjoyed this eminent 
station a longer time than any of his predecessors, so he executed this 
important trust with equal, if not superior, abilities to any of those 
who have gone before him.** 

" No man,*' Walpole says of him, " ever supported with more firm- 
ness the privileges of the House, nor sustained the dignity of his office 
with more authority. His knowledge of the Constitution equalled 
his attachment. To the Crown he behaved with all the decorum 
of respect, without sacrificing his freedom of speech. Against the 
encroachments of the House of Peers he was an inflexible champion. 
His disinterested virtue supported him through all his pretensions ; 
and though to conciliate popular favour he affected an impartiality that 
by turns led him to the borders of insincerity and contradiction, and 
though he was minutely attached to forms, and that it oflen made 
him troublesome in affairs of higher moment, it will be difficult to 
find a subject whom gravity will so well become, whose knowledge 
will be so useful and accurate, and whose fidelity to his trust will 
prove so unshaken.*' 

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" This new fengled Scot, who was brought up at home, 
In the very same school as his brother at Rome, 
Kneeled conscious, as though his comrades might urge, 
Heiiad formerly drunk to the King before George." 

This charge was reiterated a few years afterwards by 
Lord Ravensworth, who brought the subject before the 
XJ^ Privy Council and a Committee of the House of Lords. 
The nephew and brother of the Chief Justice had also 
both committed overt acts of treason. The former, 
David Murray, seventh Viscount Stormont, and one of 
the sixteen Representative Peers of Scotland, had been 
" out in the '45," and been pardoned : the latter, James 
Murray, of Broughton, titular Earl of Dunbar, had been 
the Pretender's Private Secretary, and recompensed the 
confidence of his unfortunate patron, by betraying his aS' 
sociates and directing the pursuers of the fugitive Stuart. 

How hateful to all honest Scotchmen — even to those 
who adhered to the House of Hanover in the Rebellion 
— the name of James Murray had become, will appear 
by the following anecdote, taken from Lockhart*s " Life 
of Sir Walter Scott " (vol. i. p. 244, 2nd edition). The 
Mr. and Mrs. Scott here mentioned were the father and 
mother of the great novelist. 

" Mrs. Scott's curiosity was strongly excited one 
autumn by the regular appearance, at a certain hour 
every evening, of a sedan-chair, to deposit a person 
carefully muffled up in a mantle, who was immediately 
ushered into her husband's private room, and commonly 
remained with him there until long after the usual bed- 
time of this orderly family. Mr. Scott answered her 

VOL. I. M 

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162 LORD MANSFIELD. [l763. 

repeated inquiries with a vagueness which irritated the 
lady's feelings more and more, until at last she could 
bear the thing no longer ; but one evening, just as she 
heard the bell ring, as for the stranger*s chair to carry 
him off, she made her appearance into the forbidden 
parlour, with a salver in her hand, observing that she 
thought the gentlemen had sat so long, they would be 
better for a dish of tea, and had ventured to bring 
some for their acceptance. The stranger, a person of 
distinguished appearance and richly dressed, bowed to 
the lady and accepted the cup; but her husband knit 
his brows, and refused very coldly to partake of the 
refreshment. A moment afterwards the stranger with- 
drew, and Mr. Scott, lifting up the window-sash, took 
the cup, which he had left empty on the table, and 
tossed it out on the pavement. The lady exclaimed 
for her china ; but was put to silence by her husband's 
saying, * 1 can forgive you your little curiosity, madam, 
but you must pay the penalty. I admit* into my house, 
on a piece of business, persons wholly unworthy to be 
treated as guests by my wife. Neither lip of me or 
of mine comes after Mr. Murray of Broughton." 

With this preamble, I introduce the next paragraph 
in the Duke of Newcastle's letter. 

" I wish when my Lord Mansfield mentioned my 
name, your Lordship had given him your thoughts upon 
these cruel measures. I should have been curious to 
know what my Lord Mansfield would have said, in 
justification of his friends the ministers, who are the 

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1763.] DUKE OF NEWCASTLE. 163 

authors of them; or his own silence, inactivity, and 
indifference upon the occasion. 

** Had I been a Scotch rebels and pardoned, I might 
have had a good chance, in those times, to be one of the 
sixteen ; but, in all times, common humanity would, as 
it did most remarkably in the two late glorious and 
compassionate reigns, have prevented the families of 
the rebels from starving, and, in some instances, have 
even put them upon a better foot than they were before. 
Most of the successors are Mr. Fox's creatures, but 
that makes no alteration. My Lord Bute is the man 
that does it, and must support it, and Mr. Fox the 
servile interested agent" 

Lord Waldegrave, in his "Character of the Duke 
of Newcastle," says, " His mind can never be com- 
posed; his spirits are always agitated. Yet this con- 
stant ferment, which would wear out and destroy any 
other man, is perfectly agreeable to his constitution; 
he is at the very perfection of health when his fever 
is at the greatest height."* 

According to Waldegrave's hypothesis, Newcastle 
could not have had a better physician than Lord Bute ; 
for his' treatment of him certainly kept his Grace in 
that constant ferment which the noble memoir-writer 
considers so salutary for him. But the best remedies 
may be abused; and the dismissal of his friends so 
acted upon the Duke's excitable temperament, that he 
was thrown into a fever. Upon his recovery, he wrote 
to the Earl of Hardwicke as follows : — 

* Memoirs, pp. 11, 12. 

M ti 

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164 DUKE OF NEWCASTLE. [1768. 

'* My dearest Lord, "Claremont, Jan. 6, 1763. 

"I flatter myself that your Lordship will not be 
displeased to have an account, under my oum handj 
that by the blessing of God, I am, I hope, perfectly 
recovered, and that I have reason to hope that the 
very severe discipline which I have undergone, having 
lost so great a quantity of bad, fiery, Bute blood, will 
greatly contribute to strengthen and amend my con- 
stitution. The goodness and affection of my friends, 
and most particularly your Lordship's, has, I am per- 
suaded, greatly contributed to my cure. . . • 

" The courage, resolution, and cool behaviour of the 
Duke of Devonshire, upon the late occasion, have made 
such an impression upon my Lord Lincoln, that he 
is at once become an altered man both in his public 
and private situation towards me. He is highly 
pleased with the conduct of my great friends, and 
will join most heartily in it. In my private affairs, 
he is the first to settle everything to my satisfaction, 
and to make me perfectly easy, as he has done: you 
can't imagine how happy I am, 

** Nor enyy Bute his sunshine and his skies."* 

♦ " Nor envied Jove his sunshine and his skies." 
Last line of the third act of Addison's tragedy of " Cato.'* 

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ME. PITT. ME. Pitt's INTBBVIEWS with the king. — BBDFOED 



Lord Bute had bome his blushing honours ten 
months, when he abandoned the post which he had 
incurred so much obloquy to attain. His motives for 
resignation still remain a mystery. The following is 
the motive assigned by Viscount Royston, in a letter to 
the Earl of Hardwicke. 

"Bath, April 11, 1768, 
" The alarms of Lord Bute's family about his personal 
safety, are reported here to be the immediate cause of 
this sudden and unexpected abdication.* I shall make 
no reflections on this strange scene; your Lordship 
has already reflected much better for yourself. The 
nil admirari of Horace seems in our days to be as 
applicable to politics as it is to ethics and philosophy.' 

• This is the view taken by Mr. Macaulay in his 2nd article on 

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Three days prior to the date of this letter, Mr. 
Grenville was declared First Lord of the Treasury, 
and Lords Egremont and Halifax Secretaries of State. 
" Of the three," says Walpole, " Lord Halifax was by 
far the weakest, at the same time, most amiable man. 
His pride, like Lord Egremont's, taught him much 
civility. He spoke readily and agreeably, and only 
wanted matter and argument. He aimed at virtues 
he could not support, or rather was carried away by 
his vices than sensible of them." From other sources 
we learn that he possessed a handsome person, elegant 
manners, and a cultivated mind. 

Mr. Macaulay considers ^' that the worst administra- 
tion which has governed England since the Revolution, 
was that of George Grenville."* It was certainly a 
very important one, for it had scarcely been installed 
in oflSce, than it found itself involved in the ever 
memorable squabble with the notorious John Wilkes, 
at that time Member for Aylesbury. On the 23rd of 
the month, being a fortnight after the formation of the 
Grenville Ministry, appeared the famous "Number 
Forty-five of the North Briton." In this paper, severe 
strictures were passed on the conduct of ministers 
in general, and on Lord Bute in particular. After 
a week's deliberation, Wilkes was seized on a general 
warranty and brought before Lords Halifax and Egre- 
mont, by whom he was committed to the Tower. His 
demeanour on the occasion would have served as a 
warning to wiser men, against meddling with such a 
♦ Macaulay *8 " Essays/ in one volume, p. 747. 

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firebrand. On arriving at the place of his imprison- 
ment, he wounded the stately pride of Lord Egremont, 
by desiring to be confined in the same apartment where 
his father, Sir William Windham, had been kept on a 
charge of Jacobitism ; and the national vanity of Lord 
Bute, by hoping that, if possible, he might not be 
lodged where any Scotchman had been prisoner. 

On the very day of his commitment to prison, his 
friends procured a writ of habeas-corpus from the Court 
of Common Pleas; and on the 3rd of May he was brought 
before Lord Chief Justice Pratt In a speech, which 
lasted an hour, Wilkes complained ^^ that he had been 
worse treated than any rebel Scot," — a remark that 
was hailed with loud acclamations by the crowd in 
Westminster Hall. Three days afterwards, Pratt de- 
livered his judgment, in which he declared that Wilkes 
was " entitled to his privilege as a Member of Parliament, 
because, although that privilege does not hold against 
a breach of the peace, it does against what only tends 
to a breach of the peace." Wilkes was in consequence 
set at liberty. Immediately after the enlargement of 
Wilkes, letters from the Honourable Charles Yorke and 
Sir Fletcher Norton, the Attorney and Solicitor-Greneral, 
were presented to the Court, demanding to be admitted, 
as the case concerned the King's interest. The Chief 
Justice^s answer to both was, that they had come too 
late. Upon these proceedings, the Attorney-General's 
brother. Viscount Royston, wrote to his friend Dr. Birch 
as follows : — 

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" Dear Birch, " Bath, May the loth, i res. 

" Shall I congratulate you on the discharge of your 
old acquaintance? or shall I condole with you on the 
licentious spirit, repugnant to all decorum and order, 
which has appeared amongst the populace on this occa- 
sion? or shall I lament that the proceedings of govern- 
ment have not been conducted with all the propriety 
and judgment one could wish? As a good Englishman 
and a dutiful subject, I shall concur in the two last 
particulars. The House of Commons is much obliged 
to Lord C(hief) J(ustice) P(ratt), for I do not know, 
that we ever claimed the privilege for ourselves, which 
he has been pleased to allow us. Has our old Speaker 
been consulted on the occasion? Did Pratt take any 
notice of the warrant of apprehension^ which has the 
word treasonabley and leaves the messengers at large ? 
Is it thought that any art or management was used to 
bring down such great crowds to W— r H — 11. I 
question whether the other Chief Justice will choose (if 
he can help it) to have the affair brought into his 
court. I presume it will be fought through all the 
weapons, from the courts of justice to St. Stephen's 
Chapel. We have a story here^ which I cannot give 
credit to, * that Lord H(alifa)x asked W— kes if he 
was at the dinners,* and that the latter replied, that 
he did not sit down to table, but only blew the coals.' " 

* Note by Lord Hardwicke to his own letter. — " The dinners were 
amongst the opposition." 

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It was a favourite scheme of the Leicester House 
faction, the moment an Administration was formed, to 
open a negociation with the chiefs of the different 
sections of Opposition, the object being to ensure a 
greater degree of subserviency from the Ministers to the 
wishes of the Crown. A plan of this nature was set 
in operation shortly after Grenville entered upon his 
functions of Premier, but, true to the principle of 
" ruling by divisions," the Court treated with each 
leader, to the exclusion of the other. Some of the 
letters which follow will show the working of this 


" Claremont, June 30th, 1763. 

" Mr. Pitt mentioned the proposals made to him 
hy my Lcyrd Bvie^ much in the same way that he had 
done to the Attorney General, and that his answer was, 
that he never would have anything to do with my Lord 
Bute ; that he is now thoroughly connected with us ; 
was determined to remain so, and to take all oppor- 
tunities to do everything to bring us together , . . 

"... Lord Granby is just come in, so I must finish 
my letter sooner than I intended. I can't, however, 
forbear repeating to your Lordship my thanks for your 
kind and able conversation with my Lord Egremont, 
and particularly in what your Lordship said of your 
humble servant, and the supposed declaration I had 
made, though I am still of the same opinion upon that 
head that I ever was." 

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Note by second Lord Hardwicke : — 

" N.B. It was in this conversation with Lord Egre- 
mont that my father had a direct oflFer from the King 
of President of the Council, then vacant, which he 
very properly declined, but did not mention to the 
Duke of Newcastle, to avoid jealousies, and to which his 
Grace was liable." 

" On this behaviour," says Walpole, referring to the 
offers to Newcastle and Hardwicke — of that to Pitt 
he was not aware — '* the three ministers had deter- 
mined to bring his Majesty to an explanation." As to 
one of the three. Lord Egremont, he must have been 
in error, seeing that he was the actual negociator of the 
King with the ex-Chancellor. But there appears to be 
no doubt that the other two made a strong remon- 
strance to the King, that Grenville in* particular " re- 
proached his Majesty with violating the assurances he 
had given them (the Ministers) that Lord Bute should 
meddle no more, and with abandoning the Ministers he 
had himself chosen." 

The death of Lord Egrenv>nt, which occurred on the 
21st of August, hastened a negociation that had long 
been on the tapis, between Lord Bute and Mr. Pitt, 
which ended in the latter statesman being summoned to 
attend the King at Buckingham House, The interview 
lasted three hours, and Mr. Pitt considering himself 
authorized to form an administration, wrote an urgent 
summons to the Marquis of Rockingham. 

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• \ 



" Jermyn Street, August 28th, 1763. 
" A MATTER has opened which must make me very 
impatient to learn your Lordship's sentiments. I will 
in this critical situation venture to request of you to 
be so good as to come immediately to town. May I 
add that I shall esteem it a great favour if your Lord- 
ship could engage Sir George Savile to take the same 
journey, to whom I would write if I knew that my 
letter would be sure to find him. Be assured, I shall 
think any plan highly defective, in which a person of 
such honour and ability does not take a share. I saw 
the Duke of Newcastle at Claremont this morning, who 
joins in wishing extremely that your Lordship would 
come directly to town, as his Grace's desires on this 
subject will best stand for my apology for the liberty 
I am taking. I will add no more to your trouble than 
to assure you of the great truth and respect with which 
I am, &c., " W. Pitt." 

Lord Rockingham forwarded a copy of this letter to 
Sir George Savile, together with the following note 
from himself: — 

" I will only now say in general, it is my earnest 
and steady opinion, that it is neither the conduct of an 
honest or of a wise man, to abet the skimming over 
the present confused system, but is the duty of us both 
to give what help we can towards a perfect and pro- 

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bably permanent cure. Whether the time is yet come, 
is a matter difficult to judge upon; but I hope and 
trust that nothing will be entered upon without the 
fullest and clearest prospect of stability." 

The above letter is dated " Birom, Monday night, 
half-past twelve, August 29th, 1763." On the morn- 
ing of that day, Mr. Pitt had a second interview with 
the King, when his Majesty suddenly broke up the 
conference, by saying, "Well, Mr. Pitt (I see, or I 
fear), this will not do; my honour is concerned, and I 
must support it." The following day, the 30th, Lord 
Shelburne, who had been the channel of communication 
with Mr. Pitt, wrote to that statesman, felicitating him 
personally on a negociation being at an end, which 
carried through the whole of it such shocking marks 
of insincerity, and three days afterwards resigned his 
post as President of the Board of Trade. 


"Oct. 4, 1768. 

" It were endless to attempt detecting the falsities 
which are inserted in all the relations of the late very 
extraordinary negociation; but I cannot help contra- 
dicting one fact, which is positively inserted in the 
narrative you refer to in your last of the 1st instant, 
viz., that the K(ing) saw none of his ministers between 
the Saturday and the Monday. Now I have the best 
authority for saying that Mr. Grenville was in the 

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closet on Friday, and was introduced again on Saturday 
after the other gentleman* left it. N.B. This is true; 
he told my brother so. It seems remarkable, and tends 
to confirm the public opinion of the present jumble at 
Court, that the papers published in defence of the 

A n, throw out pretty strong insinuations against 

Lord B., and t\i$t» his Lordship's advocates are as free 

in reflecting on the M rs. With me, 

" ' Tros Tyriusve mihi nullo discrimine.' " 

The following extract of a letter from the Honourable 
Charles Torke to his brother, second Earl of Hardwicke, 
written shortly after the decease of their father,t has 
reference to some attack upon the Memoirs of the ex* 
Chancellor by Lord Northington, who succeeded him 
on the Woolsack in 1756. 

** Ml DEAR Lord, "Saturday evening, Mar. 25 (1764). 

" What you mention of the Lord Chancellor I never 
heard till this evening, from Dr. Plumptre, who had it 
from my brother John. It is very gross and unde- 

" I am not aware of the custom to which another 
paragraph in the same letter appears to refer. 

" But allow me to say, that if your Lordship sends 
rings to the Judges^ I hope you will send one to the 
Lord Chancellor, that such a trifle may not be marked. 
I take it for granted that you called at his door upon 

♦ Mr. Pitt, 
t Lord Hardwicke died on Tuesday the 6th of March, 1 764. 

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taking your seat in the House of Lords. If any acci- 
dent prevented it, I know that he is capable of being 
moved by such trifles. It is the temper of many. But 
I can only add, as to myself, that in truth, a situation 
between enemies and friends, I know that (without 
management and temper) it will be impossible for me 
to do anything, but retire at once into •the country, out 
of a profession which is independent of everything but 
that impertinence which may be created by those whom 
the King places in the great oflBces of it." 

Note by second Lord Hardwicke : — " After Northing- 
ton's language in the House of Lords, I did not wait 
upon him, nor (I think) send him a ring. My brother 
was too delicate and nice. He was above being hurt 
by the impertinence of any Chancellor. 

" H." 


" Dear Brother, • " St. James's Square, July 26, 1 764. 

" I wish you would find a quarter of an hour to let 
me know in three lines, whether you saw the D. of 
Devon again, and what language he held. I ask 
because Jones told me he had made some thundering 
declaration to Mr. Pitt, about acting more vigorotisly 
next session, with an intimation that his friends would 
do so, whatever part he (Mr. P.) thought proper to 

" I do not find that this made the Great Commoner 
more explicit. Jones says, the affair of the interview 

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with Ld. B. is less believed than it was a fortnight 

" Jones picks up nothing material ; yet messengers 
come and go between us. What is now talked of is, 
that the Parliament may now meet before Christmas, 
on account of the supply. 

" Lord Bute makes many hugger-mugger visits at 
Bichmond, in a way neither creditable to his master 
nor himself" 

In a letter to Dr. Birch, written at about this time, 
Lord Hardwicke asks, 

"Is it true that Mrs. Pritchard was greatly ap- 
plauded the other night, upon speaking a line against 
favourites, in the ' Careless Husband?' If the audiences 
begin to be so much on the catch, Mr. G(arric)k must 
be cautious what plays he acts. If it would not appear 
pedantic, I might remind you that Tully often mentions 
such circumstances which passed at the theatres, as 
indications of the temper of the people." 

Soon after the failure of the negociation with Mr. 
Pitt in 1763, the Duke of Bedford became President of 
the Council, and the ostensible head of the Government. 

The Bedford Administration experienced no better 
treatment than its predecessors. Like Grenville, the 
Duke stipulated for that which the King himself pro- 
posed, namely, the exclusion of Lord Bute from his 
presence, and from any participation in public affairs.* 

* The Duke of Bedford to the Duke of Marlborough, May 19, 

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And the favourite himself wrote to the King, stating 
that for his Majesty's service, as well as for his own 
ease, he was resolved to remain at his house the ensuing 

" He kept the word of promise to the ear, 
But broke it to the hope." 

He passed, it is true, the winter at Luton Hoo, 
returned to town early in the spring, and went publicly 
to Court and to the House of Lords. " His return,'' 
says Wiffen, " was regarded by the Duke of Bedford 
as an entire infraction of the bond on which he had 
consented to take oflBce." 

Since the retirement of the Duke of Newcastle from 
the Ministry, the Duke of Devonshire became the ac- 
knowledged leader of the Whigs, but his health ren- 
dered him unequal to the task which the partiality 
of his friends assigned him. He was obliged to be 
frequently absent from town, and at length retired 
to Spa, where he died on the 2nd of October this year, 
in the forty-fifth year of his age. 

The rumours of disagreement between Lord Bute 
and the Ministers seeming to offer an opening for some 
new ministerial arrangement. Lord Hardwicke thus 
wrote to his brother, Mr. Charles Torke, on the 11th of 
April, 1764:— 

'' Dear Brother, 

"I had my confab with his Grace of Devon this 
morning, whom I find quite without plan or system^ 
much dissatisfied with Mr. Pitt, wliom he knows nothing 

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about, and finds he can make nothing of. He lays little 
weight on Charles Townshend's information about ac- 
commodations at Court. I told his Grace, points must 
be waited for — that I saw none at present of magnitude 
suflBcient to declare upon .... 

" The Duke of Devonshire goes to Newmarket at the 
end of next week. I only mention this in case you had 
thoughts of waiting upon him. I think if you saw the 
Duke of Bedford, you might find out whether he would 
undertake any conciliatory scheme. My idea is, that 
Lord Bute, if pressed, would prefer Pitt and Temple, 
because they have fewest followers and carry the greater 

" His Grace of Bedford has taken antipathy to Lord 
Bute, on account of the transaction of last summer. I 
think all this Paddy Noddy to little purpose. Ii^ losing 
Lord H(ardwicke) we are at sea without pilot or 

" P.S. — The Duke of Devonshire said he thought 
Pitt would be more tractable, if we showed that we 
could go on without him. My opinion of Pitt is, that 
he will neither lead nor be driven. He is animal sui 
generis — un unique. The Duke admitted his health 
made him less to be depended upon."" 

The first paragraph in the following letter evidently 
has reference to the removal of one of the Duke of 
Newcastle's protigis from the Palace Gardens ; the 
second, to the dismissal of Greneral Conway from the 
colonelcy of a regiment and the post of Groom of the 


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Bedchamber, for voting against Ministers in the ques- 
tion of " General Warrants^" — a subject which, as Lord 
Hardwicke surmised, became the cheval de bakUHe of 
the opposition in the next session. 


'^ Dear Brother, '*St. James's Square, Aug. S, 1764. 

" I send back his Grace's letter, and think much does 
not arise out of it The turning out of Greening was 
an ill-natured act; but there is no making that a con- 
stitutional point, and the Duke chooses to forget that he 
stands ill with the King as well as the Minister, and 
that a domestic gardener to a Boyal Palace is one of 
those places which kings think they may make free 
with the disposal of 

" His Grace's declaration to Mr. Pitt was premature, 
unless he knew better how to conduct, to increase, and 
strengthen his opposition ; but the great cheval de 
baiaiUe will be, I apprehend, Conway's affair ; and 
ihai^ to use a phrase of Sir William Temple's, *will 
make a meal's meat, but will not keep the house.' " 


"Sept. 8, 1764. 

*' The great reports of the Duke of Bedford's uneasi- 
ness with my Lord Bute are, I believe, true. But it is 
very uncertain what, if any, material consequence will 
arise from it. I hear the language of Wobum is, that 

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1764.] TO LORD HARDWICRE. 179 

the Duke of Bedford knows nothing of my Lord Bute, 
has seen him but once, and does not know when he 
shall see him again; that the Duke of Bedford is 
Minister; that Lord Bute, the favourite, may obtain 
favours for hi^ particular friends, as was the case of 
the regiment given to Colonel Fletcher.* That may be 
wrong, but that was a small object. That the Duke 
was coming up to town the 22nd of this month, and 
would then go to Bath.t If this be true, it does not 
look as if his Grace thought himself the Minister, or 
troubled himself much about administration." 

* ♦ " The affair of Turk's Island, and the promotion of Colonel 
Fletcher over thirty-seven older officers, are the chief causes which 
have ripened our heats to such a height" — Walpole. 

t " The Duke of Bedford has crossed the country from Bath to 
Wobum without coming to town."— Walpole to Hertford, Nov. 9^ 

N 2 

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The violent ministerial measures of the preceding 
session, naturally aroused a determined resistance on 
the part of the Whigs. The dismissal of General Con- 
way and other military oflBcers from their employments, 
as a royal penalty for their votes in Parliament, was no 
ordinary cause of provocation, and was regarded as a 
dangerous example, as well as a most unjust and arbi- 
trary proceeding. With the view of inducing Mr. Pitt 
to co-operate with them in their opposition to the Court, 
Lord Rockingham was prevailed upon by the leading 
Whigs to pay the retired and refractory old statesman 
a visit at Hayes. His errand, indeed, proved fruitless. 
The Great Commoner condemned the dismissal of Con- 
way; but "the question," he said, "touched too near 
upon prerogative; it ought to have been brought on 
earlier in the session. He had never urged the subject 
being mooted at all." In short, he produced doubts in 

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Lord Bockingham's mind whether the cause he had at 
heart might not be more prejudiced than benefited by 
Mr. Pitt's presence in the House of Commons; and he 
returned to town, "less satisfied than ever with Mr. 


« Bath, March 26, 1765. 

" I AM more sorry than surprised, that your Lord- 
ship found Mr. Pitt in the disposition you did, with 
an appearance, and, I am afraid, with a real deter- 
mination to remain inactive. It is agreeable to. all 
his declarations for this last year, and to what he so 
positively declared in his letter to me. I doubt he is 
searching for reasons to justify that resolution, — one, 
I am sure, has not the least foundation. That we had 
given up his war (and in that he means me only), for 
he does me the honour always to fling aU the blame upon 
me, as I am persuaded your Lordship plainly perceived 
by his discourse; and greater injustice cannot be done 
a man. Could I be such a fool as to give up his war, 
as he called it? Who provided for it? Who raised 
such immense sums for the support of it? Was it 
Mr. Pitt or myself? I will be bold to say, Mr. Pitt 
could not have done it; and am I to have all the re- 
proach from Mr. Grenville and the enemies to the war, 
for the load of debt which I had brought upon the 
* Walpole'8 Geoi^e the Third, ii. 87. 

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nation, for the support of it, and am to be told by 
Mr. Pitt that I had given up his vow? In short, 
I have seen so much of this cruel part towards me, 
that I am determined not to mind it, but to go on 
with Mr. Pitt as I have done, wishing and doing every- 
thing in my power that the public may have his assis- 
tance. For I see how much it is wanted. The oppo- 
sition is dwindled down to nothing, and Mr. Grenville^ 
for he is the man of consequence, and that does the 
business. Let them say what they will, Mr. Grenville, I 
say, will have champ libre^ and nobody to oppose him." 

The session of 1765 had been opened by the King 
in person, but towards the end of March, his Majesty 
was attacked by so serious an illness, that it became 
necessary to make some provision for the contingency 
of a long minority. Accordingly, on the 24th of April, 
the subject of a Eegenoy was brought before Parliament, 
in a speech from the Throne. 



" Dear Brother, "St. James's Square, April 25, 1765. 

" We [the Duke of Newcastle and himself] had no 
eonversation about the Kegepcy Bill, except that I was 
able to acquaint him that Lord Halifax had moved 
to-day to take the King's speech into consideration on 
Monday. I suppose the Bill will then be brought in. 

^^Iwas at the lev^e this morning; the King avait 

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17660 THE REGENCY BILL. 183 

fort hen visage. I walk in and out of St. James's like 
a country lord, whom nobody that knows anything has 
anything to say to. . . . 

^^ Lord Lyttleton (whom I saw this morning) appre- 
hended the debate would be on your second reading, 
A notion prevails that Mr. Pitt will attend in the 
House. D. of Cumb. wwcA hurt that the Princes of the 
blood are not to be named in Council of Eegency. 
All laid to the door of Lord Bute; a scheme of his to 
keep Queen, brothers, &c., dependent on his good word 
with the K— .^ 

The ^^Memoriall" of the same writer a£fords some 
additional observations upon the same subject. ^^ While 
the £egency Bill/' says his Lordship, ^^ was in the House 
of Lords, the clause naming the King's brothers was 
concerted, with the Duke of Cumberland, unknown to 
the Ministry till the King sent it to them. They, to 
return the compliment, framed the clause for omitting 
the Princess Dowager, [and] procured the King's con- 
sent to it. This raised a storm in the interior of the 
palaces; and the result of it, after many intrigues and 
jarrings, was the overthrow of that administration." 

An address was moved in the House of Lords by 
Lord Lyttleton, to give the King the power to name 
the person he would recommend. This was rejected by 
eighty-nine to thirty-one. The Duke of Bichmond then 
moved that the Eegency should consist of the Queen, 
the Princess Dowager, and all the descendants of the late 
King usually in England. On the following day. Lord 

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184 THE REGENCY BILL. [1766. 

Halifax moved the Duke of Richmond's words, with the 
single omission of the Princess Dowager. The amend- 
ment was agreed to. 

The Regency Bill was read a second time on the 
7th of May. On the 9th, Mr. Morton, Member for 
Abingdon, Chief Justice of Chester, and well known to 
be in the Princess Dowager's confidence, moved, with 
the King's approval, and at Lord Northington^s sugges- 
tion, the insertion of her Royal Highness's name. 

To Mr. Yorke, who had taken an active part in the 
debate, his brother, Lord Hardwicke, wrote as follows. 

'hope you are well, after all your House of Com- 
mons fatigue, where I think there have been sti^ange 
doings. Curiosity would engage me to attend the 
House of Lords on Monday, when you send up the 
Bill with your amendments; but as indisposition pre- 
vented my being in the beginning of the fray, I think 
it more prudent not to come in at the latter end. It 
is impossible not to concur with your mention of the 
P(rincess) of Wales's name, now the point has been 
started; but surely the Court and the Ministry have 
contrived to bring the House of Lords into a very 
awkward situation, first inducing them to leap over 
the stick one way, and then bringing them to jump 
over it the other " 

In consequence of the difficulties attendant upon these 
" intrigues and jarrings," the King solicited his uncle to 
form a government for him. The Duke accepted the 

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office, and, after sundry messages to Hayes, at last paid 
Mr. Pitt a visit in person. No slight sensation was pro- 
duced on the public mind by this condescension of the 
proudest of Princes towards the proudest of Commoners. 

Mr. Wright, in his " House of Hanover," has re- 
produced a caricature of the day, illustrative of the 
event. It is entitled " The Courier." From the door 
of a hedge alehouse, protrudes a gouty foot. The sign 
is an inflated bladder, on which is inscribed " Popu- 
larity.*" Underneath is the further inscription, " W.P.'^ 
On a cantering horse appears a figure intended to repre- 
sent the very portly person of the Duke of Cumberland, 
and not unlike the statue of his Boyal Highness in Ca- 
vendish Square. He wears a large pair of Dettingen 
boots and has a horn at his mouth. 

" Yesterday," says Walpole, " the hero of Culloden 
went down in person to the conqueror of America, and, 
though tendering almost ca^te Uanche^ Uanchissime^ for 
the constitution, and little short of it for Red Book 
of places, brought back nothing but a flat refusal." 

That this version was not the correct one, will appear 
from the account given by the Royal Ambassador himself. 


" An account of the Negociation for the intended 
change of Ministers, in April and May, 1765; recol- 
lected some days after the whole was over, by help of 

* To the best of my belief^ the only two copies extant of this 
*' Statement "are in Lord Fitz William's papers and my own family 
collection of MSS. 

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Lord Albemarle^ whom I had entrusted in the whole 
transaction, and who had his part also to act. 

" On Easter Day, the 7th of April, 1765, I received 
his Majesty's orders to attend him at the Queen's House, 
before I set out for Newmarket. Accordingly, I at- 
tended there at ten o'clock that same morning, when 
his Majesty was pleased to inquire particularly after 
my health (I having been all the winter extremely ill), 
and said he had sent to me to meet him there, that 
I might save myself the fatigue of going up the stairs 
at St. James's, and of long standing in the drawing* 
room.* To which gracious words I returned my most 
dutiful thanks ; and rejoiced in seeing his Majesty also 
thoroughly recovered. He said he was ; but that yet 
his late illness had been an additional reason for him 
to desire to speak to me; for that though he was now 
well, yet God alone knew how soon an accident might 
befall him. Therefore, he acquainted me that the 
Thursday before, he had given to his four Ministers 

* The Duke of Cumberland was at this time considered in a very 
precarious state. In 1764^ the wound he had received at Dettingen 
broke out at Newmarket. It became " necessary to make an incision 
of many inches in his knee. Ranby" (the sergeant-surgeon to the 
King) << did not dare to propose that a hero should be tied, but was 
frightened out of his senses when the hero would hold the candle 
himself, which none of his generals could bear to do. In the middle 
of the operation the Duke said^ ' Hold I' Ranby said, 'For Gknl's sake, 
sir, let me proceed now ; it will be worse to renew it.' The Duke 
repeated, ' I say, hold,' and then calmly bade them give Ranby a 
clean waistcoat and cap, '^for/ said he, 'the poor man has sweat 
through these.' It was true, but the Duke did not utter a groan." — 
Walpole^s Letters to Lord Hertford, p. 154. 

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an order for preparing a Bill of Eegenoy, in case any 
accident happened to him : that, heat being a good deal 
allayed, was an additional reason to him for haying it 
done at a time when men's passions were abated. 

" I returned his Majesty my most dutiful thanks for 
this his gracious information: that I should give my 
thoughts fully and openly, when I should see the draft 
of the bill : that, as I rejoiced to see, then, no pressing 
necessity for any precautions against such an unfor- 
tunate event: therefore, I must own, I feared that 
the importance of the subject-matter would, especially 
at the end of a session, cause jealousies, which might 
frustrate his Majesty's most gracious and generous in- 
tentions on this occasion : that, as to our heais^ which 
his Majesty thought were allayed, I was sorry to be 
obliged to say, that far from it; that though the first 
people did not express their opinions and their feelings 
with as much ivarmth and as repeatedly as last year, 
it proceeded not fipom their being over; but that they 
were already communicated and spread out into the 
lower class of mankind, from whence it would be more 
difficult to eradicate them, and set their minds at 

" I did perceive, or at least thought I did, that his 
Majesty had still more on his mind to communicate, but 
I did not think it respectful to endeavour to know more 
fully what was in the King's mind. Thus ended the first 
conversation I had had with the King in his closet or in 
private since the peace. 

" The first or second day at Newmarket my Lord 

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Northumberland ^ took occasion to call upon me, singh/^ 
one morning, under the pretence of going with me 
to the stables to see my horses. Whilst in the stables 
he much lamented both the Eang's situation and that of 
his affairs; that with such an administration nothing 
great could be done; that they lived from day to day, 
whilst France was restoring their finances, paying off 
their debt, and putting their naval force again in 
condition. That, therefore, if ever it pleased France to 
begin with us, they would find us in the same exhausted 
state that had obliged us to grant them the favourable 
terms of peace they had obtained from us. I entirely 
agreed with his Lordship in the state in which he 
represented his Majesty's affairs were, and that I was 
fully sensible of the diboires and indignities which these 
gentlemen in power insulted his Majesty with each day; 
instead of applying themselves to the good of the public 
in general, or to restoring to his Majesty the affections 
of his people. He said he rejoiced much in hearing me 

* Sir Hugh Smithson, Bart, married Lady Elizabeth Seymour, only 
daughter of Algernon Duke of Somerset, at whose death in 1 749 he 
succeeded to the Earldom of Northumberland. He was created Duke 
of Northumberland under the Chatham administration. Though pro- 
fuse and ostentatious, he was a kind and amiable man, a patron of the 
arts and of men of letters. He ** had an advantageous figure, and 
much courtesy in his address, which being s^ported by most expen- 
sive magnificence, made him exceedingly popular with the meaner 
sort" — Walpole. Lord Northumberland's son. Lord Wark worth, 
having married Lord Bute's daughter, was admitted to the King's 
private junto, which met dtuly at this time at Mr. Stow's, It 
consisted of Lord Bute, Lord Northumberland, Lord Mansfield, Sir 
Fletcher Norton, Mr. Stow, and Mr. Stow's brother, the Primate of 

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express these sentiments, which he had never doubted 
to find in my breast, and which the King was convinced 
were implanted there ; and that, if I had understood 
his Majesty, the King was intentioned to talk more 
fully himself over the state of his affairs, and that 
nothing had prevented that total confidence of his 
Majesty but fearing that he saw a coldness on my side 
to endeavour to extricate him out of the troubles he 
was engaged in. Whether the Lord Northumberland 
sent a messenger to town to acquaint his Majesty with 
this conversation, or no, I know not ; but I am certain 
that a messenger was sent to him from London, upon 
the receipt of whom I had a second visit during the 
week, which seemed to me more explicit, and to be 
warmer in the King's desire for assistance. 

" On the 16th of April, in the evening, I received 
in town another visit from Lord Northumberland, 
acquainting me it was by the King^s pleasure and his 
order that he had had those conversations with me at 
Newmarket. I assured him of my readiness; but that 
this Regency Bill, which was again upon the tapis^ was 
of such importance, and of which I had not had the 
least communication; that therefore I must humbly 
deprecate the having any hand in whatever negocia- 
tions might be, during this Bill's hanging over all our 
heads, without any person among those who were con- 
cerned being able to obtain two similar answers from 
any two of his Majesty's servants in the law, or other- 
ways ; that, even as to myself, I had reason to fear 
and believe that my name was quite omitted, as well as 

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those of my nephews. The Lord Northumberland, in 
an awkward manner, denied his having at least any 
knowledge of such a design ; but must stop the nego- 
ciation till things were riper for it. On Wednesday, the 
next day, we (Lord Albemarle and I) went into the 
country; but at night I heard from the House of 
Lords, that not only my nephews and myself were 
totally left out, and that there were disputes whether or 
no it should be the Queen, by name, or the Queen or 
any of the Royal Family. On which Lord Albemarle 
went to town and expostulated roundly and warmly 
with the Earl of Northumberland. The consequence of 
which was, the Eing was pleased to signify to the 
House his pleasure that my nephews and I should stand 
fixed members of the Council of Regency. 

" The 30th of April I set out for Newmarket, 
leaving Lord Albemarle, and most of the lords indeed, 
to attend the finishing of the Bill. During this week 
the Bill was sent to the Commons, after several amend- 
ments and several extraordinary divisions in the House 
of Lords, wherein the Duke of Bedford had been so 
extremely masterly, that bad his Grace stuck to his own 
opinion, he would have stood in a far different light 
than he had ever stood in, or ever will stand in again. 
For, after having amended and settled that part of the 
Bill touching the Queen's Regency upon a clear» honour- 
able, popular plan, he allowed these his amendments 
to be totally overset by the House of Commons, and 
passed this Bill contrary to his former just amend- 

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" That day (Monday, May the 6th), very late in the 
evening, my Lord Northumberland sent in to desire 
to speak to me, acquainting me that he came to me 
by his Majestjr's orders, that I should endeavour to see 
whether Mr. Pitt and Lord Temple, with the other 
great Whig families, could not be brought to form him 
a strong and a lasting Administration, which might 
empower him to form systems at home and abroad, such 
as the dangers of the times might require ; desiring 
withal that this negociation might be carried on with 
the utmost secrecy and celerity, as its magnitude would 
allow of. 

" In answer to all this, I desired the Earl of North- 
umberland would lay me at the King's feet, and assure 
him that I would endeavour all that lay in my power to 
execute the important commission I was charged with. 
That I feared his Majesty was convinced by the event, 
that the Begency Bill, with its different changes, had 
superadded many difficulties; that, for to quit the 
King's work in hand, I must be allowed to open myself 
to Lord Temple and Mr. Pitt, as well as to the Duke of 
Newcastle and the Marquis of Bockingham. 

" On Tuesday, the 7th of May, I spoke to the Duke 
of Newcastle and the Marquis of Rockingham, acquaint- 
ing them with the orders I was charged with from his 
Majesty, and that the King had been pleased to chalk 
out for all our joint considerations the following out- 
lines of Adminbtration, viz. Mr. Pitt to be Secretary of 
State with Mr. Charles Townshend, Secretary of State 
also; Lord Northumberland, First Lord of the Trea- 

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sury; the Duke of Newcastle and Earl Temple, one or 
the other President, the other Privy Seal; and Lord 
Egmont First Lord of the Admiralty; and that the 
other noblemen, and others who were to come in, should 
be, as much as possible, considered in the new arrange- 
ment to be formed. 

" I should dp injustice to both these Lords, if I did 
not remark their zeal for the execution of his Majesty's 
great and just views; only the Marquis objected to any 
employment for himself, believing he might be of more 
use as an independent man, than personally engaged in 
the service; and we agreed that whilst those two Lords 
were sounding our friends in town, the Earl of Albe- 
marle should repair to Hayes, to communicate, in my 
name J to Mr, Pitt (who was unable to come to town) ; 
that as his health did not allow of my seeing him, and 
secrecy prevented my going to Hayes, I charged him 
(the Earl of Albemarle) to acquaint Mr. Pitt with his 
Majesty's most gracious thoughts with regard to him 
and the public; to assure him that the King had 
pitched upon him as the man whose abilities made 
him the most desirable to be employed at these times; 
that his Majesty had chalked out the above-mentioned 
arrangement, thinking Mr. Charles Townshend might 
be the properest person to execute, whenever Mr. Pitt's 
health should incapacitate him from either Court or 
Parliament- attendance; that he (Mr. Pitt) was sen- 
sible that the eyes of the whole nation were now all 
looking up towards him, and that should he not come 
to the relief of his King and country, at this time 

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both in danger, I greatly feared that he would no 
longer preserve that weight in this country which he 
80 justly bore* Lord Albemarle acquainted him also, 
that the King's Ministers had taken such possession of 
the Closet, that they scarcely acted with decency to 
their master. 

^^ In return to this, and much more that passed, in a 
conversation of four hours, it concluded on Mr. Pitt's 
part, without a negative: but insisting, Jirst^ on the 
restoration of all the officers of the army, as well as 
many others, as had been displaced for their opposi- 
tion; — secondfyj on ample justice and favour being 
shown to Chief Justice Pratt; — thirdly, on a necessity 
of making men's minds easy about the warrants^ as 
well as the amending the unpopular clauses in the 
Cyder Bill; — fourthly^ a necessity of restoring the re- 
laxations got into both the navy and the army, and 
preferring the officera for their services, and not for 
dancing attendance; — a£ also, fifthly, on a foreign sys- 
tem of aflfairs, which he feared had been greatly 
neglected, avowing himself still in Prussian sentiments, 
which, he feared, would not render the closet more 
favourable to him. 

" On that same evening, I wrote to Lord Temple, at 
Stowe, to desire I might see him upon very urgent 
business, that I durst not communicate in writing ; and 
ordered the same servant to leave another letter from 
me, at Wakefield, for the Duke of Grafton. 

" On Wednesday, May the 8th, before I was got out 
pf bed, the Duke of Grafton arrived, having set out 

VOL. I. 

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immediately on the receipt of my letter. I iirformed 
him with his Majesty's general ideas, and pressed him 
most sincerely to take a part on this occasion, which 
no man was more capable, both by parts and judgment, 
to maintain ; that, though I knew the dislike he had 
to public employments, yet that he himself would regret, 
ten years hence, having given up this opportunity of 
serving the King most essentially, and serving the 
public also. I proposed to him, if Secretary of State 
should stagger him, that he would be First Lord of 
Trade with the Cabinet -Council, as that would be 
reckoned in the world to be short of what he had shown 
himself fit for. 

^^It did not avail me, as he was equally sanguine 
that the affair in general must succeed; and that there 
was no present need for him to engage in business; 
yet that a place at Court was what he eould not endure, 
from the attendance requisite. .Therefore, fearing his 
stay in town might add to the other sw^icicms the 
ministers would have, he would return directly into the 
country, most heartily wishing us success. 

^^ The Duke of Newcastle and the Marquis of Bock- 
ingham both repeated their assurances, that our friends 
were warm; and that, if Mr. Pitt took the lead, our 
numbers would be very considerable. 

" While I was at dinner, the Lord Temple sent to 
inform me of his arrival in town. I desired him to 
meet me at my house at six that evening. At six 
we accordingly met, and I cannot help saying that I 
think he was more verbose and pompous than Mr. Pitt; 

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nor do I think so near concluding. I again stated to 
him his Majesty's situation, displeased with his present 
ministers, both for their behaviour in the Closet, and 
that the King found them extremely dilatory in public 
affairs. Wherefore his Majesty had chalked out for the 
beginning of an arrangement, Mr. Pitt and Mr. Charles 
Townshend, Secretaries of State; the Earl of Northum- 
berland, First Lord of the Treasury ; the Duke of New- 
castle and Lord Temple, — one President, the other 
Privy Seal; and Lord Egremont, First Lord of the 
Admiralty ; and had been pleased to order me to treat 
with him and Mr. Pitt, as well as with those Lords 
that formed the head of the Whig party, whom the 
King looked upon as his best friends, and who had 
always supported his Soyal Family. He made great 
expressions of duty, deprecating any public situation 
whatever; but at the end of a very long and tedious 
conversation he desired to ask diree questions. The 
first was, whether it was his Majesty's intention to 
restore the officers of the army and others. The second^ 
that satisfaction must be made to the public for the 
warrants^ favour shown to Lord Chief Justice Pratt, 
and the system of affairs at home must be entirely 
changed. The thirds that they might know the situa- 
tion of foreign affairs, to see whether there was still a 
possibUity of touowing what they thought the only 
true system for this country. But^ even then, sup- 
posing the answers from his Majesty should be both 
favourable and gracious, they gave me no latitude 
whatever to assure his Majesty of their readiness to 

o 2 

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come into his service. I strongly represented to them 
the impropriety, in any negociation whatsoever, but 
much more so when it was with the King; that as 
to the first question, I need not ask it, as I had his 
Majesty's most gracious promise on that^ without my 
having asked it. That as ta the second proposition, I 
could assure him it was the King's intention to do 
handsomely by Lord Chief Justice Pratt, which was the 
strongest proof his Majesty could give to his people, 
when he supported by favours those judges who should 
dare to stand up for the defence of the liberties of his 
subjects; and that, therefore, I should hope less or 
nothing need be said in parliament relative to this 
affair; as it was never the duty of any well-wisher to 
King or Constitution, to venture to trace exactly the 
law-boundaries of the King's prerogative, or the pri- 
vilege of his people. 

"All I said on this occasion was extremely fruit- 
less, and I was sorry to see it would be necessary that 
something should be done parliamentary to ease the 
minds of these gentlemen. As to the third question, 
relating to Foreign Affairs, after much disputing, and 
stating pro and con the impossibility of there being 
time or means of stating the present view of foreign 
affairs clear enough to enable them, as yet, to say 
anything on that point, they desired that the question 
might be: — Whether his Majesty was pleased to in- 
tend a counter-system to be formed t^ the House of 

" This conversation, though here stated as that of the 

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Wednesday ahney includes the purport of that of the 
Thursday also, when he returned from Hayes ; and on 
my understanding him to speak for Mr. Pitt as well 
as for himself, he objected, and desired Lord Albemarle 
would make one jaunt more to Hayes, to know whether 
Mr. Pitt's final answer would be of the same nature ; 
and such as it proved I will again now recapitulate 
as nearly as I can, which was: — That he (Mr. Pitt) was 
ready to assist his Majesty's aflfairs, as a private person, 
as far as they should agree with the general idea of 
measures that had been laid down; but that neither 
Lord Temple nor he could engage themselves any fur- 
ther, until his Majesty should deign to answer their 
doubts, stated in the three questions ; that they were 
highly sensible of his Majesty's grace and favour, in 
having condescended thus far towards them. 

" Thus far, I have accounted to the Friday evening, 
May the 10th, for all that passed in the negociation 
with these two persons chiefly ; as I had no difficulties 
with our friends, but a little too much caution, not 
caring to engage without Mr. Pitt. Of this number I 
must except the Marquis of Kockingham, who from pri- 
vate reasons and inclination, prefers a private life, and 
really thinks he might be equally useful to his King and 
country ; yet when he saw the shyness of our friends he 
shook off his natural dislike and was ready to kiss the 
King's hand in whatever shape was most for the service 
in general. To this resolution I flatter myself his 
personal friendship for me had some share, seeing 
the distressed situation my friends had left me in, from 

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their fears of stirring hand or foot without Mr. Pitt at 
their head. 

" Late this Friday evening, Lord Northumberland 
desired to see Lord Albemarle, when he expressed the 
King's impatience for a determination, and agreed to 
call on me the next morning at eight o'clock. Accord- 
ingly, on Saturday morning he came. I desired he 
would acquaint his Majesty that it was with the utmost 
concern I was obliged to inform him that, in answer to 
his gracious oflfers, I had nothing to return but compli- 
ments and doubts; that he (Lord Northumberland) 
might inform his Majesty of their three questions^ 
though I had told them that I did not think it decent 
to propose them, when the King's answer should noways 
bind them; and his Majesty would be at liberty, either 
to order them to be answered, or leave the negociation 
there; that I had done my utmost, and that though I 
had failed, yet it was not my fault, nor that of my 
friends, any further than the timidity and fear of acting 
without Mr. Pitt — ^that the negociation being now at an 
end, I humbly hoped for his Majesty's leave to return 
into the country, there to lament over my inutility in 
the King's service. He stopped me and desired I would 
not leave London that day, as perhaps he might have 
some fresh message from his Majesty. 

" It will be necessary here to give an account of a 
trifling event in itself, but which was artfully worked 
up, and did his Majesty's negociations the utmost harm, 
as it represented the King's desire of amending his 
Administration, and, therefore, parting with the Duke 

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of Bedford would look like the giving him up to the 
incensed mob. 

•* The whole winter there had been heavy complaints 
that so many French silk stu£& were introduced, that 
our looms stood still, and numbers of families were 
starving for want of work in Spitalfields, Moorfields, &c. 
Mr. George GrenviUe countenanced a Bill in the House 
of Commons, intended for their relief; but, as I have 
been informed, it would noways have turned out either 
to their advantage or to trade in general. This Bill, 
after much canvassing in the House of Commons, was 
transmitted to the Lords. Here, unluckily, though 
perhaps not unjustly, the Duke of Bedford takes up the 
Bill and throws it out, without a second reading or com- 
mitting of it. This haughty treatment was on the 
Monday the 15th of May, the same day that the House 
of Lords went through the Regency Bill. Several of 
the master-weavers*- who attended at the bar of the 
House, resented this treatment as they called it, threat- 
ening that they and their people should endeavour to 
petition the King for redress. On Tuesday they came 
down in great numbers, but insulted no one, and the 
King being gone to Richmond that day, they returned 
home. On Wednesday they came and beset the House 
of Parliament ; but piqued themselves on behaving 
respectfully to his Majesty, who came to the house that 
day. But then, they declared they would have satis- 
faction of the Duke of Bedford, attempted to insult him, 
and broke his coach-glass as he drove through them. 
Hereupon the mob resolved to go to Bedford House to 

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pull it dowD and murder the Duke. All the Guards, 
horse and foot, that were in or about the town, were 
ordered up, and some mischief was done, especially in 
Bloomsbury Square, where the proclamation was obliged 
to be read before they dispersed. This was the last 
and only weak eflfort of a deluded but half-starved people. 
But though they were quiet and submitted, yet it was 
taken up with such warmth, and such ungenerous 
innuendoes that it raised a flame in the House, which 
served them very usefully on this occasion ; but which 
zeal died instantly on His Majesty's reinstating them 
into his service again; and on letters from the Earl 
of Halifax to Lord Hillsborough, wrote to communicate 
to the master weavers, assuring them the Bill should 
pass both Houses. 

" On Saturday afternoon, May 11, about five o'clock, 
being just sat down to dinner with my sister at her 
house, the Marquis of Sockingham and the Earl of Al- 
bemarle came to me from the Earl of Northumberland, 
acquainting me that I was hardly gone from my house 
before the Earl of Northumberland arrived there; and 
finding them there he desired them to inform me that 
he was that moment arrived from Bichmond, and that 
Lord Northumberland believed his Majesty would desire 
me to go in person to Hayes; that I might take Guards 
with me, if I pleased, as the King no longer intended 
the negociation should be carried on in secret. I set 
out for the Lodge as soon as my set of horses could be 
put to, and I arrived a little after six, and staid till past 
ten. I found the King much agitated, and after the 

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most gracious reception, expressed his desire to know 
what had passed with Lord Temple and Mr. Pitt; which 
I did in the most ample manner, agreeable to all that 
has been related before. The King said, that notwith- 
standing all that had passed, he would still have me 
trj what I could do personally at Hayes, and the better 
to put me au fait of the true state of his affairs be 
went through, in a masterly and exact manner, all that 
had passed since Lord Bute's resigning the Treasury. 
He also went through Mr. Pitt's two audience^ of Au- 
gust, 1763; particularizing, with great justness, the cha- 
racters of several persons who are now upon the stage, 
or who are but just dropped off. In short, it was a 
conversation too important (I hope) to forget; but 
improper for pen and ink. 

'^ Sunday, May the 12th, Lord Albemarle and I set 
out for Hayes, between nine and ten in the morning; 
and just before we set out I desired Lord Temple might 
have a note to meet us at eleven. I got to Hayes, 
and kept Mr. Pitt Ute-drtite for an hour and a half, 
before Lord Temple joined us and Lord Albemarle. I 
repeated to Mr. Pitt the King's most sincere desire of 
seeing affairs both at home and abroad carried on with 
more spirit and activity than he was able to do with 
this present Administration. That his Majesty had 
looked round, and found none so proper to assist him in 
reinstating affairs as he (Mr. Pitt); that, therefore, as 
great marks as the King could give of his sincere desire 
for his assistance, he had ordered me personally to go 
down and bring him to Court, where his Majesty desired 

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he would take an active part. I represented to him 
the manner in which this Administration used his Ma- 
jesty, and that no time was to be lost, as the Parlia- 
ment must be soon up; that this country looked up 
to him as the man who had been the author of the great 
successes during the war; that they almost universally 
wished him at the head of public aflfairs; the public 
affairs requiring as much spirit in their present situa- 
tion as they might have done during the war. 

" He began his answer by desiring that he might be 
laid at the King's feet; that he was confounded at the 
honour which it pleased his Majesty to think of him at 
all; but much more so for that distinguished mark of 
his grace and fiivour, which he received by my personal 
visit; that he was almost rendered an invalid by the 
gout ; but that he had still vigour and strength of mind 
to undertake business, if he saw a probability of success; 
tiiat, as to foreign affitirs (which he began with) he was 
afraid that his personal ideas were so much disliked at 
Court; he would even own, that perhaps nine men in 
ten in the kingdom were against him in opinion, but 
timt yet it was his opinion, and therefore it rendered 
him, if not totally improper to enter into his Majesty's 
Council, at least it would incapacitate him from acting 
in the intended sphere of Secretary of State, as, in 
honour, he never could set his hand to what was dia- 
metrically opposite to his opinion. That in any other 
situation, he would give his negative or single voice in 
Council without any further consequence attending 
thereon ; that, without foreign affairs were altered, he 

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could see bat little hopes that other things, equally 
necessary, would follow; and then repeated the iJtree 
questions which have already been mentioned. First, 
that a counter-alliance be formed to the House of 
Bourbon; secondly, that the officers particularly, as 
well as others, who had been turned out for their opinions 
in Parliament^ should be restored ; thirdly, that some- 
thing must be done to put people's minds at ease with 
regard to the illegality of the warrants." 

Here ends the Duke of Cumberland's narrative. He 
infers, rather than states, rtiiat his mission was unsuc- 
cessful. If Pitt had been guided by his political prin- 
ciples, he would at once have coalesced with Lord Rock^ 
ingham and his friends. But, influenced by Temple 
(who wished the " brothers," as they were called, should 
form a government of tiiemselves), he declined the 
overtures of the Court, and it is said, that at parting 
he mournfully addressed his brother-in-law with Virgil's 
lines : — 

" Exstinxti me teque, Boror, popdumque patresque 
Sidonios^ urbemque tuam." * 

On the 18th of May, Mr. Grenville wailed upon the 
King, with the speech which was to close the session. 
" There is no hurry," said the King; "I will have the 
Parliament adjourned, not prorogued." — "Has your 
Majesty any thoughts of making a change in your 
Administration?" inquired Grenville.— "Certainly," was 
the reply, " I cannot bear it as it is."—" I hope your 

* Yirg. Mn. iv. 682. 

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Majesty will not order me to cut my own throat?" — 
" Then," said the King, "who must adjourn the Parlia- 
ment?" — "Whoever," replied the Minister, "your 
Majesty shall appoint my successor." 

This significant hint was followed by an intimation 
from the four Ministers, that they should resign the 
following Tuesday, if no administration was formed in 
the meanwhile. 

The Duke of Cumberland's services were again 
placed in requisition, and the government was next 
offered to George, Lord Lyttleton. 

This noble poet, historian, and statesman, was the 
eldest son of Sir Thomas Lyttleton, of Hagley, Worces- 
tershire, to whose estates he succeeded in 1751. He 
was one year older than his cousin, William Pitt, Earl 
of Chatham. The two kinsmen were contemporaries 
at Eton, entered Parliament the same year, made their 
parliamentary d&njA on the same day, and for a long 
period occupied the same bench in the House of Com- 
mons. Lyttleton, Ayscough, whose sister he had mar- 
ried, Bichard, George, James, and Thomas Grenville, 
and William Pitt, formed that political faction which 
first went by the name of the " Cobham Squadron," and 
was afterwards spoken of as the " Grenville connection." 

When Pitt, " that terrible cornet of horse," was 
stripped of his commission in the Blues by Walpole, 
Frederick, Prince of Wales, indemnified him with the 
post of Groom of the Bedchamber, and his poetical 
cousin, Lyttleton, was at the same time appointed private 
secretary to his Royal Highness. George the Second, 

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who could never understand, " what Boetry was good 
for," showed but little favour to the gentis irritoMle. 
His son Frederick, on the contrary, took them under 
his especial protection, and they repaid his patronage 
with the incense of their muse. His Royal Highness's 
secretary, who, though not yet known as an historian? 
was already celebrated for his pastorals, and other 
light pieces, came in for his full share of these flattering 
effiisions. Thomson, Shenstone, Hammond, Capel LoflFt 
are among his warm eulogists, and though last, not 
least, Pope says of him, 

*' Free as young Ly ttleton her cause pursue. 
Still true to virtue, and as wann as true." 

But our business is rather with Lyttleton as a poli- 
tician than as a poet He filled, at different times, the 
offices of Lord of the Treasury, Cofferer of the House- 
hold, and Chancellor of the Exchequer. For the last of 
these employments, he appears to have been but little 
qualified, seeing that, '^ he never could comprehend the 
commonest rules of arithmetic." 

In 1751, Sir George was advanced to the dignity of 
a Baron. 

Lyttleton was born at seven months, and thrown 
away by the nurse as a dead child, but upon closer 
inspection was found to be alive. Though he lived to 
the age of sixty-four, his appearance bespoke this in- 
auspicious entry into the world. He was a pale, thin 
man, with a very plain face, and with a frame so loosely 
put together, that " every limb was an incumbrance." 

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In one of the caricatures of the times, his tall, spare 

form is portrayed, and attached to it is the following 

doggrel : — 

*' Bat who be dat bestride a pony, 
So long, 80 lean^ so lank, so bony ? 
Dat be de great orator Littletony." 

Horace Walpole, with his usual love of antithesis, 
thus describes his character. 

^' No man so propense to art was less artful ; no man 
staked his honestj to less purpose, for he was so awk- 
ward that honesty was the only quality that seemed 
natural to him. His cunning was so often in default 
that he was a kind of beacon that warned men not to 
approach the shallows on which he founded his attach- 
ments always at a wrong season." 

Lyttleton was a constant speaker in parliament. Of 
his merits in that capacity there are different opinions. 
His speech on the "Jew Bill," has been cited as a 
model of oratory. He is said to have spoken well when 
he studied his part. " With the figure of a spectre," 
says Walpole, " and the gesticulations of a puppet, he 
talked heroics through his nose." Lord Hervey's de- 
scription of his mode of speaking is not more flattering : 
" He had a great flow of words, that were uttered in 
a lulling monotony, and the little meaning they had 
to boast of, was generally borrowed from common-place 
maxims of moralists, philosophers, patriots, and poets, 
crudely imbibed, half digested, ill put together, and 
confusedly refunded." 

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As Lord Lyttleton would give no answer to the Duke 
of Cumberland, unless he were allowed to consult his 
kinsmen, Pitt and Temple, his Royal Highness recom- 
mended the King to recall his ministers. 

While the affairs of the kingdom were in this un- 
settled state, the riots alluded to in the Duke of 
Cumberland's narrative assumed a more alarming as- 
pect. On Wednesday, the 15th of May, large bodies 
of weavers, with black flags, went down to the Houses 
of Parliament, and implored the King, who went in 
person to give his assent to the Regency Bill, to inter- 
pose in behalf of themselves and their families. The 
Duke of Bedford, who was better versed in the science 
of political economy than his contemporaries, defeated 
this impolitic attempt to obtain what would now be 
termed "protection to native industry." He, conse- 
quently, became the principal object of the attack of 
the rioters. One of the mob taking up a large paving- 
stone, dashed it into his chariot. The Duke broke the 
force of the blow by holding up his arm, but the stone 
cut his hand and bruised his temple. Two days after- 
wards, Bedford House was completely besieged by the 
rioters, who could only be repelled by a body of cavalry. 
Hence, it was deemed expedient to employ a larger 
military force. 

As the Ministers were now at open war with the 
King, they made their arrangements necessary for the 
suppression of the disturbances subservient to the as- 
sertion of their authority. Aware that the King would 
wish to appoint the Duke of Cumberland on the occa- 

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sion, they not only resolved to nominate another officer 
to the chief command, but to insinuate very broadly 
to the King that his uncle was no " favourite of the 


May 20 (1765). 

** His Majesty will determine whether it may not be 
proper to appoint the Marquis of Granby to the chief 
command of the troops to-morrow, with the Earl of 
Waldegrave (who offers himself, as well as the Duke 
of Richmond, for the service), or any other general 
officers his Majesty shall please to appoint. Lord 
Granby is a very popular man, and might save the 
lives of these deluded wretches, which may be exposed 
and sacrificed by another commander, equally well- 
intentioned, but less a favourite of the people." 

the king, in reply, writes, — 

" Lord Halifax, 

" I will be at St. James's by twelve to-morrow, when 
I will receive the address of the Lords, through the 
white staves. 

^' As to the directions I shall think necessary to give, 
for appointing any generals, I will also talk of that 
when I shall see you at that hour at St. James's. 

" A council must be ordered as for that hour. 

" The regiment at Chatham must be instantly or- 

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dered to advance. You will, therefore, intimate this, 
in my name, to the Secretary at War."* 

The King sent copies of Lord Halifax's memorandum 
and of his own answer, to the Duke of Cumberland, witli 
the following letter from himself: — 

"Dear Uncle, 

" The very friendly and warm part you have taken 
has given me real satisfaction; but I little thought 1 
should be so troublesome to you, as the conduct of the 
men I have employed forces me. I, in the whole course 
of the transaction, had proposed consulting you in all 
military aflFairs. But now, I must desire you to take 
the command to-morrow morning, sis Captain-General. 
I should think. Lord Albemarle very proper to put your 
orders in execution. I have sent this by one who has 
my orders not to deliver it to any one but yourself, and 
to bring an immediate answer, and also your opinion 
where and how soon we can meet ; for if any disturbance 
arises in^^the night, I should think the hour proposed for 
to-morrow too late. I beg you will show the enclosed 
abstract of their very extraordinary paper to those 
whom you think it may force to act a right part. 
" I remain, dear Uncle, 
*' Tour most affectionate nephew, 

"George R." 

* Lord Frederick Cavendish, who forwarded a transcript of these 
letters to Lord Rockingham writes, " Here is the copy (Lord Albe- 
inarle^s writing at the time) of the King's letter to Lord Halifax. I 
think that the word instantly, in ordering the regiment to march from 
Chatham rather shows he was not quite at ease about the riots." 


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The Duke of Cumberland's answex — 
" Sir, « Richmond. 

" I shall ever obey your orders with obedience and 
readiness. All I hope is, I am only ordered, and ex- 
pected on this occasion. 

^^ I don't imagine this report ought to break a moment 
of your Majesty's rest. I wish to God you had no more 
formidable enemies than these poor wretches. 

^^ I shall attend at eleven at St. James's with that zeal 
and affection, 

" Your most humble and dutiful attached Uncle, 
" Servant, and subject, 

" William." 

Copies of the foregoing correspondence were forwarded 
to Lord Rockingham by Lord Frederick Cavendish,* 
with the following letter from himself: — 

"May 21, 1765. 
" Enclosed are the papers your Lordship saw last 
night. His Royal Highness desires you would not 

* Lord Frederick Cavendish, third son of William, third Duke of 
Devonshire, godson of Frederick, Prince of Wales. He was, at this 
time. Lord of the Bedchamher to the Duke of Cumberland, a Major- 
Genend, and became eventually a Field-marshal. He was a good 
cavalry officer, and distinguished himself on several occasions in the 
Seven Years* War. 

" Lord Frederick,* says Walpole, " was lively, and having lived in 
courts and camps, a favourite of the Duke of Cumberland, was by far 
the most agreeable, and possessed the most usefiil sense of the whole 

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show any of them, except Lord Halifax's letter to the 
King, and his Majesty's answer, and of those two you 
may make sach use as yon think proper. 

^^ Mr. Pitt said he thought, on such an information as 
the Secretary of State had, it was his duty^ though he 
should happen to be under hb Majesty's displeasure, to 
suggest to him such measures as the exigency of the 
time might require, but owned he should not have wrote 
in such a style — thought his Majesty would do perfectly 
right in appointing his Hoyal Highness Commander-in- 
Chief, and he should say he approved of it. He was 
sorry to find there was so much confusion, but did not 
see a possibility of his being able to be of any service, 
for as yet he had heard nothing that gave him room to 
hope the Closet would be propitious to him. On the 
contrary, my Lord Bute, whose influence was as strong 
as ever, and whose notions of government were widely 
different from his, would disincline the King to his 
system; but expressed a wish that his Koyal Highness 
would persuade his friends to undertake the King's 

" He drew a conclusion from the situation of the pre- 
sent Ministers, that if they were turned out for no other 
reason than supporting the measures they advised, it 
augured ill for him, and therefore he must know why 
they were turned out." 

The Duke of Bedford and his colleagues, once more 
in the ascendant, prorogued tiie Parliament on the 25th 
of May. The King, thwarted in his attempts to get rid 

p 2 

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of them, took every occasion of marking his resentment 
against them. The Ministers proposed to make Lord 
Waldegrave Master of the Horse to the Queen. Her 
Majesty said, no Minister should interfere in her family, 
and appointed the Duke of Ancaster. The first regiment 
that fell vacant was bestowed on Lord Albemarle's bro- 
ther. General Keppel, The young Duke of Devonshire 
was, by the desire of George the Third, carried to Court 
and greatly caressed by his Majesty, and it was inti- 
mated to his uncles that the King regretted the manner 
in which the Duke, his father, had been treated. 

On the other hand, the Ministers were not passive 
under these marks of the royal displeasure. On the 
12th of June, the Duke of Bedford, Lords Sandwich and 
Halifax, and Mr. Grenville, brought the King a remon- 
strance, which took an hour in reading. When they 
were gone, the King said, that, " If he had not broken 
out into the most profuse sweat, he should have been 
sufibcated with indignation." * 

Again was the Duke of Cumberland called upon to 
extricate his royal nephew out of his difficulties. Over- 
tures were renewed to Mr. Pitt, who after two audiences 
of the King, undertook the direction of affairs, and even 
nominated to several offices. Thus Lord Temple was 
named for the Treasury, the Duke of Grafton for Secre- 
tary of State with himself. Sir George Savile for Secre- 
tary at War, and Saunders and Keppel for seats at the 
Admiralty Board. The last interview with the King 
was on the 22nd, on the following day the Duke of 
* Walpole*8 George the Third. 

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Newcastle wrote to Lord Albemarle. " I had the 
honour this morning of your Lordship's letter, wherein 
you acquaint me, by His Royal Highnesses order, with 
Mr. Pitt's acceptance :" an intimation which does away 
with Adolphus's statement that Mr. Pitt " required time 
to deliberate." * 

But scarcely had these arrangements been concluded, 
when Temple declined to accept the Treasury. The 
effect which this refusal had upon his brother-in-law will 
be seen in the following letter from his Royal Highness 
the Duke of Cumberland : — 


" Windsor Great Lodge, June 26, 1765. 
" I FEAR, by what I understood last night from his 
Majesty, that we are all afloat again, Lord Temple 
having most peremptorily and determinately refused 
bearing a part in any shape, great or small, in the 
Administration to be formed. This declaration of Lord 
Temple's prevents Pitt from taking a share, which in- 
deed most tiioroughly and most heartily he had done. 
He, Pitt, is to be this morning with the King again, 
with whom he intended to part with the utmost respect 
and thankfulness, declaring with what great satisfaction 
he would have undertaken affairs, if my Lord Temple 
would have come in with him. He is also to declare 
that he would not have displaced either the Earl of 

♦ Adolphus's History of Geoige the Third, i, 180, 2nd edition. 

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Huntingdon,* Lord Pomfret,t Lord Denbigh,| Lord 
Litchfield, J Lord Despenser or Mr. Elliott, || or Mr. Os- 
wald.^ Moreover, Mr. M*Kenzie to be restored to the 
sine-cuTG of Privy Seal of Scotland, though not to 

" These circumstances, so different from what I 
hoped and really thought were in a manner settled, 
must, I suppose, bring me to town again. In the mean 
time, either before you leave London, or else, if you 
don't propose coming fix)m thence to-day, I should beg a 
line from you by the return of the messenger, after 
you have seen the Marquis and the Duke of Grafton, 
informing them with the purport of this letter, and 
observing to them, that I found the King already 
intrenching himself with Pitt's promises of mercy in so 
many particulars. By what I can pick up, Pitt is 
completely mortified, and I am heartily sorry for it, as 
he had entered more sincerely and cordially into the 
King's service, nay, and went farther almost than the 
King's views. 

** I am your very affectionate friend, 

" WiLLLiM." 

* Francis Hastings, Earl of Huntingdon, Groom of the Stole. 

t George Fermor, second Earl of Pomfret, a Lord of the Bed- 
chamber, Ranger of the Little Park at Windsor. 

J Basil Fielding, sixth Earl of Denbigh, Master of the Harriers. 

§ George Henry Lee, Earl of Lichfield, a Lord of the Bedchamber. 

II Mr., afterwards Sir Gilbert, Elliot, Treasurer of the Chambers, 
«* a chief confidant of the fevourite.** 

IT James Oswald of Brumikier, joint Vice- Treasurer of Ireland. 

All the persons here named were either Tories or " King's friends.** 

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The unpleafiant position of the King firom so many 
abortive attempts to fonn an administration, particu- 
larly the last, which had failed through the refusal of 
Lord Temple, is thus adverted to in a letter from 


" June 29th, 1765. 
^' Templa quam dilecta." f 

" If your curiosity leads you to question me in that 
way, I answer, that all the Politicos leave me to my 

* Richard Owen Cambridge, author of the ^' Scribbleriad," and 
several mmor poems, also a contributor to the " World." Although 
his works are now almost forgotten^ he was one of the most popular 
writers of his day. 

He was an agreeable companion, and possessed a most extensive 
acquaintance amongst men of all ranks, parties, and professions. He 
lived almost entirely at his villa at Twickenham, in a house still 
occupied by his family. Cambridge was a great toxophilite, the head 
of a duck swimming in the Thames was a favourite mark which 
he seldom missed. One singularity he had^ which has ceased to be 
one now, he was a " teetotaller." His friend. Lord Chesterfield, thus 
describes him : — " Cantabrigius drinks nothing but water, and rides 
more miles in a year than the keenest sportsman ; the former keeps 
his head clear, the latter his body in health : it is not from himself 
that he runs, but to his acquaintance, a synonymous term for his 
friends. Internally safe, he seeks no sanctuary frx)m himself. No 
intoxication for his mind. His penetration makes him discover and 
divert himself with the follies of mankind, which hb wit makes him 
to expose with the truest ridicule, but always without personal 
ofTence. Cheerful abroad, because happy at home, and thus happy 
because virtuous." — (A paper written to expose the folly and ill 
effects of hard drinking). 

t The family motto of Earl Temple, a punning paraphrase of a 
verse of the 84th Psalm. 

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216 MR. CAMBRIDGE [1765. 

own conjectures. The late interludes have ended like 
the tragedy of Tom Thumb, for all the dramatis persorue 
are dead ; and if Dr. Young was alive, he might truly 
begin a new piece : — 

" ' Like Death a solitary king I reign.* 

" One authentic piece of news I will tell you, and 
you may make the most of it. With my own eyes I 
have just seen the Duke of Cumberland cross the ferry 
to Richmond, otherwise I should begin my drama, 
* Enter a King and Mr. Brown * solus J There are 
who report that they have seen a ministry in manu- 
script at Windsor, but I do not hear that it is yet 
ordered to be printed at Strawberry Hill,t — not 

* Lancelot Brown, the famous landscape gardener, called from the 
constant use of the words, ** This spot has great capabilities," " Capa- 
bility Brown." The grounds of Richmond, Luton, Stowe, Nuneham, 
and Wimbleton bespeak the high cultivation of his taste. To some 
places, however, he would not allow any "capabilities." When 
desired by the King to improve the grounds at Hampton Court, he 
declined the hopeless task, " out of respect to himself and his profes- 
sion." To a nobleman whose territory was very dreary. Brown said, 
" My lord, there is nothing to be done here, unless you plant one- 
half of your estate, and lay the other half under water." After lay- 
ing out the fine piece of water at Blenheim, Brown is said to have 
exclaimed, " Thames 1 thou wilt never forgive me." The King was 
living at this time in such complete seclusion, that Cambridge's idea 
of " a King and Mr. Brown solusy*' was very natural. By the 
Chatham Correspondence, it appears that his Majesty occasionally 
employed Mr. Brown on political errands. Mason says, that when 
Brown's death reached the royal ear, his Majesty went over to Rich- 
mond Gardens, and, in a tone of great satisfaction, said to the under 
gardener, " Brown is dead. Now, Mellicant, you and I can do what 
we please." 

t Horace Walpole's printing press at Strawberry Hill. 

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1765.] TO LORD HARDWICKE. 217 

un-apropos^ as Conway is there to correct the press. 
Errata : — For * Ellis' read ' Conway/ for ' Stanley ' read 
' Ellis; for ' Clive' read ' Young/ 

" G. Selwyn wants to make wit out of gold and 
pewter, but does not bring them together, nor yet in 
opposition, with any tolerable success. I wish it had 
been witty, for your sake, for I send you nothing but a 
melancholy account of our miscarriages in wit and poli- 
tics, and conclude very seriously, in praying for some 
happy end to the present very unhappy state of a great 
nation, and its greater dependencies, being at present 
without government. We laughed at the perplexity the 
foreigners were in the other day; I am afraid now wc 
may be ashamed to think they see too plainly the con- 
temptible figure we make." 

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MOUTH. — LORD Holland's overtures. — death of duke of Cum- 




On the 30th of June, a meeting of the Whig leaders 

was held at the Duke of Newcastle's. The following 

paper, drawn up by his Grace, makes us acquainted with 

the result of their deliberations : — 

" This day, the Lords and Gentlemen hereunder 

mentioned, viz., 

"1. Duke of Portland, 
2. Marquis of Rockingham^ 
S. Earl of Albemarle, 

4. Earl of Ashbumham, 

5, Earl of Besborough, 

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6. Lord George '\ 

7. Lord Frederick > Cavendish^ 

8. Lord John ) 

9. Lord Viscount Villiers, 

10. Lord Grantham, 

11. General Con way> 

12. Hon. Colonel Fitzroy, 

13. Hon. T. Walpole, 

14. Captain Wa1singham> 

15. Mr. George Onslow, 

16. Mr. Charles Townshend of HomiBgham, 

17. Mr. Charles Townshend, junior, 

18. Duke of Newcastle, 

were unanimously of opinion that they could not venture 
to come into any new Administration, except it was 
agreed that the thought of replacing Mr. Mackenzie 
should be laid aside; and also, that some of the par- 
ticular friends of the Earl of Bute should be removed, 
as a proof to the world that the Earl of Bute should 
not, either publicly or privately, directly or indirectly, 
have any concern or influence in public affairs, or in 
the management or disposition of public employments. 

"It was then considered whether these conditions, 
being previously agreed to (as his Majesty had been 
pleased to signify his intention to have a new Adminis- 
tration) any of the persons here would, upon the con- 
ditions above mentioned, advise and assist the forming 
a new administration. Upon which there was a diffe- 
rence of opinion. 

*'l. nuke of Portland, 

2. Idarquis of Rockingham^ 

3. Earl of Albemarle, 

4. Earl of Besborough, 

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5. Lord George Cavendish, 

6. Lord Frederick Cavendish, 

7. Lord John Cavendish, 
8* Lord Grantham, 

9. General Conway, 

10. Colonel Fitzroy, 

11. Captain Walsingham, 
\2. Duke of Newcastle, 

declared strongly of opinion that they should advise and 
assist the forming a new administration, to be composed 
of proper persons, upon the conditions above-mentioned. 

" 1 . Earl of Ashbumham, 

2. Lord Viscount Villiers, 

3. Mr. George Onslow, 

4. Mr. T. Walpole, 

5. Mr. Charles Townshend of Homingham, 

6. Mr. Charles Townshend, junior, 

were of opinion that, in the present circumstances, no 
new administration should be undertaken." 

In accordance with the opinion of the majority of 
this meeting, a new Ministry was formed, at the head 
of which was the Marquis of Rockingham. 

Augustus Henry Fitzroy, third Duke of Grafton, 
obtained the seal of Secretary of State for the Southern 
Department. He was at this time in his thirty-second 
year, and possessed considerable graces, both of mind 
and person. But these advantages were marred by an 
infirmity of purpose or principle, which coloured, if it 
did not justify, the assaults of Junius. We are not 
bound to believe, on the assertion of that terrible 

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shadow,* that "the Duke of Grafton's heart was the 
blackest in the kingdom." But we can hardly avoid 
the conclusion, with his whole career before us, that^ 
the period of his ministerial life, during which he held 
ofl5ce under a Tory Government, was calamitous for his 
country and disreputable to himself. He abandoned 
the principles in which he had been reared, and the 
patron by whom he had been initiated into statesman- 
ship. He quitted Chatham for Bute, and the doctrines 
of the Whigs for those of the "King's Friends;" nor 
was his inconstancy more venial, because he occasionally 
allied himself with the Bedford party, and with the other 
political connections, at the suggestions of a selfish 
prudence, or a yet more selfiish ambition. The incon- 
gruity of. the Duke of Grafton's conduct was the more 
striking, because the commencement and the close of 
his political life were both of them in strict accordance 
with the principles of the Constitution » Could his 
intermediate career be blotted out from the annals of 
his country, he would have transmitted a respectable, 
if not a distinguished, name to posterity. But his 
memory must ever be exposed to the censure which 
history pronounces upon those who sanction measures 
which they cannot approve; and who, by the distrust 
they thereby inspire, weaken the bonds of the more 
consistent sections of parties. 

" The Duke of Grafton," writes an anonymous con- 
temporary, "is "one of the most persuasive, or rather 
pathetic, speakers in the House. His speeches are 

♦ " Norninis umbra," the motto to the Letters of Junius. 

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delivered in the style of a gentleman and a seholar. 
His language is chosen, chaste, and correct. His judg- 
ment in arranging his matta* is not equalled by either 
side of the House." Walpole has made the following 
contrast between this Duke and the one who succeeded 
him in his office : — " Richmond and Grafton were much 
of an age; each regarded himself as a prince of the 
blood; and emulation soon created a sort of rivalship 
between them. The Duke of Richmond's figure was 
noble and his person singularly handsome. The Duke 
of Grafton was low, but manly, with much grace in his 
address. The passions of both were strong, but of the 
first, ardent; of the latter, slow and inflexible. The 
Duke of Grafton had a grace and dignity in his utter- 
ance, that commanded attention in lieu of matter; and 
his temper being shy and reserved, he was supposed to 
be endued with more steadiness than his subsequent 
conduct displayed." 

Greorge Bloomfidd, the elder brother of Robert, the 
" Farmer's Boy," thought that, in the books published 
by his brother, " the great and truly good man, the 
late Duke of Grafton, ought to have been more 
particularly mentioned. Surely," continues George 
Bloomfield, "after near thirty years, the good sense 
and benevolence of that real noMemsxi may he men- 
tioned. When in my boyhood he held the highest 
office in the state that a subject can fill, and, like all 
that attain such pre-eminence, had his enemies; yet 
the more Junius and others railed at him, the more 
I revered him. He was our ' Lord of the Manor,' and 

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as I knew well his private character, I have no doubt 
that he was * all of a piece.' I have on foot joined the 
fox^shace, and followed the Duke many an hour, and 
witnessed his endearing condescension to all who could 
run and shout." 

There was, however, a portion of society not of an 
age and size to participate in the Duke of Grafton's 
favourite amusement, and these were not so honoured 
as George Bloomfield; and it is to that portion I then 
belonged. His Grace was not fond of children; they 
came in for no share of his " endearing condescension." 
I have a lively recollection of the awe with which he 
inspired me. As the Duke's and my father's country 
houses in Suffolk were only four miles distant, and the 
families were on intimate terms, I had frequent oppor- 
tunities of seeing him during the first twelve years of 
my life. On some occasions I saw him in the luncheon 
room at Euston Hall, but this was a rare occurrence, for 
I was generally hurried out of the room whenever he 
was expected. I used mostly to meet him riding. He 
was usually mounted on a fiery thorough-bred horse, on 
which he sat with much ease and dignity. I know not 
how far local traditions may have mixed with personal 
recollections, but the "mind's eye" presents the picture 
of an elderly gentleman, of spare form, middle stature, 
straight silver hair, a prominent nose, and a countenance 
of much severity ; and dressed in a light-coloured tight- 
fitting coat, long black boots, and a small three-cornered 
hat But it was not to us little people only that the 
" Junius Duke of Grafton" was formidable. From the 

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accounts I have heard his nephew, the late General 
William Fitzroy, give of him, he was evidently an object 
of terror to 

" Children of a larger growth." 

The leadership in the House of Commons was assigned 
to Lieut.-Greneral Henry Seymour Conway, who had 
served with distinction at CuUoden, Fontenoy, and Laf- 
feldt, and in 1761 had commanded the British division 
under Prince Ferdinand of Brunswick. Conway was a 
better soldier than he was an oflScer, and more of an 
officer than a statesman. His features were singularly 
handsome, and he was dignified in his person and de- 
meanour. Although his disposition was courteous, his 
constitutional timidity made him reserved, and he had 
the semblance of pride without the advantage of firm- 
ness. In the field he would march with imperturbable 
coolness up to the cannon's mouth.* On the Treasury 
Bench he faltered and wavered; and although by no 
means deficient in eloquence, irresolution rendered his 
speeches tedious and obscure. This infirmity of purpose 
often laid him open to the sneers of his contemporaries. 
It was said of him that if two doors opened to one 
apartment, Conway would be tortured to decide through 
which of them he should finally pass. He thus became 
exposed to the influence of any one who would advise 
him. Lord Eockingham urged upon him the claims of 

♦ " I don't pretend," said George Stanhope, a brother of Lord 
Chesterfield's, " to be like Harry Conway, who walks up to the mouth 
of a cannon with as much coolness and grace as if he was going to 
dance a minuet." — Walpole. 

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political virtue and independence, but into the other 
ear Horace Walpole whispered the duty of self-interest ; 
and Conway too generally preferred the worse to the 
better reason.* 

The virtues of William Dowdeswell, the Chancellor of 
the Exchequer in the new Administration, have been 
recorded in the epitaph which Burke has inscribed upon 
his tomb — " An epitaph so perfectly true," says its 
author, " that every word of it may be deposed upon 
oath." Dowdeswell was fortunate in his chronicler, 
but still more fortunate in having authenticated by 
his life the portrait which friendship, both political 
and personal, has drawn of him in the following 
words : — 

*^ His understanding was comprehensive, steady, vigor- 
ous, made for the practical business of the State. In 
debate he was clear, natural, and convincing. His 
knowledge on all things which concerned his duty pro- 
found : he understood, beyond any man of his time, the 
revenue of his country, which he preferred to every 
thing except its liberties; he was perfect master of the 
law of Parliament, and attached to its privileges, until 
they were set up against the rights of the people.'' 

Lord John Cavendish, a younger son of the third 
Duke of Devonshire, was one of the new Lords of the 
Treasury. His tutor at Cambridge was Mason the poet, 

* Since the above remarks on Conway were in type, my friend Sir 
Denis Le Marchant has sent me some of the Field-Marshal's early 
letters to Walpole; which, as they are both characteristic and 
amusing, I have placed in the Appendix to this volume. 
VOL. I. Q 

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who on his leaving the University addressed to him the 
beautiful lines beginning — 

*' Ere yet, ingenuous youth, thy steps retire." 

Like Dowdeswell's, Lord John's character was irre- 
proachable; his conduct was uniformly marked by gene- 
rosity, sincerity, openness, and integrity. His manners, 
like Dowdeswell's, were thoroughly simple and unassum- 
ing. Throughout life he was the warm friend of Lord 
Rockingham, under whose second Administration he 
filled the office of Chancellor of the Exchequer. Wal- 
pole, whom Lord John used to thwart in his schemes to 
render the Whig party subservient to his friend Con- 
way's interests, has given the following sarcastic sketch 
of him : — 

^^ He had read a good deal, and his eyes saw not 
faster than hts memory retained. He was accurate in 
repeating words, sentences, nay, volumes if he pleased : 
nor was he defective in quickness or reasoning. Under 
the appearance of virgin modesty, he had a confidence 
in himself that nothing could equal, and a thirst of 
dominion still more extraordinary. It consisted solely 
in governing those with whom he was connected without 
views either of interest or power. His plan seemed to 
be the tyranny of a moral philosopher; he was a kind of 
heresiarch that sought to be adored by his enthusiastic 
disciples without a view of extending his sect beyond 
that circle. His fair little person, and the quaintness 
with which he untreasured as by rote the stores of his 
memory, occasioned George Selwyn to call him the 
learned Cana/rtf-birdy 

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One of Lord John's colleagues at the Treasury Board 
was Thomas Townshend, a grandson of the second 
Viscount Townshend. His name must be familiar to 
every one, from Goldsmith's lines, wherein he represents 
Burke — 

" Though fraught with all learning, yet straining his throat. 
To persuade Tommy Townshend to lend him a vote.** 

" He always,'" says Wraxall, " spoke with facility — 
sometimes with energy — and was never embarrassed by 
any degree of timidity.'' When Lord Rockingham re- 
turned to power in 1782, Townshend was appointed one 
of the Secretaries of State. He continued to act with 
the Whigs until the coalition, when he ranged himself 
under the banners of the younger Pitt, at whose nomina- 
tion he was successively created Baron and Viscount 
Sydney. Replacing Lord Fitzwilliam in the chair of 
the newly formed India Board, he is thus noticed in the 

" Sydney, whom all the powers of rhetoric grace. 
Consistent Sydney fills Fitzwilliam's place. 
had, by Nature, but proportioned been 
His strength of genius to his length of chin^ 
His mighty mind, in some prodigious plan, 
At once, with ease, had reached to Hindustan.'* 

The Premier's friend. Sir George Savile, was invited 
to take part in the Rockingham Administration. But 
witii his habitual delicacy and candour he declined the 
offer, alleging that, as an independent Member of Par* 
liament, he could better assert his privileges and serve 
his friends. Faction has spared the name of Savile: 


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228 CHARACTER OF [1765. 

contemporaries are unanimous in representing him 
as in the highest degree generous, benevolent, disinte- 
rested, and unostentatious — a high commendation in an 
age where mere negative virtues were rare, and states- 
men imitated the maxims rather than the practice of Sir 
Robert Walpole. In person Savile was somewhat above 
the middle size ; his figure was slender, his complexion 
adust, his constitution delicate; his address was easy, and 
almost bordering upon negligence. As an orator he pos- 
sessed great facility of utterance, and was simple even 
to austerity in the choice of his words. In debate he 
was clear, sensible, and persuasive. A peculiar radiance 
spread over his features whenever philanthropy was the 
theme of his discourse. Indeed, the general belief in 
the honesty and benevolence of his intentions pro- 
duced such an impression in favour of his arguments, 
that " Truth came mended from his tongue." His 
habits of thinking were very original. " He had a head,*^ 
Walpole remarks, " as acutely argumentative as if it 
had been made by a German logician for a model.'' He 
was a shrewd observer of contemporary statesmen. He 
predicted early the future greatness of Charles Fox. 
When that statesman was scarcely a man, he praised him 
for his readiness in finding out blots— h\3 celerity in 
hitting the bird's-eye of an argument, and his general 
talents for opposition. " Hence," said Savile, " others 
may have more stock, but Fox has more ready money 
about him than any of his party." 

Toleration in matters of religion is a doctrine of 
comparatively recent growth. It was imperfectly un- 

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1766.] SIR GEORGE SAVILE. 229 

derstood by the Whigs of the last century, who com- 
bined the ideas of Protestantism and the Hanoverian 
succession. It was utterly unknown to their political 
opponents, who recognized the Church of England as 
the sole Church of Christ ; but Savile was an honour- 
able exception to both these extremes. He advocated 
the claims of the Roman Catholics, and his advocacy 
exposed him to the fury of the Church and King mobs 
of the year '80 ; and yet, even while his house was 
assailed, and frequent attempts were made to set it on 
fire, he spoke of the incendiaries with compassion, and 
ascribed the zeal of the multitude rather to their 
ignorance than to their evil passions, rather to their 
being led by blind guides than to the spontaneous aber- 
ration of their own feelings. 

Savile's conduct on this occasion was highly charac- 
teristic. Several of his friends agreed to sit up with 
him during the night for the protection of his family. 
It was arranged amongst them that parties from time to 
time should sally forth in search of intelligence re- 
specting the riots, but, as their accounts varied from 
each other, Savile said, with great composure, "Here, 
gentlemen, is a fine lesson for an historian. We have a 
fact of the day before us, reported by men of integrity 
and ability, anxious to search for truth, and willing to 
record it with as much circumstance and minuteness 
as possible. Yet, such is the nature of the human 
mind, that with all its inclinations to do right, it is 
under that operation which in some degree pre- 
vents it.'' 

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Such was this wise and virtuous citizen, who indeed 
exhibited in his character many of the qualities which 
the Roman satirist ascribes to the senator Crispus : — 

" Cujus erant mores, qualis facundia^ mite 
Ingenium : maria ac terras populosque regenti 
Quis comes utilior 1 " ♦ 

In forming his ministry, Lord Rockingham was natu- 
rally anxious to secure the co-operation, or at least the 
neutrality, of Mr. Pitt. With this view he appointed 
his friends the Duke of Grafton and General Conway 
Secretaries of State; his brother-in-law, James Gren- 
ville. Vice- Treasurer of Ireland, and raised Chief-Justice 
Pratt to the Peerage, with the title of Baron Camden. 
But the advancement of friends, relations, or recent 
colleagues did not conciliate the impracticable Minister. 
He not only would not assist the Government, but by 
the disparaging tone that he adopted, he discouraged 
many of his followers from joining them. Thus, for 
example, when Sir Fletcher Norton was dismissed by 
Lord Rockingham from the Attorney-Generalship, be- 
cause he was a bitter and uncompromising foe, Pitt sent 
word to Sir Fletcher, that " he was not turned out by 
hi^ advice, and that, were he Minister, he should be 
glad of the assistance of such abilities." 

The failure of Lord Rockingham to win over Lord 
Chatham and his adherents is the more to be lamented, 
because, had the co-operation been effected, much of the 
misrule and misunderstanding which at this period 

* Juv. Sat. iv. 82. 

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sulltdsj "Ejiglish annals, might probably have been 
avQiM. I 

i^ln^ those whom Pitt's example and demeanour 
deterred was John Fitzmaurice, Earl of Shelburne. He 
was* flow" !n the twenty-ninth year of his age. The 
army was at that period the general school of men of 
high birth ; and, as Viscount Fitzmaurice, he had greatly 
distinguished himself in the battles of Camper and 
Minden. At the commencement of the new reign he 
had been appointed one of the royal aides-de-camp, and 
in 1762 he represented High Wycombe in Parliament. 
In the year following he succeeded to the Earldom of 
Shelburne and a seat in the House of Lords. In 1763 
he was for a few months President of the Board of 
Trade, but resigned that post on Mr. Pitt's failure to 
form an Administration. For public life. Lord Shel- 
burne possessed many eminent qualifications. His coun- 
tenance was handsome and expressive; his demeanour 
dignified; his insight into character was shrewd and 
generally accurate. His wit was general, and his 
eloquence graceful and persuasive. His knowledge of 
business, especially that which related to foreign affairs, 
was extensive ; and at times he was capable of steady 
application to official duties. Perhaps, however. Lord 
Shelburne was better adapted to second a political 
leader, than himself to conduct a leading department in 
the Cabinet. There were, indeed, grave errors in his 
political career. In the first place, he was carried 
away by what we must consider an undue admiration of 
Lord Chatham. " Regis ad exemplar," he was often 

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sullen and impracticable in intercourse with 
political allies. At an earlier period, inded 
been a staunch opponent of the "Great CJ 
and he prompted the celebrated attack up^^^Hby 
Colonel Barr6, of which mention has already i^^Wade 
in these pages. But Lord Shelburne seems to have 
thought with Mrs. Malaprop, that in unions it was " as 
well to begin with a little aversion." But his opposition 
became warm partisanship, and he even acted in concert 
with one who was nearly as formidable to friends as 
to foes, and on Lord Chatham's decease he became the 
leader of that section of Whigs which thenceforward 
was denominated " the Shelburne party." 

Lord Shelburne's standing aloof from the Kockingham 
Ministry in 1765, and from Charles Fox's Cabinet in 
1783, were favourable neither to his own reputation 
nor to the interests of the country at large. Himself 
it placed in the false position of heading and perpetu- 
ating a schism, which had no just or even plausible 
ground to rest upon. The Whig party it enfeebled, 
while it enabled the Court to carry on its machi- 
nations against constitutional principles and the liber- 
ties of the people. The " King's friends " indeed, when 
they contemplated the severance of their opponents, 
might be excused if they applauded their own suc- 
cess dividing and crippling adversaries who, if united 
among themselves, would have presented an impene- 
trable phalanx^ against both the sovereign and his 

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1765.] LORD SHELBURNE. 233 

Division among the Whigs was, at this juncture, the 
one thing needful for the Court. 

These errors were the more regretted, because, in 
many respects, he was an enlightened and consistent 
statesman. In the affair of Wilkes, and in the case 
of the printers, he took the side of reason and liberty. 
He condemned the equally foolish and wicked measures 
in their dealings with the American Colonies; he uni- 
formly resbted the encroachments of the Crown, while 
he advocated inquiry into the public expenditure, and 
the abolition of sinecure and superfluous places. On 
the appointment of the younger Pitt, in 1783, as First 
Lord of the Treasury, Lord Shelburne, who had then 
become Marquis of Lansdowne, retired into private life. 
The French Revolution once again recalled him to a 
public career, and he strenuously co-operated with the 
party which would have avoided the equally unjust 
and unfortunate interference with France — Diis aliter 
vuum — but a strong union of the Whigs in 1793 would 
have saved ourselves and our neighbours from many 
crimes and much repentance. 

In his retirement at Bowood, Lord Shelburne became 
the host of the eccentric and philanthropic Jeremy 
Bentham. Lord Mansfield has spoken with encomium 
of the "Fragment on Government," but he took no 
notice of its author. Lord Shelburne, although he had 
introduced Blackstone to the King, both commended 
the " Fragment " and aflForded a temporary home and 
much hearty encouragement to poor Bentham — at that 

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time smarting under poverty, and suflFering from all 
kinds of despondency. 

Bentham describes himself as coming to Bowood, 
"cowed by past humiliations; feeling like an outcast 
in the world." " Lord Shelburne," he addSj " raised 
me from^the bottomless pit of humiliation, and made 
me feel I was something." 

It comes not within the scope of this work to de- 
scribe this intimacy further. So far as Lord Shelburne 
is concerned, however, his intercourse with the codify- 
ing philosopher was honourable to his heart and his 


"My Lord, "July ii, i765. 

" I did myself the honour to wait upon your Lord- 
ship on last, but had not the good 
fortune to find you at home ; and I should have desired 
the honour of a conversation with you, if I had had 
any expectation of succeeding with you in what I was 
empowered to propose. 

^* I must, nevertheless, in order not to appear want- 
ing in respect to your Lordship, desire to know from 
your Lordship, whether it would be agreeable to you to 
return to preside at the Board of Trade. 

" The conversation I have had with Mr. Dempster 
has given me the utmost satisfaction, as it permits me 
to flatter myself, that your Lordship is not disinclined 

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to give your countenance and assistance in support of 
his Majesty's present servants; as well as that your 
Lordship is far from objecting to any applications being 
made to Col. Barre."* 


"My Lord, "July ii, ires. 

" It is impossible for me, except I could convey to 
your Lordship, at the same time, how desirous I have 
ever been, by unalterable duty and respect, to preserve 
his Majesty's good opinion, to express to you the satisfac- 
tion and happiness it would give me to serve him in 
any situation, much more in the considerable one your 
Lordship does me the honour to point out to me. I 
am, therefore, extremely concerned, that besides the 
total ignorance I am under in regard to the measures 
you propose to pursue, a real consciouness of my own 
inability in so active an office, to which the domestic 
habits I have lately fallen into add not a little, makes 
it absolutely incumbent on me to decline the honour 
done me, through a conviction that more evil might 
come to his Majesty's affia.irs, than the little aid I could 
ever hope to give, could compensate. 

" As to my future conduct, your Lordship will pardon 
me if I say, ' Measures and not men ' will be the rule 
of it; especially as I can add, that besides the sincere 

* Colonel Barr6 sat in Parliament, through Lord Shelbume*8 in- 
terest, for the Borough of Calne. 

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aflFection I shall ever bear his Majesty's person, my 
opinion of the present state of this country, in many 
respects, is such as will make it matter of very serious 
concern to me, not to concur in whatever shall be 
proposed by his Majesty's Ministers. 

" This, as I recollect, contains the substance of my 
conversation to Mr. Dempster, when he did me the 
favour to call on me some time ago, and in the course 
of his visit took occasion to speak to me of myself. 

"I am sorry it is impossible for me to give your 
Lordship any light in regard to Colonel Barr6. So 
many public events have happened since he has been 
at a distance, that I cannot even conjecture what his 
sentiments may be in the present situation. Tour 
Lordship may be assured, if he approves the public 
plan of government proposed, I shall hear with the 
greatest pleasure of his obeying the King's commands, 
and yielding to your Lordship's wishes. 

*' I have the honour to be, with great consideration 
and regard, 

" My Lord, 
" Tour most obedient and most humble servant, 

" Shelburne." 

These overtures to Lord Shelburne were renewed in 
the month of December of this year; and Mr. Pitt, in 
answer to his Lordship's announcement, certainly gave 
him no encouragement to alter his determination. 

" The openings," writes Mr. Pitt, " from Lord Rock- 
ingham to your Lordship and Colonel Barre, you will 

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easily believe do not surprize me; nothing being so 
natural as for Ministers, under the double pressure of 
affairs all in confusion, and doubtful internal situation, 
to recur to distinguished abilities for assistance."* 

On the failure of Lord Kockingham's negociation 
with Lord Shelburne, the Chairmanship of the Board 
of Trade was bestowed on William Legge, second Earl 
of Dartmouth. He went out with the Whigs in 1766, 
but in 1772 was appointed Secretary of State for the 
Colonies, and in 1776 became Keeper of the Privy 
Seal. He resigned his situation when Lord Rocking- 
ham became a second time Minister; and, in April, 
1783, he was appointed Lord Steward of the Household, 
but resigned with his friends, and continued ever after 
in private life. Lord Dartmouth was always remark- 
able for his strict attention to his religious duties. 
Hervey, the author of " Meditations," ranks him among 
his friends. He bore an excellent character in all the 
domestic relations of life. 

The GrenviUe Ministry had annexed, among other 
conditions to their continuance in office, the exclusion 
of their late friend and ally, Loi^d Holland, from the 
Pay Office. This point was, perhaps, the only one 
which had been yielded without a murmur. Lord 
Holland had not been forgiven by the Princess Dowager 
for advising Mr. Pelham, on the death of her husband, 
to take her son (afterwards the King) from her, that 
she might not get an ascendant over him. Abandoned 
by the Court, Lord Holland tried to be reconciled to 
^ Chatham Correspondence, ii. 359. 

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238 tORD HOLLAND [l765. 

the friends whom he had deserted, particularly to tiie 
Duke of Cumberland. Eight days after the new 
Administration was formed, he addressed Lord Albe- 
marle, whose cousin. Lady Caroline Lennox, he had 
married, in the following terms : — 

'' I NEVEE wrote with so much anxiety as I write this 
letter, and you can't wonder at it, since on it depends 
the only view I have, or ever shall have, of content 
and pleasure the remainder of my days. 

" Whilst the new administration was forming, I 
thought my writing might be construed as an attempt 
to have a hand in forming it, which no man in England 
desired I should, and I as little as any. But it is now 
made, and, unless it does as the Duke of Bolton did, 
will live long, or I am mistaken. Lord Bute must be 
content with the revenge he has had of his Calcraft; 
the King, with having got rid of G. Grenville, &c., and 
being treated for the future with good breeding; whilst 
his Eoyal Highness will meddle with public affairs 
only from the highest (his proper) sphere, unmolested 
with the little intrigues or under-plots of court politi- 
cians. I wish that I might again kiss his hand at 
Windsor, as I used to do; I say, though it is a bold 
word, as I wish to do^ because 1 can, with the strictest 
truth, affirm solemnly, that my affection was never 
alienated one moment from his Koyal Highness, my 
gratitude never lessened. His Majesty (with whom his 
Eoyal Highness has had lately much discourse, I hear) 
could, if he pleased, give ample testimony of this. But, 

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it may be said, why should the Duke forgive and see me? 
Not, certainly, with hope of my being of any use what- 
ever, more than if I was dead and buried. But, my 
dear Lord, he will see a devoted servant so obliged, that 
in his whole life he cannot make another man, with 
so much reason, or so much, or so aflFectionately, liis, 
as I am. 

''If he would forget everything but how he has 
obliged me, I could, and do think of nothing but how 
much I have been obliged ; and, my dear Lord, you 'J 
act like what you have always been, a generous and 
sincere friend, if you give me your best assistance on 
this occasion. 

"Whatever lies you may have heard, and I doubt 
not many have been told, indeed, my dear Lord Albe- 
marle, I am not unworthy of your friendship for me 
with the Duke. I presume to hope an answer soon. 
When it does come, it *s the whole difference between 
a cheerful and a discontented life to, 

" My dear Lord, yours ever, 

" Holland. 

" Nobody knows, or will know, that I have had the 
courage to write this letter." 

The bad success which attended Lord Holland's over- 
tures, will be seen by the following letter from Lord 
Rockingham to the Duke of Cumberland, and from his 
Royal Highness's answer. 

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"Sir, "October 20, 1765. 

"It is necessary for me to begin by apprising your 
Royal Highness of the origin of the affair which I now 
lay before you, and shall hope for your excuse if I am 
rather prolix. 

" Lord Holland, through various channels, for some 
time has been labouring to persuade me to restore one 
Mr. Earle, of Wiltshire, who was Receiver of the Land- 
Tax, and who was turned out by G. Grenville, just 
before he left the Treasury, in order to give the place 
to a Mr. Wilkins, a friend and apothecary to Lord 
Suffolk. Lord Suffolk is a competitor with Lord Hol- 
land for the Borough of Malmsbury, in Wiltshire. 

" I inquired some time ago, at the Treasury, into the 
circumstances of Mr. Earle's dismission, and found that 
Mr. Earle was rather behindhand with his remittances, 
and indeed that many other receivers were so too; 
but that he only was dismissed. I am quite persuaded 
that Mr. Earless dismission proceeded from no other 
cause but the intention of Mr. Grenville to oblige and 
assist Lord Suffolk and to offend Lord Holland. I have 
again renewed an inquiry into what has been the 
general custom at the Treasury, when receivers have 
been dilatory in their remittances, and rather think 
that the usual process is, first by suspension, and that 
dismission only follows, if they do not quickly pay up 
the deficiencies, and cannot give good security for their 

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future better conduct. In general, the dismission of a 
receiver is very unusual. The language I have held to 
those (who have, as I imagine, been employed by Lord 
Holland) has been, that I should not have the least 
diflSculty in my own mind to do justice to a friend of 
Lord Holland, but that maMer of favour was what I 
thought could not be expected. That I had restored 
many, who had been unjustly dismissed from low offices, 
but that I had not dealt in retaliation of injuries, even 
though pressed by friends to gratify their resentments. 

" I was surprised on Thursday last at receiving a 
letter from Lord Holland, but much more so this morn- 
ing at being told by Ranhy^* as mere chit chatj that 
Lord Holland had inquired of him, on what day and 
at what hour my levee was, as * hcj Lord Holland^ in^ 
tended to come! I treated this hint as very improba- 
ble, and then it was again renewed with a question: 
* Why^ you would not surely shut your doors to Lord 
Holland?^ I. continued the same sort of reply, by 
treating it as improbable. 

" Though I fear I tire your Royal Highness with this 
long narration, I must still beg to state to your Royal 
Highness my thoughts on this matter. If no hint is 
conveyed through Ranby, I do imagine that probably 
next Thursday Lord Holland will make his appearance 
at my levee. 

" This phenomenon will, of course, ^occasion much 
speculation and much discourse, and, I think, will have 
two effects ; the one is, that all parliamentary lookers- 

* Surgeon-general to the King. 
VOL. I. R 

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out will immediately conceive that it is a great addition 
of strength and support to the present administration, 
and many a wavering man will fix with us. 

" The other effect is, that Lord Holland's appea,rance 
will not tend to the general credit with the public, on 
which this administration founded their reliance of 

" Tour Royal Highness will not wonder that, seeing 
the afiair in the light I do, I should request your Royal 
Highness for your directions. 

" I scarce believe, howsoever anxious Lord Holland 
may be on this point, relative to Mr. Earle, that his 
visit in Grosvenor-square is merely confined to that 
object Perhaps not' having succeeded in other at- 
tempts he has made, he may think a public mark of 
his intentions to support the present administration, 
formed under your Royal Highnesses protection, may 
operate so far as to give him a chance of regaining, 
in some small degree, that favour which he now so 
much regrets. 

" I sent to the Duke of Grafton this evening, and he 
has been with me; and after having stated the two 
points of view in which this afiair strikes me, his Grace 
was as much perplexed to determine as I was. I must 
say. Sir, that to hesitate is laudable, and that it is the 
first time any administration ever hesitated, whether 
the acceptance of a declaration of Lord Holland's in 
their favour, was matter of doubt. I own it is to me 
much matter of doubt, and I would not take upon me to 
determine, on my own judgment alone, what may be of 

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80 much general importance; and especially as I may 
think that it is the first step to a consequential intention. 
'^ In all consideration, I submit it to your Royal 
Highness's directions." 

The next morning, the Duke of Cumberland thus 
replied to Lord Rockingham : — 

" My Lord Rockingham, " Newmarket, October 2 let, 1765. 

" I have this evening received yours, with the en- 
closure from Lord Holland. 

*^ I am highly sensible of your delicacy towards me, 
in not deciding on the propriety of this measure with 
the Duke of Grafton without my opinion on the subject; 
but, as you both seem to want to know my thoughts, I 
shall fully give them, having nothing more at heart than 
the honour and success that ought to attend the prin- 
ciples on which you undertook the administration. 

^^ As little as the appearance of sedcing Lord Holland 
would do honour to the Administration, as much hurt 
might come on the throwing of him into the enemy's 
scale. It were to be wished, he would have contented 
himself with letting his friends assist Government with- 
out appearing himself; but as that will not do, and 
that he will show himself personally at the Minister's, 
it is much better it should be publicly, and at a levee, 
than in any other way, because the whole world will see 
how far that goes, and is all on his side only. 

^^ If the granting his request be just and proper, 
grant it, and acc^t his visit as a return of thanks for 


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justice done to his friend. Upon the whole, I do not 
see how you can shut your door upon him; and there- 
fore, let the measure be his, and only acceptance on 
your side. 

" Excuse the hurry of this letter, and assure yourself 
that I am as zealous of your honour as you yourselves 
can be. 

" I am, &c., 

" WiLUAM." 

Ten days from the date of this letter, the writer had 
ceased to breathe. His Eoyal Highness had long been 
in a precarious state of health; he had grown enor- 
mously fat, had completely lost the use of one eye, and 
saw but imperfectly with the other. He was asthmatic, 
had had a paralytic stroke, and the wound in the leg that 
he had received at Dettingen never completely healed. 

On the 30th of October, the Duke was playing at 
piquet with General Hodgson; he grew confused and 
mistook the cards. The next day he was suflBciently 
recovered to appear at CJourt, and dined in the after- 
noon with Lord Albemarle. A Cabinet Council was 
held the same evening, at eight. Being then at his 
house in Upper Grosvenor-street, just as the Duke of 
Newcastle and Lord Northington came into the room, he 
was seized with a suffocation. One of his valets, who was 
accustomed to. bleed him, was called, and prepared to tie 
up his arm, but the Duke exclaimed, " It is all over," 
and immediately expired in Lord Albemarle's arms. 

The Duke dying intestate. Lord Albemarle, under the 

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King's sign manual, took out letters of administration 
to his estate. With the exception of a few letters in 
my possession, all the Duke's papers were burned, as 
will be seen by the following letter from his Eoyal High- 
ness's favourite sister: — 


« Gunnersbury, Nov. 2, 1765. 
" Ton are always attentive and obliging, my good 
Lord Albemarle. I thank you for the letters, and I 
have burnt them. I need not tell you, I hope, how sen- 
sibly I am pleased with the message the King hath sent 
you.* It would be a great pleasure to ovoc friend if 
he could know it, and I think will do infinite honour to 
the King. 

*' I am, and ever shall be, 
" My good Lord Albemarle, your sincere friend, 

" Amelia. 

" The King hath done me the honour to write to me 
a very gracious, affectionate, and feeling letter upon 
my great loss.'* 

At the Duke of Cumberland's request the King had 
promised Lord Albemarle the first vacant garter, and 
his Majesty now with much propriety bestowed upon 
him that recently vacated by his deceased master. 

^ Through Lord Rockingham. The King's letter is published in 
my brother's Life of Lord Keppel, L iJ84. 

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246 MR. CHARLES YORKE [l766. 

Soon after Wilkes had been discharged by the Court of 
Common Pleas, actions were brought, at the suggestion 
of Lord Temple, against Lords Halifax and Egremont, 
against the under Secretary of State, the Solicitor of the 
Treasury, and the King's messengers. Lord Chief Jus- 
tice Pratt, before whom some of these actions were tried, 
declared it as his opinion that the warrant was illegal, 
that it was illegally executed, that the Secretaries of 
State were not within the Acts of Parliament of James 
the First and George the Second, and consequently that 
the action would be against the messengers. 

Accordingly the juries in all the cases of the parties 
attached under the warrant, found verdicts in favour of 
the plaintiffs, and awarded heavy damages. In the 
action against Mr. Wood, the Under-Secretary, Wilkes 
obtained damages to the amount of one thousand pounds. 


" Sunday morning, 9 o'clock, Nov. S, 1 765. 

" My dear Lord, 

^^ The state of the materis^ actions depending in the 
affair of the messengers is this. One was argued by the 
Solicitor-General in the Court of King's Bench last Term. 
Two others, in the Court of Common Pleas. That de- 
pending in the King's Bench stands now to be argued 
by me, as Attorney-General. Lord Mansfield and the 
other Judges have determined on the generai tjocarrantj 
and laid it out of the case. So that the points remain- 
ing are, Whether the Secretaries of State and their ser- 

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vants are within the statute laws, which favour Justices 
of Peace; and whether the messenger apprehending a 
man who was not printer and publisher of ' North Bri- 
ton,* No. 45, can justify under any warrant directing 
him to take up those who tvere so. Now, I am clearly of 
opinion that even supposing the Secretaries of State are 
within the statutes, and supposing the warrant had been 
proper, still the mistake cannot, in strictness, be justi- 
fied by the officer. In short, my Lord, the true com- 
plaint of all these verdicts is the ea^ess of damages^ 
which cannot be set right; and from what has passed in 
both Courts, I know that it is impossible to avoid the 
payment of them . • • • As to the other actions in the 
Common Pleas they turn mostly on the same points, 
except that, in one of them, the indefensible clause in 
that old warrant, directing the general seizure of a libd^ 
ler's paperSj comes to be considered. 

" Upon the whole, the favour I must beg of your 
Lordship is to inform his Majesty, with my humble 
duty, that, in my opinion it is for his Majesty's service 
and honour to make an end of all those proceedings. 
Though the King may think, as the impartial world 
does, the damages too great, yet his servants must sub- 
mit to the course of law and justice. 

^^ Your Lordship knows that (in allusion to a Spanish 
phrase) I was for clearing the inkhorn in Westminster 
Hall, long since. But the time is now come, if it ought 
ever to be. And I trust, that his Majesty will have 
the goodness (in the countenance and protection which 
he is pleased to grant me) to leave this matter to me; 

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248 THE king's aversion [1766. 

unless any particular objections yet unexplained occur 
to his own royal mind. 

" The misfortune of the Duke of Cumberland's death 
has prevented the King from coming to St. James's to 
day ; otherwise I would have presumed to trouble him 
with one word upon this subject myself. 

" Tour Lordship will do it better for me. In the 
meantime, let me beg, that nothing be mentioned of this 
letter but to the person of the King himself. 

" I am, my dear Lord, with the truest respect, 
" Your affectionate and faithful humble servant, 

'' C. YORKE. 

" P. S. Let me hear from you to-morrow morning. 
Wednesday is the first day of Term." 

It wa^ not to be supposed that the King would regard 
with a more favourable eye Ministers to whom his em- 
barrassments alone had compelled him to consign the 
Grovernment than those whom he had appointed of his 
own free will. Indeed, of the various political sects not 
one was so distasteful to the sovereign as that of which 
Lord Rockingham was the acknowledged head. They 
were at once too wealthy, too indifferent to office, too 
much actuated by public principles, too closely bound to- 
gether by party ties, to yield to the King, or to suit the 
views of a Court, that required Ministers to be not the 
public, servants of the State but the private domestics 
of the sovereign. Two years previously his Majesty 
had declared, in allusion to the Eockingham party, he 
would never suffer those Ministers of the late reign, " who 

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had attempted to enslave him, to come into his service 
while he held the sceptre,'* ^ and although his neces- 
sities compelled him to depart from the strict letter of 
his vow, he appears to have contemplated the conti- 
nuance of his Ministers in office only until he could 
supply their places by a more subservient corps. The 
King's disinclination to his new servants was further 
strengthened by a circumstance not contemplated at the 
time of their coming into office. 

On the 9th of March 1764, Mr. Grenville introduced 
his famous project of drawing a revenue from America 
by means of a duty upon stamps. 

Up to this period the Colonies appear to have excited 
but little attention, either in or out of Parliament. 
Sir Robert Walpole, true to his principle of " quieta 
non movere," left the department entirely to the Duke 
of Newcastle, who had not opened a dispatch for a 
series of years. The late Lord Essex informed Sir 
Denis le Marchant that one of the under-secretaries of 
that day said to him, " Mr. Grenville lost America 
because he read the American dispatches, which his 
predecessors had never done;" and so complete a sine- 
cure was the Board of Trade then considered, that a 
Colonel Bladen, one of the commissioners, happening to 
apply himself to the duties of his office, the colonel went 
by the name of " Trade," while his colleagues were 
called " The Board." 

The Ministers had been called to the government a 
very short time, when they received intelligence of the 
* Bedford Correspondence. 

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250 THE STAMP ACT. [l705. 

general resistance of the Americans to the enforcement 
of the Act. The King would fain have brought the 
refractory colonists to obedience by measures of coer- 
cion^ but the Bockingham Administration, desirous oi re- 
storing the loyalty of the Americans by the r^noval of the 
cause of their disaffection, early announced their inten- 
tion to stand or fall by the repeal of t^ie obnoxious law. 

The second Lord Hardwicke, after assigning, in his 
" Memoriall," his own reasons for assenting to the 
repeal, adds : " But, from a personal indinatian of the 
King, and influenced by Lord Bute and the Princess 
Dowager, the followers of Court favour went the ether 
way, and half the Court at least voted in opposition to 

" Lord Bockingham," says Nicholb, " repealed the 
Stamp Act^ and from that hour the King determined to 
remove him." 

Amidst many iUs which the Stamp Act caused to 
America, one advantage accrued to the new Ministry ; 
it brought them in contact with men of business, and 
they became possessed of a knowledge of commercial 
matters, which their predecessors had never attained. 

In the following letter, from a Mr. Sparhawk to 
Lord Bockinghiun, tiie practical working of the Act is 
pointed out. 

" My Lord, 

" I have just hinted at the Act of Parliament com- 
monly called the Stamp Act, and, without stirring the 
question, how far this Government has an exclusive 

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1765] THE STAMP ACT.. 251 


right of taxing its own inhabitants, will your Lordship 
allow me to say, that there has never happened among 
us anything that has thrown the people (^this province, 
and indeed the whole continent^ into such a conster- 
nation as this Act has occasioned. And besides its 
being universally disliked, it is thought by the best 
judges here to be whdly impracticable, from the nature 
of the Act and the peculiar circumstances of the colo- 
nies relative to it. It is much doubted whether all the 
circulating cash among us (which is no more than ia 
absolutely necessary for the carrying on our* trade and 
business, and answering the common occasions of life), 
supposing the Act should be carried into execution, 
would be sufficient to answer its demands. 

^^ It is very plain, then, that the consequence thereof 
would be the ruin of the trade and commerce of the 
country; and your Lordship need not be told how 
detrimental that must be to the trade of our motiier 
country, from whence we have imported annually such 
an imm^ise, I may say, an amazing quantity of her ma- 
nufactures, to her great utility and emolument. But it 
is to be hoped, my Lord, that the humble petition of the 
inhabitants (not less, perhaps, than two (X three mil- 
lions) of a whole continent, which are to be presented to 
his Majesty and the great Parliament of the nation, wiU 
be graciously heard; and that in their great wisdom 
and goodness they will remove our fears, and vouchsafe 
us deliverance. 

'^ The high station Providence has placed you in, my 
Lord, will give your Lordship an opportunity of patro- 

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nizing the distressed state of these American colonies, 
and of doing much towards the rendering of them 
happy. Will your Lordship, then, pardon my freedom 
in requesting the favour of your interposition on our 
behalf, which, besides the satisfaction that must result 
to your Lordship from the reflection, will secure to your 
Lordship (so far as it shall be known) the esteem and 
affections of this whole people; and your Lordship^s 
memory will be transmitted to their latest posterity 
with every mark of honour, gratitude and respect 
" I have the honour to be, &c. 

" N. Sparhawk."* 

Sir George Savile, inclosing an extract of a letter 
from Boston, relating to the distress of trade, accom- 
panied it with the following letter from himself. 

" My Lord, "Rufford, November 1, 1765. 

" Captain Grame writes, that I must be surprised at 
receiving a * naked Memorial, without a single line of 
explanation, and void of mercantile terms, &c.' The 
nakedness he means is, that it does not state the causes 
of the decline of trade; the taxes; and the Spanish 
matters. The last he says he can account for, as being 
a matter not to be talked of aloud ; the first he blames 

" I could not help observing this circumstance; and 
yet I am not sure but it might do as well. Pointing 
out the grievance might have looked concerted, or at 
least the effect of party spirit ; and the cause does not 

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want pointing out. Their Saying they are hurt, and 
drawing no consequences, has really, I think, more the 
air of sincerity. You can find out what hurts them. 
They speak as ignorant men* Our trade is hurtj whai 
the devil have you been a doing ? For our party we don^t 
pretend to understand your politics and American mat^ 
terSj but our trade is hurt ; pray remedy it, and a plague . 
of you if you wont. 

" To say, Doctor^ thai medicine has made me worse^ 
may be pique or prejudice against the doctor ; but to 
tell the doctor simply, one is worse, is the natural com- 
plaining of a man who really is worse. You may say, 
Gentlemen, you see these people had no acrimony 
against any man, but the effect breaks out. The testi- 
mony is sincere. I have no answer from Leeds or 
Wakefield. I wont say this is singular, because it is so 
from Leeds and Wakefield, but if grammar was out of 
my way, I should say so. 

"Hartley has told your Lordship that I have no 
hobby-horse to ride to town upon. That is a very civil 
phrase. I do not mean to affect any modesty, and 
therefore will preface by saying, I find my talents in 
some ways better than I thought. I find them worse in 
the questions of finance. I can only say, I have the 
strongest faith in his opinions about them, and the 
critical and decisive moment of doing things whole. If 
he be right, I do beg most earnestly you will not refine, 
and mince, and do pretty well. Do it. Do itl and 
' nowy nowy now ! ' You flattered me much by observ- 
ing the phrase, so you will know it again. It did not 

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254 LORD HARDWICKE [1765. 

come from the head. He is disheartened. One thing I 
am sure of. You advertise that 6. 6. should have 
continued Minister if you ride the heat as he did. He 
waited, and lay in a good place till he came to the ending 
post. I beseech you, make the play, if you are stout. 

" Captain Grame, to supply the baldness of the 
Memorial, sends me the enclosed extract. 
" I am, witii my best compliments to the Marchioness, 

*^ My Lord, 
" Your UKMrt obedient, most humble servant, 

" G. Savilk.'' 

Prior to the meeting of Parliament, Lord Hardwicke 
was invited to attend the ministerial meetings, but it was 
not till the following year that he became a member of 
the Cabinet He had been previously invited to accept 
office, but he declined on the plea of his health. 

<' St James's Square, December 9th, 1 765, 

" Dear Brother, " n at night. 

" I had not an opportunity of acquainting you last 
night, that when I waited on the Duke of Newcastle 
be asked me, without my having said anything which 
led to it, whether I should like to attend their meetings, 
viz., of the Ministers? I gave no direct answer, but 
rather of the declining kind. His Grace bid me con- 
sider of it, and talk with you upon it, and seemed to 
make no doubt <tf its being acceptable to his colleagues. 

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1766.] TO CHARLES YORKE. 255 

This may be only a morning cajoleries in whidi our old 
friend is a great adept, and I shall certainly not revive 
the subject; but if he says anything more upon it, shall 
leave it to his Grace and the other Ministers to do as 
they think proper. We shall see a little clearer after 
Tuesday, how the world is like to go, for I cannot help 
thinking that if the opposition are in spirits, and in 
numbers, they will kick up a riot the very first day. 
I presume his Grace meant, by attending their meetings, 
that I should be of the Cabinet Council. It would 
flatty my ambition (that is certain), and I hope I do 
not overrate my abilities in thinking tiiat I should 
make as good a figure in it as many we have known 
called to that sanctum sanctorum. I am clear in opinion, 
not to ask for it; but if it should be cffered^ I see no 
reason for declining it, most sincerely wishing, for the 
sake of the kingdom, that it was filled with persons of 
the best abilities and experience, who could agree to 
act together. I do not expect an wiswer to this, but 
if anything occurs, shall be glad to hear from you on 
the subject" 

Although Ministers had, soon after their coming into 
office, become aware of the dark cloud of discontent 
that lowered in America, it was not till near the meet- 
ing of Pariiament that they heard the storm had burst 
One general feeling of indignation appears to have per- 
vaded the colonies, on hearing that the Stamp Act had 
received the Royal Assent. At New York the towns- 
people reprinted the Act, and hawked it about the 

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Ill ijl 


streets as " England's folly and America's ruin." At 
Philadelphia the guns were spiked. At Boston the 
flags of the vessels in harbour were hoisted half-mast 
high, while muffled bells tolled a funeral knell. In 
Virginia, Patrick Henry, one of the Members of Con- 
gress, he whom Byron designates 

" the forest-born Demosthenes, 

Whose thunder shook the Philip of the seas," 

exclaimed, "Caesar had his Brutus, Charles the First 
his Oliver Cromwell, and George the Third may — " here 
cries of " Treason " drowned for a while the speaker's 
words. When the tumult subsided, he adroitly added — 
" profit by their example." 

It was the news of these proceedings which led to 
the following letter from 

the king to the eight hon. henry seymour conway. 

" Lieut.-General Conway, 

" The enclosed is the memorial from Mr. Pitt. It is 
the copy of the one delivered by me to Lord Halifax, 
but I received this a day or two before that one. I am 
more and more grieved at the accounts of America. 
Where this spirit will end is not to be said. It is, 
undoubtedly, the most serious matter that ever came 
before Parliament; it requires more deliberation, can- 
dour, and temper than I fear it will meet with. 

" 53 m. past five, p.m. 

" When the Memorial is copied, I desire to have the 
original returned/' 

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Endorsed by General Conway, " His Majesty, Dec. 6, 
1765, opinion on America." 

On the 17 th of December, the following letter was 
written by 


" I RETURN you the list of Peers that attended the 
reading of the Speech last night. I am glad to see 
names among them that I thought doubtfully of before. 
In the evening, you will not forget to send me word 
whether there has been a debate. 

** Past eleven, a. m." 

On the same day, the King opened the Session in 
person. In his Speech from the Throne, he stated 
that he had called the Two Houses together sooner 
than usual, in consequence " of matters of importance 
which had lately occurred in some of his Colonies in 

Lord George Cavendish f moved, and Lord Palmer- 
ston I seconded the Address. No debate was expected, 

* Parliamentary History, xvi. 88. 

t Lord George Cavendish, second son of William, fourth Duke of 
Devonshire^ — Member for Derbyshire, which county he represented in 
seven Parliaments. He was Comptroller of the Household in 1761 ; 
a Privy Councillor, and, in 1766, Lord Lieutenant of Derbyshire. 

i Henry Temple, second Viscount Palmerston. He had been a 
Lord of Trade, and was now appointed to the Admiralty Board. He 
was member for East Loo. He was a man of considerable accomplish- 
ments. Lord Palmerston was, in the male line, the representative of 

VOL. l. S 

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as the Members who had vacated their seats, by accept- 
ing office, were absent on their canvass. But Mr. 
Grenville, perceiving that his Colonial policy would be 
called in question, proposed, as an amendment, to " ex- 
press the indignation of the House at the * outrageous 
tumults ' in North America." " He spoke," says Mr. 
Cooke,* " en prince^ and told us he should ask why the 
Parliament was not called together sooner, why his 
Majesty was advised to speak with so much lenity, and 
many other whys." * 

On the 19th, the Duke of Bedford, who was at this 
time acting with his late official colleague, Mr. Grenville, 
moved for all papers that had been sent to America 
relating to the Stamp Act, and since the passing of it. 
The Duke of Grafton quashed that proposal, by pro- 
mising all the papers should be produced. 

the Temple family, as the Duke of Buckingham was of the female line. 
He was succeeded in his title and estates in 1 802, by the recent Secre- 
tary of State for Foreign Affairs. 

♦ George Cooke, Member for Middlesex, Prothonotary of the Court 
of Common Pleas ; " a pompous Jacobite," according to Walpole. In 
Lord Chatham's motley administration, Cooke was joint Paymaster- 
General with Lord North. It was in reference to the discordant 
politics of these two colleagues, that Burke said, ** Persons had a 
single office divided between them, who had never spoke to each other 
in their lives, until they found themselves, they knew not how, 
pigging together heads and points in the same truckle bed." 

t Chatham Correspondence, 

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« (Dec 19th, 1765), 13 min. past 8, p. m. 

" Lord Rockingham, 

" The few squibs on the address would have appeared 
to me as planned by a late Secretary of State,* even if 
he had not been a speaker this day. From that quarter 
I make no doubt but every art will be used to hamper 
Administration during every debate; but that is so 
poor a conduct that it must turn against its own 

" The Duke of Bedford's motion seems to be most 
extraordinary, for one would think it were necessary to 
weigh every paper carefully before they either them- 
selves or by any committee, direct any of them to be 

To the Ministerial Leader of the House of Commons, 
the King wrote as follows : — 

" Lieut.-General Conway, 

" I thank you for your attention in sending me the 
account of the very ungentlemanlike conduct of Mr. 
Grenville on this day, for others of the Opposition, un- 
doubtedly, act in the House of Commons by his advice. 

" I hope people will be on their guard to-morrow, if 
he should again try to give some pain."t 

* Mr. Grenville proposed the House should adjourn, hut to the 
9th instead of the 14th (Jan.), as Ministers intended. The motion 
was rejected hy 77 to 35. 

t Egerton MSS. 984. — British Museum. 

s 2 

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A reference to the "Bedford Correspondence"* will 
show, that on the 31st of the following month the Duke 
of Bedford and Mr. Grenville, whose conduct the King 
here arraigns, received secret invitations from the Court 
to return to administration. 

The parliamentary records of this period of history 
are so scanty, that I have difficulty in assigning dates 
to the two letters which follow. 

It appears that on the 27th of December, 1765, 
" Lord Temple declared that there was no truth in the 
reports spread of diflferences between himself and Mr. 
Pitt," " and, disheartened at so unpromising an outset of 
the session, he had the confidence and meanness to hurry 
to Mr. Pitt at Bath, but that Mr. Pitt was inflexible/' 


" I AM obliged to you for your summary account of 
this day's debate, and shall be curious to-morrow to 
hear the grounds of Lord Temple's so total a change of 

"10 min. past 10, p. m." 


" If Lord Rockingham has nothing particular, except 
Lord Temple's language yesterday, I will not give him 
the trouble of coming till a little after two to-morrow, 
at St. James's, as I shall go to church at twelve. 

" 20 past 9, A. M." 

♦ Vol. iii. pp. 325-9. 

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The Ministers had now become aware of the preca- 
riousness of their position. Lord Bute affected to hold 
the balance between the late and the present admi- 
nistrations; and "the Crown itself,'" says Walpole, 
" seemed inclined to consign its members to turn against 
its own measures. Lest mankind should mistake the 
part the Favourite intended to take on the Stamp Act, 
Lord Denbigh, ♦ his Standard-bearer, and Augustus 
Hervey, asked leave to resign their places, as they pur- 
posed to vote against the repeal. The farce was carried 
on by the King; and to prevent any panic in the minds 
of those who might have a mind to act the same part, 
his Majesty told them that they were at liberty to vote 
against him and keep their placesJ^ 

* Basil Fielding, sixth Earl of Denbigh^ bom 171 9, a creature of Lord 
Bute> and Master of the Harriers. In his youth he resided abroad nine 
years with Lord Bolingbroke. Cradock thinks he acquired much of 
his subtilty in debate from his long intimacy with that nobleman. 
If by the epithet " Standard-bearer," Walpole meant that Denbigh 
was the point round which the ** King's Friends " were in the habit 
of rallying, we find him, eighteen years later, serving the same 
purpose. ** The RoUiad," speaking of the Peers of Scotland, who 
assisted in throwing out Fox's fiuuous <' India Bill," says, — 

<< With every change prepared to change their note. 
With every government prepared to vote ; 
Save when, perhaps, on some important bill. 
They know, by second sight, the royal will^ 
With loyal Denbigh heading birds that sing. 
Oppose the Minister to please the King.'' 

In 1770, when the Peers drove the Commons from their House^ 
almost by main force, Colonel Bairi drew a severe picture of the 
Court Lords, particularly of the Earls of Marchmont and Denbigh. 
—See Walpole's George the Third, iv. «28. 

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The above remarks are corroborated by the letter 
which follows. 


" Dear Brother, ''St. James's Square, Jan. 3rd, 1766. 

" The Ministry are much alarmed, and apprehend a 
strong division in our House, if any question should 
arise. They are making out lists of Lords, Pro^ Con.y 
and Douhtful. Lord Eockingham shows an inclination 
to insert a few stronger words in the third Resolution. 
Lord Temple pronounces them gone, and is in high 
spirits. The King's family and household are divided. 
I wish his Majesty himself is not neuter ; and this I 
collect from what Lord Rockingham told me, that the 
King professes to know nothing of what Lord Bute is 
doing, and yet will not speak to his servants, nor send 
to Lord Bute. The Prince of Brunswick (I think) 
told Lord R. the last particular, for I do not believe 
the Marquis ventured to suggest so strong a measure. 
I know not what will come of all this embroglio. The 
Ministry should in prudence leave their adversaries as 
weak ground to attack them upon as possible. Lord 
B. will overturn every Ministry who do not court him, 
and yet they mc»t all disclaim him by turns. The 
King should banish him. 

" P.S. This intelligence is material, or I should not 
send it." 

The general belief at this period appears to have 

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been that Pitt, in refusing his assistance to the Rock- 
ingham Administration, hoped to form a govemment 
composed of his two brothers-in-law and his kinsman, 
Lord Lyttleton. Lord Hardwicke, writing to his bro- 
ther, Charles Torke, on the 18th of July 1765, when 
the Attorney-Generalship was offered him, says, 

" I cannot conclude without taking up some points in 
your letter relative to the general state of affairs* Tou 
seem to think from such hints as you have received 
that Mr. Pitt, the Grenvilles, and Lord Lyttleton mean to 
come back, and put themselves at the head of the new 
system. I can understand Mr. Pitt's becoming, before 
it is long and when these new Ministers are at a plunge, 
a part, or rather the head, of this Administration, in 
some shape or other; but in tdie present moment, I 
cannot combine the Grenvilles (G. G. especially) and 
Lord L. with the great Commoner, unless all this dif'* 
ference between Mr. P. and his brother-in-law is a 
political bam^^* 

The writer of the following letter, it will be seen, 
entertained a similar opinion. 


« Tuesday (Jan. 7th, 1766), past 4 o'clock. 
*^ In hopes of seeing your Grace I have called twice 
upon you to-day, and will wait upon yott as early to- 
morrow morning as you please. If I had the honour 
of the King's ear, I would advice his Majesty not to 
remove so faithful and so attached a servant to his 

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264 * DUKE OF NEWCASTLE [l766. 

family as the Duke of Newcastle from council, though 
Mr. Pitt desired itj or rather expected he should. I 
should likewise advise his Majesty to refuse the remov- 
ing of the Marquis of Eockingham from tdie head of the 
Treasury in favour of Lord Temple, or even making the 
offer^ ifswre of his refusing it. 

" I remain, &c. 

" P.S. I have not been very partial to Mr. Pitt for 
some time past. I dread and abhor the thoughts of a 
GrenviUe Administration." 


[With Lord Albemarle's copy enclosed.] 

" I WENT to Court in hopes of meeting with you, to 
show tlie enclosed letter from Lord Albemarle, which 
some people at Newcastle House thought might as well 
be shown to the King. I wish nothing may be done to 
confirm him (the King) in his aversion to sending for 
Pitt, for as he must, sooner or later, swallow the pill, 
the fewer wry faces he makes the better/' 


"Newcastle House, Jan. 9th, 1766. 

*^ I CANNOT avoid taking the first opportunity to 

thank your Lordship for the noble and honourable part 

which you took last night upon the consideration of 

Mr. Pitt's discourse with Mr. T. Townshend, jun., and 

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for your extreme goodness to me, which will make the 
continuance of my affection and attachment to your 
Lordship a debt of gratitude, as well as an act of judg- 
ment and inclination. I should, however, ill deserve it, 
if I omitted to suggest anything that I thought for 
your Lordship's service. K the Duke of Grafton and 
Mr. Conway should resign their oflBce, I do not know 
how you will be able to fill them. The strength of the 
Administration will be much lessened by the loss of 
those two very able and material men in both Houses, 
and the weight of opposition so much increased by 
Mr. Pitt's setting himself at the head of it, that I really 
do not know how you will be able to go on, and there- 
fore I would humbly submit it to your Lordship, how 
far you would resist the Duke of Grafton and Mr. Con- 
way if tdiey should persist in advising the King, this 
day, to send for Mr. Pitt, to hear what he has to say, 
and particularly to know his tdioughts about the Ame- 
rican affairs. The cordial and affectionate manner in 
which you acted towards me on this occasion yesterday, 
and ever since you have been informed of Mr. Pitt" s 
exclusion of me, has given me a sufficient proof of your 
goodness; and I must desire that you will have no 
further thoughts of me, or suffer me to be in any degree 
an obstacle to what, in other respects, it may be right 
for your Lordship to do, with respect to the King, the 
public, and yourself. I shall desire nothing but your 
confidence and friendship, and that I shall hope for in 
its full extent, whether in or out of employment.'^ 

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266 THE KING [1766. 


" Lord Rockingham, "January 9th, i766. 

" I return you the speech and address of the Lords, 
which I think will do perfectly well. I am not sur- 
prised that, at so very serious a moment, they should 
have escaped your memory this morning. 

"I have revolved, most coolly and attentivdy, the 
business now before me, and am of opinion, tdiat so 
loose a conversation as that of Mr. Pitt and Mr. Towns- 
hend is not sufficient to risk either my dignity or the 
continuance of my administration, by a fresh treaty 
with that gentleman; for if it should miscarry, all 
public opinion of this ministry would be destroyed by 
such an attempt. I shall therefore, undoubtedly, to« 
morrow, decline authorizing tiie Duke of Grafton to 
say anything to Mr. Pitt, and don't doubt that, when 
I set the example of steadiness, most of you will see the 
propriety of that conduct, and will follow it also. I 
wish, therefore, you would be at St. James's by one 
to-morrow, that I may talk this aflfair over with you, 
previous to my seeing the two Secretaries of State. 
The Duke of Newcastle's conduct this day was very 
handsome and dignified. 

" Georqe B." 

" The fact was," says Walpole, " the King, not de- 
sirous of the junction of Pitt and the actual Ministers, 
and choosing that Pitt should solely to him owe his 

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admission, pleaded that he had sent so ofben for Mr. Pitt 
in vain, that he would condescend no more, — a resolu- 
tion his Majesty was at that very time in the intention 
not to keep."* 

The above statement explains the following letter 

the king to the marquis of rockingham. 

"Lord Rockingham, 

" You have very properly put an end to the idea of 

writing to Mr. Pitt. I don't doubt of success, but if 

you in the least seem to hesitate, inferiors will fly off. 
'^ Queen's Housei 30 min. past 10.'' 

" The King," writes Lord Hardwicke at this time to 
his brother, "is extremely unwilling to let in the 
Trojan HorseP 

On the 11th of January, Lord Rockingham wrote to 
Mr. Charles Torke : — 

" The continual hurry, from the late occasion, 
occupies my mind so much, that I can hardly remem- 
ber anything, or else I should not have forgot the 
memorandum in your letter, of sending you the speech 
and address 

"No message or note will be sent to Bath,t but 
whether — if the person comes to town — ^it may not be 

* Geoige the Third, ii. 320. 
t Mr. Pitt was then residing at Bath. 

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pressed that he should have an audience, is still matter 
of doubt to me." . . . 

Parliament, which had adjourned for the Christmas 
holidays, re-assembled on the 14th of January. 


" Lord Rockingham, "(Jan. 17, 1766.) 

" I return you the list of the Peers that were at the 
meeting last night. Upon the whole I think it a full 
meeting, considering the numbers in town; yet am 
surprised at not seeing the names therein of some 
persons that are in my service. I desire you will 
send me, when the House is up this evening, the names 
of the speakers, with P and C at the end of their 
names, according to the sides they take ; and also to state 
the amendments proposed. I entirely agree with you in 
opinion, that if Government fluctuate [in] their mea- 
sures, to oblige every person that finds fault, that it 
would be both endless and weak. Coolness, and the 
attempting to pursue prudent measures, and tliat with 
firmness, is the only way to obtain either credit or the 
approbation of wise men. 

" George R." 

"Eleven, A.M." 

In the debate on the address, Mr. Pitt, after stating 
that he wfCs " unconnected and unconsulted," declared 
that he could not give his confidence to Ministers. 

** Confidence,^' said Mr. Pitt, " is a plant of slow 

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growth in an aged bosom; youth is the season of cre- 
dulity ; by comparing events with each other, methinks 
I plainly discover the traces of an overruling influence. 
I had the honour to serve the Crown, and if I could 
have submitted to influence, I might still have con- 
tinued to serve.** 

The speech from which the above is an extract, is 
equally remarkable for its beautiful language and its 
disingenuous insinuations. 

Mr. Pitt states that he was " unconsulted." In a 
letter of the 3rd January, from the Duke of Newcastle 
to Lord Eockingham, his Grace remarks, ^'I am ex- 
tremely glad to find that the King and the Ministers 
have thought proper to learn Mr. Pitt's sentiments upon 
this great question, the repeal of the Stamp Act; and 
I hope regard will be had to them."' 

Again, as regards the charge of submitting to an 
" overruling influence," it is only necessary to refer the 
reader to the Duke of Cumberland's letter of the 25th 
of June, 1765, showing that Mr. Pitt was ready to 
acquiesce in so large a measure of this " influence," that 
his Royal Highness found " the King already intrench- 
ing himself within Pitt's promises of mercy to so many 

Lord Rockingham's next letter to the King shows the 
injurious effect of this unfriendly speech upon the Go- 
vernment. It affords evidence of the coldness that was 
beginning to spring up between Pitt and the brother-in- 
law, on whose account he had so lately refused to accept 

* See ante, p. 214, line 14. 

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oflBice. The fact is, Pitt was displeased with Temple 
for his opposition to the repeal of the Stamp Act, and 
Temple with Pitt for not consenting to form a ** Gren- 
ville connection.'^ 


"SlI^ « Jan. 15, 1766. 

" It is great presumption in me to venture to intrude 
upon your Majesty the thoughts which occur to me on 
so critical a situation as the present. But the con- 
sciousness of that unfeigned zeal, duty, and gratitude 
which I shall ever feel for your Majesty's Royal person, 
emboldens me to transmit in writing, the opinion which 
my judgment has directed. 

" That your Majesty's present Administration will be 
shook to the greatest degree, if no ftirther attempt is 
made to get Mr. Pitt to take a cordial part, is much too 
apparent to be disguised. That the chance of Mr. Pitt's 
cordiality to Administration appears very doubtful after 
what passed with Mr. Townshend, is also very true. 
That the events of yesterday in the House of Commons 
have shown the amazing powers and influence which 
Mr. Pitt has, whenever he takes part in debate. 

^^ His declaration in the debate, roundly and posi- 
tively against all the measures of the late Administra- 
tion, has given him great credit, and gratified the 
animosity of many who now form the firm support of 
the present Administration. 

" His personal altercations with Mr. 6. Grenville, 

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and the conduct of Lord Temple in the House of Lords, 
who was peevish, and who dissented to every assertion 
of Mr. Pitt's, has made very many now believe that 
Mr. Pitt is more separated from G. Grenville and Lord 
Temple, than could have been relied on some days ago; 
and in that light strengthened the Duke of Grafton's 
and General Conwa/s ideas, that Mr. Pitt might be 
separated from them." 


" I THINK your sending a written answer to Mr. Pitt, 
extremely dangerous, and, therefore, am clearly of opi- 
nion that your even seeing him alone is preferable. I, 
at the same time, confess that I think the Duke of 
Grafton has more delicacy than tdiere appears cause 
for, in declining accompanying you. I recommend it 
strongly to you, to avoid a long conversation, by saying 
your business only permits you to call for a few minutes. 
Be extremely civil, but firm in what you say; and as 
the Duke of Grafton will not accompany you, I think 
the showing him the impracticability of his answer to 
my first question is necessary. Pray, as soon as you 
have seen him, send me a line how things have passed. 
As to the full explanation, that may wait till I see jou 
to-morrow. I am much pleased that Opposition has 
forced you to hear your own voice, which I hope will 
encourage you to stand forth in other debates. 

" Talbot is as right as I can desire, in the Stamp Act 
— strong for our declaring our right, but willing to 

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repeal; and has handsomely oflFered to attend the House 
daily, and answer the very indecent conduct of those 
who oppose with so little manners or candour. 
"lOmin. past 9, a.m." 

The words, " Talbot is as right as I can desire," must 
have been read by the Minister with a smile. The 
King, disingenuous on system to all around him, was 
here practising a kind of fraud upon himself. He 
affected to take pride in the support of a servant whom 
he would have dismissed on the first symptom of oppo- 
sition to his will. But there was no cause for appre- 
hension. Independence was no part of Lord Talbot's 
character, as twenty-one years' subserviency fully 
proved. "He had," says Walpole, "some wit, and a 
little tincture of a disordered understanding, but was 
better known as a boxer and a man of pleasure, than 
in the light of a statesman." In the less formal age 
of Charles or Henry Tudor, Lord Talbot might have 
rivalled Archy or Will Somers. As it was, the Lord 
Steward of the Household greatly enlivened, when he 
did not seriously irritate, those with whom his oflBce 
brought him in contact. 

He was the son of William, Earl Talbot, Lord Hard- 
wicke's immediate predecessor on the Woolsack. His 
features were comely ; his form was symmetrical. But 
neither dress nor demeanour improved these advan- 
tages. It naturally excited surprise, that an avowed 
profligate should be the regulator of a decorous 
Court, and the apparent confidant of a pious Prince. 

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Hardly was he appointed to the Stewardship, when 
he set up for a reformer of the Household expenses. 
The Royal cooks fell suddenly on evil times ; the smoke 
curled sparingly from kitchen chimneys; a voice of 
lamentation, over scanty breakfasts, was heard among 
the maids of honour and pages; and gentlemen in 
waiting groaned over their daily bill of fare. When 
a batch of Peers was spoken of, it was asked if any 
Dukes were to be made? **0h yes," replied Lord 
Chesterfield, "there is one. It is Lord Talbot; he is 
to be created Duke Humphrey, and no table is to be 
kept at Court but his." 

Success begat confidence. At the Coronation ban- 
quet, Earl Talbot abolished the table of the Knights of 
the Bath, nor did he yield to the sarcasm of Sir William 
Stanhope, who significantly remarked that ^ some of 
them were gentlemen.'^ On the same occasion, however, 
the reformer nearly pushed his parsimony too far. He 
threatened to deal with the Corporation of London as 
he had dealt with the Knights of the Bath and the 
Barons of the Cinque Ports. But Alderman Beckford 
stood up for the immemorial privileges of his order to 
fare sumptuously, and intimated to the Lord Steward, 
that it was hard if the Citizens should have no dinner 
when they must give the King one, which would cost 
them ten thousand pounds.* The menace prevailed, 
and the municipal board was at least decently furnished. 

Lord Talbot, however, Amused as well as mortified 
the guests at the coronation. He was bound, as cham* 

• Walpole's George the Third, i. 74. 
VOL. I. T 

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pion, to appear on horseback before their Majesties, 
and, with a proper sense of decorum, he sedulously 
trained his charger to move backward as well as for- 
ward, so that on leaving the Royal presence, both the 
horse and the rider might retire, as Ajax retired from 
the Trojans, 

'' Undaunted, and presenting still liis face.** 

But, alas ! the overtoward brute had learned his lesson 
"not wisely, but too well." Like an inexperienced 
actor, he overdid his part, and backed into the Hall 
of Rufus, thereby exposing the " stout Earl Talbot " 
to the inextinguishable laughter of the crowd, and par- 
ticularly of those whose " sizes he had scanted.'' 

The Lord Steward's misadventure was not lost upon 
John Wilkes, soon after at open war with the Court. 

In No of the " North Briton,** he gives a narrative 

of Earl Talbot's " false presentation/' from which a few 
extracts are here selected. 

" A politeness equal to Lord Talbot's horse ought not 
to pass unnoticed. Caligula's horse had not half the 
merit. We remember how nobly lie was provided for. 
What proportion of merit between his lordship and his 
horse, and how far the pension* should be divided 
between them, I will not take upon me to determine. 
The impartial and inimitable pen of Cervantes has 
made Rosinante immortal as well as Don Quixote. 
Lord Talbot's horse, like the great planet in Milton, 

' Danced about in various rounds his wandering course.* 
At different times he was progressive, retrograde, or 

• " His Lordship has a pension." — Note by Wilkes. 

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standing still. The progressive motion, I should rather 
think to be the merit of the horse, the retrograde motion 
the merit of the noble lord/' 

When the squib met Lord Talbot's eye, he wrote to 
Wilkes to ask if he was its author, and a long corre- 
spondence ensued. Wilkes at length proposed, and 
Colonel Berkeley, on the part of Lord Talbot, consented, 
that the principals, attended by their seconds, should 
sup together at the Red Lion at Bagshot, on the Tues- 
day evening, and fight on the Wednesday. The parties 
met at the time appointed. Lord Talbot wished to 
finish the business immediately. Wilkes replied, that, 
as an idle man of pleasure, he had put off some 
important business; and added, that he had just left 
the jovial monks of St. Francis, and the world would 
conclude he was drunk, and form no favourable opinion 
of his Lordship. Talbot persisted, and they repaired 
to the garden of the inn. " It was near seven o'clock," 
says Wilkes. " The moon shone very bright. We 
stood about eight yards distant. Both our pistols were 
in very exact time, but neither took effect. Lord Talbot 
then desired we might drink a bottle of claret together; 
which," adds Wilkes, " we did with great good humour 
and much laughter." 

On the 21st of January the great question of the 
repeal of the Stamp Act was brought before the House 
of Commons by General Conway, and leave was given 
to bring in the Bill. Mr. Grenville endeavoured to 
substitute the words " explain and amend " instead of 
" repeal," but his motion was rejected by 275 to 167. 

T 2 

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" I JUST take up my pen to thank you for your atten- 
tion in sending me a few particulars of this day's 
debate in the House of Commons, which, by the great 
majority, must be reckoned a very favourable appear- 
ance for the repeal of the Stamp Act in that House. 

"13 mil), past 12, a.m.** 

In reference to this division, the Duke of Bedford 
states, that Sir Lawrence Dundas informed him that a 
person, " whom," writes his Grace, " he did not name, 
but I suppose to be Colonel Graeme, had told him that 
he never saw the King so affected as he was at the 
result of the last great majority in the House of Com- 
mons, and that he believed he wished for nothing more 
than to be able to change his Administration." * 

And yet the next letter from the King is in the 
following strain. 

" Lord Rockingham, 

^' I am much pleased that the appearance was so good 
yesterday. I hope you will be, if possible, by twelve at 
St. James's, as my levee will be half an hour past 
twelve, that I may hear some further particulars of the 

" 50 min. past 10, a. m." 

♦ Bedford Correspondence, iii. 327. 

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The following letter, though bearing no specific date, 
appears to have been written by his Majesty on the 
same occasion. 

** Lieut.-Geneeal Conway, 

" Nothing can in my eyes be more advantageous 
than the debate in the House of Commons this day. I 
shall not fail when I see you this day [to ask you for 
a list of speakers],* that I may more fully hear the 
colour of the language of those that spoke : it will give 
some kind of rule to judge of their future conduct this 

"13min.pa8t 10." 

While the private letters of George the' Third ex- 
pressed nothing but cordiality towards the Ministers, 
and approbation of their plan of repealing the Stamp 
Act, and while Lord Talbot and a detachment of King's 
friends were making a show of support, a strenuous 
opposition was organized against the measure by the 
main body of the same corps, under the leadership of 
Lord Chancellor Northington. 

Robert Henley, the scion of an ancient Somersetshire 
family, was born in 1708. He received his education 
at Westminster School, having for a contemporary, 
William Murray, afterwards the celebrated Earl of 
Mansfield. Murray was a King's scholar; Henley a 

* The words within brackets are not in the original, but they 
comprise the usual requirement of the King from hia Ministers. 

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town boy. After graduating at Oxford, the two school- 
fellows were called to the bar at nearly the same time. 
It was said of Murray, that " he drank champaign 
with the wits." Port wine, and the company of a few 
choice spirits satisfied Henley's less refined but more 
jovial tastes. His practice at this time consisted in 
taking notes, cracking forensic jokes, and in arranging 
oyster suppers. From his family connections he made 
choice of the Western Circuit, of which, in process of 
time, he became the leader. 

It was the fashion in those days for young barristers 
to spend their vacations at Bath. Thither Henley sped, 
and passed his time very much to his satisfaction, in 
dancing with the young ladies in the Pump-room, and 
in tippling with the old gentlemen in the taverns. 
There happened at this period to be at Bath, for the 
benefit of the waters, a Miss Husband. This young 
lady was of exquisite beauty, but so much of an invalid 
as to be unable to stir out of doors, unless wheeled about 
in a chair. Powerless as she seemed to be, she made a 
conquest of our lawyer's heart. He pleaded and gained 
his cause. Miss Husband made a wonderful recovery, 
consigned over her votive crutches to the nymph of the 
spring, danced a minuet with her handsome lover, and 
in due time became Mrs. Henley. The happy, but not 
very wealthy pair, did not indeed retire to " love in a 
cottage," but to a small house near Bedford Square, 
and to such economical dinners as briefless barristers 
can best afford. After a few years, Henley, by the 
death of his elder brother, came into the family pro- 

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perty; but his tastes were now formed, and he con- 
tinued in his profession. 

Bath had already helped Henley to an agreeable 
helpmate. The next favours were of a different descrip- 
tion. The good stories of the convivial counsellor 
made an impression on the snug corporation of Bladud, 
and they first elected him their representative in Par- 
liament, and then made him their Recorder. Like 
other political adventurers, particularly of his pro- 
fession, Henley became an adherent of Leicester House, 
and when, in 1751, a partial dispersion of that party 
was occasioned by the death of Frederick, the wily 
lawyer, preferring the worship of the rising to the 
setting sun, attached himself to the new heir apparent, 
upon the formation of whose establishment as Prince 
of Wales, Henley became his Solicitor-General From 
this time forth a series of unforeseen circumstances 
caused his rapid rise. In 1756, his schoolfellow, 
Murray, unable any longer to endure the badgering of 
Pitt, sought refuge in the House of Lords, and Henley 
stepped into his place as Attorney-Greneral. The next 
year. Lord Hardwicke ceased to be Chancellor, and 
Henley was at hand to receive the Great Seal from the 
hands of Pitt. But it was stipulated that the Lord 
Keeper should have the office without the peerage. 
A third accident procured for him this dignity also. 
Lord Ferrers shot his steward. Some one was required 
to try him. No qualified person coveted the office. Sir 
Robert Henley, now created Baron Henley of the Grange, 
presided at the trial. The new Lord, whose inclinations 

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had ever leaned to low buffoonery, boisterous merriment, 
and coarse jokes, was a little out of his element in an 
office where a certain degree of decorum seemed re- 
quisite. " For the Lord High Steward," said Walpole, 
" he neither had any dignity nor affected any. He 
said at his own table t'other day, * I will not send for 
Garrick and learn to act a part." " 

The trial of Lord Ferrers took place in the spring of 
1760. In the autumn of the same year, Henley's royal 
patron had ascended the throne, and when a few months 
later the Lord Keeper resigned the Great Seal into the 
hands of George the Third, he received it back as Lord 
Chancellor, Earl of Northington, and Lord Lieutenant 
of Hampshire. The first advantage Lord Northington 
took of the partiality which his new Sovereign soon 
evinced towards him, was to ask permission for the 
discontinuance of the evening sittings of the Court of 
Chancery, because, said he, " I wish to be allowed com- 
fortably to finish my bottle of port after dinner," or 
according to another version, " because at that hour I 
am apt to be drunk" Whichever was the plea assigned, 
the latter appears to have been the true one. **The 
Chancellor," writes Walpole, in 1763, "is chosen Gro- 
vernor of St. Bartholomews. A smart gentleman, who 
was sent with the white staff, carried it in the 
evening, when the Chancellor happened to be drunk. 
* Well, Mr. Bartlemy,' said his Lordship, snuffling, * what 
have you to say?' The man, who had prepared a 
formal harangue, was transported to have so fair an 
opportunity of uttering it, and, with much dapper 

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gesticulation, congratulated his Lordship on his health, 
and the nation in enjoying so great abilities. The 
Chancellor stopped him short, crying, * It is a lie ! 
I have neither health nor abilities. My bad health 
has destroyed my abilities/ " 

To Bath, the scene of his former gaieties. Lord 
Northington continued to resort, but health, not plea- 
sure, was the cause of his visits. 

" Time had played his usual tricks." 
The handsome, briefless young barrister, who, with light 
heart and light step, once enlivened the ball-rooms of 
the city, was transformed into a wealthy, old, cynical 
valetudinarian. It is in the latter capacity Anstey 
has introduced him into his "Bath Guide." He there 
figures as 

" Lord Ringbone, who lay in the parlour below. 
On account of the gout he had got in his toe.'* 

Northington had now attained the highest dignity of 
his profession, but the complaint above mentioned 
greatly diminished its enjoyment, and marred the 
pleasure he would otherwise have derived from those 
profitable walks which the greatest of law functionaries 
is in the habit of making, from the woolsack to the bar. 
It was in one of these painful promenades that he was 
overheard to say, " If I had known that these legs were 
one day to carry a Lord Chancellor, I would have taken * 
more care of them when I was a lad." 

Lord Northington was a good-looking man, of a florid 
complexion. Though the expression of his countenance 
was agreeable, his temper was haughty and imperious. 

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and his manners were morose and overbearing. Yet 

the surly deportment is supposed to have been rather 

assumed than natural ; and he was considered a fdBem 

^ WIk^ liaviug boon poind ftr liliiutimB, ^Bd affect 
A naey rouglmeBs ; and constrain the garb, 
Quite from his nature. — ** 

One day he was obstructed on his way to the House 
of Lords by a carman. "Did not your Lordship,** 
inquired some one, " show him the mace and strike him 
with terror?*' " No," swore the Chancellor, for an oath 
was the usual preface to every sentence, " but 1 told 
the rascal that if I had been in my private coach I 
would have beaten him to a jelly." 

r To the Bill for repealing the Stamp Act was annexed 
a declaration of the right of Parliament to lay imposts 
on the Colonies of the British Empire. Mr. Pitt and 
his adherents denied the competency of the legislature 
to tax the Colonies at all, and Lofd Campbell, in hii 
Life of Lord Camden, has recently re-aflirmed the 
opinion of Mr. Pitt " Nothing," says the noble and 
learned biographer of the Chancellors of England, N 
" could exceed the folly of accompanying the repeal of n 
the Stamp Act with the statutable declaration of the \ 

abstract right to tax." Against so distinguished an ) 

authority upon a question of jurisprudence and consti- 

• tutional history I should enter the lists with equal 
diffidence and reluctance. But the laws of tourney in 
certain cases permitted the weaker party to nominate 
his champion, and I am fortunately enabled to shelter 
my own opinion on the celebrated declaration, behind 

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the broad buckler of the mcuA bnlliant and learned of 
recent historical writers. Upon the rig^t of Paiiiament 
Mr. Macaulay has thus forcibly delivered his ju^ 
ment : — 

" The opinion of the most judicious and temperate 
statesmen of those times was, that the British Consti- 
tution had set no limit whatever to the legislative 
power of the British King, Lords, and Commons over 
the whole British empire. Parliament they held was 
legally competent to tax America, as Parliament was 
legally competent to commit any other act of folly or 
wickedness, to confiscate the property of all the mer- 
chants in Lombard Street, or to attaint any man of 
high treason, without examining witnesses against him, 
or hearing him in his own defence. The most atrocious 
act of confiscation or attainder is just as valid an act as 
the Toleration Act or the Habeas Corpus Act. But 
from acts of attainder and acts of confiscation lawgivers 
are bound by every obligation of morality, systemati- 
cally to refrain. In the same manner ought the British 
Legislature to refrain from taxing the American colo- 
nies. The Stamp Act was indefensible, not because it 
was beyond the constitutional competence of Parliament, 
but because it was unjust and impolitic, sterile of 
revenue, and fertile of discontents." * 

But there is another reason, which will at least 

redeem Lord Rockingham and his friends from the 

charge of folly and inconsistency in accompanying the 

abolition of a law with the affirmation of its principle. 

* Macaulay'fi Review of the Life of Chatham. 

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On the one hand, without such declaratory clause neither 
the legislature nor the Sovereign would have passed 
or ratified the Act. On the other, the Rockingham 
party itself was by no means unanimous in its view 
of the question at issue. Lord Hardwicke — and there 
were many in the Upper House who coincided with 
him — thought the concessions to America had gone 
^too far. 

His Lordship, after stating that the Duke of Cum- 
berland had offered him the Chairmanship of the Board 
of Trade in July 1765, and assigning some of the 
reasons for declining, adds : " Neither had I any 
intimation given me what plan they (the Ministers) 
intended to pursue, or whether, as we had differed on 
opposition points, it was not equally probable that we 
might disagree when we met together in Administra- 
tion; and this would, in fact, have happened, for I 
never should have concurred in the tame despatches 
which were sent to America from hence on the first 
accounts of the Resolutions of the assemblies and the 
tumults at New York and Boston." 

In another part of his narrative Lord Hardwicke 
says, " I was rather disgusted with the half confidences 
which were made me during the course of the winter, 
and with the little weight which was given to my 
opinion, when it interfered with the plan which Lord 
Rockingham and friends were previously determined to 
follow in America and in mercantile affairs. I did not 
take an active part in Parliament, though, from the 
necessity of the times, and the universal clamour which 

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1766.] ON THE STAMP ACT. 285 

the merchants and manufacturers had raised about the 
Stamp Act, I concurred in the repeal of it." 

With respect to the declaratory Act itself, his Lord- 
ship remarks: — "It was principally owing to my 
brother that the dignity and authority of the legislature 
were kept up by the Bill for asserting the dependence 
of the Colonies." 

In the House of Commons, too, the Ministry would 
have been deprived of a very able coadjutor had they 
persisted in repealing the Act without asserting the abs- 
tract right of the Legislature to enforce it. I allude 
to Charles Torke, Lord Hardwicke's brother, at this 
time Attorney-General. 

The Eesolutions passed in the Cabinet on the subject 
of the Declaratory Clause, and the subsequent corre- 
spondence between Lord Rockingham and Mr. Charles 
Yorke on the subject, will show, that, if the suggestion^ 
of the latter had been adopted, the Act itself would 
have been still more irritating to the feelings of the 
colonists. The words in the text are the Resolutions 
themselves, those within brackets the corrections of 
Mr. Yorke. 


" Resolved, That it appears to this Committee that 
the most dangerous tumults and insurrections have 
been raised and carried on in several of the North 
American colonies, in open defiance of the powers and 
dignity of his Majesty's government there, and in mani* 
fest violation of the laws and legislative authority of 
this kingdom. 

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286 RESOLUTIONS [1766. 


" Resolved, That the said tumults have been greatly 
[ unwarrantably ] encouraged and inflamed by suftdty 
[leave out] votes and resolutions passed in several 
assemblies of the said provinces [directly contrary to law, 
highly injurious to the honour of his Majesty and this House], 
greatly derogat(yry to the honour and dignity of his 
Majesty's Government, destructive of the legal and con- 
stitutional dependency of the said Colonies on the Impe- 
rial Crown and Parliament of Great Britain. 


" Resolved, That an humble address be presented to 
his Majesty, to desire that his Majesty would be pleased 
to give directions to the Governors of the aforesaid 
North American provinces [ ... C His Governors in N. 
America,] to take the most effectual methods for disco- 
vering and bringing to deserved punishment the au- 
thors, abettors, and perpetrators [ and principal actors in] 
of the said riots and insurrections. 


" Resolved, That a humble address be presented to 
his Majesty to desire that his Majesty would be 
[graciously] pleased to give orders to the Governors of 
the several provinces where the above-mentioned [said] 
riots and insurrections have happened, that they should 
apply and recommend to the assemblies of the said 
provinces to make proper recompense to those who have 
suffered in their persons or properties in consequence 

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1766.] ON THE STAMP. ACT. 287 


" Resolved, That the Parliament of Great Britain 
had, hath, and of a right ought to have, full power and 
authority to make laws and statutes of sufficient force 
and validity to bind the Colonies and people of America 
in all cases whatsoever [as well in cases of Taxation, as in all 
other cases whatsoever.] 



'^ Jan. fi5, 1766» Saturday evening. 

" General Conway having sent to me the proposed 
Resolutions with some alterations which you have made, 
I cannot help troubling you with my dovJbU upon some 
of them. The Resolutions in general exceed in spirit 
what the generalhy of our friends wish, but, in expecta- 
tion that coming into them will pave the way for the 
actual repeal of tiie Stamp Act^ I think they will be 
agreed to. In one of your alterations I dislike the 
earpressioTt of undoubted rights, and am sure, upon con- 
sideration how goading that word would be to a great 
person in the House of Commons, it cannot be advisable 
to put it in. 

" The other alteration which I particularly object to, 
is the insertion of * taa^ationy and I think I may say 
that it is our firm resolution in the House of Lords (I 
mean among ourselves) that that word must not be 
inserted. I see more and more the difficulties that 
surround us, and therefore feel the necessity of not 
temporizing. Convinced as I am that the confusion at 

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288 RESOLUTIONS [1766. 

home will be much too great (if the repeal is not 
obtained) for us to have withstood, either as private or 
public men, my opinion being entirely for repeal, I shall 
certainly persist in that measure ; and though many in 
the House of Commons may be against us, and particu- 
larly some who have lately called themselves under the 
denomination of Lord B.'s friends; yet I am persuaded 
that the House will repeal the Stamp Act by a great 
majority. If it doesj we shall then show how we stand 
as Administration. If it does not, I wish no man so 
great a curse as to desire him to be the person to take 
Administration, and be obliged to enforce the Act . . . 
On all occasions ever your most affectionate friend, 

" Rockingham." 

In a letter of the same date as the foregoing, Mr. 
Torke writes — 

" Since this letter was sealed up, your servant has 
brought a letter from your Lordship. If Mr. Conway 
and you have a mind in the third resolution to leave 
out the word undoubted ; or even in the second resolu- 
tion, the words directly contrary to law; and think 
that it will be a means of conciliating and softening 
in this wild time, I am not tenacious of such correc- 
tions, provided there is enough to express my real 

" To * maintain the authority with dignity will assist 
the repeal^ " 

A petition was presented on the 27th of January, by 

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1766.] , ON THE STAMP ACT. 289 

Mr. Cooke, Member for Middlesex, from some of the 
American provinces assembled in Congress, against the 
Stamp Act The " Parliamentary History " makes no 
mention of the proceedings of this evening, yet the 
debate was lively and the war of words fierce. It was, 
moreover, on this evening that Edmund Burke made 
his first speech in Parliament. Messrs. Jenkinson and 
Dyson, both holding oflBice under Lord Rockingh&m, 
as did Nugent and Ellis, belonged to the Court party, 
who called thfe Congress a " dangerous federal union." 
High words passed in the course of the evening be- 
tween Pitt and Norton. The latter having said 
that his blood was chilled by the gentleman's sound- 
ing the trumpet of rebellion; the Great Commoner 
replied, that " he would be glad to meet him in any 
place, with the same opinions, when his blood was 

The following are a few of the remarks that called 
forth Norton's declaration. 

Mr. Pitt aflSrmed the petition to be innocent, dutiful, 
and respectful. He painted the Americans as people 
who, in an ill-fated hour, had left this country to fly 
from the Star Chamber and High Commission Courts. 
The desert smiled upon them in comparison of this 
country. It was the evil genius of this country that 
had riveted among them this union, now called 
dangerous and federal. He would emphatically hear 
the Colonies upon this their petition. " You have 
broken the original compact if you have not a right 
of taxation. The repeal of the Stamp Act was 

VOL. I. D 

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290 LORD HARDWICKE [l766. 

an inferior consideration to the receiving this peti- 

The following comment upon Mr. Pitt's speech, from 
. a member of Lord Rockingham's Cabinet, is an answer 
to those who condemn that statesman for introducing 
the Declaratory Act. 


" Dear Brother, "St. James's Square, 28th Jan., 1766. 

" I am very sorry you was not at the House yester- 
day. The Great Commoner never laid himself so open, 
nfever asserted such absurd and pernicious doctrines, 
and richly deserved to have been called to the bar, or 
sent to the Tower. The petition was from an illegal 
congress, calling the right of Parliament in question; 
and on that account I could have wished you had been 
there to bear your testimony against it. 

" I presume you have seen the resolutions which are 
intended for our House. Who is to be the mover I know 
not. I proposed some words to the third resolution 
about strengthening the King's hands, to preserve good 
order, &c., in the Colony — very measured ones, in my 
poor opinion — but which I think absolutely necessary. 
Some are substituted, which I do not like so well, and 
I flatter myself, you will approve mine. I heard such 
stuff' thrown out at the meeting by the Duke of New- 
castle, and such a tame acquiescence from most of the 
Lords, that I was obliged, in duty to the Crown, to tell 
♦ Walpole's George the Third, li. 270-1. 

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them what I thought of the proceedings and principles 
which prevail in North America. 

" The question about the right is in general terms — 
all cases whatsoever. I presume it is the same in your 
House. Tell me what you will doj if taxation is pro- 
posed to be inserted. The Ministers desire to flatter 
North America, not to make it subordinate to this 
country. They dread the idea of sending more force 
there, which I think necessary to protect Government 
from tumult, and to enable the Governor to execute 
these resolutions. 

" What will come out of all this, the Lord above 
knows. I do not desire to trouble you with corre- 
spondence; but if it was the last time I ever heard from 
you, I beg to know your opinion : — ^first, about being for 
or against making particular mention of the power of 
iaanng; secondly, about inserting some words in rela- 
tion to strengthening the King's hands; and thirdly, 
how we shall get rid of, or modify, the late Acts, which 
impose duties on North America. 

" Reading the papers will take up a day more, and 
I suppose we shall not sit on the 30th of January. I 
do not like Mr. Conway's letters to the Governors, but 
those I shall not meddle with.*' 

The marked intention of a large portion of the King's 
household to avail themselves of his Majesty's permission 
to vote against his Ministers, doubtless produced the 
two letters which follow. 

u 2 

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"Newcastle House, Jan. 31, 1766. 

" My zeal for his Majesty's service, and for the 
success of his administration, makes me take the liberty 
to acquaint your Lordship that my Lord Albemarle, my 
Lord Besborough, my Lord Grantham (who are now 
here), as well as myself, are so much convinced of the 
necessity of carrying the repeal of the Stamp Act, that 
we fear, if that is not done, his Majesty's service in 
Parliament may greatly suffer by it. 

For that reason, we presume to give it as our opinion, 
that your Lordship should lay the present state of this 
question before the King, and humbly represent to his 
Majesty, that if his Majesty will be graciously pleased 
to signify to his Lords of the Bedchamber and his ser- 
vants, at the time of his dressing, or after his levee, 
that his Majesty wishes the repeal, and thinks it for 
his service that it should be done, it will certainly be 
carried without difficulty. But if such a declaration 
be not made of his Majesty's own inclination, we are 
very apprehensive that the many different kinds of 
opposition will join to defeat it. The three Lords were 
very earnest with me to send your Lordship this opinion, 
which I said I was very ready to do, if I might write in 
their name as well as my own; and this letter was 
wrote in their presence, and approved by them. If 
your Lordship should think that our humble opinion 
should have any weight with his Majesty, we are very 
willing that it should be submitted, with the utmost 

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deference, to his Majesty's consideration. I myself, or 
any of these Lords, have not the least doubt of his 
Majesty's inclinations, but there is at present so much 
industry in propagating everything that makes against 
us, that his Majesty's own inclinations upon such an 
occasion cannot be too well known. Your Lordship 
will, I am sure, excuse this letter, which proceeds per- 
haps from an over zeal, which his Majesty's goodness 
will pardon.'' 

And in a second letter, of the same date, the Duke 

" I SHOULD not have troubled your Lordship upon this 
occasion, if ray Lord Albemarle had not been under the 
greatest apprehensions for the loss of the repeal, and 
thought as the others did, that there then was an end 
of this Administration. This arises from the notion 
which now prevails, that Lord B. and all his friends 
(and they are very numerous at the House of Lords) 
will be all against us. Indeed, my Lord, nothing should 
be omitted. I have done and will do everything in my 
power. Pray send and talk to the Archbishop of York. 
You may show the other letter to the King if you think 
it necessary ; but that is left entirely to your Lordship. 
You may acquaint the King you have such a letter; but 
don't let the King be angry with us for our zeal." 

Lord Rockingham, acting upon the suggestions con- 
tained in the two last-quoted letters, represented to 
the King that a Ministry undermined by the Household 

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could not much longer drag on a precarious existence ; 
with how little effect his remonstrance was attended, 
may be inferred from the fact that, on the same evening 
the Grovernment '* carried a question by so small a 
majority, that, according to Parliamentary divination, 
it amounted to an overthrow.*' A Scotch petition had 
been presented by Mr. Wedderburn, the consideration 
of which the Ministers proposed to defer for six weeks. 
They carried their point, but only by 148 to 139; 
Lord Mountstuart, Lord Bute's eldest son, Mr. Dyson, a 
Lord of Trade, Lord George Sackville, lately appointed 
by Lord Rockingham to the lucrative post of Vice-Trea- 
surer of Ireland, Lord Strange, Chancellor of the Duchy 
of Lancaster, and several Grooms of the Bedchamber, 
voted with the minority. 

General Conway, who reported the result of this 
division to the King, forwarded his Majesty's answer 
to Lord Rockingham, with the following note from 

" My Lord, " B. House, Saturday (Feb. Ist, 1766). 

" I wrote a short account of what passed yesterday, 
and sent a list of the voters^ which you saw, and just 
said I thought the buzz of some plan of a separation 
from his Majesty's servants made it more remarked. 
Does the enclosed answer give you any light or opinion? 
This for yourself and the Duke of Grafton. 
" Your Lordship's, 

" Most sincerely, 

" H. S. C.^' 

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Sir John Anstruther, one of the gentlemen alluded 

to in the first paragraph of the following letter, sat in 

Parliament for Crail, and was hereditary carver to the 

King in Scotland. 

" Necessity and Anstruther are like one another; 
Necessity has no law, no more has Anstruther." 

I know not for what place Mr. Alexander was a 

the king to the right hon. henet seymour conway. 

" Lieut.-General Conway, 

" I have received your account of yesterday's division 
on the Scotch petition of an undue election. By what 
Lord Rockingham dropped to me, that both were good 
men, I did not know that Administration meant, as 
such, to be active on this occasion. 

" I am sorry any of the 15th Regiment of Dragoons 
have taken to robbing on the highway, and when 
brought to conviction, shall be firmly of opinion that 
the law must take its course ; for soldiers have a main- 
tenance, and therefore have no plea of distress. 

" 26 p. M." 

" The situation of Ministers," says Walpole, " became 
every day more irksome and precarious." 

" Perhaps," writes Lord Chesterfield, on the 10th of 
Febraary, " you expect from me a particular account of 
the present state of affairs. It varies, not only daily, 
but hourly. Most people think, and I among the rest, 

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296 THE KING Lnee. 

that the date of the present Ministers is pretty nearly 
out; but how soon we are to have a new style, God 
knows. This, however, is certain, that the Ministers 
had a contested election in the House of Commons, and 
got it but by eleven votes; too small a minority to 
carry anything." 

It appears to be in reference to this election that 
the following letter was written. 

the king to the marquis of rockingham. 

*' Lord Rockingham, 

"Your attention in sending me this evening the 
account of the success of the Rochester election, is very 
commendable. A steady perseverance, unattended by 
heat, will overturn all oppositions, even in Parlia- 

" 5 min, past 9, p. m. (2nd of February.)" 

"The next day,** writes Chesterfield, "they (the 
Ministers) lost a question in the House of Lords, by 
three. The question in the House of Lords was, to 
enforce the execution of the Stamp Act vi et armis. 
The opposition carried the question against the Crovern- 
ment by sixty-three to sixty." 

The nature of the Minister's remonstrance to the 
King, on this last act of hostility, may be inferred by 
his Majesty's reply. 

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17w.j to lord rockingham. 297 

" Lord Rockingham, 

" I have received your resolution, of standing iBu-mly 
by the fate of the American question, which will cer- 
tainly direct my language to the Chancellor, 

"10 min. past II, p.m." 

The following day. Lord Hardwicke writes to Mr. 
Yorke : — 

" Dear Brother, " St. James's Square, Feb. 3, 1766. 

"There is certainly a micmac at Court. What it 
will end in, Crod knows. Lord Rockingham was with 
the King two hours last night. Lord Chancellor has 
gone to the Queen's Palace, as his Majesty does not 
appear in public. The talk is of a new Administra- 

One of the modes which the Court adopted to bring 
Ministers into a state of subjection, was to enter into a 
pretended negociation with the leaders of opposition. 
Mr. Grenville, while at the helm of affairs, was fre- 
quently a victim of these " make believes." Walpole 
mentions that a like system was set in operation against 
Lord Rockingham. This assertion derives some colour 
from the following letter, for it is hardly supposed that 
two such political time-servers as the lawyers therein 
mentioned would have acted against the King's public 
servants, without his sanction. 

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" The King should be informed that Mr. Norton and 
Mr. Wedderburn are treating with Mr. Grenville; that 
the plan of opposition is to wait the docision of the 
repeal, to endeavour in the meantime to lessen the 
strength of the Administration by frequent divisions, 
depending upon Lord Bute and many of his Majesty's 
servants ; that if the Repeal is not carried, they know 
the Ministers must resign, and that the King must call 
upon them, having no others to go to, when they will 
make their own terms, harder than any that have ever 
yet been made ; and his Majesty has already had a 
specimen of tlieir mercy; if there was any public mark 
of his Majesty's resolution to support his Ministers on 
the Repeal, I am sure it would have a very surprising 
effect, from conversations that I have had. 
" I have the honour to be, &c., 

" Albemarle." 

" Friday, past 1 o'clock." 

The 7th of February was the day on which the oppo- 
nents of the Stamp Act resolved to try their strength. 
General Conway having called the attention of the 
House of Commons to the calamitous condition of 
America, Mr. Grenville moved an address to the King 
to enforce the laws. After a stormy debate, Grenville's 

• Endorsed "February, 1766. Lord Albemarle relating to the 

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motion was rejected by 274 to 134; the minority com- 
prising Lord Bute's friends, all the Scotch, all the 
Tories, and nearly a dozen of the King's household. 

" The Ministers,'' says Walpole, " however triumph 
ant, were, with reason, disgusted at the notorious 
treachery of the Court, and remonstrated to the King 
on the behaviour of his servants."* 

Lord Rockingham's letter to the King was as fol- 
lows : — 

'' Sib, 

" I humbly presume to trouble your Majesty on the 
event of last night in the Commons. 

" The appearances there fully justify what I have 
presumed to mention to your Majesty in some late con- 
versations, and make it necessary for me, both as a 
faithful and in truth most affectionate servant, to hope 
that your Majesty will be graciously pleased to allow 
me to attend your Majesty at any time in the course of 
this day, that I may open to your Majesty the senti- 
ments and opinions of a heart, which I will assert has 
no motive but its affection and duty to your Majesty, 
and its anxiety for the welfare of this country in the 
present critical situation.'' 

For the result of this interview we must again look 
to Walpole : " Evasions and professions were all the 
replies; but no alteration in consequence.f 

♦ Walpole's George the Third, ii. 288. 
t Ibid. 

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On the 10th of February, " Lord Strange, one of the 
placemen who opposed the repeal of the Stamp Act, hav- 
ing occasion to go in to the King, on some aflfair of his 
oflSce, the Duchy of Lancaster, the King said he heard 
it was reported in the world that he (the King) was for 
the repeal of that Act. Lord Strange replied, that idea 
did not only prevail, but that his Majesty's Ministers 
did all that lay in their power to encourage that belief; 
and that their great majority had been entirely owing 
to their having made use of his Majesty's name. Lord 
Strange no sooner left the closet than he made full 
use of the authority he had received, and trumpeted 
all over the town the conversation he had had with 
the King." ♦ 


" Mr Lord, " Tuesday, February 1 1th, 1 766. 

" I beg your pardon for troubling you with this note. 
I did design to have waited upon you this morning, to 
have told you of the report that was spread last night 
as a certain truth, and gave great uneasiness to all the 
well-wishers of the present Administration. It was, 
that Lord Strange had yesterday morning an audience 
of the King, who assured him he did not wish for the 
repeal of the Stamp Act, only wished that it might 

* Walpole's George the Third, ii. 288-9, — Bee also BeUham's His- 
tory of Great Britain^ v. 177. Both writers have given different ver- 
sions of this occurrence, but neither of them is quite correct in all 
the details. 

f Member for Oxford. 

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be altered. My reason for giving you this trouble is 
that, if it is not true, it may be contradicted, as it 
gives great uneasiness to your friends and great spirits 
to your enemies/^ 

Among Lord Rockingham's papers are the three fol- 
lowing distinct disavowals, in the Royal handwriting, of 
the language attributed. It may, I think, be inferred, 
that they were obtained at three several audiences. 
That marked No. III. is on a small piece of paper, 
apparently part of the cover of a letter, and would 
seem as if the Minister had determined not to quit 
the Royal presence until he had secured " the word of 
a King." 


"That Lord Rockingham was, on Friday, allowed 
by his Majesty to say, that his Majesty was for the 
repeal. The conversation having only been for that 
or enforcing."*' 

" Lord Rockingham's question was, whether he was 
for enforcing the Stamp Act, or for the repeal The 
King was clear, that repeal was preferable to enforcing, 
and permitted Lord Rockingham to declare that as his 

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*' Lord Rockingham, 

" 1 desire you would tell Lord Strange, that I am 
now, and have been heretofore, for modification ; but 
that when many were for enforcing, I was then for 
a repeal of the Stamp Act." 


"Claremont, February 11th, 1766. 

" I AM very much obliged to you for your kind letter. 
Nothing could be properer than what you represented 
to the King, and / hope it will have its effect. This 
day and to-morrow, at the levee, will be the trial. 

" From what your Lordship says, as well as from 
some circumstances I learnt yesterday, I am convinced 
that the pressing the repeal ought to be the sole object 
at present, and for that purpose I hope nothing will be 
neglected. I firmly believe the House of Commons will 
go on well, but we must not discourage them by losing 
any more questions in the House of Lords, and, there- 
fore, we must pick up all we can get.* I think the 
first division of sixty to sixty-three, is the rule we 
should go by, though your Lordship made very good 
use of the last with the King." 

Lord Rockingham appears to have been so thoroughly 
disgusted with the treacherous conduct of the Court, as 
to contemplate an immediate resignation. 

* The Stamp Repeal Bill was read for the first time on the follow- 
ing day. 

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« Sunday Evening (Feb. 12, 1766). 
" I HATE thought of nothing but what you told me 
last night, since I saw you, and am fully persuaded 
that you ought, by all means, to stand it out to the 
last moment, and, for the sake of yoMC^country, to cling 
(to oflBice) with the same tenacity that o^.ers would use 
for the sake of themselves. The case is not yet des- 
perate, and while there is the least shadow of hope of 
doing good, I would on no account give up the game 
to those who will, undoubtedly, do mischief. The Act 
once repealed, I shall heartily congratulate your Lord- 
ship upon a release from your fatigues. Your successors 
may then be left to enjoy the sweets of an honourable 
coalition, and hug themselves in the possession of em- 
ployment, which nothing but concern for the public 
good could make it worth your while to hold. It will 
be some time before they can contrive to get us into 
such another scrape; when they do, it will be time 
enough to call upon Yourself and Co. to deliver us 
from it." 

In addition to the numerous obstacles that lay in the 
path of Ministers, in their endeavours to restore tran* 
quillity to America, was the turbulent spirit of the 
American Colonists themselves. The following paper 
on this subject, entitled " Considerations on the Repeal 

* See ante page 2H7* 

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304 PAPER ON STAMP ACT. [1766. 

of the Stamp, and recommending a suitable behaviour 
to the Americans on that occasion," was drawn up by 
Sir George Savile. 

^^The constant argument against the Repeal has 
been that, in case it should take place, the vote of 
Right will be waste paper; we shall ^ strut in mock 
majesty/ and the Colonies will understand very well 
that what is pretended to be adopted, on mere com- 
mercial principles of expedience, is really yielded 
through fear, and amounts to a tacit but effectual 
surrender of our right, or, at least, a tacit compact 
that We will never use it. 

^^ It has struck me long since, that this would be the 
line of argument, and every debate and every question 
from opposition, as to this point, confirms me in this 
opinion, and in a persuasion how very material it is, 
that the event should not support, or even seem to 
support, their arguments. 

" The event will justify those arguments in the 
strongest manner, if the Colonies should triumph on the 
Repeal, and afTect to seize the yielding of Parliament as 
a point gained over parliamentary authority. The 
Opposition would immediately throw in your teeth : — 
^ See 1/our work : it is as we said; it is but too weU 
proved what tise the Colonies make of your weak and 
timid measures.^ 

" On the contrary, if duty, submission, and gratitude 
be the return made by the Colonies, then, * We are 
in the right,^ we may say. * Is it not as we said ? See 

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1766.] PAPER ON STAMP ACT. 305 

the Colonies regained to this country by our modem' 
tian ; regained with their loyalty, their affection, and their 

" I need not say how extremely preferable the latter 
supposition is to the first. How much more desirable 
for this country and for the Colonies ! Might they not 
be reasoned with thus :— 

" Tou must be sensible what friends you have had in 
the present Ministry, and what pains they have taken 
to serve you. It is justice likewise to them to inform 
you what difficulties they have encountered in your 
cause, and from whence those difficulties have mainly 
arisen. You should know, that the great obstacle in 
this way has been unhappily thrown in by yourselves. 
I mean the intemperate proceedings of various ranks of 
people on your side the water, and that the difficulties 
of the repeal would have been nothing, if you had not 
by your violence in word and action awakened the 
honour of Parliament, and thereby involved every 
friend of the repeal in the imputation of betraying the 
dignity of Parliament. This is so true, that the Act 
would certainly not have been repealed if men's minds 
had not been in some measure satisfied with the Decla- 
ration of £ight. If, therefore, you would make the 
proper return to your country, if you have a mind to 
do credit to your friends, and strengthen the hands of 
your advocates, hasten to express your filial duty and 
gratitude to your parent country. Then will those who 
have been (and while they have the power will be) 
your friends have reason to plume themselves on the 

VOL. I. X 

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restoration of peace to the colonies, union, trade, and 
reciprocal advantages to them and to us. 

" But continue your violent measures, triumph in 
the point you have gained ; talk of it as a victory ; 
say the Parliament have yielded up the right, if you 
have a mind to give your enemies here a complete 
triumph. K you have a mind your friends should 
lose the power to serve you, and if you have a mind 
your two masters should be restored, you have your 

" This is the idea which I think might be instilled 
and cultivated in the colonies by merchants to their 
correspondents ; and I think, in our present situation, a 
very great deal depends on its being done universally 
and immediately." 

Among the most active opponents of the repeal of 
the Stamp Act was Mr. Jeremiah Dyson, member for 
Great Yarmouth, and one of the Lords of Trade. He 
was one of those parasitical persons who serve govern- 
ments a little, and disgrace them much. He was by 
birth a tailor, by education a Dissenter, and, from 
interest or vanity, in his earlier years a Republican. 
But he was not a person whose conscience at any time 
stood in the way of his preferment, and his republi- 
canism speedily yielded to more profitable investments 
in politics. He was a quick, shrewd man, with a cool 
head and a prompt tongue, and an atrabilious tempera- 
ment, that made him impatient of repose and obscurity. 
He entered Parliament with a character for holding 

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anti-monarchical opinions, although he was at the time 
" secretly sold to Lord Bute." For some time he was 
supposed to be a staunch supporter of Geoi^e Gren- 
ville, but when the Grenvillian horizon became over- 
cast, Jeremiah tacked to windward. Shortly after this 
desertion, having assumed a bag instead of a tye-vf\g^ 
Lord Gower aptly remarked, " It was because no tie 
would hold him." 

Whatever party he espoused, Dyson's habits of 
business, skill in parliamentary forms, specious demean- 
our and general courtesy, rendered him a serviceable 
adjunct ; nor, though he possessed neither fancy nor 
eloquence, was he by any means contemptible as a 
speaker and pamphleteer. But the best of his good 
gifts was his accommodating conscience. He was a 
ready-made " King's friend," even before he attracted 
the royal notice. 

George the Third was not a King John, nor was 
Dyson a Hubert. But he was not the less an apt 
instrument in the hands of a Sovereign who sought to 
govern a kingdom as an attorney manages an election, 
by the influence of partisans and the division of oppo- 
nents. He had risen rapidly in the favour of Lord 
Bute. For several years he was principal clerk in the 
House of Commons. He became afterwards joint Secre- 
tary of the Treasury, and eventually Cofferer of the 

In 1766 Lord Bute's royal pupil became political 
sponsor for Jeremiah's good behaviour as a member of 
the Rockingham Ministry. Reluctantly did the Pre- 

X 2 

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mier accept his services ; much he laboured to cashier 
him. But the King knew his worth too well. His 
Majesty preferred getting rid of Lord Rockingham to 
dismissing Jeremiah. 

Such accomplishments could not fail to attracts notice 
both from friends and enemies, and while the former 
rewarded, the latter satirized the compliances of Dyson. 
In the farce of the "Padlock" Don Lorenzo asks his 
black servant, Mungo^ whether "he can be honest?*' 
Mungo rejoins, "What you give me, massa?" This 
bustling and unscrupulous actor of all work on the 
political stage of this period was nicknamed Mungo by 
Colonel Barr6. The appellation stuck to him ; and 
many of the pamphlets which were called forth by the 
question of Wilkes's claim to sit in Parliament bore 
such titles as the following : " Muugo on the Use of 
Quotations;" "Mungo's Case Considered," &c. It is 
scarcely necessary to add that in this controversy Dyson 
advocated with his pen the views of the Court. 

" Who," said Flood, in the Irish House of Commons 
in November 1771, "does not know Jeremiah Dyson, 
Esq.? We know little of him, indeed, otherwise than 
by his name on the Pension List. There are others 
who know him by his actions. This is he who is endued 
with those happy talents that he has served every admi- 
nistration, and served every one with equal success — ^a 
civil, pliable, good-natured gentleman who will do what 
you will, and say what you please — ^for payment." 

The letter which follows has reference to the second 
of seven resolutions which General Conway laid before 

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the House of Commons on the 24th of February, rela- 
tive to the Bill to repeal the Stamp Act. 


" Mr Lord, " 6 o'clock. 

*' Upon the second resolution being moved by Mr. Se- 
cretary Conway, Mr. Dyson made a motion for amend- 
ment of it, by adding the words, whereby the ea?ecution of 
the Stamp Act has been defeated. Mr. Pitt getting up to 
oppose this amendment he said, he was for the general 
words moved by the Right Hon. Gentleman (Conway) 
because he thought them wise, judicious, temperate, ami 
firm; and he wished the prudence which dictated the 
resolution might find the approbation it deserved from 
the nation, and that it might find the way into the heart 
of the King. He could not be more explicit in his good- 
will to administration, and his resolution to support 
them through this great measure. Mr. Grenville pas 
been obliged to advise Mr. Dyson to withdraw his motiuii 
just as Ijpis upon my legs to oppose it; but we cannot 
be upon better ground. Mr. Burke has spoke very well 

* Mr., afterwards Sir Grey, Cooper, was Secretary of the Treasury* 
In 1 796, he was made a Privy Councillor. Cooper was a dull Lut 
useful speaker. He was also the author of several pamphlets. Lloyd, 
a private Secretary of Mr. Grenville, having, in 1 765, written a email 
tract, entitled ^* An Honest Man's Reasons for declining to take any 
part in the New Administration," Cooper wrote in answer, " A Paii* 
of Spectacles for Short-sighted Politicians," also, '' The Merits of the 
New Administration iairly stated." In this last, he argues the pet'- 
maneneif of the Rockingham Ministry, which did not live a year 
but he continued in office till 1782. 

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in answer to Mr. Grenville. I never was in better 
spirits. If this night be well managed everything yet 
may be more solid than it was before the mine of yester- 
day was sprung.* Mr. Pitt has taken the alarm, both 
he and Colonel Barr^ have declared their most unre- 
served concurrence with your Lordship and your friends. 
" I am, with the utmost respect, 
" Your Lordship's most devoted servant, 

" Grey Cooper/' 

the earl of hardwicke to the hon. charles yorke. 

'* Dear Brother, "February «4th, uee. 

" I send you a very sensible letter of Sir Joseph's; 
you will see the opinion which foreigners entertain of 
the Great Commoner, and of our conduct at home, not 
that it alters my opinion about the repeal of the Stamp 
Act, as aflfairs are circumstanced here, the pressure of 
which foreigners cannot feel. I have writ Sir Joseph 
an account of the strange way in which the last Ministry 
had conducted their own scheme by leaving it to shift 
for itself with all the notices they had of the ill-humour 
rising in North America. It is neither to be answered, 
nor vindicated. Pray consider, if the repeal of this ill- 
fated Bill should not be attended with addresses from 
Parliament to the Crown to require of the assemblies to 
raise the money for paying the troops kept there for 
their security. I am sure it ought to be done, whenever 

* I know not ^vhat new mine was sprung on the 23rd of Fe- 

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1766.] OVERTURES TO PITT. 311 

we have the good fortune to have a settled Administra- 
tion, else I would recall the troops^ which yet I think a 
very unwise measure in other respects. After all tlmt 
passed in the summer, the intercourse with you, tlie 
offer to me, I think it strange the King has never 
wished to know at least your opinion^ when he has had 
that of half the blockheads in and out of his service. 
Surely it is the low craft of Leicester House to keep alt 
who have sense and integrity from the purlieus of tlie 

The fall of the Ministry was now daily elxpected. It 
was said of them — " They were dead, and only lying in 
state; and that Charles Townshend (who never spoke 
for them) was one of the mutes." As the repeal of the 
Stamp Act, although it had passed the Commons, liad 
yet to run the gauntlet in the Lords, Lord Rockingham, 
regardless of all personal considerations, made one mtire 
attempt to gain the support of Mr, Pitt, and accord- 
ingly he wrote as follows towards the end of February 
to that statesman's legal adviser and personal frienil^ 
Mr. Thomas Nuthall : * 

" By taking the liberty to trouble you, I may have 
ventured beyond prudence, but not beyond the dictates 

* On the fonnation of his Government, Lord Rockingham, with a 
view of conciliating Mr. Pitt, made Mr. Nuthall Solicitor to the 
Treasury. In announcing the appointment to Mr. Pitt, Nutlmll 
declares himself very sensible that the friendship with which the Great 
Commoner had honoured him, procured to him the promotion^ and 
adds, '' therefore I look up to you as I have always done, and always 

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312 OVERTURES TO PITT. [l706. 

of my own mind^ whose only object ought to be, and I 
will say is, the most effectual means of obtaining such 
solidity in government as may lead to the advantage of 
my country, and the happiness of the King. 

" The time is critical. Might I wish to know whether 
Mr. Pitt sees the possibility of his coming and putting 
himself at the head of the present Administration? I 
can say with very sufficient grounds that Mr. Pitt has 
only to signify his idea." 

On the 28th of February, Mr. Nuthall writes in reply 
— " Ml'. Pitt is under an impossibility of conferring 
upon the matter of administration without his Majesty's 

It would seem, from Mr. Pitt's letter to Lord Shel- 
burne, as if there was already some understanding be- 
tween him and the King. 

" There is one man who will very shortly set out for 
Bath after the American affair is over. 

" In one word, my dear Lord, I shall never set my 

will do, as ray great benefactor and patron.** In March, 1775, Mr. 
NuthaU, on returning from Bath, was attacked on Hounslow Heath 
by a highwayman, who, on his demands not being complied with, 
fired into the carriage. Mr. Nuthall returned the highwayman's fire 
and, it was supposed, wounded him severely. When the carriage 
arrived at the inn at Hounslow, Nuthall wrote a description of the 
man to Sir John Fielding, but he had scarcely closed his letter when 
he expired. This was not his first encounter with robbers; some 
years before, he wounded some one who attacked him, so severely that 
the fellow died of his wounds before he could be brought to triaL An 
amusing account, by Nuthall, of Mr. Pitt's reception in the City, in 
1761, will be found in the Chatham Correspondence, ii. 166. 

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foot in the closet, but in the hope of rendering the 
King's personal situation not unhappy, as well as his 
business not unprosperous." * 

The bill for the repeal of the Stamp Act .was carried 
up to the Lords, on the 4th of March, bj a large body 
of the House of Commons, and met, says George Onslow, 
" with not quite so civil a reception as such a bill, so 
carried in our House, and so conveyed as it was, by a 
hundred and fifty members to the other House, did, in 
my opinion, deserve." 

Scanty as is the allusion in the following letter to the 
debate which ensued upon the introduction of the Repeal 
Bill in the Upper House, it contains all that is at 
present known of the proceedings of that day. 


" Dear Brother, '* St. James's Square, March 8, 1766. 

** I presume you have had an accoimt of what passed 
yesterday at the HouseVf Lords. Shall we amend or 
not amend? Your neighbourf spoke very well; Lord 
Camden rather better than before, and pleased the 
lovers of American liberty. Tom Tilbury J said nothing, 
because, as Lord C — d§ said this morning, he could not 
find out a third opinion. 

* Chatham Correspondence, iii. 12. 

t Lord Hardwicke probably meant Lord Mansfield, whose seat of 
Kenwood is in that inmiediate neighbourhood of Highgate^ where Mr. 
Yorke resided. 

X The nick-name of Lord Northington. 

§ Probably Lord Chesterfield. 

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"We are rather exercising our wits than really 
serving the public. Our friend. Lord Egmont, was 
recondite, but beyond me. Parliament had the riyit, 
but if we exercised it, we deprived the Colonies of a 
privilege against abuse. 

"P.S. — Have you seen the New York Gazette Extra- 
ordinary? Lord Mansfield says it is Justice Living- 
ston's. It is very strong for independency." 

The Bill encountered two divisions in its progress 
through the Lords. On the first, 105 voted for the 
repeal and 71 against it; on the second, the numbers 
were, 275 to 167; 33 Lords entering their protest 
against it on the last of these occasions. The King 
writes to the Ministers the following letter. 

"Lord Rockingham, 

" I am glad the American afiair has ended this day 
without any great altercation. If the Opposition have 
made a protest, I desire I may directly receive a copy 
of it." 

On the 18th of March, the Bepeal of the Stamp Act, 
the subject of warm and acrimonious debates, both in 
the Lords and Commons, "received the royal assent; 
an event,'' says Burke, " that caused more universal joy 
throughout the British dominions than perhaps any other 
that can be remembered." 

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1760.] HUME AND ROUSSEAU. 315 






OF Richmond's journal. — lord bute's suspected iNTEErKUEXCB 



After three years' residence in Paris, David Hume, 
the historian, arrived in England. He went to France a 
plain, unaffected Scotchman. He came back wit}i the 
airs and feelings of a Frenchman. The incense he re- 
ceived had been too much for his philosophy. Passing 
his time in courts and coteries, he mistook adulation for 
affection, and on his return home used to launch out in 
encomiums on '^the gallant nation so famous for its 
loyalty," contrasting their peaceable demeanour with 
the turbulence of his own countrymen. 

This Gallo-mania induced him to bring with him 
Jean Jacques Kousseau. They arrived in England in 
January 1766. Perhaps the characters of no two per- 
sons ever formed so strong a contrast as Rousseau and 
Hume. They were the Jean qui pleure and the Jean qui 
Ht. The Frenchman being the crying, the Englishman, 

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316 HUME AND ROUSSEAU. [l766. 

the laughing philosopher. The one violent, extrava- 
gant, melancholy, unsociable— the other calm, moderate, 
cheerful, and fond of society. The motive of importing 
this very troublesome guest was doubtless a natural kind- 
ness of disposition, moved perhaps with a little national 
vanity. In the month of March, Rousseau was, by the 
exertions of Hume, settled at Wooton, in Derbyshire, the 
seat of Mr. Davenport of Davenport. The historian 
was unremitting in his attentions to " the great profes- 
sor and founder of the philosophy of vanity in Eng- 
land," as Burke calls him.* " I and my friends," said 
Hume, " gave way to all his caprices, excused all his 
singularities, and indulged him in all his humours." 
While Eousseau was thus the recipient of so much real 
kindness, his ill-regulated mind made him believe that 
Hume had only enticed him to England to injure his 
reputation, and to degrade him by his favours : but the 
historian's exertions did not stop there. Through the 
medium of General Conway and General Graeme, the 
Queen's Treasurer, he procured him a pension of a hun- 
dred pounds a-year. 

The following letter, the original of which is in Lord 
Fitzwilliam's possession, refers to this transaction. 

«* April 5 (1766). 

" Mr. Hume presents his respects to General Conway. 
He cannot forbear thanking him, in the name of all 
that is ingenious in Europe, for the favours he has con- 
ferred on Monsieur Eousseau. He will keep it a secret, 

• See Burke On the Trench Revolution. 

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1706.] HUME AND ROUSSEAU. 317 

though one of the most laudable actions of the world. 
He has informed Monsieur Rousseau, who, as he has the 
greatest sensibility imaginable, must feel the proper 
gratitude for the obliging manner in which he is treated. 

" Mr. Hume desires to know how that pension is to 
be paid; whether it is to pass through the Treasury, or 
is to be paid secretly from the Privy Purse. If the 
former is the case, he apprehends that M. Eousseau 
must write to the Secretary of the Treasury, desiring 
him to pay the money to some banker whom he shall 
appoint. If the latter, he must choose some friend 
into whose hands it must be secretly paid. 

"5th of April." 

Unfortunately at this very moment appeared Wal- 
pole's famous letter, which, purporting to be from the 
King of Prussia, quizzed most unmercifully Eousseau's 
mania of fancying himself persecuted by the whole 
world. " If," the philosopher King is made to say, " K 
you persist in perplexing your brains to find out new 
misfortunes, choose such as you like best; I am a King 
and can make you as miserable as you can wish ; at the 
same time, I will engage to do what your enemies never 
will, I will cease to persecute you, when you are no 
longer vain of persecution."* 

The subject of the letter believing his host to be the 

* Walpole*8 letter was an imitation of an anonymous epistle to 
Rousseau, in which the foibles of the Genevese were handled with 
caustic pleasantry. Neither the object of the satire, nor any one 
else, could doubt that its author was Voltaire. 

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author, a violent quarrel ensued, and the Englishman 
and Frenchman became henceforth bitter enemies. 

Walpole, writing of the events of the month April, 
says, "Mr. Pitt was grown impatient for power; and 
having discouraged Lord Rockingham from seeking his 
aid or protection, began to wonder that he was not 
courted to domineer; and he betrayed his ambition so 
far as to complain that the Administration had had his 
support and now neglected him." 

When the subject of the Militia came before Parlia- 
ment Mr. Onslow proposed some trifling saving. Lord 
Strange opposed; and the Government not caring to 
risk a division, gave way: whereupon Pitt declared, 
" that he would go to the farthest corner of the island 
to overturn any Ministers that were enemies to the 
Militia." " This," adds Walpole, " was all grimace ; 
he di^ not care a jot about the Militia." 
^ This proceeding of Ministers, which was agreed to 
at a meeting of their supporters, does not appear to 
have been agreeable to Mr. Charles Yorke, to whom 
Lord Rockingham wrote as follows: — 

"Dear Sir, "April 15, 1 766. 

" I have just had an account from the meeting at 
Sir George Savile's, where I find that the general senti- 
ments amongst them were for adhering to that mode 
which I showed you, and which had been settled and 
agreed on amongst them for some days. As I under- 
stand, very little was said upon it, but, having once 
agreed, they did not care to alter. Your name was not 

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used to inforce the alteration, which was what I parti- 
cularly desired might be avoided. I am not pleased 
(neither do I think you will), as indeed for many 
reasons I was anxious that it should have been con- 
ducted in the manner which you most approved. I 
wish Thursday * well over, and am sure nothing can 
procure a good end to this matter, but from your 
making use, not only of your abilities but also of your 

" Grosvenor Square^ Tuesday night." 

Among the most efficient agents in carrying out the 
repeal of the Stamp Act was Barlow Trecothick, member 
for London, and one of the aldermen of the City. He 
was a merchant in the American trade. On the back 
of a copy of a " General letter sent to the out-ports and 
manufacturing towns on the 6th of December 1765," 
Burke has written in pencil, " N.B. This letter con- 
certed between the Marquis of K. and Mr. Trecothick, 
the principal instrument in the happy repeal of the 
Stamp Act, which, without giving up the British au- 
thority, quieted the Empire." 

He was an attached friend of Lord Eockingham, a 
good speaker in Parliament, and the most sensible of 
the City patriots. Burke says, in one of his letters : 
" Trecothick is certainly a man of strong principle and 
good natural sense, but his experience of the world is 

* By the Journal of the House of Commons, it appears that on 
Thursday, the 17th of April, the House ordered that it would, on the 
Monday following, resolve itself into a committee on the expenses of 
the Militia. / 

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but moderate." He died in 1775, and his homely 
epitaph records, that " he was much esteemed by the 
merchants for his integrity and knowledge of commerce, 
truly beloved by his fellow-citizens, who chose him 
as their representative in Parliament, and sincerely 
lamented by his friends and relations, who looked up to 
and admired his virtues." 

On the 23rd of April a grand dinner was given at 
Drapers' Hall in celebration of the repeal of the Stamp 
Act. It was among the most brilliant ever seen in the 
City, and the chronicles duly record that nine dukes 
were amongst the company. Mr. Trecothick presided. 


"April 22, 1766. 

" Alderman Trecothick was here this morning, 
and I endeavoured to be excused dining in the City 
to-morrow, for indeed I am too old for such entertain- 
ments and such crowds, but he will not excuse me, and 
said there were endeavours used to prevent their friends 
from coming; and upon that, and the particular circum- 
stance of this timey I promised him to come. The 
Duke of Portland* goes with me. I hope all our 
friends will go, and particularly the Duke of Grafton. 
Trecothick said, they did not see his Grace, but he 
hoped he would come. As I see this may be attended 

* William Henry Cayendish Bentinck, third Duke of Portland, at 
this time Lord Chamherlain. In 1 782 he was appointed Lord Lieu- 
tenant of Ireland. He became, twice. Prime Minister. 

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with bad consequences if our first friends do not go, I 
hope your Lordship will speak to as many as you meet 
in the course of this day. My Lord Chancellor, I con- 
clude, was not invited, as he voted against the repeal." 

The next paragraph in the Duke's letter has a 
significance from the events which immediately followed. 

" It was observed," continues his Grace, " yesterday 
in the House of Lords, that there were very long con- 
ferences: first, my Lord Camden and the Chancellor 
(Northington) for half an hour; afterwards my Lord 
Camden and the Duke of Grafton retired into a private 
room, and were together a full hour. The Duke of 
Grafton then went to the Chancellor, and whispered 
him for half an hour — that your Lordship saw. What 
this was I know not, but something to be sure.'' 

The Ministers had been frequently informed by the 
King, that those members holding places, who voted 
against the repeal, were actuated by conscientious 
scruples, and that when once that question was settled, 
they would regularly vote with the Government. But 
the carrying of that measure produced no change in 
their conduct, and their opposition continued as sys- 
tematic and violent as before. 

One of the evils arising from his Majesty's thus *' act- 
ing in opposition to himself," was the mistrust of the 
Government that it engendered in the Continental States. 
Walpole mentions that the Ministers showed the King 

VOL. I. Y 

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" an intercepted letter of the Russian Minister to his 
Court, in which he wished his mistress not to conclude too 
hastily with the present Ministers, who could not main- 
tain their ground ; and he pointed out the damage the 
King brought on his own affairs by having a Ministry 
who did not enjoy his confidence. This the King 
denied, and said they had his confidence."* This con- 
duct was the more impolitic, because it placed in jeo- 
pardy a new treaty of commerce between England and 
Russia, then in preparation, which proved highly bene- 
ficial to the interests of both countries. 

The transaction here alluded to took place in the 
month of June; but we shall show, on the authority of 
the King himself, that the Prussian Minister had also 
made a similar representation to his Sovereign, and that 
his Majesty attributes the " coyness" of Frederick to 
those reports. The "Baudouin" mentioned in the 
King's letter was M. de Boduin, Secretary of Legation 
to the Prussian Legation. Count de Malzahn had been 
appointed Minister, but had not then arrived. 


** Lord Rockingham, " (April )^5), uee. 

" What you mention to have been the inclination of 
Sir Richard Aston,f by his charge to the Jury, is very 

♦ Walpole's Geoi^e the Third, ii. 332. 

t Richard Aston, Esq., Sergeant-at-Law, was knighted, and sworn 
in one of the Judges of the Court of King's Bench on the 25th of 
April, 1765, which office he resigned in 1778, and died shortly after. 

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material; and as Lord Mansfield (whose opinion on these 
subjects I would more confide in than on that of any 
man) does think favourably of the convict, I with plea- 
sure direct you to send to Lieutenant-General Conway 
that the sentence may be changed from death to trans- 
portation.* Tou will laugh when you read the decy- 
phered letter I have just seen of Baudouin, wherein he 
talks of a fresh change in the Ministry ; I should rather 
hope it is [more] from want of sense than ill intention 
that he writes such gross falsehoods to his Court. 

^'George B. 

*i Richmond Lodge, 2m. past 5, p.u.*' 

the king to the right hon. henry seymour conway-f 

" Lieut.-General Conway, 

" I have just received your packet, but cannot help 
expressing some surprise at the great coyness of the 
King of Prussia. I should have expected a different 
answer to the very friendly and, I may say, indulgent 
part I have on this occasion acted towards him ; but I 
would fain hope this is owing to the fallacious accounts 
he has received from Baudouin. If he expects that I 
am to go all the way, and that he is only to receive me 

* In the Lent Assizes of 1766, Sir Richard Aston went the 
Western Circuit. The sentences of more than one convict on that 
circuit were commuted from death to transportation. 

t It is right to state that General Conway has dated this letter^ 
April 25, 1765 ; but there is evidently a mistake in the date of the 
year, for in April 1765, Lord Rockingham was not minister; Qeneral 
Conway was not leader of the House of Commons^ and Sir Richard 
Aston had not then gone circuit as a Judge. 

Y 2 

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if he pleases, he is much mistaken; for I think the 
Crown of Great Britain a more useful ally to the King 
of Prussia, than he ever can be in return ; and I here 
repeat, what you heard me express to the Duke of 
Grafton at the opening of this affair, that if the King 
of Prussia means anew to live well with me, I shall have 
no objection to do so with him; but if he expects that I 
am to express any sorrow for what has passed betwixt 
us, that is impossible, for I could not act otherwise than 
I have done, if my sole object was the interest of my 
country, which I should not be an honest man if I at 
any time neglected for other concerns. 
«*30in. past 1, p.m." 

Lord Rockingham and his friends, fully aware of Ae 
precariousness of their situation, determined to devote 
the remainder of their brief political existence to repair 
the breaches in the Constitution that had been made by 
their predecessors. With this view, on Tuesday the 
22nd of April, they moved in the House of Commons a 
series of resolutions declaring the illegality of general 
warrants. No detailed account has yet been given of 
the debate on this constitutional question ; but a few 
remarks from Walpole will render the following letter 

" The Ministers, thinking themselves bound to give 
the last blow to general warrants, which had now been 
decided in Westminster Hall to be illegal, moved a 
resolution of their being illegal and a breach of privi- 
lege. Grenville, hoping to squeeze out a little popularity 

Digitized by 



from the same measure, moved to bring in a bill for 
taking them entirely away. This happening when Mr. 
Pitt was in his hostile mood, he seconded Grenville's 
motion; but his lending himself thus to the cham- 
pion of these warrants, highly offended the Ministerial 


"My Lord, "April 26, 1766. 

"I have the honour to inform your Lordship, that 
late in the night of Tuesday last, after Sir George Savile 
and Sir W. Meredith's motion had been agreed to, Mr. 
Pitt, in order, as he said, to make the question in Par- 
liament co-extensive with the decision in the Courts of 
Law, moved that aU general warrants were illegal, and 
that, being executed on the person of a Member of Par- 
liament is a breach of privilege. After some debate and 
hesitation that night, it was thought proper to define a 
general warrant by its want of attributes, namely, not 
describing both the offender and the offence. The 
Master of the Rolls having recommended it to the House 
(though a friend to the proposition) not to come too 
hastily into a resolution of so much extent and impor- 
tance, it was postponed for that time, but not till after 
Mr. Grenville, in a wonderful springtide of liberty, had 
pledged himself to record the motion of the very honour- 
able gentleman. 

" The further consideration of this matter came on 

♦ Walpoles George the Third., ii. 317. 

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326 SIR GREY COOPER [1766. 

yesterday. Mr. Pitt moved his resolution with apparent 
and, as / think^ with real diffidence of carrying his 
point. It received a very affectionate adoption from 
Mr. Torke, who defended the generality of the proposi- 
tion with great talents and great firmness. Sir Fletcher 
shook it by his first speech to its foundations. It was 
again set upon its legs, and whilst it was tottering, Mr. 
Pitt, in what is called a very Parliamentary manner, 
shifted his ground, and put his question, not upon a 
declaration, but an assumption of law, in this manner : 
A general warrant to apprehend any person or persona 
being illegal (except in cases provided by Act of Parlia- 
ment), if executed on the person of a Member of this 
House, is a breach of the privilege of this House. Mr. 
Solicitor-General opposed this proposition with great 
warmth, as being too large and too assuming, and upon 
the general ground of the impropriety and want of 
dignity in the House of Commons to declare that to be 
law, which no Court of Westminster Hall would regard 
as law; and that though the resolution upon a matter 
incident to privilege, and brought before the House, 
might be excusable, it could not be so to declare a 
general resolution upon a special case. 

" Mr. Attomey-Greneral spoke in favour of the ques- 
tion with great weight, and, I think, superiority of 
argument. Sir Fletcher took the opposite opinion, and 
bore very hard both upon the Attorney and Mr. Gren- 
ville, who had half-seconded Mr. Pitt's motion upon a 
subtle distinction (which he loves better than any of 
his brothers), that he seconded the motion merely as • 

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the foundation of a Bill to be brought in, for the better 
securing the liberty of the subject. Sir Fletcher said 
Mr. GrenviUe's distinction had neither solidity, common 
lawy nor common sense. He argued that the resolution 
moved by Sir W. Meredith, was co-extensive both with 
the question before the House and the determination of 
Westminster Hall. He Afl(/-asserted that there were 
general warrants good and warranted by the common 
law, besides those provided for by Act of Parliament. 
Mr. Yorke took up the reply with great ability and 
advantage, and after much altercation on both sides, 
and much suppression of truth on one side, Mr. Yorke 
kept the field with great acclamation of the House. 
Sir George Savile did, as he always does, masterly and 
greatly. His character, his spirit, his prowess, his 
sagacity, and his power of expression never carried 
more weight or ran better. Great men were rebutted 
in his presence. I never heard, I never shall hear, a 
more truly eloquent speech (according to all the rules 
of the art) that [than?] Mr. Pitt's reply. No man 
ever rode upotfi> better-dressed horse, or brought him 
up to the object which made him snort, with more 
address than that rider did upon that occasion. 

" After this lesson in the great political m^nagcj the 
* altercation rose again between Mr. Attorney and Sir 
Fletcher, but still to the honour and victory of the 
Attorney. Sir Fletcher was groaned down for nisi- 
prius misrepresentations of what his opponent said. 
Lord George Sackville spoke with spirit against the 
question. At last, Mr. Yorke, being pressed by Mr. 

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328 SIR GREY COOPER [l766. 

Wilbraham, Mr. Forrester, Mr. Harvey, and all the 
other lawyers, to declare whether any respect was due 
to a determination of Parliament in the Court of Judi- 
cation, and whether the honourable gentleman would 
venture to pledge himself, that in no case a general 
taaiTant was good by the common latVj he got up, 
and, to the satisfaction and with the cry of the House, 
declared, that it was his firm opinion that, at this day, 
after the declarations in the Third of Charles the First 
and the Eevolution, no general warrant, that is, no 
warrant not describing the offender and the offence, 
was good at the common law ; and he said, with great 
warmth, that if he were a Judge in Westminster Hall, 
he would always treat a determination of either House 
of Parliament, upon a matter incident to and growing 
out of their privileges (in which matter they had judi- 
cial authority), with great respect and reverence, though 
he should not think himself obliged to determine the 
law according to such declaration; and that if any 
Judge should treat the declarations of Parliament with 
contempt or irreverence, it might be said to him with 
great propriety — 

' Rode, caper^ vitem — tamen huic cum stabis ad aras 
In tua quod fundi cornua possit, erit.' * 

" At the close of the debate, Mr. Dowdeswell got up, 
and, with great weight, accused the man who had de- 
fended the oflScers who had executed such warrant at 
the great expense of the public, after the legality of 
them had been disavowed by all the lawyers in West- 
♦ Ovid, Fast. I 357. 

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minster Hall, and whose opinions must have been 
communicated to the Ministers immediately after the 
question arose. 

" Mr. Grenville got up in great wrath and vehemence, 
and desired to know of the honourable gentleman, 
whether, if he had been in the Treasury at the time 
of such prosecutions, he would have suffered the mes- 
sengers to rot in gaol and not have defended them. 
Mr. Chancellor of the Exchequer got up in reply, with 
bis own temper and firmness, and said, ^ If I had been 
in that gentleman's situation, I would have taken the 
best advice as soon as possible, whether these warrants 
were defensible, and if I had found they were not, I 
should have recommended an early submission.' 

"This reply was received, as all such declarations 
are, with great applause from the House, and great noti- 
fication by the few who wish well to the man who asked 
the question. Mr. Serjeant Hewitt, upon motives of 
delicacy, and I dare say honour, declared he could not 
vote for the question ; and to avoid it, moved the pre- 
vious question. There was no division, and the question 
was carried as I have stated it before. 

" I have the honour to be, 
" With the utmost affection and gratitude, 
" Your Lordship's faithful servant, 

"Grey Cooper. 

" In very great haste and hurry." 

The reader will, doubtless, remember that the Duke 
of Newcastle, in his letter of the 22nd of April alludes 

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to certain ominous conferences between' the King's con- 
fidential friend, Lord Northington, and Mr. Pitt's confi- 
dential friends, Lord Camden and the Duke of Grafton. 
A few days afterwards, the Duke of Grafton paid a visit 
to Mr. Pitt at Hayes, and on his return took an early 
opportunity of saying in the House of Lords that the 
Government wanted ** authority, dignity, and exten- 
sion," but added, that " if Mr. Pitt would give his assist- 
ance he should with pleasure take up the spade and dig 
in the trenches." On the 14th of May the Duke re- 
signed the seals of Secretary of State. 

The vacant office was oflfered to Lord Hardwicke who 
notices his refusal of it in the following letter : — 

" Dear Brother, " St James's Square, May 14th, 1766. 

"Lord Eockingham called upon me to-day before 
dinner, with an ofier of the Seals, which he said he 
now made me with the King's knowledge and approba- 
tion, the Duke of Grafton having resigned this morn- 
ing. I will not trouble you by a repetition of my 
disabling excuses, or of the dutiful sense which I en- 
deavoured to express of his Majesty's grace and good- 
ness towards me on this occasion. The more coolly and 
seriously I think of undertaking this important office, 
the less inclined I feel myself to accept it. I am sure 
it would be too much for me, and, as a confinement in 
and about Town all the summer, extremely inconvenient 
too, if not prejudicial to my health. 

" I repeated to Lord Rockingham what I had said 
before about the Cabinet Council with the communica- 

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tion of the papers; and that if it was thought I could 
be of service iu that situation, I was at his Majesty's 

'* Lord Rockingham seemed to think there could be 
no diflSculty in granting me that mark of distinction, 
but intimated that it would be proper to make my own 
excuses for declining the Seals, and take that oppor- 
tunity to mention the other. I said I should be ready 
to attend his Majesty whenever it was most convenient* 
Lord Rockingham promised to let me know in the 
course of to-morrow, and, I presume, I shall be ap- 
pointed for Friday after the levee. 

" There is another promotion which I am sure would 
be of more use to the King's affairs, which I am sorry to 
see postponed, and which, if things were on a right 
footing, would not be delayed a week, and which was 
indeed promised you in a very extraordinary manner 
by the end of the session. Would you have me drop 
anything on your subject when I go into the Closet? 
I mean, if any handle is given and it falls naturally in 
my way." 


" Dear Brother, "Richmond, May 17th, 1766. 

" I made my disabling speeches yesterday in the 
Closet, and was very favourably heard. His Majesty 
was pleased to say, he knew of nobody so fit for the 
office; but, after what I said to him of my health, and 
the effect which a constant weight of business might 

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have upon it, he would not blame me for declining, 
and graciously let me oflf. I plainly saw he was much 
embarrassed and perplexed. He said two things about 
yourself (which is the chief occasion of my troubling 
you with a letter) ; the first, that he had been informed 
(by the Duke of N., I think) that you had sometimes 
talked of quitting your profession ; if that was agree- 
able to you, he wished you would take the Seals, and 
that, in his opinion, the Great Seal would with equal 
propriety be transferred to you afterwards, whenever 
there was an opening. 

" I told his Majesty, I believed if you had ever 
talked of quitting your profession, it had been in case 
circumstances should make it absolutely impossible for 
you to continue in it, and then it would be for an 
absolute retreat, and not to go upon another line. The 
King said, he only threw it out to convince me how 
much he wished to have one of your family in his inti- 
mate service. 

" The other point relating to you was, that the King 
desired I would let you know how he was concerned 
and hurt at the part which his servants took the other 
day in dividing from you in the House of Commons; 
that he had talked to them about it, and was greatly 
surprised at their conduct. On this head we both 
lamented the want of concert, faction, &c. of the times; 
all which chapter may well be spared, as I see no 
remedy to the evil. I cannot help adding, and then 
shall conclude, that his Majesty seemed very unwilling 
to make the Duke of Richmond [Secretary], and to 

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entertain a very favourable opinion of Lord Holder- 
nesse, whose samir faire in that department he com- 
mended, particularly his accuracy and exactness. I 
threw out a word of Lord Egmont, and his Majesty 
said shortly, and as if he did not choose to be asked 
any questions about it, * Oh, he will not think of it!" 

" Upon the whole, I left the King much agitated, 
and I could not help heartily pitying his situation, and 
that of the public. However, I have thrown oflf a 
great burden from my own mind, and I am not con- 
scious that it would have been in my power to have 
mended matters. 

" I am, dear brother, yours sincerely, 


" P. S. The King seemed to taste the Duke of 
Grafton, and commended his parts; neither did he 
express any resentment against him for quitting so 
abruptly and (I think) unhandsomely." 

In his " Memoriall " Lord Hardwicke says in relation 
to these transactions, — 

" Towards the close of the session in April 1766, and 
when most of the material business was over, the Duke 
of Grafton (upon whom the labouring oar had lain in 
the House of Lords) declared his resolution of resign- 
ing. The only reason he assigned (as far as I could 
learn) that, as he had declared from the beginning, 
and even to the Duke of Cumberland, that he would 
not go on without Mr. Pitt, whose accession to that 

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Ministry he looked upon as a sine qua non^ and, as 
there was no prospect of taking him in, several fruitless 
attempts having been made for that purpose, he must 
adhere to his original declaration; that, however, he 
would support the measures they were embarked in to 
the end of the session out of office ; and his Grace so 
far made his words good, that he spoke for the new 
Window tax bill in the House of Lords, which was 
strongly opposed by the Duke of Bedford and others. 

^^ Lord Bockingham's bottom was now much weak- 
ened; by his want of management for Lord Bute, he 
had lost all interest at Court. Mr. Pitt, who was 
possessed of real abilities, and at that time of great 
popularity, had refused his assistance without having 
carte blanche^ and would open himself to no ear but the 
Royal. The Opposition in Parliament were strong and 
numerous, and in the House of Lords much inferior in 
the weight of speakers. 

" Thus circumstanced, and having resolved not to 
unite with any of the sets which composed the Oppo- 
sition, his (Lord Rockingham's) choice of a new Secre- 
tary was confined to a very narrow circle. The Duke 
of Richmond and myself were the only persons under 
consideration. The former had been more active in 
Parliament, and was of an ambitious, enterprising turn. 
I have been told that Lord Rockingham (but will not 
answer for the truth of it) was more inclined to his 
Grace from the beginning, but that the Duke of New- 
castle's opinion, and the King's inclination, turned the 
scale in my favour. However that may be, the offer 

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of the Seals was made me in form by the Marquis of 
Rockingham not long before theWhitsun holidays in 
May 1766. There was great temptation in the offer; 
the dignity and figure the employment gave were self- 
evident; the opportunities it afforded of serving one's 
friends, were considerable; the business was of a nature 
for which I had always had a predilection, and in which 
I had been conversant, so far as theory and study would 
carry me. I was tolerably well acquainted with the 
modem state of Europe, and, by the confidence which 
my father had for some years reposed in me, had been 
kept well informed of the most important anecdotes of a 
very long period. But, on the other side, there were 
strong and cogent objections to my undertaking so great 
a branch. I could not flatter myself that my expe- 
rience in the practice of the world (having never con- 
versed largely in it, and lived a good deal amongst 
my books), was suflScient to steer me through the 
rocks and quicksands of a Court and public life, and I 
thought myself rather too much on the other side of 
forty, and had lived too much in my own way, to begin 
acting a new part in it." 

After mentioning the state of his health, Lord Hard- 
wicke continues : — 

" On weighing the whole matter as well as I could, 
and talking it over with some of my friends (amongst 
whom none but the Dvke of NewccLsiie and Lord 
Gh^ardham strongly encouraged me to accept), I soon 

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determined to decline this great oflfer as I had done 
the former. 

" When I communicated this resolution to Lord 
Rockingham, he received it with much candour, ad- 
mitted that I was best able to judge for myself, though 
he could have wished my determination had been other- 
wise; but expressed his hopes that I would consent to 
be called to the Cabinet Council, where, he was pleased 
to say, I should be of use, and might take no greater 
share of the business upon me than was agreeable. It 
was then, if I mistake not, that he assigned the nego- 
ciation with Mr. Pitt, mentioned in one of the preced- 
ing pages, as the reason for this mark of confidence not 
having been shown me sooner. I readily consented to 
this last proposal, which was to me very flattering, and 
had as many of the agr^mens of the greater oflFer as I 
wished to enjoy, and none of the supposed difficulties; 
and I was in hopes that my being of the Cabinet might 
tend to facilitate my brother's promotion to the Great 
Seal; and the confidential informations which I should 
receive from it, woidd be of service in the station he 
then filled^* at the same time that his knowledge and 
abilities would be of use to me. 

"So much being settled between the Marquis and 
myself, it was necessary that I should take an audience 
of the King, to thank his Majesty for the great honour 
he had done me; and to give my reasons for declining. 
His Majesty received my apology very graciously, and 
was pleased to say that, however agreeable my accept- 
• That of Attorney-General. 

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ance would have been to him, he could not ask it after 
what I had said to him of my health and disinclination ; 
that he hoped I should not have the same objection to 
the attending at his Cabinet Council; to which I replied 
with the duty that became me. 

" There were some remarkable passages in the con- 
versation, in which the King talked with seeming frank- 
ness and sincerity. He appeared thoroughly sensible 
of the weakness of his Administration, and of the dif- 
ficulty he found himself under to fill up this vacancy in 
it. He commended the Duke of Grafton's parts and 
manner of speaking in public (which, I believe, had 
been much cried up by those about him). He did not 
seem to taste the successor who was intended (viz., the 
Duke of Richmond), and said it was replacing a young 
man by one who was younger; and I thought he meant 
I should understand, not so proper in other respects. 
He asked, in this part of the conference, if my brother, 
Mr. G., would not come into the Secretary's office; and 
upon my observing that I did not pretend to know his 
mind on that head, but that it lay out of the line of a 
profession which those engaged in had always kept to, 
he replied readily enough, * Why should his accepting 
those seals be in the way of his having the other f ' I 
bowed and made no answer, but wished at the time 
that his Majesty had spoken more explicitly on the point 
of the Great Seal. I endeavoured to sound the King's 
disposition towards Mr. Pitt; but he appeared not 
at all favourable to him at that moment; called his 
popularity an Ignis fcduus^ and took some merit in 

VOL. I. z 

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not having admitted him to state his own terms, which 
he knew were levelled against his present Administra- 
tion. I said something of Lord Egmont's fitness to 
be Secretary of State; but the King answered shortly, 
* No; he could by no means think of it, and would not 
own further on that topic' Upon the whole, I was so 
far struck with — (I wish I may not add) was so far 
the dupe of his Majesty's gracious and condescending 
reception of me, and thought he appeared so much dis- 
tressed with his situation, that I verily believe had he 
pressed me to take the Seals with any earnestness before 
I left the Closet, I should have accepted out of pure 
duty and zeal-r-* Sic me servavit Apollo.'' 

"After I had given the Marquis of Rockingham a 
short account of my audience, I went to Richmond for 
the Whitsun holidays, where for a week or ten days I 
heard no more of political arrangements, but that the 
Ihike of Richmond was come to town, and had accepted 
the Seals;' 

George the Third, to borrow the expressive phrase of 
Lord Hardwicke, " did not taste the successor to the 
vacant seals." Among other reasons for the Royal dis- 
relish of the appointment, Walpole assigns the following : 

" Early in this reign. Lord Fitzmaurice, afterwards 
Earl of Shelburne, being at the time in high favour with 
Lord Bute, was made Equerry to the King, over the 
head of his superior officer. Lord (Jeorge Lennox, The 
Duke of Richmond, irritated by this slight to his rela- 
tive, carried a memorial to his Majesty, and commented 

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upon the appointment in a manner that was neither 
' forgiven nor forgotten/ by a Prince equally remarkable 
for his keen resentments and his retentive memory. The 
following pages will indeed afford more than one proof 
that the King for several years to come continued to re- 
gard the Duke of Richmond with no favourable eye." 

Charles Lennox, second Duke of Richmond, succeeded 
to his title at the early age of sixteen, and soon after- 
wards entered the army. He was present at the battle 
of Minden, and his gallantry on that occasion attracted 
the special notice of the Commander-in-Chief. On the 
formation of the Rockingham Ministry, the Duke was 
appointed to the Court of Versailles, and performed the 
duties of his embassy with great ability. He was ever 
a devoted adherent of Lord Rockingham, under whose 
second Administration, in 1782, he held the office of 
Master-Greneral of the Ordnance. 

On the death of that Minister, in the summer of the 
same year, the Whigs consulted who was to be the 
future head of the party. The Duke of Richmond 
claimed the post, but the Cavendishes and the other 
great families objected to his Grace, on account of his 
being so deeply pledged to Universal Suffi*age and 
Annual Parliaments. He was highly offended at this, 
more especially as the Duke of Portland was proposed 
by the majority of the Whig party. Charles Fox tried 
to pacify the Duke of Richmond by saying that, per- 
haps, he himself, as leader of the House of Commons, 
might have as good pretensions as his Grace, but that 
he thought it right to waive those pretensions, as he 

z 2 

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too, although to a much less degree, was pledged to 
Parliamentary Reform. Moreover, as the Cavendishes 
and their friends were not disposed to support even the 
moderate views which he entertained on that subject, 
it was clear that neither the Duke of Richmond nor 
himself could succeed to Lord Rockingham's place, 
without risking a fatal breach in the party. In con- 
sequence of this declaration, the Duke, on the formation 
of the Coalition, broke off from his former friends, and 
joined a combination still more heterogeneous in its 
elements than that which he quitted.* 

The Duke of Richmond was remarkable for the 
beauty of his person and the grace and courtesy of 
his manners. In every relation of private life his cha- 
racter was unexceptionable. He was a zealous friend, 
an affectionate brother, an attached relative. As a 
public man, he was very ambitious and somewhat vio- 
lent and impracticable. As an orator, he was rather 
effective than agreeable. His speeches abounded in 
information; his language was characterized by bold- 
ness and warmth of expression, and he excelled in 
reply. On the other hand, his memory often failed 
him; he made frequent pauses, and his delivery was 
unnecessarily slow. Yet with all these defects, he was, 
perhaps, the most formidable antagonist that the great- 
est orator of that day had ever encountered. 

When the Indemnity of 1766 was brought up to the 
House of Peers, Pitt, who had just been created Earl 

♦ My authority for this statement is the Right Hon. Sir Robert 
Adair, G.C.B., to whom it was made by his uiicle^ Lord KeppeL 

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of Chatham, and appointed first minister of the Crown, 
wound up a fierce diatribe against the House of Peers, 
by declaring that he would set his face against the 
proudest connexion in the country. The Duke of Rich- 
mond took this up, and said, " he hoped the "nobility 
would not be browbeaten by so insolent a minister." 
Lord Chatham is said to have been " stunned by this 
rough attack," and it was observed that from that day, 
during the whole remainder of his Administration, he ^^ / 
appeared no more in the House of Lords. ^*'*'^ 

When Chatham again took part in debate, it was as 
a political associate of the Duke of Richmond. The 
alliance lasted several years. In their next diflFerence 
of opinion, Richmond uttered that speech which was 
considered to be Chatham's death-blow. 

Walpole mentions that the Duke, in answer to the 
notification he received from Lord Rockingham, on the 
subject of his appointment, marked his being sensible 
how little he had been his Majesty's choice. The letter 
alluded to is as follows : 

" Goodwood, Monday Evening, 19th May, 1766. 

" The King's thinking of appointing me his Secretary 
of State for the Southern Department, must ever fill 
my mind with the highest sense of duty and gratitude. 
At the same time I feel it is an honour I had no right 
to expect, from any use I can possibly be of, and must 
proceed from the partiality with which your Lordship 
and General Conway have represented me to his Ma- 
jesty. This is even more pleasing to me, than to have 

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been thought equal to 80 great an undertaking; for the 
esteem of my friends far outweighs my vanity. 

" But, however unable I fear I am to fill so important 
a post in the manner I could wish, I think it my duty 
to the King to undertake it, since his Majesty has been 
pleased to name me; and the entire confidence I repose 
in your Lordship an4 the rest of his Majesty's servants, 
ensures me that, though my part may fail in the execu- 
tion, I can never be embarked in any measures, but 
such as are directly tending to his Majesty's honour 
and the good of the public. If perseverance in these 
can make my services acceptable to the King, I shall 
esteem myself happy. 

** As to opposition, I foresee a great deal of very 
troublesome work, but am no way dismayed at it, for 
I have no doubt but that good measures, supported by 
honest men and protected by his Majesty, will ever 
meet with the approbation of 4lie nation in general. 
The discontents of interested and disappointed men 
need only be despised to be ineffectual. 

" Lord Dartmouth's being either Secretary of State 
for the Plantations, or First Lord of Trade, with fuller 
powers, is, I imagine, very proper, having often heard 
that the American affairs load the Southern Department 
with so much business, as to make it almost impossible 
to go through with it. For my part, I shall be happy 
to leave that branch in so much abler hands." 

A few days after the Duke of Richmond was ap- 
pointed Secretary of State, Lord Rockingham received 

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the following characteristic letter, from the captious and 
grumbling Chancellor. 

The first paragraph appears to refer to the Bill for 
Quebec, which Northington made the pretext for over- 
throwing his colleagues. 

" My Lord, " Grange, May 22, 1766. 

^^ Tour messenger came here last night as I was 
going to bed, (so) that I could not return him with 
this and the copj of the Bill till this morning. I have 
perused the Bill, according to your Lordship's dcSlre, 
and my thoughts of it are, that should it pass into a 
law, it would be the most oppressive to the subject that 
ever was enacted; and that it erects into an Inquisi- 
tion every inferior magistrate; and, in a summary way, 
vests the supr^ne power of tormenting in the Court of 
King's Bench. These are my private thoughts, perhaps 
shallow ones, for I own I cannot fathom the depth of 
modem politics. 

^^ I am glad to find your Lordship hath supplied the 
vacant Seids, as the state it was in was not creditable 
to Government; and the like satisfaction I receive in 
the accession of Lord North. 

^^ I am acquainted with no particulars of the state of 
Ireland; bad enough I suppose it must be, from the 
nature of that people and of our government of it; and 
I presume its disorder too rank to be remedied; but I 
shall be in London on Sunday ev^ng to attend my duty. 

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^' The weather is so fine, the country so pleasant, and 
the birds so melodious, I shall regret to leave them 
even for the harmony I shall meet in London. 

^^ I wish your Lordship health and happiness, and 
have the honour to be, with great respect, 

" My Lord, Tour Lordship's most obedient 

'^ And most humble servant, 

" S o'clock, A. M." « NORTHINGTON." 

" See," said Charles Townshend, when Chancellor of 
the Exchequer, " see that great, heavy, booby-looking, 
seeming changeling ; you may believe me when I assure 
you as a fact, that if anything should happen to me, 
he will succeed to my place, and very shortly after 
come to be First Commissioner of the Treasury." 

The person here alluded to was Frederick Lord North, 
and the prediction was exactly fulfilled, immediately on 
poor Charles's death. Nor was Townshend the only 
person who foretold his rise. George GrenviUe, walk- 
ing with another gentleman in the Park, met the future 
Minister, apparently rehearsing a speech. " Here comes 
blubbery North," said the latter to GrenviUe. "I 
wonder what he is getting by heart, for I am sure it 
can be nothing of his own." " You are mistaken," 
replied GrenviUe; "North is a man of great promise 
and high qualifications, and if he does not relax in his 
political pursuits, he is very likely to be Prime 

To Lord North, Rockingham now offered the post of 

* European Magazine, xxx. 82. 

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Vice- Treasurer of Ireland ; but the conduct of the Court 
discouraged him, as well as many others, from accept- 
ing office under the Grovernment. " It cost him,'' says 
Walpole, "many bitter pangs, not to preserve his 
virtue, but his vicious connexions. He goggled his 
eyes, and groped in his money pocket, more than half 
consented ; nay, so much more, that when he got home, 
he wrote an excuse to Lord Rockingham, which made 
it plain that he thought he had accepted." 
The letter here spoken of is as follows. 


" My Lord, " May 24th, iree. 

" As this is your Lordship's levee day, I am in hopes 
this letter will find you before you see the King. I am 
much obliged to your Lordship and Mr. Conway for the 
message you sent to me this morning by my friend Mr. 
Townshend, and can never be an ill-wisher to an ad- 
ministration from whom I have received such marks of 
kindness. But not to enter at large into my motives, I 
shall rest more self-satisfied, if I continue as I am, than 
if I accept the office you have been so good as to pro- 
pose to me. I beg pardon for all my difficulties, which 
must have embarrassed you and my other friends, and, 
particularly, for this last change of opinion. I shall be 
always constant in regard to your Lordship, and grate- 
ful remembrance of your kind intentions. 

" I am, my Lord, with the greatest respect, 
" Your most faithful humble servant, 

" North." 

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The expression used by Lord Hardwicke in the last 
quoted extract from his " Memoriall/'* that Lord 
Rockingham had " lost all interest at Court," did but 
convey the almost universal belief of the tottering con- 
dition of the latter nobleman, as a Minister. Tet, from 
the King*s demeanour, he might have been led to an 
opposite conclusion. " Lord Rockingham and Dowdes- 
well,'' writes Lord Temple, on the 4th of May, " are 
caressed by the King at Court beyond expression." 
"Lord Rockingham himself told me," says Nicholls, 
" that the King never showed him such distinguished 
marks of kindness as after he had secretly determined 
to get rid of him." 

A message from the Crown was brought down to the 
Commons on the 3rd of June, by the Chancellor of the 
Exchequer, respecting a settlement for the Princess 
Caroline Matilda, about to be married to the King of 
Denmark. Mr. Dyson offered a precedent against the 
consideration of the message on that day. The Govern- 
ment divided, and rejected Dyson's motion by 118 to 
35. The following day, Lord Rockingham begged the 
King would dismiss Dyson. His Majesty hesitated, 
but desired Lord Rockingham to talk to him. Lord 
Rockingham had an hour's interview with Dyson, who 
disclaimed opposition, but professed to dislike measures, 
taking care, however, to take exception against every 
act of the Government. 

Lord Rockingham, thereupon asked the King to dis- 
miss Dyson; and it may be inferred from the King's 

* See page 334, line 12. 

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answer, requested also that some Peers might be created, 
as a proof that he had the royal confidence. The fol- 
lowing answer will show with what success. 

the kino to the marquis op rockingham. 

"Lord Rockingham, 

" I have just received your letter, and shall to-mor- 
row talk over the affair of Mr. Dyson with you. As 
to the Peerages, I thought I had yesterday, as well as 
on many former occasions, expressed an intention of 
not, at least for the present, increasing the Peerage, 
and remain entirely now of that opinion. 

"George R. 

" Richmond Lodge^ d5 m. past 6 p.m." 

Writing, towards the latter end of May, to Sir George 
Savile, Lord Rockingham says, " Politics are much as 
they were when you went away. We shall have a rough 
ocean to sail through; but as I hope our bottom is 
sound, we may weather all storms, or, at least if we 
should be wrecked, we shall not suffer in honour, or as 
private men." It was not, however, by storms, but by 
hidden shoals and false beacons, that the Whig vessel 
was doomed to founder. Secret negociations for its 
destruction were set on foot almost immediately after 
the prorogation. The first agent for this service was 
John Percival, Earl of Egmont. Ever since the for- 
mation of the Leicester House faction, this nobleman 
had been amongst its most able and active partisans. 

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He was a fluent and plausible debater, and the author 
of several political tracts, which had considei'able popu- 
larity in their day. When his ambition was not con- 
cerned, he was, if Walpole may be trusted, " humane, 
friendly, and good-humoured as it was possible for a 
man to be, who was never known to smil6 or laugh ; he 
was once, indeed, seen to smile, and that was at chess. 
With considerable talents, he combined numerous eccen- 
tricities. When scarce a man, he had a scheme for 
assembling the Jews, and making himself their king. 
Another whim was such an affection for the olden 
times, as to wish to establish a feudal government in 
the Island of St. John ; and when he rebuilt his house 
at Enmore, in Somersetshire, he made it in the guise 
of a castle, moated it round, and prepared it to defend 
.itself jyith cross-bows and arrows, against the time in 
which the fabric and use of gunpowder should be for- 
gotten/' A journal which the Duke of Richmond kept 
of the last days of the Rockingham Administration, has 
reference to Lord Egmont; and when it is borne in 
mind that his Lordship was a Cabinet Minister, and 
first Lord of the Admiralty, in the Government of 
which he speaks so freely, it renders intelligible what 
Burke says of the " parade of superiority'* which the 
Court faction were wont to assume over the exterior 

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" Tuesday, June 17th, 1766. 
** Heard that Lord Egmont was, on Thursday the 
12th, at Mr. Rigby's, who said, that Lord Egmont 
had talked of the present Administration as everybody 
else does; meaning that he held them very cheap. 
Mr. Rigby, after this, went out of town to Moore Park, 
for some days, in his way to Woburn. If anything 
had been concluded at this meeting, he would probably 
have gone direct to Woburn. This agrees very well 
with Lord Talbot's having been with the King on 
Thursday the 12th and Friday the 13th for above an 
hour each day, and particularly on Friday, the King's 
looking flustered when we went in, which was directly 
after Lord Talbot, for it is probable that he was dis- 
pleased at the negociation not having succeeded. The 
point, in all likelihood, was to engage the Bedfords, 
without the Grenvilles, to join the Butes. This Lord 
Egmont would wish, as his great dread is Pitt, and a 
combination of Grenvilles. 

" Upon giving a hint to Lord Rockingham and Mr. 
Conway, that some such negociations had been on foot. 
Lord Rockingham was for trying to get the Bedfords, 
without the Grenvilles, to join us, and said that Pitt, 
Grenvilles, and Butes together, even in administration, 
could not stand such an union. Mr. Conway was for 
getting more light into this transaction, and if it proved 
true, to come to an explanation with the King, for to 

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let things go on so was ridiculous. I was for oifering 
handsomely to take in several of Lord Bute's friends, 
to make the King easy, for I do not fear letting them 
have any places, in order to their assistance and the 
King's countenance, provided they are not places of 
Ministers, and that we keep them out of the Cabinet." 

" Towards the end of this month of June," says Lord 
Hardwicke's ^Memoriall,' "a matter came before us 
which was of great importance, and the rock upon 
which we split, or rather served as the match with 
which the Chancellor was permitted to fire the mine 
laid for the demolition of our weak Ministerial fabric. 

" The Proclamation which issued in 1764, when the 
Duke of Bedford was President, and Lord Hillsborough 
at the Head of the Board of Trade, by which all the 
laws of Great Britain were introduced at once into the 
new acquisitions, had thrown the affairs of the Province 
of Canada into a good deal of confusion. The natives 
complained that their laws of property were overturned, 
and new ones established, to the principles of which they 
were as much strangers as the language in which the 
decisions of the Judge were to be pronounced. (Gover- 
nor Murray had framed local ordonnances upon this 
Proclamation, which the Board of Trade had reported 
against, and things were in such a state that it was 
evident some new regulations were necessary. The 
papers relative to these disputes had, according to 
custom, in the course of the winter been transmitted 
from the Council Office to the Attorney and Solicitor 

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General. They had (from the best 'information they 
could collect) prepared a report which, before it went 
in form to the Council, was to be considered by the 
Cabinet. It is not necessary to enter further here into 
the report, than by saying it was a plan for the Civil 
Government of Quebec, the principal line of which was 
to leave the natives to their old rights of property or 
civil laws, and to temper the rigour of their criminal 
code by the more equitable and generous meaning of 
the English law. At our first meeting on this report, 
Lord Chancellor declared his absolute dislike to it, 
made several frivolous objections to particulars, and 
was absolutely for doing nothing till we had a com- 
plete code of the laws of Canada sent over, which was 
postponing the whole business for a twelvemonth. His 
Lordship took this opportunity to complain of some 
trifling ill usage he had met with from the Secretaries 
of State in the transmitting of papers; and, in short, 
the meeting, which was at his house, broke up re infectdy 
and before another could be summoned, the Lord Chan- 
cellor declared he would attend no more." 

The next quotation from the Duke of Kichmond's 
Journal, refers to the same Cabinet meeting. 

"June 27, 1766. 

*^ At a meeting at the Lord Chancellor's, to consider 
further on the instructions to be sent to the Governor 
of Canada, his Lordship was in a very ill humour 
indeed. He said he disapproved entirely of the foun- 
dation upon which they were planned, and, therefore. 

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would have nothing to do with them ; that -he had, 

besides, never seen the papers which came from Canada, 

and could give no information upon this matter ; that he 

doubted if it was legal for the King to empower the 

Governor, with or without his Council, to establish 

Courts of Judicature; that it was necessary to bring 

matters of such weight before Parliament. To all this 

Lord Dartmouth answered, that he imagined the powers 

given by the King could not be disputed, as it was 

founded on a similar practice in almost all the other 

Colonies; and that it could not be illegal, since this 

very commission to the Governor, under which he had 

these powers, was under the Great Seal, which my Lord 

Chancellor himself had affixed to it ; that what we were 

now doing was only acting under that commission. Mr. 

Murray* had executed his former instructions for ap- 

pointing Courts of Judicature, and other matters, in a 

way that was much disapproved of; we did not now 

pretend to give fresh powers, but instructions how to 

execute the former ones in a manner less exceptionable. 

My Lord Chancellor could make no other reply to this, 

than that he did not pretend to be answerable for all 

* Lieut -General Murray, Governor of Canada, uncle to the Duke 
of Athol. In the " Church and King " riots of 1 780, when there 
was danger of the mob forcing their way into the House of Commons, 
Murray thus addressed Lord George Gordon, who was sitting next him : 
" If any one of your lawless followers enters, I shall consider rebel- 
lion as begun, and will plunge my sword into your bosom as its pro- 
moter.** — Hughes* Hist, of England, vol. iii. p. 24. — "He was a brave 
and adventurous officer. When in command at Quebec, disdaining 
to await a regular siege, he marched out with an inferior force, attack- 
ed the French, and was defeated." — Walpole. 

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he had set the Great Seal to; that these things came 
to him of course, and that he did not so much as read 
or inquire about them; and that he had at first, when 
the Duke of Bedford sent the first instructions to Go- 
vernor Murray, disapproved of the whole plan. It 
being however agreed to read the instructions, the 
Chancellor objected to several parts, — first, to the ap- 
pointing Canadians being Eoman Catholics, to act as 
Justices of the Peace, or as Judges. He doubted 
whether the Crown could give that power to Roman 
Catholics, and whether penal laws did not extend to 

" 2ndly. He objected to appeals from the superior 
Courts of Judicature to the Governor and Council. 
He said they should be to the King in Council in 

**His Lordship also said that he thought the old 
Canadian laws were to subsist till, by the authority of 
Parliament, they were altered. To this it was objected 
to him that the King had issued a proclamation, the 
day of in which he promised all his 

new subjects the benefits and advantages of the English 
law; to which his Lordship replied, *I know that, and 
a very silly proclamation it was.' 

"After much talk upon this affair, the Chancellor 
concluded with saying, that he disapproved of the prin- 
ciple upon which the plan was formed ; that he had 
always done so, and, therefore, could and would give 
no advice about it. 

" I represented to his Lordship, the difficulties we 

VOL. I. A A 

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laboured under ; that the method in which Murray had 
executed his instructions was disapproved by everybody 
(to which he agreed) ; that if we did nothing, we, in 
fact, confirmed everything Murray had done, and those 
very courts which he had established; that in altering, 
we wished much to receive his Lordship's advice and 
assistance, and to do what was really for the best; that if 
his Lordship would point out what was wrong or illegal, 
and advise us what was better, we would certainly pay 
the utmost attention to it; that I had, in particular, 
refused to sign the instructions — ^first, without having 
his approbation of them, and, afterwards, when I heard 
he disapproved; that every attention had been showed 
in appointing councils at the times that might be most 
convenient to him, and that Lord Dartmouth had 
waited upon him with all the papers, now material, 
and the instructions previous to this meeting, in order 
to give him time to consider of them, and to make such 
alterations as he thought proper ; that it was, therefore, 
very hard to object so far, as to say that parts were, 
perhaps, not strictly legal, and thereby render it im- 
possible for us to venture to do anything against such 
an opinion ; and, at the same time, to refuse telling us 
what was wrong, or advise us how to proceed; that if 
further information was necessary, his Lordship should 
have every paper he could wish, and that if any neglect 
of that sort had happened, it was certainly not de- 
signed, and, therefore, I hoped he would not, for a 
reason of that kind, refuse his assistance and prevent 
our doing some real service to that Colony. 

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"His Lordship's answer was very short. That he 
disapproved of the whole, and would give no advice; 
that it was true, Lord Dartmouth had lately been with 
him and explained the whole, and that he would dg him 
the justice to say, that the instructions upon this plan, 
such as it is, were very well drawn up, but that he 
could not assent to the principle upon which they were 
founded; that, though he had now had information, he 
had never seen the first letters which were circulated in 
September or November- last, and that now papers came 
to him so irregularly and so late, that he could not read 
them in time, to consider matters before they came to 
Council; that it was ridiculous to expect him to give 
his opinion upon matters he was not prepared upon, 
and, therefore, he declared he would attend Councils 
no more. 

" Other matters being taken into consideration, they 
were determined on, as appears by the minute of that 


** St. James Square^ June dOth^ 1766. 
" I PROFESS myself to be, in many respects, a very 
incompetent judge of what is proper to be done in 
Canada, but as far as I am master of my brother's 
report, I think he struck out, or pretty nearly sOy the 
true medium ; and I understand from . him, that the 
Canadians liked our free and impartial forms of judica- 
ture, and only desired to be left to their old laws and 

A A 2 

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customs for private property. I doubt our great 
lawyer * will not agree in our ideas, and perhaps the 
matter may now be postponed till Governor Murray's 
arrival, who can give further lights. 

" Your Lordship will doubtless do well to talk to my 
brother upon it, though, having made the report, he is 
functtis officio. Lord Winchilsea and Lord Dartmouth 
should likewise be taken along in the affair. 

" We are packed up and ready to set out for Bed- 
fordshire, but as the weather is so bad, we shall not 
move till Thursday, which will give me an opportunity 
of paying my duty at the levee on Wednesday, and of 
receiving any commands which your Lordship and the 
rest of the King's servants may have for me. 

" I thank your Lordship for the Boston intelligence. 
I hope, besides rejoicings and healths (the latter of 
which are mostly to the Great Commoner), we shall 
have the more substantial returns of duty and acknow- 
ledgment from the Colony Assemblies. Our friend 
Tom* was very cross indeed, and would neither lead 
nor drive." 

♦ " Tom Tilbury," t. e, the Chancellor, Lord Northington. In 
several letters to and from my grandfather, I find this nickname 
applied to Lord Northington. The Hon. John Yorke, writing to his 
brother Lord Hardwicke, on the 19th of July, 1770, " I see by the 
papers that old Tilbury has hobbled up to town again ; I suppose he 
has been sent for to help forward some unsatisfactory change, and 
endeavour to divide the opposition. I always expect some mischief 
when I hear of the interposition of that sorry fellow." 

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" Dear Sir, " Grosvenor Square, July y® Ist. 

" I should be glad to know if we could contrive to 
meet to-morrow. I think I could most conveniently to 
myself call at your house after Court, which would 
be about three o'clock. One business I have with you 
is relative to the Quebec affair." 

" Grosvenor Square, Friday, 12 o'clock, 

" Dear Sir, " July y* 4th, iree. 

" I intended to have wrote to you yesterday, to ex- 
plain to you the note you would receive from the Duke 
of Richmond, desiring to see you at his house this 

" At the Cabinet Meeting on Wednesday night (where 
the Chancellor was noi)^ it seemed to be the desire and 
intention of all those present, that if you and the So- 
licitor-General would come to a private meeting at the 
Duke of Richmond's to-night, we might settle the mat- 
ter, as well as the circumstances will allow; and that 
your assistance, both in law and in the prudential con- 
sideration of the Chancellor's differing, would be of the 
utmost service, and that, probably, we may then do 
some good in this matter. 

" I hope to hear that you will come, and am ever, 
" Dear Sir, &c., 

" Rockingham." 

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The next entry in the Duke of Richmond's Journal is 
on July 6th, 1766. 

" When I came to the Court, after the drawing- 
poom, I found the Chancellor had just mentioned to 
Lord Winchilsea, before he went into the King's 
closet, his dissatisfaction, and that he would attend 
Councils no longer. Mr. Conway and Mr. Dowdeswell 
had also begun to talk with the Chancellor, but were 
interrupted. When he came out, he went away with- 
out speaking scarce a word to anybody. Lord Kock- 
ingham went in best." 



" Grosyenor Square, Sunday Evening, 9 o'clock, 

** Dear Sir, July y« 6th, uee. 

" I called at your house this evening, as I am anxious 
to communicate to you a political event of importance 
which happened this morning. I will delay mentioning 
what it is till I see you, which I beg may be to-morrow 

There was, perhaps, no subject in the last century 
on which a greater unanimity of opinion prevailed, than 
that Lord Bute continued to act as the King's secret 
adviser several years after he had ostensibly withdrawn 
from all participation in public affairs ; on the other 
hand, the disbelief of the existence of any such secret in- 
terference is equally as strong and universal in the pre- 

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sent times. Writers differing upon almost every other 
subject agree upon this point, and have backed their 
opinions by various anecdotes. Lord Brougham says, 
"the King had never any kind of communication with 
him (Lord Bute) directly or indirectly; nor did he ever 
see him but once ; and the history of that occurrence sud- 
denly puts the greater part of the stories to flight which 
are current upon this subject. His aunt, the Princess 
Amelia, had some plan of again bringing the two 
parties together; and on a day when George the Third 
was to pay her a visit at her villa at Gunnersbury, 
near Brentford, she invited Lord Bute, whom she pro- 
bably had never informed of her foolish intentions. 
He was walking in the garden when she took her 
nephew down stairs to view it, saying there was no 
one there but an old friend of his, whom he had not 
seen for some years. He had not time to ask who 
it might be, when on entering the garden he saw his 
former minister walking up an alley. The King in- 
stantly turned back to avoid him, reproved the silly 
old woman sharply, and declared that, if ever she re- 
peated such experiments, she had seen him for the last 
time in her house."* 

In a letter addressed to the newspapers in October, 
1778, Lord Mountstuart said, " He, Lord Bute, does 

* Lord Brougham's Historical Sketches of Statesmen who flourish- 
ed in the reign of George the Thirds vol. i. page 48-9. In support of 
Lord Brougham's hypothesis^ see Adolphus* History of England, i. 
108-9. Hughes' History of England, i. 137. Edinburgh Review, 
cxli. 94. Quarterly Review, cxxxi. 

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authorize me to say, that he declares upon his solemn 
word of honour that he has not had the honour of 
waiting upon His Majesty but at his levee or draw- 
ing-room; nor has he presumed to offer an advice or 
opinion concerning the disposition of offices, or the 
conduct of measures either directly or indirectly, by 
himself or any other, from the time when the late 
Duke of Cumberland was consulted in the arrangement 
of a ministry, 1765, to the present hour." 

In addition to the evidence already published is 
the following extract of a letter written soon after the 
formation of the Chatham ministry. 


" London, July 26th, 1766. 
" I KNOW as little, save from newspapers, of the pre- 
sent busy scene, as I do of transactions in Persia, and 
yet am destined for ever to be a double uneasiness, 
that of incapacity to serve those I love, and yet to 
be continually censured for every public transaction, 
though totally retired from courts and public business. 
In this private station, however, I cease not to be with 
the greatest regard, 

** Your Lordship's most humble obedient servant, 


Without offering any opinion of my own either on 
the belief of the last or the present century, I will 
content myself with calling the attention of the reader 

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to the following extract from the Duke of Richmond's 
Journal, and that which will occur a few pages further 
on under date of the 12th of July. 

« 1766, Monday, July 7th. 
"I WAS told that Lord Bute went this day about 
noon to his own house at Kew. He did not go to the 
common road over the bridge, but came by the river 
side in his coach; from his own garden he crossed 
alone to that of the Princess of Wales's at Kew. The 
King also about the same time went to the Princess of 
Wales's at Kew, and. stayed there two hours. 'Tis 
remarkable, that 'tis said that the Princess was not 
herself then at Kew, so that this was not accidental, 
but evidently a meeting of the King's with Lord Bute, 
settled so before-hand. The Duke of York, who had 
been the preceding evening for two hours with Mr. 
Stone, was this day at Richmond with the King." 

On this same day likewise Walpole records that 
"His Majesty, with the most frank indiflTerence, and 
without even thanking them (the Ministers) for their 
services, and for having undertaken the administra- 
tion at his own earnest solicitation, acquainted them 
severally that he had sent for Mr. Pitt."* 

Under date of Tuesday the 8th of July, the Duke of 
Kichmond writes : "No material occurrence;" but on the 
same day he says in a letter to Lord Rockingham : — 

♦ Walpole'8 George the Third, ii. S37. 

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" I have intelligence that Pitt has been sent to. It 
comes to me in a very extraordinary way, and from 
one I should give no credit to, if he had not told all 
that the Chancellor had said to the King, and almost 
in the same words His Majesty used to me, and this 
on Sunday evening. As he is so right in one instance, 
'tis possible he may be so in the other, and he speaks 
to it with equal certainty. 

" If this is so, is it not possible that the Duke of 
York in his late journey to Bath and Bristol, and Lord 
Egmont in his into Somersetshire, may have had some 
interview with Mr. Pitt? 

" I confess I think my information to be true, but 
think you had better not communicate to any one but 
Mr. Conway, for if it is known, and that Mr. Con- 
way's sentiments get among our friends, it will be a 
race among them who shall go first to Mr. Pitt." 


*' 1766. Wednesday, July 9. 

" The Duke of Newcastle, Lord Rockingham, General 
Conway, and I, met at Richmond House. 

" Thursday, July 10. 
" We were all at the drawing-room. The King and 
the Queen were both exceedingly civil, even aflfectedly 

In a letter of the same date, Horace Walpole in- 
forms George Montague that the outlines of a new 

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administration are formed, and thus prophetically speaks 
of Lord Kockingham's successor and his government. 

" The plan will probably be to pick and cull from 
all quarters, and break all parties as much as possible. 
From this moment I date the wane of Mr. Pitt's glory : 
he will want the thorough bass of drums and trumpets 
and is not made for peace. The dismission of a most 
popular administration, a leaven of Bute, whom too he 
can never trust, and the numbers he will discontent 
will be considerable objects against him." 


"July 11, 1766. 

** I HAVE learned from the various resolutions of these 
times nil admirari ; but I cannot say I expected this 
Uow-up quite so soon. It is indifferent to me whether 
Lord Chancellor acted in his representation to the King 
entirely from himself or as an instrument for others, 
but I am sure his Lordship's very wrong understand- 
ing and perverse temper are one main weakness of the 
Administration. My poor opinion. If the King has 
sent for Mr. Pitt it is to put his affairs for the present 
entirely in his hands — as he must be sensible that the 
Great Commoner always expects implicit acquiescence 
in his hands. He will save everybody the trouble of 
thinking^ which is a great convenience, and I shall have 
my full share of it. 

" I suppose you know by this time whence the source 
of this sudden resolution to send for Mr. Pitt has 
arisen. I presume from that quarter, which has and 

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will have the real interior influence and weight which 

hurried out the last Ministers, and will the present, let 

the outward instruments and actors change ever so 


. " P.S. I presume the Lord Chancellor was resolved 

to shake off this Ministry when he showed so much ill 

humour at his own house." 


« 1766, Friday, July 11. 

" The report at the levee was that Mr. Pitt had been 
an hour with the King in the morning, but that was 
not so. He did not come to town till near one o'clock, 
and had come that morning from Maidenhead or Slough. 
The King continued exceedingly civil in the closet. 

" In the evening Mr. Pitt went to the Chancellor, 
and was several hours with him." 


" Dear Brother, *' Wrest, July the loth, i766. 

" I received a letter this morning by express from 
Lord Rockingham, with an account of what has lately 
passed in the closet, and the King's having sent for Mr. 
Pitt, desiring me at the same time to come immediately 
to town. I presume Lord Chancellor has taken his 
part in concert with Leicester House 

" I have professed to Lord Rockingham my willingness 
to come up when matters are ripe; but as his Lordship 
seems to think we should wait a little, I do not see the 

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necessity of setting out immediately^ but will be ready 
to move at the next summons from him or you. 

" The King surely intends to put himself entirely 
into Mr. Pitt's hands, and he as swrely means to break 
up the present Administration. If he makes a better, 
I for one shall not be sorry for it. . . . 

" Let me have a line by the return of the messenger, 
and keep me from being sent for, unless it is absolutely 

" I am very willing to make my bow, and to be eased 
the trouble of thinking by the Great Commoner, but 
will certainly bark at him, and show my teeth, if he 
means to use you ill. . . . 

"P.S. — I presume Lord Chancellor had taken his 
resolution at our first meeting, and the report is only 
a pretence." 


" Dear Brother, " Wrest, July the loth, iree. 

" I shall postpone my resolution of coming up to 
town till I receive Lord Rockingham's answer and yours 
to my letters of this morning, and the rather as I find 
you agree with me in opinion, that there is no occasion 
to be in such a hurry. Indeed, the afiair will soon be 
over, if the Great Commoner has carte blanche^ and we 
shall none of us have any counsel to take but what we 
may give ourselves, without stirring out of our elbow 
chairs. If the affair draws into negociation, I shall be 
in time by coming up on Monday or Tuesday, and I 

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would willingly have you at leisure to consult with, 
and not called off by the aliena negotia. 

" I am such a bit of a Minister^ as to have no stake 
worth contending for in the game; but I shall interest 
myself for my friends, as if it was propria causa. At 
aU eventSj I shall beg to be excused from sitting at 
council again with the Noble Lord who has brought 
this charge against his colleagues, and who would not 
say a word when it was res Integra on the Duke of 
Grafton's resignation. That the bottom wants widen- 
ing and strengthening is certain^ and I have told Lord 
Rockingham so from the beginning, as well as that I 
thought the King had no personal confidence in his 
Ministers. I wish he does not make it impracticable 
for anybody to serve him: court intrigue will throw 
the ablest Minister off his bias and embarrass his 
operations, when he thinks himself the most secure. 
" I am, dear Brother, yours sincerely, &c., 

" Hardwicke. 

" P.S. The Ministers may certainly find out how far 
Leicester House is at the bottom of this. Lord Bute 
resides as little at Luton, and is always hovering be- 
tween town and country. He was not at his Terre on 
Monday last, but expected soon. Lord Egmont has 
behaved vrey civilly at our meetings ; but do you re- 
member what I wrote you word of his discourse to me 
at Court?" 

In a letter of the same date Lord Hardwicke says to 
Lord Rockingham : — 

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" I could have wished His Majesty had been a little 
pressed upon the reasons which determined him to send 
for Mr. Pitt just noWy after letting slip so many much 
more proper occasions, particularly that of the Duke 
of Grafton's resignation; and declaring so often, that 
he thought such a step would be personally disgraceful 
to himself, and that he had twice before acted below his 
dignity, in seeing Mr. Pitt without knowing what he 
would propose. 

" I am surprised your Lordship has not more Court 
intelligence about the motions and intrigues of Carlton 
House, and the constant undermining practices of the 
Scotch Thane, who resides as little in the country this 
summer as he has done for the two last, and continues 
to divide his time between Luton and South Audley 

" Whoever His Majesty thinks proper to employ, it is 
highly necessary he should give them his confidence and 
his authority too, or they will never be able to serve him 
eflFectually. If they are unworthy of the one or aiuse 
the other, the sooner he parts with them the better. 
We have been told that annual parliaments would make 
annual ministries ; but we see the latter can be brought 
about, though we have not the inconvenience of the 

Walpole writes also on the same day to Sir Horace 
Mann : — 

" The late Ministers — I talk of those who were in 
office three days ago — stuck to their text; that is, 

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would not bow the knee to the idol that lurks behind 
the veil of the sanctuary. On Sunday last without 
any communication to the Ministers, the Chancellor, 
who began to smell a storm, and has probably bargained 
for beginning it, told the King that he would resign." 


" 1766, Saturday, July 12th. 

" Mr. Pitt went at eleven from Captain Hood's in 
Harley Street* to Richmond; he arrived at noon and 
stayed till twenty minutes past four. The King at 
about eleven went to the Princess at Kew, although she 
was not there. At about one, Lord Bute was seen 
coming from Ealing by a by-road, so that 'tis probable 
he had again been to meet His Majesty at Kew. Lord 
Bute had been at Luton between the Monday and the 
Saturday ; and Martin, who came to London from thence 
on Thursday or Friday, knew nothing of Mr. Pitt's 
being sent for; but that proves only, that Lord Bute 
did not tell it him; it seems clear, though, that he knew 
it by these two meetings with the King, and doubtless 
he advised it." 


"July 12, 1766. 
" I WBiTE this hasty Ime to my dearest life from the house of the 
Hoods^ where I am perfectly well lodged. I *m, upon honour^ much 
better to-day ; have been at Richmond, and returned to a five o'clock 
chicken, which, had you been with me, would have been a happy 
banquet." — Chatham Correspondence, ii. 4^9. 

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The following paragraph is upon a detached slip of 
paper: it is not written by the Duke, and is ap- 
parently in the hand-writing of an uneducated person. 

" Saturday, July 12th. 

" General Carpenter came at half-past seven o'clock 
to ride with His Majesty. A little before eight a 
person came, on horseback in great haste, which I took 
to be some servant out of livery, and since believe to 
be one of Mr. Pitt's servants. A little after eight His 
Majesty rode out, and returned about nine. About 
eleven His Majesty went to Kew ; I followed ; he re- 
turned at twelve ; two gentlemen came (one an officer) 
to represent to His Majesty the suflFering of persons in 
North America, with a plan of an instrument which 
they make use of to torment them when in prison. At 
one o'clock Mr. Pitt came, and returned at twenty 
minutes past four. At six their Majesties went out 
in an open chaise to take the air, and returned at 
half-past eight. This morning waited till nine o'clock, 
when the light horseman came. Nothing material." 

•« Sunday, July ISth. 
" The King was very civil to everybody at his draw- 
ing-room. The Queen was not there. I went afterwards 
into the closet to ask when Monsieur Durand* might 
have an audience to deliver letters from the French 
Queen, in answer to His Majesty when he recalled me 
from the French Embassy. The King appointed the 

* The French Ambasaador, 
VOL. I. B B 

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Wednesday following, and then entered into a long con- 
versation with me on several indiflFerent points." 

A few days after the last entry in the Duke of 
Sichmond's journal, the Rockingham Ministry had 
ceased to exist, and I cannot resist inserting Burke's 
masterly summary of their conduct during their short 
tenure of office. 

" They treated their Sovereign with decency, with 
reverence. They discountenanced, and it is hoped for 
ever abolished, the dangerous and unconstitutional 
practice of removing military officers for their votes 
in Parliament. They firmly adhered to those friends 
of liberty, who had run all hazards in its cause, and 
provided for them in preference to every other claim. 

" With the Earl of Bute they had no personal con- 
nexion, no correspondence of councils. They neither 
courted him nor persecuted him. They practised no 
corruption, nor were they even suspected of it. They 
sold no offices. They obtained no reversions or pen- 
sions, either coming in or going out, for themselves, 
their families, or their dependents. 

" In the prosecution of their measures they were 
traversed by an opposition of a new and lingular 
character; an opposition of placemen and pensioners. 
They were supported by the confidence of the nation. 
And having held their offices under many difficulties 
and discouragements, they left them at the express 
command, as they had accepted them at the earnest 
request of their Royal master." 

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Since this Work went to the press, I have been favoured 
by a friend with some copious extracts from a manuscript 
collection of Letters addressed by Marshal Conway to Horace 
Walpole, originally made with a view to publication in a 
Memoir of the Marshal, then in contemplation, but which was 
subsequently abandoned. As a distinguished contemporary, 
and a friend of Lord Rockingham, Conway is entitled to a 
more frill notice than I had been able to bestow in my text ; 
and my silence was only caused by the scarcity of the mate- 
rials respecting his private life, that are to be found either in 
contemporary works, or in the manuscript repositories to which 
I had access. I am glad therefore to supply this deficiency, 
especially as the letters are not without value, illustrating, as 
they do, the manners of the period at which they were 

May, 1740. 

" We went yesterday into mourning for his Majesty the 
King of Prussia. The present King has written a letter to 
M. Algarotti to this effect: * Venez, mon cher Algarotti : 
mon sort est change. Je puis ^ pres^^nt jouer de mes amis — 
me ne fait long temps perdre ce plaisir. J'^ai de Timportance 
a vous revoir — Frederick Roi.' All this is mighty pretty 

B B 2 

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and romantic, and one would think that they had been friends 
from the cradle, for Kings do not condescend to these fami- 
liarities with subjects but upon extraordinary occasions ; but 
behold all this friendship is the growth of one week that 
Algarotti staid with him on his road to Petersburg with Lord 

^^ I must send you Admiral * Hosier's Ghost/ though it 
should stand you in half-arcrown, because all the world is cry- 
ing out about it in some way or other. The patriots cry it up, 
and the courtiers cry it down, and the hawkers cry it up and 
down till they make one deaf. For my part I had rather hear 
your opinion about it than tell my own ; but I have not the 
patience to wait ; so must tell you that I like it extremely, and 
think it mighty solemn and mighty poetical. Several men of 
sense that I have seen are of the same opinion ; judges, but 
not party-mad. Now, as I take you for a very indifferent 
politician (you understand me, I mean, indifferent in party 
matters), and think you far from an indifferent judge, I hope 
you will join with us. You know the history of his lying a 
long time before Porto Bello and losing almost all his crew.*^ 

Walpole acknowledges this in a letter of 9th of July, 1740. 

" Dear Hobry, " Thursday, Aug. 6, 1740. 

^^ You cannot imagine how happy you make me with that 
charming old stock of friendship that you say you have kept In 
lavender for me. It is a treasure that I value more than I can 
express, and without any unreasonable doubts of your grati- 
tude or constancy, I would have given the world to have 
insured it when we parted ; but affection would be no longer 
affection, if it was not attended with some anxiety — if it ceased 
to be that res solliciti plena timoris. How did I know but that 
in these cursed piratical times I might have been robbed of 
it ? and what redress could I have had ? To think of making 

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new ones instead of it, would be like that old Roman logger- 
head whom Velleius makes honourable mention of, who threat- 
ened the people, if thej lost the old Corinthian statues, that 
they should find new ones in their stead. Indeed, I must have 
recourse to better times than these, if I would find another 
friendship worthy to succeed it. I won'^t make you anj com- 
pliments : it is none, Ood knows, to tell you that I love you, 
if possible, more than ever, and can forgive you anything but 
doubting of it. 

So you see, my dear Horry, I am ready for your coming. 
You shall find your old apartment in my heart in the 
best order in the world to receive you. It has no need 
of dusting or brushing up, I assure you ; I hope you meant 
no such thing by saying you wrote your last only to an- 
nounce yourself! But you require a history of the present 
times of me ; indeed, you apply to the very worst person 
in the world. I know nothing of politics^ imprimis^ which is 
a great article in modem history. As to scandal and common 
news, to be sure I hear it as others do now and then, but then 
I am plenus rtmarum ; it comes in at one ear literally, and out 
at the other. I have no sort of retention, and but very 
moderate intelligence of late, for I see nobody. Would you 
believe it, Horry, I have been hitherto in this dreary city all 
this live-long summer ? But I canH bear summer people, and 
so I live a good deal alone. I now and then go to Chelsea, 
as you may suppose, once a week or so ; then I have a meta- 
morphosed quondam country sister whom you have heard of; 
this, with two or three dropping-in acquaintance, makes my^ 
world. So if you have a mind to hear the history of that, I 
can give it you, but for the great one I know nothing of it. 
As to myself I have a thousand idle hours, which, with 
some small study and a thousand idle amusements, pass as 
fast at least as I wish them to do. And, dear Horry, I have 

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at last begun to draw ; you will not be sorry to hear that I 
shall confine myself chiefly or rather entirely to perspective, 
views of buildings, landscapes, &c. I feel as if I should take 
to it mightily, and only regret having begun so late. I have 
a notion Lens is dead, so I have taken a good old German, 
who was recommended to me by my master of mathematics 
(for you must know I am in the midst of that and fortifications). 
He seems to be good at that kind of drawing, and has done 
some views of parts of London, which I really think pretty. 
' It must be owned he smells a good deal of tobacco, but time 
will get the better of that I hope. He diverts me by talking 
like my Lord Grantham, and is as solemn as he can be for 
his life. I almost wish I had staid for your advice, but 
now the affair is done I hope for your approbation. As 
to my performances, which are as yet only two small land- 
scapes, if you will take my opinion, they are moderate for 
the first, neither very bad nor good, but nothing tending 
towards a genius ; so I must depend upon time and my old 
German^s instructions, and yours when you come over, which 
I beg you will do instantly. What should you do there? 
You hate France, and England loves you. As for your loving 
it, I want to know how that stands, but I am sure it will 
divert you when you come, it is a pleasant animal ; one may 
laugh at it as much as one will, but if one grows grave there 
is no living here. 

" Your ballad is extremely pretty, and I think you have 
done it great injury to put it up in that halfpenny form, 
with such a tiiie and a frontispiece that I could have done 
myself. But it is hard to plague you with so tedious a letter, 
and not relieve you with one paragraph of news. Here is a 
paper just come in, I shall read it, and if I can find anything 
for you, you shall have it. Nothing but foreign news. Letters 
from the Hague and Paris d la maitiy but they say that you 

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French are going to declare war against ns immediately, and 
are marching yonr troops towards our Electoral dominion. 
It does not signify ; I am sure the war must be general. The 
Body Politic of Europe is in strange disorder, and a great 
deal of bad blood must be let out before it can possibly come 
to itself again, so the sooner the better. 

^* There has been an earthquake at Naples, and a storm of 
hail at Geneva, according to custom ; and the Turkish 
Ambassador at Petersburgh made a good figure on horseback, 
though he is but a short, slender man, about sixty years of 
age. This, with the marriage of a great silk-dyer to Miss — — , 
a young lady of great beauty, merit, and fortune, and the 
death of an eminent distiller in Comhill, is all that I find worth 
your notice. Upon Lord Augustuses death there has been a 
sort of negociation about my coming in for Thetford, but I 
doTCt know what will come of it. I am very easy about the 
event of it, thanks to Jupiter, and can leave it to him without 
the least pain. Adieu, dear Horry. Service to Gray.'' 

" Monday, Oct. 26, 1740. 
^^ Look here, Horry, here is just such a bit of paper as you 
wrote to me upon, and if I can help it I won't write a word 
more upon it. I have just written to Selwyn, and told him 
that I had received your note and would answer it soon ; but 
it is now come into my head to do it this minute, that I may 
scold you for the shortness of your last, before my resentment 
is cooled, for you know I am soon appeased. Lideed, Horry, 
if one did not love you better than anybody, and you did not 
write better than other people, one could never forgive you ; 
but I forgot, those are the very reasons why I should be the 
most angry with you. So, know that nothing but a vehement 
long letter can ever make it up betwixt us. I must tell you, 
too, that you must write it soon, for we have fixed our journey 

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for this day fortnight, and I feel as if I should like to meet 
npon the best terms imaginable with yon. For, to say the truth, 
(don'*t tell Horry Walpole of it) I long to see you ; indeed, I 
heartily wish I had been at the unpacking of your viri^ for I 
love to see pretty things, though I don^t understand them ; and 
for your Tiberius, Vespasian, and Octavia, I honour them ; 
and most obsequiously kiss their hands, if they have any. 
What closet have you fitted up P Are you in your old apart- 
ment ; or is it the other charming green closet P Pray tell 
Mrs. Le Neve I like her bouts rimis much, and should be glad 
to hear from her the true history of ^Quoties, Domine P' Have 
you heard anything of the duel between Winnington and 
Augustus Townshend P It is charming ! but donH say anything 
of it from me if you have not done so, because Selwyn told 
me of it, and bid me not to let it go out of the family, of 
which family I reckon you are. 

^' I hear his Majesty is come over full of his Highnesses 
treaty, and that he expects great applause for it from the 
Parliament. It is whispered too that he is like to be disap- 
pointed. Have you seen Lord Bolingbroke'*s pamphlet P 
What do you think of it ? You are or ought to be a politi- 
cian ; but for me I trouble myself with no such thing. Have 
you seen or heard anything about the Opera P I believe it is 
too late for you to subscribe now, but I hope you intend 
to go there very often. You must know I am a Director. 
A Director ! well, I give ycu leave to make what reflexions 
you please upon me ; but don't say a word, for I am now 
trying to get my name out. Was there ever such an oaf 
in the world ? Do scold me, I beseech you, Horry, for that 
will be really some punishment to me. I may be ruined too, 
for what I know, and forced to elope some fair evening. 
You will hear nothing of me till you see my name in the paper 
for a bankrupt, and a description of my person. What 

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do you think we do with ourselves here ? We breakfast to- 
gether, then part commonly and remain in our respective 
apartments till dinner, unless the day serves for walking ; but 
of those we have very few, and those few we make fewer by 
our little inclination to walk ; the country is so dirty and so 
dismal. At four we dine, and after dinner read some stupid 
book till supper, for we have a tolerably learned library 
here, but the worst for entertainment that ever was. All 
this is melancholy enough ; but we shall see you in a fort- 
night, my dear Horry, aud that makes everything support- 
able. Adieu ! my compliments to all your house. So you 
cannot bear Mrs. WoflBngton ; yet all the town is in love with 
her. To say the truth, I am glad to find somebody to keep 
me in countenance, for I think she is an impudent, Irish- 
faced girl. 

« Jan. 19th, 1741. 
" Shall we never see you, dear Horry ? Sure Florence 
must have some strange enchanting power, some hidden 
charms that we are not acquainted with ! Are you in love 
there, or what is it ? If I don't hear you are removed before 
this gets to you, I shall despair of seeing you. If our spring 
cannot invite you here, and your flaming summer drive you 
from Italy, I shall give you over. But now is the time that 
young Englishmen come like herrings in shoals from all parts 
of the world. A new scene is opening, where everybody will 
crowd either as actors or spectators. What swarms to see 
the new play ! or rather the old farce acted by a new set of 
players. Whichever I am, it would not be worth my while 
to come five miles for it ; I shall be so indifferent a spectator, 
or, if you will, so indifferent an actor, or rather no actor at all. 
I shall, in all probability, play no other part than that of a 
mute, and only help to crowd the stage, and keep those warm 
who play greater roles. I want much to know what you 

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think of all this, and If you feel a fear, or how ? I own I feel 
as if I had rather be out of the scrape, and yet it is mj own 
fiinlt if I am in it. But I am like those people who run into 
a quarrel out of curiosity, and often get a black eye or a 
broken head for their pains. Poor Sir Robert is to lose his 
head immediately as they say, about which he seems to trou- 
ble his head very little ; but I must tell you a good thing of 
Lady Thanet^s before I go any further. Lord Bateman told 
her at the Bath that he had Sir Robertas head in his pocket. 
' Are you sure of it ? ** says she. — ' Nothing surer.' — ^ Why, 
then,' says she, ' you cannot possibly do so well as to put it on 
your shoulders.' On Wednesday I think they bring on a 
motion to remove him into the House of Lords ; then there 
comes the Place Bill, and God knows what besides, that will 
quite ruin him. This is the whole extent of my politics. I 
have no more time, or else I should talk to you a little more. 
Service to Gray. The Conwayhood salute you." 

" Dear Horst, « London, Feb. 16, 1741. 

" It is with great pleasure, you will believe, that I fulfil 
my promise of letting you know if there were the least fflgn of 
amendment in poor Selwyn,* of whom I gave you so melan- 
choly an account last post. I wish I could make this more sa- 
tisfactory to you and myself, by telling you he was quite out of 
danger, but as his distemper seemed to be at such a crisis 
that I believe nobody thought he would live four-and-twenty 
hours, the least change for the better gives us room to hope. 
He has had some rest : they have given him the bark, and 
yesterday, they tell me, he was pretty free from his delirium. 
These are good signs, but yet I am not so sanguine as to 
flatter myself that he is by any means free from danger. 
You are so much his friend and so much mine, that I am 

♦ John Selwyn, elder brother of (George Selwyn. He died in 1760. 

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sure you will be glad of this acconnt, and will add some 
to the numberless wishes that are sent up every day for his 
recovery, which nobody can fail to form that knows him or 
knows his merit. I designed to have contented myself with . 
giving you this account, but when I am conversing with you 
I am tempted, nescio qud dulcedtne^ always to exceed the 
bounds, which, for your sake, I prescribe myself at setting 
out. But I should really be to blame, if I did not give you 
some account of your father's victory on Friday in both 
Houses, that seemed to resemble Cimon's triumphs over land 
and wave. They made a motion to address his Majesty, 
desiring that he would be graciously pleased to remove the 
Right Hon. Sir Robert Walpole from his Council ; but after 
schemmg the whole winter, holding Council upon Council, and 
junto upon junto, rallying the dSbris of last winter's seces- 
sion, and raking together the whole hotch-potch— that mingled 
mass of Jacobites, Tories, Whigs, Republicans, &c., men of 
all principles and of no principles — in order to give a total 
overthrow before next winter, calling out of their graves a 
dozen or two of veteresy victim veternosi senesy who have been 
buried for ages in the country, drowned all party feuds in 
October and tobacco, and even forget there was such a thing 
as politics ; — after all this you may well imagine they were 
no wiser than ever, and nothing less than Sir Robert's head 
(which you know Lord Bathurst has kept in his pocket some 
time) was to pay for it. Nay, they had calculated to a man 
by how many votes he was to lose it. What would you 
think was Sir Robert's majority after this ? Two hundred 
and ninety to one hundred and six in the House of Commons, 
and I think ninety odd to forty odd amongst the Peers! The 
first who opposed the motion in the House of Commons was 
Lord Combury ; then Mr. Southwell and Mr. Harley. Above 
seventy of their sure men left the house before the question ; 

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in short, yoa never saw people so totally discomfited. But 
observe the conduct of their leader : he sits still, waiting till 
Sir Robert should make his speech and withdraw, that he 
might attack him when he was gone with a new charge. But 
the whole House called upon him by name, and made him get 
up, which he did at last in a furious passion, and spoke very 
ill they say ; for Mr. Pulteney attacked him almost en- 
tirely upon a thing which, unluckily, was transacted during 
the seven years that Sir Robert was out of all employment, 
relating to the army debentures ; but Sir Robert declared to 
me the day after that his speech,) which was of an hour and 
a half,) was entirely made in answer to what Pulteney said, 
and that he did not make the least use of any notes which he 
had taken, or of the plan he had laid down before. I did not 
hear the debate, but am told they never were driven to such 
shifts. Some said it was sufficient reason that he had been 
Minister almost twenty years.* 

" Num tamen inveniet tarn longa potentia finem 1 

^^ This was their chief complaint, and indeed they are to be 
pitied, not because he has been in power so long, but because 
they have been out. Poor Lord Carteret was dragged into 
it head and shoulders ; he has been distracted between shame 
on one side, and fear on the other this great while. His 
enmity to the Duke of Argyle drives him one way, and his 
hatred of Sir Robert another. Two minutes after he had 
made the motion he rubbed his periwig o£P, and has not 
ceased biting his nails and scratching his head ever since. If 
you want to know their situation at present, read Milton^s 
description of Satan and his crew of fallen Angels ; some are 
threatening, some silent and gloomy, some reasoning apart, 
but all overwhelmed with flames and disappointment ; and all 
in the dark as to everything but their own unhappiness. 

• For an interesting account of this debate, see Walpole, vol. i. 641. 

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" So much for politics. If I go on any farther yon '11 think 
I have canght the contagion, and am grown as politically mad 
as any of my countrymen ; bat you must know for all this 
that nobody is so indifferent in party matters. I seldom think 
about them ; and when I do, I sometimes think one in the 
wrong, and sometimes the other, but commonly both. When 
I am angry at either side I rail, and for that moment am 
courtier or patriot, just as it happens ; but in the generality 
of my conversation I am a perfect Atticus — I converse with 
people on both sides, and as I donH love to trouble my head 
about affairs that I have nothing to do in, politics are the 
last subject I choose to talk of. 

^^ I hear we are to see you soon, and so I have heard thid 
great while, and yet one does not see you ; but you have sent 
away your clothes, and so cannot stay ; probatum est. Be- 
sides, here will be a seat in Parliament warmed by some fat 
Courtier, that will grow cold before you come. Be sure, do 
not play the Lot, nor the Orpheus, nor the fool so much as to 
cast a look back on Florence when yon are set out ; nor once 
think of your gallery, or the Amo, or your beauties de ct 
pays-liy nor any such thing ; for if you do, you are gone — you 
relapse infallibly for two or three years at least. Shut your 
eyes all the way through Oermany, and proceed straight 
hither, without turning either to the right or to the left. 
Yon cannot imagine how I long to give yon a dish of tea in 
my snug lodgings, and to talk to you of a thousand things. 
Adieu ! 

^* Since I began this, I hear that the doctors think Selwyn 
much better, and that there are great hopes of him. How 
often do I mutter, ' When shall we three meet again ? ' 
Pray come soon, that I may enjoy that wish, and then depart 
in peace upon my third pilgrimage to that unholy land, that 
land of bulls. Besides, I may be drowned, you know, in 

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going ; and then there is such fighting and such warring over 
the face of the earth, that one cannot call one's life one'^s 
own. What a madman peaceable people would think me, 
for bartering such an inestimable property for the valae of 
200/. j)er annum and the ridiculous title of Captain of Dra^ 
goons ! Good bye ! captain or no captain, alive or dead, I 
shall always be sincerely yours. Service to Gray, and to my 
Persian friend and likeness. The family make their com- 

Colonel Conway left England in the spring of 1742 to join 
the army. " We crept over the sea," he says, "in four tedious 
days, and from thence stepped immediately into a bilander ; 
which bilander is a certain vast fresh-water machine, an- 
swering one's idea of the Ark, and filled with just such a 
motley complement — Dutch, English, German, Flemish, civil, 
military, male, female, dogs, cats, &c., but all, in appearance, 
of the unclean kind. In this agreeable conveyance we were 
dragged by two lean Flanders mares up a narrow canal, and 
then a melancholy flat, to Bruges, a clean old-fashioned town, 
that has nothing to be said either for or against it but the 
neatness of the streets, and puts me in mind of a cleanly 
old woman, smug and insipid. Here we saw nothing that 
I care to remember, but Sir Harry Englefield's sister in 
a convent of English nuns. She is vastly handsome, and we 
were all that day violently in love with her. The next, we 
changed our amphibious vehicle for its counterpart upon 
wheels, very improperly called a * Diligence,' which brought 
us five or six leagues in twice as many hours, to Ghent, 
where we arrived plus ennuySs que fatigu6s^ and tired of 
nothing so much as the great tranquiUity and ease of our 

Colonel Conway had anticipated much pleasure from enter- 

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ing on the active duties of his profession. To a young officer 
tired of balls and masquerades, and with a head full of Vau- 
ban and Folard, nothing could be so delightful in prospect as 
Flanders and a campaign. Instead of this, he found himself 
confined to head-quarters in Ghent, a dull town, where the 
presence of an army wholly inactive was equally unproduc- 
tive of instruction or interest. The society of his brother 
officers afforded him no compensation for this disappoint- 

" When I shall be reduced," he writes, ^^ to do as they do 
here, which is, in the most literal sense of the word, doing 
nothing, is a thing that I have no imagination of. You 
wouH believe me when I tell you, that they saunter about 
the streets, or lounge at a coffee-house or tavern all the day 
long."*^ He certainly employed himself less discreditably ^^ in 
sitting at home in his dimity night-gown, reading, both morn- 
ing and evening ; '''' though a more fitting occupation might 
have suggested itself to a Field Officer, now for the first time 
on service ; and still more censurable was Lord Stair, in suf- 
fering such raw and inexperienced troops to lose so favourable 
an opportunity of improving themselves in military discipline. 
It is not surprising that, as we read in a contemporary his- 
torian, ^^ the men were idle, unemployed, and quarrelling with 
the inhabitants.*"* 

It was no s%ht relief to Colonel Conway, who had soon 
become heartily tired of this new mode of life, to accompany 
his friends, Lord and Lady Ancram, in an excursion to 
Brussels and Antwerp ; and his spirits were so far raised by 

♦ Walpole says, in his lively style, " our troops are as peaceable there 
(Flanders) as on Hounslow Heathy except some bickerings and blows about 
beef with butchers, and about sacraments with friars. You know the 
English can eat no meat, and be civil to no god, but their own.'' — Letter to 
Sir Horace Mann, 20th Aug. 1742. Collected Letters, vol. i. 221. 

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it, that he addressed, on his return, a lively letter to Walpole, 
which is inserted here from its reference to one of the very 
few love-passages in Walpole's life. 

"Dear Hobby, «Ghent,8ept. 26, 1742. 

" delight in your disowning your amourette twelve miles 
out of London. Do you forget all that passed in Chelsea 
summer-house on that head, and in Chelsea parlour too ? 
but if you do I am sure Mrs. Le Neve does not, nor Lady 
Mary neither, who were both as tired of the subject as you 
were delighted with it. Yes, twelve miles out of London, 
Horry ; and yet you are in the right to commend London 
too. I know your beauty was little out of it at that time, 
gone to i^ine and do mischief in some country village : but 
its satellites accompanied it too, for I remember you made 
frequent excursions about that time, spite of all the dust 
and heat in the world. I am not simple; I know that 
people like London, as Dr. Bentley said of apple-pie, but 
nobody loves London for London^s sake, but green girls and 
quadrille matrons. So donH think to get off by a vile quibble 
about residency and inheritance like a vile election witness. 
You have in short an amourette in the forms, and a sighing, 
and a walking in the Park, and a galloping about in chaises. 
All this I am sure of, and you have a great deal of confix 
deuce to deny it. Have you not made tongs and read 
romances ? Can you deny this too ? However, to show my 
generosity, 1 11 tell you how far I 'U go. Of constancy I 
will acquit you, and that is the last word with you. 

*^ I like your gross refusal of Dick Hammond^s* party, as 
you call it. Had he reidly the face to ask you to go a-shoot- 
ing with him ? — 1 believe you would hardly go a shooting 

* Mr. Hammond was Walpole's first cousin, being the son of Sir Robert's 
sister, Mrs. Hammond. 

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with our twelve mile friend ! 'Tis as if Sir Thomas Robin- 
son* had asked me to go to Barbadoes with him. You sur- 
prise me with what you say about winter, I have certainly 
made some strange blunder in my letter, for I never dreamt 
of wintering here. I should have hanged myself if I had 
long ago. I suppose I call this winter, because of the bad- 
ness of the weather, or if I reckon by the length of time 
I have passed here, Christmas would have come long 

^' Majesty swears he will come over and make us encamp 
and use us to fatigue. Then Prague-|- is not taken, and they 
say it grows more and more uncertain whether it will or not. 
The French say it will not, and thereupon little Bossu grows 
as pert as a pearmonger, and pretends to demand categorical 
answers to his foolish questions. The Haguers are asleep 
still, though Lord Stair is come over to jog them again ; yet 
they dream something of campaigns and preparations, and 
stretch a little, as if they might wake some time or other ; 
there 's the conversation of this place and the everything of it, 
for we really have no other news here. 

^* I like your idea of St. Austin and his paradise, and I 
have a notion that Ohent would make a very good paradise, 
for if four gates and four rivers make a place delightful, i 
plus forte ratsotij twenty-four gates and twenty-four rivers, 
which this place'has at least. 

*^ I am just where I was when I wrote last, same life, same 
ennuis ; I have formed no sort of alliance or connexion. I 
donH know how it is, some people are made so that they 
form friendships in a moment, and stick 'like burrs to the 

♦ Sir Thomas Robinson had l»een recently appointed Governor of Bar- 
badoes. He was the elder brother of Primate Robinson. 

t Marsha] Belleisle was at this time besieged in Prague by Prince 
Charles of Lorraine. 


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first person they meet, and I believe they are the happiest, 
for they never feel for the loss or absence of friends. Theirs 
grow like hydra's heads. They have a continual supply: 
John or Thomas is the same thing to them, and nature has 
excused them from the constant desidertum of absent friends, 
or the worst sufferings from bad ones. Adieu, dear Horry ! 
Je nCen tiens i mea anciensy and never was more sincerely 
or with greater affection, 

" Yours, 
"Compliments." « H. C. 

The inactivity to wliich the British were condemned must 
have been rendered more distasteful to them, by the contrast 
it presented to the brilliant success of the Austrians. Count 
Kevenhaller defeated the French and Bavarians united, at 
Lintz, and forced a large body of the former to capitulate. 
Encouraged by this victory the Count entered Bavaria, and 
forced his way to Munich, which surrendered without a 
struggle. At the same time. Prince Charles Lorraine, after 
maintaining a gallant fight against the King of Prussia' in 
Silesia, turned suddenly on the French, and drove them into 
Prague, where the capture of Marshal Belleisle, and a corps 
of 26,000 mfeu seemed likely to reward his enterprise. Lord 
Carteret passed over to the Hague in September, and in vain 
urged the States to allow their troops to march with the British 
towards the Rhine, before the enemy had recovered from the 
consternation caused by these reverses. Their High Mighti- 
nesses were as deaf to his representations as they had been to 
those of Lord Stair in the spring. It was, therefore, deter- 
mined that the troops should remain in garrison till March, 
and an intimation was given to all officers who were Members 
of Parliament, that, if they asked leave to .go home on their 
private affairs, and return, not all together, they would be 

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very well received. Ccmway was one of those who profited 
by this indalgence. 

The Session opened early in November. The first day of 
its proceedings was of so warlike a complexion, as to remove 
all doubt of the policy of the Government. Carteret and his 
colleagues embraced the cause of Maria Theresa with chivalrous 
zeal. Conway had the satisfaction of forming one of a large 
majority against a motion for disbanding the army in Flanders, 
and what was equally important to his prospects as a soldier, 
the army was placed on a' footing equal to offensive operations 
by a liberal grant of money, as well as the accession of an 
auxiliary corps in British pay, of 16,000 Hanoverians. Ches- 
terfield in the Lords, and Pitt in the Commons, eloquently 
protested against measures so dishonourable to the Ministerial 
leaders, whose main topic in opposition had been the evils of 
a German war ; but the tide had now turned irresistibly in 
that direction. At the end of January came the welcome news 
of the co-operation of the Dutch, and in February, Lord Stair 
marched with the Anglo-German army towards the Rhine. 

The early operations of the British did not betoken any con- 
siderable alacrity in their commander. It was said, with some 
show of reason, that Lord Stair had run into Berg and Juliers 
to seek battles where he was sure of not finding them. Months 
were consumed in fruitless marches and countermarches, so 
that Conway, whom the early prorogation of Parliament had 
released on the 24th of April, found the army at the end of 
May lingering in the neighbourhood of Frankfort, without 
having even seen the enemy. On the 9th of June he writes to 
Walpole : — 

'' I am glad to get a moment to write to you, for we are 

now upon that violent military footing, and so much in earnest, 

that they never let me rest. The night before last, between 

c c 2 

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ten and eleven o^cIock, we received orders to strike our tents 
at midnight, and march at break of day, which accordingly 
we did ; and after marching backward and forward all day, 
came to take possession of the ground where we now are with 
the three battalions of Guards, and two regiments of foot. It 
is an advantageous post, situated upon a hill, and surrounded 
by woods. The French had their head-quarters at Darmstadt 
last night, which is about three leagues from us. Twenty 
battalions, which had repassed the Rhine, are now come over 
again, and are marching towards us. Our Generals imagine 
they will attack us immediately, and are in a great fluster. 
The troops are moving up here, both English and Hano- 
verian— some are already encamped. We have abundance of 
parties posted in the woods and about : our piquet guard lies 
out upon the ground, and, in short, we are as much on the 
gut vive as can be. I know you are ignorant what a piquet- 
guard is, so rU tell you; because in these warlike days, it is 
necessary to know a little of terms, in order to read ^ Ga- 
zettes ' and correspond with one^s friends. The piquet- 
guard is a certain number of men in every regiment who lie all 
night under arms, — in short, are always ready, in case of a 
sudden alarm, but commonly in their tents. 

^* The spirit of our men is surprising : they desire nothing 
so much as to fight, and never appear so elated as when they 
think they are going to it. Yesterday morning, as we were 
drawn up to march, I saw a man of my company, who has 
been ill a great while, looking like all the ghosts and skeletons 
you can imagine. He said he was ill the day before, but the 
news of this march had cured him, and given him new spirits. 
You must know the suddenness of this movement and the 
circumstances of break-of-day and drums beating, made all 
us young soldiers fancy we were to fight immediately. By 
this time, I suppose, I have heartily surfeited you with mili- 

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tary nonsense. I must add, however, that the Prince of 
Conti has certainly been beat in Bavaria with the loss pf 
two thousand n\en. The progress of Prince Charles of Lor- 
raine in that country is prodigious. He was polite enough to 
send the Prince of Conti his own baggage, which had been 
taken. They look upon their affairs as very desperate, and 
that is what drives them i^ the thoughts of attacking us. 
We have been told, that they have positive orders for it, and 
that the whole army has taken the sacrament thereupon* 
This is the creed at present amongst our great people ; but 
for mjrself I am infidel enough to think they are in no such 
hurry, and that our armies may meet and look at one another 
without offence. 

'^ You cannot think how sorry I am for poor Moustache 
and for Dolly and Neddy Townshend. The first not on my 
own account, but on yours and poor Pat^s ; and the others for 
their own. I agree with you entirely in everything about 
Lord Combury : in everything but the similitude that your 
partiality for me has traced between ottr characters. Indeed, 
Horry, I am as sensible of the amiableness of his as I am 
ashamed of the nothingness of my own : however, I am not 
less happy in your partiality than I should be vain of your 
judgment in my favour, if I thought it unbiassed. You bid 
me in your last to think of the comfort of knowing there are 
those who will hear my complaints and pity them. To think 
that I am remembered by my friends with some sympathy 
for all my ennuis and my cares, and perhaps with some littje 
regret for my absence, is, indeed, the only thing that can 
make it supportable, and by most the greatest happiness I am 
capable of in my present situation. Adieu, dear Horry, you 
cannot think how sensible I am of all your kindness, and 
what comfort I shall always have in hearing from you. I 
wonH begin to pity you till I know you are at Houghton, 

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and then only because I know you expect it. However, I 
think myself obliged in gratitude to answer any sum of com- 
pasedon you shall draw for ; my demands are large upon you. 
" Compliments to Lord Orford and Lady Mary. Oh ! and 
Mrs. Le Neve, &c.'" 

The conflict between the two armies, wfaidi from Conway's 
letter seems to have been considered imminent, did not take 
place. Marshal de Noailles understood the advantages better. 
He contented himself with harassing the British, and cutting 
off their supplies, until Lord Stair and the Due d'^Arenberg 
out-manoeuvred at every point, and unable to move without 
encountering a very superior force, were driven to quit a dis- 
trict where they could no longer find the means of subsistence. 
An army of near forty thousand men, wiUi the King, the 
Duke of Cumberland, who, with Lord Carteret, and the 
members of the Royal Household, had arrived on the 19th, 
seemed, to use the words of Lord Mahon, almost within the 
enemy^s grasp. Their destruction seemed inevitable, but it 
was averted by the victory which the rashness of the young 
Due de Grammont threw into their hands at Dettmgen, 
on the S7th, a day Long celebrated in England with enthu- 
siasm, because the King bad shared its dangers, and was 
supposed to have contributed to its issue. 

Colonel Conway was present in the engagement, but to his 
deep mortification the brigade of Guards, in which he served, 
were hindered by Baron Ilton, the Hanoverian General, from 
coming into the fire, a precaution for which the Baron was 
afterwards much blamed.* 

The troops effected their retreat to Hanau without moles- 
tation ; and this was the only fruit of the victory. For a 
time the King cherished dreams of an invasion of France in 
* Walpole's Collected Letters, vol. i. 293. 

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concert with the Austrian generrls. The latter had come to 
Hanau to discuss the scheme of operations ; but the discus- 
sions proved very unsatisfactory, and ended in the resignation 
of Lord Stair, the Duke of Marlborough, and many other 
English officers, who complained of the King^s confidence 
being given exclusively to the Hanoverians. Conway re- 
turned to England in the autumn to attend Parliament. The 
following letters, addressed by him to Walpole subsequently 
to the battle, refer to these transactions : — 

" Dbab Hobrt, "Cwnp at Hanau, July 27, N.S. 1743. 

^^ I Bxxx ashamed to-day I am now to thank you for two 
letters; yet the first, of the S5th of June, I did not receive till 
about three days ago. It was vastly kind, and deserves a 
thousand thanks ; but if you would not be angry I would tell 
you it was horrid to be so congratulated for one'^s escape from 
dangers one had not been in. I see by your last you won^t 
let one feel anything of the kind, so I shall say no more upon 
that subject, and even repent of what I said in my last, you 
will think me such a fool ! But, dear Horry, by-the-by, 
how can you try to spoil one so ? I am vastly inelined to 
think well of myself already, but that I meet with 'so many 
rubs every day, so many mementos of my own pauvretSy and 
if you donH abate a little of your goodness for me you will 
really make me as vain as I am foolish. To say I am too 
good for a soldier ! I remember a man, Horry, who was 
bom a footman, and to whom nature had given extraordinary 
talents for that station. He might even have made a tolerable 
vaUt-^-chambre^ but that his friends persuaded him he had 
parts suited to the stage. He applied to Mr. Rich, obtained 
a diadem for his first appearance : had the misfortune not to 
fJease, fell down all the ranks of the theatre from a king to a 
snufi^-candle, and — starved. 

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*'*' I should never have done if I told you all tbe sights I 
have seen to-day. Prince Charles, Keyenhaller, a Croat, a 
Pandour, &c. The first is about thirty years old, of good 
soldier-liks appearance, and in the countenance not unlike 
Lord James Cavendish ; neither short nor tall, and fattisb. 
Kevenhaller is a little, ordinary-looking man, with a sharp 
face, and something of Justice Deveil upon tbe whole. A 
Pandour is something like a Houssard; but a Croat the like- 
ness of no earthly creature ; savage beyond all descripUon, 
and then a perfect magazine of all sorts of implements, mili- 
tary and civil ; so they are both ; guns, and swords, and dag- 
gers, and pistols, and arrows, and knives and forks, and 
spoons, and belts, and pouches, and cartridges, to the end of 
the chapter. They came the day before yesterday, and go away 
to-morrow. What they have concerted, or whether anything, 
I know not. I begin to grow impatient to know, whether we 
shall have anything more to do or not : tell me what you 
think in England. I am for forcing the French to excellent 
terms; but, then, dear Horry, how I long to be with you, 
and how I despair of it for ages. I would even now with this 
prospect of peace compound for three months. I cannot bear 
to think of it! 

" Make my compliments to all your family. I would write 
to assure Lord Orford of my duty, but that I could not hope 
to give him any amusement, and am afraid of .being trouble* 
some. Adieu.^ 

** Deab Hobry, '< Oct. 25, 1743, N.S. 

^^ You will wonder how I can be arrived at the Hague 
without having let you hear a word of my journey, and com- 
municating to you the vast joy I feel upon my escape, and the 
great part you bear in it. But the hurry of my journey, to- 
gether with the hurry of my spirits, was so prodigious that 

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either I have forgot or neglected half the things necetBairy to 
be done upon the occasion. I am now at the Hague as I 
told you, where I am under promise to stay some days with 
Lord Holdemesse, by whose means I obtained mj congS. 
Lord Holdemesse, they say, is going to be married here : for 
me, remember I say nothing of it. The lady^s name is 
Doublet. I saw her all day yesterday. Dinner at Mr. Tre- 
vor^s, and cards and supper at Lord Stair^s ; and I assure you 
I think her both pretty and agreeabfe to a degree. Lord Stair 
has not yet taken his leave here, but does not interfere 
with any sort of business or politics whatever : he talks of 
going the beginning of next week. He entertains, too, with 
his usual magnificence, and, in short, may very probably be 
prevailed upon by his amusements and his indolence to stay 
something longer than he intends. I mention this, because if 
he holds his resolution, I think it just possible I may come 
over with him. I hear he stays in London this winter, but on 
peril of his regiment, and Government is not to make any stir 
in the political world, but play at whist, tout de bon^ all winter 

" I hear the Duke of Argyle is succeeded in his honours 
and estate by his worthy brother, from whom they fall to 
Jack Campbell, when he shall have fuddled away his days 
amongst toads, spiders, and projectors. 

** The Hague looks like a capital, and is very pretty ; but 
the society savours more of a large country-town ; consisting 
of one general circle, where all know one another, from 
whence the communication of news is so regular, that you 
have not made water five minutes before the whole town is 
acquainted with it. With this incessant eating, drinking, and 
cards, and a French comedy, votli la Hague ! You will say 
I form my opinion very soon, and so I do, but in short this 

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ris mj opinion, and whether it is right or wrong, signifies not 
three halfpence either to jon or me. 

" We fell down the Rhine from Mentz to Cologne, which 
took up almost three days, during which time we were 
amused with many of the finest prospects, but particularly 
the most rude and romantic, the most Salvator Roaa that 
eyer you saw, even passing the Grande Chartreuse by Oiam- 
berri and the Savoy Mountains. Such noble horrors of rocks 
and woods, and ancient tastles perched upon the sunmiits of 
pointed rocks, with all the fury of the Rhine finding its way, 
or rather forcing a passage through a ridge of moimtains ! I 
longed to loll over an Ariosto, or be buried in some end* 
less romance of your acqucdntance, Clelia, or Cleopatra, or 
Amadis de Gaul. 

^^ Adieu, dear Horry, I hope I shall find you in town. I 
hope so for your sake and my own, and it is really an inde- 
cent time to be starting oh those bleak plains. I am very 
scarry to hear Lord Orford has had a fidl, but hope it has had 
no consequence. Pray give my duty to him, and my best 
compliments to Lady Mary, Mrs. Le Neve, and all friends. 

" Adieu, 

«H. C.^ 

Whilst Conway was attending Parliament his merit or in- 
terest procured him the appointment of aide-de-camp to Mar- 
shal Wade, who had succeeded Lord Stair in the conmiand 
of the British army in Germany. This promotion necessarily 
brought with it increased opportunities of fiiture advance- 
ment, and Conway at first rejoiced warmly in his good 
fortune. He joined the Marshal at Ghent towards the end of 
May, 1744. A very short time sufficed to show him the va- 
nity of his hopes. Instead of gaining victories, the only object 
of the Marshal seemed to be to avert defeats. He was an 

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elderly man, whose reputation had been gained in subordinate 
commands, particularly as a disciplinarian. The overwhelm- 
ing force with which the French overran Flanders, and perhaps 
the great name of Marshal Saxe, alarmed him for the safety 
of his army, and he remained an inactive spectator of the 
surrender of Gourtray, Meniu, and Ypres. His cauti(m or 
timidity found a striking contrast in the rashness of the Due 
d^Aremberg, the commander of the Austrian counterparty 
and their disputes not only created parties in the camp, but 
divided public opinion in England. Under su^ circum- 
stances, the campaign of 1744 reflected no lustre on the 
British arms. Conway returned home, disheartened and 
disgusted, in the autumn. The following letters were written 
by him during the campaign. 

** Dbar Horry, " Lessines, May 21, N.8. 1744. 

" I THANK you for your kind little letter, which, indeed, 
had so much goodness in it that it easily covered all the fault 
of its extreme conciseness ; the only fault that yours can ever 
have with me. As to your joy upon the occasion, I should be 
ungrateful to find lault with that after you have told me I had 
some share in it ; and I assure you, you do me too much 
honour to think me so stiff a patriot as not to be s^isible to 
such feelings. I felt them here in the safety of some that are 
with us, and I own I find myself capable of carrying them so 
far, that I am afraid I could see the balance of Europe i^ke 
with tolerable philosophy if the quiet possessions of my friends 
and attachments were secured to me. I wish all the world 
happy with all my heart, but Uiey will give me leave to wish 
myself so too. I would even sacrifice a great deal to make 
them really so, but not to nourish the pride of any system or 
any faction, great or little, in the universe. I am not even 
ashamed to say to a friend, in the midst of a camp, that I 

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look upon peace as the summum bonutn, I ouly wish them 
all of one mind in politics and religion, and I believe the 
world would be much happier and much better if they were 
all good Mussulmen, or good Frenchmen, than in this collision 
of systems and religions, kingdoms, republics, states, parties, 
sects, and factions. 

" I hear your prediction about our friend and, as you call 
her, my disciple, is accomplished ; and that things are almost 
to her present satisfaction, only he is to undergo the ordeal 
trial of one campaign before he can approve himself worthy. 
But this I dare say is of his own seeking, and I will do her 
the justice to think she would take him as he is, without any 
such chimerical probation. As to the Earl, I fancy he will 
wear his willow with a Christian resignation, for he seems to 
have been growing cool for some time as fast as the other grew 
hot. However it be, I really wish her very happy, and should 
be glad to hear he was like to make her so. I don^t know 
him at all. 

** As to our military affairs, I shall not trouble you much 
with them. By all accounts the actual loss of the enemy in the 
late engagement was greater than ours, and for further conso- 
lation we hear the French, and even their King himself, extol 
the English bravery to the skies. We are promised recruits 
immediately, and are by no means dispirited by our disap- 
pointment. Toumai has capitulated, and eight days are given 
to the Gt>vernor to consider whether he will give up the 
citadel. I hear you have been at Houghton ; what could tempt 
you to such an extravagance ? Give my compliments to all 
friends, particularly Mrs. Townshend, if you see her. Does 
she talk of retiring ? Adieu. 

" Yours, dear Horry, sincerely, 

"H C." 

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" Deab Horry, « Lessines, June 21, N.8. 1744. 

" I would fain fancy I deserve all the compliments you 
make me ; but notwithstanding my opinion of your excellent 
judgment and great lore of truth, I cannot find in myself all 
those good qualities that you attribute to me, especially that 
unreasonable reasonableness that you are so good as to give 
me. I own I feel myself so divested of it, that I have no 
idea what I have done or said to impose upon you so grossly. 
If you knew all the ridiculous weaknesses I feel, even you 
would allow me to be unreasonable enough o^ conscience; nay, 
I dare not confess them all to you, for fear you should think 
me too much so. I know you are no great friend to reason, 
so am the less vain of your compliment ; yet in return for it 
I am willing to give up my reason to merit your good opinion, 
and fairly disclaim all title to it; only just keep so much of it 
as is sufficient to show me the insignificancy of it, and to 
make me wish for less, unless it be the reason of stoics that 
teaches us to be indifierent to everything. This world is not 
made for reason, and a man who follows it strictly is snre to 
be disappointed; whereas, he that forsakes it, has perhaps not 
above ten or twenty to one against him. For me, I am very 
unreasonable I own, and very whimsical in my desires, and 
therefore I think it is barely possible I may be happy one 
time or other ; but if I am not to be so in the way I desire, I 
assure you neither honour, nor interest, nor regiments, nor 
generalships, nor kingdoms can give it me. You told me 
before I was unreasonably reasonable, now tell me if I don't 
appear reasonably unreasonable. In the first place, I heartily 
wish the campaign over; and yet, when it is, may possibly be 
as far from my happiness as I am at present ; if so, why I 
shall wish it begun again. Snch uncertain creatures are we ; 
almost every season and every circumstance of our life makes 

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a Dew man of us ; so I fancy others are because so I feel my- 
self. Happy to-day, because I flatter myself with some pro- 
spect of success — as unhappy to-morrow, becaulse some trivial 
accident has damped those hopes, and both perhaps with 
equal or with the least reason imaginable. All mankind, 
without they are very reasonable or stoical indeed, have some 
point in view, some wish, to the accomplishment of which all 
their views and all their endeavours tend. Whatever you oflFer 
them that is foreign to that, may perhaps console them a 
little, but cannot satisfy them. 

'* That cruel somethiDg, uDposscst, 
Corrodes and levens all the rest. 

*^ I wonH enter too far into this discussion ; but from this I 
fancy many men draw a great deal of merit they have little 
or no real title to. It is with our passions as with our sight, 
fix it firmly upon one object and you will find you hardly 
perceive any other. It is not that one wants sensibility, but one 
wants attention to them. Thus much for myself: I don^t insist 
upon your understanding nor believing me, if you have not a 
mind; it will serve as a matter of speculation at least, and so 
serves very well for the purpose of correspondence. However, 
I am glad to hear our friend Artemisia wants neither sensi- 
bility nor attention: of the firet I should never suspect her; 
and for the other, provided die chooses her time well, it is 
no great matter, you 'U say. Attentions to the absent are 
like those to the dead, mere pageant and ceremony, and more 
becoming a Mogul lady than an European Princess. I was 
very vain of the cutting of the hair, but that bleeding party 
I own is very grand and quite puts my vanity out of counte- 
nance ; notwithstanding which, I assure you, my rival and I 
are very well together. I hear he knows all about me, and 
in return I assure you, whatever I hear about him will not 
now give me a moments uneasiness. I sincerely wish her 

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well and happy, and only hope we may be no more so sepa- 
rately than we could hare been together. As for the other 
person you mention, if I know who it is, I am not ashamed 
to say I loye her yery sincerely, but in such a way as to wish 
her very happy, while I am in Flanders, I assure you. So pray 
make my comfdiments, if you see her ; tell her I am vastly 
obliged to her for thinking of me sometimes; that it cannot be 
oftener than I think of her, and that by this time all schemes 
of retirement are quite laid aside. 

'^ I am afraid the citadel of Tounud is taken, or upon the 
point of being so. What changes this will cause with us, I 
donH yet know. 

" Adieu, dear Horry, yours affectionately, 

"H. C. 

" Compliments to Lady Mary and Mrs. Le Neve. 

** P.S. Since I wrote this the citadel of Toumai is given 
up, on condition that the garrison shall not serve anywhere till 
the Ist of January, n4>l.'^ 

" Mt dear Hobby, '< Elsighem, Aug. 5, 1744. 

^^ I am quite at a loss where to begin or how to thank you 
for all the vast goodness and friendship of your last ; I know 
it is out of my power to do even that as I ought. Judge, 
then, how unhappy I must be in seeing it so impossible for 
me to do anything, that can deserve the name of the smallest 
return for such an abundance of kindness. I know the little 
value set upon words on such occasions, and therefore shall 
endeavour to trouble you with as few as possible. I know 
they are common to art and honesty, yet I flatter myself there 
is a simplicity in the genuine overflowings of a heart full of 
real gratitude that is not to be counterfeited. If there is, that 
I am sure will speak for me on this occasion ; besides, I know 
amongst all your goodness to me you have had some opinion 

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of my Bincerity, and if you have the least opinion of the good- 
ness of my heart yon cannot donbt of my feeling eyeiything that 
gratitude and friendship can make one feel for a real obligation. 
Nor is my joy inferior to either — a joy, my dear Horry, not 
arising from any thought of advantage that I intend to draw 
from it, but from the knowledge of having such a friend, and 
seeing a proof of such goodness as I thought had no longer 
existence, but in romances — a mere creature of the brain, and 
that had long been banished from the hearts of men. 

I have no alloy to my satisfaction on this occasion, but the 
difficulty I have in refusing an offer pressed in so kind a manner, 
and from one whom I know not only sincere in his intention, 
but from an excess of goodness even desirous of putting himself 
to inconvenience on my account. But, dear Horry, how very 
unworthy should I think myself of that goodness, if I were 
capable of accepting it ? I see the art you use to lessen the 
value of the obligation, by saying you have no use for it, and 
setting in a ridiculous light the manner in which you dispose 
of it ; but, as to the first, I know your income is by no means 
such a one as can bear an incumbrance of that kind. True, it 
is vastly more than is necessary for your sustenance; so is mine, 
and so is Tom Barry ^s, but the inconvenience is, retrenching ; 
leaving the routine in which one sets out, or living below one^s 
rank, and the expenses of the company one lives with. If 
you or I had been bom a ditcher, we should have thought it 
no sort of hardship to live upon bread and cheese, and bacon, 
and a plum pudding once a week ; but as it is, our ideas, our 
appetites, and our train of life are otherwise formed, and what 
would be luxury in one station is penance in another. But as 
to the other article, my dear Horry, look round the world. See 
of what kind the expenses of others are, and then see if yours 
deserve the name you give them. Half the money in Eng- 
land is sacrificed to the vices of the first owners, and the 

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encouragement of it in others, to French vintners, French 
cooks, and French whores, without enumerating all the train 
of follies that almost absorbed the other ; while yours is dis- 
posed of in a manner equally usefiil to society and honourable 
to yourself, by encouraging in your sphere thos^ arts that hu- 
manize mankind, or by supporting those with your charity 
who are real objects of compassion. 

*^ I am too sensible of my own incapacity to make half so 
good a use of it, and I should both rob them of the effects 
of your generosity, and you of the pleasure of exercising it. 
I could use many other arguments. May not you think one 
time or other of changing your situation ? may not you have 
a family to provide for? As to my own part, the thought 
of dependence is, I assure you, by much the lightest argument 
with me against it ; because I know you well enough to know 
you would take care I should forget it. Besides, my mind 
begins to be formed a little to dependence. I find it is my 
lot, and I must endeavour to bear it with as little reluctance 
as possible ; and as this would be only a change of dependence, 
I could certainly place it nowhere so well, as upon one whom 
I even feel a pleasure in being obliged to, as I would be bound 
to him by all possible ties. I hope, then, my dear Horry, you 
will forgive me refusing you now, perhaps, the only request I 
shall refuse you in my life ; and as I know the steadiness of 
your desire to serve me, I cannot help making it mine to you 
-—that you will not think of pressing me any more on this 
head, as my resolution is absolutely fixed, and as that is the 
only sort of acknowledgment I cannot make on this occasion. 

"As to the other afiair about which I wrote to you, I 
thank you a thousand times for the interest you take in it ; 
but am sorry to find any consideration should make you think 
it necessary to use the least reserve on that subject which, as 
my situation at present is not such as makes it necessary, I beg 

VOL. I. D D 

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you will avoid for the ftitore. As to engagements, I really 
have none with her, but sueh as may be construed to arise 
from the circumstances you mention ; and as her honour is by 
no means hurt by our intercourse, I don't look upon mine as 
absolutely bound, especially considering the light in which we 
stand at present, the difficulties that oppose themselres to our 
marriage, and the inconvenience arising to her from it at best ; 
and as to the matches reftised, it .must be owned that they 
were such as indeed were advantageous in regard to fortune, 
but such as in every other light she ought in prudence to 
refuse. Thus mach on this side of the question ; on the other, 
an acquaintance carried on like our own, with a knowledge of 
each other^s inclinations, may strictly be looked upon as a 
sort of agreement. 

" I find you have no great opinion of my resolution ; and, 
indeed, my behaviour on some occasions relating to this affair, 
(which I fancy you may have known something of,) has not 
been such as would give you a very great one. But at present 
with regard to that I really think, at least at present, that I 
am capable of keeping one, if I thought it absolutely necessary; 
and as to bearing what may be said, I do assure you, my dear 
Horry, it is impossible for you to say anything upon it that I 
should either imagine proceeded from any motive bat that of 
serving (I have too good proofs of your love !) or remember 
afterwards to the prejudice of our friendship in any degree. 
What you mention, our happiness afterwards, is certainly the 
grand point, and as it is one of such infinite consequence, I 
expect from your friendship that you will say everything to 
me that you think or know may relate to it witliont conceal- 
ing the least tittle that you think it better for me to hear. 
You kuow, I believe, the doubts I have formerly had on that 
head, and though I cannot accuse her of anything lately that 
could revive them, you know it is easier to revive them. 

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than to fonii sach ; and it is impossible to promise oneself 
that they would not grow again, and even more strongly in 
another situation. I shall say no more : you see I speak very 
freely to you, and beg, above all things, you will use no sort 
of reserve to me. By what you said, I should imagine she 
was concerned in the affair that passed lately between you and — 
which I assure you is the first I have lieard of it ; if it was so. 
We have at length passed the Scheld, which is looked upon as 
our Rubicon, and are now advanced within about three leagues 
of the enemy^s camp. To-morrow's march will bring us 
pretty near them, but with the hjs between us, so that I 
fancy no consequences will immediately follow from it. 
Adieu ! another time I will write to you more fully of these 

"H. C.^' 

" Dear Horry, « Chateau d'Anstam, Sept. 2, 1744. 

^^ Nothing is so true as what you prophesy about us ; I did 
not quite think so when I received yours, but I assure you I 
am now almost convinced that we neither can nor shall do 
anything. Thanks to the King of Prussia, Prince Charles 
has repassed the l^hine, the French are coming back again, and 
we shall shortly be just where we were some months ago. I 
am in such a rage at that anointed highwayman, that filthy 
King of Prussia, that I could tear him to pieces. I want to 
have him poisoned, massacred, racked ; nothing could satisfy 
me about him — don't you feel just the same ? Is there any 
bearing it ? I hate politics of all things — they are now upon 
that abominable footing — to see all the affairs of Europe take 
a new face just as the phlegm or gall of one foolish fellow is 
jippermost. It sets the world in so ridiculous a light, and so 
depreciates the dignity of human nature, that there is no see- 
ing it with patience. And yet I think it ought to give one 

D D 2 

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patience too, for it teaches one that there is nothing in this 
great world that deserves a moment^s care, or a momenf^s 
dependence. Kings, empires, states, ministries, and armies, 
all appear to me now in the light of fine raree-shows, that one 
may divert oneself a little with, provided one has no interest 
in them; but from the moment you have that, the scene changes 
and they become a grotip of tyrants, fools, pickpockets, and 
butchers. Yet through this crowd of villany one must be 
content to bustle, and the best way to get through it is to think 
as little as possible. 

" I speak now of the great world, I mean the public, for my 
ideas of private life are very different. I think it is imposdble 
to make the first a foundation for one solid satisfaction, and 
I think the other, well managed, affords a thousand. And i 
propos to that, — I thank you a thousand times for all your 
goodness in your last ; but you shock me when you talk of 
determining to live so as to have it in your power to do things 
for me which your goodness inclines to do, but which I have 
already told you I could never think of accepting. No, my 
dear Horry, don^t think of it, I beseech you ; and as the 
benefit is intended for me, oblige me more by resolving to live 
in all respects in the way that is most agreeable to yourself; 
for I do assure you I never should be easy a moment, if I 
thought you changed the least tittle in your way or your 
schemes of life on my account. My fortune is certainly 
small — is nothing at alt, so is that of a thousand people 
that I see every day of «qual rank with myself; and I shall 
make it my business to adapt my views and my desires to it. 
As to one certain point, you know that was not the only diffi- 
culty I had upon it ; and in the end who knows but I may be as 
happy as I am, as if things had taken quite another turn. 
You know I was always a sort of philosopher, for which you 
laugh at me, but it really has its use, and I really hope to be 

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one time or other the better for it. By this time yon are at 
Houghton. I want to know how you amuse yourself there ; 
do yon think it possible one should wish to be with you there ? 
I assure you I do extremely. I wish it for itself very much, 
and for your company, and I wish it too by way of not being 
here,— this is really dreadful! For diversion — would you 
think it — we do no earthly thing but play at whist with the 

M quite en famille every evening ! He is vastly good, 

but. you feel what that is. 

** Adieu, dear Horry; we can do nothing, I doubt, and 
Heaven knows how I long to have this farce over. 

^^ My compliments to Lord Orford and Lady Mary, to 
Mrs. Le Neve, &c.'^ 

The year 1745 opened with improved prospects to Conway, 
Marshal Wade, whose want of enterprise, if not of military 
talent, had made him unpopular at home, was replaced in 
the command of the army by the young Duke of Cumberland, 
then in high reputation from the spirit he had shown at Det- 
tingen. His Royal Highness immediately appointed Colonel 
Yorke, afterwards Lord Dover, a son of the Lord Chancellor 
Hardwicke, and Colonel Conway as his aides-de-camp. 

The British army in Flanders had, during the winter, 
been placed on an efficient footing. It took the field early 
in April. Colonel Conway had hurried from London to 
join it as soon as he CQuld be spared from Parliament. To 
his extreme mortification he found, on reaching Dover, that 
the wind had changed the very day of his arrival, and after 
continuing two months successively in the west had veered 
to the east, where most of the sailors predicted it was likely 
to continue for the next fortnight or three weeks. To at- 
tempt the passage would be useless, and yet the idea was 
dreadful that there might be a battle in his absence, an oc- 

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currence far from improbable, since he had been informed that 
the Duke was marching to the relief of Mons, which had been 
for some time invested by the enemy. As it was, he joined 
the Duke just in time to take part in the battle of Fontenoy. 

"Dear Horry, " Dover, AprillS, 1743. 

*' I don't know whether you will thank me for writing from 
this cursed place, where I find no earthly thing to tell yon, 
and can write nothing but complaints ; but if I have nothing 
to say on one hand I have so little to do on the other, that I 
don't know how I could answer passing so many idle hours 
without letting my friends hear something of me ; and if I 
have no hopes of amusing you, I know you will excuse my 
trying to amuse myself by writing to you, though it be a 
little at your expense. I was so fortunate as to arrive here 
the very day that the wind changed to the east, after con- 
tinuing in the west for two months successively, and have 
the comfort of hearing from most of the sailors here, that it 
is likely to continue in this quarter a fortnight or three 
weeks. To add to the agreeableness of this situation, the 
army is now actually in the field, and in all probability 
marched to the relief of Mons, which they say has been some 
time invested by the French, and consequently it is not very 
unlikely that there may be some action before we get up to 
it. I am not fonder of broken bones than my neighbours, 
but yet really am very uneasy in this situation, and wish 
a thousand times I had never heard of Mr. Pelbam, the 
Parliament, and the no business that kept me so long in 
London ; though I must have the gratitude to own, I was as 
much obliged to them then as I am angry at them now, and at 
myself for being so. DonH you pity me excessively, with 
all my distresses and ennuis about me, and no sort of amuse- 
ment or occupation to divert me from them ? I have been 

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vaaily obliged to yoar Abelard, and with that melancholy 
companion have visited all the cliffs npon the coast, till I 
was ready to take a lover's leap from some of them in errant 
despair. But they are rather too high, and without one 
could be taken up by some kind shepherdess at the bottom 
and recovered, there would be no joke in it. Besides, it 
would be shameful, just at the opening of a campaign, to have 
so very little patience as not to live, at least, till one crossed 
the water, that it might be said one died abroad. That sounds 
tolerably even in these unheroic days ; but I don't think we 
have any taste for the romantic, and I &ncy I should make 
just the same figure in a newspaper as some poor love-sick 
house-maid that drowns herself in Rosamond's Pond. And 
you. Lord how you despise one ! I really believe, instead 
of lamenting your coudn, you would laugh at me for being 
such a fool; for it is a long time since you were romantic. 
I remember you buried in romances and novels; I really 
believe you could have said all the '* Grand Cyrus's," the 
** Cleopatra's,'' and " Amadis's" in the world by heart, nay, 
you carried your taste for it so far that not a Fairy Tale 
escaped you. Quantum mutatus ! But one thing I comfort 
myself with ; you have laid up a vast stock of romance, and 
one day or other, when you fall in love, it will all break 
out ; and then. Lord have mercy upon you ! I would not 
have you come within ten miles of Dover. 

^^ I desire you will write to me and tell me all the news 
you know, that I may have something to say to you if 
I am destined to stay here. We he^r of great news from 
Bav{g*ia, but only by the papers, so that is not to be depended 
upon. Tell Lady Mary I hope she has received the books 
for our library : I left them with Mr. Smith, and a book 
of plays that I borrowed of you. 

" Do you know Mr. Hardenberg ? 1 live with him and 

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Lord Charles Hay ; they are very civil and good-natured, and 
if we donH amuse one another much, I attribute it quite 
to the dulness of the place and the uneasiness of our situa- 
tion. Adieu ! 

" Yours ever, H. C."" 

<* Dear Hobry, « Ash, May 14, N.8. 1746. 

" After all my delays and distresses at Dover, I was cer- 
tainly in the greatest luck imaginable to come up time enough 
for the battle. I don^t doubt, too, but you will think that of 
escaping from it, and escaping without the least accident, was 
at least equal to it ; and to say the truth, notwithstanding all 
the dignity of distress that you talk of, and the ambition of 
making a romantic corpse, it is a piece of fortune I am far 
from despising. To another, now, I should strike up inmie- 
diately, and relate in a high^ historical style, all the exploits 
of the day, but as I know you as unheroical as you own your- 
self unsentimental, I shall content myself with very few words 
on that head. We marched out of our camp at day-break, 
and began to form on the plain, which was the field of battle, 
before five o'clock ; from which time their cannon began play- 
ing upon us, and did not cease till half an hour after one, 
though we were engaged several hours with small arms. This 
plain rose gradually towards a fortified village* of the enemy, 
in the centre of it, and had a wood on the right, &om both 
which their chief batteries played. Some of our battalions 
advanced beyond the village, and over the top of the rising, 
but were so miserably galled by the cannon, at the same time 
that they were engaged with their line, that our troops, after 
rallying several times, were forced to retire; but they not 
caring to pursue us, we lost not a single man in our retreat, and 
that night brought off all our baggage. As to the behaviour of 
* The village of Fontenoy, which gave its name to the battle. 

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the Duke, of which I was witness the whole time, I can say I 
never saw more coolness, nor greater intrepidity than he 
showed throughout the whole, exposing himself wherever the 
fire was hottest, and flying wherever he saw our troops fail, to 
lead them himself, and encourage them by his example. His 
horse received three wounds, and he one spent-ball on his 
arm, which only made a slight bruise, but did him no hurt. Of 
us, poor Ancram and Lord Cathcart are both wounded, but 
they are in a very good way. For myself the balls had the 
same complaisance for me as for the Duke: one only hit my leg 
after all its force was gone ; and my horse, which I rid all 
day, received only a slight wound in the leg. Lieut.-General 
Campbell and General Ponsodby are killed; and in general we 
have a vast number of officers of the company that came over 
with me, too. Colonel Douglas and young Ross were killed. 
Lord George Sackville* and Lord Charles Hay wounded, but 
both, I hope, are in a good way. There-»I did not think I 
should have said so much, and I am sure you are vastly tired 
of it. Our loss in the right wing amounts, I think, to 58^^ 
killed and wounded, and in the left, who, I doubt, did not do 
quite so well, between 1500 and £000. Poor Berkeley is 
killed ; whom I lament excessively. Colonel Montague, too, 
is killed, and was very lucky in it, for his thigh was first 
broke, and the moment they took him up to carry him ofl^, a 
cannon-ball took ofl^ his head. The Major, too, is wounded. 
*'*' The Duke has just sent for me, so I must conclude, 
** Your's, dear Horry, most sincerely, 

*< What poor Parapan !'' 

The progress of the Rebellion in Scotland having thrown 
the country into consternation, and raised a general cry for 

♦ Lord Gkorge Sackville was woanded severely, fighting with great cou- 
rage at the head of his grenadiers. His laurels withered at Mlnden. 

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410 FIELD MARSHAL H. 8. CONWAY. [1745. 

more vigorous military operations, the Duke of Cmnberland 
was removed from Flanders, to the command of the troops, 
and to the North Conway accompanied His Royal Highness, 
and continued his correspondence with Walpole as usual* 

" Dbar Hoebt, « Licbfidd, Nov. 30th, 1745. 

^' I have hardly had a moment to write yet, and only 
pretend now to tell you in three words that we are hitherto 
safe and sound. Our troops are almost all come up ; one 
battalion of guards came in here this morning, another is 
expected to-day, and the last to-morrow. The rebels are 
come to Warrington, which is about forty-four or five miles, 
I think, from this place; yet I hardly think they will venture 
an engagement, because they seem to have lost time and been 
irresolute in their motions. As soon as we are assembled, I 
fency to-«K>rrow or next day, we shall advance. If they 
should do the same, the affair will soon be decided betwixt us, 
and I hope entirely determined. If not, we are in some hopes 
Marshal Wade may be able to oppose their retreat, which they 
seem to think of; if the accounts are true that we have heard 
of their having left one hundred men in the Castle of Carlisle, 
and since sent twenty waggons of cheese and biscuit thither 
under a guard. We had some idea they might think of 
trjring to slip us and march towards London, through Derby- 
shire, but they are now quite out of that road. They can^t 
think of Chester, while we are so near. I cannot think them 
mad enough to go into Wales, where both the armies must 
block them up, and therefore they must, in my opinion, 
either engage us or retire immediately. All this makes me 
happy in a prospect of seeing the affair soon ended, which, of 
all things I most wish, having very little apprehension of 
their success. 

" We Jay a night at Lord Strafford^s on the road, and past 

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almost a whole day there. They were vastly polite, and 
would hare us come though we had sent an excose at night, 
because it was so late. In answer to it he sent us his coadi, 
and said he should stay supper, so there was no revising, 
though it was twelve o**clock before we got there. There 
was Lady Lucy, a Miss Cockbum, and Mr. Vernon, who set 
out e^rly the next morning for town. It is a bad house, and 
I think a disagreeable place. Make my compliments to 
Lady Mary and Mrs. Le Neve ; let me hear from you, and 
believe me, 

** Ever yours, H. C. 
"Direct to me at the Duke**s quarters at Lichfield, or 

Dear Horrt, « Wigan, Dec. 13, 1746. 

I am extremely obliged to you for the anxiety you 
express in your last on our account, and think I cannot at 
present make a better return for it than by taking the first 
opportunity to let you know that your friends are all well, 
and for some time at least I think out of the way of danger. 
It is true we are at present in pursuit of the rebels, with a 
strong body of cavalry of both armies, and some infantry ; but 
they are got so much a-head of us, that it is very doubtftil 
whether we shall be able to overtake them. However, I think 
the step we have taken is very right, and though we should 
not be able to attack them, it seems incumbent upon us to 
wait on them out of the kingdom, and at least make their re- 
treat as little commodious to them as possible. They marched 
from Preston this morning, and are at Lancaster to-night. 
This place is about ten miles from the former, and our ad- 
vanced parties, I fancy, will be to-night beyond Preston. I 
have a strong idea that as soon as we appear, it will put them 
in a good deal of consternation, and pei^haps occasion a deser- 

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tion amoDgst them; for they are in great apprehensions of our 
cayalry, and are besides low in spirits, and much harassed. 
They talk of halting at Carlisle to receive their reinforce- 
ments from the North ; but I believe our march will puzzle 
them excessively, and very likely make them stagger in that 
resolution; as it will be impossible, I should imagine, for those 
reinforcements to join them before we reach Carlisle, and, of 
course, have it in our power to intercept them. Marshal 
Wade is marched back with the main body of his army ; and 
if they stay at Carlisle will join us there. Our men are in 
very good health and spirits, and horses in excellent order, 
so that if they should stand before us, I should have no 
doubt of success, as they cannot defend themselves against 
the force of our cavalry. 

I thank you for your reproof about my reflexion on the 
slowness of the MarshaPs proceeding ; and though I don^t re- 
member what, or to whom it was, I must own it could not 
be right, as the fact on which it was grounded was not true— 
at least in the light I put it, which, however, was as we had 
been informed, and so far, I think, my reflexion was excus- 
able. The horse who had been advanced did halt at or near 
Richmond about the time I mentioned, while the foot were, 
continuing their route. I must still say very deliberately, 
towards Ferry Bridge, where they halted three entire days. 
I must own I think there is a great fault in their proceedings, 
and I am the readier to say it, because I know that the fault 
is far from being all or even the chief part of it in the Marshal. 
I know that he is obstructed and hampered in every step he 
stakes by a dead weight of Dutch troops and their generals, 
whom he must drag after him, and therefore he cannot act 
with that expedition and spirit that he ought, and that the 
times and our present circumstances require. 

^'As to what regards the reflexion coming from me, I 

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have reaUy a great esteem for the Marshal, and am fkr from 
forgetting that he behaved with great civility to me while I 
was under him ; but yet I cannot think those obligations of a 
nature to prevent my giving my (Opinion to my friends upon 
his conduct in an affair so interesting as that of his present 
command; and I assure you, I should do the same of any per* 
son in the world in that situation ; I mean with that decency 
that is due from one of my rank to his ; and in confidence to 
my friends only, where one accustoms oneself to speak with 
freedom one*s sentiments upon most things without imagining 
they are ever to be called in question ; and as for opening of 
letters, I don't suspect that in the number that pass through 
the offices mine are like to make anqr impression, or even to 
incite a curiosity of knowing to whom they belong. How- 
ever, dear Horry, I take your reproof as I am sure it was 
meant : it is a liberty I love my friends should use with me. 
I think it is a proof of friendship, and therefore could not 
dislike it from any, but least of all from one of whose good* 
ness I have had so many marks. 

^* We march again to-morrow morning, and I fancy shall 
hardly make a halt till we come up with them^ or see them at 
least to our nc plus ultra. 

Adieu ; give my best compliments to Lady Mary, Mrs. 
Le Neve, and all friends. Ned Comwallis has just joined us 
with his, and is of our expedition. 

" Yours, sincerely, 

" H, C.'' 

** Dear Horry, « Aberdeen, Wednesday, March 19, 1746. 

^* I hear of nothing but gaieties and gallantries amongst 
you, which is shocking, considering that I have now for 
some time given up all hopes of seeing you for ages, indeed I 
doubt not till next winter ; for, if I get the regiment I know it 

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414 FIELD MARSHAL H. 8. CONWAY. [l746. 

will be here, and conseqneiitly I am fixed here till that 
time at least, and perhaps longer, at least so my fears tell 
me. And I am so imprudent as to have been uttering 
those fears in all my letters till my brother has actually 
chid me, and I must own he is in the right, for it may 
have a bad construction pot upon it, as if I was indifferent 
to the service and not sufficiently sensible of the obliga- 
tion I have to the Duke on that account; but perhaps 
the thing may not be so near as we thought. I imagined it 
was actually done, and that blowing oyer perhaps it may now 
be some time before it is determined ; so I shall in the mean 
time suspend both my joys and my fears on that head. But, 
exclusive of that, I doubt our stay is likely to be long here, 
considering the obstinacy of the rebels and the resolution of 
the Duke to see the rebellion entirely finished, which, with 
all the disagrSmena that attend it, I cannot help entirely 
applauding, and I am in hopes that the motions we shall soon 
make, will contribute greatly towards it. Our van-guard is 
now advanced within twelve miles of the Spey where they are, 
and as soon as the wind, which is more obstinate than the 
rebels, will let our supplies come up, we shall all move on 
there. The party that I told you I had been upon was to 
take a post called Strathbogie, where there had lain for some 
days past a body of the rebels, that called themselves loOO 
or 2000, but were, I believe, about 800. General Bland, 
who commands the van-guard, consisting at present of 
four battalions of foot, two of cavalry, and the Campbells, 
marched on Monday morning early thither, in hopes to have 
surprised that post, and had like to have succeeded, for the 
rebels did not know of our approach, nor begin to move out 
of the town till our advanced party was within sight. They 
had been out in the morning attempting to surprise a post of 
ours, and were returned in about an hour, when they saw us 

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advancing, and then marched off with great precipitation ; so 
we got the post rery cheap at least, which is an important 
one, thongh we acquired no great honour. We pnrsned 
them about two miles beyond the town with some of King- 
ston's light horse, a few dragoons, and some of the Camp- 
bells ; but Oeneral Bland, fearing we should engage too far in 
a country we did not know, especially as night was coming 
on, and our troops were fatigued with a long march, 
ordered us to return. One of Kingston's thought he wounded 
Roy Stewart by a shot in his arm, and a fellow who came to 
Strathbogie since, says he is dead of the wound, which at 
least seems to confirm a little the b^ef of his being wounded. 
He staid in the rear, I believe, chiefly to reconnoitre our 
party. This is all the mischief we pretend to have done. 
However, the men found a good hot dinner in most of the 
quarters, which the rebels were just sitting down to, and 
perhaps were very well contented to get without fighting for 
it. Adieu ! dear Horry, I have no more news to tell you. 
Is Mrs. Le Neve with you ? my service to her. i 

** Yours affectionately, H. C" 

" Dear Horry, " Aberdeen, Sunday, March 20, 1746. 

** You are very good to pity us, and aa far as pity can go 
in cases so desperate as ours, I can give your good patron 
the SBtisfitction of knowing it does console us ; but as you say, 
to combat so many demons under all the various forms of 
High and Low landers, friends and enemies, to combat at the 
same time with all that climate, country, and air can afford 
of disagreeable, and with it the worst of all devils, a thorough 
ennui and inquietude, in twenty different shapes of regret, 
mortification, and desire, is more than I believe my patience 
is well able to sustain. However, one must make the best of 
it, and having little or no matter for it, we here draw all our 

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416 FIELD MARSHAL H. 8. CONWAY. [1746 

consolation from the charity and good nature of onr friends, 
who, I hope, too can afford us a thought now and then with- 
out interrupting too much the scene of gaiety, that I hear 
flourishes so in London, and which I assure you I am &r 
from envying you, though I canH help regretting it, I assure 
you I hear eyen with pleasure how your divisions go on, and 
that you have sent all your discontentment and fear to Scot- 
land, the proper seat of them. This I would have, and pro- 
vided you think of us sometimes, it is all we expect. Poor 
Lady Chapman. I am sorry to hear her gaiety has had so 
unfortunate a catastrophe; and poor Sir John, I pity him 
more, for I hear he is like to have his impotence made as public 
as his wife^s lewdness has long been. How could he be such a 
fool as to meddle with her ! I hear M. Vane Hope. Queer. 
Is it possible ? But indeed I am convinced there is nothing 
a girl won't run away with : it is the great joy they have. I 
hear there have been fifty quarrels between Lady T— d and 
Lady Car. : between the lattter and his grace a dismal one, 
and an irreparable breach between Lady T— d and Mr. W. 
These things are all very diverting, and I am vastly glad to 
hear the town has so much spirit. Plays, operas, and mas- 
querades, and balls are vulgar diversions ; but quarrels, scandal, 
and gallantries^ charming — don't you think so ? As for us, we 
grow duller and duller ; the rebels have crossed the Firth of 
Cromarty in boats, favoured by a fog, in consequence of 
which Lord Loudon's fine army is, I doubt, entirely dispersed. 
The last accounts from Port William look as if they were 
giving over their design upon that place, and everything looks 
as if they were going north towards Sutherland, &c., where 
it will be happy if we can pen them up. Adieu ! dear Horry. 
You see how stupid I am, how little I have to tell you. 

" Yours ever, H. C. 
'* You don't say a word of Lady Mary. Pray give my 

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compIimeDts ; and to Churchill. I intended to have written 
and wished him joy, bat I think it is too late now.**" 

** Dear HoRRy, " Aberdeen, Saturday, April 6, 1746. 

" I do not know what you mean by glory and triumph. 
I am conscious of no title to anything of the kind, not even 
as they are often bestowed, without being acquired ; and I 
assure you, I have less taste for them since I have been sent 
here to hunt after them, where we have little chance to find 
them, and where, I must own between friends, I doubt the 
fairest sprig of laurel would hardly have tempted me to come, 
upon condition of remaining in this exile so long as I have 
done, and, much less, so long as I am afraid I am condemned 
to stay. 

** I hear now of another regiment vacant, yet my fate in 
regard to that still remains in suspense. I do not know 
whether my friends, and even I myself (for which I have had 
some reason too), have not been too sanguine in our expecta- 
tions. You know I have a sort of jumble of hopes and fears 
on that head, which are all at their full height at present, and 
so will continue until the affair is decided ; and, I must own, 
neither my love of money, nor desire of being recorded by 
the Parson of Ragley, nor hardly by yourself, have weight 
enough to overbalance my desire of seeing and living a little 
with my friends. 

*' Pray, since when have you set yourself the task of 
becoming our historiographer ? I am mighty glad to h^r it, 
because in less able or less partial hands I could not hope to 
make any figure at all. As to my picture at Echardfs (and 
which I suppose is now to be copied, en taille douce^ for my 
frontispiece), I can say now, what I never could before, that I 
wish ten times more than you can, to sit again and have it 
finished. However, for the print it may do very well as it is, 


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the armour being much more to the purpose than the face of 
the hero, and it being a pretty indifferent thing to posterity, 
whether my eyebrow is more or less arched, the hollow over 
my eye more or less conspicuous : and i propos to posterity, 
&c. To talk in the style of my now country, if I find that 
I am to live here long, I assure you I shall die very soon ; so 
yOu may be preparing your history for the press. Besides, I 
should be curious to see it before I die, and should be glad to 
know what shape it is to appear in ; whether memoirs, con- 
taining the adventures of my private life, or a grand history 
of my public one only; or whether military, civil, or both ; 
because on all these heads I could give you many useful hints, 
being acquainted with sundry curious particulars of nay own 
story, that nobody in the world knows but myself, nor ever 
would, but for the fair opportunity you promise me of seeing 
them make a figure in the world. And indeed, I believe the 
principal part of my achievements are of this kind, so that it 
is absolutely necessary I should be consulted, especially as the 
' Gazettes ^ will furnish you but very sp^uringly ; so great is 
the negligence and inattention of those people. 

" As to a certain lady (whose connexion with my history I 
do not insist upon your inserting, unless you have a mind to 
do it for the instruction of your children, by an episode, as the 

* Island of Calypso,** for instance, or rather, I should say, the 

* Story of Antiope') — as to her, I do not know how it will sound 
if you mention it in my history, but nothing was ever greater 
than my tranquillity^ on hearing what you tell me confirmed : 
and as I really wish her well, I should be glad she is married, 
but I think I have seen better prospects of harmony and 

" Adieu, dear Horry ! We march to-morrow, that is 
something ; but as it is yet a long way to John o^ Groat^s 
House, I do not know when we shall turn our faces to 

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Loudon ; so coutinue to pity me as much as you please, and 
I know of course you will try to comfort me. Yours. Ned 
is here. 

** Pray tell Mrs. Townshend I am vastly glad to hear of 
her recovery, and advise her against that quantity of scream- 
ing relations, for fear of a relapse. 

" P.S. Since I wrote, the * Sheemess ' has come in with 
the ' Hazard ' sloop, formerly in our service, and now a pri- 
vateer in the French. He chased her a vast while, and at last 
drove her on the northern shore, after a sort of running 6ght 
of three or four hours. The crew and troops aboard all 
landed — in all near two hundred, with four or five-and-twenty 
officers, French and Spanish, — ^but meeting about seventy of 
Lord Loudon'*8 regiment, under the Captains Sir Harry 
Monro and Macery, with twenty militia, they were attacked 
by them, and after losing six, I think killed, the rest were 
taken, and are now brought here by the * Sheemess.' They 
had at least 8000/. in specie with them, which they had 
landed, and was taken by Lord Loudon's men, who were so 
vastly rich by it they did not know what to do with it ; but 
they made a division, and sent five hundred as a present to 
the captain of the ^ Sheemess,^ and gave some more to some 
volunteers that were with them ; but on arriving here they 
offered to lend it to the Duke, for the use of the army, who 
has accepted it. It was by the oddest accident in the world 
that all this happened, for this party were some of Major 
Mackenzie'*s, who surrendered himself at Dornoch, on the 
rebels passing over the Firth, but having then made their 
escape, they tried to join Lord Loudon, who was marched for 
the Isle of Skye but found themselves intercepted, and were 
saving themselves by marching northward when they met 
with these people ; so that by the same accident they got so 

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much money and honour, and secured themselves by goiog 
aboard the man-of-war. 

'^ Besides this, the ' Sheemess '* took another small armed 
vessel with military stores, at the Orkneys, in her way round. 
This capture will distress the rebels greatly, as they are in 
prodigious want of money. 

" We have at last accounts that they have raised the siege 
of Blair, upon the approach of the Hessians, and that many 
of the Athol men have left them thereupon. I hear of no 
damage done on either side at this siege, but one man, I think, 
killed ; for the rebels kept at due distance, only firing their 
cannon against the walls, which are immensely thick. I 
write this on Monday, our march being deferred to-day, bat 
to-morrow I fancy we shall move. 

*' Dear Horry, " Inverhess, April 18, 1746. 

" You accuse me of not telling you news : I am going to 
make up my omissions by such news as I hope will content 
you. We have beat the rebels — beat them in a set battle, 
and, I assure you, de la bonne manierey losing very few of our 
own and destroying a good number of those vermin. Yon 
have heard how they ran away from us at the Spey ; they 
did the same at Nairn, the place we encamped at before our 
last march : we were almost out of breath with running after 
them, and had lost all hopes of meeting with them. The 
truth was their people were not come in ; the young Pretender 
still lay at this place waiting for the junction of the Clans, 
who were dispersed all over the country. At Nairn we 
halted one day to refresh our troops as well as to inform 
ourselves of the posture and countenance of those gentlemen, 
and heard that they were assembled, had marched out of this 
place, and drawn themselves up in order of battle in a moor 
on our side of Inverness, expecting we should march that 

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day; from all which it was pretty clear they intended to 
give us battle. The night before we marched they sent a strong 
detachment to surprise our camp, who marched back without 
attempting anything. On the 16th we marched and found, 
by deserters and other intelligence on the march, that they 
were posted on a great moor near Lord President's house, 
called Cullodeu House, and on our left as we marched to 
Inverness. This moor lies in a high mountainous country, 
and we imagined their design was to come down and attack 
our flank on the march, whereupon we bore up upon the hills 
to the left, and our advanced guard soon discovering them 
drawn up in order of battle, our march was ordered so as to 
come just upon their front, which was so well executed Ihat 
we came up exactly over against them in the best order 
imaginable. They began the cannonading, but were so well 
answered by our artillery, which was divided between the 
intervals of the front line, that in about ten minutes we saw 
that their centre began to be in some confusion. At the 
same time we perceived that the Highlanders, who were* drawn 
up very deep on each flank, began to move forward in columns 
to attack us, and on our left they actually made some im- 
pression on Barrel's regiment, attacking them sword in hand, 
and mixing with them. But that regiment, as well as 
MonroX plying them well with their bayonets, and the 
second line keeping its order and advancing to sustain them, 
they were soon repulsed with great loss. At the same time 
a party of the Campbells with our cavalry on the left coming 
up almost unperceived upon their flank, put their right in 
entire confusion and made vast slaughter. On our right, 
perceiving that the Clans were coming down in columns, the 
Duke ordered Pulteney'*s regiment and Kingston'*s horse up 
from the reserve to strengthen that flank; whereupon, seeing 
that we rather out-flanked them, and that our men kept up 

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their fire, they never ventured to come amongst but sheered 
off, and soon joined in the dSroute that was begnn on the 
left and in the centre, and which now became quite general. 
From this time it was nothing but pursuit. " They left all 
their cannon, and our cavalry did their duty very well in the 
pursuit, sparing very few that came in their reach. I believe 
they have lost between two and three thousand men, of which 
the major part are left on the field. All the French piquets 
surrendered prisoners, and some of the horse are come in 
since. Lord Kilmarnock and Lord Lewis Drummond with 
Home more of their chiefs are taken, and I believe a good 
many killed. Brigadier Stapleton is wounded and taken. 
On our side the loss is very inconsiderable, not amounting to 
above two hundred killed and wounded; amongst whom 
are very few officers, and nobody of distinction but Lord 
Robert Kerr killed, and Colonel Rich wounded. Bury will 
be with you perhaps before this reaches you, and tell you all 
these things much better than I can. Adieu ! Dear Horry, 
in vast haste. 

" Yours ever, 

" H. C. 
*' Ned and all friends are well." 

*' Dear Horry, " Inverness, Wednesday, May 7th, 1746. 

^' I wish I was at London, and you at Inverness, that I 
might find something to say to you, but in such places and 
such a life as ours, what can one have to talk of but swords 
and firelocks, marches and dispositions ; and is not it better 
to say nothing ? When we have a battle, or the smallest skir- 
mish to treat you with, you are sure to have it ; but I know 
you too well, and have too much consideration for you, to 
torment you with all the fiddle-faddle stuff that makes the 
body of our news and conversation. In short, it is unreason- 

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able of you, most unreasonable, indeed, to complain of a 
soldier, in the heart of a dismal northern campaign, for not 
writing news or being entertaining. It is a mercy we can 
write at all, and if we don^t tell you bad news, I think you 
ought to be mighty well contented. However, to stop your 
mouth for some little time at least, I wrote you not only an 
account of our victory, but I assure you a much longer 
account than I wrote anybody ; and if I continue in the same 
style, I have a notion should soon tire you out of your com- 
plaints, and make you own that it is in writing as in other 
things, // vautmieux rien icrire qu'icrire dea riens; unless one 
had Madame SevigneX yo^ir favourite, or your own turn to 
say them agreeably; besides they must be an agreeable kind 
of nothings that are capable of such a turn ; but to think of the 
dry transactions of our camp turned by such a clumsy hand as 
mine! — ^it would really make you sick, and I say again I have 
too much consideration for you. % 

Yet the history of our female captives I know would have 
flourished in your hands, and made a very good romance, 
serious or comic, as you happened to be disposed. Lady 
Macintosh, as they call her, because she is wife to the Laird 
of that name, is very young, and they say very handsome. I 
have not seen her yet. She left her husband, who is in 
Lord Loudon's regiment, and led out her men, or rather his. 
I believe she was in the battle. Since her being taken, 
she has suffered no farther confinement than that of being 
obliged to live with her Laird, which, I believe, with the 
addition of two lovers that visit her constantly, the poor 
woman finds grievous enough — these are the old President 
whom you remember at your father^ and is now as old again, 
and Colonel Cockayne, whom perhaps you have seen, both 
seriously enamoured. She was said to be the first in the good 
graces of the Young Gentleman, but I believe had only the 

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uame of it ; for he is generally reckoned quite indifferent to 
women, and I believe a true Italian in all respects. Her 
favoured lover have been one Macgillivray, whom she 
laments much (he was killed at the battle), and asks if he 
did not make a fine corpse ? Lady Ogilvie, I believe I told 
you of, is very young, too, and rather handsome, but so 
foolish and so insensible of her condition, that my pity for her 
was soon worn out ; yet she really is much of a heroine, and 
might make a very fine figure in romance. Amidst all her 
misfortunes, and such as one would think should affect a 
woman most, as the loss of a young husband, not dead, but 
in great danger at least, and the fears' of imprisonment or 
death, she seems to feel only for the loss of the battle and 
the ruin of their cause ; though she has told me in confidence 
that she was yet sure the Prince would come to the throne. 
In short, she has been so very indiscreet, and talked treason to 
everybody so outrageously, that the Duke now lets her see 
nobody which she took so to heart, that yesterday I was told 
she wsLQ fallen very ill. 

*' Lady Kinloch and Lady Gordon are at liberty, and in 
their room we hear that Sir James, husband to the first, is 
taken, as is Lord Tullibardioe ; I think he surrendered him- 
self. The young Pretender is gone towards the west coast, 
where he landed, and yesterday we had an account of two 
French men-of-war going into Loch Moidart, we suppose in 
order to take him off. A twenty gun ship, and I think a 
small sloop or two, followed them in, and engaged them some 
time, but finding them too strong for them, were obliged to 
stand out again. Orders are sent to larger ships to sail imme- 
diately, and endeavour to intercept them. One they say is a 
good deal disabled, and even our small ones intend to lie by 
and wait for their coming out. We have another piece of 
ship news, which, if it proves true, is very great, and the 

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authority is very good, too, for the ship that brings the 
account from the West Indies to the Duke of Newcastle, 
spoke to one of ours off the Orkneys; who sent the report to 
the Commodore here. It is, that a twenty gun ship of ours, in 
company with a privateer, has taken the fourth galleon, the 
richest of them all, and worth a million in bullion. We hear 
of no rebels together anywhere, so that I fancy our remaining 
work will be pretty easy. The day before yesterday one hun- 
dred M*Phersons, I have a notion they were, surrendered 
themselves with their arms, and were brought in here by the 
Grants. We are preparing for our march, which I fancy will 
be in a few days. A shocking journey into the heart of the 
Highlands ; but it is all one. I mind much more the time 
than the conditions of my pilgrimage, and nothing shocks me 
now, but that I am not to see you till November, that is the 
term I set myself, and* it is a dreadful one — ^adieu ! Compli- 
ments to Lady Mary, to Churchill, Mrs. Le Neve, &c. 

'* Yours ever, 

" H. C. 
' " P. S. I am glad the Duchess of Q.'^s windows were broken 
with all my heart, and think she deserved more for her foolish 
obstinacy. I am only sorry a certain house in Lincoln'^s Inn 
Fields* did not suffer as I bear it deserved. 

"I had forgot Mr. Mann, nothing but the D^s desiring 
it shall make me employ any other, but as I think he em- 
ploys him himself, there is no likelihood of that.*" 

♦ The Duke of Newcastle's. 


F F 

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Printed by Samuel Bihtlit and Co. 

Bangor Honae, Sboe Lane. 


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