Skip to main content

Full text of "Memoirs of Napoleon Bonaparte from the French of F. de Bourrienne"

See other formats 


^d^'"*  *%♦ 


00. 


■tyy^ 


^... 


» 


Wde  Jbihrary  of  Standard  biographies 


BOURRIENNE'S    MEMOIRS    OF 

NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 

EDITED   BY   EDGAR   SANDERSON,    M.A. 


Napoleon. — 'Well,  Bourrienne,  you  too  will  be  immortal 
BouRRiENNE. — 'Why,  General?* 
Napoleon. — 'Are  you  not  my  secretary?' 
Bourrienne. — 'Tell  me  the  name  of  Alexander's. 


After  the pictio-e  !<y  Paul  Detavoche. 


^^^ycft^Lc^ 


MEMOIRS    OF 


Napoleon  Bonaparte 


FROM     THE     FRENCH     OF 

F.     DE     BOURRIENNE 

Private  Secretary  to  Napoleon,  and  Minister  of  State  under  the  Directory , 
the  Consulate,  the  Empire  and  the  Restoration 


NEWLY      EDITED,      WITH       NOTES 
AND     A     CHRONOLOGICAL    TABLE 


London  :    HUTCHINSON    &   CO. 

Paternoster   Row      !•#       la*       1 904 


liKlv.Er.br.  ; 


PREFACE 


The  present  translation  of  the  Memoirs  of  Napoleon  Bonaparte, 
by  M.  de  Bourrienne,  originally  published  in  1836,  was  under- 
taken for  the  purpose  of  compressing  into  one  volume  the  life 
of  perhaps  the  most  extraordinary  man  the  world  has  ever  pro- 
duced. Bourrienne  was  eminently  qualified  to  be  the  biographer 
of  Napoleon  ;  he  had  lived  on  terms  of  the  closest  intimacy 
with  him  from  his  boyhood,  and  from  the  official  situation  as 
private  secretary  which  he  afterwards  held  under  him  when 
general,  consul,  and  emperor,  he  was  present  both  at  the  plan- 
ning and  execution  of  many  of  the  extraordinary  deeds  which 
so  rapidly  succeeded  each  other  during  that  eventful  period.  He 
was  able  to  observe  the  gradual  development  and  working  out 
of  those  striking  and  brilliant  ideas  which  were  communicated  to 
him,  in  the  frankness  of  confidential  intimacy,  at  the  moment 
of  their  birth,  but  which  were  not  always  matured  and  acted 
upon  until  a  subsequent  period. 

He  has  stated  that  he  always  had  in  view  the  publication  of 
his  Memoirs  of  Napoleon,  and  that,  from  an  early  period,  he 
commenced  making  notes  and  collecting  documents,  so  as  to 
preserve  a  perfect  recollection  of  facts  and  impressions,  '  until 
the  time  should  arrive  at  which  he  might  tell  the  truth,  and  the 
whole  truth.' 

No  one  can  read  his  Memoirs  without  being  convinced  of  the 
truth  of  the   narrative,  or  fail  afterwards  in  forming  a  perfect 

vii 


viii  PREFACE 

estimate  of  the  personal  character  of  Napoleon.  The  only  work 
in  our  own  language  which  bears  any  comparison  with  the 
present  in  its  graphic  delineation  of  character  is  Boswell's  Life 
of  Johnson. 

The  original  work  extends  to  ten  volumes,  in  which  the 
author  has  confined  himself,  almost  entirely,  to  the  personal  life 
and  character  of  Napoleon,  and  has  seldom  given  any  military 
detail.  The  translator  has  attempted  to  supply  this  deficiency, 
and  to  connect  the  history  by  adding  short  abstracts,  taken  from 
various  authors,  of  the  principal  military  operations  in  which 
Napoleon  was  himself  engaged  ;  he  has  also  appended  a  concise 
account  of  his  second  abdication,  residence  at  St.  Helena,  and 
death,  and  trusts  that  he  has  succeeded  in  condensing  the 
voluminous  materials  which  were  presented  to  him  into  one 
connected  narrative  of  great  interest 


MEMOIRS 


OF 


NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 


CHAPTER  I 

The  desire  of  speculating  upon  an  illustrious  name  could  alone 
have  given  birth  to  the  numerous  publications  under  the  title 
of  memoirs,  of  secret  histories,  and  of  rhapsodies,  which  have 
appeared  about  Napoleon.  On  reading  them,  we  are  at  a  loss 
to  determine  vyhether  we  ought  to  be  most  surprised  at  the 
audacity  of  the  writers,  or  the  good-nature  of  their  readers.  But, 
in  fact,  contemporary  biography  is  for  the  most  part  an  impos- 
ture, and  the  history  of  a  great  man  written  during  his  lite  is 
either  a  panegyric  or  a  satire. 

Posterity  will  not  be  divided  in  their  judgment  of  Napoleon  as 
his  contemporaries  have  been.  In  a  future  age,  the  recollections 
of  his  splendid  triumphs  will  have  been  very  much  weakened  5 
but,  at  the  same  time,  the  evils  which  his  sixty  victories  have 
brought  upon  the  great  European  family  will  have  been  forgotten. 
His  wars  and  his  conquests  will  be  estimated  solely  by  their 
results  ;  his  policy,  by  the  utility  and  permanency  of  the  insti- 
tutions which  he  created,  and  their  harmony  vrith  the  age  in 
which  he  lived. 

It  will  be  asked,  whether  he  might  not  have  chosen  a  career 
less  painfully  splendid,  but  more  marked  by  wisdom,  than 
that  of  war  ;  and  whether  he  was  right  in  preferring  the 
renown  which  always  accompanies  great  military  glory,  to  the 
reputation,  less  brilliant  but  more  desirable,  of  having  power- 
fully contributed  to  the  happiness  of  mankind. 


a  NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 

An  historian  will  one  day  arise,  who  will  do  justice  to  his 
merit  :  as  for  myself,  I  do  not  even  pretend  to  aspire  to  the 
honour  of  being  his  biographer  ;  I  am  only  about  to  relate  all 
that  I  know  of  this  extraordinary  man,  and  which  I  believe  I 
know  well — that  which  I  have  seen  and  heard,  and  of  which 
I  have  preserved  numerous  notes.  With  confidence  I  call  him 
an  extraordinary'  man — who,  owing  everything  to  himself, 
acquired  the  most  absolute  sway  over  a  great  and  enlightened 
nation,  obtained  so  many  victories,  subdued  so  many  states, 
distributed  crowns  to  his  family,  made  and  unmade  kings,  and 
who  became  nearly  the  most  ancient  sovereign  in  Europe,  and 
who  was,  without  doubt,  the  most  distinguished  of  his  age  j 
such  an  individual  cannot  be  called  an  ordinary  man. 

The  reader  must  not  expect  to  find  in  these  Memoirs  an 
uninterrupted  series  of  all  the  events  which  marked  the  great 
career  of  Napoleon  ;  nor  details  of  all  the  battles,  with  the 
recital  of  which  so  many  eminent  men  have  usefully  and 
ably  occupied  themselves.  I  shall  say  little  about  whatever  I 
did  not  see  or  hear  myself,  and  which  is  not  supported  by 
official  documents. 

Napoleon  Bonaparte  was  born  at  Ajaccio,  in  Corsica,  on 
the  15th  of  August,  1769.  The  name  was  originally  written 
Buonaparte  ;  but  during  the  first  campaign  in  Italy  he  dropped 
the  u,  merely  to  render  the  spelling  conformable  with  the  pro- 
nunciation, and  to  abridge  his  signature.  It  has  been  said,  that 
he  suppressed  a  year  in  his  age,  and  that  he  was  born  in  1768  ; 
but  this  is  untrue.  He  always  told  me  that  the  15th  of  August, 
1769,  was  his  birth-day  ;  and  as  I  was  born  on  the  9th  of  July 
in  that  year,  our  proximity  of  age  seemed  to  strengthen  our 
union   and  friendship  when  at  the  military  school  of  Brienne. 

Napoleon  was  the  second  son  of  Charles  Marie  de  Buonaparte, 
a  noble,  deputy  of  the  noblesse  of  Corsica,  and  Laetitia  Ramolino, 
his  wife  ;  there  were  five  brothers,  Joseph,  Napoleon,  Lucien, 
Louis,  and  Jerome  ;  and  three  sisters,  Eliza,  Caroline,  and 
Pauline.  Five  others  must  have  died  in  infancy,  for  we  are 
informed  that  his  mother  had  thirteen  children,  and  became  a 
widow  at  the  age  of  thirty.* 

Bonaparte  was  undoubtedly  a  man  of  good  family.     I  have 

"  Bonaparte  ever,  in  after  life,  acknowledged,  with  gratitude,  the 
obligations  he  was  under  to  his  mother,  and  expressed  his  belief  that 
be  owed  his  subsequent  elevation  principally  to  her  early  lessons  ;  and, 
indeed,  laid  it  dow.T  as  a  maxim,  that  the  future  '  good  or  bad  conduct 
of  a  child  depends  entirely  on  the  mother.' 


BOYHOOD  3 

seen  an  authentic  account  of  his  genealogy,  which  he  obtained 
from  Tuscany.  A  great  deal  has  been  written  about  the 
civil  dissensions  which  forced  his  family  to  leave  Italy  and 
take  refuge  in  Corsica.  On  this  subject  I  have  nothing  to  state. 
His  father  was  poor,  and  he  himself  received  his  education  at 
the  public  expense,  an  advantage  of  which  many  honourable 
families  availed  themselves.  A  memorial,  addressed  by  his 
father,  Charles  Buonaparte,  to  M.  de  Segur,  then  Minister  of 
War,  states,  that  his  fortune  had  been  reduced  by  an  attempt 
to  drain  the  salt  marshes,  and  by  the  injustice  of  the  Jesuits, 
by  whom  he  had  been  deprived  of  his  inheritance.  The  object 
of  this  memorial  was,  to  solicit  a  sub-lieutenant's  commission 
for  Napoleon,  who  was  then  fourteen  years  of  age  ;  and  to  get 
Lucien,  his  third  son,  admitted  a  king's  scholar  at  the  military 
college  of  Brienne.  The  answer  returned  by  the  minister  to 
this  memorial  was  '  That  his  request  was  inadmissible  so  long  as 
his  second  son  remained  at  the  military  school  in  Brienne.  Two 
brothers  cannot  be  placed  at  the  same  time  in  the  military 
schools.'  When  Napoleon  had  completed  his  fifteenth  year, 
he  was  sent  to  Paris,  until  he  should  attain  the  requisite  age 
for  entering  the  army. 

Much  has  been  said,  and  in  an  opposite  spirit,  of  Bonaparte's 
boyhood  ;  he  has  been  described  in  terms  of  enthusiastic  praise 
and  the  most  ridiculous  condemnation.  This  will  always  be 
the  case  with  those  individuals,  whom  genius  or  other  favourable 
circumstances  have  elevated  above  their  fellow-men.  It  is 
absurd  to  endeavour  to  find  in  an  infant  the  germ  of  great 
crimes,  or  of  eminent  virtues.  He  used  to  laugh  heartily  at 
those  tales  which  bedecked  him  with  virtues  or  loaded  him 
with  crimes,  just  as  their  authors  were  actuated  by  admiration 
or  hatred.  I  recollect,  however,  an  anecdote  which  has  been 
given  to  the  public  with  various  modifications,  and  which 
has  become  familiar  to  most  readers. 

During  the  winter  of  1783-4,  so  memorable  for  the  heavy 
falls  of  snow,  which  blocked  up  the  roads  and  covered  the 
country  to  a  depth  of  six  or  eight  feet.  Napoleon  was  greatly 
at  a  loss  for  those  out-door  amusements  and  retired  walks  in 
which  he  used  to  take  so  much  delight.  During  play-hours 
he  had  no  alternative  but  to  mix  with  the  crowd  of  his  school- 
fellows, and  to  walk  with  them  up  and  down  the  area  of  an 
immense  hall.  To  relieve  himself  from  this  monotonous  parade 
he  contrived  to  stir  up  the  whole  school  to  amuse  themselves 
in  a  different  manner,  by  forming  passages  through  the  snow 


4  NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 

in  the  great  court-yard,  and  erecting  horn-works,  sinking 
trenches,  raising  parapets,  etc.  'Our  works  being  completed,' 
said  he,  '  we  can  divide  ourselves  into  parties,  enact  a  species 
of  siege,  and  I,  as  the  inventor  of  this  new  amusement,  undertake 
to  direct  the  attack.'  The  proposal  was  joyfully  acceded  to 
by  his  school-fellows,  and  immediately  put  into  execution. 
This  mimic  combat  was  carried  on  during  a  period  of  fifteen 
days,  and  did  not  cease  until,  by  gravel  and  small  stones  having 
got  mixed  with  the  snow  which  formed  our  bullets,  many  of 
the  students,  besiegers  as  well  as  besieged,  were  severely  wounded. 
I  recollect  that  I  myself  was  a  considerable  sufferer  from  this 
kind  of  shot. 

Bonaparte  and  I  were  nine  years  old  when  our  friendship 
commenced.  We  soon  became  very  intimate,  for  there  was  a 
certain  sympathy  of  heart  between  us.  I  enjoyed  this  intimacy 
and  friendship  without  interruption  until  1784,  when  he  was 
transferred  from  the  military  school  at  BrJenne  to  that  of  Paris. 
I  was  one  of  those  youthful  companions  who  could  best 
accommodate  themselves  to  his  stern  and  severe  character.  His 
natural  reserve,  his  disposition  to  meditate  on  the  subjugation 
of  Corsica,  and  the  impressions  which  he  had  received  in  his 
youth  respecting  the  misfortunes  of  his  country,  and  of  his 
family,  led  him  to  seek  solitude,  and  rendered  his  general 
demeanour  somewhat  disagreeable  ;  but  this  was  more  in 
appearance  than  in  reality.  Our  equality  of  age  placed  us 
together  in  the  classes  of  languages  and  mathematics.  His 
ardent  desire  to  acquire  knowledge  was  remarkable  from  the 
very  commencement  of  his  studies.  When  he  first  came  to 
the  college  he  only  spoke  the  Corsican  dialect,  from  which 
circumstance  he  already  excited  a  lively  interest.  The  Sieur 
Dupuis,  then  vice-principal,  a  gentleman  of  polished  manners 
and  an  excellent  grammarian,  undertook  to  give  him  lessons 
in  the  French  language.  His  pupil  repaid  his  care  so  well, 
that  in  a  very  short  time  he  had  also  learned  the  first  rudiments 
of  Latin.  But  to  this  language  he  had  such  an  aversion,  that 
in  his  fifteenth  year  he  was  still  in  the  fourth  class.  In  the 
Latin  I  left  him  very  speedily  ;  but  I  could  never  get  before 
him  in  the  mathematical  class,  in  which,  in  my  opinion,  he 
was,  beyond  dispute,  the  ablest  in  the  whole  school.  I  used 
sometimes  to  help  him  with  his  Latin  themes  and  versions  ; 
and  in  return  he  assisted  me  in  the  solution  of  problems,  which  he 
demonstrated  with  a  readiness  and  facility  that  perfectly  astonished 
me — but  to  themes  and  translations  he  had  a  great  aversion. 


AT   BRIENNE  5 

At  Brienne,  Bonaparte  was  remarkable  for  the  dark  colour 
of  his  complexion,  which  the  climate  of  France  afterwards 
very  much  cnanged,  as  well  as  for  his  piercing  and  scrutinizing 
glance,  and  for  the  style  of  his  conversation  both  with  his 
masters  and  companions.  His  conversation  almost  always  bore 
the  appearance  of  ill-humour,  and  he  was  certainly  not  very 
sociable.  This  I  think  may  be  attributed  to  the  misfortunes 
of  his  family  during  his  childhood,  and  the  impressions  made 
on  his  mind  by  the  subjugation  of  his  country. 

The  students  were  invited  by  turns  to  dine  with  Father 
Berton,  the  principal  of  the  school.  One  day,  it  being 
Bonaparte's  turn  to  enjoy  this  indulgence,  some  of  the  professors 
who  were  at  table,  knowing  his  admiration  for  Paoli,  purposely 
spoke  disrespectfully  of  him.  '  Paoli,'  Bonaparte  replied,  '  was 
a  great  man  ;  he  loved  his  country  ;  and  I  never  shall  forgive 
my  father,  who  was  his  adjutant,  for  consenting  to  the  union 
of  Corsica  with  France.  He  ought  to  have  followed  Paoli's 
fortunes,  and  to  have  fallen  with  him.' 

Generally  speaking,  Bonaparte  was  not  liked  by  his  com- 
panions, and  they  certainly  did  not  flatter  him.  He  associated 
but  little  with  them,  and  rarely  took  part  in  their  amusements. 
The  submission  of  his  country  to  France  seemed  to  disturb 
his  mind,  and  led  him  to  keep  away  from  the  boisterous  exercises 
of  his  school-fellows.  I,  however,  was  almost  always  with  him. 
During  play-hours  he  withdrew  to  the  library,  where  he  read 
with  great  eagerness  books  of  history,  particularly  Polybius  and 
Plutarch.  He  ran  over  Arrian  with  great  delight,  but  had  little 
taste  for  Quintus  Curtius.  I  have  often  left  him  in  the  library 
to  join  the  sports  of  my  companions. 

The  temper  of  the  young  Corsican  was  not  improved  by  the 
railleries  of  the  students,  vvho  were  fond  of  ridiculing  his  name, 
Napoleon,  and  his  country.  He  has  often  said  to  me,  '  I  will 
do  these  French  all  the  mischief  in  my  power  :'  and  when  I  have 
endeavoured  to  pacify  him,  he  would  say — '  But  you  never  insult 
me  ;  you  love  me.' 

Father  Patrauld,  our  mathematical  professor,  was  much 
attached  to  Bonaparte,  and  he  had  great  reason  to  be  proud  of 
him  as  a  pupil.  The  other  professors,  in  whose  classes  he  was 
not  distinguished,  took  little  nocice  of  him.  He  had  no  taste 
for  the  study  of  languages,  polite  literature,  or  the  fine  arts  ;  and 
as  there  were  no  indications  of  his  ever  becoming  a  scholar,  the 

cdants  of  the  establishment  were  inclined  to  consider  him  stupid. 

t  has  often  been  reported  that  he  received  a  careful  education 


I 


6  NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 

at  Brienne  ;  but  this  is  untrue,  for  at  that  time  the  monks  were 
incapable  of  giving  it.  I  must  confess,  that  the  extended  in- 
formation of  the  present  day  is,  to  me,  a  painful  contrast  with 
the  limited  education  I  received  at  the  military  college.  I  am 
only  surprised  that  the  establishment  should  have  produced  a 
single  able  man. 

Though  Bonaparte  had  seldom  reason  to  speak  well  of  his 
fellow-students,  yet  he  was  above  complaining  against  them  ;  and 
when  in  his  turn  he  had  to  see  to  the  performance  of  any  duty 
which  they  neglected,  he  preferred  to  go  into  confinement 
himself  than  to  denounce  the  culprits. 

Bonaparte,  during  his  life,  has  performed  a  sufficiency  of  great 
actions  to  render  it  unnecessary  to  dilate  upon  the  pretended 
wonders  of  his  boyhood.  I  should  be  unjust  were  I  to  say  that 
he  was  an  ordinary  boy  ;  I  have  never  considered  him  as  such. 
I  am  bound  to  declare,  on  the  contrary,  that  amidst  a  crowd  of 
competitors  he  was  a  very  distinguished  scholar. 

I  have  read  in  some  biographical  account  of  him,  that  when 
about  fourteen  years  of  age  he  happened  to  be  at  a  party  where 
some  one  eulogized  Turenne,  and  a  lady  observed  that  he 
certainly  was  a  great  man,  but  that  she  would  have  liked  him 
better  had  he  not  burned  the  Palatinate.  '  What  signifies  that,' 
said  he,  '  if  the  burning  was  necessary  to  the  object  he  had  in 
view  ? '  This  may  be  very  pretty,  but  it  is  a  mere  fiction. 
Bonaparte  was  fourteen  in  1783  ;  he  was  then  at  Brienne,  where 
we  saw  no  company,  and  least  of  all  the  company  of  ladies. 

Bonaparte  was  fifteen  years  and  two  months  old  when  he  went 
to  the  military  college  of  Paris.  I  accompanied  him  in  a  chaise 
to  Nogent-sur-Seine  ;  and  we  parted  with  mutual  regret.  We 
did  not  again  meet  until  1792.  We  continued  our  corre- 
spondence during  these  eight  years,  but  so  little  did  I  anticipate 
the  high  destinies,  which,  after  his  elevation,  it  has  been  said  his 
youth  indicated,  that  I  have  not  kept  one  of  the  letters  which  he 
wrote  me  during  this  period.  I  destroyed  the  whole  so  soon 
as  they  were  answered.  I  only  recollect  that,  in  a  letter  which 
he  wrote  to  me  about  a  year  after  his  arrival  in  Paris,  he  called 
upon  me  to  fulfil  a  promise  which  I  had  made  at  Brienne  to 
enter  the  army  with  him.  Like  him  and  with  him  I  had  passed 
through  a  course  of  study  necessary  for  the  service  of  the  artil- 
lery :  and  I  had  even  gone,  in  1787,  for  three  months  to  Metz, 
in  order  to  join  practice  to  theory.  But  a  strange  ordinance, 
issued  in  1778,  by  M.  de  Segur,  required,  as  a  proof  of  the 
necessary  talent,  that  aspirants  for  the  honour  of  serving  their 


IN   PARIS  7 

king  and  country  should  have  at  least  four  quarters  of  nobility 
on  their  escutcheons.  My  mother,  who  had  been  told  that  we 
had  at  least  a  dozen,  immediately  set  off  for  Paris  to  find  a 
M.  d'Ogny,  of  the  Heralds'  office,  to  whom  she  presented  the 
letters  patent  of  her  husband,  who  had  died  six  weeks  before  I 
was  born.  She  shewed  that  Louis  XIII.  had,  in  1640,  granted  a 
patent  of  nobility  to  Fauvelet  de  Villemont,  who,  in  1586,  had 
kept  several  districts  in  Burgundy  in  obedience  to  the  king,  at 
the  peril  of  his  life  and  to  the  ruin  of  his  fortune  ;  and  that  his 
family  had  filled  the  first  places  in  the  magistracy,  downwards 
from  the  fourteenth  century.  All  was  correct  ;  but  it  was 
observed  that  the  patent  of  nobility  had  not  been  duly  registered 
by  the  parliament  ;  and  to  remedy  this  omission,  they  demanded 
a  fee  of  twelve  thousand  francs.  This  my  mother  refused  to 
pay,  and  there  the  matter  rested. 

On  his  arrival  at  the  military  school  of  Paris,  he  found  the 
whole  establishment  on  so  brilliant  and  expensive  a  footing,  that 
he  immediately  addressed  a  memorial  on  the  subject  to  the 
Vice-principal  Berton.  He  shewed  that  the  system  of  education 
was  pernicious,  and  far  from  being  calculated  to  fulfil  the  object 
which  every  wise  government  must  have  in  view.  He  com- 
plained that  the  mode  of  life  was  too  expensive  and  delicate  for 
'  poor  gentlemen,'  and  could  not  prepare  them  for  returning  to 
their  modest  homes,  or  for  the  hardships  of  the  camp.  Instead 
of  the  numerous  attendants  by  whom  they  were  surrounded, 
their  dinners  of  two  courses,  and  their  horses  and  grooms,  he 
suggested  that  they  should  be  obliged  to  perform  the  little  neces- 
sary services  for  themselves,  such  as  brushing  their  clothes,  etc., 
and  that  they  should  eat  the  coarse  bread  made  for  soldiers. 
Temperance  and  sobriety,  he  added,  would  render  them  robust, 
and  enable  them  to  bear  the  severity  of  the  seasons,  to  brave  the 
fatigues  of  war,  and  to  inspire  the  respect  and  obedience  of  the 
soldiers  under  their  command.  Thus  reasoned  Napoleon  at  the 
age  of  sixteen,  and  time  shewed  that  he  never  departed  from 
these  principles.  The  establishment  of  the  military  school  at 
Fontainebleau  is  a  positive  proof  of  this. 

Napoleon,  being  of  a  restless  and  observing  disposition,  speaking 
his  opinion  openly  and  with  energy,  did  not  remain  long  at  the 
military  school  of  Paris.  His  superiors,  annoyed  by  the  decision 
of  his  character,  hastened  the  period  of  his  examination,  and  he 
obtained  the  first  vacant  sub-lieutena/icy  in  a  regiment  of  artillery. 
As  for  myself,  I  left  Brienne  in  1787,  and  as  I  could  not  enter 
the  artillery,  from  the  circumstance  above  stated,  I  proceeded  in 


8  NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 

the  following  year  to  Vienna,  with  a  letter  of  recommendation  to 
M.  de  Montmorin,  soliciting  employment  in  the  French  embassy, 
then  at  the  Court  of  Austria.  After  having  been  initiated  in 
the  first  steps  of  diplomacy,  I  was  advised  by  M.  de  Noailles  to 
go  to  one  of  the  German  universities,  to  study  the  law  of  nations 
and  foreign  languages.     I  accordingly  repaired  to  Leipsic. 

I  had  scarcely  got  there  when  the  French  revolution  broke 
out.  Alas  !  the  reasonable  reforms  which  the  age  demanded, 
and  which  liberal  and  right-thinking  men  desired,  were  very 
different  from  that  total  overthrow  and  destruction  of  the  state 
which  followed,  and  the  long  series  of  crimes  which  darken  the 
pages  of  French  history. 

In  the  month  of  April,  1792,  I  returned  to  Paris,  where 
I  again  met  Bonaparte,  and  renewed  the  friendship  of  our 
youthful  days.  I  had  not  been  fortunate,  and  adversity  pressed 
heavily   upon   him  ;   his  resources  frequently  failed   him.     We 

Eassed  our  time  as  two  young  men  of  three-and-twenty  may 
e  supposed  to  have  done,  who  had  little  money,  and  less 
occupation.  He  was  worse  off  in  this  respect  than  myself ; 
we  started  some  new  project  every  day,  and  were  on  the  look- 
out for  some  profitable  speculation,  but  everything  failed  us. 
At  this  time  he  was  soliciting  employment  from  the  minister 
of  war,  and  I  at  the  office  for  foreign  affairs.  I  was,  for  the 
moment,  the  most  fortunate  of  the  two. 

While  we  were  thus  spending  our  time  in  an  unprofitable 
manner,  the  20th  of  June  arrived — a  sad  prelude  to  the  loth 
of  August.  We  met,  by  appointment,  at  a  restaurateur's, 
in  the  Rue  St.  Honore,  near  the  Palais-Royal.  On  going  out 
we  saw  a  mob  approaching,  in  the  direction  of  the  market- 
place, which  Bonaparte  estimated  at  from  five  to  six  thousand 
men.  They  were  a  parcel  of  blackguards,  armed  with  weapons 
of  every  description,  and  shouting  the  grossest  abuse,  whilst 
they  proceeded  at  a  rapid  rate  towards  the  Tuileries.  This 
mob  appeared  to  consist  of  the  vilest  and  most  profligate  of 
the  population  of  the  suburbs.  'Let  us  follow  the  rabble,' 
said  Bonaparte.  We  got  the  start  of  them,  and  took  up  our 
station  on  the  terrace,  bordering  the  river.  It  was  there  that 
he  was  an  eye-witness  of  the  scandalous  scenes  that  ensued  ; 
and  it  would  be  difficult  to  describe  the  surprise  and  indignation 
which  they  excited  in  him.  Such  weakness  and  forbearance, 
he  said,  could  not  be  excused  ;  but  when  the  king  shewed 
himself  at  a  window  which  looked  out  upon  the  garden,  with 
the  red  cap,  which  one  of  the  mob  had  just  placed  upon  his 


PAOLI  9 

head,  he  could  no  longer  repress  his  indignation  ;  *  What 
madness  ! '  he  loudly  exclaimed  ;  '  how  could  they  allow  that 
rabble  to  enter  ?  why  do  they  not  sweep  away  four  or  five 
hundred  of  them  with  the  cannon  ?  and  then  the  rest  would 
take  themselves  off  very  quickly.' 

When  we  sat  down  to  dinner,  he  discussed  with  great  good 
sense  the  causes  and  consequences  of  this  unrepressed  insurrec- 
tion. He  foresaw,  and  developed  with  sagacity,  all  that  would 
follow  ;  and  in  this  he  was  not  mistaken.  The  loth  of  August 
soon  arrived  ;  as  for  myself,  I  received  an  appointment  a  few 
days  after  the  20th  of  June,  as  Secretary  of  Legation  at  Stutt- 
gardt,  to  which  city  I  set  out  on  the  2nd  of  August,  and  did 
not  again  see  my  young  and  ardent  friend  until  1795.  He 
told  me  that  my  departure  would  hasten  his  own  for  Corsica  ; 
we  separated,  with  feeble  hopes,  as  it  appeared  at  the  time, 
of  ever  meeting  again.  It  was  after  the  fatal  loth  of  August, 
that  Bonaparte  visited  Corsica  ;  he  did  not  return  until  1793. 

It  was  during  my  absence  from  France,  that  Bonaparte, 
in  the  rank  of  chief  of  battalion,  performed  his  first  campaign,  and 
contributed  so  powerfully  to  the  taking  of  Toulon.  Of  this 
period  of  his  life  I  have  no  personal  knowledge,  and,  there- 
fore, I  shall  not  speak  of  it  as  an  eye-witness. 

To  connect  the  narrative  of  Bourrienne,  and  to  complete  this 
interesting  part  of  Bonaparte's  history,  we  give  the  accompanying 
extract  from  another  account  of  his  life  : — 

General  Paoli,  who  had  lived  in  England  ever  since  the 
termination  of  that  civil  war  in  which  Charles  Buonaparte,  the 
father  of  Napoleon,  had  served  under  his  banner,  was  cheered, 
when  the  French  revolution  first  broke  out,  with  the  hope  that 
liberty  was  about  to  be  restored  to  Corsica.  He  came  to  Paris, 
was  received  with  applause  as  a  tried  friend  of  freedom,  and 
appointed  governor  ot  his  native  island,  which,  for  some  time, 
he  ruled  wisely  and  happily.  But  as  the  revolution  advanced, 
Paoli,  like  most  other  wise  men,  became  satisfied  that  license 
was  more  likely  to  be  established  by  its  leaders,  than  law  and 
rational  liberty  ;  and  avowing  his  aversion  to  the  growing 
principles  of  Jacobinism,  and  the  scenes  of  tumult  and  bloodshed 
to  which  they  gave  rise,  he  was  denounced  in  the  National 
Assembly  as  the  enemy  of  France.  An  expedition  was  sent 
to  deprive  him  of  his  government,  under  the  command  of  La 
Combe,  Michel,  and  Salicetti,  one  of  the  Corsican  deputies 
to  the  Convention  ;  and  Paoli  called  on  his  countrj-men  to 
take  arms  in  his  and  their  own  defence. 


lo  NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 

It  was  at  this  time  (1793)  that  Bonaparte  had  leave  of  absence 
from  his  regiment,  and  was  in  Corsica,  on  a  visit  to  his  mother. 
Paoli,  who  knew  him  well,  did  all  he  could  to  enlist  him  in 
his  cause  ;  but  Napoleon  had  satisfied  himself  that  Corsica 
was  too  small  a  country  to  maintain  independence  ;  and  that 
she  must  fall  under  the  rule  either  of  France  or  England  ; 
and  that  her  interests  would  be  best  served  by  adhering  to  the 
former.  He  therefore  resisted  all  Paoli's  offers,  and  tendered 
his  sword  to  the  service  of  Salicetti.  He  was  appointed  pro- 
visionally to  the  command  of  a  battalion  of  national  guards  ; 
and  the  first  military  service  on  which  he  was  employed  was 
the  reduction  of  a  small  fortress,  called  the  Torre  di  Capitello, 
near  the  Ajaccio.  He  took  it  ;  but  was  soon  besieged  in  it, 
and  he  and  his  garrison,  after  a  gallant  defence,  and  living 
for  some  time  on  horse-flesh,  were  glad  to  evacuate  the  tower, 
and  escape  to  the  sea.  The  English  government  now  began 
to  reinforce  Paoli,  and  the  cause  of  the  French  party  seemed 
to  be,  for  the  moment,  desperate.  The  Bonapartes  were  banished 
from  Corsica  ;  and  their  mother  and  sisters  took  refuge  first 
at  Nice,  and  afterwards  at  Marseilles,  where  for  some  time 
they  suffered  all  the  inconveniences  of  exile  and  poverty. 
Napoleon  rejoined  his  regiment.  He  had  chosen  France  for 
his  country  ;  and  seems,  in  truth,  to  have  preserved  little  or 
no  affection  for  his  native  soil. 

Bonaparte's  first  military  service  occurred,  as  we  have  seen, 
in  the  summer  of  1793.  The  king  of  France  had  been  put 
to  death  on  the  21st  of  January,  in  that  year  ;  and  in  less 
than  a  month  afterwards  the  Convention  had  declared  war 
against  England.  The  murder  of  the  king,  alike  cruel  and 
atrocious,  had  in  fact  united  the  princes  of  Euiope  against 
the  revolutionary  cause,  End  within  France  itself  a  strong 
reaction  took  place.  The  people  of  Toulon,  the  great  port 
and  arsenal  of  France  on  the  Mediterranean,  partook  of  the 
sentiments,  and  invited  the  English  and  Spanish  fleets  off  their 
coast  to  come  to  their  assistance,  and  garrison  their  city.  The 
allied  admirals  took  possession  accordingly  of  Toulon,  and  a 
motley  force  of  English,  Spanish,  and  Neapolitans,  prepared  to 
defend  the  place.  In  the  harbour  and  roads  there  were  found 
about  iwenty-five  ships  of  the  line,  and  the  city  contained 
immense  naval  and  military  stores  of  every  description,  so  that 
the  defection  of  Toulon  was  regarded  as  a  calamity  of  the 
first  order  by  the  revolutionary  government. 

This  event  occurred  in  the  midst  of  that  period  which  has 


SIEGE    OF   TOULON  ii 

received  the  name  of  the  reign  of  terror.  Whatever  else  the 
government  wanted,  vigour  to  repel  aggressions  from  without 
was  displayed  in  abundance.  Two  armies  immediately  marched 
upon  Toulon  ;  and  after  a  series  of  actions,  in  which  the 
passes  in  the  hills  behind  the  town  were  forced,  the  place 
was  at  last  invested,  and  a  memorable  siege  commenced. 

It  was  conducted  with  little  skill,  first  by  Cartaux,  a  vain 
coxcomb,  who  had  been  a  painter,  and  then  by  Doppet,  an 
ex-physician  and  a  coward.  Cartaux  had  not  yet  been  super- 
seded when  Bonaparte  made  his  appearance  at  head-quarters, 
with  a  commission  to  assume  the  command  of  the  artillery. 
It  has  been  said,  that  he  owed  his  appointment  to  the  private 
regard  of  Salicetti  ;  but  the  high  testimonials  he  had  received 
from  the  military  academy  were  more  likely  to  have  served 
him  ;  nor  is  it  possible  to  suppose  that  he  had  been  so  long 
in  the  regiment  of  La  Fere,  without  being  appreciated  by 
some  of  his  superiors.  However  this  may  have  been,  he  was 
received  almost  with  insolence  by  Cartaux,  who,  strutting 
about  in  a  uniform  covered  with  gold  lace,  told  him  his 
assistance  was  not  wanted  ;  but  he  was  welcome  to  partake 
in  his  glory. 

It  was  during  the  siege  of  Toulon,  that  Napoleon,  while 
constructing  a  battery  under  the  enemy's  fire,  had  occasion 
to  prepare  a  despatch,  and  called  out  for  someone  who  could 
use  a  pen.  A  young  sergeant,  named  Junot,  leaped  out,  and 
leaning  on  the  breastwork,  wrote  as  he  dictated.  As  he  finished, 
a  shot  struck  the  ground  by  his  side,  scattering  dust  in  abun- 
dance over  him  and  everything  near  him.  '  Good,'  said  the 
soldier,  laughing,  '  this  time  we  shall  spare  our  sand.'  The 
cool  gaiety  of  this  pleased  Bonaparte  ;  he  kept  his  eye  on  the 
man  ;  and  Junot  became  afterwards  marshal  of  France,  and 
Duke  of  Abrantes. 


SIEGE    OF  TOULON 

EXTRACTED    FROM    THE    MEMOIRS    OF     NAPOLEON,    DICTATED    AT 

ST.    HELENA. 

Napoleon,  on  his  arrival,  found  the  head-quarters  at  Beausset 
They  were  busy  making  preparations  to  burn  the  allied  squadrons 
in  the  road  of  Toulon  ;  and  the  next  day  the  Commandant  of 
artillery  went  with  the  General-in-chief  to  visit   the  batteries. 


12  NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 

What  was  his  surprise  to  find  a  battery  of  six  twenty-four 
pounders  planted  a  quarter  of  a  league  from  the  passes  of 
Ollioules,  at  three  gun-shots  from  the  English  vessels,  and  two 
from  the  shore  ;  and  all  the  volunteers  of  the  Cote  d'Or  and 
the  soldiers  of  the  regiment  of  Burgundy  occupied  with  heating 
the  balls  at  all  the  bastiJes  !  (country-houses).  He  did  not 
conceal  his  astonishment. 

The  first  care  of  the  Commandant  of  the  artillery  was  to 
get  together  a  great  number  of  officers  in  that  department, 
whom  the  circumstances  of  the  revolution  had  removed.  At 
the  end  of  six  weeks,  he  was  enabled  to  assemble,  organize, 
and  supply  a  park  of  two  hundred  pieces  of  artillery.  Colonel 
Gassendi  was  placed  at  the  head  of  the  arsenal  of  constructions 
at  Marseilles.  The  batteries  were  advanced,  and  placed  on 
the  most  advantageous  points  of  the  shore  ;  and  their  effect 
was  such,  that  some  large  vessels  were  dismasted,  several  smaller 
ones  sunk,  and  the  enemy  were  forced  to  abandon  that  part 
of  the  road. 

The  Commandant  of  the  artillery,  who  for  the  space  of  a 
month  had  been  carefully  reconnoitring  the  ground,  and  had 
made  himself  perfectly  acquainted  with  all  its  localities,  proposed 
the  plan  of  attack  which  occasioned  the  reduction  of  Toulon. 
He  regarded  all  the  propositions  of  the  Committee  of  Fortifi- 
cations as  totally  useless,  under  the  circumstances  of  the  case  ; 
and  it  was  his  opinion,  that  a  regular  siege  was  not  at  all 
necessary. 

In  a  word,  he  declared  that  it  was  not  necessary  to  march 
against  the  place  at  all,  but  only  to  occupy  the  position  which 
he  had  proposed  ;  and  which  was  to  be  found  at  the  extreme 
point  or  the  promontory  of  Balagnier  and  I'Eguillette  ;  that 
he  had  discovered  this  position  a  month  before,  and  had  pointed 
it  out  to  the  General-in-chief,  assuring  him  that  if  he  would 
occupy  it  with  three  battalions,  he  would  take  Toulon  in  four 
days  j  that  the  English  had  become,  since  he  first  observed  it, 
so  sensible  of  its  importance,  that  they  had  disembarked  4000 
men  there,  had  cut  down  all  the  wood  that  covered  the  promon- 
tory of  Cair,  which  commanded  the  whole  position,  and  had 
employed  all  the  resources  of  Toulon,  even  the  galley-slaves, 
in  order  to  intrench  themselves  there  ;  making  it,  as  they 
expressed  themselves,  '  a  little  Gibraltar.'  But  that  the  point, 
which  a  month  ago  might  have  been  seized  and  occupied 
without  opposition,  now  required  a  serious  attack  ;  that  it 
would  not  be  advisable  to  risk  an  assault,  but  to  form  batteries, 


SIEGE   OF    TOULON  «3 

mounted  with  twenty-four  pounders  and  mortars,  in  order  to 
destroy  the  epaulements,  which  were  constructed  of  wood,  to 
break  down  the  palisades,  and  throw  a  shower  of  shells  into 
the  interior  of  the  fort  ;  and  that  then,  after  a  vigorous  fire 
for  eight-and-forty  hours,  the  work  should  be  stormed  by  picked 
troops. 

In  conformity  to  the  plan  proposed,  the  French  raised  five 
or  six  batteries  against  Little  Gibraltar,  and  constructed  platforms 
for  fifteen  mortars.  A  battery  had  also  been  raised  of  eight 
twenty-four  pounders  and  four  mortars  against  Fort  Malbosquet, 
the  construction  of  which  was  a  profound  secret  to  the  enemy, 
as  the  men  who  were  employed  on  the  work  were  entirely 
concealed  from  observation  by  a  plantation  of  olives. 

General  O'Hara,  who  commanded  the  allied  army  at  Toulon, 
was  greatly  surprised  at  the  erection  of  so  considerable  a 
battery  close  to  a  fort  of  such  importance  as  Malbosquet,  and 
gave  orders  that  a  sortie  should  be  made  at  break  of  day.  The 
battery  was  situated  in  the  centre  of  the  left  of  the  army  ;  the 
troops  in  that  part  consisted  of  about  6000  men  ;  occupying 
the  line  from  Fort  Rouge  to  Malbosquet,  and  so  disposed  as 
to  prevent  all  individual  communication,  though  too  much 
scattered  to  make  an  effectual  resistance  in  any  given  point. 

An  hour  before  day.  General  O'Hara  sallied  out  of  the 
garrison  with  6000  men  ;  and,  meeting  with  no  obstacle,  his 
skirmishers  only  being  engaged,  spiked  the  guns  of  the  battery. 

In  the  meanwhile  the  drums  beat  the  generate  at  head- 
quarters, and  Dugommier  with  all  haste  rallied  his  troops  : 
the  Commandant  of  artillery  posted  himself  on  a  little  headland 
behind  the  battery,  on  which  he  had  previously  established  a 
depot  of  arms.  A  communication  from  this  point  to  the  battery 
had  been  effected  by  means  of  a  boyau  which  was  substituted 
for  the  trench.  Perceiving  from  this  point  that  the  enemy  had 
formed  to  the  right  and  left  of  the  battery,  he  conceived  the 
idea  of  leading  a  battalion  which  was  stationed  near  him  through 
the  boj'au.  By  this  plan  he  succeeded  in  coming  out  unper- 
ccived  among  the  brambles  close  to  the  battery,  and  immediately 
commenced  a  brisk  fire  upon  the  English,  whose  surprise  was 
such,  that  they  imagined  it  was  their  own  troops  on  the  right, 
who  through  some  mistake  were  firing  on  those  on  the  left. 
General  O'Hara  hastened  towards  the  French  to  rectify  the 
supposed  mistake,  when  he  was  wounded  in  the  hand  by 
a  musket-ball,  and  a  sergeant  seized  and  dragged  him  prisoner 
into  the  boyau  ;  the  disappearance  of  the  English  g-eneral  was 


14  NAPOLEON   BONAPARTE 

so  sudden,  that  his  own  troops  did  not  know  what  had  become 
of  him. 

In  the  meantime,  Dugommler,  with  the  troops  he  had  rallied, 
placed  himself  between  the  town  and  the  battery  :  this  move- 
ment disconcerted  the  enemy,  who  forthwith  commenced  their 
retreat.  They  were  hotly  pursued  as  far  as  the  gates  of  the 
fortress,  which  they  entered  in  the  greatest  disorder  and  without 
being  able  to  ascertain  the  fate  of  their  general.  Dugommier 
was  slightly  wounded  in  this  affair.  A  battalion  of  volunteers 
from  the  Isere  distinguished  itself  during  the  day. 

Dugommier  determined  that  a  decisive  attack  should  be  made 
upon  Little  Gibraltar  -.  the  Commandant  of  the  artillery  ac- 
cordingly threw  7  or  8,000  shells  into  the  fort,  while  thirty 
twenty-four  pounders  battered  the  works. 

On  the  1 8th  of  December,  at  four  in  the  afternoon,  the  troops 
left  their  camps,  and  marched  towards  the  village  of  Seine  :  the 
plan  was  to  attack  at  midnight,  in  order  to  avoid  the  fire  of  the 
tort  and  the  intermediate  redoubts.  At  length,  after  a  most 
furious  attack,  Dugommier,  who  according  to  his  usual  custom 
headed  the  leading  column,  was  obliged  to  give  way  ;  and  in  the 
utmost  despair  he  cried  out,  '  I  am  a  lost  man.'  Success  was 
indeed  every  way  important  in  those  days,  for  the  want  of  it 
usually  conducted  the  unfortunate  general  to  the  scaffold. 

The  fire  of  the  cannonading  and  musquetry  continued.  Captain 
Muiron  of  the  artillery,  a  young  man  full  of  bravery  and  re- 
sources, and  who  was  perfectly  acquainted  with  the  position, 
availed  himself  so  well  of  the  windings  of  the  ascent,  that  he 
conducted  his  troops  up  the  mountain  without  sustaining  any 
loss.  He  debouched  at  the  foot  of  the  fort  :  he  rushed  through 
an  embrasure  :  his  soldiers  followed  him — and  the  fort  was 
taken.  The  English  and  Spanish  cannoneers  were  all  killed  at 
their  guns,  and  Muiron  himself  was  dangerously  wounded  by 
a  thrust  from  the  pike  of  an  English  soldier. 

As  soon  as  they  were  masters  of  the  fort,  the  French  imme- 
diately turned  the  cannon  against  the  enemy. 

At  break  of  day  the  French  marched  on  Balagnier  and 
TEguillette  :  the  enemy  had  already  evacuated  those  positions. 
The  twenty-four  pounders  and  the  mortars  were  brought  to 
mount  these  batteries,  whence  they  hoped  to  cannonade  the 
combined  fleets  before  noon  ;  but  the  Commandant  of  the 
artillery  deemed  it  impossible  to  fix  them  there.  They  were  of 
stone,  and  the  engineers  who  had  constructed  them  had  com- 
mitted an  error,  in  placing  a  large  tower  of  masonry  just  at  their 


SIEGE   OF   TOULON 


»5 


entrance,  so  near  the  platforms  that  whatever  balls  might  have 
struck  them  would  have  rebounded  on  the  gunners,  besides  the 
splinters  and  rubbish.  They  therefore  planted  pieces  of  cannon 
on  the  heights  behind  the  batteries.  They  could  not  open  their 
fire  until  the  next  day  ;  but  no  sooner  did  Lord  Hood,  the 
English  admiral,  see  that  the  French  had  possessed  themselves 
of  these  positions,  than  he  made  signal  to  weigh  anchor  and 
get  out  of  the  road. 

He  then  went  to  Toulon  to  make  it  known  that  there  was  not 
a  moment  to  be  lost  in  getting  out  to  sea  directly.  The  weather 
was  dark  and  cloudy,  and  everything  announced  the  approach 
of  the  Libeccio  (or  south-west)  wind,  so  terrible  at  this  season. 
The  council  of  the  combined  forces  immediately  met  ;  and, 
after  mature  deliberation,  they  unanimously  agreed  that  Toulon 
was  no  longer  tenable.  They  accordingly  proceeded  to  take 
measures  as  well  for  the  embarkation  of  the  troops,  as  for 
burning  and  sinking  such  French  vessels  as  they  could  not  carry 
away  with  them,  and  setting  fire  to  the  marine  establishments  ; 
they  likewise  gave  notice  to  all  the  inhabitants,  that  those  who 
wished  to  leave  the  place  might  embark  on  board  the  English 
and  Spanish  fleets. 

In  the  night.  Fort  Pont6  was  blown  up  by  the  English, 
and  an  hour  afterwards  a  part  of  the  French  squadron  was 
set  on  fire.  Nine  seventy-four  gun  ships  and  four  frigates 
or  corvettes  became  a  prey  to  the  flames. 

The  fire  and  smoke  from  the  arsenal  resembled  the  eruption 
of  a  volcano,  and  the  thirteen  vessels  which  were  burning 
in  the  road  were  like  so  many  magnificent  displays  of  fireworks. 
The  masts  and  forms  of  the  vessels  were  distinctly  marked 
by  the  blaze,  which  lasted  many  hours,  and  formed  an  un- 
paralleled spectacle.  It  was  a  heart-rending  sight  to  the 
French  to  see  such  grand  resources  and  so  much  wealth 
consumed  within  so  short  a  period.  They  feared,  at  first, 
that  the  English  would  blow  up  Fort  La  Malgue,  but  it 
appeared  that  they  had  not  time  to  do  so. 

The  Commandant  of  artillery  then  went  to  Malbosquet. 
The  fort  was  already  evacuated.  He  ordered  the  field-pieces 
to  sweep  the  ramparts  of  the  town,  and  heighten  the  contusion 
by  throwing  shells  from  the  howitzers  into  the  port,  until 
the  mortars,  which  were  placed  upon  the  road  with  their 
carriages,  could  be  planted  in  the  batteries,  and  shells  thrown 
from  them  in  the  same  direction. 

During  all  this  time  the  batteries  of  TEguillette  and  Balagnier 


i6  NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 

kept  up  an  incessant  fire  on  the  vessels  in  the  road.  Many 
of  the  English  ships  were  much  damaged,  and  a  great  number 
of  transports  with  troops  on  board  were  sunk.  The  batteries 
continued  their  fire  all  the  night,  and  at  break  of  day  the 
English  fleet  was  seen  out  at  sea.  By  nine  o'clock  in  the 
morning  a  high  Libeccio  wind  got  up,  and  the  English  ships 
were  forced  to  put  into  the  Hyeres. 

The  news  of  the  taking  of  Toulon  caused  a  sensation  in 
Provence  and  throughout  France,  the  more  lively  as  such 
success  was  unexpected  and  almost  unhoped-tor.  From  this 
event  Napoleon's  reputation  commenced  ;  he  was  made  Brigadier- 
general  of  artillery  in  consequence,  and  appointed  to  the 
command  of  that  department  in  the  Army  of  Italy.  General 
Dugommier  was  appointed  Commander-in-chief  of  the  Army 
of  the  Eastern  Pyrenees. 


CHAPTER    II 

After  the  taking  of  Toulon,  Bonaparte  rapidly  advanced 
in  his  profession.  On  the  13th  of  July,  1794,  the  Repre- 
sentatives of  the  People,  with  the  Army  of  Italy,  passed  the 
following  resolution  : — '  That  General  Bonaparte  should  proceed 
to  Genoa,  to  confer,  in  conjunction  with  the  Charge  d' Affaires 
of  the  French  Republic,  with  the  Genoese  government,  on 
the  matters  comprised  iq  his  instructions.'  To  the  above 
were  added  private  instructions  to  inform  himself  of  the  state 
of  the  fortresses  of  Genoa  and  Savona,  and  of  the  neighbouring 
country,  and  to  become  acquainted,  as  far  as  possible,  with 
the  conduct,  civil  and  political,  of  the  French  ambassador, 
Tilly  ;  and  to  collect  all  facts  which  might  develop  the  inten- 
tions of  the  Genoese  government  relative  to  the  coalition. 

This  mission  and  the  secret  instructions  evince  the  confidence 
with  which  Bonaparte,  who  had  not  completed  his  twenty- 
fifth  year,  had  inspired  men  who  were  deeply  interested  in 
making  a  prudent  choice  of  their  agents. 

He  proceeded  to  Genoa,  and  there  fulfilled  the  purposes  of 
his  mission.  The  9th  of  Thermidor  arrived,  and  the  deputies 
called  Terrorists  were  superseded  by  Albitte  and  Salicetti.  In 
the  disorder  which  then  existed,  they  were  either  ignorant  of 
the  orders  given  to  General  Bonaparte,  or  they  were  inspired 
by  envy  at  the  rising  glory  of  the  j^oung  general  of  artillery. 
Be  this  as  it  may,  these    Representatives   of  the  People  issued 


IN   PARIS  17 

an  order  that  General  Bonaparte  should  be  arrested,  suspended 
from  his  rank,  and  arraigned  before  the  Committee  of  Public 
Safety  ;  and,  extraordinary  as  it  may  appear,  this  resolution 
was  founded  on  that  very  journey  which  Bonaparte  executed 
by  order  of  the  Representatives  of  the  People. 

Had  this  decree  been  published  three  weeks  sooner,  and  had 
Bonaparte  been  given  up  previously  to  the  9th  Thermidor  to 
the  Committee  of  Public  Safety,  it  is  very  probable  that  his 
career  would  have  been  at  an  end,  and  we  should  have  seen 
perish  on  a  scaffold,  at  the  age  of  twenty-five,  the  man  who 
was  destined  in  the  five-and-twenty  years  following  to  astonish 
the  world  by  the  vastness  of  his  conceptions — his  gigantic 
projects — the  greatness  of  his  military  glory — his  extraordinary 
good  fortune  ; — his  errors — his  reverses — and  his  final  over- 
throw. 

On  being  arrested  he  addressed  a  verj'  energetic  note  to 
Albitte  and  Salicetti,  which  had  the  effect  of  causing  more 
particular  inquiry  to  be  made  ;  and  on  the  20th  of  August, 
1794,  they  issued  a  decree,  declaring  that  they  saw  nothing 
to  justify  any  suspicion  of  his  conduct,  and  ordering  that  he 
should  be  provisionally  set  at  liberty.  He  remained  under 
arrest  fifteen  days. 

General  Bonaparte  returned  to  Paris,  where  I  also  shortly 
afterwards  arrived  from  Germany.  Our  intimacy  was  resumed, 
and  he  gave  me  an  account  of  all  the  principal  events  which 
had  passed  in  the  campaign  of  the  South.  He  loved  to  talk, 
over  his  military  achievements  at  Toulon.  He  spoke  of  his 
first  successes  with  that  feeling  of  pleasure  and  satisfaction 
which  they  naturally  inspired. 

The  government  of  the  day  wished  to  send  him  to  La  Vend6e, 
as  Brigadier-general  of  infantry.  Two  reasons  determined  the 
youthful  general  to  refuse  this  appointment.  He  considered 
the  scene  of  action  as  unworthy  of  his  talents,  and  he  considered 
his  projected  removal  from  the  artillery  to  the  infantry  as  an 
insult.  The  last  was  that  which  he  officially  assigned  for 
his  refusal.  In  consequence  of  his  refusal  to  accept  the  appoint- 
ment offered  him,  the  Committee  of  Public  Safety  decreed 
that  he  should  be  struck  off  the  list  of  general  officers  in 
active  employment. 

Deeply  mortified  at  this  unexpected  blow,  Bonaparte  returned 
into  private  life,  and  found  himself  doomed  to  an  inactivity 
intolerable  to  his  ardent  temperament  and  youthful  energy. 
He  lodged  in  the  Rue  de  Mail,  in  a  house  near  the  Place  de 


i8  NAPOLEON   BONAPARTE 

Victoires.  We  recommen:ed  the  life  which  we  had  led  previous 
to  his  departure  .or  Corsica,  in  1792.  It  was  with  pain  that 
he  resolved  to  wait  patiently  the  removal  of  the  prejudices  which 
men  in  power  had  entertained  against  him  ;  and  he  hoped  that, 
in  the  perpetual  changes  which  were  taking  place  power  would 
at  length  pass  into  the  hands  of  those  who  would  be  disposed 
to  consider  him  with  favour.  At  this  time  he  frequently  dined 
and  spent  the  evening  with  me  and  my  elder  brother  ;  and 
on  these  occasions  he  rendered  himself  very  agreeable  by  his 
amiable  manners  and  the  charms  of  his  conversation.  I  called 
on  him  almost  every  morning,  and  I  met  at  his  lodgings  several 
persons  who  were  distinguished  at  the  time  ;  and  among  others 
with  Salicetti,  with  whom  he  used  to  maintain  very  animated 
conversations,  and  showed  a  wish  to  be  left  alone  with  him. 
Salicetti  at  one  time  sent  him  3000  francs  {^125),  as  the  price 
of  his  carriage,  which  his  poverty  had  laid  him  under  the 
necessity  of  selling.  I  imagined  that  our  young  friend  either 
was,  or  wished  to  become,  a  party  in  some  political  intrigue. 
He  now  became  thoughtful,  frequently  melancholy  and  dis- 
turbed, and  he  waited  daily  with  marked  impatience  the  arrival 
of  Salicetti,  who  having  become  implicated  in  the  insurrectionary^ 
movement  of  the  20th  of  May,  1795,  ^^^  obliged  to  withdraw 
himself  to  Venice.  Sometimes  returning  to  more  homely  ideas, 
he  envied  the  good  fortune  of  his  brother  Joseph,  who  had  just 
married  Mademoiselle  Clery,  the  daughter  of  a  rich  and  respect- 
able merchant  at  Marseilles.  He  would  often  say,  'That 
Joseph  is  a  lucky  fellow  ! ' 

Meanwhile  time  passed  away,  but  nothing  was  done  ;  his 
projects  were  unsuccessful,  and  his  applications  unattended  to. 
This  injustice  embittered  his  spirit,  and  he  was  tormented  with 
the  desire  to  do  something.  To  remain  in  the  crowd  was 
intolerable.  He  resolved  to  leave  France  ;  and  the  favourite 
idea,  which  he  never  afterwards  abandoned,  that  the  East  was 
the  most  certain  path  to  glory,  inspired  him  with  the  deter- 
mination to  proceed  to  Constantinople,  and  to  make  a  tender 
of  his  services  to  the  Grand  Seignior.  What  dreams,  what 
gigantic  projects,  did  he  not  entertain,  during  this  excitement 
of  his  imagination  !  He  asked  me  to  go  with  him,  which  I 
declmed.  I  looked  upon  him  as  a  young  enthusiast,  driven 
on  to  extravagant  enterprises  and  desperate  resolutions  by 
his  restless  activity  of  mind,  and  by  the  irritating  treatment 
which  he  had  experienced,  and,  it  may  be  added,  his  want  of 
money. 


IN    PARIS  19 

He  did  not  blame  me  for  refusing  to  accompany  him,  but 
said  that  he  would  be  accompanied  by  Junot,  Marmont,  and 
some  other  officers  with  whom  he  had  become  acquainted 
at  Toulon,  and  who  would  be  willing  to  attach  themselves  to 
his  fortunes. 

In  accordance  with  this  feeling  he  drew  up  a  note,  which 
he  addressed  to  Aubert  and  Coni,  in  which  he  requested  to 
be  sent,  with  a  few  officers  of  different  services,  but  possessing 
collectively  a  perfect  knowledge  of  the  military  art,  under  the 
patronage  of  the  French  government,  for  the  purpose  of  placing 
the  army  of  the  Grand  Seignior  in  a  condition  more  suitable 
to  the  circumstances  of  the  times,  as  it  seemed  highly  probable 
that  the  Porte  might  find  itself  in  alliance  with  France,  and 
assaulted  by  the  continental  armies  of  Austria  and  Russia. 

No  answer  was  returned  to  this  application.  Turkey  remained 
unaided,  and  Bonaparte  unoccupied.  If,  however,  it  had  been 
endorsed,  ^granted,'  that  word  would  probably  have  changed 
the  fate  of  Europe. 

At  length  Bonaparte  was  nominated  to  the  command  of  a 
brigade  of  artillery  in  Holland  ;  but  as  there  were  indications 
of  an  approaching  crisis,  his  services  were  called  for  on  a  nearer 
and  more  important  field. 

The  agitation  continued  till  the  13th  of  Vendemiaire 
(Oct.  5,  1795),  when  the  storm  burst.  This  day,  when  the 
Sections  of  Paris  attacked  the  Convention,  must  be  considered 
as  influencing,  in  a  remarkable  degree,  the  astonishing  destiny 
of  Bonaparte.  This,  although  at  the  time  not  well  understood, 
was  the  cause  of  those  enormous  disorders  which  afterwards 
convulsed  Europe.  The  blood  then  shed  fed  the  germs  of 
his  young  ambition  ;  and  it  must  be  admitted  that  the  history 
of  past  ages  presents  few  periods  filled  with  events  so  extra- 
ordinary as  those  which  occurred  between  the  years  1795  and 
1815.  The  man  whose  name  serves  in  some  measure  as  a 
remembrance  of  all  these  wonderful  events  might  well  count 
upon  immortality. 

Living  retired  at  Sens  since  the  month  of  July,  I  only  learned 
from  the  journals  and  public  report  the  cause  of  the  insurrection 
of  the  Sections.  I  cannot  therefore  positively  say  what  part 
Bonaparte  may  have  taken  in  the  plots  which  preceded  the 
explosion.  He  appeared  only  a  secondary  actor  in  that  Woody 
drama,  to  which  he  had  been  called  by  Barras,  as  se.cond  in 
command.  The  account  of  the  events  of  that  day,  which  I 
have    given,    was    furnished    to    me    by  himself,  in    a  letter  in 


20  NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 

his   own   hand-writing,'  and   which   bears   all   his   peculiarities 
of  style. 

AUTOGRAPH    LETTER    OF   BONAPARTE   TO   M.    BOURRIENNE. 

On  the  13th,  at  five  in  the  morning,  the  Representative 
of  the  people,  Barras,  was  nominated  Commander-in-chief 
of  the  Army  of  the  Interior,  and  General  Bonaparte  second 
in  command. 

The  field  artillery  was  still  in  the  camp  at  Sablons,  guarded 
only  by  150  men  ;  the  rest  was  at  Marly,  with  200  men.  The 
depot  at  Meudon  was  without  any  guard.  At  Feuillans  were 
only  some  four  pounders,  without  gunners,  and  but  twenty- 
four  thousand  cartridges.  The  magazines  of  provisions  v/ere 
in  different  parts  of  Paris  ;  the  drums  were  beating  the  generah 
in  many  sections  ;  that  of  the  Theatre  Fran^ais  had  advanced 
posts  to  the  Pont-Neuf,  which  was  barricadoed. 

General  Barras  ordered  the  artillery  to  be  brought  from  the 
camp  at  Sablons  to  the  Tuileries,  and  caused  gunners  to  be 
sought  out  from  the  battalions  of  89,  and  in  the  gendarmerie, 
and  placed  them  at  the  palace.  He  sent  to  Meudon  200  men 
of  the  legion  of  police,  which  he  brought  from  Versailles, 
50  horsemen,  and  two  companies  of  veterans.  He  ordered 
the  removal  of  the  stores  at  Marly  to  Meudon,  and  sent  for 
cartridges,  and  established  a  manufactory  for  them  at  Meudon. 
He  provided  for  the  subsistence  of  the  army  and  the  Convention 
for  several  days,  independent  of  the  magazines  in  the  Sections. 
General  Verdier,  who  commanded  at  the  Palais-National, 
manoeuvred  with  great  coolness,  and  was  ordered  not  to  lire 
until  the  last  extremity 

In  the  meantime,  reports  arrived  from  all  sides  that  the 
Sections  were  assembling  in  arms,  and  forming  their  columns  : 
he  disposed  the  troops  to  defend  the  Convention,  and  prepared 
his  artillery  to  repulse  the  rebels.  He  placed  cannon  at  Feuillans 
to  batter  the  street  St.  Honore  ;  two  eight  pounders  were  placed 
at  each  opening,  and,  in  case  of  mischance,  pieces  were  placed 
in  reserve  to  take  in  flank  any  column  which  might  have 
forced  a  passage.  He  left  in  the  Carrousel  three  eight-pound 
howitzers,  to  play  upon  the  houses  from  which  they  might 
fire  upon  the  Convention.  At  four  o'clock  the  rebel  columns 
issued  from  all  the  streets,  in  order  to  form  :  the  most  inex- 
perienced troops  would  have  seized  this  critical  moment  to  fall 
upon  them  ;  but  the  blood  about  to  flow  was  that  of  French- 


SERVICES   ON    13TH    VENDEMIAIRE  21 

men  ;  it  was  necessary  to  allow  these  misguided  men,  already 
stainexi  with  the  crime  of  rebellion,  to  sully  themselves  still 
more  by  shedding  the  first  blood  of  their  countrymen. 

At  a  quarter  to  five,  the  rebels  were  formed  ;  they  began 
the  attack  on  all  points  ;  they  were  everywhere  repulsed. 
French  blood  flowed,  the  crime  as  well  as  the  disgrace  of 
that  day  fell  upon  the  Sections. 

Among  the  dead  there  were  everywhere  recognized  emi- 
grants, the  old  proprietaires,  and  nobles.  Of  the  prisoners, 
the  greatest  part  were  Chouans  of  Charette.  The  Sections 
however  did  not  consider  themselves  beaten  :  they  fell  back 
on  the  Church  of  St.  Roche,  the  Theatre  of  the  Republic, 
and  the  Palace  Egalite,  and  everywhere  excited  the  inhabitants 
to  arms.  To  spare  the  effusion  of  blood,  it  v^'as  necessary 
to  prevent  them  from  rallying,  and  to  pursue  them  briskly  ; 
but  without  engaging  in  difficult  passes. 

The  general  ordered  General  Montchoisy,  who  was  at  the 
Place  Revolution  with  the  reserve,  to  form  a  column,  and, 
with  two  twelve  pounders,  to  march  by  the  Boulevard,  turn 
the  Place  Vendome,  and  to  form  a  junction  with  the  piquet 
at  head-quarters^  and  then  to  return  in  column.  General 
Brune,  with  two  howitzers,  debouched  by  the  Streets  of  St. 
Nicaise  and  St.  Honor6.  General  Cartaux  brought  200  men 
of  his  division,  with  a  four  pounder,  to  the  Place  of  the  Palace 
Egalit6.  General  Bonaparte,  who  had  two  horses  killed  under 
him,  hastened  to  Feuillans.  The  columns  put  themselves  in 
motion  ;  St.  Roche  and  the  Theatre  of  the  Republic  were 
forced  ;  the  rebels  abandoned  them.  The  rebels  retired  to 
the  upper  part  of  the  street  La  Loi,  where  they  barricadoed 
themselves  ;  patrols  were  sent  out,  and  cannon  fired  upon  them 
occasionally  during  the  night,  which  kept  them  in  check. 

At  daybreak,  the  general  being  informed  that  certain  students 
of  St.  Genevieve  were  on  their  march,  with  two  pieces  of  cannon, 
to  join  the  rebels,  he  sent  a  detachment  of  dragoons,  who 
took  the  cannon  and  brought  them  to  the  Tuileries. 

The  Sections,  though  beaten,  still  showed  a  firm  determina- 
tion to  resist  ;  they  had  barricadoed  the  streets  of  the  Section 
Crenelle,  and  placed  their  cannon  in  the  principal  avenues. 
At  nine  o'clock.  General  Berruyer  took  a  position  in  the  Place 
Vendome,  and  with  two  eight  pounders  bore  upon  the  principal 
station  of  the  Section  le  Pelletier.  The  generals  Vachet,  Brune, 
and  Duvigier,  prepared  their  divisions  for  the  attack  ;  but  the 
courage  of  the  Sectionaries  began  to  fail  when  they  saw   their 


az  NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 

retreat  likely  to  be  cut  off;  they  evacuated  their  position, 
and  forgot,  on  the  appearance  of  our  soldiers,  the  honour 
of  French  cavaliers,  which  they  had  affected  to  maintain. 

The  Section  of  Brutus  continued  to  occasion  uneasiness,  and 
it  was  blockaded.  Everywhere  the  patriots  resumed  courage, 
everywhere  the  poniards  of  the  emigrants  armed  against  their 
country  disappeared,  everywhere  the  people  were  convinced 
of  their  delusion  and  folly. 

The  following  day  the  Sections  of  le  Pelletier,  and  the  Theatre 
Fran9ais,  were  disarmed. 

In  this  bulletin  of  the  13th  Vendemiaire,  it  will  be  observed 
with  what  anxiety  Bonaparte  throws  upon  those  whom  he  calls 
rebels,  the  reproach  of  shedding  the  first  blood.  He  labours 
to  prove  that  his  adversaries  were  the  aggressors  ;  but  it  is 
certain,  that  he  always  regretted  that  day.  He  has  often  told 
me,  that  he  would  give  years  of  his  life  to  have  this  page  torn 
from  his  history.  He  had  no  doubt  that  the  Parisians  were 
much  exasperated  against  him,  and  he  could  have  wished  that 
those  words  of  Barras,  which,  at  the  time,  gave  him  so  much 
pleasure,  had  never  been  spoken  ; — '  It  is  to  the  able  and  prompt 
disposition  of  General  Bonaparte,  and  to  the  ability  with  which 
he  distributed  the  troops,  that  we  owe  the  security  of  this 
palace  (the  Tuileries).'  This  is  very  true  ;  but  it  is  not  always 
agreeable  that  the  truth  should  be  told. 

The  result  of  this  civil  contest  brought  Bonaparte  forward 
and  elevated  him  above  the  crowd,  and  shortly  after  raised 
him  to  the  command  of  that  army  which  he  ever  afterwards 
led  on  to  victory. 

Whilst  Commandant  of  Paris,  it  is  stated  that  Eugene 
Beauharnois,  a  boy  of  ten  or  twelve  years  of  age,  son  of 
Viscount  Beauharnois,  who  had  been  a  general  officer  in  the 
Republican  armies,  but  put  to  death  by  Robespierre,  presented 
himself  to  the  general,  and  requested  to  have  his  father's 
sword  restored  to  him.  Bonaparte  caused  the  request  to  be 
complied  with  ;  and  the  tears  of  the  boy,  as  he  received  and 
kissed  the  relic,  excited  his  attention.  He  treated  the  boy  so 
kindly,  that  next  day  his  mother,  Josephine  de  Beauharnois, 
came  to  thank  him  ;  and  her  beauty  and  singular  gracefulness 
of  address  made  a  strong  impression  upon  him.  The  acquaint- 
ance thus  commenced  speedily  led  to  their  marriage. 

I  returned  from  Sens  to  Paris  after  the  13th  Vendemiaire. 
and  during  the  short  time  I  was  there,  I  saw  Bonaparte  less 
frequently  than    formerly.     This  I   can   only  attribute   to  the 


MARRIAGE 


*3 


multifarious   duties   of    his   new   appointment.      When   I    did 
meet  him,  it  was   either  at  breakfast  or  dinner.     He   one  day 
desired    me    to    observe    a    lady,    who    sat    nearly    opposite    to 
him,   and  asked  my  opinion   of  her.     The   way   in   which   I 
answered  his  question   appeared   to  give  him  satisfaction.     He 
spoke   a  good    deal    about   her,    her    family,    and    her    amiable 
qualities.     He    told    me    that    he    would    probably    marry    her, 
believing  that  a  union  with  the  young  widow  would  contribute 
essentially  to    his   happiness  ;    and  I   easily  gathered  from    his 
conversation,  that   this  marriage  would   powerfully  second   his 
ambition.     His  increasing  intimacy  with  her  whom   he  loved 
brought   him  in   contact  with   the   most  influential  persons  of 
his  time,  and  afforded  him  the  means  of  realizing  his  pretensions. 
The  marriage  took  place  on  the  9th  of  March,   1796,  and 
he  only    remained    in    Paris    twelve    days  after    the    ceremony. 
It  was  a   union  in  which,  with  the  exception   of  a  few  light 
clouds,   there    was    much    affection.     Bonaparte    never,    to    my 
knowledge,  gave  cause  of  real  sorrow  to  his  wife.     In  addition 
to   her  beauty,   Madame    Bonaparte    possessed    many  excellent 
qualities,  and   I  am   convinced  that  most    of  those   who  were 
intimate  with  her,  had  reason  to  speak  in  her  favour  ;  to  few 
indeed    did    she    ever    give    cause    of   complaint.      Benevolence 
was  in  her  a  natural  impulse,  and  she  was  kind  and  attractive 
to  those  with  whom    she   was   acquainted  ;   but   she  was   not 
sufficiently  careful  in  the  selection  of  those  whom  she  confided 
in.     It   sometimes    happened    that   her    bounty  and    protection 
were  bestowed  on  persons  who  did  not  deserve  it.     She  nourished 
to  excess  a  taste  tor  splendour  and  expense  ;  and  this  seemed 
to  become   so   much   a   habit,  that  she  indulged  in  it  without 
any  motive.     This  often  led  to  unpleasant  differences  between 
her  and  her  husband  ;   when  the    day  of  payment  arrived,  she 
never  reported  more  than  half  the  amount  of  the  bills,  and  when 
the   truth   came    out    she  was  exposed    to   just    remonstrances. 
How  many  tears  did  she   shed  which   might  have  been  easily 
spared  ! 

Tranquillity  was  now  restored  in  Paris  ;  and  the  Directory 
had  leisure  to  turn  their  attention  to  the  affairs  of  the  Army 
of  Italy,  which  was  in  a  most  confused  and  unsatisfactory 
condition.  They  determined  to  give  it  a  new  general,  and 
Bonaparte  was  appointed  to  the  splendid  command. 

Bonaparte  left  Paris  on  the  21st  of  March,  1796,  and,  after 
paying  a  short  visit  to  his  mother  at  Marseilles,  arrived,  after 
a  rapid  journey,  at    the   head-quarters   at  Nice.     At   the   age 


2+  NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 

of  twenty-six,  he  assumed  the  command  of  the  Army  of  Italy  ; 
exulting  in  the  knowledge  that,  if  he  should  conquer,  the 
honour  would  be  all  his  own.  He  had  worked  for  others 
at  Toulon,  at  the  Col  di  Tende,  and  even  in  the  affair  of 
the  Sections,  as  the  first  command  had  been  nominally  in 
the  hands  of  Barras.  Now  he  was  burning  with  enthusiasm, 
and  resolved  to  distinguish  himself.  '  You  are  too  young,' 
said  one  of  the  Directors,  hesitating  about  his  appointment 
as  general.  '  In  a  year,'  answered  Napoleon,  '  I  shall  be  either 
old  or  dead.*  The  Directory,  who  had  still  some  fears  as  to 
the  youth  of  Napoleon,  proposed,  early  in  May,  to  appoint 
General  Kellerman,  who  commanded  the  Army  of  the  Alps, 
second  in  command  of  the  Army  of  Italy.  This  was  far  from 
being  agreeable  to  Bonaparte ;  he  wrote  to  Carnot,  on  the 
24th  of  May — '  Whether  I  shall  be  employed  here  or  anywhere 
else  is  indifferent  to  me  :  to  serve  my  country,  and  to  merit 
from  posterity  a  page  in  our  history,  is  all  my  ambition.  If 
you  join  Kellerman  and  me  in  the  command  in  Italy,  you 
will  undo  everything.  He  has  more  experience  than  I,  and 
knows  how  to  make  war  better  than  I  do,  but  both  together 
we  shall  make  it  badly.  I  will  not  willingly  serve  with  a  man 
who  considers  himself  the  first  general  in  Europe.' 

'  He  found  the  army  in  numbers  about  50,000  ;  but 
wretchedly  deficient  in  cavalry,  in  stores  of  every  kind,  in 
clothing,  and  even  in  food  :  and  watched  by  an  enemy  greatly 
more  numerous.  It  was  under  such  circumstances  that  he  at 
once  avowed  the  daring  scheme  of  forcing  a  passage  to  Italy, 
and  converting  the  richest  territory  of  the  enemy  himself  into 
the  theatre  of  war.  "  Soldiers,"  said  he,  "  you  are  hungry  and 
naked  :  the  Republic  owes  you  much,  but  she  has  not  the 
means  to  pay  her  debts.  I  am  come  to  lead  you  into  the  most 
fertile  plains  that  the  sun  beholds.  Rich  provinces,  opulent 
towns,  all  shall  be  at  your  disposal.  Soldiers  !  with  such  a 
prospect  before  you,  can  you  fail  in  courage  and  constancy  ?  " 
This  was  his  first  address  to  his  army.  The  sinking  hearts 
of  the  men  beat  high  with  hope  and  confidence  when  they 
heard  the  voice  of  the  young  and  fearless  leader  ;  and  Augereau, 
Massena,  Serrurier,  Joubert,  Lannes — distinguished  officers,  who 
might  themselves  have  aspired  to  the  chief  command — felt,  from 
the  moment  they  began  to  understand  his  character  and  system, 
that  the  true  road  to  glory  would  be  to  follow  the  star  of 
Napoleon. 

'  The  objects  of  the  approaching  expedition  were  three  :  first, 


FIRST   ITALIAN    CAMPAIGN  25 

to  compel  the  King  of  Sardinia,  who  had  already  lost  Savoy 
and  Nice,  but  still  maintained  a  powerful  army  on  the  frontiers 
of  Piedmont,  to  abandon  the  alliance  of  Austria  :  secondly,  to 
compel  the  Emperor,  by  a  bold  invasion  of  Lombardy,  to  make 
»uch  exertions  in  that  quarter  as  might  weaken  those  armies 
which  had  so  long  hovered  on  the  Rhine  ;  and,  if  possible,  to 
stir  up  the  Italian  subjects  of  that  crown  to  adopt  the  revo- 
lutionary system,  and  emancipate  themselves  for  ever  from  its 
yoke.  The  third  object,  though  more  distant,  was  not  less 
important.  The  influence  of  the  Romish  Church  was  con- 
sidered by  the  Directory  as  the  chief,  though  secret,  support 
of  the  cause  of  royalism  within  their  own  territory  ;  and  to 
reduce  the  Vatican  into  insignificance,  or  at  least  force  it  to 
submission  and  quiescence,  appeared  indispensable  to  the  internal 
tranquillity  of  France.  The  Revolutionary  Government,  besides 
this  general  cause  of  hatred  and  suspicion,  had  a  distinct  injury 
to  avenge.  Their  agent,  Basseville,  had  three  years  before  been 
assassinated  in  a  popular  tumult  at  Rome  :  the  Papal  troops 
had  not  interfered  to  protect  him,  nor  the  Pope  to  punish  his 
murderers. 

'Napoleon's  plan  for  gaining  access  to  the  fair  regions  of  Italy 
differed  from  that  of  all  former  conquerors  :  they  had  uniformly 
penetrated  the  Alps  at  some  point  or  other  of  that  mighty 
range  of  mountains  :  he  judged  that  the  same  end  might  be 
accomplished  more  easily  by  advancing  along  the  narrow  strip 
of  comparatively  level  country  which  intervenes  between  those 
enormous  barriers  and  the  Mediterranean  sea,  and  forcing  a 
passage  at  the  point  where  the  last  of  the  Alps  melt,  as  it  were, 
mto  the  first  and  lowest  of  the  Apennine  range.  No  sooner 
did  he  begin  to  concentrate  his  troops  towards  this  region,  than 
the  Austrian  general,  Beaulieu,  took  measures  for  protecting 
Genoa,  and  the  entrance  of  Italy.  He  himself  took  post  with 
one  column  of  his  army  at  Voltri,  a  town  within  ten  miles  of 
Genoa  :  he  placed  D'Argenteau  with  another  Austrian  column 
at  Monte  Notte,  a  strong  height  farther  to  the  westward  ; 
and  the  Sardinians,  under  Colli,  occupying  Ceva — which  thus 
formed  the  extreme  right  of  the  whole  line  of  the  allied  army. 
The  French  could  not  advance  towards  Genoa  but  by  con- 
fronting some  one  of  the  three  armies  thus  strongly  posted, 
and  sufficiently,  as  Beaulieu  supposed,  in  communication  with 
each  other. 

'It  was  now  that  Bonaparte  made  his  first  effort  to  baffla  the 
science  of  those  who  fancied  tliere  was  nothing-  new  to  be  done 


z6  NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 

in  warfare.  On  the  loth  of  April,  D'Argenteau  came  down 
upon  Monte  Notte,  and  attacked  some  French  redoubts,  in 
front  of  that  mountain  and  the  villages  which  bear  its  name, 
at  Montelegino.  At  the  same  time  General  Cevoni  and  the 
French  van  were  attacked  by  Beaulieu  near  Voltri,  and  com- 
pelled to  retreat.  The  determined  valour  of  Colonel  Rampon, 
who  commanded  at  Montelegino,  held  D'Argenteau  at  bay 
during  the  loth  and  nth  :  and  Bonaparte,  contenting  himself 
with  watching  Beaulieu,  determined  to  strike  his  effectual  blow 
at  the  centre  of  the  enemy's  line.  During  the  night  of  the 
nth  various  columns  were  marched  upon  Montelegino,  that 
of  Cervoni  and  that  of  Laharpe  from  the  van  of  the  French 
line,  those  of  Augereau  and  Massena  from  its  rear.  On  the 
morning  of  the  12th,  D'Argenteau,  preparing  to  renew  his 
attack  on  the  redoubts  of  Montelegino,  found  he  had  no 
longer  Rampon  only  and  his  brave  band  to  deal  with  ;  that 
French  columns  were  in  his  rear,  on  his  flank,  and  drawn  up 
also  behind  the  works  at  Montelegino  ;  in  a  word,  that  he 
was  surrounded.  He  was  compelled  to  retreat  among  the 
mountains  :  he  left  his  colours  and  cannon  behind  him,  1000 
killed,  and  2000  prisoners.  The  centre  of  the  allied  army 
had  been  utterly  routed,  before  either  the  Commander-in-chie 
at  the  left,  or  General  Colli  at  the  right  of  the  line,  had  any 
notion  that  a  battle  was  going  on. — Such  was  the  battle  of 
Monte  Notte,  the  first  of  Napoleon's  fields. 

'  The  very  next  day  after  this  victory  he  commanded  a 
general  assault  on  the  Austrian  line.  Augereau,  with  a  fresh 
division,  marched  at  the  left  upon  Millesimo  ;  Massena  led 
the  centre  towards  Dego  ;  and  Laharpe,  with  the  French  right 
wing,  manoeuvred  to  turn  the  left  flank  of  Beaulieu. 

'  Augereau  rushed  upon  the  outposts  of  Millesimo,  seized 
and  retained  the  gorge  which  defends  that  place,  and  cut  off 
Provera  with  2000  Austrians,  who  occupied  an  eminence  called 
Cossaria,  from  the  main  body  of  CoUi's  army.  Next  morning 
Bonaparte  himself  arrived  at  that  scene  of  the  operations.  He 
forced  Colli  to  accept  battle,  utterly  broke  and  scattered  him, 
and  Provera,  thus  abandoned,  was  obliged  to  yield  at  discretion. 

'  Bonaparte  rapidly  followed  up  the  advantages  which  he  had 
gained,  and  succeeded  in  separating  the  Austrian  and  Sardinian 
armies.  Both  were  again  defeated,  and  the  Sardinian  army 
may  be  said  to  have  been  annihilated  in  their  disastrous  retreat  ; 
they  lost  the  whole  of  their  cannon,  their  baggage,  and  the 
best  part  of  their  troops. 


CONQUERS   PIEDMOxNT  27 

'The  conqueror  took  possession  of  Cherasco,  within  ten 
miles  of  Turin,  and  their  dictated  the  terms  on  which  the 
King  of  Sardinia  was  to  be  permitted  to  retain  any  shadow  of 
sovereign  power. 

'Thus,  in  less  than  a  month,  did  Napoleon  lay  the  gates 
of  Italy  open  before  him.  He  had  defeated  in  three  battles 
forces  much  superior  to  his  own  ;  inflicted  on  them,  in  killed, 
wounded  and  prisoners,  a  loss  of  25,000  men  ;  taken  eighty 
guns  and  twenty-one  standards  ;  reduced  the  Austrians  to  in- 
action ;  utterly  destroyed  the  Sardinian  king's  army  ;  and 
lastly,  wrested  from  his  hands  Coni  and  Tortona,  the  two 
great  fortresses  called  "  the  keys  of  the  Alps," — and  indeed, 
except  Turin  itself,  every  place  of  any  consequence  in  his 
dominions.  This  unfortunate  prince  did  not  long  survive 
such  humiliation.  He  was  father-in-law  to  both  of  the  brothers 
of  Louis  XVI.,  and,  considering  their  cause  and  his  own 
dignity  as  equally  at  an  end,  died  of  a  broken  heart,  within 
a  few  days  after  he  had  signed  the  treaty  of  Cherasco. 

'The  consummate  genius  of  this  brief  campaign  could  not 
be  disputed  ;  and  the  modest  language  of  the  young  General's 
despatches  to  the  Directory,  lent  additional  grace  to  his  fame. 
At  this  time  the  name  of  Bonaparte  was  spotless  ;  and  the 
eyes  of  all  Europe  were  fixed  in  admiration  on  his  career." 


CHAPTER   III. 

Bonaparte,  having  become  master  of  Piedmont,  stopped  for 
a  short  time  to  reorganize  his  army,  previous  to  his  descent 
into  Lombardy.  He  pointed  out  to  his  victorious  soldiers 
the  rich  and  extensive  plains  which  spread  out  before  them  ; 
and,  in  an  address  which  he  circulated,  he  reminded  them, 
that  '  Hannibal  had  forced  the  Alps,  and  that  we  have  turned 
them.  You  were  utterly  destitute,  and  you  have  supplied 
all  your  wants.  You  have  gained  battles  without  cannon, 
passed  rivers  without  bridges,  performed  forced  marches  without 
shoes,  bivouacked  without  strong  liquors,  and  often  without 
bread.  None  but  Republican  phalanxes,  soldiers  of  liberty, 
could  have  endured  such  things.  Thanks  for  your  perseve- 
rance !  But,  soldiers,  you  have  done  nothing — for  there  remains 
much  to  do  :  Milan  is  not  yet  ours.  The  ashes  of  the  conquerors 
of  Tarquin  are  still  trampled  by  the  assassins  of  Basseville.' 
The   Austrian   general    had    concentrated    his   army   behind 


28  NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 

the  Po,  with  the  intention  ot  preventing  the  enemy  from 
passing  that  great  river,  and  making  his  v?ay  to  the  capital  of 
Lombardy. 

*  Napoleon  employed  every  device  to  make  Beaulieu  believe 
that  he  designed  to  attempt  the  passage  of  the  Po  at  Valenza  ; 
and  the  Austrian,  a  man  of  routine,  v?ho  had  himself  crossed 
the  river  at  that  point,  was  easily  persuaded  that  these  demon- 
strations were  sincere.  Meanwhile  his  crafty  antagonist  executed 
a  march  of  incredible  celerity  upon  Placenza,  fifty  miles  lower 
down  the  river  ;  and  appeared  there  on  the  7th  of  May,  to  the 
utter  consternation  of  a  couple  of  Austrian  squadrons,  who 
happened  to  be  reconnoitring  in  that  quarter.  He  had  to 
convey  his  men  across  that  great  stream  in  common  ferry  boats, 
and  could  never  have  succeeded  had  there  been  anything  like 
an  army  to  oppose  him.  Andreossi  (afterwards  so  celebrated) 
was  commander  of  the  advance  guard  :  Lannes  (who  became 
afterwards  the  Marshal  Duke  of  Montebello)  was  the  first  to 
throw  himself  ashore  at  the  head  of  some  grenadiers.  The 
German  hussars  were  driven  rapidly  from  their  position,  and 
the  passage  of  this  great  river  was  effected  without  the  loss  of 
a  single  man. 

*  Beaulieu,  as  soon  as  he  ascertained  how  he  had  been  out- 
witted, advanced  upon  Placenza,  in  the  hope  of  making  the 
invader  accept  battle  with  the  Po  in  his  rear  ;  but  Bonaparte 
had  no  intention  to  await  the  Austrian  on  ground  so  dangerous, 
and  was  marching  rapidly  towards  Fombio,  where  he  knew 
he  should  have  room  to  manoeuvre.  The  advance  divisions  of 
the  hostile  armies  met  at  that  village  on  the  8th  of  May.  The 
Imperialists  occupied  the  steeples  and  houses,  and  hoped  to  hold 
out  until  Beaulieu  could  bring  up  his  main  body.  But  the 
French  charged  so  impetuously  with  the  bayonet,  that  the 
Austrian,  after  seeing  one-third  of  his  men  fall,  was  obliged 
to  retreat,  in  great  confusion,  leaving  all  his  cannon  behind 
him,  across  the  Adda.  Behind  this  river  Beaulieu  now  con- 
centrated his  army,  establishing  strong  guards  at  every  ford  and 
bridge,  and  especially  at  Lodi,  where  as  he  guessed  (for  once 
rightly)  the  French  general  designed  to  force  his  passage. 

*  The  wooden  bridge  of  Lodi  formed  the  scene  of  one  of  the 
most  celebrated  actions  of  the  war  ;  and  will  ever  be  peculiarly 
mixed  up  with  the  name  of  Bonaparte  himself.  It  was  a  great 
neglect  in  Beaulieu  to  leave  it  standing  when  he  removed  his 
head-quarters  to  the  east  bank  of  the  Adda  ;  his  outposts  were 
driven  rapidly  through  the  old  straggling  town  of  Lodi  on  the 


VICTORY   AT   LODI  29 

loth  ;  and  the  French,  sheltering  themselves  behind  the  walls 
and  houses,  lay  ready  to  attempt  the  passage  of  the  bridge. 
Beaulieu  had  placed  a  battery  or  thirty  cannon  so  as  to  sweep 
it  completely  ;  and  the  enterprise  of  storming  it  in  the  face  of 
this  artillery,  and  the  whole  army  drawn  up  behind,  is  one  of 
the  most  daring  on  record. 

'  Bonaparte's  first  care  was  to  place  as  many  guns  as  he  could 
get  in  order  in  direct  opposition  to  this  Austrian  battery.  A 
furious  cannonade  on  his  side  of  the  river  also  now  commenced. 
The  General  himself  appeared  in  the  midst  of  the  fire,  pointing 
with  his  own  hand  two  guns  in  such  a  manner  as  to  cut  off  the 
Austrians  from  the  only  path  by  which  they  could  have  ad- 
vanced to  undermine  the  bridge  ;  and  it  was  on  this  occasion 
that  the  soldiery,  delighted  with  his  dauntless  exposure  of  his 
person,  conferred  on  him  his  honorary  nickname  of  The  Little 
Corporal.  In  the  meantime  he  had  sent  General  Beaumont  and 
the  cavalry  to  attempt  the  passage  of  the  river  by  a  distant  ford 
(which  they  had  much  difficulty  in  effecting),  and  awaited  with 
anxiety  the  moment  when  they  should  appear  on  the  enemy's 
flank.  When  that  took  place,  Bcaulieu's  line,  of  course,  shev/cd 
some  confusion,  and  Napoleon  instantly  gave  the  word.  A 
column  of  grenadiers,  whom  he  had  kept  ready  drawn  up  close 
to  the  bridge,  but  under  shelter  of  the  houses,  were  in  a  moment 
wheeled  to  the  left,  and  their  leading  files  placed  upon  the 
bridge.  They  rushed  on,  shouting  Vive  la  Republique !  but 
the  storm  of  grape-shot  for  a  moment  checked  them.  Bonaparte, 
Lannes,  Bcrtliier,  and  Lallemagne  hurried  to  the  front,  and 
rallied  and  cheered  the  men.  The  column  dashed  across  the 
bridge  in  despite  of  the  tempest  of  fire  that  thinned  them.  The 
brave  Lannes  was  the  first  who  reached  the  other  side.  Napoleon 
himself  the  second.  The  Austrian  artillerymen  were  bayoneted 
at  their  guns,  before  the  other  troops,  whom  Beaulieu  had 
removed  too  far  back,  in  his  anxiety  to  avoid  the  French 
battery,  could  come  to  their  assistance.  Beaumont  pressing 
gallantly  with  his  horse  upon  the  flank,  and  Napoleon's  infantry 
forming  rapidly  as  they  passed  the  bridge,  and  charging  on 
the  instant,  the  Austrian  line  became  involved  in  inextricable 
confusion,  broke  up  and  fled.  The  slaughter  on  their  side 
was  great  ,  on  the  Frencn  there  fell  onW  200  men.  With  such 
rapidity,  ana  consequently  with  so  little  loss,  did  Bonaparte 
execute  this  dazzling  adventure — "  the  terrible  passage,"  as  he 
himself  called  it,  "  of  the  bridge  of  Lodi." 

'It  was,  indeed,   terrible    to    the    enemy.     It    deprived    them 


1,0  NAPOLEON   BONAPARTE 

of  another  excellent  line  of  defence,  and  blew  up  the  enthusiasm 
of  the  French  soldiery  to  a  pitch  of  irresistible  daring.  Beaulieu, 
nevertheless,  contrived  to  withdraw  his  troops  in  much  better 
style  than  Bonaparte  had  anticipated.  He  gathered  the  scattered 
fragments  of  his  force  together,  and  soon  threw  the  line  of 
the  Mincio,  another  tributary  of  the  Po,  between  himself  and 
his  enemy.  The  great  object,  however,  had  been  attained  : 
the  Austrian  general  escaped,  and  might  yet  defend  Mantua, 
but  no  obstacle  remained  between  the  victorious  invader  and 
the  rich  and  noble  capital  of  Lombardy.  The  garrison  of 
Pizzighitone,  seeing  themselves  effectually  cut  off  from  the 
Austrian  army,  capitulated.  The  French  cavalry  pursued 
Beaulieu  as  far  as  Cremona,  which  town  they  seized  ;  and 
Napoleon  himself  prepared  to  march  at  once  upon  Milan. 

'  A  revolutionary  party  had  always  existed  there,  as  indeed 
in  every  part  of  the  Austrian  dominions  beyond  the  Alps  ; 
and  the  tricolour  cockade,  the  emblem  of  France,  was  now 
mounted  by  multitudes  of  the  inhabitants.  The  municipality 
hastened  to  invite  the  conqueror  to  appear  among  them  as 
their  friend  and  protector,  and  on  the  14th  of  May,  four 
days  after  Lodi,  Napoleon  accordingly  entered,  in  all  the 
splendour  of  a  military  triumph,  the  venerable  and  opulent 
city  of  the  old  Lombard  kings. 

'  He  was  not,  however,  to  be  flattered  into  the  conduct,  as 
to  serious  matters,  of  a  friendly  general.  He  levied  immediately 
a  heavy  contribution  (eight  hundred  thousand  pounds  sterling) 
at  Milan — taking  possession,  besides,  of  twenty  of  the  finest 
pictures  in  the  Ambrosian  gallery. 

*  In  modern  warfare  the  works  of  art  had  hitherto  been 
considered  as  a  species  of  property  entitled  in  all  cases  to  be 
held  sacred  ;  and  Bonaparte's  violent  and  rapacious  infrac- 
tion of  the  rule  now  excited  a  mighty  clamour  throughout 
Europe. 

*  Bonaparte  remained  but  five  days  in  Milan  ;  the  citadel 
of  that  place  still  held  out  against  him  ;  but  he  left  a  detach- 
ment to  blockade  it,  and  proceeded  himself  in  pursuit  of  Beaulieu. 
The  Austrian  had  now  planted  the  remains  of  his  army  behind 
the  Mincio,  having  his  left  on  the  great  and  strong  city  of 
Mantua,  which  has  been  termed  "  the  citadel  of  Italy,"  and 
his  right  at  Peschiera,  a  Venetian  fortress,  of  which  he  took 
possession  in  spite  of  the  remonstrances  of  the  Doge.  This 
position  was  the  strongest  that  it  is  possible  to  imagine.  The 
invader  hastened  once  more  to  dislodge  him. 


CONQUERS   LOMBARDY  31 

*  The  French  Directory,  meanwhile,  had  begun  to  entertain 
suspicions  as  to  the  ultimate  designs  of  their  young  general, 
whose  success  and  fame  had  already  reached  so  astonishing 
a  height.  They  determined  to  check,  if  they  could,  the  career 
of  an  ambition  which  they  apprehended  might  outgrow  their 
control.  Bonaparte  was  ordered  to  take  half  his  army,  and 
lead  it  against  the  Pope  and  the  King  of  Naples,  and  leave 
the  other  half  to  terminate  the  contest  with  Beaulieu,  under 
the  orders  of  Kellerman.  But  he  acted  on  this  occasion  with  the 
decision  which  these  Directors  in  vain  desired  to  emulate.  He 
answered  by  resigning  his  command.  "  One  half  of  the 
army  of  Italy,"  said  he,  "  cannot  suffice  to  finish  the  matter 
with  the  Austrian.  It  is  only  by  keeping  my  force  entire 
that  I  have  been  able  to  gain  so  many  battles  and  to  be  now 
in  Milan.  You  had  better  have  one  bad  general  than  two 
good  ones."  The  Directory  durst  not  persist  in  displacing 
the  chief  whose  name  was  considered  as  the  pledge  of  victory. 
Napoleon  resumed  the  undivided  command,  to  which  now, 
for  the  last  time,  his  right  had  been  questioned. 

'  The  French  advanced  on  the  Mincio  ;  and  the  General 
made  such  disposition  of  his  troops,  that  Beaulieu  doubted  not 
he  meant  to  pass  that  river,  if  he  could,  at  Peschiera.  Meantime, 
he  had  been  preparing  to  repeat  the  scene  of  Placenza  ; — 
and  actually,  on  the  30th  of  May,  forced  the  passage  of  the 
Mincio,  not  at  Peschiera,  but  farther  down  at  Borghetto.  The 
Austrian  garrison  at  Borghetto  in  vain  destroyed  one  arch  of 
the  bridge.  Bonaparte  supplied  the  breach  with  planks,  and 
his  men,  flushed  with  so  many  victories,  charged  with  a  fury 
not  to  be  resisted.  Beaulieu  was  obliged  to  abandon  the  Mincio, 
as  he  had  before  the  Adda  and  the  Po,  and  to  take  up  the 
new  line  of  the  Adige. 

'  The  Austrian  had,  in  effect,  abandoned  for  the  time  the 
open  country  of  Italy.  He  now  lay  on  the  frontier,  between 
the  vast  tract  of  rich  provinces  which  Napoleon  had  conquered, 
and  the  Tyrol.  The  citadel  of  Milan,  indeed,  still  held  out  ; 
but  the  force  there  was  not  great,  and,  cooped  up  on  every  side, 
could  not  be  expected  to  resist  much  longer.  Mantua,  which 
possessed  prodigious  natural  advantages,  and  into  which  the 
retreating  general  had  flung  a  garrison  of  full  15,000  men, 
was,  in  truth,  the  last  and  only  Italian  possession  of  the  imperial 
crown,  which,  as  it  seemed,  there  might  still  be  a  possibility 
of  saving.  Beaulieu  anxiously  waited  the  approach  of  new 
troops  from  Germany  to  attempt  the  relief  of  this  great  city  ; 


3a  NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 

and  his  antagonist,  eager  to  anticipate  the  efforts  of  the  imperial 
government,  sat  down  immediately  before  it. 

*  Mantua  lies  on  an  island,  being  cut  off  on  all  sides  from 
the  main  land  by  the  branches  of  the  Mincio,  and  approachable 
only  by  five  narrow  causeways,  of  which  three  were  defended 
by  strong  and  regular  fortresses  or  intrenched  camps,  the 
other  two  by  gates,  drawbridges,  and  batteries.  Situated  amidst 
stagnant  waters  and  morasses,  its  air  is  pestilential,  especially 
to  strangers.  The  garrison  were  prepared  to  maintain  the 
position  with  their  usual  bravery  ;  and  it  remained  to  be  seen 
whether  the  French  general  possessed  any  new  system  of  attack, 
capable  ot  abridging  the  usual  operations  of  the  siege,  as  effectu- 
ally as  he  had  already  done  by  those  of  the  march  and  the 
battle.  His  commencement  was  alarming  ;  of  the  five  cause- 
ways, by  sudden  and  overwhelming  assaults,  he  obtained  four  ; 
and  the  garrison  were  cut  off  from  the  main  land,  except  only 
at  the  fifth  causeway,  the  strongest  of  them  all,  named,  from  a 
palace  near  it.  La  Fa'vorita.  It  seemed  necessary,  however,  in 
order  that  this  blockade  might  be  complete,  that  the  Venetian 
territory,  lying  immediately  beyond  Mantua,  should  be  occupied 
by  the  French. — The  imperial  general  had,  as  we  have  seen, 
neglected  the  reclamations  of  the  Doge,  when  it  suited  his 
purpose  to  occupy  Peschiera.  "  You  are  too  weak,"  said 
Bonaparte,  when  the  Venetian  envoy  reached  his  head-quarters, 
"  to  enforce  neutrality  on  hostile  nations  such  as  France  and 
Austria.  Beaulieu  did  not  respect  your  territory  when  his 
interest  bade  him  violate  it  ;  nor  shall  I  hesitate  to  occupy 
whatever  falls  within  the  line  of  the  Adige."  In  effect,  garri- 
sons were  placed  forthwith  in  Verona,  and  all  the  strong  places 
of  that  domain.  The  tricolour  flag  now  waved  at  the  mouth 
of  the  Tyrolese  passes  ;  and  Napoleon,  leaving  Serrurier  to 
blockade  Mantua,  returned  to  Milan,  where  he  had  important 
business  to  arrange. 

'  The  King  of  Naples,  utterly  confounded  by  the  successes 
of  the  French,  was  now  anxious  to  procure  peace,  almost  on 
whatever  terms,  with  the  apparently  irresistible  Republic.  Nor 
did  it,  for  the  moment,  suit  Bonaparte's  view  to  contemn  his 
advances.  He  concluded  an  armistice  accordingly,  which 
was  soon  followed  by  a  formal  peace,  with  the  King  of  the 
Two  Sicilies  ;  and  the  Neapolitan  troops,  who  had  recently 
behaved  with  eminent  gallantry,  abandoning  the  Austrian 
general,  began  their  march  to  the  South  of  Italy. 

'  This    transaction    placed    another    of    Napoleon's   destined 


IN    LOMBARD Y  33 

victims  entirely  within  his  grasp.  With  no  friend  behind  him, 
the  Pope  saw  himself  at  the  mercy  of  the  invader  ;  and  in 
terror  prepared  to  submit.  Bonaparte  demanded,  as  the  price 
of  peace,  and  obtained,  a  million  sterling,  a  hundred  or  the 
finest  pictures  and  statues  in  the  papal  gallery,  a  large  supply 
of  military  stores,  and  the  cession  of  Ancona,  Ferrara,  and 
Bologna,  with  their  respective  domains. 

'  He  next  turned  his  attention  to  the  Grand  Duke  of  Tuscany  : 
for  the  present,  the  Florentine  museum  and  the  Grand  Duke's 
treasury  were  spared  ;  but  Leghorn,  the  seaport  of  Tuscany 
and  great  feeder  of  its  wealth,  was  seized  without  ceremony  ; 
the  English  goods  in  that  town  were  confiscated  to  the  ruin 
of  the  merchants  ;  and  a  great  number  of  English  vessels  in  the 
harbour  made  a  narrow  escape.  The  Grand  Duke,  in  place 
of  resenting  these  injuries,  was  obliged  to  receive  Bonaparte 
with  all  the  appearances  of  cordiality  at  Florence,  and  the  spoiler 
repaid  his  courtesy  by  telling  him,  rubbing  his  hands  with  glee, 
during  the  princely  entertainment  provided  for  him,  "  I  have 
just  received  letters  from  Milan  ;  the  citadel  has  fallen  ; — your 
brother  has  no  longer  a  foot  of  land  in  Lombaidy." 

'  In  the  meantime  the  General  did  not  neglect  the  great  and 
darling  plan  of  the  French  government,  of  thoroughly  revolu- 
tionizing the  North  of  Italy,  and  establishing  there  a  group 
of  Republics.  The  peculiar  circumstances  of  Northern  Italy, 
as  a  land  of  ancient  fame  and  high  spirit,  long  split  into 
fragments,  and  ruled,  for  the  most  part,  by  governors  of  German 
origin,  presented  many  facilities  for  the  realization  of  this  design  ; 
and  Bonaparte  was  urged  constantly  by  his  government  at  Paris, 
and  by  a  powerful  party  in  Lombardy,  to  hasten  its  execution. 
He,  however,  thought  that  more  was  to  be  gained  by  temporizing 
with  both  the  governments  and  the  people  of  Italy,  than  by 
any  hasty  measures  of  the  kind  recommended.  He,  therefore, 
temporized  :  content,  in  the  meantime,  with  draining  the 
exchequers  of  the  governments,  and  cajoling  from  day  to  day 
the  population.  The  Directory  were  with  difficulty  persuaded 
to  let  him  follow  his  own  course  ;  but  he  now  despised  their 
remonstrances,  and  they  had  been  taught  effectually  to  dread  his 
strength. 

*  The  Austrian  government  having,  in  some  measure,  recovered 
from  the  consternation  produced  by  the  rapid  destruction  of 
their  army  under  Beaulieu,  resolved  to  make  a  great  effort  to 
recover  Lombardy. 

'  Beaulieu  had  been  too  often  unfortunate  to  be  trusted  longer 


34  NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 

Wurmser,  who  enjoyed  a  reputation  of  the  highest  class,  was  t 
sent  to  replace  him  :  30,000  men  were  drafted  from  the  armies 
on  the  Rhine  to  accompany  the  new  general  ;  and  he  carried 
orders  to  strengthen  himself  farther,  on  his  march,  by  whatever 
recruits  he  could  raise  among  the  warlike  and  loyal  population 
of  the  Tyrol. 

'  The  consequences  of  thus  weakening  the  Austrian  force 
on  the  Rhine  were,  for  the  moment,  on  that  scene  of  the  contest, 
inauspicious.  The  French,  in  two  separate  bodies,  forced  the 
passage  of  the  Rhine — under  Jourdan  and  Moreau  ;  before 
whom  the  imperial  generals,  VVartensleben  and  the  Archduke 
Charles,  were  compelled  to  retire.  But  the  skill  of  the  Archduke 
ere  long  enabled  him  to  effect  a  junction  with  the  columns  of 
Wartensleben  ;  and  thus  to  fall  upon  Jourdan  with  a  great 
superiority  of  numbers,  and  give  him  a  signal  defeat.  Moreau, 
learning  how  Jourdan  was  discomfited,  found  himself  compelled 
to  give  up  the  plan  of  pursuing  his  march  farther  into  Germany, 
and  executed  that  famous  retreat  through  the  Black  Forest 
which  has  made  his  name  as  splendid  as  any  victory  in  the  field 
could  have  done. 

'  Wurmser,  when  he  fixed  his  head-quarters  at  Trent,  mustered 
in  all  80,000  ;  while  Bonaparte  had  but  30,000  to  hold  a  wide 
country,  in  which  abhorrence  of  the  French  cause  was  now 
prevalent,  to  keep  up  the  blockade  of  Mantua,  and  to  oppose 
this  fearful  odds  of  numbers  in  the  field. 

'  Wurmser  might  have  learned  from  the  successes  of  Bonaparte 
the  advantages  of  compact  movement  ;  yet  he  was  unwise 
enough  to  divide  his  great  force  into  three  separate  columns, 
and  to  place  one  of  these  upon  a  line  of  march  which  entirely 
separated  it  from  the  support  of  the  others — in  other  words, 
to  interpose  the  waters  of  the  Lago  di  Guarda  between  them 
selves  and  the  march  of  their  friends — a  blunder  not  likely  to 
escape  the  eagle  eye  of  Napoleon. 

*  He  immediately  determined  to  march  against  the  division 
of  Quasdonowich,  and  fight  him  where  he  could  not  be  supported 
by  the  other  two  columns.  This  could  not  be  done  without 
abandoning  for  the  time  the  blockade  of  Mantua.  The  guns 
were  buried  in  the  trenches  during  the  night  of  the  31st  July, 
and  the  French  quitted  the  place  with  a  pi-ecipitation  which  the 
advancing  Austrians  considered  as  the  result  of  terror. 

'  Napoleon  meanwhile  rushed  against  Quasdonowich,  who 
had  already  come  near  the  bottom  of  the  Lake  of  Guarda.  At 
Salo,  close   by  the   lake,  and,  farther   from  it,  at  Lonato,  two 


DEFEATS   WURMSER  35 

divisions  of  the  Austrian  column  were  attacked  and  overwhelmed. 
Augereau  and  Massena,  leaving  merely  rear-guards  at  Borghetto 
and  Peschiera,  now  marched  also  upon  Brescia.  The  whole 
force  of  Quasdonowich  must  inevitably  have  been  ruined  by 
these  combinations,  had  he  stood  his  ground  ;  but  by  this  time 
the  celerity  of  Napoleon  had  overawed  him,  and  he  was  already 
in  full  retreat  upon  his  old  quarters  in  the  Tyrol.  Augereau 
and  Massena,  therefore,  counter-marched  their  columns,  and 
returned  towards  the  Mincio.  They  found  that  Wurmser 
had  forced  their  rear-guards  from  their  posts  :  that  of  Massena, 
under  Pigeon,  had  retired  in  good  order  to  Lonato  ;  that  of 
Augereau,  under  Vallette,  had  retreated  in  confusion,  abandoning 
Castiglione  to  the  Austrians. 

'Flushed  with  these  successes,  old  Wurmser  now  resolved 
to  throw  his  whole  force  upon  the  French,  and  resume  at 
the  point  of  the  bayonet  his  communication  with  the  scattered 
column  of  Quasdonowich.  He  was  so  fortunate  as  to  defeat 
the  gallant  Pigeon  at  Lonato,  and  to  occupy  that  town.  But 
this  new  success  was  fatal  to  him.  In  the  exultation  of  victory 
he  extended  his  line  too  much  towards  the  right  ;  and  this 
over-anxiety  to  open  the  communication  with  Quasdonowich 
had  the  effect  of  so  weakening  his  centre,  that  Massena,  boldly 
and  skilfully  seizing  the  opportunity,  poured  two  strong  columns 
on  Lonato,  and  regained  the  position  ;  whereon  the  Austrian, 
perceiving  that  his  army  was  cut  in  two,  was  thrown  into 
utter  confusion.  At  Castiglione  alone  a  brave  stand  was  made. 
But  Augereau,  burning  to  wipe  out  the  disgrace  of  Vallette, 
forced  the  position,  though  at  a  severe  loss.  Such  was  the 
battle  of  Lonato.  Thenceforth  nothing  could  surpass  the  dis- 
comfiture and  disarray  of  the  Austrians.  They  fled  in  all 
directions  upon  the  Mincio,  where  Wurmser  himself,  mean- 
while, had  been  employed  in  revictualling  Mantua. 

'  Wurmser  collected  together  the  whole  of  his  remaining 
force,  and  advanced  to  meet  the  conqueror.  They  met  between 
Lonato  and  Castiglione.  Wurmser  was  totally  defeated,  and 
narrowly  escaped  being  a  prisoner  :  nor  did  he  without  great 
difliculty  regain  Trent  and  Roveredo,  those  frontier  positions 
from  which  his  noble  army  had  so  recently  descended  with 
all  the  confidence  of  conquerors.  In  this  disastrous  campaign 
the  Austrians  lost  40,000  ;  Bonaparte  probably  understated 
his  own  loss  at  7000.  During  the  seven  days  which  the 
campaign  occupied  he  never  took  off  his  boots,  nor  slept 
except   by   starts.     The    exertions  which    so   rapidly   achieved 


36  NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 

this  signal  triumph  were  such  as  to  demand  some  repose  ;  yet 
Napoleon  did  not  pause  until  he  saw  Mantua  once  more  com- 
pletely invested.  The  reinforcement  and  revictualling  ol  that 
garrison  were  all  that  Wurmser  could  shew,  in  requital  of 
his  lost  artillery,  stores,  and  40,000  men. 

'During  this  brief  campaign  the  aversion  with  which  the 
ecclesiastics  of  Italy  regarded  the  French  manifested  itself  in 
various  quarters.  At  Pavia,  Ferrara,  and  elsewhere,  insurrections 
had  broken  out,  and  the  spirit  was  spreading  rapidly  at  the 
moment  when  the  report  of  Napoleon's  new  victory  came  to 
re-awaken  terror  and  paralyse  revolt. 

'  While  he  was  occupied  with  restoring  quiet  in  the  country, 
Austria,  ever  constant  in  adversity,  hastened  to  place  20,000 
fresh  troops  under  the  orders  of  Wurmser  ;  and  the  brave 
veteran,  whose  heart  nothing  could  chill,  prepared  himself 
to  make  one  effort  more  to  relieve  Mantua,  and  drive  the 
French  out  of  Lombardy.  His  army  was  now,  as  before, 
greatly  the  superior  in  numbers  ;  and  though  the  bearing  of 
his  troops  was  more  modest,  their  gallantry  remained  unim- 
paired. Once  more  the  old  general  divided  his  army  ;  and 
once  more  he  was  destined  to  see  it  shattered  in  detail. 

*  He  marched  from  Trent  towards  Mantua,  through  the  defiles 
of  the  Brenta,  at  the  head  of  30,000  ;  leaving  20,000  under 
Davidowich  at  Roveredo,  to  cover  the  Tyrol.  Bonaparte 
instantly  detected  the  error  of  his  opponent.  He  suffered  him 
to  advance  unmolested  as  far  as  Bassano,  and  the  moment  he 
was  there,  and  consequently  completely  separated  from  Davido- 
wich and  his  rear,  drew  together  a  strong  force,  and  darted 
on  Roveredo,  by  marches  such  as  seemed  credible  only  after 
they  had  been  accomplished. 

'  The  battle  of  Roveredo  (Sept.  4)  is  one  of  Napoleon's 
most  illustrious  days.  The  enemy  had  a  strongly  entrenched 
camp  in  front  of  the  town  ;  and  behind  it,  in  case  of  misfortune, 
Galliano,  with  its  castle  seated  on  a  precipice  over  the  Adige, 
where  that  river  flows  between  enormous  rocks  and  mountains, 
appeared  to  off"er  an  impregnable  retreat.  Nothing  could 
withstand  the  ardour  of  the  French.  The  Austrians,  though 
they  defended  the  entrenched  camp  with  their  usual  obstinacy, 
were  forced  to  give  way  by  the  impetuosity  of  Dubois  and 
his  hussars.  Dubois  fell,  mortally  wounded,  in  the  moment 
of  his  glory  :  he  waved  his  sabre,  cheering  his  men  onwards 
with  his  last  breath.  "  I  die,"  said  he,  "  for  the  Republic  : 
only  let  me  hear,  ere  life  leaves  me,  that  the  victory  is  ours." 


MORE   VICTORIES  37 

The  French  horse,  thus  animated,  pursued  the  Germans,  who 
were  driven,  unable  to  rally,  through  and  beyond  the  town. 
Even  the  gigantic  defences  of  Galliano  proved  of  no  avail. 
Height  after  height  was  carried  at  the  point  of  the  bayonet  ; 
7000  prisoners  and  fifteen  cannon  remained  with  the  conquerors. 

'  Wurmser  heard  with  dismay  of  the  utter  ruin  of  Davidowich  ; 
and  doubted  not  that  Napoleon  would  now  march  onwards 
into  Germany,  and  joining  Jourdan  and  Moreau,  whose  advance 
he  had  heard  of,  and  misguessed  to  have  been  successful, 
endeavour  to  realize  the  great  scheme  of  Carnot — that  of  attack- 
ing Vienna  itself.  The  old  general  saw  no  chance  of  converting 
what  remained  to  him  of  his  army  to  good  purpose,  but  b)' 
abiding  in  Lombardy,  where  he  thought  he  might  easily  excite 
the  people  in  his  emperor's  favour,  overwhelm  the  slender 
garrisons  left  by  Bonaparte,  and  so  cut  off,  at  all  events,  the 
French  retreat  through  Italy,  in  case  they  should  meet  with 
any  disaster  in  the  Tyrol  or  in  Germany.  Napoleon  had  in- 
telligence which  Wurmser  wanted.  Wurmser  himself  was  his 
mark  ;  and  he  returned  from  Trent  to  Primolano,  where  the 
Imperialist's  vanguard  lay,  by  a  forced  march  of  not  less  than 
sixty  miles  performed  in  two  days.  The  surprise  with  which 
this  descent  was  received  may  be  imagined.  The  Austrian  van 
was  destroyed  in  a  twinkling.  The  French,  pushing  everj'thing 
before  them,  halted  that  night  at  Cismone — where  Napoleon  was 
glad  to  have  half  a  private  soldier's  ration  of  bread  for  his 
supper.  Next  day  he  reached  Bassano,  where  the  aged  marshal 
once  more  expected  the  fatal  rencounter.  The  battle  of  Bassano 
(Sept.  8)  was  a  fatal  repetition  of  those  that  had  gone  before  it. 
Six  thousand  men  laid  down  their  arms.  Quasdonowich,  with 
one  division  of  4000,  escaped  to  Friuli  ;  while  Wurmser  himself, 
retreating  to  Vicenza,  there  collected  with  difficulty  a  remnant 
of  16,000  beaten  and  discomfited  soldiers.  His  situation  was 
most  unhappy  ;  his  communication  with  Austria  wholly  cut 
ofF^his  artillery  and  baggage  all  lost — the  flower  of  his  army 
no  more.  Nothing  seemed  to  remain  but  to  throw  himself  into 
Mantua,  and  there  hold  out  to  the  last  extremity,  in  the  hope, 
nowever  remote,  of  some  succours  from  Vienna  ;  and  such  was 
the  resolution  of  this  often  outwitted  but  never  dispirited  veteran. 

'  Bonaparte,  after  making  himself  master  of  some  scattered 
corps  which  had  not  been  successful  in  keeping  up  with  Wurmser, 
reappeared  once  more  before  Mantua.  The  battle  of  St.  George 
(so  called  from  one  of  the  suburbs  of  the  city)  was  fought  on 
the  I  3th  of  September,  and  after  prodigious  slaughter,  the  French 


38  NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 

remained  in  possession  of  all  the  causeways  ;  so  that  the  block- 
ade of  the  city  and  fortress  was  thenceforth  complete.  The 
garrison,  when  Wurmser  shut  himself  up,  amounted  to  26,000. 
Before  October  was  far  advanced  the  pestilential  air  of  the  place, 
and  the  scarcity  and  badness  of  provisions,  had  filled  his 
hospitals,  and  left  him  hardly  half  the  number  in  fighting  con- 
dition. The  misery  of  the  besieged  town  was  extreme  ;  and  if 
Austria  meant  to  rescue  Wurmser,  there  was  no  time  to  be  lost. 

'  The  French  party  in  Corsica  had  not  contemplated  without 
pride  and  exultation  the  triumphs  of  their  countryman.  His 
seizure  of  Leghorn,  by  cutting  off  the  supplies  from  England, 
greatly  distressed  the  opposite  party  in  the  island,  and  an  ex- 
pedition of  Corsican  exiles,  which  he  now  despatched  from 
Tuscany,  was  successful  in  finally  reconquering  the  country. 
To  Napoleon  this  acquisition  was  due  ;  nor  were  the  Directory 
insensible  to  its  value.  He,  meanwhile,  had  heavier  business 
on  his  hands. 

'The  Austrian  council  well  knew  that  Mantua  was  in  ex- 
cellent keeping  ;  and  being  now  relieved  on  the  Rhenish  frontier, 
by  the  failure  of  Jourdan  and  Moreau's  attempts,  were  able  to 
form  once  more  a  powerful  armament  on  that  of  Italy.  The 
supreme  command  was  given  to  Marshal  Alvinzi,  a  veteran  of 
high  reputation.  He,  having  made  extensive  levies  in  lUyria, 
appeared  at  Friuli  ;  while  Davidowich,  with  the  remnant  of 
Quasdonowich's  army,  amply  recruited  among  the  bold  peasantry 
of  the  Tyrol,  and  with  fresh  drafts  from  the  Rhine,  took  ground 
above  Trent.  The  marshal  had  in  all  60,000  men  under  his 
orders.  Bonaparte  had  received  only  twelve  nev/  battalions,  to 
replace  all  the  losses  of  those  terrible  campaigns,  in  which  three 
imperial  armies  had  already  been  annihilated.*  The  enemy's 
superiority  of  numbers  was  once  more  such,  that  nothing,  but 
the  most  masterly  combinations  on  the  part  of  the  French  general 
could  have  prevented  them  from  sweeping  everything  before 
them  in  the  plains  of  Lombardy. 

'  Bonaparte  heard  in  the  beginning  of  October  that  Alvinzi's 
columns  were  in  motion  :  he  had  placed  Vaubois  to  guard  Trent, 
and  Massena  at  Bassano  to  check  the  march  of  the  field-marshal  : 
but  neither  of  these  generals  was  able  to  hold  his  ground.  The 
troops  of  Vaubois  were  driven  from  that  position  of  Galliano, 
the  strength  of  which  has  been  already  mentioned,  under  circum- 
stances which  Napoleon  considered  disgraceful  to  the  character 

*  To  replace  all  his  losses  in  the  tvi^o  last  campaigns,  he  had  received 
only  7000  recruits. 


FRENCH    CHECKED  39 

of  the  French  soldiery.  Massena  avoided  battle  ;  but  such  was 
the  overwhelming  superiority  of  Alvinzi,  that  he  v.as  forced 
to  abandon  the  position  of  Bassano.  Napoleon  himself  hurried 
forward  to  sustain  Massena  :  and  a  severe  rencontre,  in  which 
either  side  claimed  the  victory,  took  place  at  Viccnza.  The 
French,  however,  retreated,  and  Bonaparte  fixed  his  head-quarters 
at  Verona.  The  whole  country  between  the  Brenta  and  the 
Adige  was  in  the  enemy's  hands  ;  while  the  still  strong  and 
determined  garrison  of  Mantua  in  Napoleon's  rear,  rendering 
it  indispensable  for  him  to  divide  his  forces,  made  his  position 
eminently  critical. 

'  His  first  care  was  to  visit  the  discomfited  troops  of  Vaubois. 
"  You  have  displeased  me,"  said  he,  "  you  have  suffered  your- 
selves to  be  driven  from  positions  where  a  handful  of  determined 
men  might  have  bid  an  army  defiance.  You  are  no  longer 
French  soldiers  !  You  belong  not  to  the  army  of  Italy."  At 
these  words  tears  streamed  down  the  rugged  cheeks  of  the 
grenadiers.  "  Place  us  but  once  more  in  the  van,"  cried  they, 
"and  you  shall  judge  whether  we  do  not  belong  to  the  army 
of  Italy."  The  General  dropped  his  angry  tone  ;  and  in  the 
rest  of  the  campaign  no  troops  more  distinguished  themselves 
than  these. 

'  Having  thus  revived  the  ardour  of  his  soldiery,  Bonaparte 
concentrated  his  cokunns  on  the  right  of  the  Adige,  while 
Alvinzi  took  up  a  very  strong  position  on  the  heights  of  Caldiero, 
on  the  left  bank,  nearly  opposite  to  Verona.  In  pursuance  of 
the  same  system  which  had  already  so  often  proved  fatal  to  his 
opponents,  it  was  the  object  of  Bonaparte  to  assault  Alvinzi, 
and  scatter  his  forces,  ere  they  could  be  joined  by  Davidowich. 
He  lost  no  time,  therefore,  in  attacking  the  heights  of  Caldiero  ; 
but  in  spite  of  all  that  Massena,  who  headed  the  charge,  could 
do,  the  Austrians,  strong  in  numbers  and  in  position,  repelled 
the  assailants  with  great  carnage.  A  terrible  tempest  prevailed 
during  the  action,  and  Napoleon,  in  his  despatches,  endeavoured 
to  shift  the  blame  to  the  elements. 

*  The  country  behind  Caldiero  lying  open  to  Davidowich, 
it  became  necessary  to  resort  to  other  means  of  assault,  or  permit 
the  dreaded  junction  to  occur.  The  genius  of  Bonaparte 
suggested  to  him  on  this  occasion  a  movement  altogether  un- 
expected. During  the  night,  leaving  1,500  men  under  Kilmaine 
to  guard  Verona,  he  marched  for  some  space  rearwards,  as  if 
he  had  meant  to  retreat  on  Mantua,  which  the  failure  of  his 
recent   assault   rendered  not  unlikely.     But  his   columns   were 


+0  NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 

ere  long  wheeled  again  towards  the  Adige  ;  and  finding  a 
bridge  ready  prepared,  were  at  once  placed  on  the  same  side 
of  the  river  with  the  enemy, — but  in  the  rear  altogether  of  his 
position,  amidst  those  wide-spreading  morasses  which  cover 
the  country  about  Areola.  This  daring  movement  was  devised 
to  place  Napoleon  between  Alvinzi  and  Davidowich  ;  but  the 
unsafe  nature  of  the  ground,  and  the  narrowness  of  the  dykes, 
by  which  alone  he  could  advance  on  Areola,  rendered  victory 
difficult,  and  reverse  most  hazardous.  He  divided  his  men 
into  three  columns,  and  charged  at  daybreak  (Nov.  15)  by  the 
three  dykes  which  conduct  to  Areola.  The  Austrian,  not 
suspecting  that  the  main  body  of  the  French  had  evacuated 
Verona,  treated  this  at  first  as  an  affair  of  light  troops  ;  but 
as  day  advanced  the  truth  became  apparent,  and  these  narrow 
passages  were  defended  with  the  most  determined  gallantry. 
Augereau  headed  the  first  column  that  reached  the  bridge  of 
Areola,  and  was  there,  after  a  desperate  effort,  driven  back  with 
great  loss.  Bonaparte,  perceiving  the  necessity  of  carrying  the 
point  ere  Alvinzi  could  arrive,  now  threw  himself  on  the  bridge, 
and  seizing  a  standard,  urged  his  grenadiers  once  more  to  the 
charge. 

'  The  fire  was  tremendous  :  once  more  the  French  gave  way. 
Napoleon  himself,  lost  in  the  tumult,  was  borne  backwards, 
forced  over  the  dyke,  and  had  nearly  been  sm.othered  in  the 
morass,  while  some  of  the  advancing  Austrians  were  already 
between  him  and  his  baffled  column.  His  imminent  danger  was 
observed  :  the  soldiers  caught  the  alarm,  and  rushing  forwards, 
with  the  cr}',  "  Save  the  General,"  overthrew  the  Germans  with 
irresistible  violence,  plucked  Napoleon  from  the  bog,  and  carried 
the  bridge.     This  was  the  first  battle  of  Areola. 

'This  movement  revived  in  the  Austrian  lines  their  terror 
for  the  name  of  Bonaparte  ;  and  Alvinzi  saw  that  no  time  was 
to  be  lost  if  he  meant  to  preserve  his  communication  with 
Davidowich.  He  abandoned  Caldiero,  and  gaining  the  open 
country  behind  Areola,  robbed  his  enemy  for  the  moment  of 
the  advantage  which  his  skill  had  gained.  Napoleon,  perceiving 
that  Areola  was  no  longer  in  the  rear  of  his  enemy  but  in 
his  front,  and  fearful  lest  Vaubois  might  be  overwhelmed  by 
Davidowich,  while  Alvinzi  remained  thus  between  him  and  the 
Brenta,  evacuated  Areola,  and  retreated  to  Ronco. 

*  Next  morning,  having  ascertained  that  Davidowich  had  not 
been  engaged  with  Vaubois,  Napoleon  once  more  advanced  upon 
Areola.     The  place  was  once  more  defended  bravely,  and  once 


VICTORY   AT   ARCOLA  41 

more  it  was  carried.  But  this  second  battle  of  Areola  proved 
no  more  decisive  than  the  first  ;  for  Alvinzi  still  contrived  to 
maintain  his  main  force  unbroken  in  the  difficult  country  behind  ; 
and  Bonaparte  again  retreated  to  Ronco. 

*  The  third  day  was  decisive.  On  this  occasion  also  he  carried 
Areola  ;  and,  by  two  stratagems,  was  enabled  to  make  his 
victory  effectual.  An  ambuscade,  planted  among  some  willows, 
suddenly  opened  fire  on  a  column  of  Croats,  threw  them  into 
confusion,  and,  rushing  from  the  concealment,  crushed  them 
down  into  the  opposite  bog,  where  most  of  them  died.  In  one 
of  his  conversations  at  St.  Helena,  he  thus  told  the  sequel :  "  At 
Areola  I  gained  the  battle  with  twenty-five  horsemen.  I  per- 
ceived the  critical  moment  of  lassitude  in  either  army — when 
the  oldest  and  bravest  would  have  been  glad  to  be  in  their  tents. 
All  my  men  had  been  engaged.  Three  times  I  had  been 
obliged  to  re-establish  the  battle.  There  remained  to  me  but 
some  twenty-five  guides.  I  sent  them  round  on  the  flank  of  the 
enemy  with  three  trumpets,  bidding  them  blow  loud  and  charge 
furiously.  Here  is  the  French  cavalry,  was  the  cry  ;  and  they 
took  to  flight."  ....  The  Austrians  doubted  not  that  Murat 
and  all  the  horse  had  forced  a  way  through  the  bogs  ;  and  at 
that  moment  Bonaparte,  commanding  a  general  assault  in  front, 
the  confusion  became  hopeless.  Alvinzi  retreated  finally,  though 
in  decent  order,  upon  Montebello. 

'  It  was  at  Areola  that  Muiron,  who  ever  since  the  storming 
of  Little  Gibraltar  had  lived  on  terms  of  brotherlike  intimacy 
with  Napoleon,  seeing  a  bomb  about  to  explode,  threw  himself 
between  it  and  his  General,  and  thus  saved  his  life  at  the  cost 
of  his  own.  Napoleon,  to  the  end  of  his  life,  remembered  and 
regretted  this  heroic  friend. 

*  In  these  three  days  Bonaparte  lost  8000  men  ;  the  slaughter 
among  his  opponents  must  have  been  terrible.  Once  more  the 
rapid  combinations  of  Napoleon  had  rendered  all  the  efforts  of 
the  Austrian  cabinet  abortive.  For  two  months  after  the  last 
day  of  Areola,  he  remained  the  undisturbed  master  of  Lombardy. 
All  that  his  enemy  could  shew,  in  set-ofF  for  the  slaughter  and 
discomfiture  of  Alvinzi's  campaign,  was  that  they  retained  pos- 
session of  Bassano  and  Trent,  thus  interrupting  Bonaparte's 
access  to  the  Tyrol  and  Germany.  This  advantage  was  not 
trivial  ;  but  it  had  been  dearly  bought. 

*  A  fourth  army  had  been  baffled  ;  but  the  resolution  of  the 
Imperial  Court  was  indomitable,  and  new  levies  were  diligently 
forwarded  to  reinforce  Alvinzi.     Once  more  (January  7,  1797) 


42  NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 

the  marshal  tound  himself  at  the  head  of  60,000  ;  once  more 
his  superiority  over  Napoleon's  muster-roll  was  enormous  ;  and 
once  more  he  descended  from  the  mountains  with  the  hope  of 
relieving  Wurmser  and  conquering  Lombardy.  The  fifth  act 
of  the  tragedy  was  yet  to  be  performed. 

*  We  may  here  pause  to  notice  some  civil  events  of  import- 
ance which  occurred  ere  Alvinzi  made  his  final  descent.  The 
success  of  the  French  naturally  gave  new  vigour  to  the  Italian 
party,  who,  chiefly  in  the  large  towns,  were  hostile  to  Austria, 
and  desirous  to  settle  their  own  government  on  the  republican 
model.  Two  republics  accordingly  were  organized  ;  the  Cis- 
padane  and  the  Transpadane — handmaids  rather  than  sisters  of 
the  great  French  democracy.  These  events  took  place  during 
the  period  of  military  inaction  which  followed  the  victories  ot 
Areola.  The  new  Republic  hastened  to  repay  Napoleon's  favour 
by  raising  troops,  and  placed  at  his  disposal  a  force  which  he 
considered  as  sufficient  to  keep  the  Papal  army  in  check  during 
the  expected  renewal  of  Alvinzi's  efforts. 

'  Bonaparte  at  this  period  practised  every  art  to  make  himself 
popular  with  the  Italians  ;  nor  was  it  of  little  moment  that 
they  in  fact  regarded  him  more  as  their  own  countryman  than 

Frenchman  ;    that   their  beautiful   language   was  his  mother 


a 


t:)""&^ 


tongue  ;  that  he  knew  their  manners  and  their  literature,  and 
even  in  his  conquering  rapacity  displayed  his  esteem  for  their 
arts. 

'Alvinzi's  preparations  were  in  the  meantime  rapidly  advanc- 
ing. The  enthusiasm  of  the  Austrian  gentry  was  effectually 
stirred  by  the  apprehension  of  seeing  the  conqueror  of  Italy 
under  the  walls  of  Vienna,  and  volunteer  corps  were  formed 
everywhere  and  marched  upon  the  frontier.  The  gallant 
peasantry  of  the  Tyrol  had  already  displayed  their  zeal  ;  nor 
did  the  previous  reverses  of  Alvinzi  prevent  them  from  once 
more  crowding  to  his  standard.  Napoleon  proclaimed  that 
every  Tyrolese  caught  in  arms  should  be  shot  as  a  brigand. 
Alvinzi  replied,  that  for  every  murdered  peasant  he  would 
hang  a  French  prisoner  of  war:  Bonaparte  rejoined,  that 
the  first  execution  of  this  threat  would  be  instantly  followed 
by  the  gibbeting  of  Alvinzi's  own  nephew,  who  was  in  his 
hands.  These  ferocious  threats  were  laid  aside,  when  time 
had  been  given  for  reflection  ;  and  either  general  prepared  to 
carry  on  the  war  according  to  the  old  rules,  which  are  at 
least  sufficiently  severe. 

*  Alvinzi  sent  a  peasant  across  the  country  to  find  his  way 


AT   RIVOLI  43 

if  possible  into  the  beleaguered  city  of  Mantua,  and  give 
Wurmser  notice  that  he  was  once  more  ready  to  attempt  his 
relief.  The  veteran  was  commanded  to  make  what  diversion 
he  could  in  favour  of  the  approaching  army  ;  and  if  things 
came  to  the  worst  to  fight  his  way  out  of  Mantua,  retire  on 
Romagna,  and  put  himself  at  the  head  of  the  Papal  forces. 
The  spy  who  carried  these  tidings  was  intercepted,  and  dragged 
into  the  presence  of  Napoleon.  The  terrified  man  confessed 
that  he  had  swallowed  the  ball  of  wax  in  which  the  despatch 
was  wrapped.  His  stomach  was  compelled  to  surrender  its 
contents  ;  and  Bonaparte  prepared  to  meet  his  enemy.  Leaving 
Serrurier  to  keep  up  the  blockade  of  Mantua,  he  hastened 
to  resume  his  central  position  at  Verona,  from  which  he  could, 
according  to  circumstances,  march  with  convenience  on  what- 
ever line  the  Austrian  main  body  might  choose  for  their 
advance. 

*  The  Imperialists,  as  if  determined  to  profit  by  no  lesson, 
once  more  descended  from  the  Tyrol  upon  two  different  lines 
of  march  ;  A'.vinzi  himself  choosing  that  of  the  Upper  Adige  ; 
while  Prove/ a  headed  a  second  army,  with  orders  to  follow 
the  Brenta,  and  then,  striking  across  to  the  Lower  Adige, 
join  the  marshal  before  the  walls  of  Mantua.  Could  they 
have  combined  their  forces  there,  and  delivered  Wurmser,  there 
was  hardly  a  doubt  that  the  French  must  retreat  before  so 
vast  an  army  as  would  then  have  faced  them.  But  Napoleon 
was  destined  once  more  to  dissipate  all  these  victorious  dreams. 
He  had  posted  Joubert  at  Rivoli,  to  dispute  that  important 
position,  should  the  campaign  open  with  an  attempt  to  force 
it  by  Alvinzi,  while  Augereau's  division  was  to  watch  the 
march  of  Provera.  He  remained  himself  at  Verona  until  he 
could  learn  with  certainty  by  which  of  these  generals  the  first 
grand  assault  was  to  be  made.  On  the  evening  of  the  13th 
of  January,  tidings  were  brought  him  that  Joubert  had  all 
that  day  been  maintaining  his  ground  with  difficulty  ;  and 
he  instantly  hastened  to  what  now  appeared  to  be  the  proper 
scene  of  action  for  himself. 

'  Arriving  about  two  in  the  morning  (by  another  of  his 
almost  incredible  forced  marches)  on  the  heights  of  Rivoli, 
he,  the  moonlight  being  clear,  could  distinguish  five  separate 
encampments,  with  innumerable  watch-fires,  in  the  valley  below. 
His  lieutenant,  confounded  by  the  display  of  this  gigantic  force, 
was  in  the  very  act  of  abandoning  the  position.  Napoleon 
instantly    checked    this    movement  ;    and    bringing    up    more 


+4  NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 

battalions,  orced  the  Croats  from  an  eminence  which  they  had 
already  seized  on  the  first  symptoms  of  the  French  retreat. 
Napoleon's  keen  eye,  surveying  the  position  of  the  five  encamp- 
ments below,  penetrated  the  secret  of  Alvinzi  ;  namely,  that 
his  artiller}'  had  not  yet  arrived,  otherwise  he  would  not  have 
occupied  ground  so  distant  from  the  object  of  attack.  He 
concluded  that  the  Austrian  did  not  mean  to  make  his  grand 
assault  very  early  in  the  morning,  and  resolved  to  force  him 
to  anticipate  that  movement.  For  this  purpose,  he  took  all 
possible  pains  to  conceal  his  own  arrival  ;  and  prolonged,  by  a 
series  of  pettj-  manoeuvres,  the  enemy's  belief  that  he  had  to  do 
with  a  mere  outpost  of  the  French.  Alvinzi  swallowed  the 
deceit ;  and,  instead  of  advancing  on  some  great  and  well- 
arranged  system,  suffered  his  several  columns  to  endeavour  to 
force  the  heights  by  insulated  movements,  which  the  real 
strength  of  Napoleon  easily  enabled  him  to  baffle.  It  is  true 
that  at  one  moment  the  bravery-  of  the  Germans  had  nearly 
overthrown  the  French  on  a  point  of  pre-eminent  importance  ; 
but  Napoleon  himself  galloping  to  the  spot,  roused  by  his  voice 
and  action  the  division  of  Massena,  who,  having  marched  all 
night,  had  lain  down  to  rest  in  the  extreme  of  weariness,  and 
seconded  b)"  them  and  their  gallant  general,*  swept  ever\-thing 
before  him.  The  French  artillery  was  in  position  :  the  Austrian's 
(according  to  Napoleon's  shrewd  guess)  had  not  yet  come  up, 
and  this  circumstance  decided  the  fortune  of  the  day.  The 
cannonade  from  the  heights,  backed  by  successive  charges  of 
horse  and  foot,  rendered  ever\-  attempt  to  storm  the  summit 
abortive  ;  and  the  main  body  of  the  Imperialists  was  already  in 
confusion,  and,  indeed,  in  flight,  before  orte  of  their  divisions, 
which  had  been  sent  round  to  outflank  Bonaparte,  and  take 
higher  ground  in  his  rear,  was  able  to  execute  its  errand. 
When,  accordingly,  this  division  (that  of  Lusignan)  at  length 
achieved  its  destined  object — it  did  so,  not  to  complete  the 
miserj'  of  a  routed,  but  to  swell  the  prey  of  a  victorious  enemy. 
Instead  of  cutting  off  the  retreat  of  Joubert,  Lusignan  found 
himself  insulated  from  Alvinzi,  and  forced  to  lay  down  his  arms 
to  Bonaparte.  "  Here  was  a  good  plan,"  said  Napoleon,  "  but 
these  Austrians  are  not  apt  to  calculate  the  value  of  minutes." 
Had  Lusignan  gained  the  rear  of  the  French  an  hour  earlier, 
while  the  contest  was  still  hot  in  front  of  the  heights  of  Rivoli, 
he  might  have  made  the  14th  of  Januarj-  one  of  the  darkest, 

*  Hence,  in  the  sequel,  Massena's  title,  '  Duke  of  RivolL 


& 


AT   MANTUA  45 

instead  of  one  the  brightest  days,  in  the  military  chronicles  of 
Napoleon. 

'  He,  who  in  the  course  of  this  trying  day  had  had  three 
horses  shot  under  him,  hardly  waited  to  see  Lusignan  surrender, 
but  entrusted  his  friends,  Massena,  Murat,  and  Joubert,  with 
the  task  of  pursuing  the  flying  columns  of  Alvinzi.  He  had 
heard  during  the  battle,  that  Provera  had  forced  his  way  to  the 
Lago  di  Guarda,  and  was  already,  by  means  of  boats,  in  com- 
munication with  Mantua.  The  force  of  Augereau  having 
proved  insufficient  to  oppose  the  march  of  the  Imperialists' 
second  column,  it  was  high  time  that  Napoleon  himself  should 
hurry  with  reinforcements  to  the  Lower  Adige,  and  prevent 
Wurmser  from  either  housing  Provera,  or  joining  him  in  the 
open  field,  and  so  effecting  the  escape  of  his  own  still  formidable 
garrison,  whether  to  the  Tyrol  or  the  Romagna. 

*  Having  marched  all  night  and  all  next  day.  Napoleon 
reached  the  vicinity  of  Mantua  late  on  the  15th.  He  found  the 
enemy  strongly  posted,  and  Serrurier's  situation  highly  critical. 
A  regiment  of  Provera's  hussars  had  but  a  few  hours  before 
nearly  established  themselves  in  the  suburb  of  St.  George.  This 
Austrian  corps  had  been  clothed  in  white  cloaks,  resembling 
those  of  a  well-known  French  regiment  ;  and  advancing  towards 
the  gate,  would  certainly  have  been  admitted  as  friends,  but 
for  the  sagacity  of  one  sergeant,  who  could  not  help  fancying 
that  the  white  cloaks  had  too  much  of  the  gloss  of  novelty  about 
them,  to  have  stood  the  tear  and  wear  of  three  Bonapartean 
campaigns.  This  danger  had  been  avoided,  but  the  utmost 
vigilance  was  necessary.  The  French  general  himself  passed  the 
night  in  walking  about  the  outposts,  so  great  was  his  anxiety. 

'At  one  of  these  he  found  a  grenadier  asleep  by  the  root  of  a 
tree  ;  and  taking  his  gun,  without  wakening  him,  performed 
a  sentinel's  duty  in  his  place,  for  about  half  an  hour  ;  when  the 
man,  starting  from  his  slumbers,  perceived  with  terror  and 
despair  the  countenance  and  occupation  of  his  general.  He  fell 
on  his  knees  before  him.  "  My  friend,"  said  Napoleon,  "  here 
is  your  musket.  You  had  fought  hard,  and  marched  long,  and 
your  sleep  is  excusable  :  but  a  moment's  inattention  might  at 
present  ruin  the  army.  I  happened  to  be  awake,  and  have  held 
your  post  for  you.     You  will  be  more  careful  another  time." 

'  It  is  needless  to  say  how  the  devotion  of  his  men  was 
nourished  by  such  anecdotes  as  these  flying  ever  and  anon  from 
column  to  column.  Next  morning  there  ensued  a  hot  skirmish, 
recorded  as  the  battle  of  St.  George.     Provera  was  compelled  to 


46  NAPOLEON   BONAPARTE 

retreat,  and  Wurmser,  who  had  sallied  out  and  seized  the 
causeway  and  citadel  of  La  Favorita,  was  fain  to  retreat  within 
its  old  walls,  in  consequence  of  a  desperate  assault  headed  by 
Napoleon  in  person. 

'  Provera  now  found  himself  entirely  cut  off  from  Alvinzi, 
and  surrounded  with  the  French.  He  and  5000  men  laid  down 
their  arms  on  the  i6th  of  January.  Various  bodies  of  the 
Austiian  force,  scattered  over  the  countries  between  the  Adige 
and  the  Brenta,  followed  the  example;*  and  the  brave  Wurmser, 
whose  provisions  were  by  this  time  exhausted,  found  himself  at 
length  under  the  necessity  of  sending  an  offer  of  capitulation. 

'  General  Serrurier,  as  commander  of  the  blockade,  received 
Klenau,  the  bearer  of  Wurmser's  message,  and  heard  him  state, 
with  the  pardonable  artifice  usual  on  such  occasions,  that  his 
master  was  still  in  a  condition  to  hold  out  considerably  longer, 
unless  honourable  terms  were  granted.  Napoleon  had  hitherto 
been  seated  in  a  corner  of  the  tent  wrapped  in  his  cloak;  he 
now  advanced  to  the  Austrian,  who  had  no  suspicion  in  whose 
presence  he  had  been  speaking,  and  taking  his  pen,  wrote  down 
the  conditions  which  he  was  willing  to  grant.  *'  These,"  said 
he,  "  are  the  terms  to  which  your  general's  bravery  entitles  him. 
He  ma)'  have  them  to-day  ;  a  week,  a  month  hence,  he  shall 
have  no  worse.  Meantime,  tell  him  that  General  Bonaparte  is 
about  to  set  out  for  Rome."  The  envoy  now  recognized 
Napoleon  ;  and  on  reading  the  paper  perceived  that  the  pro- 
posed terms  were  more  liberal  than  he  had  dared  to  hope  for. 
The  capitulation  was  forthwith  signed. 

'  On  the  2nd  of  Februar}-,  Wurmser  and  his  garrison  marched 
out  of  Mantua  ;  but  when  the  aged  chief  was  to  surrender  his 
sword,  he  found  only  Serrurier  ready  to  receive  it.  Napoleon's 
generosity,  in  avoiding  being  present  personally  to  witness  the 
humiliation  of  this  distinguished  veteran,  forms  one  of  the  most 
pleasing  traits  in  his  story.  The  Directory  had  urged  him  to 
far  different  conduct.  He  treated  their  suggestions  with  scorn  : 
"  I  have  granted  the  Austrian,"  he  wrote  to  them,  "  such  terms 
as  were,  in  my  judgment,  due  to  a  brave  and  honourable  enemy, 
and  to  the  dignity  of  the  French  Republic." 

'  The  loss  of  the  Austrians  at  Mantua  amounted,  first  and 
last,  to  not  less  than  27,000  men.  Besides  innumerable  militarj' 
stores,  upwards  of  500  brass  cannon  fell  into  the  hands  of  the 

*  Such  was  the  prevailing  terror,  that  one  body  of  6000  under 
Rene  surrendered  to  a  French  officer  who  had  hardly  500  men 
with  him. 


PAPAL   DOMINIONS   INVADED  47 

conqueror ;  and  Augereau  was  sent  to  Paris  to  present  the 
Directory  with  sixty  stand  of  colours.  He  was  received  with 
tumults  of  exultation,  such  as  might  have  been  expected,  on 
an  occasion  so  glorious,  from  a  people  less  vivacious  than  the 
French. 

'  The  surrender  of  Provera  and  Wurmser,  following  the  total 
rout  of  Alvinzi,  placed  Lombardy  wholly  in  the  hands  of 
Napoleon  ;  and  he  now  found  leisure  to  avenge  himself  on  the 
Pope  for  those  hostile  demonstrations  which,  as  yet,  he  had 
been  contented  to  hold  in  check.  The  terror  with  which  the 
priestly  court  of  the  Vatican  received  the  tidings  of  the  utter 
destruction  of  the  Austrian  army,  and  of  the  irresistible  con- 
queror's march  southwards,  did  not  prevent  the  Papal  troops 
from  making  some  efforts  to  defend  the  territories  of  the  Holy 
See.  General  Victor,  with  4000  French  and  as  many  Lombards, 
advanced  upon  the  route  of  Imola.  A  Papal  force,  in  numbers 
about  equal,  lay  encamped  on  the  river  Senio  in  front  of  that 
town.  Monks  with  crucifixes  in  their  hands  ran  through  the 
lines,  exciting  them  to  fight  bravely  for  their  country  and  their 
faith.  The  French  general,  by  a  rapid  movement,  threw  his 
horse  across  the  stream  a  league  or  two  higher  up,  and  then 
charged  with  his  infantry  through  the  Senio  in  their  front. 
The  resistance  was  brief.  The  Pope's  army,  composed  mostly 
of  new  recruits,  retreated  in  confusion.  Faenza  was  carried  by 
the  bayonet.  Colli  and  3000  more  laid  down  their  arms  :  and 
the  strong  town  of  Ancona  was  occupied.  On  the  loth  of 
February  the  French  entered  Loretto,  and  rifled  that  celebrated 
seat  of  superstition  of  whatever  treasures  it  still  retained  ;  the 
most  valuable  articles  had  already  been  packed  up  and  sent  to 
Rome  for  safety.  Victor  then  turned  westwards  from  Ancona, 
with  the  design  to  unite  with  another  French  column  which 
had  advanced  into  the  Papal  dominion  by  Perugia. 

'  The  panic  which  the  French  advance  had  by  this  time 
spread  was  such  that  the  Pope  had  no  hope  but  in  sub- 
mission. The  peasants  lately  transformed  into  soldiers  abandoned 
everywhere  their  arms,  and  fled  in  straggling  groups  to  their 
native  villages.  The  alarm  in  Rome  itself  recalled  the  days  of 
Alaric. 

'The  conduct  of  Bonaparte  at  this  critical  moment  was 
worthy  of  that  good  sense  which  formed  the  original  foundation 
of  his  successes,  and  of  which  the  madness  of  pampered  ambition 
could  alone  deprive  him  afterwards.  He  well  knew  that,  of 
all   the   inhabitants    of  the    Roman    territories,   the  class   who 


48  NAPOLEON   BONAPARTE 

contemplated  his  approach  with  the  deepest  terror  were  the 
unfortunate  French  priests,  whom  the  revolution  had  made 
exiles  from  their  native  soil.  One  of  these  unhappy  gentlemen 
came  forth  in  his  despair,  and  surrendering  himself  at  the  French 
head-quarters,  said  he  knew  his  fate  was  sealed,  and  that  they 
might  as  well  lead  him  at  once  to  the  gallows.  Bonaparte 
dismissed  this  person  with  courtesy,  and  issued  a  proclamation 
that  none  of  the  class  should  be  molested  ;  on  the  contrary, 
allotting  to  each  of  them  the  means  of  existence  in  monasteries, 
wherever  his  arms  were  or  should  be  predominant. 

'This  conduct,  taken  together  with  other  circumstances  ot 
recent  occurrence,  was  well  calculated  to  nourish  in  the  breast 
of  the  Pope,  the  hope  that  the  victorious  General  of  France  had, 
by  this  time,  discarded  the  ferocious  hostility  of  the  revolutionary 
government  against  the  Church  of  which  he  was  head.  He 
hastened,  however,  to  open  a  negotiation,  and  Napoleon  received 
his  envoy  not  merely  with  civility,  but  with  professions  of  the 
profoundest  personal  reverence  for  the  holy  father.  The  Treaty 
of  Tolentino  (12th  Feb.,  1797)  followed.  By  this  the  Pope 
conceded  formally  (for  the  first  time)  his  ancient  territory  of 
Avignon  ;  he  resigned  the  legations  of  Ferrara,  Bologna,  and 
Romagna,  and  the  port  of  Ancona  ;  agreed  to  pay  about  a 
million  and  a  half  sterling,  and  to  execute  to  the  utmost  the 
provisions  of  Bologna  with  respect  to  works  of  art.  On  these 
terms  Pius  was  to  remain  nominal  master  of  some  shreds  of  the 
patrimony  of  St.  Peter.' 


CHAPTER    IV. 

In  the  preceding  chapter  we  have  given  a  rapid  account  ot  the 
extraordinary  campaign  of  the  Army  of  Italy,  to  the  Treaty  of 
Tolentino.  It  is  the  most  splendid  and  celebrated  of  which 
we  have  any  account,  and  the  more  remarkable,  in  having  been 
directed  by  the  surpassing  genius  of  a  young  hero  of  six-and- 
twenty,  who,  with  a  very  inferior  force,  beat  successively  the 
well-appointed  armies  of  the  King  of  Sardinia  and  the  Emperor 
of  Austria.  These  armies  were  commanded  by  their  bravest 
and  most  experienced  generals  ; — but  no  experience  was  equal 
to  the  genius,  the  vigilance,  and  activity  or  Bonaparte.  The 
oldest  and  most  experienced  commanders  of  the  Emperor  of 
Austria  complained  that  he  set  aside  all  the  ordinary  rules  of 
war,  and  would  not  fight  according  to  system.     Bonaparte  was 


AUSTRIA   INVADED  49 

an  inventor,  and  disregarded  system  ;  his  object  was  to  destroy 
his  enemy,  and  in  this  he  succeeded  in  a  remarkable  manner. 

*  He  was  now  master  of  all  Northern  Italy,  with  the  exception 
of  the  territories  of  Venice.  He  heard  without  surprise  that 
the  Doge  had  been  raising  new  levies,  and  that  the  senate  could 
command  an  army  of  50,000,  composed  chiefly  of  fierce  and 
semi-barbarous  Sclavonian  mercenaries.  He  demanded  what 
these  demonstrations  meant,  and  was  answered  that  Venice  had 
no  desire  but  to  maintain  a  perfect  neutrality.  After  some  ne- 
gotiation, he  told  the  Venetian  envoy,  that  he  granted  the 
prayer  of  his  masters.  "  Be  neuter,"  said  he,  "  but  see  that 
your  neutrality  be  indeed  sincere  and  perfect.  If  any  insurrection 
occur  in  my  rear,  to  cut  off  my  communications  in  the  event 
of  my  marching  on  Germany — if  any  movement  whatever 
betray  the  disposition  of  your  senate  to  aid  the  enemies  of 
France,  be  sure  that  vengeance  will  follow — from  that  hour  the 
independence  of  Venice  has  ceased  to  be." 

'  More  than  a  month  had  now  elapsed  since  Alvinzi's  defeat 
at  Rivoli  ;  in  nine  days  the  war  with  the  Pope  had  reached  its 
close  ;  and,  having  left  some  garrisons  in  the  towns  on  the 
Adige,  to  watch  the  neutrality  of  Venice,  Napoleon  hastened  to 
carry  the  war  into  the  hereditary  dominions  of  the  Emperor. 
Twenty  thousand  fresh  troops  had  recently  joined  his  victorious 
standard  from  France  ;  and  at  the  head  of  perhaps  a  larger  force 
than  he  had  ever  before  mustered,  he  proceeded  to  the  frontier 
of  the  Frioul,  where,  according  to  his  information,  the  main 
army  of  Austria,  recruited  once  more  to  its  original  strength, 
was  preparing  to  open  a  sixth  campaign — under  the  orders,  not 
of  Alvinzi,  but  of  a  general  young  like  himself,  and  hitherto 
eminently  successful — the  same  who  had  already  by  his  com- 
binations baffled  two  such  masters  in  the  art  of  war  as  Jourdan 
and  Moreau — the  Archduke  Charles  ;  a  prince  on  whose  high 
talents  the  last  hopes  of  the  empire  seemed  to  repose. 

*  To  give  the  details  of  the  sixth  campaign,  which  now  com- 
menced, would  be  to  repeat  the  story  which  has  been  already 
five  times  told. 

'Bonaparte  found  the  Archduke  posted  behind  the  river 
Tagliamento,  in  front  of  the  rugged  Carinthian  mountains 
which  guard  the  passage  in  that  quarter  from  Italy  to  Germany. 
Detaching  Massena  to  the  Piave,  where  the  Austrian  division 
of  Lusignan  were  in  observation,  he  himself  determined  to 
charge  the  Archduke  in  front.  Massena  was  successful  in 
driving  Lusignan  before  him,  as  far  as  Belluno  (ivhere  a  rear- 


50  NAPOLEON   BONAPARTE 

guard  of  500  surrendered),  and  thus  turned  the  Austrian  flank. 
Bonaparte  then  attempted  and  effected  the  passage  of  the 
Tagliamento.  After  a  great  and  formal  display  of  his  forces, 
which  was  met  by  similar  demonstrations  on  the  Austrian  side 
of  the  river,  he  suddenly  broke  up  his  line  and  retreated.  The 
Archduke,  knowing  that  the  French  had  been  marching  all  the 
night  before,  concluded  that  the  General  wished  to  defer 
the  battle  till  another  day  ;  and  in  like  manner  withdrew  to 
his  camp.  About  two  hours  after  Napoleon  rushed  with  his 
whole  army,  who  had  merely  lain  down  in  ranks,  upon  the 
margin  of  the  Tagliamento,  no  longer  adequately  guarded — and 
had  forded  the  stream  ere  the  Austrian  line  of  battle  could  be 
formed.  In  the  action  which  followed  (March  12)  the  troops 
of  the  Archduke  displayed  much  gallantry,  but  every  effort  to 
dislodge  Napoleon  failed  ;  at  length  retreat  was  judged  necessary. 
The  French  followed  hard  behind.  They  stormed  Gradisca, 
where  they  made  5000  prisoners  ;  and — the  Archduke  pursuing 
his  retreat — occupied  in  the  course  of  a  few  days  Trieste, 
Fiume,  and  every  stronghold  in  Carinthia.  In  the  course  of  a 
campaign  of  twenty  days,  the  Austrians  fought  Bonaparte  ten 
times,  but  the  overthrow  on  the  Tagliamento  was  never  re- 
covered ;  and  the  Archduke,  after  defending  Styria  inch  by 
inch  as  he  had  Carinthia,  at  length  adopted  the  resolution  of 
reaching  Vienna  by  forced  marches,  there  to  gather  round  him 
whatever  force  the  loyalty  of  his  nation  could  muster,  and  make 
a  last  stand  beneath  the  walls  of  the  capital. 

'This  plan,  at  first  sight  the  mere  dictate  of  despair,  was  in 
truth  that  of  a  wise  and  prudent  general.  The  Archduke  had 
received  intelligence  from  two  quarters  of  events  highly  un- 
favourable to  the  French.  General  Laudon,  the  Austrian 
commander  on  the  Tyrol  frontier,  had  descended  thence  with 
forces  sufficient  to  overwhelm  Bonaparte's  lieutenants  on  the 
Upper  Adige,  and  was  already  in  possession  of  the  whole  Tyrol, 
and  of  several  of  the  Lombard  towns.  Meanwhile  the 
Venetian  Senate,  on  hearing  of  these  Austrian  successes,  had 
plucked  up  courage  to  throw  aside  their  flimsy  neutrality,  and 
not  only  declared  war  against  France,  but  encouraged  their 
partisans  in  Verona  to  open  the  contest  with  an  inhuman 
massacre  of  the  French  wounded  in  the  hospitals  of  that  city. 
The  vindictive  Italians,  wherever  the  French  party  was  inferior  in 
numbers,  resorted  to  similar  atrocities.  The  Venetian  army  passed 
ihe  frontier  :  and,  in  effect,  Bonaparte's  means  of  deriving  supplies 
of  any  kind  from  his  rear  were  for  the  time  wholly  cut  off. 


TREATY   OF   LEOBEN  51 

*  Vienna  was  panic-struck  on  hearing  that  Bonaparte  had 
stormed  the  passes  of  the  Julian  Alps  ;  the  imperial  family  sent 
their  treasure  into  Hungary  ;  and  the  Archduke  was  ordered 
to  avail  himself  of  the  first  pretence  which  circumstances  might 
afford  for  the  opening  of  a  negotiation. 

'That  prince  had  already,  acting  on  his  own  judgment  and 
feelings,  dismissed  such  an  occasion  with  civility  and  with  cold- 
ness. Napoleon  had  addressed  a  letter  to  his  Imperial  Highness 
from  Clagenfurt,  in  which  he  called  on  him,  as  a  brother-soldier, 
to  consider  the  certain  miseries  and  the  doubtful  successes  of 
war,  and  put  an  end  to  the  campaign  by  a  fair  and  equitable 
treaty.  The  Archduke  replied,  that  he  regarded  with  the 
highest  esteem  the  personal  character  of  his  correspondent, 
but  that  the  Austrian  government  had  committed  to  his  trust 
the  guidance  of  a  particular  army,  not  the  diplomatic  business 
of  the  empire.  The  prince,  on  receiving  these  new  instructions 
from  Vienna  perceived,  however  reluctantly,  that  the  line  ok 
his  duty  was  altered  ;  and  the  result  was  a  series  of  negotiations 
— which  ended  in  the  provisional  treaty  of  Leoben,  signed 
April  18,   1797.' 

The  preceding  account  of  the  Italian  campaign  has  been 
supplied  to  connect  the  narrative  of  Bourrienne  ;  he  was  now 
about  to  join  the  General-in-chief  at  the  head-quarters  of  the 
Army  of  Italy,  and  he  did  not  leave  him  for  a  moment  until 
the  end  of  1802. 

It  is  impossible  for  me  to  avoid  occasionally  intruding  my- 
self in  the  course  of  these  memoirs  ;  but  I  owe  it  to  myself 
to  shew  that  I  was  no  intruder,  nor  pursued,  as  an  obscure 
intriguer,  the  path  of  fortune.  I  was  influenced  more  by 
friendship  than  by  ambition  when  I  took  a  part  on  the  theatre 
where  the  rising  glory  of  the  future  Emperor  already  shed 
a  lustre  on  all  who  were  attached  to  his  destiny.  It  will  be 
seen  from  the  following  letters  with  what  confidence  I  was 
then  honoured  : — 

'  Head-quarters,  at  Milan, 
'  20  Prairial,  year  IV. 
'  June  8,  1796. 

*The  General-in-chief  has  charged  me,  my  dear  Bourrienne, 
to  make  known  to  you  the  pleasure  he  received  on  hearing  of 
you,  and  his  desire  that  you  should  join  us.  Take  your 
departure,  then,  ray  dear  Bourrienne,  and  arrive  quickly.  \  ou 
will    be  sure   of  obtaining    the   testimonies   of  affection   which 


SZ  NAPOLEON   BONAPARTE 

you  inspire  from  all  who  know  you  ;  and  we  much  regret  that 
you  have  not  been  here  to  have  a  share  in  our  success.  The 
campaign  which  we  have  just  concluded  wiU  be  celebrated 
in  the  records  of  history.  It  is  surprising  that  with  less  than 
30,000  men,  in  a  state  of  almost  complete  destitution,  we  have, 
in  less  than  two  months,  beaten,  eight  different  times,  an  army 
of  from  65  to  70,000  men,  obliged  the  King  of  Sardinia  to 
make  a  humiliating  peace,  and  driven  the  Austrians  from 
Italy.  The  last  victory,  of  which  you  have  doubtless  had 
an  account,  the  passage  of  the  Mincio,  has  closed  our  labours. 
There  now  remain  for  us  the  siege  of  Mantua  and  the  castle 
of  Milan  ;  but  these  obstacles  will  not  detain  us  long.  Adieu, 
my  dear  Bourrienne  ;  I  repeat  General  Bonaparte's  request  that 
you  should  repair  hither,  and  the  testimony  of  his  desire  to 
see  you.     Receive,  Sec. 

'  Marmont, 

'  Chief  of  Brigade,  and  Aide-de-camp  to  the  General-in-chief.' 

Eleven  months  after  the  receipt  of  the  above  letter  I  received 
other  letters  from  Marmont,  as  well  as  from  the  General-in- 
chief,  urging  me  to  hasten  my  journey  to  join  them  at  head- 
quarters ;  and  at  the  moment  I  was  about  to  depart  I  received 
the  following  letter  : — 


•*& 


Hkad-quarters,  Judenburgh, 
'  ID  Germinal,  year  V. 
'  April  8,  1.797. 

•The  General-in-chief  again  orders  me,  my  dear  Bourrienne, 
to  urge  you  to  come  to  him  quickly.  We  are  in  the  midst 
of  success  and  triumphs.  The  German  campaign  commenced 
in  a  manner  more  brilliant  than  that  of  Italy.  You  may  judge 
what  a  promise  it  holds  out  to  us.  Come,  my  dear  Bourrienne, 
immediately — yield  to  our  solicitations — share  our  pains  and 
pleasures,  and  you  will  add  to  our  enjoyments. 

'I  have  directed  the  courier  to  pass  through  Sens,  that  he 
may  deliver  this  letter  to  you,  and  bring  me  back  your  answer. 

'  Marmont.' 

To  the  above  letter  this  order  was  subjoined — 

'  The  citizen  Fauvelet  de  Bourrienne  is  ordered  to  leave 
Sens,  and  repair  immediately  by  post  to  the  head-quarters  of 
ihe  Army  of  Italy. 

*  Bonaparte.* 


FALL    OF    VENICE  53 

My  reason  for  not  accepting  these  friendly  invitations  before 
arose  from  my  not  having  been  able  to  obtain  the  erasure 
of  my  name  from  the  emigrant  list,  and  which  I  did  not 
obtain  until  a  later  period,  through  the  influence  of  the  General- 
in-chief.  But  now  I  determined  without  hesitation  to  set  out 
for  the  army.  General  Bonaparte's  order,  which  I  registered 
at  the  municipality  of  Sens,  served  for  a  passport,  which  might 
otherwise  have  been  refused  me. 

I  did  not  leave  Sens  until  the  1 1  th  of  April,  and  arrived 
in  the  Venetian  States  at  the  moment  when  the  insurrection 
against  the  French  broke  out.  I  had  passed  through  Verona 
on  the  1 6th,  where  I  remained  two  hours,  little  expecting  the 
massacre  which  afterwards  took  place.  When  about  a  league 
from  the  town,  I  was  stopped  by  a  band  of  insurgents,  who  obliged 
me  to  call  out,  '  Long  live  St.  Mark  ! '  an  order  with  which  I 
speedily  complied,  and  passed  on.  On  the  following  day  all  the 
French  who  wereconlined  in  the  hospitals  were  butchered,  amidst 
the  ringing  of  the  church  bells,  and  by  the  encouragement  of  the 
priests.     Upwards  of  four  hundred  of  the  French  were  killed. 

The  last  days  of  Venice  were  now  approaching.  Two  causes 
powerfully  contributed  to  hasten  her  downfall,  after  an  existence 
of  twelve  hundred  years  :  the  successes  of  the  French  had 
propagated  the  principles  of  the  revolution  in  Italy  ;  the  Arch- 
duke of  Milan  had  been  deposed  ;  and  why  should  not  the 
Doge  of  Venice  cease  to  rule  ?  The  spirit  of  the  revolution  was 
gradually  diffused,  and  discontent  rapidly  spread  along  with  it. 
The  difference  between  the  new  doctrines  and  the  gloomy 
institutions  of  Venice  was  too  marked  not  to  occasion  a  desire 
of  change.  This  was  followed  by  a  desire  on  the  part  of  the 
patriotic  party  to  revolutionize  the  Venetian  States  on  the  main 
land,  to  unite  them  with  Lombardy,  and  to  form  of  the  whole 
one  republic.  In  fact,  the  force  of  circumstances  alone  brought 
on  the  insurrection  of  those  territories.  The  pursuit  of  the 
Archduke  Charles  into  the  heart  of  Austria  encouraged  the 
Venetian  Senate  to  hope  that  it  would  be  easy  to  annihilate 
the  feeble  remnant  of  the  French  army,  which  was  scattered 
throughout  their  territory  :  but  in  this  they  were  disappointed. 
Bonaparte  skilfully  took  advantage  of  the  disturbances,  and  the 
massacres  consequent  on  them,  to  adopt  towards  the  Senate 
the  tone  of  an  offended  conqueror.  He  wrote  to  the  Directory 
that  the  only  part  they  could  take  was  to  destroy  this  sanguinary 
and  ferocious  government,  and  to  erase  the  Venetian  name  from 
the  face  of  the  earth. 


5+  NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 

On  returning  from  Leoben,*  he,  without  ceremony,  seized 
Venice,  changed  the  established  government,  and  took  possession 
of  her  territories  ;  and,  at  the  negotiations  of  Campo-Formio, 
he  found  himself  able  to  dispose  of  them  as  he  pleased,  in 
compensation  for  the  concessions  which  had  been  exacted  from 
Austria.  The  fate  of  this  republic  was  now  sealed  —  it 
disappeared  from  the  list  of  states  without  a  struggle  and  without 
noise.  He  executed  severe  revenge.  Venice  was  called  upon  to 
pay  3,000,000  francs  in  gold,  and  as  many  more  in  naval  stores  ; 
and  to  deliver  up  five  ships  of  war,  twenty  of  the  best  pictures, 
and  500  manuscripts. 

In  their  last  agony  the  Venetian  Senate  made  a  vain  effort  to 
secure  the  personal  protection  of  the  General,  by  offering  him  a 
purse  of  seven  millions  of  francs.  He  rejected  this  with  scorn. 
He  had  already  treated  in  the  same  style  a  bribe  of  four  millions, 
tendered  on  the  part  of  the  Duke  of  Modena.  Austria  herself, 
it  is  said,  did  not  hesitate  to  tamper  in  the  same  manner,  though 
far  more  magnificently,  as  became  her  resources,  with  his  Re- 
publican virtue.  He  was  offered,  if  the  story  be  true,  an 
independent  German  principality  for  himself  and  his  heirs.  '  I 
thank  the  Emperor,'  he  answered,  '  but  if  greatness  is  to  be  mine, 
it  shall  come  from  France.' 

The  Venetian  Senate  were  guilty  of  another  and  a  more 
inexcusable  piece  of  meanness.  They  seized  the  person  of 
Count  D'Entraigues,  a  French  emigrant,  who  had  been  living 
in  their  city  as  agent  for  the  exiled  house  of  Bourbon  ;  and 
surrendered  him  and  all  his  papers  to  the  victorious  General. 
Bonaparte  discovered  among  these  documents  ample  evidence 
that  Pichegru,  the  French  general  on  the  Rhine,  and  universally 
honoured  as  the  conqueror  of  Holland,  had  some  time  before 
this  hearkened  to  the  proposals  of  the  Bourbon  princes  ;  and  had, 
among  other  efforts  to  favour  the  royal  cause,  not  hesitated  even 
to  misconduct  his  military  movements  with  a  view  to  the  downfall 
of  the  government  which  had  entrusted  him  with  his  command. 

This  was  a  secret,  the  importance  of  which  Napoleon  could 
well  appreciate  ;  and  he  forthwith  communicated  it  to  the 
Directory  at  Paris. 

*  The  Doge  and  Senate  hastened  to  send  offers  of  submission,  but 
their  messengers  were  treated  with  anger  and  contempt. 

'  French  blood  has  been  treacherously  shed,'  said  Napoleon ;  '  if 
you  could  offer  nie  the  treasures  of  Peru — if  you  could  cover  your 
whole  dominion  with  gold — the  atonement  would  be  insufficient :  the 
lion  of  St.  Mark  must  lick  the  dust.' 


AT   LEOBEN  55 


CHAPTER    V 


I  JOINED  Bonaparte  at  Leoben,  on  the  19th  of  April,  the  day 
after  the  signature  of  the  preliminaries  of  peace.  Here  ceased 
my  intercourse  with  him  as  equal  with  equal,  companion  with 
companion  ;  and  those  relations  commenced  in  which  I  saw 
him  great,  powerful,  and  surrounded  with  homage  and  glory. 
I  no  longer  addressed  him  as  formerly  ;  I  was  too  well  aware 
of  his  personal  importance.  His  position  had  placed  too  great 
a  distance  in  the  social  scale  between  us  for  me  not  to  perceive 
the  necessity  of  conforming  myself  accordingly.  I  made  with 
pleasure,  and  without  regret,  the  easy  sacrifice  of  familiarity  of 
thee  and  thou'mg,  and  other  trifles.  He  said,  in  a  loud  voice, 
when  I  entered  the  apartment  in  which  he  stood  surrounded 
by  a  brilliant  staff,  '  I  am  glad  to  see  you,  at  last.'  As  soon 
as  we  were  alone,  he  gave  me  to  understand  that  he  was  pleased 
with  my  reserve.  I  was  immediately  placed  at  the  head  of  his 
cabinet  ;  I  spoke  to  him  the  same  evening  respecting  the  insur 
rection  in  the  Venetian  States  ;  of  the  dangers  which  threatened 
the  French,  and  of  those  which  I  had  myself  escaped.  'Be 
tranquil,'  said  he,  '  these  rascals  shall  pay  for  it  ;  their  republic 
has  had  its  day.' 

In  the  first  conversation  which  Bonaparte  had  with  me  I 
thought  I  could  perceive  that  he  was  dissatisfied  with  the  pre- 
liminaries of  peace.  He  had  wished  to  advance  with  his  army 
upon  Vienna,  and,  before  offering  peace  to  the  Archduke 
Charles,  he  wrote  to  the  Directory  that  he  wished  to  follow 
up  his  successes  ;  but  to  be  enabled  to  do  so,  he  wished  to  be 
sustained  by  the  co-operation  of  the  armies  of  the  Sambre  and 
Meuse,  and  that  of  the  Rhine.  The  Directory  replied  that  he 
must  not  reckon  on  a  diversion  in  Germany,  and  that  the  armies 
alluded  to  were  not  to  pass  the  Rhine.  This  resolution,  so 
unexpected,  obliged  him  to  terminate  his  triumphs,  and  renounce, 
for  the  present,  his  favourite  project  of  planting  the  standards 
of  the  Republic  upon  the  walls  of  Vienna. 

In  traversing  the  Venetian  States  to  return  to  Milan,  he 
frequently  spoke  of  the  affairs  of  that  republic  ;  and  constantly 
stated  that  he  was  originally  entirely  unconnected  with  the 
insurrections  which  had  taken  place  ;  but  as  they  had  oc- 
curred   he  was    not  sorry  for  it,   for  that   he  certainly  would 


56  NAPOLEON   BONAPARTE 

take   advantage   of    them   in    the   settlement   of    the   definitive 
treaty. 

We  arrived  at  Milan  on  the  5th  of  May.  Bonaparte  took 
up  his  residence  at  Montebello,  a  beautiful  seat  about  three 
leagues  from  that  city.  Here  commenced  the  negotiations  for 
the  peace,  which  was  terminated  at  Passeriano.  During  the 
course  of  these  negotiations,  the  Directory  ordered  the  General- 
in-chief  to  demand  the  liberation  of  La  Fayette,  Latour- 
Maubourg,  and  Bureau  de  Puzy,  who  had  been  detained  at 
01mut2,  since  1792,  as  prisoners  of  state.  He  executed  this 
commission  with  as  much  pleasure  as  zeal ;  but  he  met  with 
many  difficulties,  and  it  required  all  his  vigour  of  character 
to  enable  him  to  succeed  at  the  end  of  three  months.  They 
obtained  their  freedom  in  August  1797,  and  received  it  with 
that  feeling  of  independence  and  dignity  which  a  long  and  rigid 
captivity  had  not  been  able  to  destroy. 

It  was  now  the  month  of  July,  and  the  negotiations  were 
still  protracted,  and  the  obstacles  which  were  continually  recur- 
ring could  only  be  attributed  to  the  artful  policy  of  Austria, 
who  seemed  anxious  to  gain  time.  The  news  which  he  received 
at  this  time  from  Paris  occupied  his  whole  attention.  He  beheld 
with  extreme  displeasure,  and  even  with  violent  anger,  the 
manner  in  which  the  leading  orators  in  the  councils,  and 
pamphlets  written  in  a  similar  spirit,  spoke  of  him,  his  army, 
his  victories,  the  affairs  of  Venice,  and  the  national  glorj-.  He 
regarded  with  indignation  the  suspicions  which  they  endeavoured 
to  throw  upon  his  conduct  and  his  ulterior  views  ;  and  was 
furious  at  seeing  his  seri'ices  depreciated,  his  glory  and  that  of 
his  companions  in  arms  disparaged.  On  this  occasion  he  wrote 
to  the  Director)'  a  very  spirited  letter,  and  demanded  his 
dismissal. 

At  this  time  it  was  generally  reported  that  Carnot,  from  his 
office  in  the  Luxembourg,  had  traced  out  the  plan  of  those 
operations  by  which  Bonaparte  had  acquired  so  much  glory  ; 
and  that  to  Berthier  he  was  indebted  for  their  successful  execu- 
tion :  and  many  persons  are  still  of  this  opinion  ;  but  there 
is  no  foundation  for  the  belief — Bonaparte  was  an  inventor, 
and  not  an  imitator.  It  is  true  that,  at  the  commencement  of 
these  brilliant  campaigns,  the  Directory  had  transmitted  to  him 
certain  instructions  ;  but  he  always  followed  his  own  plans,  and 
wrote  that  all  would  be  lost  if  he  were  blindly  to  put  in  practice 
movemenu  conceived  at  a  distance  from  the  scene  of  action. 
He  also  offered  his  resignation.     The  Directory,  at  length,  ad- 


EUGENE    BEAUHARNOIS  57 

mitted  the  difficulty  of  dictating  military  operations  at  Paris, 
and  left  everything  to  him — and  certainly,  there  was  not  a 
movement  or  operation  which  did  not  originate  with  himself. 
Bonaparte  was  exceedingly  sensitive  on  this  subject  ;  and  one 
day  he  said  to  me,  '  As  for  Berthier,  since  you  have  been  with 
me,  you  see  what  he  is — he  is  a  blockhead  :  yet  it  is  he  who 
has  done  all.'  Berthier,  however,  was  a  man  of  honour,  courage, 
and  probity,  and  exceedingly  regular  in  the  performance  of  his 
duties,  and  very  efficient  as  the  head  of  the  staff  of  the  army. 
This  is  all  the  praise  that  can  be  given  him,  and,  indeed,  all 
that  he  desired.  Bonaparte  had  a  great  regard  for  Berthier, 
and  he  in  return  looked  up  to  him  with  so  much  admiration, 
that  he  never  could  have  presumed  to  oppose  his  plans,  or 
give  any  advice.  Bonaparte  was  a  man  of  habit,  and  was 
much  attached  to  all  the  people  about  him,  and  did  not  like 
new  faces. 

At  this  time  young  Beauharnois  came  to  Milan  ;  he  was 
then  in  his  seventeenth  year,  and  had  lived  in  Paris  with  his 
mother  since  the  departure  of  Bonaparte.  On  his  arrival  he 
immediately  entered  the  service,  as  aide-de-camp  to  the  General- 
in-chief,  who  felt  for  him  an  affection  which  was  justified  by 
his  many  good  qualities.  Eugene  had  an  excellent  heart,  a 
manly  courage,  a  prepossessing  exterior,  with  an  obliging  and 
amiable  temper.  His  life  is  matter  of  history  ;  and  those 
who  knew  him  will  agree  that  his  maturer  years  did  not  dis- 
appoint the  promise  of  his  youth.  Already  he  displayed  the 
courage  of  a  soldier,  and  at  a  later  period  he  evinced  the 
talent  of  a  statesman.  From  the  time  of  his  arrival  in  Milan 
till  the  end  of  the  year  1802,  I  never  lost  sight  of  him  for  a 
moment  ;  and  during  an  intimacy  of  several  years,  nothing  has 
occurred  that  would  induce  me  to  recall  a  single  word  of  this 
praise. 

Bonaparte  was  justly  of  opinion  that  the  tardiness  of  the 
negotiations,  and  the  difficulties  which  incessantly  arose,  were 
founded  on  the  expectation  of  an  event  which  would  change 
the  government  of  France,  and  render  the  chances  of  peace  more 
favourable  to  Austria.  He  urged  the  Directory  to  put  an 
end  to  this  state  of  things — to  arrest  the  emigrants,  to  destroy 
the  influence  of  foreigners,  to  recall  the  armies,  and  to  suppress 
the  journals,  which  lie  said  were  sold  to  England,  and  were 
more  sanguinary  than  Marat  ever  was.  He  despised  the  Direc- 
tory, which  he  accused  of  weakness,  indecision,  extravagance, 
and  a  perseverance  in  a  system  degrading  to  the  national  glory. 


58  NAPOLEON   BONAPARTE 

He  had  long  foreseen  the  struggle  about  to  take  place  between 
the  partisans  of  Royalty  and  the  Republic,  and  had  been  urged 
by  his  friends  to  choose  his  party,  or  to  act  for  himself;  but 
before  deciding,  he  first  thought  of  his  own  interest.  He  did 
not  consider  that  he  had  yet  done  enough  to  bear  him  out 
in  seizing  the  supreme  power,  which,  under  existing  circum 
stances,  he  might  easily  have  done.  He  was  satisfied,  for  the 
present,  with  joining  that  party  which  appeared  to  have  the 
support  of  public  opinion.  I  know  he  was  determined  upon 
marching  to  Paris  with  25,000  men,  if  affairs  appeared  to  take 
a  turn  unfavourable  to  the  Republic,  which  he  preferred  to 
Royalty,  because  he  expected  to  derive  greater  advantages  from 
it.  He  carefully  arranged  his  plan  of  the  campaign.  He  con- 
sidered that  in  defending  this  so-much-despised  Directory,  he 
was  only  protecting  a  power  which  appeared  to  have  no  other 
object  than  to  occupy  a  situation  until  he  was  prepared  to  fill 
it.  His  resolution  of  passing  the  Alps  with  25,000  men,  and 
marching  by  Lyons  upon  Paris,  was  well  known  in  the  capital, 
and  everj'one  was  occupied  in  discussing  the  consequences  of 
this  passage  of  another  Rubicon.  Determined  on  supporting 
the  majority  of  the  Directory,  and  of  combating  the  Royalist 
faction,  he  sent  his  aide-de-camp.  La  Valette,  to  Paris,  towards 
the  end  of  July,  and  Augereau  followed  him  very  shortly  after. 
Bonaparte  wrote  to  the  Directory,  that  Augereau  had  solicited 
permission  to  go  to  Paris  on  his  own  private  affairs  ;  but  the 
truth  is,  that  he  wa^  sent  expressly  to  urge  on  the  revolution 
which  was  preparing  against  the  Royalist  party,  and  the  minor- 
ity of  the  Directory.  Bernadotte  was  subsequently  despatched 
on  the  same  errand  ;  but  he  did  not  take  any  great  part  in  the 
affair — he  was  always  prudent. 

The  Republican  members  of  the  Directory  were  Barras, 
Rewbell,  and  La  Reveilliere.  Carnot,  and  Barthelemy  were  the 
other  two,  who  were  considered  favourable  to  the  emigrants,  and 
to  the  re-establishment  of  monarchy. 

The  crisis  of  the  i8th  Fructidor  (Sept.  5,  1797),  which 
brought  a  triumph  to  the  Republican  party,  and  retarded  for 
three  years  the  extinction  of  the  pentarchy,  presents  one  of  the 
most  remarkable  events  in  its  short  and  feeble  existence.  The 
Republican  Directors  had  determined  upon  arresting  those 
members  of  the  Council  of  Five  Hundred,  and  of  the  Ancients, 
who  were  obnoxious  to  them  ;  and  to  secure  their  success,  they 
appointed  Augereau  military  commandant,  which  was  the 
object  of  Bonaparte's  wishes. 


THE    18TH   FRUCTIDOR  59 

Various  plans  were  proposed  and  abandoned,  and  La  Valette 
writes  to  Bonaparte  on  the  7th  that  the  obstacles  which  occa- 
sioned it  were — First,  Disagreement  respecting  the  means  of 
execution.  Second,  The  fear  of  engaging  in  a  contest  of  which 
the  success  is  not  doubtful,  but  of  which  the  consequences  are 
uncertain.  Third,  the  embarrassment  which  would  be  caused 
by  the  Council  of  Ancients,  who  are  determined  to  oppose  no 
resistance,  and  by  the  Council  of  Five  Hundred,  who  must  be 
driven  away,  because  they  will  not  go  quietly.  And  Fourth, 
The  fear  of  the  Baboeuf  reaction. 

However,  these  fears  were  got  over,  and  they  determined  upon 
a  vigorous  stroke.  The  fear  of  being  anticipated,  at  length 
caused  measures  to  be  hurried  forward. 

At  midnight,  on  the  17th,  Augereau  despatched  orders  to 
all  the  troops  to  march  upon  the  points  specihed.  Before  day- 
break the  bridges  and  principal  stjuares  were  planted  with 
cannon.  At  daybreak  the  halls  of  the  Council  were  surrounded, 
the  guards  of  the  Council  fraternized  with  the  troops,  and  forty 
of  the  most  distinguished  members  of  the  Council  of  Five 
Hundred,  and  thirty-four  of  that  of  the  Ancients,  supposed  most 
devoted  to  royalty,  were  arrested,  and  conducted  to  the  Temple. 
Among  the  intended  victims  were  Carnot  and  Barthelemy,  both 
members  of  the  Directory.  Barthelemy  fell  into  the  hands  of 
his  pursuers  ;  but  Carnot  effected  his  escape.  These  Directors 
were  replaced  by  Merlin  and  Francois  de  Neufchateau,  both 
zealous  Republicans.  The  arrested  deputies  were  afterwards 
banished  to  French  Cayenne,  where  the  greater  part  of  them 
perished  through  the  pestilential  influence  of  the  climate. — It 
was  by  this  means  that  the  new  revolution,  as  it  was  called,  of 
the  1 8th  Fructidor  (Sept.  5,  1797)  was  effected. 

Bonaparte  was  intoxicated  with  joy  when  he  heard  of  the 
happy  issue  of  the  i8th  Fructidor.  Its  results  produced  the 
dissolution  of  the  Legislative  Assembly,  and  the  fall  of 
the  Royalist  party,  which  for  some  months  had  disturbed  his 
tranquillity.  The  Clichians  had  objected  to  receive  Joseph 
Bonaparte  as  the  deputy  for  Liamone,  into  the  Council  of  Five 
Hundred.  His  brother's  victory  removed  the  difficulty  ;  but 
the  General  soon  perceived  that  the  victors  abused  their  power, 
and  were  again  compromising  the  safety  of  the  Republic,  by  re- 
viving the  principles  of  revolutionary  government. 

The  Directory  were  alarmed  at  his  discontent,  and  offended 
by  his  censure.  They  conceived  the  singular  idea  of  opposing 
to  him  Augereau,   of  whose  blind  devotion  they  had  received 


6o  NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 

many  proofs  ;  and  this  general  they  appointed  commander  ot 
the  Army  of  Germany.  Augereau,  whose  extreme  vanity  was 
notorious,  believed  himself  in  a  situation  to  compete  with 
Bonaparte.  His  arrogance  was  founded  on  the  circumstance 
that,  with  a  numerous  body  of  troops,  he  had  arrested  some 
unarmed  representatives,  and  torn  the  epaulets  from  the  shoulders 
of  the  commandant  of  the  guard  of  the  Councils.  The 
Directory  and  he  filled  the  head-quarters  at  Passeriano  with 
spies  and  intriguers. 

Bonaparte,  who  was  informed  of  everything,  laughed  at  the 
Directory,  and  tendered  his  resignation,  in  order  that  he  might 
be  requested  to  continue  in  coinmand.  He  felt  very  indignant 
at  this  conduct  on  the  part  of  the  Directory,  and  complained  to 
them  with  great  spirit  of  the  ingratitude  which  the  government 
had  shown  to  him,  and  insisted  that  another  should  be  appointed 
to  succeed  him  in  the  command.  To  these  remonstrances  the 
Directory  replied  without  delay,  and  endeavoured  to  repel  the 
reproaches  oi  mistrust  and  ingratitude,  of  which  he  had  accused 
them,  and  to  assure  him  of  the  entire  confidence  of  the 
government. 

After  this  event  Bonaparte  became  more  powerful,  and 
Austria  less  haughty  and  confident.  The  Directory  had  before 
that  period  been  desirous  of  peace,  and  Austria,  hoping  that  the 
events  which  were  expected  at  Paris  would  be  favourable  to  her 
interest,  had  created  obstacles  for  the  purpose  of  delay.  But 
now  she  was  again  anxious  for  peace  ;  and  Bonaparte,  stiU 
distrusting  the  Directory,  was  fearful  lest  they  had  penetrated 
his  secret,  and  attributed  his  powerful  concurrence  on  the  i8th 
Fructidor  to  the  true  cause — his  personal  views  of  ambition. 
Some  of  the  General's  friends  also  wrote  to  him  from  Paris,  and, 
for  my  part,  I  never  ceased  repeating  to  him,  that  the  peace,  the 
power  of  making  which  he  held  in  his  own  hands,  would  render 
him  far  more  popular  than  the  renewal  of  hostilities,  undertaken 
with  all  the  chances  of  success  and  reverse. 

These  feelings,  together  with  the  early  appearance  of  bad 
weather,  precipitated  his  determination.  On  being  informed  on 
the  13th  of  October,  at  daybreak,  that  the  mountains  were 
covered  with  snov/,  he  feigned  at  first  to  disbelieve  it,  and 
leaping  from  his  bed,  he  ran  to  the  window,  and  convinced  of 
the  sudden  change,  he  calmly  said,  '  What  !  before  the  middle 
of  October  !  what  a  country  is  this  !  well,  we  must  make  peace.' 
After  having  hastily  put  on  his  clothes,  he  shut  himself  up  with 
me   in  his  closet,  and  carefully  reviewed  the  returns  from  the 


TREATY   OF    CAMPO-FORMIO  6i 

different  corps  of  the  army.  'Here  are,'  said  he,  'nearly  80,000 
effective  men  ;  I  feed,  I  pay  them  :  but  I  can  bring  but  60,000 
into  the  field  on  the  day  of  battle.  I  shall  gain  it  ;  but  afterwards 
my  force  will  be  reduced  20,000  men,  by  killed,  wounded,  and 
prisoners.  Then  how  can  I  oppose  all  the  Austrian  forces  that 
will  march  to  the  protection  of  Venice  ?  It  would  be  a  month 
before  the  armies  of  the  Rhine  could  support  me,  if  they  were 
able  to  do  so  ;  and  in  fifteen  days  all  the  roads  will  be  deeply 
covered  with  snow.  It  is  settled — I  will  make  peace.  Venice 
shall  pay  for  the  expense  of  the  war,  and  our  boundary  shall  be 
the  Rhine.  The  Directory  and  the  lawyers  may  say  what 
they  please.* 

It  is  well  known  that,  by  the  treaty  of  Campo-Formio,  the 
belligerent  powers  made  peace  at  the  expense  of  the  Republic 
of  Venice,  which  at  first  had  nothing  to  do  in  the  quarrel,  and 
which  only  interfered  at  a  late  period,  probably  against  her 
inclination,  and  impelled  by  the  force  or  circumstances.  But 
what  has  been  the  result  of  this  great  political  spoliation  ?  A 
part  of  the  Venetian  territory  was  adjudged  to  the  Cisalpine 
Republic  :  it  is  now  in  the  possession  of  Austria.  Another 
considerable  portion,  and  the  capital  itself,  fell  to  the  lot  of 
Austria  in  compensation  for  the  Belgic  provinces  and  Lombardy. 
Austria  now  occupies  Lombardy,  and  the  additions  then  made 
to  it.  Belgium  came  into  the  possession  of  the  house  of 
Orange,  but  is  now  become  an  independent  kingdom.  France 
obtained  Corfu  and  some  of  the  Ionian  Islands  ;  these  now 
belong  to  England. 

Thus  have  we  been  gloriously  conquering  for  Austria  and 
England.  An  ancient  state  is  overturned  without  noise,  and  its 
provinces,  after  being  divided  among  the  neighbouring  states, 
are  now  all  under  the  dominion  of  Austria.  We  do  not  possess 
a  foot  of  ground  in  all  the  fine  countries  wc  conquered,  and 
which  served  as  compensation  for  the  immense  acquisitions  of 
the  house  of  Hapsburgh  in  Italy.  This  time  she  was  aggrandised 
by  a  war  which  was  to  herself  most  disastrous. 

The  Directory  was  far  from  being  satisfied  with  the  treaty  of 
Campo-Formio,  and  with  difficulty  resisted  the  temptation  of  not 
ratifying  it.  But  all  their  objections  were  made  in  vain. 
Bonaparte  made  no  scruple  of  disregarding  his  instructions. 


62  NAPOLEON   BONAPARTE 


CHAPTER    VI 

The  1 8th  Fructidor,  without  doubt,  powerfully  contributed  to 
the  conclusion  of  peace  at  Campo-Formio.  The  Directory, 
hitherto,  had  not  been  very  pacifically  inclined,  but  having 
struck  what  is  called  a  coup  d'etat,  they  at  length  saw  the 
necessity  of  obtaining  absolution  from  the  discontented  by 
giving  peace  to  France.  And  Austria,  at  the  same  time, 
observing  the  complete  failure  of  the  royalist  plots  in  the 
interior  of  France,  thought  it  high  time  to  conclude  a  treaty 
with  the  Republic,  which,  notwithstanding  all  the  defeats  she 
had  sustained,  would  still  leave  her  a  preponderating  influence 
in  Italy. 

The  campaign  of  Italy,  so  fertile  in  the  glorious  achievements 
of  arms,  had  also  the  effect  of  tempering  the  fierceness  of 
the  republican  spirit  which  had  spread  over  France.  Bonaparte, 
negotiating  with  princes  and  their  ministers  on  a  footing  of 
equality,  but  still  with  all  that  superiority  to  which  victory 
and  his  genius  entitled  him,  gradually  taught  foreign  courts 
to  be  familiar  with  republican  France,  and  the  Republic  to 
cease  considering  all  states  governed  by  kings  as  of  necessity 
enemies. 

Under  these  circumstances  the  departure  of  the  General-in 
chief,  and  his  expected  visit  to  Paris,  excited  general  attention. 
The  feeble  Directory  was  prepared  to  submit  to  the  presence 
of  the  conqueror  of  Italy  in  the  capital. 

On  the  17th  November  he  quitted  Milan  for  the  congress 
at  Rastadt,  there  to  preside  in  the  French  legation.  But  before 
his  departure  he  sent  to  the  Directory  one  of  those  trophies, 
the  inscription  on  which  might  easily  be  considered  as  fabulous, 
but  which  in  this  case  was  nothing  but  the  truth.  This  trophy 
was  the  flag  of  the  Army  of  Italy,  and  Genei-al  Joubert  was 
appointed  to  the  honourable  mission  of  presenting  it  to  the 
government.  On  one  side  of  the  flag  were  the  words,  '  To 
the  Army  of  Italy,  the  grateful  country.'  The  other  contained 
an  enumeration  of  the  battles  fought,  the  places  taken,  and 
a  striking  and  simple  abridgement  of  the  history  of  the  Italian 
campaign  : — 

'150,000  prisoners;  170  standards;  550  pieces  of  battering 
cannon  ;    600   pieces  of  field  artillery  ;  five   bridge   equipages  ; 


THE   ITALIAN    CAMPAIGN  63 

nine  64-gun  ships;  twelve  32-gun  frigates;  12  corvettes;  18 
galleys  ;  armistice  with  the  King  of  Sardinia  ;  convention  with 
Genoa  ;  armistice  with  the  Duke  of  Parma  ;  armistice  with  the 
King  of  Naples  ;  armistice  with  the  Pope ;  preliminaries  of 
Leoben  ;  convention  of  Montebello  with  the  republic  of  Genoa  ; 
treaty  of  peace  with  the  Emperor  at  Campo-Formio. 

'Liberty  given  to  the  people  of  Bologna,  Ferrara,  Modena, 
Massa-Carrara,  La  Romagna,  Lombardy,  Brescia,  Bergami, 
Mantua,  Crema,  part  of  the  Veronese,  Chiavena,  Bormio.  the 
Valtelina,  the  Genoese,  the  Imperial  Fiefs,  the  people  of  the 
departments  of  Cor^yro,  of  the  ^gean  Sea,  and  ot  Ithaca. 

'  Sent  to  Paris  all  the  master-pieces  of  Michael  Angelo,  of 
Guercino,  of  Titian,  of  Paul  Veronese,  of  Correggio,  of  Albano, 
of  Carracci,  of  Rapliael,  and  of  Leonardo  da  Vinci.' 

Thus  were  enumerated  on  a  flag  destined  to  decorate  the 
hall  of  the  public  sittings  of  the  Directory,  the  military  deeds 
of  the  campaign  of  Italy,  its  political  results,  and  the  conquest 
of  the  monuments  of  art. 

The  greater  part  of  the  Italian  cities  had  been  accustomed 
to  consider  their  conqueror  as  a  liberator — such  was  the  magic 
of  the  word  liberty,  which  resounded  from  the  Alps  to  the 
Apennines.  In  his  way  to  Mantua  the  General  took  up  his 
residence  in  the  palace  of  the  ancient  dukes,  where  he  stopped 
two  days.  The  morrow  of  his  arrival  was  devoted  to  the 
celebration  of  a  military  funeral,  in  honour  of  General  Hoche, 
who  had  just  died.  His  next  object  was  to  hasten  the  execution 
of  a  monument  which  he  was  erecting  to  the  memory  of  Virgil. 
Thus  in  one  day  he  paid  honour  to  France  and  Italy — to 
modern  glory  and  to  ancient  fame — to  the  laurels  of  war  and 
the  laurels  of  poetry. 

A  person  who  saw  Bonaparte  on  this  occasion  for  the  first 
time,  describes  him  thus,  in  a  letter  to  Paris:  'I  beheld  with 
deep  interest  and  extreme  attention  that  extraordinary  man 
who  has  performed  such  great  deeds,  and  about  whom  there 
is  something  which  seems  to  indicate  that  his  career  is  not 
yet  terminated.  I  found  him  very  like  his  portraits,  small 
in  stature,  thin,  pale,  with  an  air  of  fatigue,  but  not  in  ill 
health,  as  has  been  reported.  He  appeared  to  me  to  listen 
with  more  abstraction  than  interest,  as  if  occupied  rather  with 
what  he  was  thinking  of,  than  with  what  was  said  to  him. 
There  is  great  intelligence  in  his  countenance,  along  with  an 
expression  of  habitual  meditation,  which  reveals  nothing  of 
what  is  passing  within.     In  that  thinking  head,  in  that  daring 


(4  NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 

mind,  it  is  impossible  not  to  suppose  that  some  designs  are 
engendering  <which  nvill  hwve  their  influence  on  the  destinies  of 
Europe.' 

If  the  above  letter  had  not  been  published  in  the  journals 
for  1797,  it  might  have  been  presumed  to  have  been  written 
after  subsequent  events  had  verified  the  conjecture. 

The  journey  of  Bonaparte  through  Switzerland  was  to  him 
a  real  triumph,  and  it  was  not  without  its  utility  ;  his  presence 
seemed  to  calm  many  inquietudes.  From  the  many  changes 
which  had  occurred  on  the  other  side  of  the  Alps,  the  Swiss 
apprehended  some  dismemberment,  or  at  least  some  encroach- 
ment on  their  territory,  which  the  chances  of  war  might 
have  rendered  possible.  Everywhere  he  applied  himself  to 
restore  confidence,  and  everywhere  he  was  received  with  en- 
thusiasm. He  proceeded  on  his  journey  to  Rastadt,  by  Aix 
in  Savoy,  Berne,  and  Basle.  On  arriving  at  Berne,  during 
the  night,  we  passed  through  a  double  line  of  carriages, 
well  lighted  up,  and  filled  with  beautiful  women,  all  of 
whom  raised  the  cry,  *  Long  live  Bonaparte  !  long  live  the 
Pacificator  ! 

On  arriving  at  Rastadt  Bonaparte  found  a  letter  from  the 
Directory,  calling  him  to  Paris.  He  eagerly  obeyed  this  in- 
vitation to  withdraw  from  a  place  where  he  knew  he  could  act 
only  an  insignificant  part,  and  which  he  had  fully  determined 
on  leaving,  never  to  return.  Such  tedious  employment  did  not 
suit  his  character,  and  he  had  been  sufficiently  dissatisfied  with 
the  similar  proceedings  at  Campo-Formio. 

Bonaparte  has  said  at  St.  Helena  that  he  did  not  return  from 
Italy  with  more  than  300,000  francs  ;  but  I  know  that  at 
that  time  he  had  more  than  3,000,000  in  his  possession.  With 
the  300,000  francs  he  could  not  have  lived  in  the  style  in 
which  he  afterwards  did  in  Paris,  nor  have  expended  such  large 
sums  of  money  in  his  excursion  along  the  coast,  and  for  other 
purposes. 

Bonaparte's  brothers,  desirous  of  obtaining  the  complete 
ascendency  over  his  mind,  endeavoured  to  lessen  the  influence 
which  Josepliine  possessed  from  the  love  of  her  husband.  They 
tried  to  excite  his  jealousy,  and  took  advantage  of  her  stay  at 
Milan  after  our  departure,  which  had  been  authorised  by  Bona- 
parte himself.  But  his  confidence  in  his  wife,  his  journey  to 
the  coast,  his  incessant  labour  to  hurry  forward  the  Egyptian 
expedition,  and  his  short  stay  at  Paris,  prevented  such  feelings 
from  taking  possession   of  his   mind.     I  shall  afterwards  have 


RETURNS   TO    PARIS  65 

occasion  to  return  to  these  intrigues.  Admitted  to  the  con- 
ddence  of  both,  I  had  an  opportunity  of  averting  or  lessening 
a  great  deal  of  mischief.  If  Josephine  still  lived,  she  would 
allow  me  this  merit.  I  never  took  part  against  her  b«t  once, 
and  that  unwittingly,  in  regard  to  the  marriage  of  her  daughter 
Hortense.  Josephine  had  never  as  yet  spoken  to  me  on  the 
subject.  Bonaparte  wished  to  give  his  daughter-in-law  to 
Duroc,*  and  his  brothers  were  anxious  to  promote  it,  in  order 
to  separate  Josephine  from  Hortense,  for  whom  Bonaparte  felt 
the  tenderest  affection.  Josephine,  on  the  other  hand,  wished 
Hortense  to  marry  Louis  Bonaparte.  Her  motive  for  doing  so 
may  be  easily  supposed  to  have  been  to  gain  support  in  a  family 
where  she  seemed  to  have  none  but  enemies  ;  and  she  carried 
her  point. 

The  most  magnificent  preparations  had  been  made  at  the 
Luxembourg  for  the  reception  of  Bonaparte  on  his  return  from 
Rastadt.  The  great  court  of  the  palace  was  elegantly  orna- 
mented ;  and  they  had  constructed  at  the  lower  end,  close  to 
the  palace,  a  large  amphitheatre  for  the  accommodation  of  official 
persons.  Opposite  to  the  principal  entrance  stood  the  altar  of 
the  country,  surrounded  by  the  statues  of  Libert)',  Equality, 
and  Peace.  Wlien  Bonaparte  entered,  ever}'one  stood  up 
uncovered  ;  the  windows  were  full  of  young  and  beautiful 
females.  But,  notwithstanding  this  splendour,  an  icy  coldness 
characterised  the  ceremony.  Everyone  seemed  to  be  present 
only  for  the  purpose  of  beholding  a  sight,  and  curiosity  rather 
than  joy  seemed  to  influence  the  assembly.  This,  however,  was 
partly  occasioned  by  one  of  the  clerks  of  the  Directory,  who  had 
forced  his  way  upon  a  part  of  the  scaffolding  not  intended  to  be 
used,  and  who  no  sooner  placed  his  foot  upon  the  plank  than  it 
tilted  up,  and  the  imprudent  man  fell  the  whole  height  into  the 
court.  The  accident  created  a  general  stupor — ladies  fainted, 
and  the  windows  were  nearly  deserted. 

On  this  occasion  the  Directory  displayed  great  splendour  ; 
and   Talleyrand,  then    Secretary  of  State  for  Foreign  Affairs, 

*  It  was  not  at  Toulon,  as  has  been  stated,  that  Bonaparte  took 
Duroc  into  the  artillery,  and  made  him  his  aide-de-camp.  The 
acquaintance  was  formed  at  a  subsequent  p)eriod,  in  Italy.  Duroc's 
cold  character  and  unexcursive  mind  suited  Napoleon,  whose  con- 
fidence he  enjoyed  until  his  death,  and  who  entmsted  him  with  missions 
perhaps  above  his  abilities.  At  St.  Helena,  Bonaparte  often  declared 
that  he  was  much  attached  to  Duroc.  I  believe  this  to  be  true  ;  but 
1  know  that  the  attachment  was  not  returned. 


66  NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 

introduced  Bonaparte  to  the  Directory  in  a  very  flattering 
speech.  But  so  great  was  the  impatience  of  the  assembly  that 
his  speech  was  little  attended  to — so  anxious  was  everyone  to 
hear  Bonaparte.  The  conqueror  of  Italy  then  rose,  and  pro- 
nounced with  a  modest  air,  but  in  a  firm  voice,  the  following 
brief  address  : — 

'  Citizen  Directors — The  French  people,  to  become  free,  had 
to  contend  with  kings.  To  obtain  a  constitution  founded  on 
reason  the  prejudices  of  eighteen  centuries  had  to  be  overcome. 
The  constitution  of  the  year  III.  and  you  have  triumphed  over 
all  those  obstacles.  Religion,  feudalism,  and  royalty,  have 
successively,  during  twenty  ages,  governed  Europe  ;  but  from 
the  peace  which  you  have  just  concluded  dates  the  era  of  repre- 
sentative governments.  You  have  effected  the  organization  of 
the  Great  Nation,  the  territory  of  which  is  only  circumscribed 
because  Nature  herself  has  fixed  its  limits.  You  have  done 
more.  The  two  most  beautiful  portions  of  Europe,  formerly 
so  celebrated  for  the  sciences,  the  arts,  and  the  great  men  whose 
birth-place  they  were,  beheld  with  glad  expectation  the  genius 
of  freedom  arise  from  the  tombs  of  their  ancestors.  Such  are 
the  pedestals  on  which  destiny  is  about  to  place  two  powerful 
nations. 

'  I  have  the  honour  to  lay  before  you  the  treaty  signed  at 
Campo-Formio,  and  ratified  by  his  majesty  the  Emperor. 
When  the  happiness  of  the  French  shall  be  secured  on  the  best 
practical  laws  then  Europe  will  become  free.' 

Barras,  then  president  of  the  Directory,  made  a  speech  in 
reply,  and  then  embraced  the  General,  which  was  followed  by 
the  other  Directors.  Each  acted  to  the  best  of  his  ability  his 
part  in  this  sentimental  comedy. 

The  two  Councils  were  not  disposed  to  be  behind  the 
Directory  in  the  manifestation  of  joy.  A  few  days  after  they 
gave  a  splendid  banquet  to  the  General  in  the  gallery  of  the 
Louvre,  which  had  recently  been  enriched  by  the  masterpieces 
ot  painting  brought  from  Italy. 

At  Paris  he  took  up  his  residence  in  the  same  small  modest 
house  that  he  had  occupied  before  he  set  out  for  Italy,  in  the 
Rue  Chantereine,  which,  about  this  time,  in  compliment  to  its 
illustrious  inhabitant,  received  from  the  municipality  the  new 
name  of  Rue  de  la  Victoire.  Here  he  resumed  his  favourite 
studies  and  pursuits,  and,  apparently  contented  with  the  society  of 
his  private  friends,  seemed  to  avoid,  as  carefully  as  others  in  his 
situation  might  have  courted,  the  honours  of  popular  distinction 


PRIVATE   LIFE   IN    PARIS  67 

and  applause.  It  was  not  immediately  known  that  he  was  in 
Paris,  and  when  he  walked  the  streets  his  person  was  rarely 
recognized  by  the  multitude.  His  mode  of  life  was  somewhat 
necessarily  different  from  what  it  had  been  when  he  was  both 
poor  and  obscure  ;  his  society  was  courted  in  the  highest  circles, 
and  he  from  time  to  time  appeared  in  them,  and  received  com- 
pany at  home  with  the  elegance  of  hospitality  over  which 
Josephine  was  so  well  qualified  to  preside.  But  policy  as  well 
as  pride  moved  him  to  shun  notoriety.  Before  he  could  act 
again,  he  had  much  to  observe  ;  and  he  knew  himself  too  well 
to  be  flattered  either  by  the  stare  of  mobs  or  of  saloons. 

In  his  intercourse  with  society  at  this  period,  he  was,  for  the 
most  part,  remarkable  for  the  cold  reserve  of  his  manners.  He 
had  the  appearance  of  one  too  much  occupied  with  serious 
designs,  to  be  able  to  relax  at  will  into  the  easy  play  of  ordinary 
conversation.  He  did  not  suffer  his  person  to  be  familiarized 
out  of  reverence.  When  he  did  appear  he  was  still,  wherever 
he  went,  the  Bonaparte  of  Lodi,  and  Areola,  and  Rivoli. 

In  January,  1798,  he  again  renewed,  without  success,  his 
former  attempt  to  obtain  a  dispensation  of  age,  and  a  seat  in 
the  Directory  ;  but  perceiving  that  the  time  was  not  favourable, 
he  laid  it  aside.  The  Directory  were  popular  with  no  party  ; 
but  there  were  many  parties  ;  and,  numerically,  probably  the 
Royalists  were  the  strongest.  The  pure  Republicans  were  still 
powerful  ;  the  army  of  Italy  was  distant  ancl  scattered  ;  that  of 
the  Rhine,  far  more  numerous,  and  equally  well  casciplined,  had 
its  own  generals — men  not  yet  in  reputation  much  inferior  to 
himself;  but  having  been  less  fortunate  than  their  brethren  in 
Italy,  had  consequently  acquired  less  wealth.  It  was  no  wonder 
that  the  soldiery  of  the  Rhine  regarded  the  others,  if  not  their 
leadf,  with  some  little  jealousy.  In  Napoleon's  own  language, 
'  the  pear  was  not  yet  ripe.' 

He  proceeded,  therefore,  to  make  a  regular  survey  of  the 
French  coast  opposite  to  En\;land,  with  the  view  of  improving 
its  fortifications,  and  (ostensibly  at  least)  of  selecting  the  best 
points  for  embarking  an  invading  force.  For  this  service  he 
was  eminently  qualified  ;  and  many  local  improvements  of  great 
importance,  long  afterwards  effected,  were  first  suggested  by 
him  at  this  period.  In  this  rapid  excursion  of  eight  days  he 
wished  to  ascertain  the  practicability  of  a  descent  upon  England. 
He  was  accompanied  by  Lannes,  Sulkowsky,  and  myself.  He 
made  his  observations  with  that  patience,  knowledge,  and  tact, 
which    he   possessed    in    so   high  a   degree  ;   he   examined    until 


68  NAPOLEON   BONAPARTE 

midnight  sailors,  pilots,  smugglers  and  fishermen  ;  he  made 
objections,  and  listened  attentively  to  their  answers.  We  returned 
to  Paris  by  Antwerp,  Bi-ussels,  Lisle,  and  Saint  Quentin.  'Well, 
General,'  said  I,  '  what  do  you  think  of  your  journey  ;  are  you 
satisfied  ? '  He  replied  quickly,  with  a  negative  shake  of  the 
head,  'It  is  too  hazardous  ;  I  will  not  attempt  it.  I  will  not 
risk  upon  such  a  stake  the  fate  of  our  beautiful  France.' 

He  had  himself,  in  the  course  of  the  preceding  autumn,  sug- 
gested to  the  Minister  for  Foreign  Affairs,  the  celebrated  Talley- 
rand, the  propriety  of  making  an  effort  against  England  in  another 
quarter  or  the  world — of  seizing  Malta,  proceeding  to  occupy 
Egypt,  and  therein  gaining  at  once  a  territory  capable  of  supply- 
ing to  France  the  loss  of  her  West  Indian  colonies,  and  the 
means  of  annoying  Great  Britain  in  her  Indian  trade  and  empire. 
To  this  scheme  he  now  recurred  :  the  East  presented  a  field  of 
conquest  and  glory  on  which  his  imagination  delighted  to 
brood  :  *  Europe,'  said  he,  '  is  but  a  molehill — all  the  great 
reputations  have  come  from  Asia.'  The  injustice  of  attacking 
the  dominions  of  the  Grand  Seignior,  an  old  ally  of  France, 
formed  but  a  trivial  obstacle  in  the  eyes  of  the  Directory  :  the 
professional  opinion  of  Bonaparte  that  the  invasion  of  England, 
if  attempted  then,  must  fail,  could  not  but  carry  its  due  weight. 
The  Egyptian  expedition  was  determined  on — but  kept  strictly 
secret.  The  attention  of  England  was  still  riveted  on  the  coasts 
of  Normandy  and  Picardy,  between  which  and  Paris  Bonaparte 
studiously  divided  his  presence — whilst  it  was  on  the  borders 
of  the  Mediterranean  that  the  ships  and  the  troops  really 
destined  for  action  were  assembling. 

From  all  I  saw  I  am  of  opinion  that  the  wish  to  get  rid  of 
an  ambitious  young  man,  whose  popularity  excited  envy, 
triumphed  over  the  evident  danger  of  removing,  for  an  inde- 
finite period,  an  excellent  army,  and  the  more  probable  loss 
of  the  French  fleet.  As  to  Bonaparte,  he  was  well  assured  that 
nothing  remained  for  him  but  to  choose  between  that  hazardous 
enterprise  and  his  certain  ruin.  Egypt  was,  he  thought,  the 
right  place  to  maintain  his  reputation,  and  to  add  fresh  glory 
to  his  name.  On  the  12th  of  April,  1798,  he  was  appointed 
General-in-chief  of  the  army  of  the  East. 

Having  rifled  to  such  purpose  the  cabinets  and  galleries  of 
the  Italian  princes,  he  was  resolved  not  to  lose  the  opportunity 
of  appropriating  some  of  the  rich  antiquarian  treasures  of 
Egypt  ;  nor  was  it  likely  that  he  should  undervalue  the  oppor- 
tunities  which   his   expedition  might   aflFord    of  extending  the 


STARTS    FOR   EGYPT  69 

boundaries  of  science,  by  a  careful  observation  of  natural 
phenomena.  He  drew  together,  therefore,  a  body  of  eminent 
artists  and  connoisseurs,  under  the  direction  of  Monge,  who 
had  managed  his  Italian  collections  :  it  was  perhaps  the  first 
time  that  a  troop  of  Sa-uans  (there  wer^e  100  of  them)  formed 
part  of  the  staff  of  an  invading  army. 

The  English  government,  meanwhile,  although  they  had  no 
suspicion  of  the  real  destination  of  the  armament,  had  not  failed 
to  observe  what  was  passing  in  Toulon.  They  probably  believed 
that  the  ships  there  assembled  were  meant  to  take  part  in  the 
great  scheme  of  the  invasion  of  England.  However  this  might 
have  been,  they  had  sent  a  considerable  reinforcement  to  Nelson, 
who  then  commanded  on  the  Mediterranean  station  ;  and  he, 
at  the  moment  when  Bonaparte  reached  Toulon,  was  cruising 
within  sight  of  the  port.  Napoleon  well  knew  that  to  embark 
in  the  presence  of  Nelson  would  be  to  rush  into  the  jaws  of 
ruin  ;  and  waited  until  some  accident  should  relieve  him  from 
this  terrible  watcher.  On  the  evening  of  the  19th  of  May 
fortune  favoured  him.  A  violent  gale  drove  the  English  off 
the  coast,  and  disabled  some  ships  so  much  that  Nelson  was 
obliged  to  go  into  the  harbours  of  Sardinia,  to  have  them  repaired. 
The  French  general  instantly  commanded  the  embarkation  of 
all  his  troops  ;  and  as  the  last  of  them  got  on  board,  the  sun 
rose  on  the  mighty  armament  ;  it  was  one  of  those  dazzling 
suns  which  the  soldiery  delighted  afterwards  to  call  'the  suns 
of  Napoleon.' 


CHAPTER    VII. 

We  left  Paris  on  the  3rd  of  May,  1798.  Ten  days  before  the 
departure  of  General  Bonaparte  for  the  conquest  of  Egypt  and 
Syria,  a  prisoner.  Sir  Sidney  Smith,  escaped  from  the  Temple, 
who  was  destined  to  contribute  most  materially  to  the  failure  of 
an  expedition  which  had  been  conceived  with  the  greatest  bold- 
ness. This  escape  was  pregnant  with  future  events  ;  a  forged 
order  of  the  Minister  of  Police  prevented  the  revolution  of  the 
East.  We  arrived  at  Toulon  on  the  8th.  Bonaparte  knew 
by  the  movements  of  the  English  that  not  a  moment  was  to 
be  lost  ;  contrary  winds  delayed  us  ten  days,  which  he 
employed  in  the  examination  of  the  most  minute  details  of 
the  expedition. 


7c  NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 

The  squadron  sailed  on  the  19th  of  May.  Seldom  have  the 
shores  of  the  Mediterranean  witnessed  a  nobler  spectacle.  The 
unclouded  sun  rose  on  a  semicircle  of  vessels,  extending  in  all 
to  not  less  than  six  leagues  :  consisting  of  thirteen  ships  of  the 
line,  fourteen  frigates,  and  400  transports,  under  the  command 
of  Admiral  Brueys.  They  carried  40,000  picked  soldiers,  and 
these  were  commanded  by  officers,  whose  names  were  only  in- 
ferior to  that  of  the  General-in-chief :  of  the  men  as  well  as  of  their 
leaders  the  far  greater  part  were  already  accustomed  to  follow 
Napoleon,  and  to  consider  his  presence  as  the  pledge  of  victory. 

We  arrived  off  Malta  on  the  loth  of  June.  It  was  not  taken 
by  force  of  arms,  but  by  a  previous  arrangement  with  the 
imbecile  knights.  Bonaparte  has  stated  himself,  that  he  took 
Malta  when  he  was  at  Mantua.  No  one  acquainted  with 
Malta  could  imagine  that  an  island  surrounded  with  such 
formidable  and  perfect  fortifications,  would  have  surrendered  in 
two  days  to  a  fleet  which  was  pursued  by  an  enemy.  General 
Caffarelli  observed  to  the  General-in-chief,  that  '  it  is  lucky  there 
is  someone  in  the  town  to  open  the  gates  for  us.' 

After  having  provided  for  the  government  and  defence  of  the 
island,  with  his  usual  activity  and  foresight,  we  left  it  on  the 
19th  of  June.  Many  of  the  knights  followed  us,  and  took 
military  and  civil  appointments. 

During  the  night  of  the  22nd  of  June,  the  English  squadron 
was  almost  close  upon  us.  It  passed  within  six  leagues  of  the 
French  fleet.  Nelson,  who  learned  at  Messina  of  the  capture 
of  Malta,  on  uhe  day  we  left  the  island,  sailed  direct  for 
Alexandria,  which  he  rightly  considered  as  the  point  of  our 
destination.  By  making  all  sail,  and  taking  the  shortest  course, 
he  arrived  before  Alexandria  on  the  28th  ;  but  on  not  meeting 
with  the  French  fleet  he  immediately  put  to  sea. 

On  the  morning  of  the  ist  of  July,  the  expedition  arrived  off 
the  coast  of  Africa,  and  the  column  of  Severus  pointed  out  to 
us  the  city  of  Alexandria.  Bonaparte  determined  on  an 
immediate  landing.  This  the  admiral  opposed  on  account  of 
the  state  of  the  weather,  and  recommended  a  delay  of  a  few 
hours  ;  he  observed,  that  Nelson  could  not  return  for  several 
days  ;  but  the  General-in-chief  sternly  refused,  and  said, 
*  There  is  no  time  to  be  lost  ;  fortune  gives  me  three  days  ;  if 
I  do  not  make  the  most  of  them,  we  are  lost.'  The  admiral 
then  gave  the  signal  for  a  general  landing,  which,  on  account 
of  the  surge,  was  not  eff"ected  without  much  difficulty  and 
danger,  and  the  loss  of  many  by  drowning. 


ARRIVAL   IN   EGYPT  71 

It  was  on  the  2nd  of  July,  at  one  o'clock  in  the  morning-, 
that  we  landed  on  the  soil  of  Egypt,  at  Marabou,  about 
three  leagues  from  Alexandria.  At  three  o'clock  the  same 
morning,  the  General-in-chief  marched  on  Alexandria,  with 
the  divisions  of  Kleber,  Bon,  and  Morand.  The  Bedouin 
Arabs,  who  hovered  about  our  right  flank  and  rear,  carried 
off  the  stragglers.  Having  arrived  within  gun-shot  of  the  city, 
the  walls  were  scaled,  and  French  valour  soon  triumphed  over 
all  obstacles. 

The  first  blood  I  had  seen  shed  in  this  war  was  that  of 
General  Kleber  ;  he  was  struck  on  the  head  by  a  ball,  not  in 
scaling  the  wall,  but  in  directing  the  attack.  He  came  to 
Pompey's  pillar,  where  the  General-in-chief  and  many  members 
of  the  staff  were  assembled.  It  was  on  this  occasion  that  I  first 
spoke  to  him,  and  from  that  day  our  friendship  commenced. 

The  capture  of  Alexandria  was  only  the  work  of  a  few  hours. 
It  was  not  given  up  to  pillage,  as  has  been  asserted,  and  often 
repeated. 

Bonaparte  employed  the  six  days  he  remained  in  Alexandria 
in  establishing  order  in  the  city  and  the  province,  with  that 
activity  and  talent  which  I  could  never  sufficiently  admire  ;  and 
in  preparing  for  the  march  of  the  army  across  the  province  of 
Bohahireh.  During  his  stay  he  issued  a  proclamation,  which 
contained  this  passage  : — 

'  People  of  Eg^'pt  !  You  will  be  told  that  I  am  come  to 
destroy  your  religion — do  not  believe  it.  Be  assured  that  I 
come  to  restore  your  rights,  to  punish  the  usurpers,  and  that 
I  respect,  more  than  the  Mamelukes,  God,  his  Prophet,  and 
the  Alcoran.  Tell  them  that  all  men  are  equal  in  the  eye  of 
God  :  wisdom,  talents,  and  virtue  make  the  only  difl^erence.' 

He  sent  Desaix,  with  4500  infantry  and  sixty  cavalry,  to 
Beda,  on  the  road  to  Damanhour.  This  general  was  the  first 
to  experience  the  privations  and  sufferings  of  the  campaign, 
which  the  whole  army  had  soon  to  endure.  His  noble  character, 
and  his  attachment  to  Bonaparte  seemed  about  to  give  way  to 
the  obstacles  which  surrounded  him.  On  the  15th  of  July  he 
wrote  from  Bohahireh,  T  beseech  you,  do  not  allow  us  to 
remain  in  this  position  ;  the  soldiers  are  discouraged  and 
murmur.  Order  us  to  advance  or  fall  back  ;  the  villages  are 
mere  huts,  and  absolutely  without  resources.' 

In  these  immense  plains,  burned  up  by  a  vertical  sun,  water, 
everywhere  so  common,  becomes  an  object  of  contest.  The 
wells  and  springs,  those  secret  treasures  of  the  desert,  are  carefully 


72  NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 

concealed  from  the  traveller  ;  and  frequently,  after  our  most 
oppressive  marches,  nothing  was  found  to  allay  the  thirst  but 
disgusting  pools  of  brackish  water. 

On  the  yth  of  July,  Bonaparte  left  Alexandria  for  Damanhour, 
and  during  the  march  was  incessantly  harassed  by  the  Arabs  -. 
they  had  filled  up  or  poisoned  the  cisterns  and  springs,  which 
already  were  so  rare  in  the  desert.  The  soldiers,  who  on  this 
first  march  began  to  suffer  from  an  intolerable  thirst,  felt  but 
little  relief  from  the  brackish  and  unwholesome  water  which 
they  met  with.  The  miseries  of  this  progress  were  extreme. 
The  air  Is  crowded  with  pestiferous  insects  ;  the  glare  of  the 
sand  weakens  most  men's  eyes,  and  blinds  many ;  water  is 
scarce  and  bad  :  and  the  country  had  been  swept  clear  of  man, 
beast,  and  vegetable.  Under  this  torture  even  the  gallant  spirits 
of  such  men  as  Murat  and  Lannes  could  not  sustain  themselves  : 
— they  trod  their  cockades  in  the  sand.  The  common  soldiers 
asked,  with  angry  murmurs,  if  it  was  here  the  General  designed 
to  give  them  their  seven  acres  which  he  had  promised  them  ? 
He  alone  was  superior  to  all  these  evils.  Such  was  the  happy 
temperament  of  his  frame. 

On  reaching  Damanhour,  our  head-quarters  were  established 
at  the  residence  of  the  Sheik.  The  house  had  been  recently 
white-washed,  and  looked  very  well  outside  ;  but  the  interior 
was  in  a  state  of  ruin  not  to  be  described.  Bonaparte  knew 
the  owner  to  be  rich,  and,  having  inspired  him  with  confidence, 
he  inquired,  through  the  medium  of  an  interpreter,  how,  having 
the  means,  he  deprived  himself  of  every  comfort,  assuring  him, 
at  the  same  time,  that  any  avowals  he  might  make  should  not 
be  wrested  to  his  prejudice.  '  Look  at  my  feet,'  said  he  ;  *  it 
is  now  some  years  since  I  repaired  my  house,  and  purchased 
a  little  furniture.  It  became  known  at  Cairo  ;  a  demand  for 
money  followed,  because  my  expenses  proved  that  I  was  rich. 
I  refused  ;  they  then  punished  me,  and  obliged  me  to  pay. 
Since  that  time  I  have  allowed  myself  only  the  necessaries  of 
life,  and  I  repair  nothing.'  The  old  man  was  lame  in  conse- 
quence of  the  infliction  he  had  suffered.  Woe  to  him  who 
in  this  country  is  supposed  to  be  rich  ;  the  outward  appearance 
of  poverty  is  the  only  security  against  the  rapacity  of  power, 
and  the  cupidity  of  barbarism. 

One  day  a  small  troop  of  mounted  Arabs  assailed  our  head- 
quarters ;  Bonaparte,  who  was  at  the  v.indow,  indignant  at 
this  audacity,  said  to  young  Croisier,  an  aide-de-camp  in  attend- 
ance, '  Croisier,  take  some  guides,  and  drive  these  fellows  away.' 


THE    MAMELUKES  73 

In  an  instant  Croisier  appeared  upon  the  plain,  with  fifteen 
guides.  The  parties  skirmished  ;  we  saw  the  combat  from 
the  window  ;  there  was  an  appearance  of  hesitation  in  the 
attack,  which  surprised  the  General.  He  called  from  the 
window,  as  if  they  could  have  heard  him.  'Forward  !  I  say — 
why  don't  you  charge  ?  *  Our  horsemen  seemed  to  fall  back 
as  the  Arabs  advanced  ;  after  a  short  but  pretty  obstinate 
combat,  the  Arabs  retired  unmolested,  and  without  loss.  The 
anger  of  the  General  could  not  be  restrained,  it  burst  upon 
Croisier  when  he  returned,  and  so  harshly,  that  he  retired 
shedding  tears.  Bonaparte  desired  me  to  follow,  and  to 
endeavour  to  calm  him  ;  but  it  was  in  vain — *I  will  not  survive 
it,'  said  he,  '  I  will  seek  death  the  first  occasion  that  offers.  I 
will  not  live  dishonoured.'  Croisier  found  the  death  he  sought 
at  Acre. 

On  the  loth  of  July,  our  head-quarters  were  established  at 
Rahmahanieh,  where  they  remained  during  the  nth  and  12th. 
At  this  place  commences  the  canal  which  was  cut  by  Alexander, 
to  convey  water  to  his  new  city,  and  to  facilitate  commercial 
intercourse  between  Europe  and  the  East. 

The  flotilla,  commanded  by  the  brave  chief  of  division,  Perr^e, 
had  just  arrived  from  Rosetta.  Perr6e  was  on  board  the  shebeck 
called  the  Cerf. 

Bonaparte  placed  on  board  the  Cerf  and  the  other  vessels  of 
the  flotilla,  those  individuals  who,  not  being  military,  could  not 
be  serviceable  in  engagements,  and  whose  horses  served  to  mount 
a  few  of  the  troops.     I  was  one  of  these  individuals. 

On  the  night  of  the  13th  of  July,  the  General-in-chief  directed 
his  march  towards  the  south,  along  the  left  bank  of  the  Nile. 
The  flotilla  sailed  up  the  river,  parallel  with  the  left  wing  of  the 
army.  It  fell  in  with  seven  Turkish  gun-boats  coming  from 
Cairo,  and  was  exposed  simultaneously  to  their  fire,  and  that  of 
the  Mamelukes,  Fellahs,  and  Arabs,  who  lined  both  banks  of 
the  river.     They  had  small  guns  mounted  on  camels. 

Perree  cast  anchor,  and  an  engagement  commenced  at 
nine  o'clock  on  the  14th  of  July,  and  continued  till  half-past 
twelve. 

At  the  same  time,  the  General-in-chief  met  and  attacked  a 
corps  of  about  4000  Mamelukes.*     His  object,  as  he  afterwards 

*  At  this  period,  Egypt,  though  nominally  governed  by  a  pacha 
appointed  by  the  Grand  Seignior,  was  in  reality  in  the  hands  of  the 
Mamelukes ;  a  singular  body  of  men,  who  paid  but  little  respect  to 
any   authority  but  that  of  their  own  chiefs.     Of  these  chiefs  or  beys 


74  NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 

said,    was    to    turn    the    corps  by    the    left    of    the    village    of 
Chebreisse,  and  to  drive  it  upon  the  Nile. 

Several  vessels  had  already  been  boarded  and  taken  by  the 
Turks,  who  massacred  the  crews  before  our  eyes,  and  with 
barbarous  ferocity  shewed  us  the  heads  of  the  slaughtered  men. 
Perree,  at  considerable  risk,  despatched  several  persons  to  inform 
the  General-in-chief  of  the  desperate  situation  of  the  flotilla. 
The  cannonade  which  Bonaparte  had  heard  since  the  morning, 
and  the  explosion  of  a  Turkish  gun-boat,  which  was  blown  up 
by  the  artillery  of  the  shebeck,  led  him  to  fear  that  our  situation 
was  really  perilous.  He,  therefore,  made  a  movement  to  the 
left,  in  the  direction  of  the  Nile  and  Chebreisse,  beat  the 
Mamelukes,  and  forced  them  to  retire  on  Cairo.  At  sight  of 
the  French  troops,  the  commander  of  the  Turkish  flotilla 
weighed  anchor,  and  sailed  up  the  Nile.  The  two  banks  of  the 
river  were  evacuated,  and  the  flotilla  escaped  the  destruction 
which  a  short  time  before  had  appeared  inevitable. 

After  this  we  had  no  communication  with  the  army  until 
the  23rd  of  July.  On  the  22nd  we  came  in  sight  of  the 
Pyramids,  and  were  informed  that  we  were  only  about  ten 
leagues  from  Gizeh,  where  they  are  situated.  The  cannonade 
which  we  heard,  and  which  augmented  in  proportion  as  the 
north  wind  diminished,  announced  a  serious  engagement  ;  and 
that  same  day  we  saw  the  banks  of  the  Nile  strewed  with  heaps 
of  dead  bodies,  which  the  waves  were  every  moment  washing 
into  the  sea.  This  horrible  spectacle,  the  silence  of  the 
surrounding  villages,  which  had  hitherto  been  armed  against  us, 
and  the  cessation  of  the  firing  from  the  banks  of  the  river,  led 
us  to  infer,  with  tolerable  certainty,  that  a  battle  fatal  to  the 
Mamelukes  had  taken  place. 

We  shortly  after  learned  that,  on  the  21st  of  July,  the  army 
came  within  sight  of  the  Pyramids,  which,  but  for  the  regularity 
of  the  outline,  might  have  been  taken  for  a  distant  ridge  of 
rocky  mountains.     While  every  eye  was  fixed  on  these  hoary 

there  were  twenty-four  ;  each  one  of  whom  ruled  over  a  separate 
district :  who  often  warred  with  each  other,  and  were  as  often  in  re- 
bellion against  their  nominal  sovereign. 

The  Mamelukes  were  considered  by  Napoleon  to  be,  individually, 
the  finest  cavalry  in  the  world.  They  rode  the  noblest  horses  of 
Arabia,  and  were  armed  with  the  best  weapons  which  the  world  could 
produce;  carbines,  pistols,  &c.,  from  England,  and  sabres  of  the  steel 
of  Damascus.  Their  skill  in  horsemanship  was  equal  to  their  fiery 
valour.  With  that  cavalry  and  the  French  infantry,  Bonaparte  said. 
it  would  be  easy  to  conquer  the  world. 


DEFEATS    MAMELUKES 


75 


monuments  of  the  past,  they  gained  the  brow  of  a  gentle 
eminence,  and  saw  at  length  spread  out  before  them  the  vast 
army  of  the  beys,  its  right  posted  on  an  intrenched  camp  by  the 
Nile,  its  centre  and  left  composed  of  that  brilliant  cavalry  with 
which  they  were  by  this  time  acquainted.  Napoleon,  riding 
forwards  to  reconnoitre,  perceived  (what  escaped  the  observation 
of  all  his  staff)  that  the  guns  on  the  intrenched  camp  were  not 
provided  with  carriages — he  instantly  decided  on  his  plan  of 
attack,  and  prepared  to  throw  his  force  on  the  left,  where  the 
guns  could  not  be  available.  Mourad  Bey,  who  commanded 
in  chief,  speedily  penetrated  his  design  ;  and  the  Mamelukes 
advanced  gallantly  to  the  encounter.  '  Soldiers,'  said  Napoleon, 
'  from  the  summit  of  yonder  Pryamids  forty  ages  behold  you '  ; 
and  the  battle  began. 

The  French  formed  into  separate  squares,  and  awaited  the 
assault  of  the  Mamelukes.  These  came  on  with  impetuous 
speed  and  wild  cries,  and  practised  every  means  to  force  their 
passage  into  the  serried  ranks  of  their  new  opponents.  They 
rushed  on  the  line  of  bayonets,  backed  their  horses  upon  them, 
and  at  last,  maddened  by  the  firmness  which  they  could  not 
shake,  dashed  their  pistols  and  carbines  into  the  faces  of  the  men. 
They  who  had  fallen  wounded  from  their  seats,  would  crawl 
along  the  sand,  and  hew  at  the  legs  of  their  enemies  with  their 
scimitars.  Nothing  could  move  the  French  :  the  bayonet  and 
the  continued  roll  of  musketry  by  degrees  thinned  the  host 
around  them  ;  and  Bonaparte  at  last  advanced.  Such  were  the 
confusion  and  terror  of  the  enemy  when  he  came  near  the 
camp,  that  they  abandoned  their  works,  and  flung  themselves 
by  hundreds  into  the  Nile.  The  carnage  was  prodigious,  and 
great  multitudes  were  drowned.  The  name  of  Bonaparte  now 
opread  panic  through  the  East;  and  the  'Sultan  Kebir'  (or 
K.ing  of  Fire — as  he  was  called  from  the  deadly  effects  of  the 
musketry  in  this  engagement)  was  considered  as  the  destined 
scourge  of  God,  whom  it  was  hopeless  to  resist. 

The  French  now  had  recompense  for  the  toils  they  had 
undergone.  The  bodies  of  the  slain  and  drowned  Mamelukes 
were  rifled,  and,  it  being  the  custom  for  these  warriors  to  carry 
their  wealth  about  them,  a  single  corpse  often  made  a  soldier's 
fortune. 

The  occupation  of  Cairo  was  tiie  immediate  conseciuence  ot 
the  victory  of  Embabeh,  or  the  Pyramids.  Bonaparte  establislied 
his  head-quarters  in  the  house  of  Elfey  Bey,  in  the  great  square 
of  EzbekyeK. 


76  NAPOLEON   BONAPARTE 

The  march  of  the  French  army  to  Cairo  was  attended  by 
an  uninterrupted  succession  of  combats  and  victories.  We  had 
won  the  battles  of  Rahmahanieh,  Chebreisse,  and  the  Pyramids. 
The  Mamelukes  were  defeated,  and  their  chief,  Mourad  Bey, 
■>vas  obliged  to  fly  into  Upper  Egypt  ;  and  Bonaparte  now  found 
no  obstacle  to  oppose  his  entrance  into  the  capital  after  a 
campaign  of  only  twenty  days. 

No  conqueror,  perhaps,  ever  enjoyed  a  victory  so  much  as 
Bonaparte,  and  yet  no  one  was  ever  less  inclined  to  abuse  his 
triumphs. 

After  the  battle  of  the  Pyramids,  he  despatched  the  following 
letter  and  proclamation  from  his  head-quarters  at  Gizeh  : — 

THE   GENERAL-IN-CHIEF,    BONAPARTE,   TO   THE    SHEIKS    AND 
NOTABLES    OF    CAIRO. 

'You  will  see  by  the  annexed  proclamation,  the  sentiments 
which  animate  me. 

'  Yesterday  the  Mamelukes  were  for  the  most  part  killed  or 
wounded,  and  I  am  in  pursuit  of  the  few  who  escaped. 

'  Send  here  the  boats  which  are  on  your  bank  of  the  river, 
and  send  also  a  deputation  to  acquaint  me  with  }'^our  submission. 
Provide  bread,  meat,  straw,  and  barley  for  my  troops.  Be 
under  no  alarm,  and  rest  assured  that  no  one  is  more  anxious 
to  contribute  to  your  happiness  than  I. 

(Signed)  *  Bonaparte.' 

Immediately  on  his  arrival  at  Cairo,  the  Commander-in-chief 
occupied  himself  in  the  civil  and  military  organization  of  the 
country.  Only  those  who  have  seen  him  at  this  time,  when  in 
the  full  vigour  of  youth,  can  estimate  his  extraordinary  activity. 
Egypt,  so  long  the  object  of  his  study,  was  as  well  known  to 
him  in  a  few  days  as  if  he  had  lived  in  it  for  ten  years.  He 
issued  orders  to  observe  the  most  strict  discipline,  and  these 
orders  were  rigidly  enforced.  The  mosques,  civil  and  religious 
institutions,  harems,  women,  the  customs  of  the  country,  were 
scrupulously  respected.  A  few  days  had  scarcely  elapsed  when 
the  French  soldiers  were  admitted  into  the  houses,  and  might 
be  seen  peaceably  smoking  their  pipes  with  the  inhabitants, 
assisting  them  in  their  labours,  and  playing  with  their  children. 

After  he  had  been  four  days  at  Cairo,  during  which  time 
he  employed  himself  in  examining  everything,  and  consulting 
everyone  from  whom  he  could  obtain  any  information,  he  issued 
the  following  order  : — 


IN   EGYPT  77 

'Art.  I. — There  shall  be  in  each  province  of  Egypt  a  divan, 
composed  of  seven  individuals,  whose  duty  will  be  to  superintend 
the  interests  of  the  province  ;  to  communicate  to  me  any  com- 
plaints that  may  be  made  ;  to  prevent  warfare  among  the 
different  villages  ;  to  apprehend  and  punish  criminals  (for 
which  purpose  they  may  demand  assistance  from  the  French 
commandant)  ;  and  take  every  opportunity  of  enlightening  the 
people. 

'Art.  2. — There  shall  be  in  each  province  an  aga  of  the 
Janisaries,  maintaining  constant  communication  with  the  French 
commandant.  He  shall  have  with  him  a  company  of  sixty 
armed  natives,  whom  he  may  take  wherever  he  pleases,  for  the 
maintenance  of  good  order,  subordination,  and  tranquillity. 

'Art.  3. — There  shall  be  in  each  province  an  intendant, 
whose  business  will  be  to  levy  the  miri,  the  teddam,  and  the 
other  contributions  which  formerly  belonged  to  the  Mamelukes, 
but  which  now  belong  to  the  French  Republic.  The  in- 
tendant shall  have  as  many  agents  as  rhay  be  necessary. 

'  Art.  4. — The  said  intendant  shall  have  a  French  agent  to 
correspond  with  the  Finance  Department,  and  to  execute  all 
the  orders  he  may  receive. 

(Signed)  '  Bonaparte.' 

While  Bonaparte  was  thus  actively  taking  measures  for  the 
organization  or  the  country,  General  Desaix  had  marched  into 
Upper  Egypt  in  pursuit  of  Mourad  Bey.  We  learned  that 
Ibrahim,  who,  next  to  Mourad,  was  the  most  influential  of 
the  beys,  had  proceeded  towards  Syria,  by  the  way  of  Balbeys 
and  Saheleyeh  The  General-in-chief  immediately  determined  to 
march,  in  person,  against  that  formidable  enemy,  and  he  left 
Cairo  about  fifteen  days  after  he  had  entered  it.  It  is  un- 
necessary to  describe  the  well-known  engagement  in  which 
Bonaparte  drove  Ibrahim  back  upon  El  Arish  ;  besides,  I  do 
not  enter  minutely  into  the  details  of  battles,  my  chief  object 
being  to  record  events  which  I  personally  witnessed. 

During  this  absence  of  the  Commander-in-chief,  the  intel- 
ligence arrived  at  Cairo  of  the  overwhelming  disaster  of  the 
French  squadron,  at  Aboukir,  on  the  ist  of  August.  The 
aide-de-camp  despatched  by  General  Kleber  with  this  intel- 
ligence, went,  at  my  request,  instantly  to  Saheleyeh,  where 
Bonaparte  then  was,  who  returned  immediately  to  Cairo,  a 
distance  of  thirty-three  leagues. 

On  learning  the  terrible   catastrophe  at  Aboukir,  the   Com- 


78  NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 

mandcr-in- chief  was  overwhelmed  with  anguish.  In  spite  of 
all  his  energy  and  fortitude,  he  was  deeply  distressed  by  the 
disasters  which  now  assailed  him.  To  the  painful  feelings 
excited  by  the  complaints  and  dejection  of  his  companions 
in  arms,  was  now  added  the  irreparable  misfortune  of  the 
burning  of  our  fleet.  He  measured  the  fatal  consequences  of 
this  event  at  a  single  glance.  We  were  now  cut  off  from  all 
communication  with  France,  and  all  hope  of  returning  thither, 
except  by  a  degrading  capitulation  with  an  implacable  and 
hated  enemy.  He  had  lost  all  chance  of  preserving  his  conquest, 
and  to  him  this  was  indeed  a  bitter  reflection. 

When  alone  with  me  he  gave  free  vent  to  his  emotion.  I 
observed  to  him  that  the  disaster  wa.s  doubtless  great  ;  but  that 
it  would  have  been  infinitely  more  irreparable  had  Nelson  fallen 
in  with  us  at  Malta,  or  had  waited  for  us  four-and-twenty 
hours  before  Alexandria,  or  in  the  open  sea.  'Any  one  of 
these  events,'  said  I,  '  which  were  not  only  possible,  but 
probable,  would  have  deprived  us  of  every  resource.  We  are 
blockaded  here  ;  but  we  have  provisions  and  money.  Let  us 
then  wait  patiently  to  see  what  the   Directory  will  do  for  us.' 

♦  The  Directory  ! '  exclaimed  he,  angrily  ;  '  the  Directory  is 
composed  of  a  set  of  scoundrels  !  they  envy  and  hate  me,  and 
would  gladly  let  me  perish  here.  Besides,  you  see  how  dis- 
satisfied the  whole  army  is  :  not  a  man  is  willing  to  stay.' 

The  gloomy  reflections  which  at  first  assailed  Bonaparte  were 
speedily  banished,  and  he  soon  recovered  the  fortitude  and 
presence  of  mind  which  had  been  for  a  moment  shaken  by  the 
overwhelming  news  from  Aboukir.  He,  however,  sometimes 
repeated,   in    a  tone   which   it    would    be    difficult   to    describe, 

*  Unfortunate  Brueys,  what  have  you  done  !  * 

I  have  remarked  that,  in  some  chance  observations  which 
escaped  Napoleon  at  St.  Helena,  he  endeavoured  to  throw  all 
the  blame  of  the  affair  on  Admiral  Brueys.  Persons  who  are 
determined  to  make  Bonaparte  an  exception  to  human  nature, 
have  unjustly  reproached  the  admiral  tor  the  loss  of  the  fleet. 
I  went  iller  a  few  details  relative  to  the  affair  of  Aboukir,  for 
it  is  gratifying  to  render  justice  to  the  memory  of  a  man  like 
Admiral  Bruevs. 

Brueys,  it  is  said,  would  not  go  to  Corfu,  in  spite  of  the 
positive  and  reiterated  orders  he  received.  Bonaparte's  letter  to  the 
Directory,  and  his  words  at  St.  Helena,  have  been  tortured  to 
show  that  Brueys  expiated  by  his  death  the  great  fault  of  which 
he  had  been  guilty.     Much  has  been  said  about  the  report  of 


liN    EGYPT  79 

Captain  Barre  ;  but  the  reply  of  the  admiral  ought  also  to  be 
taken  into  account.  Brueys,  for  good  reasons,  did  not  think 
that  vessels  of  the  size  of  those  of  the  squadron  could  enter  the 
ports  of  Alexandria.  But  it  is  said  the  orders  to  repair  to 
Corfu  were  reiterated  ;  though  when,  and  by  whom,  is  not 
mentioned.  From  the  order  of  the  3rd  of  July,  to  the  time  of 
his  unfortunate  death,  Brueys  did  not  receive  a  line  from  Bona- 
parte, who,  on  his  part,  did  not  receive  all  the  admiral's 
despatches  until  the  26th  of  July,  when  he  was  at  Cairo,  and 
consequently  too  late  to  enable  his  answer  to  come  to  hand 
before  the  ist  of  August.  Brueys  is  also  reproached  with  having 
persisted  in  awaiting  the  course  of  events  at  Aboukir.  Can  it 
be  supposed  that  the  admiral  would  have  remained  on  the  coast 
of  Egypt  against  the  express  orders  of  the  General-in-chief,  who 
was  his  superior  in  command  .? 

The  friendship  and  confidence  with  which  Admiral  Brueys 
honoured  me,  his  glorious  death,  and  the  fury  with  which  he 
has  been  accused,  impose  upon  me  the  obligation  of  defending 
him. 

The  loss  of  the  fleet  convinced  General  Bonaparte  of  the 
necessity  of  speedily  and  effectively  organizing  Egypt,  where 
everything  denoted  that  we  should  stay  for  a  considerable  time, 
except  in  the  event  of  a  forced  evacuation,  which  the  General 
was  far  from  foreseeing  or  fearing.  The  distance  of  Ibrahim 
Bey  and  Mourad  Bey  now  left  him  a  little  at  rest.  War,  forti- 
fications, taxation,  government,  the  organisation  of  the  divans, 
trade,  art,  and  science,  all  occupied  his  attention.  Orders  and 
instructions  were  immediately  despatched,  if  not  to  repair  the 
defeat,  at  least  to  avert  the  first  danger  that  might  ensue  from  it. 
On  the  2ist  of  August,  Bonaparte  established  at  Cairo  an 
institute  of  the  arts  and  sciences,  of  which  he  subsequently 
appointed  me  a  member  in  the  room  of  M.  de  Sucy,  who  was 
obliged  to  return  to  France,  in  consequence  of  the  wound  he  had 
received  on  board  the  flotilla  in  the  Nile. 

About  the  end  of  August,  Bonaparte  wished  to  open 
negotiations  with  the  Pasha  of  Acre,  surnamed  the  Butcher. 
He  offered  Djezzar  his  friendship,  sought  his  in  return,  and 
gave  him  the  most  consolatory  assurances  of  the  safety  of  his 
dominions.  But  Djezzar,  confiding  in  his  own  strength,  and 
in  the  protection  of  the  English,  who  had  anticipated  Bonaparte, 
was  deaf  to  every  overture,  and  would  not  even  receive  Beauvoisin, 
who  was  sent  to  him  on  the  22nd  of  August.  A  second  envoy 
was  beheaded  at  Acre. 


8o  NAPOLEON   BONAPARTE 


CHAPTER   VIII. 

From  the  time  Bonaparte  received  intelligence  of  the  disaster  at 
Aboukir,  until  the  revolt  of  Cairo,  on  the  22nd  of  October,  he 
often  found  the  time  to  hang  heavily  on  his  hands.  Though 
employed  in  so  many  ways,  yet  there  was  not  enough  to  occupy 
his  singularly  active  mind.  When  the  heat  was  not  too  great, 
he  rode  out  on  horseback,  and  on  his  return,  if  there  were  no 
despatches  to  read,  no  letters  to  answer,  or  orders  to  be  issued, 
he  was  immediately  absorbed  in  thought,  and  would  sometimes 
converse  very  strangely. 

The  signal  for  the  execution  of  this  revolt  was  given  from 
the  minarets  on  the  night  of  the  20th  of  October,  and  on  the 
morning  of  the  21st  it  was  announced  at  head-quarters  that  the 
city  of  Cairo  was  in  open  insurrection.  The  General-in-chief 
was  not,  as  has  been  stated,  in  the  isle  of  Raouddah  ;  he  did  not 
hear  the  firing  of  the  alarm-guns.  He  rose  when  the  news 
arrived  ;  it  was  then  five  o'clock.  He  was  informed  that  all  the 
shops  were  closed,  and  that  the  French  were  attacked.  A 
moment  after,  he  learned  the  death  of  General  Dupuy,  com- 
mandant of  the  garrison,  who  was  killed  by  a  lance  in  the  street. 
Bonaparte  immediately  mounted  his  horse  and,  accompanied  by 
only  thirty  guides,  advanced  on  all  the  threatened  points, 
restored  confidence,  and,  with  great  presence  of  mind,  adopted 
measures  of  defence. 

An  order  which  had  been  issued  on  our  arrival  in  Cairo  for 
watching  the  criers  of  the  mosques,  had  for  some  weeks  been 
neglected.  At  certain  hours  of  the  night  these  criers  address 
prayers  to  the  Prophet.  As  it  was  merely  a  repetition  of  the 
same  ceremony  over  and  over  again,  in  a  short  time  no  notice 
was  taken  of  it.  The  Turks,  perceiving  this  negligence, 
substituted  for  their  prayers  and  hymns  cries  of  revolt,  and  by 
this  sort  of  verbal  telegraph  insurrectionary  excitement  was  trans- 
mitted to  the  northern  and  southern  extremities  of  Egj'pt.  The 
insurrection  was  general  from  Syene  to  Lake  Maroeotis. 

It  was  about  half-past  eight  in  the  morning,  when  Bonaparte 
returned  to  head-quarters,  and  while  at  breakfast  he  was  informed 
that  some  Bedouin  Arabs,  on  horseback,  were  trying  to  force 
their  entrance  into  Cairo.  He  ordered  his  aide-de-camp, 
Sulkowsky,  to  mount  his  horse,  to  take  with  him  fifteen  guides, 


INVADES   SYRIA  8i 

and  proceed  to  the  point  where  the  assailants  were  most 
numerous.  This  was  the  Bab-en-Nassr,  or  the  gate  of  victory. 
Croisier  observed  to  the  General-in-chief,  that  Sulkowsky  had 
scarcely  recovered  from  the  wounds  at  Saheleyeh,  and  he  offered 
to  take  his  place.  He  had  his  motives  for  this.  Bonaparte 
consented  ;  but  Sulkowsky  had  already  set  out.  Within  an 
hour  after,  one  of  the  fifteen  guides  returned,  covered  with  blood, 
to  announce  that  Sulkowsky  and  the  remainder  of  his  party  had 
been  cut  to  pieces.  This  was  speedy  work,  for  we  were  still  at 
table  when  the  sad  news  arrived. 

Some  time  after  this  revolt,  the  necessity  of  securing  our  own 
safety  occasioned  the  commission  of  a  terrible  act  of  cruelty. 
A  tribe  of  Arabs  had  surprised  and  massacred  a  party  of  the 
French.  The  General-in-chief  ordered  his  aide-de-camp, 
Croisier,  to  proceed  to  the  spot,  surround  the  tribe,  destroy 
their  huts,  kill  all  their  men,  and  conduct  the  rest  of  the  popu- 
lation to  Cairo.  The  order  was  to  decapitate  the  victims, 
and  to  bring  their  heads  in  sacks  to  Cairo,  to  be  exhibited  to 
the  people. 

Beauharnois  accompanied  Croisier  in  this  cruel  expedition  : 
they  returned  next  day,  accompanied  by  several  asses  laden  with 
sacks.  The  sacks  were  opened  in  the  principal  square,  and  the 
heads  rolled  out  before  the  assembled  populace.  I  cannot 
describe  the  horror  I  experienced  :  but,  at  the  same  time,  I  must 
confess  that  it  had  the  effect  for  a  considerable  time  of  securing 
tranquillity,  and  even  the  existence  of  the  small  parties  which 
were  required  to  be  sent  out  in  all  directions. 

Since  the  month  of  August,  Bonaparte  had  had  his  eyes  fixed 
upon  Syria,  and  expected  the  landing  of  the  Turkish  army, 
which  took  place  shortly  after.  He  comprehended,  with  his 
usual  ability,  the  dangers  which  menaced  him  from  the  side  of 
the  isthmus  of  Suez,  and  he  resolved  in  his  mind  the  means  of 
averting  them. 

On  the  nth  of  February,  1799,  we  commenced  our  march  for 
Syria  with  about  12,000  men  :  it  has  been  stated  that  we 
numbered  only  6,000,  but  the  fact  is  we  lost  nearly  that  number 
during  the  campaign.  Our  little  army  advanced  upon  El-Arish, 
where  we  arrived  on  the  17th.  The  fatigues  of  the  desert  and 
the  want  of  water  excited  violent  murmurs  amongst  the  soldiers, 
and  they  insulted  those  whom  they  saw  on  horseback — they 
indulged  in  the  most  violent  abuse  of  the  Republic,  the  saiians, 
and  those  whom  they  regarded  as  the  authors  of  the  expe- 
dition.      At    times    soldiers    worn  down  by  thirst,  and  unaole 


82  NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 

to  wait  for  the  distribution  of  the  water,  pierced  the  skins 
with  their  bayonets,  and  by  this  violence  rendered  the  scarcity 
still  greater.  In  a  few  days  El-Arish  surrendered.  On  the 
28th  we  had  the  first  prospect  of  the  verdant  and  fertile  fields 
of  Syria,  which  recalled  to  our  recollection  those  of  our  own 
country  ;  and  the  prospect  of  mountains  and  green  fields 
occasioned  us  to  forget  for  a  while  the  sufferings  of  an  expe- 
dition of  which  few  could  form  a  judgment,  either  of  the  design 
or  the  end. 

On  the  4th  of  March  we  laid  siege  to  Jaffa,  the  ancient  Joppa, 
a  pretty  town,  which  held  out  until  the  6th,  when  it  was  taken 
by  assault.  The  massacre  was  horrible.  Bonaparte  sent  his 
aides-de-camp,  Beauhainois  and  Croisier,  to  appease  the  fury  of 
the  soldiers,  and  to  report  what  was  passing.  They  learned  that 
a  considerable  part  of  the  garrison  had  retired  into  a  large 
building,  a  sort  of  enclosed  court.  They  proceeded  to  the  place 
displaying  their  scarfs,  which  denoted  their  rank.  The  Arnauts 
and  Albanians,  of  whom  these  refugees  were  composed,  cried 
from  the  windows  that  they  would  surrender  if  their  lives  were 
spared — if  not,  they  threatened  to  fire  upon  the  aides-de-camp, 
and  to  defend  themselves  to  the  last  extremity.  The  officers 
granted  their  request,  and  they  were  marched  into  the  camp  in 
two  divisions,  to  the  amount  of  4,000. 

I  was  walking  with  General  Bonaparte,  in  front  of  his  tent, 
when  he  saw  this  multitude  of  men  approaching,  and  before  he 
even  saw  his  aides-de-camp,  he  turned  to  me  with  an  expression 
of  grief,  '  What  do  they  wish  me  to  do  with  these  men  >  Have 
I  food  for  them — ships  to  convey  them  to  Egypt  or  France  > 
Why  have  they  served  me  thus  .?  *  After  the  General-in-chief 
had  listened  with  anger  to  the  explanation  of  Eugene  and 
Croisier,  they  received  a  severe  reprimand  for  their  conduct. 
But  the  deed  was  done.  Four  thousand  men  were  there.  It 
was  necessary  to  decide  upon  their  fate.  The  two  aides-de- 
camp observed,  that  they  had  found  themselves  alone  in  the 
midst  of  numerous  enemies,  and  that  he  had  directed  them  to 
restrain  the  carnage.  '  Yes,'  replied  the  General-in-chief,  with 
great  warmth,  '  as  to  women,  children,  and  old  men — all  the 
peaceable  inhabitants  ;  but  not  with  respect  to  armed  soldiers. 
It  was  your  duty  to  die,  rather  than  bring  these  unfor- 
tunate creatures  to  me.  What  do  you  want  me  to  do  with 
them  ? ' 

On  the  first  day  of  their  arrival,  a  council  of  war  was  held 
in  the  tent  of  the  General-in-chief  to  determine  what  should  be 


MASSACRE   AT   JAFFA  83 

done  with  them.  The  council  deliberated  a  long  time  without 
coming  to  any  decision. 

On  the  evening  of  the  following  day,  the  daily  reports  of  the 
generals  of  division  came  in.  They  spoke  of  nothing  but  the 
insufficiency  of  the  rations,  the  complaints  of  the  soldiers — of 
their  murmurs  and  discontent  at  seeing  their  bread  given  to 
enemies,  who  had  been  withdrawn  from  their  vengeance,  inas- 
much as  a  decree  of  death,  in  conformity  with  the  laws  of  war, 
had  been  passed  on  Jaffa.  All  these  reports  were  alarming,  ami 
especially  that  of  General  Bon,  in  which  no  reserve  v.as  made. 
He  spoke  of  nothing  less  than  the  fear  of  a  revolt,  which  would 
be  justified   by   the  serious   nature   of  the   case. 

The  council  assembled  again.  All  the  generals  of  division 
were  summoned  to  attend,  and  for  several  hours  they  discussed 
what  measures  might  be  adopted,  with  the  most  sincere  desire 
to  discover  and  execute  any  which  would  save  the  lives  of  these 
unfortunate  prisoners. 

The  third  day  arrived  without  its  being  possible  to  come  to 
any  conclusion  favourable  to  the  preservation  of  these  un- 
fortunate men.  The  murmurs  in  the  camp  grew  louder — the 
evil  went  on  increasing — remedy  appeared  impossible — danger 
was  real  and  imminent. 

The  order  for  shooting  the  prisoners  was  given  and  executed 
on  the  loth  of  March. 

This  atrocious  scene,  when  I  think  of  it,  still  makes  me 
shudder,  as  it  did  on  the  day  I  beheld  it  ;  and  I  would  wish  it 
were  possible  for  me  to  forget  it,  rather  than  be  compelled  to 
describe  it.  AH  the  horrors  imagination  can  conceive,  relative 
to  that  day  of  blood,  would  fall  short  of  the  reality. 

I  have  related  the  truth,  the  whole  truth.  I  was  present  at 
all  the  discussions,  all  the  conferences,  all  the  deliberations.  I 
liad  not,  as  may  be  supposed,  a  deliberative  voice  ;  but  I  am 
bound  to  declare  that  the  situation  of  the  army,  the  scarcity  ot 
food,  our  small  numerical  strength,  in  the  midst  ot  a  country 
where  every  individual  was  an  enemy,  would  have  induced  me  to 
vote  in  the  affirmative  of  the  proposition  which  was  carried  into 
effect,  if  I  had  had  a  vote  to  give.  It  was  necessary  to  be  on  the 
spot  in  order  to  understand  the  horrible  necessity  which  existed. 

After  the  siege  of  Jaffa,  the  plague  began  to  exhibit  itself 
with  more  severity.  It  was  brought  from  Da-mletta,  by  the 
division  of  Klcber.  We  lost  between  7  and  8000  men  by  the 
contagion,  during  the  Syriac  expedition. 

On  the   1 8th  of  March  we  arrived  before  Acre,  and  learned 


8+  NAPOLEON   BONAPARTE 

that  Djezzar  had  cut  off  the  head  of  our  envoy,  Mailly-de- 
Chateau-Renaud,  and  had  thrown  his  body  into  the  sea  in  a 
sack.  This  cruel  pacha  was  guilty  of  a  great  many  similar 
executions  ;  and  when  bathing  in  the  sea  we  frequently  met 
with  bodies  In  this  state,  which  the  waves  had  washed  ashore. 

The  details  of  the  siege  of  Acre  are  well  known.  Although 
surrounded  by  a  wall,  flanked  with  strong  towers,  and  having, 
besides,  a  broad  and  deep  ditch  defended  by  works,  this  little 
fortress  did  not  appear  likely  to  hold  out  against  French  valour 
and  the  skill  of  our  engineers  and  artillery  :  but  the  ease  and 
rapidity  with  which  Jaffa  had  been  taken  deceived  us  in  some 
degree  as  to  the  comparative  strength  of  the  two  places,  and  the 
difference  of  their  respective  situations.  At  Jaffa  we  had  a 
sufficient  artillery  :  at  St.  Jean  d'Acre  we  had  not.  At  Jaffa 
we  had  to  deal  only  with  a  native  garrison  :  at  St.  Jean  d'Acre 
we  were  opposed  by  a  garrison  strengthened  by  reinforcements 
of  men  and  supplies  of  provisions,  supported  by  the  English 
fleet,  and  assisted  by  European  science. 

It  was  undoubtedly  Sir  Sidney  Smith  who  did  us  the  greatest 
injur)\  Much  has  been  said  respecting  his  communications 
with  the  General-in-chlef.  The  reproaches  which  the  latter 
cast  upon  him  for  endeavouring  to  seduce  the  soldiers  and 
officers  of  the  army  were  the  more  singular,  even  if  they  were 
well-founded,  inasmuch  as  these  means  are  frequently  employed 
by  leaders  in  war. 

The  enemy  had  within  the  town  some  excellent  riflemen, 
chiefly  Albanians.  They  placed  stones,  one  over  the  other, 
on  the  walls,  put  their  fire-arms  through  the  interstices,  and 
thus,  completely  sheltered,  fired  with  destructive  precision. 

The  siege  of  St.  Jean  d'Acre  lasted  sixty  days.  During 
that  time,  eight  assaults  and  twelve  sorties  took  place.  In  the 
assault  of  the  8th  of  May,  more  than  200  men  penetrated 
into  the  town.  Already  they  shouted  victory  ;  but  the  breach 
having  been  taken  in  reverse  by  the  Turks,  it  was  not  ap- 
proached without  some  degree  of  hesitation,  and  the  200  men 
who  had  entered  were  not  supported.  The  streets  were 
barricadoed.  The  cries  and  the  bowlings  of  the  women,  who 
ran  through  the  streets,  throwing,  according  to  the  custom 
of  the  countr}^  dust  in  the  air,  excited  the  male  inhabitants 
to  a  desperate  resistance,  which  rendered  unavailing  this  short 
occupation  of  the  town,  by  a  handful  of  men,  who,  finding 
themselves  left  without  assistance,  retreated  towards  the  breach. 
Many  who  could  not  reach  it,  perished  in  the  town. 


AT   ACRE  85 

The  siege  was  raised  on  the  20th  of  May.  It  cost  us  a 
loss  of  nearly  3000  men  in  killed,  death  by  the  plague,  and 
in  wounded.  Had  there  been  less  precipitation  in  the  attack, 
and  had  the  siege  been  undertaken  according  to  the  ruks  of 
war,  it  could  not  have  held  out  three  days  :  one  assault  like 
that  of  the  8th  of  May  would  have  been  sufficient.  If,  on 
the  day  when  we  first  came  in  sight  of  the  ramparts  of  Acre, 
we  had  made  a  less  inconsiderate  estimate  of  the  strength 
of  the  place,  and  taken  into  consideration  our  absolute  want 
of  artillery  of  a  sufficient  calibre,  our  scarcity  of  gunpowder, 
and  the  difficulty  of  procuring  food,  we  certainly  never  should 
have  undertaken  the  siege. 

Bonaparte  until  this  time  had  never  experienced  any  reverses, 
but  had  continually  proceeded  from  triumph  to  triumph,  and 
therefore  confidently  anticipated  the  taking  of  St.  Jean  d'Acre. 
In  his  letters  to  the  generals  in  Egypt,  he  fixed  the  25th  or 
April  for  the  accomplishment  or  that  event.  He  reckoned  that 
the  grand  assault  against  the  tower  could  not  be  made  before 
that  day  ;  it  took  place,  however,  twenty-four  hours  sooner. 
*  The  slightest  circumstances  produce  the  greatest  events,'  said 
Napoleon,  according  to  the  memorial  of  St.  Helena  ;  '  had 
St.  Jean  d'Acre  fallen,  I  should  have  changed  the  face  of  the 
world.'  And  again,  'the  fate  of  the  East  lay  in  that  small 
town.' 

Almost  every  evening  during  the  siege  Bonaparte  and  myself 
used  to  walk  together,  at  a  little  distance  from  the  sea-shore  ; 
and  when  employed  in  this  manner  on  the  day  after  the  un- 
fortunate assault  of  the  8th  of  May,  he  felt  distressed  at  seeing 
the  blood  of  so  many  brave  men  which  had  been  uselessly 
shed.  He  said  to  me,  *  Bourrienne,  I  see  that  this  wretched 
place  has  cost  me  a  number  of  men,  and  wasted  much  time. 
But  things  are  too  far  advanced  not  to  attempt  a  last  effort. 
If  I  succeed,  as  I  expect,  I  shall  find  in  the  town  the  pacha's 
treasures,  and  arms  for  300,000  men.  I  will  stir  up  and  arm 
the  people  of  Syria,  who  are  disgusted  at  the  ferocity  of 
Djezzar,  and  who,  as  you  know,  pray  for  his  destruction  at 
every  assault.  I  shall  then  march  upon  Damascus  anil  Aleppo. 
On  advancing  into  the  country,  the  discontented  will  flock 
round  my  standard,  and  swell  my  army.  I  will  announce 
to  the  people  the  abolition  of  servitude,  and  of  the  tyrannical 
governments  of  the  pachas.  I  shall  arrive  at  Constantinople 
with  large  masses  of^  soldiery.  I  shall  overturn  the  Turkish 
empire,    and    found,    in    the    East,   a   new   and    grand    empire, 


86  NAPOLEON   BONAPARTE 

which  will  fix  my  name  in  the  records  of  posterity.  Perhaps 
I  shall  return  to  Paris  by  Adrianople,  or  by  Vienna,  after 
having  annihilated  the  house  of  Austria.'  As  soon  as  I  re- 
turned to  my  tent,  I  committed  to  paper  this  conversation, 
when  it  was  fresh  in  my  recollection  ;  and  I  can,  therefore, 
venture  to  say  it  is  correct. 

We  left  St.  Jean  d'Acre  on  the  20th  of  May,  during  the 
night,  to  avoid  a  sortie  from  the  besieged,  and  to  conceal 
the  retreat  of  the  army,  which  had  to  traverse  three  leagues 
along  the  shore  exposed  to  the  fire  of  the  English  vessels,  lying 
in  the  roads  of  Mount  Carmel.  The  sick  and  wounded  had 
been  sent  off  two  days  before.  Thus  terminated  this  disastrous 
expedition.  We  proceeded  along  the  shores  of  the  Mediterranean, 
and  passed  Mount  Carmel.  Some  of  the  wounded  were  car- 
ried on  litters,  and  others  on  horses,  mules,  and  camels.  Near 
Mount  Carmel  we  learned  that  three  of  our  sick,  who  had 
been  left  in  the  hospital,  had  been  cruelly  put  to  death  by  the 
Turks. 

During  this  fatiguing  march  the  soldiers  were  oppressed  by 
the  most  intolerable  thirst,  and  exposed  to  an  excessive  heat, 
which  disheartened  the  men,  and  encouraged  a  cruel  selfishness, 
or  the  most  shocking  indifference.  I  saw  officers,  with  their 
limbs  amputated,  thrown  from  the  litters,  although  their  con- 
veyance in  that  manner  had  been  ordered,  and  who  had  them- 
selves given  money  to  recompense  the  bearers  :  wounded  soldiers 
v/ere  abandoned  in  the  corn  fields.  Our  march  was  illumined 
by  torches,  lighted  for  the  purpose  of  setting  fire  to  the  towns, 
the  villages,  the  hamlets,  and  the  rich  crops  of  corn  which  every- 
where covered  the  earth.  The  whole  country  was  in  a  blaze. 
The  sun,  which  shone  in  an  unclouded  sky,  was  often  obscured 
by  the  smoke  of  our  continued  conflagrations.  Such  was  our 
march,  and  such  are  the  horrors  of  war. 

We  reached  Tentoura  on  the  20th  of  May,  when  a  most  op 
pressive  heat  prevailed,  which  produced  general  dejection.  We 
had  nothing  to  sleep  on  but  the  parched  and  burning  sand  ;  on 
our  left  lay  a  hostile  sea  ;  our  losses  in  wounded  and  sick  were 
already  considerable,  since  leaving  Acre  ;  and  there  was  nothing 
consolatory  in  the  future.  The  truly  afflicting  condition,  in 
which  the  remains  of  an  army  called  triumphant,  were  plunged, 
produced,  as  might  well  be  expected,  a  corresponding  impression 
on  the  mind  of  the  General-in-chief  Scarcely  had  he  arrived 
at  Tentoura,  when  he  ordered  his  tent  to  be  pitched.  He  then 
called  me,  and  with  a  mind  occupied  by  the  calamities  of  our 


RETREAT    FROM   ACRE  87 

situation,  dictated  an  order  that  everyone  should  march  on  foot, 
and  that  all  the  horses,  mules,  and  camels,  should  be  given 
up  to  the  wounded,  the  sick,  and  infected,  who  had  been  re- 
moved, and  who  still  shewed  signs  of  life.  '  Carry  that  to 
Berthier,'  said  he  ;  and  the  order  was  instantly  despatched. 
Scarcely  had  I  returned  to  che  tent,  when  Vigogne,  the  General- 
in-Chief's  equerry,  entered,  and,  raising  his  hand  to  his  cap, 
said,  '  General,  what  horse  do  you  reserve  for  yourself  ? '  In  the 
state  of  excitation  in  which  Bonaparte  was,  this  question  irritated 
him  so  violently,  that,  raising  his  whip,  he  gave  the  equerry 
a  severe  blow  on  the  head,  saying,  in  a  terrible  voice,  'Every- 
one must  go  on  foot,  you  rascal — I  the  first.  Do  you  not  know 
the  order  ?     Be  off.' 

The  remains  of  our  heavy  artillery  were  lost  in  the  moving 
sands  of  Tentoura,  from  the  want  of  horses,  the  small  number 
that  remained  being  now  employed  in  more  indispensable 
services.  The  soldiers  seemed  to  forget  their  own  sufferings, 
at  the  loss  of  those  bronze  guns,  which  had  enabled  them  so 
often  to  triumph,  and  which  had  made  Europe  tremble. 

We  halted  at  Cscsarea  on  the  22nd  of  May,  and  we  marched 
all  the  following  night.  Towards  daybreak,  a  man,  concealed 
in  a  bush,  upon  the  left  of  the  road,  fired  a  musket  almost 
close  to  the  head  of  the  General-in-chief,  who  was  sleeping  on 
his  horse.  I  was  beside  him.  The  wood  being  searched,  the 
Naplousian  was  taken  without  difficulty,  and  ordered  to  be  shot 
on  the  spot.  Four  guides  pushed  him  towards  the  sea,  by 
thrusting  their  carbines  against  his  back  ;  when  close  to  the 
water's  edge  they  drew  the  triggers,  but  all  the  four  muskets 
hung  fire  :  a  circumstance  which  was  accounted  for  by  the 
great  humidity  of  the  night.  The  Syrian  threw  himself  into 
the  water,  and  swimming  with  great  agility  and  rapidity,  gained 
a  ridge  of  rocks  so  far  off,  that  not  a  shot  from  the  whole  troop, 
which  fired  as  it  passed,  reached  him.  Bonaparte,  who  con- 
tinued his  march,  desired  me  to  wait  for  Kleber,  whose  division 
formed  the  rear-guard,  and  to  tell  him  not  to  forget  the 
Naplousian.     The  poor  fellow  was,  I  believe,  shot  at  last. 

We  returned  to  Jaffa  on  the  24th  of  May,  and  stopped  there 
during  the  25th,  26th,  27th,  and  28th.  This  town  had  lately 
been  the  scene  of  a  horrible  transaction,  dictated  by  necessity, 
and  it  was  again  destined  to  witness  the  exercise  of  the  same 
dire  law.  Here  I  have  a  severe  duty  to  perform.  I  will  state 
what  I  know,  and  what  I  saw. 

Some  tents  were  erected  on  a  small  eminence,  near  the  gardens 


88  NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 

which  encircle  Jaffa  to  the  east.  Orders  were  immediately  given 
to  undermine  and  blow  up  the  fortifications,  and,  on  the  27th, 
at  a  given  signal,  we  saw  all  at  once  the  town  uncovered.  An 
hour  afterwards,  the  General,  attended  by  Berthier  and  several 
physicians  and  surgeons,  entered  his  tent.  A  long  and  melan- 
choly deliberation  ensued,  as  to  the  fate  of  those  who  were  in- 
curably sick  of  the  plague,  and  who  were  on  the  point  of 
death.  After  a  discussion  of  the  most  serious  and  conscientious 
character,  it  was  determined  to  anticipate  by  means  of  medicine, 
an  inevitable  death  which  must  take  place  a  few  hours  later, 
but  under   circumstances  more  painful  and   cruel. 

Our  little  army  arrived  at  Cairo  on  the  14th  of  June,  after 
a  most  harassing  march  of  twenty-five  days.  The  heat,  during 
the  passage  of  the  desert,  ranged  from  100  to  no  degrees  of 
Fahrenheit.  The  fallacious  mirage  was  here  even  more  vexatious 
than  in  the  plains  of  Bohahireh.  The  excessive  thirst,  together 
with  the  most  complete  illusion,  induced  us,  in  spite  of  our 
experience,  to  urge  on  our  wearied  horses  towards  those  im- 
aginary lakes,  which  some  moments  after  appeared  but  salt  and 
arid  sands. 

The  brackish  waters  of  these  deserts,  which  our  horses  drank 
with  avidity,  occasioned  the  loss  of  great  numbers,  who  dropped 
down  before  they  had  got  a  mile  from  the  watering-place. 

Bonaparte  announced  his  entry  into  the  capital  of  Egypt  by 
one  of  those  lying  bulletins,  which  deceived  only  fools.  '  I  bring 
with  me,*  said  he,  '  many  prisoners  and  colours — I  have  rased 
the  palace  of  Djezzar,  the  ramparts  of  Acre — there  no  longer 
remains  one  stone  upon  another,  all  the  inhabitants  have  left 
the  town  by  sea — Djezzar  is  dangerously  wounded.'  Our  return 
to  Cairo  has  been  attributed  to  the  insurrections  which  broke 
out  during  the  unfortunate  expedition  into  Syria  ;  but  nothing 
is  more  incorrect.  The  reverses  which  we  experienced  before 
St.  Jean  d'Acre,  and  the  fear  of  a  hostile  landing,  were  the 
motives  which  induced  our  return  to  Egypt.  What  more  could 
we  do  in  Syria,  but  lose  men  and  time,  neither  of  which  we  had 
to  spare  .■" 

Bonaparte  had  scarcely  arrived  at  Cairo,  when  he  was  in- 
formed that  the  brave  and  indefatigable  Mourad  Bey  was 
descending  by  the  route  of  Fayoum,  to  form  a  junction  with 
reinforcements  collecting  in  Bohahireh.  In  ail  probability  this 
movement  had  some  connection  with  the  expected  landing  of 
the  Turkish  army,  of  which  he  had  been  apprised.  Mourad 
had  selected  the  Natron  Lakes  for  his  place  ot  rendezvous.     To 


TURKS   IN   EGYPT  89 

this  point  Murat  was  despatched  ;  but  on  hearing  of  his  ap- 
proach, the  Bey  retreated  by  the  Desert  of  Gizeh  and  the  great 
Pyramids. 

Bonaparte  attached  great  importance  to  the  destruction  of 
this  active  chief,  whom  he  looked  upon  as  the  bravest  and 
most  dangerous  of  his  enemies  in  Egypt,  and  who  was  constantly 
hovering  about   the   skirts  of  the  desert. 

On  the  14th  of  July,  Bonaparte  left  Cairo  for  the  Pyramids. 
He  remained  three  or  four  days  among  the  ruins  of  this  ancient 
city  of  the  dead.  This  journey  to  the  Pyramids,  in  which  he 
had  solely  in  view  the  destroying  of  Mourad  Bey,  has  given 
occasion  to  a  little  romance,  pretty  enough.  It  is  stated  that  he 
had  appointed  an  audience  with  the  mufti  and  the  ulemas,  and 
that,  on  entering  into  the  great  Pyramid,  he  exclaimed,  'Glory 
to  Allah  !  God  only  is  God,  and  Mahomet  is  his  prophet  ! ' 
Now  the  fact  is,  Bonaparte  never  entered  into  the  great 
Pyramid  ;  he  never  had  any  intention  of  the  kind.  I  certainly 
should  have  accompanied  him,  as  I  never  for  one  moment 
quitted  him  while  in  the  desert.  He  sent  some  persons  into 
one  of  the  great  Pyramids  ;  but  he  remained  without.  They 
gave  him  an  account  of  what  they  had  seen  in  the  interior  ; 
that  is  to  say,  they  informed  him  there  was  nothing  to  be  seen. 

On  the  evening  of  the  15th  of  July,  while  we  were  walking 
in  the  direction  of  Alexandria,  we  perceived  an  Arab  messenger 
riding  towards  us  at  full  speed.  He  brought  to  the  General  a 
despatch  from  Marmont,  who  commanded  there  at  the  time, 
greatly  to  Bonaparte's  satisfaction.  The  Turks  had  landed  at 
Aboukir,  under  the  escort  and  protection  of  an  English  squadron. 
This  news  of  the  disembarkation  of  15,000  or  16,000  enemies 
did  not  surprise  Bonaparte,  who  had  expected  it  for  some  time. 
As  soon  as  he  had  read  the  despatch,  he  retired  to  his  tent,  and 
dictated  to  me  his  orders  for  the  march  of  the  troops.  At  this 
moment,  I  saw  in  him  the  development  of  that  ardent  character 
which  rose  superior  to  difficulties,  and  that  celerity  which 
anticipated  events.  He  was  all  action,  and  never  hesitated  for 
a  moment.  On  the  i6th  of  July,  at  four  in  the  morning,  he 
was  on  horseback,  and  the  army  in  full  march.  I  must  do 
justice  to  that  presence  of  mind,  to  that  promptitude  of  decision, 
to  that  rapidity  of  execution,  which,  at  this  period  of  his  life, 
never  for  a  moment  forsook  him  on  great  occasions.  On  the 
23rd,  we  arrived  at  Alexandria,  where  all  was  prepared  for  that 
memorable  conflict,  which,  although  it  did  not  counterbalance 
the  immense  losses  and  melancholy  results  of  the  naval  battle  of 


90  NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 

the  same  name,  will  always  recall  to  the  memory  of  Frenchmen 
one  of  their  most  brilliant  achievements  in  arms.* 

After  the  battle  which  was  fought  on  the  25th,  Bonaparte  sent 
a  flag  of  truce  on  board  the  English  admiral's  ship.  Our 
intercourse  was  marked  by  that  politeness  which  ought  to  mark 
the  intercourse  of  civilized  nations.  The  admiral  made  our 
envoy  some  little  presents,  in  return  for  those  we  had  sent,  and 
likewise  a  copy  of  the  French  Gazette  of  Frankfort,  dated  loth 
of  June,  1799.  For  ten  months  we  had  been  without  news  from 
France.  Bonaparte  glanced  over  this  journal  with  an  eagerness 
easily  to  be  imagined.t  '  Ah  ! '  said  he,  '  my  expectations  have 
not  deceived  me  ;  the  fools  have  lost  Italy.  All  the  fruit  of  our 
victories  has  disappeared  :  I  must  leave  Egypt.' 

*  As  M.  de  Bourrienne  gives  no  details  of  this  memorable  battle, 
the  following  extract  from  Rovigo's  Memoirs  will  supply  the  de- 
ficiency : — 

'  Whilst  General  Bonaparte  was  coming  in  person  from  Cairo,  the 
troops  on  board  the  Turkish  fleet  had  effected  a  landing,  and  taken 
possession  of  the  fort  of  Aboukir,  and  of  a  redoubt  placed  behind  the 
village  of  that  name. 

'  The  Turks  had  nearly  destroyed  the  weak  garrisons,  that  occupied 
those  two  military  points,  when  General  Marmont,  who  commanded 
at  Alexandria,  came  to  their  relief.  This  general,  seeing  the  two 
posts  in  the  power  of  the  Turks,  returned  to  shut  himself  up  in 
Alexandria,  where  he  would  probably  have  been  blockaded  by  the 
Turkish  army,  had  it  not  been  for  the  arrival  of  the  General-in-chief. 

'  Bonaparte  arrived  at  midnight,  with  his  guides  and  the  remaining 
part  of  his  army,  and  ordered  the  Turks  to  be  attacked  the  next 
morning.  In  this  battle,  as  in  the  preceding  ones,  the  attack,  the 
encounter,  and  the  rout,  were  occurrences  of  a  moment,  and  the 
result  of  a  single  movement  on  the  part  of  our  troops.  The  whole 
Turkish  army  plunged  into  the  sea,  to  regain  their  ships,  leaving 
behind  them  everything  they  had  brought  on  shore. 

'  Whilst  this  event  was  occurring  on  the  sea-shore,  a  pacha  had  left 
the  field  of  battle,  with  a  corps  of  about  3000  men,  in  order  to  throw 
himself  into  the  fort  of  Aboukir.  They  soon  felt  the  extremities  of 
thirst,  which  compelled  them,  after  the  elapse  of  a  few  days,  to  sur- 
render unconditionally  to  General  Menou,  who  was  left  on  the  ground, 
to  close  the  operations  connected  with  the  Turkish  army  recently 
defeated. ' 

f  'The  French,  on  their  return  from  St.  Jean  d'Acre,  were  totally 
ignorant  of  all  that  had  taken  place  in  Europe  for  several  months. 
Napoleon,  eager  to  obtain  intelligence,  sent  a  flag  of  truce  on  board 
the  Turkish  admiral's  ship,  under  the  pretence  of  treating  for  the 
ransom  of  the  prisoners  taken  at  Aboukir ;  not  doubting  but  the  envoy 
would  be  stopped  by  Sir  Sidney  Smith,  who  carefully  prevented  all 
direct  communication  between  the  French  and  the  Turks.  Accordingly, 
the  French   flag  of  truce  received  directions  from  Sir  Sidney  to  go  on 


QUITS  EGYPT  91 

He  desired  Earthier  to  be  called  ;  he  told  him  to  read  the 
news.  'Things,'  said  he,  'go  ill  in  France  ;  I  must  see  what  is 
passing  there  ;  you  must  come  with  me.'  Myself,  Berthier  and 
Gantheaumc,  whom  he  had  sent  for,  were  the  only  parties  to 
be  intrusted  with  the  secret.  He  recommended  Berthier  to  be 
prudent,  to  testify  no  symptoms  of  joy,  to  change  nothing  of 
his  usual  habits,  nor  to  purchase  anything.  He  finished  by 
saying,  that  he  depended  upon  him.  '  I  am  sure  of  myself,'  said 
he  ;  '  I  am  sure  ot  Bourrienne.'  Berthier  promised  to  be  silent, 
and  he  kept  his  word.  He  had  had  enough  of  Egypt  ;  he  burned 
with  the  desire  of  returning  to  France,  and  feared  lest  his  own 
indiscretion  might  ruin  all.  Gantheaume  arrived,  and  Bonaparte 
gave  him  orders  to  prepare  two  frigates.  La  Muiron  and  La 
Carriere,  and  two  small  vessels.  La  Revanche  and  La  Fortune, 
with  provisions  for  400  or  500  men,  and  for  two  months.  He 
communicated  to  him  his  secret  intentions,  and  recommended 
the  strictest  secrecy,  lest  intelligence  of  his  preparations  should 
reach  any  of  the  English  cruisers.  He  afterwards  arranged  with 
Gantheaume  the  course  he  intended  to  steer  ;  he  provided  for 
everything. 

Bonaparte  left  Alexandria  on  the  5th  of  August,  and  arrived 
at  Cairo  on  the  loth,  for  the  purpose  of  making  some  parting 
arrangements.  There  he  caused  to  be  renewed  the  report  of  his 
proceeding  to  Upper  Egypt,  which  appeared  the  more  feasible, 
as  such  had  been,  in  fact,  his  determination  previous  to  our 
excursion  to  the  Pyramids,  as  was  well  known  to  the  army  and 
to  the  inhabitants  of  Cairo.  All  at  once,  he  announced  an  in- 
tention of  examining  the  Delta  ;  and  to  encourage  that  belief, 
he  wrote  on  the  i8th  to  the  Divan,  desiring  them  to  keep  him 
regularly  informed  of  the  state  of  affairs  at  Cairo  during 
his  absence.  By  this  means  he  succeeded  in  preventing  any 
suspicion  of  his  projected  departure  from  arising  among  the 
soldiery  ;  and  we  had  no  sooner  left  Cairo  than  we  returned 
to  Alexandria. 

Hitherto  our  secret  had  been    well    kept.     General  Lanusse, 

board  his  ship.  He  experienced  the  handsomest  treatment  ;  and  the 
English  commander  having,  among  other  things,  ascertained  that 
the  disasters  of  Italy  were  quite  unknown  to  Napoleon,  indulged  in 
the  malicious  pleasure  of  sending  him  a  file  of  newspapers.  Napoleon 
spent  the  whole  night  in  his  tent,  perusing  the  papers  ;  and  he  came 
to  the  determination  of  immediately  proceeding  to  Europe,  to  repair 
the  disasters  of  France,  and,  if  possible,  to  save  her  from  destruction.'— 
Memorial  de  Sainte  Helene. 


92  NAPOLEON   BONAPARTE 

however,  who  commanded  at  Menouf,  where  we  arrived  on  the 
20th,  had  divined  our  intentions.  *  You  are  going  to  France,' 
said  he.     My  reply  in  the  negative  confirmed  his  suspicions. 

On  the  22nd  of  August,  we  returned  to  Alexandria,  and 
the  General  informed  all  those  who  had  accompanied  him  from 
Cairo,  that  France  was  their  destination.  At  this  intelligence, 
joy  appeared  in  every  countenance. 

General  Kleber,  who  was  instructed  by  Bonaparte  to  succeed 
him  in  the  command  of  the  army,  was  invited  to  come  from 
Damietta  to  Rosetta,  to  confer  with  him  on  affairs  of  extreme 
importance.  Bonaparte,  in  making  an  appointment  which  he 
knew  he  could  not  keep,  wished  to  avoid  the  reproaches  and 
sturdy  frankness  of  Kleber.  He  wrote  to  him  all  that  he  had 
got  to  sa}',  and  assigned  as  his  reason  for  not  keeping  his 
appointment,  that  his  fear  of  being  observed  by  the  English 
cruisers  had  induced  him  to  depart  three  days  earlier  than 
he  intended.  But  Bonaparte  knew  well,  when  he  wrote  this 
letter,  that  he  should  be  at  sea  when  it  was  received.  Kleber 
complained  bitterly  of  this  deception  to  the  Directory.  The 
singular  fate  which  befell  his  despatches  will  be  seen  hereafter. 


CHAPTER    IX. 

On  the  23rd  of  August,  we  embarked  in  the  two  frigates 
La  Muiron  and  La  Carriere.  Our  number  was  between  400 
and  500.  The  night  was  dark  when  we  got  on  board  ;  but, 
by  the  feeble  light  of  the  stars,  we  were  enabled  to  perceive 
a  corvette,  which  approached  to  observe,  and,  as  it  were,  to 
be  a  party  in  our  silent  and  nocturnal  embarkment.* 

It  has  been  falsely  stated,  that  Admiral  Gantheaume  was 
absolute  master  of  his  movements,  as  if  anyone  could  command 
when  Bonaparte  was  present.  So  far  from  that,  he  told  the 
admiral,   in   my  presence,  that  he  would  not  follow  the  usual 

*  '  The  horses  of  the  escort  had  been  left  to  run  loose  on  the  beach, 
and  all  was  perfect  stillness  in  Alexandria,  when  the  advanced  posts 
of  the  town  were  alarmed  by  the  wild  galloping  of  horses,  which, 
from  a  natural  instinct,  were  returning  to  Alexandria  through  the 
desert.  The  picket  ran  to  arms  on  seeing  horses,  ready  saddled 
and  bridled,  which  were  soon  discovered  to  belong  to  the  regiment  of 
guides.  They  at  first  thought  that  a  misfortune  had  happened  to  some 
detachment  in  its  pursuit  of  the  Arabs.     With  these  horses  came  also 


RETURNS   TO  FRANCE  93 

course,  and  run  out  into  the  open  sea.  '  It  is  my  wish,'  said 
he,  '  that  you  keep  on  the  African  side  till  you  get  to  the 
southward  of  Sardinia.  I  have  here  a  handful  of  brave  fellows 
with  some  artillery.  If  the  English  should  fall  in  with  us, 
I  will  immediately  run  on  shore,  and,  with  my  party,  make 
my  way  by  land  to  Oran,  Tunis,  or  some  other  port,  from 
whence  we  may  obtain  the  means  of  getting  home.*  Such 
was  his  resolution,  and  it  was  irrevocably  fixed. 

During  onc-and-twenty  days  of  impatience  and  disappoint- 
ment, we  were  tossed  about  by  contrary  winds.  At  length, 
however,  a  favourable  breeze  sprang  up,  which,  in  a  short 
time,  carried  us  past  that  point  on  the  African  coast  near 
which  Carthage  formerly  stood  ;  and  we  soon  afterwards  made 
Sardinia,  and  ran  along  its  western  coast,  keeping  well  in  with 
the  land.  Bonaparte  intended  to  have  run  ashore,  in  case  of 
falling  in  with  an  English  squadron  ;  then  to  have  gained 
Corsica,  and  to  have  awaited  a  favourable  opportunity  of  reaching 
France. 

Everything  had  contributed  to  render  our  voyage  dull  and 
monotonous.  The  General  had  lost  four  aides-de-camp,  Croisier, 
Sulkowsky,  Julien,  and  Guibert  ;  Caffarelli,  Brueys,  Casabianca, 
were  no  more.  Our  misfortunes  ;  the  uncertainty  of  our 
favourable  reception  at  home  ;  the  situation  of  affairs  in  France, 
of  whose  reverses  we  had  acquired  an  imperfect  knowledge  ; 
the  danger  of  being  made  prisoners  in  a  sea  swarming  with 
the  ships  of  the  enemy  ; — all  these  threw  a  gloom  over  our 
spirits,  and  checked  every  disposition  to  amusement.  Bonaparte 
incessantly  paced  the  deck,  occupied  in  superintending  the 
execution  or  his  orders.  The  appearance  or  the  smallest  sail 
renewed  his  inquietudes.  The  fear  of  being  a  prisoner  to 
the  English  haunted  him  continually  ;  he  dreaded,  as  the 
worst  of  evils,  the  falling  into  their  hands  ;  and,  at  last,  he 
trusted  to  their  gener6sity  ! 

At  length,  on  the  8th  of  October,  after  having  been  chased 
by,  and  escaped  from,  an  English  squadron,  we  entered,  at 
eight  in  the  morning,  the   bay  of  Frejus.     None  of  the  sailors 

those  of  the  generals  who  had  embarked  with  General  Bonaparte ;  so 
that  Alexandria  was,  for  a  time,  in  considerable  alarm.  The  cavalry 
was  ordered  to  proceed,  in  all  haste,  in  the  direction  whence  the  horses 
came  ;  and  everyone  was  giving  himself  up  to  the  most  gloomy  con- 
jectures, when  the  cavalry  returned  to  the  city  with  the  Turkish  groom, 
who  was  bringing  back  General  Bonaparte's  horse  to  Alexandria.' — 
Memoirs  of  the  Duke  de  Rovigo. 


94  NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 

being  acquainted  with  that  part  of  the  coast,  we  knew  not 
exactly  where  we  were  ;  for  a  moment  we  were  in  doubt  as 
to  whether  we  should  run  in.  We  were  not  expected,  and  we 
could  not  answer  the  signals,  which  had  been  changed  during 
our  absence.  Some  shots  were  fired  at  us  from  the  batteries  ; 
but  our  confident  entrance  into  the  harbour,  the  numbers  which 
crowded  the  decks  of  both  frigates,  and  our  demonstrations 
of  joy,  did  not  allow  them  long  to  remain  in  suspense.  Scarcely 
had  we  come  to  an  anchor,  when  it  was  rumoured  about  that 
one  of  the  ships  carried  General  Bonaparte.  In  an  instant  the 
sea  was  covered  with  boats.  In  vain  we  endeavoured  to  keep 
the  people  off ;  we  were  fairly  lifted  up,  and  carried  on  shore. 
When  we  represented  to  the  crowd  of  men  and  women,  who 
pressed  about  us,  the  danger  they  ran,  they  all  cried  out,  '  We'd 
rather  have  the  plague  than  the  Austrians.' 

It  will  be  remembered  what  effects  the  simple  announcement 
of  the  return  of  Bonaparte  produced  in  France  and  throughout 
Europe.  He  has  been  accused,  among  other  things,  of  breaking 
the  sanatory  laws.  It  was  his  intention  to  have  submitted 
implicitly  to  the  usual  quarantine  ;  but  the  inhabitants  of  Frejus 
would  not  permit  it  :  we  were,  as  I  have  already  stated,  abso- 
lutely carried  on  shore.  Still,  when  we  consider  the  landing 
of  500  persons  and  a  quantity  of  goods  from  Alexandria,  where 
the  plague  had  been  raging  during  the  summer,  we  must  regard 
it  as  a  singular  happiness  that  Finance  and  Europe  had  been 
preserved  from  such  a  scourge. 

People  frequently  speak  of  the  good  fortune  which  attaches 
to  an  individual,  and  even  accompanies  him  through  life. 
Without  professing  to  believe  in  this  sort  of  predestination, 
yet,  when  I  call  to  mind  the  numerous  dangers  which  Bonaparte 
escaped  in  so  many  enterprises,  the  hazards  he  encountered,  the 
chances  he  ran,  I  can  conceive  that  others  may  have  this  faith  ; 
but,  having  for  a  length  of  time  studied  'the  man  of  destiny,' 
I  have  remarked,  that  what  was  called  his  fortune,  was,  in 
reality,  his  genius  ;  that  his  success  was  the  consequence  of  his 
admirable  foresight — of  his  calculations,  rapid  as  lightning — and 
of  the  conviction  that  boldness  is  often  the  truest  wisdom.  If, 
for  example,  during  our  voyage  from  Alexandria  to  Frejus, 
he  had  not  imperiously  insisted  on  pursuing  a  course  different 
from  that  usually  taken,  and  which  usual  course  was  recom- 
mended by  the  admiral,  would  he  have  escaped  the  perils  which 
beset  his  path  ?  Probably  not.  And  was  all  this  the  effect  of 
chance  f     Certainly  not. 


IN    PARIS  95 

Scarcely  had  he  arrived  at  Frejus,  than,  in  his  anxiety  for 
news,  he  questioned  every  one  he  met.  There  he  first  learned 
the  extent  of  our  reverses  in  Italy.  '  The  evil  is  too  great,* 
said  he  ;  'there  is  nothing  to  be  done.'  He  decided  on  returning 
to  Paris  the  very  evening  of  the  day  on  which  we  landed. 
Everywhere  on  his  jourr*ey,  in  the  towns,  in  the  villages,  he 
was  received,  as  at  Frejus,  with  enthusiasm  which  it  is  impossible 
to  describe  :  those  only  who  witnessed  his  triumphal  journey 
could  form  even  a  faint  idea  of  it  ;  and  it  required  no  great  spirit 
of  observation  to  foresee  something  similar  to  what  afterwards 
happened. 

The  provinces,  a  prey  to  anarchy  and  civil  war,  were 
threatened  with  foreign  invasion.  Nearly  the  whole  of  the 
south  presented  the  afHicting  spectacle  of  one  vast  arena  of 
contending  factions.  The  nation  groaned  under  the  weight 
of  tyrannical  laws,  and  was  universally  opposed  to  a  pentarchy, 
without  moral  force,  without  justice,  and  which  had  become  the 
sport  of  faction  and  intrigue.  The  highways  were  infested  by 
robbers  ;  the  agents  of  the  Directory  practised  the  most 
scandalous  extortions — disorder  reigned  throughout — everything 
wore  the  aspect  of  dissolution.  Any  change  was  felt  to  be 
preferable  to  the  continuance  of  such  a  state  of  things  ;  and 
the  majority  of  Frenchmen  wished  to  escape  from  such  an 
intoierable  position.  Two  dangers  threatened  at  the  same  time  ; 
anarchy,  and  the  Bourbons.  Everyone  felt  the  pressing  necessity 
of  concentrating  the  powers  of  the  state  in  a  single  hand  ;  and 
at  the  same  time,  maintaining  those  institutions,  which  were 
suited  to  the  spirit  and  intelligence  of  the  age  ;  and  which 
France,  after  having  so  dearly  purchased,  was  now  upon  the 
point  of  losing  for  ever.  The  country  looked  for  a  man  who 
was  capable  of  restoring  her  to  tranquillity  ;  but  as  yet,  no 
such  man  had  appeared.  A  soldier  of  fortune  presented  himself, 
covered  with  glory  ;  he  had  planted  the  standard  of  France 
on  the  Capitol,  and  on  the  Pyramids.  His  great  actions,  his 
brilliant  enterprises,  always  crowned  with  success,  his  devotion 
to  France,  the  justness  of  his  conceptions,  all  concurred  to  point 
him  out  as  the  man  most  capable  of  making  the  country  of  his 
adoption  great  and  happy,  and  of  establishing  public  liberty. 
Bonaparte  was  deficient  neither  in  elevated  views,  in  knowledge, 
nor  in  the  necessary  accjuirements  ;  but  the  will  alone  was 
wanting.  For  who,  in  fact,  could  have  supposed  that,  having 
obtained  the  supreme  power,  he  would  have  av-ailed  himself 
of  it  to  trample  under  foot  all  the  principles   he  had  so  long 


96  NAPOLEON   BONAPARTE 

professed, ,  and  to  which  he  owed  his  elevation  ?  Who  could 
have  believed,  that  he  would  have  superseded,  by  the  most 
absolute  despotism,  that  constitutional  liberty,  for  which  France 
had  so  long  sighed,  and  for  the  peaceable  enjoyment  of  which 
she  had  made  so  many  sacrifices  ?  But  so  it  is  :  when  his 
ambition  had  been  gratified,  when  he  had  sacrificed  everything 
to  gain  his  point,  we  see  him  re-establishing  the  principles  which 
he  had  combated,  and  defending  them  with  equal  energy.  Could 
he  venture  to  hope,  that  in  the  course  of  those  immense  enter- 
prises which  formed  the  business  of  his  life,  not  one  would  have 
proved  unfortunate  ?  Did  he  not  consider,  that  when  a  man 
is  in  himself  tz//,  a// must  fall  with  him  ;  and  that  the  destiny 
of  a  nation  which  depends  upon  the  gain  or  loss  of  a  battle,  is 
based  upon  nothing  ? 

Among  the  projects  which  Bonaparte  was  incessantly  re- 
volving in  his  mind,  must  undoubtedly  be  ranked  the  project 
of  attaining  the  head  of  the  French  government  ;  but  it  is  a 
mistake  to  suppose,  that,  on  his  return  from  Egypt,  he  had 
formed  any  fixed  plan.  There  was  something  vague  in  his 
ambitious  aspirations  ;  and  he  was  fond  of  building  those  im- 
aginary edifices,  called  castles  in  the  air.  The  current  of  events 
was  in  accordance  with  his  wishes  ;  and  it  may  truly  be  said, 
that  the  whole  French  nation  smoothed,  for  Bonaparte,  the 
road  which  led  to  power.  It  is  certain,  that  the  unanimous 
plaudits  and  universal  joy  which  accompanied  him  along  a 
journey  of  more  than  200  leagues,  induced  him  to  regard  as  a 
national  mission  that  step,  which  was  at  first  prompted  merely 
by  his  wish  of  meddling  with  the  affairs  of  the  Republic. 

This  spontaneous  burst  of  popular  feeling,  unordered  and 
unpaid  for,  loudly  proclaimed  the  grievances  of  the  people,  and 
their  hope  that  the  man  of  victory  would  become  their  deliverer. 
The  general  enthusiasm  excited  by  the  return  of  the  conqueror 
of  Egypt,  delighted  him  to  a  degree  which  I  cannot  express  ; 
and  was,  he  as  often  assured  me,  a  powerful  stimulus  in 
urging  him  to  the  object  to  which  the  wishes  of  France  seemed 
to  direct   him. 

In  times  of  disorder,  when  all  powers  are  confounded,  and 
nothing  can  establish  a  counterpoise,  the  cleverest,  the  strongest, 
and  the  boldest,  may  easily  oppress  the  rest.  Bonaparte's 
military  superiority  over  his  contemporaries,  the  ascendancy  of 
his  good  fortune  and  glory,  and  the  influence  of  his  name, 
assisted  him  at  this  time,  as  throughout  two-thirds  of  his  career. 

If,  when  master  of  the  power  which  was  offered  to  him,  he 


AGAIN    IN    PARIS  97 

had    followed    the   principles   he   previously  professed,   and  for 
which    he    had   heretofore  fought  and   conquered  ; — if  he   had 
defended,  with  all  the  influence  of  his  glory,  that  liberty,  which 
the  nation  claimed,  and  which  the  age  demanded  ; — if  he  had 
rendered    France    as   happy    and    as    free,    as    he    rendered    her 
glorious — posterity   could  not   have  refused  him   the  very  first 
place  among  those  great  men,  at  whose  side  he  will  be  ranged. 
But    not    having    done   for   the    welfare   of  mankind    what    he 
undertook    for  his  own  glory,  posterity  will  judge    of  him  by 
what  he  has  achieved.     He  will  have  full  credit  for  his  victories, 
but  not  for  his  conquests,  which  produced  no  result,  and  not 
one  of  which  he  preserved.     His  claim  to  the  title  of  one  of  the 
greatest  captains  that  ever  lived,   will  be  undisputed  ;    but   he 
left  France  less  than  when  she  was  intrusted  to  him,  and   less 
than  she  had  been  left  by  Louis  XIV.     His  brilliant  campaigns 
in  Italy  gave  Venice  to  Austria,  and  the  Ionian  Isles  to  England. 
His  Egyptian  expedition  gave  Malta  to  the  English,  destroyed 
our  navy,  and  cost  us  22,000  men.     The  civil  code  is  the  only 
one  of  Bonaparte's  legislative  acts  which  can  be  sanctioned  by 
philosophy    and    reason.     All   his    other    laws   were    null,    and 
rested  only  on  his  existence.     Did  he,  either  in  his  character  of 
Consul  or  Emperor,   contribute   to   the   happiness    of  France  } 
Posterity  will  answer  in  the  negative.     Indeed,  if  we  weigh,  in 
one  scale,  all  our  victories  and  all  our  glory,  and  in  the  other, 
Europe  in  Paris,  and  the  disgraceful  treaty    of   18 15,  with  its 
accessories  and  consequences,  it  will  be  seen  on  what  side  the 
balance  will  turn. 

On  the  1 6th  of  October,  we  arrived  at  Paris,  whither  the  news 
of  his  landing  at  Frejus  had  been  transmitted  by  telegraph. 
The  day  after  his  arrival,  he  paid  a  visit  to  the  Directory.  The 
interview  was  cold.  On  the  24th  he  said  to  me,  'I  dined 
yesterday,  at  Gohier's  ;  Sieyes  was  present,  but  I  affected  not 
to  see  him  ;  and  I  could  perceive  the  rage  with  which  this 
neglect  inflamed  him.'  '  But  are  you  sure,'  said  I,  *  that  he  is 
against  you  ? '  *  I  know  not  that  yet,*  he  replied  ;  '  but  he 
belongs  to  a  system  that  I  do  not  like  : '  he  was,  at  this  time, 
considering  how  he  might  turn  Sieyes  out,  and  become  a  Director 
in  his  place. 

To  throw  a  clear  light  on  the  course  of  the  great  events 
which  are  about  to  be  opened  to  our  view,  it  is  necessary  here 
to  take  a  rapid  glance  at  the  state  of  parties  in  Paris  on  our 
return.  Moreau  enjoyed  a  high  military  reputation  ;  the  army 
of  the  Rhine  had  reared  in  its  ranks  men  or  great  valour  j  and 


98  NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 

without  withholding  their  meed  of  approbation  from  the  con- 
queror of  Italy,  there  was  something  which  more  personally 
concerned  themselves  in  their  admiration  of  the  general  who  had 
repaired  the  disasters  of  Scherer  in  Germany.  Nothing,  in  fact, 
is  more  natural,  than  to  exalt  those  particular  triumphs  in  which 
we  ourselves  have  had  a  share.  Bernadotte,  who  was  a  zealous 
republican,  had  been  Minister  of  War  during  our  campaign  in 
Egypt  ;  but  had  resigned  three  weeks  before  the  return  of 
Bonaparte  to  France.  Both  these  generals  enjoyed  the  con- 
fidence of  the  armies  which  they  had  commanded,  and  might 
be  considered  their  representatives.  Bonaparte  had  for  devoted 
adherents  the  companions  of  his  glory  in  Italy,  and  those  whom 
he  afterward  called  '  his  Egyptians.'  The  army  was  absolutely 
republican  ;  whilst  the  miserable  Directory  appeared,  as  it  were, 
an  institution  invented  for  the  express  purpose  of  being  the  instru- 
ment of  intriguers.  Our  road  was  beset  with  difficulties,  which 
it  was  necessary  to  appreciate — an  incredible  enthusiasm,  it  is 
true,  had  accompanied  us  on  our  route  to  Paris  ;  but  something 
more  was  wanting  to  the  obtaining  of  suffrages  than  the  shouts 
of  the  multitude. 

At  this  time,  the  partizans  of  Bernadotte  wished  him  to  re- 
assume  his  post  of  Minister  of  War  ;  and  it  became  of  importance 
to  Bonaparte  to  prevent  this  project  from  succeeding.  Two  days 
after  our  arrival  he  said  to  me,  *I  believe  that  I  shall  have 
Bernadotte  and  Moreau  against  me  ;  but  I  do  not  fear  Moreau 
— he  is  devoid  of  energy  ;  he  prefers  military  to  political  power  ; 
we  shall  gain  him,  by  the  promise  of  a  command.  But  Berna- 
dotte has  Moorish  blood  in  his  veins.  He  is  bold  and  enter- 
prising ;  he  does  not  like  me,  and  I  am  certain  he  will  oppose 
me.  If  he  should  become  ambitious,  he  will  venture  anything  : 
besides,  the  fellow  is  not  to  be  seduced  ;  he  is  disinterested  and 
clever.     But,  after  all,  we  have  just  arrived  ;  we  shall  see.' 

The  first  views  of  General  Bonaparte  had  for  object  the  ob- 
taining a  seat  in  the  Directory,  but  to  this  his  age  presented  an 
insurmountable  obstacle  ;  whatever  efforts  he  might  make  to  get 
over  this  he  found  would  be  in  vain.  As  soon  as  his  intentions 
became  known,  he  found  himself  surrounded  by  all  those  who 
ri;cognised  in  him  the  man  they  had  long  looked  for.  These 
men,  who  were  able  and  influential  in  their  own  sphere,  laboured 
to  effect  a  reconciliation  between  Bonaparte  and  Sieyes,  and  to 
convert  into  friendship  the  dislike  which  existed  between  them. 
It  was  reported  to  Bonaparte  that  Sieyes  had  said,  after  the 
dinner  at  which  he  had  been  treated  with  so  much  disrespect, 


THE    18TH    BRUMAIRE  99 

*  Do  you  see  how  that  little  insolent  fellow  treats  a  member  of 
that  government  which  ought  to  have  ordered  him  to  be  shot  ?  * 

But  all  was  changed  through  the  mediation  of  able  friends, 
who  impressed  upon  Bonaparte  the  hopelessness  of  supplanting 
Sieyes,  and  that  it  was  better  to  join  with  him  in  overthrowing 
that  constitution  which  neither  of  them  loved.  One  said  to 
Bonaparte,  in  my  hearing,  '  Seek  a  support  among  those  who 
treat  as  Jacobins  the  friends  of  the  Republic,  and,  believe  me, 
Sieyes  is  at  the  head  of  that  party.'  Scarcely  had  Sieyes  come  to 
an  understanding  with  Bonaparte,  when  he  let  out  that  Barras 
had  said,  'The  little  Corporal  has  made  his  fortune  in  Italy  ;  he 
has  no  occasion  to  go  back.'  Bonaparte  went  to  the  Directory 
expressly  to  refute  this  assertion  :  he  complained  bitterly  before 
the  Directors  ;  affirmed  boldly  that  his  supposed  wealth  was 
a  fable,  and,  if  he  had  made  his  fortune,  it  had  not  been  at  the 
expense  of  the  Republic. 

During  this  brief  political  crisis,  nothing  passed  more  elevated, 
more  noble,  or  less  contemptible,  than  what  we  have  seen  in 
former  revolutionary  movements.  Everything,  in  these  political 
plots,  is  accompanied  with  so  much  trickery,  falsehood,  and 
treachery,  that  for  the  honour  of  humanity  a  veil  should  be  drawn 
over  their  detail.     All  is  brought  about  by  the  point  of  the  sword. 

Bonaparte  admitted  few  persons  into  his  confidence  ;  he  com- 
municated his  plans  to  those  only  who  were  necessary  to  their 
success.  The  rest  mechanically  followed  their  leaders,  and  the 
impulse  which  was  given  to  them  :  they  passively  waited  the 
fulfilment  of  the  promises  they  had  received,  and  by  which  their 
services  had  been  purchased. 

The  parts  in  the  great  drama  which  was  shortly  to  be  enacted 
were  well  cast.  During  the  three  days  preceding  the  9th  of 
November,  everyone  was  at  his  post.  Lucien  pushed  on  with 
activity  and  intelligence  the  conspiracy  in  the  two  Councils  ; 
Sieyes  took  charge  of  the  Directory  ;  Real,  under  the  influence 
of  Fouch6,  negotiated  with  the  departments,  and,  by  the  direc- 
tions of  his  chief,  dexterously  managed,  without  compromising 
Fouch6,  to  ruin  those  from  whom  that  minister  had  derived  his 
power  :  so  early  as  the  5th  Fouche  had  said  to  me,  'Tell  your 
general  to  be  speedy  ;  if  he  delays,  he  is  lost.' 

On  the  morning  of  the  9th  of  November  (18th  Brumaire)  all 
the  generals  devoted  to  Bonaparte  were  assembled  at  his  house 
I  had  never  before  seen  such  a  number  together.  All  were  in 
full  uniform  except  Bernadotte.  I  was  surprised  to  see  him  in 
plain  clothes,  and  I  stepped  up  and  said,  in  a  low  voice,  '  General, 


100  NAPOLEON   BONAPARTE 

everyone  here,  except  you  and  I,  are  in  uniform.'  *  Why  should 
I  be  in  uniform  ? '  said  he.  As  he  uttered  these  words,  Bonaparte, 
struck  with  the  same  surprise  as  myself,  stopped  short  while 
speaking  to  several  persons  around  him,  and  turning  quickly 
towards  Bernadotte,  said — '  How  is  this  .?  you  are  not  in  uniform  ? ' 
'  I  never  am  on  a  morning  when  I  am  not  on  duty,'  repKed 
Bernadotte.  'You  will  be  on  duty  presently.'  *I  have  not 
heard  a  word  of  it  :  I  should  have  received  my  orders  sooner.' 

Bonaparte  then  led  Bernadotte  into  an  adjoining  room.  Their 
conversation  was  not  long,  for  there  was  not  time  to  spare. 

The  modest  abode  of  the  conqueror  of  Italy  was  too  small  for 
such  a  multitude,  they  filled  the  court  and  the  passages. 

The  Council  of  Ancients  assembled  the  same  morning,  in  the 
Tuileries,  at  the  early  hour  of  seven  ;  one  of  the  conspirators 
forthwith  declared  that  the  salvation  of  the  state  demanded 
vigorous  measures,  and  proposed  two  decrees  for  their  acceptance  ; 
one,  by  which  the  meetings  of  the  legislative  bodies  should  be 
instantly  transferred  to  the  Chateau  of  St.  Cloud,  some  miles 
from  Paris :  and  another  investing  Napoleon  with  the  supreme 
command  of  all  the  troops  in  and  about  the  capital,  including 
the  National  Guard.  These  motions  were  instantly  carried  ;  and, 
in  the  course  of  a  few  minutes,  Bonaparte  received,  in  the  midst 
of  his  martial  company,  the  announcement  of  his  new  authority 
He  only  waited  for  this  being  brought  to  him,  before  he  should 
mount  his  horse.  That  decree  was  adopted  in  the  Council  of 
Ancients,  by  what  may  be  called  a  false  majority,  for  the  members 
of  the  Council  were  summoned  at  different  hours,  and  it  was  so 
contrived,  that  sixty  or  eighty  of  them,  whom  Lucien  and  his 
friends  had  not  been  able  to  gain  over,  should  not  receive  their 
notices  in  time. 

As  soon  as  the  message  from  the  Council  of  Ancients  arrived, 
Bonaparte  requested  all  the  officers  to  follow  him.  A  few  hesi- 
tated, and  did  not  :  among  others,  Bernadotte.  Bonaparte  re- 
turned quickly  to  request  him  to  do  so,  but  he  declined. 

A  large  body  of  troops,  amounting  to  about  10,000  men,  had 
been  assembled  from  an  early  hour  in  the  gardens  of  the  Tuileries, 
accompanied  by  the  generals  Bournonville,  Moreau,  and  Mac- 
donald.  Bonaparte  reviewed  these  troops,  and  read  to  them 
the  decree  of  the  Council  of  Ancients,  appointing  him  to  the 
command  of  all  the  military  force,  and  charging  him  with  the 
maintenance  of  the  public  tranquillity. 

At  ten  o'clock  on  the  same  morning,  the  adverse  Council  of 
Five  Hundred  assembled  also,  and  heard,  with  astonishment  and 


THE    18TH   BRUMAIRE  loi 

indignation,  of  the  decree  by  which  their  sittings  were  transferred 
from  Paris  (the  scene  of  their  popular  influence)  to  St.  Cloud. 
They  had,  however,  no  means  of  disputing  that  point  :  they 
parted  with  cries  of  '  Fi-z)e  la  Republique  !  Fi-ve  la  Constitution  ! ' 
and  incited  the  mob,  their  allies,  to  muster  next  morning  on  the 
new  scene  of  action — where,  it  was  evident,  this  military  revolu- 
tion must  either  be  turned  back,  or  pushed  to  consummation. 
During  the  rest  of  the  day  Napoleon  remained  at  the  Tuileries  ; 
the  troops  were  in  arms  ;  the  population  expected  with  breathless 
anxiety  the  coming  of  the  decisive  day.  A  strong  body  of 
soldiery  marched  to  St.  Cloud  under  the  orders  of  Murat. 

On  the  19th  I  went  to  St.  Cloud,  with  my  friend.  La  Valette. 
As  we  passed  the  Place  Louis  XV.,  now  Louis  XVL,  he  asked 
me  what  was  doing,  and  what  my  opinion  was  as  to  the  coming 
events.  Without  entering  into  any  detail,  I  replied,  '  My 
friend,  either  we  shall  sleep  to-morrow  at  the  Luxembourg,  or 
there  will  be  an  end  of  us.'  Who  could  tell  which  of  the  two 
things  would  happen  >  Success  legalized  a  bold  enterprise, 
which  the  slightest  accident  might  have  changed  into  a  crime. 

The  sittings  of  the  Ancients  under  the  presidency  of  Lemercier, 
commenced  at  one  o'clock.  A  warm  discussion  took  place  upon 
the  state  of  affairs,  and  confusion  reigned  in  the  Councils  : — in 
that  of  the  Five  Hundred  disorder  was  at  its  height.  Already 
the  Directory  had  ceased  to  exist.  Sieyes  and  Ducos  had  joined 
the  party  of  Bonaparte  ;  and  Gohier  and  Moulins  were 
prisoners  in  the  Luxembourg,  and  in  the  custody  of  General 
Moreau  ;  Barras,  after  declaring  that  his  sole  object  in  aspiring 
to  the  office  of  a  Director  had  been  his  love  of  liberty,  had  sent 
in  his  resignation.  At  this  moment  Bonaparte  entered,  attended 
by  a  body  of  grenadiers,  who  remained  outside  the  entrance  of 
the  hall.  He  attempted  to  address  this  assembly,  but  his  voice 
was  drowned  in  cries  of,  ^  Liue  the  Republic !  Li-ue  the  Constitu- 
tion !  Donvn  ivith  the  Dictator ! '  Bonaparte  fell  back  upon  the 
grenadiers — he  was  joined  by  his  brother  Lucien,  who  had  been 
president  of  the  assembly  ;  still  the  soldiers  hesitated  to  act,  when 
Lucien,  drawing  his  sword,  cried,  '  I  swear  to  plunge  this  in 
the  bosom  of  my  brother,  if  ever  he  makes  an  attempt  against 
the  liberties  of  Frenchmen.'  This  dramatic  stroke  was  perfectly 
successful  ;  hesitation  vanished  at  the  words,  and,  at  a  sign 
from  Bonaparte,  Murat,  at  the  head  of  the  grenadiers,  rushed 
into  the  hall,  and  drove  out  the  Representatives.  All  were 
obliged  to  yield  to  the  logic  of  the  bayonet,  and  here  ceased  the 
employment  of  a  military  force  on  this  famous  day. 


I02  NAPOLEON   BONAPARTE 

At  ten  o'clock  at  night  the  most  profound  calm  reigned  in 
the  palace  of  St.  Cloud,  where  lately  such  tumultuous  scenes  had 
taken  place.  All  the  Deputies  were  still  there,  and  might  be 
seen  wandering  about  in  the  saloon,  the  galleries,  and  the  courts. 
The  greatest  number  appeared  much  frightened  ;  some  affected 
to  be  satisfied  ;  but  all  were  extremely  anxious  to  get  back  to 
Paris — but  this  they  could  not  do  till  an  order  was  issued  for 
the  purpose. 

The  day  had  been  passed  in  destroying  one  government — it 
became  necessary  to  devote  the  night  to  the  formation  of  a  new 
one.  The  Council  of  Ancients  assembled,  and  Lucien  set  about 
finding  out  such  members  of  the  Council  of  Five  Hundred  as  he 
thought  he  could  rely  upon.  He  succeeded  in  getting  together 
only  about  thirty,  and  these,  with  their  president,  were  supposed 
to  represent  that  numerous  assembly  of  which  they  formed  so 
small  a  part.  This  phantom  of  a  representative  body  was 
essential,  because  Bonaparte,  in  spite  of  the  illegalities  of  the 
preceding  day,  wished  it  should  appear  that  he  had  acted  accord- 
ing to  law.  They  finished  by  decreeing,  that  there  was  no 
longer  a  Directory  ;  and  that  sixty-one  individuals,  who  were 
named,  had  ceased  to  be  members  of  the  national  representation, 
in  consequence  of  the  excesses  to  which  they  were  continually 
proceeding,  and  for  having  taken  an  active  part  in  the  late 
disturbances.  They  decreed,  that  the  powers  of  government 
should  be  administered  by  three  Consuls  ;  and  they  nominated 
to  these  offices,  Sieyes,  Roger  Ducos,  and  Bonaparte.  Every- 
thing was  concluded  by  three  o'clock  in  the  morning,  and  the 
palace  of  St.  Cloud  assumed  its  accustomed  calm,  and  presented 
the  appearance  of  a  vast  solitude. 

At  three  o'clock  in  the  morning  I  accompanied  Bonaparte,  in 
his  carriage,  to  Paris.  He  was  extremely  fatigued,  after  so  many 
trials  and  tribulations.  A  new  feature  was  opened  before  him. 
He  was  completely  absorbed  in  thought,  and  did  not  utter  a 
single  word  during  the  journey.  When  he  arrived  at  his  own 
house  he  said,  '  Bourrienne,  I  said  many  ridiculous  things.  I 
like  better  to  speak  to  soldiers  than  to  lawyers.  These  fellows 
intimidated  me.  I  have  not  been  used  to  public  assemblies  ; 
but  that  will  come  in  time.' 

On  the  morning  of  the  20th  of  Brumaire  (nth  of  November) 
the  first  consul  sent  his  brother  Louis  to  inform  the  ex- 
Director,  Gohier,  that  he  was  at  liberty.  This  haste  was  not 
without  a  motive,  for  Bonaparte  was  anxious  to  install  himself 
in  the  Luxembourg  ;  and  we  removed  there  the  same  evening. 


THE    CONSULATE  103 

Ever^-thing  was  to  be  created — Bonaparte  had  almost  tlie 
whole  of  the  army  with  him,  and  on  it  he  could  depend  ;  b':t 
military  force  was  not  alone  sufficient,  and  he  wished  a  great 
civil  power  legally  established.  He  immediately  set  about 
the  composition  of  a  Senate,  a  Tribunate,  a  Council  of  State, 
and  a  new  legislative  body — in  fact,  a  new  constitution.*  A 
consular  government  was  formed,  at  the  head  of  which  was 
Bonaparte,  named  consul  for  ten  years  ;  Cambaceres,  second 
consul,  also  for  ten  years,  and  Lebrun,  third  consul,  named 
for  five  years.  To  these  were  added  a  conservative  Senate,  a 
legislative  body  of  300  members,  and  a  tribunate  of  100 
members.     This  latter  was  suppressed  in   1807. 

The  consuls,  on  the  17th  ot  November,  gave  directions  for 
the  arrest  and  detention  of  sixty-one  deputies,  thirty-eight 
of  whom  were  ordered  for  transportation  to  the  pestilential 
shores  of  French  Guienne.  The  remainder  were  permitted 
to  remain  in  France,  under  the  inspection  of  the  police.  This 
proscription,  from  which  I  had  the  good  fortune  to  extricate 
M.  Moreau  de  Worms,  produced  a  bad  eftect  ;  it  evinced 
an  ill-timed  severity,  contrary  to  the  assurances  of  moderation 
made  at  St.  Cloud  on  the  9th.  Cambaceres  drew  up  a  report, 
in  which  he  pointed  out  the  inutility  of  such  measures  as  to 
the  maintenance  of  tranquillity,  in  consequence  of  which  the 
orders  for  deportation  were  withdrawn,  and  the  parties  placed 
under  the  surveillance  of  the  police.  Some  days  after  Sieyes 
entered  the  cabinet  of  Bonaparte.  'Here,'  said  he,  'this  M. 
Moreau  de  Worms,  whom  M.  Bourrienne  prevailed  upon  you 
to  save  from  transportation,  has  been  getting  on  at  a  fine 
rate.  I  told  you  what  he  was — I  have  received  from  Sens  a 
letter  which  tells  me  that  he  is  there,  and  that  he  has  been 
denouncing  the  late  changes  in  the  most  violent  manner  to 
the  people  assembled  in  the  market-place.*  'Are  you  quite 
sure  of  your  agents  f  'Entirely  so  ;  I  will  answer  for  the 
truth  of  what  they  have  written.'  Bonaparte  shewed  me  the 
letter,  at  the  same  time  reproaching  me  severely.  'What  will 
you  say.  General,'  said  I,  '  if,  in  the  course  of  an  hour,  I  pro- 
duce to  you  this  same  Moreau,  who  has  been  declaiming  against 
you  at  Sens  ? '     'I  defy  you,'  said  he.     '  I  have  pledged  myself 

*  The  constitution  of  the  year  VIII.  was  presented  on  the  13th  of 
December,  1799,  and  accepted  by  the  people  on  the  7th  of  February, 
1800.  The  establishment  of  the  Council  of  State  took  place  on  the 
24th  of  December,  1799.  The  installation  of  the  new  legislative  body 
and  the  Tr  bunate,  was  fixed  for  the  ist  of  January,  180" 


104  NAPOLEON   BONAPARTE 

for  him,'  returned  I,  'and  I  knew  what  I  was  doing  ;  he  is 
an  enthusiast,  but  a  man  of  honour,  and  incapable  of  breaking 
his  word.'  '  Well,  we  shall  see — Go,  bring  him.'  I  was 
pretty  sure  of  what  I  said  ;  for  about  an  hour  before  I  had 
seen  M.  Moreau,  who  had  remained  concealed  in  Paris  since 
the  9th  of  November.  Nothing  was  more  easy  than  for  me 
to  find  him  ;  and  in  threequarters  of  an  hour  after  he  was 
at  the  Luxembourg.  I  presented  him  to  Bonaparte,  who 
conversed  with  him  a  long  time.  After  he  was  gone,  '  Well, 
said  Bonaparte  to  me,  '  you  were  right  ;  that  fool,  Sieyes,  is 
as  credulous  as  Cassandra — this  shews  us  that  we  must  not 
give  implicit  credit  to  the  reports  of  those  fellows  whom  we 
are  obliged  to  employ  in  the  police — but  in  fact,  Bourrienne, 
this  M.  Moreau  of  yours  is  not  so  bad,  and  I  like  him  much — 
I  must  do  something  for  him.'  M.  Moreau  did  not  long 
wait  for  a  proof  of  the  consul's  favourable  dispositions  towards 
him  ; — a  few  days  after,  on  my  simple  recommendation,  he 
was  appointed  to  a  situation  with  an  annual  salary  of  ten 
thousand  francs  {£,i^i(>   13^.  ^d.). 

At  the  Luxembourg  the  principal  employment  of  Bonaparte 
was  in  planning  ways  and  means  for  raising  money ;  for 
although  Machiavel  has  written  a  chapter  to  prove  that  money 
is  of  very  little  use  in  the  affairs  of  this  world,  Bonaparte  was 
of  a  different  opinion.  He  occupied  here  a  suite  of  rooms 
on  the  ground  floor,  to  the  right,  entering  from  the  street 
Vaugirard.  His  cabinet  was  near  a  private  stair,  leading  to 
Josephine's  apartments  on  the  first  floor — I  occupied  apartments 
on  the  second  floor,  immediately  above.  After  breakfast, 
which  was  served  at  ten,  Bonaparte  would  converse  a  while 
with  his  ordinary  guests,  that  is  to  say,  with  his  aides-de-camp, 
the  persons  he  had  invited,  and  myself,  who  never  quitted  him. 
He  received  also  several  private  friends, — among  others  his 
brothers,  Joseph  and  Lucien,  whom  he  always  saw  with  pleasure, 
and  conversed  familiarly  with  them.  Cambaceres  came  about 
noon  and  remained  with  him  generally  about  an  hour.  Lebrun 
visited  but  seldom.  Notwithstanding  his  elevation,  his  virtue 
remained  unaltered.  He  appeared  to  Bonaparte  too  moderate, 
because  he  always  opposed  himself  to  his  ambitious  views,  and 
to  his  plans  for  seizing  on  the  supreme  power.  When  he  rose 
from  breakfast,  after  having  bid  good  morning  to  Josephine  and 
her  daughter  Hortense,  he  generally  said,  '  Come,  Bourrienne  : 
let  us  go  to  work.' 

During  the  day  I  remained  with  Bonaparte,  sometimes  reading 


AT   THE   LUXEMBOURG  105 

to  him,  sometimes  writing  to  his  dictation.  Three  or  four  times 
in  the  week,  he  went  to  the  council.  We  dined  at  five.  After 
dinner  the  first  consul  ascended  to  the  apartments  of  Josephine, 
where  he  commonly  received  the  visits  of  the  ministers,  and 
always  with  pleasure  those  of  the  Minister  for  Foreign  Affairs  ; 
especially  after  the  portfolio  of  that  department  had  been  placed 
in  the  hands  of  TaDeyrand.  At  midnight,  and  often  sooner,  he 
gave  the  signal  for  retiring,  by  saying  in  a  hasty  manner, '  Come, 
let's  go  to  bed.' 

It  was  at  the  Luxembourg,  in  the  apartments  of  which  the 
adorable  Josephine  presided  with  so  much  grace,  that  the  word 
Madame  came  again  into  use.  This  first  return  to  the  ancient 
French  politeness  was  startling  to  some  zealous  republicans  ;  but 
things  were  soon  carried  further  at  the  Tuileries  by  the  intro- 
duction of  Fotre  Altesse,  on  occasions  of  state  ceremony,  and 
Monseigneur,  in  the  family  circle. 

At  the  commencement  of  the  first  consul's  administration, 
though  he  always  consulted  the  notes  he  had  collected,  he  yet 
received  with  attention  the  recommendations  of  persons  with 
whom  he  was  well  acquainted  ;  but  it  was  not  safe  for  them  to 
recommend  a  rogue  or  a  fool.  The  men  whom  he  most  disliked 
were  those  whom  he  called  babblers,  who  are  continually  prating 
of  everything  and  on  everything.  He  often  said,  *I  want  more 
head  and  less  tongue.' 

On  taking  the  government  into  his  own  hands,  Bonaparte 
knew  so  little  of  the  revolution  and  of  the  men  engaged  in  civil 
employments,  that  it  was  indispensably  necessary  for  him  to 
collect  information  from  every  quarter  respecting  men  and  things. 
But  when  the  conflicting  passions  of  the  moment  became  more 
calm,  and  the  spirit  of  party  more  prudent,  and  when  order  had 
been,  by  his  severe  investigations,  introduced  where  hitherto 
unbridled  confusion  had  reigned,  he  became  gradually  more 
scrupulous  in  granting  places,  whether  arising  from  newly- 
created  offices,  or  from  those  changes  which  the  different 
departments  often  experienced.  He  then  said  to  me,  *  Bourrienne, 
I  give  up  your  department  to  you.  Name  whom  you  please 
for  the  appointments  ;  but  remember,  you  must  be  responsible 
to  me.* 

What  a  list  would  that  be  which  should  contain  the  names  of 
all  the  prefects,  sub-prefects,  receivers-general,  and  other  civil 
officers,  to  whom  I  gave  places  !  I  have  kept  no  memoranda 
of  their  names  :  and,  indeed,  what  advantage  would  there  have 
been  in  doing  so  .'     It  was  impossible  for  me  to  have  a  personal 


io6  NAPOLEON   BONAPARTE 

knowledge  of  all  the  fortunate  candidates  ;  but  I  relied  on 
recommendations  in  which  I  had  confidence. 

I  have  had  little  to  complain  of  in  those  I  obliged  ;  though  it 
is  true  that,  since  my  separation  from  Bonaparte,  I  have  seen 
many  of  them  generously  take  the  opposite  side  of  the  street  in 
which  I  was  walking,  and,  by  that  delicate  attention,  save  me  the 
trouble  of  raising  my  hat. 

When  a  new  government  rises  upon  the  ruins  of  one  which 
has  been  overturned,  the  best  chance  it  has  of  rendering  itself  a 
favourite  with  the  nation,  if  that  nation  be  at  war,  is  to  hold  out 
the  prospect  of  peace  ;  because  peace  is  always  an  object  which 
is  desired  by  the  people.  This  Bonaparte  knew  very  well  ;  and 
if  in  his  heart  he  wished  for  war,  he  was  aware  of  what  vast 
importance  it  was  to  him  to  appear  to  be  desirous  of  peace. 
Thus,  immediately  after  his  installation  at  the  Luxembourg,  he 
hastened  to  notify  to  all  the  foreign  powers  his  accession  to  the 
consulate,  and  likewise  caused  letters  to  be  addressed  to  all  the 
diplomatic  agents  of  the  French  government  abroad.  He  also 
hastened  to  open  negotiations  with  the  court  of  London.  At 
this  time  we  were  at  war  with  nearly  the  whole  of  Europe.  We 
had  lost  Italy.  The  Emperor  of  Germany  was  governed  by  his 
ministers,  who  in  their  turn  were  governed  by  England,  and 
France  had  no  army  in  the  interior.  It  was  of  great  importance 
to  the  first  consul,  that  foreign  powers  should  understand  that  it 
was  impossible  to  expect  the  restoration  of  the  Bourbons  ;  that 
it  was  the  object  of  the  existing  government  to  adopt  a  system 
of  order  and  regeneration  ;  and  that  it  was  capable  of  maintain- 
ing friendly  relations  with  them  all.  To  attain  this  end 
Bonaparte  gave  orders  to  Talleyrand  to  make  the  first  overtures 
of  peace  to  the  English  cabinet.  A  correspondence  took  place, 
which  shewed  the  condescending  policy  of  Bonaparte  and  the 
arrogant  policy  of  England. 

The  exchange  of  notes  which  took  place  was  attended  by  no 
immediate  result.  However,  the  first  consul  had  partly  attained 
his  object  :  if  the  British  government  would  not  enter  into 
negotiations  for  peace,  there  was,  at  least,  reason  to  presume  that 
subsequent  overtures  of  the  consular  government  might  be 
listened  to.  The  correspondence  had,  at  all  events,  afforded 
Bonaparte  the  opportunity  of  declaring  his  principles  ;  and, 
above  all,  it  had  enabled  him  to  ascertain  that  the  return  of  the 
Bourbons  to  France  would  not  be  a  sine  qua  non  condition  for 
the  restoration  of  peace  between  the  two  powers. 

Since  M.de  Talleyrand  had  been  Minister  for  Foreign  Affairs, 


DIPLOMACY  107 

the  business  of  that  department  had  proceeded  with  great 
activity.  It  was  an  important  advantage  to  Bonaparte  to  find 
a  nobleman  of  the  old  regime  among  the  republicans.  The 
choice  of  M.  de  Talleyrand  was,  in  some  sort,  an  act  of  courtesy 
to  the  foreign  courts.  It  was  a  delicate  attention  to  the 
diplomacy  of  Europe  to  introduce  to  its  members,  for  the 
purpose  of  treating  with  them,  a  man  whose  rank  was  at  least 
equal  to  their  own,  and  who  was  universally  distinguished  for 
a  polished  elegance  of  manner  combined  with  solid  good  qualities 
and  real  talents. 

It  was  not  with  England  alone  that  he  sought  to  establish 
friendly  relations  ;  the  consular  government  also  offered  peace 
to  the  house  of  Austria  ;  but  separately.  The  object  of  this 
offer  was  to  awaken  a  jealousy  between  the  two  powers.  Speak- 
ing to  me  one  day  of  his  extreme  desire  for  peace,  he  said, 
*  You  see,  Bourrienne,  I  have  two  great  enemies  upon  my 
hands.  I  will  not  conceal  from  you  that  I  prefer  peace  with 
England.  Nothing  would  be  more  easy  than  to  destroy  Austria. 
She  has  no  money  except  what  she  receives  through  England.' 

These  negotiations,  however,  were  attended  with  no  success. 
None  of  the  European  powers  would  recognize  the  new  govern- 
ment of  which  Bonaparte  was  the  chief  ;  the  victory  of  Marengo 
was  necessary  to  produce  the  peace  of  Amiens. 


CHAPTER     X. 

In  reading  the  history  of  the  great  men  of  antiquity,  we  often 
regret  that  their  historians  have  so  occupied  themselves  with  the 
hero,  that  they  have  forgotten  to  speak  of  the  man.  Though 
no  two  beings  can  more  closely  resemble  each  other  than  an 
illustrious  man  and  an  individual  in  humble  life,  yet  when  we 
follow  them  into  the  details  of  their  private  life,  it  is  not  the  less 
true  that  we  are  desirous  of  becoming  acquainted  with  the  most 
trifling  habits  of  those  whom  great  talents  have  elevated  above 
their  fellows.  Is  this  merely  an  eflect  of  curiosity,  or  is  it  not 
rather  a  movement  of  self-love  .>  and  do  we  not  unconsciously 
seek  to  console  ourselves  for  their  superiority,  by  reflecting  on 
their  weaknesses,  their  faults,  their  absurdities, — in  short,  all  the 
points  of  resemblance  which  they  have  with  other  men.  In 
order,  therefore,  that  persons  who  are  anxious  for  such  details 
may  have  an  opportunity  to  gratify  their  curiosity  in  respect  to 


io8  NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 

Bonaparte,  I  will  here  endeavour  to  describe  him  as  I  saw  him 
from  my  own  observation,  in  his  physical  and  moral  character, 
his  tastes,  his  habits,  his  passions,  and  his  caprices.  I  ought  to 
add,  that  I  do  not  guarantee  the  resemblance  of  the  portrait  which 
I  am  about  to  trace,  but  from  1792  to  1804.,  a  period  during 
which  I  scarcely  ever  lost  sight  of  him. 

The  person  of  Bonaparte  has  served  as  a  subject  for  the  most 
skilful  painters  and  sculptors  ;  many  able  artists,  whose  talent 
does  honour  to  France,  have  successfully  delineated  his  features  • 
and  yet  it  may  be  said  that  there  exists  no  perfectly  faithful 
resemblance.  It  is  not  always  granted  to  genius  to  triumph 
oyer  impossibilities.  His  finely  shaped  head,  his  superb  forehead, 
his  pale  and  elongated  visage,  and  his  meditative  look,  have  been 
transferred  to  the  canvas  ;  but  the  quickness  of  his  glance 
and  the  rapidity  of  his  expression  were  beyond  imitation.  All 
the  various  workings  of  his  mind  were  instantaneously  depicted 
in  his  countenance,  and  his  glance  changed  from  mild  to 
severe,  and  from  angry  to  good-humoured,  almost  with  the 
rapidity  of  lightning.  It  may  be  truly  said,  that  he  had  a 
particular  look  for  every  thought  that  arose  in  his  mind,  an 
appropriate  physiognomy  for  every  impulse  that  agitated  his 
soul. 

He  had  finely-formed  hands,  and  he  was  very  proud  of  them, 
and  took  particular  care  of  them  ;  and  sometimes,  while  con- 
versing, he  would  look  at  them  with  an  air  of  satisfaction.  He 
also  fancied  that  he  had  fine  teeth,  but  his  pretensions  to  that 
advantage  did  not  appear  to  me  to  be  so  well  founded. 

When  he  walked,  either  alone  or  in  company  with  anyone 
in  his  apartments  or  in  the  gardens,  he  stooped  a  little,  and 
crossed  his  hands  behind  his  back.  He  frequently  gave  an 
involuntary  shrug  of  his  right  shoulder,  which  he  elevated  a 
little,  at  the  same  time  moving  his  mouth  from  the  left  towards 
the  right.  If  an  observer  had  not  known  that  these  movements 
were  merely  the  effect  of  an  ill  habit,  he  might  have  supposed 
that  they  were  convulsive  motions.  They  were  in  reality  the 
indices  of  profound  meditation,  and  of  intensity  of  thought. 
Frequently,  after  these  walks,  he  drew  up,  or  dictated  to  me, 
the  most  important  notes.  He  could  endure  great  fatigue,  not 
only  on  horseback  and  on  foot  when  with  the  army,  but  at  all 
times  ;  frequently  walking  five  or  six  hours  at  a  time,  without 
being  aware  of  it.  He  had  a  habit,  when  he  walked  with  any- 
one with  whom  he  was  familiar  to  link  his  arm  into  that  of 
his  companion,  and  lean  on  it. 


HABITS   OF    LIFE  109 

Bonaparte  has  frequently  said  to  me,  '  Bourrlenne,  you  see 
how  temperate  and  thin  I  am  ;  but  nothing  can  prevent  me 
from  thinking  that,  by  the  time  I  am  forty,  I  shall  become  a 
great  eater,  and  get  very  fat.  I  foresee  that  my  constitution 
will  undergo  a  change.  I  take  a  deal  of  exercise  ;  but  what 
of  that — it  is  a  presentiment,  and  will  certainly  be  realized.* 
This  idea  annoyed  him  very  much,  and,  as  I  was  of  a  different 
opinion,  I  never  failed  to  represent  those  fears  as  groundless  ; 
.but  he  could  not  be  convinced,  and,  during  the  whole  time 
that  I  was  with  him,  this  apprehension  never  quitted  him  for 
a  moment,  and  it  was  but  too  well  founded. 

For  the  bath  he  had  an  absolute  passion,  and  considered 
it  a  necessary  of  life  :  I  have  known  him  to  remain  there  for 
two  hours.  During  this  time,  I  read  to  him  the  daily  papers, 
or  any  new  pamphlets  ;  for  he  would  hear  all,  know  all,  and 
see  all,  for  himself.  While  he  remained  in  the  bath,  he  used 
to  be  continually  turning  on  the  warm  water,  and,  at  times, 
would  raise  the  temperature,  so  that  I  have  found  myself 
enveloped  in  such  a  dense  vapour  that  I  could  not  see  to  read, 
and  was  obliged  to  open  the  door. 

I  have  always  found  Bonaparte  extremely  temperate,  and 
an  enemy  to  all  excess.  He  was  aware  of  the  absurd  stories 
which  were  circulated  about  him,  and  he  was  often  vexed 
at  them.  It  has  been  everywhere  said,  that  he  was  subject  to 
fits  of  epilepsy  ;  but,  during  more  than  eleven  years  that  I  was 
constantly  with  him,  I  have  never  seen  in  him  any  symptom 
in  the  least  degree  indicative  of  that  malady.  He  was  of  sound 
health  and  a  good  constitution.  If  his  enemies  have  endeavoured 
to  degrade  him  by  describing  him  as  subject  to  a  grievous 
periodical  infirmity,  his  flatterers  considered,  as  it  would  appear, 
that  sleep  was  incompatible  with  greatness,  and  have  been  as 
far  from  the  truth  in  speaking  of  his  imaginary  watchings. 
Bonaparte  made  others  watch  ;  but  he  slept  himself,  and  he 
slept  well.  He  wished  that  I  should  call  him  every  morning 
at  seven  o'clock  :  I  was,  therefore,  always  the  first  to  enter 
his  bedroom  ;  but  frequently,  when  I  have  attempted  to  rouse 
him,  he  has  said  to  me,  still  half  asleep,  *  Ah,  Bourrienne,  do, 
I  entreat  you,  allow  me  to  sleep  a  little  longer.'  When  nothing 
pressed,  I  did  not  disturb  him  again  till  eight  o'clock.  He 
in  general  slept  seven  hours  out  of  the  twenty-four,  besides 
dozing  a  little  in  the  afternoon. 

Among  the  private  instructions  given  to  me  by  Bonaparte, 
there  was  a  verj'-  singular  one.     'During  the  night,'  said  he. 


no  NAPOi^EON   BONAPARTE 

*  enter  my  chamber  as  seldom  as  possible.  Never  awake  me 
when  you  have  good  news  to  announce  ;  because,  with  good 
news,  nothing  presses  :  but,  when  you  have  bad  news,  rouse 
me  immediately  ;  for  then  there  is  not  an  instant  to  be  lost.' 
This  calculation  was  good,  and  he  found  his  advantage  in  it. 

As  soon  as  he  rose,  his  valet  de  chambre  shaved  him,  and 
dressed  his  hair.  During  these  operations  I  read  the  newspapers 
to  him,  beginning  with  the  Moniteur.  He  paid  little  attention 
to  any  but  the  German  and  English  journals.  '  Get  on,  get 
on,'  he  would  say  as  I  read  the  French  papers  ;  '  I  know  all 
about  it  :  they  only  say  what  they  think  will  please  me.*  I 
have  often  been  surprised  that  his  valet  did  not  cut  him  during 
these  readings  ;  for,  when  anything  remarkable  occurred,  he 
would  turn  abruptly  to  my  side. 

When  Bonaparte  had  finished  his  toilet,  which  he  did  with 
great  care,  for  he  was  particularly  neat  in  his  dress,  we  de- 
scended together  to  his  cabinet.  There  he  signed  the  answers 
to  important  petitions,  the  analysis  of  which  had  been  made  by 
me  on  the  evening  before.  It  was  on  levee  days  particularly, 
and  days  of  parade,  that  he  was  most  exact  in  these  matters, 
because  I  used  to  remind  him  that  the  greater  part  oi 
the  petitioners  would  present  themselves  in  the  apartments, 
and  that  they  would  ask  him  for  answers.  To  avoid  this 
annoyance,  I  informed  them  beforehand  the  decision  of  the 
first  consul.  He  then  read  the  letters  which  I  had  opened 
and  placed  upon  his  table,  arranged  according  to  their  import- 
ance. He  directed  me  to  answer  them  in  his  name.  Sometimes, 
however,  though  rarely,  he  answered  them  himself. 

At  ten,  the  maitre  d'hotel  announced  breakfast  :  we  sat 
down  to  a  repast  of  extreme  frugality.  Almost  every  morning 
he  ate  some  chicken,  dressed  with  oil  and  onions.  He  drank 
very  little  wine  ;  it  was  always  either  claret  or  burgundy, 
but  he  preferred  the  latter.  After  breakfast,  as  after  dinner, 
he  took  a  cup  of  strong  coffee.  I  have  never  seen  him  take 
coffee  between  meals,  and  I  do  not  know  what  gave  rise  to 
the  general  belief  that  Bonaparte  was  particularly  fond  of  coffee. 
This  notion  must  have  originated  with  those  persons  who  pre- 
tended that  he  could  not  sleep  at  night.  The  one  story  is 
necessary  to  the  support  of  the  other.  When  he  did  sit  up  later 
than  usual,  it  was  not  coffee  he  drank,  but  chocolate,  of  which 
he  made  me  take  a  cup  along  with'him  ;  but  this  never  happened 
but  when  our  sittings  were  prolonged  to  two  or  three  in  the 
morning. 


RULING   PASSIONS  iij 

All  that  has  been  said  about  his  immoderate  use  of  snuft, 
has  no  more  foundation  in  truth  than  his  pretended  partiality 
for  coffee.  It  is  true,  he  had  early  learned  this  habit  ;  but 
he  took  it  very  sparingly,  and  always  from  a  box,  of  which 
he  had  a  great  many  ;  because  this  was  one  of  his  hobbies. 
If  he  had  any  resemblance  to  the  great  Frederick,  it  was 
not  in  making  the  pocket  of  his  waistcoat  a  depot  for  snufF, 
for,  as  I  have  already  said,  he  carried  his  notions  of  personal 
neatness  even  to  an  extreme.* 

Bonaparte  had  two  ruling  passions — the  love  of  glory,  and 
the  love  of  war.  He  was  never  more  gay  than  in  the  camp, 
and  never  more  morose  that  when  unemployed.  Building,  too, 
was  gratifying  to  his  imagination,  whilst  projects  of  gigantic 
edifices  filled  the  void  caused  by  the  want  of  active  employment. 
He  knew  that  monuments  form  a  part  of  the  history  of  nations, 
and  that  their  duration  bears  witness  to  the  civilization  of 
their  founders  long  after  they  have  disappeared  from  the  earth, 
and  that  they  likewise  often  bear  false  witness  to  remote 
generations  of  the  reality  of  merely  fabulous  conquests.  He 
knew  that  the  fine  arts  impart  to  great  actions  a  lasting  renown, 
and  consecrate  the  memory  of  those  princes  who  have  protected 
and  encouraged  them.  And  yet  he  has  often  said  to  me, 
'  A  great  reputation  is  but  a  great  noise  ;  the  more  there  is 
of  it,  the  farther  off  it  is  heard.  Laws,  institutions,  monuments, 
nations — all  perisii  ;  but  the  noise  continues,  and  resounds  in 
after  generations.'     This  was  one  of  his  favourite  ideas.     *  My 

*  '  It  has  been  alleged  that  his  majesty  took  an  inordinate  deal  ol 
snuff,  and  that,  in  order  to  take  it  with  the  greater  facility,  he  carried 
it  in  his  waistcoat  pockets,  which,  for  that  purpose,  were  lined  with 
leather.  This  is  altogether  untrue.  The  fact  is,  the  emperor  never 
took  snuff  except  from  a  snuff-box,  and,  though  he  used  a  great  deal, 
he  actually  took  but  very  little.  He  would  frequently  hold  the  snuff- 
box to  his  nose,  merely  to  smell  the  snuff;  at  other  times,  he  would 
take  a  pinch,  and,  after  smelling  it  for  a  moment,  he  would  throw  it 
away.  Thus  it  frequently  happened  that  the  spot  where  he  was  sitting 
or  standing  was  strewed  with  snuff;  but  his  handkerchiefs,  which 
were  of  the  finest  cambric,  were  scarcely  ever  soiled.  He  had  a  great 
collection  of  snuff-boxes  ;  but  those  which  he  preferred  were  of  dark 
tortoise-shell,  lined  with  gold,  and  ornamented  with  cameos  or  antique 
medals  in  gold  or  silver.  Their  form  was  a  narrow  oval,  with  hinged 
lids.  He  did  not  like  round  boxes,  because  it  was  necessary  to  employ 
both  hands  to  open  them,  and  in  this  operation  he  not  unfrequently 
let  the  box  or  the  lid  fall.  His  snuff  was  generally  very  coarse  rappee  : 
but  he  sometimes  liked  to  have  several  kinds  of  snuff  mixed  together.* 
— Memoires  de  Constant. 


112  NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 

power,'  he  would  say,  'depends  on  my  glory,  and  my  glory 
on  the  victories  I  have  gained.  My  power  will  fall  if  I  do 
not  base  it  on  fresh  glories  and  new  victories.  Conquest 
has  made  me  what  I  am,  and  conquest  alone  can  enable  me 
to  maintain  my  position.'  It  was  this  sentiment  which  was 
always  uppermost  in  his  mind,  and  which  became  his  ruling 
principle  of  action — that  occasioned  his  incessant  dreaming 
of  new  wars,  and  scattering  their  seeds  throughout  Europe. 
He  believed  that  if  he  remained  stationary,  he  would  fall,  and 
he  was  tormented  with  the  desire  to  be  always  advancing. 
*  A  newly-born  government,'  said  he,  'must  dazzle  and  astonish  ; 
when  it  ceases  to  do  that,  it  must  fall.'  It  was  impossible  to 
expect  repose  on  the  part  of  a  man  who  was  restlessness  itself. 

His  sentiments  towards  France  differed  much  from  those 
he  had  entertained  in  his  youth.  For  a  length  of  time  he 
bore  with  impatience  the  recollection  of  the  conquest  of  Corsica, 
which  he  then  considered  his  country.  But  this  feeling  was 
effaced,  and  I  can  affirm  that  he  passionately  loved  France. 
His  imagination  kindled  at  the  very  idea  of  seeing  her  great, 
happy,  powerful,  and  dictating  her  laws  to  other  nations. 
He  fancied  his  name  inseparably  connected  with  France,  and 
resounding  in  the  ears  of  posterity.  In  all  his  actions,  the 
present  moment  vanished  before  the  ages  yet  to  come  ;  so 
in  every  country  in  which  he  made  war,  the  opinion  of  France 
was  present  to  his  mind.  As  Alexander,  at  Arbela,  thought 
less  of  having  vanquished  Darius  than  in  having  gained  the 
suffrages  of  the  Athenians,  so  Bonaparte,  at  Marengo,  was 
haunted  by  the  idea  of '  What  will  they  say  of  this  in  France  } ' 

Before  fighting  a  battle,  Bonaparte  thought  little  about  what 
he  should  do  in  case  of  success  ;  but  a  good  deal  about  what 
he  should  do  in  case  of  a  reverse.  I  state  this  as  a  fact  of 
which  I  have  often  been  a  witness,  and  I  leave  to  his  brethren 
in  arm*  the  task  of  deciding  whether  his  calculations  were 
always  correct.  He  accomplished  much,  because  he  risked 
everything  ;  his  excessive  ambition  urged  him  on  to  power, 
and  power  obtained  only  furnished  food  for  his  ambition. 
He  was  thoroughly  convinced  of  the  truth,  that  a  mere  trifle 
frequently  decides  the  greatest  events.  This  was  the  reason 
that  he  was  always  more  anxious  to  watch  events  than  to 
tempt  them  ;  and  when  the  right  moment  approached,  he 
then  suddenly  took  advantage  of  it.  It  is  curious  that,  in 
the  midst  of  all  the  cares  occasioned  by  his  warlike  projects, 
and  the  labours  of  government,  the  fear  of  the  Bourbons  pursued 


SELFISH    CHARACTER  113 

him  incessantly  ;  and  his  mighty  mind  beheld,  in  the  Faubourg 
Saint  Germain,  a  phantom  which  never  ceased  to  menace  him. 

Bonaparte  was  not  naturally  disposed  to  form  a  high  estimate 
of  human  nature,  and  he  despised  men  the  more  as  he  became 
better  acquainted  with  them.  In  him,  this  unfavourable  opinion 
of  human  nature  was  justified  by  many  glaring  examples  of 
baseness,  and  his  severity  was  the  result  of  a  maxim  he 
frequently  repeated,  'There  are  two  levers  by  which  men 
may  be  moved — fear  and  interest."  What  esteem,  for  instance, 
could  Bonaparte  have  for  the  pensioners  on  the  treasury  of 
the  Opera  .?  This  fund  received  a  considerable  sum  from  the 
gambling  houses,  a  part  of  which  served  to  cover  the  expenses 
of  that  magnificent  theatre.  The  remainder  was  distributed 
in  gratuities,  and  for  other  secret  purposes,  which  were  paid 
on  orders  signed  by  Duroc.  There  might  often  be  seen 
entering,  by  the  little  door  in  the  Rue  Rameau,  personages 
of  very  different  characters.  The  lady  who  was  the  favourite 
of  the  commander-in-chief  in  Egypt,  whose  captive  husband 
was  so  maliciously  released  by  the  English,  was  a  frequent 
visitor  at  the  treasury.  There  might  be  found  together  a 
philosopher  and  an  actor,  a  celebrated  orator  and  a  broken- 
down  musician,  a  priest,  a  courtesan,  and  even  a  cardinal. 

One  of  Bonaparte's  greatest  misfortunes  was,  that  he  did 
not  believe  in  friendship,  nor  did  he  feel  the  necessity  of 
loving,  the  most  gratifying  sentiment  given  to  man.  How 
often  has  he  said  to  me,  'Friendship  is  but  a  name;  I  love 
no  one,  no,  not  even  my  brothers;  Joseph,  perhaps,  a  little; 
and  if  I  do  love  him,  it  is  from  habit,  and  because  he  is 
my  elder.  Duroc  !  ah,  yes  !  I  love  him  too  ;  but  why  ?  his 
character  pleases  me  ;  he  is  cold,  reserved,  and  resolute  ;  ^  and 
I  really  believe  he  never  shed  a  tear  !  As  to  myself,  it  is 
aU  one  to  me  ;  I  know  well  that  I  have  not  one  true  friend. 
As  long  as  I  continue  what  I  am,  I  may  have  as  many 
pretended  friends  as  I  please.  Believe  me,  Bourrienne,  we 
must  leave  sensibility  to  the  women,  it  is  their  business  ;  but 
men  should  be  firm  in  heart  and  in  purpose,  or  they  should  have 
nothing  to  do  with  war  or  government.' 

In  his  social  relations  Bonaparte's  temper  was  bad  ;  but 
his  fits  of  ill-humour  passed  away  like  a  cloud,  and  spent 
themselves  in  words.  His  violent  language,  and  his  bursts 
of  indignation,  were  all  calculated  and  prepared  beforehand  : 
when  he  wished  to  express  his  dissatisfaction  to  anyone,  he  liked 
to  have  a  witness  preicnt  ;  then  his  remarks  were  always  harsh 

S 


114  NAPOLEON   BONAPARTE 

severe,  and  humiliating.  But  he  was  sparing  of  these  violent 
attacks  ;  and  they  never  took  place  but  upon  sufficient  proof  of 
the  misconduct  of  those  against  whom  they  were  directed. 

When  it  was  his  intention  to  give  anyone  a  lecture,  he  always 
desired  to  have  a  third  party  as  witness  5  I  have  often  thought 
that  this  gave  him  a  greater  degree  of  confidence  ;  in  fact,  when 
alone  with  him,  and  when  one  had  become  acquainted  with  his 
character,  you  were  certain  of  getting  the  better,  by  mustering  a 
sufficiency  of  coolness,  moderation,  and  good  temper.  We  are 
told  that  he  has  declared  at  St.  Helena,  that  he  has  admitted  a 
third  person  on  such  occasions,  only  that  the  blow  might  resound 
to  a  greater  distance.  That,  however,  was  not  his  real  motive  ; 
because,  in  that  case,  it  would  have  been  more  simple  to  have 
made  the  affair  public  at  once  ;  but  he  had  other  reasons. 
During  the  whole  time  I  remained  in  his  service,  I  have  remarked, 
that  he  disliked  private  interviews  ;  when  he  expected  anyone, 
he  has  said  to  me  beforehand,  '  Bourrienne,  you  are  to  remain '  ; 
and  when  anyone  was  announced  whom  he  did  not  expect,  as 
a  minister  or  a  general,  on  my  rising  to  go  out,  he  would  say 
in  an  undertone,  '  Stay  where  you  are.*  Certainly  it  was  not 
with  the  design  of  getting  what  he  said  reported  abroad  that  he 
detained  me,  for  it  was  as  foreign  to  my  character,  as  to  my 
duty,  to  gossip  what  I  had  heard — I  should  not  have  had  time 
to  do  so  ;  besides,  it  may  be  presumed  that  the  small  number  of 
persons  admitted  as  witnesses  to  those  conferences,  were  aware 
of  the  consequences  attending  indiscreet  disclosures  under  a 
government  that  was  made  acquainted  with  all  that  was  said 
and  done. 

Bonaparte  entertained  the  most  profound  aversion  to  the 
sanguinary  men  of  the  revolution,  and  particularly  for  the 
regicides.  It  was  a  painful  burden  to  him,  to  be  under  the 
necessity  of  dissembling  his  sentiments  towards  them  ;  and  when 
he  spoke  to  me  of  these  men  of  blood,  of  those  whom  he  called 
the  assassins  of  Louis  XVL,  it  was  with  horror  ;  and  he  deplored 
the  necessity  that  he  was  under  of  employing  them.  How  often 
has  he  said  to  Cambaceres  at  the  same  time  gently  pinching  his 
ear,  to  soften  by  this  familiarity  the  bitterness  of  the  remark — 
'  My  dear  Cambaceres,  I  had  nothing  to  do  with  it  ;  but  your 
case  is  clear  ;  if  ever  the  Bourbons  return,  you  will  be  hanged  ! ' 
A  forced  laugh  would  then  contract  the  leaden  countenance  or 
Cambaceres,  in  a  manner  which  it  would  be  as  difficult  as 
disagreeable  to  describe — this  smile  was  uniformly  the  sole  reply 
al   the  second   consul,  who,   only  once,  in  my  hearing,  made 


PECULIARITIES  115 

answer,  •  Comr  now,  let  us  have  no  more  of  these  ill-timed 
jokes.'  If  to  anyone  the  description  of  laughing  like  a  spectre 
could  be  applied,  it  was  to  Cambaceres. 

Bonaparte  had  many  singular  habits  and  tastes.  When  affairs 
did  not  go  as  he  wished,  or  anything  disagreeable  occupied  his 
mind,  he  used  to  hum  something,  which  most  certainly  could 
not  be  called  a  tune,  for  his  voice  was  very  unmusical.  He 
would  at  the  same  time  seat  himself  at  the  writing-table,  and 
swing  back  in  his  chair  in  such  a  manner,  that  I  have  often  been 
obliged  to  caution  him,  lest  he  should  tumble  over.  In  this 
position  he  would  then  vent  his  humour  upon  the  right  arm  ot 
his  elbow-chair,  cutting  it  with  his  penknife,  which  indeed  he 
seemed  to  keep  for  no  other  use.  I  took  care  to  keep  him  at  all 
times  supplied  with  good  pens,  because,  having  to  decipher  his 
scrawls,  it  was  my  interest  that  he  should  write,  not  legibly,  for 
that  was  out  of  the  question,  but  as  little  illegibly  as  possible. 

The  sound  of  bells  pronounced  on  Bonaparte  a  singular  effect, 
which  I  could  never  account  for  ;  he  listened  to  them  with 
delight.  When  we  were  at  Malmaison,  and  walking  in  the 
avenue  leading  to  the  plain  of  Rucl,  how  often  has  the  tolling  of 
the  village  bells  interrupted  our  most  serious  conversations  !  He 
stopped  short,  lest  the  moving  of  our  feet  should  cause  the  loss 
of  any  of  those  sounds  which  charmed  him.  He  used  even  to 
be  vexed,  because  my  feelings  on  these  occasions  did  not  accord 
with  his  own.  So  powerful  was  the  effect  produced  upon  him 
by  the  sounds  of  these  bells,  that  his  voice  would  falter  as  he 
said,  '  Ah  !  this  recalls  to  my  mind  the  first  years  I  passed  at 
Brienne  ;  I  was  then  happy."  When  the  bells  ceased,  he  would 
resume  his  gigantic  speculations  and  launch  into  futurity,  place 
a  crown  upon  his  head,  and  hurl  kings  from  their  thrones. 

Nowhere  except  on  the  field  of  battle  did  I  ever  see  Bonaparte 
more  happy  than  in  the  gardens  of  Malmaison.  During  the 
first  days  of  the  consulate,  we  used  to  go  there  every  Saturday 
evening,  and  stay  the  whole  of  Sunday,  and  sometimes  Monday. 
There  he  neglected  business  a  little,  for  the  pleasure  of  walking, 
and  to  observe  with  his  own  eyes  the  improvements  he  had 
ordered  to  be  made.  At  first,  he  sometimes  visited  the  neigh- 
bourhood ;  but  the  reports  of  the  police  destroyed  this  feeling 
of  security,  by  raising  apprehensions  of  royalist  partizans  in 
ambush  to  carry  him  off.  During  the  first  four  or  five  days 
that  we  stayed  there,  he  amused  himselt  in  calculating  the  annual 
worth  of  this  property.  He  forgot  neither  the  park  nor  the 
kitchen-garden;    he  estimated  the  total  at  8,000  francs  (£3 31 


ii6  NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 

6s.  8^.)  ;  'That  is  not  so  bad,'  said  he  ;  'but  to  live  here  would 
require  an  income  of  30,000  francs '  (;^i,25o).  I  laughed  heartily 
on  seeing  him  apply  seriously  to  this  inquiry ;  these  modest 
aspirations  were  not  of  long  duration. 

When  in  the  country,  he  had  much  pleasure  in  seeing  tall  and 
elegant  females,  clothed  in  white,  walking  in  the  shady  avenues  ; 
he  could  not  endure  coloured  garments,  especially  those  of  a  dark 
colour.  He  also  had  a  dislike  to  ladies  who  were  inclined  to  be 
corpulent,  and  to  those  in  the  family  way  ;  his  repugnance  to 
them  was  extreme,  and  they  were  seldom  invited  to  his  parties. 
He  had  all  the  qualifications  requisite  for  being  what  the  world 
calls  an  agreeable  man,  except  the  wish  to  be  so.  His  manner 
was  imposing  rather  than  pleasing,  and  those  who  did  not  know 
him  well  felt,  when  in  his  presence,  an  involuntary  feeling  of  awe. 
In  the  drawing-room,  where  the  excellent  Josephine  did  the 
lionours  with  so  much  grace  and  affability,  all  was  gaiety  and 
ease,  and  no  one  felt  a  superior  during  the  absence  of  her  lord. 
On  his  arrival,  all  was  changed,  and  every  eye  was  fixed  upon 
his  countenance,  to  read  there  the  disposition  of  his  mind,  whether 
disposed  to  be  talkative,  dull,  or  cheerful. 

He  frequently  talked  a  great  deal,  sometimes  even  too  much, 
but  he  conversed  in  the  most  agreeable  manner,  and  was  truly 
entertaining.  His  conversation  seldom  turned  upon  gay  or 
humorous  subjects,  and  never  upon  frivolous  matters.  He  loved 
discussion  so  much,  that  in  the  heat  of  argument  it  was  possible 
to  draw  from  him  secrets  the  most  important.  Sometimes  he 
amused  himself  in  a  small  circle,  by  telling  stories  of  presentiments 
and  apparitions  :  for  this  he  always  chose  the  dusk  ot  the  evening, 
and  he  would  prepare  his  hearers  for  what  was  coming  by  some 
solemn  remark. 

All  the  narratives  of  Bonaparte  were  full  of  entertainment  and 
originality.  On  a  journey,  he  was  particularly  conversant :  in 
the  heat  of  conversation  he  was  always  fascinating,  always 
abounding  with  new  views  and  sublime  ideas  ;  and  at  times  there 
escaped  some  indiscreet  disclosures  of  his  future  intentions,  or  at 
least  of  matters  which  might  give  a  clue  to  what  he  wished  to 
conceal.  I  ventured  to  remark  on  this  imprudence  ;  he  took  my 
observations  in  good  part,  and  acknowledged  his  tailing,  saying, 
however,  that  he  did  not  think  he  had  gone  so  far.  At  St. 
Helena  he  has  since  frankly  acknowledged  this  want  of  caution. 

When  in  a  good  humour,  his  ordinary  caresses  consisted  in  slight 
fillips  with  the  first  and  second  fingers,  or  gently  pinching  the  tip 
of  the  ear.     In  hie  most  friendlv  conversations  with  those  whom 


PECULIAR    VIEWS,    TASTES  117 

he  admitted  on  a  footing  of  unreserved  intimacy,  he  was  in  the 
habit  of  saying,  'You  are  a  simpleton,  a  ninny,  a  booby,  a  fool, 
an  imbecile."  These  words  served  to  vary  his  cabinet  of  com- 
pliments ;  bat  they  were  never  employed  seriousfy,  and  the  tone 
with  which  they  were  pronounced  rendered  their  application  one 
of  kindness. 

Bonaparte  had  no  faith  either  in  medicine  or  the  prescriptions 
of  physicians.  He  spoke  of  it  as  an  art  altogether  conjectural, 
and  his  opinion  on  this  subject  was  not  to  be  shaken.  His 
powerful  mind  rejected  all  but  demonstrated  truths.  He  had  but 
an  indifferent  memory  for  names  and  dates  ;  but  for  facts  and 
localities  his  memory  was  prodigious.  I  recollect  on  a  journey 
from  Paris  to  Toulon  he  pointed  out  to  me  six  places  well 
adapted  for  great  battles,  and  he  never  forgot  them.  They  were 
recollections  of  the  earliest  journeys  of  his  youth,  and  he  described 
to  me  the  nature  of  the  ground,  and  pointed  out  the  positions 
he  would  have  occupied,  even  before  we  had  reached  the  places 
themselves. 

Bonaparte  was  insensible  to  the  charms  of  poetic  harmony. 
He  had  not  even  sufficient  ear  to  feel  the  rhythm  of  poetry,  nor 
could  he  recite  a  stanza  without  violating  the  metre  :  but  the 
sublime  ideas  of  poetry  charmed  him.  He  idolized  Corneille, 
and  that  to  such  a  degree,  that  one  day  after  the  representation  of 
Cinna  he  said  to  me,  '  If  such  a  man  as  Corneille  lived  in  my 
time,  I  would  make  him  my  prime  minister.  It  is  not  his  poetry 
that  I  admire  so  much,  but  his  good  sense,  his  knowledge  of  the 
human  heart,  and,  in  a  word,  his  profound  policy.'  He  has  said 
at  Saint  Helena  that  he  would  have  made  Corneille  a  prince  ;  but 
at  the  time  he  spoke  to  me  about  him  he  had  not  thought  of 
making  either  kings  or  princes. 

Politeness  to  the  fair  sex  was  no  part  of  the  character  of 
Bonaparte.  He  rarely  had  anything  agreeable  to  say  to  them, 
and  he  often,  indeed,  addressed  to  them  the  rudest  and  most 
extraordinary  remarks.  Sometimes  he  would  say,  'Heavens  ! 
how  red  your  arms  are  ! '  to  another,  '  What  an  ugly  head-dress 
you  have  got  ! '  or,  '  Who  has  bundled  up  your  hair  that  way  > ' 
Again,  '  What  a  dirty  dress  you  have  got  !  do  you  never  change 
your  gown  .? — I  have  seen  you  in  that  one  at  least  twenty  times.' 
To  the  beautiful  Duchess  of  Chevreuse,  remarkable  for  her  fine 
flaxen  hair,  he  said,  '  Why,  bless  me  !  yovir  hair  is  red  ! '  (voiis 
avez  les  cheijeux  roux)  ;  but  as  this  was  evidently  a  play  upon  her 
name  {Chenjreuse),  it  may  pass.  He  often  spent  an  hour  at  the 
toilet  of  his  wife,  who  had  a  most  conect  taste,  and  that,  probably. 


ii8  NAPOLEON   BONAPARTE 

rendered  him  more  fastidious  as  to  the  costume  of  other  ladies. 
At  first,  elegance  was  what  he  chiefly  required  ;  at  a  later  period, 
splendour  and  magnificence  ;  but  he  always  required  modesty. 
He  frequently  expressed  his  dislike  to  those  dresses  which  left  the 
neck  exposed  which  were  in  fashion  at  the  beginning  of  the 
consulate. 

Bonaparte  did  not  love  play,  which  was  fortunate  for  those  he 
invited  to  his  parties  ;  for  when  he  sat  down  to  a  card-table, 
which  he  sometimes  considered  himself  obliged  to  do,  nothing 
could  exceed  the  dullness  of  the  drawing-room,  whether  at  the 
Luxembourg  or  at  the  Tuileries.  When,  on  the  contrary,  he 
walked  about  among  the  company,  everyone  was  pleased,  because 
he  addressed  his  discourse  to  a  variety  of  persons,  but  it  was 
principally  with  learned  men  that  he  wished  to  converse,  and 
especially  with  those  who  had  accompanied  him  on  the  Egyptian 
expedition.  But,  after  all,  it  was  not  so  much  in  the  drawing- 
room  as  at  the  head  of  his  troops  that  one  must  have  seen  him  to 
form  a  just  idea  of  the  man.  Uniform  became  him  much  better 
tlian  the  handsomest  dress  of  any  other  kind.  His  first  trials  of 
dress  coats  were  not  very  happy.  I  have  been  told  that  the  first 
time  he  put  on  his  official  robes  he  wore  a  black  stock  ;  this 
singular  contrast  was  remarked  to  him,  and  he  replied,  '  So  much 
the  better  ;  it  leaves  me  something  at  least  of  the  soldier,  and 
there  is  no  harm  in  that.'  For  my  own  part,  I  neither  saw  the 
black  stock,  nor  heard  this  reply.* 

*  On  the  subject  of  Bonaparte's  dress,  Constant,  his  valet,  gives  the 
following  details  : — 

'  His  majesty's  waistcoats  and  smallclothes  were  always  of  white 
cassimir.  He  changed  them  every  morning,  and  never  wore  them  after 
they  had  been  washed  three  or  four  times.  He  never  wore  any  but 
white  silk  stockings.  His  shoes,  which  were  very  light  and  lined  with 
silk,  were  ornamented  with  gold  buckles  of  an  oval  form,  either  plain 
or  wrought.  He  also  occasionally  wore  gold  knee-buckles.  During 
the  empire,  I  never  saw  him  wear  pantaloons.  The  emperor  never 
wore  jewels.  In  his  pocket  he  carried  neither  purse  nor  money  ;  but 
merely  his  handkerchief,  snuff-box,  a.nd  dondonniHre  [or  sweelmeait-hox). 
He  usually  wore  only  two  decorations,  viz.,  the  cross  of  the  Legion  of 
Honour,  and  that  of  the  Iron  Crown.  Across  his  waistcoat  and  under 
his  uniform  coat,  he  wore  a  cordon  rouge,  the  two  ends  of  which  were 
scarcely  perceptible.  When  he  received  company  at  the  Tuileries,  or 
attended  a  review,  he  wore  the  grand  cordon  on  the  outside  of  his  coat. 
His  hat,  which  it  is  almost  superfluous  to  describe  as  long  as  portraits  of 
his  majesty  are  extant,  was  of  an  extremely  fine  and  light  kind  of  beaver, 
the  inside  was  wadded  and  lined  with  silk.  It  was  unadorned  with 
either  cord,  tassel,  or  feather,  its  only  ornament  being  a  silk  loop, 
fastening  a  small  tri -coloured  cockade." 


RELIGIOUS   VIEWS  119 

The  first  consul  paid  his  private  debts  very  punctually  ;  but  he 
disliked  settling  the  accounts  of  the  contractors  who  bargained 
with  the  ministers  for  supplies  for  the  public  service.  Of  this 
description  of  debts  he  put  off  the  payment  by  every  sort  of 
excuse  and  difficulty,  and  frequently  assigned  the  very  worst 
reasons.  Hence  arose  immense  arrears  in  the  expenditure,  and 
the  necessity  of  a  committee  of  liquidation.  It  was  with  him  a 
principle,  a  fixed  idea,  that  all  contractors  were  rogues.  All  that 
he  did  not  pay  them  he  considered  as  a  just  deduction,  and  the 
sums  subtracted  from  their  accounts  as  in  part  restitution  of  a 
robbery.  The  less  a  minister  paid  upon  his  budget,  the  more  he 
became  a  favourite  with  Bonaparte,  and  this  ruinous  economy 
can  alone  explain  the  credit  which  Decres  so  long  enjoyed  at  the 
expense  of  the  French  navy. 

Bonaparte's  religious  opinions  were  not  fixed.  '  My  reason,* 
said  he  to  me  one  day,  '  keeps  me  in  disbelief  of  many  things, 
but  the  impressions  of  my  childhood,  and  the  feelings  of  my 
early  youth,  throw  me  back  into  uncertainty.'  I  have  already 
said  how  he  was  affected  by  the  tolling  of  bells,  and  it  is  a  fact 
which  I  have  at  least  twenty  times  witnessed.  He  was  fond 
or  conversing  about  religion.  I  have  frequently,  in  Egypt,  on 
board  L'Orient  and  Le  Muiron,  heard  him  take  an  animated 
part  in  conversations  of  this  nature.  He  readily  conceded  every- 
thing that  was  proved,  and  everything  that  appeared  to  him 
to  come  of  men  and  of  time  ;  but  he  would  not  hear  of 
materialism.  I  remember  that,  being  upon  deck  one  beautiful 
night,  surrounded  by  several  persons  who  were  arguing  in  favour 
of  this  afflicting  dogma,  Bonaparte,  raising  his  hand  towards 
the  heavens,  and  pointing  to  the  stars — 'Tell  me,  gentlemen,' 
said  he,  *  who  has  made  all  these  ? '  The  perpetuity  of  a  name 
in  the  memory  of  man  was  to  him  the  immortality  of  the  soul. 
He  was  perfectly  tolerant  towards  every  religion,  and  could  Kot 
conceive  why  men  should  be  persecuted  for  their  religious 
belief* 

Bonaparte  disliked  much  to  reverse  a  decision,  even  when 
aware  tnat  it  had  been  unjust.  In  small  things,  as  well  as  in 
great,  nothing  could  induce  him  to  retrace  his  steps  ;  with  him 
to   fall   back  was  to   be  lost.     I   have  seen  an  example  of  this 

*  Policy   induced    Bonaparte   to   re-establish    religious    worship    in 
France,  which  he  thought  would  be  a  powerful  aid  to  the  consolida- 
tion of  his  power  ;  but  he  would  never  consent  to  the  persecution  cA 
other  religions.     He  wished  to  influence  mankind  in  positive  and  ter.> 
poral  things,  but  not  in  points  of  belief. 


I20  NAPOLEON   BONAPARTE 

tenacity  of  purpose  in  the  case  of  the  general  Latour-Foissac  ; 
he  appeared  aft'ected  by  the  injustice  done  him  ;  but  he  wished 
some  time  to  elapse  before  he  repaired  it.  His  heart  and  his 
conduct  were  at  variance  ;  but  his  good  dispositions  gave  way 
before  what  he  considered  his  public  duty.  In  spite  of  this  sort 
of  feeling,  however,  Bonaparte  was  neither  rancorous  nor  vin- 
dictive. His  character  was  not  a  cruel  one.  I  certainly  cannot 
justify  the  acts  forced  upon  him  by  cruel  necessity  and  the  im- 
perious law  of  war.  But  this  I  can  say,  that  he  has  frequently 
been  unjustly  accused.  None  but  those  who  are  blinded  by  fury 
could  have  given  him  the  name  of  Nero  or  Caligula.  No  part 
of  his  conduct  justified  such  abuse.  I  think  that  I  have  stated 
his  real  faults  with  sufficient  sincerity  to  be  believed  upon  my 
word  ;  and  I  can  assert  that  Bonaparte,  apart  from  politics,  was 
feeling,  kind,  and  'accessible  to  pity ;  he  was  very  fond  of 
children,  and  a  bad  man  has  seldom  such  a  disposition.  In  the 
habit  of  private  lite  he  had  (and  the  expression  is  not  too  strong) 
much  benevolence  and  great  indulgence  for  human  weakness. 
A  contrary  opinion  is  too  firmly  fixed  in  some  minds  for  me 
to  hope  to  remove  it.  I  shall,  I  fear,  have  opposers,  but  I 
address  myself  to  those  who  are  in  search  of  truth.  I  lived  in 
the  most  unreserved  confidence  with  Bonaparte  until  the  age 
of  thirty-four  years,  and  I  advance  nothing  Hghdy.  To  judge 
impartially  we  must  take  into  consideration  the  influence  which 
time  and  circumstances  exercise  on  men  ;  and  distinguish  be- 
tween the  different  characters  of  the  youth  at  school,  the  general, 
the  consul,  and  the  emperor. 

I  have  hitherto  spoken  but  little  of  Murat,  but  being  now 
arrived  at  the  period  of  his  marriage  with  one  of  the  sisters  of 
the  first  consul,  I  take  the  opportunity  of  returning  to  some 
interesting  occurrences  which  preceded  this  alliance,  more 
especially  as  this  will  give  me  an  opportunity  of  entering 
into  some  family  details,  which  I  shall  do  with  becoming 
caution,  but  without  concealing  the  tnith,  which  I  take  for 
my  guide. 

Murat  possessed  an  uncommonly  fine  and  well-proportioned 
form  ;  his  muscular  strength,  the  elegance  of  his  manners,  his 
lofty  bearing,  and  his  dauntless  courage  in  battle,  resembled  less 
a  republican  soldier  than  one  of  those  accomplished  cavaliers 
of  whom  we  read  in  Ariosto  and  Tasso.  The  nobleness  of  his 
manner  soon  made  the  lowness  of  his  birth  to  be  forgotten.  He 
was  affable,  polite,  gallant  ;  and  in  the  field  of  battle  twenty 
men,    commanded    by   Murat,  were   worth    a  whole  regiment. 


MURAT'S   EARLY   CAREER  121 

Once  only  he  shewed  himself  under  the  influence  of  fear  ;  *  and 
we  shall  see  in  what  circumstance  it  was  that  he  ceased  to  be 
himself. 

When  Bonaparte,  in  his  first  Italian  campaign,  had  forced 
Wurmser  to  take  refuge  in  Mantua,  with  28,000  men,  he 
ordered  Miollis,  with  only  4000  men,  to  oppose  any  sorties 
which  the  Austrian  general  might  make.  In  one  of  these  sorties, 
Murat,  at  the  head  of  a  feeble  detachment,  was  ordered  to 
charge  Wurmser.  He  was  afraid,  neglected  to  execute  the 
order,  and  in  the  first  moment  of  confusion,  said  that  he  was 
wounded.  Murat  immediately  fell  into  disgrace  with  the 
Commander-in-chief,  whose  aide-de-camp  he  was 

Murat  had  been  previously  sent  to  Paris  to  present  to  the 
Directory  the  first  colours  taken  by  the  Army  of  Italy  in  the 
battles  of  Dego  and  Mondovi.  It  was  on  this  occasion  that 
he  became  acquainted  with  Madame  Tallien,  and  the  wife 
of  the  General-in-chief.  But  he  had  already  been  introduced 
to  the  beautiful  Caroline  Bonaparte,  in  Rome,  at  the  house 
of  her  brother  Joseph,  who  there  exercised  the  functions  of 
ambassador  of  the  Republic.  It  even  appeared  that  Caroline 
had  not  been  then  indifferent  to  him,  and  that  he  was  the 
successful  rival  of  the  son  of  the  Princess  of  Santa  Croce,  who 
eagerly  sought  the  honour  of  her  hand.  Madame  Tallien 
and  Madame  Bonaparte  gave  a  distinguished  reception  to  the 
aide-de-camp,  and  as  they  possessed  considerable  influence  with 
the  Directory,  they  solicited  and  obtained  for  him  the  rank 
of  general  of  brigade.  It  was  a  remarkable  thing  at  the  time 
to  see  Murat,  notwithstanding  his  rank,  remain  the  aide-de-camp 
of  Bonaparte,  the  military  code  not  permitting  him  to  have 
an  aide-de-camp  of  a  rank  superior  to  that  of  chief  of  brigade, 
which  was  equivalent  to  that  of  colonel.  This  was  an  anticipa- 
tion of  the  prerogatives  usually  reserved  for  princes  and  kings. 

It  was  after  this  mission  that  Murat,  on  his  return  to  Italy, 
fell  into  disgrace  with  the  Commander-in-chief,  who  placed  him 
in  the  division  of  Rcill6,  and  afterwards  in  that  of  Baraguay 
d'Hilliers.  So  that  when  we  went  to  Paris,  after  the  treaty  o^ 
Campo-Formio,  Murat  was  not  of  the  party.  But  as  the 
lad'tts,  with  whom  he  vvas  a  great  favourite,  interested  themselves 

•  Marshal  Lannes,  so  brave  and  brilliant  in  war,  and  so  well  able 
to  appreciate  courage,  one  day  sharply  rebuked  a  colonel,  ''or  having 
punished  a  young  officer  just  arrived  from  Fontainebleau,  because  he 
gave  evidence  of  fear  in  his  first  engagement.  '  Know,  colonel,'  said 
he,  '  none  but  a  coward  will  boast  that  he  never  was  afraid.' 


122  NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 

much  for  him,  and  were  not  without  interest  with  the  Minister 
of  War,  they  succeeded  in  having  Murat  joined  to  the  army 
of  Egypt,  when  he  was  attached  to  the  division  of  Genes.  On 
board  UOrient  he  remained  constantly  in  the  most  complete 
disgrace.  During  the  passage  Bonaparte  never  once  spoke  to 
him  ;  and  even  in  Egypt  he  treated  him  with  the  greatest 
coolness,  and  frequently  sent  him  from  the  head-quarters  on 
difficult  missions.  But  the  General-in-chief  having  at  length 
opposed  him  to  Mourad  Bey,  Murat  performed  such  prodigies 
of  valour,  in  so  many  perilous  encounters,  that  he  effaced  the 
transient  stain  which  a  moment  of  hesitation  had  attached  to 
him  under  the  walls  of  Mantua.  And,  finally,  he  contributed 
so  powerfully  to  the  success  of  the  day  at  Aboukir,  that 
Bonaparte,  pleased  to  be  able  to  bring  to  France  the  last 
laurel  which  he  had  gathered  in  Egypt,  forgot  the  fault  of  a 
moment,  and  wished  also  to  forget  what  had  doubtlessly  been 
told  him  of  Murat ;  for,  although  Bonaparte  never  said  so  to 
me,  I  had  sufficient  reasons  for  thinking  that  the  name  of 
Murat  had  been  coupled  with  that  of  Charles,  by  Junot,  in 
the  course  of  his  indiscreet  disclosures  at  the  wells  of  Messoudiah. 
The  charge  of  grenadiers,  commanded  by  Murat  on  the  19th 
Brumaire,  in  the  hall  of  the  Five  Hundred,  removed  all  the 
remaining  traces  of  dislike  ;  and  during  those  moments  when 
the  aspirations  of  ambition  reigned  paramount  in  the  mind  of 
Bonaparte,  the  rival  of  the  Prince  of  Santa  Croce  was  appointed 
to  the  command  of  the  consular  guard. 

It  is  reasonable  to  suppose  that  Madame  Bonaparte,  in  seeking 
to  conciliate  the  esteem  of  Murat,  by  aiding  his  advancement, 
had  principally  in  view  to  obtain  an  additional  partisan  to 
oppose  to  the  brothers  and  the  family  of  Bonaparte  ;  and  for 
this  she  had  sufficient  reason.  They  allowed  no  occasion  to 
pass  of  manifesting  their  jealousy  and  hatred  5  and  the  good 
Josephine,  who  could  be  reproached  with  nothing  but  the  being, 
perhaps,  too  much  of  the  woman,  was  tormented  by  dismal 
presentiments.  Carried  away  by  the  easiness  of  her  disposition, 
she  did  not  see  that  the  coquetry  which  procured  her  defenders 
placed  arms  at  the  same  time  in  the  hands  of  her  most  implacable 
enemies. 

In  this  state  of  things  Josephine,  who  was  well  convinced 
that  she  had  attached  Murat  to  herself  by  the  bonds  of  friend- 
ship and  gratitude,  and  ardently  wishing  to  see  him  united 
to  Bonaparte  by  a  family  alliance,  favoured  with  all  her  influence 
his  marriage  with  Caroline.     She  was  not  ignorant  that  already. 


MURAT'S   MARRIAGE  123 

at  Milan,  an  intimacy  had  commenced  between  Caroline  and 
Murat,  which  rendered  their  marriage  extremely  desirable  ;  and 
it  was  she  who  first  proposed  it  to  Murat.  Murat  liesitated, 
and  proceeded  to  consult  M.  CoUot,  a  good  counsellor  in  all 
things  ;  and  whose  intimate  relations  with  Bonaparte  had  made 
him  acquainted  with  all  the  secrets  of  the  family.  M.  CoUot 
advised  Murat  to  go  without  loss  of  time,  and  make  a  formal 
demand  to  the  first  consul  of  his  sister's  hand.  Murat  went 
immediately  to  the  Luxembourg  for  the  purpose,  and  made  his 
proposals  to  Bonaparte.  Did  he  do  right  ?  But  for  this  he 
had  not  mounted  the  throne  of  Naples — but  for  this  he  had  not 
been  shot  at  Pizzo. 

Be  it  as  it  may,  the  first  consul  received  the  proposal  of  Murat 
more  as  a  sovereign  than  as  a  fellow-soldier.  He  heard  him 
with  unmoved  gravity,  and  said  that  he  would  take  time  to 
consider  it,  but  gave  no  positive  answer. 

Murat's  proposal  was,  as  may  be  supposed,  the  subject  of  the 
evening's  conversation  at  the  Luxembourg  ;  Madame  Bonaparte 
exerted  all  her  powers  of  persuasion  to  obtain  the  consent  of  the 
first  consul.  Hortense,  Eugene,  and  myself,  joined  our  entreaties. 
•Murat,'  said  he,  'Murat  is  the  son  of  an  innkeeper.  In  the 
elevated  rank  to  which  fortune  and  my  glory  have  raised  me,  I 
cannot  mix  my  blood  with  his.  Besides,  there  is  no  hurry — I 
shall  see  by-and  by.*  We  dwelt  on  the  mutual  affection  of 
the  young  people,  and  we  did  not  forget  to  mention  Murat's 
devotion  to  his  person,  and  to  recall  to  his  recollection  his 
brilliant  courage,  and  his  gallant  conduct  in  Egypt,  '  Yes,*  said 
he,  with  animation,  'Murat  was  superb  at  Aboukir.*  We  did 
not  allow  the  favourable  moment  to  escape,  we  redoubled  our 
persuasions,  and  at  length  lie  consented.  When,  in  the  evening, 
he  and  I  were  alone  in  his  cabinet — '  Well,  Bourrienne,*  said  he, 
•  you  ought  to  be  satisfied — for  my  part  I  am  ;  all  things 
considered  Murat  suits  my  sister,  and  then  they  cannot  say  that 
I  am  proud,  that  I  seek  grand  alliances.  Had  I  given  my  sister 
to  a  noble,  all  you  Jacobins  wouKi  have  cried  out  for  a  counter- 
revolution. Besides,  I  am  pleased  that  my  wife  takes  an  interest 
in  the  marriage  ;  you  are  aware  of  the  reasons.  Since  it  is 
settled,  I  must  hasten  the  business,  we  have  no  time  to  lose.  If 
I  go  to  Italy,  I  wish  to  take  Murat  with  us — I  must  strike  a 
decisive  blow  there — come  to-morrow.* 

On  the  following  morning,  at  seven  o*clock,  when  I  entered 
the  chamber  of  the  first  consul,  he  appeared  still  better  pleased 
than  on  the  preceding  evening  with  the  resolution  he  liad  come 


124  NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 

to.  I  could  easily  perceive  that,  with  all  his  finesse,  he  was  not 
aware  of  the  real  motive  which  had  induced  Josephine  so  to 
interest  herself  about  the  marriage  of  Murat  and  Caroline. 
From  the  satisfaction  of  Bonaparte,  it  appeared  to  me  that  in 
the  earnestness  of  his  wife  he  had  found  a  proof  that  the  reports 
of  her  intimacy  with  Murat  were  calumnies. 

The  marriage  of  Murat  and  Caroline  was  privately  celebrated 
at  the  Luxembourg.  The  first  consul  had  not  yet  learned  to 
consider  his  family  affairs  as  affairs  of  state.  But  previous  to  the 
celebration,  we  had  to  play  a  little  comedy,  in  which  I  could  not 
but  accept  a  part,  and  which  I  may  as  well  relate  here. 

At  the  time  of  the  marriage  of  Murat,  Bonaparte  had  but 
little  money,  and  therefore  he  gave  his  sister  but  thirty  thousand 
francs  as  a  portion.  Still  feeling  the  necessity  of  making  her  a 
marriage  present,  and  not  having  money  to  purchase  a  suitable 
one,  he  took  a  diamond  necklace  which  belonged  to  his  wife,  and 
gave  it  to  the  future  bride.  Josephine  was  by  no  means  satisfied 
with  this  subtraction,  and  set  her  wits  to  work  to  find  the  means 
of  replacing  her  necklace.  She  knew  the  jeweller  Foucier 
possessed  a  magnificent  collection  of  fine  pearls,  which,  it  was  said, 
had  belonged  to  the  unfortunate  Marie  Antoinette.  Josephine 
caused  them  to  be  brought  to  her,  and  judged  there  was  sufficient 
to  make  a  very  fine  necklace.  But  to  purchase  them  required 
two  hundred  and  fifty  thousand  francs,  and  how  was  the  money 
to  be  raised  ?  Madame  Bonaparte  had  recourse  to  Berthier,  at 
that  time  Minister  of  War.  Berthier,  after  biting  his  nails  as 
usual,  set  about  liquidating  certain  demands  against  the  hospital 
service  of  Italy  ;  and  as  the  contractors  in  those  days  took  care 
to  be  grateful  to  their  patrons,  the  pearls  passed  from  the  strong 
chest  of  M.  Foucier  to  the  jewel-case  of  Madame  Bonaparte. 

The  pearls  were  thus  secured  ;  but  there  arose  another  trifling 
difficulty,  of  which  Madame  Bonaparte  had  never  dreamed. 
How  was  she  to  wear  a  necklace  purchased  without  the  knowledge 
of  her  husband  f  What  rendered  this  more  difficult  was,  that 
the  first  consul  knew  that  his  wife  had  no  money  ;  and  being, 
besides,  something  of  a  busybody,  he  knew,  or  thought  he  knew, 
of  all  the  jewellery  of  Josephine.  The  pearls  remained,  therefore, 
upwards  of  a  fortnight  in  the  jewel-case  of  Madame  Bonaparte, 
without  her  venturing  to  wear  them.  What  a  punishment  for 
a  woman  !  At  length  her  vanity  overcame  her  prudence,  and 
being  unable  to  conceal  them  any  longer,  Josephine  said  to  me, 
'  Bourrienne,  to-morrow  there  will  be  a  great  drawing  room,  and 
I   must  absolutely  wear  my   pearls.     But,   you   know,  he   will 


DECEIVED    BY   JOSEPHINE  125 

grumble  if  he  notices  them.  I  beg,  Bourrienne,  that  you  will 
keep  near  me.  If  he  asks  me  how  I  got  my  pearls,  I  will  answer, 
without  hesitation,  that  I  have  had  them  for  a  length  of  time.' 

Everything  happened  as  Josephine  had  feared  ;  Bonaparte, 
noticing  the  pearls,  did  not  fail  to  say  to  her,  *  Ah,  what  have 
we  got  here  f  How  very  fine  you  are  to-day  !  Where  did  you 
get  these  pearls  .?  I  don't  think  I  have  ever  seen  them.'  'To  be 
sure  you  have — you  have  seen  them  a  dozen  times.  It  is  the 
necklace   which   the   Cisalpine   Republic  gave  me,  and  which  I 

wore  in  my  hair.*     '  But  I  think .'     '  Well,  ask  Bourrienne — 

he  will  tell  you.'  *  Well,  Bourrienne,  what  do  you  say  to  it  .? 
Do  you  recollect  them  .? '  '  Yes,  General,  I  recollect  very  well 
having  seen  them  before.'  This  was  not  untrue,  for  Madame 
Bonaparte  had  previously  shewn  them  to  me  ;  and  besides,  she 
had  in  fact  received  a  pearl  necklace  from  the  Cisalpine  Republic, 
but  it  was  by  no  means  to  be  compared  to  that  of  Foucier. — 
Madame  Bonaparte  acted  her  part  admirably,  and  I  did  not  act 
amiss  the  character  of  accomplice,  which  was  assigned  to  me  in 
this  little  comedy.  Bonaparte  had  no  suspicions.  When  I  beheld 
the  easy  confidence  of  Madame  Bonaparte,  I  could  not  help 
recollecting  Suzanne's  reflection  on  the  facility  with  which  well- 
bred  ladies  can  tell  falsehoods  without  appearing  to  do  so. 


CHAPTER    XI. 

It  is  not  my  intention  to  say  much  about  the  laws,  acts,  and 
decrees,  which  the  first  consul  passed  or  authorized.  What,  indeed, 
were  they  all,  with  the  exception  of  the  civil  code  ?  I  cannot, 
however,  omit  to  state,  that  many  of  the  first  decisions  of  the 
consuls  had  very  beneficial  effects  in  the  restoration  of  order 
throughout  France.  Perhaps  none  but  those  who  recollect  the 
previous  state  of  society',  can  fully  appreciate  them.  The 
Directory,  more  base  and  equally  perverse  as  the  Convention, 
had  retained  the  horrible  21st  of  January*  as  one  of  the  festivals 
of  the  Republic.     The  first  consul,  immediately  on  attaining  to 

Sower,  had  determined  to  abolish  it  ;  but  so  great  was  the  in- 
uence  of  the  abettors  of  this  event,  that  he  had  to  proceed  with 
caution.  He  and  his  colleagues,  Sieyes  and  Roger  Ducos,  signed, 
on   the  5th  Nivose,  a  decree  abolishing  all  festivals,  excepting 

*  The  beheading  of  Louis  XVI. 


126  NAPOLEON   BONAPARTE 

those  of  the  22nd  of  September  and  the  14th  of  July  ;  intending 
by  this^  means  to  commemorate  only  the  recollection  of  the 
foundation  of  the  Republic  and  of  liberty. 

^  All  was  calculation  with  Bonaparte.  To  produce  effect  was 
his  highest  gratification,  and  he  let  slip  no  opportunity  of  saying 
or  doing  things  which  were  calculated  to  please  the  multitude. 

On  the  24th  Brumaire,  he  visited  the  prisons.  He  always 
preferred  to  make  such  visits  unexpectedly,  that  the  governors 
of  the  different  public  establishments  might  be  taken  by  surprise. 
In  this  way  he  generally  saw  things  as  they  really  were.  I  was 
in  his  closet  when  he  returned,  and,  as  he  entered,  he  exclaimed, 
'  What  fools  these  Directors  were  !  To  what  a  state  have  they 
brought  our  public  establishments.  But  stay  a  little.  I  will  put 
all  in  order.  The  prisoners  are  in  a  shocking  state,  and  miserably 
fed.  I  questioned  them  as  well  as  the  jailors,  for  nothing  is  to 
be  learned  from  the  superiors.  When  I  was  in  the  Temple,  I 
could  not  help  thinking  of  the  unfortunate  Louis  XVL  He  was 
an  excellent  man,  but  too  amiable  to  deal  with  mankind.  And 
Sir  Sidney  Smith,  I  made  them  shew  me  his  apartments.  If  they 
had  not  allowed  him  to  escape,  I  should  have  taken  St.  Jean 
d'Acre.  There  are  too  many  painful  recollections  connected 
with  that  prison  ;  I  shall  have  it  pulled  down,  some  day  or  other. 
I  ordered  the  jailors*  books  to  be  brought,  and,  finding  some 
hostages  were  in  confinement,  I  liberated  them.  I  told  them 
an  unjust  law  had  placed  them  under  restraint,  and  that  it  was 
my  first  duty  to  restore  them  to  liberty.  Did  I  not  do  right, 
Bourrienne  ? '  I  congratulated  him  sincerely  on  this  act  of  justice, 
and  he  was  very  sensible  to  my  approbation,  for  I  was  not 
accustomed  to  greet  him  '  well '  on  all  occasions. 

Another  circumstance  which  happened  at  the  commencement 
of  the  consulate,  affords  an  example  of  Bonaparte's  inflexibility, 
when  he  had  once  formed  a  determination.  In  the  spring  of 
1799,  when  we  were  in  Egypt,  the  Directory  gave  to  General 
Latour-Foissac,  a  highly  distinguished  officer,  the  command  of 
Mantua,  the  taking  of  which  had  so  powerfully  contributed 
to  the  glory  of  the  conqueror  of  Italy.  Shortly  after  Latour's 
appointment  to  this  important  post,  the  Austrians  besieged 
Mantua.  It  was  well  known  that  the  garrison  was  supplied 
with  provisions  and  ammunition  for  a  long  resistance  ;  yet,  in 
the  month  of  July,  it  surrendered  to  the  Austrians.  The  act 
of  capitulation  contained  a  curious  article,  viz.,  *  General  Latour- 
Foissac  and  his  staff  shall  be  conducted,  as  prisoners,  to  Austria  ; 
the  garrison  shall  be  allowed  to  return  to  France.*     This  dis- 


HIS   SEVERITY  127 

tinction  between  the  general  and  the  troops  intrusted  to  his 
command,  and,  at  the  same  time,  the  prompt  surrender  ot 
Mantua,  were  circumstances  which,  it  must  be  confessed,  were 
calculated  to  excite  suspicions  of  Latour-Foissac.  The  conse- 
quence was,  when  Bernadotte  was  made  war  minister,  he  ordered 
an  inquiry  into  the  general's  conduct  by  a  court-martial.  Latour- 
Foissac  had  no  sooner  returned  to  France,  than  he  published 
a  justificatory  memorial,  in  which  he  showed  the  impossibility 
of  his  having  made  a  longer  defence,  when  he  was  in  want  of 
many  objects  of  the  first  necessity. 

Such  was  the  state  of  the  affair  on  Bonaparte's  elevation 
to  the  consular  power.  The  loss  of  Mantua,  the  possession  of 
which  had  cost  him  so  many  sacrifices,  roused  his  indignation 
to  so  high  a  pitch,  that,  whenever  the  subject  was  mentioned, 
he  could  find  no  words  to  express  his  rage.  He  stopped  the  in- 
vestigation of  the  court-martial,  and  issued  a  violent  decree 
against  Latour-Foissac,  even  before  his  culpability  had  been 
proved.  This  proceeding  occasioned  much  discussion,  and  was 
very  dissatisfactory  to  many  general  officers,  who,  by  this 
arbitrary  decision,  found  themselves  in  danger  of  forfeiting  the 
privilege  of  being  tried  by  their  natural  judges,  whenever  they 
happened  to  displease  the  first  consul.  For  my  own  part,  I 
must  say,  that  this  decree  against  Latour-Foissac  was  one  which 
I  saw  issued  with  considerable  regret.  I  was  alarmed  for  the 
consequences.  After  the  lapse  of  a  few  days,  I  ventured  to  point 
out  to  him  the  undue  severity  of  the  step  he  had  taken  ;  I  re- 
minded him  of  all  that  had  been  said  in  Latour-Foissac's  favour, 
and  tried  to  convince  him  how  much  more  just  it  would  be 
to  allow  the  trial  to  come  to  a  conclusion.  '  In  a  country,* 
said  I,  '  like  France,  where  the  point  of  honour  stands  above 
everything,  it  is  impossible  Foissac  can  escape  condemnation 
if  he  be  culpable.'  '  Perhaps  you  are  right,  Bourrienne,'  rejoined 
he  ;  '  but  the  blow  is  struck  ;  the  decree  is  issued.  I  have  given 
the  same  explanation  to  everyone  ;  but  I  cannot  so  suddenly 
retrace  my  steps.  To  retrograde  is  to  be  lost.  I  cannot  ac- 
knowledge myself  in  the  wrong.  By-and-by  we  shall  see  what 
can  be  done.' 

Bonaparte  always  spoke  with  great  disrespect  of  the  Directory, 
which  he  had  turned  out,  and  accused  them  of  peculation  and 
of  every  abuse  in  the  administration,  and  frequently  threatened 
to  make  them  refund. 

In  the  first  moments  of  poverty,  the  consular  government  had 
recourse  to  a  loan  of  12,000,000  francs  ;  and,  in  affixing  salaries 


128  NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 

to  the  principal  officers  of  state,  the  greatest'  moderation  was 
exercised. 

The  following  table  shews  the  modest  budget  of  the  consular 
government  for  the  year  VIII  : — 


Francs. 

Legislative  body              ......  2,400,000 

Tribunate 1,312,000 

Archives 75iOOo 

The    three  consuls,   including   750,000  francs    of 

secret  service  money           .....  1,800,000 

Council  of  state                675,000 

Secretaries  to  the  Councils  and  to  the  Councillors 

of  state 112,500 

The  six  ministers    ....         *        .        .  360,000 

The  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs      ....  90,000 

Total        .     6,854,500 

Bonaparte's  salary  was  fixed  at  500,000  francs. 

That  interval  of  the  consular  government  during  which  Bona- 
parte remained  at  the  Luxembourg,  may  be  called  the  preparatory 
consulate.  Then  were  sown  the  seeds  of  the  great  events  which 
he  meditated,  and  of  those  institutions  with  which  he  wished  to 
mark  his  possession  of  power.  He  was  then,  if  I  may  use  the 
expression,  two  individuals  in  one — the  republican  general,  who 
was  obliged  to  appear  the  advocate  of  liberty  and  the  principles 
of  the  revolution  ;  and  the  votary  of  ambition,  secretly  plotting 
the  downfall  of  that  liberty  and  those  principles. 

I  often  wondered  at  the  consummate  address  with  which  he 
contrived  to  deceive  those  who  were  likely  to  see  through  his 
designs.  This  hypocrisy,  which  some,  perhaps,  may  call  pro- 
found policy,  was  indispensable  to  the  accomplishment  or  his 
projects  ;  and  sometimes,  as  if  to  keep  himself  in  practice,  he 
would  do  it  in  matters  of  secondary  importance.  For  example, 
his  opinion  of  the  insatiable  avarice  of  Sieyes  is  well  known  ;  yet, 
when  he  proposed,  in  his  message  to  the  Council  of  Ancients,  to 
give  his  colleague,  under  the  title  of  national  recompense,  the 
price  of  his  obedient  secession,  it  was,  in  the  words  of  the 
message,  a  recompense  worthily  bestowed  on  his  disinterested 
virtues. 

The  presentation  of  sabres  and  muskets  of  honour  dates  also 
from  the  Luxembourg  ;  for  who  does  not  see  that  this  was  but 
preparatory  to  the  foundation  of  the  Legion  of  Honour  }  A 
sergeant  of  grenadiers,  named  Leon  Aune,  having  been  included 


AIMIiNG    AT    ROYALTY  129 

in  the  first  distribution,  easily  obtained  permission  to  write  to  the 
first  consul  to  thank  him.  Bonaparte  wished  to  make  a  parade 
of  answering  him,  and  dictated  to  me  the  following  letter  for 
Aune  : — 

'  I  have  received  your  letter,  my  brave  comrade  ;  you  had  no 
occasion  to  remind  me  of  your  gallant  behaviour  ;  you  are  the 
bravest  grenadier  in  the  army,  since  the  death  of  the  brave 
Benezete.  You  have  received  one  of  the  hundred  sabres  which 
I  have  distributed,  and  all  agree  that  none  deserve  it  better. 

'  I  wish  much  to  see  you  again.  The  Minister  of  War  sends 
you  an  order  to  come  to  Paris.' 

This  cajolery  to  a  soldier  answered  well  the  purpose  which 
Bonaparte  proposed.  The  letter  to  Aune  could  not  fail  of 
circulating  through  the  whole  army.  Only  think  of  the  first 
consul,  the  greatest  general  of  France,  calling  a  sergeant  his  brave 
comrade  ;  who  could  have  written  so  but  a  stanch  republican,  a 
true  friend  to  equality  ?  No  more  was  wanting  to  raise  tlie 
enthusiasm  of  the  army.  At  the  same  time  Bonaparte  began  to 
find  that  he  had  too  little  room  at  the  Luxembourg  ;  and 
preparations  v\ere  set  on  foot  for  a  removal  to  the  Tuileries. 

Nevertheless,  this  great  step  towards  the  re-establishment  of 
monarchy  required  to  be  taken  with  prudence.  It  was  of 
importance  to  do  away  with  the  idea  that  none  but  a  king  could 
inhabit  the  palace  of  our  ancient  kings  :  what  then  was  to  be 
done  ?  They  had  brought  from  Italy  a  fine  bust  of  Brutus,  and 
Brutus  had  sacrificed  tyrants.  This  was  the  very  thing  wanted; 
and  David  received  instructions  to  place  Junius  Brutus  in  the 
gallery  of  the  Tuileries.  What  more  convincing  proof  of  a 
horror  of  tyranny  }  and  as  at  the  same  time  a  bust  could  do 
no  harm,  all  was  in  place  ;  all  perfectly  reasonable. 

To  sleep  at  the  Tuileries  in  the  bed-chamber  of  the  kings  of 
France  was  all  that  Bonaparte  wished  ;  the  rest  would  follow 
of  course.  He  wished  to  establish  a  principle,  the  consequences  of 
which  would  be  afterwards  deduced.  Hence  the  affectation  of 
never  inserting  in  public  documents  the  name  of  the  Tuileries  ; 
but  designating  that  place  solely  as  the  palace  of  the  government. 
The  first  preparations  were  sufficiently  modest,  for  it  was  un- 
becoming in  a  good  republican  to  affect  pomp. 

Nothing  was  a  matter  of  indifference  to  Bonaparte.  It  was 
not  merely  at  hazard  that  he  selected  the  statues  that  were  to 
decorate  the  grand  gallery  of  the  Tuileries.    He  chose  among  the 


I30  NAPOLEON   BONAPARTE 

Greeks,  Demosthenes  and  Alexander,  to  render  homage  at  the 
same  time  to  the  genius  of  eloquence  and  the  genius  of  conquest. 
Among  the  great  men  of  modern  times  he  gave  the  preference  to 
Gustavus  Adolphus,  then  to  Turenne  and  the  great  Cond6  ;  to 
Turenne,  whose  military  talents  he  so  much  admired  ;  to  Cond6 
that  it  might  be  seen  that  there  was  nothing  fearful  in  the 
recollection  of  a  Bourbon  ;  and  to  shew,  at  the  same  time,  that 
he  knew  how  to  render  homage  to  all  who  deserved  it.  The 
recollection  of  the  most  glorious  days  of  the  French  navy  was 
recalled  by  the  statue  of  Duguai  Trouin  ;  Marlborough  and 
Prince  Eugene  had  also  their  places  in  the  gallery,  as  if  witnesses 
of  the  disasters  which  closed  the  great  reign  ;  and  Marshal 
Saxe,  as  it  were  to  shew  that  the  reign  of  Louis  XV.  had  not  been 
altogether  without  glory.  Finally,  the  names  of  Dugommier, 
Dampierre,  and  Joubert,  proclaimed  to  all  the  world  the  esteem 
which  Bonaparte  cherished  for  his  former  brothers  in  arms, 
who  had  become  the  victims  of  a  cause  which  was  no  longer  his. 

About  the  same  time  Bonaparte  completed  the  formation  of 
his  council  of  state  :  he  divided  it  into  five  sections  ;  i.  The 
Interior  ;  2.  The  Finances  ;  3.  The  Marine  ;  4.  That  of  War  ; 
5.  Legislation.  He  fixed  the  salaries  of  the  councillors  of  state 
at  25,000  francs,  and  that  of  the  presidents  of  sections  at  30,000. 
He  settled  the  costume  of  the  consuls,  the  ministers,  and  the 
different  bodies  of  the  state.  This  led  to  the  re-introduction  of 
velvet,  which  had  been  proscribed  with  the  ancient  regime,  and 
the  reason  assigned  for  the  employment  of  this  unrepublican 
article  in  the  dresses  of  the  consuls  and  ministers  was,  that  it 
would  give  encouragement  to  the  manufactures  of  Lyons.  Thus, 
in  the  most  trifling  details,  it  was  the  constant  aim  of  Bonaparte 
to  efface  the  idea  of  the  republic,  and  to  prepare  matters  so  well, 
that  the  habits  of  the  monarchy  being  restored,  all  that  would  at 
length  be  required  would  be  the  change  of  a  name.  I  must  at 
the  same  time  say  that  the  first  consul  despised  the  frivolities  of 
dress  ;  I  do  not  even  recollect  having  seen  him  in  the  consular 
costume,  which  he  only  consented  to  wear  when  he  was  obliged 
to  do  so  at  a  public  ceremony.  The  only  dress  he  was  fond  of, 
and  the  only  one  in  which  he  felt  himself  at  ease,  was  the  modest 
costume  of  the  camp  ;  that  in  which  he  subdued  the  ancient 
Eridanus  and  the  Nile  :  this  was  the  uniform  of  the  guides,  a 
corps  to  which  Bonaparte  was  sincerely  attached,  and  which  it 
must  be  avowed  they  well  deserved  ;  for,  where  else  could  be 
found  such  devotion,  such  firmness,  such  courage  ? 

A  consular  decision  of  another  and  more  important  nature 


HIS   SECRET   POLICE  131 

had  some  time  before,  namely,  about  the  beginning  of  winter, 
brought  happiness  to  a  great  number  of  families.  Bonaparte, 
as  is  known,  had  prepared  the  events  of  the  i8th  Fructidor,  to 
give  him  plausible  reasons  for  overthrowing  the  Directory.  The 
Directory  being  overthrown,  he  wished,  in  part  at  least,  to  undo 
what  had  been  done  on  the  i8th  Fructidor  ;  he,  therefore,  caused 
the  Minister  of  Police  to  present  a  report  on  the  exiled  persons. 
In  consequence  of  this  report,  the  first  consul  authorized  forty  of 
them  to  return  to  France,  placing  them,  however,  under  the 
observation  of  the  police,  and  assigning  them  their  place  of 
residence.  The  greatest  part  of  these  distinguished  men,  whom 
Bonaparte  thus  restored  to  their  country,  did  not  long  remain 
under  the  surveillance  of  the  police.  A  number  of  them  were 
even  shortly  called  to  fill  in  the  government  those  high  functions 
to  which  their  talents  appeared  to  call  them.  It  was,  in  fact, 
natural  that  Bonaparte,  who  wished,  in  appearance  at  least,  to 
base  his  government  on  those  principles  of  moderate  republi- 
canism which  had  caused  their  exile,  should  recall  them  to  second 
his  views.  Barrere  wrote  a  justificatory  letter  to  the  first  consul  ; 
but  he  took  no  notice  of  it,  for  he  could  not  go  so  far  as  to 
esteem  Barrere.  And  thus  he  proceeded  in  calling  to  the  councils 
of  the  consulate  the  men  proscribed  by  the  Directory,  precisely 
as  he  afterwards  called  the  emigrants,  proscribed  by  the  Republic, 
to  the  highest  functions  of  the  empire.  The  time  and  the  men 
were  different  ;  but  the  intention  was  the  same. 


CHAPTER    XII. 

Before  removing  to  the  Tuileries,  the  first  consul  organized  his 
secret  police,  which  he  intended  to  serve  as  a  sort  of  counter 
police  to  that  under  the  direction  of  Fouche.  Duroc  and  De 
Moncey  were  the  first  Directors  ;  afterwards,  Davoust  and  Junot. 
Madame  Bonaparte  called  this  a  vile  system  of  espionage  ;  and 
my  remarks  upon  the  inutility  of  the  measure  were  in  vain. 
Bonaparte  had  the  weakness  to  fear  Fouch6  ;  and,  at  the  same 
time,  to  consider  him  necessary.  Fouche,  whose  talents  in 
this  way  are  too  well  known  to  require  any  approbation,  soon 
discovered  this  institution  as  well  as  its  principal  agents,  and  led 
them  into  many  absurd  reports  j  and  in  this  way  increased  his 
own  credit  with  Bonaparte. 

Ot  the  three  consuls  to  whom  the  i8th  Brumaire  gave  birth. 


132  NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 

Bonaparte  lost  no  time  in  declaring  himself  the  eldest  ;  and  it 
was  easy  to  see,  from  the  expressions  that  escaped  him  from  time 
to  time,  that  his  ambition  was  by  no  means  satisfied  ;  and  that 
the  consulate  was  but  a  step  towards  arriving  at  the  complete 
establishment  of  monarchical  unity.  The  Luxembourg  became 
too  small  to  contain  the  chief  of  the  government,  and  it  was 
resolved  that  Bonaparte  should  inhabit  the  Tuileries.  The  30th 
Pluviose,  the  day  for  quitting  it,  having  arrived,  at  seven  o'clock 
in  the  morning  I  entered  as  usual  the  chamber  of  the  first  consul  : 
he  was  in  a  profound  sleep,  and  this  was  one  of  the  days  on 
which  he  desired  me  to  let  him  sleep  a  little  longer.  I  have 
already  remarked  that  General  Bonaparte  was  less  moved  at  the 
moment  of  executing  designs  that  he  had  projected  than  at  the 
moment  of  their  conception.  Such  facility  had  he  in  considering 
that  which  he  had  determined  upon  as  already  executed.  On 
my  return,  he  said  to  me  with  an  air  of  marked  satisfaction, 
'  Well,  Bourrienne,  we  shall  at  length  sleep  at  the  Tuileries  ;  you 
are  very  fortunate,  you  are  not  obliged  to  make  a  show  of  yourself  ; 
you  may  go  in  your  own  way  :  but  as  for  myself,  I  must  go  in  a 
procession  ;  this  is  what  I  dislike  ;  but  we  must  have  a  display  ; 
this  is  what  people  like.  The  Directory  was  too  simple,  it  there- 
fore enjoyed  no  consideration.  With  the  army,  simplicity  is  in 
its  place  ;  but,  in  a  great  city,  in  a  palace,  it  is  necessary  that  the 
chief  of  the  state  should  draw  attention  on  himself  by  all  possible 
means  ;  but  we  must  move  with  caution.  My  wife  will  see  the 
review  from  the  apartments  of  Lebrun  :  go,  if  you  will,  with 
her  ;  but  meet  me  in  the  cabinet  as  soon  as  you  see  me 
dismount.' 

At  one  o'clock  precisely,  Bonaparte  left  the  Luxembourg. 
The  procession,  doubtless,  was  far  from  exhibiting  that  magni- 
ficence which  characterized  those  under  the  empire  ;  but  it  had 
all  the  pomp  which  the  existing  state  of  affairs  in  France 
authorized.  The  only  real  splendour  of  that  period  was  the 
magnificent  appearance  of  the  troops  ;  and  3000  picked  men, 
among  whom  was  the  superb  regiment  of  the  guides,  were 
assembled  for  the  occasion.  All  marched  in  the  finest  order, 
with  their  bands  playing.  The  generals  and  their  staff  were  on 
horseback  ;  the  ministers  in  their  carriages.  The  consular 
carriage  alone  was  drawn  by  six  white  horses,  which  recalled 
the  memory  of  glory  and  of  peace.  These  beautiful  horses  had 
been  presented  to  the  first  consul  by  the  Emperor  of  Germany, 
after  the  treaty  of  Campo-Formio.  Bonaparte  also  wore  the 
magnificent   sabre  which  had  been  given  to  him  by  the  Emperor 


INSTALLED    AT   TUILERIES  133 

Francis.  In  the  same  carriage  with  the  first  consul  were  his 
colleagues  Cambaceres  and  Lebrun.  Everywhere  upon  his 
route  through  a  considerable  part  of  Paris  he  was  received  with 
shouts  of  joy,  which,  on  this  occasion  at  least,  had  no  necessity 
to  be  ordered  by  the  police.  The  approaches  to  the  Tuileries 
were  lined  by  the  guards,  a  royal  usage,  which  contrasted 
singularly  with  an  inscription  over  the  entrance  through  which 
Bonaparte  passed  :  'The  loth  of  august,  1792.     Royalty  is 

ABOLISHED  IN  FRANCE,  AND  SHALL  NEVER  BE  RE-ESTABLISHED   !' 

It  was  already  re-established. 

The  troops  being  drawn  up  in  the  square,  the  first  consul, 
alighting  from  his  carriage,  mounted,  or  to  speak  more  correctly 
leaped  on  his  horse,  and  reviewed  the  troops,  whilst  the  other  two 
consuls  ascended  to  the  apartments  where  the  Council  of  State 
and  the  ministers  attended  them.  A  number  of  elegant  females, 
dressed  in  the  Grecian  costume,  which  was  then  the  fashion,  filled 
the  windows  ;from  every  quarter  there  was  an  influx  of  spectators 
impossible  to  describe,  and  from  every  quarter  as  if  from  a 
single  voice  were  heard  acclamations  of  ^  Long  li-ue  the  First 
Consul!^  Who  would  not  have  been  intoxicated  by  such 
enthusiasm  ? 

The  first  consul  prolonged  the  review  for  some  time,  passed 
between  the  lines,  addressing  flattering  expressions  to  the  com- 
manders of  corps.  He  then  placed  himself  near  the  entrance  to 
the  Tuileries,  having  Murat  on  his  right,  Lannes  on  his  left,  and 
behind  him  a  numerous  staff  of  young  warriors,  whose  faces  were 
browned  by  the  suns  of  Egypt  and  of  Italy,  and  who  had  each 
been  engaged  in  more  combats  than  he  numbered  years.  When 
he  saw  pass  before  him  the  colours  of  the  96th,  the  43rd,  and  the 
30th  demi-brigade,  as  these  standards  presented  only  a  bare  pole, 
surmounted  by  some  tatters,  perforated  by  balls,  and  blackened 
with  gunpowder,  he  took  off  his  hat,  and  bent  to  them  in  token 
of  respect.  This  homage  of  a  great  captain  to  standards  mutilated 
on  the  field  of  battle,  was  hailed  by  a  thousand  acclamations,  and 
the  troops  having  defiled,  the  first  consul,  with  a  bold  step, 
ascended  the  staircase  of  the  Tuileries. 

The  part  of  the  General  was  finished  for  the  day,  and  now 
began  that  of  the  chief  of  the  state,  for  even  at  this  time  the  first 
consul  was  himself  the  consulate.  I  will  here  relate  a  fact  which 
contributed  not  a  little  in  determining  Bonaparte  to  become  in 
reality  the  chief  over  his  colleagues.  It  will  not  be  forgotten, 
that  when  Roger  Ducos  and  Sieyes  bore  the  tide  of  consuls, 
the  three  members  of  the  consulate  were  equal,  if  not  in  fact. 


134  NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 

at  least  in  right.  Cambaceres  and  Lebrun  having  replaced  them, 
Talleyrand  was  called  to  succeed  M.  Rhunhart,  as  Minister 
of  Foreign  Affairs.  He  was  admitted  to  a  private  audience  in 
the  cabinet  of  the  first  consul,  where  I  also  was.  Talleyrand 
addressed  Bonaparte  in  the  following  words,  which  I  have  never 
forgotten  :  '  Citizen  Consul,'  said  he,  '  you  have  confided  to  me 
the  ministry  of  foreign  affairs,  and  I  will  justify  your  confidence  ; 
but  I  think  it  right  to  declare  that  I  will  transact  business  with 
you  alone.  There  is  in  this  no  vain  pride  upon  my  side,  I 
speak  to  you  solely  for  the  interests  of  France,  in  order  to  her 
being  well-governed  ;  that  there  may  be  unity  of  action,  it  is 
indispensable  that  you  should  be  first  consul,  and  that  the  first 
consul  should  have  the  management  of  all  that  relates  directly 
to  politics  ;  that  is  to  say,  the  home  and  police  departments,  the 
department  of  foreign  relations,  and  those  of  the  war  and 
admiralty.  It  will  therefore  be  altogether  proper,  that  the 
ministers  of  the  five  departments  transact  business  with  you  alone  : 
and,  if  you  will  permit  me  to  say  it,  General,  the  direction  of 
legal  affairs,  the  administration  of  justice,  should  be  given  to 
the  second  consul,  who  is  a  very  able  lawyer  ;  and  to  the  third 
consul,  who  is  an  excellent  financier,  the  management  of  the 
public  revenue.  This  will  occupy  and  amuse  them,  and  you, 
General,  having  at  your  disposal  the  vital  powers  of  government, 
will  be  enabled  to  attain  the  noble  object  which  you  have 
proposed  to  yourself,  the  regeneration  of  France.' 

These  remarkable  words  were  not  such  as  Bonaparte  could 
hear  with  indifference,  they  were  too  much  in  accord  with  his 
secret  wishes  not  to  be  listened  to  with  pleasure.  As  soon  as 
Talleyrand  had  gone  ;  'Do  you  know,  Bourrienne,'  said  he, 
'  that  Talleyrand  gives  good  counsel  ;  he  is  a  man  of  excellent 
sense.' — '  General,  such  is  the  opinion  of  all  who  know  him.' — 
'  Talleyrand,'  added  he,  with  a  smile,  '  is  no  fool,  he  has  pene- 
trated my  designs.  What  he  has  advised,  you  know  well  I 
wish  to  do.  He  is  right  ;  but  one  stroke  more  : — they  walk 
quick  >vho  walk  alone.  Lebrun  is  an  honest  man,  but  he  has 
no  head  for  politics  ;  he  makes  books.  Cambaceres  has  too 
many  traditions  of  the  revolution.  My  government  must  be 
entirely  new.' 

Before  taking  possession  of  the  Tuileries,  we  had  frequently 
visited  the  place,  to  see  how  the  repairs,  or,  to  speak  more 
correctly,  the  white  washings,  ordered  by  Bonaparte,  advanced. 
At  the  beginning,  seeing  the  number  of  caps  of  liberty  which 
they   had   painted   upon    the   walls,    he   said    to   M.   Lecomte, 


AT   THE   TUILERIES 


135 


then  the  architect  employed  at  the  Tuileries, '  Wash  out  all  these 
things,  I  won't  have  any  such  fooleries.' 

The  first  consul  himself  pointed  out  the  slight  changes  which 
he  wished  to  be  made  in  the  apartment  destined  for  himself. 
A  bed  of  ceremony  was  placed  in  an  apartment  joining  his 
cabinet.  But  he  slept  there  but  rarely,  for  Bonaparte  had  the 
simplest  tastes,  and  loved  external  splendour  only  as  a  means 
of  imposing  upon  men.  To  speak  in  the  language  of  common 
life,  at  the  Luxembourg,  at  Malmaison,  and  during  the  first 
period  of  his  residence  at  the  Tuileries,  Bonaparte  always  slept 
with  his  wife.  Every  night  he  descended  to  Josephine's  apart- 
ment, by  a  small  staircase  opening  into  a  wardrobe,  adjoining 
his  cabinet,  and  which  had  formerly  been  the  oratory  of  Mary 
de  Medicis.  I  never  entered  Bonaparte's  bedroom  but  by  this 
little  staircase,  and  by  which  he  also  came  to  our  cabinet. 

As  to  our  cabinet,  or  office,  where  I  have  seen  so  many  events 
prepared,  so  many  great,  and  so  many  little  affairs  transacted, 
and  where  I  have  passed  so  many  hours  of  my  life,  I  can  at 
this  day  give  the  most  minute  description  of  it  for  the  amuse- 
ment of  those  who  take  an  interest  in  such  details.  There 
were  two  tables  placed  in  it,  one,  extremely  beautiful,  for  the 
first  consul,  stood  nearly  in  the  centre  of  the  apartment,  and 
his  arm-chair  was  turned  with  its  back  to  the  fireplace,  having 
the  window  to  the  right.  To  the  right  again  was  a  small  apart- 
ment for  Duroc,  by  which  also  was  a  communication  with 
the  attendant  in  waiting,  and  with  the  state  apartments.  My 
table,  which  was  very  plain,  stood  near  the  window,  whence  in 
summer  I  enjoyed  the  prospect  of  the  tufted  foliage  of  the 
chestnut  trees  ;  but  in  order  to  see  the  promenaders  in  the 
gardens,  I  was  obliged  to  rise  up  :  a  little  to  the  right,  was  a 
door  which  led  to  the  bed  chamber  of  ceremony,  already  spoken 
of,  and  farther  on  the  hall  of  audience,  on  the  ceiling  of  which 
Lebrun  had  painted  the  eftigy  of  Louis  XIV.  A  tri-coloured 
cockade  pasted  upon  the  forehead  of  the  great  king,  bore  witness 
to  the  turpitude  and  imbecility  of  the  Convention.  The  consular, 
afterwards  the  imperial  cabinet,  has  bequeathed  me  many  recollec- 
tions, and  in  reading  these  pages  I  trust  the  reader  will  be  of 
opinion  that  I  have  not  forgotten  them  all. 

We  were  now  at  last  in  the  Tuileries  !  On  the  morning 
after  the  day  so  long  wished  for,  after  sleeping  in  the  palace  of 
kings,  I  addressed  Bonaparte  on  entering  his  chamber  :  '  Well, 
General,  here  you  are  at  last,  without  difficulty,  and  amid  the 
acclamations  of  the  people.     Do  you  recollect  what  you  said  to 


136  NAPOLEON   BONAPARTE 

me  two  years  since  in  the  Rue  St.  Anne  ? — I  might  make  myself 
king  now,  but  it  is  not  time  yet  ! '  '  Yes,  very  true,  I  recollect 
it.  See  what  it  is  to  have  the  mind  set  upon  a  thing  :  it  is  not 
yet  two  years.  Do  you  think  we  have  managed  affairs  badly 
during  that  time  f  In  fact,  I  am  very  well  satisfied  ;  yesterday's 
affair  went  off  well.  Do  you  think  that  all  those  people  who 
came  to  pay  their  court  to  me  were  sincere  .■'  Certainly  not, 
but  the  joy  of  the  people  was  real  ;  the  people  know  what  is 
right  !  Besides,  consult  the  great  thermometer  of  public  opinion, 
the  public  funds  ;  the  17th  Brumaire,  at  eleven — the  20th, 
sixteen — to-day,  twenty-one.  In  this  state  of  things  I  can  allow 
the  Jacobins  to  chatter,  but  they  must  not  speak  too  loud.* 

As  soon  as  he  was  dressed  we  went  to  walk  in  the  gallery  of 
Diana  ;  he  examined  the  statues  which  had  been  placed  there  by 
his  orders,  and  appeared  to  be  quite  at  home  in  his  new  residence. 
Among  other  things  he  said,'  Bourrienne,  to  be  at  the  Tuileries 
is  not  all  ;  we  must  remain  here.  Who  are  they  who  have 
inhabited  this  palace  .>'  Ruffians — the  conventionalists  !  Stop  a 
moment — there  is  your  brother's  house.  Was  it  not  from  thence 
that  we  beheld  the  Tuileries  besieged,  and  the  good  Louis  XVI. 
carried  off .?     But  be  tranquil  ;  let  them  try  it  again.* 

The  ancient  usages  of  royalty  made  their  way,  by  little  and 
little,  into  the  former  abodes  of  royalty.  Among  the  rights 
attatched  to  the  crown,  and  which  the  constitution  did  not  give 
to  the  first  consul,  was  one  which  he  greatly  desired,  the  right 
of  pardoning  ;  and  which,  by  the  most  happy  of  all  usurpations, 
he  arrogated  to  himself.  When  the  imperious  necessities  of  his 
political  situation,  to  which  in  fact  he  sacrificed  everything,  did 
not  interpose,  the  saving  of  life  afforded  him  the  highest  satisfac- 
tion— he  would  even  have  thanked  those  to  whom  he  rendered 
such  a  service,  for  the  opportunity  they  had  afforded  him  of 
doing  so.  Such  was  the  consul — I  do  not  speak  of  the  emperor. 
Bonaparte,  first  consul,  was  accessible  to  the  solicitations  of 
friendship  in  favour  of  the  proscribed.  Of  this  the  following 
fact,  which  touched  me  so  nearly,  offers  an  incontestable  proof. 

When  we  were  still  at  the  Luxembourg  M.  Defeu,  a  French 
emigrant,  had  been  taken  in  the  Tyrol,  with  arms  in  his  hands, 
by  the  republican  troops.  He  was  brought  to  Grenoble,  and 
confined  in  the  military  prison  of  that  town.  The  laws  against 
emigrants  taken  in  arms  were  terrible,  and  the  judges  dared  not 
be  indulgent.  Tried  in  the  morning — condemned  during  the 
course  of  the  day,  and  shot  in  the  evening — such  was  the  usual 
course.     A  relation  of  mine,  daughter  of  M.  de  Poitrincourt, 


A    MERCIFUL    ACT  137 

came  from  Sens  to  Paris  to  inform  me  of  the  frightful  situation 
of  M.  Defeu,  who  was  allied  to  some  of  the  most  honourable 
families  in  Sens,  where  everyone  felt  for  him  the  most  lively- 
interest. 

I  had  stepped  out  for  a  few  moments,  to  speak  to  Mademoiselle 
de  Poitrincourt.  On  my  return  I  found  the  first  consul  surprised 
at  my  absence,  as  I  was  not  in  the  habit  of  quitting  the  cabinet 
without  his  knowledge.  'Where  have  you  been?'  said  he. 
'  To  see  a  relation  who  has  a  favour  to  entreat  of  you.'  *  What 
is  it  ? '  I  then  related  to  him  the  melancholy  situation  of  M. 
Defeu.  His  first  answer  was  terrible.  '  No  mercy  ! '  said  he, 
'  no  mercy  for  emigrants  !  The  man  who  fights  against  his 
country,  is  a  child  who  would  kill  his  mother.'  This  first  burst 
of  anger  being  over,  I  pressed  him  again  ;  I  represented  the 
youth  of  M.  Defeu — the  good  effect  which  clemency  would 
produce.  'Well  then,'  said  he,  'write.  The  first  consul  orders 
the  judgment  on  M.  Defeu  to  be  suspended.'  He  signed  this 
laconic  order — I  forwarded  it  to  General  Ferino,  informed  my 
cousin,  and  awaited  in  tranquillity  the  termination  of  the 
affair. 

Scarcely  had  I  entered  the  apartment  of  the  first  consul  the 
next  morning,  when  he  said  to  me,  'Well,  Bourrienne,  you 
do  not  speak  to  me  about  M.  Defeu  ;  are  you  satisfied  ?' 
'  General,  I  cannot  find  words  to  express  my  gratitude.'  '  Very 
well,  but  I  do  not  like  to  do  things  by  halves.  Write  to  Ferino, 
that  I  desire  M.  Defeu  may  be  immediately  liberated.  I  make 
perhaps  one  who  will  prove  ungrateful.  But  vrc  can't  help 
that — so  much  the  worse  for  him.  In  such  cases,  Bourrienne, 
never  be  afraid  to  speak  to  me — when  I  refuse  it  is  because  I 
cannot  do  otherwise.' 

I  sent  off,  at  my  own  expense,  an  extraordinary  courier,  who 
arrived  in  time  to  save  the  life  of  M.  Defeu.  His  mother, 
whose  only  son  he  was,  and  his  uncle,  came  from  Sens  to  Paris 
to  express  to  me  their  gratitude.  I  saw  tears  of  joy  fall  from 
the  eyes  of  his  mother,  who,  according  to  all  probability,  had 
been  destined  to  shed  those  of  the  most  bitter  sorrow.  M. 
Defeu  is  now  living  at  Sens,  the  happy  father  of  three 
children. 

Emboldened  by  this  success,  and  by  the  kind  expressions 
of  the  first  consul,  I  ventured  to  solicit  a  pardon  for  M.  de 
Frottc,  a  Vcndean  chief,  who  had  been  warmly  recommended 
to  me.  Count  Louis  de  Frottd  had  set  himself  in  opposition 
to  every  eftbrt  for  the  pacification  of  La  Vendee.     At  length. 


138  NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 

broken  down  by  a  succession  ot  unfortunate  battles,  he  was 
himself  obliged  to  make  those  advances  which  he  had  formerly 
rejected.  He  addressed  to  General  Guidal  a  letter  containing 
proposals  for  a  peace.  A  safe  conduct  was  sent  him  to  repair 
to  Alenfon.  Unfortunately  for  M.  Frotlii,  General  Guidal 
was  not  the  only  person  with  whom  he  corresponded  ;  for 
whilst  availing  himself  of  the  safe  conduct  he  sent  a  letter 
to  his  lieutenants,  in  which  he  counselled  them  on  no  account 
to  submit,  or  agree  to  lay  down  their  arms.  This  letter  being 
intercepted,  gave  to  his  pacific  propositions  the  appearance 
of  a  fraud,  and  the  more  so,  as  in  a  former  manifesto  he  had 
spoken  of  the  criminal  enterprise  of  Bonaparte,  which  must 
soon  terminate. 

I  had  more  difficulty  now  than  in  the  affair  of  M.  Defeu, 
in  prevailing  on  the  first  consul  to  exercise  his  clemency  ; 
however,  I  pressed  the  affair  so  much,  I  exerted  myself  so 
warmly  in  representing  the  good  effects  which  such  an  act  of 
mercy  would  produce,  that  I  at  length  obtained  an  order  to  respite 
judgment.  What  a  lesson  did  I  then  receive  of  the  misfortunes 
consequent  on  a  loss  of  time  !  Not  knowing  that  matters  had 
advanced  so  far  as  they  had,  I  did  not  instantly  despatch  the 
courier  charged  with  the  order  for  suspending  judgment.  The 
Minister  of  Police  had  already  marked  his  victim,  and  he  never 
lost  time  when  he  had  in  view  to  inflict  an  injury  ;  having 
determined,  for  what  reason  I  do  not  know,  upon  the  destruction 
of  M.  de  Frotte,  he  forwarded  an  order  for  his  immediate 
execution.  The  count  was  tried  and  condemned  on  the  28th 
Pluviose,  and  shot  the  next  day,  the  horrible  precipitation  of 
the  minister  rendering  of  no  effect  the  result  of  my  solicitations. 
I  have  reason  to  think  that  in  the  interval  the  first  consul 
had  received  some  fresh  secret  charge  against  M.  de  Frott^, 
for  on  learning  his  death  he  appeared  quite  indifferent ;  he 
merely  said  to  me,  with  unusual  bitterness,  *  You  must  take 
your  measures  better  ;  you  see  it  is  not  my  fault.' 

Of  all  the  actions  of  Louis  XIV.  that  which  Bonaparte 
admired  the  most  was  his  having  obliged  the  envoys  of  Genoa 
to  come  to  Paris,  to  apologize  for  the  Doge.  The  least  slight 
offered  in  a  foreign  country  to  the  rights  and  dignity  of  France 
put  him  beside  himself.  He  evinced  this  desire  to  make  the 
French  government  respected  in  a  matter  which,  at  the  time, 
made  great  noise,  but  which,  notwithstanding,  terminated 
amicably  by  means  of  that  great  peace-maker — Gold. 

Two    Irishmen,    Napper   Tandy   and    Blackwell,    domiciled 


SAVES   NAPPER    TANDY  ;39 

in  France,  and  whose  names  appeared  in  the  lists  of  the  officers 
of  the  French  army,  had  retired  to  Hamburg.  The  English 
government  having  claimed  them  as  traitors  to  their  country, 
they  were  delivered  up  ;  and  as  the  French  government 
considered  them  also  as  subjects  of  France,  their  surrender 
gave  occasion  to  violent  complaints  against  the  Senate  of 
Hamburg. 

Blackwell  was  said  to  have  been  a  chief  of  the  United 
Irishmen  ;  he  had  become  naturalized  in  France,  and  had 
attained  the  rank  of  chief  of  squadron.  Sent  upon  a  secret 
mission  to  Norway,  the  vessel  in  which  he  embarked  was 
wrecked  on  the  coast  of  that  kingdom.  He  made  his  way 
to  Hamburg,  where  the  authorities  arrested  him  on  the  demand 
of  Mr.  Crawford,  the  English  minister  ;  and,  after  having  been 
confined  a  year,  he  was  sent  to  England  to  be  tried.  The 
French  government  interfered,  and  saved  his  life,  if  not  his 
liberty. 

Napper  Tandy  was  one  of  the  founders  of  the  society  of 
United  Irishmen  ;  and  to  escape  the  persecutions  to  which  his 
political  sentiments  subjected  him  from  the  English  government, 
he  fled  to  Hamburg  with  the  intention  of  passing  into  Sweden. 
Proscribed  by  the  Irish  Parliament,  he  was  given  up  by  the 
Senate,  more  anxious  at  the  time  to  conciliate  the  government 
of  England  than  that  of  France.  Being  carried  a  prisoner  to 
Ireland,  and  condemned  to  death,  he  owed  the  suspension  of 
his  sentence  to  the  remonstrances  of  France.  He  remained  two 
years  in  prison,  but  M.  Otto,  who  negotiated  the  preliminaries 
of  peace  with  Lord  Hawkesbury,  obtained  his  liberation,  and 
he  was  sent  back  to  France.  The  first  consul  threatened  a 
terrible  vengeance  ;  but  the  Senate  of  Hamburg  addressed  him 
a  letter  in  justification  of  its  conduct,  and  strengthened  this 
justification  by  a  remittance  of  four  and  a  half  millions  of  francs. 
This  softened  him  greatly.  It  was  in  some  sort  a  remembrance 
of  Egypt  :  one  of  those  pleasing  extortions  to  which  the  General 
had  accustomed  the  pachas,  except  that  this  time  the  Treasury 
did  not  see  a  franc  of  it. 

I  kept,  during  eight  days,  the  four  millions  and  a  half  in 
Dutch  bonds  in  my  desk.  Bonaparte  then  determined  on  their 
distribution.  After  paying,  as  we  shall  presently  see,  the  debts 
of  Josephine,  and  the  heavy  expenses  incurred  at  Malmaison, 
he  gave  me  a  list  of  persons  to  whom  he  wished  to  make  presents. 
He  never  mentioned  my  name,  and  consequently  I  was  spared 
the  pain  of  writing  it  ;  but,  some  time  after,  he  said  to  me,  with 


I40  NAPOLEON   BONAPARTE 

•^he  most  engaging  kindness,  '  Bourrienne,  I  gave  you  none  of 
that  Hamburg  money  ;  but  I  am  going  to  make  you  amends.' 
He  then  took  from  his  drawer  a  large  sheet  of  paper  printed, 
with  blanks  filled  up  in  his  own  writing,  and  saying,  '  Here  is  a 
bill  of  exchange  for  300,000  Italian  livres  upon  the  Cisalpine 
Republic,  for  the  price  of  cannons  sold  them  ;  I  give  it  you.' 
On  casting  my  eye  over  it,  however,  I  perceived  that  the  bill  was 
long  over  due,  and  that  he  had  allowed  it  to  run  out  with- 
out troubling  himself  about  it.  '  But,  General,'  said  I,  '  this 
bill  has  been  long  due — the  parties  are  all  exonerated.'  '  France 
has  engaged  to  pay  these  sort  of  debts,'  said  he  ;  '  send  the  bill 
to  M.  Fermont,  he  will  liquidate  it  for  three  per  cent.'  I 
thanked  him,  and  I  sent  the  bill,  as  desired,  to  M.  Fermont. 
I  received  for  answer  that  the  claim  had  fallen  into  arrear,  and 
could  not  be  paid,  not  falling  under  any  of  the  classifications 
provided  for  by  the  law.  By  order  of  the  General  I  wrote  again, 
but  received  a  second  refusal.  '  Well,'  said  he,  with  the  tone 
of  a  man  who  appeared  to  have  anticipated  such  an  answer, 
'  what  the  devil  am  I  to  do — you  see  the  laws  are  against  us  ! ' 
To  be  short,  the  Cisalpine  Republic  kept  the  cannons  and 
the  money,  and  the  first  consul  kept  the  bill.  For  myself 
I  never  received  any  money  whatever. 

I  never  had,  either  from  the  General-in-chief  of  the  army 
of  Italy,  nor  from  the  General-in-chief  of  the  army  of  Egypt, 
nor  under  the  first  consul  for  ten  years,  nor  under  the  first 
consul  for  life,  any  fixed  salary  ;  I  took  from  his  drawer  what  I 
wanted  for  my  own  expenses,  as  well  as  his.  He  never  asked 
me  for  an  account.  After  his  present  of  a  bill  on  the  insolvent 
Cisalpine  Republic,  he  said  to  me,  at  the  beginning  of  the 
winter  of  1800,  "Bourrienne,  the  weather  grows  cold  ;  I  shall 
be  but  seldom  at  Malmaison.  Go,  while  I  am  at  the  council, 
for  my  papers  and  little  effects  :  here  is  the  key  of  my  desk  ; 
bring  away  whatever  you  find  in  it.'  I  got  into  a  coach  at  two, 
and  returned  at  six.  He  was  at  dinner.  I  laid  upon  the  table 
of  his  cabinet  divers  matters  which  I  had  taken  from  his  desk, 
and  15,000  francs  in  bank  notes,  which  I  found  in  the  corner 
of  a  little  drawer.  When  he  came  up,  he  said,  '  Why,  here's 
money  ;  where  did  you  get  this  ? '  I  replied,  that  it  was  in 
the  desk.  '  Ah,'  said  he,  '  I  had  forgotten  it  j  it  was  for  my 
petty  expenses.     Here,  keep  it.' 

I  have  already  stated  the  disbursement  of  the  four  millions 
and  a  half  extorted  from  the  senate  of  Hamburg,  in  the  affair  of 
Napper  Tandy  and   Blackwell.     The  whole,  however,  was  not 


JOSEPHINE'S    DEBTS  14.1 

given  away  in  presents  ;  there  was  a  considerable  sum  destined 
to  discharge  the  debts  of  Josephine  ;  but  the  management  of 
this  affair  requires  some  observations. 

The  estate  of  Malmaison  had  cost  160,000  francs  :  Josephine 
had  purchased  it  while  we  were  in  Egypt.  Many  improvements 
had  been  made,  and  considerable  additions  to  the  beautiful 
park.  All  this  was  not  done  for  nothin~  ;  besides  which,  a 
considerable  part  of  the  purchase  money  remained  unpaid  ;  and 
this  was  not  the  only  debt  of  Josephine.  Creditors  murmured. 
This  had  a  bad  effect  in  Paris  ;  and,  I  confess,  I  was  so  appre- 
hensive of  the  first  burst  of  the  consul's  displeasure,  that  I 
deferred  speaking  to  him  on  the  subject  to  the  very  last.  It  was, 
therefore,  with  much  satisfaction  I  learned  that  this  had  already 
been  done  by  M.  Talleyrand.  No  one,  as  the  phrase  is,  knew 
better  how  to  gild  a  pill  for  Bonaparte.  Endowed  with  as 
much  independence  of  character  as  of  mind,  he  did  him  the 
service,  at  the  risk  of  offending  him,  to  tell  him,  that  a  great 
number  of  creditors  expressed  their  discontent,  in  bitter  com- 
plaints, respecting  the  debts  contracted  by  Madame  Bonaparte 
during  his  campaign  in  the  East. 

Bonaparte  felt  it  advisable  to  remove  promptly  the  occasion 
of  those  complaints.  It  was  one  night,  at  half  past  eleven 
o'clock,  that  Talleyrand  broke  this  delicate  matter  to  him.  As 
soon  as  he  was  gone  I  entered  the  little  apartment  where 
Bonaparte  remained  alone  ;  '  Bourrienne,'  said  he  to  me, 
'Talleyrand  has  been  speaking  to  me  about  my  wife's  debts. 
I  have  that  Hamburg  money  ;  learn  from  her  their  exact 
amount  ;  let  her  state  the  whole.  I  wish  to  finish,  and  not  to 
begin  again  ;  but  do  not  pay  until  you  shew  me  the  accounts 
of  those  rascals.     They  are  a  band  of  robbers.' 

Till  then  the  apprehension  of  a  terrible  scene,  the  mere  idea 
of  which  made  Josephine  tremble,  had  always  prevented  my 
opening  the  affair  to  the  first  consul  ;  but  happy  that  Talleyrand 
had  first  mentioned  it,  I  resolved  to  do  everything  in  my  power 
to  put  an  end  to  this  disagreeable  affair. 

On  the  morrow  I  saw  Josephine  ;  she  was  delighted  with  the 
dispositions  of  her  husband  ;  but  this  did  not  last  long.  When 
I  asked  her  for  the  exact  amount  of  what  she  owed,  she  entreated 
me  not  to  insist  upon  it,  and  to  be  satisfied  with  what  she  would 
confess.  I  said  to  her,  '  Madam,  I  cannot  deceive  you  as  to 
the  dispositions  of  the  first  consul.  He  is  aware  that  you  owe 
a  considerable  sum,  and  he  is  disposed  to  discharge  it.  You 
will  have  to  endure  some  cutting  reproaches,  and  a  violent  scene. 


14-2  NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 

I  have  no  doubt  ;  but  this  scene  will  be  the  same  tor  the  sums 
you  may  acknowledge,  as  for  a  still  more  considerable  amount. 
If  you  conceal  any  material  part  of  your  debts,  in  a  short  time 
the  murmurs  will  recommence,  and  they  will  reach  the  ears 
of  the  first  consul  ;  then  his  anger  will  burst  out  again  with 
greater  violence.  Be  advised  by  me  ;  confess  all.  The  results 
will  be  the  same,  and  you  will  have  to  hear  but  once  the  disagree- 
able things  he  will  say  to  you  ;  by  concealment,  you  will  renew 
them  incessantly.*  She  replied,  'I  can  never  tell  all,  that  is 
impossible  ;  do  me  the  favour  to  conceal  what  I  am  about  to 
divulge  to  you  :  I  owe,  I  believe,  nearly  1,200,000  francs  ;  but 
I  cannot  own  to  more  than  600,000  ;  I  will  contract  no  more 
debts,  and  I  will  pay  the  remainder  by  degrees,  out  of  my 
savings.'  '  Here,  madam,'  said  I,  '  I  recur  to  my  first  observa- 
tions. As  I  do  not  believe  that  he  estimates  your  debts  at  so  much 
as  600,000  francs,  I  will  engage  that  you  will  not  experience 
more  displeasure  for  1,200,000  than  you  will  for  600,000,  and 
by  stating  the  full  amount  you  will  get  rid  of  the  whole  at 
once.'  '  I  can  never  do  it,  Bourrienne,'  said  she,  *  I  know  him, 
I  could  never  support  his  violence.'  After  a  quarter  of  an  hour's 
discussion  on  the  same  subject,  I  was  obliged  to  yield  to  her 
pressing  entreaties,  and  to  promise  to  mention  600,000  francs 
only  to  the  first  consul. 

The  indignation  of  the  first  consul  may  be  imagined,  and 
he  rightly  judged  that  his  wife  had  concealed  something.  He 
said  to  me,  '  Well,  take  these  600,000  francs  ;  but  this  sum  must 
discharge  her  debts,  and  let  me  be  troubled  no  more  about  the 
matter.  I  authorise  you  to  threaten  these  tradesmen,  if  they 
do  not  consent  to  reduce  their  enormous  demands  ;  and  we  must 
teach  them  not  to  be  so  ready  in  giving  credit.'  Madame 
Bonaparte  gave  me  all  their  bills.  The  extravagant  prices  which 
the  fear  of  having  long  to  wait  for  their  money  had  induced 
them  to  charge,  can  scarcely  be  imagined. 

At  length,  I  had  the  good  fortune,  after  the  most  violent 
squabbling,  to  settle  the  whole  for  600,000  francs.  But  Madame 
Bonaparte  soon  fell  into  similar  excesses.  Happily,  money  had 
become  more  plentiful.  This  inconceivable  rage  for  expense 
became  for  her  almost  the  sole  cause  of  all  her  unhappiness  ;  her 
thoughtless  profusion  rendered  disorder  permanent  in  her  house- 
hold until  the  period  of  the  second  marriage  of  Bonaparte,  when 
she  became,  as  I  have  been  informed,  more  careful.  I  cannot 
say  so  much  for  her  when  Empress  in   1804. 

At  Paris,  I  quitted  Bonaparte  more  rarely  than  at  Malmaison. 


AS    A   LOUNGER  143 

Sometimes  we  walked  of  an  evening  in  the  gardens  of  the 
Tuileries.  He  always  waited  till  the  gates  were  closed.  In 
these  evening  rambles  he  wore  a  gray  surtout,  and  a  round 
hat  :  when  challenged  by  the  sentinels  I  was  instructed  to 
answer,  '  The  first  consul.'  These  promenades,  which  were 
of  much  benefit  both  to  Bonaparte  and  myself,  as  a  relaxation 
from  our  labours,  resembled  a  good  deal  those  which  we  had  at 
Malmaison  ;  but  our  walks  in  town  were  frequently  very  amusing. 

During  the  early  part  of  our  residence  at  the  Tuileries, 
when  I  saw  Bonaparte  enter  his  cabinet  at  eight  o'clock  in 
the  evening,  in  his  gray  surtout,  I  knew  that  he  was  about 
to  say  to  me,  '  Bourrienne,  let  us  take  a  turn.'  Sometimes 
then,  instead  of  going  out  by  the  arcade  of  the  garden,  we 
passed  by  the  little  gate  leading  to  the  apartments  of  the  Duke 
d'Angouleme.  He  would  take  my  arm,  and  we  went  on 
making  small  purchases  in  the  shops  of  the  Rue  St.  Honore, 
seldom  extending  our  excursions  farther  than  the  Rue  de  I'Arbre 
Sec  ;  whilst  I  affected  to  examine  the  articles  we  appeared  to  wish 
to  purchase,  he  undertook  the  part  of  questioner.  Nothing 
could  be  more  amusing  than  to  see  him  endeavouring  to  assume 
the  careless  manners  of  the  young  man  of  fashion.  How 
awkward  his  attempts  at  the  airs  of  a  dandy,  when,  adjusting 
his  cravat,  he  would  say,  'Well,  madam,  is  there  anything 
new  to-day  f  Citizen,  what  do  they  say  of  Bonaparte  ?  Your 
shop  appears  to  be  well  furnished,  you  ought  to  have  a  great 
many  customers.  What  do  people  say  of  Bonaparte  .' '  How 
happy  was  he  one  day  when  we  were  obliged  to  retreat  with 
precipitation  from  a  shop,  to  avoid  the  abuse  which  the 
irreverent  manner  in  which  Bonaparte  spoke  of  the  first  consul 
had  brought  upon  us  ! 

The  destruction  of  men,  and  the  construction  of  monuments, 
were  things  entirely  in  unison  in  the  mind  of  Bonaparte  ; 
and  it  might  be  said,  that  his  paseion  for  monuments  was 
nearly  equal  to  his  passion  for  war.  But  as,  in  all  things,  he 
had  a  dislike  for  what  was  sordid  and  mean,  he  preferred  vast 
erections  as  he  loved  great  battles.  The  appearance  of  the 
colossal  ruins  of  Egypt  had  contributed  not  a  little  to  develop 
in  him  his  natural  taste  for  great  erections.  It  was  not  the 
edifices  themselves  that  he  valued,  but  the  historical  recollections 
they  perpetuate,  the  great  names  they  consecrate,  and  the  great 
events  they  record.  Why,  in  fact,  should  we  value  the  column 
which  we  see,  on  arriving  at  Alexandria,  were  it  not  the 
column  of  Pompey  ?  It  is  for  artists  to  descant  on  its  proportions 


144  NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 

and  its  ornaments  ;  for  the  learned,  to  explain  its  inscriptions ; 
but  the  name  of  Pompey  recommends  it  to  the  world. 

In  endeavouring  to  sketch  the  character  of  Bonaparte,  I 
ought  to  have  spoken  of  his  taste  for  monuments  ;  for  without 
this  characteristic  trait,  something  essential  would  have  been 
wanting  in  filling  up  the  portrait.  But  although  this  taste, 
or,  to  speak  more  correctly,  this  passion,  held  a  principal 
place  in  his  thoughts  and  projects  of  glory,  it  did  not  prevent 
him  from  appreciating  equally  projects  of  amelioration  of  lesser 
importance.  His  genius  would  have  great  monuments  to 
eternize  the  recollections  of  his  glory  ;  but,  at  the  same  time, 
his  good  sense  enabled  him  to  appreciate  truly  everything 
that  was  of  real  utility.  He  could  seldom  be  charged  with 
rejecting  any  plan  without  examination,  and  this  examination 
was  not  long  ;  for  his  habitual  tact  enabled  him,  at  a  glance, 
to  see  things  in  their  true  light. 

The  recollection  of  the  superb  Necropolis  of  Cairo  recurred 
frequently  to  Bonaparte's  mind.  He  had  admired  that  city 
of  the  dead  ;  to  the  peopling  of  which,  he  had  contributed 
not  a  little  ;  and  he  designed  to  establish,  at  the  four  cardinal 
points  of  Paris,  four  vast  cemeteries,  on  the  plan  of  that  at 
Cairo,  which  had  so  riveted  his  attention. 

Bonaparte  determined,  that  all  the  new  streets  in  Paris 
should  be  forty  feet  wide,  with  foot  pavements  ;  in  a  word, 
nothing  appeared  to  him  too  magnificent  for  the  embellishment 
of  the  capital  of  a  country  which  he  wished  to  make  the  first 
in  the  world.  Next  to  war,  this  was  the  first  object  of  his 
ambition.  The  two  ideas  were  commingled  in  his  mind  ;  so 
much  so,  that  he  never  considered  a  victory  complete  till  it 
had  received  its  appropriate  monument  to  carry  down  its 
recollections  to  posterity.  Glory — continual  glory  for  France 
as  well  as  for  himself.  How  often  has  he  said  to  me,  after 
conversing  on  his  grand  schemes,  '  Bourrienne,  it  is  for  France 
that  I  do  this  ;  all  that  I  wish,  all  that  I  desire,  the  object 
of  all  my  labours,  is,  that  my  name  shall  be  for  ever  connected 
with  the  name  of  France  ! ' 

Paris  is  not  the  only  city,  nor  is  France  the  only  kingdom, 
which  bears  traces  of  the  passion  of  Napoleon  for  great  and 
useful  monuments.  In  Belgium,  in  Holland,  in  Piedmont,  in 
the  kingdom  of  Italy,  wherever  he  had  an  imperial  residence, 
he  executed  great  improvements.  At  Turin,  a  magnificent 
bridge  was  constructed  over  the  Po,  in  place  of  the  old  one 
which  had  fallen  to  ruin.     How  many  things  undertaken  and 


HIS   PUBLIC    WORKS  145 

■sxecuted  under  a  reign  so  short  and  so  eventful  !  The  com- 
munications were  difficult  between  Metz  and  Mayence.  A 
magnificent  road  was  formed,  as  if  it  were  by  magic,  and  carried 
in  a  direct  line  through  impassable  marshes  and  trackless  forests  ; 
mountains  opposed  themselves,  they  were  cut  through  ;  ravines 
presented  obstacles,  they  were  filled  up  ;  and  very  soon  one 
of  the  finest  roads  in  Europe  was  opened  to  commerce.  He 
would  not  allow  nature,  any  more  than  man,  to  resist  him. 

In  his  great  works  of  bridges  and  roads,  Bonaparte  had 
always  in  view  to  remove  the  obstacles  and  barriers  which  nature 
had  placed  to  the  limits  of  ancient  France,  and  the  better  to 
unite  the  provinces  which  he  added  successively  to  the  empire. 
Thus,  a  road,  level  as  the  walk  of  a  garden,  replaced  in  Savoy 
the  precipitous  passes  in  the  wood  of  Bramant,  and  thus  the 
passage  of  Mont  Cenis,  on  the  summit  of  which  he  erected  a 
barrack,  and  intended  to  have  built  a  town,  became  a  pleasant 
promenade  at  almost  all  seasons  of  the  year.  The  Simplon  was 
obliged  to  bow  its  head  before  the  mattocks  and  the  mines  of  the 
engineers  of  France  ;  and  Bonaparte  might  say,  'There  are  now 
no  Alps,'  with  greater  reason  than  Louis  XIV  said,  '  There 
are  now  no  Pyrenees.* 


CHAPTER    XIII. 

The  importance  of  events  varies  with  the  times  of  their  occur- 
rence. An  affair  which  passes  away  unnoticed  may  be  rendered 
of  consequence  by  events  which  subsequently  ensue.  This 
reflection  naturally  presents  itself  to  my  mind,  when  I  am  about 
to  speak  of  the  correspondence  which  Louis  XVIII.  sought  to 
open  with  the  first  consul.  It  certainly  is  not  one  of  the  least 
interesting  passages  in  the  life  of  Bonaparte.  While  the  empire 
appeared  to  rest  upon  a  sure  foundation,  it  might  be  considered 
but  as  a  matter  of  curiosity  ;  but  since  the  happy  restoration 
of  the  Bourbons,  the  question  of  their  re-establishment  on  the 
throne  assumes  a  more  elevated  character,  and  it  is  necessary 
to  relate  facts  with  a  scrupulous  exactness.  I  shall  therefore 
lay  before  the  reader  the  text  of  this  correspondence,  and 
the  curious  circumstances  connected  with  it.  The  letter  of 
Louis  XVIII.  ran  thus  : — 

'  Whatever  may   be  their  apparent  conduct,   men   like  you, 

10 


146  NAPOLEON   BONAPARTE 

sir,  never  inspire  alarm.  You  have  accepted  an  eminent  station, 
and  I  thank  you  for  it.  You  know  better  than  any  one  the 
strength  and  power  necessary  to  ensure  the  happiness  of  a  great 
nation.  Save  France  from  her  own  violence,  and  you  will  have 
gratified  the  first  wish  of  my  heart  ;  restore  to  her  her  king, 
and  future  generations  will  bless  your  memory.  You  will 
always  be  too  necessary  to  the  state  for  me  to  be  able  to  discharge 
by  important  appointments,  the  debt  of  my  family  and  my 
own.  'Louis.' 

The  first  consul  was  much  agitated  on  the  receipt  of  this 
letter  5  although  he  every  day  declared  his  determination  to  have 
nothing  to  do  with  the  princes,  he  considered  whether  he  should 
reply  to  this  overture.  The  pressure  of  affairs  which  then 
occupied  his  attention  favoured  this  hesitation,  and  he  was 
in  no  haste  to  reply.  I  ought  to  mention  that  Josephine  and 
Hortense  entreated  him  to  give  the  king  hopes,  as,  by  doing  so, 
that  would  not  pledge  him  to  anything,  and  would  afford  him 
time  to  see  whether  he  might  not  In  the  end  play  a  more 
distinguished  part  than  that  of  Monk.  Their  entreaties  were 
so  urgent,  that  he  one  day  said  to  me,  'These  devils  of  women 
are  mad.  The  Faubourg  St.  Germain  has  turned  their  heads  ; 
they  have  made  it  their  guardian-angel  ;  but  that  is  of  no 
consequence,  I  will  have  nothing  to  do  with  them.'  Madame 
Bonaparte  told  me,  that  she  urged  him  to  this  step,  lest  he 
should  think  of  making  himself  king,  the  expectation  of  which 
always  raised  in  her  mind  a  painful  foreboding,  which  she  could 
never  overcome. 

In  the  numerous  conversations  which  the  first  consul  had  with 
me,  he  discussed,  with  admirable  sagacity,  the  proposition  of 
Louis  XVin.  and  its  consequences.  But  he  said,  '  the  partisans 
of  the  Bourbons  deceive  themselves  much,  if  they  imagine  that  I 
am  a  man  to  play  the  part  of  Monk.'  The  matter  rested  here, 
and  the  king's  letter  remained  upon  the  table.  During  this  in- 
terval, Louis  XVin.  wrote  a  second  letter  without  date.  It  was 
as  follows  : — 

'For  a  length  of  time,  General,  you  must  be  aware  that  you 
possess  my  esteem.  If  you  doubt  my  gratitude,  name  your 
reward,  and  fix  that  of  your  friends.  As  to  my  principles,  I  am 
a  Frenchman.  Merciful  by  character,  I  am  still  more  so  from 
the  dictates  of  reason.  No,  the  conqueror  of  Lodi,  of  Castiglione, 
of  Areola,  the  conqueror  of  Italy  and   Egypt,  cannot  prefer  a 


LETTER    TO   LOUIS   XVIII  147 

vain  celebrity  to  true  glory.  But  you  are  losing  precious  time. 
We  may  ensure  the  glory  of  France.  I  say  ^ive,  because  I  require 
the  assistance  of  Bonaparte,  and  he  can  do  nothing  without  me. 
General,  Europe  observes  you.  Glory  awaits  you,  and  I  am 
impatient  to  restore  peace  to  my  people. 

(Signed)  'Louis.' 

The  first  consul  allowed  some  time  to  elapse  before  he  replied 
to  this  letter,  so  noble  and  dignified.  At  length  he  wished  to 
dictate  one  to  me.  I  begged  to  observe  to  him  that  the  letters 
of  the  king  were  autographs,  and  that  it  appeared  more  suitable 
that  he  himself  should  write  a  reply.    He  then  wrote  as  follows  : — 

'  Sir. — I  have  received  your  letter  :  I  thank  you  for  the  hand- 
some manner  in  which  you  have  spoken  of  me. 

*  You  ought  not  to  wish  to  return  to  France  :  to  do  so  you 
must  march  over  one  hundred  thousand  dead  bodies. 

*  Sacrifice  your  interest  to  the  repose  and  happiness  of  France, 
and  history  will  render  you  justice. 

*  I  am  not  insensible  to  the  misfortunes  of  your  family,  and 
shall  learn  with  pleasure  that  you  are  surrounded  with  all  that 
can  contribute  to  the  tranquillity  of  your  retirement. 

'  Bonaparte.* 

By  these  general  expressions,  he  pledged  himself  to  nothing, 
not  even  in  words.  Every  day  that  augmented  his  power,  and 
strengthened  his  position,  diminished,  in  his  opinion,  the  chances 
of  the  Bourbons  ;  and  seven  months  were  allowed  to  elapse 
between  the  receipt  of  the  king's  first  letter  and  the  answer  of 
the  first  consul. 

Some  days  after  the  receipt  of  Louis  XVIII. 's  letter,  we  were 
walking  in  the  gardens  at  Malmaison  ;  he  was  in  good  humour, 
for  everything  was  going  on  to  his  mind.  '  Has  my  wife  been 
speaking  to  you  of  the  Bourbons  ?  *  said  he.  '  No,  General.' 
*  But  when  you  converse  with  her,  you  lean  a  little  to  her 
opinions  ;  tell  me,  now,  why  do  you  desire  their  return  ^  You 
have  no  interest  in  their  return  ;  nothing  to  expect  from  them. 
Your  rank  is  not  sufficiently  elevated  to  allow  you  to  look  to 
any  great  post.  You  will  never  be  anything  with  them.  It  is 
true,  that  through  the  interest  of  M.  de  Chambonas,  you  were 
named  Secretary  of  Legation  at  Stuttgart  ;  but  had  no  change 
happened,  you  would  have  remained  there  all  your  life,  or  in  an 
inferior  situation.     Have  you  ever  seen  men  rise  under  kings  by 


148  NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 

merit  alone  ? '  '  General,'  said  I,  '  I  am  quite  of  your  opinion  on 
one  point.  I  have  never  received  anythino^  under  the  Bourbons  ; 
neither  gifts,  nor  places,  nor  favours  ;  neither  have  I  the  vanity 
to  suppose  that  I  should  have  ever  risen  to  any  conspicuous 
station.  But  it  is  not  myself  I  consider,  but  all  France.  I 
believe  you  will  continue  to  hold  your  power  as  long  as  you  live  ; 
but  you  have  no  children,  and  it  is  pretty  certain  you  never  will 
by  Josephine.  What  are  we  to  do  when  you  are  gone  ?  what  is 
to  become  of  us  ?    You  have  often  said  to  me  that  your  brothers 

were  not '     Here  he  interrupted  me,  '  Ah,  as  to  that  you  are 

right  ;  i/  I  do  not  live  thirty  years  to  finish  my  work,  you  will, 
when  I  am  dead,  have  long  civil  wars  :  my  brothers  do  not  suit 
France,  you  know  them.     You  will  then  have  a  violent  contest 
among  the  most  distinguished  generals,  each  of  whom  will  think 
he  has  a  right  to  take  my  place.'     *  Well  then.  General,  why 
do  you  not  endeavour  to  remedy  those  evils  which  you  foresee  ? ' 
*Do  you  suppose  I  have  never  thought  of  that  ?  but  weigh  well 
the  difficulties  that  are  in  my  way.     In  case  of  a  restoration, 
what  is  to  become  of  those  who  have  voted  for  the  death  of 
the  king,  the  men  who  were  conspicuous  in  the  revolution,  the 
national  domains,   and  a  multitude  of  things  done  during  the 
last    twelve   years  ?     Do   you    suppose  there  would  be   no  re- 
action ? '     '  General,    need   I    recall   to    your   recollection,    that 
Louis  XVIIL,  in  his  letter,  guarantees  the  contrary  of  all  you 
apprehend  .?     I  know  what  will  be  your  answer  ;  but  are  you 
not  in  a  situation  to  impose  any  conditions  you  may  think  fit  ? 
Grant,  at  that  price,  but  what  they  ask  of  you.     There  is  no 
need    of  haste.     Take   three   or   four   years  ;   you  can  in  that 
time    establish    the    happiness  of   France,   by  institutions    con- 
formable to  her  wants.     Custom  and  habit  would  give  them   a 
force  that   it  would   not  be  easy  to  destroy,  and  even  if  such 
an  intention  were  entertained,  it  could  not  succeed.'     'Depend 
upon  it,'  said  he,  '  the  Bourbons  will  think  they  have  re-conquered 
their  inheritance,  and  will  dispose  of  it  as  they  please.     Engage- 
ments the  most  sacred,  promises  the  most  positive,  will  disappear 
before    force.     None    but    fools  will   trust   them.     My  mind   is 
made  up,  let  us  say  no  more  upon  the  subject  ;  but  I  know  how 
these  women  torment  you, — let  them  mind  their  knitting,  and 
leave  me   to   mind    my   own  affairs.'     The  women  knitted — I 
wrote  at  my  desk — he  made  himself  emperor — the  empire  has 
fallen   to  pieces — he  is  dead  in   St.  Helena — and  the  Bourbons 
have  been  restored. 

*The  first  relations  between  Bonaparte  and  Paul  L  commenced 


PAUL   I.    OF   RUSSIA  149 

a  short  time  after  the  accession  to  the  consulate.  Affairs  then 
began  to  look  a  little  less  unfavourable  :  already  vague  reports 
from  Switzerland  and  the  banks  of  the  Rhine  indicated  a  cold- 
ness existing  between  the  Russians  and  the  Austrians  ;  and,  at 
the  same  time,  symptoms  of  a  misunderstanding  between  the 
courts  of  London  and  St.  Petersburg  began  to  be  perceptible. 
The  first  consul  having,  in  the  meantime,  discovered  the 
chivalrous  and  somewhat  eccentric  character  of  Paul  L,  thought  the 
moment  a  propitious  one  to  attempt  breaking  the  bonds  which 
united  Russia  and  England.  He  was  not  the  man  to  allow 
so  fine  an  opportunity  to  pass,  and  he  took  advantage  of  it 
with  his  ordinary  sagacity.  The  English  had  some  time  before 
refused  to  comprehend  in  a  cartel  for  the  exchange  of  prisoners 
7000  Russians  taken  in  Holland.  Bonaparte  ordered  them 
all  to  be  armed,  and  clothed  in  new  uniforms  appropriate  to 
the  corps  to  which  they  had  belonged,  and  sent  them  back  to 
Russia,  without  ransom,  without  exchange,  or  any  condition 
whatever.  This  judicious  munificence  was  not  thrown  away. 
Paul  shewed  himself  deeply  sensible  of  it,  and,  closely  allied 
as  he  had  lately  been  with  England,  he  now,  all  at  once, 
declared  himself  her  enemy.  This  triumph  of  policy  delighted 
the  first  consul. 

'Thenceforth  the  consul  and  the  Czar  became  the  best  friends 
possible.  They  strove  to  outdo  each  other  in  professions  of 
friendship  ;  and  it  may  be  believed  that  Bonaparte  did  not  fail 
to  turn  this  contest  of  politeness  to  his  own  advantage.  He  so 
well  worked  upon  the  mind  of  Paul,  that  he  succeeded  in 
obtaining  a  direct  influence  over  the  cabinet  of  St.  Petersburg. 

'Lord  Whitworth,  at  that  time  the  English  ambassador  in 
Russia,  was  ordered  to  quit  the  capital  without  delay,  and  to 
retire  to  Riga,  which  then  became  the  focus  of  the  intrigues 
of  the  north,  which  ended  in  the  death  of  Paul.  The  English 
ships  were  seized  in  all  the  ports  and,  at  the  pressing  instance 
of  the  Czar,  a  Prussian  army  menaced  Hanover.  Bonaparte 
lost  no  time,  and,  profiting  by  the  friendship  manifested  towards 
him  by  the  inheritor  of  Catharine's  power,  he  determined  to 
make  that  friendship  subservient  to  the  execution  of  the  vast 
plan  which  he  had  long  conceived  :  he  meant  to  undertake  an 
expedition  by  land  against  the  English  colonies  in  the  East 
Indies. 

'The  arrival  of  Baron  Sprengporten  at  Paris  caused  great 
satisfaction  among  the  partisans  of  the  consular  government, 
that    is   to   say,    almost   everyone   in    Paris.     He   came   on   an 


150  NAPOLEO^   BONAPARTE 

extraordinary  mission,  being  ostensibly  clothed  with  the  title 
of  plenipotentiary,  and,  at  the  same  time,  appointed  confidential 
minister  to  the  consul.  Bonaparte  was  extremely  satisfied  with 
the  ambassador  whom  Paul  had  selected,  and  with  the  manner 
in  which  he  described  the  emperor's  gratitude  for  the  generous 
conduct  of  the  first  consul. 

*We  could  easily  perceive  that  Paul  placed  great  confidence 
in  M.  Sprengporten.  As  he  had  satisfactorily  discharged  the 
mission  with  which  he  had  been  intrusted,  Paul  expressed 
pleasure  at  his  conduct  in  several  friendly  and  flattering  letters, 
which  Sprengporten  always  allowed  us  to  read.  No  one  could 
be  fonder  of  France  than  he  was,  and  he  ardently  desired  that 
his  first  negotiations  might  lead  to  a  long  alliance  between 
the  Russian  and  French  governments.  The  autograph  and 
very  frequent  correspondence  between  Bonaparte  and  Paul 
passed  through  his  hands.  I  read  all  Paul's  letters,  which  were 
remarkable  for  the  frankness  with  which  his  affection  for 
Bonaparte  was  expressed.  His  admiration  of  the  first  consul 
was  so  great,  that  no  courtier  could  have  written  in  a  more 
flattering  manner.  This  admiration  was  not  feigned  on  the 
part  of  the  Emperor  of  Russia  :  it  %vas  no  less  sincere  than 
ardent,  and  of  this  he  soon  gave  proofs. 

'  Bonaparte  never  felt  greater  satisfaction  in  the  whole  course 
of  his  life,  than  he  experienced  from  Paul's  enthusiasm  for  him. 
The  friendship  of  a  sovereign  seemed  to  him  a  step,  by  which 
he  was  to  become  a  sovereign  himself  On  the  other  hand,  the 
affairs  of  La  Vendee  began  to  assume  a  better  aspect,  and 
he  hoped  soon  to  effect  that  pacification  in  the  interior,  which 
he  so  ardently  desired.* 

*  This  account  agrees  precisely  \rith  the  follovi-ing,  dictated  by 
Napoleon  himself  at  St.  Helena  : 

•  The  Emperor  Paul  had  succeeded  the  Empress  Catharine.  Half 
frantic  uith  his  hostility  to  the  French  revolution,  he  had  performed 
what  his  mother  had  contented  herself  with  promising ;  and  engaged 
in  the  second  coaliiion.  General  Suwarrow,  at  the  head  of  60,000 
Russians,  advanced  in  Italy,  %\hilst  another  Russian  army  entered 
S^^^tzerland,  and  a  corps  of  15,000  men  was  placed  by  the  Czar  at  the 
disposal  of  the  Duke  of  York  for  the  purpose  of  conquering  Holland. 
These  were  all  the  disposable  forces  the  Russian  empire  had.  Suwar- 
row, although  victorious  at  the  battles  of  Cassano,  the  Trebbia,  and 
Novi,  had  lost  half  his  army  in  the  Saint  Gothard,  and  the  different 
valleys  of  Switzerland,  after  the  battle  of  Zurich,  in  which  Korsakow 
had  been  taken.  Paul  then  became  sensible  of  the  imprudence  of  his 
conduct  ;  and  in  1800,  Suwarrow  returned  to  Russia  with  scarcely  a 
fourth  of  his  army.     The  Emperor  Paul  complained  bitterly  of  having 


ALLIANCE    WITH    PAUL   I  151 

*  The  first  consul,  meanwhile,  proceeded  to  turn  the  friendship 
of  the  Russian  Emperor  to  solid  account.  It  has  never,  in 
truth,  been  difficult  to  excite  angry  and  jealous  feelings  among 
the  minor  maritime  powers,  with  regard  to  the  naval  sovereignty 
of  England.  The  claim  of  the  right  of  searching  neutral  ships, 
and  her  doctrine  on  the  subject  of  blockades,  had  indeed  been 
recognized  in  many  treaties  by  Russia,  and  by  every  maritime 
government  in  Europe.  Nevertheless,  the  old  grudge  remained 
and  Bonaparte  most  artfully  employed  every  engine  of  his 
diplomacy  to  awaken  a  spirit  of  hostility  against  England  ;  first, 
in  the  well-prepared  mind  of  the  Czar,  and  then  in  the  cabinets 
of  Prussia,  Denmark,  and  Sweden.  The  result  was,  in  effect,  a 
coalition  of  these  powers  against  England.' 


CHAPTER    XIV. 

*  Much  had  been  already  done  towards  the  internal  tranquilliza- 
tion  of  France  :  but  it  was  obvious  that  the  rcsidt  could  not  be 
perfect  until  the  war,  which  had  so  long  raged  on  two  frontiers 
of  the  country,  should  have  foimd  a  termination.     The  fortune 

lost  the  flower  of  his  troops,  who  had  neither  been  seconded  by  the  Aus- 
trians  nor  by  the  English.  He  reproached  the  cabinet  of  Vienna  with 
having  refused,  after  the  conquest  of  Piedmont,  to  replace  the  King 
of  Sardinia  upon  his  throne ;  with  being  destitute  of  grand  and  gene- 
rous ideas,  and  wholly  governed  by  calculation  and  interested  views. 
He  also  complained  that  the  English,  when  they  look  Malta,  instead 
of  reinstating  the  Order  of  St.  John  of  Jerusalem,  and  restoring  that 
island  to  the  knights,  had  appropriated  it  to  themselves.  The  first 
consul  did  all  in  his  power  to  cherish  these  seeds  of  discontent,  and  to 
make  them  productive.  A  little  after  the  battle  of  Marengo,  he  found 
means  to  flatter  the  lively  and  impetuous  imagination  of  the  Czar,  by 
sending  him  the  sword  which  Pope  Leo  X.  had  gi\en  to  lllle  Adam, 
as  a  memorial  of  his  satisfaction  for  having  defended  Rhodes  against 
the  infidels.  From  8000  to  10,000  Russian  soldiers  had  been  made 
prisoners  in  Italy,  at  Zurich,  and  in  Holland  :  the  first  consul  proposed 
their  exchange  to  the  English  and  Austrians  ;  both  refused  ;  the  Aus- 
trians,  because  there  were  still  many  of  their  people  prisoners  in 
France  ;  and  the  English,  although  they  had  a  great  number  of  French 
prisoners,  because,  as  they  said,  this  proposal  was  contrary  to  their 
principles.  "  What !  "  it  was  said  to  the  cabinet  of  St.  James's,  "do 
you  refuse  to  e.xchange  e\en  the  Russians,  who  were  taken  in  Holland, 
fighting  in  your  own  ranks  under  the  Duke  of  York  ?  "  And  to  the 
cabinet  of  Vienna  it  was  observed,  "  How  !  do  you  refuse  to  restore  to 
their  country  those  men  of  the  north  to  whom  you  are  indebted  for 


152  NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 

of  the  last  two  years  had  been  far  different  from  that  of  the 
glorious  campaigns  which  ended  in  the  treaty — or  armistice,  as 
it  might  more  truly  be  named — of  Campo-Formio.  The 
Austrians  had  recovered  the  north  of  Italy,  and  already  menaced 
the  Savoy  frontier,  designing  to  march  into  Provence,  and  there 
support  a  new  insurrection  of  the  royalists.  The  force  opposed 
to  them  in  that  quarter  was  much  inferior  in  numbers,  and 
composed  of  the  relics  of  armies  beaten  over  and  over  again  by 
Suwarrow.  The  Austrians  and  French  were  more  nearly 
balanced  on  the  Rhine  frontier  ;  but  even  there,  there  was  ample 

the  victories  of  the  Trebbia,  and  Novi,  and  for  your  conquests  in  Italy, 
and  who  have  left  in  your  hands  a  multitude  of  French  prisoners  taken 
by  them  ?  Such  injustice  excites  my  indignation,"  said  the  first  consul. 
"Well  !  I  will  restore  them  to  the  Czar  without  exchange;  he  shall 
see  how  I  esteem  brave  men."  The  Russian  officers,  who  were  pri- 
soners, immediately  received  their  swords,  and  the  troops  of  that  nation 
were  assembled  at  Aix-la-Chapelle,  where  they  were  soon  completely 
new  clothed,  and  furnished  with  good  arms  of  French  manufac- 
ture. A  Russian  general  was  instructed  to  organize  them  m  batta- 
lions and  regiments.  This  blow  struck  at  once  at  London  and  St. 
Petersburg.  Paul,  attacked  in  so  many  different  directions,  gave 
way  to  his  enthusiastic  temper,  and  attached  himself  to  France  with 
all  the  ardour  of  his  character.  He  despatched  a  letter  to  the  first 
consul,  in  which  he  said,  "  Citizen,  First  Consul,  I  do  not  WTite  to  you 
to  discuss  the  rights  of  men  or  citizens  ;  every  country  governs  itself  as 
it  pleases.  Wherever  I  see  at  the  head  of  a  nation  a  man  who  knows 
how  to  rule  and  how  to  fight,  my  heart  is  attracted  towards  him.  I 
write  to  acquaint  you  with  my  dissatisfaction  of  England,  who  violates 
every  article  of  the  law  of  nations,  and  has  no  guide  but  her  egotism 
and  interest.  I  wish  to  unite  with  you  to  put  an  end  to  the  unjust  pro- 
ceedings of  that  government." 

'  In  the  beginning  of  December,  1800,  General  Sprengporten,  a 
Finlander,  who  had  entered  the  Russian  service,  and  who  in  his  heart 
was  attached  to  France,  arrived  at  Paris.  He  brought  letters  from  the 
Emperor  Paul,  and  was  instructed  to  take  the  command  of  the  Rus- 
sian prisoners,  and  to  conduct  them  back  to  their  country.  All  the 
officers  of  that  nation,  who  returned  to  Russia,  constantly  spoke  in  the 
highest  terms  of  the  kind  treatment  and  attention  they  had  met  with 
in  France,  particularly  after  the  arrival  of  the  first  consul.  The  corre- 
spondence between  the  emperor  and  Napoleon  soon  became  daily  ; 
they  treated  directly  on  the  most  important  interests,  and  on  the  means 
of  humbling  the  English  power.  General  Sprengporten  was  not  in- 
structed to  make  peace  :  he  had  no  powers  for  that  purpose  ;  neither 
was  he  an  ambassador  ;  peace  did  not  exist.  It  was,  therefore,  an  ex- 
traordinary mission,  which  allowed  of  this  general's  being  treated  with 
every  distinction  calculated  to  gratify  the  sovereign  who  had  sent  him 
without  the  possibility  of  the  occurrence  of  any  inconvenience  from 
such  attentions." — Napoleon's  Memoirs,  vol.  ii. ,  p.  130. 


HIS   POLICY  153 

room  for  anxiety.  On  the  whole,  the  grand  attitude  in  which 
Bonaparte  had  left  the  Republic,  when  he  embarked  for  Egypt, 
was  exchanged  for  one  of  a  far  humbler  description  ;  and,  in  fact, 
the  general  disheartening  of  the  nation,  by  reason  of  those 
reverses,  had  been  of  signal  service  to  Napoleon's  ambition.  If 
a  strong  hand  was  wanted  at  home,  the  necessity  of  having  a 
general  who  could  bring  back  victory  to  the  tri-colour  banners  in 
the  field  had  been  not  less  deeply  felt.  And  hence  the  decisive 
revolution  of  Brumaire. 

'  Of  the  allies  of  Austria,  meanwhile,  one  had  virtually 
abandoned  her.  The  Emperor  Paul,  of  Russia,  resenting  the 
style  in  which  his  army  under  Suwarrow  had  been  supported, 
withdrew  it  altogether  from  the  field  of  its  victories.  In  his  new 
character  of  chief  consul,  Bonaparte  resolved  to  have  the  credit 
of  making  overtures  of  peace  to  England,  ere  the  campaign  with 
the  Austrians  should  open  ;  and,  discarding  the  usual  etiquette  of 
diplomatic  intercourse,  he  addressed  a  letter  to  King  George  III. 
in  person.  The  reply  was  an  official  note  from  Lord  Grenville, 
then  Secretary  of  State  for  the  department  of  foreign  affairs,  to 
Talleyrand,  which  terminated  the  negotiation. 

'  It  was  Bonaparte's  policy,  even  more  clearly  than  it  had 
been  that  of  his  predecessors,  to  buy  security  at  home  by  battle 
and  victory  abroad.  The  national  pride  had  been  deeply 
wounded  during  his  absence  ;  and  something  must  be  done  in 
Europe,  worthy  of  the  days  of  Lodi,  Rivoli,  and  Tagliamento, 
ere  he  could  hope  to  be  seated  firmly  on  his  throne.  On  receiving 
the  answer  of  the  British  minister,  he  said  to  Talleyrand  (rubbing 
his  hands,  as  was  his  custom  when  much  pleased),  "  It  could  not 
have  been  more  favourable."  On  the  same  day,  the  7th  of 
January  (just  three  days  after  the  date  of  Lord  Grenville's  note), 
the  first  consul  issued  his  edict  for  the  formation  of  the  army  of 
reserve,  consisting  of  all  the  veterans  who  had  ever  served,  and  a 
new  levy  of  30,000  conscripts.' 

It  was  then,  in  the  days  of  his  youth,  that  the  fertility  of  his 
genius,  and  the  vigour  of  his  mind,  could  not  fail  to  command 
the  admiration  of  even  his  most  bitter  enemy.  I  was  astonished 
at  the  facility  with  which  he  entered  into  details.  Whilst  the 
most  important  occupations  engrossed  every  moment  of  his  time, 
he  sent  24,000  francs  to  the  hospital  of  Mont  St.  Bernard,  to 
purchase  provisions.  When  he  saw  the  army  of  reserve  formed, 
and  that  everything  went  to  his  wishes,  he  said  to  me,  '  I  hope 
to  fall  on  Melas'  rear  before  he  is  aware  that  I  am  in  Italy 
That  is,  provided  Genoa  holds  out  ;  but  Massena  defends  it.' 


15+  NAPOLEON   BONAPARTE 

On  the  17th  of  March,  in  a  moment  of  gaiety  and  good 
humour,  he  desired  me  to  unroll  Chauchard's  great  map  of  Italy 
— he  stretched  himself  upon  it,  and  told  me  to  do  the  same. 
He  then  stuck  into  it  pins,  whose  heads  were  tipped  with  red 
and  black  sealing  wax.  I  observed  him  in  silence,  and  awaited 
the  result  of  a  campaign  so  inoffensive.  When  he  had  stationed 
the  enemy's  corps,  and  drawn  up  the  pins  with  red  heads  on  the 
points  where  he  intended  to  conduct  his  own  troops,  he  said 
to  me,  '  Do  you  think  that  I  shall  beat  Melas  ? '  '  Why,  how 
can  I  tell  ? '  *  You  are  a  simpleton,'  said  he  ;  *  look  you  here, 
— Melas  is  at  Alexandria,  where  he  has  his  headquarters  ;  he 
will  remain  there  till  Genoa  surrenders.  He  has  in  Alexandria 
his  magazines,  his  hospitals,  his  artillery,  his  reserves.  Passing 
the  Alps  here '  (pointing  to  the  Great  St.  Bernard)  '  I  fall  upon 
Melas,  I  cut  off  his  communications  with  Austria,  and  I  meet 
him  here  in  the  plains  of  Scrivia '  (sticking  a  red  pin  at  San 
Juliano).  Perceiving  that  I  looked  upon  this  manoeuvring  of  pins 
as  mere  pastime,  he  addressed  to  me  some  of  his  usual 
apostrophes,  which  served  as  a  sort  of  relaxation,  and  then 
recurred  to  his  demonstrations  upon  the  map.  We  rose  in 
about  a  quarter  of  an  hour,  I  replaced  the  map,  and  thought  no 
more  about  it.  But  when,  four  months  after,  I  found  myself  at 
San  Juliano,  with  his  portfolio  and  despatches  which  I  had  saved 
from  the  rout  which  took  place  in  the  early  part  of  the  day, 
and  when,  the  same  night,  I  wrote  from  his  dictation,  at  Torre 
di  Galifolo,  a  league  from  thence,  the  bulletin  of  the  battle,  I 
frankly  avowed  my  admiration  of  his  military  plans.  He  smiled 
himself  at  the  justness  of  his  foresight. 

'  At  this  time  France  had  four  armies  on  her  frontiers  :  that 
of  the  North,  under  Brune,  watched  the  partisans  of  the  house 
of  Orange  in  Holland,  and  guarded  those  coasts  against  any  new 
invasion  from  England  ;  the  defeat  of  the  Duke  of  York  had 
enabled  the  government  to  reduce  its  strength  considerably. 
The  second  was  the  army  of  the  Danube,  under  Jourdan,  which, 
after  the  defeat  at  Stockach,  had  been  obliged  to  repass  the 
Rhine  :  the  third,  under  Massena,  styled  the  army  of  Helvetia, 
had  been  compelled  in  the  preceding  campaign  to  evacuate 
great  part  of  Switzerland  ;  but,  gaining  the  battle  of  Zurich 
against  the  Russians,  now  re-occupied  the  whole  of  that  republic  : 
the  fourth  was  that  broken  remnant  which  still  called  itself 
the  "Army  of  Italy."  After  the  disastrous  conflict  of  Genola 
it  had  rallied  in  disorder  on  the  Appenine  and  the  heights  of 
Genoa,    where    the  spirit   of  the    troops  was   already  so  much 


PREPARES   TO    INVADE    ITALY  155 

injured,  that  whole  battalions  deserted  en  masse,  and  retired 
behind  the  Var.  Their  distress,  in  truth,  was  extreme  :  for  they 
had  lost  all  means  of  communication  with  the  valley  of  the  Po, 
and  the  English  fleet  effectually  blockaded  the  whole  coasts 
both  of  Provence  and  Liguria  ;  so  that,  pent  up  among  barren 
rocks,  they  suffered  the  hardships  and  privations  of  a  beleaguered 
garrison. 

'The  chief  consul  sent  Massena  to  assume  the  command 
of  the  "  Army  of  Italy "  ;  and  issued,  on  that  occasion,  a 
general  order,  which  had  a  magical  effect  on  the  minds  of  the 
soldiery.  Massena  was  highly  esteemed  among  them  ;  and 
after  his  arrival  at  Genoa,  the  deserters  flocked  back  rapidly  to 
their  standards.  At  the  same  time  Bonaparte  ordered  Moreau 
to  assume  the  command  of  the  two  corps  of  the  Danube  and 
Helvetia,  and  consolidate  them  into  one  great "  army  of  the  Rhine." 
Lastly,  the  rendezvous  of  the  "  army  of  reserve  "  was  appointed 
for  Dijon  :  a  central  position  from  which  either  Massena  or 
Moreau  might,  as  circumstances  demanded,  be  supported  and 
reinforced  ;  but  which  Napoleon  really  designed  to  serve  for  a 
cloak  to  his  main  purpose.  For  he  had  already,  in  concert  with 
Carnot,  sketched  the  plan  of  that  which  is  generally  considered 
as  at  once  the  most  daring  and  the  most  masterly  of  all  the 
campaigns  of  the  war  ;  and  which,  in  so  far  as  the  execution 
depended  upon  himself,  turned  out  also  the  most  dazzlingly 
successful. 

♦In  placing  Moreau  at  the  head  of  the  army  of  the  Rhine, 
full  150,000  strong,  and  out  of  all  comparison  the  best  disciplined 
as  well  as  the  largest  force  of  the  Republic,  Bonaparte  exhibited 
a  noble  superiority  to  all  feelings  of  personal  jealousy.  That 
general's  reputation  approached  the  most  nearly  to  his  own  ;  but 
his  talents  justified  this  reputation,  and  the  chief  consul  thought 
of  nothing  but  the  best  means  of  accomplishing  the  purposes 
of  the  joint  campaign.  Moreau,  in  the  sequel,  was  severely 
censured  by  his  master  for  the  manner  in  which  he  executed  the 
charge  intrusted  to  him.  His  orders  were  to  march  at  once 
upon  Ulm,  at  the  risk  of  placing  the  great  Austrian  army  under 
Kray  between  him  and  France  ;  but  he  was  also  commanded  to 
detach  15,000  of  his  troops  for  the  separate  service  of  passing 
into  Italy  by. the  defiles  of  St.  Gothard  ;  and  given  to  understand 
that  it  must  be  his  business  to  prevent  Kray,  at  all  hazards,  from 
opening  a  communication  with  Italy  by  way  of  the  Tyrol. 
Under  such  circumstances,  it  is  not  wonderful  that  a  general, 
who  had  a  master,  should  have  proceeded  more  cautiously  than 


156  NAPOLEON   BONAPARTE 

suited  the  gigantic  aspirations  of  the  unfettered  Napoleon. 
Moreau,  however,  it  must  be  adinitted,  had  always  the  reputation 
of  a  prudent,  rather  than  a  daring,  commander.  The  details 
of  his  campaign  against  Kray  must  be  sought  elsewhere.  A 
variety  of  engagements  took  place,  with  a  variety  of  fortune. 
Moreau,  his  enemies  allow,  commenced  his  operations  by  crossing 
the  Rhine  in  the  end  of  April  ;  and,  on  the  15th  of  July,  had 
his  head-quarters  at  Augsburg,  and  was  in  condition  either 
to  reinforce  the  French  in  Italy,  or  to  march  into  the  heart 
of  the  Austrian  states,  when  the  success  of  Bonaparte's  own 
expedition  rendered  either  movement  unnecessary. 

'The  chief  consul  had  resolved  upon  conducting,  in  person, 
one  of  the  most  adventurous  enterprises  recorded  in  the  history 
of  war.  The  formation  of  the  army  of  reserve  at  Dijon  was 
a  mere  deceit.  A  numerous  staff,  indeed,  assembled  in  that 
town  ;  and  the  preparation  of  the  munitions  of  war  proceeded 
there  as  elsewhere  with  the  utmost  energy  :  but  the  troops 
collected  at  Dijon  were  few  ;  and, — it  being  universally  circu- 
lated and  believed,  that  they  were  the  force  meant  to  re-establish 
the  once  glorious  Army  of  Italy,  by  marching  to  the  head-quarters 
of  Massena  at  Genoa, — the  Austrians  received  the  accounts 
of  their  numbers  and  appearance  not  only  with  indifference 
but  with  derision.  Bonaparte,  meanwhile,  had  spent  three 
months  in  recruiting  his  armies  throughout  the  interior  of 
France  ;  and  the  troops,  by  means  of  which  it  was  his  purpose 
to  change  the  face  of  affairs  beyond  the  Alps,  were  already 
marching  by  different  routes,  each  detachment  in  total  ignorance 
of  the  other's  destination,  upon  the  territory  of  Switzerland. 
To  that  quarter  Bonaparte  had  already  sent  forward  Berthier, 
the  most  confidential  of  his  military  friends,  and  other  officers 
of  the  highest  skill,  with  orders  to  reconnoitre  the  various 
passes  in  the  great  Alpine  chain,  and  make  every  other  prepara- 
tion for  the  movement,  of  which  they  alone  were,  as  yet,  in 
the  secret.' 

The  first  consul  was  not  satisfied  with  the  administration  of 
General  Berthier,  as  Minister  of  War  :  he  replaced  him  by  Carnot, 
who  had  given  great  proofs  of  firmness  and  integrity,  but  whom 
Bonaparte  did  not  like,  being  too  decidedly  a  republican. 
Berthier  set  out  for  Dijon,  where  he  began  the  creation  of  the 
famous  army  of  reserve,  which  was  nothing  in  the  beginning, 
but  which,  in  a  few  weeks  after,  by  a  single  battle,  brought  all 
Italy  again  under  the  dominion  of  the  French. 

The   consular  constitution  did  not  permit  the  first  consul  to 


STARTS   FOR   ITALY  157 

command  an  army  out  of  the  territory  of  the  Republic.  He 
did  not  wish  it  to  be  known  that  he  had  formed  the  resolution 
of  placing  himself  at  the  head  of  the  army  of  Italy,  and  which 
he  now  for  the  first  time  called  the  grand  army.  I  observed 
to  him,  that  by  appointing  Berthier  to  the  command-in-chief, 
nobody  could  be  deceived  ;  because  all  the  world  would  see  that, 
in  making  such  a  choice,  his  intention  must  have  been  to 
command  in  person.     My  observation  amused  him  much. 

The  chief  consul  remained  in  Paris  until  he  received  Berthier's 
decisive  despatch  from  Geneva — it  was  in  these  words,  '  I  wish 
to  see  you  here.  There  are  orders  to  be  given  by  which  three 
armies  may  act  in  concert,  and  you  alone  can  give  them  in 
the  lines.     Measures  decided  on  in  Paris  are  too  late.' 

Bonaparte  immediately  fixed  the  day  of  our  departure  from 
Paris  for  the  6th  of  May.  All  his  arrangements  were  made, 
all  his  orders  given,  but  he  did  not  wish  that  it  should  yet  be 
known  that  he  went  to  take  the  command  of  the  army.  On 
the  preceding  evening,  in  the  presence  of  the  other  two  consuls, 
and  the  ministers,  he  said  to  Lucien,  '  Prepare  by  to-morrow 
a  circular  to  the  prefects  ;  you,  Fouch6,  will  have  it  published 
in  the  journals.  Say  that  I  have  set  out  for  Dijon,  where  I  go 
to  inspect  the  army  of  reserve  ;  you  may  add,  that  I  may 
perhaps  go  as  far  as  Geneva,  but  say  positively  that  I  shall  not 
be  absent  more  than  fifteen  days.  You,  Cambaceres,  will  preside 
to-morrow  in  the  Council  of  State.  In  my  absence  you  are 
the  head  of  the  government,  and  speak  in  the  same  way  to  the 
Council  :  you  may  say  that  my  absence  will  be  short,  but 
specify  nothing.  Assure  the  Council  of  State  of  my  entire 
satisfaction  ;  it  has  rendered  great  services,  which  I  hope  it 
will  continue  to  do.  Stay,  I  had  forgot, — you  will  at  the 
same  time  announce  that  I  have  named  Joseph  a  councillor  of 
state.  If  anything  should  happen  I  will  return  like  a  thunder- 
bolt. I  recommend  to  you  all  the  great  interests  of  France.  I 
hope  in  a  little  time  to  be  spoken  of  in  Vienna  and  London." 

We  set  out  at  two  o'clock  in  the  morning,  taking  the  Bur- 
gundy road,  which  we  had  already  so  often  travelled  under  very 
different  circumstances. 

On  the  journey  Bonaparte  conversed  much  about  the  warriors 
of  antiquity,  especially  of  Alexander,  Cassar,  Scipio,  and  Hannibal. 
He  shewed  himself  well  acquainted  with  the  localities  and  with 
the  respective  means  of  these  commanders.  He  had  made  a 
special  study  of  strategy,  ancient  and  modern.  Nothing,  in 
the   great  science  of  war,    escaped    his    genius.     I   asked    him 


158  NAPOLEON   BONAPARTE 

whether  he  gave  his  preference  to  Alexander  or  Caesar.  *  I  place 
Alexander,'  said  he,  '  in  the  first  rank  ;  I  admire  the  fine  cam- 
paign of  Ca?sar  in  Africa.  My  reason  for  giving  the  preference 
to  the  king  of  Macedon  is,  on  account  of  the  conception,  and 
above  all  for  the  execution,  of  his  campaign  in  Asia.  He  can 
have  no  idea  of  war  who  blames  this  prince  for  having  spent 
seven  months  in  the  siege  of  Tyre.  Had  it  been  myself,  I  would 
have  remained  there  seven  years  if  necessary.  This  is  a  grand 
subject,  but  for  my  part,  I  consider  the  siege  of  Tyre,  the  con- 
quest of  Egypt,  and  the  march  to  the  Oasis  of  Ammon,  as 
proofs  of  the  genius  of  this  great  captain.  He  wished  to  afford 
the  king  of  Persia,  whose  advanced  guard  only  he  had  defeated 
at  the  Granicus  and  the  Issus,  time  to  assemble  all  his  forces, 
that  he  might  by  a  single  blow  overturn  that  colossus,  which  he 
had  as  yet  only  shaken.  Alexander,  by  pursuing  Darius  into 
his  states,  would  have  separated  himself  from  his  reinforcements, 
would  have  encountered  only  scattered  parties  of  troops,  who 
would  have  drawn  him  into  deserts  where  his  army  would  have 
been  lost.  By  persevering  in  the  taking  of  Tyre  he  secured  his 
communications  with  Greece,  that  country  for  which  he  did  so 
much,  and  which  he  loved  as  dearly  as  I  do  France,  and  in 
whose  glory  he  placed  his  own.  In  possessing  himself  of  the 
rich  province  of  Egj^t,  at  that  time  so  powerful,  he  forced 
Darius  to  come  to  defend  or  deliver  it,  and  to  march  half  way 
to  meet  him.  By  representing  himself  as  the  son  of  Jupiter,  he 
worked  in  a  way  useful  for  his  designs  upon  the  ardent  temper 
of  the  Orientals.  We  know  how  that  assisted  him.  Finally,  he 
died  at  the  age  of  thirty-three, — what  a  name  did  he  leave 
behind  him  !* 

Although  completely  a  stranger  to  the  noble  science  of  war, 
I  could  not  avoid  admiring  the  sublime  projects  of  Bonaparte, 
his  shrewd  remarks  and  his  ingenious  observations  on  the  great 
captains  of  ancient  and  modern  times,  and  I  could  not  help 
saying  to  him,  '  General,  you  reproach  me  often  with  not  being 
a  flatterer,  but  now  I  tell  you  truly,  I  admire  you,'  and  I  told 
the  tnith. 

*  On  the  7th  of  May,  we  arrived  at  Dijon,  where  he  reviewed, 
in  great  form,  some  7000  or  8000  raw  and  half-clad  troops,  and 
committed  them  to  the  care  of  Brune.  The  spies  of  Austria 
reaped  new  satisfaction  from  this  consular  review  :  meanwhile 
Napoleon  had  halted  but  two  hours  at  Dijon  ;  and,  travelling 
all  night,  arrived,  the  next  day,  at  Geneva.  Here  he  was  met  by 
Marescot,  who  had  been  employed  in  exploring  the  wild  passes 


INVASION    OF    ITALY  159 

of  the  Great  St.  Bernard,  and  received  from  him  an  appalling 
picture  of  the  difficulties  of  marching  an  army  by  that  route 
into  Italy.  '  Is  it  possible  to  pass  f '  said  Napoleon,  cutting  the 
engineer's  narrative  short.  '  The  thing  is  barely  possible,' 
answered  Marescot.  'Very  well,'  said  the  chief  consul,  '■en 
avant — let  us  proceed.' 

While  the  Austrians  were  thinking  only  of  the  frontier  where 
Suchet  commanded  an  enfeebled  and  dispirited  division, — 
destined,  as  they  doubted  not,  to  be  reinforced  by  the  army, 
such  as  it  was,  of  Dijon — the  chief  consul  had  resolved  to 
penetrate  into  Italy,  as  Hannibal  had  done  of  old,  through  all 
the  dangers  and  difficulties  of  the  great  Alps  themselves.  The 
march  on  the  Var  and  Genoa  might  have  been  executed  with 
comparative  ease,  and  might,  in  all  likelihood,  have  led  to 
victory  ;  but  mere  victory  w^ould  not  suffice.  It  was  urgently 
necessary  that  the  name  of  Bonaparte  should  be  surrounded  with 
some  blaze  of  almost  supernatural  renown  ;  and  his  plan  for 
purchasing  this  splendour  was  to  rush  down  from  the  Alps,  at 
whatever  hazard,  upon  the  rear  of  Melas,  cut  off  all  his 
communications  with  Austria,  and  then  force  him  to  a  conflict, 
in  which,  Massena  and  Suchet  being  on  the  other  side  of  him, 
reverse  must  needs  be  ruin. 

'  For  the  treble  purpose  of  more  easily  collecting  a  sufficient 
stock  of  provisions  for  the  march,  of  making  its  accomplishment 
more  rapid,  and  of  perplexing  the  enemy  on  its  termination, 
Napoleon  determined  that  his  army  should  pass  in  four  divisions, 
by  as  many  separate  routes.  The  left  wing,  under  Moncey, 
consisting  of  15,000  detached  from  the  army  of  Moreau,  was 
ordered  to  debouch  by  the  way  of  St.  Gothard.  The  corps  of 
Thureau,  5000  strong,  took  the  direction  of  Mont  Cenis  : 
that  of  Chabran,  of  similar  strength,  moved  by  the  Little  St. 
Bernard.  Of  the  main  body,  consisting  of  35,000,  the  chief 
consul  himself  took  care  ;  and  he  reserved  for  them  the  gigantic 
task  of  surmounting,  with  the  artillery,  the  huge  barriers  of  the 
Great  St.  Bernard.  Thus,  along  the  Alpine  chain — from  the 
sources  of  the  Rhine  and  the  Rhone  to  Isere  and  Durance — 
about  60,000  men,  in  all,  lay  prepared  for  the  adventure.  It 
must  be  added,  if  we  would  form  a  fair  conception  of  the 
enterprise,  that  Napoleon  well  knew  not  one-third  of  these  men 
had   ever  seen  a   shot  fired   in   earnest. 

*  The  difficulties  encountered  by  Moncey,  Thureau,  and 
Chabran,  will  be  sufficiently  understood  from  the  narrative 
of  Bonaparte's  own  march.     From  the  15th  to  the  i8th  of  May 


i6o  NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 

all  his  columns  were  put  in  motion  ;  Lannes,  with  the  advanced 
guard,  clearing  the  way  before  them  ;  the  general,  Berthier,  and 
the  chief  consul  himself  superintending  the  rear  guard,  which, 
as  having  with  it  the  artillery,  was  the  object  of  highest 
importance.  At  St.  Pierre  all  semblance  of  a  road  disappeared. 
Thenceforth  an  army,  horse  and  foot,  laden  with  all  the 
munitions  of  a  campaign,  a  park  of  forty  field-pieces  included, 
were  to  be  urged  up  and  along  airy  ridges  of  rock  and  eternal 
snow,  where  the  goatherd,  the  hunter  of  the  chamois,  and  the 
outlaw-smuggler,  are  alone  accustomed  to  venture  ;  amidst 
precipices  where  to  slip  a  foot  is  death  ;  beneath  glaciers  from 
which  the  percussion  of  a  musket-shot  is  often  sufficient  to  hurl 
an  avalanche  ;  across  bottomless  chasms  caked  over  with  frost 
or  snow-drift.  The  transport  of  the  artillery  and  ammunition 
was  the  most  difficult  point  ;  and  to  this,  accordingly,  the  chief 
consul  gave  his  personal  superintendence.  The  guns  were 
dismounted,  grooved  into  the  trunks  of  trees  hollowed  out  so 
as  to  suit  each  calibre,  and  then  dragged  on  by  sheer  strength  of 
muscle — not  less  than  a  hundred  soldiers  being  sometimes 
harnessed  to  a  single  cannon.  The  carriages  and  wheels,  being 
taken  to  pieces,  were  slung  on  poles,  and  borne  on  men's 
shoulders.  The  powder  and  shot,  packed  into  boxes  of  fir 
wood,  formed  the  lading  of  all  the  mules  that  could  be  collected 
over  a  wide  range  of  the  Alpine  country.  These  preparations 
had  been  made  during  the  week  that  elapsed  between  Bonaparte's 
arrival  at  Geneva  and  the  commencement  of  Lannes's  march. 
He  himself  travelled  sometimes  on  a  mule,  but  mostly  on  foot, 
cheering  on  the  soldiers  who  had  the  burden  of  the  great  gims. 
The  fatigue  undergone  is  not  to  be  described.  The  men  in 
front  durst  not  halt  to  breathe,  because  the  least  stoppage 
there  might  have  thrown  the  column  behind  into  confusion, 
on  the  brink  of  deadly  precipices  ;  and  those  in  the  rear  had 
to  flounder,  knee  deep,  through  snow  and  ice  trampled  into 
sludge  by  the  feet  and  hoofs  of  the  preceding  divisions.  Happily 
the  march  of  Napoleon  was  not  harassed,  like  that  of  Hannioal, 
by  the  assaults  of  living  enemies.  The  mountaineers,  on  the 
contrary,  flocked  in  to  reap  the  liberal  rewards  which  he  offered 
to  all  who  were  willing  to  lighten  the  drudgery  of  his  troops. 

'On  the  1 6th  of  May  Napoleon  slept  at  the  convent  of  St. 
Maurice  ;  and,  in  the  course  of  the  tour  following  days,  the 
whole  army  passed  the  Great  St.  Bernard.  It  was  on  the  20th 
that  Bonaparte  himself  halted  an  hour  at  the  convent  of  the 
Hospitallers,    which    stands   on    the    summit   of   this    mighty 


ON   MOUNT   ST.   BERNARD  i6i 

mountain.  The  good  fathers  of  the  monastery  had  been  warned 
befofehand  ot  the  march,  and  they  had  furnished  every  soldier 
as  he  passed  with  a  luncheon  of  bread  and  cheese  and  a  glass 
of  wine  ;  for  which  seasonable  kindness,  they  now  received  the 
warm  acknowledgments  of  the  Chief.  It  was  here  that  he 
took  his  leave  of  a  peasant  youth,  who  had  walked  by  him, 
as  his  guide,  all  the  way  from  the  convent  of  St.  Maurice. 
Napoleon  conversed  freely  with  the  young  man,  and  was  much 
interested  with  his  simplicity.  At  parting,  he  asked  the  guide 
some  particulars  about  his  personal  situation  ;  and,  having  heard 
his  reply,  gave  him  money  and  a  billet  to  the  head  of  the 
monastery  of  St.  Maurice.  The  peasant  delivered  it  accordingly, 
and  was  surprised  to  find  that,  in  consequence  of  a  scrap  of 
writing  which  he  could  not  read,  his  worldly  comforts  were 
to  be  permanently  increased.  The  object  of  this  generosity 
remembered,  nevertheless,  but  little  of  his  conversation  with 
the  consul.  He  described  Napoleon  as  being  "  a  very  dark 
man  "  (this  was  the  effect  of  the  Syrian  sun),  and  having  an 
eye  that,  notwithstanding  his  affability,  he  could  not  encounter 
without  a  sense  of  fear.  The  only  saying  of  the  hero  which  he 
treasured  in  his  memory  was,  "  I  have  spoiled  a  hat  among  your 
mountains  ;  well,  I  shall  find  a  new  one  on  the  other  side." — 
Thus  spoke  Napoleon,  wringing  the  rain  from  his  covering  as 
he  approached  the  hospice  of  St.  Bernard. — The  guide  described, 
however,  very  strikingly,  the  effects  of  Bonaparte's  appearance 
and  voice,  when  any  obstacle  checked  the  advance  of  his  soldiery 
ateng  that  fearful  wilderness  which  is  called  emphatically,  "  The 
Valley  of  Desolation."  A  single  look  or  word  was  commonly 
sufficient  to  set  all  in  motion  again.  But  if  the  way  presented 
some  new  and  apparently  insuperable  difficulty,  the  consul  bade 
the  drums  beat  and  the  trumpets  sound,  as  if  for  the  charge,  and 
this  never  failed.  Of  such  gallant  temper  were  the  spirits  which 
Napoleon  had  at  command,  and  with  such  admirable  skill  did 
he  wield  them  ! 

'On  the  1 6th  the  vanguard,  under  Lannes,  reached  the 
beautiful  vale  of  Aosta,  and  the  other  divisions  descended  rapidly 
on  their  footsteps.  This  part  of  the  progress  was  not  less 
difficult  than  the  ascent  before.  The  horses,  mules,  and  guns, 
were  to  be  led  down  one  slippery  steep  after  another — and  we 
may  judge  with  what  anxious  care,  since  Napoleon  himself  was 
once  contented  to  slide  nearly  a  hundred  yards  together,  seated. 

'On  the  17th  Lannes  arrived  at  Chatillon,  where  he  attacked 
and  defeated  a  corps  of  5000  Austrians — who  received  the  onset 

IX 


i62  NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 

of  a    French   division    in   that   quarter,    with    about   as   much 
surprise  as  if  an  enemy  had  dropped  on  them  from  the  clouds.' 

The  first  consul  ascended  Mount  St.  Bernard  with  that  cahn 
indifference  and  self-possession,  which  never  left  him  when 
he  considered  it  necessary  to  set  an  example.  He  interrogated 
his  guide  as  to  the  condition  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  two 
valleys  ;  what  were  their  means  of  subsistence,  and  whether 
accidents  were  as  frequent  as  they  were  said  to  be  ?  The  guide 
informed  him,  that  long  experience,  and  a  succession  of  recorded 
facts,  had  enabled  the  inhabitants  to  foresee  any  change  of 
weather,  and  that  they  were  seldom  deceived.  Bonaparte,  who 
wore  his  gray  riding-coat,  and  had  his  whip  in  his  hand,  walked 
v/ith  somewhat  of  a  pensive  air,  and  appeared  to  be  disappointed 
at  not  hearing  of  the  fall  of  the  fort  of  St.  Bard.  The  army  was 
in  full  march  towards  the  Great  St.  Bernard.  He  waited  three 
days  in  this  frightful  solitude,  expecting  to  hear  that  the  fort  of 
St.  Bard,  which  is  situated  at  the  other  side  of  the  mountain,  and 
which  covers  the  road  to  Yvrea,  had  surrendered.  The  town 
was  carried  on  the  21st  of  May,  but  he  learned,  three  days  after, 
that  the  fort  still  held  out,  and  that  there  was  no  appearance  of 
its  immediate  surrender  :  he  broke  out  into  complaints  against 
the  siege  :  '  I  am  tired  waiting,'  said  he  ;  '  these  imbeciles  will 
never  take  the  fort  of  St.  Bard  :  I  must  go  there  myself 

On  the  23rd,  we  arrived  within  sight  of  the  fort,  which 
commands  the  road,  having  the  little  river  of  Dora  Baltea  to  the 
right,  and  Mount  Albaredo  to  the  left.  Arrived  on  an  eminence 
which  commands  the  fort,  Bonaparte  levelled  his  telescope  on 
the  grass,  and  sheltering  himself  from  the  shot  of  the  besieged 
behind  some  bushes,  which  concealed  him,  he  attentively  ex- 
amined the  fort.  After  several  questions,  addressed  to  different 
persons  who  had  come  to  give  him  information,  he  pointed  out, 
with  a  tone  of  displeasure,  the  faults  that  had  been  committed, 
and  with  that  coup  cCceil  which  seldom  deceived  him,  he  ordered 
a  new  battery  to  be  constructed,  for  the  attack  of  a  point 
marked  out  ;  and  from  whence,  he  said,  the  firing  of  a  few  guns 
would  oblige  the  fort  to  surrender.  Having  given  his  orders,  he 
descended  the  mountain,  and  went  to  sleep  that  night  at  Yvrea. 
He  learned,  on  the  2nd  of  June,  that  the  fort  had  surrendered  the 
day  before. 

If  the  passage  of  Mount  St.  Bernard  deserves  to  occupy  a 
distinguished  place  in  the  annals  of  fortunate  temerity,  we  can- 
not too  much  admire  the  conception,  and,  at  the  same  time,  the 
fortune  of  the  first  consul,  which  dazzled  the  eyes  of  the  enemy. 


ARRIVAL   IN    ITALY  163 

So  little  was  this  enterprise  foreseen,  that  not  a  single  Austrian 
corps  defended  the  approaches  to  the  fort  of  St.  Bard.  The 
country  was  stripped  of  troops,  and  we  only  fell  in  with  some 
feeble  parties,  incapable  of  arresting  our  march  towards  Milan. 
Bonaparte  knew  how  to  take  advantage  of  a  defect  in  his  enemy's 
defences,  whom  he  astonished  and  confounded,  and  who  saw  no 
other  means  of  escape  than  by  retracing  his  steps,  and  abandoning 
the  invasion  of  France.  It  is  under  such  circumstances  that 
rashness  in  v/ar  becomes  a  veritable  proof  of  genius  :  but  this 
talented  boldness,  which  inspired  Bonaparte,  was  not  to  be  found 
in  General  Melas,  who  commanded  the  Austrian  army.  If 
Melas  had  had  the  firmness  which  the  commander  of  an  army 
ought  to  possess  ;  if  he  had  compared  the  respective  positions  of 
the  two  armies — if  he  had  considered  that  it  was  no  longer  in 
his  power  to  regain  his  line  of  operations,  and  to  place  himself 
again  in  communication  with  the  hereditary  states — that  he  was 
master  of  all  the  fortified  towns  of  Italy — that  he  had  nothing  to 
fear  from  Massena,  and  that  Suchet  could  offer  no  resistance  ; — 
if,  then,  following  the  example  of  Bonaparte,  he  had  marched 
upon  Lyons,  what  would  have  become  of  the  first  consul  >  Melas 
would  have  encountered  but  few  obstacles,  he  would  have  found 
all  the  towns  undefended,  while  the  French  army  would  have 
been  exhausted,  without  having  had  an  enemy  to  fight.  This  is 
what  Bonaparte  would  have  done  if  he  had  been  Melas  ;  but, 
happily  for  us,  Melas  was  not  a  Bonaparte. 

We  arrived  at  Milan  on  the  2nd  of  June,  the  day  on  which 
the  first  consul  heard  that  the  fort  of  St.  Bard  was  taken  :  we 
remained  there  six  days.  The  day  was  now  approaching  when 
all  was  to  be  lost  or  won.  The  first  consul  made  his  arrange- 
ments, and  despatched  the  different  corps  of  his  army  to  occupy 
the  points  marked  out.  I  have  already  said,  that  Murat  was 
charged  with  the  occupation  of  Placentia,  and  he  liad  scarcely 
possessed  himself  of  the  town,  when  he  intercepted  a  courier  of 
General  Melas.  It  announced  the  capitulation  of  Genoa  on  the 
4th  of  June,  after  the  long  and  celebrated  defence  which  reflected 
so  much  honour  on  Massena. 

I  have  read,  in  different  accounts,  that  the  first  consul  in  person 
had  gained  the  battle  of  Montebello.  This  is  an  error.  The 
first  consul  did  not  leave  Milan  till  the  9th  of  June,  and  on  that 
same  day  Lannes  was  engaged  with  the  enemy.  The  combat 
was  so  terrible,  that  Lannes,  a  few  days  after,  described  it  in 
these  words,  which  I  well  remember  :  '  Bones  were  cracking  ia 
my  division  like  hail  falling  on  a  skylight.' 


i64  NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 

By  a  singular  chance,  Desaix,  who  afterwards  contributed  to 
the  victory,  and  stopped  the  rout  at  Marengo,  arrived  from 
Egypt  at  Toulon,  the  same  day  that  we  left  Paris.  He  wrote 
me  a  letter  dated  6th  May,  1800,  informing  me  of  his  arrival. 
I  received  this  letter  at  Martigny.  I  shewed  it  to  the  first 
consul.  *  Ah,'  said  he,  '  Desaix  at  Paris  ! '  and  immediately 
despatched  an  order  for  him  to  repair  without  delay  to  the  head- 
quarters of  the  Army  of  Italy.  Desaix  arrived  at  Stradella  on 
the  morning  of  the  nth  of  June.  The  first  consul  received  him 
in  the  kindest  manner,  as  a  man  for  whom  he  had  the  most 
sincere  esteem,  and  whose  talents  and  character  gave  him  a  high 
opinion  of  what  he  would  one  day  become.  Bonaparte  was 
jealous  of  some  generals,  the  rivalry  of  whose  ambition  he  feared  ; 
but  Desaix  never  gave  him  any  uneasiness.  He  was  modest  and 
unassuming,  uniting  firmness  with  the  mildest  manners,  and 
proved  by  his  conduct  that  he  loved  glory  only  for  her  own 
sake  ;  and  I  affirm,  that  every  sentiment  of  ambition  and 
political  power  was  a  stranger  to  his  breast.  Bonaparte's  friend- 
ship for  him  amounted  to  enthusiasm.  At  their  first  interview, 
on  his  return  from  Egypt,  he  was  closeted  with  the  first  consul 
for  three  hours.  The  day  after  his  arrival,  an  order  of  the  day 
informed  the  army  that  Desaix  commanded  the  division  of 
Boudet. 

I  expressed  to  Bonaparte  my  surprise  at  his  long  interview 
with  Desaix  :  '  Yes,'  said  he,  *  I  have  been  a  long  time  with 
him,  but  I  had  my  reasons.  As  soon  as  I  return  to  Paris,  I  will 
make  him  minister-at-law.  He  shall  always  be  my  lieutenant  : 
I  would  make  him  a  prince  if  I  could.  I  find  him  quite  an 
antique  character.'  Desaix  was  killed  two  days  after  he  had 
completed  his  thirty-third  year. 

The  first  consul  slept  on  the  13th  at  Torre  di  Galifolo.  In 
the  evening  he  ordered  a  staff-officer  to  ascertain  whether  the 
Austrians  had  a  bridge  over  the  Bormida.  It  was  reported  to 
him,  late  at  night,  that  there  was  none.  This  tranquillized  his 
mind,  and  he  went  to  bed  satisfied  ;  but  early  next  morning  the 
sound  of  cannon  was  heard,  and  he  learned  that  the  Austrians 
had  debouched  in  the  plain,  and  that  an  engagement  had  taken 
place  :  he  testified  the  greatest  dissatisfaction  at  the  conduct  of 
the  officer,  whom  he  accused  of  cowardice,  and  said  he  had  not 
advanced  far  enough.  He  then  mounted  his  horse,  and  hastened 
to  the  scene  of  action.  I  did  not  see  him  again  until  six  in  the 
evening.  In  obedience  to  his  directions,  I  had  repaired  to  San 
luliano,   the  village  which,  in   the  March   preceding,    he  had 


BATTLE    OF   MARENGO  165 

pointed  out  to  me  as  the  site  of  a  future  battle.  San  Juliano  was 
not  more  than  two  lea^rues  distant  from  the  place  where 
the  battle  commenced.  In  the  afternoon,  I  saw  pass  through 
the  village  a  crowd  of  wounded,  with  the  soldiers  who  accom- 
panied them,  and  a  short  time  after  a  number  of  fugitives. 
At  San  Juliano  they  spoke  of  nothing  but  a  retreat,  which 
Bonaparte,  it  was  said,  alone  opposed  with  firmness.  I  was 
advised  to  leave  San  Juliano,  where  I  had  just  received  a 
courier  for  the  Commander-in-chief.  On  the  morning  of  the 
14th,  General  Desaix  had  advanced  on  Novi,  to  observe  the 
road  to  Genoa,  which  city  had  unfortunately  fallen  within 
the  last  few  days,  in  spite  of  the  eiforts  of  its  illustrious 
defender.  I  returned  with  this  division  to  San  Juliano,  and 
was  struck  with  the  numerical  weakness  of  the  corps  which 
was  marching  to  the  assistance  of  an  army  already  much 
weakened  and  dispersed.  They  looked  upon  the  battle  as  lost, 
and  so,  in  fact,  it  was  ;  for  the  first  consul,  having  inquired  of 
Desaix  what  he  thought  of  it,  this  brave  general  answered  him 
bluntly,  '  The  battle  is  completely  lost,  but  it  is  only  twa 
o'clock,  there  is  still  time  enough  to  gain  another.*  It  was 
the  first  consul  himself,  who,  the  same  evening,  recounted  to 
me  these  simple  and  heroic  words  of  Desaix.  Who  could 
have  thought  that  this  small  column,  and  the  handful  of 
heavy  cavalry  under  Kellerman,  should,  about  five  o'clock, 
have  changed  the  fortune  of  the  day  .?  It  cannot  be  dissembled 
that  it  was  the  instantaneous  inspiration  of  Kellerman  which 
changed  a  defeat  into  a  victory,  and  gained  the  battle  of 
Marengo. 

Two  hours  had  scarcely  elapsed  since  the  division  commanded 
by  Desaix  had  left  San  Juliano,  when  I  was  agreeably  surprised 
by  seeing  that  army,  which  since  the  morning  had  caused 
me  so  much  uneasiness,  returning  triumphant.  Never  did 
Fortune  within  so  short  a  time  shev/  herself  under  two  aspects 
so  different.  At  two  o'clock,  it  was  the  desolation  of  defeat 
with  all  its  calamitous  consequences  ;  at  five,  victory  was  again 
faithful  to  the  flag  of  Areola.  Italy  was  reconquered  at 
a  single  blow  ;  and  the  crown  of  France  appeared  in  the 
perspective. 

This  memorable  battle,  of  which  the  results  were  incalculable, 
has  been  the  theme  of  many  writers.  Bonaparte  commenced 
an  account  of  it  three  different  times  ;  but  I  must  say,  that 
in  none  of  these  relations  is  there  more  truth  than  in  the 
account  published  in   the   Memoirs  of  the  Duke  de   Rovigo, 


1 66  NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 

who,  at  that  time,  was  aide-de-camp  to  Desaix.  He  makes 
the  following  observations  on  the  part  Kellerman  had  in  this 
brilliant  affair  : — 

'  After  the  fall  of  the  imperial  government  some  pretended 
friends  of  General  Kellerman  have  presumed  to  claim  for  him 
the  merit  of  originating  the  charge  of  cavalry.  That  general, 
whose  share  of  glory  is  sufficiently  brilliant  to  gratify  his  most 
sanguine  wishes,  can  have  no  knowledge  of  so  presumptuous 
a  pretension.  I  the  more  readily  acquit  him,  from  the  circum- 
stance that,  as  we  were  conversing  one  day  respecting  that 
battle,  I  called  to  his  mind  my  having  brought  to  him  the  first 
consul's  orders,  and  he  appeared  not  to  have  forgotten  that  fact. 
I  am  far  from  suspecting  his  friends  of  the  design  of  lessening 
the  glory  of  either  General  Bonaparte  or  General  Desaix  :  they 
know,  as  well  as  myself,  that  theirs  are  names  so  respected  that 
they  can  never  be  affected  by  such  detractions,  and  that  it 
would  be  as  vain  to  dispute  the  praise  due  to  the  chief  who 
planned  the  battle,  as  to  attempt  to  depreciate  the  brilliant  share 
which  General  Kellerman  had  in  its  successful  result.  I  will 
add  to  the  above  a  few  reflections. 

*  From  the  position  which  he  occupied.  General  Desaix  could 
not  see  General  Kellerman  :  he  had  even  desired  me  to  request 
the  first  consul  to  afford  him  the  support  of  some  cavalry. 
Neither  could  General  Kellerman,  from  the  point  where  he 
was  stationed,  perceive  General  Desaix's  division  :  it  is  even 
probable  that  he  was  not  aware  of  the  arrival  of  that  general, 
who  had  only  joined  the  army  two  days  before.  Both  were 
ignorant  of  each  other's  position,  which  the  first  consul  was 
alone  acquainted  with  ;  he  alone  could  introduce  harmony  into 
their  movements  ;  he  alone  could  make  their  efforts  respectively 
conduce  to  the  same  object. 

'  The  fate  of  the  battle  was  decided  by  Kellerman's  bold 
charge  :  had  it,  however,  been  made  previously  to  General 
Desaix's  attack,  in  all  probability  it  would  have  had  a  quite 
different  result.  Kellerman  appears  to  have  been  convinced  of 
it,  since  he  allowed  the  Austrian  column  to  cross  our  field  of 
battle,  and  extend  its  front  beyond  that  of  the  troops  we  had 
still  in  line  without  making  the  least  attempt  to  impede  its 
progress.  The  reason  of  Kellerman's  not  charging  it  sooner 
was,  that  it  was  too  serious  a  movement,  and  the  consequences 
of  failure  would  have  been  irretrievable  ;  that  charge,  therefore, 
could  only  enter  into  a  general  combination  of  plans,  to  which 
he  was  necessarily  a  stranger.' 


HIS   TREATMENT    OF    KELLERMAN  167 

On  returning  at  seven  in  the  evening  with  the  first  consul 
to  head-quarters,  he  expressed  the  most  lively  sorrow  for  the 
loss  of  Desaix  ;  he  then  said,  '  Little  Kellerman  made  a  fine 
charge — he  did  it  just  at  the  right  time — we  owe  him  much  ; 
see  what  trifles  decide  these  affairs.' 

These  few  words  shew  that  Bonaparte  knew  how  to  appreciate 
the  service  rendered  by  Kellerman.  However,  when  that  general 
approached  the  table  at  which  the  first  consul  was  seated, 
surrounded  by  a  number  of  generals,  and  other  officers,  Bonaparte 
said  to  him,  coldly,  *  You  made  a  pretty  good  charge  : '  and 
as  a  set-off  to  this  coldness,  turning  to  Bessieres,  who  com- 
manded the  horse  grenadiers  of  the  guard,  he  said  to  him, 
audibly,  '  Bessieres,  the  guard  has  covered  itself  with  glory.' 
It  is,  however,  true,  that  the  guard  had  taken  no  part  in  the 
charge  of  Kellerman,  who  could  not  get  together  more  than 
500  heavy  cavalry.  It  was  this  handful  of  brave  men  who 
cut  in  two  the  Austrian  column  which  had  just  crushed  Desaix's 
division,  and  had  made  6000  prisoners.  The  guard  made  no 
charge  at  Marengo  till  nightfall. 

It  was  reported  the  next  day,  that  Kellerman,  in  his  first 
feelings  of  dissatisfaction  at  the  dry  compliment  paid  to  him, 
had  said  to  Bonaparte,  '  I  have  placed  the  crown  on  your  head.' 
I  did  not  hear  this  said,  and  I  cannot  take  upon  me  to  say 
that  it  was  said  at  all  ;  for  I  could  only  have  ascertained  it  from 
the  first  consul,  and  of  course  I  could  not  have  reminded  him 
of  a  thing  which  must  have  displeased  him.  But  this  I  can 
say,  that,  whether  true  or  not,  it  was  in  general  circulation, 
and  Bonaparte  knew  it.  Hence  the  little  favour  shewn  to 
Kellerman,  who  was  not  made  a  general  of  division  on  the 
field  of  battle  as  a  reward  for  the  eminent  service  he  had 
rendered. 

The  death  of  Desaix  has  been  related  in  different  ways,  and 
it  is  unnecessary  to  say  that  the  speech  attributed  to  him  in 
the  bulletin  is  imaginary.  He  did  not  die  in  the  arms  of  his 
aide-de-camp,  Lebrun,  as  I  had  to  write  from  the  dictation 
of  the  first  consul  ;  neither  did  he  pronounce  that  fine  discourse 
which  I  wrote  out  in  the  same  manner.  The  following  is  the 
fact,  or,  at  least,  what  is  more  probable  : — The  death  of  Desaix 
was  not  perceived  at  the  moment  he  was  struck  by  the  ball 
which  deprived  him  of  life.  He  fell  without  a  word,  at  a  short 
distance  from  Lefebvre  Desnouettes.  A  battalion-sergeant  of 
the  9th  brigade  of  light  infantry,  commanded  by  Barrois, 
observing    him    stretched    upon    »he  ground,  asked  permission 


1 68  NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 

to  take  his  cloak  ;  it  was  perforated  behind,  and  this  circumstance 
occasioned  a  doubt,  whether  Desaix  was  killed  at  the  head  of 
the  troops,  through  the  awkwardness  of  some  of  his  own  men, 
or  whether,  in  turning  round  to  encourage  them,  he  had  been 
shot  by  the  enemy.  However,  the  onset  in  which  he  fell  was 
so  short,  the  disorder  so  instantaneous,  the  change  of  fortune 
so  sudden,  that  it  is  not  surprising  that,  in  the  midst  of  so  much 
confusion,  the  circumstances  attendant  on  his  death  could  not 
be  exactly  known. 

Early  the  next  morning,  the  Prince  of  Lichtenstein  came  from 
General  Melas  to  open  negotiations  with  the  first  consul.     The 
proposals   of  this  general  did  not  suit  Bonaparte,  and  he  told 
the  prince  that  the  army  shut  up  in  Alexandria  should  march 
out  with  the  honours  of  war  ;  but  under  conditions  well  known, 
and   by  which   the  whole   of  Italy  was  to  be  fully  restored  to 
the   French  domination.     That  day  were  repaired  the  blunders 
of  Scherer,  the   most  incapable   of  men,  whose  imbecility  had 
paralyzed  all,  and  who  had  fled,  always  beaten,  from  the  Adriatic 
to  Mont  Cenis.     The  Prince  of  Lichtenstein  begged  to  return 
to  his  general  to  give  him  an  account  of  his  mission  ;  he  came 
back   in    the   evening,    and    made    many    observations    on    the 
hardness  of  the  conditions  :     '  Sir,'  replied  the  first  consul,  with 
marked    displeasure,   '  bear    my    final    determination    to    your 
general,   and  return   quickly  :  it  is  irrevocable.     Know,  that  I 
am  as  well  acquainted  with  your  position  as  you  are  jrourselves. 
I  did  not  begin  to  make  war  yesterday.     You   are  shut  up  in 
Alexandria  ;  you  are  encumbered  with  sick  and  wounded  ;  you 
want  provisions  and  medicines.     I  occupy  the  country  in  your 
rear.     You  have  lost  in  killed  and  wounded  the  flower  of  your 
army.     I  might  insist  upon  more,  and  my  position  authorizes 
it  ;  but  I  moderate  my  demands  through  respect  for  the  gray 
hairs  of  your  general,  whom  I  esteem.'     This  answer  was  given 
with  as  much  nobleness  as  energy.     The  prince  agreed  to  every- 
thing.    I  conducted   him   out,   when    he  said   to  me  :    'These 
terms  are  very  severe,  particularly  the  giving  up  Genoa,  which 
surrendered   to  us  only  a  fortnight  ago,  after  so   long   a  siege.' 
This  condition  turned  out  still  more  hard,  from  the  circumstance 
that   the  Emperor  of  Austria  heard  of  the  restitution  of  Genoa 
at  the  same  time  that  he  was  informed  of  its  capitulation. 

When  the  first  consul  returned  to  Milan,  he  took  for  aides- 
de-camp  Savary  and  Rapp,  who  had  served  as  such  with  Desaix, 
whom  they  called  their  father.  The  first  consul  was  little  dis- 
posed to  do  this,  alleging  that  he  had  already  a  sufficiency  of 


HIS   ACCOUNT    OF    MARENGO  169 

aides-de-camp.  But  the  respect  he  had  for  the  name  of  Desaix, 
and  for  the  choice  he  had  made  of  these  young  officers,  with 
some  solicitation  on  my  part,  soon  removed  his  objections. 
They  both  served  him  to  the  last  hour  of  his  political  existence, 
with  a  zeal  and  devotion  above  praise. 

*  The  following  is  Napoleon's  own  account  of  the  battle  of 
Marengo,  as  dictated  at  St.  Helena  to  General  Gourgaud  : — 

'During  the  battle  of  the  nth,  Desaix,  who  had  returned 
from  Egypt,  and  had  been  performing  quarantine  at  Toulon, 
arrived  at  the  head-quarters,  at  Montebello,  with  his  aides-de- 
camp, Rapp  and  Savary. 

'Desaix  burned  to  signalize  himself.  He  thirsted  to  avenge 
the  ill-treatment  he  had  received  from  Admiral  Keith,  at  Leg- 
horn ;  this  lay  at  his  heart.  The  first  consul  immediately  gave 
him  the  command  of  the  division  of  Boudet. 

'  Melas's  head-quarters  were  at  Alexandria  :  all  his  army  had 
been  two  days  assembled  there  :  his  position  was  critical,  be- 
cause he  had  lost  his  line  of  operation.  The  longer  he  delayed 
determining  what  to  do,  the  worse  his  position  became  ;  for  on 
one  side,  Sachet's  corps  was  advancing  upon  his  rear,  and  on  the 
other,  the  first  consul's  army  was  daily  increasing  its  fortifications 
and  intrenchments  in  its  position  of  Stradella. 

'On  the  1 2th,  in  the  afternoon,  the  first  consul,  surprised  at 
the  inaction  of  General  Melas,  became  uneasy,  and  began  to  fear 
that  the  Austrian  army  had  moved  on  Genoa,  or  upon  the 
Tesino,  or  else  had  marched  against  Suchet  to  crush  him,  with 
the  intention  of  afterwards  returning  against  the  first  consul  j 
the  latter  determined  to  quit  Stradella,  and  advance  upon 
Scrivia,  in  the  form  of  a  strong  reconnoitring  party,  in  order  to 
be  able  to  act  according  to  the  course  adopted  by  the  enemy. 
In  the  evening  the  French  army  took  up  a  position  upon  the 
Scrivia,  Tortona  was  surrounded,  the  head-quarters  were  stationed 
at  Voghera.  During  this  movement  no  intelligence  of  the 
enemy  was  obtained  ;  only  some  few  cavalry  scouts  were  per- 
ceived, which  did  not  indicate  the  presence  of  an  army  in  the 
plains  ot  Marengo.  The  first  consul  no  longer  doubted  that 
the  Austrian  army  had  escaped  him. 

'On  the  13th,  at  daybreak,  he  passed  the  Scrivia,  and 
marched  to  San  Juliano,  in  the  midst  of  the  immense  plain  of 
Marengo.  The  light  cavalry  discovered  no  enemy  ;  there  was 
no  longer  room  to  doubt  that  he  was  in  full  manoeuvre,  since,  if 
he  had  thought  proper  to  wait  for  the  French  army,  he  would 
not   have  neglected  the  fine  field  of  battle  presented  to  him  by 


I70  NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 

the  plain  of  Marengo,  advantageous  as  it  was  for  the  develop- 
ment of  his  immense  cavalry  :  it  appeared  probable  that  the 
enemy  was  marching  on  Genoa. 

'  Under  this  impression,  the  first  consul,  with  all  expedition, 
despatched  Desaix's  corps  in  the  form  of  a  vanguard,  upon  his 
extreme  left,  with  orders  to  observe  the  high-road  leading  from 
Novi  to  Alexandria  ;  he  ordered  Victor's  division  to  enter  the 
village  of  Marengo,  and  to  send  scouts  upon  the  Bormida,  to 
ascertain  whether  the  enemy  had  any  bridge  there.  Victor 
arrived  at  Marengo  ;  he  there  found  a  rear-guard  of  3000  or 
4000  Austrians,  attacked  and  routed  them,  and  made  himself 
master  of  the  village.  His  scouts  arrived  upon  the  Bormida  at 
nightfall  ;  they  gave  information  that  the  enemy  had  no  bridge 
there,  and  that  there  was  only  an  ordinary  garrison  in 
Alexandria  ;  they  gave  no  intelligence  of  the  army  of  Melas. 

'  Lannes's  corps  bivouacked  diagonally  in  the  rear  of  Marengo, 
upon  the  right. 

'  The  first  consul  was  very  uneasy  ;  during  the  night  he 
determined  to  visit  his  head-quarters  of  the  preceding  day,  in 
order  to  meet  intelligence  from  General  Moncey,  General 
Lapoype,  and  the  agents  who  had  been  sent  towards  Genoa,  and 
who  were  to  rendezvous  upon  those  head-quarters  ;  but  the 
Scrivia  had  overflowed  its  banks.  This  stream  swells  con- 
siderably in  the  course  of  a  few  hours,  and  a  few  hours  also 
are  sufficient  for  its  return  to  its  usual  stale.  This  circumstance 
determined  the  first  consul  to  fix  his  head-quarters  at  Torre  di 
Garifolo,  between  Tortona  and  Alexandria.  In  this  situation 
was  the  night  spent. 

*  Meanwhile  the  most  dreadful  confusion  had  prevailed  in 
Alexandria,  since  the  battle  of  Montebello.  The  Austrian 
council  was  agitated  by  the  most  sinister  presentiments  ;  they 
beheld  the  Austrian  army  cut  off  from  its  line  of  operation  and 
dep6ts,  and  placed  between  the  army  of  the  first  consul  and  that 
of  General  Suchet,  whose  advanced  posts  had  passed  the 
mountains,  and  began  to  be  felt  upon  the  rear  of  the  right 
flank  of  the  Austrians.  The  greatest  irresolution  pervaded 
their  minds. 

'After  much  hesitation,  Melas,  on  the  nth,  resolved  to  send 
a  strong  detachment  against  Suchet,  the  remainder  of  the 
Austrian  army  continuing  covered  by  the  Bormida  and  the 
citadel  of  Alexandria  ;  but,  during  the  fight  of  the  nth  and 
1 2th,  Melas  heard  of  the  first  consul's  movement  upon  the 
Scrivia.     On  the  12th,  he  recalled  his  detachment,  and  passed 


BATTLE    OF    MARENGO  171 

the  whole  day  and  night  of  the  13th  in  deliberation  ;  at  last, 
after  some  sharp  and  stormy  discussions,  the  council  of  Melas 
pronounced  that  the  existence  of  the  army  of  reserve  had  been 
unknown  to  him  ;  that  the  orders  and  instructions  of  the  Aulic 
Council  had  mentioned  only  the  army  of  Massena  ;  that  the 
unfortunate  position  in  which  they  found  themselves  ought, 
therefore,  to  be  attributed  to  the  ministry,  and  not  to  the 
general  ;  that,  in  this  unforeseen  situation,  brave  soldiers  ought 
to  do  their  duty  ;  that  they  were,  then,  called  upon  to  cut  their 
way  through  the  army  of  the  first  consul,  and  thus  re-open  the 
communications  with  Vienna  ;  that,  in  case  of  success,  every- 
thing was  gained,  since  they  were  masters  of  Genoa,  and  by 
returning  promptly  upon  Nice,  they  could  execute  the  plan  of 
operations  fixed  at  Vienna  ;  and,  lastly,  that  if  they  failed  and 
lost  the  battle,  their  position  would,  no  doubt,  be  dreadful,  but 
that  the  whole  responsibility  of  it  would  fall  upon  the  ministry. 

'  This  train  of  reasoning  settled  all  opinions  ;  there  was  but 
one  cry — To  arms  !  to  arms  !  and  everyone  began  to  make  his 
dispositions  for  the  next  day's  battle. 

'  The  chances  of  victory  were  wholly  in  favour  of  the  Austrian 
army,  which  was  very  numerous.  It  had,  at  least,  three  times 
as  many  cavalry  as  the  French  army.  The  strength  of  the 
latter  was  not  exactly  known  ;  but  the  Austrian  army,  notwith- 
standing its  losses  at  the  battle  of  Montebello,  and  those  it  had 
experienced  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Genoa  and  Nice  after  the 
retreat,  was  still  very  superior  to  the  army  of  reserve. 

'On  the  14th,  at  break  of  day,  the  Austrians  defiled  by  the 
three  bridges  of  the  Bormida,  and  made  a  furious  attack  on 
the  village  of  Marengo.  The  resistance  was  obstinately  kept  up 
for  a  long  time.  The  first  consul,  finding,  from  the  briskness  of 
the  cannonade,  that  the  Austrians  had  commenced  the  attack, 
immediately  despatched  orders  to  General  Desaix  to  return  with 
his  troops  upon  San  Juliano  ;  he  was  half  a  day's  march  off  to 
the  left.  The  first  consul  arrived  on  the  field  of  battle  at  ten 
o'clock  in  the  morning,  between  San  Juliano  and  Marengo. 
The  enemy  had  at  length  carried  Marengo  ;  and  the  division 
under  Victor  having  been  forced  to  give  way  after  a  firm 
resistance,  was  thrown  into  the  utmost  disorder.  The  plain  on 
the  left  was  covered  with  our  fugitives,  who  spread  alarm 
wherever  they  went,  and  many  were  even  exclaiming  in  dismay. 
All  is  lost. 

'  The  corps  of  General  Lannes,  a  little  in  the  rear  of  the  right 
of  Marengo,  was  engaged    with  the  enemy,  who,  after  taking 


172  NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 

that  place,  deployed  upon  its  left,  and  formed  its  line  opposite 
our  right,  beyond  which  it  already  extended.  The  first  consul 
immediately  despatched  his  battalion  of  the  cavalry  guard,  con- 
sisting of  800  grenadiers,  the  best  troops  in  the  army,  to  station 
themselves  at  500  toises  distance  from  Lannes,  on  the  right,  in 
a  good  position,  in  order  to  keep  the  enemy  in  check.  Napoleon 
himself,  with  the  72nd  demi-brigade,  hastened  to  the  support 
of  Lannes,  and  directed  the  division  of  reserve  of  Cara  Saint- 
Cyr,  upon  the  extreme  right,  to  Castel-Ceriolo,  to  flank  the 
entire  left  of  the  enemy. 

*  In  the  meantime  the  army  perceived,  in  the  middle  of  this 
immense  plain,  the  first  consul  surrounded  by  his  staff",  and 
2CO  horse  grenadiers  with  their  fur  caps  :  this  sight  proved 
sufficient  to  inspire  the  troops  with  hopes  of  victory  ;  their 
confidence  revived,  and  the  fugitives  rallied  upon  San  Juliano, 
in  the  rear  of  the  left  of  General  Lannes.  The  latter,  though 
attacked  by  a  large  proportion  of  the  enemy's  army,  was  effecting 
his  retreat  through  the  midst  of  this  vast  plain  with  admirable 
order  and  coolness.  This  corps  occupied  three  hours  in  retiring 
three-quarters  of  a  league,  entirely  exposed  to  the  grape-shot 
of  eighty  pieces  of  cannon  ;  at  the  same  time  that,  by  an  inverse 
movement,  Cara  Saint-Cyr  advanced  upon  the  extreme  right, 
and  turned  the  left  of  the  enemy. 

'  About  three  o'clock  in  the  afternoon  the  corps  of  Desaix 
arrived  :  the  first  consul  made  him  take  a  position  on  the  road 
in  advance  of  San  Juliano.  Melas,  who  believed  the  victory 
decided,  being  overcome  with  fatigue,  repassed  the  bridges, 
and  entered  Alexandria,  leaving  to  General  Zach,  the  head 
of  his  staff",  the  care  of  pursuing  the  French  army.  The  latter, 
thinking  that  this  army  was  efi^ecting  its  retreat  by  the  road 
from  Tortona,  endeavoured  to  reach  this  road  behind  San 
Juliano  ;  but  the  first  consul  had  altered  his  line  of  retreat  at 
the  commencement  of  the  action,  and  had  directed  it  between 
Sala  and  Tortona,  so  that  the  high-road  from  Tortona  was 
of  no  consequence  to  the  French  army. 

'  Lannes's  corps,  in  its  retreat,  constantly  refused  its  left, 
thus  directing  its  course  towards  the  new  point  of  retreat :  and 
Cara  Saint-Cyr,  who  was  at  the  extremity  of  the  right,  found 
himself  almost  upon  the  line  of  retreat,  at  the  very  time  that 
General  Zach  imagined  the  two  corps  were  intersected. 

'  The  division  of  Victor  had,  in  the  meantime,  rallied,  and 
burned  with  impatience  to  recommence  the  contest.  All  the 
cavalry  of  the  army  was  concentrated  in  the  advance  of  San 


BATTLE    OF   MARENGO  173 

Juliano,  on  the  right  of  Desaix,  and  in  the  rear  of  the  left 
of  General  Lannes.  Balls  and  shells  fell  upon  San  Juliano  ; 
its  left  was  already  gained  by  a  column  of  6000  of  Zach's 
grenadiers.  The  first  consul  sent  orders  to  General  Desaix 
to  charge  with  his  fresh  division  this  column  of  the  enemy. 
Desaix  immediately  prepared  to  execute  these  orders  ;  but, 
as  he  advanced  at  the  head  of  200  troopers  of  the  9th  light 
demi-brigade,  he  was  shot  through  the  heart  by  a  ball, 
and  fell  dead  at  the  very  moment  that  he  had  given  the  word 
to  charge  :  by  this  stroke  the  first  consul  was  deprived  of 
the  man  whom  he  esteemed  most  worthy  of  being  his  lieutenant. 

'This  misfortune  by  no  means  disconcerted  the  movement, 
and  General  Boudet  easily  inspired  the  soldiers  with  the 
same  lively  desire  of  instant  revenge  for  so  beloved  a  chief, 
which  actuated  his  own  breast.  The  9th  light  demi-brigade, 
who  did,  indeed,  on  this  occasion,  deserve  the  title  of  Incompar- 
able, covered  themselves  with  glory.  General  Kellerman,  with 
800  heavy  horse,  at  the  same  time  charged  intrepidly  the 
middle  of  the  left  flank  of  the  column  :  in  less  than  half  an 
hour  these  6000  grenadiers  were  broken,  overthrown,  dispersed, 
and  put  to  flight.  General  Zach  and  all  his  staff  were  made 
prisoners. 

'  General  Lannes  immediately  charged  forward.  Cara  Saint- 
Cyr,  who  was  on  our  right,  and  en  potence  with  the  left  flank 
of  the  enemv,  was  much  nearer  than  the  enemy  to  the  bridges 
upon  the  JBormida.  The  Austrian  army  was  thrown  into 
the  most  dreadful  confusion  in  a  moment.  From  8000  to 
10,000  cavalry,  which  were  spread  over  the  field,  fearing  that 
Saint-Cyr's  infantry  might  reach  the  bridge  before  them, 
retreated  at  full  gallop,  and  overturned  all  they  met  with  in 
their  way.  Victor's  division  made  all  imaginable  haste  to 
resume  its  former  field  of  battle,  at  the  village  of  Marengo. 
The  enemy's  army  was  in  the  most  horrible  disorder.  No  one 
thought  of  anything  but  flight.  The  pressure  and  confusion  be- 
came extreme  on  the  bridges  of  the  Bormida,  where  the  masses 
of  fugitives  were  obliged  to  crowd  together  ;  and  at  night, 
all  who  remained  upon  the  left  bank  fell  into  the  power  of 
the  republic. 

'  It  would  be  difficult  to  describe  the  confusion  and  despair 
of  the  Austrian  army.  On  one  side,  1  the  French  army  was  on 
the  bank  of  the  Bormida,  and  was  expected  to  pass  it  at 
daybreak  ;  on  the  other,  they  had  General  Suchet  with  his 
army  on  their  rear,  in  the  direction  of  their  right. 


174  NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 

'  Which  way  could  they  effect  their  retreat  ?  Behind  they 
would  be  driven  to  the  Alps,  and  the  frontiers  of  France  ;  they 
might  have  moved  towards  Genoa  on  the  right,  before  the 
battle  ;  but  they  could  not  hope  to  do  so  after  their  defeat, 
and  closely  followed  by  the  victorious  army.  In  this  desperate 
situation,  General  Melas  resolved  to  give  his  troops  the  whole 
night  to  rally  and  repose  themselves,  availing  himself  of  the 
screen  of  the  Bormida  and  the  protection  of  the  citidal  of 
Alexandria  for  this  purpose  ;  and  afterwards  to  repass  the 
Tanaro,  if  necessary,  and  thus  maintain  himself  in  that  position, 
and  endeavour,  at  any  rate,  by  entering  into  negotiations,  to 
save  his  army  by  capitulating.* 


CHAPTER    XV 

The  battle  ot  Marengo  decided  the  fate  of  Italy — the  dis- 
comfiture of  the  Austrian  army  was  so  complete,  that,  rather 
than  stand  the  chance  of  another  contest  with  their  victorious 
enemy,  the  general-in-chief  proposed  on  the  following  day 
to  negotiate  for  peace. 

Melas  offered  to  abandon  Genoa  and  all  the  strong  places 
in  Piedmont,  Lombardy,  and  the  Legations — provided  Bonaparte 
would  allow  him  to  march  the  remains  of  his  army  unmolested 
to  the  rear  of  Mantua.  Napoleon  accepted  this  offer,  and  a 
suspension  of  hostilities  immediately  took  place.  By  one  battle 
he  had  regained  nearly  all  that  the  French  had  lost  in  the 
unhappy  Italian  campaign  of  1799  '•  ^^  ^^^  events  he  had  done 
enough  to  crown  his  own  name  with  unrivalled  splendour,  and 
to  shew  that  the  French  troops  were  once  more  what  they  had 
used  to  be — when  he  was  in  the  field  to  command  them.  He 
had  another  motive  for  closing  with  the  propositions  of  General 
Melas.  It  was  of  urgent  importance  to  regain  Genoa,  ere  an 
English  army,  which  he  knew  was  on  its  voyage  to  that  port, 
could  reach  its  destination. 

As  soon  as  this  convention  was  signed,  Bonaparte,  dictated 
to  me,  at  Torre  di  Galifoto,  the  following  letter  to  his 
colleagues  : 

'  The  day  after  the  battle  of  Marengo,  Citizen  Consuls, 
General  Melas  transmitted  a  message  to  our  advanced  posts, 
requesting    permission    to    send   General    Skal    to  me.     During 


AFTER   MARENGO  175 

the  day,  the  convention,  of  which  I  send  you  a  copy,  was  drawn 
up,  and  at  night  it  was  signed  by  Generals  Berthier  and  Melas. 
I  hope  the  French  people  will  be  satisfied  with  the  conduct 
of  their  army. 

*  Bonaparte.' 

The  only  thing  worthy  of  remark  in  this  letter,  would  be 
the  concluding  sentence,  in  which  the  first  consul  still  affected 
to  acknowledge  the  sovereignty  of  the  people,  were  it  not  that 
the  words,  '  Citizen  Consuls,'  were  evidently  foisted  in  with 
a  particular  design.  The  battle  was  gained  ;  and  even  in  a 
trifling  matter  like  this,  it  was  necessary  that  the  two  other 
consuls  should  feel  that  they  were  not  so  much  the  colleagues 
as  the  inferiors  of  the  first  consul. 

We  returned  on  the  17th  of  June  to  Milan,  and  our  second 
occupation  of  that  city  was  marked  by  continued  acclamations, 
wherever  the  first  consul  shewed  himself.  At  Milan,  the  first 
consul  now  saw  Massena  for  the  first  time  since  our  departure 
for  Egypt.  Bonaparte  lavished  upon  him  the  highest  praises, 
but  not  higher  than  he  deserved,  for  his  admirable  defence 
of  Genoa.  He  appointed  him  his  successor  in  the  command 
of  the  Army  of  Italy.  Moreau  was  on  the  Rhine,  and  therefore 
none  but  the  conqueror  of  Zurich  could  properly  have  succeeded 
the  first  consul  in  that  command.  The  first  blow  was  struck  ; 
but  there  might  still  occur  an  emergency,  requiring  the  presence 
of  a  skilful,  experienced  general,  well  acquainted  with  the 
country.  And,  besides,  we  could  not  be  perfectly  at  ease,  until 
it  was  ascertained  what  conditions  would  be  adhered  to  by  the 
cabinet  of  Vienna,  which  was  then  entirely  under  the  influence 
of  the  cabinet  of  London. 

The  first  consul,  confirmed  in  his  power  by  the  victory  of 
Marengo,  continued  a  few  days  longer  at  Milan,  to  settle  the 
affairs  of  Italy,  and  then  set  out  on  his  return  to  Paris.  Wc 
took  the  road  by  Turin,  and  in  passing  through  that  city  the 
first  consul  spent  some  hours  in  visiting  the  citadel,  which  had 
been  surrendered  to  us  in  pursuance  of  the  capitulations  in 
Alexandria.  In  passing  over  Mount  Cenis  we  met  the  carriage 
of  Madame  Kellerman,  who  was  going  to  meet  her  husband. 
The  first  consul,  on  recognizing  that  lady,  ordered  his  carriage 
to  stop,  and  congratulated  her  on  the  gallant  conduct  of  her 
husband  at  Marengo. 

I  shall  say  but  little  of  the  manifestations  of  joy  and  admira- 
tion with  which   Bonaparte  was  met  throughout  his  journey,  tor 


176  NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 

this  was  always  the  case  whenever  he  travelled.  On  arriving  at 
Lyons  we  alighted  at  the  Hotel  des  Celestins,  where  the  ac- 
clamations of  the  people  were  so  great,  and  the  multitude  so 
numerous  and  so  eager  to  have  a  sight  of  the  first  consul,  that 
Bonaparte  was  obliged  to  shew  himself  at  the  balcony.  The 
next  day  he  proceeded,  amidst  the  shouts  of  the  Lyonnese,  to  lay 
the  first  stone  of  the  new  Place  de  Bellecour,  which  was  to  be 
erected  on  the  ruins  of  a  great  square  destroyed  by  the  Jacobins 
during   the  revolutionary  madness. 

We  left  Lyons  in  the  evening,  and  continued  our  journey  by 
Dijon  ;  and  there  the  joy  of  the  inhabitants  amounted  to  frenzy. 
I  have  seldom  seen  a  more  fascinating  sight  than  that  presented 
by  a  group  of  young  women  of  particular  beauty  and  elegance, 
who,  crowned  with  flowers,  accompanied  Bonaparte's  carriage. 
It  revived  all  the  republican  recollections  of  Greece  and  Rome, 
and  recalled  the  chorus  of  virgins  dancing  round  the  victor  at 
the  Olympic  games. 

Bonaparte  was  rather  talkative  when  travelling  ;  but  his 
conversation  was  not  at  all  times  equally  interesting.  On  this 
occasion  he  said  to  me,  as  we  traversed  Burgundy  on  our  return 
to  Paris — '  Well,  a  few  more  events  like  this  campaign,  and  I 
may  perhaps  go  down  to  posterity.'  '  I  think,'  I  replied,  '  that 
you  have  already  done  enough  to  secure  a  long  and  lasting 
fame.'  '  Done  enough  ! '  said  he,  '  you  are  very  good  ! — it  is 
true,  I  have  conquered,  in  less  than  two  years,  Cairo,  Paris,  and 
Milan.  Well,  my  dear  fellow,  and  after  all,  suppose  I  was  to 
die  to-morrow,  I  should,  after  the  lapse  of  ten  centuries,  have 
perhaps  half  a  page  of  general  history.'  He  was  right — many 
ages  pass  before  the  eye  in  the  reading  of  a  few  hours,  and  the 
duration  of  a  reign  or  of  a  life  is  the  aftair  of  but  a  moment. 

We  arrived  at  the  Tuileries  on  the  2nd  of  July,  and  in  an 
absence  of  less  than  two  months  what  wonders  had  been 
accomplished  ! 

'The  enthusiasm  of  the  Parisians  exceeded  all  that  has  been 
recorded  of  any  triumphal  entry.  Night  after  night  every  house 
was  illuminated  ;  and  day  following  day  the  people  stood  in 
crowds  aroimd  the  palace,  contented  if  they  could  but  catch  one 
glimpse  of  the  preserver  of  France. 

'  The  eflf'usion  of  joy  was  the  greater — because  the  tale  of 
victory  came  on  a  people  prepared  for  other  tidings.  About 
noontide,  on  the  14th  of  June,  when  the  French  had  been  driven 
out  of  Marengo,  and  were  apparently  in  full  and  disastrous 
retreat,  a  commercial  traveller  left  the  field,  and  arriving,  after  a 


PEACE    DELAYED  177 

rapid  journey,  in  Paris,  announced  that  Bonaparte  had  been 
utterly  defeated  by  Melas.  It  is  said  that  the  ill-wishei-s  of  the 
first  consul  immediately  set  on  foot  an  intrigue  for  removing- 
him  from  the  government,  and  investing  Carnot  with  the  chief 
authority.  It  is  not  doubtful  that  many  schemes  of  hostility 
had  been  agitated  during  Napoleon's  absence  ;  or  that,  amidst 
all  the  clamour  and  splendour  of  his  triumphant  reception  in 
Paris,  he  wore  a  gloomy  brow  ;  nor  has  anyone  disputed  that, 
from  this  time,  he  regarded  the  person  of  Carnot  with  jealousy 
and  aversion. 

'The  tidings  of  the  great  battle,  meanwhile,  kindled  the 
emulation  of  the  Rhenish  army  ;  and  they  burned  with  the 
earnest  desire  to  do  something  worthy  of  being  recorded  in 
the  same  page  with  Marengo.  But  the  chief  consul,  when  he 
granted  the  armistice  to  Melas,  had  extended  it  to  the  armies  on 
the  German  frontier  likewise  ;  and  Moreau,  consequently,  could 
not  at  once  avail  himself  of  the  eagerness  of  his  troops.  The 
negotiations  which  ensued,  however,  were  unsuccessful.  The 
emperor,  subsidized  as  he  had  been,  must  have  found  it  very 
difficult  to  resist  the  remonstrances  of  England  against  the 
ratification  of  any  peace  in  which  she  should  not  be  included  ; 
and  it  is  natural  to  suppose,  that  the  proud  spirit  of  the  Austrian 
cabinet  revolted  from  setting  the  seal  to  an  act  of  humiliation, 
not  yet,  as  the  English  government  insisted,  absolutely  necessary. 
News,  meantime,  were  received  of  the  surrender  of  Malta  to  an 
English  expedition  under  Lord  Keith  and  Sir  Ralph  Aber- 
crombie  ;*  and  this  timely  piece  of  good  fortune  breathed  fresh 
spirit  into  the  Antigallican  league.  In  fine,  insincerity  and 
suspicion  protracted,  from  day  to  day,  a  negotiation  not  destined 
to  be  concluded  until  more  blood  had  been  shed. 

'  During  this  armistice,  which  lasted  from  the  15th  of  June  to 
the  loth  of  November,  the  exiled  princes  of  the  House  of 
Bourbon  made  some  more  ineffectual  endeavours  to  induce  the 
chief  consul  to  be  the  Monk  of  France.  The  Comte  d'Artois 
took  a  delicate  method  of  negotiating.  He  sent  a  very  beautiful 
and  charming  lady,  the  Duchess  de  Guiche,  to  Paris  ;  she 
without  difficulty  gained  access  to  Josephine,  and  shone,  for 
a  time,  the  most  brilliant  ornament  of  the  consular  court.  But 
the  moment  Napoleon  discovered  the  fair  lady's  errand,  she  was 
ordered  to  quit  the  capital  within  a  few  hours.  These  intrigues, 
however,   could    not   fail  to   transpire  ;  and  there  is   no  doubt 

*  On  the  5th  Sept.,  1800. 

T2 


178  NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 

that,  at  this  epoch,  the  hopes  of  the  royalists  were  in  a  high 
state  of  excitement.' 

The  immense  number  of  letters  which  were  at  this  time 
addressed  to  the  first  consul,  is  scarcely  conceivable.  These 
letters  were  often  exceedingly  curious,  and  I  have  preserved 
many  of  them  ;  among  the  rest,  was  one  from  Durosel  Beau- 
manoir,  an  emigrant,  who  had  fled  to  Jersey.  This  letter  con- 
tains some  interesting  particulars  relative  to  Bonaparte's  family. 
It  is  dated  Jersey,  12th  July,  1800,  and  the  following  are  the 
most  remarkable  passages  it  contains  : — 

'  I  trust.  General,  that  I  may,  without  indiscretion,  intrude 
upon  your  notice,  to  remind  you  of  what,  I  flatter  myself,  you 
have  not  totally  forgotten,  after  having  lived  eighteen  or  nine- 
teen years  at  Ajaccio.  But  you  will,  perhaps,  be  surprised  that 
so  trifling  an  afi^air  should  be  the  subject  of  the  letter  which 
I  have  the  honour  to  address  to  you  You  cannot  have  for- 
gotten. General,  that  when  your  late  father  was  obliged  to  take 
your  brothers  from  the  college  of  Autun,  from  whence  he  went 
to  see  you  at  Brienne,  he  was  unprovided  with  money,  and  he 
asked  me  for  twenty-five  louis,  which  I  lent  him  with  pleasure. 
After  his  return  he  had  not  an  opportunity  of  paying  me,  and 
when  I  left  Ajaccio  your  mother  ofi:"ered  to  dispose  of  some 
plate,  in  order  to  pay  the  debt.  To  this  I  objected,  and  told 
her  that  I  would  wait  until  she  could  pay  me  at  her  convenience, 
and,  previous  to  the  breaking  out  of  the  revolution,  I  believe 
it  was  not  in  her  power  to  fulfil  her  wish  of  discharging  the  debt. 

'I  am  sorry.  General,  to  be  obliged  to  trouble  you  about  such 
a  trifle.  But,  such  is  my  unfortunate  situation,  that  even  this 
trifle  is  of  some  importance  to  me.  Driven  from  my  country, 
and  obliged  to  take  refuge  in  this  island,  where  everything  is 
exceedingly  expensive,  the  little  sum  I  have  mentioned,  which 
was  formerly  a  matter  of  indiiference,  would  now  be  of  great 
service  to  me. 

'  At  the  age  of  eighty-six.  General,  after  having  served  my 
country  for  sixty  years,  without  interruption,  I  am  compelled 
to  take  refuge  here,  and  to  subsist  on  a  scanty  allowance  granted 
by  the  English  government  to  French  emigrants  ;  I  say 
t-.migrants,  for  I  am  obliged  to  be  one  against  my  will.' 

I  read  this  letter  to  the  first  consul,  who  immediately  said, 
•Bourrienne,  this  is  sacred  !  Do  not  lose  a  minute.  Send  the 
old  man   ten  times  the  sum.     Write  to  General  Durosel,  that 


AT   THE   TUILERIES  179 

he  shall  be  immediately  erased  from  the  list  of  emigrants.  What 
mischief  those  brigands  of  the  convention  have  done  !  I  can 
never  repair  it  all."  Bonaparte  uttered  these  words  with  a 
degree  of  emotion  which  I  rarely  saw  him  evince.  In  the 
evening  he  asked  me  whether  I  had  executed  his  orders,  which 
I  had  done  immediately. 

Availing  myself  of  the  privilege  I  have  already  frequently 
taken,  of  making  abrupt  transitions  from  one  subject  to  another, 
according  as  the  recollection  of  past  circumstances  occurs  to 
my  mind,  I  shall  here  note  down  a  few  details,  which  may  not 
improperly  be  called  domestic,  and  afterwards  describe  a  con- 
spiracy, which  was  protected  by  the  very  man  against  whom  it 
was  hatched. 

At  the  Tuileries,  where  the  first  consul  always  resided  during 
the  winter,  and  sometimes  a  part  of  the  summer,  the  grand 
saloon  was  situated  between  his  cabinet  and  the  room  in  which 
he  received  the  persons  with  whom  he  had  appointed  audiences. 
When  in  this  audience-chamber,  if  he  wanted  anything,  or  had 
occasion  to  speak  to  anybody,  he  pulled  a  bell,  which  was 
answered  by  a  confidential  servant  named  Landoire,  who  was 
the  messenger  of  the  first  consul's  cabinet.  When  Bonaparte's 
bell  rang,  it  was  usually  for  the  purpose  of  making  some  inquiry 
of  me,  respecting  a  paper,  a  name,  a  date,  or  some  matter  of 
that  sort  ;  and  then  Landoire  had  to  pass  through  the  cabinet 
and  saloon  to  answer  the  bell,  and  afterwards  to  return  and  to 
tell  me  I  was  wanted.  Impatient  at  the  delay  occasioned  by 
this  running  about,  Bonaparte,  without  saying  anything  to  me, 
ordered  the  bell  to  be  altered,  so  that  it  should  ring  within  the 
cabinet,  and  exactly  above  my  table.  Next  morning,  when  I 
entered  the  cabinet,  I  saw  a  man  mounted  upon  a  ladder. 
'What  are  you  doing  there  ?'  said  I.  'I  am  hanging  a  bell, 
sir.'  I  called  Landoire,  and  asked  him  who  had  given  the  order. 
'  The  first  consul,'  he  replied.  I  immediately  ordered  the  man 
to  come  down  and  remove  the  ladder,  which  he  accordingly  did. 
When  I  went,  according  to  custom,  to  call  the  first  consul,  and 
read  the  papers  to  him,  I  said,  '  General,  I  found  a  man  this 
morning  hanging  a  bell  in  your  cabinet.  I  was  told  it  was  by 
your  orders  ;  but  being  convinced  there  must  be  some  mistake, 
I  sent  him  away.  Surely  the  bell  was  not  intended  for  you,  and 
I  cannot  imagine  it  was  intended  for  me  :  who  then  could  it  be 
for  ? ' — '  What  a  stupid  fellow  that  Landoire  is  ! '  said  Bonaparte. 
'  Yesterday,  when  Cambaceres  was  with  me,  I  wanted  you. 
Landoire  did  not  come  when  I  touched  the  bell.     I  thought  it 


i8o  NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 

was  broken,  and  ordered  him  to  get  it  repaired.  I  suppose  the 
bell-hanger  was  doing  it  when  you  saw  him,  for  you  know  the 
wire  passes  through  the  cabinet.'  I  was  satisfied  with  this 
explanation,  though  I  was  not  deceived  by  it.  For  the  sake  of 
appearance  he  reproved  Landoire,  who,  however,  had  done 
nothing  more  than  execute  the  order  he  had  received.  How 
could  he  imagine  I  would  submit  to  such  treatment,  considering 
ihat  we  had  been  friends  since  our  boyhood,  and  that  I  was  now 
living  on  full  terms  of  confidence  and  familiarity  with  him? 

Before  I  speak  of  the  conspiracy  of  Ceracchi,  Arena,  Topino- 
Lebrun,  and  others,  I  must  notice  a  remark  made  by  Napoleon 
at  St.  Helena.  He  said,  or  is  alleged  to  have  said,  '  The  two 
attempts  which  placed  me  in  the  greatest  danger,  were  those  of 
the  sculptor  Ceracchi,  and  of  the  fanatic  of  Schoenbrun.'  I  was 
not  at  Schoenbrun  at  the  time  ;  but  I  am  convinced  that 
Bonaparte  was  in  the  most  imminent  danger.  I  have  been 
informed,  on  unquestionable  authority,  that  Staps  set  out  from 
Erfurth  with  the  intention  of  assassinating  the  emperor  ;  but  he 
wanted  the  necessary  courage  for  executing  the  design.  He  was 
armed  with  a  large  dagger,  and  was  twice  sufficiently  near 
Napoleon  to  have  struck  him.  I  heard  this  from  Rapp,  who 
seized  Staps,  and  felt  under  his  coat  the  hilt  of  the  dagger.  On 
that  occasion  Bonaparte  owed  his  life  only  to  the  irresolution 
of  the  yoimg  illuminato,  who  wished  to  sacrifice  him  to  his 
fanatical  fury.  It  is  equally  certain,  that,  on  another  occasion, 
respecting  which  the  author  of  the  St.  Helena  Narrative  observes 
entire  silence,  another  fanatic,  more  dangerous  than  Staps, 
attempted  the  life  of  Napoleon. 

About  this  time  various  attempts  were  made  to  assassinate 
the  first  consul,  and  the  following  is  a  correct  account  of  that 
made  by  Ceracchi. 

The  plot  itself  was  a  mere  shadow  ;  but  it  was  deemed 
advisable  to  give  it  substance,  to  exaggerate,  at  least  in  appear- 
ance, the  danger  to  which  the  first  consul  had  been  exposed. 

There  was  at  that  time  in  Paris  an  idle  fellow,  called  Harrel  ; 
he  had  been  a  chef  de  hata'illon,  but  he  had  been  dismissed  the 
service,  and  was  consequently  dissatisfied.  He  became  connected 
with  Ceracchi,  Arena,  Topino-Lebrun,  and  Demerville.  From 
different  motives  all  these  individuals  were  violently  hostile  to 
the  first  consul,  who,  on  his  part,  was  no  friend  to  Ceracchi  and 
Arena,  but  scarcely  knew  the  two  others.  These  four  individuals 
formed,  in  conjunction  with  Harrel,  the  design  of  assassinating 
the  first  consul,  and  the  time  fixed  for  the  perpetration  of  the 


AN    ASSASSINATION-PLOT 


isi 


deed   was  one   evening  when   Bonaparte  intended   to  visit   the 
opera. 

On  the  20th  of  September,  1800,  Harrel  came  to  me  at  the 
Tuileries.  He  revealed  to  me  the  plot  in  which  he  was  engaged, 
and  promised  that  his  accomplices  should  be  apprehended  in  the 
very  act,  if  I  would  supply  him  with  money  to  bring  the  plot  to 
maturity.  I  knew  not  how  to  act  upon  this  disclosure,  which  I 
however  could  not  reject  without  incurring  too  great  a  respon- 
sibility. I  immediately  communicated  the  business  to  the  first 
consul,  who  ordered  me  to  supply  Harrel  with  money. 

The  loth  of  October  having  been  fixed  for  the  visit  of  the  first 
consul  to  the  opera,  the  consuls,  on  the  breaking  up  of  the 
council  on  that  day,  assembled  in  the  cabinet  of  their  colleague. 
Bonaparte  asked,  in  my  presence,  whether  they  thought  he 
ought  to  go  to  the  opera.  They  observed,  that  as  every  pre- 
caution was  taken,  there  was  no  reason  to  apprehend  any  danger, 
and  that  it  was  proper  to  shew  how  useless  were  all  attempts 
against  his  life.  Atter  dinner  Bonaparte  put  on  a  great  coat 
over  his  green  uniform,  and  got  into  a  coach  with  Duroc  and 
me.  He  seated  himself  in  the  front  of  his  box,  which  was 
at  the  left  entrance  between  the  two  columns  which  separate 
the  front  from  the  side  boxes.  In  about  half  an  hour,  the  first 
consul,  keeping  Duroc  only  with  him,  told  me  to  go  and  see 
what  was  going  on  in  the  lobby.  I  had  scarcely  left  the  box 
when  I  heard  a  great  noise,  and  was  soon  informed  that  a  great 
number  of  persons,  whose  names  I  could  not  learn,  had  been 
arrested.  I  hastened  to  inform  the  first  consul,  and  we  immedi- 
ately returned  to  the  Tuileries.  Harrel's  name  was  again  placed 
upon  the  army  list,  and  he  was  named  commandant  of 
Vincennes.  He  held  that  post  at  the  time  of  the  assassination 
of  the  Due  d'Enghien.  I  have  heard  since  that  his  wife  was 
foster-sister  to  the  unfortunate  prince,  and  that  she  knew  him 
on  his  entry  into  that  prison,  which  in  a  few  hours  was  to 
be  his  tomb.  Alas  !  I  cannot  mention  the  Due  d'Enghien, 
without  reflecting  upon  what  it  will  cost  me  to  relate  all  that 
I  know  of  that  melancholy  catastrophe  which  put  a  period  to 
his  days  ; — but  I  will  one  day  relate  it  :  I  owe  it  to  those  who 
have  been  unworthily  calumniated. 

As  to  the  conspiracy  of  Ceracchi  and  Art^na,  it  is  beyond 
a  doubt  that  those  conspirators  intended  to  take  the  life  of  the 
first  consul,  and  that  they  endeavoured  by  every  means  in 
their  power  to  accomplish  their  atrocious  project.  It  is,  how- 
ever, but  fair  to  say,  that  having  become  acquainted  with  the 


1 82  NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 

plot  through  the  information  of  Harrel,  it  would  have  been 
easy  to  have  crushed  it  without  allowing  it  to  come  to  maturity. 
Such  was  then,  and  such  is  now,  my  opinion. 

Although  three  months  intervened  between  the  conspiracy 
of  Ceracchi  and  Ar^na,  and  the  horrible  attempt  of  the  3rd 
Nivose,  I  will  not  separate  these  events,  which,  however, 
resemble  each  other  only  in  having  the  same  object  in  view. 
The  former  conspirators  belonged  to  the  revolutionary  faction. 
The  latter,  it  must  with  grief  be  confessed,  were  royalists,  and 
in  their  desire  to  take  away  the  life  of  the  first  consul,  these 
men  were  not  restrained  by  the  fear  of  sacrificing  the  lives  of 
a  number  of  citizens.  It  is  for  this  reason  that  it  is  impossible 
for  an  author  who  respects  himself  to  avoid  stigmatizing  it  as 
one  of  the  most  atrocious  crimes  that  has  been  committed  in 
the  world,  however  well  he  may  wish  to  that  party  in  whose 
favour  it  was  intended  to  operate. 

The  police  knew  nothing  of  the  plot  of  the  3rd  Nivose,  for 
two  reasons  ;  first,  because  they  were  no  parties  to  it,  and 
secondly,  because  conspirators  do  not  betray  and  sell  each 
other  when  they  are  resolute  in  their  purpose.  In  such  cases, 
confession  can  arise  only  from  two  causes,  the  one  excusable, 
the  other  infamous :  viz.,  the  dread  of  punishment,  and  the 
hope  of  reward.  But  neither  of  these  causes  influenced  the 
conspirators  of  the  3rd  Nivose,  the  inventors  and  constructors 
of  that  machine  which  has  so  justly  been  denominated  infernal! 

On  the  3rd  Nivose,  the  first  performance  of  Haydn's  magnifi- 
cent oratorio  of  the  Creation  took  place  at  the  opera,  and  the 
first  consul  had  expressed  his  intention  of  being  present.  I 
did  not  dine  with  him  that  day  ;  but  as  he  left  me  he  said, 
'  Bourrienne,  you  know  I  am  going  to  the  opera  to-night,  and 
you  may  go  too  ;  but  I  cannot  take  you  in  the  carriage,  as 
Lannes,  Berthier,  and  Lauriston  are  going  with  me.'  I  was 
very  glad  of  this,  for  I  much  wished  to  hear  one  of  the  master- 
pieces of  the  German  school  of  composition.  I  got  to  the 
opera  before  Bonaparte,  who,  on  his  entrance,  seated  himself, 
according  to  custom,  in  front  of  the  box.  The  eyes  of  all 
present  were  fixed  upon  him,  and  he  was  perfectly  calm  and 
self-possessed.  Lauriston,  as  soon  as  he  saw  me,  came  to  my 
box,  and  told  me  that  the  first  consul,  on  his  way  to  the  opera, 
had  narrowly  escaped  being  assassinated,  in  the  Rue  St.  Nicaise, 
by  the  explosion  of  a  barrel  of  gunpowder,  the  concussion  of 
which  had  shattered  the  windows  of  his  carriage.  '  Within  ten 
seconds  of  our  escape,'  added  Lauriston,  '  the  coachman,  having 


THE   'INFERNAL    MACHINE'  183 

turned  the  corner  of  the  Rue  St.  Honore,  stopped  to  take  the 
first  consul's  orders,  and  he  coolly  said,  "  Drive  to  the  opera." ' 

On  hearing  this,  I  immediately  left  the  theatre,  and  returned 
to  the  palace,  under  the  expectation  that  I  should  speedily  be 
wanted.  Bonaparte  soon  returned  home,  and  as  intelligence 
of  the  affair  had  spread  through  Paris,  the  grand  saloon,  on 
the  ground  floor,  was  filled  with  a  crowd  of  functionaries,  eager 
to  read  in  the  eye  of  their  master  what  they  were  to  think  and 
say  on  the  occasion.  He  did  not  keep  them  long  in  suspense. 
'  This,'  exclaimed  he  vehemently,  '  is  the  work  of  the  Jacobins  : 
they  have  attempted  my  life  !  There  are  neither  nobles,  priests, 
nor  Chouans,  in  this  affair  ! — I  know  myself  what  I  am  about, 
and  they  need  not  think  to  impose  on  me.  These  are  the 
Septembrizers,  who  have  been  in  open  revolt  and  conspiracy, 
and  arrayed  against  every  succeeding  government.  It  is  scarce 
three  months  since  my  life  was  attempted  by  Ceracchi,  Ar^na, 
Topino-Lebrun,  and  Demerville.  They  all  belong  to  one  gang  ! 
The  cut-throats  of  September,  the  assassins  of  Versailles,  the 
brigands  of  the  31st  of  May,  the  conspirators  of  Prairial,  are 
the  authors  of  all  crimes  committed  against  established  govern- 
ments !  If  they  cannot  be  restrained,  they  must  be  crushed  ! 
France  must  be  purged  of  these  ruffians  ! '  It  is  impossible  to 
form  any  idea  of  the  bitterness  with  which  Bonaparte  pro- 
nounced these  words.  In  vain  did  some  of  the  councillors 
of  state,  and  Fouch^  in  particular,  endeavour  to  point  out  to 
him  that  there  was  no  evidence  against  anyone,  and  that  before 
he  pronounced  people  to  be  guilty,  it  would  be  right  to  ascer- 
tain the  fact.  Bonaparte  repeated,  with  increased  violence, 
what  he  had  before  said  of  the  Jacobins  ;  thus  adding,  not 
without  some  ground  of  suspicion,  one  crime  more  to  the 
long  catalogue  for  which  they  had  already  to  answer. 

The  following  particulars  respecting  the  affair  of  the  infernal 
machine  are  related  by  Rapp,  who  attended  Madame  Bonaparte 
to  the  opera.  He  differs  from  Bourrienne  as  to  the  total 
ignorance  of  the  police  : — 

'The  affair  of  the  infernal  machine  has  never  been  properly 
understood  by  the  public.  The  police  had  intimated  to 
Napoleon  that  an  attempt  would  be  made  against  his  life,  and 
cautioned  him  not  to  go  out.  Madame  Bonaparte,  Mademoiselle 
Beauharnois,  Madame  Murat,  Lannes,  Bessieres,  the  aide-de- 
camp on  duty,  and  Lieutenant  Lcbrun,  now  Duke  of  Placenza, 
were  all  assembled  in  the  saloon,  while  the  first  consul  was 
writing  in  his   closet.     Haydn's   oratorio  was  to  be  performed 


1 84  NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 

that  evening  :  the  ladies  were  anxious  to  hear  the  music,  and 
we  also  expressed  a  wish  to  that  effect.  The  escort  picquet 
was  ordered  out  ;  and  Lannes  requested  that  Napoleon  would 
join  the  party.  He  consented  ;  his  carriage  was  ready,  and 
he  took  along  with  him  Bessieres  and  the  aide-de-camp  on  duty. 
I  was  directed  to  attend  the  ladies.  Josephine  had  received  a 
magnificent  shawl  from  Constantinople,  and  she  that  evening 
wore  it  for  the  first  time.  "  Allow  me  to  observe,  Madame," 
said  I,  "  that  your  shawl  is  not  thrown  on  with  your  usual 
elegance."  She  good-humouredly  begged  that  I  would  fold  it 
after  the  fashion  of  the  Egyptian  ladies.  While  I  was  engaged 
in  this  operation,  we  heard  Napoleon  depart.  "  Come,  sister," 
said  Madame  Murat,  who  was  impatient  to  get  to  the  theatre, 
"  Bonaparte  is  going."  We  stepped  into  the  carriage  :  the 
first  consul's  equipage  had  already  reached  the  middle  of  the 
Place  Carrousel.  We  drove  after  it  :  but  we  had  scarcely 
entered  the  Place  when  the  machine  exploded.  Napoleon 
escaped  by  a  singular  chance.  Saint-Regent,  or  his  French 
servant,  had  stationed  himself  in  the  middle  of  the  Rue  Nicaise. 
A  grenadier  of  the  escort,  supposing  he  was  really  what  he 
appeared  to  be,  a  water-carrier,  gave  him  a  few  blows  with  the 
flat  of  his  sabre,  and  drove  him  off.  The  cart  was  turned  round, 
and  the  machine  exploded  between  the  carriages  of  Napoleon 
and  Josephine.  The  ladies  shrieked  on  hearing  the  report  ; 
the  carriage  windows  were  broken,  and  Mademoiselle  Beau- 
harnois  received  a  slight  hurt  on  her  hand.  I  alighted,  and 
crossed  the  Rue  Nicaise,  which  was  strewed  with  the  bodies  of 
those  who  had  been  thrown  down,  and  the  fragments  of  the 
walls  that  had  been  shattered  by  the  explosion.  Neither  the 
consul  nor  any  individual  of  his  suite  sustained  any  serious 
injury.  When  I  entered  the  theatre  Napoleon  was  seated  in 
his  box,  calm  and  composed,  and  looking  at  the  audience 
through  his  opera-glass.  Fouchd  was  beside  him.  "  Josephine," 
said  he,  as  soon  as  he  observed  me.  She  entered  at  that  moment, 
and  he  did  not  finish  his  question.  "The  rascals,"  said  he, 
very  coolly,  "  wanted  to  blow  me  up.  Bring  me  a  book  of 
the  oratorio."  * 

The  atrocity  of  the  conspiracy  roused  universal  horror  and 
indignation,  and  invested  the  person  of  the  chief  consul  with 
a  new  species  of  interest.  The  assassins  were  tried  fairly,  and 
executed,  glorying  in  their  crime  :  and  in  the  momentary 
exultation  of  all  men's  minds,  an  edict  of  the  senate,  condemning 
to  perpetual  exile   130    of  the  most    notorious    leaders   of  the 


MEASURES   AGAINST   JACOBINS  185 

Terrorists,  was  received  with  applause.  But  Napoleon  himself 
despised  utterly  the  relics  of  that  odious  party  ;  and  the  arbitrary 
decree  in  question  was  never  put  into  execution. 

The  chief  consul,  nevertheless,  was  not  slow  to  avail  himself 
of  the  state  of  the  public  mind,  in  a  manner  more  consistent 
with  his  prudence  and  far-sightedness.  It  was  at  this  moment 
that  the  erection  of  a  new  tribunal,  called  the  Special  Commission, 
consisting  of  eight  judges,  without  jury,  and  without  revision  or 
appeal,  was  proposed  to  the  legislative  bodies.  To  their  honour 
the  proposal  was  carried  by  very  narrow  majorities  ;  for  after 
that  judicature  was  established,  the  chief  consul  had,  in  effect, 
the  means  of  disposing  of  all  who  were  suspected  of  political 
offences,  according  to  his  own  pleasure.  Another  law  which 
soon  succeeded,  and  which  authorized  the  chief  magistrate  to 
banish  disaifected  persons,  as  '  enemies  of  the  state,'  from  Paris 
or  from  France,  whenever  such  steps  should  seem  proper,  with- 
out the  intervention  of  any  tribunal  whatever,  completed  (if  it 
wias  yet  incomplete)  the  despotic  range  of  his  power  :  and  the 
police,  managed  as  that  fearful  engine  was  by  Fouch^,  presented 
him  with  the  most  perfect  means  of  carrying  his  purposes  into 
execution. 

A  list  was  drawn  up  of  the  persons  styled  Jacobins,  who 
were  condemned  to  transportation.  I  was  fortunate  enough  to 
obtain  the  erasure  of  the  names  of  several,  whose  opinions  had, 
perhaps,  been  violent,  but  whose  education  and  private  character 
presented  claims  to  recommendation.  Some  of  my  readers 
may  probably  recollect  them  without  my  naming  them,  and  I 
shall  only  mention  M.  Tissot,  for  the  purpose  of  recording,  not 
the  service  I  rendered  him,  but  an  instance  of  grateful 
acknowledgment. 

When,  in  1815,  Napoleon  was  on  the  point  of  entering  Paris, 
M.  Tissot  came  to  the  prefecture  of  police,  where  I  then  was, 
and  offered  me  his  house  as  a  safe  asylum,  assuring  me  I  should 
there  run  no  risk  of  being  discovered.  Though  I  did  not  accept 
the  offer,  yet  I  gladly  seize  on  this  opportunity  of  making  it 
known.  It  is  gratifying  to  find  that  difference  of  political 
opinion  docs  not  always  exclude  sentiments  of  generosity  and 
honour  !  I  shall  never  forget  the  way  in  which  the  author  of 
the  '  Essays  on  Virgil '  uttered  the  words  Domus  mea. 

But  to  return  to  the  fatal  list.  Even  while  I  write  this,  I 
shudder  to  think  of  the  way  in  which  men,  utterly  innocent, 
were  accused  of  a  revolting  crime,  without  even  the  shadow  of 
a  proof.     The  name  of  an  individual,  his  opinion,  perhaps,  only 


1 86  NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 

assumed,  was  sufficient  ground  for  his  banishment.  A  decree 
of  the  consul's  dated  4th  January',  1801,  confirmed  by  a  senatus 
conniltum  on  the  next  day,  banished  from  the  territory  of  the 
republic,  and  placed  under  special  inspectors,  130  individuals, 
nine  of  whom  were  merely  designated  by  the  qualification  of 
Septembrizers. 

The  exiles,  who,  in  the  reports  and  in  the  public  acts,  were 
so  unjustly  accused  of  being  the  authors  of  the  infernal  machine, 
were  received  at  Nantes  with  so  much  indignation,  that  the 
military  were  compelled  to  interfere,  to  save  them  from  being 
massacred. 

The  illegality  of  the  proceeding  was  so  evident,  that  the 
senatus  consultum  contained  no  mention  of  the  transactions  of 
the  3rd  Nivose,  which  was  very  remarkable.  It  was,  however, 
declared,  that  the  measure  of  the  previous  day  had  been  adopted 
with  a  view  to  the  preservation  or  the  constitution.  This  was 
promising. 

The  first  consul  manifested  the  most  violent  hatred  of  the 
Jacobins  ;  for  this  he  could  not  have  been  blamed,  if,  under  the 
title  of  Jacobins,  he  had  not  comprised  every  devoted  advocate 
of  public  liberty.  Their  opposition  annoyed  him,  and  he  could 
never  pard.on  them  for  having  presumed  to  condemn  his 
tyrannical  acts,  and  to  resist  the  destruction  of  the  freedom  which 
he  had  himself  sworn  to  defend,  but  which  he  was  incessantly 
labouring  to  overturn.  These  were  the  true  motives  of  his 
conduct  ;  and,  conscious  of  his  own  faults,  he  regarded  with 
dislike  those  who  saw  and  disapproved  of  them.  For  this 
reason,  he  was  more  afraid  of  those  whom  he  called  Jacobins, 
than  of  the  Royalists. 

I  am  here  recording  the  faults  of  Bonaparte,  but  I  excuse 
him  ;  situated  as  he  was,  any  other  person  would  have  acted  in 
the  same  way.  Truth  now  reached  him  with  difficulty,  and 
when  it  was  not  agreeable  he  had  no  disposition  to  hear  it.  He 
was  surrounded  by  flatterers  ;  and  the  greater  number  of  those 
who  approached  him,  far  from  telling  him  what  they  really 
thought,  only  repeated  what  he  had  himself  been  thinking. 
Hence  he  admired  the  wisdom  of  his  counsellors.  Thus  Fouch^, 
to  maintain  himself  in  favour,  was  obliged  to  deliver  up  to  his 
master  130  names  chosen  from  among  his  own  most  intimate 
friends  as  objects  of  proscription. 

Meanwhile,  Fouche,  still  believing  that  he  was  not  deceived 
as  to  the  real  authors  of  the  attempt  of  the  3rd  Nivose,  set  in 
motion,  with  his  usual  dexterity,  all  the  springs  of  the  police. 


PROCEEDINGS    OF    FOUCHE  187 

His  efforts,  however,  were  for  some  time  unsuccessful ;  but  at 
length,  on  Saturday,  the  31st  of  January,  1801,  about  two  hours 
after  our  arrival  at  Malmaison,  Fouche  presented  himself,  and 
produced  authentic  proofs  of  the  accuracy  of  his  conjectures. 
There  was  no  longer  any  doubt  on  the  subject  ;  and  Bonaparte 
saw  clearly  that  the  attempt  of  the  3rd  Nivose  was  the  result 
of  a  plot  hatched  by  the  partisans  of  royalty.  But  as  the  act  of 
proscription  against  those  who  were  jumbled  together  under  the 
title  of  the  Jacobins,  had  been  executed,  it  was  not  to  be  revoked. 

Thus,  the  consequence  of  the  3rd  Nivose  was,  that  both  the 
Innocent  and  guilty  were  punished  ;  with  this  difference,  how- 
ever, that  the  guilty,  at  least,  had  the  benefit  of  a  trial.  When 
the  Jacobins,  as  they  were  called,  were  accused,  Fouche  had  not 
any  positive  proofs  of  their  innocence  ;  and  therefore  their 
illegal  condemnation  ought  not  to  be  attributed  to  him.  A 
sufficient  load  of  guilt  attaches  to  his  memory,  without  his 
being  charged  with  a  crime  he  never  committed.  Still,  I  must 
say,  that  had  he  boldly  opposed  the  opinion  of  Bonaparte, 
in  the  first  burst  of  his  fury,  he  might  have  averted  the  blow. 
Every  time  he  came  to  theTuileries,  even  before  he  had  acquired 
any  traces  of  the  truth,  Fouche  always  declared  to  me  his  con- 
viction of  the  innocence  of  the  persons  first  accused.  But  he 
was  afraid  to  make  the  same  observation  to  Bonaparte.  I  often 
mentioned  to  him  the  opinion  of  the  Minister  of  Police  ;  but 
as  proof  was  wanting,  he  replied  to  me,  with  a  triumphant  air, 
'  Bah  !  bah  !  This  is  always  the  way  with  Fouche.  Besides,  it 
is  of  little  consequence.  At  any  rate,  I  shall  get  rid  of  them. 
Should  the  guilty  be  discovered  among  the  Royalists,  they  shall 
also  be  punished.' 

The  real  criminals  being  at  length  discovered,  Saint-Regent 
and  Carbon  expiated  their  crime  by  the  forfeit  of  their  heads. 
Thus  the  first  consul  gained  his  point  and  Justice  gained  hers. 


CHAPTER    XVI. 

The  armistice  concluded  after  the  battle  of  Marengo,  which  had 
been  first  broken  and  then  resumed,  continued  to  be  observed 
for  some  time  between  the  armies  of  the  Rhine  and  Italy,  and 
the  imperial  armies.  But  Austria,  bribed  by  a  subsidy  of  two 
millions  sterling,  would  not  treat  for  peace  unless  England  was 
also    included.     Tliis    was    quite    in    character    with   her  usual 


1 88  NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 

policy — when  beaten  in  the  field  she  was  ever  ready  to  make 
promises,  but  she  evaded  them  on  the  slightest  advantage  being 
obtained  :  and  at  this  time  she  did  not  despair  of  again  recom- 
mencing the  war  successfully  by  the  assistance  of  the  money  of 
England. 

M.  de  Saint  Julien,  on  the  part  of  Austria,  had  signed  the 
preliminaries  of  peace  at  Paris,  but  the  court  of  Vienna  disavowed 
them  ;  and  Duroc,  whom  Bonaparte  sent  to  convey  the  pre- 
liminaries to  Vienna  for  the  imperial  ratification,  was  not  permitted 
to  pass  the  Austrian  advanced  posts.  This  unexpected  proceeding, 
the  result  of  the  powerful  influence  of  England,  justly  irritated 
the  first  consul,  who  had  given  proofs  of  his  moderation  and  his 
desire  for  peace. 

In  his  irritation  the  first  consul  despatched  orders  to  Moreau 
to  break  the  armistice,  and  to  recommence  hostilities,  unless  he 
regained  possession  of  the  bridges  of  the  Rhine  and  the  Danube, 
by  the  surrender  of  Philipsburg,  Ulm,  and  Ingolstadt.  The 
Austrians  then  offered  to  treat  on  a  new  basis,  and  England 
wished  to  take  part  in  the  negotiations,  but  the  first  consul 
would  not  consent  to  treat  with  them  jointly.  England  would 
not  hear  of  an  armistice  by  sea,  like  that  which  France  had 
concluded  with  Austria  by  land.  She  alleged,  that  in  case  of  a 
rupture  France  would  derive  from  that  armistice  greater 
advantage  than  Austria  would  gain  by  that  already  con- 
cluded. The  difficulty  and  delay  attending  the  necessary 
communications  rendered  these  reasons  plausible.  The  first 
consul  consented  to  accept  other  propositions  from  England, 
and  to  allow  her  to  take  part  in  the  discussions  of  Luneville, 
but  on  condition  that  she  should  sign  a  treaty  with  him 
without  the  intervention  of  Austria.  This  England  refused 
to  do.  Weary  of  this  uncertainty,  and  the  tergiversation  of 
Austria,  which  was  still  under  the  influence  of  England,  and 
feeling  that  the  prolongation  of  such  a  state  of  things  could 
only  turn  to  his  disadvantage,  Bonaparte  broke  the  armistice. 
He  had  already  consented  to  sacrifices  which  his  successes  in 
Italy  did  not  justify.  The  hope  of  an  immediate  peace  had 
alone  made  him  lose  sight  of  the  immense  advantages  which 
victory  had  given  him. 

Far  from  appearing  sensible  to  the  many  proofs  of  moderation 
which  the  first  consul  evinced,  the  combined  insolence  of 
England  and  Austria  seemed  only  to  increase.  Orders  were 
immediately  given  for  resuming  the  offensive  in  Germany  and 
Italy,  and  hostilities  then  recommenced. 


BATTLE    OF    HOHENLINDEN  189 

The  French  armies  of  Italy  and  Germany  passed,  the  one 
the  Mincio,  the  other  the  Danube,  and  the  celebrated  battle 
of  Hohenlinden  brought  the  French  advanced  posts  to  within 
ten  leagues  of  Vienna.  This  victory  brought  peace  ;  because 
instructed  by  past  experience,  the  first  consul  would  not  hear 
of  a  suspension  of  arms,  until  Austria  consented  to  a  separate 
treaty.  Driven  into  her  last  entrenchments,  she  was  obliged  to 
yield  and  to  abandon  England.  The  English  cabinet,  which 
had  paid  two  millions,  could  not  prevent  this  separation. 
The  impatience  and  indignation  of  the  hrst  consul  at  the 
evasions  of  Austria  and  the  plots  of  England  can  scarcely  be 
conceived,  for  he  was  not  ignorant  of  the  plans  which  were 
carrying  on  for  the  restoration  of  the  Bourbons.  His  joy 
therefore  was  great  when  the  victory  at  Hohenlinden  threw 
all  its  weight  into  the  scale  in  his  favour.  It  was  on  the  3rd 
of  December,  1800,  under  circumstances  by  no  means  favourable, 
that  Moreau  gained  that  celebrated  battle,*  which  put  an  end 
to  the  hesitations  of  the  cabinet  of  Vienna.  On  the  6th  of 
December,  the  first  consul  received  the  news  ;  it  was  on  a  Saturday, 
and  he  had  just  returned  from  the  opera  when  I  delivered  him 
the  despatches.  He  literally  leaped  for  joy.  I  ought  to  observe 
that  he'did  not  expect  so  grand  a  result  from  the  movements  of  the 
army  of  the  Rhine.  This  victory  gave  a  new  feature  to  the  nego- 
tiations for  peace,  and  decided  the  opening  of  the  congress 
of  Luneville,  which  took  place  on  the  ist  of  January  following. 

On  receiving  the  news  of  the  battle  of  Hohenlinden,  Madame 
Moreau  hastened  to  the  Tuileries  to  call  on  the  first  consul 
and  Madame  Bonaparte.  She  did  not  see  them,  and  repeated 
her  call  several  times  without  any  better  success.  The  last 
time  she  came,  she  was  accompanied  by  her  mother,  Madame 
Hulot.  She  waited  a  long  time  in  vain,  and  when  going  away, 
her  mother,  who  could  no  longer  restrain  her  feelings,  said 
aloud  in  the  saloon,  before  me  and  several  others  of  the 
household,  'That  it  ill  became  the  wife  of  the  conqueror  of 
Hohenlinden  to  dance  attendance  in  this  way.'  This  remark 
reached  those  for  whom  it  was  intended.  Madame  Moreau 
shortly  after  joined  her  husband  in  Germany.     Madame  Hulot 

*  On  the  eve  of  the  battle  of  Hohenlinden,  Moreau  was  at  supper, 
with  a  party  of  officers,  when  a  despatch  was  delivered  to  him.  After 
he  had  read  it,  he  said  to  his  guests,  though  he  was  far  from  being  in 
the  habit  of  boasting,  '  I  am  here  made  acquainted  with  Baron  Kray's 
movements.  They  are  all  I  could  wish.  To-morrow  we  will  take 
from  him  10,000  jsrisoners.' 


I90  NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 

came  afterwards  to  Malmaison  to  solicit  promotion  for  her 
eldest  son,  since  dead,  who  served  in  the  navy.  Josephine 
received  her  very  well,  and  invited  her  to  dinner,  as  well  as 
M.  Carbonnet,  a  friend  of  Moreau's  who  had  accompanied 
her  :  she  accepted  the  invitation.  The  first  consul,  who  did 
not  see  her  till  dinner,  treated  her  coolly,  spoke  but  little,  and 
after  dinner  immediately  withdrew.  His  rudeness  on  this 
occasion  was  so  marked  and  offensive,  that  Josephine  considered 
it  necessary  to  make  an  apology,  and  to  assign  his  irritation  to 
some  trifling  disappointment. 

Bonaparte  had  no  dislike  to  Moreau,  because  he  did  not 
fear  him  ;  and  after  the  battle  of  Hohenlinden  he  spoke  of 
him  in  the  highest  terms,  and  did  not  seek  to  hide  the  obliga- 
tions he  was  under  to  him  on  that  important  occasion,  but  he 
could  not  endure  the  family  of  his  wife,  who,  he  said,  were 
a  set  of  intriguers. 

As  M.  de  Bourrienne  has  given  no  details  of  the  celebrated 
battle  of  Hohenlinden,  we  have  extracted  the  following  account 
of  it  from  Napoleon's  Memoirs. — 

'On  the  I  St  of  December,  at  break  of  day,  the  archduke 
deployed  60,000  men  before  the  heights  of  Ampfingen,  and 
attacked  Lieutenant-general  Grenier,  who  had  only  25,000  men, 
in  front  ;  whilst  another  of  his  columns,  debouching  by  the 
bridge  of  Crayburg,  marched  to  the  heights  of  Achau,  in  the 
rear  and  on  the  right  flank  of  Grenier.  General  Ney  was  at 
first  obliged  to  yield  to  the  superior  numbers  of  the  enemy, 
but  rallied,  returned  to  the  attack,  and  broke  eight  battalions  ; 
but  the  enemy  continuing  to  deploy  his  numerous  forces,  and 
debouching  by  the  valleys  of  the  Issen,  Lieutenant-general 
Grenier  was  compelled  to  retreat. 

'  The  manoeuvre  of  the  Austrian  army  was  a  very  fine  one, 
and  this  first  success  augured  others  of  great  importance.  But 
the  archduke  did  not  know  how  to  profit  by  these  circumstances  ; 
he  did  not  make  a  vigorous  attack  on  the  corps  of  Grenier, 
who  only  lost  a  few  hundred  prisoners  and  two  pieces  of  cannon. 
On  the  following  day,  the  2nd  of  December,  he  made  only  petty 
movements,  and  gave  the  French  army  time  to  rally  and  recover 
from  its  first  surprise.  He  paid  dearly  for  this  error,  which 
was  the  principal  cause  of  the  catastrophe  of  the  following  day. 

'  Moreau,  having  had  the  whole  of  the  2nd  to  reconnoitre  his 
forces,  began  to  hope  that  he  should  have  sufficient  time  for 
all  his  divisions  to  join.  But  the  Archduke  John,  although  he 
had  committed  the  capital  error  of  losing  the  whole  of  the  2nd, 


HOHENLINDEN  191 

did  not  fall  into  that  of  losing  the  3rd  also.  At  break  of  day 
he  began  to  move,  and  the  dispositions  made  by  the  French 
general  to  effect  the  junction  of  his  army  became  useless  ; 
neither  Lecourbe's  corps  nor  that  of  Sainte-Siizanne  could  take 
part  in  the  battle  ;  the  divisions  of  Richepanse  and  Decaen 
fought  separately  ;  they  arrived  too  late  on  the  3rd  to  defend 
the  forest  of  Hohenlinden. 

'  The  Austrian  army  came  on  in  three  columns  ;  that  of 
the  left,  consisting  of  10,000  men,  between  the  Inn  and  the 
Munich  road,  directing  its  march  on  Albichengen  and  Saint 
Christopher  ;  that  of  the  centre,  40,000  strong,  proceeded  by 
the  road  leading  from  Muhldorf  to  Munich,  by  Haag,  towards 
Hohenlinden  ;  the  grand  park,  the  waggons  and  baggage,  took 
this  road,  the  only  one  which  was  firm.  The  column  of  the 
right,  25,000  strong,  commanded  by  General  Latour,  was  to 
march  on  Bruckrain. 

'The  roads  were  much  cut  up,  as  is  usual  in  the  month  of 
December  ;  the  columns  of  the  right  and  left  marched  by  almost 
impracticable  cross  roads  ;  the  snow  fell  heavily.  1  he  column 
of  the  centre,  followed  by  the  parks  and  baggage,  having  the 
advantage  of  the  high  road,  soon  distanced  the  others  ;  its  head 
penetrated  into  the  forest  without  impediment.  Richepanse, 
who  was  to  have  defended  it  at  Altenpot,  had  not  arrived  ; 
but  this  column  was  stopped  at  the  village  of  Hohenlinden, 
which  was  the  appui  of  Ney's  left,  and  the  station  of  Grouchy's 
division.  The  French  line,  which  had  thought  itself  covered, 
was  at  first  surprised  ;  several  battalions  were  broken,  and  some 
disorder  prevailed.  Ney  hastened  up  ;  a  terrible  charge  carried 
death  and  consternation  into  the  head  of  a  column  of  Austrian 
grenadiers  ;  General  Spanochi  was  taken  prisoner.  At  that 
moment  the  vanguard  of  the  Austrian  right  debouched  from 
the  heights  of  Bruckrain.  Ney  was  obliged  to  gallop  to  his 
left  in  order  to  face  them  ;  his  efforts  would  have  been  in- 
sufficient had  Latour  supported  his  vanguard  ;  but  he  was  two 
leagues  distant  from  it.  In  the  meantime  the  divisions  of 
Richepanse  and  Decaen,  which  ought  to  have  arrived  before 
daybreak,  at  the  debouche  of  the  forest,  at  the  village  of 
Altenpot,  being  embarrassed  in  the  mdist  of  the  night  in  dreadful 
roads,  and  the  weather  being  tremendous,  were  wandering  a 
great  part  of  the  night  on  the  edge  of  the  forest.  Richepanse, 
on  arriving  at  the  village  of  Altenpot,  with  his  division,  the  8th, 
the  48th  of  the  line,  and  the  ist  chasseurs,  found  himself  in 
the   rear  of  the  enemy's  parks,  and    of  all   his  artillery,   which 


192  NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 

had  defiled.  He  passed  through  the  village,  and  drew  up  in 
line  on  the  heights.  Eight  squadrons  of  the  enemy's  cavalry, 
which  formed  the  rear-guard,  deployed  ;  the  cannonade  com- 
menced ;  the  ist  chasseurs  charged,  and  were  repulsed.  The 
situation  of  General  Richepanse  became  more  and  more  critical  ; 
he  was  speedily  informed  that  he  was  not  to  depend  on  Drouet, 
whose  progress  had  been  arrested  by  considerable  forces  ;  and 
of  Decaen  he  had  no  intelligence.  In  this  dreadful  predicament 
he  took  a  desperate  resolution  ;  leaving  General  Walter  with 
the  cavalry,  to  keep  the  cuirassiers  of  the  enemy  in  check,  he 
entered  the  forest  of  Hohenlinden  at  the  head  of  the  48th  and 
8th  of  the  line.  Three  battalions  of  Hungarian  grenadiers, 
forming  the  escort  of  the  parks,  formed  ;  they  advanced  on 
Richepanse  with  the  bayonet,  taking  his  soldiers  for  an  irregular 
force.  The  48th  overthrew  them.  This  petty  engagement 
decided  the  fortune  of  the  day.  Disorder  and  alarm  spread 
through  the  convoy  :  the  drivers  cut  their  traces  and  fled, 
abandoning  eighty-seven  pieces  of  cannon  and  three  hundred 
waggons.  The  confusion  of  the  rear  spread  to  the  van.  Those 
columns  which  were  far  advanced  in  the  defiles  fell  into  dis- 
order ;  they  were  struck  with  the  recollection  of  the  disastrous 
campaign  of  the  summer  ;  besides  which  they  were  in  great 
measure  composed  of  recruits.  Ney  and  Richepanse  joined. 
The  Archduke  John  retreated  with  the  utmost  confusion  and 
precipitation  on  Haag,  with  the  wreck  of  his  corps. 

'  The  evening  after  the  battle,  the  head-quarters  ot  the  French 
army  were  transferred  to  Haag.  In  this  battle,  which  decided 
the  success  of  the  campaign,  six  French  divisions,  composing 
half  the  army,  alone  engaged  almost  the  whole  of  the  Austrian 
army.  The  forces  on  the  held  of  battle  were  nearly  equal,  being 
about  70,000  men  on  each  side.  But  the  Archduke  John  could 
not  possibly  have  assembled  a  greater  number,  whilst  Moreau 
might  have  brought  twice  as  many  into  the  field.  The  loss  of 
the  French  army  was  10,000  men,  killed,  wounded,  and  taken, 
either  at  the  actions  of  Dorfen,  Ampfingen,  or  at  the  battle  of 
Hohenlinden.  That  of  the  enemy  amounted  to  25,000  men, 
exclusive  of  deserters.  Seven  thousand  prisoners,  amongst  whom 
were  two  generals,  one  hundred  pieces  ot  cannon  and  an  immense 
number  of  waggons,  were  the  trophies  of  this  day.' 

The  hopes  of  Austria  having  been  again  destroyed  by  the 
fatal  battle  of  Hohenlinden,  she  had  now  no  other  alternative 
but  to  conclude  peace  on  the  best  terms  she  could  obtain.  The 
definitive  treaty  was  signed  at  Luneville  on  the  9th  of  February, 


NELSON    AT    COPENHAGEN  193 

1801  ;  by  which  the  emperor,  not  only  as  the  head  of  the 
Austrian  monarchy,  but  also  in  his  quality  of  chief  of  the  Ger- 
man empire,  guaranteed  to  France  the  boundary  of  the  Rhine  ; 
thereby  sacrificing  certain  possessions  of  Prussia,  and  other 
subordinate  princes  of  the  empire,  as  well  as  his  own. 
Another  article,  extremely  distasteful  to  Austria,  yielded 
Tuscany  ;  which  Napoleon  resolved  to  transfer  to  a  prince  of  the 
House  of  Parma,  in  requital  of  the  good  offices  of  Spain  during 
the  war.  The  emperor  recognized  the  union  of  the  Batavian 
Republic  with  the  French  ; — and  acknowledged  the  Cisalpine 
and  Ligurian  commonwealths  :  both  virtually  provinces  of  the 
great  empire,  over  which  the  authority  of  the  first  consul  seemed 
now  to  be  permanently  established. 

England  was  now  the  only  power  which  continued  steadfast 
in  her  hostility  to  France  ;  and  the  first  consul  used  all  the 
influence  which  he  possessed  to  bring  about  the  alliance  of  the 
northern  powers  of  Europe  against  her.  It  has  already  been 
stated,  that  the  half-crazy  Emperor  of  Russia  had  taken  up  a 
violent  personal  admiration  for  Bonaparte,  and  under  the  in- 
fluence of  that  feeling  had  virtually  abandoned  Austria  before 
the  campaign  of  Marengo.  The  first  consul  took  every  means 
to  flatter  the  autocrat,  and  secure  him  in  his  interests. 

The  result  was,  in  effect,  a  coalition  against  the  mistress  of 
the  seas  :  and,  at  the  opening  of  the  nineteenth  century,  England 
had  to  contemplate  the  necessity  of  encountering  single-handed 
the  colossal  military  force  of  France,  and  the  combined  fleets 
of  Europe. 

Early  in  March,  1801,  Admiral  Sir  Hyde  Parker  and  Vice- 
Admiral  Lord  Nelson  conducted  a  fleet  into  the  Baltic,  with  the 
view  of  attacking  the  northern  powers  in  their  own  harbours, 
ere  they  could  effect  their  meditated  junction  with  the  fleets  ot 
France  and  Holland.  The  English  passed  the  Sound  on  the 
1 3th  of  March,  and  reconnoitred  the  road  of  Copenhagen,  where 
the  Crown-Prince,  Regent  of  Denmark,  had  made  formidable 
preparations  to  receive  them.  It  was  on  the  2nd  of  April  that 
Nelson,  who  had  volunteered  to  lead  the  assault,  having  at  length 
obtained  a  favourable  wind,  advanced  with  twelve  ships  of  the 
line,  besides  frigates  and  fire-ships,  upon  the  Danish  armament, 
which  consisted  of  six  sail  of  the  line,  eleven  floating  batteries, 
and  an  enormous  array  of  small  craft,  all  chained  to  each  other 
and  to  the  ground,  and  protected  by  the  crown-batteries,  mount- 
ing eighty-eight  guns,  and  the  fortifications  ot  the  isle  of 
Amack.     The  battle  lasted  for    four    hours,    and    ended    in    a 

«3 


194  NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 

signal  victory.  Some  few  schooners  and  bomb-vessels  fled  early, 
and  escaped  :  the  whole  Danish  fleet,  besides,  were  sunk,  burnt, 
or  taken.  The  Prince  Regent,  to  save  the  capital  from 
destruction,  was  compelled  to  enter  into  a  negotiation,  which 
ended  in  the  abandonment  of  the  French  alliance  by  Denmark. 
Lord  Nelson  then  reconnoitred  Stockholm  ;  but,  being  unwilling 
to  inflict  unnecessary  suffering,  did  not  injure  the  city,  on 
discovering  that  the  Swedish  fleet  had  already  put  to  sea. 
Meantime,  news  arrived  that  Paul  had  been  assassinated  in 
his  palace  at  St.  Petersburg  ;  and  that  the  policy  which  he 
had  adopted,  to  the  displeasure  of  the  Russian  nobility,  was 
likely  to  find  no  favour  with  his  successor.  The  moving  spirit 
of  the  northern  confederacy  was,  in  effect,  no  more,  and  a  brief 
negotiation  ended  in  its  total  disrupture. 

Paul  L  fell  by  a  revolution  of  the  palace,  and  under  the 
hands  of  assassins,  on  the  night  of  the  24th  of  March,  1801. 
This  event  caused  the  first  consul  much  pain.  In  accordance 
with  the  feeling  which  this  unexpected  event  occasioned  him, 
and  which  had  so  important  an  influence  on  his  policy,  he 
directed  me  to  have  the  following  note  inserted  in  the 
Moniteur  : — 

'  Paul  the  First  died  on  the  night  of  the  24th  of  March  ; 
the  English  squadron  passed  the  Sound  on  the  30th.  History 
will  point  out  the  connexion  existing  between  these  two  events.' 

Thus  were  united  in  his  mind  the  crime  of  the  24th  of 
March,  and  the  not  ill-founded  suspicion,  as  I  believe,  of  its 
authors. 

The  amicable  relations  of  Paul  and  Bonaparte  had  been 
drawing  closer  from  day  to  day.  Bonaparte  said  to  me,  '  In 
concert  with  the  Czar,  I  was  sure  of  striking  a  mortal  blow  at 
the  English  power  in  India.  A  palace  revolution  has  overset 
all  my  projects.'  This  resolution,  and  the  admiration  which 
the  autocrat  had  for  the  chief  of  the  French  republic,  ought, 
no  doubt,  to  be  reckoned  among  the  causes  of  his  death.  At 
this  time  the  persons  generally  accused  were  those  who  had 
been  most  perseveringly  and  most  violently  threatened,  and 
who  had  the  greatest  interest  in  a  change  of  emperors.  I  have 
read  a  letter  from  a  northern  sovereign,  which  has  left  no  doubt 
upon  my  mind  in  this  respect ;  and  the  letter  of  this  august 
personage  even  mentioned  the  price  of  the  crime,  as  well  as 
the  part  to  be  taken  by  each  actor.  But  it  must  be  acknowledged 
that  the  conduct  and  the  character  of  Paul,  his  tyrannical  acts, 
his  violent  caprices,  and  the  frequent  excesses  of  his  despotism, 


POLICY   TOWARDS   THE    POPE  195 

had  rendered  him  the  object  of  general  hatred — for  patience 
has  its  limits.  These  causes  of  complaint  did  not  probably 
create  the  conspiracy,  but  tney  greatly  facilitated  the  execution 
of  the  plot  which  deprived  the  Czar  of  his  throne  and  his  life. 

After  Paul  had  ceased  to  exist,  and  Alexander  had  mounted 
the  throne,  the  thoughts  of  the  first  consul  reverted  to  the 
dismemberment  and  partition  of  Poland,  a  subject  which  un- 
ceasingly occupied  his  mind.  Already,  during  the  first  campaign 
in  Italy,  and  frequently  in  Egypt,  he  had  said  to  Sulkowsky, 
that  his  first  wish  was  to  re-establish  Poland,  to  avenge  the 
iniquity  of  its  partition,  and  to  restore,  by  this  great  act  of 
justice,  the  ancient  balance  of  Europe.  He  often  dictated  to 
me,  for  the  Motttteur,  articles  which  had  the  tendency  to  prove, 
by  various  arguments,  that  Europe  never  could  enjoy  repose 
until  these  great  spoliations  were  repaired  and  avenged.  But 
he  often  destroyed  these  notes  without  sending  them  to  press. 
His  policy  towards  Russia  changed  shortly  after  the  death  of 
Paul.  The  idea  of  a  war  against  this  empire  was  constantly 
present  to  his  mind,  and  he  no  doubt  already  had  formed  the 
idea  of  that  fatal  campaign  which  took  place  eleven  years 
afterwards,  and  which  had  other  causes  than  the  re-establish- 
ment of  Poland,  which  was  only  a  pretext.  Since  this  war,  the 
conception  of  which  dates  from  the  time  of  which  we  speak, 
has  unfortunately  taken  place,  it  is  a  melancholy  consideration 
that  private  views  have  prevented  the  regeneration  of  a  generous 
nation,  thrice  torn  to  pieces  by  the  greedy  policy  of  its  powerful 
neighbours. 

About  this  period  a  powerful  party  recommended  Bonaparte 
to  break  with  the  Pope,  and  to  establish  an  independent  Gallican 
Church,  the  head  of  which  should  reside  in  France.  They 
represented,  that  by  doing  so  he  would  acquire  a  great  accession 
of  power,  and  be  able  to  establish  a  comparison  between  himself 
and  the  first  Roman  emperors.  But  his  wishes  did  not  coincide 
with  theirs  on  this  subject.  '  I  am  convinced,'  said  he,  '  that 
a  part  of  France  would  become  Protestant,  especially  if  I  was 
to  favour  that  disposition.  I  am  also  certain,  that  the  much 
greater  portion  would  continue  Catholic,  and  that  they  would 
oppose  with  the  greatest  zeal  the  division  amongst  their  fellow- 
citizens.  But  by  reviving  a  religion  which  has  always  prevailed 
in  the  country,  and  by  merely  giving  the  liberty  of  exercising 
their  worship  to  the  minority,  I  shall  satisfy  everyone.' 

Bonaparte  justly  considered,  that  by  re-establishing  religion 
in  France,  he  should  procure  a  powerful  support  to  his  govern- 


196  NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 

ment  ;  and  to  accomplish  that  object  he  had  been  much 
occupied  since  his  return  from  the  field  of  Marengo.  The 
concordate  with  the  Pope,  which  re-established  the  Catholic 
worship  in  France,  was  signed  on  the  15th  of  July,  1801,  and 
made  a  law  of  the  state  in  April,   1802. 

A  solemn  TV  Deum  was  chanted  at  the  cathedral  of  Notre 
Dame,  on  Sunday  the  nth  of  April.  The  crowd  was  immense, 
and  the  greater  part  of  those  present  stood  during  the  ceremony, 
which  was  splendid  in  the  extreme  ;  but  who  would  presume 
to  say  that  the  general  feeling  was  in  harmony  with  all  this 
pomp  }  It  is  unquestionably  true,  that  a  great  number  of 
the  persons  present  at  the  ceremony  expressed,  in  their  counten- 
ances and  gestures,  rather  a  feeling  of  impatience  and  displeasure, 
than  of  satisfaction  or  of  reverence  for  the  place  in  which 
they  were. 

The  consular  court  was,  in  general,  extremely  irreligious  ; 
nor  could  it  be  expected  to  be  otherwise,  being  composed 
chiefly  of  those  who  had  assisted  in  the  annihilation  of  all 
•  religious  worship  in  France,  and  of  men  who,  having  passed 
their  lives  in  camps,  had  oftener  entered  a  church  in  Italy 
to  carry  off  a  painting  than  to  hear  the  mass.  Those  who, 
without  being  imbued  with  any  religious  ideas,  possessed  that 
good  sense  which  induces  men  to  pay  respect  to  the  belief 
of  others,  though  it  be  one  in  which  they  do  not  participate, 
did  not  blame  the  first  consul  for  his  conduct,  and  conducted 
themselves  with  some  regard  to  decency.  But  on  the  road 
from  the  Tuileries  to  Notre  Dame,  Lannes  and  Augereau 
wanted  to  alight  from  the  carriage,  as  soon  as  they  saw  that 
they  were  being  driven  to  mass,  and  it  required  an  order  from 
the  first  consul  to  prevent  their  doing  so.  They  went,  therefore, 
to  Notre  Dame,  and  the  next  day  Bonaparte  asked  Augereau 
what  he  thought  of  the  ceremony.  '  Oh  !  it  was  all  very  fine,' 
replied  the  general;  'there  was  nothing  wanting,  except  the 
million  of  men  who  have  perished  in  the  pulling  down  of 
what  you  are  setting  up.'  Bonaparte  was  much  displeased  at 
this  remark. 

Many  endeavours  were  made  to  persuade  the  first  consul  to 
perform  in  public  the  duties  imposed  by  religion.  An  in- 
fluential example,  it  was  urged,  was  required.  He  told  me 
once  that  he  had  put  an  end  to  that  request  by  the  following 
declaration — 'Enough  of  this.  Ask  me  no  more.  You  will 
not  obtain  your  object.  You  shall  never  make  a  hypocrite  of 
me.     Let  us  remain  where  we  are.' 


AT   MASS  197 

Bonaparte  at  length,  however,  consented  to  hear  mass,  and 
St.  Cloud  was  the  place  where  this  ancient  usage  was  first 
re-established.  He  directed  the  ceremony  to  commence  sooner 
than  the  hour  announced,  in  order  that  those  who  would 
only  make  a  scofF  of  it  might  not  arrive  until  the  service  was 
ended. 

Whenever  the  first  consul  determined  to  hear  mass  publicly 
on  Sundays  in  the  chapel  of  the  palace,  a  small  altar  was 
prepared  in  a  room  near  his  cabinet  of  business.  This  room 
had  been  Ann  of  Austria's  oratory.  A  small  portable  altar, 
placed  on  a  platform  one  step  high,  restored  it  to  its  original 
destination.  During  the  rest  of  the  week,  this  chapel  was  used 
as  a  bathing-room.  On  Sunday  the  door  of  communication 
was  opened,  and  we  heard  mass,  sitting  in  our  cabinet  of 
business.  The  number  of  persons  there  never  exceeded  three 
or  four,  and  the  first  consul  seldom  failed  to  transact  some 
business  during  the  ceremony,  which  never  lasted  longer  than 
twelve  minutes.  Next  day  all  the  papers  had  the  news  that 
the  first  consul  had  heard  mass  in  his  apartments.  In  the  same 
way  Louis  XVIII.  had  often  heard  it  in  his. 

I  have  read  in  a  work,  remarkable  on  many  accounts,  that 
it  was  on  the  occasion  of  the  concordate  of  the  15th  of  July, 
1 801,  that  the  first  consul  abolished  the  republican  calendar, 
and  re-established  the  Gregorian.  This  is  an  error.  He  did 
not  make  the  calendar  a  religious  affair.  The  senatus  comultum^ 
which  restored  the  use  of  the  Gregorian  calendar,  to  commence 
in  the  French  empire  from  the  nth  Nivose,  year  XIV.  (ist 
of  January,  1806),  was  adopted  on  the  22nd  Fructidor,  year 
XIII.  (9th  of  September,  1S05),  more  than  four  years  after 
the  concordate.  The  introduction  of  the  ancient  calendar 
had  no  other  object  than  to  bring  us  into  harmony  with  the 
rest  of  Europe,  on  a  point  so  closely  connected  with  daily 
transactions,  which  were  much  embarrassed  by  the  decadary 
calendar. 

In  April,  1801,  there  arrived  one  evening,  at  Malmaison, 
an  English  newspaper,  which  announced  the  successful  landing 
in  Egypt  of  the  English  army  under  Abercrombic,  on  the  13th 
of  March,  and  also  giving  an  account  of  the  battle  which 
followed  on  the  21st,  in  which  our  army  was  defeated,  and  the 
English  general  killed.  Bonaparte  at  first  affected  not  to  believe 
the  intelligence,  and  statetl  in  the  midst  of  the  company  that  it 
was  impossible.  But  in  the  evening,  when  alone,  he  expressed 
his  fears  and  his  conviction  that  the  accounts  were  too  true.     It 


198  NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 

seemed  to  distress  him  very  much  ;  for  of  all  his  conquests,  he 
set  the  highest  value  on  Egypt,  because  it  spread  his  fame 
throughout  the  East.  Accordingly,  he  left  nothing  unattempted 
for  the  preservation  of  that  colony.  In  a  letter  to  General 
Kleber,  he  said,  '  You  are  as  able  as  I  am  to  understand  how 
important  is  the  possession  of  Egypt  to  France.  The  Turkish 
empire,  in  which  the  symptoms  of  decay  are  everywhere  dis- 
cernible, is  at  present  falling  to  pieces,  and  the  evil  of  the 
evacuation  of  Egypt  by  France  would  now  be  the  greater,  as  we 
should  soon  see  that  fine  province  pass  into  the  possession  of 
some  other  European  power.'  The  selection  of  Gantheaume, 
however,  to  carry  succour  to  Kleber  was  not  judicious.  The 
first  consul,  upon  finding  that  he  did  not  leave  Brest  after  he 
had  been  ordered  to  the  Mediterranean,  repeatedly  said  to  me, 
'What  the  devil  is  Gantheaume  about?' 

Gantheaume's  hesitation,  his  frequent  tergiversations,  his 
arrival  at  Toulon,  his  tardy  departure,  and  his  return  to  that 
port  on  the  19th  of  February,  1801,  only  ten  days  prior  to 
Admiral  Keith's  appearance  with  Sir  Ralph  Abercrombie  off 
Alexandria,  completely  foiled  all  the  plans  which  Bonaparte  had 
conceived  of  conveying  succour  and  reinforcements  to  a  colony 
on  the  brink  of  destruction. 

The  first  consul  had  long  been  apprehensive  that  the  evacua- 
tion of  Egypt  was  unavoidable.  The  last  news  he  had  received 
from  that  country  was  but  little  encouraging,  and  created  a 
presentiment  of  the  dreadful  catastrophe.  In  the  negotiations 
which  preceded  the  peace  of  Amiens  we  made  a  great  merit  of 
abandoning  our  conquests  in  Egypt  ;  but  the  sacrifice  would  not 
have  been  considered  great,  if  the  events  which  took  place  at  the 
end  of  August  had  been  known  in  London,  before  the  signing 
of  the  preliminaries  on  the  ist  of  October.  Under  the  fear  of 
such  an  event  taking  place,  the  first  consul  himself  answered 
M.  Otto's  last  despatch,  which  contained  a  copy  of  the  pre- 
liminaries ready  to  be  adopted  by  the  English  ministry.  Neither 
the  despatch  nor  the  answer  was  communicated  to  M.  de 
Talleyrand,  then  Minister  for  Foreign  Affairs.  The  first  consul 
urged  the  ratification  of  the  preliminaries  with  all  possible  speed  ; 
and  it  was  well  for  us  that  nis  fears  were  so  much  excited,  for 
the  news  of  the  compulsory  evacuation  of  Egypt  arrived  in  London 
the  day  after  the  signing  of  the  preliminaries.  M.  Otto  in- 
formed the  first  consul,  by  letter,  that  Lord  Hawkesbury,  in 
communicating  to  him  the  news  of  this  event,  told  him,  he 
was  very  glad   everything  was  settled,  for  it  would  have  been 


PEACE  OF   AMIENS  199 

impossible  for  him  to  have  treated  on  the  same  bases  after  the 
arrival  of  such  news.  In  reality,  we  consented  at  Paris  to  the 
voluntary  evacuation  of  Egypt,  and  that  was  something  for 
England,  while  Egypt  was  at  that  very  time  evacuated  by  a 
convention  made  on  the  spot.  The  evacuation  of  Egypt  took 
place  on  the  30th  of  August,  1801  ;  and  thus  the  conquest  of 
that  country,  which  had  cost  so  dear,  was  rendered  useless,  or 
rather  injurious. 

By  this  treaty  England  surrendered  all  the  conquests  which 
she  had  made  during  the  war,  except  Ceylon  and  Trinidad. 
France,  on  the  other  hand,  restored  what  she  had  taken  from 
Portugal,  and  guaranteed  the  independence  of  the  Ionian  Isles. 
Malta  was  to  be  restored  to  the  Knights  of  St.  John,  and 
declared  a  free  port  :  neither  England  nor  France  was  to  have 
any  representative  in  the  order,  and  the  garrison  was  to  consist 
of  the  troops  of  a  neutral  power.  This  article  was  that  which 
caused  the  greatest  difficulty,  and  which  was  destined  to  form 
the  pretext  for  the  re-opening  of  the  war  at  no  distant  time. 

The  definitive  treaty  was  signed  on  the  25th  of  March,  1S02, 
and  nothing  could  surpass  the  demonstrations  of  joy  on  this 
occasion,  both  in  London  and  Paris. 


CHAPTER     XVII. 

Peace  having  been  concluded  on  terms  which  were  highly 
honourable  to  the  national  character,  all  parties  hoped  that  the 
sanguinary  wars  in  which  the  country  had  been  engaged  would 
now  have  terminated,  and  that  France  would  be  left  at  liberty 
to  adopt  those  institutions  which  would  be  agreeable  to  herself. 
But  the  brilliant  position  in  which  the  peace  of  Amiens  had 
placed  France,  seemed  to  excite  the  jealousy  of  her  neighbours, 
and  to  produce  those  feelings  which  are  opposed  to  the  repose 
of  nations.  In  fact,  we  shall  see  that  war  broke  out  afresh  with 
unusual  animosity,  and  from  very  trifling  causes. 

At  this  period  the  consular  glory  was  unsullied,  and  held  in 
prospect  the  most  flattering  hopes  ;  and  it  cannot  be  doubted, 
tjut  that  the  first  consul  was  really  desirous  to  promote  peace 
and  to  give  repose  to  France. 

During  the  struggles  of  the  revolution  the  island  of  St. 
Domingo  had  declared  itself  independent  of  the  mother-country. 
However,  it  was  now  determined  to  send  out  an  expedition  to 


200  NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 

reduce  it  again  to  dependence.  This  expedition  left  the  shores 
of  France  on  the  14th  of  December,  1801  ;  the  fatal  and  un- 
successful issue  of  which  is  well  known.  The  command  was 
given  to  General  Leclerc,  who  had  no  other  talent  to  recommend 
him  for  such  an  appointment  than  that  he  was  brother-in-law  to 
the  first  consul,  whose  personal  dislike  to  him  was  so  great,  that 
he  undoubtedly  was  selected  on  purpose  to  remove  him  to  a 
distance.  After  the  first  consul  had  dictated  to  me  the  in- 
structions for  this  expedition,  he  sent  for  Leclerc,  and,  in  my 
presence,  addressed  him  in  the  following  words  :  '  Here  are  your 
instructions.  Now  is  your  chance  ;  go,  and  get  rich  :  and 
trouble  me  no  more  with  your  continued  importunities  for 
money.'  The  St.  Domingo  expedition  is  one  of  the  great  faults 
committed  by  Bonaparte  :  everyone  consulted  attempted  to  dis- 
suade him  from  it  ;  but  his  temper  was  such  that  no  one  could 
divert  him  from  any  purpose  he  had  determined  upon. 

The  first  consul  dictated  to  me,  for  Toussaint,  a  letter  con- 
taining the  most  honourable  expressions,  and  the  most  flattering 
promises.  He  also  sent  back  his  two  sons,  who  had  completed 
their  education  at  Paris  ;  he  offered  to  him  the  vice-governorship, 
provided  he  would  use  his  efforts  to  bring  back  the  colony  to 
the  mother-country. 

Toussaint,  either  dreading  deception  or  entertaining  more 
ambitious  views,  resolved  on  war,  after  having  shewn  some 
inclination  for  an  arrangement.  He  was,  however,  easily  reduced 
by  an  army  which  was  well  disciplined,  and,  as  yet,  vigorous  and 
well  supplied.  He  capitulated,  and  retired  to  a  plantation, 
whence  he  was  not  to  remove  without  permission  from  Leclerc. 
A  pretended  conspiracy  furnished  the  pretext  for  sending  him 
a  prisoner  to  France.  On  arriving  in  Paris,  he  was  placed  under 
a  rigorous  confinement,  which,  together  with  the  change  of 
climate,  was  sufficient  to  shorten  his  days  without  recourse  to 
poison — a  report  unworthy  of  belief.  Bonaparte  acknowledged 
him  to  be  possessed  of  great  talent,  energy,  and  courage,  and  I 
am  certain  that  he  would  have  rejoiced  in  a  different  conclusion 
of  relations  with  him.  Probably,  any  other  than  Leclerc  would 
have  succeeded  in  bringing  Toussaint  to  reconcile  the  interests 
of  the  colony  and  the  rights  of  humanity  with  the  claims  of  the 
mother-country,  moderated  as  they  had  been  by  time  and  circum- 
stances. The  yellow  fever,  which  carried  off  Leclerc,  spread  its 
ravages  among  the  army,  and  desertion  became  general.  Roch- 
ambcau  succeeded  Leclerc,  and  by  his  severity  completed  the 
loss  of  the  colony.     He  abandoned  the  island  to  Dessalines,  and 


MARRIAGE    OF   LOUIS   BONAPARTE  201 

gave  himself  up  to  an  English  squadron,  in  1803.  Thus 
terminated  this  unfortunate  expedition,  which  cost  us  a  fine 
army,  and  of  which  the  original  expense  was  furnished  by  the 
plunder  of  the  navy  chest  for  the  support  of  invalids. 

During  this  period,  Bonaparte  often  suffered  from  extreme 
pain  ;  and  I  have  no  doubt,  from  the  nature  of  his  after 
sufferings,  that  they  commenced  about  this  time.  The  pains 
of  which  he  constantly  complained  affected  him  with  great 
severity  during  the  night  on  which  he  dictated  to  me  the 
instructions  for  General  Leclerc. 

It  was  on  the  7th  of  January,  1802,  that  the  marriage  of 
Mademoiselle  Hortense  with  Louis  Bonaparte  took  place.  At 
this  time  the  practice  had  not  been  resumed  of  joining  to  the 
civil  act  the  nuptial  benediction.  The  religious  ceremony  was 
performed  in  the  private  chapel,  Rue  Victoire,  where  a  priest 
attended  for  that  purpose.  At  the  same  time  Bonaparte  caused 
the  marriage  of  his  sister  Caroline  to  be  religiously  solemnized, 
which  had  previously  only  taken  place  before  the  magistrates. 
He  did  not  follow  this  example  himself ;  from  what  motive 
does  not  appear.  Did  he  already  entertain  ideas  of  a  divorce, 
which  the  sanction  of  religion  would  have  rendered  more 
difficult  .?  It  could  not  proceed  from  fear  of  being  accused  of 
weakness,  since  he  revived  it  where  his  sister  and  daughter- 
in-law  were  concerned.  The  few  words  I  heard  from  him 
on  the  subject  shewed  his  perfect  indifference.  He  has  said  at 
St.  Helena,  when  speaking  of  the  marriage  of  Louis  and 
Hortense,  '  That  it  arose  from  attachment  ;  each  was  respectively 
the  other's  choice.  As  to  the  rest,  this  marriage  was  the 
result  of  Josephine's  intrigues,  who  found  her  advantage  in  it.' 
The  truth  is,  Louis  and  Hortense  were  not  attached  to  each 
other,  as  the  first  consul  very  well  knew  :  he  knew  that 
Hortense  had  a  decided  attachment  to  Duroc,  who  did  not 
return  her  affection  with  equal  warmth.  He  even  had  consented 
to  their  union  ;  but  Josephine  looked  forward  to  the  marriage 
with  much  pain,  and  used  all  her  influence  to  prevent  it. 
She  said  to  me,  '  My  two  brothers-in-law  are  my  most 
determined  enemies  ;  you  see  all  their  intrigues,  and  know 
how  much  uneasiness  they  have  caused  me  ;  this  projected 
marriage  will  leave  me  without  any  support  ;  besides,  Duroc, 
independent  of  Bonaparte's  friendship,  is  nothing  ;  he  has 
neither  fortune,  rank,  nor  even  reputation  ;  he  cannot  be  a 
protection  to  me  against  the  declared  enmity  of  the  brothers. 
I   must   have   some  more  certain   reliance  for   the   future.     My 


202  NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 

husband  loves  Louis  very  much  ;  if  I  can  succeed  in  uniting 
my  daughter  to  him,  he  will  prove  a  strong  counterpoise  to  the 
calumnies  and  persecutions  of  my  brothers-in-law.'  I  replied, 
that  she  had  too  long  concealed  her  intentions  from  me  ;  that 
I  had  promised  my  services  to  the  young  people  the  more 
willingly,  knowing  the  favourable  sentiments  or  the  first  consul, 
who  had  often  said  to  me,  '  My  wife  labours  in  vain,  they  are 
agreeable  to  each  other,  they  shall  be  married.  I  am  attached 
to  Duroc  ;  he  is  well  born  :  I  have  given  Caroline  to  Murat, 
and  Pauline  to  Leclerc  ;  I  can  as  well  give  Hortense  to  Duroc  ; 
he  is  brave  ;  he  is  as  good  as  the  others  ;  he  is  a  general  of 
division — there  can  be  no  objection  to  their  union.  Besides,  I 
have  other  views  for  Louis.'  I  added,  in  my  conversation  with 
Josephine,  that  her  daughter  burst  into  tears  when  a  marriage 
with  Louis  was  even  mentioned.  In  anticipation  of  the  projected 
marriage  between  Hortense  and  Duroc,  the  first  consul  sent 
him  on  a  special  mission  to  compliment  the  Emperor  Alexander 
on  his  accession  to  the  throne.  During  this  absence,  the 
correspondence  of  the  youthful  lovers  passed  through  my 
hands,  at  their  own  request.  Almost  every  evening  I  made 
one  in  a  party  at  billiards  with  Mademoiselle  Hortense,  who 
played  extremely  well.  When  I  whispered  to  her,  '/  ha've  a 
letter^  the  game  quickly  ceased  ;  she  ran  to  her  chamber, 
where  I  followed  and  delivered  the  billet.  Her  eyes  filled  with 
tears,  and  she  did  not  descend  again  to  the  saloon  till  long  after 
I  had  returned. 

Josephine  was  so  anxious  to  gain  an  additional  support 
against  the  family,  that  seeing  her  resolution  was  so  completely 
formed,  I  engaged  no  longer  to  oppose  her  views,  which  I  could 
not  disapprove  of  ;  but  I  pointed  out  that  it  would  be  impossible 
for  me  to  preserve  silence  and  neutrality  in  their  domestic 
disputes  any  longer.  She  appeared  satisfied.  During  our  stay 
at  Malmaison,  intrigues  continued,  but  probabilities  still 
favoured  Duroc.  I  even  offered  him  my  congratulations,  which 
he  received  with  wonderful  coolness.  We  returned  to  the 
Tuileries  a  few  days  after,  and  there  Josephine  resolved  on  the 
marriage  of  her  daughter  with  Louis,  and  used  all  her  influence 
with  the  first  consul  to  obtain  his  consent.  On  the  4th  of 
January,  1802,  after  dinner,  Bonaparte  entered  the  cabinet  where 
I  was  at  work,  and  said,  '  Where  is  Duroc  >.  '  I  replic-d,  '  Gone 
out  ;  I  believe,  to  the  opera.'  '  Tell  him,  as  soon  as  he  returns, 
that  I  have  promised  him  Hortense.  He  shall  marry  her,  and  this 
must  take  place  at  least  in  two  days.     I  shall  give  him  500,000 


MARRIAGE   OF   LOUIS   AND   HORTENSE      203 

francs  (about  ;^2 1,000),  and  name  him  commandant  of  the  eighth 
military  division.  He  must  set  out  for  Toulon,  with  his  wife, 
the  day  after  the  marriage,  and  we  shall  live  separate.  I  will 
have  no  son-in-law  in  the  house  with  me.  As  I  wish  this 
affair  settled,  let  him  know,  and  let  me  have  his  answer  this 
evening,  if  it  suits  him.'  'I  don't  think  it  will.'  'Very  well  ; 
she  shall  marry  Louis.'  'Will  she  have  him.^'  'She  must 
have  him.' 

This  proposal  was  made  in  such  a  hasty  and  intemperate 
manner,  that  I  could  not  doubt  but  that  some  difference  had 
taken  place  between  him  and  Josephine.  About  half-past  ten, 
Duroc  returned.  I  repeated  to  him,  as  nearly  as  possible,  ever}' 
word  which  had  been  made  use  of  by  the  first  consul.  Duroc 
replied,  '  Since  it  is  so,  my  friend,  he  may  keep  his  daughter  for 
me  ;  I  am  going  to  visit .'  So  saying,  with  an  air  of  in- 
difference beyond  my  comprehension,  he  took  his  hat,  and  went 
out.  The  first  consul  was  informed  of  his  refusal,  and  Josephine 
received  that  evening  the  assurance  of  her  daughter's  marriage 
with  Louis  ;  which  accordingly  took  place  a  few  days  after. 
Such  is  a  correct  account  of  this  matter  as  it  happened,  much 
to  the  sorrow  of  Hortense,  and,  probably,  to  the  satisfaction  of 
Duroc.  Louis  suffered  the  infliction  of  a  wife,  and  Hortense 
that  of  a  husband,  who  had  always  been  personally  objectionable 
to  her.  The  mutual  dislike  which  then  existed  was  not  removed 
by  their  union,  and  these  sentiments  of  indifference  still  remain 
unchanged. — In  mentioning  these  circumstances,  I  consider  it 
necessary  to  allude  to  a  wicked  and  infamous  assertion,  which  at 
this  time  was  made  by  the  enemies  of  the  first  consul,  that  he 
entertained  for  Hortense  other  sentiments  than  those  of  a  father- 
in-law  for  his  daughter.  We  shall  see  afterwards  what  he  said 
to  me  on  this  subject  ;  but  we  cannot  too  speedily  remove  such 
a  base  scandal  ;  the  insinuation  was  execrable  in  the  extreme. 

In  the  leisure  which  the  peace  afforded  to  Bonaparte  he  was 
desirous  to  place  the  Cisalpine  republic  on  a  footing  of  harmony 
with  the  government  of  France.  It  was  necessary  to  select  a 
president  who  should  perfectly  accord  with  his  own  views  ;  and, 
in  this  respect,  no  one  could  be  more  suitable  than  himself  He 
therefore  prepared  to  have  himself  appointed  chief  of  that  re- 
public, and  caused  a  deputation  to  meet  him  at  Lyons  for  that 
purpose.  Before  our  departure  I  said  to  him,  '  Would  it  not 
have  been  agreeable  to  you  to  revisit  Italy,  the  first  scene  of  your 
glory,  and  the  beautiful  capital  of  Lombardy,  where  you  were 
the  object  of  so    much  homage?'     'Yes,  it  certainly   would,' 


204  NAPOLEON   BONAPARTE 

replied  the  first  consul,  'but  the  journey  to  Milan  would  occupy 
too  much  time.  I  have  also  reasons  for  preferring  that  the 
meeting  should  take  place  in  France.  My  influence  over  the 
deputies  will  be  more  absolute  and  certain  at  Lyons  than  at 
Milan  ;  and  besides,  I  shall  be  very  happy  to  see  again  the  noble 
wreck  of  the  army  of  Egypt  which  is  there  collected.' 

On  the  8th  of  January,  1802,  we  left  Paris.  Bonaparte,  who 
was  now  ready  to  ascend  the  throne  of  France,  wished  to  prepare 
the  Italians  for  one  day  crowning  him  king  of  Italy,  in  imitation 
of  Charlemagne,  of  whom  he  prospectively  considered  himself  as 
successor.  He  saw  that  the  presidency  of  the  Cisalpine  republic 
was  a  great  advance  towards  the  sovereignty  of  Lombardy,  as  he 
afterwards  found  that  the  consulate  for  life  was  an  important  step 
towards  the  throne  of  France.  On  the  26th  he  obtained  the 
title  of  president  without  much  difficulty.  The  journey  and 
the  conferences  were  only  forms,  but  public  opinion  had  to  be 
captivated  by  high-sounding  words  and  solemn  proceedings. 

The  attempts  recently  made  on  the  life  of  the  first  consul  gave 
rise  to  a  report  that  he  took  extraordinary  precautions  for  his 
safety  during  this  journey  ;  I  never  saw  any  of  these  precautions 
— they  were  opposed  to  his  disposition.  He  often  repeated, 
'That  whoever  would  risk  his  own  life,  might  take  his.'  He 
therefore  travelled  as  a  private  person,  and  rarely  had  arms  in  his 
carriage 

On  the  25th  of  March  of  this  year,  1802,  England  signed,  at 
Amiens,  a  suspension  of  hostilities  for  fourteen  months,  which 
has  been  called  the  treaty  of  Amiens.  The  clauses  of  this  treaty 
were  not  of  a  nature  to  induce  the  hope  of  a  long  peace.  It  was 
evident  that  England  would  not  evacuate  Malta  ;  and  that 
island  ultimately  proved  the  chief  cause  of  the  rupture  of  the 
peace.  But  this  treaty  served  to  consolidate  the  power  of  the 
first  consul,  for  England,  formerly  so  haughty  in  her  bearing 
towards  him,  had  now  treated  him  as  the  head  of  the  French 
government.  As  he  perceived  that  I  appreciated  these  ad- 
vantages, he  did  not  dissemble  his  satisfaction  in  this  particular. 

It  was  at  this  moment,  when  he  saw  his  glory  and  power 
augmenting,  that  he  said  to  me,  in  one  of  our  walks  at  Mal- 
maison,  '  Well,  Bourrienne,  you  will  also  be  immortal  ! ' — 
'  Why,  General  } ' — '  Are  you  not  my  secretary  .? ' — '  Tell  me  the 
name  of  Alexander's,'*  said  I.  Bonaparte  then  turned  to  me, 
and  laughing,  said,  '  Hem  !  that  is  not  bad.'     There  was,  to  be 

*  Bonaparte  did  not  know  the  name  of  Alexander's  secretary,  and  I 
forgot  at  the  moment  to  tell  him  it  was  Callisthenes. 


THE   ENGLISH   NEWSPAPERS  205 

sure,  a  little  flattery  conveyed  in  my  question,  but  that  never 
displeased  him,  and  I  certainly  did  not  in  that  instance  deserve 
the  censure  he  often  bestowed  on  me,  for  not  being  enough  of  a 
courtier  and  flatterer. 

Here  I  may  state  the  grounds  of  quarrel  between  the  first 
consul  and  the  English  journals,  which  exhibits  a  new  proof  of 
his  love  for  liberty  !  At  all  times  a  declared  enemy  to  the 
freedom  of  the  press,  the  first  consul  held  the  journals  under  a 
hand  of  iron.  Often  have  I  heard  him  say,  'Should  I  give  them 
the  rein,  my  power  would  not  continue  three  months.'  Un- 
fortunately, too,  the  same  sentiment  guided  his  conduct  with 
respect  to  all  prerogatives  of  public  liberty  ;  the  silence  thus 
forced  upon  France,  he  wished,  but  was  unable  to  impose  in 
England.  He  was  enraged  at  the  insults  heaped  upon  him  by 
the  English  newspapers  and  libels,  especially  by  the  journal, 
UAmbigu  {The  Medlej'),  edited  by  one  Peltier,  who,  at  Paris,  had 
formerly  been  editor  of  The  Acis  of  the  Apostles.  This  news- 
paper was  constantly  filled  with  the  most  violent  attacks  against 
the  first  consul  and  the  French  nation, — doubtless  a  circumstance 
very  honourable  to  its  author,  a  Frenchman.  Bonaparte  had 
never  been  accustomed,  like  the  English,  to  despise  newspaper 
satire  :  he  avenged  himself  by  violent  articles  in  the  Momteur. 
M.  Otto  even  received  orders  to  present  an  official  note  on  the 
subject  of  these  systematic  calumnies,  which  the  consul  believed 
were  authorized  by  the  English  government.  Besides  this 
oflficial  measure,  he  personally  addressed  Mr.  Addington,  Chan- 
cellor of  the  Exche<juer,  requesting  him  to  support  the  re- 
presentation, and  urging  him  to  institute  legal  proceedings 
against  those  publications  complained  of.  In  order  to  lose  no 
time  in  satisfying  his  hatred  against  the  liberty  of  the  press,  he 
seized,  for  this  purpose,  the  moment  of  signing  the  preliminaries 
to  urge  his  demand. 

Mr.  Addington  replied,  in  a  long  letter,  written  with  his  own 
hand,  and  which  I  translated.  The  English  minister  forcibly 
refuted  the  arguments  of  the  first  consul  ;  admitting,  indeed,  that 
the  abuse  of  the  press  might  occasionally  become  an  evil  ;  but 
that  the  constitution  left  everyone  free  to  use  his  pen  at  his  own 
risk  and  peril.  'One  is  punished  for  a  delinquency  in  writing, 
as  for  any  other  crime.  Such  delinquencies,'  Mr.  Addington 
ackno-wledged,  'sometimes  escaped  the  severity  of  the  laws. 
But  there  is  no  remedy,'  continued  he  ;  'and  it  is  difficult  to 
discover  one  ;  for  the  liberty  of  the  press,  which  forms  a 
constituent  of  the  national  system,  cannot  be  infringed.     The 


2o6  NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 

people  owe  much  to  this  liberty,  and  no  minister  would  be  found 
sufficiently  bold  to  hazard  the  question  in  Parliament, — so  dear 
is  this  freedom  to  the  English.'  Mr.  Addington  afterwards 
observed  to  the  first  consul,  that,  *  though  a  foreigner,  he  was 
entitled  to  bring  his  complaint  before  the  national  tribunals  ; 
but  that  he  must  then  be  prepared  to  see  reprinted,  as  portions 
of  process,  all  the  libellous  pieces  of  which  he  complained.'  He 
entreated  him,  '  by  profound  contempt,  to  suffer  these  nuisances 
to  remain  in  their  obscurity,  and  to  act  like  many  others,  who 
attached  to  such  calumnies  not  the  slightest  importance.'  I  was 
happy,  also,  in  contributing  to  prevent  for  a  time  this  scandalous 
prosecution. 

In  this  state  things  remained  ;  but  after  the  peace  of  Amiens, 
the  first  consul  caused  Peltier  to  be  cited  before  the  courts. 
The  defence  was  conducted  by  the  celebrated  Sir  James 
Mackintosh,  who,  according  to  the  accounts  of  the  time,  dis- 
played the  greatest  eloquence  in  his  pleadings.  Peltier,  however, 
was  found  guilty.  This  condemnation,  which  was  regarded  by 
public  opinion  as  a  triumph,  was  not  carried  into  execution, 
because  the  rupture  between  the  two  countries  speedily  ensued. 
It  is  melancholy  to  think,  that  this  excessive  susceptibility  to 
libellous  articles  in  the  English  journals,  should  have  contributed 
as  much,  and  perhaps  more,  than  great  political  interests,  to  the 
renewal  of  hostilities. 

After  the  peace  of  Amiens,  Bonaparte  had  despatched  General 
Sebastiani  to  Constantinople,  to  induce  the  Grand  Seignior  to 
renew  his  amicable  relations  with  France,  and  he  was  very 
much  pleased  with  his  conduct  on  tnis  occasion. 

Previous  to  the  evacuation  of  Egypt,  that  country  had 
occupied  much  of  the  first  consul's  attention,  and  he  had 
contemplated  sending  a  man,  such  as  Sebastiani,  to  travel 
through  Northern  Africa,  Egypt,  and  Syria,  to  endeavour  to 
inspire  the  sovereigns  of  those  countries  with  a  more  favourable 
idea  of  France  than  they  now  entertained,  and  also  to  remove 
the  ill  impressions  which  England  was  endeavouring  to  produce. 
Sebastiani  was  accordingly  despatched  upon  this  mission.  He 
visited  all  the  Barbary  states,  Egj^t,  Palestine,  and  the  Ionian 
Isles.  Everywhere  he  drew  a  highly  coloured  picture  of  the 
power  of  Bonaparte,  and  depreciated  the  glory  of  England. 
He  strengthened  old  connexions,  and  contracted  new  ones  with 
the  chiefs  of  each  country.  The  secret  information  which  he 
supplied  respecting  the  means  of  successfully  attacking  the 
English  estaolishments  in  India  was  very  curious,  though  not 


SEVERE    PAIN    FROM    DISEASE  207 

affording  the  hope  of  success.  An  abstract  of  these  reports  was 
published  in  the  Moniteur,  which  contained  many  expressions 
hostile  to  England  ;  and,  among  others,  that  Egypt  might  be 
reconquered  with  6000  men,  and  that  the  Ionian  Islands  would 
on  the  first  favourable  opportunity  declare  themselves  in  favour 
of  France. 

The  English  government  complained  of  the  insulting 
character  of  this  publication  ;  to  which  the  French  minister 
replied,  that  the  English  government  had  permitted  the  publica- 
tion of  Sir  Robert  Wilson's  Narrative  of  the  Egyptian  expedition, 
which  contained  statements  in  the  highest  degree  injurious  to 
the  character  and  honour  of  the  first  consul.  These  mutual 
recriminations  very  soon  led  to  the  termination  of  the  armistice. 

About  the  commencement  of  the  year  1802,  Napoleon  began 
to  feel  acute  pains  in  his  right  side,  and  I  have  frequently  seen 
him  at  Malmaison,  when  sitting  up  at  night,  lean  against 
the  right  arm  of  his  chair,  and,  unbuttoning  his  coat  and 
waistcoat,  he  has  exclaimed,  '  What  pain  I  feel  ! '  I  would 
then  assist  him  to  his  bed-chamber,  and  have  often  been  obliged 
to  support  him  on  the  little  staircase  which  led  from  his  cabinet 
to  the  corridor.  He  very  frequently,  about  this  time,  used  to 
express  his  fear,  that  when  he  should  be  forty,  he  would  become 
a  great  eater  and  very  corpulent.  This  fear  of  obesity,  which 
constantly  haunted  him,  did  not  then  appear  to  have  the  least 
foundation,  judging  from  his  habitual  temperance  and  spare 
habit  of  body.  He  asked  me  who  was  my  physician,  when 
I  told  him  that  it  was  Corvisart,  who  his  brother  Louis  had 
recommended  to  me.  A  few  days  after  he  called  in  Corvisart, 
who  afterwards  became  first  physician  to  the  emperor.  He 
appeared  at  this  time  to  derive  much  benefit  from  his  prescrip- 
tions. The  pain  Bonaparte  suffered  increased  his  irritability, 
and  influenced  many  acts  of  this  period  of  his  life.  He  would 
often  destroy  in  the  morning  what  he  had  dictated  over-night  ; 
snd  sometimes  I  would  take  upon  me  to  keep  back  articles 
which  were  ordered  to  be  sent  to  the  Moniteur,  which  I  thought 
might  have  a  mischievous  effect.  In  the  morning,  he  would 
sometimes  inquire,  on  not  observing  it  in  the  Moniteur,  if  the 
article  had  been  sent.  I  used  to  make  some  excuse  for  not 
sending  it,  and  would  shew  it  to  him  again.  He  looked  it 
over  and   usually  tore  it  up,  saying  it  would  not  do. 

After  the  ratification  of  peace,  the  first  consul,  wishing  to 
send  an  ambassador  to  London,  cast  his  eyes,  someliow  or 
other,    upon    General    Andreossy.     I    ventured    to    make  some 


2o8  NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 

observations  on  a  choice  which  appeared  to  me  not  to  correspond 
with  the  high  importance  of  the  mission.  Bonaparte  replied, 
'  I  have  not  determined  upon  it — I  shall  talk  with  Talleyrand 
on  the  matter  when  he  comes  to  Malmaison.'  In  the  course 
of  the  evening,  the  proposed  appointment  of  an  ambassador 
was  mentioned,  and  after  several  persons  had  been  named, 
the  first  consul  said,  '  I  believe  I  must  send  Andreossy.'  Talley- 
rand, who  was  not  much  pleased  with  the  choice,  replied 
in  a  dry  and  sarcastic  tone,  'You  wish  to  send  Andr6  aussi! 
Who  is  this  Andre  ? ' — '  I  did  not  mention  any  Andre  ;  I 
said  Andreossy  !  You  know  him,  he  is  a  general  of  artillery.' — 
*  Ah,  true  ! '  replied  Talleyrand,  '  I  did  not  think  of  him.  I 
was  only  thinking  of  those  in  the  diplomacy.'  Andreossy 
was,  however,  appointed  ambassador,  and  he  repaired  to  the 
court  of  London,  but  only  continued  there  a  few  months.  He 
had  nothing  of  consequence  to  do,  which  was  very  fortunate 
for  him. 

After  the  vote  for  adding  a  second  ten  years  to  the  duration 
of  the  consulship,  on  the  4th  of  May,  1801,  Bonaparte  brought 
forward,  for  the  first  time  officially  in  the  council  of  state, 
the  question  of  establishing  the  Legion  of  Honour,  which  on 
the  19th  following  was  proclaimed  a  law  of  the  state.  The 
opposition  was  very  strong,  and  all  the  power  of  the  first 
consul,  the  force  of  his  reasonings,  and  the  influence  of  his 
situation,  could  obtain  in  the  council  no  more  than  fourteen 
votes  out  of  twenty-four.  The  same  feeling  was  displayed  in 
the  tribunate,  where  the  measure  passed  only  by  a  majority 
of  fifty-six  to  thirty-eight.  The  proportion  was  nearly  the  same 
in  the  legislative  body,  where  the  votes  were  one  hundred  and 
sixty-six  to  one  hundred  and  ten.  Surprised  at  so  feeble  a 
majority,  he  said  to  me  in  the  evening,  '  You  were  right — 
prejudices  are  still  against  me.  I  ought  to  have  waited  ;  there 
was  no  hurry  in  bringing  it  forward  ;  but  the  thing  is  done  ; 
and  you  will  soon  find  that  the  taste  for  these  distinctions  is 
not  gone  by.  It  is  a  taste  which  belongs  to  the  nature  of 
man.  You  will  see  that  extraordinary  results  will  arise  from 
it.'  As  Bonaparte  contemplated,  this  institution  wrought 
prodigies.  The  noblesse  were  mightily  pleased  with  it. — Thus, 
in  a  short  space  of  time,  the  concordate  to  tranquillize  consciences 
and  re-establish  harmony  in  the  church  ;  the  decree  to  recall 
the  emigrants  ;  the  continuance  of  a  consular  power  for  ten 
years,  by  way  of  preparation  for  the  consulship  for  life,  and 
the  possession   of  the  empire  ;  and  the  creation,  in   a  country 


AIMS    AT    ABSOLUTE    POWER  209 

which  had  abolished  all  distinctions,  of  an  order  which  was 
to  engender  prodigies,  followed  closely  on  the  heels  of  each 
other.  The  Bourbons,  in  reviving  the  abolished  orders,  were 
wise  enough  to  preserve  along  with  them  the  Legion  of  Honour. 

In  April,  1802,  the  first  consul  employed  all  his  efforts  to 
get  himself  declared  consul  for  life.  It  is,  perhaps,  at  this 
period  that  he  most  completely  developed  those  principles 
of  duplicity  and  dissimulation,  which  are  commonly  called 
Machiavelian.  Never  were  trickery,  falsehood,  cunning,  and 
affected  moderation,  put  into  practice  with  more  talent  or 
success. 

His  brother  Lucien  was  the  most  violent  propagator  of 
hereditary  power  and  the  stability  of  a  dynasty  ;  but  in  this 
he  only  acted  under  the  directions  of  his  brother.  Liberty 
rejected  an  unlimited  power,  and  had  set  bounds  as  yet,  in 
some  degree,  to  excessive  love  of  war  and  conquest.  '  The 
decenniality,*  said  he  to  me,  'does  not  satisfy  me  :  I  consider 
it  calculated  to  excite  unceasing  troubles.'  He  had  formerly 
observed  to  me,  that  'The  question  whether  France  will  be 
a  republic  is  still  doubtful  ;  it  will  be  decided  in  less  than 
five  or  six  years.'  It  was  clear  that  he  thought  this  too  long 
a  term.  Whether  he  regarded  France  as  his  property,  or 
considered  himself  as  the  defender  of  the  people's  rights,  I 
know  not,  but  I  am  convinced  he  sincerely  desired  her  welfare  ; 
but  then  that  welfare  was,  in  his  mind,  inseparable  from  absolute 
power.     It  was  with  pain  I  perceived  him  following  this  course. 

The  friends  of  liberty,  those  who  sincerely  wished  to  maintain 
a  government  constitutionally  free,  allowed  themselves  to  be 
prevailed  upon  to  consent  to  an  extension  of  ten  years  of  power, 
beyond  the  ten  years  formerly  granted  by  the  constitution. 
They  made  this  sacrifice  to  glory,  and  to  that  power  which 
was  its  consequence  ;  and  they  were  far  from  thinking,  at 
the  time,  that  they  were  lending  themselves  to  intrigue.  They 
were  thus  far  in  favour  ;  but  only  for  the  time.  The  senate 
rejected  the  nomination  of  the  consulship  for  life,  and  only 
added  ten  years  more. 

The  first  consul  was  displeased  with  their  decision  ;  but  he 
returned  a  calm  and  evasive  reply  to  their  address,  in  which 
he  stated,  '  That  he  would  submit  to  this  new  sacrifice,  if  the 
wish  of  the  people  demanded  what  the  senate  authorized  ' — thus 
nourishing  his  favourite  hope  of  obtaining  more  from  the  people 
than  from  them. 

An  extraordinary   convocation  of  the  council  of  state  took 

14. 


2IO  NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 

place  on  Monday,  the  loth  of  May,  to  which  a  communication 
was  made,  not  merely  of  the  senate's  consultation,  but  also  of 
the  first  consul's  reply.  The  council  regarded  the  first  merely 
as  a  notification,  and  proceeded  to  consider  on  what  question 
the  people  should  be  consulted.  Not  satisfied  with  granting 
to  the  first  consul  an  extension  of  ten  years,  they  were  so 
desirous  to  comply  with  his  wishes,  as  to  decide  that  the 
following  question  should  be  put  to  the  people  : — '  Should 
the  first  consul  be  appointed  for  life  ?  and  shall  he  have  the 
power  of  nominating  his  successor  ? '  The  decisions  on  these 
questions  were  carried  as  if  by  storm.  The  appointment  for 
life  passed  unanimously,  and  the  right  of  naming  the  successor 
by  a  majority.  The  first  consul,  however,  formally  condemned 
this  second  measure  ;  he  declared  that  it  had  not  originated 
with  himself.  On  receiving  the  decision  of  the  council  of  state, 
the  first  consul,  to  conceal  his  plan  for  obtaining  absolute  power, 
thought  it  advisable  to  reject  a  part  of  what  had  been  offered 
him.  He  therefore  cancelled  that  part  which  proposed  to  give 
him  the  power  of  appointing  a  successor,  and  which  had  passed 
with  so  small  a  majority. 


CHAPTER    XVIII. 

We  have  now  beheld  Bonaparte  first  consul  for  life  ;  but,  still 
unsatisfied  with  this  distinction,  he  very  shortly  afterwards,  in 
the  committee  occupied  with  the  consideration  of  the  new  code 
of  laws,  expressed  his  opinion  in  favour  of  the  Roman  law  of 
adoption  ;  urging,  with  his  usual  tact,  that  an  heir  so  chosen 
ought  to  be  dearer  than  a  son.  The  object  of  this  opinion  was 
not  difficult  of  detection — he  no  longer  had  any  hope  of  having 
children  by  Josephine,  and  he  meditated  the  adoption  of  one  of 
his  brother's  sons  as  his  heir.  In  the  course  of  the  autumn,  a 
simple  edict  of  the  Conservative  senate  authorized  him  to 
appoint  his  successor  in  the  consulate,  by  a  testamentary  deed. 
By  this  act  (August  the  4th,  1802),  a  new  dynasty  was  called  to 
the  throne  of  France,  and  from  this  time  the  words  *  Liberty, 
Equality,  Sovereignty  of  the  People,'  disappeared  from  the  state 
papers  and  official  documents  of  the  government. 

The  republic  had  now  ceased  to  be  anything  else  than  a 
fiction,  or  an  historical  recollection.  All  that  remained  of  it 
was  a  deceptive  inscription  on  the  gates  of  the  palace.     Even 


ABSOLUTE    POWER   IN    VIEW  211 

previously  to  his  installation  at  the  Tuileries,  Bonaparte  had 
caused  the  two  trees  of  liberty  which  were  planted  in  the  court 
to  be  thrown  down  ;  thus  removing  the  outward  emblems 
before  he  destroyed  the  reality.  But  the  moment  the  senatus 
consulta  of  the  2nd  and  4th  of  August  were  published,  it  was 
evident  to  the  dullest  perceptions  that  the  power  of  the  first 
consul  wanted  nothing  but  a  name. 

After  these  senatus  consulta,  Bonaparte  readily  accustomed 
himself  to  regard  the  principal  authorities  of  the  state  merely  as 
necessary  instruments  for  the  exercise  of  his  power.  Interested 
ad\isers  then  crowded  round  him.  It  was  seriously  proposed 
that  he  should  restore  the  ancient  titles,  as  being  more  in 
harmony  with  the  new  power  which  the  people  had  confided  to 
him,  than  the  republican  forms.  He  was  of  opinion,  however, 
according  to  his  phrase,  that  '  the  pear  was  not  yet  ripe,'  and 
would  not  hear  this  project  spoken  of  for  a  moment.  <  All 
this,'  he  said  to  me  one  day,  '  will  come  in  good  time  ;  but  you 
must  see,  Bourrienne,  that  it  is  necessary  I  should,  in  the  first 
place,  assume  a  title,  from  which  the  others  that  I  shall  give  will 
naturally  take  their  origin.  The  greatest  difficulty  is  surmounted. 
There  is  no  longer  any  person  to  deceive.  Everybody  sees  as 
clear  as  day  that  it  is  only  one  step  which  separates  the  throne 
from  the  consulate  for  life.  However,  we  must  be  cautious. 
There  are  some  troublesome  fellows  in  the  tribunate — but  I  will 
take  care  of  them.* 

Whilst   these   serious    questions   agitated    men's   minds,    the 
greater   part   of    the   residents   at   Malmaison    took   a   trip    to 
Plombi^res.      Josephine,   Bonaparte's    mother,    Madame   Beau- 
harnois-Lavalette,    Hortense,    and    General    Rapp,  were  of  this 
party.     It  pleased  the  fancy  of  the  jocund  company  to  address 
to   me   an   amusing   bulletin    of  the   pleasant    and    unpleasant 
occurrences  of  the  journey.     But  this  journey  to  Plombi^res  was 
preceded  by  a  scene,  which  I  should  abstain  from  describing,  if 
I  had  not  undertaken  to  relate  the  truth  respecting  the  family  of 
the  first   consul.      Two   or   three   days   before   her   departure, 
Madame  Bonaparte  sent  for  me.     I  obeyed  the  summons,  and 
found  her  in  tears.     '  What  a  man — what  a  man  is  Lucien  ! ' 
she  exclaimed,  in  accents  of  grief.     '  If  you  knew,  my  friend, 
the  shameful  proposals  he  has  dared  to  make  to  me  !     "  You 
are  going  to  the  waters,"  said  he  ;  "  you  must  get  a  child  by 
some  other  person,  since  you  cannot  have  one  by  him."    Imagine 
the  indignation  with  which  I  received  such  advice. — "  Well,"  he 
continued,  "  if  you  do  not  wish  it,  or  cannot  help  it,  Bonaparte 


212  NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 

must  get  a  child  by  another  woman,  and  you  must  adopt  it ; 
for  it  is  necessary  to  secure  an  hereditary  successor.  It  is  for 
your  interest  ;  you  must  know  that." — "  What,  sir  !  "  I  replied, 
"  do  you  imagine  that  the  nation  will  suffer  a  bastard  to  govern 
it  ?  Lucien  !  Lucien  !  you  would  ruin  your  brother  !  This  is 
dreadful  !  Wretched  should  I  be,  were  anyone  to  suppose  me 
capable  of  listening,  without  horror,  to  your  infamous  proposal  ! 
Vour  ideas  are  poisonous  ;  your  language  horrible  !  " — "  Well, 
madame,"  replied  he,  "  all  I  can  say  to  that  is,  that  I  am  really 
sorry  for  you  !  "  ' 

The  amiable  Josephine  was  sobbing  whilst  she  described  this 
scene  to  me,  and  I  was  not  insensible  to  the  indignation  which 
she  felt.  The  truth  is,  that  at  that  period,  Lucien,  though 
constantly  affecting  to  despise  power  for  himself,  was  incessantly 
labouring  to  concentrate  it  in  the  hands  of  his  brother  ;  and 
he  considered  three  things  necessary  to  the  success  of  his 
views,  namely,  hereditary  succession,  divorce,  and  the  imperial 
government. 

Lucien  had  a  beautiful  seat  near  Neuilly.  Some  days  before 
the  deplorable  scene  which  I  have  related,  he  invited  Bonaparte 
and  all  the  inmates  at  Malmaison,  to  witness  a  theatrical 
representation.  Alzire  was  the  piece  performed.  Eliza  played 
Alzire,  and  Lucien  Zamore.  The  warmth  of  their  declamation, 
the  energetic  expression  of  their  gestures,  the  too  faithful  nudity 
of  costume,  disgusted  most  of  the  spectators,  and  Bonaparte 
more  than  any  other.  When  the  play  was  over,  he  was  quite 
indignant.  '  It  is  a  scandal,'  he  said  to  me,  in  an  angry  tone  ; 
*I  ought  not  to  suffer  such  indecencies — I  will  give  Lucien  to 
understand  that  I  will  have  no  more  of  it.'  When  his  brother 
had  resumed  his  own  dress,  and  came  into  the  saloon,  he 
addressed  him  publicly,  and  gave  him  to  understand,  that  he 
must,  for  the  future,  desist  from  such  representations.  When  we 
returned  to  Malmaison,  he  again  spoke  of  what  had  passed  with 
dissatisfaction.  '  What  ! '  said  he,  '  when  I  am  endeavouring  to 
restore  purity  of  manners,  my  brother  and  sister  must  needs 
exhibit  themselves,  upon  a  platform,  almost  in  a  state  of  nudity  ! 
It  is  an  insult  !' 

Lucien  had  a  strong  predilection  for  theatrical  representations, 
to  which  he  attached  great  importance.  The  truth  is,  he 
declaimed  with  a  skill  which  would  not  have  suffered  in  being 
compared  with  the  best  professional  actors.  Theatrical  repre- 
sentations were  not  confined  to  Neuilly.  We  had  our  theatre  at 
Malmaison  ;  but  there,  at  least,  everything  was  conducted  with 


LIFE    AT    MALMAISON  213 

the  greatest  decorum  ;  and  now  that  I  have  got  behind  the 
scenes,  I  will  not  quit  them  until  I  have  let  the  reader  into  the 
secret  of  our  drama. 

The  first  consul  had  directed  a  very  pretty  theatre  to  be 
constructed  for  our  use  at  Malmaison.  Our  actors  were  Eugene 
Beauharnois,  Hortense,  Madame  Murat,  Lauriston,  Didelot,  one 
of  the  prefects  of  the  palace,  a  few  others  connected  with  the 
household,  and  myself.  Forgetting  the  cares  of  government, 
which  we  confined  as  much  as  possible  to  the  Tuileries,  we  were 
very  happy  in  the  colony  at  Malmaison  ;  and  besides,  we  were 
young,  and  what  is  there  that  youth  does  not  add  a  charm 
to  }  The  pieces  which  the  first  consul  liked  most  to  see  per- 
formed were,  Le  Barbiere  de  Seville,  and  Defiance  et  Malice. 
Hortense's  acting  was  perfection,  Caroline's  was  middling, 
Eugene's  very  well,  Lauriston's  was  rather  heavy,  and  I  think  I 
may  say  that  I  was  not  the  worst  in  the  company.  If  we  were 
not  good  actors,  it  was  not  for  want  of  good  instruction  and 
good  advice.  Talma  and  Michot  came  to  hear  us  declaim, 
sometimes  together,  and  sometimes  separately. 

Bonaparte  took  great  pleasure  in  our  performances.  He  liked 
to  see  plays  acted  by  those  with  whom  he  was  acquainted. 
Sometimes  he  complimented  us  on  our  exertions.  Although  the 
thing  amused  me  quite  as  much  as  the  others,  I  was  more  than 
once  obliged  to  remind  him  that  my  occupations  left  me  no 
time  to  study  my  parts.  Then  he  would  assume  his  coaxing 
manner,  and  say,  '  Come,  do  not  vex  me  !  you  have  such  a 
memory  !  you  know  that  it  amuses  me  ;  and  Josephine  takes 
much  pleasure  in  them.  Rise  earlier  in  the  morning  : — in  fact, 
I  sleep  too  much  ;  is  not  that  the  case  .^  Come,  Bourrienne,  do 
oblige  me.'  After  a  conversation  of  this  sort,  I  could  do  nothing 
but  set  about  to  learn  my  parts. 

At  this  period  I  had,  during  summer,  half  the  Sunday  to 
myself  I  was,  however,  obliged  to  devote  a  part  of  this  precious 
leisure  to  gratify  Bonaparte  by  studying  a  new  part.  Sometimes, 
however,  I  went  to  spend  the  holiday  at  Ruel.  I  recollect,  that 
one  day  when  I  hurried  there  from  Malmaison,  I  lost  a  beautiful 
watch,  made  by  Breguet.  It  was  four  o'clock  in  the  afternoon, 
and  the  road  was  thronged  with  people.  I  made  my  loss  known 
by  means  of  the  bellman  of  Rucl,  and  in  an  hour  after,  as  I  was 
sitting  down  to  dinner,  a  young  lad  belonging  to  the  village 
brought  my  watch,  which  he  had  found  on  the  high-road  in  a 
wheel-rut.  Pleased  with  the  honesty  of  the  young  man,  I 
rewarded   both  him  and   his  father,  who  accompanied    him.     I 


214  NAPOLEON   BONAPARTE 

related  the  circumstance  the  same  evening  to  the  first  consul, 
who  was  so  struck  with  this  instance  of  honesty,  that  he  gave 
me  instructions  to  obtain  information  respecting  the  young  man 
and  his  family.  I  learned  that  they  were  honest  peasants. 
Bonaparte  gave  three  brothers  of  this  family  employments,  and, 
what  was  most  difficult  to  obtain,  he  exempted  the  young  man 
who  brought  me  the  watch  from  the  conscription.  When  a 
fact  of  this  nature  came  to  Bonaparte's  knowledge,  it  was 
seldom  he  did  not  give  the  principal  party  in  it  some  proof 
of  his  satisfaction. 

Two  qualities  predominated  in  his  disposition — kindness  and 
impatience.  Impatience,  when  he  was  under  its  influence,  got 
the  better  of  him,  and  it  was  then  impossible  to  control  him. 
Of  the  former,  I  have  just  given  an  instance,  and  I  shall  add 
another  of  the  latter,  which  occurred  about  this  very  period. 

Canova  having  arrived  at  Paris,  came  to  St.  Cloud  to  model 
the  figure  of  the  first  consul,  of  whom  he  was  about  to  execute 
a  colossal  statue.  This  great  artist  came  often,  in  the  hope  to 
get  his  model  to  stand  in  the  proper  attitude  ;  but  Bonaparte 
was  so  tired,  disgusted,  and  impatient,  that  he  very  seldom  put 
himself  in  the  proper  attitude,  and  then  only  for  a  very  short 
time.  Bonaparte,  however,  retained  the  highest  regard  for 
Canova.  Whenever  he  was  announced,  the  first  consul  sent 
me  to  keep  him  company  until  he  was  at  leisure  to  give  him 
an  interview  ;  but  he  would  shrug  up  his  shoulders  and  say, 
'  More  modelling, — good  heavens  !  how  tiresome  ! '  Canova 
often  expressed  to  me  his  disappointment  at  not  being  able 
to  study  his  model  as  he  wished,  and  at  the  little  anxiety 
of  Bonaparte  on  the  subject — this  damped  the  ardour  of  his 
imagination.  Everyone  agrees  in  saying  that  he  has  not 
succeeded,  and  the  above  may  be  considered  as  the  reason. 
The  Duke  of  Wellington  now  possesses  this  colossal  statue. 
It  is  so  high,  that,  as  Lord  Byron  says,  the  Duke  of  Wellington 
just  comes  up  to  the  middle  of  Napoleon's  body. 

Bonaparte  saw  in  men  only  helps  and  obstacles  to  the  designs 
he  had  in  view.  On  the  iSth  Brumaire,  Fouchd  was  a  help; 
but  now  he  was  considered  an  obstacle,  and  it  was  necessary 
to  think  of  dismissing  him.  Many  of  the  first  consul's  sincere 
friends  had  from  the  beginning  been  opposed  to  Fouche  having 
any  share  in  the  government  ;  but  his  influence  was  such,  that 
whoever  opposed  him  was  sure  to  fall  into  disgrace.  Throughout 
Paris,  and,  mdeed,  throughout  France,  Fouche  had  obtained  an 
extraordinary  credit  for  ability  ;  but  his  principal  talent  was,  in 


DISMISSES    FOUCHE  215 

making  others  believe  that  he  really  possessed  it.  Bonaparte 
had  been  long  dissatisfied  with  his  conduct,  as  he  had  reason 
to  believe  that  the  police  minister  had  been  practising  a  system 
of  deception  upon  him  so  as  to  increase  his  own  importance. 
He  decided  upon  his  dismissal  ;  but  such  was  the  influence  that 
Fouch^  possessed  over  him,  that  he  was  desirous  to  proceed  with 
caution.  Therefore,  to  disguise  the  removal  of  the  minister,  he 
resolved  upon  the  suppression  of  the  Ministry  of  Police,  and 
assigned  as  his  reason  for  so  doing,  that  it  would  give  strength 
to  his  government,  by  shewing  his  confidence  in  the  security 
and  internal  tranquillity  of  France.  Fouche,  overpowered  by 
the  arguments  brought  forward  by  the  first  consul,  was  unable 
to  urge  any  good  reason  in  opposition  to  them,  and  only 
recommended  that  the  execution  of  the  design  should  be 
delayed  for  at  least  two  years.  Bonaparte  seemed  to  listen 
favourably  to  Fouche's  recommendation  ;  but  that  was  only 
whilst  in  his  presence  ;  his  dismissal  was  already  decided  upon, 
which  accordingly  took  place  on  the  evening  of  the  12th  of 
September.  After  this  act,  respecting  which  he  had  hesitated 
so  long,  Bonaparte  still  endeavoured  to  modify  his  rigour,  by 
appointing  Fouche  a  senator  ;  in  the  notification  of  which  to 
the  senate  he  stated,  'That  Fouche,  as  Minister  of  Police  in 
times  of  difficulty,  had,  by  his  talent,  his  activity,  and  his 
attachment  to  the  government,  done  all  that  circumstances 
required  of  him.  Placed  in  the  bosom  of  the  senate,  if  events 
should  again  call  for  a  Minister  of  Police,  the  government 
cannot  find  one  more  worthy  of  its  confidence.'  Such  is  the 
history  of  Fouche's  disgrace — no  one  was  more  afflicted  at  it 
than  Josephine,  who  only  learned  the  news  when  it  was  announced 
to  the  public.  She  on  all  occasions  defended  Fouche  against  her 
husband's  sallies,  for  she  believed  that  he  was  the  only  minister 
who  told  him  the  truth,  and  because  he  was  opposed  to 
Bonaparte's  brothers. 

I  have  already  spoken  ot  Josephine's  troubles,  and  of  the  bad 
conduct  of  Bonaparte's  brothers  towards  her  :  I  will,  therefore, 
describe  here,  as  connected  with  the  disgrace  of  Fouche,  whom 
Madame  Bonaparte  regretted  as  a  support,  some  scenes  which 
occurred  about  this  period  at  Malmaison.  Having  been  the 
confidant  of  both  parties,  and  an  involuntary  actor  in  those 
scenes,  now  that  twenty-seven  years  have  passed  since  they 
occurred,  what  motive  can  induce  me  to  disguise  the  truth  in 
any  respect  .> 

Madame  Louis  Bonaparte  was  pregnant.     Josephine,  although 


2i6  NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 

she  tenderly  loved  her  children,  did  not  seem  to  behold  the 
approaching  event  which  the  situation  of  her  daughter  indicated, 
with  the  interest  natural  to  the  heart  of  a  mother.  She  had 
long  been  aware  of  the  calumnious  reports  circulated  respecting 
the  supposed  connexion  between  Hortense  and  the  first  consul, 
and  that  base  accusation  cost  her  many  tears.  Poor  Josephine 
paid  dearly  for  the  splendour  of  her  station  !  As  I  knew  how 
devoid  of  foundation  these  atrocious  reports  were,  I  endeavoured 
to  console  her  by  telling  her,  what  was  true,  that  I  was  exerting 
all  my  efforts  to  demonstrate  their  infamy  and  falsehood. 
Bonaparte,  however,  dazzled  by  the  affection  which  was  mani- 
fested towards  him  from  all  quarters,  aggravated  the  sorrow  of 
his  wife  by  a  silly  vanity.  He  endeavoured  to  persuade  her  that 
these  reports  had  their  origin  only  in  the  wish  of  the  public 
that  he  should  have  a  child  ;  so  that  these  seeming  consolations, 
offered  by  self-love  to  maternal  grief,  gave  force  to  existing 
conjugal  alarms,  and  the  fear  of  divorce  returned  with  all  its 
horrors.  Under  the  foolish  illusion  of  his  vanity,  Bonaparte 
imagined  that  France  was  desirous  of  being  governed  even  by  a 
bastard,  if  supposed  to  be  a  child  of  his — a  singular  mode,  truly, 
of  founding  a  new  legitimacy. 

Josephine,  whose  susceptibility  appears  to  me,  even  now, 
excusable,  knew  well  my  sentiments  on  the  subject  of  Bonaparte's 
founding  a  dynasty,  and  she  had  not  forgotten  my  conduct 
when,  two  years  before,  the  question  had  been  agitated  on  the 
occasion  of  Louis  XVIIL's  letters  to  the  first  consul.  I  remember 
that,  one  day,  after  the  publication  of  the  parallel  of  Cassar, 
Cromwell,  and  Bonaparte,  Josephine,  having  entered  our  cabinet 
without  being  announced,  which  she  sometimes  did,  when,  from 
the  good-humour  exhibited  at  breakfast,  she  reckoned  upon  its 
continuance,  approached  Bonaparte  softly,  seated  herself  on  his 
knee,  passed  her  hand  gently  through  his  hair  and  over  his  face, 
and,  thinking  the  moment  favourable,  said  to  him,  in  a  burst  of 
tenderness,  '  I  entreat  of  you,  Bonaparte,  do  not  make  yourself  a 
king  !  It  is  that  Lucien  who  urges  you  to  it.  Do  not  listen  to 
him.'  Bonaparte  replied,  without  anger,  and  even  smiling  as 
he  pronounced  the  last  words,  '  You  are  mad,  my  poor  Josephine. 
It  is  your  old  dowagers  of  the  Faubourg  Saint-Germain,  your 

Rochefoucaulds,  who  tell  you  all  these  fables  ! Come 

now,  you  interrupt  me — leave  me  alone.'  What  Bonaparte  said 
that  day  good-naturedly  to  his  wife,  I  often  heard  him  declare 
seriously.  I  hare  been  present  at  five  or  six  altercations  on  the 
subject.     That  there  existed,  too,  an  enmity  connected  with  this 


JOSEPHINE    ON    ABSOLUTE    POWER  217 

question  between  the  family  of  Beauharnois  and  the  family  of 
Bonaparte,  cannot  be  denied. 

Fouche,  as  I  have  stated,  was  in  the  interest  of  Josephine,  and 
Lucien  was  the  most  bitter  of  her  enemies.  One  day  Roederer 
inveighed  with  so  much  violence  against  Fouche  in  the  presence 
of  Madame  Bonaparte,  that  she  replied,  with  extreme  warmth — 
'The  real  enemies  of  Bonaparte  are  those  who  feed  him  with 
notions  of  hereditary  descent,  of  a  dynasty,  of  divorce,  and  of 
marriage  ! '  Josephine  could  not  control  this  exclamation,  as 
she  knew  that  Roederer  encouraged  those  ideas,  which  he  spread 
abroad  by  Lucien's  direction.  I  recollect  one  day,  that  she  had 
come  to  see  us,  at  our  little  house  at  Ruel  :  as  I  walked  with 
her  along  the  high-road  to  her  carriage,  which  she  had  sent 
forward,  I  acknowledged  too  unreservedly  my  fears  on  account 
of  the  ambition  of  Bonaparte,  and  of  the  perfidious  advice  of  his 
brothers.  '  Madame,'  said  I,  '  if  we  cannot  succeed  in  dissuading 
the  General  from  making  himself  a  king,  I  dread  the  future 
for  his  sake.  If  ever  he  re-establishes  royalty,  he  will,  in 
all  probability,  labour  for  the  Bourbons,  and  enable  them  one 
day  to  re-ascend  the  throne  which  he  shall  erect.  The  ancient 
system  being  re-established,  the  occupation  of  the  throne  will 
then  be  only  a  family  question,  and  not  a  question  of  government 
between  liberty  and  despotic  power.  Why  should  not  France, 
if  it  cease  to  be  free,  prefer  the  race  of  her  ancient  kings  ?  You 
surely  know  it.  You  had  not  been  married  two  years,  when,  on 
returning  from  Italy,  your  husband  told  me  that  he  aspired  to 
royalty.  Now  he  is  consul  for  life.  Would  he  but  resolve  to 
stop  there  !  He  already  possesses  everything  but  an  empty  title. 
No  sovereign  in  Europe  has  so  much  power  as  he  has.  I  am 
sorry  for  it,  niadamc  ;  but  I  really  believe  that,  in  spite  of 
yourself,  you  will  be  made  queen  or  empress.' 

Madame  Bonaparte  had  allowed  me  to  speak  v/ithout  interrup- 
tion, but  when  I  pronounced  the  words  queen  and  empress,  she 
exclaimed,  '  My  God  !  Bourrienne,  such  ambition  is  far  from 
my  thoughts.  That  I  may  always  continue  the  wife  of  the  first 
consul  is  all  I  desire.  Say  to  him  all  that  you  have  said  to  me. 
Try  and  prevent  him  from  making  himself  king.' — '  Madame,' 
I  replied,  '  times  are  greatly  altered.  The  wisest  men,  the 
strongest  minds,  have  resolutely  and  courageously  opposed  the 
tendency  to  the  hereditary  system.  But  advice  is  now  useless. 
He  would  not  listen  to  mc.  In  all  discussions  on  the  subject  he 
adheres  inflexibly  to  the  view  he  has  taken.  If  he  be  seriously 
opposed,  his  anger  knows  no  bounds  ;  his  language  is  harsh  and 


21 8  NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 

abrupt,  his  tone  imperious,  and  his  authority  bears  down  all 
before  him.' — '  Yet,  Bourrienne,  he  has  so  much  confidence  in 
you,  that  if  you  should  try  once  more  .  .  .  .' — '  Madame,  I 
assure  you  he  will  not  listen  to  me.  Besides,  what  could  I  add 
to  the  remarks  I  have  made  upon  the  occasion  of  his  receiving 
the  letters  of  Louis  XVIIL,  when  I  represented  to  him  that, 
being  without  children,  he  would  have  no  one  to  whom  he 
could  bequeath  the  throne — that,  doubtless,  from  the  opinion 
which  he  entertained  of  his  brothers,  he  could  not  desire  to  erect 
it  for  them  .'' '  Here  Josephine  again  interrupted  me  by  exclaim- 
ing, '  My  kind  friend,  when  you  spoke  of  children,  did  he  say 
anything  to  you  ? — Did  he  talk  of  a  divorce  ? ' — '  Not  a  word, 
madame,  I  assure  you.' 

Such  was  the  nature  of  one  of  the  conversations  I  had  with 
Madame  Bonaparte,  on  the  subject  to  which  she  often  recurred. 
It  may  not,  perhaps,  be  uninteresting  to  endeavour  to  compare 
with  this,  what  Napoleon  said  at  St.  Helena,  speaking  of  his  first 
wife.  According  to  the  Memorial,  Napoleon  there  stated,  that 
when  Josephine  was  at  last  constrained  to  renounce  all  hope  of 
having  a  child,  she  often  let  fall  allusions  to  a  great  political 
fraud,  and  at  length  openly  proposed  it  to  him.  I  make  no 
doubt  Bonaparte  made  use  of  words  to  this  effect,  but  I  do  not 
believe  the  assertion.  I  recollect  one  day,  that  Bonaparte,  on 
entering  our  cabinet,  where  I  was  already  seated,  exclaimed  in 
a  transport  of  joy  impossible  for  me  to  describe, — *  Well, 
Bourrienne,  my  wife  is  at  last  *  *  *.'  I  sincerely  congratulated 
him,  more  I  own  out  of  courtesy,  than  from  any  hope  I  had 
of  seeing  him  made  a  father  by  Josephine  ;  for  I  well  remem- 
bered that  Corvisart,  who  had  given  medicines  to  Madame 
Bonaparte,  had  nevertheless  assured  me  that  he  expected  no 
result  from  them.  Medicine  was  really  the  only  political  fraud 
to  which  Josephine  had  recourse  ;  and  in  her  situation  what 
other  woman  would  not  have  done  as  much  ?  Here,  then,  the 
husband  and  the  wife  are  in  contradiction,  which  is  nothing 
uncommon.  But  on  which  side  is  truth  >  I  have  no  hesitation 
in  referring  it  to  Josephine.  There  is,  indeed,  an  immense 
difference  between  the  statements  of  a  woman  intrusting  her 
fears  and  her  hopes  to  a  sole  confidant  of  her  family  secrets,  and 
the  tardy  declarations  of  a  man  who,  after  seeing  the  vast  edifice 
of  his  ambition  levelled  with  the  dust,  is  only  anxious,  in  his 
compulsory  retreat,  to  preserve  intact  and  spotless  the  other  great 
edifice  of  his  glory.  Bonaparte  should  have  recollected  that 
Caesar  did  not  like  the  idea  of  his  wife  being  even  suspected. 


PARIS   DURING    PEACE   OF    AMIENS  219 

At  this  dazzling  period  of  his  career,  the  first  consul  neglected 
no  opportunity  of  endeavouring  to  obtain,  at  the  same  time,  the 
admiration  of  the  multitude  and  the  approbation  of  sensible  men. 
Thus  he  displayed  sufficient  attachment  to  the  arts,  and  was 
sensible  that  the  promotion  of  industry  demanded  the  protection 
of  the  government  ;  but  it  must  be  acknowledged  that  he 
rendered  that  protection  of  little  value,  by  the  continual  viola- 
tions he  committed  on  that  liberty  which  is  the  invigorating 
principle  of  all  improvement.  During  the  autumn  of  1802, 
there  was  held  at  the  Louvre,  under  the  direction  of  M.  Chaptal, 
an  exhibition  of  the  products  of  industry,  which  was  highly 
gratifying  to  the  first  consul.  He  seemed  proud  of  the  high 
degree  of  perfection  the  industrial  arts  had  attained  in  France, 
and  particularly  on  account  of  the  exhibition  exciting  the 
admiration  of  the  numerous  foreigners  who,  during  the  peace, 
resorted  to  Paris.  In  fact,  during  the  year  1802,  the  capital 
presented  an  interesting  and  animated  spectacle.  All  Paris 
flocked  to  the  Carrousel  on  review-days,  and  regarded  with 
delight  the  unusual  sight  of  the  vast  number  of  English  and 
Russians,  who  drove  about  in  splendid  carriages.  Never  since 
the  assembling  of  the  States  General  had  the  theatres  been  so 
well  frequented,  or  fttes  so  magnificent,  and  never  since  that 
period  had  the  capital  presented  an  aspect  so  cheering.  Every 
where  an  air  of  prosperity  was  visible,  and  Bonaparte  proudly 
claimed  to  be  regarded  as  its  author.  He  viewed  with  pleasure 
the  rapid  advance  of  the  funds,  which  he  considered  the  great 
political  thermometer.  For  if  he  saw  them  increased  in  value 
from  seven  to  sixteen  in  consequence  of  the  revolution  of  the 
18th  Brumaire,  he  saw  even  this  rise  tripled  in  value  after  the 
vote  of  the  consulship  for  life  ;  and  the  issuing  of  the  senatus 
consultuvt  of  the  4th  of  August  raised  them  to  fifty-two. 

While  Paris  appeared  thus  flourishing,  the  departments  were 
in  a  state  of  perfect  tranquillity,  and  foreign  affairs  had  every 
appearance  of  security.  The  re-establishment  of  external  worship 
was,  without  doubt,  one  principal  cause  of  such  a  happy  state 
of  things.  The  court  of  Rome,  which,  since  the  concordate, 
may  be  said  to  have  become  devoted  to  the  first  consul,  gave 
every  proof  of  her  submission  to  the  wishes  of  France.  The 
first  consul  prided  himself  on  having  succeeded,  at  least  in 
appearance,  over  the  scruples  of  those  around  him  who  were 
opposed  to  the  re-establishment  of  worship  ;  and  he  read  with 
much  satisfaction  the  reports  that  were  made  to  him,  in  which 
it  was  stated  that  the  churches  were  well  frequented.     Indeed 


220  NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 

during  the  whole  of  the  year  1802,  he  directed  his  attention 
to  the  reformation  of  manners,  which  had  become  very  dissolute 
during  the  storms  of  the  revolution.  The  first  consul  took 
advantage  of  the  good  feeling  the  Pope  had  expressed  towards 
him  to  advance  his  uncle,  Monsieur  Fesch,  to  the  highest 
honours  of  the  Church.  On  the  15th  of  August,  1802,  he  was 
consecrated  bishop,  and  the  following  year  received  the  cardinal's 
hat.  Bonaparte  afterwards  gave  him  the  archbishopric  of  Lyons, 
of  which  he  is  still  the  titular. 

We  were  now  at  peace  with  all  the  world,  and  every 
circumstance  tended  to  place  in  the  hands  of  the  first  consul 
that  absolute  power  which  he  desired,  and  which  indeed  was 
the  only  kind  of  government  of  which  he  was  capable  of 
forming  any  conception.  One  characteristic  distinction  of  his 
government,  even  under  the  denomination  of  consular,  gave  no 
doubtful  evidence  of  his  real  intentions.  Had  he  designed 
to  establish  a  free  government,  it  is  quite  evident  that  he  would 
have  made  the  ministers  responsible  to  the  country  ;  whereas 
he  took  care  that  there  should  be  no  responsibility  but  to 
himself.  He  beheld  his  ministers  only  as  instruments  to  carry 
his  intentions  into  effect,  and  which  he  might  use  as  he  pleased. 
This  circumstance  alone  was  sufficient  to  disclose  all  his  future 
designs  ;  and,  in  order  to  make  this  irresponsibility  of  ministers 
perfectly  clear  to  the  public,  all  government  acts  were  signed 
only  by  M.  Maret,  then  Secretary  of  State.  Thus  the  consul- 
ship for  life  was  nothing  but  an  empire  in  disguise,  and  even 
this  did  not  long  satisfy  the  ambition  of  the  first  consul  ;  he 
resolved  to  found  a  new  dynasty.  This  object  was  attended 
with  many  difficulties,  and  he  felt  the  delicacy  of  his  position  ; 
but  he  knew  how  to  face  obstacles,  and  he  had  been  accustomed 
to  overcome  them.  It  was  not  from  the  interior  of  France 
that  he  apprehended  any  difficulty  to  arise,  but  he  had  reason 
to  fear  that  foreign  powers  would  not  view  with  satisfaction 
the  re-establishment  of  the  monarchy  in  a  new  family.  So  long 
as  the  throne  was  unoccupied,  the  question  respecting  the 
Bourbons  was,  in  some  measure,  kept  back,  but  the  monarchical 
form  being  revived  to  their  exclusion,  naturally  created  an 
alarm  amongst  the  family  of  kings.  Bonaparte  laboured  to 
establish  in  France,  not  only  an  absolute  monarchy,  but  what 
is  still  worse  a  military  one.  He  considered  a  decree  signed 
by  his  hand  to  be  possessed  of  some  magic  power,  capable  of  at 
once  transforming  his  generals  into  able  diplomatists  ;  and  so 
he  sent  them  on  embassies,  as  if  to  indicate   to   the  sovereigns 


RELATIONS    WITH    LANNES  221 

to  whom  they  were  accredited  that  he  wouki  one  day  take 
their  thrones  by  assault.  The  appointment  of  Lannes  to  the 
court  of  Lisbon  arose  out  of  circumstances  which  probably 
will  be  read  with  interest,  as  displaying  the  character  of 
Bonaparte  in  its  true  light,  and  to  point  out  the  means  he  would 
often  resort  to  when  desirous  to  remove  even  his  most  faithful 
friends  as  soon  as  their  presence  became  disagreeable  to  him. 

Bonaparte  had  ceased  to  address  Lannes  in  the  second  person 
singular  ;  but  that  general  continued  the  practice,  and  it  is 
hardly  possible  to  conceive  how  much  this  familiarity  offended 
the  first  consul.  Lannes  was  the  only  one  who  dared  to  treat 
Bonaparte  as  a  fellow-soldier,  or  to  tell  him  the  truth  without 
ceremony.  This  was  enough  to  determine  Bonaparte  to  remove 
him  from  his  presence.  But  what  pretext  could  he  devise 
to  remove  the  conqueror  of  Montebello  i" — that  must  be  con- 
trived ;  and  in  this  truly  diabolical  machination  we  shall  see 
Bonaparte  bring  into  play  that  crafty  disposition  for  which 
he  was  so  remarkable.  Lannes,  who  never  looked  forward 
to  the  morrow,  was  as  prodigal  of  his  money  as  he  was  of 
his  blood.  Poor  officers  and  soldiers  partook  largely  of  his 
liberality,  and  these  he  considered  as  his  children.  Thus  he 
had  no  fortune,  but  plenty  of  debts.  When  he  wanted  money, 
which  happened  very  often,  he  came  to  the  first  consul,  as  if 
it  were  a  matter  of  course,  to  solicit  it  of  him,  who,  I  must 
confess,  never  refused  him.  Bonaparte,  though  he  well  knew 
his  circumstances,  said  to  him  one  day,  '  My  good  fellow,  you 
should  attend  a  little  more  to  appearances.  You  should  have 
an  establishment  suitable  to  your  rank.  There  is  the  Hotel 
de  Noailles — why  don't  you  rent  it,  and  furnish  it  in  a  proper 
style  ? '  Lannes,  whose  candour  prevented  him  from  suspecting 
any  design,  followed  the  advice  ot  the  first  consul.  The  Hotel 
de  Noailles  was  taken,  and  splendidly  furnished.  Odiot  supplied 
a  service  of  plate  valued  at  two  hundred  thousand  francs.  After 
having  thus  conformed  to  the  wishes  of  Bonaparte,  he  came 
to  ask  for  400,000  francs  (about  ;Ci  6,000),  the  amount  of  the 
expense  which  had  been  incurred.  *  But,'  said  the  first  consul, 
*  I  have  not  the  money.' — '  You  have  not  the  money  !  What 
the  devil  am  I  to  do  ?  Is  there  none  in  the  chest  of  the 
guard  ? ' — '  Take  from  it  what  you  require,  and  we  will  settle 
it  hereafter.'  Mistrusting  nothing,  Lannes  went  to  the  treasurer 
of  the  guards,  who  at  first  made  some  objection,  but  gave  way 
when  he  understood  it  was  with  the  consent  of  the  first  consul. 

Twenty-four   hours    had    scarcely  elapsed   after  Lannes   had 


222  NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 

obtained  the  400,000  francs,  when  the  treasurer  received  from 
the  chief  commissary  an  order  to  balance  his  accounts.  The 
receipt  for  the  money  advanced  to  Lannes  was  not  acknowledged 
as  a  voucher.  It  was  in  vain  the  treasurer  alleged  the  authority 
of  the  first  consul  :  he  had  on  a  sudden  lost  all  recollection  of 
the  matter  ;  he  had  entirely  forgotten  all  that  passed.  In  a 
word,  it  was  incumbent  on  Lannes  to  repay  the  money  to  the 
guards'  chest,  and,  as  I  have  said  before,  he  had  none.  On  this 
he  went  to  General  Lefebvre,  who  loved  him  as  a  son,  and 
to  whom  he  related  all  that  had  passed.  '  Simpleton,'  said 
Lefebvre,  *  why  did  you  not  apply  to  me  .?  Why  did  you 
go  and  get  into  debt  with  that  fellow  .?  Well,  it  cannot  be 
helped,  here  are  the  400,000  francs,  take  them  to  him,  and 
let  him  go  to  the  devil  ! '  Lannes  hastened  to  the  first  consul. 
'  How,'  cried  he,  '  could  you  condescend  to  such  an  unworthy 
act  ?  To  treat  me  in  such  a  manner — to  lay  such  a  snare 
for  me,  after  all  that  I  have  done  for  you  ;  after  all  the  blood 
I  have  shed  to  promote  your  ambition  !  Is  this  the  recompense 
you  have  reserved  for  me  ?  You  forget  the  13th  Vendemiaire, 
to  the  success  of  which  I  contributed  more  than  you  !  You 
forget  Millesimo  :  I  was  a  colonel  before  you  !  For  whom 
did  I  fight  at  Bassano  ?  You  saw  what  I  did  at  Lodi  and 
at  Governolo,  where  I  was  wounded  ;  and  yet  playest  me  such 
a  trick  as  this  !  But  for  me  Paris  would  have  revolted  on 
the  18th  Brumaire  ;  without  me  you  would  have  lost  the 
battle  of  Marengo.  I  alone  !  yes,  I  alone,  passed  the  Po  at 
Montebello,  with  my  whole  division,  though  you  wished  to 
give  the  honour  to  Berthier,  who  was  not  present  ;  and  this  is 
the  reward  for  my    humiliation  !     This  cannot,  this  shall  not, 

be.     I    will '     Bonaparte,  pale  with  anger,  listened  without 

stirring,  and  Lannes  was  on  the  point  of  challenging  him,  when 
Junot,  who  heard  the  uproar,  hastily  entered.  The  unexpected 
presence  of  this  general  relieved  the  embarrassment  of  the  first 
consul,  and  calmed  the  rage  of  Lannes.  'Well,  then,'  said 
Bonaparte,  '  go  to  Lisbon  ;  you  will  get  money  there,  and  when 
you  return,  you  will  not  want  any  one  to  pay  your  debts.' 
Thus  was  Bonaparte's  object  gained.  Lannes  set  off  for  Lisbon, 
and,  on  his  return,  never  used  the  obnoxious  thee  and  thouing. 

Having  described  Bonaparte's  ill-treatment  of  Lannes,  I  may 
here  subjoin  a  statement  of  the  circumstances  which  led  to  a 
rupture  between  me  and  the  first  consul.  So  many  false  stories 
have  been  circulated  on  the  subject,  that  I  am  anxious  to  relate 
the  facts  as  they  really  were. 


BOURRIENNE'S   QUARREL   WITH    BONAPARTE    223 

It  was  now  nine  months  since  I  had  tendered  my  resignation 
to  the  first  consul.  The  business  of  my  office  had  become  too 
great  for  me,  and  my  health  was  so  much  endangered  by  over- 
application,  that  my  physician,  M.  Corvisart,  who  had  for  a 
long  time  impressed  upon  me  the  necessity  of  relaxation,  now 
formally  warned  me,  that  I  should  not  long  hold  out  under  the 
fatigue  I  underwent. 

I  had  resolved  to  follow  the  advice  of  Corvisart  ;  my  family 
were  urgent  in  their  entreaties  that  I  would  do  so,  but  I  always 
put  off  the  decisive  step.  I  w:;s  loth  to  give  up  a  friendship 
which  had  subsisted  so  long,  and  which  had  been  only  once 
disturbed  :  on  that  occasion,  when  Joseph  thought  proper  to 
play  the  spy  upon  me,  at  the  table  of  Fouche.  I  remembered, 
also,  the  reception  I  had  met  with  from  the  conqueror  of  Italy  ; 
and  I  experienced,  moreover,  no  slight  pain  at  the  thought  of 
quitting  one  from  whom  I  had  received  so  many  proofs  of 
confidence,  and  to  whom  I  had  been  attached  from  early  boy- 
hood. I  was  thus  kept  in  a  state  of  perplexity,  from  which 
some  unforeseen  circumstances  could  only  extricate  me.  Such 
a  circumstance  at  length  occurred,  and  the  following  is  the 
history  of  my  first  rupture  with  Napoleon  : — 

On  the  27th  of  February,  1S02,  at  ten  at  night,  Bonaparte 
dictated  to  me  a  despatch,  of  considerable  importance  and 
urgency,  for  M.  de  Talleyrand,  requesting  the  Minister  for 
Foreign  Affairs  to  come  to  the  Tuileries,  next  morning,  at  an 
appointed  hour.  According  to  custom,  I  put  the  letter  into  the 
hands  of  the  office  messenger,  that  it  might  be  forwarded  to  its 
destination. 

This  was  Saturday.  The  following  day,  Sunday,  M.  de 
Talleyrand  came  about  mid-day.  The  first  consul  immediately 
began  to  confer  with  him  on  the  subject  of  the  letter  sent  the 
previous  evening,  and  was  astonished  to  learn  that  the  minister 
nad  not  received  it  until  the  morning.  He  rang  immediately 
for  the  messenger,  and  ordered  me  to  be  sent  for.  Being  in  very 
bad  humour,  he  pulled  the  bell  with  so  much  fury,  that  he 
struck  his  hand  violently  against  the  angle  of  the  chimney-piece. 
I  hurried  to  his  presence.  '  Why,'  he  said,  addressing  me  hastily, 
'  why  was  not  my  letter  delivered  yesterday  evening  .? ' — '  I  do 
not  know  :  I  put  it  into  the  hands  of  the  person  whose  duty  it 
was  to  see  that  it  was  sent.' — *  Go,  and  learn  the  cause  of  the 
delay,  and  come  back  quickly.*  Having  rapidly  made  my  in- 
quiries, I  returned  to  the  cabinet.  'Well  f '  said  the  first  consul, 
whose  irritation  seemed  to  have  increased. — '  Well,  General,  it  is 


224  NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 

not  the  fault  of  anybody.  M.  de  Talleyrand  was  not  to  be 
found,  either  at  the  office,  or  at  his  own  residence,  or  at  the 
house  of  any  of  his  friends,  where  he  was  thought  likely  to  be.' 
Not  knowing  with  whom  to  be  angry,  and  restrained  by  the 
coolness  of  M.  de  Talleyrand,  yet  at  the  same  time  ready 
to  burst  with  rage,  Bonaparte  rose  from  his  seat,  and  pro- 
ceeding to  the  hall,  called  the  messenger,  and  questioned  him 
sharply.  The  man,  disconcerted  by  the  anger  of  the  first 
consul,  hesitated  in  his  replies,  and  gave  confused  answers. 
Bonaparte  returned  to  his  cabinet,  still  more  irritated  than  he 
had  left  it.  I  had  followed  him  to  the  hall,  and  on  my  way 
back  to  the  cabinet  I  attempted  to  soothe  him,  and  I  begged  him 
not  to  be  thus  discomposed  by  a  circumstance,  which,  after  all, 
was  of  no  great  moment.  I  do  not  know  whether  his  anger 
was  increased  by  the  sight  of  the  blood  which  flowed  from  his 
hand,  and  which  he  was  every  moment  looking  at  ;  but  how- 
ever that  might  be,  a  transport  of  furious  passion,  such  as  I  had 
never  before  witnessed,  seized  him  ;  and  as  I  was  about  to  enter 
the  cabinet,  after  him,  he  threw  back  the  door  with  so  much 
violence,  that  had  I  been  two  or  three  inches  nearer  him,  it  must 
infallibly  have  struck  me  in  the  face.  He  accompanied  this 
action,  which  was  almost  convulsive,  with  an  appellation  not  to 
be  borne  ;    he  exclaimed,  before  M.  de  Talleyrand,  '  Leave  me 

alone  ;  you  are  a fool.'     At  an  insult  so  atrocious,  I  confess, 

that  the  anger  which  had  already  mastered  the  first  consul, 
suddenly  seized  on  me.  I  thrust  the  door  forward,  with  as  much 
impetuosity  as  he  had  used  in  attempting  to  close  it ;  and 
scarcely  knowing  what  I  said,  exclaimed,  *  You  are  a  hundred- 
fold greater  fool  than  I  am.'  I  then  went  upstairs  to  my 
apartment,  which  was  situated  over  the  cabinet. 

I  was  as  far  from  expecting  as  from  wishing  such  an  occasion 
of  separating  from  the  first  consul.  But  what  was  done  could 
not  be  undone  ;  and,  therefore,  without  taking  time  for  re- 
flection, and  still  under  the  influence  of  the  anger  that  had  got 
the  better  of  me,  I  penned  the  following  positive  resignation  : 

*  General, — The  state  of  my  health  does  not  permit  me 
longer  to  continue  in  your  service.  I  therefore  beg  you  to  accept 
my  resignation. 

'BOURRIENNE.' 

Some  moments  after  this  was  v/ritten,  I  saw  from  my  window 
the  saddle-horses   of  Napoleon    arrive   at    the   entrance  of  the 


BOURRIENNE'S    RESIGNATION  225 

palace.  It  was  Sunday,  and,  contrary  to  his  usual  custom  on 
that  day,  he  was  going  to  ride  out.  Duroc  accompanied  him. 
He  was  no  sooner  gone,  than  I  went  down  into  his  cabinet,  and 
placed  my  letter  on  his  table.  On  returning,  at  four  o'clock, 
with  Duroc,  Bonaparte  read  my  letter.  '  Ah  !  ah  ! '  said  he, 
before  opening  it,  '  a  letter  from  Bourrienne.*  And  he  almost 
immediately  added,  for  the  note  was  speedily  perused,  '  He  is  in 
the  sulks. — Accepted.''  I  had  left  the  Tuileries  at  the  moment  he 
returned  ;  but  Duroc  sent  to  me,  where  I  was  dining,  the 
following  billet  : 

'  The  first  consul  desires  me,  my  dear  Bourrienne,  to  inform 
you,  that  he  accepts  your  resignation,  and  to  request  that 
you  will  give  me  the  necessary  information  respecting  your 
papers. 

'  Yours,         Duroc' 

*  P.S.  I  will  call  on  you  presently.' 

Duroc  came  to  me  at  eight  o'clock  the  same  evening.  The 
first  consul  was  in  his  cabinet  when  we  entered  it.  I  Imme- 
diately commenced  giving  my  intended  successor  the  necessary 
explanations  to  enable  him  to  enter  upon  his  new  duties.  Piqued 
at  finding  that  I  did  not  speak  to  him,  and  at  the  coolness  with 
which  I  instructed  Duroc,  Bonaparte  said  to  me,  in  a  harsh  tone, 
*  Come,  I  have  had  enough  of  this  !  Leave  me.'  I  stepped 
down  from  the  ladder,  on  which  I  had  mounted  for  the  purpose 
of  pointing  out  to  Duroc  the  places  in  which  the  various  papers 
were  deposited,  and  hastily  withdrew.  I,  too,  had  had  quite 
enough  of  it. 

I  remained  two  more  days  at  the  Tuileries,  until  I  had  suited 
myself  with  lodgings.  On  Monday  I  went  down  into  the 
cabinet  of  the  first  consul  to  take  my  leave  of  him.  We 
conversed  together  for  a  long  time,  and  very  amicably.  He 
told  me  he  was  very  sorry  I  was  going  to  leave  him,  and  that 
he  would  do  all  he  could  for  me. 

The  following  day,  Tuesday,  the  first  consul  asked  me  to 
breakfast  with  him.  After  breakfast,  while  he  was  conversing 
with  some  other  person,  Madame  Bonaparte  and  Hortense 
pressed  me  to  make  advances  towards  obtaining  a  reinstalment 
in  my  office,  appealing  to  me  on  the  score  of  the  friendship  and 
kindness  they  had  always  shewn  me.  They  told  me  that  I  had 
been  in  the  wrong,  and  that  I  had  forgotten  myself.  I  answered, 
that  I  considered  the  evil  beyond  remedy  ;  and  that,  besides,  I 

15 


226  NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 

had  reall)-  need  of  repose.  The  first  consul  then  called  me  to 
him,  and  conversing  a  considerable  time,  renewed  his  protesta- 
tions of  good-will  towards  me. 

At  five  o'clock  I  was  going  downstairs  to  quit  the  Tuileries 
for  good,  when  I  was  met  by  the  office  messenger,  who  told  me 
that  the  first  consul  wished  to  see  me.  Duroc,  who  was  in  the 
room  leading  to  the  cabinet,  stopped  me  as  I  passed,  and  said — 
'He  wishes  you  to  remain.  I  beg  of  you,  do  not  refuse  ;  do  me 
this  favour.  I  have  assured  him  that  I  am  incapable  of  filling 
your  office.  It  does  not  suit  my  habits  ;  and  besides,  to  tell  you 
the  truth,  the  business  is  too  irksome  for  me.'  I  proceeded  to 
the  cabinet  without  replying  to  Duroc.  The  first  consul  came 
up  to  me  smiling,  and  pulling  me  by  the  ear,  as  he  did  when  he 
V,  as  in  the  best  of  humours,  said  to  me — '  Are  you  still  in  the 
sulks  ? '  and,  leading  me  to  my  usual  seat,  he  added — '  Come, 
sit  down.*  Only  those  who  knew  Bonaparte  can  judge  of  my 
situation  at  that  moment.  He  had  at  times,  and  when  he  chose, 
a  charm  in  his  manners  which  it  was  quite  impossible  to  resist. 
I  could  offer  no  opposition,  and  I  reassumed  my  usual  office 
and  my  accustomeV.  labours.  Five  minutes  afterwards  it  was 
announced  that  dinner  was  on  the  table  -. — '  You  will  dine  with 
me  ? '  he  said. — '  I  cannot  ;  I  am  expected  at  the  place  where  I 
was  going  when  Duroc  called  me  back.  It  is  an  engagement 
that  I  cannot  break.' — '  Well,  I  have  nothing  to  say,  then.  But 
give  me  your  word  that  you  will  be  here  at  eight  o'clock.' — *  I 
promise  you.'  Thus  I  became  again  the  private  secretary  of 
the  first  consul,  and  I  believed  in  the  sincerity  of  our  re- 
conciliation. 

Not  long  after  this  occurrence,  the  first  consul  said  to  me  one 
day  in  a  tone  of  interest,  of  which  I  was  not  the  dupe — '  My 
dear  Bourrienne,  you  cannot  really  do  everything.  Business 
increases,  and  will  continue  to  increase.  You  know  what 
Corvisart  says.  You  have  a  family  ;  therefore,  it  is  right  you 
should  take  care  of  your  health.  You  must  not  kill  yourself 
with  work  :  therefore,  someone  must  be  got  to  assist  you. 
Joseph  tells  me  he  can  recommend  a  secretary,  one  of  whom  he 
speaks  very  highly.  He  shall  be  under  your  directions  :  he  can 
make  out  your  copies,  and  do  all  that  can  consistently  be  con- 
signed to  him.  This,  I  think,  will  be  a  great  relief  to  you.' — 'I 
ask  for  nothing  better,'  replied  I,  '  than  to  have  the  assistance  of 
someone,  who,  after  becoming  acquainted  with  the  business, 
may  some  time  or  other  succeed  me.'  Joseph  sent  to  his  brother 
M.  Mennevalle,  a  young  man,  who,  to  a  good  education,  added 


DUKE    OF   ROVIGO    ON    BOURRIENNE  227 

the  recommendations  of  industry  and  prudence.     I   had  every 
reason  to  be  perfectly  satisfied  with  him. 

I  soon  perceived  the  first  consul's  anxiety  to  make  M. 
Mennevalle  acquainted  with  the  routine  of  business,  and  accus- 
tomed to  his  manner.  Bonaparte  had  never  pardoned  me  for 
having  presumed  to  quit  him  after  he  had  attained  to  so  high  a 
degree  of  power  ;  he  was  only  waiting  for  an  opportunity  to 
punish  me,  and  he  seized  upon  an  unfortunate  circumstance 
as  an  excuse  for  that  separation  which  I  had  previously  wished 
to  bring  about. 

I  will  explain  this  circum-stance,  which  ought  to  have  obtained 
for  me  the  consolation  and  assistance  of  the  first  consul,  rather 
than  the  forfeiture  of  his  favour.  My  rupture  with  him  has 
been  the  subject  of  various  mis-statements,  all  of  which  I  shall 
not  take  the  trouble  to  correct  ;  I  will  merely  notice  what  I 
have  read  in  the  memoirs  of  the  Duke  of  Rovigo,  in  which  it  is 
stated  that  I  was  accused  of  peculation.  M.  de  Rovigo  thus 
expresses  himself : — 

'  Ever  since  the  first  consul  was  invested  with  the  supreme 
power  his  life  has  been  a  continued  scene  of  personal  exertion. 
He  had  for  private  secretary  M.  de  Bourrienne,  a  friend  and 
companion  of  his  youth,  whom  he  now  made  the  sharer  of  all 
his  labours.  He  frequently  sent  for  him  in  the  dead  of  the  night, 
and  particularly  insisted  upon  his  attending  him  every  morning 
at  seven.  Bourrienne  was  punctual  in  his  attendance  with  the 
public  papers,  which  he  had  previously  glanced  over.  The  first 
consul  almost  invariably  read  their  contents  himself;  he  then 
despatched  some  business,  and  sat  down  to  table  just  as  the  clock 
struck  nine.  His  breakfast,  which  lasted  six  minutes,  was  no 
sooner  over  than  he  returned  to  his  closet,  only  left  it  for  dinner, 
and  resumed  his  close  occupation  immediately  after,  until  ten 
at  night,  which  was  his  usual  hour  for  retiring  to  rest. 

'  Bourrienne  was  gifted  with  a  most  wonderful  memory  ;  he 
could  speak  and  write  many  languages,  and  would  make  his  pen 
follow  as  fast  as  the  words  were  uttered.  He  could  lay  claim 
to  many  other  advantages  ;  he  was  well  acquainted  with  the 
administrative  departments,  was  versed  in  the  law  of  nations, 
and  possessed  a  zeal  and  activity  which  rendered  his  services 
quite  indispensable  to  the  first  consul.  I  have  known  the  several 
grounds  upon  which  the  unlimited  confidence  placed  in  him  by 
his  chief  rested  :  but  am  unable  to  speak  with  equal  assurance 
of  the  errors  which  occasioned  his  losing  that  confidence. 

'  Bourrienne  had   many   enemies  ;    some   were   owing  to   hii 


228  NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 

personal  character  ;  a  greater  number  to  the  situation  which  he 
held.  Others  were  jealous  of  the  credit  he  enjoyed  with  the 
head  of  the  government  ;  others,  again,  discontented  at  his  not 
making  that  credit  subservient  to  their  personal  advantage. 
Some  even  imputed  to  him  the  want  of  success  that  had  attended 
their  claims.  It  was  impossible  to  bring  any  charge  against  him 
on  the  score  of  deficiency  of  talent  or  of  indiscreet  conduct  :  his 
personal  habits  were  watched  ;  it  was  ascertained  that  he 
engaged  in  financial  speculations.  An  imputation  could  easily 
be  founded  on  this  circumstance.  Peculation  was  accordingly 
laid  to  his  charge. 

'  This  was  touching  the  most  tender  ground  ;  for  the  first 
consul  held  nothing  in  greater  abhorrence  than  unlawful  gains. 
A  solitary  voice,  however,  would  have  failed  in  an  attempt  to 
defame  the  character  of  a  man  for  whom  he  had  so  long  felt 
esteem  and  affection  ;  other  voices,  therefore,  were  brought  to 
bear  against  him.  Whether  the  accusations  were  well-founded 
or  otherwise,  it  is  beyond  a  doubt  that  all  means  were  resorted 
to  for  bringing  them  to  the  knowledge  of  the  first  consul. 

'The  most  effectual  course  that  suggested  itself  was  the 
opening  a  correspondence  either  with  the  accused  party  direct, 
or  with  those  with  whom  it  was  felt  indispensable  to  bring  him 
into  contact  ;  this  correspondence  was  carried  on  in  a  mysterious 
manner,  and  related  to  the  financial  operations  that  had  formed 
the  grounds  of  a  charge  against  him.  Thus  it  is  that,  on  more 
than  one  occasion,  the  very  channels  intended  for  conveying 
truth  to  the  knowledge  of  a  sovereign  have  been  made  available 
to  the  purpose  of  communicating  false  intelligence  to  him. 
I  must  illustrate  this  observation. 

'  Under  the  reign  of  Louis  XV.,  and  even  under  the  regency, 
the  post-office  was  organized  into  a  system  of  minute  inspection, 
which  did  not  indeed  extend  to  every  letter,  but  was  exercised 
over  all  such  as  afforded  grounds  for  suspicion.  They  were 
opened  ;  and  when  it  was  not  deemed  safe  to  suppress  them, 
copies  were  taken,  and  they  were  returned  to  their  proper 
channel  without  the  least  delay.  Any  individual  denouncing 
another  may,  by  the  help  of  such  an  establishment,  give  great 
weight  to  his  denunciation.  It  is  sufficient  for  his  purpose  that 
he  should  throw  into  the  post-office  any  letter  so  worded  as  to 
confirm  the  impression  which  it  is  his  object  to  convey.  The 
worthiest  man  may  thus  be  compromised  by  a  letter  which  he 
has  never  read,  or  the  purport  of  which  is  wholly  unintelligible 
io  him. 


BOURRIENNE'S   ENEMIES  229 

*  I  am  speaking  from  personal  experience  :  it  once  happened 
that  a  letter  addressed  to  myself  relating  to  an  alleged  fact, 
which  had  never  occurred,  was  opened.  A  copy  of  the  letter  so 
opened  was  also  forwarded  to  me,  as  it  concerned  the  duties 
which  I  had  to  perform  at  that  time  ;  but  I  was  already  in 
possession  of  the  original,  transmitted  through  the  ordinary 
channel.  Summoned  to  reply  to  the  questions  to  which  sach 
productions  had  given  rise,  I  took  that  opportunity  of  pointing 
out  the  danger  that  would  accrue  from  placing  a  blind  reliance 
upon  intelligence  derived  from  so  hazardous  a  source.  Accord- 
ingly, little  importance  was  afterwards  attached  to  this  means  ot 
information  ;  but  the  system  was  in  full  operation  at  the  period 
when  M.  de  Bourrienne  was  disgraced  :  his  enemies  took  care 
to  avail  themselves  of  it  ;  they  blackened  his  character  with  M. 
Barbd  Marbois,  who  added  to  their  accusations  all  the  weight 
of  his  unblemished  character.  The  opinion  entertained  by  this 
rigid  public  functionary,  and  many  other  circumstances,  induced 
the  first  consul  to  part  with  his  secretary.' 

Peculation  is  the  crime  of  those  who  make  a  fraudulent  use 
of  the  public  money.  But  as  it  was  not  in  my  power  to 
meddle  with  the  public  money,  no  part  of  which  passed  through 
my  hands,  I  am  at  a  loss  to  conceive  how  I  can  be  charged  with 
peculation. 

I  had  seen  nothing  of  the  memoirs  of  the  Duke  of  Rovigo, 
except  their  announcement  in  the  journals,  when  a  letter  from 
M.  de  Barb^  Marbois  was  transmitted  to  me  from  my  family. 
It  was  as  follows  : 

•Sir, 
'  My  attention  has  been  called  to  the  enclosed  article  in  a 
recent  publication.  The  assertion  it  contains  is  not  true,  and  I 
conceive  it  to  be  a  duty  both  to  you  and  to  myself  to  declare, 
that  I  then  was,  and  still  am,  ignorant  of  the  causes  of  the 
separation  in  question. — I  am,  etc. 

*  Marbois.' 

I  need  say  no  more  in  my  justification.  This  unsolicited 
testimony  of  M.  de  Marbois  is  a  sufficient  contradiction  to  the 
charge  of  peculation  which  has  been  raised  against  me  in  the 
absence  of  correct  information  respecting  the  real  causes  of  my 
rupture  with  the  first  consul. 

M.  de  Rovigo  also  observes,  that  my  enemies  were  numerous. 
My   concealed   adversaries    were   indeed    all    those   who   were 


230  NAPOLEON   BONAPARTE 

interested  that  the  sovereign  should  not  have  about  him,  as  his 
intimate  confidant,  a  man  devoted  to  his  glory,  and  not  to 
his  vanity.  In  expressing  his  dissatisfaction  of  one  of  his 
ministers,  Bonaparte  had  said,  in  the  presence  of  several 
individuals,  among  whom  was  M.  Maret,  '  If  I  could  find  a 
second  Bourrienne,  I  would  get  rid  of  you  all.'  This  was 
sufficient  to  raise  against  me  the  hatred  of  all  who  envied  the 
confidence  of  which  I  was  in  possession. 

The  failure  of  a  house  in  Paris,  in  which  I  had  invested  a 
considerable  sum  of  money,  afforded  an  opportunity  for  envy 
and  malignity  to  irritate  the  first  consul  against  me.  Bonaparte, 
who  had  not  yet  forgiven  me  for  wishing  to  leave  him,  at  length 
determined  to  sacrifice  my  services  to  a  new  fit  of  ill-humour. 

A  mercantile  house,  then  one  of  the  most  respectable  in  Paris, 
had  among  its  speculations  undertaken  some  army  contracts. 
With  the  knowledge  of  Berthier,  with  whom,  indeed,  the  house 
had  treated,  I  had  invested  some  money  in  this  business.  Un- 
fortunately the  principals  were,  unknown  to  me,  engaged  in 
dangerous  speculations  in  the  funds,  which  in  a  short  time  so 
involved  them  as  to  occasion  their  failure.  I  incurred  the  violent 
displeasure  of  the  first  consul,  who  declared  to  me  that  he  no 
longer  required  my  ser-uices. 

Such  is  a  true  statement  of  the  circumstances  which  led  to  my 
separation  with  Bonaparte.  I  defy  anyone  to  adduce  a  single 
fact  in  support  of  the  charge  of  peculation,  or  any  transaction 
of  the  kind  :  I  fear  no  investigation  of  my  conduct.  When  in 
the  service  of  Bonaparte,  I  caused  many  appointments  to  be 
made,  and  many  names  to  be  erased  from  the  emigrant  list 
before  the  senatus  consultum  of  the  6th  Floreal,  year  X.,  but  I 
never  counted  upon  gratitude,  experience  having  taught  me  that 
it  was  merely  an  empty  word. 

The  Duke  de  Rovigo  attributed  my  disgrace  to  certain  in- 
tercepted letters  which  compromised  me  in  the  eyes  of  the  first 
consul.  I  did  not  know  this  at  the  time,  and  though  I  was 
pretty  well  aware  of  the  machinations  of  Bonaparte's  adulators, 
almost  all  of  whom  were  my  enemies,  yet  I  did  not  contemplate 
such  an  act  of  baseness.  But  the  spontaneous  letter  of  M.  de 
Barbe  Marbois  at  length  opened  my  eyes,  and  left  little  doubt 
on  the  subject.  I  have  already  given  a  copy  of  M.  Marbois's 
letter.     The  following  is  a  postscript  that  was  added  to  it : 

'  I  recollect  that  one  Wednesday,  the  first  consul,  while  pre- 
siding in  a  council  of  ministers  at  Saint  Cloud,  opened  a  note, 


DISMISSES   BOURRIENNE  231 

and  without  informing  us  what  it  contained,  hastily  left  the 
sitting,  apparently  much  agitated.  In  a  few  minutes  he  re- 
turned, and  observed  that  your  functions  had  ceased.' 

Whether  the  sudden  displeasure  of  the  first  consul  was  excited 
by  a  false  representation  of  my  concern  in  the  transaction  which 
proved  so  unfortunate  to  me,  or  whether  Bonaparte  merely  made 
that  a  pretence  for  carrying  into  execution  a  resolution  which  I 
am  convinced  had  been  previously  adopted,  I  shall  not  stop  to 
determine. 

I  retired  to  a  house  which  Bonaparte  had  advised  me  to 
purchase  at  St.  Cloud,  and  for  the  fitting  up  and  furnishing  of 
which  he  had  promised  to  pay.  We  shall  soon  see  how  he  kept 
this  promise.  I  immediately  sent  to  direct  Landoire,  the  mes- 
senger of  Bonaparte's  cabinet,  to  place  all  letters  sent  to  me,  in 
the  first  consul's  portfolio,  because  many  intended  for  him  came 
under  cover  for  me.  In  consequence  of  this  message,  I  received 
the  following  letter   from    M.   Mennevalle  : 

'  I  cannot  believe  that  the  first  consul  would  wish  that  your 
letters  should  be  presented  to  him.  I  presume  you  allude  oulv 
to  those  which  may  concern  him,  and  which  come  addressed 
under  cover  to  you. 

'  The  first  consul  has  written  to  citizens  Lavallette  and 
MoUien,  directing  them  to  address  their  packets  to  him.  I 
cannot  allow  Landoire  to  obey  the  order  you  sent. 

'  The  first  consul  yesterday  evening  evinced  great  regret. 
He  repeatedly  said,  "  How  miserable  I  am  !  I  have  known  that 
man  since  he  was  seven  years  old." 

'  I  cannot  but  believe  that  he  will  reconsider  his  unfortunate 
decision.' 

A  whole  week  passed  away  in  conflicts  between  the  first 
consul's  friendship  and  pride.  The  least  desire  he  manifested  to 
recall  me  was  opposed  by  his  flatterers.  On  the  fifth  day  of  our 
separation,  he  directed  me  to  come  to  him.  He  received  me 
with  the  greatest  kindness,  and  after  having  good-humouredly 
told  me  that  I  often  expressed  myself  with  too  much  freedom — 
a  fault  I  was  never  solicitous  to  correct — he  added,  '  I  regret 
your  absence  much.  You  were  very  useful  to  me.  You  are 
neither  too  noble,  nor  too  plebeian  ;  neither  too  aristocratic,  nor 
too  Jacobinical.  You  are  discreet  and  laborious.  You  under- 
stand me  better  than  anyone  else  ;    and,  between  ourselves  be  it 


232  NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 

said,  we  ought  to  consider  this  a  sort  of  court.  Look  at  Duroc, 
Bessieres,  Maret.  However,  I  am  very  much  inclined  to  take 
you  back  ;  but  by  so  doing,  I  should  confirm  the  report  that  I 
cannot  do  without  you.' 

I  am  convinced  that  if  Bonaparte  had  been  left  to  himself, 
he  would  have  recalled  me,  and  this  conviction  is  warranted 
by  the  interval  which  elapsed  between  his  determination  to 
part  with  me  and  the  formal  announcement  of  my  dismissal. 
Our  rupture  took  place  on  the  20th  of  October,  and  on  the 
8th  of  November  following  the  first  consul  sent  me  the 
following  letter  : 

*  Citizen  Bourrienne,  Minister  of  State, 
'  I  am  satisfied  with  the  services  which  you  have  rendered  me, 
during  the  time  you  have  been  with  me  ;  but  henceforth  they 
are  no  longer  necessary.  I  wish  you  to  relinquish,  from  this 
time,  the  functions  and  title  of  my  private  secretary.  I  shall 
seize  an  early  opportunity  of  providing  for  you  in  a  way  suited 
to  your  activity  and  talents,  and  conducive  to  the  public  service. 

'  Bonaparte.' 

If  any  proof  of  the  first  consul's  malignity  were  wanting, 
it  would  be  furnished  by  the  following  fact  :  a  few  days  after 
the  receipt  of  the  letter  which  announced  my  dismissal,  I 
received  a  note  from  Duroc  ;  but  to  afford  an  idea  of  the 
petty  revenge  of  him  %vho  caused  it  to  be  written,  it  will  be 
necessary  first  to  relate  a  few  preceding  circumstances* 

When,  with  the  view  of  preserving  a  little  freedom,  I 
declined  the  offer  of  apartments  which  Madame  Bonaparte 
had  prepared  at  Malmaison,  for  myself  and  my  family,  I 
purchased  a  small  house  at  Ruel  ;  the  first  consul  had  given 
orders  for  the  furnishing  of  this  house,  as  well  as  one  which 
I  possessed  in  Paris.  From  the  manner  in  which  the  orders 
were  given,  I  had  not  the  slightest  doubt  but  that  Bonaparte 
intended  to  make  me  a  present  of  the  furniture.  However, 
when  I  left  his  service,  he  applied  to  have  it  returned.  At 
first  I  paid  no  attention  to  his  demand,  as  far  as  it  concerned 
the  furniture  at  Ruel  ;  and  then,  actuated  by  the  desire  of 
taking  revenge,  even  by  the  most  pitiful  means,  he  directed 
Duroc  to  write  the  following  letter  to  me  : 

'The  first  consul,  my  dear  Bourrienne,  has  just  ordered  me 
to  send  him,  this  evening,  the  keys  of  your  residence  in  Paris, 
from  which  none  of  the  furniture  is  to  be  removed. 


HIS    TREATMENT   OF   BOURRIENNE  233 

'  He  also  directs  me  to  put  into  a  magazine  whatever  furniture 
you  may  have  at  Ruel  or  elsewhere,  which  you  have  obtained 
from  government. 

'I  beg  of  you  to  send  me  an  answer,  so  as  to  assist  me  in 
the  execution  of  these  orders.  You  promised  to  have  every- 
thing settled  before  the  first  consul's  return.  I  must  excuse 
myself  in  the  best  way  I  can.  'Duroc' 

24  Brumaire,  year  X. 
(15  Nov.    1802). 

I  shall  only  add  another  fact  to  show  the  malignity  ot  the 
persecution  Bonaparte  was  disposed  to  subject  me  to.  On  the 
20th  of  April,  Duroc  sent  me  the  following  note  : 

'  I  beg,  my  dear  Bourrienne,  that  you  will  come  to  St.  Cloud 
this  morning.  I  have  something  to  tell  you  on  the  part  of 
the  first  consul.  *  Duroc' 

This  note  caused  me  much  anxiety.  I  could  not  doubt  but 
that  my  enemies  had  invented  some  new  calumny  ;  but  I  must 
say  that  I  did  not  expect  such  baseness  as  I  experienced. 

As  soon  as  Duroc  had  made  me  acquainted  with  the  business 
which  the  first  consul  had  directed  him  to  communicate,  I 
wrote,  on  the  spot,  the  subjoined  letter  to  Bonaparte  : 

'  At  General  Duroc's  desire,  I  have  this  moment  waited  upon 
him,  and  he  informs  me  that  you  have  received  notice  that 
a  deficit  of  100,000  francs  has  been  discovered  in  the  treasury 
of  the  navy,  which  you  require  me  to  refund  this  day  at  noon. 

'  Citizen  First  Consul,  I  know  not  what  this  means  !  I  am 
utterly  ignorant  of  the  matter.  I  solemnly  declare  to  you  that 
this  charge  is  a  most  infamous  calumny.  It  is  one  more  to 
be  added  to  the  number  of  those  malicious  charges  which  have 
been  invented  for  the  purpose  of  destroying  any  influence 
I  might  possess  with  you. 

♦  I  am  in  General  Duroc's  apartment,  where  I  await  your  orders.' 

Duroc  carried  my  note  to  the  first  consul  as  soon  as  it  was 
written.  He  speedily  returned.  *  All's  right,'  said  he.  '  He 
has  directed  me  to  say  it  was  entirely  a  mistake  ! — that  he 
is  now  convinced  he  was  deceived  !  that  he  is  sorry  for  the 
business,  and  hopes  no  more  will  be  said  about   it.' 

The  base  flatterers    who  surrounded   Bonaparte  wished  him 


234  NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 

to  renew  upon  me  his  Eg-j"ptian  extortions  ;  but  they  should 
have  recollected,  that  the  fusillade  employed  in  Egj^pt  for  the 
purpose  of  raising  money  was  no  longer  the  fashion  in  France, 
and  that  the  days  were  gone  when  it  was  the  custom  to  grease 
the  nuheeh   of  the  re--volutionary   car. 


CHAPTER    XIX. 

The  first  consul  never  calculated  upon  a  long  peace  with 
England,  but  he  wished  for  peace  because  it  was  anxiously 
desired  by  the  people,  after  ten  years  of  war,  and  because  it 
would  increase  his  popularity  and  enable  him  to  lay  the 
foundation  of  his  government.  Peace  was  as  necessary  to  enable 
Bonaparte  to  conquer  the  throne  of  France,  as  war  was  essential 
to  secure  it  and  to  extend  its  boundaries  at  the  expense  of  the 
other  thrones  of  Europe.  This  was  the  secret  of  the  peace  of 
Amiens,  and  of  the  rupture  which  so  suddenly  followed,  but  it 
must  be  admitted  that  the  war  was  resumed  much  earlier  than 
the  first  consul  wished.  On  the  great  questions  of  peace  and 
war,  Bonaparte  entertained  elevated  ideas  ;  but  in  discussing  the 
subject  he  always  declared  himself  in  favour  of  war,  and 
considered  as  nothing  the  evils  which  it  occasioned  so  long  as 
England  possessed  so  much  influence  in  the  cabinets  of  Europe. 
It  was  evident  that  England  desired  war,  and  he  was  anxious 
to  prevent  her  from  anticipating  him.  He  said  '  Why  allow 
her  to  have  all  the  advantages  of  the  first  step  ?  We  must 
astonish  Europe  !  We  must  strike  a  great  and  unexpected 
blow.'  Thus  reasoned  the  first  consul,  and  we  are  to  judge 
whether  his  actions  were  not  equal  to  his  sentiments. 

England,  by  neglecting  to  execute  her  treaties,  encouraged  his 
love  for  war,  and  justified  the  prompt  declaration  of  hostilities  in 
the  eyes  of  the  French  nation,  whom  he  wished  to  persuade 
that  if  peace  was  broken  it  would  be  contrary  to  his  own 
wishes.  This  state  of  uncertainty  did  not  continue  long,  for  the 
king  of  England  sent  a  message  to  parliament,  in  which  he 
alluded  to  armaments  preparing  in  the  ports  of  France,  and  of 
the  necessity  of  adopting  precautions  against  meditated  aggres- 
sions. This  instance  of  bad  faith  irritated  the  first  consul,  and 
led  him  one  day  at  a  public  levee,  to  address  Lord  Whitworth, 
the  English  ambassador,  in  a  \'tTj  abrupt  manner  in  the 
presence  of  all  the  foreign  ambassadors. 


HIS    SPEECH    TO    LORD    WHITWORTH        235 

«  What  is  the  meaning  of  all  this  ? '  said  Bonaparte  ;  '  are  you 
tired  of  peace  ?  Must  Europe  again  be  deluged  with  blood  ? 
Preparations  for  war,  indeed  !  Do  you  think  to  overcome  us 
in  this  manner  ?  You  will  see  that  France  may  be  conquered 
but  never  intimidated  ;  never  ' ' 

The  English  ambassador  was  quite  astounded  at  this  abrupt 
attack,  to  which  he  made  no  reply,  but  satisfied  himself  with 
communicating  an  account  of  the  interview  to  his  government* 
This  conduct  on  the  part  of  the  first  consul  was  made  the  excuse 
for  the  recall  of  Lord  Whitworth  and  for  the  renewal  of 
hostilities,  but  had  England  not  wished  for  war,  such  trifling 
causes  could  scarcely  have  produced  it. 

When  the  misunderstanding  between  France  and  England 
took  place,  each  might  have  reproached  the  other  with  a  want 
of  faith,  but  justice  was  apparently  on  the  side  of  France.  It 
was  evident  that  England,  by  refusing  to  give  up  Malta,  accord- 
ing to  the  stipulations  of  the  treaty  of  Amiens,  had  been  guilty 
of  a  breach  of  that  treaty,  whereas  all  that  France  could  be 
charged  with  was  an  apparent  tendency  not  to  adhere  to  it.  But 
it  must  be  admitted  that  this  tendency  on  the  part  of  France 
to  increase  her  territory,  was  evident  by  the  fact  of  her  having 
incorporated    Piedmont    with    France,    as    well    as    Parma  and 

*  The  following  is  Savary's  description  01  this  extraordinary  scene  : — 
'  One  of  the  receptions  of  the  consular  court  was  the  occasion  on  which 
Bonaparte  vented  his  displeasure  on  the  conduct  of  England.  He  had 
just  been  reading  the  despatches  of  his  ambassador  at  the  court  of 
London,  who  sent  him  a  copy  of  the  king's  message  to  parliament, 
respecting  alleged  armaments  in  the  ports  of  France. 

'  His  mind  being  v.holly  biassed  by  the  reflections  to  which  the 
perusal  of  the  despatches  had  given  rise,  he  omitted  going  that  day 
into  the  second  saloon,  but  went  straight  up  to  the  ambassadors.  I 
was  only  at  the  distance  of  a  few  paces  from  him,  when,  stopping  short 
before  the  English  ambassador,  he  put  the  following  hurried  questioris 
to  him  in  a  tone  of  anger  :  "  What  does  your  cabinet  mean  ?  What  is 
the  motive  for  raising  these  rumours  of  armaments  in  our  harbours  ? 
How  !  Is  it  possible  to  impose  in  this  manner  upon  the  credulity  of 
nations,  or  to  be  so  ignorant  of  our  real  intentions?  If  the  actual  state 
of  things  be  known,  it  must  be  evident  to  all  that  there  are  only  two 
transports  fitting  out  for  St.  Domingo :  that  that  island  engrosses  all 
our  attention,  all  our  disposable  means.  Why  then  these  complaints  ? 
Can  peace  be  already  considered  as  a  burden  to  be  shaken  off?  Is 
Europe  to  be  again  deluged  in  blood?  Preparations  making  for  war  ! 
To  pretend  to  overawe  us  !  France  may  be  conquered,  perhaps 
destroyed,  but  never  intimidated  !  " 

'  The  ambassador  made  a  respectful  bow,  and  gave  no  reply.  The 
first  consul  left  that  part  of  the  saloon  ;  but  whether  he  had  been  a 


236  NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 

Placenza,  which  was  done  by  the  sole  authority  of  Bonaparte. 
It  may  therefore  be  supposed  that  the  internal  prosperity  of 
France  and  the  ambition  of  her  ruler  was  the  cause  of  un- 
easiness to  England.  But  this  was  no  excuse  for  her  own 
decided  bad  faith  in  refusing  to  withdraw  her  troops  from  Malta 
within  three  months  from  the  signing  of  the  treaty  ;  and  now 
more  than  a  year  had  elapsed,  and  the  troops  were  still  there. 
The  order  of  Malta  was  to  be  restored  as  it  formerly  was  ; 
that  is  to  say,  it  was  to  remain  a  sovereign  and  independent 
order  under  the  protection  of  the  Holy  See.  The  three  cabinets 
of  Vienna,  Berlin,  and  St.  Petersburg,  were  to  guarantee  the 
execution  of  the  treaty. 

Bonaparte  was  at  St.  Cloud  when  Lord  Whitworth  left  Paris, 
on  the  1 2th  of  May,  1803.  Fifteen  days  were  spent  in  attempts 
to  resume  negotiations,  but  without  success,  and  therefore  war 
was  the  only  alternative.  The  first  consul,  before  he  made  his 
final  preparations,  addressed  a  message  to  the  Senate,  to  the 
Legislative  Body,  and  to  the  Tribunate.  In  this  message  he 
mentioned  the  recall  of  the  English  ambassador,  the  renewal  of 
hostilities,  the  unexpected  message  of  the  king  of  England  to 
the  parliament,  and  the  armaments  which  immediately  followed 
in  the  British  ports.  '  In  vain,'  he  said,  *  had  France  tried 
every  means  to  induce  England  to  abide  by  the  treaty.     She 

little  heated  by  this  explosion  of  ill-hum  ur,  or  from  some  other 
cause,  he  ceased  his  round,  and  withdrew  to  his  own  apartments. 
Madame  Bonaparte  followed.  In  an  instant  the  saloon  was  cleared 
of  company.  The  ambassadors  of  Russia  and  England  had  retired  to 
the  embrasure  of  a  window,  and  were  still  conversing  together  after 
the  apartments  had  been  cleared  of  visitors.  "  Indeed,"  said  one  to 
the  other,  "you  could  hardly  expect  such  an  attack  ;  how  then  could 
you  be  prepared  to  reply  to  it  ?  All  you  have  to  do  is  to  give  an  ac- 
count of  it  to  your  government ;  in  the  meantime,  let  what  has  taken 
place  suggest  to  you  the  conduct  you  ought  to  pursue." 

'  He  took  the  advice.  The  communications  became  cold  and  re- 
served. England  had  already  formed  her  determination.  A  spirit  of 
acrimony  soon  sprang  up  between  the  two  governments. 

'  An  interchange  of  notes  took  place  ;  categorical  explanations  were 
required ;  the  demands  for  passports  soon  followed.  The  latter  were 
immediately  granted  by  the  first  consul.  I  was  in  his  closet  at  St. 
Cloud  when  M.  Maret  was  introduced,  who  brought  with  him  the  cor- 
rected draft  of  the  reply  which  was  to  accompany  the  passports.  He 
had  it  read  out  to  him,  and  expressed  himself  in  the  kindest  terms 
respecting  the  personal  character  of  Lord  Whitworth,  for  whom  he 
felt  great  regard.  He  was  quite  satisfied  that  on  this  occasion  the  am- 
bassador had  not  at  all  influenced  the  conduct  of  his  government.'— 
Memoirs  erf  the  Duke  of  Rovigo.. 


RENEWAL   OF    WAR  237 

has  repelled  every  overture,  and  increased  the  insolence  of  her 
demands — but  France  will  not  submit  to  menaces,  but  will 
combat  for  the  faith  of  treaties  and  for  the  honour  of  her 
name,  confidently  trusting  that  the  result  of  the  contest  will 
be  such  as  she  has  a  right  to  expect  from  the  justice  of  her 
cause  and  from  the  bravery  of  her  people.' 

This  message  was  dignified,  and  free  from  that  boasting  in 
which  Bonaparte  so  frequently  indulged.  The  reply  of  the 
Senate  was  accompanied  by  a  vote  of  a  ship  of  the  line,  to  be 
paid  for  out  of  the  allowance  made  to  the  Senate.  With 
his  usual  address,  Bonaparte,  in  acting  for  himself,  spoke  in  the 
name  of  the  people,  just  as  he  had  done  on  the  question  of  the 
consulate  for  life.  But  what  he  did  then  for  his  own  interest, 
as  I  have  frequently  stated,  turned  out  for  the  advantage  of  the 
Bourbons.  Bonaparte  though  not  yet  a  sovereign,  absolutely 
required  that  the  king  of  England  should  renounce  the  empty 
title  of  king  of  France,  which  had  been  always  kept  up  as  if 
to  intimate  that  old  pretensions  were  not  abandoned.  This  pro- 
position was  acceded  to,  and  to  this  circumstance  was  owing 
the  disappearance  of  the  title  of  king  of  France  from  among 
the  titles  of  the  king  of  England,  at  the  treaty  of  Paris  on  the 
return  of  the  Bourbons. 

The  first  grievance  complained  of  by  England  was  the 
prohibition  of  English  merchandise,  which  had  become  more 
rigid  since  the  peace  than  during  the  war.  This  avowal  on  the 
part  of  Great  Britain  might  well  have  dispensed  with  any 
other  ground  of  complaint  ;  but  the  truth  is,  she  was  alarmed 
at  the  aspect  of  our  internal  prosperity,  and  at  the  impulse 
given  to  our  manufactures.  The  English  government  had 
hoped  to  obtain  such  a  commercial  treaty  as  would  have 
been  a  death-blow  to  our  rising  trade  ;  but  Bonaparte  opposed 
this,  and  from  the  very  circumstance  of  his  refusal,  he  might 
easily  have  foreseen  the  rupture  at  which  he  appeared 
surprised. 

It  was  evident  that  the  disappointment  in  regard  to  the 
commercial  treaty  was  the  cause  of  the  animosity  of  the  English 
government,  as  this  circumstance  was  alluded  to  in  the  de- 
claration of  the  king  of  England.  In  that  document  it  was 
complained  that  France  had  sent  a  number  of  persons  to  reside 
at  the  ports  of  Great  Britain  and  Ireland,  in  the  quality  of 
commercial  agents,  which  character  and  the  privileges  belonging 
to  it  they  could  only  have  acquired  by  a  commercial  treaty. 
Such  was,  in  my  opinion,  the  real  cause  of  the  complaints  of 


2  38  NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 

England  ;  but  as  it  would  have  seemed  ridiculous  to  have  made 
it  the  ground  for  a  declaration  of  war,  she  enumerated  other 
grievances,  viz. — the  union  of  Piedmont  and  of  the  States  of 
Parma  and  Placenza  with  France,  and  the  continuance  of  the 
French  troops  in  Holland.  Much  was  said  about  the  views  and 
projects  of  France  with  respect  to  Turkey,  and  this  complaint 
originated  in  General  Sebastiani,  of  whom  I  have  already- 
spoken,  having  been  sent  to  Eg}-pt.  Upon  this  point  I  can  take 
upon  me  to  say  that  the  English  government  was  not  misin- 
formed. Bonaparte  too  frequently  spoke  to  me  of  his  ideas 
respecting  the  East,  and  of  his  project  for  finding  means  of 
attacking  the  English  power  in  India,  to  leave  any  doubt  of  his 
having  renounced  it.  The  result  of  all  the  reproaches  which 
the  two  governments  addressed  to  each  other  was,  that  neither 
acted  with  good  faith. 

When  hostilities  recommenced  with  England,  Bonaparte  was 
quite  unprepared  in  most  branches  of  the  service — from  the 
numerous  grants  of  leave  of  absence,  the  wretched  condition  of 
the  cavalr)',  and  the  temporary  nullity  of  the  artillery,  in 
consequence  of  a  project  for  refounding  all  the  field  pieces.  But 
these  difficulties  were  overcome  as  if  by  magic.  He  had 
recourse  to  the  conscription  to  complete  his  army — the  project 
for  refounding  the  artillery  was  abandoned — money  was  obtained 
from  the  large  towns,  and  the  occupation  of  Hanover,  which 
soon  followed,  furnished  an  abundant  supply  of  good  horses  for 
mounting  the  cavalry. 

The  peace  of  Amiens  had  been  broken  about  seven  months, 
when,  on  the  15th  of  December,  1803,  the  first  consul  sent  for 
me  to  the  Tuileries.  His  incomprehensible  conduct  towards  me 
was  still  fresh  in  my  mind  ;  and  as  it  was  upwards  of  a  year 
since  I  had  seen  him^  I  confess  I  did  not  feel  quite  at  ease  when 
I  received  his  summons.  The  truth  is,  I  was  so  much  alarmed 
that  I  had  the  precaution  of  taking  with  me  a  nightcap,  lest  I 
should  be  sent  to  sleep  at  Vincennes. 

On  the  day  appointed  for  the  interview,  Rapp  was  on  duty. 
I  did  not  conceal  from  him  the  fears  which  I  entertained  as  to 
the  possible  result  of  my  visit.  '  You  need  not  be  afraid,'  said 
Rapp,  '  the  first  consul  merely  wishes  to  talk  with  you.'  He 
then  announced  me. 

Bonaparte  came  into  the  grand  saloon  where  I  awaited  him, 
and  addressing  me  in  the  most  good-humoured  way,  inquired, 
after  having  made  a  few  trifling  observations,  'What  do  they 
say    of    my   preparations   for    the    descent    upon    England  ? ' 


PROJECTED    INVASION    OF    ENGLAND         239 

'  General,'  I  replied,  '  there  is  a  great  difference  of  opinion  on 
the  subject.  Everyone  speaks  as  he  would  wish  it.  Suchet, 
for  instance,  who  comes  to  sec  me  very  often,  does  not  doubt 
but  that  it  will  take  place,  and  hopes  to  give  you  on  that 
occasion  a  fresh  proof  of  his  gratitude  and  fidelity.'  '  But 
Suchet  tells  me  that  you  do  not  believe  it.'  '  That  is  true,  I 
certainly  do  not.' — '  Why  > ' — '  Because  you  told  me  at  Antwerp, 
five  years  ago,  that  you  would  not  risk  France  on  the  cast  of  a 
die — that  it  was  too  hazardous — and  nothing  has  changed  since 
that  time  to  render  it  more  probable.'  *  You  are  right  ;  those 
who  believe  in  a  descent  are  blockheads.  They  do  not  see  the 
affair  in  its  true  light.  I  can  doubtless  land  with  one  hundred 
thousand  men.  A  great  battle  will  be  fought,  which  I  shall 
gain  ;  but  I  must  calculate  upon  thirty  thousand  men  killed, 
wounded,  or  taken  prisoners.  If  I  march  on  London,  a  second 
battle  will  be  fought  ;  I  shall  suppose  myself  again  victorious  ; 
but  what  shall  I  do  in  London  with  an  army  reduced  three- 
fourths,  and  without  a  hope  of  reinforcements  >  It  would  be 
madness.  Until  our  navy  acquires  superiority,  it  would  be  a 
perilous  project.  The  great  assemblage  of  troops  in  the  north 
has  another  object.  My  government  must  be  the  first,  or  it 
must  fall.'  Bonaparte  then  evidently  wished  to  deceive  with 
respect  to  his  intentions,  and  he  did  so.  He  wished  it  to  be 
believed  that  he  intended  a  descent  upon  England,  merely  to  fix 
the  attention  of  Europe  in  that  direction.  It  was  at  Dunkirk 
that  he  caused  all  the  various  plans  for  improving  the  ports 
to  be  discussed,  and  on  this  occasion  he  spoke  a  great  deal  on 
his  ulterior  views  respecting  England,  which  had  the  effect  of 
deceiving  the  ablest  around  him. 

The  invasion  of  England  was  the  great  object  of  attention 
throughout  Europe  during  the  autumn  and  winter  of  1803.  But 
early  in  the  succeeding  year  Paris  itself  became  the  theatre  of  a 
series  of  transactions  which  for  a  time  engrossed  the  public  mind. 

One  Fauche-Borel  was  sent  to  Paris  to  bring  about  a  re- 
conciliation between  Moreau  and  Pichegru.  The  latter  general, 
who  was  banished  on  the  i8th  Fructidor,  had  not  obtained  the 
authority  of  the  first  consul  to  return  to  France.  He  lived  in 
England,  where  he  awaited  a  favourable  opportunity  for  putting 
his  old  projects  into  execution.  Moreau  was  at  Paris,  but  he 
never  appeared  at  the  levees  or  parties  of  the  first  consul,  and 
the  enmity  of  both  generals  towards  Bonaparte,  openly  avowed 
on  the  part  of  Pichegru,  and  still  disguised  by  Moreau,  was  a 
secret  to  nobody.     But  as  everything  was  prosperous  with  the 


240  NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 

first  consul,  he  manifested  more  disdain  than  fear  of  the  two 
generals.  The  name  of  Moreau  had  greater  weight  with  the 
army  than  that  of  Pichegru  ;  and  those  who  were  planning 
the  overthrow  of  the  consular  government,  knew  that  that 
measure  could  not  be  attended  wich  success  without  the  assistance 
of  Moreau. 

The  moment  was  not  favourable  ;  but  having  become  initiated 
into  some  secrets  of  the  British  cabinet,  they  knew  that  the 
peace  was  but  a  truce,  and  they  were  desirous  to  profit  by  this 
circumstance  to  effect  a  reconciliation  which  might  afterwards 
secure  a  commimity  of  interests.  Moreau  and  Pichegru  had 
been  on  bad  terms  since  the  former  sent  to  the  Directory  the 
papers  seized  in  M.  de  Klinglins/s  carriage  which  placed  the 
treason  of  Pichegru  in  the  clearest  light.  Since  that  time, 
the  name  of  Pichegru  was  without  influence  with  the  soldiers, 
whilst  the  name  of  Moreau  was  dear  to  all  those  who  had 
conquered  under  his  command. 

The  design  of  Fauche-Borel  was  to  compromise  Moreau 
without  determining  anything.  Moreau's  natural  indolence, 
and  perhaps  his  good  sense,  induced  him  to  adopt  the  maxim 
that  it  is  better  to  let  men  and  things  take  their  course,  for 
temporizing  in  politics  is  not  less  useful  than  in  war.  Besides, 
Moreau  was  a  real  republican  ;  and  if  his  irresolution  would 
not  permit  him  to  take  a  part,  it  is  clear  that  he  would  not 
have  assisted  in  re-establishing  the  Bourbons,  which  was  what 
Pichegru  desired. 

What  I  have  stated  may  be  regarded  as  an  indispensable 
introduction  to  the  knowledge  of  plots  of  more  importance, 
which  preceded  the  great  event  which  marked  the  close  of 
the  consulship — that  is  the  conspiracy  of  Georges  Cadoudal, 
Moreau,  and  Pichegru,  and  that  indelible  stain  on  the  character 
of  Napoleon — the  death  of  the  Duke  d'Enghien.  Different 
opinions  have  been  expressed  concerning  Georges'  conspiracy. 
I  shall  not  contradict  any  of  them.  I  will  relate  what  I 
learned  and  what  I  saw  of  that  horrible  affair.  I  am  far  from 
believing,  what  I  have  read  in  many  works,  that  it  was  planned 
by  the  police  in  order  to  prepare  the  way  for  the  first  consul 
mounting  the  throne.  I  think  that  it  was  projected  by  those 
who  were  interested,  but  encouraged  by  Fouche  to  favour  his 
return  to  office. 

To  corroborate  my  opinion  respecting  Fouche's  conduct  and 
his  manoeuvres,  I  must  state  that  towards  the  close  of  1803, 
some  persons  conceived  the  project  of  reconciling  Moreau  and 


THE   PICHEGRU  PLOT  2+1 

Pichegru.  Fouche,  who  was  then  out  of  the  ministry,  caused 
Moreau  to  be  visited  by  men  of  his  own  party  and  his 
companions,  who  were  induced  unintentionally,  by  Fouche's 
influence,  to  irritate  the  general's  mind.  It  was  at  first  intended 
that  the  Abbe  David,  the  mutual  friend  of  Moreau  and  Pichegru, 
should  undertake  to  effect  their  reconciliation  ;  but  he  being 
arrested  and  sent  to  the  Temple,  was  succeeded  by  one  Lajolais, 
who  it  was  generally  believed  had  been  employed  by  Fouche. 
He  proceeded  to  London,  and  having  prevailed  upon  Pichegru 
and  his  friends  to  return  to  Paris,  he  set  off  to  announce  their 
intention,  and  to  arrange  everything  for  their  reception  and 
destruction.  The  only  foundation  for  this  intrigue  was  the 
discontent  of  Moreau.  I  remember  that  one  day,  towards  the 
end  of  January,  1804,  I  called  on  Fouche,  who  informed  me 
that  he  had  been  at  St.  Cloud,  and  had  had  a  long  conversation 
with  the  first  consul  on  the  situation  of  affairs.  The  first  consul 
observed  that  he  was  perfectly  satisfied  with  the  existing  police, 
and  that  it  was  only  to  increase  his  importance  that  he  gave 
such  a  colouring  to  the  picture.  Fouche  asked  him,  '  What  he 
would  say  if  he  told  him  that  Georges  and  Pichegru  had  been 
for  some  time  in  Paris  to  arrange  the  plot  of  which  he  had 
spoken.'  The  first  consul,  as  if  well  pleased  at  the  mistake  of 
Fouche,  said  with  an  air  of  satisfaction,  '  You  are  truly  well 
informed  !  Regnier  has  just  received  a  letter  from  London, 
which  states  that  Pichegru  had  dined  at  Kingston,  near  to  the 
city,  with  one  of  the  king's  ministers.' 

As  Fouche  still  persisted  in  his  assertion,  the  first  consul  sent 
to  Paris  for  the  grand  judge,  Regnier,  who  shewed  the  letter  to 
Fouche.  The  first  consul  triumphed  at  first  to  see  Fouche  at 
fault ;  but  the  latter  so  clearly  proved  that  Pichegru  and  Georges 
were  in  Paris,  that  Regnier  began  to  believe  that  he  had  been 
deceived  by  his  agents  ;  his  rival  paid  better  than  himself.  The 
first  consul  seeing  clearly  that  his  old  minister  knew  more  than 
the  new,  dismissed  Regnier,  and  remained  a  long  time  in 
conversation  with  Fouche,  who  said  nothing  as  to  his  being 
reappointed,  for  fear  of  exciting  suspicion.  He  only  requested 
that  the  management  of  this  affair  might  be  intrusted  to  Real, 
with  orders  to  obey  all  the  directions  and  instructions  which  he 
might  receive  from  him. 

Previous  to  relating  what  I  know  respecting  the  arrest  ot 
Moreau  and  the  other  persons  accused,  I  shall  here  give  an 
account  of  a  long  interview  which  I  had  with  Bonaparte  in  the 
midst  of  these  important  events. 

16 


242  NAPOLEON   BONAPARTE 

On  the  8th  of  March,  1804,  some  time  after  the  arrest,  but 
before  the  trial  of  Moreau,  I  had  an  audience  of  the  first  consul 
at  eight  in  the  morning,  which  was  not  sought  by  me.  After 
having  asked  some  unimportant  questions  as  to  what  I  was 
doing,  what  I  expected  he  should  do  for  me,  and  assuring  me 
that  he  would  bear  me  in  mind,  and  other  vague  remarks 
respecting  the  conspiracy,  he  all  at  once  gave  a  different  turn  to 
the  conversation,  and  said,  '  By  the  bye,  the  report  of  my 
connexion  with  Hortense  is  still  kept  up  ;  and  the  most 
abominable  rumours  have  been  circulated  as  to  her  first  child.  I 
believed  at  the  time  that  these  reports  were  only  circulated 
because  the  public  desired  that  I  should  not  be  childless.  Since 
you  and  I  separated  have  you  heard  them  repeated  } ' — '  Yes, 
General,  frequently  ;  and  I  confess  that  I  could  not  have  believed 
that  this  calumny  would  have  lived  so  long.' — '  It  is  truly 
frightful  to  think  of !  You  know  the  truth — you  have  seen  all 
— heard  all,  the  least  circumstance  could  not  have  passed 
without  your  knowledge  ;  you  were  in  her  full  confidence  when 
she  was  in  love  with  Duroc.  I  therefore  expect,  if  you  should 
ever  write  anything  about  me,  that  you  will  clear  me  from  this 
infamous  report.  I  would  not  have  it  accompany  my  name  to 
posterity.  I  trust  to  you.  You  have  never  believed  this  odious 
imputation  > ' — '  No,  General,  never.'  He  then  entered  into  a 
number  of  circumstances  connected  with  the  life  of  Hortense  ; 
on  her  general  conduct,  and  on  the  turn  which  her  marriage  had 
taken.  '  It  has  not  turned  out  as  I  could  have  desired  ;  their 
union  has  not  been  happy.  I  am  sorry  for  it,  not  only  because 
they  are  both  dear  to  me,  but  because  it  countenances  the 
infamous  reports  that  the  idle  have  circulated  as  to  my  intimacy 
with  her.'  He  concluded  the  conversation  with  these  words, 
'  Bourrienne,  I  have  sometimes  the  idea  of  replacing  you  ;  but 
as  there  is  no  good  pretext  for  doing  so,  it  would  be  said  that  I 
could  not  do  without  you,  and  I  wish  it  may  be  understood  that 
I  am  not  in  want  of  anyone.'  After  a  few  other  remarks  about 
Hortense,  I  answered  that,  '  As  it  fully  coincided  with  my  own 
conviction,  I  would  do  what  he  desired  ;  but  that  it  did  not 
depend  upon  me,  for  the  truth  was  already  known.' 

Mademoiselle  Beauharnois  entertained  for  the  first  consul  a 
respectful  fear,  and  could  not  speak  to  him  without  trembling — 
she  never  dared  to  ask  any  favour  of  him.  When  she  required 
to  solicit  anything  she  always  applied  to  me,  and  if  I  found  any 
difficulty  in  obtaining  it,  I  mentioned  her  as  the  person  for 
whom   I  requested   it.     'The  little  simpleton,'  said  Bonaparte, 


THE    PICHEGRU    PLOT  243 

'  why  does  she  not  ask  me  herself  ?  Is  the  girl  afraid  of  me  ? ' 
Napoleon  never  cherished  for  her  any  feeling  but  a  real  paternal 
tenderness.  He  loved  her,  after  his  marriage  with  her  mother, 
as  he  would  have  loved  his  own  child.  At  least  for  three  years 
I  was  a  witness  to  all  their  most  private  actions,  and  I  declare  I 
never  saw  anything  that  could  furnish  the  least  ground  for 
suspicion,  nor  the  slightest  trace  of  a  culpable  intimacy.  This 
calumny  must  be  classed  among  those  which  malice  delights 
to  take  with  the  character  of  men  who  become  celebrated, — 
calumnies  which  are  adopted  lightly  and  without  reflection.  I 
freely  declare  that,  did  I  entertain  the  slightest  doubt  with  regard 
to  this  odious  charge,  of  the  existence  of  which  I  knew  very  well 
before  he  spoke  to  me,  I  would  avow  it — but  it  is  not  true.  He 
is  no  more  :  and  let  his  memory  be  accompanied  only  by  that, 
be  it  good  or  bad,  which  really  took  place  !  Let  not  this 
reproach  be  made  a  charge  against  him  by  the  impartial 
historian  !  I  must  say,  in  conclusion,  on  this  delicate  subject, 
that  his  principles  were  rigid  in  an  extreme  degree,  and  that  any 
fault  of  the  nature  charged  neither  entered  his  mind,  nor  was  it 
in  accordance  with  his  morals  or  his  tastes. 

I  shall  now  return  to  the  events  of  a  more  public  character 
which  succeeded  each  other  so  rapidly  at  the  commencement  of 
1804,  and  in  order  to  form  a  just  idea  of  them,  it  will  be 
necessary  to  consider  them  both  separately  and  connectedly. 

Everyone  possessing  the  slightest  intelligence  must  be 
satisfied  that  the  conspiracy  of  Georges,  Moreau,  and  Pichegru, 
and  the  other  parties  implicated,  never  could  have  occurred  had 
it  not  been  for  the  connivance  of  the  police.  Moreau  never  for 
a  moment  desired  the  restoration  of  the  Bourbons,  and  I  was 
too  well  acquainted  with  M.  Carbonnet,  his  most  intimate  friend, 
to  be  ignorant  of  his  private  sentiments.  It  was  therefore  im- 
possible that  he  could  entertain  the  same  views  as  Georges,  the 
Polignacs,  Riviere,  and  others. 

Without  entering  into  all  the  details  of  this  great  trial,  of 
which  the  death  of  the  Duke  d'Enghien  was  a  horrible  episode, 
I  will  relate  some  facts  which  may  assist  in  eliciting  the  truth 
from  a  chaos  of  intrigue  and  falsehood. 

Most  of  the  conspirators  were  confined  either  in  the  Temple 
or  La  Force,  and  one  of  them,  Bouvet  de  Lozier,  who  was  con- 
fined in  the  Temple,  endeavoured  to  hang  himself.  He  had  very 
nearly  succeeded,  by  making  use  of  his  cravat  for  that  purpose, 
when  the  turnkey  entered  and  found  him  at  the  point  of  death. 
When  he  recovered,  he  acknowledged  that,  though  he  was  able 


244  NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 

to  face  death,  he  was  not  able  to  endure  the  examination  on  his 
trial,  and  that  he  had  determined  to  kill  himself  rather  than  that 
he  might  be  induced  by  fear  to  make  any  confessions.  He  did 
in  fact  confess,  and  it  was  on  the  morning  when  that  occurred 
that  Moreau  was  arrested  while  on  his  way  from  his  country  seat 
of  Grosbois  to  Paris. 

Fouche,  by  means  of  his  agents,  had  given  Pichegru,  Georges, 
and  some  other  partisans  of  royalty,  to  understand  that  they 
could  count  on  JPvloreau,  who  it  was  said  was  quite  prepared  to 
join  them.  It  is  certain  that  Moreau  informed  Pichegru  that  he 
had  been  deceived  ;  for  that,  as  for  himself,  he  had  never  been 
spoken  to  on  the  subject.  Rusillon  declared  on  the  trial,  on  the 
14th  of  March,  that  the  Polignacs  had  said  to  someone — *  Every- 
thing seems  bad — they  do  not  understand  each  other.  Moreau 
has  not  kept  his  word — we  are  deceived.'  M.  Rivifere  also 
declared  that  he  soon  discovered  that  they  were  deceived,  and 
that  he  was  about  to  return  to  England  when  he  was  arrested — 
indeed,  when  they  learned  Moreau's  declaration  from  Pichegru, 
the  whole  of  the  conspirators  were  preparing  to  leave  Paris,  when 
they  were  all  arrested  almost  at  the  same  time.  Georges  was 
going  into  La  Vendee,  when  he  was  betrayed  by  the  man  who, 
with  the  connivance  of  the  police,  had  accompanied  him  since 
his  departure  from  London,  and  who  had  preserved  him  from 
all  surprise  so  long  as  it  was  not  necessary  to  know  where  he 
was  and  what  he  was  about. 

The  almost  simultaneous  arrest  of  the  conspirators  proved 
that  the  police  knew  well  where  they  were  to  be  found. 

When  Pichegru  was  required  to  sign  his  interrogations,  he 
refused  to  do  so,  as  he  suspected  the  police  might  have  discharged 
the  writing  by  some  chemical  process,  and  filled  it  up  with 
statements  which  he  had  never  made.  Some  fear  was  enter- 
tained lest  he  should  have  made  disclosures  respecting  his 
connexion  with  Moreau,  whose  destruction  was  sought  for, 
and  as  to  the  means  made  use  of  by  the  police  to  instigate  the 
conspirators. 

On  the  evening  of  the  15th  of  February,  I  learned  that  Moreau 
had  been  arrested,  and  early  next  morning  I  went  to  the  Rue 
St.  Pierre,  where  M.  Carbonnet  resided  with  his  nephew,  to  learn 
the  particulars  of  the  general's  arrest.  What  was  my  surprise  ! 
when,  before  I  could  put  the  question  to  the  porter,  he  informed 
me  that  M.  Carbonnet  and  his  nephew  were  both  arrested.  'I 
advise  you,  sir,"  said  the  porter,  '  to  retire  instantly,  for  the 
persons  who  call  upon  M.  Carbonnet  are  watched.'  '  Is  he  still 


HIS   POLICY    ON    THE    PLOT  245 

at  home  ? '  said  I.  '  Yes  :  they  are  examining  his  papers. 
'Then,'  replied  I,  'I  will  go  up.'  M.  Carbonnet,  of  whose 
friendship  I  have  reason  to  be  proud,  and  whose  memory  is  dear 
to  me,  was  more  distressed  at  the  arrest  of  his  nephew  and  of 
Moreau  than  by  his  own.  His  nephew  was,  however,  liberated 
after  a  few  hours,  and  he  himself  was  sent  to  solitary  confine- 
ment at  Saint  Pelagie. 

Thus  the  police,  who  knew  nothing,  quickly  became  informed 
of  everything.  In  spite  of  the  numerous  police  agents  through- 
out France,  it  was  only  discovered  by  the  declarations  of  Bouvet 
de  Lozier  that  three  successive  landings  had  been  quietly  effected  ; 
and  that  a  fourth  was  expected,  but  which  did  not  take  place  be- 
cause General  Savary  was  sent  by  the  first  consul  to  seize  those 
who  might  land.  There  cannot  be  a  better  proof  of  the  devotion 
of  the  police  to  their  old  chief,  and  their  combined  determination 
to  mislead  the  new  minister. 

It  must  be  kept  in  mind  that  all  Bonaparte's  schemes  tended 
to  one  object — the  foundation  of  the  French  empire  in  his 
favour  ;  and  it  is  also  important  to  consider  how  the  situation  of 
the  emigrants,  as  regards  the  first  consul,  had  changed  since  the 
peace  had  been  broken. 

As  long  as  Bonaparte  was  at  peace  with  other  governments, 
the  cause  of  the  Bourbons  had  no  support  in  foreign  cabinets, 
and  the  emigrants  had  no  alternative  but  to  submit  to  circum- 
stances ;  but  on  the  renewal  of  war  all  was  changed.  The 
cause  of  the  Bourbons  became  that  of  all  the  powers  at  war  with 
France,  and  the  war  had  also  the  effect  of  uniting  the  emigrants 
abroad  with  those  who  had  returned  and  who  were  dissatisfied  ; 
there  was  reason  to  fear  something  from  their  hostility,  in  con- 
junction with  the  powers  armed  against  Bonaparte. 

Such  was  the  state  of  things,  with  regard  to  the  emigrants, 
when  the  chiefs  and  accomplices  of  the  conspiracy  of  Georges 
were  arrested  at  the  commencement  of  the  year  1S04.  The 
assassination  of  the  Duke  d'Enghien  took  place  on  the  21st  of 
March  ;  on  the  30th  of  April  the  proposition  was  made  to  the 
Tribune  to  found  in  France  a  government  in  the  person  of  one 
individual  ;  on  the  i8th  of  May  the  Senate  named  Napoleon 
Bonaparte  emperor  ;  and  lastly,  on  the  loth  of  June,  Georges 
and  his  accomplices  were  condemned.  Thus  the  shedding  of 
the  blood  of  a  Bourbon  and  the  placing  the  crown  of  France 
on  the  head  of  a  soldier  of  fortune,  were  two  acts  interpolated 
into  the  bloody  drama  of  Georges'  conspiracy. 

It  must  also  be  borne  in  mind  that  at  this  time  we  were  at 


24.6  NAPOLEON   BONAPARTE 

war  with  England,  and  on  the  point  of  seeing  Austria  and  the 
Colossus  of  the  North  coalescing  against  our  new  emperor. 

I  shall  now  relate  a  few  of  the  particulars  respecting  the 
melancholy  death  of  the  Duke  d'Enghien.  That  unfortunate 
prince,  who  was  at  Ettenheim  in  consequence  of  a  love  affair,  had 
no  communication  with  those  parties  who  were  preparing  a  plot 
in  the  interior.  Moreau  was  arrested  on  the  15th  of  February, 
1804,  at  which  time  the  conspiracy  was  known.  Pichcgru  and 
Georges  were  also  arrested  in  February,  and  the  Duke  d'Enghien 
not  till  the  15th  of  March.  Now,  if  the  prince  had  really  been 
concerned  in  the  conspiracy,  or  if  he  had  even  known  of  it, 
would  he  have  remained  at  Ettenheim  for  a  moment  after  the 
arrest  of  his  pretended  accomplices,  the  intelligence  of  which  he 
could  have  received  in  three  days  ?  He  was  so  entirely  a  stranger 
to  it,  that  when  informed  of  the  affair  at  Ettenheim,  he  declared, 
that  if  it  was  true  his  father  and  grandfather  would  have  in- 
formed him  of  it  for  his  own  personal  safety.  The  sentence  of 
death  against  Georges  and  liis  companions  was  not  passed  until 
the  loth  of  June,  1804,  and  the  Duke  d'Enghien  was  shot  on 
the  2ist  of  March,  before  the  trials  had  even  commenced.  How 
is  this  precipitation  to  be  explained  ?  If,  as  Napoleon  said,  the 
young  Bourbon  was  their  accomplice,  why  was  he  not  arrested 
at  the  same  time  as  the  others  .''  Why  was  he  not  tried  with 
them,  or  why  was  the  name  of  the  illustrious  accused  not  once 
mentioned  in  the  course  of  that  awful  trial  ?  or  was  it  that  his 
answers  might  have  thrown  light  upon  the  mysteaous  affair  ? 
It  is  absolutely  impossible  that  any  reasonable  person  can  regard 
the  Duke  d'Enghien  as  an  accomplice  in  Cadoudal's  conspiracy, 
and  Napoleon  has  basely  attempted  to  impose  upon  his  con- 
temporaries and  posterity  by  lending  his  authority  to  the  false- 
hoods which  were  invented  to  screen  him  from  the  odium  which 
will  ever  be  attached  to  his  name  for  this  atrocious  act. 

Had  I  then  been  in  the  first  consul's  intimacy,  I  believe  that 
the  blood  of  the  Duke  d'Enghien  would  never  have  stained  the 
glory  of  Bonaparte,  because  I  believe  that  I  could  have  succeeded 
in  dissuading  him  from  his  fatal  design,  as  I  knew  that  his 
object  was  merely  to  frighten  the  emigrants  from  Ettenheim, 
where  great  numbers  had  sought  refuge. 

It  has  been  said  that  a  letter  was  written  to  Bonaparte  by 
the  Duke  d'Enghien,  offering  him  his  services,  and  soliciting 
a  command  in  his  army,  and  that  it  was  not  delivered  until 
after  the  execution.  This  is  atrociously  absurd.  His  interro- 
gatory makes  no  mention  of  this  letter — the  truth  is,  no  such 


EXECUTION    OF    DUC   D'ENGHIEN  247 

letter  ever  existed,  nor  is  it  to  be  supposed  that  the  prince  would 
have  entertained  such  sentiments.  The  individual  who  was 
with  the  prince  declares  that  he  never  wrote  it,  and  I  shall 
never  believe  that  anyone  would  have  dared  to  withhold  from 
Bonaparte  a  letter  on  which  depended  the  fate  of  so  august  and 
so  elevated  a  victim. 

In  his  declarations  at  Saint  Helena,  Napoleon  endeavoured 
to  free  himself  of  the  crime,  by  stating  that  if  he  had  received 
any  application  from  the  prince  he  would  have  pardoned  him. 
But  if  we  compare  all  that  he  said,  which  has  been  transmitted 
to  us  by  his  faithful  followers,  we  shall  find  so  many  contra- 
dictions that  the  truth  cannot  be  doubted.  Napoleon  would 
not  confess  the  real  cause  of  the  death  of  the  Duke  d'Enghien  ; 
but  inexorable  history  will  relate  that  he  was  proclaimed 
emperor  three  months  after  his  assassination,  and,  less  indulgent 
than  his  contemporaries,  she  will  not  attach  any  blame  to 
chance,  to  criminal  zeal,  or  to  intrigue. 

This  sanguinary  scene  took  place  at  the  Castle  of  Vincennes. 
It  was  General  Ordener,  commandant  of  the  horse  grenadiers 
of  the  guard,  who  received  orders  from  th-e  minister  at  war  to 
proceed  to  the  Rhine,  to  give  instructions  to  the  chiefs  of  the 
gendarmerie  of  New  Brissac,  which  was  placed  at  his  disposal. 
This  general  sent  a  detachment  of  gendarmerie  to  Ettenheim, 
where  the  Duke  d'Enghien  was  arrested  on  the  15th  of  March. 
He  was  immediately  conducted  to  the  citadel  of  Strasbourg, 
where  he  remained  until  the  i8th,  to  give  time  for  orders  being 
received  from  Paris.  These  orders  were  given  rapidly,  and 
promptly  executed,  for  the  carriage  which  conveyed  the  un- 
fortunate prince  arrived  at  the  barrier  at  eleven  o'clock  on  the 
morning  of  the  20th.  It  remained  there  for  five  hours,  and 
then  departed  by  the  exterior  boulevards  on  the  road  to 
Vincennes,  where  it  arrived  at  night.  Every  scene  of  this 
horrible  affair  took  place  during  the  night — the  sun  did  not 
even  shine  upon  its  tragic  close.  The  soldiers  had  orders  to 
proceed  to  Vincennes  during  the  night  ;  it  was  at  night  that 
the  fatal  gates  were  closed  upon  the  prince — at  night  the 
council  assembled  to  try  him,  or  rather  to  condemn  him  without 
trial.  When  the  clock  struck  six  in  the  morning  of  the  21st 
of  March,  the  order  was  given  to  fire,  and  the  prince  ceased 
to  live.  Here  let  me  be  permitted  to  make  a  reflection.  When 
the  dreadful  intelligence  of  the  death  of  the  Duke  d'Enghien 
reached  Paris,  it  excited  a  feeling  of  consternation  which  re- 
called the  recollection  of  the  days  of  terror.     Ah  !  if  Bonaparte 


248  NAPOLEON   BONAPARTE 

could  have  seen  the  gloom  which  pervaded  the  capital,  and 
compared  it  with  the  joy  which  was  exhibited  on  the  day  when 
he  returned  victorious  from  the  field  of  Marengo,  he  would 
have  considered  that  he  had  tarnished  his  glory  with  a  stain 
which  nothing  could  ever  efface. 

After  receiving  the  fatal  intelligence  of  this  event,  I  determined 
to  go  to  Malmaison  to  wait  upon  Madame  Bonaparte  ;  knowing, 
from  her  sentiments  towards  the  house  of  Bourbon,  that  she 
would  be  in  the  deepest  affliction.  I  had  sent  a  messenger 
to  know  whether  it  would  be  convenient  for  her  to  see  me, 
a  precaution  which  I  had  never  previously  observed,  but  which 
I  judged  to  be  proper  on  the  present  occasion.  On  my  arrival 
I  was  immediately  introduced  into  her  boudoir,  where  she  was 
alone  with  Hortense  and  Madame  Remusat  ;  I  found  them  all 
deeply  afflicted.  '  Bourrienne,'  said  Josephine,  as  soon  as  she 
perceived  me,  '  what  a  dreadful  event  !  If  you  but  knew  the 
state  of  mind  he  has  been  in  for  some  time, — he  avoids,  he 
fears  the  presence  of  anyone.  Who  could  have  suggested  to 
him  such  an  act  as  this  .? '  When  I  acquainted  Josephine  with 
the  particulars  which  had  come  to  my  knowledge,  she  exclaimed, 
'  What  barbarity  !  But  no  reproach  can  rest  with  me,  for  I 
did  everything  to  dissuade  him  from  this  fatal  project.  He  did 
not  confide  in  me,  but  you  know  how  I  am  able  to  guess — and 
he  acknowledged  all.  But  how  harshly  he  repelled  my  entreaties  ! 
I  clung  to  him — I  threw  myself  at  his  feet  !  "  Meddle  with 
what  concerns  you  !  "  he  exclaimed  with  violence,  "  This  is  not 
the  business  of  women — leave  me."  He  repulsed  me  with  a 
violence  which  he  had  not  done  since  our  first  interview  after 
your  return  from  Egypt.  Gracious  God  !  what  will  become 
of  us  ? ' 

I  had  nothing  to  say  to  calm  the  grief  of  Madame  Bonaparte, 
for  I  participated  in  her  affliction,  and  only  could  express  my 
regret  that  Bonaparte  should  have  been  guilty  of  such  a  crime. 
'What,'  said  Josephine,  '  is  the  opinion  of  Paris  .?  I  am  sure  he 
must  be  hated,  for  even  here  his  flatterers  seem  astounded  when 
they  are  out  of  his  presence.  How  wretched^ave  we  been  since 
yesterday  ;  and  he  ! — you  know  what  he  is  when  he  is  dissatisfied 
with  himself — no  one  dares  speak  to  him,  and  all  is  mournful 
around  us.  What  a  commission  he  gave  to  Savary  !  You  know 
I  don't  like  him,  for  he  is  one  of  those  whose  flatteries  will  con- 
tribute to  ruin  Bonaparte.  Ah,  well  !  Savary  came  yesterday  to 
me  to  fulfil  a  sad  commission  which  the  Duke  d'Enghien  gave  to 
him  before  his  death. — '  Here,'  she  continued,  *  is  his  portrait  and 


EFFECT   OF   THE   TRAGEDY  249 

a  lock  of  his  hair,  which  he  has  requested  me  to  send  to  one  who 
was  dear  to  him.  Savary  almost  shed  tears  when  he  related  to 
me  the  last  words  of  the  duke  ;  then  endeavouring  to  recover  his 
self-possession,  he  said,  "  It  was  impossible  to  witness  the  death 
of  such  a  man  without  feeling  the  bitterest  emotion."  * 


CHAPTER    XX. 

The  immediate  consequences  of  the  death  of  the  Duke  d'Enghien 
were  not  confined  to  the  general  consternation  which  that  event 
produced  in  the  capital.  The  news  spread  rapidly  through 
the  provinces  and  foreign  countries,  and  everywhere  carried 
astonishment  and  sorrow.  There  is  a  class  of  society  which 
possesses  great  influence  in  the  provinces,  called  the  '  Gentry  of 
the  Chateaux,'  and  who  may  be  said  to  form  the  provincial 
faubourg  Saint  Germain.  The  opinion  of  these  gentry  of  the 
Chateaux  had  been  hitherto  not  unfavourable  to  the  first 
consul,  for  he  reduced  the  rigour  of  the  law  of  hostages,  which 
had  been  felt  very  severely  by  them.  He  therefore  had 
succeeded  to  a  great  degree  in  conciliating  them,  but  the  news 
of  the  death  of  the  Duke  d'Enghien  alienated  from  him  minds 
which  were  still  wavering,  and  even  those  who  had  changed. 
This  act  of  tyranny  dissolved  the  charm  which  -had  created 
hope  from  his  government,  and  awakened  affections  which  had 
hitherto  slumbered. 

The  consequences  were  not  less  important,  and  might  have 
become  serious,  as  respected  foreign  courts.  I  was  informed 
from  very  good  authority,  that  so  soon  as  the  Emperor 
Alexander  received  the  news,  it  was  clear  that  England  might 
entertain  hopes  of  forming  a  new  coalition  against  France. 
Alexander  openly  expressed  his  indignation  ;  and  I  learned 
that  Pitt,  when  informed  of  the  death  of  the  French  prince, 
had  said,  that  Bonaparte  had  done  himself  more  mischief  than 
England  had  been  able  to  do  him  since  the  declaration  of  war. 
Pitt  was  not  the  man  to  feel  much  concern  for  the  death  of 
anyone  ;  but  he  understood  and  seized  all  the  advantages  which 
were  given  him  by  so  great  a  political  error  on  the  part  of 
his  most  formidable   enemy. 

The  policy  of  the  cabinet  of  Vienna  prevented  the  manifesta- 
tion of  its  displeasure  by  remonstrances  or  by  any  other  act  ; 
and  the  presence  of  the  French   troops  in   Hanover  prevented 


250 


NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 


the  court  of  Berlin  from  expressing  any  commiseration,  at  least, 
beyond  the  closet  of  the  queen  ;  but  it  is  certain  that  this 
circumstance  changed  very  much  the  disposition  of  the  sovereigns 
towards  the  first  consul,  and  hastened  the  negotiations  which 
England  was  secretly  carrying  on  with  Austria  and  Prussia. 

The  death  of  the  Duke  d'Enghien  was  a  horrible  episode 
to  the  proceedings  of  the  great  trial  which  was  then  preparing, 
and  which  was  quickly  followed  by  the  elevation  of  Bonaparte 
to  the  imperial  dignity.  It  was  not  one  of  the  least  singular 
anomalies  of  this  period,  that  the  judgment  by  which  criminal 
enterprises  against  the  republic  was  condemned,  was  pronounced 
in  the  name  of  the  emperor  who  had  so  evidently  destroyed 
that  republic.  By  means  of  this  subtlety  he  at  first  declared 
himself  Emperor  of  the  Republic,  as  a  preliminary  to  his  pro- 
claiming himself  Emperor  of  the  French.  Really  when  we  look 
at  both  sides,  it  is  impossible  not  to  admire  the  genius  of 
Bonaparte — his  temerity  in  advancing  towards  his  object,  and 
his  skilful  employment  of  suppleness  and  audacity.  It  made 
him  sometimes  dare  fortune  and  sometimes  avoid  insurmount- 
able difficulties,  to  arrive  at  not  merely  the  throne  of  Louis  XVI. 
but  at  the  reconstructed  throne  of  Charlemagne. 

But  it  is  not  my  object  to  reason  on  history  ;  I  shall  merely 
relate  what  I  saw  at  the  time,  and  what  I  have  since  learned, 
of  the  different  phases  of  the  trial  of  Georges,  Pichegru,  and 
Moreau,  and  of  other  persons  accused.  I  myself  heard  all  the 
debates  and  examinations  on  this  trial,  and  I  am  therefore 
enabled  to  say  that  from  all  I  heard  I  was  convinced  that 
Moreau  was  not  a  conspirator. 

It  has  been  stated  that  Moreau  was  arrested  on  the  day  after 
Bouvet  de  Lozier  made  his  confession  ;  and  Pichegru  was 
taken  by  means  of  the  most  infamous  treachery  of  which  a  man 
could  be  capable.  The  police  officers  were  unable  to  discover 
his  retreat,  when  an  old  friend,  who  had  given  him  an  asylum, 
was  induced  to  deliver  him  up  for  one  hundred  thousand  crowns. 
This  infamous  fellow  gave  an  exact  description  of  the  chamber 
which  Pichegru  occupied  ;  and,  in  consequence  of  this  informa- 
tion and  by  means  of  false  keys,  the  police  were  able  to  seize 
in  bed  the  conqueror  of  Holland. 

It  was  on  the  night  of  the  22nd  of  February  that  Pichegru 
was  arrested,  and  the  deceitful  friend  who  gave  him  up  was 
named  Le  Blanc.  I  had  entirely  lost  sight  of  Pichegru  since 
we  left  Brienne,  for  he  was  also  a  pupil  of  that  establishment  ; 
but  as  he  was  older  than  us,  he  was  already  a  tutor  when  we 


DEATH    OF    PICHEGRU  251 

were  only  scholars  ;  and  I  very  well  recollect  that  it  was  he 
who  caused  Bonaparte  to  repeat  the  four  first  rules  of  arithmetic. 
There  is  also  this  other  singular  circumstance,  that  Pichegru 
and  Bonaparte  were  both  made  lieutenants  of  artillery  at  the 
same  time.  What  a  difference  in  their  destiny  !  While  the 
one  was  preparing  to  mount  a  throne,  the  other  was  a  solitary 
prisoner  in  a  dungeon  of  the  Temple. 

Forty  days  had  elapsed  since  the  arrest  of  Pichegru,  when  on 
the  morning  of  the  6th  of  April  he  was  found  dead  in  the 
dungeon  which  he  occupied  in  the  Temple.  He  had  undergone 
ten  examinations,  but  had  neither  made  any  confessions  nor 
compromised  anyone  ;  but  all  his  declarations  led  it  to  be 
expected  that  he  would  speak  out  boldly  and  publicly  during 
the  solemnity  of  his  trial.  He  said,  '  When  I  am  before  my 
judges,  my  language  will  be  conformable  to  truth^  and  to  the 
interests  of  my  country '  ;  and  I  am  satisfied  that  he  would 
have  kept  his  promise,  for  he  was  distinguished  by  firmness  and 
resolution  of  character,  differing  in  this  respect  from  Moreau, 
who  was  much  influenced  by  his  wife. 

There  can  be  no  doubt  but  that  Pichegru  was  strangled 
in  prison  to  prevent  his  making  any  disclosures  which  might 
have  been  disagreeable.  His  death  was  therefore  considered 
necessary,  and  this  necessity  was  its  real  cause. 

Immediately  on  Pichegru's  death,  the  other  prisoners  were  in- 
formed of  the  fact  ;  and,  as  they  were  all  acquainted  with  him, 
none  would  believe  he  had  committed  suicide — what  then  must 
have  been  their  horror  ! 

Moreau  was  not  treated  with  the  same  rigour  as  the  other 
prisoners  ;  nor,  indeed,  would  it  have  been  safe  to  have  done  so, 
for  even  in  his  prison  he  received  the  homage  and  respect  of  the 
military,  not  excepting  even  those  who  were  his  guards.  Many 
of  the  guards  had  served  under  him,  and  they  could  not  forget 
how  much  he  was  beloved  by  the  soldiers.  There  was  in  Paris 
a  general  conviction,  that  if  Moreau  had  ventured  to  say  a  word 
to  the  soldiers  in  whose  charge  he  was,  that  that  jailer-guard 
would  have  immediately  formed  itself  into  a  guard  of  honour, 
ready  to  execute  all  that  might  be  necessary  for  the  safety  of  the 
conqueror  of  Hohenlinden.  It  was,  therefore,  perhaps,  only 
owing  to  the  respect  with  which  he  was  treated,  and  in  being 
indulged  in  daily  seeing  his  wife  and  child,  as  also  from  his  con- 
fidence in  the  injustice  of  the  charges  made  against  him,  that  he 
appeared  to  submit  with  indifl^erence  and  resignation. 

Napoleon  had  been  declared  emperor  about  ten  days,  when  on 


252  NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 

the  28th  of  May  the  trials  commenced.  No  similar  event  which 
has  since  occurred  can  convey  any  idea  of  the  excitement  which 
pervaded  Paris.  The  indignation  caused  by  the  arrest  of  Moreau 
was  openly  manifested,  and  could  not  be  restrained  by  the  police. 
Public  opinion  had  been  successfully  misled  with  respect  to 
Georges  and  others,  who  were  considered  as  assassins  in  the  pay 
of  England,  but  the  case  was  very  different  as  concerned  M.  de 
Polignac,  de  Riviere,  Charles  d'Hosier,  and,  above  all,  Moreau. 
It  was  necessary  to  surround  him  with  a  guard  to  restrain  the 
curiosity  of  the  people  and  the  anxiety  of  his  friends,  but  care 
was  taken  that  it  should  not  be  so  strong  as  to  become  a  rallying 
point,  should  the  voice  of  a  chief,  so  honoured  by  the  army,  call 
upon  it  for  defence.  A  movement  in  favour  of  Moreau  was 
considered  very  possible — by  some  it  was  desired,  by  others  it 
was  dreaded.  I  am  satisfied  that  it  would  have  taken  place  if 
the  judges  had  capitally  condemned  him. 

It  is  impossible  to  form  any  idea  of  the  crowd  which  in- 
commoded all  the  passages  of  the  Palace  of  Justice  on  the  day 
the  trials  commenced,  and  this  crowd  continued  daring  the 
twelve  days  the  trials  lasted,  and  particularly  on  the  day  the 
sentence  was  passed.  Persons  of  the  first  rank  were  desirous  to 
be  present. 

Two  facts  most  forcibly  obtruded  themselves  on  my  attention 
during  the  proceedings — the  one,  the  violence  of  the  president  of 
the  court  towards  the  prisoners  ;  and  the  other,  the  innocence 
of  Moreau.  But  in  spite  of  the  most  crafty  and  skilful  ex- 
amination, Moreau  never  once  fell  into  the  least  contradiction, 
and  it  was  perfectly  evident  that  he  was  an  entire  stranger  to  all 
the  plots  and  intrigues  which  had  been  planned  in  London.  In 
fact,  during  the  whole  trial,  I  did  not  discover  the  shadow  of  a 
connexion  between  him  and  the  other  prisoners,  nor  was  there 
scarcely  one  of  the  thirty-nine  witnesses  who  were  heard  for  the 
prosecution  who  knew  him,  and  he  himself  declared  that  there 
was  not  one  among  the  accused  whom  he  knew,  or  whom  he 
had  ever  seen  before.  His  appearance  was  as  calm  as  his  con- 
science, and  as  he  sat  on  the  bench  he  appeared  as  one  led  by 
curiosity  to  be  present,  rather  than  as  one  of  the  accused,  who 
might  be  condemned  to  death. 

But  for  the  shot  which  killed  Moreau  in  the  ranks  of  the 
enemy — but  for  the  foreign  cockade  which  disgraced  the  hat  of 
the  conqueror  of  Hohenlinden,  his  complete  innocence  would 
long  ago  have  appeared  beyond  a  doubt. 

There  was  a  circumstance  which  occurred  at  one  of  the  sittings 


TRIAL   OF   THE    PLOTTERS  25? 

which  almost  produced  an  electrical  effect.  I  think  I  still  see 
General  Lecourbe,  the  worthy  friend  of  Morcau,  entering  un- 
expectedly into  the  court  with  a  young  child,  and  taking  it  up 
in  his  arms,  he  exclaimed  with  a  strong  voice  and  with  consider- 
able emotion — '  Soldiers,  behold  the  son  of  your  general  ! '  At 
this  unexpected  movement,  all  the  military  present  rose  and 
spontaneously  presented  arms,  and  at  the  same  time  a  murmur 
of  applause  spread  through  the  crowd.  It  is  certain,  that  had 
Moreau  at  that  moment  said  a  word,  such  was  the  enthusiasm 
in  his  favour,  that  the  tribunal  would  have  been  broken  up  and 
the  prisoners  liberated.  But  he  remained  silent,  and  appeared 
the  only  unconcerned  person  in  court. 

Georges  was  far  from  exciting  the  same  interest  as  Moreau — 
he  was  an  object  of  curiosity  rather  than  of  interest,  and  he 
regarded  his  fate  with  a  fierce  kind  of  resolution  ;  he  had  the 
manners  and  bearing  of  a  rude  soldier,  but  under  his  coarse 
exterior  he  concealed  the  soul  of  a  hero.  In  all  that  concerned 
himself  he  was  perfectly  open,  but  in  whatever  tended  to  com- 
promise his  associates,  he  maintained  the  most  obstinate  silence 
notwithstanding  every  attempt  was  made  to  overcome  his 
firmness. 

In  the  course  of  the  trial,  the  greatest  interest  was  felt  for 
M.  de  Polignac,  d'Hosier  and  d'Riviere.  So  short  a  period  had 
elapsed  since  the  proscription  of  the  nobility,  that  independently 
of  every  feeling  of  humanity,  it  was  certainly  impolitic  to  bring 
before  the  public  the  heirs  of  an  illustrious  name,  endowed  with 
that  devoted  heroism  which  could  not  fail  to  extort  the  admira- 
tion of  all.  The  accused  were  all  young,  and  their  situation 
created  the  greatest  sympathy.  The  greater  number  disdained 
to  have  recourse  to  a  denial,  and  seemed  less  anxious  to  preserve 
their  lives  than  for  the  honour  of  the  cause  in  which  they  had 
engaged.  Even  when  the  sword  of  the  law  was  suspended  over 
their  heads,  the  faithful  servants  of  the  Bourbons  displayed  on 
every  occasion  their  attachment  and  fidelity.  I  recollect  that 
the  court  was  dissolved  in  tears,  when  the  president  having 
argued  as  a  proof  of  the  guilt  of  M.  de  Riviere,  that  he  had 
worn  a  medalion  of  the  Count  d'Artois,  M.  de  Riviere  requested 
that  he  might  be  allowed  to  examine  it  ;  on  its  being  handed  to 
him  he  kissed  it,  and  pressed  it  to  his  heart,  and  on  returning  it, 
he  said  that  he  only  wished  to  render  homage  to  a  prince  he 
loved. 

The  court  was  still  more  deeply  affected  on  witnessing  the 
generous    fraternal   combat    which    took  place   during   the    last 


254  NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 

sitting  but  one,  between  the  two  Polignacs.  The  emotion  was 
general  when  the  eldest  of  the  two  brothers,  after  having  de- 
clared that  his  going  out  alone  and  during  the  day  did  not  look 
like  a  conspirator  anxious  for  concealment,  added  these  re- 
markable words,  which  will  always  remain  engraven  on  my 
memory — *  I  have  now  only  one  wish,  which  is,  that  as  the 
sword  is  suspended  over  our  heads  and  threatens  the  existence 
of  several  of  the  accused,  you  would,  in  consideration  of  his 
youth,  if  not  of  his  innocence,  spare  my  brother,  and  upon  me 
let  fall  the  whole  weight  of  your  vengeance.'  On  the  following 
day,  before  the  fatal  sentence  was  pronounced,  M.  Jules  de 
Polignac  addressed  the  court,  saying,  '  I  was  so  deeply  affected 
yesterday  by  the  discourse  of  my  brother,  that  I  was  not  able 
to  give  my  attention  so  as  to  be  able  to  make  a  proper  reply, 
but  as  I  am  now  perfectly  tranquil,  I  entreat,  gentlemen,  that 
you  will  not  regard  what  he  urged  in  my  behalf.  I  repeat  on 
the  contrary  and  with  more  justice,  if  one  of  us  must  become  a 
sacrifice,  if  there  is  yet  time,  save  him  ; — restore  him  to  the 
tears  of  his  wife  ;  I  am  single.  Like  him  I  can  meet  death  un- 
appalled, — too  young  to  have  tasted  the  pleasures  of  life,  I 
cannot  regret  their  loss.' — '  No,  no,'  exclaimed  his  brother,  '  you 
are  still  in  the  outset  of  your  career,  it  is  I  who  ought  to 
suffer.' 

At  eight  in  the  morning  the  members  of  the  tribunal  with- 
drew to  the  council  chamber.  Since  the  commencement  of  the 
trial,  the  crowd  in  place  of  diminishing  seemed  each  day  to 
increase,  and  on  this  morning,  although  the  sentence  was  not 
expected  until  a  late  hour,  no  one  quitted  the  court  lest  he 
should  be  unable  to  find  a  place  when  the  court  resumed  its 
sitting.  Sentence  of  death  was  passed  upon  Georges  Cadoudal, 
Bouvet  de  Lozier,  Rusillon,  Rochelle,  Armand  de  Polignac, 
Charles  d'Hosier,  de  Riviere,  Louis  Ducorps,  Picot,  Lajolais, 
Roger,  Coster-Saint-Victor,  Deville,  Gaillard,  Joyaut,  Burban, 
Lemercier,  Jean  Cadoudal,  Lclan,  and  Merille  ;  while  Jules 
de  Polignac,  Leridan,  General  Moreau,  Roland,  and  Hisay, 
were  only  condemned  to  two  years'  imprisonment. 

When  the  sentence  was  pronounced,  it  filled  the  whole 
assembly  with  consternation,  and  it  soon  spread  through  Paris. 
I  may  well  afhrm  it  to  have  been  a  day  of  public  mourning  ; 
and  although  it  was  Sunday,  eveiy  place  of  amusement  was 
deserted.  To  the  horror  inspired  at  the  sentence  of  death 
wantonly  passed  upon  so  many  victims,  the  greater  part  of 
whom  belonged  to  the  most  distinguished  classes  in  society,  was 


MURAT'S    INTERCESSION  255 

added  the  ridicule  inspired  at  the  condemnation  of  Moreau,  of 
the  absurdity  of  which  no  one  seemed  more  sensible  than 
Bonaparte,  who  expressed  himself  respecting  it  in  the  most 
pointed  terms. 

As  soon  as  the  special  tribunal  had  pronounced  its  sentence, 
Murat,  Governor  of  Paris  and  brother-in-law  to  the  emperor, 
sought  his  presence,  and  conjured  him  to  spare  all  the  prisoners, 
observing  that  such  an  action  would  add  more  to  his  glory  at 
the  commencement  of  his  reign  than  their  death  would  add 
security  to  it.  Such  was  the  conduct  of  Murat,  but  he  did  not 
solicit  pardon  for  anyone  in  particular.  Those  who  obtained 
the  imperial  clemency  were  Bouvet  de  Lozier,  Rusillon,  de 
Riviere,  Rochelle,  Armand  de  Polignac,  d'Hosier,  Lajolais  and 
Armand  Gaillard. 

The  other  unfortunate  victims  of  a  sanguinary  police  under- 
went their  sentence  on  the  25th  of  June,  two  days  after  the 
announcement  of  the  pardon  of  the  others.  Their  courage  and 
resolution  never  forsook,  them  for  a  moment  ;  and  Georges, 
knowing  that  it  was  rumoured  that  he  was  pardoned,  entreated 
that  he  might  die  first,  that  his  companions  in  their  last 
moments  might  know  that  he  had  not  survived  them. 


CHAPTER    XXI. 

For  a  long  time  the  agents  of  government  had  been  instructed 
throughout  France  to  solicit  for  the  first  consul,  in  the  name  of 
the  people,  that  which  the  people  did  not  want,  but  which 
Bonaparte  wished  to  take  whilst  he  appeared  to  yield  to  the 
general  will,  namely,  the  sovereign  power,  without  restrictions 
and  free  from  the  subterfuge  of  denomination.  The  opportunity 
of  the  conspiracy  which  had  been  discovered,  and  of  which 
some  account  has  been  given  in  the  preceding  chapter,  was  a 
circumstance  not  to  be  omitted  ;  and  it  was  eagerly  laid  hold 
of  by  all  the  authorities,  civil,  military,  and  ecclesiastical,  who 
sent  in  an  immense  number  of  addresses,  congratulations,  and 
thanksgivings  on  the  occasion.  The  greater  part  of  these 
addressers  did  not  confine  themselves  to  mere  congratulation, 
but  they  even  entreated  Bonaparte  to  consolidate  his  work  ;  the 
true  meaning  of  which  was  that  he  should  assume  imperial 
and  hereditary  power. 

In  this  scene  of  the  grand  drama  Bonaparte  played  his  pari 


256  NAPOLEON   BONAPARTE 

with  his  accustomed  talent,  and  carefully  kept  himself  in 
the  background,  and  left  to  others  the  preparation  of  his 
measures. 

The  Senate,  who  took  the  lead  in  this  affair,  did  not  fail, 
while  congratulating  the  first  consul  on  his  escape  from  '  the 
daggers  of  England,'  as  they  were  termed,  to  entreat  him  not  to 
delay  the  completion  of  his  work.  For  some  reason,  which 
is  not  exactly  known,  Bonaparte  allowed  this  address  of  the 
Senate  to  remain  unanswered  for  nearly  a  month,  and  when  he 
did  answer  it  he  merely  requested  that  the  intention  of  the  address 
might  be  more  clearly  expressed.  These  negotiations  between 
the  Senate  and  Bonaparte  being  secret  were  not  immediately 
published — he  only  sought  publicity  when  he  wished  to  com- 
municate results.  To  obtain  the  result  he  desired,  it  was 
necessary  that  the  project  he  was  maturing  should  be  proposed 
in  the  Tribunate,  and  the  tribune  Curee  had  the  honour  of 
proposing  officially  the  conversion  of  the  consular  republic  into 
an  empire,  and  the  elevation  of  Bonaparte  to  the  title  of 
emperor  with  the  rights   of  hereditary  succession. 

Curee  developed  his  proposition  to  the  Tribune  in  the  sitting 
of  the  30th  of  April,  at  which  I  was  present.  He  commenced 
by  describing  all  the  evils  which  had  overwhelmed  France  during 
the  various  governments  which  had  succeeded  each  other  since 
the  constituent  assembly,  and  concluded  thus  :  'I  move,  there- 
fore, that  we  transmit  to  the  Senate  our  wishes,  which  are  those 
of  the  whole  nation,  and  which  have  for  their  object,  ist.  That 
Napoleon  Bonaparte,  now  first  consul,  be  declared  emperor,  and 
under  that  title  continue  at  the  head  of  the  French  republic  j 
2nd,  That  the  imperial  dignity  be  declared  hereditary  in  his 
family  ;  3rd,  That  those  of  our  institutions,  which  are  as  yet  but 
traced  out,  be  definitely  settled.*  Such  was  the  apologetic 
harangue  of  Curee  ;  and  I  saw  a  number  of  the  members  crowd- 
ing to  the  Tribunate  to  have  their  names  enrolled  so  as  to  speak 
on  this  question — and  each  enlarged  upon  what  had  been  said 
by  the  producer  of  the  proposition,  which  had  so  evidently 
emanated  from  him  to  whom  it  was  finally  to  return. 
Each  speech  was,  in  short,  more  adulatory  than  the  pre 
ceeding. 

The  Tribunate  having  adopted  the  propositions  of  Cur^e, 
there  was  no  longer  any  motive  for  concealing  the  first  over- 
tures of  the  Senate  ;  the  fear  avas  then  ripe,  and  the  address 
of  the  Senate  was  accordingly  published  forty  days  after 
date. 


BECOMES   EMPEROR  257 

To  give  greater  solemnity  to  their  proceedings,  the  Senate 
proceeded  in  a  body  to  the  Tuileries,  and  Cambac^res  as 
president  pronounced  the  address.  Speaking  in  the  name  of  the 
Senate,  he  said,  among  other  things,  '  That  at  sight  of  the  danger 
from  which  Providence  has  saved  the  hero  destined  to  fulfil  her 
designs,  the  first  observation  which  naturally  arose  was,  that  to 
meditate  the  destruction  of  the  first  consul  was  to  meditate  the 
destruction  of  France.  Give  us,  then,  institutions  so  combined 
that  their  system  may  survive  you.  You  will  found  a  new  era, 
but  you  must  eternize  it  ;  glory  is  nothing  unless  it  be  permanent. 
Great  man,  finish  your  work,  and  render  it  immortal  as  your 
glory.  You  have  extricated  us  from  the  chaos  of  the  past ;  you 
enable  us  to  enjoy  the  blessings  of  the  present ;  guarantee  to  us 
the  future.'     No  one  could  resist  such  flattery. 

By  this  reply  of  the  Senate  the  most  important  step  was 
performed,  and  there  now  remained  little  but  the  mere  ceremonies 
to  regulate,  and  the  formula  to  fill  up.  These  various  arrange- 
ments occasioned  a  delay  of  fifteen  days  ;  and  at  length,  on  the 
1 8th  of  May,  Napoleon  was,  for  the  first  time,  greeted  by  the 
appellation  of  Sire  by  his  former  colleague,  Cambaceres,  who,  at 
the  head  of  the  Senate,  went  to  present  to  the  new  emperor,  the 
organic  senatus  comultum  relative  to  the  foundation  of  the 
empire.  Napoleon  was  at  St.  Cloud,  whither  the  Senate  repaired 
in  state.  After  the  speech  of  Cambaceres,  in  which  they  had 
heard  applied  for  the  first  time  the  designation  of  majesty,  the 
emperor  replied — 

*  All  that  can  contribute  to  the  welfare  of  the  country  is 
essential  to  my  happiness.  I  accept  the  title  which  you  believe  to 
be  useful  for  the  glor}^  of  the  nation.  I  submit  to  the  sanction  of 
the  people  the  law  of  hereditary  succession.  I  hope  that  France 
will  never  repent  the  honour  with  which  she  may  surround  my 
family.  At  all  events,  my  spirit  will  not  be  with  my  posterity, 
when  they  cease  to  merit  the  love  and  confidence  of  the  great 
nation.* 

Cambaceres  then  went  to  congratulate  the  empress,  and  thus 
was  realized  to  Josephine  the  prediction  which  I  had  made  to  her 
three  years  before  at  Malmaison. 

Bonaparte's  first  act  as  emperor,  on  the  very  day  of  his 
elevation  to  the  imperial  throne,  was  the  nomination  of  Joseph  to 
the  dignity  of  grand  elector,  with  the  title  of  imperial  highness, 
Louis  was  raised  to  the  dignity  of  constable,  with  the  same  title  ; 
and  Cambaceres  and  Lebnm  were  created  arch-chancellor  and 
arch-treasurer  of  the  empire. 

17 


258  NAPOLEON   BONAPARTE 

On  the  following  day  the  emperor  came  to  Paris  to  hold 
a  leree  at  the  Tuileries,  for  he  was  not  a  man  to  delay  the 
gratification  that  pride  and  vanity  derived  from  his  new  title. 
The  assembly  was  the  most  brilliant  and  numerous  that  had 
yet  been  known.  Bessieres,  colonel  of  the  guards,  presented 
an  address  in  their  name,  to  which  the  emperor  replied — '  I 
know  the  sentiments  the  guards  cherish  towards  me,  and  I  repose 
entire  confidence  in  their  bravery  and  fidelity.  I  constantly 
behold,  with  increasing  pleasure,  companions  in  arms  who  have 
escaped  from  so  many  dangers,  and  who  are  covered  with 
honourable  wounds.  I  always  feel  a  sentiment  of  satisfaction 
when  I  look  at  the  guards,  when  I  think  that  there  has  not 
been  one  battle  fought  for  the  last  fifteen  years  in  which  some 
of  them  have  not  taken  a  part.' 

On  the  same  day,  all  the  generals  and  colonels  in  Paris 
were  presented  by  Louis  in  his  character  of  constable.  In 
a  few  days  everv'thing  assumed  a  new  aspect.  The  general 
admiration  was  loud,  but  in  secret  the  Parisians  laughed  at  the 
awkward  appearance  of  the  new  courtiers,  which  greatly 
displeased   Bonaparte. 

To  give  all  possible  solemnity  to  his  accession.  Napoleon 
ordered  that  the  Senate  itself  should  proclaim  in  Paris  the 
organic  senatus  consultum,  which  entirely  changed  the  constitu- 
tion of  the  state  ;  and  the  day  fixed  for  this  ceremony  was 
Sunday,  the  30th  Floreal. 

The  day  after  Bonaparte's  accession  the  old  formulas  were 
restored.  The  emperor  decided  that  he  should  give  to  the 
French  princes  and  princesses  the  title  of  Imperial  Highness, 
and  that  his  sisters  should  uke  the  same  title  ;  that  the  grand 
dignitaries  of  the  empire  should  be  called  Serene  Highness ;  that 
the  princes  and  titulars  of  the  grand  dignitaries  should  be 
addressed  by  the  title  of  Monseigneur  ;  that  the  ministers  of 
state  should  Live  the  title  of  Excellency,  to  which  should  be 
added  that  of  Monseigneur  in  the  petitions  addressed  to  them  ; 
and  that  the  title  of  Excellency  should  be  given  to  the  president 
of  the  senate. 

At  the  same  time  Napoleon  appointed  the  first  marshals  of  the 
empire,  and  determined  that  they  should  be  called  Monsieur 
le  Marshal,  when  addressed  verbally,  and  Monseigneur  in 
writing.  The  following  are  the  names  of  these  sons  of  the 
republic,  transformed  by  the  wish  of  a  brother-in-arms  into 
supports  of  the  empire  : — Berthier,  Murat,  Moncey,  Jourdan, 
Massena,  Augereau,  Bernadotte,  Soult,  Brune,  Lannes,  Mortier, 


HIS    WARLIKE    SPIRIT  259 

Ney,  Davoust,  Bessieres.  The  title  of  marshal  was  also  granted 
to  the  senators,  Kellerman,  Lefebvre,  Perignon,  and  Serrurier. 

We  have  seen  with  what  skill  Bonaparte  avoided  the  pro- 
visions of  the  consular  constitution,  by  which  he  was  prevented 
from  acting  as  commander-in-chief  beyond  the  territory  of  the 
republic,  by  giving  the  title  of  the  army  of  reserve  to  the  army 
of  Marengo.  This  constitution  was  not  retained  when  he  was 
raised  to  the  imperial  dignity. 

This  difficulty  having  been  removed,  there  can  be  no  doubt 
that  his  thirst  for  war  was  thereby  increased,  and  that  he  was 
desirous  to  distinguish  himself  under  his  new  title.  From  my 
intimate  acquaintance  with  his  character,  I  believe  I  am  fully 
warranted  in  stating  that  he  endeavoured,  by  means  not  strictly 
just,  to  bring  about  a  continental  war.  In  this  respect  he  had 
a  great  advantage  in  not  being  restrained  by  self-love,  or  any 
fear  of  offending  any  of  the  other  powers — he  was  desirous 
of  making  everything  yield  to  him,  and  of  constantly  assuming 
his  own  superiority.  I  have  before  stated  that  Bonaparte  never 
seriously  contemplated  the  invasion  of  England,  but  merely 
made  use  of  it  as  a  pretext  to  assemble  together  a  large  army — 
to  mislead  the  continental  powers — to  alarm  England  by  the 
fears  of  invasion,  and  to  increase  the  enthusiasm  of  his  army. 
These  projects  Bonaparte  confided  to  no  one  ;  not  even  to  his 
ministers  ;  and  this  plan,  of  which  he  alone  was  capable,  appears 
to  me  the  great  miracle  of  modern  times. 

During  the  first  year  of  his  reign  Napoleon  retained  the 
fete  of  the  14th  of  July,  which  recalled  the  recollection  to  two 
great  popular  triumphs — the  taking  of  the  Bastille,  and  the 
first  federation.  This  year  it  fell  on  a  Saturday,  but  the 
emperor  ordered  its  celebration  to  be  held  on  the  Sunday  ;  which 
was  in  conformity  with  his  sentiments  respecting  the  concordate  : 
'  What  renders  me,'  he  said,  '  most  hostile  to  the  re-establishment 
of  the  Catholic  worship,  are  the  numerous  festivals  formerly 
observed.  A  saint's  day  is  a  day  of  idleness,  and  I  do  not  wish 
that,  as  people  must  labour  in  order  to  live.  I  shall  consent 
to  four  holidays  during  the  year,  but  to  no  more  ;  if  the 
gentlemen  from  Rome  are  not  satisfied  with  that,  they  may 
take  their  departure.'  The  loss  of  time  appeared  to  him  so 
great  a  calamity,  that  he  scarcely  ever  failed  to  unite  an 
indispensable  solemnity  to  some  day  already  devoted  to  sacred 
purposes. 

On  Sunday,  the  15th  of  July,  the  emperor  appeared  for 
the  first  time  before  the  Parisians,   surrounded  by  all  the  pomp 


26o  NAPOLEON   BONAPARTE 

of  royalty.  The  members  of  the  Legion  of  Honour,  then  in 
Paris,  took  the  oath  conformably  with  the  new  formula,  and 
on  this  occasion  the  emperor  and  empress  appeared  attended 
by  a  separate  and  numerous  retinue.  They  proceeded  to  the 
Hotel  ot  the  Invalids,  and  were  received  by  M.  Segur,  who  held 
the  office  of  great  chamberlain,  and  had  the  direction  of  the 
ceremonial.  He  conducted  the  empress  to  a  seat  prepared 
for  her  reception,  opposite  the  imperial  throne  which  Napoleon 
occupied  on  the  right  of  the  altar.  I  was  present  at  this 
ceremony,  notwithstanding  my  repugnance  to  such  splendid 
exhibitions  ;  but  as  Duroc  had  presented  me  with  tickets  two 
days  before,  I  deemed  it  prudent,  lest  the  searching  eye  of 
Napoleon  should  have  remarked  my  absence,  if  Duroc  had 
acted  by  his  order. 

I  spent  about  an  hour  in  observing  the  proud,  and  sometimes 
ludicrous  demeanour  of  the  new  grandees  of  the  empire  ;  I 
marked  the  movements  of  the  clergy,  who,  with  Cardinal 
Belloy  at  their  head,  went  to  receive  the  emperor  on  his  en- 
trance. What  a  strange  variety  of  ideas  entered  my  mind 
when  I  beheld  my  former  comrade  and  schoolfellow  of  Brienne 
seated  upon  an  elevated  throne,  surrounded  by  a  brilliant 
staff,  the  grand  dignitaries  of  his  empire,  his  ministers,  and 
his  marshals  !  I  involuntarily  reverted  to  the  19th  Brumaire, 
and  all  this  splendid  pomp  vanished  away,  when  I  thought 
of  Bonaparte  stammering  to  such  a  degree  that  I  was  obliged 
to  pull  him  by  the  coat  to  induce  him  to  withdraw.  It  was 
neither  a  feeling  of  animosity  nor  of  jealousy  which  called 
up  such  reflections — for  at  no  period  of  our  career  would  I 
have  exchanged  situations  ;  but  whoever  can  reflect — whoever 
has  been  present  at  the  elevation  of  one,  who  before  was 
scarcely  your  equal,  will  probably  conceive  the  strange  ideas 
with  which,  for  the  first  time,  I  was  assailed  on  this  occasion. 

During  the  festival,  the  emperor  announced  that  he  would 
go  in  person  to  distribute  the  decorations  of  the  Legion  of 
Honour  to  the  army  assembled  at  Boulogne.  He  was  not 
long  before  he  fulfilled  his  promise.  He  left  St.  Cloud  on 
the  1 8th,  and  travelled  with  such  rapidity,  that  the  next 
morning,  whilst  everyone  was  busy  in  making  preparations  for 
his  reception,  he  was  in  the  midst  of  them  examining  the  works 

At  his  departure,  it  was  generalljr  believed  at  Paris  that 
the  distribution  of  the  decorations  of  the  Legion  of  Honour 
was  only  a  pretext,  and  that  the  grand  object  to  be  realised 
was  the   descent   on   England.     It  was  indeed   only  a  pretext. 


A   VISIT   TO   THE   BOULOGNE    CAMP  261 

The  emperor  wished  to  excite  still  more  the  enthusiasm  of  the 
army,  and  to  shew  himself  to  the  military  invested  with  his 
new  dignity  ;  to  be  present  at  some  grand  manoeuvres,  and 
dispose  the  army  to  obey  the  first  signal  he  might  give.  How 
indeed  could  it  be  supposed,  after  such  extensive  preparations — 
so  many  transports — and  the  whole  army  ready  to  embark 
— that  it  really  was  never  intended  to  attempt  a  descent  upon 
England  ?  But  so  it  was — the  blow  was  to  be  struck  in  another 
quarter. 

It  was  not  far  from  Csesar's  tower  that  eighty  thousand 
men  of  the  camps  of  Boulogne  and  Montreuil,  under  the 
command  of  Marshal  Soult,  were  assembled  in  a  vast  plain 
to  assist  in  the  solemnity  of  the  distribution  of  the  crosses 
of  the  Legion  of  Honour  impressed  with  the  imperial  effigy. 
This  plain,  which  I  saw  with  Bonaparte  in  the  first  journey 
we  made  to  the  coast,  before  our  departure  to  Egypt,  was 
circular  and  hollow,  and  in  the  centre  was  a  little  hill.  This 
hill  formed  the  Imperial  throne  of  Bonaparte  in  the  midst  of 
his  soldiers.  There  he  stationed  himself  with  his  brilliant 
staff,  and  around  this  centre  of  glory  the  regiments  were 
drawn  up  in  line,  and  looked  like  so  many  diverging  rays. 
From  this  throne,  which  had  been  erected  by  the  hand  of 
nature,  Bonaparte  delivered  in  a  loud  voice  the  same  form 
of  oath  which  he  had  pronounced  at  the  Hospital  of  Invalids 
a  few  days  before.  It  was  a  signal  for  a  general  burst  of 
enthusiasm,  and  Rapp,  in  speaking  of  this  ceremony,  told  me 
that  he  never  saw  the  emperor  appear  more  pleased.  How 
could  he  be  otherwise  ?  Fortune  then  seemed  obedient  to 
his  wishes.  A  storm  came  on  during  this  brilliant  day,  and 
it  was  apprehended  that  part  of  the  flotilla  would  have  suffered. 
Bonaparte  quitted  the  hill  from  which  he  had  distributed  the 
crosses,  and  proceeded  to  the  port  to  direct  what  measures 
should  be  taken,  when  upon  his  arrival  the  storm  ceased  as 
if  by  enchantment.  The  flotilla  entered  the  port  safe  and 
sound,  and  he  went  back  to  the  camp,  where  the  sports  and 
amusements  prepared  for  the  soldiers  commenced  ;  and  in  the 
evening  the  brilliant  fire-works  that  were  let  off  rose  in  a 
luminous  column,  which  was  distinctly  seen  from  the  English 
coast. 

When  he  reveiwed  the  troops,  he  asked  the  officers  and  often 
the  soldiers  in  what  battles  they  had  been  engaged,  and  to 
those  who  had  received  serious  wounds  he  gave  the  cross. 
Here,  I  think,  I  may  appropriately  mention  a  singular  piece  of 


262  NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 

charlatanism  to  which  the  emperor  had  recourse,  and  which 
powerfully  contributed  to  augment  the  enthusiasm  of  his  troops. 
He  would  say  to  one  of  his  aides-de-camp,  '  Ascertain  from  the 
colonel  of  such  a  regiment  whether  he  has  in  his  corps  a  man 
who  has  served  in  the  campaigns  of  Italy  or  of  Egypt.  Ascertain 
his  name,  where  he  was  born,  the  particulars  of  his  family,  and 
what  he  has  done.  Learn  his  number  in  the  ranks,  and  to 
what  company  he  belongs,  and  furnish  me  with  the  information. 

On  the  day  of  the  review,  Bonaparte,  at  a  single  glance, 
could  perceive  the  man  who  had  been  described  to  him.  He 
would  go  up  to  him  as  if  he  recognized  him,  address  him  by  his 
name,  and  say — '  Oh  !  so  you  are  here  !  You  are  a  brave 
fellow — I  saw  you  at  Aboukir — how  is  your  old  father  ?  What  ! 
have  you  not  got  the  cross  ?  Stay,  I  will  give  it  you.'  Then 
the  delighted  soldiers  would  say  to  each  other,  *  You  see  the 
emperor  knows  us  all  ;  he  knows  our  families  ;  he  knows  where 
we  have  served.'  What  a  stimulus  was  this  to  soldiers,  whom  he 
succeeded  in  pursuading  that  they  would  all,  some  time  or 
other,  become  marshals  of  the  empire  ! 

Lauriston  told  me,  amongst  other  anecdotes  relative  to 
Napoleon's  sojourn  at  the  camp  of  Boulogne,  a  remarkable 
instance  of  intrepidity  on  the  part  of  two  English  sailors.  These 
men  had  been  prisoners  at  Verdun,  which  was  the  most  con- 
siderable depot  of  English  prisoners  in  France  at  the  rupture  of 
the  peace  of  Amiens.  They  effected  their  escape  from  Verdun, 
and  arrived  at  Boulogne  without  having  been  discovered  on  the 
road,  notwithstanding  the  vigilance  with  which  all  the  English 
were  watched.  They  remained  at  Boulogne  for  some  time, 
destitute  of  money,  and  without  being  able  to  effect  their  escape. 
They  had  no  hope  of  getting  aboard  a  boat,  on  accoimt  of  the 
strict  watch  that  was  kept  upon  vessels  of  every  kind.  These 
two  sailors  made  a  boat  of  little  pieces  of  wood,  which  they  put 
together  as  well  as  they  could,  having  no  other  tools  than  their 
knives.  They  covered  it  with  a  piece  of  sail-cloth.  It  was 
only  three  or  four  feet  wide,  and  not  much  longer  ;  and  was  so 
light  that  a  man  could  easily  carry  it  on  his  shoulders.  So 
powerful  a  passion  is  the  love  of  home  and  liberty  !  Sure  of 
being  shot  if  they  were  discovered  ;  almost  equally  sure  of 
being  drowned  if  they  effected  their  escape,  they,  nevertheless, 
resolved  to  attempt  crossing  the  Channel  in  their  fragile  skiff. 
Perceiving  an  English  frigate  within  sight  of  the  coast,  they 
pushed  off,  and  endeavoured  to  reach  her.  They  had  not  gone 
a  hundred  toises  from  the  shore,  when  they  were  perceived  by 


HIS  GENEROSITY  TO   TWO  BRITISH  SAILORS     263 

the  custom-house  officers,  who  set  out  in  pursuit  of  them,  and 
brought  them  back.  The  news  of  this  adventure  spread  through 
the  camp,  and  the  extraordinary  courage  of  the  two  sailors  was 
the  subject  of  general  remark.  The  circumstance  reached  the 
emperor's  ears.  He  wished  to  see  the  men,  and  they  were 
conducted  to  his  presence,  along  with  their  little  boat.  Napoleon, 
whose  imagination  was  struck  by  everything  extraordinary, 
could  not  conceal  his  surprise  at  so  bold  a  project,  undertaken 
with  such  feeble  means  of  execution.  'Is  it  really  true,'  said  the 
emperor  to  them,  *  that  you  thought  of  crossing  the  sea  in 
this  ? — '  Sire,'  said  they,  '  if  you  doubt  it,  give  us  leave  to  go, 
and  you  shall  see  us  depart.' — '  I  will.  You  are  bold  and 
enterprising  men — I  admire  co'.irage  wherever  I  meet  with  it. 
But  you  shall  not  hazard  your  lives. — You  are  at  liberty  ;  and, 
more  than  that,  I  will  cause  you  to  be  put  on  board  an  English 
ship.  When  vou  return  to  London,  tell  how  I  esteem  brave 
men,  even  when  they  are  my  enemies.'  Rapp,  who  with 
Lauriston,  Duroc,  and  many  others,  was  present  at  this  scene, 
was  not  a  little  astonished  at  the  emperor's  generosity.  If  the 
men  had  not  been  brought  before  him,  they  would  have  been 
shot  as  spies,  instead  of  which  they  obtained  their  liberty,  and 
Napoleon  gave  several  pieces  of  gold  to  each.  This  circumstance 
was  one  of  those  which  made  the  strongest  impression  on 
Napoleon,  and  he  recollected  it  when  at  St.  Helena,  in  one  of 
his  conversations  with  M.  de  Las  Casas. 

It  was  from  the  camp  at  Boulogne  that  Napoleon  decreed  the 
founding  of  the  decennial  premiums,  the  first  distribution  of 
which  he  intended  should  take  place  five  years  afterwards,  on  the 
anniversary  of  the  i8th  Brumaire,  which  was  an  innocent  com- 
pliment to  the  date  of  the  foundation  of  the  consular  republic. 
This  measure  also  seemed  to  promise  to  the  republican  calendar 
a  longevity  which  it  did  not  attain.  All  these  little  circumstances 
passed  unobserved  ;  but  Bonaparte  had  so  often  developed  to  me 
his  theory  of  the  art  of  deceiving  mankind,  that  I  knew  their 
true  value.  It  was  likewise  at  the  camp  of  Boulogne  that,  by  a 
decree  emanating  from  his  individual  will,  he  destroyed  the 
noblest  institution  of  the  republic,  the  Polytechnic  School,  by 
converting  it  into  a  purely  military  academy.  He  knew  that  in 
that  sanctuary  of  high  study,  a  republican  spirit  was  fostered  ; 
and  whilst  I  was  with  him,  he  had  often  told  me  it  was 
necessary  that  all  schools,  colleges,  and  establishments  for  public 
instruction,  should  be  subject  to  military  discipline.  I  frequently 
endeavoured  to  controvert  this  idea,  but  without  success. 


a64  NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 

England  was  never  so  much  deceived  by  Bonaparte  as  during 
the  period  of  the  encampment  at  Boulogne.  The  English  really 
believed  that  an  invasion  was  intended,  and  the  government  ex- 
hausted itself  in  efforts  for  raising  men  and  money  to  guard 
against  the  danger  of  being  taken  by  surprise.  Such,  indeed,  is 
the  advantage  always  possessed  by  the  assailant.  He  can  choose 
the  point  on  which  he  thinks  it  most  convenient  to  act,  while 
the  party  which  stands  on  the  defence,  and  is  afraid  of  being 
attacked,  is  compelled  to  be  prepared  in  every  point.  However, 
Napoleon,  who  was  then  in  the  full  vigour  of  his  genius  and 
activity,  had  always  his  eyes  fixed  on  objects  remote  from  those 
which  surrounded  him,  and  which  seemed  to  absorb  his  whole 
attention.  Thus,  during  the  journey  of  which  I  have  spoken, 
the  ostensible  object  of  which  was  the  organization  of  the 
departments  on  the  Rhine,  he  despatched  two  squadrons  from 
Rochefort  and  Boulogne,  one  commanded  by  Miniessy,  the 
other  by  Villeneuve.  I  shall  not  enter  into  any  details  on  those 
squadrons  ;  I  shall  merely  mention  with  respect  to  them,  that 
while  the  emperor  was  still  in  Belgium,  Lauriston  paid  me  a 
sudden  and  unexpected  visit.  He  was  on  his  way  to  Toulon  to 
take  command  of  the  troops  which  were  to  be  embarked  on 
Villeneuve's  squadron,  and  he  was  not  much  pleased  with  the 
service  to  which  he  had  been  appointed. 

Lauriston's  visit  was  a  piece  ot  good  fortune  foi  me.  We 
were  always  on  friendly  terms,  and  I  received  much  information 
from  him,  particularly  with  respect  to  the  manner  in  which  the 
emperor  spent  his  time  : — '  You  can  have  no  idea,'  said  he,  '  how 
much  the  emperor  does,  and  the  sort  of  enthusiasm  which  hi» 
presence  excites  In  the  army.  But  his  anger  at  the  contractors 
is  greater  than  ever,  and  he  has  been  very  severe  with  some  of 
them.'  These  words  of  Lauriston  did  not  at  all  surprise  me, 
for  I  well  knew  Napoleon's  dislike  to  contractors,  and  ail  men 
who  had  mercantile  transactions  with  the  army.  I  have  often 
heard  him  say,  that  they  were  a  curse  and  a  leprosy  to  nations  : 
that  whatever  power  he  might  attain,  he  never  would  grant 
honours  to  any  of  them,  and  that  of  all  aristocracies,  theirs  was 
to  him  the  most  Insupportable.  After  his  accession  to  the 
empire,  the  contractors  were  no  longer  the  important  persons 
they  had  been  under  the  Directory,  or  even  during  the  two  first 
years  of  the  consulate.  Bonaparte  som-etimes  acted  with  them 
as  he  had  before  done  with  the  beys  of  Egypt,  when  he  drew 
from  them  forced  contributians. 

It  was  arranged  that  Josephine  and  the  emperor  should  meet 


A  JOURNEY   TO   THE    RHINE  265 

in  Belgium.  He  proceeded  thither  from  the  camp  of  Boulogne, 
to  the  astonishment  of  those  who  believed  that  the  moment  for 
the  invasion  of  England  had  at  length  arrived.  He  joined  the 
empress  at  the  castle  of  Laken,  which  the  emperor  had  ordered 
to  be  repaired  and  newly  furnished  with  great  magnificence. 

The  emperor  continued  his  journey  by  the  towns  bordering 
on  the  Rhine.  He  stopped  first  in  the  town  of  Aix-la-Chapelle, 
passed  through  the  three  bishoprics,  saw,  on  his  way,  Cologne 
and  Coblentz,  which  the  emigration  had  rendered  so  famous,  and 
arrived  at  Mentz,  where  his  sojourn  was  distinguished  by  the 
first  attempt  at  negotiation  with  the  holy  see,  in  order  to  induce 
the  pope  to  come  to  France  to  crown  the  new  emperor,  and 
consolidate  his  power  by  supporting  it  with  the  sanction  of  the 
Church.  This  journey  of  Napoleon  occupied  three  months,  and 
he  did  not  return  to  St.  Cloud  till  October. 

On  his  return  Caffarelli  was  sent  on  a  mission  to  Rome  to 
sound  the  Papal  court,  and  to  induce  his  holiness  to  come  to 
Paris  to  consecrate  Napoleon  at  his  coronation.  I  have  already 
stated  what  I  conceived  to  be  the  emperor's  ideas  on  religion — 
that  they  seemed  merely  to  be  a  sort  of  vague  feeling  rather  than 
any  belief  founded  on  reflection.  Notwithstanding,  he  had 
a  high  opinion  of  the  power  of  the  Church — not  in  being 
dangerous  to  his  government,  but  in  its  influence  on  the  great 
body  of  the  people.  Napoleon  never  could  conceive  how  it  was 
possible  that  any  sovereign,  wearing  a  crown  and  a  sword,  could 
submit  to  kneel  to  a  pope,  or  to  humble  his  sceptre  before  any 
representative  of  St.  Peter.  His  spirit  was  too  great  to  admit  of 
such  a  thought.  On  the  contrary,  he  regarded  the  alliance  be- 
tween the  Church  and  his  power  as  a  happy  means  of  influencing 
the  opinions  of  the  people,  and  as  an  additional  tie  which  was 
to  attach  them  to  a  government  rendered  legitimate  by  the 
solemn  sanction  of  the  papal  authority.  Bonaparte  was  not 
deceived.  In  this,  as  well  as  in  many  other  things,  the  per- 
spicuity of  his  genius  enabled  him  to  comprehend  all  the  im- 
portance of  a  consecration  imposed  on  him  by  the  pope  ;  more 
especially  as  Louis  XVIII.,  without  subjects,  without  territory, 
and  wearing  only  an  illusory  crown,  had  not  received  that 
sacred  unction  by  which  the  descendants  of  Hugh  Capet  became 
the  eldest  sons  of  the  Church. 

As  soon  as  the  emperor  was  informed  of  the  success  of 
Caffarelli's  mission,  and  that  the  pope,  in  compliance  with  his 
desire,  was  about  to  repair  to  Paris  to  confirm  in  his  hands  the 
sceptre  of  Charlemagne,  nothing  was  thought  of  but  preparations 


266  NAPOLEON   BONAPARTE 

for  that  great  event,  which  had  been  preceded  by  the  recognition 
of  Napoleon  as  Emperor  of  the  French  on  the  part  of  all  the 
states  of  Europe,  with  the  exception  of  England. 

On  the  conclusion  of  the  concordate  Bonaparte  said  to  me,  '  I 
shall  let  the  republican  generals  exclaim  as  much  as  they  like 
against  the  mass.  I  know  what  I  am  about,  I  am  working  for 
posterity.'  He  was  now  gathering  the  fruits  of  his  concordate. 
He  ordered  that  the  pope  should  be  everywhere  treated  in  his 
journey  through  the  French  territory  with  the  highest  distinc- 
tion, and  he  proceeded  to  Fontainebleau  to  receive  his  holiness. 
This  afforded  an  opportunity  for  Bonaparte  to  re-establish  the 
example  of  those  journeys  of  the  old  court,  during  which 
changes  of  ministers  used  formerly  to  be  made.  The  palace  of 
Fontainebleau,  now  become  imperial,  like  all  the  old  royal 
houses,  had  been  newly  furnished  with  a  luxury  and  taste 
corresponding  to  the  progress  of  modern  art.  The  emperor  was 
proceeding  on  the  road  to  Nemours  when  couriers  informed  him 
of  ;the  approach  of  Pius  VH.  Bonaparte's  object  was  to  avoid 
the  ceremony  which  had  been  previously  settled.  He  had, 
therefore,  made  the  pretext  of  going  on  a  hunting-party,  and 
was  in  the  way  as  it  were  by  chance  when  the  pope's  carriage 
was  arriving.  He  alighted  from  horseback,  and  the  pope  came 
out  of  his  carriage.  Rapp  was  with  the  emperor,  and  I  think  I 
yet  hear  him  describing,  in  his  original  manner,  and  with  his 
German  accent,  this  grand  interview,  upon  which,  however,  he 
for  his  part  looked  with  very  little  respect.  Rapp,  in  fact,  was 
among  the  number  of  those  who,  notwithstanding  his  attach- 
ment to  the  emperor,  preserved  independence  of  character,  and 
he  knew  he  had  no  reason  to  dissemble  with  me.  '  Fancy  to 
yourself,*  said  he,  'the  amusing  comedy  that  was  played. 
After  the  emperor  and  the  pope  had  well  embraced,  they  went 
into  the  same  carriage  ;  and,  in  order  that  they  might  be  upon 
a  footing  of  equality,  they  were  to  enter  at  the  same  time  by 
opposite  doors.  All  that  was  settled  upon  ;  but  at  breakfast  the 
emperor  had  calculated  how  he  should  manage,  without  appear- 
ing to  assume  anything,  to  get  on  the  right-hand  side  of  the 
pope,  and  everything  turned  out  as  he  wished  it.  As  to 
the  pope,'  said  Rapp,  *  I  must  own  that  I  never  saw  a  man 
with  a  finer  countenance  or  more  resoectable  appearance  than 

Pius  vn.' 

After  the  conference  between  the  pope  and  the  emperor  at 
Fontainebleau,  Pius  VH.  set  off  first  for  Paris.  On  the  road  the 
same  honours  were  paid  to  him  as  to  the  emperor,  and  he  was 


PIUS   VII.    IN    PARIS  267 

provided  with  apartments  at  the  Temple  of  Flora  in  the 
Tuileries.  By  a  delicate  attention,  the  pope  found  his 
bedchamber  arranged  and  furnished  exactly  as  in  his  own 
palace  of  Monte-Cavallo,  his  usual  residence  in  Rome. 

The  presence  of  the  pope  in  Paris  was  an  event  so  truly  extra- 
ordinary, that  it  was  scarcely  believed,  though  it  had  been  talked 
of  for  some  time.  For  what,  indeed,  could  be  more  singular 
than  to  see  the  head  of  the  Church  in  a  capital  where  only  four 
years  before  all  the  altars  had  been  overturned,  and  the  small 
number  of  the  faithful  who  remained  had  been  obliged  to  worship 
in  secret.  The  pope  becam.e  the  object  of  public  respect  and  of 
general  curiosity.  I  was  anxious  to  see  him,  and  had  my  wish 
gratified  when  he  went  to  visit  the  imperial  printing  office,  which 
was  then  situated  where  the  Bank  of  France  now  is.  The 
director  of  the  establishment  caused  to  be  printed  in  the  presence 
of  his  holiness  a  volume  which  was  dedicated  to  him  ;  which 
contained  the  Pater  Noster  in  one  hundred  and  fifty  languages. 
There  was  a  circumstance  occurred  which  well  deserves  to  be 
preserved  in  history.  An  ill-bred  young  man  kept  his  hat  on 
in  the  pope's  presence  :  some  persons,  indignant  at  such  inde- 
corum, advanced  to  take  it  off,  which  occasioned  some  disturb- 
ance, when  the  pope,  observing  the  cause,  stepped  up  to  the 
young  man,  and  said  to  him  in  a  tone  of  kindness  truly  patri- 
archal, *  Young  man,  uncover  that  you  may  receive  my  blessing. 
An  old  man's  blessing  never  yet  harmed  anyone.'  I  can 
say  that  all  who  were  present  were  deeply  affected  by  this 
little  incident.  Pius  VII.  possessed  a  figure  that  commanded 
respect,  and  this  may  be  proved  to  those  who  have  not  seen 
him,  for  he  lives  in  the  admirable  portrait  from  the  pencil  of 
David. 

The  pope's  arrival  at  Paris  produced  a  great  sensation  in 
London,  greater  indeed  than  anywhere  else,  notwithstanding  the 
separation  of  the  English  Church  from  the  Church  of  Rome. 
Tne  English  ministry  now  attempted  by  every  means  to  influence 
public  opinion  by  the  circulation  of  libels  against  Napoleon. 
Their  object  in  doing  so  was,  doubtless,  to  irritate  the  English 

fjeople  and  to  divert  their  attention  from  such  measures  as  were 
ikely  to  create  clamour  and  to  render  themselves  unpopular. 
The  emperor's  indignation  against  England  was  then  roused 
to  the  extreme  ;  and,  indeed,  this  feeling  was  in  some  degree 
a  national  feeling  in  France. 

Napoleon  had  now  attained  the  first  object  of  his  ambition, 
but  his  ambition  expanded  before  him  like  the  boundless  horizon. 


z68  NAPOLEON   BONAPARTE 

The  preparations  now  making  for  the  coronation,  which  was 
shortly  to  take  place,  gave  an  impulse  to  trade  which  had  a  very 
favourable  effect  upon  the  mind  of  the  trading  classes  in  Paris. 
Great  numbers  of  foreigners  and  people  from  the  provinces  visited 
the  capital  ;  and  the  return  to  luxury  and  the  revival  of  old 
customs  gave  occupation  to  a  great  variety  of  tradespeople,  who 
could  get  no  employment  under  the  Directory,  such  as  saddlers, 
carriage -makers,  lacemen,  embroiderers,  and  others.  These 
positive  interests  created  more  partisans  at  Paris  than  either 
opinion  or  reflection,  and  it  is  but  just  to  say  that  trade  had 
not  been  so  good  for  twelve  years.  The  imperial  crown  jewels 
were  exhibited  to  the  public  for  some  time  at  Biennais',  the 
jewellers.  The  crown  itself  was  of  a  light  form,  and,  with  its 
leaves  of  gold,  appeared  less  the  crown  of  France  than  the  antique 
crown  of  the  Caesars.  These  valuable  ornaments  were  deposited 
in  the  public  treasury,  together  with  the  imperial  insignia, 
which  had  been  brought  from  Aix-la-Chapelle  by  order  of 
Napoleon. 

It  can  scarcely  be  expected  that  I  should  enter  into  a  detail 
of  the  ceremony  which  took  place  on  the  26th  December,  1804 
— the  glitter  of  gold,  the  waving  plumes,  and  richly  caparisoned 
horses  of  the  imperial  procession  ;  the  mule  which  preceded  the 
pope's  cortege,  conformable  to  the  custom  of  Rome,  and  which 
excited  so  much  merriment  amongst  the  Parisians,  have  already 
been  often  described.* 

*  The  following  account  01  the  imperial  (ioronation  will  supply  the 
omission  of  Bourrienne  : — 

'  The  interior  of  the  church  of  Notre  Dame  had  been  newly 
painted :  galleries  and  pews  magnificently  adorned  had  been 
erected,  and  they  were  thronged  with  a  prodigious  concourse  of 
spectators. 

'  The  imperial  throne  was  placed  at  the  end  of  the  nave,  opposite 
the  principal  entrance,  and  on  a  very  elevated  platform.  The  ponti- 
fical thi-one  was  in  the  choir,  beside  the  high  altar. 

'  The  pope  set  out  from  the  Tuileries,  and  proceeded  along  the  quay 
to  the  archiepiscopal  palace,  whence  he  repaired  to  the  choir  by  a 
private  entrance. 

'  The  emperor  set  out  with  the  empress  by  the  Carrousel.  The  pro- 
cession passed  along  the  Rue  St.  Honore  to  the  Rue  des  Lombards, 
then  the  Pont  au  Change,  the  Palace  of  Justice,  the  court  of  Notre 
Dame,  and  entered  the  archbishop's  palace.  Here  rooms  were  prepared 
for  the  whole  of  the  retinue,  each  of  whom  were  dressed  in  state  for 
the  occasion  :  some  appeared  in  the  costume  of  their  posts  of  honour, 
others  in  their  uniforms. 

'  On  the  outside  of  the  church  had  been  erected  a  long  wooden 
gallery  from  the  archiepiscopal  palace  to  the  principal  entrance  of  the 


HIS    CORONATION  269 

The  day  after  the  coronation,  all  the  troops  then  in  Paris 
were  assembled  in  the  Champ's-de-Mars,  to  have  distributed  to 
them  the  eagles  which  were  to  replace  the  republican  colours. 
This  spectacle  I  really  enjoyed,  for  it  was  very  pleasing  to  see 
Napoleon  in  the  uniform  of  a  colonel  of  the  guards  in  the  midst 
of  his  soldiers.  It  brought  him  back  to  my  recollection  as  the 
commander-in-chief  in  Italy,  and  of  the  expedition  to  Egypt. 

church.  By  this  gallery  came  the  emperor's  retinue,  which  presented 
a  truly  magnificent  sight.  The  procession  was  opened  by  the  already 
numerous  body  of  courtiers  :  next  came  the  marshals  of  the  empire 
wearing  their  honours ;  then  the  dignitaries  and  high  ofificers  of  the 
crown  ;  and  lastly,  the  emperor  in  a  dress  of  state.  At  the  moment  of 
his  entering  the  cathedral  there  was  a  simultaneous  shout,  which 
made  but  one  explosion,  of  Vive  [ Empereur.  The  immense  quantity 
of  figures  which  appeared  on  the  sides  of  this  vast  edifice  formed  a 
tapestry  of  the  most  extraordinary  kind, 

'  The  procession  passed  along  the  middle  of  the  nave,  and  arrived 
at  the  choir  facing  the  high  altar.  This  scene  was  not  less  imposing  : 
the  galleries  round  the  choir  were  filled  with  the  handsomest  women 
whom  the  best  company  could  produce,  and  most  of  whom  rivalled  in 
the  lustre  of  their  beauty  that  of  the  jewels  with  which  they  were 
covered. 

'  His  holiness  went  to  meet  the  emperor  at  a  desk  which  had  been 
placed  in  the  middle  of  the  choir :  there  was  another  on  one  side  for 
the  empress.  After  saying  a  short  prayer  there,  they  returned,  and 
seated  themselves  on  the  throne  at  the  end  of  the  church  facing  the 
choir  ;  there  they  heard  mass,  which  was  said  by  the  pope.  They 
went  to  make  the  offering,  and  came  back  ;  they  then  descended  from 
the  platform  of  the  throne,  and  walked  in  procession  to  receive  the 
holy  unction.  The  emperor  and  empress,  on  reaching  the  choir, 
replaced  themselves  at  their  desks,  where  the  pope  performed  the 
ceremony. 

'  He  presented  the  crown  to  the  emperor,  who  received  it,  put  it 
himself  upon  his  head,  took  it  off,  placed  it  on  that  of  the  empress, 
removed  it  again,  and  laid  it  on  the  cushion  where  it  was  at  first  A 
smaller  crown  was  immediately  put  upon  the  head  of  the  empress. 
All  the  arrangements  had  been  made  beforehand  ;  she  was  surrounded 
by  her  ladies  ;  everything  was  done  in  a  moment,  and  nobody  per- 
ceived the  substitution  which  had  taken  place.  The  procession  moved 
back  to  the  platform.  The  emperor  there  heard  Te  Deum  ;  the  pope 
himself  went  thither  at  the  conclusion  of  the  service,  as  if  to  say,  Ite, 
missa  est.  The  Testament  was  presented  to  the  emperor,  who  took 
off  his  glove,  and  pronounced  his  oath,  with  his  hand  upon  the  sacred 
book. 

'  He  went  back  to  the  archiepiscopal  palace  the  same  way  that  he 
had  come,  and  entered  his  ciirriage.  The  ceremony  was  very  long ; 
the  procession  retuined  by  the  Rue  St.  Martin,  the  Boule\ard,  the 
Place  de  la  Concorde,  and  the  Pont  Tournant  ;  it  was  getting  dusk 
when  the  emperor  arrived  at  the  Tuilcries.' 


270  NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 

An  immense  platform  had  been  erected  in  front  of  the 
military  school,  which,  though  now  transformed  into  a  barrack, 
could  not  have  failed  to  recall  the  associations  of  early  youth  ; 
behind  which  was  to  be  seen  the  throne  of  the  emperor  and 
empress.  At  a  given  signal  all  the  columns  closed,  and 
approached  the  throne.  Then  Napoleon,  rising,  gave  orders 
for  the  distribution  of  the  eagles  ;  and  delivered  the  following 
address  to  the  deputations  of  the  different  corps  of  the  army. 
'  Soldiers,  behold  your  colours  !  These  eagles  will  always 
be  your  rallying  point.  They  will  always  be  where  your 
emperor  will  judge  necessary  for  the  defence  of  his  throne  and 
his  people.  Swear  to  sacrihce  your  lives  for  their  defence  ;  and, 
by  your  courage,  to  keep  them  constantly  in  the  path  of 
victory — You  swear.'  It  would  be  impossible  to  describe  the 
acclamations  which  followed  this  address  ;  there  is  something 
so  seductive  in  popular  enthusiasm,  that  even  indifferent  persons 
cannot  avoid  being  carried  along  by  it. 


CHAPTER    XXII. 

Two  events  of  considerable  importance  in  the  politics  of 
Europe  occurred  about  the  time  of  Napoleon's  coronation. 
First,  the  conclusion  of  a  treaty  at  Stockholm,  on  the  3rd  of 
December,  1804,  the  day  after  the  coronation,  between  England 
and  Sweden,  by  which  the  former  agreed  to  pay  to  the  latter 
a  considerable  subsidy  ;  and  secondly,  the  declaration  of  war 
between  Spain  and  England. 

The  emperor,  under  these  circumstances,  was  desirous  to 
turn  to  account  the  influence  of  religious  ideas,  and  the  im- 
portance which  the  presence  of  the  head  of  the  Catholic  Church 
might  give  to  his  coronation.  He  had  affected  to  appear  only 
as  half  a  sovereign  until  he  was  consecrated  ;  but  then  he 
considered  that  he  had  obtained  the  sanction  of  what  has 
been  called  the  right  divine.  He  therefore,  about  a  month 
after  that  event,  addressed  a  letter  to  the  king  of  England, 
similar  in  character  to  that  which  he  addressed  to  him  immedi- 
ately after  the  iSth  Brumaire,  expressing  his  desire  to  be 
acknowledged  by  him  as  Emperor  of  the  French.  This  letter, 
commencing  with  the  words,  '  Sir,  my  brother,  called  to  the 
throne  of  France  by  Providence,  by  the  suffrages  of  the  Senate, 
the  people,   and  the  army,   my  first  desire  is  peace,'  etc.,  was 


ENGLAND    AND    SPAIN  271 

a  masterpiece  of  deceit  j  for,  most  certainly,  the  emperor 
would  have  been  very  unwilling  to  have  seen  peace  re-established 
between  France  and  England,  more  especially  since  the  declara- 
tion of  war  by  Spain  had  placed  at  his  disposal  the  Spanish 
fleet,  consisting  of  upwards  of  sixty  ships  of  the  line,  under 
the  command  of  Admiral  Gravina. 

England,  irritated  at  the  impotence  of  her  efforts  against 
France,  sought  to  avenge  herself  in  a  way  that  could  not  be 
justified  ;  for  I  consider  it  to  be  the  duty  of  all  governments 
to  respect  the  rights  of  neutral  states.  Whatever  might  have 
been  the  submission  of  the  cabinet  of  Madrid  to  that  of  the 
Tuileries,  France  alone  was  at  war  with  England,  nor  had  any 
of  her  allies,  with  the  exception  of  Holland,  made  any  demon- 
stration of  hostilities.  Nothing,  therefore,  could  justify  the 
conduct  of  the  British  government  in  their  interference  with 
Spain. 

Without  any  previous  declaration  of  war,  Admiral  Moore 
insisted  on  searching  four  Spanish  frigates,  returning  from 
Mexico  to.  Cadiz  with  treasure.  The  Spanish  commander 
refused  to  submit  to  the  demand,  when  an  engagement  ensued, 
in  which  the  Spaniards  being  opposed  to  a  superior  force  were 
obliged  to  submit  ;  three  of  the  frigates  struck,  and  the  fourth 
blew  up.  These  outrages  were  not  the  only  injuries  which 
they  experienced  from  the  English  cruisers  ;  they  burned  even 
the  Spanish  merchant  ships  in  the  very  harbours  of  the 
Peninsula,  and  intercepted  and  captured  various  convoys, 
although  M.  d'Auguadawas  still  in  London,  as  ambassador  from 
Charles  IV.  These  aggressions,  which  were  contrary  to  the 
law  of  nations,  irritated  to  such  a  degree  the  Spanish  king,  or 
rather,  to  speak  truly,  his  minister,  the  too  famous  Prince  of 
Peace,that  war  was  declared  against  England. 

The  conduct  of  England  on  this  occasion  seems  to  have 
been  not  only  ill-judged,  but  impolitic  ;  and  if  the  English 
government  had  been  better  informed  as  to  the  secret  designs 
of  Napoleon,  they  would  not,  in  all  probability,  have  committed 
such  an  error  as  to  oblige  Spain  to  join  the  fortunes  of  Napoleon. 
It  was  under  these  circumstances,  that  the  letter  which  we  have 
just  alluded  to  was  addressed  to  the  king  of  England.  Its 
object  was  to  induce  the  belief,  that  he  was  desirous  of  peace, 
but  he  could  not  possibly  be  deceived  as  to  the  effect  which  that 
communication  would  produce  in  London  ;  and  he  could  not 
be  surprised  when,  instead  of  a  letter  from  George  III.,  whom 
he  had  styled  h-s  brother,  he  received  a  letter  from  the  English 


272  NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 

minister,  addressed  to  the  Minister  for  Foreign  Affairs.  It 
commenced  thus  : — *  His  majesty  has  received  the  letter  addressed 
to  him  by  the  head  of  the  French  government '  ;  and  went  on 
to  state,  '  that  nothing  was  nearer  his  majesty's  heart  than  the 
restoration  of  peace  to  his  people  ;  but  that  he  declined  to  reply, 
particularly  without  consulting  the  continental  powers,  and 
especially  the  emperor  of  Russia.' 

This  letter  of  the  English  minister  made  little  impression 
upon  the  emperor  ;  for,  it  was  delivered  to  him  while  he  was 
at  the  ven,'  height  of  his  glor)',  and  loaded  with  the  congratu- 
lations which  poured  in  from  all  quarters.  The  Senate  and 
city  of  Paris  gave  magnificent  fetes,  at  which  the  emperor  and 
empress  were  present ;  and,  in  short,  his  consecration  was 
celebrated  everjTvhere.  Before  the  close  of  the  year  he  convoked 
the  legislative  body,  whose  sittings  he  himself  opened  on  the 
27th  of  December,  with  all  the  pomp  of  the  new  ceremonial 
of  the  empire. 

The  year  1804  was  fertile  in  great  events,  and  it  would  be 
difficult  to  find  in  histor}-  so  many  circumstances  exercising 
so  great  an  influence  on  the  destinies  of  Europe,  crowded 
together  within  the  short  space  of  twelve  months.  The  first 
half  of  the  year  offered  the  melancholy  spectacle  of  the  police 
machinations,  of  the  cruel  death  of  a  young  prince,  and  of 
a  criminal  trial  which  was  followed  by  executions  and  pardons. 
The  second  half  of  the  year  was  marked  by  the  elevation  of 
Bonaparte  to  the  imperial  throne  ;  his  journey  through  the 
new  departments  annexed  to  the  French  territor}-  ;  and  finally, 
by  an  event  the  most  extraordinary-,  perhaps,  of  modern  times — 
the  pope's  journey  to  France,  to  dispose,  in  name  of  the  Church, 
of  a  throne  unoccupied,  but  not  vacant.  This  eventful  year 
was  terminated  by  the  opening  of  the  Legislative  Assembly  by 
the  emperor  in  person,  whose  speech  on  this  occasion  made  a 
most  powerful  impression  throughout  Europe.  Among  other 
things  he  said — 

'  It  would  have  afforded  me  pleasure,  en  this  solemii  occasion, 
to  have  seen  peace  reign  throughout  the  world  ;  but  the  political 
principles  of  our  enemies — their  recent  conduct  towards  Spain, 
sufficiently  shew  the  difficulty  of  fulfilling  that  wish.  I  have 
no  desire  to  aggrandize  the  territory  of  France,  but  to  maintain 
her  integrity.  I  have  no  ambition  to  exercise  a  greater  influence 
over  the  rest  of  Europe,  but  I  will  not  lose  any  of  that  which 
I  have  acquired.     No  state  will  be  incorporated  with  the  empire. 


HIS   BEHAVIOUR   TO    BOURRIENNE  273 

but  I  will  not  sacrifice  my  rights  nor  the  ties  which  connect  us 
with  the  states  which  I  have  createu.' 

Scarcely  had  the  pope  returned  to  Italy,  when  it  was  reported 
that  the  emperor  intended  to  make  a  journey  to  Milan  for  the 
purpose  of  transforming  the  Cisalpine  republic  into  the  kingdom 
of  Italy.  This  was  merely  a  corollary  From  the  transmutation 
of  the  consular  republic  into  the  French  empire.  By  this, 
Napoleon  completed  the  assimilation  between  himself  and 
Charlemagne. 

Previous  to  referring  further  to  the  object  of  this  journey,  I 
shall  here  briefly  refer  to  my  own  appointment  as  minister 
plenipotentiary  to  the  Dukes  of  Brunswick  and  Mecklenburg 
Schwerin,  and  to  the  Hanse  Towns. 

This  appointment  took  place  on  the  22nd  of  March,  1805. 
Josephine,  who  had  kindly  promised  to  inform  me  of  what  the 
emperor  intended  to  do  for  me,  so  soon  as  she  should  know 
those  intentions,  sent  a  messenger  to  acquaint  me  with 
my  appointment,  and  to  tell  me  that  the  emperor  wished  to 
see  me. 

I  had  not  visited  Josephine  since  her  departure  for  Belgium, 
and  I  was  so  dazzled  with  the  pomp  and  ceremony  of  the 
coronation,  and  the  etiquette  which  was  afterwards  introduced, 
that  I  was  deterred  from  presenting  myself  at  the  imperial 
palace. 

On  my  arrival  at  Malmaison  I  was  astonished  at  the  good- 
natured  familiarity  with  which  I  was  received  by  the  emperor. 
He  came  up  to  me  with  a  smile,  and  took  me  by  the  hand, 
which  he  had  never  done  since  he  was  consul,  and  pressed 
it  affectionately,  and  it  was  impossible  for  me  to  believe  that  I 
saw  the  emperor  of  the  French  and  the  future  king  of  Italy. 
But  I  was  too  well  aware  of  his  fits  of  pride  to  allow  his 
familiarity  to  lead  me  beyond  the  bounds  of  a  proper  respect. 
'  My  dear  Bourricnne,'  said  he,  '  surely  you  do  not  think  that 
the  elevated  rank  which  I  have  attained  has  altered  my  feelings 
towards  you  f  No,  it  is  not  the  trappings  of  the  imperial 
throne  which  constitute  my  value  ;  all  those  are  meant  for  the 
people,  but  I  must  be  valued  for  myself.  I  have  been  very  well 
satisfied  with  your  services,  and  have  appointed  you  to  a  situa- 
tion where  I  shall  have  occasion  for  them.  I  know  I  can  rely 
upon  you.' 

He  then  inquired  in  the  most  friendly  manner  after  my 
family,  and  what   I   had  been  about.      In  short,    I  never  had 

18 


274  NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 

seen  him  display  less  reserve,  or  more  familiarity  or  unaffected 
simplicity,  which  he  did  the  more  readily,  because  his  greatness 
was  now  unquestionable.  'You  know,'  added  Napoleon,  'that 
in  eight  days  I  set  out  for  Italy  ;  I  make  myself  king  there, 
but  that  is  only  a  stepping-stone,  I  have  greater  designs  regarding 
Italy.  It  must  be  a  kingdom  comprising  all  the  transalpine 
states,  from  Venice  to  the  maritime  Alps.  The  junction  of 
Italy  with  France  can  only  be  temporary  ;  but  it  is  necessary 
to  accustom  the  population  of  Italy  to  live  under  common  laws. 
The  Genoese,  the  Piedmontese,  the  Venetians,  the  Milanese, 
the  Tuscans,  the  Romans,  and  the  Neapolitans,  detest  each 
other.  None  of  them  will  acknowledge  the  superiority  of  the 
others,  and  yet  Rome  is,  from  the  recollections  connected  with 
it,  the  natural  capital  of  Italy.  But  to  make  it  so,  it  is  necessary 
to  confine  the  power  of  the  pope  to  affairs  purely  spiritual. 
I  cannot  accomplish  all  this  at  present,  but  we  shall  reflect  upon 
it  hereafter.  On  this  subject  I  have  but  vague  ideas,  but  they 
will  be  matured  in  time — everything  depends  upon  circumstances. 
What  was  it  that  told  me,  when  we  were  strutting  about  like 
two  idle  fellows,  that  I  should  be  one  day  master  of  France  ? 
My  wish — but  then  a  vague  wish.  Circumstances  have  done  the 
rest.  It  is  therefore  wise  to  be  prepared  for  what  may  come,  ^nd 
it  is  what  I  am  doing.  W^ith  respect  to  Italy,  as  it  will  be 
impossible  to  unite  her  at  once  into  one  power,  we  shall  begin 
by  making  her  French,  so  as  to  accustom  her  to  submit  to 
one  uniform  law.  All  the  small  states  will  insensibly  become 
assimilated,  and  then  there  will  be  an  Italy,  and  I  shall  give  her 
independence.  But  for  that  I  must  have  twenty  years,  and 
who  can  count  on  that  .>  Bourrienne,  I  feel  pleasure  in  telling 
you  all  this.  It  was  locked  up  in  my  mind  ;  but  with  you  I 
think  aloud.' 

I  do  not  believe  that  I  have  altered  two  words  of  what 
Bonaparte  said  to  me  respecting  Italy,  so  perfect,  I  may  now  say 
so  without  vanity,  was  my  memory  then,  and  so  confirmed  was 
my  habit  of  fixing  in  it  all  that  he  said  to  me.  After  having 
informed  me  of  his  vague  projects,  Bonaparte,  with  one  of  those 
transitions  so  common  to  him,  said,  '  By  the  bye,  Bourrienne, 
I  have  something  to  tell  you.  Madame  de  Brienne  has  begged 
that  I  will  pass  through  Brienne,  and  I  have  promised  that  I 
will.  I  will  not  conceal  from  you  that  I  shall  feel  great 
pleasure  in  again  beholding  the  spot  which  for  six  years  was 
the  scene  of  our  boyish  sports  and  studies.'  Taking  advantage 
of  the   emperor's  good-humour,  I  ventured   to  tell   him  what 


HIS   DESIGNS   ON   EUROPE  275 

happiness  it  would  give  me  if  it  were  possible  that  I  could  share 
with  him  the  revival  of  recollections  which  were  mutually  dear 
to  us.  But  Napoleon,  after  a  moment's  pause,  said  with  extreme 
kindness,  '  Hark  ye,  Bourrienne,  in  your  situation  and  mine  this 
cannot  be.  It  is  more  than  two  years  since  we  parted.  What 
would  be  said  of  so  sudden  a  reconciliation  ?  I  tell  you  frankly 
that  I  have  regretted  you,  and  the  circumstances  in  which  I  have 
frequently  been  placed  have  often  made  me  wish  to  recall  you. 
At  Boulogne  I  was  quite  resolved  upon  it.  Rapp,  perhaps,  has 
informed  you  of  it.  He  likes  you,  and  he  assured  me  that  he 
would  be  delighted  at  your  return.  But  if  upon  reflection  I 
changed  my  mind,  it  was  because,  as  I  have  often  told  you,  I 
will  not  have  it  said,  that  I  stand  in  need  of  anyone.  No.  Go 
to  Hamburg.* 

The  emperor  remained  silent  for  a  moment,  and  I  was  pre- 
paring to  retire,  but  he  detained  me,  saying  in  the  kindest 
manner,  *  What,  are  you  going  already — are  you  in  a  hurry  ? 
Let  us  have  a  little  more  chat.  God  knows  when  we  may  see 
each  other  again  ! '  Then,  after  two  or  three  moments'  silence, 
he  said,  'The  more  I  reflect  on  our  situation,  on  our  former 
intimacy,  and  on  our  subsequent  separation,  the  more  I  see  the 
necessity  of  your  going  to  Hamburg.  Go,  my  dear  fellow,  you 
will  find  it  your  interest  to  do  so.  When  do  you  think  of  setting 
out  ? '  '  In  May.'  '  In  May — ah,  I  shall  be  in  Milan  then,  for 
I  wish  to  stop  at  Turin.  I  like  the  Piedmontese,  for  they  are 
the  best  soldiers  in  Italy.'  *  Sire,  the  king  of  Italy  will  be 
the  junior  of  the  emperor  of  the  French.'*  'Ah,  you  recollect 
what  I  said  to  you  one  day  at  the  Tuileries — but,  my  dear 
fellow,  I  have  got  a  great  deal  to  do  before  I  gain  my  point.' 
'  At  the  rate  you  are  advancing  you  will  not  be  long  in  ac- 
complishing it.'  '  Longer  than  you  imagine.  I  see  all  the 
obstacles  in  my  way,  but  they  do  not  alarm  me.  England  is 
everywhere,  and  the  struggle  is  between  her  and  me.  I  see  what 
will  happen.  The  whole  of  Europe  will  be  our  instruments — 
sometimes  for  one  and  sometimes  for  the  other.  But  upon  the 
whole,    the  question  is  entirely    between  France  and  England. 

*  This  alluded  to  a  conversation  which  I  had  with  Napoleon 
when  we  first  went  to  the  Tuileries,  He  spoke  to  me  about  his 
projects  of  royalty,  and  I  stated  the  ditliculties  which  I  thought  he 
would  experience  in  getting  himself  acknowledged  by  the  old  reigning 
tamilies  of  Europe.  '  If  it  comes  to  that,'  he  replied,  '  I  will  de- 
throne them  all,  and  then  I  shall  be  the  oldest  sovereign  among 
them." 


276  NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 

All    things     considered,    go     to     Hamburg — ^you    know    the 
country,  and,  what  is  better,  you  speak  the  language.' 

Such  are  my  recollections  of  this  conversation,  which  lasted 
tor  more  than  an  hour  and  a  half.  We  walked  about  the  whole  of 
the  time,  for  Bonaparte  was  indefatigable  in  this  sort  of  audience, 
and  would  have  walked  and  talked  for  a  whole  day  without  being 
aware  of  it. 

Voltaire  has  somewhere  said,  that  it  is  very  well  kissing  the 
toes  of  popes  providing  their  hands  are  tied.  Bonaparte  had 
little  esteem  for  Voltaire,  and,  perhaps,  did  not  recollect  this 
remark,  but  at  any  rate  he  very  soon  found  himself  called 
to  act  upon  it.  The  pope,  or  rather  the  cardinals,  thinking 
that  such  a  great  act  of  condescension  as  the  journey  of  his 
holiness  to  Paris  ought  not  to  go  for  nothing,  demanded  a  com- 
pensation, which,  had  they  been  better  acquainted  with  Napoleon's 
policy,  they  would  not  have  ventured  to  solicit.  They  demanded 
the  restoration  of  Avignon  and  Bologna,  with  some  territories 
in  Italy  which  had  formerly  been  subject  to  the  pope.  It  may 
be  imagined  in  what  manner  their  demand  was  received  by 
Napoleon,  particularly  after  he  had  obtained  what  he  wanted 
from  the  pope.  It  was,  it  must  be  confessed,  a  great  mistake 
on  the  part  of  the  court  of  Rome  not  to  make  their  demand 
until  after  the  coronation.  Had  the  court  of  Rome  made  it 
the  condition  of  the  pope's  journey  to  France,  perhaps  Bonaparte 
would  have  consented  to  give  up  Avignon,  and,  perhaps,  the 
Italian  territory,  but  certainly  with  the  intention  of  taking 
them  back.  Be  this  as  it  may,  they  were  peremptorily  rejected, 
and  this  created  a  coolness  between  Napoleon  and  Pius  VII. 
The  public  did  not  immediately  perceive  it  ;  but  as  they 
generally  judge  correctly  on  passing  events,  all  eyes  were  opened 
when  it  was  known  that  the  pope  had  refused  to  crown  the 
emperor  as  king  of  Italy. 

Napoleon  left  Paris  on  the  ist  of  April  to  take  possession 
of  the  iron  crown  at  Milan.  The  pope  remained  some  time 
longer  in  the  French  capital.  The  prolonged  stay  of  the  pope 
had  a  very  favourable  influence  on  the  religious  feelings  of 
the  people,  so  great  was  the  respect  inspired  by  the  benign 
COimtenance  and  mild  manners  of  the  pope.  When  the  period 
of  his  persecutions  arrived,  it  had  been  better  for  Napoleon  that 
the  pope  had  not  come  to  Paris  ;  for  it  was  impossible  to  view, 
in  any  other  light  than  as  a  victim,  the  man  who  appeared 
so  meek  and  truly  evangelical. 

Bonaparte  did  not  shew  any  impatience  to  seize  the   crown 


CROWNED   AT   MILAN  277 

of  Italy,  because  he  knew  it  could  not  escape  from  him.  He 
stayed  a  long  time  at  Turin,  where  he  occupied  the  elegant 
Stupini  palace,  which  may  be  called  the  St.  Cloud  of  the 
kings  of  Sardinia  ;  it  is  situated  at  the  same  distance  from  the 
capital  of  Piedmont  that  St.  Cloud  is  from  Paris.  The  emperor 
cajoled  the  Piedmontese,  and  gave  them  General  Menou  as 
a  governor,  who  continued  until  he  founded  the  general 
government  of  the  transalpine  departments  in  favour  of  his 
brother-in-law  Prince  Borghese,  of  whom  it  would  have  been 
difficult  to  have  made  anything  but  a  Roman  prince.  Napoleon 
was  still  at  Turin,  when  the  pope  passed  through  that  city 
on  his  return  to  Rome  ;  and  there  he  had  a  final  interview  with 
his  holiness,  to  whom  he  shewed  the  greatest  personal  respect. 
From  Turin  Napoleon  proceeded  to  Alessandria,  where  he 
commenced  those  immense  works  upon  which  such  vast  sums 
of  money  were  expended.  It  was  one  of  his  favourite  projects, 
and  had  been  long  entertained.  I  recollect  his  having  observed 
to  Berth ier  when  we  were  at  Milan,  after  the  battle  of  Marengo, 
'  With  Alessandria  in  my  possession,  I  should  always  be  master 
of  Italy.  It  might  be  made  the  strongest  fortress  in  the  world  ; 
it  is  capable  of  containing  a  garrison  of  40,000  men,  with 
provisions  for  six  months.  If  a  revolt  should  take  place,  or 
should  Austria  send  a  formidable  force  here,  the  French  troops 
might  retire  to  Alessandria  and  stand  a  six  months'  siege, 
which  would  be  sufficient  to  enable  me  to  fall  upon  Italy,  beat 
the  Austrians,  and  raise  the  siege  of  Alessandria.' 

As  he  was  so  near  the  field  of  Marengo,  the  emperor  did 
not  fail  to  visit  that  celebrated  field  of  battle  ;  and,  to  give 
greater  solemnity  to  the  occasion,  he  reviewed  on  the  field  all 
the  French  troops  who  were  in  Italy.  Rapp  told  me  that 
he  had  brought  from  Paris,  expressly  for  that  purpose,  the 
uniform  and  hat  which  he  had  worn  on  that  memorable  day. 
He  afterwards  proceeded  by  way  of  Casal  to  Milan. 

At  Milan  the  emperor  occupied  the  palace  of  Monza.  The 
ancient  crown  of  the  kings  of  Lombardy  was  brought  from 
the  dust  in  which  it  had  been  buried  ;  and  the  new  coronation 
took  place  in  the  cathedral  of  Milan,  the  largest  in  Italy  after 
that  of  St.  Peter's  at  Rome.  Napoleon  received  the  crown 
from  the  hands  of  the  archbishop  of  Milan,  and  placed  it  upon 
his  own  head,  calling  aloud,  '  Dieii  me  Fa  donnSe ;  gare  a  qut  la 
touche'  This  became  the  motto  of  the  order  of  the  iron  crown, 
which  the  emperor  afterwards  founded  in  commemoration 
of  his  coronation  as  king  of  Italy. 


278  NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 

It  was  during  the  emperor's  stay  at  Milan  that  he  received 
the  first  intelligence  of  the  dissatisfaction  of  Austria  and  Russia  ; 
the  cabinet  of  Berlin  were  not  strangers  to  it,  but  Prussia  was 
constrained  to  conceal  her  discontent  in  consequence  of  the 
presence  of  the  French  troops  in  Hanover. 

On  returning  from  Milan,  the  emperor  ordered  the  erection 
of  a  rsonument  on  the  Great  St.  Bernard,  in  commemoration  of 
the  victory  of  Marengo.  M.  Denon,  who  accompanied  Napoleon, 
told  me  that  he  made  a  useless  search  to  discover  the  body  of 
Desaix,  which  Bonaparte  wished  to  be  buried  beneatn  the 
monument  ;  and  that  it  was  at  length  found  by  General  Savary. 
It  is  therefore  certain  that  the  ashes  of  the  brave  Desaix  repose 
on  the  summit  of  the  Alps. 

The  emperor  arrived  in  Paris  about  the  end  of  June,  and 
instantly  set  off  for  the  camp  at  Boulogne.  It  was  now  once 
more  believed  that  the  project  of  invading  England  would  be 
accomplished.  This  idea  obtained  the  greater  credit,  because 
Bonaparte  caused  some  experiments  for  embarkation  to  be  made 
in  his  presence.  These  experiments,  however,  led  to  no  result. 
About  this  period,  a  fatal  event  but  too  effectually  contributed 
to  strengthen  the  opinion  of  the  inferiority  of  our  navy.  A 
French  squadron,  consisting  of  fifteen  ships,  fell  in  with  the 
English  fleet  commanded  by  Admiral  Calder,  who  had  only 
nine  vessels  under  his  command,  and  in  an  engagement,  which 
there  was  every  reason  to  expect  would  terminate  in  our  favour, 
we  had  the  misfortune  to  lose  two  ships.  The  invasion  of 
England  was  as  little  the  object  of  this,  as  of  the  previous 
journey  to  Boulogne  :  all  Napoleon  had  in  view,  was  to  stimulate 
the  enthusiasm  of  the  troops,  and  to  hold  out  those  threats 
against  England  which  he  conceived  necessary  for  diverting 
attention  from  the  real  motive  of  his  hostile  preparations,  which 
was  to  invade  Germany,  and  repulse  the  Russian  troops,  who 
had  begun  their  march  tovrards  Austria.  Such  was  the  true 
object  of  Napoleon's  last  journey  to  Boulogne.  And  we  shall 
soon  see  him  fall  upon  Germany,  and  render  himself  master 
of  the  Austrian  monarchy  by  the  day  of  Austcrlitz,  in  the  same 
manner  as  he  rendered  himself  master  of  Italy  on  the  day  of 
Marengo. 

I  left  Paris  on  the  20th  of  May,  1805  ;  and  on  the  5th  of 
June  following,  I  delivered  my  credentials  to  the  Senate  of 
Hamburg,  which  was  represented  by  the  syndic  Doormann 
and  the  senator  Schutte.  As  I  was  also  accredited  to  the  reigning 
Dukes  of  Mecklenburg  Schwerin  and  Brunswick,  I  announced 


AUSTRIA   THINKING   OF   WAR  279 

my  arrival  to  them,  and  in  return  was  acknowledged  by  them 
in  my  capacity  of  minister  plenipotentiary.  I  had  not  been  long 
at  Hamburg  when  I  found  myself  in  the  midst  of  the  important 
events  which  preceded  the  campaign  of  Austerlitz  ;  and  I  was 
not  allowed  to  forget  what  the  emperor  had  said  to  me  at 
my  audience  of  leave—'  You  will  be  useful  to  me  in  Germany  ; 
I  have  views  on  that  country.'  These  views  placed  me  in 
continual  contradiction  with  the  amicable  assurances  of  friendship 
and  protection  which  I  had  been  instructed  to  give.  And  in 
many  respects  my  situation  at  Hamburg  was  attended  with 
great  labour,  while  affairs  succeeded  and  crossed  each  other  with 
great  rapidity.  My  occupations  were  different,  but  not  more  nu- 
merous than  those  which  formerly  devolved  upon  me  in  the  cabinet 
of  the  emperor  ;  while  my  present  duties  incurred  a  responsibility 
which  was  not  attached  to  the  situation  of  private  secretary.  I 
had  to  keep  a  watchful  eye  upon  the  emigrants  at  Altona  ;  to 
correspond  almost  daily  with  the  Minister  for  Foreign  Affairs, 
and  also  with  the  Minister  of  Police  ;  to  confer  with  the  foreign 
ministers  resident  at  Hamburg  ;  to  maintain  an  active  corre- 
spondence with  the  generals  of  the  French  armies  ;  to  examine 
my  secret  agents  and  to  be  constantly  on  the  alert  to  prevent 
the  insertion  of  those  cursed  articles  in  the  Hamburg  Corre- 
spondent which  annoyed  the  emperor  so  much.  The  editor 
sent  me  the  proofs  of  the  paper  every  evening  as  it  was  to  appear 
on  the  following  morning,  a  favour  which  was  only  conceded 
to  the  minister  of  France  ;  but  even  then  it  was  impossible 
constantly  to  keep  out  articles  which  might  be  objectionable. 
The  enmity  of  the  foreign  princes  against  Napoleon  encouraged 
all  sorts  of  abusive  writings,  which  greatly  added  to  the  difficulty 
of  my  situation.  This  hatred  had  greatly  increased  since  the 
death  of  the  Duke  d'Enghien,  a  fact  which  was  not  concealed 
by  any  of  the  ministers  or  foreigners  of  distinction  who  were 
then  resident  at  Hamburg. 

On  my  arrival  in  Germany  the  emperor  of  Austria  had  not 
acknowledged  Napoleon  as  king  of  Italy,  though  his  ambassador 
still  remained  at  Paris.  Now  that  Piedmont  was  united  to 
France,  and  Italy  subject  to  her  laws,  Austria  could  not  see 
Napoleon  at  the  head  of  so  great  a  nation,  and  possessed  of 
absolute  power,  without  dreading  the  consequences  of  his 
ambition.  She  therefore  from  that  moment  began  to  think  of 
war.  England,  who  was  anxious  to  remove  the  threat  of  in- 
vasion, encouraged  the  dissatisfaction  of  the  Austrian  cabinet. 
And  I  liave  reason  to  believe  that  Napoleon  was  not  sorry  wlien 


28o  NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 

the  hostility  of  Austria  was  manifested  ;  and  he  relinquished, 
without  regret,  his  expensive  and  useless  expedition  against 
England. 

According  to  my  instructions  I  had,  on  my  arrival  at 
Hamburg,  given  assurance  that  his  imperial  majesty  would 
guarantee  the  constitution  and  tranquillity  of  Germany,  and 
that  he  regarded  this  as  a  sacred  duty.  Yet  scarcely  had  I 
entered  upon  my  functions  when  Germany  was  ravaged  by 
war,  and  the  continental  system  was  ruining  every  town. 

Experience  has  long  since  proved  that  it  is  not  at  their 
source  that  secret  transactions  are  most  readily  known.  The 
intelligence  of  an  event  frequently  resounds  at  a  distance,  while 
the  event  itself  is  almost  entirely  unknown  at  the  place  where 
it  occurred.  The  direct  influence  of  political  events  on  com- 
mercial speculators  renders  them  exceedingly  attentive  to  what 
is  passing  around  them.  And  as  they  form  a  corporation 
uniting  all  together  by  the  strongest  of  all  bonds — common 
interest,  I  resolved  to  form  a  connexion  with  some  of  the 
mercantile  houses  which  carried  on  an  extensive  and  frequent 
communication  with  the  northern  states.  I  knew  that  by 
obtaining  their  confidence  I  might  gain  a  knowledge  of  all 
that  was  going  on  in  Russia,  Sweden,  England,  and  Austria. 
Among  the  subjects  upon  which  it  was  desirable  to  obtain 
information,  I  included  negotiations,  treaties,  military  measures, 
such  as  recruiting  above  the  peace  establishment,  military  move- 
ments, the  formation  of  camps,  the  forming  of  magazines,  and 
the  fitting  out  of  ships. 

In  the  beginning  of  August,  1805,  I  obtained  intelligence 
that  a  treaty  of  alliance  between  Russia  and  England  was  under 
negotiation,  but  from  some  circumstances  which  had  occurred 
it  was  not  completed  at  that  time.  I  also  learned  that  the 
Emperor  Alexander  had  solicited  General  Moreau  to  enter 
his  service,  and  take  the  command  of  the  Russian  infantry 
He  ofi^ered  him  twelve  thousand  rubles  to  defray  his  travelling 
expenses,  but  he  did  not  accept  the  offer  at  that  time  ;  and  after- 
wards, when  he  unfortunately  did  so,  he  died  in  the  enemy's  ranks. 

There  was  now  no  longer  any  doubt  of  the  hostile  intentions 
of  the  northern  powers  ;  and  it  became  necessary  for  Napoleon 
to  take  the  hint  in  time  lest  he  should  be  overwhelmed.  He, 
therefore,  gave  orders  to  the  different  commanders  of  army 
corps  to  concentrate  on  certain  points,  and  to  hold  themselves 
in  readiness  to  advance  on  the  first  act  of  hostility  on  the  part 
of  Austria. 


PREPARES   FOR    WAR  281 

The  army  of  Hanover,  which  was  now  commanded  by 
Marshal  Bernadotte,  and  occupied  a  vast  extent  of  ground, 
was  concentrated,  in  order  to  bring  it  nearer  the  line  of  military 
operations,  which  it  was  evident  must  soon  be  commenced. 
Bernadotte  was  thus  obliged  to  abandon  Cuxhaven,  which 
belonged  to  Hamburg,  and  in  order  to  take  advantage  of  this 
necessity  he  applied  to  the  city  for  assistance,  under  pretext 
that  the  evacuation  was  a  mark  of  respect  to  the  municipality. 
The  army  was  soon  after  in  full  march  for  the  south  of  Germany  ; 
and  as  he  was  ordered  to  advance  by  the  shortest  route,  he 
passed  through  the  territory  of  Anspach,  which  gave  great 
offence  to  the  king  of  Prussia  ;  but  at  that  time  he  was  not 
prepared  to  quarrel  with  France. 

The  junction  of  the  marshal's  corps  of  70,000  men  was  of 
too  much  importance  to  Napoleon  not  to  be  expedited  by  all 
means  and  by  the  shortest  route.  Gustavus  of  Sweden,  always 
engaging  in  some  scheme,  proposed  to  form  an  army  composed 
of  his  own  troops,  the  Prussians  and  English  ;  and  certainly, 
had  a  vigorous  attack  been  made  in  the  north,  it  would  have 
prevented  Bernadotte  from  quitting  the  banks  of  the  Elbe  and 
the  Weser,  and  reinforcing  the  grand  army  which  was  marching 
on  Vienna.  But  the  king  of  Sweden's  coalition  produced  no 
other  result  than  the  siege  of  the  little  fortress  ofHameln.  Prussia 
would  not  come  to  a  rupture  with  France,  the  king  of  Sweden 
was  abandoned,  and  Bonaparte's  resentment  against  him 
increased.  This  abortive  project  of  Gustavus  contributed  not 
a  little  to  alienate  the  affections  of  his  subjects,  who  feared 
that  they  might  be  the  victims  of  the  revenge  excited  by  the 
extravagant  plans  of  their  king,  and  the  insults  he  heaped 
upon  Napoleon,  particularly  since  the  death  of  the  Duke 
d'Enghien. 


CHAPTER     XXIII. 

Such  was  the  state  of  affairs  after  I  had  been  three  months 
at  Hamburg,  when  at  length  intelligence  reached  me,  that  the 
emperor  had  set  out  on  the  23rd  of  September  for  the  army. 
This  event  was  preceded  by  the  abolition  of  all  that  remained 
of  the  republic,  namely,  its  calendar. 

This  calendar  was  one  of  the  most  foolish  inventions  of  the 
revolution,  the  new  names  of  the  months  not  being  applicable 


28a  NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 

to   all   places   even   in    France,    the  harvests   of  Provence   not 

waiting  to  be  ripened  by  the  sun  of  Messidor.  On  the  9th  of 
September  a  senattis  comultum  decreed,  that  after  the  ist  of 
January  following,  the  months  should  resume  their  ancient 
names.  I  read  with  interest  the  report  of  La  Place  to  the  Senate, 
and  I  confess  that  I  was  well  pleased  to  see  the  Gregorian 
calendar  established  by  law,  as  it  had  already  been  in  fact. 
It  was  particularly  in  foreign  countries  that  we  felt  the  in- 
convenience of  a  system  different  from  that  of  all  the  world. 

At  Hamburg  I  was,  as  may  be  supposed,  extremely  anxious 
to  receive  news,  of  which  I  had  plenty  from  the  interior  of 
Germany,  and  from  some  friends  at  Paris,  and  it  is  this  corre- 
spondence that  enables  me  to  furnish  my  readers  with  a 
comprehensive  and  true  statement  of  affairs,  till  the  moment 
when  Napoleon  took  the  field.  I  have  already  stated  that  it 
was  his  constant  practice,  when  he  declared  war,  to  endeavour 
to  persuade  the  world  that  he  was  anxious  for  peace,  of  which 
artifice  his  career  furnishes  few  examples  more  striking  than 
that  preceding  the  first  conquest  of  Vienna.  It  was  evident 
enough  that  the  transformation  of  the  Cisalpine  republic  into 
the  kingdom  of  Italy,  and  the  union  of  Genoa  to  France,  were 
acts  in  violation  of  treaties  ;  the  emperor,  however,  asserted  that 
all  the  violations  were  on  the  part  of  Austria.  The  truth  is, 
that  Austria  was  arming  as  secretly  as  possible,  and  collecting 
her  troops  on  the  frontiers  of  Bavaria.  An  Austrian  corps 
had  even  penetrated  into  some  provinces  of  the  electorate,  and 
this  was  made  use  of  by  Napoleon  as  a  pretext  for  coming  to 
the  assistance  of  the  allies  of  France. 

I  received  at  Hamburg  the  copy  of  a  very  curious  note, 
in  which  the  emperor  enumerates  his  complaints  against 
Austria,  and  boasts  of  his  moderation,  in  having  allowed  Austria 
to  take  possession  of  Lindau,  subsequently  to  the  treaty  of 
Luneville.  The  note  was  intended  for  the  Diet  at  that  time 
assembled  at  Ratisbon.  '  The  emperor,'  it  stated,  <  had  affected 
not  to  notice  that  the  debt  of  Venice  had  not  only  not  been 
paid,  but  had  been  actually  cancelled,  in  violation  not  only 
of  the  letter,  but  of  the  spirit  of  the  treaties  of  Campo  Formio 
and  Luneville.  He  was  silent  as  to  the  denial  of  justice  which 
his  subjects  of  Milan  and  Mantua  experienced  at  Vienna, 
where  in  spite  of  formal  stipulations  none  of  them  had  been 
paid,  and  upon  the  partiality  of  Austria  in  recognizing  the 
monstrous  right  of  blockade  set  up  by  England  ;  and  when 
the   neutrality  of  the  Austrian   flag,   so  often  violated   to  the 


LEAVES   FOR   THE   ARMY  283 

detriment  of  France,  had  not  occasioned  on  the  part  of  the  court 
of  Vienna  any  complaint,  he  had  made  a  sacrifice  to  his  love 
of  peace  by  preserving  silence.' 

The  facts  stated  in  this  note  were  true  ;  but  Napoleon  did 
not  say  that  his  complaisance  in  shutting  his  eyes,  arose  solely 
from  his  wish  to  allow  Austria  to  commit  herself  so  far  as  to 
afford  him  a  reasonable  pretext  for  attacking  her,  whilst  he 
held  up  in  contrast  the  moderation  and  forbearance  of  the 
French  government.  'The  emperor  of  the  French,'  says  he 
in  the  same  note,  '  has  evacuated  Switzerland,  rendered  tranquil 
and  happy  by  the  act  of  mediation  ;  he  has  only  left  in  Italy 
the  number  of  troops  necessary  to  protect  the  commerce  of  the 
Levartt.  Solely  occupied  in  the  operations  of  a  war  which 
he  had  not  provoked,  and  which  he  carried  on  as  much  for 
the  interests  of  Europe  as  his  own,  he  had  assembled  his  forces 
on  the  coast  far  from  the  Austrian  frontiers,  and  this  was 
the  time  chosen  by  Austria  to  make  a  diversion  more  favourable 
to  England  and  prejudicial  to  France,  than  she  could  do  by 
an  open  and  declared  warfare.' 

In  the  memorable  sitting  which  preceded  the  departure  ot 
the  emperor  for  the  army,  he  caused  to  be  presented  a  project 
of  a  ienatus  consultum,  relative  to  the  re-organization  of  the 
national  guards.  The  Minister  of  Foreign  Relations  read  an 
expose  of  the  reciprocal  conduct  of  France  and  Austria, 
subsequent  to  the  peace  of  Luneville,  in  which  the  offences  of 
France  were  veiled  with  wonderful  address.  Finally,  before 
the  sitting  broke  up,  the  emperor  addressed  the  senators, 
stating  that  he  was  about  to  leave  his  capital  to  place  himself 
at  the  head  of  his  army,  to  af}"ord  succour  to  his  allies,  and  to 
defend  the  dearest  interests  of  his  people. 

This  address  occasioned  a  powerful  sensation  in  Hamburg  ; 
for  my  part,  I  recognized  in  it  the  usual  boasting  of  Napoleon, 
but  this  time  events  seemed  determined  to  justify  it.  The 
emperor  may  have  made  more  scientific  campaigns  than  that 
of  Austerlitz,  but  none  accompanied  by  such  wonderful  results. 
Everything  appeared  to  partake  of  the  marvellous,  and  I  have 
often  thought  of  the  secret  joy  which  Bonaparte  must  have 
felt,  in  being  at  length  on  the  point  of  commencing  a  great 
war  in  Germany,  for  which  he  had  so  often  expressed  an  ardent 
desire. 

All  the  reports  which  I  received  agreed  with  my  private 
correspondence,  in  describing  the  astonishing  enthusiasm  of 
the   army,    on   learning    that  it    was  to   march  into   Germany. 


28+  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE 

For  the  first  time  Bonaparte  had  recourse  to  artificial  means 
of  transport,  and  20,000  carriages  conveyed  his  army  as  it  were 
by  enchantment  from  Boulogne  to  the  banks  of  the  Rhine. 
All  the  ambitious  youths  were  on  fire  at  the  idea  of  an  approach- 
ing campaign.  All  dreamed  of  glory  and  a  speedy  promotion, 
all  hoped  to  signalize  themselves  under  a  chief,  the  idol  of  his 
army,  who  knew  so  well  how  to  hurry  away  men  into  the 
sphere  of  his  own  incredible  activity. 

It  was  during  his  short  stay  at  Strasburg,  that  the  emperor, 
on  hearing  of  the  position  of  the  Austrian  army,  ventured  to 
predict  the  success  which  awaited  him  under  the  walls  of 
Vienna,  which,  as  Rapp  informed  me,  he  did  in  the  presence 
of  a  great  many  persons.  He  said,  '  The  plan  of  Mack's 
campaign  is  settled,  the  Caudine  Forks  are  at  Ulm.'  This  was 
a  favourite  expression  with  Napoleon  when  he  saw  an  enemy^s 
army  concentrated  upon  a  point,  and  foresaw  its  defeat.  Ex- 
perience proved  that  he  was  correct,  and  I  must  here  affirm, 
that  there  is  no  truth  in  the  report  that  Mack  sold  himself  at 
Ulm  ;  he  was  so  placed  that  he  could  not  have  done  otherwise. 
What  might  have  given  rise  to  this  report  was,  that  Napoleon 
humanely  interfered  to  prevent  his  being  tried  by  a  courl- 
martial. 

On  commencing  the  campaign.  Napoleon  placed  himself 
at  the  head  of  the  Bavarians,  with  whom  he  fought  the  enemy 
previous  to  the  arrival  of  his  OAvn  troops.  When  all  had  joined, 
he  issued  a  proclamation  to  excite  still  more  the  zeal  and  devotioD 
of  this  admirable  army. 

In  the  confidential  notes  addressed  to  his  diplomatic  agents, 
in  his  speeches,  and  in  his  proclamations.  Napoleon  always 
described  himself  as  having  been  attacked,  and  it  might  happen 
that  his  earnestness  on  this  point  would  have  sufficed  to  reveal 
the  truth,  to  those  who  had  learned  how  much  his  thoughts 
differed  from  his  expressions. 

At  the  commencement  of  this  campaign,  a  circumstance  took 
place  from  which  may  be  dated  the  good  fortune  of  a  very 
meritorious  man.  While  the  emperor  was  at  Strasburg,  he 
inquired  of  General  Marescot,  who  commanded  the  engineers, 
whether  he  had  in  his  corps  a  brave,  prudent,  and  intelligent 
young  officer,  capable  of  being  intrusted  with  an  important 
reconnoitring  mission  ?  The  officer  chosen  by  General 
Marescot  was  a  captain  of  engineers,  named  Bernard,  who  had 
been  educated  in  the  polytechnic  school.  This  young  man 
set  out  upon  his  mission  and  advanced  almost  to  Vienna,  and 


TREATMENT   OF    AN   ENGINEER   OFFICER     285 

returned  to  the  emperor's  head-quarters  at  the  time  of  the 
capitulation  of  Ulm.  Bonaparte  examined  him  himself,  and 
was  well  pleased  with  his  answers.  But  not  content  with 
replying  verbally  to  the  inquiries  of  Napoleon,  Captain  Bernard 
had  drawn  up  a  report  of  what  he  had  observed,  and  of  the 
routes  which  might  be  followed.  Among  other  things  he 
observed,  that  it  would  be  a  great  advantage  to  direct  the  army 
upon  Vienna,  passing  by  the  fortified  places,  and  that,  once 
master  of  the  capital,  the  emperor  might  dictate  laws  to  the 
whole  Austrian  monarchy.  '  I  was  present,'  said  Rapp  to  me, 
'  at  this  officer's  interview  with  the  emperor.  After  he  had  read 
his  report,  could  you  believe  it,  that  he  flew  into  a  violent 
passion  .>  "  What,"  said  he,  "  you  are  very  bold,  very  pre- 
sumptuous, a  young  officer  to  pretend  to  trace  out  a  plan  of 
campaign  for  me  !     Go,  and  await  my  orders." ' 

In  what  I  have  already  written,  and  in  what  I  am  about  to 
add  respecting  Captain  Bernard,  we  have  a  complete  view  of 
Bonaparte.  Rapp  told  me,  that  as  soon  as  the  young  officer 
had  left,  the  emperor  all  at  once  changed  his  tone.  '  There,' 
said  he,  '  is  a  young  man  of  merit,  he  has  observed  correctly.  I 
shall  not  expose  him  to  the  risk  of  being  shot  ;  I  shall  have 
occasion  for  him  by-and-by.  Tell  Berthier  to  despatch  an 
order  for  his  departure  for  Illyria.' 

The  order  was  despatched,  and  Captain  Bernard,  who  like  his 
companions  was  ardently  looking  forward  to  the  approaching 
campaign,  saw  himself  prevented  from  taking  any  part  in  it,  and 
considered  as  a  punishment  what,  on  the  part  of  the  emperor, 
was  a  precaution  to  preserve  the  life  of  a  young  man  whose  merit 
he  had  appreciated.  At  the  close  of  the  campaign,  on  the 
Emperor's  promoting  those  officers  who  had  the  most  distin- 
guished themselves,  the  name  of  Captain  Bernard,  who  was 
thought  to  be  in  disgrace,  did  not  appear  upon  the  list  of 
Berthier  among  those  captains  of  engineers  whom  it  vyas  pro- 
prosed  to  raise  to  the  rank  of  chief  of  battalion,  but  the  emperor 
with  his  own  hand  inserted  Bernard's  name  before  all  the  rest. 
However,  the  emperor  had  forgotten  him  for  a  length  of  time, 
and  it  was  only  by  accident  that  he  recalled  him  to  his  memory. 
I  never  had  any  personal  acquaintance  with  M.  Bernard,  but  I 
learned  from  Rapp  that  he  afterwards  became  his  colleague  as 
aide-de-camp  to  the  emperor,  and  I  shall  here  relate  the 
particulars  of  this  circumstance,  though  it  refers  to  a  later 
period. 

The   emperor    being    at   Paris    some    time    previous    to    his 


286  NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 

dejparture   for   the   campaign   of   1812,    wished    to  have   exact 

information  respecting  Ragiisa  and  Illyria.  He  sent  for  Mar- 
mont,  whose  answers  were  not  satisfactory.  He  then  interrogated 
different  generals,  but  the  result  of  his  inquiries  always  was,  'All 
this  is  very  well,  but  it  is  not  enough,  I  do  not  know  Ragusa.' 
He  then  sent  for  General  Dejean,  who  had  succeeded  Marescot 
as  inspector-general  of  engineers.  *  Have  you,'  he  inquired, 
'among  your  officers,  anyone  who  is  acquainted  with  Ragusa  .' ' 
Dejean,  after  a  moment's  reflection,  answered,  '  Sire,  there  is 
a  chief  of  battalion,  who  has  been  a  long  time  forgot,  who  is 
well  acquainted  with  Illyria.' — '  What  do  you  call  him  ?  * 
'  Bernard.' — '  Ah,  stop  a  little — Bernard,  I  recollect  that  name. 
Where  is  he  .?  '  '  Sire,  he  is  at  Antwerp,  employed  upon  the 
fortifications.' — '  Send  notice  by  the  telegraph,  that  he  instantly 
mount  his  horse  and  repair  to  Paris.' 

The  promptitude  with  which  the  emperor's  orders  were  always 
executed  is  well  known.  A  few  days  afterwards  Bernard  was 
in  Paris  at  the  house  of  General  Dejean,  and  shortly  after  in  the 
cabinet  of  the  emperor.  He  was  graciously  received,  and 
Napoleon  immediately  said,  '  Tell  me  about  Ragusa.'  He  told 
me  once  that  this  manner  of  interrogating  was  the  surest  way  of 
drawing  out  any  observations  which  a  party  might  have  made 
upon  a  country.  However,  he  was  entirely  satisfied  with  the 
information  which  M.  Bernard  gave  him  about  Illyria,  and  when 
the  chief  of  the  battalion  had  done  speaking.  Napoleon  said  to 
him,  '  Colonel  Bernard,  I  now  know  Ragusa.'  He  then  con- 
versed familiarly  with  him,  entered  into  details  respecting  the 
fortifications  of  Antwerp,  had  a  plan  of  the  works  laid  before 
him,  and  showed  how,  in  case  of  his  besieging  the  town,  he 
would  baffle  the  defence.  The  new  colonel  explained  so  well  to 
the  emperor,  in  what  manner  he  would  defend  himself  against 
his  attacks,  that  Bonaparte  was  delighted,  and  immediately 
bestowed  upon  him  a  mark  of  distinction  ;  which  he  never,  to 
my  knowledge,  granted  but  upon  this  one  occasion.  As  the 
emperor  was  going  to  preside  in  the  council,  he  desired  Colonel 
Bernard  to  accompany  him,  and  several  times  during  the  sitting 
he  asked  his  advice  upon  the  points  under  discussion.  On  the 
breaking  up  of  the  council  Napoleon  said  to  him,  '  Bernard,  you 
are  my  aide-de-camp.'  At  the  end  of  the  campaign  he  was 
made  general  of  brigade,  shortly  after  general  of  division,  and  he 
is  now  known  throughout  Europe,  as  the  first  officer  of  engineers 
in  existence.  A  piece  of  folly  of  Clarke's  has  deprived  France 
of  the  services   ot   this  distinguished   man,   who,  after  refusing 


HIS    CAMPAIGN    OF    1805  287 

most  brilliant  offers  made  to  him  by  different  sovereigns  of 
Europe,  has  retired  to  the  United  States  of  America,  where  he 
commands  the  engineers,  and  where  he  has  constructed,  on 
the  side  of  the  Floridas,  fortifications  which  are,  by  engineers, 
declared  to  be  masterpieces  of  military  art* 

I  have  been  informed  of  all  I  have  here  related,  not  only 
by  Rapp,  but  by  other  persons  worthy  of  credit,  and  here  I 
have  found,  so  to  say,  the  entire  character  of  Napoleon.  I 
moreover  observe  a  remarkable  example  of  that  eagle  glance, 
which  enabled  him  to  detect  merit  wherever  it  was  to  be  found, 
and  to  seize  upon  it  as  if  it  were  an  emanation  from  himself, 
which  must  return  to  him. 

Were  I  to  attempt  to  describe  the  brilliant  campaign  of  1805, 
I  must,  like  the  almanac  makers,  set  down  a  victory  for  every 
day,  or  one  of  those  rapid  movements  which  the  presence  of 
Napoleon  imposed  upon  his  army,  and  which  contributed  so 
powerfully  to  the  prodigious  triumphs  of  a  w-arfare  of  only  three 
months.  In  effect,  was  not  the  rapidity  of  the  emperor's  first 
operations  a  thing  hitherto  unheard  of  ?  On  the  24th  of 
September  he  left  Paris,  hostilities  commenced  on  the  2nd  of 
October,  on  the  6th  and  7th  the  French  had  passed  the  Danube, 
and  turned  the  enemy's  army.  On  the  8th  Murat,  at  the 
battle  of  Wertingen  upon  the  Danube,  made  2000  Austrians 
prisoners,  among  whom,  with  other  generals,  was  the  Count 
Auffemberg.  Next  day  the  defeated  Austrians  retreated  upon 
Gunzburg,  flying  before  our  victorious  legions,  who,  following 
up  the  course  of  their  triumphs,  entered  on  the  loth  into 
Augsburg,  and  on  the  12th  into  Munich.  When  I  received 
my  despatches  it  appeared  to  me  as  if  I  was  reading  some 
fabulous  history.  On  the  14th,  two  days  after  the  entry  of 
the  French  into  Munich,  an  Austrian  corps  of  6000  men 
surrendered  to  Marshal  Soult  at  Mcmingen,  whilst  Ney 
conquered,  sword  in  hand,  his  future  duchy  of  Elchingen. 
Finally,  on  the  17th  of  October,  the  famous  capitulation  of 
Ulm  took  place  ;  and  en  the  same  day  hostilities  commenced 
in  Italy  between  the  French  and  Austrians,  the  former  com- 
manded by  Massena,  and  the  latter  by  the  Archduke  Charles. 
I  am  confident  that  Napoleon  greatly  regretted  that  this  prince 
had  not  the  command  of  the  troops  to  which  he  was  personally 
opposed,  for  I  have  often  heard  him  lament  the  incapacity  of 
the    enemies'    generals  :    ready  at   all   times   to  profit   oy    their 

•  This  distinguished  officer  has  returned  to  France,  and  was  lately 
named  Minister  at  War,  but  did  not  continue  to  hold  the  appointment. 


288  NAPOLEON   BONAPARTE 

blunders,  he  appeared  to  think  that  their  want  of  talent 
detracted  from  his  glory,  in  rendering  success  less  difficult  ; 
and  never,  perhaps,  had  any  man  been  more  anxious  to  meet 
with  an  enemy  in  every  way  worthy  of  himself. 

Bonaparte,  after  remaining  a  short  time  at  Augsburg  for 
the  purpose  of  forming  an  opinion  as  to  the  probable  move- 
ments of  the  Austrian  army,  then  advanced  upon  it  with  such 
wonderful  rapidity,  that  the  Archduke  Ferdinand  considered 
himself  fortunate  in  being  able  to  repass  the  Danube  ;  but  all 
the  other  Austrian  forces  were  driven  into  Ulm,  the  garrison 
of  which  place,  hitherto  deemed  impregnable,  now  amounted 
to  30,000  men. 

General  Segur,  who  was  afterwards  in  the  service  of  Murat 
at  Naples,  was  employed  to  make  the  first  proposals  to  Mack 
to  induce  him  to  surrender.  Prince  Maurice  of  Lichtenstein 
had  also  been  sent  to  negotiate  at  the  imperial  head-quarters, 
to  which  he  was  conducted,  according  to  established  usage, 
on  horseback,  with  his  eyes  bandaged.  Rapp  gave  me  the 
particulars  of  this  interview,  at  which  he  was  present  with 
others  of  the  emperor's  aides-de-camp  ;  I  think  he  told  me 
that  Berthier  was  also  there.  'Picture  to  yourself,'  said  Rapp, 
'  the  confusion,  or  rather  the  astonishment,  of  the  poor  prince, 
when  they  had  removed  the  bandage  from  his  eyes — he  knew 
nothing,  not  even  that  the  emperor  had  joined  the  army.  When 
he  learned  that  he  was  in  the  presence  of  Napoleon,  he  could 
not  suppress  an  exclamation  of  surprise,  which  did  not  escape 
the  emperor,  and  he  candidly  confessed  that  General  Mack  was 
not  aware  of  his  presence  under  the  walls  of  Ulm.  The  Prince 
of  Lichtenstein  proposed  to  capitulate,  on  the  condition  that 
the  garrison  of  Ulm  should  have  permission  to  return  into 
Austria.  This  proposal,  in  the  then  situation  of  the  garrison,* 
said  Rapp,  '  made  the  emperor  smile.  "  You  cannot  suppose," 
said  he,  "  that  I  can  entertain  such  a  proposition  :  what  should 
I  gain  by  it  ? — eight  days  !  In  eight  days  you  must  surrender 
at  discretion.  Do  you  suppose  that  I  am  not  informed  of 
everything  ?  You  expect  tne  Russians — they  are  scarcely  yet 
in  Bohemia.  If  I  allow  you  to  march  out,  who  is  to  assure 
me  that  you  will  not  go  and  join  them,  and  afterwards  fight 
against  me  ?  Your  generals  have  so  often  deceived  me  that  I 
will  not  again  be  their  dupe.  At  Marengo  I  was  weak  enough 
to  allow  the  troops  of  Melas  to  march  out  of  Alessandria.  He 
promised  to  treat  of  peace,  but  what  happened  ? — two  months 
after,    Moreau    had   to    combat    the    garrison    of   Alessandria. 


THE    SURRENDER    AT    ULM  289 

Besides,  this  is  not  an  ordinary  war  ;  after  the  conduct  of  your 
government  I  am  not  bound  to  keep  any  terms  with  it.  I  have 
no  faith  in  your  promises — you  have  attacked  me.  If  I  consent 
to  what  you  propose,  Mack  will  promise — but,  relying  upon  his 
good  faith,  will  he  be  able  to  keep  his  promise  .?  for  himself, 
yes — but  as  regards  his  army,  no.  If  the  Archduke  Ferdinand 
were  here  with  you,  I  could  depend  upon  his  word,  because  he 
would  be  answerable  for  the  conditions,  and  would  not  dishonour 
himself ;  but  I  know  that  he  has  quitted  Ulm,  and  passed  the 
Danube.     I  know,  however,  where  to  find  him." 

'  You  cannot  picture  to  yourself,'  continued  Rapp,  *  the 
embarrassment  of  the  Prince  Lichtenstein  while  the  emperor  was 
speaking  ;  however,  he  recovered  himself  a  little,  and  observed, 
that  unless  the  conditions  he  was  charged  to  propose  were  granted, 
the  army  would  not  capitulate.  "  In  that  case,"  said  Napoleon, 
"  you  may  go  back  to  Mack,  for  I  will  never  grant  you  such 
conditions.  Are  you  jesting  with  me  >  Stay,  here  is  the  capitula- 
tion of  Memingen  ;  shew  that  to  your  general,  let  him  surrender 
on  the  same  conditions,  I  will  let  him  have  no  other.  Your 
officers  may  return  to  Austria,  but  the  soldiers  must  be  prisoners. 
Tell  him  he  must  decide  quickly,  for  I  have  no  time  to  lose. 
The  longer  he  delays  the  worse  will  his  situation  become.  To- 
morrow I  shall  have  here  the  corps  of  the  army  to  which 
Memingen  capitulated,  and  then  we  shall  decide  what  is  to  be 
done.  Let  Mack  clearly  understand  that  he  has  no  alternative 
but  to  surrender  on  my  terms." ' 

The  imperious  tone  which  Napoleon  employed  towards  his 
enemies  generally  succeeded  ;  and  at  this  time  it  had  the  desired 
effect  upon  Mack.  On  the  same  day  that  Prince  Lichtenstein 
had  been  at  our  head-quarters.  Mack  wrote  to  the  emperor, 
stating  that  he  would  accept  his  terms,  but  that  he  would  not 
have  treated  with  any  other  than  himself.  On  the  following  day 
Berthier  was  sent  to  Ulm,  from  whence  he  returned  with  the 
capitulation.  The  garrison  were  permitted  to  march  out  with 
the  honours  of  war,  and  sent  prisoners  into  France,  Thus 
Napoleon  was  not  mistaken  when  he  said  that  the  Caudine  Forks 
of  the  Austrian  army  were  at  Ulm. 

Napoleon,  who  was  so  violently  irritated  by  any  obstacle  which 
opposed  him,  and  who  treated  with  so  much  severity  everyone 
who  ventured  to  resist  his  will,  became  completelj'  changed 
when  he  was  the  conqueror  ;  he  received  the  vanquished  with 
kindness  ;  nor  was  this  tlie  result  of  a  feeling  of  pride,  concealed 
under    the    mark    of  hypocrisy.       I    am    sure    he    pitied    them 

«9 


290  NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 

sincerely,  for  I  have  often  heard  him  remark,  '  How  much  to 
be  pitied  is  a  general  on  the  day  after  a  lost  battle  ! '  He  had 
himself  experienced  this  feeling  when  he  was  obliged  to  raise 
the  siege  of  Acre,  after  having  made  extraordinary  efforts  to 
accomplish  his  object.  I  believe  at  that  moment  he  would  have 
strangled  Djezzar  ;  but  if  Djezzar  had  surrendered,  he  would 
have  treated  him  with  the  same  attention  which  he  showed  to 
Mack  and  the  other  generals  of  the  garrison  of  Ulm.  These 
generals  were  seventeen  in  number,  and  among  them  was  Prince 
Lichtenstein,  who  the  day  before  was  so  much  surprised  at  finding 
himself  in  the  presence  of  the  emperor.  There  were  also  General 
Klenau  Baron  de  Giulay,  who  had  acquired  considerable  military 
reputation  in  former  wars,  and  General  Fresnel,  who  stood  in  a 
more  critical  situation,  for  he  was  a  Frenchman  and  an  emigrant. 
Rapp  told  me  that  it  was  quite  painful  to  see  those  generals. 
They  bowed  respectfully  to  the  emperor  as  they  passed  along 
with  Mack  at  their  head.  They  preserved  a  mournful  silence, 
and  Napoleon  was  the  first  to  speak  ;  he  said,  '  Gentlemen,  I  am 
sorry  that  such  brave  men  as  you  have  shown  yourselves,  should 
become  the  victims  of  the  follies  of  a  cabinet  which  cherishes 
insane  projects,  and  which  does  not  hesitate  to  compromise  the 
dignity  of  the  Austrian  nation,  and  to  trifle  with  the  services 
of  its  generals.  Your  names  are  known  to  me — they  are 
honourably  known  wherever  you  have  fought.  Examine  the 
conduct  of  those  who  have  compromised  you.  What  could 
be  more  unjust  than  to  attack  me  without  a  declaration  of  war  ? 
Is  it  not  unjust  to  bring  foreign  invasion  upon  a  country  ?  Is 
it  not  betraying  Europe  to  introduce  Asiatic  barbarians  into  her 
disputes  .''  If  good  faith  had  been  kept,  the  Aulic  Council,  instead 
of  attacking  me,  ought  to  have  sought  my  alliance  to  force  the 
Russians  back  into  the  north.  The  present  alliance  is  that  of  dogs, 
shepherds,  and  wolves  against  sheep — such  a  scheme  could  not  have 
been  devised  by  any  statesman.  It  is  fortunate  for  you  that  I  have 
been  successful  ;  had  I  been  defeated,  the  cabinet  of  Vienna  would 
have  soon  perceived  its  error,  and  would  then  have  regretted  it.' 


CHAPTER    XXIV. 

While  Napoleon  flattered  his  prisoners  at  the  expense  of  their 
government,  he  was  desirous  to  express  his  satisfaction  at  the 
conduct  of  his  own  army  ;   and  for  this  purpose  he  published 


PROCLAMATION   TO   HIS   ARMY  291 

the  following  remarkable  proclamation,  which  contained  an 
abstract  of  all  that  had  taken  place  since  the  opening  of  the 
campaign. 

Soldiers  of  the  Grand  Army, 

In  fifteen  days  we  have  finished  our  campaign.  What  we  proposed 
to  do  has  been  done.  We  have  chased  the  Austrian  troops  from 
Bavaria,  and  restored  our  ally  to  the  sovereignty  of  his  dominions. 

That  army,  which  with  so  much  presumption  and  imprudence 
marched  upon  our  frontiers,  is  annihilated. 

But  what  does  this  signify  to  England?  She  has  gained  her  object. 
We  are  no  longer  at  Boulogne,  and  her  subsidies  will  not  be  the  less 
great. 

Of  a  hundred  thousand  men  who  composed  that  army,  sixty  thou- 
sand are  prisoners ;  they  will  supply  our  conscripts  in  the  labour  of 
husbandry. 

Two  hundred  pieces  of  cannon,  ninety  flags,  and  all  their  generals, 
are  in  our  power.     Not  more  than  fifteen  thousand  have  escaped. 

Soldiers  !  I  announce  to  you  a  great  battle  ;  but  thanks  to  the  ill- 
devised  combinations  of  the  enemy,  I  was  able  to  secure  the  desired 
result  without  any  danger  ;  and,  what  is  unexampled  in  the  history  of 
nations,  these  results  have  been  gained  at  the  loss  of  scarcely  fifteen 
hundred  men,  killed  and  wounded. 

Soldiers  !  this  success  is  due  to  your  entire  confidence  in  yoiu- 
emperor,  to  your  patience  in  supporting  fatigue  and  privations  of 
every  kind,  and  to  your  remarkable  intrepidity. 

But  we  will  not  stop  here.  You  are  impatient  to  commence  a  second 
campaign. 

The  Russian  army,  which  the  gold  of  England  has  brought  from 
the  extremity  of  the  world,  we  have  to  serve  in  the  same  manner. 

In  the  conflict  in  which  we  are  now  to  be  engaged,  the  honour  of 
the  French  infantry  is  especially  concerned.  We  shall  then  see  decided, 
for  the  second  time,  that  question  which  has  already  been  decided 
in -Switzerland  and  Holland;  namely,  whether  the  French  infantry 
is  the  first  or  second  in  Europe? 

There  are  no  generals  among  them,  in  contending  against  whom 
I  can  acquire  any  glory.  All  I  wish  is  to  obtain  the  victory  with  the 
least  possible  bloodshed.     My  soldiers  are  my  children. 

This  proclamation  always  appeared  to  me  a  masterpiece  of 
military  eloquence.  Napoleon,  while  he  praised  his  troops, 
excited  tlieir  emulation,  by  hinting  that  the  Russians  were 
capable  of  disputing  with  them  the  first  rank  among  the  soldiers 
of  Europe.  The  second  campaign,  to  which  he  alludes,  speedily 
commenced,  and  was  hailed  with  enthusiasm.  The  most  extra- 
ordinary reports  were  circulated  respecting  the  Russians  ;  they 
were  represented  as  halt-naked  savages,  pillaging,  destroying, 
and  burning   wherever   they   went.     It  was  even    asserted  that 


292  NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 

they  were  cannibals,  and  had  been  seen  to  eat  children.  It 
was  at  this  time  that  they  were  denominated  the  northern 
barbarians,  which  has  since  been  so  generally  applied  to  the 
Russians. 

Two  days  after  the  capitulation  of  Ulm,  Murat,  on  his  part, 
obliged  General  Warneck  to  capitulate  at  Trochtelfingen,  and 
made  10,000  prisoners  :  so  that,  without  counting  killed  and 
wounded,  the  Austrian  army  found  itself  diminished  by  50,000 
men  after  a  campaign  of  twenty  days. 

On  the  27th,  the  French  army  crossed  the  Inn,  and  thus 
penetrated  into  the  Austrian  territory,  and  immediately  occupied 
Salzburg  and  Braunau.  The  army  of  Italy,  under  Massena, 
also  obtained  important  advantages,  having,  on  the  same  day 
that  these  fortresses  surrendered,  that  is  to  say,  on  the  30th  of 
October,  gained  the  sanguinary  battle  at  Caldiero,  and  taken 
5000  prisoners  from  the  Austrians. 

The  Austrian  emperor  now  sought  to  retard  Napoleon's 
progress  by  negotiation  ;  and  sent  M  de  Giulay,  one  of  the 
generals  included  in  the  capitulation  of  Ulm,  who  had  returned 
home  to  acquaint  his  sovereign  with  that  disastrous  event, 
to  propose  an  armistice  preliminary  to  a  peace,  of  which  the 
Austrian  government  professed  itself  sincerely  desirous.  He 
had  not  concealed  from  the  Emperor  Francis,  or  his  cabinet, 
the  destruction  of  the  Austrian  army,  or  the  impossibility  of 
arresting  the  rapid  advance  of  the  French.  This  snare  was  too 
glaring  not  to  be  immediately  discovered  by  Napoleon.  He 
always  pretended  a  love  for  peace,  but  he  was  very  desirous  to 
continue  a  war  so  successfully  commenced  ;  he  therefore  directed 
General  Giulay  to  assure  the  Emperor  of  Austria,  that  he  was 
no  less  anxious  for  peace  than  himself,  and  that  he  would  be  ready 
to  treat  with  him  without  suspending  his  operations.  Napoleon 
could  not  have  acted  otherwise  without  a  degree  of  imprudence, 
of  which  he  was  incapable,  since  Giulay,  whatever  powers 
he  had  from  Austria,  had  clearly  none  from  Russia.  Russia 
might  therefore  disavow  the  armistice,  and  arrive  in  time  to 
defend  Vienna,  the  occupation  of  which  was  so  important  to 
the  French  army.  The  Russians  were  now  rapidly  advancing 
to  oppose  us,  and  the  division  of  our  army  commanded  by 
Mortier,  on  the  left  bank  of  the  Danube,  received  a  check  in 
the  first  encounter,  which  very  much  vexed  the  emperor,  as 
it  was  the  first  reverse  which  had  been  sustained.  It  was  very 
slight,  but  still  the  Russians  had  captured  three  of  the  French 
eagles,  the   first   that  had  fallen  into  the  hands  of  the  enemy, 


CAPTURE   OF   VIENNA  293 

which  was  very  mortifying  to   Napoleon,   and  caused   him   to 
prolong  his  stay  for  a  few  days  at  Saint-Polten. 

In  the  extraordinary  campaign  which  has  been  named  the 
campaign  of  Austerlitz,  the  exploits  of  our  troops  succeeded  each 
other  with  the  rapidity  of  thought.  Each  courier  that  I  received 
brought  news  much  more  favourable  than  I  could  have  expected  ; 
still  I  was  not  prepared  to  receive  a  letter  by  an  extraordinary 
courier  from  Duroc,  commencing  laconically  with  the  words, 
'  We  are  in  Vienna  ;  the  emperor  is  well.'  Duroc  had  left 
the  emperor  before  the  camp  at  Boulogne  was  raised  on  a 
mission  to  Berlin,  and  this  being  terminated,  he  had  now  rejoined 
the  army  at  Lintz. 

The  rapid  capture  of  Vienna  was  due  to  the  successful  temerity 
of  Lannes  and  Murat,  two  men  who  yielded  to  each  other  in 
nothing  where  bravery  and  daring  were  concerned.  A  bold 
artifice  of  these  marshals  prevented  the  destruction  of  the  bridge 
of  the  Thabor  at  Vienna  ;  without  this  our  army  could  not 
have  gained  possession  of  the  capital  without  considerable 
difficulty.  This  act  of  courage  and  presence  of  mind,  which 
had  so  great  an  influence  on  the  events  of  the  campaign,  was 
afterwards  related  to  me  by  Lannes,  who  spoke  of  it  with 
an  air  of  gaiety,  and  was  more  delighted  with  having  outwitted 
the  Austrians  than  proud  of  the  brilliant  action  which  he  had 
performed.  Bold  enterprises  were  so  natural  to  him,  that  he 
was  frequently  the  only  person  who  saw  nothing  extraordinaiy 
in  his  own  exploits.  Alas  !  what  men  have  been  the  victims  of 
Napoleon's  ambition  ! 

The  following  is  the  story  of  the  bridge  of  the  Thabor,  as 
I  received  it  from  Lannes  : — 

'I  was  one  day  walking  with  Murat,  on  the  right  bank  of 
the  Danube,  and  we  observed  on  the  left  bank,  which  was 
occupied  by  the  Austrians,  some  works  going  on,  the  evident 
object  of  which  was  to  blow  up  the  bridge  on  the  approach 
of  our  troops.  The  fools  had  the  impudence  to  make  these 
preparations  under  our  very  noses  ;  but  we  gave  them  a  good 
lesson.  Having  arranged  our  plan,  we  returned  to  give  orders, 
and  I  intrusted  the  command  of  my  column  of  grenadiers  to 
an  officer  on  whose  courage  and  intelligence  I  could  rely.  I 
then  returned  to  the  bridge,  accompanied  by  Murat,  and  two 
or  three  other  officers.  We  advanced  unconcernedly,  and 
entered  into  conversation  with  the  commander  of  a  post  in  the 
middle  of  the  bridge.  We  spoke  to  him  about  an  armistice 
which  was   to    be   speedily  concluded.     While  conversing  with 


294  NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 

the  Austrian  officers,  we  contrived  to  make  them  turn  their 
eyes  towards  the  left  bank,  and  then,  agreeably  to  the  orders 
we  had  given,  my  column  of  grenadiers  advanced  on  the  bridge. 
The  Austrian  cannoneers,  on  the  left  bank,  seeing  their  officers 
in  the  midst  of  us,  did  not  dare  to  fire,  and  my  column  advanced 
at  a  quick  step.  Murat  and  I  at  the  head  of  it,  gained  the 
left  bank.  All  the  combustibles,  prepared  for  blowing  up  the 
bridge,  were  thrown  into  the  river  ;  and  my  men  took  possession 
of  the  batteries  erected  for  the  defence  of  the  bridge  head.  The 
poor  devils  of  Austrian  officers  were  perfectly  astounded  when 
I  told  them  they  were  my  prisoners.' 

Such,  as  well  as  I  can  recollect,  was  the  account  given  by 
Lannes,  who  laughed  immoderately  in  describing  the  con- 
sternation of  the  Austrian  officers  on  discovering  the  blunder 
they  had  committed.  When  Lannes  performed  this  exploit 
he  had  no  idea  of  the  important  consequences  which  would 
result  from  it  ;  but  these  were  soon  perceived.  Not  only  was  a 
sure  and  easy  entrance  into  Vienna  secured  for  the  remainder 
of  the  French  army,  but,  without  being  avy'are  of  it,  an  in- 
surmountable impediment  was  created  to  prevent  the  junction 
of  the  Russian  arnfy  with  that  division  ot  the  Austrian  army 
under  the  command  of  the  Archduke  Charles,  who,  being 
pressed  by  Massena,  had  retreated  into  the  heart  of  the 
hereditary  states,  where  he  expected  a  great  battle  would  soon 
be  fought. 

As  soon  as  the  divisions  of  Murat  and  Lannes  had  taken 
possession  of  Vienna,  the  emperor  ordered  all  the  other  divisions 
of  the  army  to  march  upon  the  capital.  Napoleon  established 
his  head-quarters  at  Schoenbrun,  where  he  planned  his  operations 
for  compelling  the  Archduke  Charles  to  retire  into  Hungary, 
and  for  leading  his  own  army  against  the  Russians.  Murat  and 
Lannes  always  commanded  the  advanced  guard  during  these 
forced  and  next  to  miraculous  marches. 

Among  the  anecdotes  of  Napoleon  connected  with  this 
campaign,  I  find  the  following  which  was  related  to  me  by 
Rapp  :  Some  days  previous  to  his  entrance  into  Vienna, 
Napoleon  was  riding  on  horseback  along  the  road,  dressed  in 
his  usual  uniform,  when  he  met  in  an  open  carriage  a  lady  and 
a  priest.  The  lady  was  in  tears,  and  Napoleon  could  not 
refrain  from  stopping  to  inquire  the  cause  of  her  distress  : — 
'  Sir,'  she  replied,  for  she  did  not  know  the  emperor,  '  I  have 
been  pillaged  at  my  estate,  two  leagues  from  hence,  by  a  party 
of  soldiers,  who  have  miu'dered  my  gardener  ;  I   am  going  to 


BEFORE    BATTLE    OF    AUSTERLITZ  295 

wait  upon  your  emperor,  who  knows  my  family,  and  to  whom 
he  was  once  under  great  obligations.'  '  What  is  your  name  ? ' 
inquired  Napoleon;  'De  Bunny;  I  am  the  daughter  of  M.  de 
Marboeuf,  formerly  governor  of  Corsica.'  '  Madame.'  replied 
Napoleon,  'I  am  delighted  to  have  the  opportunity  of  serving 
you.  I  am,  myself,  the  emperor.'  You  cannot  imagine,  con- 
tinued Rapp,  with  what  distinction  the  emperor  treated  Madame 
de  Bunny.  He  consoled  her,  pitied  her,  and  apologized  for  the 
misfortune  which  had  overtaken  her.  He  requested  her  to 
have  the  goodness  to  go  and  wait  for  him  at  his  head-quarters, 
where  he  would  speedily  return,  and  concluded  by  stating  that 
every  member  of  M.  de  MarboeuPs  family  had  a  claim  upon  his 
respect.  He  then  gave  her  a  piquet  of  chasseurs  from  his  guard 
to  escort  her.  He  saw  her  again  during  the  day,  and  loaded  her 
with  attention,  and  liberally  rewarded  her  for  the  losses  she  had 
sustained. 

On  the  2nd  of  November,  1805,  the  King  of  Sweden  arrived 
at  Stralsund.  I  immediately  intimated  to  our  government  that 
this  circumstance  would  probably  give  a  new  turn  to  the 
operations  of  the  combined  army  ;  for  hitherto  its  movements 
had  been  very  uncertain,  and  the  frequent  counter-orders  afforded 
no  possibility  of  ascertaining  any  determined  plan. 

The  first  column  of  the  grand  Russian  army  passed  through 
Warsaw  on  the  ist  of  November,  and  on  the  2nd  the  Grand 
Duke  Constantine  was  expected  with  the  guards.  This  division, 
which  amounted  to  6000  men,  was  the  first  that  passed  through 
Prussian  Poland. 

At  this  time  we  hourly  expected  to  see  landed  on  the  banks 
of  the  Weser  or  the  Elbe  the  Hanoverian  army,  increased 
by  some  thousands  of  English.  Their  design  obviously  was 
either  to  attack  Holland  or  to  act  on  the  rear  of  our  grand 
army. 

For  some  time  previous  to  the  battle  of  Austerlitz,  French 
columns  were  traversing  Germany  and  Italy  in  all  directions, 
all  tending  towards  Vienna  as  a  central  point  ;  and  about 
the  beginning  of  November  the  corps  commanded  by  Bernadotte 
arrived  at  Salzburg,  at  the  moment  when  the  emperor  had 
advanced  his  head-quarters  to  Braunau.  This  junction  had 
been  anxiously  desired,  and  was  considered  of  so  much  importance 
by  Bonaparte,  that  he  desired  Bernadotte  to  hasten  forward  by 
the  nearest  route,  which  order  obliged  Bernadotte  to  pass 
through  the  territory  of  the  two  Margravates. 

At  this  time  we  were  at  peace  with  Naples.     In  September, 


296  NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 

the  emperor  had  concluded  with  Ferdinand  IV.  a  treaty  of 
neutrality.  This  treaty  enabled  Cara  St.-Cyr,  who  occupied 
Naples,  to  evacuate  that  city,  and  to  join  Massena  in  Upper 
Italy  ;  and  both  joined  the  grand  army  on  the  28th  of 
November.  But  no  sooner  had  the  troops  commanded  by 
Saint-Cyr  quitted  the  Neapolitan  territories,  than  the  king, 
influenced  by  his  ministers,  and  above  all  by  Queen  Caroline, 
broke  the  treaty  of  neutrality,  ordered  hostile  preparations 
against  France,  opened  his  ports  to  the  enemies  of  the  em- 
peror, and  received  into  his  states  12,000  Russians  and  8000 
English. 

It  was  on .  learning  these  occurrences  that  Napoleon,  in  one 
of  his  most  violent  bulletins,  stigmatized  the  Queen  of  Naples 
as  the  modern  Frdddgonde  ;  and  the  victory  of  Austerlitz 
succeeding  decided  the  fate  of  Naples,  and  shortly  after  Joseph 
was  seated  on  the  Neapolitan  throne. 

At  length  the  great  day  arrived,  when,  according  to  the  ex- 
pression of  Napoleon,  '  the  sun  of  Austerlitz  arose  ' ;  all  our  forces 
were  concentrated  upon  the  same  point  at  about  forty  leagues 
beyond  Vienna.  There  remained  only  the  wreck  of  the 
Austrian  army  ;  the  division  under  Prince  Charles  having  been 
kept  at  a  distance  by  the  skilful  manoeuvres  of  Napoleon.  The 
most  exti-aordinary  illusion  prevailed  in  the  enemy's  camp.  On 
the  very  eve  of  the  battle  the  Emperor  Alexander  sent  one  of 
his  aides-de-camp.  Prince  Dolgorowski,  as  a  flag  of  truce  to 
Napoleon.  This  prince  conducted  himself  in  such  a  self-sufficient 
manner  in  the  presence  of  the  emperor,  that,  on  dismissing  him, 
he  said  to  him,  '  If  you  were  on  the  heights  of  Montmartre,  I 
would  answer  such  impertinence  only  with  cannon-balls.'  This 
observation  was  very  remarkable,  inasmuch  as  events  occurred 
which  rendered  it  a  prophecy. 

As  to  the  battle  itself,  I  am  able  to  describe  it  almost  as 
correctly  as  if  I  had  been  present  ;  for  some  time  after  I  had  the 
pleasure  of  seeing  in  Hamburg  my  friend  Rapp,  who  had  been 
sent  on  a  mission  to  Prussia.  He  gave  me  the  following 
account : — 

'  When  we  arrived  at  Austerlitz,  the  Russians,  ignorant  of  the 
emperor's  skilful  dispositions  to  draw  them  to  the  ground  which 
he  had  marked  out,  and  seeing  our  advanced  guards  give  way 
before  their  columns,  they  conceived  the  victory  won.  Accord- 
ing to  their  notions,  the  advanced  guard  would  suffice  to  secure 
an  easy  triumph.  But  the  battle  begun,  they  found  what  it  was 
to  fight,  and  on  every  point  were  repulsed.     At   one  o'clock 


BATTLE   OF   AUSTERLITZ  297 

the  victory  was  still  uncertain  ;  for  they  fought  admirably. 
They  resolved  on  a  last  effort,  and  directed  close  masses  against 
our  centre.  The  imperial  guard  deployed  :  artillery,  cavalry, 
infantry,  were  marched  against  a  bridge  which  the  Russians 
attacked,  and  this  movement,  concealed  from  Napoleon  by  the 
inequality  of  the  ground,  was  not  observed  by  us.  At  this 
moment  I  was  standing  near  him,  waiting  orders.  We  heard  a 
well-maintained  fire  of  musketry  ;  the  Russians  were  repulsing 
one  of  our  brigades.  Hearing  this  sound,  the  emperor  ordered 
me  to  take  the  Mamelukes,  two  squadrons  of  chasseurs,  one  of 
grenadiers  of  the  guard,  and  to  observe  the  state  of  things.  I 
set  off  at  full  gallop,  and,  before  advancing  a  cannon-shot,  per- 
ceived the  disaster.  The  Russian  cavalry  had  penetrated  our 
squares,  and  were  sabring  our  men.  In  the  distance  could  be 
perceived  masses  of  Russian  cavalry  and  infantry  in  reserve. 
At  this  juncture,  the  enemy  advanced  ;  four  pieces  of  artillery 
arrived  at  a  gallop,  and  were  planted  in  position  against  us. 
On  my  left  I  had  the  brave  Morland,  on  my  right  General 
d'Allemagne.  "  Courage,  my  brave  fellows  ! "  cried  I  to  my 
party  ;  "  behold  your  brothers,  your  friends  butchered  ;  let  us 
avenge  them,  avenge  our  standards  !  Forward  ! "  These  few 
words  inspired  my  soldiers  ;  we  dashed  at  full  speed  upon  the 
artiller}',  and  took  them.  The  enemy's  horse,  which  awaited 
our  attack,  were  overthrown  by  the  same  charge,  and  fled  in 
confusion,  galloping,  like  us,  over  the  wrecks  of  our  own 
squares.  In  the  meantime  the  Russians  rallied  ;  but  a 
squadron  of  horse  grenadiers  coming  to  our  assistance,  I  could 
then  halt,  and  await  the  reserves  of  the  Russian  guard.  Again 
we  charged,  and  this  charge  was  terrible.  The  brave  Morland 
fell  by  my  side.  It  was  absolute  butchery.  We  fought  man  to 
man,  and  so  mingled  together,  that  the  infantry  on  neither  side 
dared  to  fire,  lest  they  should  kill  their  own  men.  The  in- 
trepidity of  our  troops  finally  bore  us  in  triumph  over  all 
opposition  :  the  enemy  fled  in  disorder  in  sight  of  the  two 
Emperors  of  Austria  and  Russia,  who  had  taken  their  station  on 
a  rising  ground,  in  order  to  be  spectators  of  the  contest.  They 
ought  to  have  been  satisfied,  for  I  can  assure  you  they  witnessed 
no  child's  play.  For  my  own  part,  my  good  friend,  I  never 
passed  so  delightful  a  day.  The  emperor  received  me  most 
graciously  when  I  arrived  to  tell  him  that  the  victory  was  ours  ; 
I  still  grasped  my  broken  sabre,  and  as  this  scratch  upon  my 
head  bled  very  copiously,  I  was  all  covered  with  blood.  He 
named    me  general    of  division.     The    Russians    returned    not 


298  NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 

again  to  the  charge, — they  had  had  enough  ;  we  captured  every- 
thing,— their  cannon,  their  baggage,  their  all,  in  short  ;  and 
Prince   Ressina  was  among  the  prisoners.' 


CHAPTER   XXV. 

On  the  day  after  the  battle,  the  emperor,  who  was  at  the  castle  of 
Austerlitz,  received  a  visit  from  Prince  de  Lichtenstein,  the 
same  whom  Mack  had  sent  to  negotiate  when  before  the  walls  of 
Ulm.  On  this  occasion  the  prince  was  sent  by  the  Emperor 
Francis  II.  to  request  an  interview  with  Napoleon.  This  request 
was  immediately  agreed  to,  and  the  ceremonies  to  be  observed  on 
the  occasion  were  arranged  at  once.  On  the  4th  of  December 
Napoleon  proceeded  on  horseback  to  the  place  appointed,  which 
was  a  mill  about  three  leagues  from  Austerlitz.  The  Emperor  of 
Austria  arrived  in  a  calash  ;  and  as  soon  as  he  was  observed 
Napoleon  alighted  from  his  horse  and  advanced  to  meet  him, 
attended  by  his  aides-de-camp.  Napoleon  embraced  Francis  II. 
on  meeting  him.  During  the  interview  Napoleon  had  only 
Berthier  beside  him,  and  the  Emperor  of  Austria  was  attended 
by  Prince  de  Lichtenstein.  What  a  situation  for  the  heir  of 
Charles  V.  !  The  emperors  remained  about  two  hours,  and 
again  embraced  at  parting. 

On  his  return  from  this  interview.  Napoleon,  who  never  for  a 
moment  lost  sight  of  his  policy,  roused  himself  from  the  medita- 
tion in  which  he  seemed  to  be  absorbed,  to  despatch  an  aide-de- 
camp to  the  Emperor  of  Austria.  Savary  was  intrusted  with  this 
mission,  the  object  of  which  was  to  acquaint  the  Emperor 
Francis,  that  on  leaving  him  he  was  going  by  order  of 
Napoleon  to  the  head-quarters  of  the  Emperor  of  Russia,  to 
obtain  his  adhesion,  as  far  as  he  was  concerned,  to  the  conditions 
agreed  upon  in  the  conference  between  the  Emperors  of  F~ ranee 
and  Austria.  Alexander  consented  to  everything,  and  ob- 
served, since  the  King  of  the  Romans  was  satisfied,  he  had 
no  conditions  to  ask,  as  he  had  taken  the  field  only  to  assist 
his  ally. 

The  chanceries  of  France  and  Austria  met  at  Presburg, 
and  as  one  of  the  two  parties  had  the  power  of  demanding 
everything,  and  the  other  could  scarcely  refuse  anything,  the 
negotiations  did  not  continue  long.  On  the  25th  of  December, 
that  is  to  say,  only  three  months  after  Napoleon's  departure  from 


TREATY   OF    PRESBURG  299 

Paris,  all  was  arranged.*  Russia,  who  had  taken  part  in  the  war, 
took  no  part  in  the  negotiations.  Hostilities  ceased  between  her 
and  France,  but  without  any  treaty  of  peace  being  concluded. 
After  the  battle  of  Austerlitz,  Napoleon  remained  for  a  few  days 
at  Brunn,  to  superintend  the  execution  of  his  orders  relative  to 
the  cantonment  of  his  troops.  Here  he  ascertained  his  losses, 
and  sent  his  aides-de-camp  to  visit  the  hospitals,  and  to  present, 
in  his  name,  each  wounded  soldier  with  a  Napoleon  (i6s.  8d.). 
To  the  wounded  officers  he  caused  gratuities  to  be  distributed 
from  five  hundred  to  three  thousand  francs  (;C2i  to  ;Ci25), 
according  to  their  rank. 

The  emperor  then  set  out  for  Schoenbrun,  where  he  arrived 
without  stopping  at  Vienna,  through  which  he  passed  during 
the  night.  On  the  day  after  his  arrival  he  received,  for  the  first 
time,  M.  Haugwitz,  who  had  been  for  some  time  in  Vienna, 
negotiating  with  M.  de  Talleyrand,  and  who,  it  must  be  confessed, 
found  himself  in  the  most  critical  situation  in  which  a  diplo- 
matist could  be  placed.  He  was  very  ill  received,  as  may  be 
supposed.  He  was  at  Vienna  to  wait  the  issue  of  events,  and 
those  events  had  not  taken  a  turn  favourable  to  Prussia. 
Napoleon,  whom  victory  had  placed  in  the  most  triumphant 
situation,  treated  the  envoy  with  great  haughtiness  and  severity. 
'  Do  you  think,'  said  Napoleon,  '  that  your  master  has  kept  faith 
with  me  ?  It  would  have  been  more  honourable  in  him  to  have 
declared  war  against  me  openly,  even  though  he  had  no  motive 

*  '  By  the  treaty  of  Presburg,  Austria  yielded  the  Venetian  territories 
to  the  kingdom  of  Italy  :  her  ancient  possessions  of  the  Tyrol  and 
Voralberg  were  transferred  to  Bavaria,  to  remunerate  that  elector  for 
the  part  he  had  taken  in  the  war  ;  Wirtemberg,  having  also  adopted 
the  French  side,  received  recompense  of  the  same  kind  at  the  expense 
of  the  same  power ;  and  both  of  these  electors  were  advanced  to  the 
dignity  of  kings.  Bavaria  received  Anspach  and  Bareuth  from  Prussia, 
and,  in  return,  ceded  Berg,  which  was  erected  into  a  grand-duchy, 
and  conferred,  in  so\ereignty,  on  Napoleon's  brother-in-law,  Murat. 
Finally,  by  the  treaty  concluded  at  Vienna  on  the  26th,  Prussia 
added  Hanover  to  her  dominions,  in  return  for  the  cession  of  Anspach 
and  Ijarcuth,  and  acquiescence  in  the  other  arrangements  above 
mentioned. 

'  Eugene  Beauharnois,  son  of  Josephine,  and  Viceroy  of  Italy, 
received  in  marriage  the  eldest  daughter  of  the  new  King  of  Bavaria  : 
this  being  the  first  occabion  on  which  Napoleon  manifested  openly 
his  desire  to  connect  his  family  with  the  old  sovereign  houses  of 
Europe.  It  was  announced  at  the  same  time,  that  in  case  the  emperor 
should  die  without  male  issue,  the  Crown  of  Italy  would  descend  to 
Kxigcnc' 


300  NAPOLEON   BONAPARTE 

for  doing  so.  He  then  would  have  served  his  ncvf  allies,  for  I 
should  have  had  to  look  two  ways  before  I  gave  battle.  You 
wish  to  be  the  friends  of  all  parties,  but  that  is  impossible — you 
must  choose  between  them  and  me.  If  you  wish  to  go  with 
them  I  do  not  object,  but  if  you  remain  with  me  I  must  have 
sincerity.  I  would  rather  have  avowed  enemies  than  false  friends. 
What  does  this  mean  ?  You  call  yourselves  my  allies,  and  you 
permit  a  body  of  thirty  thousand  Russians  to  communicate 
through  your  states  with  the  grand  army  ;  nothing  can  justify 
such  conduct ;  it  is  an  open  act  of  hostility.  If  your  powers 
do  not  permit  you  to  treat  of  all  these  questions,  get  them 
extended.  As  for  myself,  I  shall  march  against  my  enemies 
wherever  they  are  to  be  found.'  I  was  informed  by  Lauriston, 
that  the  emperor  was  so  excited  during  this  conversation,  that 
he  could  be  heard  distinctly  by  those  who  were  in  the  ad- 
joining room. 

The  situation  of  M.  Haugwitz  must  have  been  peculiarly 
delicate,  especially  as  Napoleon's  complaints  against  Prussia 
were  not  without  foundation.  The  truth  is,  that  Haugwitz 
had  come  from  Berlin  solely  in  quality  of  observer,  and  having 
only  conditional  instructions.  Had  the  emperor  been  beaten 
by  the  coalition,  the  cabinet  of  Berlin  had  instructed  its 
representative  to  declare  openly  the  alliance  of  Prussia  with 
Russia  and  Austria  ;  but  the  result  of  the  battle  being  so 
disastrous,  he  was  obliged  to  conceal  the  object  of  his  mission. 
Haugwitz  seeing  no  other  means  of  averting  the  storm  which 
was  ready  to  burst  upon  Prussia,  took  upon  himself,  without 
the  authority  of  his  sovereign,  to  sign  a  treaty,  by  virtue  of 
which  the  Margravates  of  Bareuth  and  Anspach  were  exchanged 
for  Hanover. 

While  all  this  was  going  on  at  Vienna,  I  received  the  Berlin 
bulletins,  which  informed  me  that  Von  Hardenberg  had  just 
signed,  by  order  of  his  master,  another  treaty  with  England, 
which  rendered  the  situation  of  Prussia  with  respect  to  her 
two  allies  extremely  difficult  and  complicated.  It  was  im- 
possible for  her  to  continue  in  her  present  situation,  for  with 
Napoleon  there  was  no  possibility  of  her  screening  herself 
under  the  plea  of  neutrality.  Thus  Prussia  could  not  avoid 
war,  and  all  that  remained  to  her  was,  the  choice  of  main- 
taining it  against  France  or  England.  By  her  treaty  with 
England  she  received  a  subsidy  of  ;^i, 500,000  ;  and  while 
nothing  was  known  at  the  French  head-quarters  respecting 
this   second   negotiation,    or   any  doubt  entertained  respecting 


BATTLE    OF  TRAFALGAR  301 

the  validity  of  the  treaty  concluded  by  Haugwitz,  the  Russian 
general  Buxhoevden,  at  the  head  of  thirty  thousand  men,  crossed 
the  Vistula  at  Warsaw,  and  advanced  upon  Bohemia  by  Breslau. 
This  was  one  of  the  results  of  the  Emperor  Alexander's  visit 
to  Berlin,  he  having  succeeded  in  inducing  the  King  of  Prussia 
to  make  common  cause  along  with  Russia,  Austria,  and 
England,  never  expecting  that  France  could  triumph  over 
them  all  ;  but  the  fortune  of  Napoleon  ordained  otherwise. 

Naooleon  received  at  Vienna  intelligence  of  the  disastrous 
battle*  of  Trafalgar.  In  France,  that  event  was  only  known 
by  report,  and  through  the  medium  of  the  foreign  newspapers, 
■which  were  then  prohibited.  So  completely  did  Napoleon 
succeed  in  veiling  that  disaster  in  obscurity,  that  previous  to 
the  restoration  it  was  scarcely  known  in  France.  It  was, 
however,  very  well  known  at  Hamburg,  it  having  been  com- 
municated by  the  merchants.  The  issue  of  the  battle  was  to 
us  equivalent  to  the  destruction  of  our  fleet,  for  we  lost  eighteen 
ships  ;  and  the  other  thirteen  returned  to  Cadiz  dreadfully 
damaged.  The  battle  of  Trafalgar  was  fatal  to  the  three 
admirals  engaged  in  lit.  Nelson  was  killed,  Gravina  died  of 
his  wounds,  and  Villeneuve  was  made  prisoner,  and  on  his 
return  to  France  put  a  period  to  his  life. 

Napoleon  was  profoundly  afflicted  at  this  event,  but  at  the 
time  he  did  not  express  his  mortification,  for  he  never  allowed 
himself  to  be  engrossed  with  two  subjects  of  equal  interest 
at  the  same  time.  He  shewed  the  same  self-command  at 
Vienna,  when  he  received  intelligence  of  the  financial  crisis 
which  occurred  at  Paris  during  his  absence. 

This  depreciation  of  the  bank  paper  and  general  disquietude 
originated  in  some  extensive  speculations  of  M.  Ouvrard,  who 
was  then  one  of  the  greatest  capitalists  in  Europe.  He  tuld 
me,  that  before  the  i8th  Brumaire  he  was  possessed  of  sixty 
millions,  without  owing  a  franc  to  anyone.  I  had  been  made 
acquainted,  through  the  commercial  correspondence  between 
Hamburg  and  Paris,  with  the  operation,  planned  by  M.  Ouvrard, 
in  consequence  of  which  he  was  to  obtam  piastres  from  Spanish 
America,  at  a  price  much  below  the  real  value,  and  had  learned 
that  he  was  obliged  to  support  this  enterprise  by  the  funds 
which  he  and  his  partners  previously  employed  in  victualling 
the  forces.  A  fresh  investment  of  capital  was  therefore 
necessary  for  this  service,  which,  when  on  a  large  scale,  requires 
extensive  advances,  and  the  tardy  payment  of  the  treasury  at 
that  period  was  well  known. 


302  NAPOLEON   BONAPARTE 

This  celebrated  financier  has  been  the  object  of  great  public 
attention.  The  prodigious  variations  of  fortune  which  he 
has  experienced,  the  activity  of  his  life,  the  immense  commercial 
operations  in  which  he  has  been  engaged,  the  extent  and  the 
boldness  of  his  enterprises,  render  it  necessary,  in  forming  a 
judgment  of  M.  Ouvrard,  to  examine  his  conduct  with  due 
care  and  deliberation.  The  son  of  a  paper-maker,  who  was 
able  merely  through  his  own  resources  to  play  so  remarkable 
a  part,  could  be  no  ordinary  man.  It  may  be  said  of  M. 
Ouvrard,  what  Beaumarchais  said  of  himself,  that  his  life  was 
really  a  combat.  I  have  known  him  long,  and  I  saw  much 
of  him  in  his  relations  with  Josephine.  He  always  appeared 
to  me  to  possess  great  knowledge  of  the  world,  accompanied 
by  honourable  principles,  and  a  high  degree  of  generosity,  which 
added  greatly  to  the  value  of  his  prudence  and  discretion.  No 
human  power,  no  consideration,  not  even  the  ingratitude  of 
those  whom  he  had  obliged,  could  induce  him  to  disclose  any 
sacrifice  which  he  had  made  at  the  time  when,  under  the 
Directory,  the  public  revenue  may  be  said  to  have  been  always 
at  the  disposal  of  the  highest  bidder,  and  when  no  business  could 
be  brought  to  a  conclusion  except  by  him  who  set  about  it  with 
his  hands  full  of  money.  To  this  security,  with  which  M. 
Ouvrard  impressed  all  official  persons  who  rendered  him  services, 
I  attribute  the  facility  with  which  he  obtained  the  direction  of 
the  numerous  enterprises  in  which  he  engaged,  and  which 
produced  so  inany  changes  in  his  fortune.  The  discretion  of 
M.  Ouvrard  was  not  quite  agreeable  to  the  first  consul,  who 
found  it  impossible  to  extract  from  him  the  information  he 
wanted.  He  tried  every  method  to  obtain  from  him  the  names 
of  persons  to  whom  he  had  given  those  kind  of  subsidies,  which, 
in  vulgar  language,  are  called  sops  in  the  pan,  and  by  ladies, 
pin-money.  Often  have  I  seen  Bonaparte  resort  to  every 
possible  contrivance  to  gain  his  object.  He  would  sometimes 
endeavour  to  alarm  M.  Ouvrard  by  menaces,  and  at  other 
times  to  flatter  him  by  promises,  but  he  was  in  no  instance 
successful. 

While  we  were  at  the  Luxembourg,  on,  as  I  recollect,  the 
25th  of  January,  1800,  Bonaparte  said  to  me  during  breakfast, 
*  Bourrienne,  my  resolution  is  taken.  I  shall  have  Ouvrard 
arrested.' — '  General,  have  you  proofs  against  him  ? ' — *  Proofs, 
indeed  !  He  is  a  money-dealer,  a  monopolizer,  we  must  make 
him  regorge.  All  the  contractors,  all  the  provision  agents, 
are  rogues.     How  have  they  got  their  fortunes  ?  at  the  expense 


OUVRARD   THE   FINANCIER  303 

of  the  country,  to  be  sure.  I  will  not  suffer  such  doings.  They 
possess  millions,  they  roll  in  an  insolent  luxury,  while  my 
soldiers  have  neither  bread  nor  shoes  !  I  will  have  no  more  of 
that.  I  intend  to  speak  on  the  business  to-day  in  the  council, 
and  we  shall  see  what  can  be  done.' 

I  waited  with  impatience  for  his  return  from  the  council  to 
know  what  had  passed  : — '  Well,  General,'  said  I.  .  .  . — '  The 
order  is  given.'  On  hearing  this  I  became  anxious  about  the 
fate  of  M.  Ouvrard,  who  was  thus  treated  more  like  a  subject  of 
the  Grand  Turk  than  a  citizen  of  the  republic  ;  but  I  soon 
learned  that  the  order  had  not  been  executed,  because  he  could 
not  be  found. 

Next  day  I  learned  that  a  person,  w^hom  I  shall  not  name,  who 
was  present  at  the  council,  and  who  probably  was  under  obliga- 
tions to  Ouvrard,  wrote  him  a  note  in  pencil,  to  inform  him  that 
a  vote  for  his  arrest  had  been  carried  by  the  first  consul.  This 
individual  stepped  out  for  a  moment,  and  despatched  his  servant 
with  the  note  to  Ouvrard.  Having  thus  escaped  the  writ  of 
arrest,  Ouvrard,  after  a  few  days  had  passed  over,  re-appeared, 
and  surrendered  himself  prisoner.  Bonaparte  was  at  first  furious, 
on  learning  that  he  had  got  out  of  the  way  ;  but  on  hearing 
that  Ouvrard  had  surrendered  himself,  he  said  to  me,  'The 
fool  !  he  does  not  know  what  is  awaiting  him.  He  wishes  to 
make  the  public  believe  that  he  has  nothing  to  fear  ;  that  his 
hands  are  clean.  But  he  is  playing  a  bad  game  :  he  will  gain 
nothing  in  that  way  with  me.  All  talking  is  nonsense.  You 
may  be  sure,  Bourrienne,  that  when  a  man  has  so  much  money, 
he  cannot  have  got  it  honestly,  and  then  all  those  fellows  are 
dangerous  with  their  fortunes.  In  the  time  of  a  revolution,  no 
man  ought  to  have  more  than  three  millions,  and  that  is  a  great 
deal  too  much.' 

Before  going  to  prison  Ouvrard  took  care  to  secure  against 
all  the  searches  of  the  police,  any  of  his  papers  which  might 
have  compromised  persons  with  whom  he  had  dealings  ;  and  I 
believe  that  there  were  individuals  connected  with  the  police 
itself,  who  had  good  reason  for  not  regretting  the  opportunity 
which  M.  Ouvrard  had  taken  for  exercising  this  precaution. 
Seals,  however,  were  put  upon  his  papers  ;  but  on  examining 
them,  none  of  the  information  Bonaparte  so  much  desired  to 
obtain  was  found.  Nevertheless,  on  one  point  his  curiosity  was 
satisfied,  for  on  looking  over  the  documents,  he  found  that 
Madame  Bonaparte  had  been  borrowing  money  from  Ouvrard. 
I  do  not  recollect  to  what  circumstance    he  was  indebted  for 


304  NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 

his  liberty  ;  but  it  is  certain  that  his  captivity  did  not  last  long. 
Some  time  after  he  had  left  prison,  Bonaparte  asked  him  for 
twelve  millions,  which  M.  Ouvrard  refused. 

On  his  accession  to  the  consulate,  Bonaparte  found  M. 
Ouvrard  contractor  for  supplying  the  Spanish  fleet  under  the 
command  of  Admiral  Massaredo.  This  business  introduced  him 
to  a  correspondence  with  the  famous  Prince  of  Peace.  The 
contract  lasted  three  years,  and  M.  Ouvrard  gained  by  it  a  net 
profit  of  fifteen  millions. 

In  1S02  a  dreadful  scarcity  afflicted  France,  and  to  remedy 
the  distress  was  urgent.  M.  Ouvrard  took  upon  himself,  in 
concert  with  Wanlerberghe,  the  task  of  importing  foreign  grain 
to  prevent  the  troubles  which  might  otherwise  have  been  ex- 
pected. In  payment  of  the  grain,  the  foreign  houses  which  sent 
it  drew  upon  Ouvrard  and  Wanlerberghe  for  twenty-six  millions 
of  francs  in  treasury-bills,  which,  according  to  the  agreement 
with  the  government,  were  to  be  paid.  But  when  the  bills 
of  the  foreign  houses  became  due  there  was  no  money  in  the 
treasur}^,  and  payment  was  refused.  After  six  months  had 
elapsed,  payment  was  offered  ;  but  on  condition  that  the  govern- 
ment should  retain  half  the  profit  of  the  commission.  This 
Ouvrard  and  Wanlerberghe  refused,  upon  which  the  treasury 
thought  it  most  economical  to  pay  nothing,  and  the  debt  remained 
long  unsettled.  Notwithstanding  this  transaction,  Ouvrard  and 
Wanlerberghe  engaged  to  victual  the  navy,  which  they  supplied 
for  six  years  and  three  months.  After  the  completion  of^  these 
different  services,  the  debt  due  to  them  amounted  to  sixty-eight 
millions. 

In  consequence  of  the  long  delay  of  payment  by  the  treasury, 
the  disbursements  for  supplies  of  grain  amounted  at  last  to  more 
than  forty  millions  ;  and  the  ditEculties  which  arose  had  a 
serious  effect  on  the  credit  of  the  principal  dealers  with  those 
persons  who  supplied  them.  The  discredit  spread  and  gradually 
reached  the  treasury,  the  embarrassments  or  which  augmented 
with  the  general  disquietude.  Ouvrard,  Wanlerberghe,  and 
Seguin,  were  the  persons  whose  capital  and  credit  rendered  them 
most  capable  of  relieving  the  treasury.  And  they  agreed  to 
advance  for  that  purpose  one  hundred  and  two  millions,  in 
return  for  which  they  were  allowed  bonds  of  the  receivers- 
general  to  the  amount  of  one  hundred  and  fifty  millions.  M. 
Desprez  undertook  to  be  the  medium  through  which  the  one 
hundred  and  two  millions  were  to  be  paid  into  the  treasury,  and 
the  three  partners  transferred  the  bonds  to  him. 


OUVRARD   THE   FINANCIER  305 

Spain  had  concluded  a  treaty  with  France,  by  which  she  was 
bound  to  pay  a  subsidy  of  seventy-two  millions  of  francs. 

Thirty-two  millions  had  become  due  without  any  payment 
being  made.  It  was  thought  advisable  that  Ouvrard  should 
be  sent  to  Madrid  to  obtain  a  settlement.  It  was  on  this 
occasion  he  entered  into  the  immense  speculation  for  trading 
with  Spanish  America. 

Spain  wished  to  pay  the  thirty-two  millions  which  were  due 
to  France  as  soon  as  possible,  but  her  coffers  were  empty,  and 
good-will  does  not  ensure  ability  ;  besides,  in  addition  to  the 
distress  of  the  government,  a  dreadful  famine  raged  in  Spain. 
In  this  state  of  things,  Ouvrard  proposed  to  the  Spanish  govern- 
ment to  pay  the  debt  due  to  France,  to  import  a  supply  of  corn, 
and  to  advance  funds  for  the  relief  of  the  Spanish  treasury. 
For  this  he  required  two  conditions  : — i.  The  exclusive  right 
of  trading  with  America.  2.  The  right  of  bringing  from 
America  on  his  own  account  all  the  specie  belonging  to  the 
crown,  with  the  power  of  making  loans  guaranteed  and  payable 
by  the  Spanish  treasuries. 

About  the  end  of  July,  1805,  the  embarrassment  which  some 
time  before  had  begun  to  be  felt  in  the  finances  of  Europe  was 
alarmingly  augmented.  Under  these  circumstances,  it  was 
obviously  the  interest  of  Ouvrard  to  procure  payment  as  soon 
as  possible  of  the  thirty-two  millions  which  he  had  advanced 
for  Spain  to  the  French  treasury.  He  therefore  redoubled  his 
efforts  to  bring  his  negotiation  to  a  favourable  issue,  and  at  last 
succeeded  in  getting  a  deed  of  partnership  between  himself  and 
Charles  IV.  signed,  which  contained  the  following  stipulation  : 
'  Ouvrard  and  Company  are  authorised  to  introduce  into  the 
ports  of  the  New  World,  every  kind  of  merchandise  and  pro- 
duction necessary  for  the  consumption  of  those  countries,  and 
to  export  from  the  Spanish  colonies,  during  the  continuance 
of  the  war  with  England,  all  the  productions  and  all  specie 
derivable  from  them.'  This  treaty  was  only  to  be  in  force 
during  the  war  with  England,  and  it  was  stipulated  that  the 
profits  arising  from  the  transactions  of  the  company  should  be 
equally  divided  between  Charles  IV.  and  the  rest  of  the  company  ; 
that  is  to  say,  one  half  to  the  king  and  the  other  half  to  his 
partners. 

The  consequences  of  this  extraordinary  partnership  between 
a  king  and  a  private  individual  remain  to  be  stated.  On  the 
signing  of  the  deed,  Ouvrard  received  drafts  from  the  treasury 
of    Madrid    to    the    extent    of    52,500,000    piastres;    making 

20 


3o6  NAPOLEON   BONAPARTE 

262,500,000  francs  ;  but  the  piastres  were  to  be  brought  from 
America,  while  the  terms  of  the  treaty  required  that  the  urgent 
wants  of  the  Spanish  government  should  be  immediately  supplied  ; 
and,  above  all,  the  progress  of  the  famine  checked.  To  accom- 
plish this  object,  fresh  advances  to  an  enormous  amount  were 
necessary  ;  for  M.  Ouvrard  had  to  begin  by  furnishing  two 
millions  of  quintals  of  grain  at  the  rate  of  twenty-six  francs 
the  quintal.  Besides  all  this,  before  he  could  realize  a  profit, 
and  be  reimbursed  for  the  advances  he  had  made  to  the  treasury 
of  Paris,  he  had  to  get  the  piastres  conveyed  from  America 
to  Europe.  After  some  difficulty,  the  English  government 
consented  to  facilitate  the  execution  of  the  transaction  by  furnish- 
ing four  frigates  for  the  conveyance  of  the  piastres. 

Ouvrard  had  scarcely  completed  the  outline  of  his  extraordinary 
enterprise,  when  the  emperor  suddenly  broke  up  his  camp  at 
Boulogne,  to  march  for  Germany.  It  will  readily  be  conceived 
that  Ouvrard's  interests  then  imperatively  required  his  presence 
at  Madrid  ;  but  he  was  recalled  to  Paris  by  the  minister  of  the 
treasury,  who  wished  to  adjust  his  accounts  with  him.  The 
emperor  wanted  money  for  the  war  on  which  he  was  entering, 
and  to  procure  it  for  the  treasur)',  Ouvrard  was  sent  to  Amsterdam 
to  negotiate  with  the  house  of  Hope.  He  succeeded,  and  Mr. 
David  Parish  became  the  company's  agent. 

Having  concluded  this  business,  Ouvrard  returned  in  all  haste 
to  Madrid  :  but  in  the  midst  of  the  most  flattering  hopes  and 
most  gigantic  enterprises,  he  suddenly  found  himself  threatened 
with  a  dreadful  crisis.  M.  Desprez  had,  with  the  concurrence 
of  the  treasury,  been  allowed  to  take  upon  himself  all  the  risk  of 
executing  the  treaty,  by  which  150  millions  were  to  be  advanced 
for  the  year  1804,  and  400  millions  for  the  3^ear  1805. 
Under  the  circumstances  which  had  arisen,  the  minister  of  the 
treasury  considered  himself  entitled  to  call  upon  Ouvrard  to 
place  at  his  disposal  ten  millions  of  the  piastres  which  he  had 
received  from  Spain.  The  minister  at  the  same  time  in- 
formed him,  that  he  had  made  arrangements  on  the  faith  of 
this  advance,  which  he  thought  could  not  be  refused  at  so  urgent 
a  moment. 

The  embarrassment  of  the  treasury,  and  the  well-known 
integrity  of  the  minister,  M.  de  Barb^-Marbois,  induced 
Ouvrard  to  remit  the  ten  millions  of  piastres.  But  a  few  days 
after  he  had  forwarded  the  money,  a  commissioner  of  the 
treasury  arrived  at  Madrid  with  a  ministerial  despatch,  in 
which    Ouvrard    was  requested    to  deliver  to  the  commissioner 


FINANCIAL   PANIC  307 

all  the  assets    he   could  command,   and    to  return  immediately 
to  Paris. 

The  treasury  was  then  in  the  greatest  difficulty,  and  a  general 
alarm  prevailed.  This  serious  financial  distress  was  occasioned 
by  the  following  circumstances.  The  treasury  had,  by  a 
circular,  notified  to  the  receivers-general  that  Desprez  was  the 
holder  of  their  bonds.  They  were  also  authorized  to  transmit 
to  him  all  their  disposable  funds,  to  be  placed  to  their  credit 
in  an  account  current.  Perhaps  the  giving  of  this  authority 
was  a  great  error  ;  but.  be  that  as  it  may,  Desprez,  encouraged 
by  the  complaisance  of  the  treasury,  desired  the  receivers- 
general  to  transmit  to  him  all  the  sums  they  could  procure 
for  payment  of  interest  under  eight  per  cent.,  promising  to  allow 
them  a  higher  rate  of  interest.  As  the  credit  of  the  house  of 
Desprez  stood  high,  it  may  easily  be  conceived  that,  on  such 
conditions,  the  receivers-general,  who  were  besides  secured  by 
the  authority  of  the  treasury,  would  enter  eagerly  into_  the 
proposed  plan.  In  short,  the  receivers-general  soon  transmitted 
very  considerable  sums.  Chests  of  money  arrived  daily  from 
every  point  of  France.  Intoxicated  by  this  success,  Desprez 
engaged  in  speculations,  which,  in  his  situation,  were  extremely 
imprudent.  He  lent  more  than  fifty  millions  to  the  merchants 
of  Paris,  which  left  him  no  command  of  specie.  Being  obliged 
to  raise  money,  he  deposited  with  the  bank  the  bonds  of  the 
receivers-general  which  had  been  consigned  to  him,  but  which 
were  already  discharged  by  the  sums  transmitted  to  their  credit 
in  the  account  current.  The  bank  wishing  to  be  reimbursed 
for  the  money  advanced  to  Desprez,  applied  to  the  receivers- 
general  whose  bonds  were  held  in  security.  This  proceeding  had 
become  necessary  on  the  part  of  the  bank,  as  Desprez,  instead 
of  making  his  payments  in  specie,  sent  in  his  acceptances. 
The  directors  or  the  bank,  who  conducted  that  establishment 
with  great  integrity  and  discretion,  began  to  be  alarmed, 
and  required  Desprez  to  explain  the  state  of  his  affairs.  The 
suspicions  of  the  directors  became  daily  stronger,  and  were 
soon  shared  by  the  public.  At  last  the  bank  was  obliged  to 
stop  payment,  and  its  notes  were  soon  at  a  discount  of  twelve 
per  cent. 

The  minister  of  the  treasury,  dismayed,  as  well  may  be 
supposed,  at  such  a  state  of  things,  during  the  emperor's  absence, 
convoked  a  council,  at  which  Joseph  Bonaparte  presided,  and 
to  which  Desprez  and  Wanlerberghe  were  summoned.  Ouvrard, 
being  informed  of  this  financial  convulsion,  made  all  possible 


3o8  NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 

haste  from  Madrid,  and  on  his  arrival  at  Paris,  sought  assistance 
from  Amsterdam.  Hope's  house  offered  to  take  fifteen  millions 
of  piastres  at  the  rate  of  three  francs  seventy-five  centimes  each. 
Ouvrard  having  engaged  to  pay  the  Spanish  government  only 
three  francs,  would  very  willingly  have  parted  with  them  at  that 
rate,  but  his  hasty  departure  from  Madrid,  and  the  financial 
events  at  Paris,  affected  his  relations  with  the  Spanish  treasury, 
and  rendered  it  impossible  for  him  to  afford  any  support  to  the 
treasury  of  France  ;  thus  the  alarm  continued,  until  the  news  of 
the  battle  of  Austerlitz,  and  the  consequent  hope  of  peace, 
tranquillized  the  public  mind.  The  bankruptcy  of  Desprez  was 
dreadful  ;  it  was  followed  by  the  failure  of  several  houses,  the 
credit  of  which  was  previously  undoubted. 

To  temper  the  exultation  which  victory  was  calculated  to 
excite,  the  news  of  the  desperate  situation  of  the  treasury  and 
the  bank  reached  the  emperor  on  the  day  after  the  battle  of 
Austerlitz.  The  alarming  accounts  which  he  received  hastened 
his  return  to  France  ;  and  on  the  very  evening  on  which  he 
arrived  in  Paris,  he  pronounced,  while  ascending  the  stairs  of  the 
Tuileries,  the  dismissal  of  M.  de  Barb^-Marbois.  Such  was  the 
financial  catastrophe  which  occurred  during  the  campaign  of 
Vienna  ;  but  all  was  not  over  with  Ouvrard,  and,  in  so  great  a 
confusion  of  affairs,  it  was  to  be  expected  that  the  imperial  hand, 
which  was  not  always  the  hand  of  Justice,  should  make  itself  be 
somewhere  felt. 

In  the  course  of  the  month  of  February,  1806,  the  emperor 
issued  two  decrees,  in  which  he  declared  Ouvrard,  Wanlerberghe, 
and  Michel,  contractors  for  the  service  of  1804,  and  Desprez, 
their  agent,  debtors  to  the  amount  of  eighty-seven  millions, 
which  they  had  misapplied  in  private  speculations,  and  in 
transactions  with  Spain  '  for  their  personal  interests.'  Who 
would  not  suppose  from  this  phrase,  that  Napoleon  had  taken 
no  part  whatever  in  the  great  financial  operation  between  Spain 
and  South  America  ?  He  was,  however,  intimately  acquainted 
with  it,  and  was  himself  really  personally  interested.  But  when- 
ever any  enterprise  was  unsuccessful,  he  always  wished  to  dis- 
claim all  connection  with  it.  Possessed  of  title-deeds  made  up 
by  himself,  that  is  to  say,  his  own  decrees,  the  emperor  seized  all 
the  piastres,  and  other  property  belonging  to  the  company,  and 
derived  from  the  transaction  great  pecuniary  advantage — though 
such  advantage  never  could  be  regarded  by  a  sovereign  as  any 
compensation  for  the  dreadful  state  into  which  public  credit  had 
been  brought. 


THE    KING   OF    SWEDEN  309 


CHAPTER    XXVI. 

I  HAVE  been  somewhat  diffuse  respecting  the  enterprises  of  M. 
Ouvrard,  and  on  the  disastrous  state  of  the  finances  during  the 
campaign  of  Vienna  ;  but  I  shall  now  return  to  the  minister 
plenipotentiary's  cabinet,  and  state  such  circumstances  as  came 
within  my  knowledge.  The  facts  will  not  always  be  stated  in 
a  connected  series,  because  they  often  had  no  more  particular 
connexion  than  the  pleadings  of  the  barristers  who  succeed  each 
other  in  a  court  of  justice. 

On  the  5th  of  Januaiy,  1805,  ^^^^  I^ing  of  Sweden  arrived 
before  the  gates  of  Hamburg.  The  Senate,  surrounded  on  all 
sides  by  English,  Swedish,  and  Russian  troops,  determined  to 
send  a  deputation  to  the  Swedish  monarch,  who,  however, 
hesitated  so  long  about  receiving  this  homage,  that  fears  were 
entertained  lest  his  refusal  should  be  accompanied  by  some  act 
of  aggression.  He,  liowever,  at  last  permitted  two  deputies  to 
come  to  him,  and  they  returned  well  satisfied  with  their 
reception. 

His  complaint  against  the  Senate  of  Hamburg  arose  from  my 
having  demanded  and  obtained  the  removal  of  the  colours  which 
used  to  be  suspended  over  the  door  of  the  house  for  receiving 
Austrian  recruits.  The  poor  Senate  was  kept  in  constant  alarm 
by  so  dangerous  a  neighooiir.  He  had  fixed  his  head-quarters 
at  Boetzenburg,  on  the  northern  bank  of  the  Elbe  ;  and  in  order 
to  amuse  himself,  he  sent  for  Dr.  Gall,  who  was  at  Hamburg, 
where  he  delivered  a  series  of  lectures  on  his  system.  I  had  the 
pleasure  of  knowing  Dr.  Gall,  and  on  one  occasion,  when  he 
went  to  the  head-quarters  of  the  King  of  Sweden,  I  said  to  him, 
'  My  dear  Doctor,  you  will  certainly  discover  the  bump  of 
vanity.'  The  truth  is,  that  had  the  doctor  at  that  period  Deen 
permitted  to  examine  the  heads  of  the  sovereigns  of  Europe, 
they  would  have  afforded  very  curious  craniological  studies. 
It  was  not  the  King  of  Sweden  alone  who  gave  uneasiness  to 
Hamburg,  for  the  King  of  Prussia  had  threatened  to  seize  it, 
and  to  subject  it  to  his  fiscal  regulations,  which  would  have 
had  the  effect  of  destroying  the  commercial  prosperity  of  the 
city. 

Hanover,  no  longer  occupied  by  the  French  troops,  was  used 
by  the  English  as  a  sort  of  recruiting  station,  where  every  man 


3IO  NAPOLEON   BONAPARTE 

who  presented  himself  was  enlisted,  in  order  to  complete  the 
Hanoverian  regiment  v/hich  was  then  about  being  raised.  They 
scattered  gold  in  handsful.  The  English  employed  in  this 
service  a  hundred  and  fifty  carriages,  with  six  horses  to  each, 
which  confirmed  me  in  my  former  opinion,  that  they  in  con- 
junction with  the  Russians  were  about  to  undertake  an  expedition 
against  Holland.  On  the  first  indication  of  this  intention,  I 
sent  oflf"  information  to  the  emperor  by  express.  The  aim  of 
the  Anglo-Russians,  who  were  not  aware  that  peace  had  been 
concluded  at  Presburg,  was  to  create  a  diversion  in  the  move- 
ments of  the  French  armies  in  Germany.  The  advanced  guard 
of  the  Russians  soon  arrived  at  Affersburg,  four  leagues  from 
Bremen,  and  the  whole  of  the  allied  forces  marched  through 
the  bishopric  of  Osnaburg  ;  not  a  moment  therefore  was  to  be 
lost  in  reuniting  all  the  troops  at  our  disposal  for  the  preservation 
of  Holland  ;  but  it  is  not  my  purpose  at  present  to  treat  of  this 
expedition  ;  I  only  wish  to  afford  an  idea  of  our  situation  at 
Hamburg,  surrounded  as  we  were  on  all  sides  by  Swedish, 
English,  and  Russian  troops.  I  frequently  received  from  the 
Minister  of  Marine  letters  and  packets  to  be  forwarded  to  the 
Isle  of  France,  for  the  retention  of  which  place  the  emperor 
evinced  considerable  anxiety  ;  and  I  had  much  difficulty  in 
finding  vessels  bound  for  that  colony  who  would  take  charge 
of  the  minister's  despatches.  The  death  of  Pitt  and  the 
nomination  of  Mr.  Fox  to  the  ministry,  opened  a  fair  prospect 
of  peace.  It  was  well  known  that  this  latter  statesman,  in 
succeeding  to  the  office  of  Mr.  Pitt,  did  not  inherit  his  violent 
hatred  against  France  and  its  emperor  ;  a  mutual  esteem  existed 
between  them,  and  Mr.  Fox  had  shewn  himself  really  sincere 
in  his  professions  for  peace.  Its  practicability  he  had  always 
insisted  upon  whilst  in  opposition  to  Mr.  Pitt  ;  and  Bonaparte 
himself,  from  the  high  regard  he  had  for  Mr.  Fox,  might  have 
been  induced  to  yield  in  some  points  the  very  idea  of  which  he 
would  otherwise  have  rejected  with  indignation.  But  two 
obstacles  (I  might  almost  say  insurmountable  ones)  were  opposed 
to  it.  The  first  was,  the  conviction  on  the  part  of  England, 
that  this  peace  would  never  be  anything  more  than  a  truce 
of  longer  or  shorter  duration,  and  that  Bonaparte  would  still 
continue  to  pursue  his  scheme  of  universal  dominion  And  the 
other,  the  belief  which  was  firmly  entertained  that  Napoleon 
meditated  the  invasion  of  England  Could  this  have  been 
effected,  it  would  have  been  less  with  a  view  of  giving  a  mortal 
blow  to  her  commerce  and  destroying  her  maritime  supremacy 


FOX    AS   MLNJSTER  311 

over  France,  than  of  abolishing  the  liberty  of  the  press,  which 
he  had  totally  annihilated  on  his  own  side  of  the  Channel. 
The  sight  of  a  free  people  separated  from  them  only  by  one-and- 
twenty  miles  of  sea,  was,  in  his  opinion,  a  tempting  aspect  to 
the  French,  and  a  most  powerful  incentive  to  such  of  them  as 
bore  the  yoke  with  reluctance. 

Almost  at  the  commencement  of  Mr.  Fox's  ministry,  a 
Frenchman  proposed  to  him  the  assassination  of  the  emperor  : 
the  minister  wrote  immediately  to  M.  de  Talleyrand  to  inform 
him  of  the  circumstance.  He  intimated  to  him,  that  although 
the  English  laws  forbade  the  detention  of  an  individual  not 
actually  convicted  of  any  crime,  yet,  on  this  occasion,  he  would 
take  it  upon  himself  not  to  suffer  such  a  wretch  to  go  at  large, 
until  such  time  as  the  head  of  the  French  government  could 
be  put  on  his  guard  against  his  attempts.  Mr.  Fox  added, 
that  he  had  at  first  done  this  individual  '  the  honour  to  take 
him  for  a  spy,'  an  expression  which  sufficiently  marked  the 
indignation  and  disgust  with  which  the  English  minister 
regarded  him. 

This  information,  so  honourably  imparted,  was  the  key 
which  opened  the  door  to  fresh  negotiations.  M.  de  Talleyrand 
was  directed  to  express  to  Mr.  Fox  that  the  emperor  was  deeply 
affected  with  this  proof  of  the  principles  by  which  the  British 
cabinet  was  governed.  Nor  did  Napoleon  confine  himself  to 
this  diplomatic  courtesy  ;  he  considered  it  a  favourable  oppor- 
tunity to  create  an  impression  that  on  his  part  the  desire  for 
peace  was  sincere.  He  summoned  to  Paris  Lord  Yarmouth, 
the  most  distinguished  amongst  those  English  subjects  who  had 
been  so  unjustly  detained  prisoners  at  Verdun,  on  the  infraction 
of  the  treaty  of  Amiens.  He  commissioned  his  lordship  to 
propose  to  the  British  government  to  enter  into  negotiations, 
offering  on  his  part  to  recognize  the  possession  by  England 
of  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope  and  Malta.  By  some,  this  concession 
of  Bonaparte  has  been  extolled  as  a  mark  of  his  moderation — 
by  others,  he  has  been  blamed  as  willing  to  make  too  great 
a  sacrifice  ;  as  if  the  cession  of  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope  and 
Malta  were  to  be  put  in  competition  with  the  recognition  of 
his  title  of  emperor,  the  establishment  of  the  kingdom  of  Italy, 
the  acquisition  of  Genoa  and  of  all  the  Venetian  states,  the 
dethronement  of  the  King  of  Naples  and  the  gift  of  his  kingdom 
to  Joseph,  and,  finally,  the  new  partition  of  Germany.  All 
these  events,  which  had  taken  place  subsequently  to  the  treaty 
of  Amiens,  were  not  even  alluded  to  by  Bonaparte,  and  certainly 


312  NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 

were  advantages  which  he  had  no  intention  to  forego.  The 
letters  which  I  received  from  Paris  frequently  dwelt  on  the 
prospect  of  peace,  a  sentiment  in  which  I  could  not  participate, 
being  too  well  acquainted  with  the  emperor  to  repose  any  faith 
in  his  sincerity,  especially  after  the  successful  campaign  of 
Vienna,  which  opened  a  wider  prospect  to  his  ambition,  a  passion 
which  appeared  to  increase  in  proportion  as  it  was  gratified. 
Every  day,  indeed,  afforded  me  fresh  proofs  that  this  ambition 
was  insatiable.  The  fact  was,  Napoleon  coveted  the  possession 
of  the  Hanse  Towns.  My  instructions,  however,  were  at  first 
merely  to  make  overtures  to  the  senates  of  each  of  these  three 
towns,  and  to  endeavour  to  make  them  sensible  of  the  advantage 
it  would  be  to  them  to  enjoy  the  protection  of  Napoleon  in 
exchange  for  the  trifling  sacrifice  of  six  millions  to  be  advanced 
to  him.  On  this  subject  I  had  several  conferences  with  the 
magistrates,  who  at  first  objected  to  the  sum  as  being  too 
exorbitant,  representing  to  me  at  the  same  time  that  the  city 
was  by  no  means  so  rich  as  formerly,  as  the  war  had  created 
so  many  obstacles  to  their  commerce  ;  and  the  Senate  at  length, 
for  which  I  could  not  greatly  blame  them,  signified  to  me,  in  the 
most  delicate  manner  possible,  that  their  circumstances  would 
not  permit  them  to  accept  the  '  generous  proposal '  of  the 
emperor.  For  my  own  part  I  could  not  but  consider  the 
proposition  I  had  to  make  as  in  the  highest  degree  absurd  ; 
since,  in  fact,  there  was  no  real  advantage  whatever  I  could 
offer  to  the  Hanse  Towns  as  an  equivalent  for  their  money. 
Against  whom  too  could  he  offer  to  protect  them  ?  Prussia, 
Sweden,  Russia,  and  England,  might  be  and  probably  were 
desirous  of  obtaining  possession  of  these  towns,  but  the  very 
wish  which  those  powers  entertained  in  common,  proved  the 
real  security  of  the  former  ;  for  it  is  very  certain,  that  if  the 
attempt  had  been  made  by  either,  the  other  three  would 
immediately  have  interposed  to  prevent  it.  The  truth  is,  that 
Napoleon  even  then  wished  to  make  an  open  seizure  of  these 
places,  a  pretext  for  which,  however,  he  was  not  able  to  find 
till  about  four  years  afterwards. 

The  emperor  arrived  at  Paris  about  the  end  of  January,  1806. 
Having  created  kings  in  Germany,  he  deemed  it  a  favourable 
opportunity  for  surrounding  his  throne  with  a  new  race  of 
princes.  At  this  period,  therefore,  he  created  Murat  Grand 
Duke  of  Cleves  and  Berg  ;  Bernadotte,  Prince  of  Ponte  Corvo  ; 
M.  de  Talleyrand,  Duke  of  Benevento,  and  his  two  former 
colleagues,    Cambaceres   and    Lebrun,    Dukes   of    Parma    and 


LOUIS   BONAPARTE    KING    OF    HOLLAND        313 

Placenza.  He  likewise  gave  to  his  sister  Pauline,  who  had  a 
short  time  before  contracted  a  second  marriage  with  the  Prince 
Borgh^se,  the  title  of  Duchess  of  Guastalla.  How  extraordinary 
the  course  of  events  !  Who  could  then  have  foreseen  that  the 
Duchy  of  Cambaceres  would  afford  a  refuge  to  a  princess  of 
Austria,  the  widow  of  Napoleon,  ere  death  had  made  her  so  ? 

The  affairs  of  the  Bourbon  princes  now  wore  every  day 
a  more  unfavourable  aspect,  and  such  was  the  exhausted  state 
of  their  finances,  that  it  was  intimated  to  the  emigrants  at 
Brunswick,  that  the  pretender  could  no  longer  continue  their 
pensions.  This  produced  the  greatest  consternation  amongst 
them,  as  it  deprived  many  of  their  sole  means  of  existence,  who, 
notwithstanding  their  fidelity  to  the  royal  cause,  were  by  no 
means  disinclined  that  it  should  be  strengthened  by  a  pension. 
Amongst  these  emigrants  was  an  individual  whose  name  will 
occupy  no  ambiguous  place  in  history  ;  I  allude  to  Dumouriez, 
of  whom  I  have  before  spoken,  and  who  was  now  busying 
himself  in  the  peaceful  employment  of  distributing  pamphlets. 
He  was  then  at  Stralsund,  and  it  was  supposed  the  King  of 
Sweden  would  entrust  him  with  a  command.  The  unsettled 
life  of  this  general,  who  wandered  from  place  to  place  soliciting, 
but  in  vain,  to  be  employed  against  his  native  country,  rendered 
him  an  object  of  general  ridicule  .;  in  fact,  he  was  everywhere 
looked  upon  with  contempt. 

With  a  view  to  put  an  end  to  all  disputes,  as  regarded 
Holland, — which  Dumouriez  dreamed  of  conquering  with  an 
army  which  existed  only  in  his  own  imagination, — and  dis- 
satisfied, moreover,  with  the  Dutch,  who  had  not  excluded 
English  vessels  from  their  ports  so  rigorously  as  he  desired, 
the  emperor  formed  these  states  into  a  kingdom,  which  he 
conferred  upon  his  brother  Louis. 

When,  with  other  official  matters,  I  communicated  to  the 
states  of  the  circle  of  Lower  Saxony  the  accession  of  Louis 
to  the  throne  of  Holland,  and  the  nomination  of  Cardinal 
Fesch  as  coadjutor  and  successor  of  the  Arch-Chancellor  of 
the  Germanic  empire,  I  remarked  that  the  Duke  of  Mecklenburg- 
Schwerin  was  the  only  one  who  made  no  reply  to  me,  and  I 
learnt  afterwards  that  he  had  applied  to  the  court  of  Peters- 
burg for  instructions,  '  whether,  and  in  what  way,  he  should 
reply.'  He  at  the  same  time  sent  information  to  the  emperor 
of  the  marriage  of  his  daughter,  the  Princess  Charlotte  Frederica, 
with  Prince  Christian  Frederick  of  Denmark. 

At  this  period   it  would   have  been  difficult  to  foresee  in  what 


314  NAPOLEON   BONAPARTE 

way    this    union    was    destined    to    terminate.     The  prince  was 
young,    possessed    of    an    agreeable   exterior,    and    amiable   dis- 
position ;    everything   seemed   to  promise   that  he  would  prove 
a    good    husband.     As    to    the    princess,    she    was    in    person 
exceedingly    beautiful,    but    her    mind    was    thoughtless    and 
volatile  in  the  extreme  ;  in  short,  she  was  completely  a  spoiled 
child.     She   adored  her    husband,    and    for   several    years    their 
union    was   perfectly    happy  ;    little    indeed    did    they    imagine 
that  they  were  afterwards  to  be  separated  for  ever.     The  princess 
was  at  this  time  in  all   the  height  of  her  beauty  ;    fetes  were 
frequently  given   in   her   honour  on  the  banks  of  the  Elbe,  at 
which    the   prince   always    opened    the    ball    with    Madame   de 
Bourrienne.     Lovely  as  she  was,  however,  the  Princess  Charlotte 
could    not    secure    the    affection    of  the    Danish    court,    which 
was    occupied   in   intrigues  against  her.     I  am    not  aware   that 
there  were  any  real  grounds   of  reproach   in   her  behaviour,  but 
the  stately  dames  of  the  court  objected  to  her  continual  levities, 
and,  whether  with  reason  or  not,  her  husband  considered  himself 
obliged    to    separate    from    her  ;    she    was    accordingly    sent  at 
the  commencement  of  1809  to  Altona,  attended  by  a  chamber- 
lain and  a  maid  of  honour.     On  her  arrival,  she  gave  herself 
up  to  despair  ;    hers,   however,   was  not'  a  silent  grief,  for  she 
related  her  history  to  everybody.     The  unfortunate  lady  really 
excited    commiseration    when    she    wept    for    her    son,    three 
years  of  age,  whom   she  was  destined  never  to  see  again.     But 
her  natural   levity  soon  gained  the   ascendancy  ;   she   did   not 
continue    to    observe    the    decorum   becoming   her  station,  and 
some  months  afterwards  was  sent  into  Jutland,  where,  I  believe 
she  is  still  living. 


CHAPTER    XXVIL 

In  September,  1806,  it  was  pretty  evident  that,  as  soon  as  war 
should  break  out  between  France  and  Prussia,  Russia  would 
not  be  long  in  forming  an  alliance  with  the  latter.  Peace, 
however,  had  been  re-established  between  Napoleon  and  Alex- 
ander by  virtue  of  a  treaty  just  signed  at  Paris,  by  which  Russia 
engaged  to  evacuate  the  mouths  of  the  Cataro,  a  condition 
which  she  shewed  no  great  readiness  to  fulfil.  I  received,  too, 
a  number  of  the  St.  Petersburg  Court  Gazette  containing  an 
ukase  of  the  Emperor  of  Russia,  in  which  he  pointed  out  the 


POLICY    Of    PRUSSIA  315 

dangers  which  again  menaced  Europe  ;  and  shewed  the  necessity 
which  existed  of  watching  over  the  general  tranquillity  and 
the  security  of  his  own  empire,  declaring  his  intention,  in 
consequence,  not  only  of  completing,  but  augmenting  his  army. 
A  levy  therefore  was  ordered  of  four  men  out  of  every  five 
hundred  inhabitants. — Before  the  commencement  of  hostilities 
Duroc  was  sent  to  the  King  of  Prussia  in  order  to  discover  if 
there  were  yet  a  possibility  of  renewing  negotiations  ;  but  affairs 
were  already  too  much  embarrassed,  and  all  his  endeavours  were 
ineffectual.  Perhaps,  too,  the  King  of  Prussia  had  it  no  longer 
in  his  power  to  avoid  a  war  with  France  ;  but  be  that  as  it  may, 
he  certainly  had  just  grounds  of  complaint  against  her  emperor. 
For  although  the  latter,  as  we  have  seen,  had  given  Hanover  to 
him  in  exchange  for  the  two  Margravates,  he  had  nevertheless 
offered  the  restitution  of  that  province  to  England,  as  one  of 
the  conditions  of  the  treaty  entered  into  with  Mr.  Fox.  These 
clandestine  proceedings  were  not  unknown  to  the  Berlin  cabinet, 
and  thus  Duroc's  mission  was  rendered  useless  by  Napoleon's 
duplicity. 

The   King  of  Prussia  was   at    this    time    at   Weimar.     The 

Eeriod  was  now  approaching  when  the  horrors  of  war  were  to 
e  renewed  in  Germany,  and  in  proportion  as  the  hopes  of  peace 
were  diminished  the  threats  of  Prussia  redoubled.  Inspired  by 
the  memory  of  the  great  Frederic,  she  was  utterly  averse  to 
peace.  Her  measures,  which  hitherto  had  been  sufficiently 
moderate,  all  at  once  assumed  a  menacing  character,  upon 
learning  that  the  minister  of  the  King  of  England  had  an- 
nounced to  parliament  that  France  had  consented  to  the 
restitution  of  Hanover.  The  French  minister  intimated  to 
Prussia  that  this  was  a  preliminary  step  towards  a  general  peace, 
and  that  she  would  be  liberally  indemnified  in  return.  But  the 
King  of  Prussia,  well  aware  how  pertinaciously  the  house  of 
Hanover  clung  to  this  ancient  domain,  which  gave  to  England 
a  certain  preponderance  in  Germany,  considered  himself  trifled 
with,  and  determined  on  war.  He  was,  moreover,  ambitious 
of  the  character  of  the  liberator  of  Germany,  and  rejected  every 
offer  of  compensation.  Under  these  circumstances,  Lord  Lauder- 
dale, having  been  recalled  from  Paris  by  his  government,  the 
war  with  England  continued,  and  was  about  to  commence  with 
Prussia.  The  cabinet  of  Berlin  sent  an  ultimatum,  couched  in 
terms  which  almost  amounted  to  a  defiance.  From  the  well- 
known  character  of  Napoleon,  we  may  judge  of  his  irritation 
at  thii  ultimatum  ;  and  after  a  stay  of  eight   months   in  Paris, 


3i6  NAPOLEON    SONAPARTE 

passed  in  ineffectual  negotiations,  he  set  out  on  the  25th  of 
September  for  the  Rhine.  On  the  loth  of  October,  1806, 
hostilities  commenced  between  France  and  Prussia,  and  I 
demanded  of  the  Senate  that  a  stop  should  be  put  to  the  Prussian 
recruiting.  The  news  of  a  great  victory  gained  by  the  emperor 
over  the  Prussians  on  the  14th  of  October,  was  brought  to 
Hamburg  on  the  19th  by  some  fugitives,  who  gave  such 
contradictory  and  exaggerated  accounts  of  the  loss  the  French 
army  had  sustained,  that  it  was  not  till  the  28th  of  October, 
when  the  official  despatches  arrived,  that  we  knew  whether  to 
mourn  or  rejoice  at  the  victory  of  Jena. 

The  Duke  of  Brunswick,  who  was  dangerously  wounded  at 
the  battle  of  Auerstaedt,  arrived  on  the  29th  of  October  at 
Altona.  His  entrance  into  that  city  presented  a  new  and 
striking  illustration  of  the  vicissitudes  of  fortune.  A  sovereign 
prince,  of  high  military  reputation,  but  lately  in  the  peaceable 
enjoyment  of  power  in  his  own  capital,  now  vanquished  and 
wounded,  was  brought  into  Altona  on  a  wretched  litter  borne 
by  ten  men,  without  officers  or  attendants,  followed  by  a  crowd 
of  children  and  vagabonds  drawn  together  by  curiosity.  He 
was  lodged  in  a  miserable  inn,  so  much  exhausted  by  fatigue 
and  the  pain  in  his  eyes,  that  the  day  after  his  arrival  his  death 
was  very  generally  reported.  Doctor  Unzer  was  immediately  sent 
for  to  relieve  the  sufferings  of  the  unfortunate  duke  ;  who, 
during  the  few  days  that  he  survived  his  wounds,  saw  no  one 
but  his  wife,  who  joined  him  on  the  ist  of  November.  No 
visitors  were  admitted  to  see  him,  and  on  the  loth  of  the  same 
month  he  expired.  At  this  juncture  Bernadotte  returned  to 
Hamburg.  I  asked  him  what  construction  I  was  to  put  on  his 
conduct  while  he  was  with  Davoust,  who  had  left  Nauemburg 
to  attack  the  Prussian  army  ;  and  whether  it  were  true  that  he 
had  refused  to  march  with  that  general,  and  afterwards  to  assist 
him  in  his  attack  upon  the  Prussians  on  the  Weimar  road. 
'  My  letters  inform  me,'  I  observed,  '  that  you  took  no  part  in 
the  battle  of  Auerstaedt.  To  this  statement  I  gave  no  credit, 
but  doubtless  you  have  seen  the  bulletin  which  I  received  a 
short  time  after  the  battle,  in  which  it  is  mentioned  that 
Bonaparte  said  at  Nauemburg,  in  the  presence  of  several  officers, 
"  Were  I  to  bring  him  before  a  court-martial  he  would  be  shot. 
I  shall  say  nothing  to  him  about  it,  but  he  shall  be  at  no  loss  to 
understand  what  I  think  of  his  behaviour.  He  has  too  nice  a 
sense  of  honour  not  to  be  himself  aware  that  he  has  acted 
disgracefully."  '     '  I  think  him  very  capable,'  replied  Bernadotte, 


CONQUEST   OF    PRUSSIA  317 

'  of  making  these  observations.  He  hates  me,  because  he  knows 
I  have  no  great  love  for  him  ;  but  let  him  speak  to  me  himself 
on  the  subject,  and  he  shall  have  his  answer.  Gascon  as  I  may- 
be, he  is  a  greater  one  than  myself.  I  do  not  deny  feeling 
piqued  at  receiving  something  like  orders  from  Davoust,  but  I  did 
my  duty  notwithstanding.'  About  the  beginning  of  November, 
the  Swedes  entered  Lubeck,  but  on  the  8th  of  the  same  month 
the  town  was  taken  by  assault,  and  the  Swedes,  as  well  as  the 
rest  of  the  corps  that  had  escaped  from  Jena,  were  made  prisoners. 


CHAPTER    XXVIII. 

Victory  everywhere  declared  in  favour  of  the  French.  Prince 
Hohenlohe,  who  commanded  a  division  of  the  Prussian  army, 
was  obliged  to  capitulate  at  Prentzlau.  After  this  capitula- 
tion General  Blucher  took  the  command  of  the  remains  of  the 
corps,  to  which  he  reunited  those  troops  who,  being  absent  from 
Prentzlau,  were  not  included  in  the  capitulation.  These  corps, 
in  addition  to  those  which  Blucher  had  at  Auerstaedt,  were 
then  almost  the  only  ramparts  of  the  Prussian  monarchy.  Soult 
and  Bernadotte  received  orders  from  Murat  for  the  close  pursuit 
of  Blucher,  who,  on  his  part,  was  using  every  effort  to  draw  the 
forces  of  those  two  generals  from  Berlin.  Blucher  marched 
upon  Lubeck,  of  which  he  took  possession.  Marshal  Murat 
pursued  the  wreck  of  the  Prussian  army  which  had  escaped 
from  Saxonv  by  way  of  Magdeburg,  and  Blucher  was  driven 
back  upon  Lubeck.  To  the  army  at  Berlin  the  destruction  of 
this  corps  was  of  the  first  consequence,  being  under  the  command 
of  a  brave  and  skilful  geiteral,  who  drew  from  the  centre  of 
military  operations  numerous  troops,  with  which  he  might 
throw  himself  into  Hanover,  or  Hesse,  or  even  Holland,  and 
by  a  junction  with  the  English  forces  greatly  harass  the  rear 
of  the  grand  army.  The  Grand  Duke  of  Berg  explained  to 
me  his  plans  and  expectations,  and  shortly  afterwards  announced 
their  completion.  His  letters,  among  other  particulars,  informed 
me  of  the  taking  of  Lubeck.  In  two  of  these  letters,  Murat, 
who  was  probably  misinformed  by  his  agents  or  made  the  dupe 
of  some  intriguer,  sent  me  word  that  Moreau  had  arrived  at 
Hamburg,  and  that  he  had  passed  through  Paris  on  the  28th  of 
October.  His  only  proof  of  this  fact  was  a  letter  of  Fauche- 
Borel,  which  he  had  intercepted.     I  recollect  a  curious  circum- 


3i8  NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 

stance,  which  threw  some  light  on  this  matter,  and  shews  the 
necessity  of  mistrusting  the  intelligence  which  on  slight  surmises 
is  often  furnished  to  persons  in  authority.  About  a  fortnight 
before  I  received  Murat's  first  letter,  a  person  came  to  acquaint 
mc  that  General  Moreau  was  in  Hamburg.  I  gave  no  credit 
whatever  to  the  information,  though  I  used  every  means  in  my 
power  to  discover  if  there  were  any  foundation  for  such  a  report, 
but  without  success.  Two  days  afterwards  I  was  assured  that  a 
certain  individual  had  met  General  Moreau,  that  he  had  spoken 
to  him,  and  knew  him  well  from  having  served  under  him, 
together  with  several  other  circumstances  which  appeared 
sufficiently  credible.  I,  in  consequence,  immediately  sent  for  the 
individual  in  question,  who  repeated  to  me  that  he  knew 
Moreau — that  he  had  lately  met  him — that  the  general  had 
inquired  of  him  the  way  to  the  Jungfersteige  (a  public  vyalk  in 
Hamburg) — that  he  had  pointed  it  out  to  him,  adding  afterwards, 
'  Have  I  not  the  honour  of  addressing  General  Moreau  ? '  upon 
which  the  latter  replied,  '  Yes,  but  take  no  notice  of  having  seen 
me,  I  am  here  incognito.'  All  this  appeared  so  absurd  to  me, 
that,  pretending  not  to  know  Moreau,  I  requested  the  man  to 
give  me  a  description  of  him.  The  person  he  described  bore  no 
resemblance  whatever  to  Moreau,  whom  he  represented  as 
wearing  a  braided  French  coat,  with  the  national  cockade  in  his 
hat.  I  at  once  perceived  that  the  whole  was  an  imposture  for 
the  purpose  of  getting  a  little  money,  and  quickly  sent  the 
fellow  about  his  business.  In  about  a  quarter  of  an  hour 
afterwards,  I  received  a  visit  from  M.  Chevardiere,  who  came  to 
introduce  M.  Belland,  the  French  consul  at  Stettin.  This  gentle- 
man wore  a  braided  coat  and  the  national  cockade.  He  was  the 
hero  of  the  tale  told  by  my  late  informer.  In  fact,  a  slight 
resemblance  between  the  consul  of  Stettin  and  General  Moreau 
had  occasioned  several  persons  to  mistake  them  for  each 
other. 

During  the  campaign  in  Prussia  nothing  was  talked  of 
throughout  Germany  but  the  generous  conduct  of  Napoleon 
in  regard  to  Prince  Hatzfeld.  I  became  possessed  of  many 
interesting  particulars  relative  to  this  event,  and  was  fortunate 
enough  to  obtain  a  copy  of  a  letter  which  the  emperor  wrote 
to  Josephine  on  the  subject,  which  I  shall  presently  lay  before 
the  reader.  I  must  promise  that,  in  conformity  with  the 
inquisitorial  system  which  too  often  characterized  the  emperor's 
government,  and  v/hich  extended  to  every  country  of  which  he 
had  taken  military  possession,  the  first  thing  done  on  entering  a 


HIS    KINDNESS    TO    PRINCE    HATZFELD         319 

town  was  to  take  possession  of  the  post  office — and  then,  Heaven 
knows  how  little  the  privacy  of  correspondence  was  respected  ! 
Berlin  was  not  exempted  from  this  system,  and  among  the  letters 
thus  intercepted  and  forwarded  to  Napoleon,  was  one  addressed 
to  the  King  of  Prussia  by  Prince  Hatzfeld,  who  had  imprudently 
ventured  to  remain  in  the  Prussian  capital.  In  this  letter  the 
prince  communicated  to  his  sovereign  everj^hing  of  importance 
that  had  transpired  in  Berlin  since  he  had  been  obliged  to  leave 
it,  together  with  the  strength  and  situation  of  the  divisions  of 
which  the  French  army  was  composed.  The  emperor,  after 
reading  this  letter,  gave  orders  that  the  prince  should  be  arrested, 
and  tried  by  a  court-martial  as  a  spy.  The  court  had  assembled 
and  its  decision  could  hardly  be  a  matter  of  doubt,  when  Madame 
Hatzfeld  had  recourse  to  Duroc,  who  on  such  occasions  was 
always  happy  to  facilitate  an  interview  with  the  emperor.  On 
that  day  Napoleon  had  been  at  a  review  in  the  environs  of  the 
city.  Duroc  was  acquainted  with  Madame  Hatzfeld,  having 
frequently  seen  her  during  his  visits  to  Berlin.  On  Napoleon's 
return  from  the  review  he  was  astonished  to  find  Duroc  at 
the  palace  at  such  an  hour,  and  inquired  if  he  had  brought 
any  news.  Duroc  replied  in  the  affirmative,  and  followed  the 
emperor  into  his  closet,  into  which  he  shortly  introduced 
Madame  Hatzfeld.  The  remainder  of  the  scene  is  related  in 
Napoleon's  letter  before  alluded  to.  This  letter  is  evidently  in 
reply  to  one  from  Josephine,  reproaching  him  for  the  manner  in 
which  he  spoke  of  women,  and  very  probably  of  the  beautiful 
and  unfortunate  Queen  of  Prussia,  with  regard  to  whom  he  had 
in  one  of  his  bulletins  expressed  himself  in  terms  not  sufficiently 
respectful.  Napoleon's  letter  runs  thus  :  '  I  have  received  your 
letter,  in  which  it  seems  you  reproach  me  for  speaking  ill  of 
women.  True  it  is  that,  above  all  things,  I  dislike  female 
intriguers.  I  have  been  used  to  kind,  gentle,  and  conciliatory 
women.  Them  I  love,  and  if  they  have  spoiled  me,  it  is  not  my 
fault,  but  yours.  However,  you  will  see  that  I  have  acted 
indulgently  towards  one  sensible  and  deserving  woman.  I  allude 
to  Madame  de  Hatzfeld.  When  I  shewed  her  her  husband's 
letter  she  burst  into  tears,  and  in  a  tone  of  the  most  exquisite 
grief  and  candour  exclaimed,  "  It  is  indeed  his  writing  ! " 
This  was  too  much,  it  went  to  my  heart,  and  I  said,  "  Well, 
Madame,  throw  the  letter  into  the  fire,  and  then  I  shall  have 
no  proof  against  your  husband."  She  burned  the  letter,  and 
was  restored  to  happiness.  Her  husband  is  novr  safe  ;  two 
hours  later,  and  he  would  have  been  lost.     You  see,  therefore. 


320  NAPOLEON   BONAPARTE 

that  I  like  women  who  are  feminine,  simple,  and  amiable,  for 
they  alone  resemble  you.     November  6th,  1806,  9  o'clock,  p.m.' 
When  Marshal  Bernadotte  had  forced  Blucher  into  Lubeck, 
and  made  him  prisoner,  he  sent  me  information  of  the  circum- 
stance, but  I  was  far  from  expecting  that  the  prisoner  would  be 
intrusted  to  my  charge.     Such,  however,  was  the  case.     After 
his  surrender  he  was  sent  to  Hamburg,  where  he  had  the  whole 
city  for  a  prison.     During  the  whole  time  Blucher  was  under 
my  surveillance  at  Hamburg,  so  far  from  seeking  to  add  to  the 
severity   of  his    captivity,  I   was  anxious  to   spare   him    those 
annoyances  which  a  strict  enforcement  of  my  instructions  would 
have  occasioned.     I  was  curious  to  become  acquainted  with  this 
extraordinary  man,  and  saw  him  very  frequently.     I  found  him 
an  enthusiastic  Prussian  patriot,  a  man  of  unquestionable  bravery, 
and  enterprising  even  to  rashness,  but  of  defective  education,  and 
an  extreme  lover  of  pleasure,  of  which  he  took  his  full  share 
during   his    stay  at   Hamburg.     It  was  his    custom    to    remain 
whole  hours  at  table,  and  notwithstanding  his  exclusive  patriotism 
he  rendered  ample  justice  to  the  wines  of  France.     To  pleasures 
of  a  more  licentious  nature  he  was  likewise  immoderately  ad- 
dicted, and  spent  a  considerable  part  of  his  time  at  the  gaming- 
table.   His  disposition  was  extremely  gay,  and  considered  merely 
as  a  boon  companion  he  was  agreeable  enough.     The  original 
style   of  his  conversation  amused  me  much.     In  spite  of  the 
disasters  of  the  Prussian  army  his  confidence  in  the  deliverance 
of  Germany  remained  wholly  unshaken.     He  often  said  to  me, 
'  I  place  great  reliance  in  the  public  spirit  of  Germany,  in  the 
enthusiasm  which   prevails  in  our  universities.     The  events  of 
war  are  uncertain,   and  even  defeats  tend  to  keep  alive  in   a 
people  principles  of  honour,   and   a  concern  for   the   national 
glory.     You   may  depend    upon   it,   that  when   once  a   whole 
nation  has  determined  to  free  itself  from  a  humiliating  yoke,  it 
will  succeed  in  doing  so.     There  is  no  doubt  but  we  shall  end 
by  having  a  landnjoehre  very  different  from  any  levy  which  the 
worn-out  spirit  of  the  French    could  produce.     England    will 
always  lend   us  the  aid  of  her  navy  and  her  subsidies,   and  we 
will  renew  alliances  with  Austria  and  Russia.     From  my  own 
certain  knowledge  I  can  pledge  myself  to  the  truth  of  one  fact 
which    you   may  rely    upon,   namely,    that   none  of  the    allied 
powers  engaged  in  the  present  war  entertain  views  of  territorial 
acquisition.     All  they  unanimously  desire  is  to  put  an  end  to 
the  system  of  aggrandizement  established  by  your  emperor,  and 
which    he  pursues  with  such    alarming  rapidity.     In  our  first 


BLUCHER'S   VIEWS   ON    NAPOLEON  321 

war  against  France,  at  the  commencement  of  your  revolution, 
we  fought  about  questions  respecting  the  rights  of  kings,  for 
which  I  assure  you  I  care  very  little  ;  the  case  is  now  widely 
different  ;  the  whole  population  of  Prussia  makes  common  cause 
with  its  government.  The  people  fight  in  defence  of  their 
hearths  and  homes,  and  reverses  destroy  our  armies  without 
changing  the  spirit  of  the  nation.  I  am  tranquil  as  to  the 
result,  because  I  foresee  that  fortune  Avill  not  always  favour  your 
emperor.  It  is  impossible  but  that  the  time  will  come  when 
all  Europe,  humbled  by  his  extortions  and  impatient  of  his 
encroachments,  will  rise  up  together  against  him.  The  greater 
the  number  of  nations  that  wear  his  chains,  the  more  fearful 
will  be  the  reaction,  when  they  burst  those  chains  asunder.  J  i 
cannot  be  denied  that  he  is  tormented  with  an  insatiable  desire 
of  acquiring  new  territories.  To  the  war  of  1805  against 
Austria  and  Russia,  the  present  has  almost  immediately  suc- 
ceeded. We  have  fallen  ;  Prussia  is  occupied,  but  Russia  still 
remains  to  be  conquered.  What  will  be  the  event  of  the  war 
it  is  not  in  my  power  to  foresee,  but  admitting  that  the  issue 
should  be  favourable  to  yoi,  it  will  terminate  only  to  be 
speedily  renewed.  If  we  but  persevere,  depend  upon  it  France, 
exhausted  even  by  her  conquests,  must  eventually  fall.  Do  you 
wish  for  peace  ?  Recommend  it,  and  you  will  give  the  strongest 
proof  of  your  love  to  your  country.'  In  this  manner  did 
Blucher  constantly  talk  to  me,  and  as  I  never  deemed  it  necessary 
to  carry  my  official  character  into  the  drawing-room,  I  replied 
frankly  to  his  observations,  preserving  merely  the  degree  of 
reserve  requisite  in  my  situation.  I  did  not  tell  him  how  often 
my  anticipations  accorded  with  his  own,  but  I  never  hesitated 
to  acknowledge  to  him  how  greatly  I  desired  to  see  a  reasonable 
peace  concluded.  Before  Blucher's  arrival  at  Hamburg,  it  was 
visited  by  Prince  Paul  of  Wirtemberg,  the  second  son  of  one 
of  the  two  kings  created  by  Napoleon,  whose  crowns  had  not  yet 
been  worn  a  year.  The  young  prince,  who  was  imbued  with 
the  ideas  of  liberty  and  independence  which  then  agitated 
Germany,  had  adopted  a  headlong  proceeding.  He  had  quitted 
Stuttgart  to  serve  in  the  Prussian  campaign  without  asking  his 
father's  permission,  and  this  inconsiderate  step  might  have 
exposed  the  King  of  Wirtemberg  to  Napoleon's  resentment. 
The  King  of  Prussia  advanced  Prince  Paul  to  the  rank  oi 
general,  but  he  was  taken  prisoner  at  the  very  commencement 
of  hostilities.  The  Prince  of  Wirtemberg  was  not,  as  has  been 
falsely  stated,  conducted  to  Stuttgart  by  a  captain  of  gendarmerie. 

21 


322  NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 

He  came  to  Hamburg,  where  I  received  several  visits  from  him. 
At  that  time  he  did  not  appear  to  have  any  settled  intentions, 
for  after  he  was  made  prisoner  he  expressed  to  me  his  earnest 
desire  to  enter  into  the  French  service,  and  often  asked  me  to 
solicit  for  him  an  interview  with  the  emperor.  This  he  obtained, 
and  remained  for  a  long  time  in  Paris,  where  I  know  he  has 
frequently  resided  since  the  restoration. 

When  the  King  of  Prussia  found  that  defeat  awaited  him 
at  every  turn,  he  repented  of  having  undertaken  a  war  which 
had  delivered  his  states  into  the  power  of  Napoleon,  in  less  time 
even  than  that  in  which  Austria  had  fallen  the  year  preceding. 
He  wrote  to  the  emperor  requesting  a  suspension  of  hostilities. 
Rapp  was  present  when  Napoleon  received  the  King  of  Prussia's 
letter.  '  It  is  too  late,'  said  he  ;  '  but  no  matter,  I  wish  to  put 
a  stop  to  further  bloodshed,  and  am  ready  to  listen  to  any 
terms  by  which  neither  the  honour  nor  the  interests  of  the 
nation  will  be  compromised.'  Then  calling  Duroc,  he  gave  him 
orders  to  visit  the  wounded,  and  see  that  they  wanted  for 
nothing.  '  Visit  each  individual,'  he  added,  *  on  my  behalf, 
and  give  them  all  the  consolation  of  which  they  stand  in  need  ; 
afterwards  seek  the  King  of  Prussia,  and  if  he  offers  reasonable 
proposals,  you  will  let  me  know.'  Negotiations  were  accordingly 
commenced,  but  Napoleon's  conditions  were  considered  wholly 
inadmissible.  Prussia  still  hoped  for  assistance  from  the  Russian 
forces  ;  besides  which  the  emperor's  demands  extended  to 
England,  who  at  that  moment  had  no  motive  to  accede  to  the 
pretensions  of  France.  The  emperor  required  that  England 
should  make  restitution  to  France  of  all  the  colonies  she  had 
captured  since  the  commencement  of  the  war  ;  that  Russia 
should  restore  to  the  Porte  Moldavia  and  Wallachia,  which 
she  then  occupied  ;  in  short,  he  adopted  the  advice  of  the  king 
in  some  tragedy  or  other,  who  told  his  ambassador  to  '  ask 
everything,  that  you  may  obtain  nothing.'  The  emperor's 
demands    were    in    fact    so    unreasonable,    that    it    was    scarcely 

[)ossible  to  suppose  that  he  himself  expected  they  would  be 
istened  to. 

Negotiations,  alternately  resumed  and  abandoned,  were  carried 
on  with  coldness  on  both  sides,  until  the  moment  that  England 
had  persuaded  Russia  to  assist  Prussia  against  France.  They 
then  altogether  ceased,  and  it  was  only  for  the  purpose 
of  appearing  to  wish  for  their  renewal,  on  terms  stiU  more 
favourable  to  France,  that  Duroc  was  sent  to  the  King  of 
Prussia,  whom  he  found  at  Osterade,  on  the  other  side  of  the 


HIS    POLICY    ON    SWEDEN  323 

Danube.  The  only  answer  he  received  from  that  monarch 
was,  'The  time  is  passed,'  an  observation  nearly  similar  to 
Napoleon's,  'It  is  too  late,'  when  he  received  his  majesty's 
letter.  Whilst  Duroc  was  fulfilling  his  mission  to  the  King 
of  Prussia,  I  was  myself  negotiating  at  Hamburg.  Bonaparte 
was  extremely  anxious  to  detach  Sweden  from  the  coalition, 
and  to  terminate  the  war  with  her  by  a  separate  treaty.  Sweden, 
indeed,  might  prove  very  useful  to  him,  if  Prussia,  Russia,  and 
England,  should  assemble  any  considerable  forces  in  the  north. 
Denmark  was  already  with  us,  and,  could  we  gain  Sweden  also, 
the  union  of  those  two  powers  might  create  a  diversion,  and 
occasion  serious  alarm  to  the  coalition  which  would  be  obliged 
to  concentrate  its  principal  force  to  withstand  the  attack  of  the 
grand  army  in  Poland.  The  opinions  of  M.  Peyron,  the 
Swedish  minister  at  Hamburg,  were  altogether  averse  to  the  war 
in  which  his  sovereign  was  engaged  with  France,  and  of  those 
opinions  he  made  no  secret.  I  much  regretted  that  this  gentle- 
man left  Hamburg  upon  leave  of  absence  for  a  year,  at  the 
very  time  that  I  received  the  emperor's  instructions  upon  the 
subject  I  have  just  mentioned.  M.  Peyron  was  succeeded  by 
M.  Netzel,  and  I  soon  had  the  satisfaction  of  discovering  that 
his  ideas  differed  in  no  respect  from  those  of  his  predecessor. 
Immediately  on  his  arrival,  M.  Netzel  requested  an  interview 
to  speak  to  me  on  the  subject  of  the  Swedes  who  had  been 
taken  prisoners  on  the  Trave.  He  begged  permission  for  the 
officers  to  return  to  Sweden  on  their  parole.  I  was  anxious 
to  oblige  M.  Netzel  in  this  respect,  and  availed  myself  of  so 
favoiirnble  an  opportunity  to  lead  him  gradually  to  the  subject 
of  my  instructions.  I  had  every  reason  to  be  satisfied  with 
the  success  of  my  first  overtures,  and  he  himself  was  well 
convinced  of  the  truth  of  the  remarks  I  made  to  him.  I  saw 
he  understood  that  his  sovereign  would  have  everything  to 
gain  by  an  accommodation  with  France,  and  he  told  me 
that  all  Sweden  called  for  peace.  Emboldened  by  the  success 
of  this  first  attempt,  I  told  him  frankly  that  I  was  authorized 
to  treat  with  him.  In  return  for  this  confidence  on  my  part, 
he  assured  me  that  M.  de  Wetterstedt,  the  King  of  Sweden's 
private  secretary,  with  whom  he  was  intimate,  and  from  whom 
he  shewed  me  several  letters,  entertained  the  same  opinions  as 
himself  He  added,  that  he  had  permission  to  correspond 
with  the  king,  to  whom,  as  well  as  to  M.  de  Wetterstecft,  he 
promised  to  write  tlie  same  evening,  and  acquaint  them  with 
our    conversation.       From    the    foregoing     statement     it    will 


324.  NAPOLEON   BONAPARTE 

appear,  that  never  was  a  negotiation  commenced  under  more 
favourable  auspices  ;  but  who  could  foresee  what  caprice  would 
enter  into  the  head  of  the  King  of  Sweden  ?  That  unlucky 
prince  took  M.  Netzel's  letter  in  very  ill  part,  and  M.  de 
Wetterstedt  himself  received  a  most  ungracious  command,  to 
signify  to  M.  Netzel  his  sovereign's  displeasure  at  his  having 
presumed  to  visit  a  French  minister,  and  still  more  to  enter 
into  a  political  conversation  with  him,  although  it  amounted 
to  nothing  more  than  connjersation.  The  king  did  not  confine 
himself  to  reproaches.  M.  Netzel,  in  great  affliction,  came 
to  inform  me  that  he  had  received  orders  to  quit  Hamburg 
immediately,  without  even  awaiting  the  arrival  of  his  successor. 
He  looked  upon  his  disgrace  as  complete.  I  had  the  pleasure 
of  seeing  M.  Netzel  again  in  1809,  at  Hamburg,  charged  with 
a  mission  from  Charles  XHI. 


CHAPTER    XXIX. 

'  Napoleon  had  achieved  the  total  humiliation  of  the  Prussian 
monarchy  in  a  campaign  of  a  week's  duration  :  yet  severe 
as  the  exertions  of  his  army  had  been,  and  splendid  his  success, 
and  late  as  the  season  was  now  advanced,  there  ensued  no 
pause  of  inaction  ;  the  emperor  himself  remained  but  a  few 
days  in  Berlin. 

'This  brief  residence,  however,  was  distinguished  by  the 
issue  of  the  famous  decrees  of  Berlin  ;  those  extraordinary  edicts 
.by  which  Bonaparte  hoped  to  sap  the  foundations  ot  the  power 
of  England — the  one  power  which  he  had  no  means  of 
assailing   by  his  apparently  irresistible  arms. 

'  Napoleon  declared  the  British  Islands  to  be  in  a  state  of 
blockade  :  any  intercourse  with  that  country  was  henceforth 
to  be  a  crime  ;  all  her  citizens  found  in  any  country  in  alliance 
with  France  to  be  prisoners  ;  every  article  of  English  produce 
or  manufacture,  wherever  discovered,  to  be  confiscated.  In  a 
word,  wherever  France  had  power,  the  slightest  communication 
with  England  was  henceforth  to  be  treason  against  the  majesty 
of  Napoleon  ;  and  every  coast  of  Europe  was  to  be  lined 
with  new  armies  of  douaniers  and  gens  d'arnies,  for  the  purpose 
of  carrying  into  effect  what  he  called  the  continental  systej?!.' 

I  shall  here  bestow  a  few  remarks  on  the  famous  continental 
system,  as,  perhaps  more  than  any  other  person,  I  had   oppor- 


THE    "BERLIN  DECREES"'  325 

tunities  of  witnessing^  its  fraud,  and  estimating  its  ruinous 
consequences.  This  system  originated  in  the  war  of  1806, 
and  was  brought  into  operation  on  the  2ist  of  November 
of  that  year,  by  a  decree  dated  at  Berlin.  The  plan  was 
conceived  by  weak-minded  counsellors,  who,  perceiving  the 
emperor's  just  indignation  against  the  duplicity  of  England, 
her  repugnance  to  enter  into  serious  negotiations  with  him, 
and  her  incessant  endeavours  to  arm  the  continent  against 
him,  had  prevailed  on  him  to  issue  this  decree,  which  I  can 
never  view  in  another  light  than  as  an  act  of  tyranny  and 
madness.  It  was  not  a  decree,  but  fleets  that  were  necessary. 
Without  a  navy,  it  was  ridiculous  to  declare  the  British  Isles 
in  a  state  of  blockade,  whilst  the  English  fleets  were  actually 
blockading  all  the  French  ports.  This  declaration,  however, 
was  made  by  Napoleon  in  the  Berlin  decree,  and  this  is  what 
was  called  the  continental  system  !  a  system  of  fraud,  of  pecu- 
lation, and  pillage.  One  can  scarcely  now  conceive  how  Europe 
could  endure  for  a  single  day  that  fiscal  tyranny,  which  extorted 
exorbitant  prices  for  articles  which  the  habits  of  three  centuries 
had  rendered  equally  indispensable  to  rich  and  poor.  So  far 
from  true  is  it,  that  this  system  had  for  its  sole  and  exclusive 
object  the  prevention  of  the  sale  of  English  goods,  that  licenses 
for  that  purpose  were  granted  to  any  who  were  rich  enough 
to  pay  for  them.  The  quantity  and  quality  of  exported  French 
goods  were  magnified  to  an  extravagant  degree.  In  order  to 
comply  with  the  emperor's  wishes,  it  was  necessary  to  take 
out  a  certain  quantity  of  those  articles,  but  it  was  only  to  throw 
them  into  the  sea.  And  yet  no  one  had  the  honesty  to  tell 
the  emperor,  that  England  found  a  market  for  her  goods  on 
the  continent,  but  bought  scarcely  anything.  The  speculation 
in  licenses  was  carried  to  a  scandalous  extent,  merely  to  enrich 
a  favoured  few,  and  to  satisfy  the  short-sighted  views  of  its 
besotted  contrivers.  This  system  proves  what  is  written  in 
the  annals  of  the  human  heart  and  mind,  that  the  cupidity 
of  the  one  is  insatiable,  and  the  errors  of  the  other  incorrigible. 
Of  this  I  will  cite  an  example,  though  it  relates  to  a  period 
subsequent  to  that  in  which  this  detestable  system  orginated. 
At  Hamburg,  in  181 1,  under  Davoust's  government,  a  poor 
man  narrowly  escaped  being  shot  for  having  brought  into 
the  department  of  the  Elbe  a  small  loaf  of  sugar  for  the  use 
of  his  family,  whilst  at  the  same  moment,  perhaps.  Napoleon 
was  signing  a  license  for  the  importation  of  a  million  of  sugar 
loaves.     Smuggling  on   a  small  scale  was   punished    by  death. 


326  NAPOLEON   BONAPARTE 

whilst  the  government  carried  it  on  wholesale.  Thus  the  effect 
of  the  same  law  was  to  fill  the  treasury  with  money,  and  the 
prisons  with  victims. 

The  excise  laws  of  this  period,  which  carried  on  a  war  of 
extermination  against  rhubarb,  and  kept  a  coastguard  along  the 
continent  to  prevent  the  introduction  of  senna,  could  not  pre- 
serve the  continental  system  itself  from  destruction.  Ridicule 
attended  the  installation  of  the  detested  prevotal  courts.  At 
Hamburg,  the  president  of  one  of  them,  who  was  a  Frenchman, 
delivered  an  oration,  in  which  he  attempted  to  prove,  that  in 
the  time  of  the  Ptolemies  there  had  existed  extraordinary 
tribunals  for  the  regulation  of  the  customs,  and  that  to  them 
Egypt  was  indebted  for  her  prosperity.  Thus,  insulting  irony 
and  the  most  absurd  folly  were  added  to  intimidation.  The 
ordinary  excise  officers,  formerly  so  much  abhorred  in  Hamburg, 
truly  observed,  that  they  would  soon  be  regretted,  and  that 
the  difference  between  them  and  the  prevotal  courts  would  very 
shortly  be  felt.  Bonaparte's  counsellors  led  him  to  commit 
so  gross  an  absurdity  as  to  require,  that  every  vessel  which  had 
obtained  a  license,  should  export  merchandise  equivalent  to 
the  colonial  produce  licensed  to  be  imported.  And  what 
was  the  consequence  ?  Old  stores  of  silks,  which  the  change 
of  fashion  had  rendered  wholly  unsaleable,  were  bought  up  at 
a  low  price,  and  being  prohibited  in  England  were  thrown 
into  the  sea.  The  slight  loss  this  occasioned  was  amply 
recompensed  by  the  profits  of  the  speculation. 

The  continental  system,  which  was  worthy  only  of  the 
dark  and  barbarous  ages,  and  which,  had  it  been  even  admissible 
in  theory,  was  perfectly  impracticable  in  its  application,  can 
never  be  sufficiently  stigmatized.  No  real  friends  to  the 
emperor  were  they  who  could  recommend  to  him  such  a 
system,  calculated,  as  it  infallibly  was,  to  excite  the  indignation 
of  Europe,  and  eventually  to  produce  the  most  terrible  re- 
action. To  tyrannize  over  the  human  species,  and  at  the 
same  time  to  expect  their  uniform  admiration  and  submission, 
is  clearly  to  require  an  impossibility.  It  would  seem  as  if 
Fate,  which  had  still  some  splendid  triumphs  in  store  for 
Napoleon,  was  already,  too,  preparing  those  causes  which  were 
at  once  to  wrest  them  from  him,  and  plunge  him  into  disasters 
even  greater  than  the  good  fortune  which  had  favoured  his 
elevation.  The  prohibition  of  trade,  the  constant  severity  in 
the  execution  of  this  detested  system,  amounted  to  nothing 
short   of  a   continental  impost.     Of  this  I  will  give  a  proo^ 


THE   "CONTINENTAL   SYSTEM"  327 

and  I  state  nothing  but  from  personal  observation.  The 
custom  house  regulations  were  strictly  enforced  at  Hamburg, 
and  along  the  two  lines  of  Cuxhaven  and  Travemunde.  Mr. 
Eudel,  the  director  of  this  department,  performed  his  duty  with 
zeal  and  disinterestedness,  and  I  am  happy  in  rendering  him 
this  deserved  testimony.  Immense  quantities  of  English  mer- 
chandise and  colonial  produce  were  accumulated  at  Holstein, 
where  they  almost  all  arrived  by  way  of  Kiel  and  Hudsum, 
having  been  brought  over  the  line  at  tha  expense  of  a  premium 
of  from  thirty-three  to  forty  per  cent.  Convinced  of  this  fact, 
by  a  thousand  proofs,  and  weary  of  the  vexations  of  the  system, 
I  took  upon  myself  to  lay  my  ideas  on  the  subject  before  the 
emperor.  He  had  given  me  permission  to  write  to  him  direct, 
without  any  intermediate  agency,  upon  whatever  I  might  con- 
sider essential  to  his  service.  I  sent  an  extraordinary  courier 
to  Fontainebleau,  where  he  then  was,  and  in  my  despatch 
informed  him,  that,  in  spite  of  his  preventive  guard,  contraband 
goods  were  smuggled  in,  because  the  profits  on  their  sale  in 
Germany,  Poland,  Italy,  and  even  France,  to  which  they  found 
their  way,  were  too  considerable  not  to  induce  persons  to  run 
all  hazards  to  obtain  them.  I  recommended,  at  the  very  time 
that  he  was  about  to  unite  the  Hanse  Towns  to  the  French 
empire,  that  such  merchandise  should  be  openly  imported  upon 
paying  a  duty  of  thirty-three  per  cent.,  which  was  about  equal 
to  the  rate  of  their  insurance.  The  emperor  did  not  hesitate  to 
adopt  my  suggestion  ;  and,  in  181 1,  the  measure  produced  a 
revenue  in  Hamburg  alone  of  upwards  of  sixty  millions  of  francs. 
This  system  embroiled  us  with  Sweden  and  Russia,  who  could 
but  ill  endure  that  a  strict  blockade  should  be  required  from 
them,  whilst  Napoleon  himself  was  distributing  licenses  at  his 
pleasure.  Bernadotte,  on  his  way  to  Sweden,  passed  through 
Hamburg  in  October,  18 10.  He  stayed  with  me  three  days, 
during  which  he  scarcely  saw  anyone  but  myself.  He  asked 
my  opinion  as  to  what  he  should  do  relative  to  the  continental 
lystem.  I  did  not  hesitate  in  telling  him,  not  of  course  as  a 
minister  of  France,  but  as  a  private  individual  to  his  friend, 
that,  in  his  place,  at  the  head  of  a  poor  nation,  which  could 
only  exist  by  the  exchange  of  its  natural  productions  with 
England,  I  would  open  my  ports,  and  give  the  Swedes  gratuit- 
ously that  general  license  which  Bonaparte  was  selling  in  detail 
to  intrigue  and  cupidity.  The  ill-advised  Berlin  decree  could 
not  but  produce  a  reaction  fatal  to  the  emperor's  fortune,  by 
making  whole   nations    his    enemies.     The  hurling    of  twenty 


328  NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 

kings  from  their  thrones  would  have  excited  less  hatred  than 
this  contempt  for  the  wants  of  the  people.  This  profound 
ignorance  of  the  maxims  of  political  economy  was  the  source  of 
general  privation  and  misery,  which  in  their  turn  produced 
general  hostility.  The  system  could  only  succeed  in  the  im- 
possible event  of  all  the  powers  of  Europe  honestly  making 
common  cause  to  carry  it  into  effect.  A  single  free  port  would 
destroy  it.  To  ensure  its  complete  success,  it  was  necessary 
to  conquer  and  occupy  every  country,  and  never  to  withdraw 
from  any.  As  a  means  of  ruining  England  it  was  perfectly 
ridiculous,  since  by  prohibiting  all  intercourse  with  that  countrj' 
the  interests  of  every  other  must  have  suffered.  It  was  necessary 
too  that  the  whole  of  Europe  should  be  compelled,  by  force  of 
arms,  to  enter  into  his  absurd  coalition,  and  that  the  same  force 
should  constantly  be  maintained  to  support  it.  Was  this  possible  ? 
This  system  has  been  st3'led  the  essence  of  despotism,  an  ex- 
pression which  correctly  defines  it.  The  captain  reporter  of 
a  court-martial  had  sanctioned  the  acquittal  of  a  poor  peasant, 
convicted  of  having  purchased  a  loaf  of  sugar  beyond  the  custom- 
house limits.  This  officer  being  some  time  afterwards  at  a 
grand  dinner  given  by  Marshal  Davoust,  in  the  midst  of  the 
entertainment,  the  latter  said  to  him,  <  You  have  a  very  tender 
conscience,  sir '  ;  and  upon  the  captain's  attempting  to  explain, 
he  Interrupted  him,  adding,  ♦  Go  to  head-quarters,  and  you  will 
find  an  order  there  for  you.'  This  order  sent  him  eighty  leagues 
from  Hamburg.  It  is  necessary  to  have  witnessed  as  I  did  the 
countless  vexations  and  miseries  occasioned  by  this  deplorable 
system,  to  form  a  due  conception  of  the  mischief  its  authors  did 
in  Europe,  and  how  greatly  the  hatred  and  revenge  which  it 
produced  contributed  to  Napoleon's  fall. 


CHAPTER    XXX. 

'  Napoleon  received  at  Berlin  a  deputation  of  his  senate,  sent 
from  Paris  to  congratulate  him  on  the  successes  of  his  campaign. 
To  them  he  announced  these  celebrated  decrees  :  he  made  them 
the  bearers  of  the  trophies  of  his  recent  victories,  and,  moreover, 
of  a  demand  for  the  immediate  levying  or  80,000  men,  being 
the y?;-^/ conscription  for  the  year  1808 — that  for  the  year  1807 
having  been  already  anticipated.  The  subservient  senate  re- 
corded and  granted  whatever   their  master  pleased  to   dictate  ; 


HIS   POLICY    ON    POLAND  329 

but  the  cost  of  human  life  which  Napoleon's  ambition  demanded, 
had  begun,  ere  this  time,  to  be  seriously  thought  of  in  France. 
He,  meanwhile,  prepared,  without  further  delay,  to  extinguish 
the  feeble  spark  of  resistance  which  still  lingered  in  a  few 
garrisons  of  the  Prussian  monarchy  beyond  the  Oder  ;  and 
to  meet,  before  they  could  reach  the  soil  of  Germany,  those 
Russian  legions,  which  were  now  advancing,  too  late,  to  the 
assistance  of  Frederick  William.  That  unfortunate  prince  sent 
Lucchesini  to  Berlin,  to  open,  if  possible,  a  negotiation  with 
the  victorious  occupant  of  his  capital  and  palace  ;  but  Bonaparte 
demanded  Dantzic,  and  two  other  fortified  towns,  as  the  price 
of  even  the  briefest  armistice  ;  and  the  Italian  envoy  returned  to 
inform  the  king,  that  no  hope  remained  for  him  except  in  the 
arrival  of  the  Russians. 

'  Napoleon  held  in  his  hands  the  means  of  opening  his  campaign 
with  those  allies  of  Prussia,  under  circumstances  involving  his 
enemy  in  a  new,  and  probably  endless  train  of  difficulties.  The 
Partition  of  Poland — that  great  political  crime,  for  which  every 
power  that  had  a  part  in  it  has  since  been  severely,  though 
none  of  them  adequately  punished — had  left  the  population 
of  what  had  once  been  a  great  and  powerful  kingdom,  in  a 
state  of  discontent  and  irritation,  of  which,  had  Napoleon  been 
willing  to  make  full  use  of  It,  the  fruits  might  have  been  more 
dangerous  for  the  Czar  than  any  campaign  against  any  foreign 
enemy.  The  French  emperor  had  but  to  announce  distinctly 
that  his  purpose  was  the  restoration  of  Poland  as  an  independent 
state,  and  the  whole  mass  of  an  eminently  gallant  and  warlike 
population  would  have  risen  instantly  at  his  call.  But  Bonaparte 
was  withheld  from  resorting  to  this  effectual  means  of  annoyance 
by  various  considerations  ;  of  which  the  chief  were  these  :  first, 
he  could  not  emancipate  Poland  without  depriving  Austria 
of  a  rich  and  important  province,  and  consequently  provoking 
her  once  more  into  the  field  :  and  secondly,  he  foresaw  that 
the  Russian  emperor,  if  threatened  with  the  destruction  of  his 
Polish  territory  and  authority,  would  urge  the  war  in  a  very 
dift'erent  manner  from  that  which  he  was  likely  to  adopt  while 
acting  only  as  the  ally  of  Prussia. 

*  Before  re-opening  the  great  campaign,  Bonaparte  received 
the  submission  and  explanation  of  the  Elector  of  Saxony,  who 
truly  stated  that  Prussia  had  forced  him  to  take  part  in  the 
war.  The  apology  was  accepted,  and  from  this  time  the  elector 
adhered  to  the  league  of  the  Rhine,  and  was  a  faithful  ally  of 
Napoleon.' 


3  3°  NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 

Bonaparte  was  not  only  beyond  all  comparison  the  greatest 
captain  of  modern  times,  but  he  may  be  said  to  have  entirely 
changed  the  art  of  war.  Formerly,  even  the  most  skilful 
generals  were  governed  by  the  almanac  as  to  the  proper  season 
for  fighting  ;  and  it  was  the  settled  custom  in  Europe  to 
brave  the  battle's  roar  only  from  the  first  fine  days  of  spring  to 
the  last  fine  days  of  autumn.  The  months  of  rain,  frost,  and 
snow,  were  passed  in  what  were  termed  winter  quarters.  Pichegru, 
in  Holland,  had  set  the  example  of  indifference  to  the  atmosphere. 
Bonaparte  too,  at  Austerlitz,  had  dared  the  inclemency  of  the 
season  ;  and  so  perfect  was  his  success,  that  he  determined  on 
the  same  course  of  action  at  the  commencement  of  the  winter 
of  1806.  His  military  genius  and  incredible  activity  seemed 
to  increase,  and,  confident  of  his  troops,  he  resolved  to  commence 
a  winter  campaign  in  a  climate  more  rigorous  than  any  in 
which  he  had  hitherto  fought.  The  men  chained  to  his  destiny 
were  now  to  brave  the  northern  blast  as  they  had  formerly 
Egypt's  scorching  sun.  Skilful  above  every  other  general  in 
the  choice  of  his  fields  of  battle,  he  was  not  willing  to  await 
tranquilly  until  the  Russian  army,  which  was  advancing  towards 
Germany,  should  come  to  measure  its  strength  with  him  in  the 
plains  of  conquered  Prussia,  ;  he  resolved  to  march  to  meet  it, 
and  to  reach  it  before  it  should  have  crossed  the  Vistula.  But 
previous  to  his  departure  from  Berlin  to  explore  as  a  conqueror 
the  territory  of  Poland  and  the  confines  of  Russia,  he  addressed 
a  proclamation  to  his  troops,  in  which  he  dwelt  on  their  past 
achievements,  and  announced  his  intentions  for  the  future.  A 
forward  movement  was  now  indispensable  ;  since,  had  he  waited 
until  the  Russians  had  passed  the  Vistula,  there  would  probably 
have  been  no  winter  campaign,  and  he  must  of  necessity  either 
have  taken  up  miserable  winter  quarters  between  that  river  and 
the  Oder,  or  have  recrossed  the  Oder  to  combat  the  enemy 
in  Prussia.  His  military  genius  and  indefatigable  activity  served 
him  admirably  on  this  occasion,  and  the  proclamation  just 
alluded  to,  which  was  dated  from  Berlin,  before  his  departure  for 
Charlottenburg,  proves  that  he  did  not,  as  was  sometimes  the 
case,  act  from  the  impulse  of  the  moment,  but  that  his  calcula- 
tions had  been  carefully  made.  A  rapid  and  immense  impulse 
given  to  great  masses  of  men  by  the  will  of  a  single  individual 
may  produce  a  transient  lustre,  and,  like  the  lightning's  flash, 
dazzle  for  a  moment  the  eyes  of  the  multitude  ;  but  when,  at  a 
distance  from  the  theatre  of  glory,  we  witness  only  the  melan- 
choly results,   the  genius  of  conquest  can  only  be  considered 


MARCHES   AGAINST    RUSSIANS  331 

as   the  genius   of  destruction.     How   sad  a  spectacle  was  often 
presented     to     my    view  ! — continually    obliged     to    listen    to 
complaints   of  the  general   distress,   and  yet  to  execute   orders 
which  augmented  the  immense  sacrifices   already  made  by  the 
city    of  Hamburg  !     Thus,    for   example,   the  emperor  desired 
me  to  furnish  him  with  fifty  thousand  cloaks,  which  I  imme- 
diately did.     I  felt   the  importance  of  such  a  demand  at   the 
approach    of  winter,    and    in  a    climate    the   rigour   of  which 
our   soldiers   had  not  yet  experienced.     I  also    received    orders 
to  seize  at  Lubeck  (which,  as  I    have  already  said,  had  been 
alternately  taken  and  retaken   by  Blucher  and  Bernadotte)  four 
hundred  thousand  lasts  of  corn,  and  to  send  them  to  Magdeburg. 
This  corn   belonged  to  Russia.     Marshal  Mortier,  too,  seized 
some  timber  for  building,  belonging  to  the  same  State,  the  value 
of  which   was  estimated  at  fourteen  hundred   thousand  francs. 
Meanwhile  our  troops  continued  to  advance  with  such  rapidity, 
that    before    the    end    of  November,    Murat,    who  indeed    was 
an  enthusiast  in  war,  had  arrived  at  Warsaw,  at  the  head  of  the 
advanced   guard    of  the  grand    army,    of  which    he    had    the 
command.     The  emperor's  head-quarters  were  then   at  Posen, 
where  deputations    from    all  parts  came  to  solicit  him  for  the 
re-establishment  and  independence  of  the  kingdom  of  Poland. 
Rapp   informed   me,  that,  after  receiving    the  deputation  from 
Warsaw,    the    emperor   said  to  him,    'I  like    the    Poles,    their 
enthusiastic  character  pleases  me  :  I  should  like  to  make  them 
an  independent  people,  but  that  is  no  easy  matter.     The  cake 
has  been  shared  among  too  many  ;  there  is  Austria,  and  Russia, 
and    Prussia,   who  have   each  had   a  piece  ;    besides,   when   the 
match  is  once  kindled,  who  knows  where  the  conflagration  may 
stop  f     My  first  duty  is  towards  France,  I  must  not  sacrifice  her 
interests  for  Poland — in  short,  we  must  refer  this  matter  to  the 
universal    sovereign — Time  ;  he  will  shew   us    by-and-by  what 
we  are  to  do.'     Had  Sulkovvsky  lived,  Napoleon  would  doubtless 
have  remembered   what   he  said    to   him  in   Egypt,   and  in   all 
probability  would  have  raised  up  a  power,  the  dismemberment  of 
which   towards  the  close  of  the  last   century,  began   to  break 
up  that  political  equilibrium  which  had  subsisted  in  Europe  ever 
since  the  treaty  of  Westphalia.     The  emperor  made  his  entry 
into  Warsaw  on  the  ist  of  January.     The  reports  which  he  had 
previously  received  concurreii,  for  the  most  part,   in  describing 
the  dissatisfaction  of  his  troops,  who  for  some  time  past  had  been 
forced  to  contend  with  bad  roads,  bad  weather,  and  all  sorts  of 
privations.     Bonaparte  inquired  of  those  generals  who  told  him 


3  32  NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 

of  the  discontent  and  despondency  which  had  succeeded  to  the 
usual  enthusiasm  of  his  troops,  'Does  their  spirit  fail  them  when 
they  come  in  sight  of  the  enemy  ? ' — '  No,  Sire.' — '  I  was  sure  of 
it.  My  troops  are  always  the  same.'  Then,  turning  to  Rapp, 
he  observed,  '  I  must  rouse  them,'  and  shortly  after  dictated  to 
them  a  most  inspiriting  proclamation.  When  13onaparte  dictated 
his  proclamations,  and  Heaven  knows  I  have  written  enough 
from  his  dictation,  he  appeared  for  the  moment  inspired,  and 
exhibited  in  some  sort  the  excitement  of  the  Italian  Improvisatori. 
In  order  to  follow  him,  it  was  necessary  'to  write  with  incon- 
ceivable rapidity.  Frequently  when  reading  over  to  him  what 
he  has  dictated,  I  have  known  him  smile  as  in  triumph  at  the 
effect  which  he  imagined  any  particular  passage  would  produce. 
In  general,  his  proclamations  turned  on  three  distinct  points — 
praising  his  soldiers  for  what  they  had  done,  shewing  them 
what  they  had  yet  to  do,  and  vilifying  his  enemies.  The  pro- 
clamation I  have  just  alluded  to  was  circulated  profusely 
throughout  Germany,  and  without  having  witnessed  it,  it  is 
scarcely  possible  to  conceive  the  effect  it  produced  on  the  whole 
army.  The  corps  stationed  in  the  rear  burned  to  pass,  by 
forced  marches,  the  space  which  still  separated  them  from  head- 
quarters, and  those  who  were  nearer  the  emperor,  forgot  their 
fatigues,  their  miseries,  and  privations,  and  longed  to  engage 
the  enemy.  It  not  unfrequently  happened  that  they  were 
unable  to  comprehend  what  Napoleon  meant  in  these  pro- 
clamations ;  but  that  gave  them  no  sort  of  disturbance,  it  was 
the  emperor's  proclamation,  and,  though  hungry  and  barefooted, 
they  marched  uncomplainingly  along,  recounting  to  one  another 
the  battles  in  which  each  had  fought  and  bled.  Such  was  the 
enthusiasm,  or  rather  the  fanaticism,  which  Napoleon  could 
inspire  among  his  soldiers,  when  he  deemed  it  necessary,  as  he 
said,  'to  arouse  them.'  I  do  not  pretend  here  to  trace  out  a 
picture  of  Europe  at  the  close  of  1806.  I  will  merely  throw 
together  a  few  facts  of  which  I  then  became  possessed,  and 
which  I  find  on  referring  to  my  correspondence  of  that 
period. 

It  has  been  already  mentioned,  that  the  emperor  arrived  at 
Warsaw  on  the  ist  of  January.  During  his  stay  at  Posen,  he 
had,  by  virtue  of  a  treaty  concluded  with  the  Elector  of  Saxony, 
founded  a  new  kingdom,  and  consequently  extended  his  power 
in  Germany  by  the  annexation  of  the  new  kingdom  of  Saxony 
to  the  confeueration  of  the  Rhine.  Accoi'ding  to  the  terms  of 
t]iis  treaty,  Saxony,  so  justly  celebrated  for  her  cavalry,  was  to 


AT    WARSAW  333 

furnish  the  emperor  with  a  contingent  of  2c,ooo  men  and 
horses.  This  alliance  proved  very  advantageous,  not  so  much 
on  account  of  the  men,  as  of  the  horses,  which  Saxony  supplied 
in  abundance  to  the  French  army. 

It  was  quite  a  new  spectacle  to  the  princes  of  Germany, 
accustomed  as  they  all  were  to  ancient  habits  of  etiquette,  to  see 
an  upstart  sovereign  treat  them  as  subjects,  and  even  oblige 
them  by  his  boldness  to  consider  themselves  as  such.  Those 
famous  Saxons,  who  had  made  Charlemagne  tremble,  threw 
themselves  on  the  protection  of  the  emperor  ;  nor  was  it  a 
matter  of  indifference  to  Bonaparte,  to  see  the  head  of  the  house 
of  Saxony  courting  his  alliance  ;  for  the  new  king  was,  on 
account  of  his  age,  his  tastes,  and  his  character,  more  revered 
than  any  other  prince  in  Germany. 

From  the  moment  of  the  emperor's  arrival  at  Warsaw  until 
hostilities  had  commenced  against  the  Russians,  he  was  con- 
tinually solicited  to  re-establish  the  throne  of  Poland,  and  to 
restore  its  chivalrous  independence  to  the  ancient  empire  of  the 
Jagellons.  An  individual  who  was  at  that  time  in  Warsaw  has 
told  me,  that  the  emperor  was  in  the  greatest  uncertainty  as  to 
the  measures  he  should  adopt  with  regard  to  Poland.  He  was 
besieged  by  entreaties  to  re-establish  that  ancient  and  heroic 
kingdom  ;  but  he  came  to  no  decision,  choosing,  as  was 
customary  with  him,  to  submit  to  events,  that  he  might  the 
more  appear  to  command  them.  In  fact.  Napoleon  passed  a 
great  part  of  his  time  at  Warsaw  in  fetes  and  drawing-rooms, 
vhich,  however,  did  not  prevent  him  from  watching,  with  his 
eagle  eye,  that  nothing  was  defective  in  any  department  of  the 
public  service,  whether  interior  or  exterior.  He  himself,  it  is 
true,  was  in  the  capital  of  Poland,  but  his  mighty  influence  was 
everywhere  present.  I  heard  Duroc  say,  when  we  were  con- 
versing together  about  the  campaign  of  Tilsit,  that  Napoleon's 
activity  and  address  were  never  more  conspicuously  displayed. 
The  emperor  employed  the  month  of  January  in  military  pre- 
parations for  the  approaching  attack  of  the  Russians,  but,  at  the 
same  time,  he  did  not  neglect  the  business  of  the  cabinet  ;  with 
him  nothing  was  ever  in  arrears.  I  had  seen  him  too  often  on 
the  field  of  battle  to  be  surprised  at  the  instantaneous  oi'ders  he 
gave,  and  though  his  situation  at  Warsaw  was  critical,  I  had 
known  it  still  more  so  at  Acre  and  Marengo  on  the  eve  of 
victory.  In  truth,  while  Napoleon  was  at  Warsaw  an  expected 
engagement  was  not  the  only  business  in  hand  ;  affairs  were  far 
»nore  complicated  than  during  the  campaign  of  Vienna.     It  was 


33+  NAPOLEON   BONAPARTE 

necessary  on  the  one  hand  to  observe  Prussia,  which  was 
occupied,  and  on  the  other  to  anticipate  the  Russians,  the 
whole  of  whose  movements  indicated  their  intention  to  strike 
the  first  blow. 

In  the  preceding  campaign,  Austria,  before  the  taking  of 
Vienna,  was  alone  engaged.  The  case  was  very  different  now  : 
Austria  had  only  soldiers,  and  Prussia,  as  Blucher  told  me, 
was  beginning  to  have  citizens.  There  had  been  no  difficulty 
in  returning  from  Vienna  ;  from  Warsaw,  in  case  of  failure, 
there  might  be  a  great  deal,  notwithstanding  the  creation 
of  the  kingdom  of  Saxony,  and  the  provisional  government 
given  to  Prussia  and  the  other  conquered  states  of  Germany. 
None  of  these  considerations  escaped  the  penetration  of  Napoleon  : 
nothing  was  omitted  in  the  notes,  letters,  and  official  correspond- 
ence, which  I  received  from  all  quarters.  Possessing  as  I  did 
the  minutest  information  from  my  own  correspondence  of  all 
that  was  passing  in  Germany,  it  often  happened  that  I  trans- 
mitted to  the  government  the  same  intelligence  which  it 
transmitted  to  me,  not  imagining  that  I  was  already  acquainted 
with  it.  T))us,  for  example,  I  thought  I  was  apprizing  the 
government  that  Austria  was  arming,  but  received  the  same 
information  from  head-quarters  a  few  days  after. 

During  the  Prussian  campaign,  Austria  played  precisely  the 
same  game  as  Prussia  had  done  during  the  campaign  of  Austria. 
There  was  indecision  in  the  one  case,  and  indecision  in  the 
other.  As  Prussia  had  before  the  battle  of  Austerlitz  awaited 
the  success  or  defeat  of  the  French  army,  to  decide  whether 
she  should  remain  neuter,  or  declare  against  France  ;  so  Austria, 
no  doubt  supposing  that  Russia  would  be  more  fortunate  as 
the  ally  of  Prussia,  than  she  had  been  as  her  ally,  assembled 
in  Bohemia  a  body  of  40,000  men.  That  corps  was  called 
an  army  of  observation,  but  the  nature  of  these  armies  of 
observation  is  pretty  well  known  ;  they  belong  to  the  same 
class  as  armed  neutralities,  and  those  ingenious  inventions, 
sanitary  cordons.  The  fact  is,  that  the  army  assembled  in 
Bohemia  was  destined  to  aid  and  assist  the  Russians  in  the 
event  of  the  latter  proving  successful  ;  and  who  can  reasonably 
blame  the  Austrian  government  for  wishing  for  the  opportunity 
ot  a  revenge  which  might  wash  away  the  disgrace  of  the  treaty 
of  Presburg  f  Under  such  circumstances.  Napoleon  had  not 
a  moment  to  lose,  but  the  activities  of  his  mind  required  no 
further  incitement,  and  as  he  had  hastened  the  battle  of 
Austerlitz  to  anticipate  Prussia,  so  he  now  deemed  it  expedient 


BATTLE    OF    EYLAU  335 

to  anticipate  Russia,  in  order  to  keep  Austria  in  a  state  of 
indecision. 

The  emperor,  therefore,  left  Warsaw  about  the  end  of  January, 
and  immediately  gave  orders  for  the  attack  of  the  Russian  army 
in  the  beginning  of  February  ;  but  in  spite  of  his  desire  to 
be  the  first  to  engage,  he  was  anticipated.  The  attack  was 
made  on  the  part  of  the  Russians  on  the  8th  of  February,  at 
seven  in  the  morning,  during  a  terrible  storm  of  snow,  which 
fell  in  large  flakes.  They  approached  Preussich  Eylau,  where 
the  emperor  was,  and  the  imperial  guard  stopped  the  progress 
of  the  Russian  column.  Nearly  the  whole  of  the  French 
army  was  engaged  in  that  battle,  one  of  the  most  sanguinary 
ever  fought  in  Europe.  The  corps  commanded  by  Bernadotte 
took  no  part  in  the  engagement,  having  been  stationed  on  the 
left  at  Mohrungen,  whence  it  menaced  Dantzic.  The  issue 
of  this  battle  would  have  been  very  different,  had  the  four 
divisions  of  infantry  and  the  two  of  cavalry,  of  which  Bernadotte's 
corps  was  composed,  arrived  in  time  ;  but,  unfortunately,  the 
officer  intrusted  with  the  orders  to  Bernadotte,  directing  him 
to  march  without  loss  of  time  upon  Preussich  Eylau,  was  made 
prisoner  by  a  troop  of  Cossacks,  and  Bernadotte,  in  consequence, 
did  not  arrive.  Bonaparte,  who  always  contrived  to  throw  the 
blame  on  someone,  if  things  did  not  turn  out  exactly  as  he 
wished,  attributed  the  doubtful  success  of  the  day  to  the 
absence  of  Bernadotte  ;  this,  in  itself,  was  undoubtedly  true,  but 
to  make  that  absence  a  matter  of  reproach  to  the  marshal, 
was  the  most  cruel  injustice.  Bernadotte  was  accused  of  not 
being  willing  to  march  on  Preussich  Eylau,  although,  as  was 
asserted.  General  d'Hautpoult  had  informed  him  of  the 
necessity  of  his  assistance.  But  how  could  that  fact  be 
verified,  since  General  d'Hautpoult  was  among  the  slain  ? 
Those  who  knew  Bonaparte,  his  cunning,  and  the  advantage  be 
sometimes  took  of  words  which  he  attributed  to  the  dead,  will 
be  at  no  loss  to  solve  the  enigma. 

The  battle  of  Eylau  was  terrible  ;  the  French  held  out, 
constantly,  though  vainly,  expecting  the  arrival  of  Bernadotte  ; 
and,  after  a  considerable  loss,  night  came  on,  which  the 
French  army  had  the  melancholy  honour  of  passing  on  the 
field  of  battle.  Bernadotte  at  length  arrived,  but  too  late,  and 
met  the  enemy  quietly  retreating  towarils  Konigsberg,  the 
only  capital  now  remaining  to  Prussia. 

After  the  battle  of  Eylau  both  sides  remained  stationary,  and 
several  days  elapsed  without  any  incident  of  importance.     The 


336  NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 

offers  of  peace  made  by  the  emperor,  with  no  great  earnestness 
it  is  true,  were  scornfully  rejected,  as  if  a  victory  disputed  with 
Napoleon  was  to  be  regarded  as  a  triumph.  In  short,  it  would 
seem  as  if  the  battle  of  Eylau  had  turned  the  heads  of  the 
Russians,  who  chanted  Te  Deiim  on  the  occasion.  But  whilst 
the  emperor  was  making  fresh  preparations  to  advance,  his 
diplomacy  had  succeeded  in  a  distant  quarter,  and  raised  up 
against  Russia  an  old  and  formidable  enemy.  Turkey  declared 
war  against  her.  This  was  a  powerful  diversion,  'and  obliged 
Russia  to  expose  her  western  frontiers,  in  order  to  form  a  line 
of  defence  on  the  south.  Some  time  after  General  Gardanne 
departed  on  the  famous  embassy  to  Persia  ;  for  which  the  way 
had  been  prepared  by  the  successful  mission  of  my  friend 
Amedee  Jaubert.  This  embassy  was  not  merely  one  of  those 
pompous  legations  such  as  Charlemagne,  Louis  XIV.  and 
Louis  XVI.  severally  received  from  the  Empress  Irene,  the  King 
of  Siam,  and  Tippoo  Saib.  It  was  connected  with  ideas  which 
Bonaparte  had  cherished  in  the  very  dawn  of  his  power.  It  was 
indeed  the  light  from  the  East  which  afforded  him  the  first 
glimpse  of  his  future  greatness  ;  and  that  light  never  ceased 
to  engage  his  thoughts  and  dazzle  his  imagination.  I  have 
reason  to  know  that  Gardanne's  embassy  was  at  first  conceived 
on  a  much  grander  scale  than  that  on  which  it  was  executed. 
Napoleon  had  resolved  to  send  to  the  Shah  of  Persia  four 
thousand  infantry,  commanded  by  chosen  and  experienced 
officers,  ten  thousand  muskets,  and  fifty  pieces  of  cannon  ;  and 
I  likewise  know  that  orders  were  given  for  the  execution  of 
this  design.  The  object  which  the  emperor  had  in  view,  and 
which  he  scrupled  not  to  avow  when  his  plan  had  reached 
maturity,  was  to  enable  the  Shah  of  Persia  to  make  an  important 
diversion  in  the  eastern  provinces  of  Russia  ;  but  there  was 
likewise  another,  a  long-cherished,  constant  object,  which  was 
ever  uppermost  in  his  thoughts,  namely,  the  desire  of  striking 
England  in  the  very  heart  of  her  Asiatic  possessions.  Such 
was  the  principal  motive  of  Gardanne's  mission  ;  but  circum- 
stances did  not  permit  the  emperor  to  give  it  all  the  im- 
portance he  desired.  He  contented  himself  with  sending  a 
few  officers  of  engineers  and  artillery  to  Persia,  who,  on  their 
arrival,  were  astonished  at  the  number  of  English  they  found 
there. 


THE   INTERVIEW   AT   TILSIT  337 


CHAPTER    XXXI 

After  the  battle  of  Eylau,  I  received  a  despatch  from  M.  de 
Talleyrand,  to  which  was  added  an  account  of  that  memorable 
battle,  more  disastrous  to  the  conqueror  than  to  the  other  party. 
I  cannot  in  conscience  say  the  conquered,  when  speaking  of 
the  Russians,  particularly  when  I  recollect  the  precautions 
which  were  then  taken  throughout  Germany  to  make  known 
rhe  French  account  before  the  Russian  should  become  known. 
The  emperor  rightly  considered  it  of  great  importance,  that 
the  event  of  that  day  should  be  viewed  by  everyone  as  he 
himself  professed  to  view  it.  But  if  the  battle  of  Eylau  was 
doubtful,  that  at  Friedland  could  not  be  questioned,  for  its 
results  were  soon  felt  throughout  Europe.  'The  Emperor 
Alexander  sought  an  armistice,  which  was  agreed  to  and  ratified 
on  the  23rd  June  ;  and  on  the  25th  the  Emperors  of  France 
and  Russia  met  personally,  each  accompanied  by  a  few 
attendants,  on  a  raft  moored  on  the  river  Niemen,  near  the 
town  of  Tilsit.  The  sovereigns  embraced  each  other,  and 
retiring  under  a  canopy  had  a  long  conversation,  to  which  no 
one  was  a  witness.  At  its  termination  the  appearances  of  mutual 
good-will  and  confidence  were  marked  :  immediately  afterwards 
the  town  of  Tilsit  was  neutralised,  and  the  two  emperors 
established  their  courts  there,  and  lived  together,  in  the  midst 
of  the  lately  hostile  armies,  more  like  old  friends  who  had  met 
on  a  party  of  pleasure,  than  enemies  and  rivals  attempting  by 
diplomatic  means  the  arrangement  of  differences  which  had  for 
years  been  deluging  Europe  with  blood.' 

The  interview  at  Tilsit  is  one  of  the  culminating  points  of 
modern  history,  and^,  the  waters  of  the  Niemen  reflected  the 
image  of  Napoleon  at  the  very  height  of  his  glory.  Although 
not  present  on  that  remarkable  occasion,  I  learnt,  in  common 
with  the  rest  of  the  world,  what  took  place  in  public  at  Tilsit. 
The  interview  between  the  two  emperors,  and  the  unhappy 
situation  of  the  King  of  Prussia,  are  facts  generally  known,  but 
few  secret  particulars  connected  with  those  events  ever  came  to 
my   knowledge.*     Rapp  had  been  sent  to   Dantzic,  and  he  it 

*  Savary  gives  the  following  interesting  account  of  this  interview  : — 
'The  Emperor  Napoleon,  whose  courtesy  was  manifest  in  all  his 
actions,  ordered  a  large  raft  to  be  floated  in  the  middle  of  the  river, 
upon  which   was   constructed  a  room  well   covered  in  and  elegantly 

22 


338  NAPOLEON   BONAPARTE 

was  who  most  readily  communicated  to  me  all  that  the  emperor 
said  and  did,  together  with  all  that  was  passing  around  him. 
I  was  made  acquainted,  however,  with  one  circumstance  worthy 
of  note,  which  occurred  in  the  emperor's  apartments  at  Tilsit, 
the  first  time  he  received  a  visit  from  the  King  of  Prussia.  That 
unfortunate  monarch,  accompanied  by  his  queen  Wilhelmina, 
had  taken  up  his  temporary  abode  in  a  mill  a  little  way  out  of 
the  town.  This  was  his  sole  habitation,  whilst  the  emperors 
occupied  the  two  quarters  of  the  town,  which  is  divided  by  the 
Niemen.  The  fact  I  am  about  to  relate  was  communicated  to 
a  person  on  whose  veracity  I  can  depend,  by  an  officer  of  the 
imperial  guard,  who  was  then  on  duty  in  Napoleon's  apartment, 
and  an  eye-witness  of  it.  When  the  Emperor  Alexander  visited 
Napoleon,  they  continued  conversing  a  long  time  in  a  balcony, 
beneath  which  an  immense  crowd  hailed  their  meeting  with 
enthusiastic  shouts.  Napoleon  commenced  the  conversation,  as 
he  had  done  the  year  preceding,  with  the  Emperor  of  Austria, 
by  alluding  to  the  uncertain  fate  of  war.  In  the  midst  of  their 
conversation,  the  King  of  Prussia  was  announced.  He  was 
evidently  much  affected,  as  may  easily  be  conceived,  since,  hos- 

decorated,  having  two  doors  on  opposite  sides,  each  of  which  opened 
into  an  ante-chamber.  The  roof  was  surmounted  by  two  weather- 
cocks ;  one  displaying  the  eagle  of  Russia,  and  the  other  the  eagle  of 
France. 

'  The  raft  was  precisely  in  the  middle  of  the  river. 

'  The  two  so\  ereigns  appeared  on  the  banks  of  the  river,  and  em- 
barked at  the  same  moment.  But  the  Emperor  Napoleon  arrived  first 
on  the  raft,  entered  the  room  and  went  to  the  opposite  door,  which  lie 
opened,  and  then  stationed  himself  on  the  edge  of  the  raft  to  receive 
the  Emperor  Ale.xander, 

'  The  two  emperors  met  in  the  most  amicable  way.  They  remained 
together  for  a  considerable  time,  and  then  took  leave  of  each  other 
with  as  friendly  an  air  as  that  with  which  they  had  met. 

'  Ne.xt  day  the  Emperor  of  Russia  established  himself  at  Tilsit  with  a 
battalion  of  his  guard,  and  orders  were  given  for  evacuating  that  part 
of  the  town  where  he  and  his  battalion  were  to  be  quartered. 

'  On  the  day  the  Emperor  Alexander  entered  Tilsit,  the  whole 
army  was  under  arms.  The  imperial  guard  was  drawn  out  m  two  lines 
of  three  deep  from  the  landing-place  to  the  Emperor  Napoleon's 
quarters,  and  from  thence  to  the  quarters  of  the  Emperor  of  Russia. 
A  salute  of  one  hundred  guns  was  tired  the  moment  Alexander  stepped 
ashore,  on  the  spot  where  the  Emperor  Napoleon  was  waiting  to  re- 
ceive him. 

'  This  meeting  attracted  visitors  to  Tilsit  from  a  hundred  leagues 
round.  M.  de  Talleyrand  arrived,  and  after  the  observance  of  the 
usual  ceremonies,  business  began  to  be  discussed.' — Memoirs  of  the 
Duke  d€  Rovigfl. 


TREATY   OF    TILSIT  339 

tilities  being  suspended,  and  his  territories  in  possession  of  the 
French,  his  only  hope  was  in  the  generosity  of  the  conqueror. 
Napoleon  himself,  it  is  said,  appeared  touched  by  his  situation, 
and  invited  him  and  the  queen  to  dinner.  On  sitting  down  to 
table,  Napoleon,  with  much  gallantry,  signified  to  the  beautiful 
queen,  that  he  would  restore  to  her  Silesia,  a  province  which  she 
greatly  desired  should  be  retained  in  the  new  arrangements 
which  were  necessarily  about  to  take  place.  The  treaty  of  peace 
concluded  at  Tilsit  between  France  and  Russia,  on  the  yth  of 
July,  and  ratified  two  days  after,  was  productive  of  a  change  in 
the  geography  of  Europe-,  no  less  remarkable  than  that  effected  by 
the  treaty  of  Presburg  in  the  year  preceding.  The  latter,  how- 
ever, contained  no  stipulation  dishonourable  to  Russia,  whose 
territory  was  preserved  inviolate  ;  but  unhappy  Prussia,  how  had 
she  been  treated.?  And  yet  there  are  historians,  who,  for  the 
empty  pleasure  of  flattering,  by  posthumous  praises,  the  pretended 
moderation  of  Napoleon,  have  all  but  reproached  him  for  suffering 
some  few  shreds  of  the  monarchy  of  the  great  Frederick  to  sur- 
vive.*   There  is,  however,  one  point  on  which  Napoleon  iias  been 

*  By  the  treaty  of  Tilsit,  '  Napoleon  restored  to  Frederick  William, 
Ancient  Prussia,  and  the  French  conquests  in  Upper  Saxony — the  king 
agrei'ing  to  adopt  "the  continental  system"  ;  in  other  words,  to  he 
henceforth  the  vassal  of  the  conqueror.  The  Polish  provinces  of 
Prussia  were  erected  into  a  separate  principality,  styled  "the  Grand 
Duchy  of  Warsaw,'  and  testowed  on  the  Elector  of  Saxony  ;  with  the 
exception,  however,  of  some  territories  assigned  to  Russia,  and  of 
Dantzic,  which  was  declared  a  free  city,  to  be  garrisoned  by  French 
troops  until  the  ratification  of  a  maritime  peace.  The  Prussian  do- 
minions in  Lower  Saxony  and  on  the  Rhine,  with  Hanover,  Hesse- 
Cassel,  and  various  other  small  states,  formed  a  new  kingdom  of  West- 
phalia, of  which  Jerome  Bonaparte,  Napoleon's  youngest  brother, 
was  recognized  as  king.  The  Elector  of  Saxony  was  recognized  as 
another  king  of  Napoleon's  creation  ;  Joseph  Bonaparte  as  King  of 
Naples  ;  and  Louis,  of  Holland.  Finally,  Russia  accepted  the  media- 
tion of  France  for  a  peace  with  Turkey,  and  France  that  of  Russia  for 
a  peace  with  England. 

'  Such  were  the  public  articles  of  the  peace  of  Tilsit ;  but  it  contained 
secret  articles  tiesides  ;  of  which  the  English  government  were  fortunate 
enough  to  ascertain  the  import.  — These  were,  that  the  Emperor  of  Russia 
had  agreed  not  only  to  lay  English  commerce,  in  case  his  mediation  for 
a  peace  should  fail,  under  the  same  ban  with  that  of  the  decrees  of  Berlin, 
but  to  place  himself  at  the  head  of  a  general  confederation  of  the  Nor- 
thern Maritime  Powers  against  the  naval  supremacy  of  England — in 
other  words,  re.-.ign  his  own  fleets,  with  those  of  Denmark,  to  the  service 
of  Napoleon.  In  recjuital  of  this  obligation  the  French  emperor  un- 
questionably agreed  to  permit  the  Czar  to  conc(uer  finhmd  from  Sweden 
— tkereby  adding  immeasurably  to  the  security  of  St.  Petersburg.' 


340  NAPOLEON   BONAPARTE 

condemned,  I  think  unjustly,  at  least  as  regards  the  campaign  of 
1807.  It  has  been  urged,  that  he  ought  at  that  period  to  have 
re-established  the  kingdom  of  Poland  ;  and  certainly,  for  ray 
own  part,  I  shall  never  cease  to  regret,  both  for  the  interests  of 
France  and  Europe,  that  it  was  not  re-established.  But  when 
a  desire,  however  reasonable  in  itself,  is  not  carried  into  effect, 
have  we  a  right.to  conclude  that  it  ought  to  be  so,  in  defiance  of 
every  obstacle  ?  And  at  that  time,  that  is  to  say,  during  the 
campaign  of  Tilsit,  insurmountable  obstacles  did  exist.  At  a 
somewhat  later  period.  Napoleon  was  prevented  by  the  intriguing 
ambition  of  som.e  of  his  chiefs  and  underlings,  from  carrying 
into  effect  his  long-meditated  intention,  of  placing  the  brave 
Poniatowski  at  the  head  of  his  heroic  nation.  If,  however,  by 
the  treaty  of  Tilsit  the  throne  of  Poland  was  not  restored,  to 
serve  as  a  barrier  between  old  Europe  and  the  empire  of  the 
Czars,  Napoleon  founded  a  kingdom  of  Westphalia,  which  he 
gave  to  the  young  under-lieutenant  whom  he  had  snubbed  as 
a  schoolboy,  and  whom  he  now  made  a  king,  that  he  might 
have  another  crowned  prefect  under  his  orders. 

The  kingdom  of  Westphalia  was  at  first  composed  of  the 
states  of  Hesse-Cassel,  which  formed  its  nucleus  ;  of  a  part  of 
the  provinces  taken  from  Prussia  by  the  moderation  of  the 
emperor,  and  of  the  states  of  Paderborn,  Fulde,  Brunswick,  and 
a  part  of  the  electorate  of  Hanover.  Napoleon,  at  the  same  time, 
though  he  was  not  fond  of  half  measures,  to  avoid  touching  the 
Russian  and  Austrian  provinces  of  ancient  Poland,  planted  on 
the  banks  of  the  Vistula  the  Grand  Duchy  of  Warsaw,  which  he 
gave  to  the  King  of  Saxony  ;  reserving  to  himself  the  liberty  of 
increasing  its  territory,  or  destroying  it  altogether,  as  he  might 
lind  most  convenient.  By  this  policy,  he  allowed  the  Poles  to 
look  forward  with  hope  for  the  future,  and  secured  to  himself 
partisans  in  the  north,  should  the  chances  of  war  call  him 
thither.  Alexander,  seduced  even  more  than  his  father  had 
been  by  the  political  coquetry  of  Napoleon,  consented  to  all 
these  arrangements,  and  acknowledged  at  once  all  the  kings 
who  had  received  their  cro\vns  from  the  hand  of  the  emperor  ; 
he  accepted  some  provinces  which  had  belonged  to  his  despoiled 
ally,  to  console  himself,  no  doubt,  for  not  having  been  able  to 
get  more  restored  to  him.  The  two  emperors  parted  the  best 
friends  in  the  world  ;  but  the  continental  system  continued 
notwithstanding. 

It  was  about  this  time  that  the  Danish  consul  communicated 
to  me  an  official  report  from  his  government.     He  announced^ 


BRITISH    FORCE    AT    COPENHAGEN  341 

that  on  Monday,  the  3rd  of  August,  a  squadron,  consisting  of 
twelve  ships  of  the  line  and  twelve  frigates,  under  the  command 
of  Admiral  Gambier,  had  passed  the  Sound,  and  that  the  rest 
of  the  squadron  had  been  seen  in  the  Cattegat.  At  the  same 
time  the  English  troops,  which  were  in  the  island  of  ROgen,  had 
re-embarked.  We  could  not  at  first  conceive  what  enterprise  so 
considerable  a  force  had  been  sent  upon.  But  our  uncertainty- 
did  not  long  continue.  M.  Didelot,  the  French  ambassador  at 
Copenhagen,  arrived  at  Hamburg  at  nine  o'clock  in  the  evening 
of  the  12th  of  August.  He  had  had  the  good  fortune  to  pass 
through  the  Great  Belt,  in  sight  of  the  English,  without  being 
stopped.  I  forwarded  his  report  to  Paris  by  an  extraordinary 
courier.  The  English  had  sent  20,000  men  under  the  command 
of  Lord  Cathcart,  and  twenty-seven  vessels,  into  the  Baltic.  The 
coasts  of  Zealand  were  blockaded  by  ninety  vessels.  Mr. 
Jackson,  who  had  been  sent  by  England  to  negotiate  with 
Denmark,  which  she  feared  would  be  invaded  by  the  French 
troops,  strengthened  the  demand  he  was  instructed  to  make  by 
a  reference  to  the  powerful  armament  which  could  enforce  it. 
Mr.  Jackson's  proposition  amounted  to  nothing  less  than  a 
requisition  that  the  King  of  Denmark  should  place  in  the 
custody  of  England  the  whole  of  his  ships  and  naval  stores. 
They  were,  it  is  true,  to  be  kept  in  deposit,  but  in  the  condition 
appeared  the  word  '  until,*  which  afforded  no  security  for  their 
future  restoration.  They  were  to  be  detained,  until  such  pre- 
cautions should  be  no  longer  necessary.  A  menace,  and  its 
execution,  followed  close  upon  this  insolent  demand.  After 
a  noble,  though  useless  resistance,  and  a  terrific  bombardment, 
Copenhagen  surrendered,  and  the  Danish  fleet  was  destroyed. 
It  would  be  difficult  to  discover  in  history  a  more  flagrant  and 
revolting  instance  of  the  abuse  of  power  against  weakness.  I 
have  stated  what  were  the  principal  consequences  of  the  treaty 
of  Tilsit  ;  and  it  is  more  than  probable,  that  if  the  bombardment 
of  Copenliagen  had  preceded  the  treaty,  the  emperor  would 
have  used  Prussia  even  worse  than  he  did.  He  might  have 
erased  her  from  the  list  of  kingdoms,  but  he  did  not  do  so 
from  regard  to  the  Emperor  Alexander.  The  destruction  of 
Prussia,  however,  was  by  no  means  a  new  project  of  Napoleon's. 
I  remember  an  observation  of  his  to  M.  Lemercier  upon  this 
very  subject,  when  we  first  took  up  our  residence  at  Malmaison. 
M.  Lemercier  had  been  reading  to  the  first  consul  some  poem 
in  which  Frederick  the  Great  was  mentioned.  '  You  seem  to 
admire  him  greatly,*  said  Bonaparte  to  M.  Lemercier  :  '  what 


342  NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 

do  you  find  in  him  so  astonishing  ?  He  is  not  equal  to  Turenne.* 
'Genera!,'  replied  M.  Lemercier,  '  it  is  not  merely  the  warrior 
I  esteem  in  Frederick,  but  one  cannot  refuse  one's  admiration 
of  a  man,  who,  even  on  the  throne,  was  a  philosopher.'  To 
this  the  first  consul  replied,  in  a  half-displeased  tone,  'True, 
true,  Lemercier,  but  all  his  philosophy  shall  not  prevent  me 
from  striking  out  his  kingdom  from  the  map  of  Europe.'  The 
kingdom  of  Frederick  the  Great,  however,  was  not  struck  out 
of  the  map,  because  the  Emperor  of  Russia  would  not  basely 
abandon  a  faithful  ally,  -who  had  incurred  with  him  the  chances 
of  fortune.  Prussia  had  then  ample  reason  to  lament  the 
subterfuge,  which  had  prevented  her  from  declaring  against 
France  during  the  campaign  of  Austerlitz. 

Napoleon  returned  to  Paris  at  the  end  of  July,  after  an  absence 
of  ten  months,  the  longest  he  had  yet  made  since  he  had  been 
at  the  head   of  the  French  government,  whether  as  consul  or 
emperor.     The  interview  at  Tilsit,  the  friendship  of  the  Emperor 
Alexander,    which    was    ever^'where    spoken    of    in    the    most 
exaggerated    terms,    and    the    establishment    of    peace    on    the 
continent,  procured  for  Napoleon  a  degree   of  moral  influence 
over    public    opinion    which    he    had    not    possessed    since    his 
coronation.    Fixed  in  his  aversion  towards  deliberative  assemblies, 
which  I  have  often  heard  him  term  a  mere  collection  of  babblers, 
prosers,  and    pettifoggers,  Napoleon,    on    his    return    to    Paris, 
abolished  the  Tribunate,  which  had  been  an  annoyance  to  him 
from  the  first  day  of  his  elevation.     The  emperor,  who,  above 
all  m.en,  was  skilful  in  speculating  on  the  favourable  disposition 
of  opinion,  took  advantage  on  this  occasion  of  the  enthusiasm 
produced  by  his  interview  on  the  Niemen.     Thus  disappeared 
from  the  fundamental  institutions  of  the   government  the  last 
shadow    which    remained    of  a   popular    character      Bonaparte 
wished  to  possess  a   senate,  merely  for   the  purpose   of  voting 
men  ;  a  mute  legislative  body  to  vote  money — that  there  should 
be  no  opposition  in  the  one,  and  no  discussion  in  the  other  ;  no 
control  over  him  w'hatever  ;  the  power  of  legislating  according 
to  his  own  arbitrary  will  and  pleasure  ;  and,  lastly,  an  enslaved 
press  :  this  was  what  Napoleon  desired,  and  this  he  obtained  ; 
but  the  month  of  March,  1S14,  resolved  the  question  of  absolute 
power.     Peace  being  concluded  with  Russia,  it  was  necessary  to 
make  choice  of  an  ambassador,  not  only  to  maintain  the  new 
relations  of  amity  between  Napoleon  and  Alexander,  but  above 
all  to  urge  on  the  promised  mediation  of  Russia  with  England, 
with   a   view   to   effect   reconciliation   and    peace    between    the 


ATTACKS   PORTUGAL  343 

cabinets  of  Paris  and  London.  The  emperor  intrusted  this 
mission  to  Caulincourt,  with  respect  to  whom  there  existed 
an  unfounded  prejudice  relative  to  some  circumstances  which 
preceded  the  death  of  the  Duke  d'Enghien.  This  opinion, 
equally  unfortunate  and  unjust,  had  preceded  Caulincourt  to  St. 
Petersburg ;  and  it  was  feared  his  reception  at  that  court 
would  not  be  such  as  was  due  to  the  ambassador  of  France, 
and  his  own  personal  qualities  deserved.  I  learnt,  however, 
from  positive  information  at  the  time,  that  after  a  short 
explanation  with  Alexander,  that  monarch  retained  no  suspicion 
unfavourable  to  our  ambassador,  for  whom  he  conceived  and 
preserved  the  greater  friendship  and  esteem.  Caulincourt's 
mission  was  not  altogether  easy  of  fulfilment,  for  the  invincible 
repugnance  and  reiterated  refusal  of  England  to  enter  into 
negotiations  with  France,  through  the  mediation  of  Russia,  was 
one  of  the  remarkable  circumstances  of  the  period  of  which 
I  am  speaking.  I  well  knew  that  England  was  determined  to 
prevent  Napoleon  from  becoming  master  of  the  entire  continent, 
a  project  which  he  pursued  with  so  little  disguise,  that  no 
one  could  doubt  his  intention  respecting  it.  For  two  years 
he  had  certainly  made  rapid  strides  towards  it  ;  but  Enoland 
was  not  discouraged.  Her  calculations  were  founded  on  the 
irritation  of  the  sovereigns  and  the  discontent  of  the  people  ; 
and  she  was  well  aware  that,  whenever  she  desired  it,  her  golclen 
lever  would  again  raise  up  and  arm  the  continent  against  the 
encroachments  of  Napoleon.  He,  on  his  part,  perceiving  that 
his  attempts  were  all  to  no  purpose,  and  that  England  would 
listen  to  none  of  his  proposals,  set  himself  to  devise  fresh  schemes 
for  raising  up  new  enemies  against  England. 

It,  probably,  is  not  forgotten,  that  in  1801  France  had  obliged 
Portugal  to  make  common  cause  with  her  against  England.  In 
1807,  the  emperor  repeated  what  the  first  consul  had  done 
formerly.  By  an  inexplicable  fatality,  Junot  obtained  the 
command  of  the  troops  which  were  marching  against  Portugal — 
I  say  against  Portugal,  for  such  was  the  fact,  although  France 
represented  herself  as  a  protector  to  deliver  Portugal  from  the 
influence  of  England.  Be  that  as  it  may,  the  emperor's  choice 
of  a  commander  was  the  astonishment  of  everj'body.  Was 
Junot,  a  ridiculous  compound  of  vanity  and  ignorance,  a  fit 
person  to  be  intrusted  with  the  command  of  an  army  in  a 
distant  country,  under  circumstances  in  which  great  political  as 
well  as  military  talents  were  indispensable  ?  For  my  own  part, 
knovring  as  I  did  Junot's  incapacity,  I  was,  I  confess,  absolutely 


344  NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 

astonished  at  his  appointment.  I  remember,  when  I  was  one 
day  speaking  on  the  subject  to  Bernadotte,  he  shewed  me  a  letter 
he  had  just  received  from  Paris,  in  which  it  was  said  that  the 
emperor  had  sent  Junot  into  Portugal  that  he  might  have  a 
pretext  for  depriving  him  of  the  government  of  Paris.  Junot 
had  become  offensive  to  Napoleon  on  account  of  his  bad  conduct, 
his  folly,  and  his  unbounded  extravagance.  He  was  a  man 
utterly  devoid  of  personal  dignity,  or  elevation  of  sentiment. 
Thus  did  Portugal  twice  become  the  place  of  exile  chosen  by 
consular  and  imperial  caprice  ;  once,  when  the  first  consul 
wished  to  rid  himself  of  the  familiarity  of  Lannes,  and  afterwards, 
w  hen,  as  emperor,  he  had  grown  disgusted  with  the  extravagance 
and  misconduct  of  a  favourite.  The  invasion  of  Portugal 
presented  no  difficulty,  it  was  merely  a  warlike  promenade  and 
not  a  war  ;  but  what  events  were  connected  with  the  occupation 
of  that  country  !  Not  willing  to  act  dishonourably  towards 
England,  to  which  he  was  bound  by  treaty,  and  unable  to 
oppose  the  whole  power  of  Napoleon,  the  Prince  Regent  of 
Portugal  embarked  for  Brazil,  declaring  that  all  defence  was 
useless.  At  the  same  time,  he  advised  that  the  French  troops 
should  be  received  in  a  friendly  manner  ;  and  referred  to  the 
will  of  Providence  the  consequences  of  an  invasion,  which,  on 
his  part,  he  had  done  nothing  to  provoke. 

It  was  in  the  month  of  November,  1807,  that  the  French  code 
of  laws,  upon  which  the  most  profound  legislators  had  inde- 
fatigably  laboured  since  the  commencement  of  the  consulate, 
was  established,  as  the  law  of  the  state,  under  the  title  of  the 
Code  Napoleon.  This  monument  of  jurisprudence  will  no 
doubt  be  mentioned  to  Napoleon's  honour  in  history  ;  but  could 
it  be  supposed  that  the  same  system  of  legislation  would  be 
equally  applicable  in  the  vast  extent  of  empire  which  France 
then  comprised  .?  How  absurd  to  imagine,  that  the  same  laws 
were  suitable  to  the  crafty  Genoese,  and  to  the  frank  and  simple- 
hearted  Hamburger  ;  and  yet,  as  soon  as  the  Code  Napoleon  was 
promulgated,  I  received  orders  to  establish  it  in  the  Hanse  Towns  ! 
The  long  and  frequent  conversations  I  had  on  this  subject 
with  the  senators  and  most  able  lawyers  of  the  countr}^  soon 
convinced  me  of  the  difficulties  I  should  have  to  encounter,  and 
the  danger  of  making  any  sudden  alteration  in  habits  and  usages 
which  had  been  long  and  firmly  established.  The  jury  system 
was  tolerably  well  received  ;  but  the  inhabitants,  not  accustomed 
to  such  severe  punishments  as  the  Code  awarded  to  certain 
offences,  were  exceedingly  unwilling  to  have  any  share  in  their 


THE    CODE  NAPOLEON  345 

infliction.  Hence  resulted  the  frequent  and  serious  abuse  of 
men  being  acquitted,  whose  guilt  was  evident  enough  to  the 
jury,  but  who  chose  rather  to  pronounce  theni  not  guilty,  than 
condemn  them  to  a  punishment  they  considered  too  severe. 
Another  reason,  too,  assigned  for  their  leniency  was,  that  the 
people,  not  being  as  yet  fully  acquainted  with  the  new  laws, 
were  not  sensible  of  the  penalties  they  incurred  for  particular 
oft'ences.  I  remember  that  a  man  who  was  accused  of  stealing 
a  cloak,  pleaded,  as  his  excuse  before  the  Hamburg  jury,  that 
the  offence  was  committed  in  a  moment  of  intoxication.  When 
the  jury  consulted  together,  M.  Von  Einingen,  one  of  them, 
declared  the  prisoner  not  guilty,  because,  as  he  said,  the  syndic 
Doormann,  when  dining  with  him  one  day,  having  drunk  some- 
what more  than  was  his  custom,  took  away  his  cloak.  This 
defence,  worthy  of  the  court  of  Bacchus,  was  completely 
successful.  An  argument  founded  on  the  similarity  of  the 
case  between  the  syndic  and  the  accused  could  not  but  triumph  ; 
otherwise,  the  little  irregularity  of  the  former  must  have  been 
condemned  in  the  person  of  the  latter.  This  trial,  which 
terminated  so  ludicrously,  nevertheless  serves  to  prove,  that 
the  best  and  most  solemn  institutions  may  become  objects  of 
ridicule,  when  all  at  once  introduced  into  a  country  whose 
habits  are  not  prepared  to  receive  them.  Great,  indeed,  is 
the  folly  of  supposing  that  the  affections  of  a  people  can  be 
obtained  by  violently  breaking  through  all  their  preconceived 
notions  and  usages.  The  Romans  acted  far  more  wisely  in 
their  schemes  of  empire  ;  they  reserved  a  place  in  the  Capitol 
for  the  gods  of  the  nations  they  had  conquered.  Their  only 
wish  was  to  annex  provinces  and  kingdoms  to  their  empire. 
Napoleon,  on  the  contrary,  was  desirous  that  his  should  com- 
prise every  other  state,  and  to  realize  the  impossible  Utopia 
of  ten  different  nations,  all  having  different  customs  and 
languages,  forming  but  one  kingdom.  How,  for  instance,  could 
justice,  that  safeguard  of  human  rights,  be  properly  administered 
in  the  Hanse  Towns,  after  they  had  been  converted  into  French 
departments  ?  In  these  new  departments  many  judges  had 
been  appointed  who  knew  not  a  word  of  German,  and  were 
perfectly  ignorant  of  law.  The  presidents  of  the  tribunals 
of  Lubeck,  Stade,  Brcmerleke,  and  Minden,  were  so  totally 
unaccjuainted  with  the  German  language,  that  it  was  necessary 
to  explain  to  them  all  the  pleadings  of  the  council  chamber. 
Was  it  not  absurd  to  establisli  such  a  jutlicial  system,  and 
above  all  to  appoint  such  individuals  in  a  country  of  so  much 


3+6  NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 

importance  to  France  as  Hamburg  and  the  Hanse  Towns  ? 
Add  to  this  the  impertinence  of  some  young  favourites  who 
were  sent  from  Paris  to  serve  their  official  or  legal  apprenticeships 
in  the  conquered  provinces,  and  it  may  easily  be  conceived 
what  affection  existed  on  the  part  of  the  people  towards  Napoleon 
the  Great. 


CHAPTER   XXXn 

Towards  the  close  of  1807,  commenced  the  troubles  in  Spain, 
and  the  affairs  of  that  country  soon  presented  a  most  compli- 
cated aspect.  Although  at  a  distance  from  the  theatre  of 
events,  I  obtained  the  most  accurate  information,  both  from 
private  and  official  sources,  of  all  those  extraordinary  transactions 
which  were  then  taking  place  in  the  Peninsula.  However,  as 
this  point  of  history  is  one  of  the  best  and  most  generally 
known,  I  shall  omit  from  my  notes  and  memoranda  many 
things  which,  to  the  well-informed  reader,  would  be  mere 
useless  repetitions.  I  may  mention,  however,  one  remarkable 
fact  from  my  own  knowledge,  which  is,  that  Bonaparte,  who 
by  turns  cast  his  eyes  on  all  the  states  of  Europe,  never  fixed 
his  attention  on  Spain  as  long  as  his  greatness  was  confined 
to  mere  projects.  In  his  conversations  with  me  respecting  his 
future  destiny,  his  allusions  applied  always  to  Italy,  Germany,  the 
East,  and  the  destruction  of  the  English  power,  but  never  to 
Spain.  Consequently,  when  he  heard  of  the  first  symptoms  of 
disorder  in  that  country,  he  paid  but  little  attention  to  the 
matter,  and  it  was  not  till  a  considerable  time  afterwards  that 
he  took  an  active  share  in  those  events,  which,  in  the  sequel, 
had  so  great  an  influence  on  his  fortune.  Let  us  take  a  brief 
survey  of  the  state  of  things  at  that  period.  Godoy  reigned 
in  Spain,  under  the  name  of  the  weak-minded  Charles  IV.  This 
favourite  was  an  object  of  execration  to  all  but  his  own  creatures, 
and  even  those  whose  fortunes  were  bound  up  with  his  enter- 
tained for  him  the  most  profound  contempt.  The  hatred  of 
the  people  is  almost  always  the  just  reward  of  favourites,  the 
very  character  appearing  to  announce  abjectness  of  sentiment 
and  base  servility.  If  this  be  true,  as  respects  favourites  in 
general,  what  must  have  been  the  feeling  excited  by  a  man,  who, 
to  the  knowledge  of  all  Spain,  owed  the  favour  of  the  king 
only  to  the  favours  of  the  queen  .?     Godoy's  ascendancy  over  the 


GODOY,    "PRINCE    OF    THE    PEACE"  3+7 

royal  family  was  boundless,  his  power  was  absolute  ;  the 
treasures  of  America  were  at  his  disposal,  and  he  applied  them 
to  the  most  infamous  purposes.  In  short,  he  had  made  the 
court  of  Madrid  one  of  those  places  to  which  the  indignant 
muse  of  Juvenal  conducts  the  mother  of  Britannicus.  There  is 
no  doubt  that  Godoy  was  one  of  the  principal  causes  of  all  the 
misfortunes  which,  under  so  many  different  forms,  afflicted  Spain. 
The  hatred  of  the  Spaniards  against  the  Prince  of  the  Peace  was 
general.  This  hatred  was  shared  by  the  Prince  of  the  Asturias, 
who  openly  declared  himself  the  enemy  of  Go^!oy.  The  latter 
entered  into  an  alliance  with  France,  from  which  he  hoped 
to  obtain  powerful  assistance  against  his  numerous  enemies. 
Such  an  alliance,  however,  was  highly  displeasing  to  Spain,  and 
occasioned  her  to  look  on  France  with  no  very  favourable  eye. 
The  Prince  of  the  Asturias  was  encouraged  and  supported  by 
the  complaints  of  the  Spaniards  who  were  desirous  of  Godoy's 
overthrow.  Charles  IV.,  on  his  part,  considered  every  attempt 
against  the  Prince  of  the  Peace  as  directed  against  himself,  and 
in  the  month  of  November,  1807,  accused  his  son  of  wishing  to 
dethrone  him.*  The  French  ambassador,  M.  de  Beauharnois,  a 
relation  of  Josephine's  first  hubband,  was  a  very  circumspect 
man.     His  situation  at  Madrid  at  that  period  was  most  delicate 

*  This  accusation  was  conveyed  to  Napoleon  in  the  following  letter, 
addressed  to  him  by  Charles  IV. 

'  SiRE,  MY    BROTHER, 

'  At  the  moment  when  1  was  occupied  with  the  means  of  co-opera- 
ting for  the  destruction  of  our  common  enemy,  when  I  believed  that 
nil  the  plots  of  the  late  Queen  of  Naples  had  been  buried  with  her 
daughter,  I  perceive  with  a  horror  that  makes  me  tremble,  that  the 
most  dreadful  spirit  of  intrigue  has  penetrated  even  into  the  heart  of 
rny  |  alace.  Alas  !  my  heart  bleeds  at  reciting  so  dreadful  an  outrage. 
My  eldest  son,  the  presumptive  heir  to  my  throne,  entered  into  a 
horrible  plot  to  dethrone  me  ;  he  even  went  to  the  extreme  of  at- 
tempting the  life  of  his  mother.  So  dreadful  a  crime  ought  to  be 
punished  with  the  most  exemplary  ri.L;our  of  the  laws.  The  law  which 
calls  him  to  the  succession  ovght  to  be  revoked;  o?ie  of  his  brothers 
will  be  more  worthy  to  occupy  his  place,  both  in  my  heart  and  on  the 
throne.  I  am  at  this  moment  in  search  of  his  accomplices,  in  order 
to  sift  thoroughly  this  plan  of  most  atrocious  wickedness  ;  and  I 
would  not  lose  a  moment  in  informing  your  imperial  and  royal  majesty 
of  it,  and  to  beseech  you  to  assist  me  with  your  knowledge  and 
counsel. 

'  For  which  I  pray,  &c., 

'  Charles. 
San  Lorenzo,  November  29,  1807. 


348  NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 

and  difficult  ;  and  with  every  disposition  to  render  full  justice 
to  his  high  personal  qualities,  I  cannot  but  confess  that  he  was 
unequal  to  the  situation  in  which  he  was  placed.  Still,  however, 
without  being  gifted  with  any  extraordinary  talent,  he  possessed 
a  tact  which  enabled  him  to  observe  very  correctly,  and  it  was 
he  who  gave  the  first  information  to  government  of  the  mis- 
understanding which  existed  between  the  King  of  Spain  and  the 
Prince  of  the  Asturias.  I  have  been  assured  that  he  frequently 
interposed  with  the  whole  weight  of  his  official  authority,  before 
he  communicated  the  subject  to  the  emperor  ;  but  things  had 
now  come  to  that  pass,  that  it  would  have  been  highly  improper 
to  have  remained  silent  any  longer.  He  therefore  communicated 
to  the  emperor,  that  the  king,  in  the  excess  of  his  irritation 
against  his  son,  had  openly  declared  his  wish  to  revoke  the  law 
which  called  the  Prince  of  the  Asturias  to  the  succession  of  one 
of  the  thrones  of  Charles  V.  The  King  of  Spain  did  not  con- 
fine himself  to  verbal  complaints  ;  but  he,  or  rather  the  Prince 
of  the  Peace  acting  in  his  name,  caused  the  warmest  partisans  of 
the  Prince  of  the  Asturias  to  be  arrested.  The  latter,  well 
acquainted  with  the  sentiments  of  his  father,  wrote  to  Napoleon 
requesting  his  support.  Thus  the  father  and  son,  at  open  war, 
were  appealing  one  against  the  other  for  the  support  of  ihim  who 
desired  only  to  get  rid  of  both,  and  to  put  one  of  his  brothers  in 
their  place,  that  he  might  have  one  more  junior  in  the  college  of 
European  kings  ;  but,  as  I  have  already  mentioned,  this  fresh 
scheme  of  ambition  was  not  premeditated,  and  if  he  gave  the 
throne  of  Spain  to  his  brother  Joseph,  it  was  only  on  the  refusal 
of  his  brother  Louis. 

The  emperor  promised  to  support  Charles  IV.  against  his  son, 
and  not  wishing  to  commit  himself  in  these  family  disputes, 
he  did  not  answer  the  first  letters  of  the  Prince  of  the  Asturias. 
But  finding  that  the  intrigues  of  Madrid  were  assuming  a  serious 
character,  his  first  step  was  to  send  troops  into  Spain.  This 
gave  oflFence  to  the  Spaniards,  who,  taking  no  part  in  the 
intrigues  of  Godoy,  or  the  misunderstanding  between  the  king 
and  his  son,  were  jealous  of  the  interference  of  France. 
In  the  provinces  through  which  the  French  troops  passed 
it  was  asked,  what  was  the  pretence  for  this  invasion  ?  Some 
attributed  it  to  the  Prince  of  the  Peace,  and  others  to  the 
Prince  of  the  Asturias,  but  the  indignation  of  all  parlies  was 
equally  excited  by  it,  and  troubles  broke  out  at  Madrid,  attended 
by  those  violent  outrages  which  are  peculiar  to  the  Spanish 
character.    Under  these  alarming  circumstances,  Godoy  proposed 


INVASION    OF    SPAIN  349 

that  Charles  IV.  should  remove  to  Seville,  where  he  would  ^ 
have  it  more  in  his  power  to  punish  the  factious.  A  proposition 
from  Godoy  to  his  master  was  less  a  counsel  than  a  command, 
and  the  latter  accordingly  resolved  to  depart  :  but  from  that 
moment  the  people  looked  on  Godoy  as  a  traitor.  An  in- 
surrection took  place  ;  the  palace  was  surrounded  ;  and  the 
Prince  of  the  Peace  would  have  been  killed  in  an  upper  apartment, 
in  which  he  had  taken  refuge,  had  not  one  of  the  insurgents 
invoked  in  his  favour  the  name  of  Prince  of  the  Asturias,  which 
had  the  effect  of  saving  him  from  certain  destruction. 

Charles  IV.  did  not  preserve  his  crown  ;  he  was  easily 
intimidated,  and  advantage  was  taken  of  a  moment  of  alarm 
to  demand  that  abdication  which  he  had  not  the  spirit  to 
refuse.  He  made  a  surrender  of  his  rights  in  favour  of  his 
son,  and  thus  terminated  the  insolent  power  of  the  Prince  of 
the  Peace.  The  latter  was  made  prisoner,  and  the  Spaniards, 
who  like  all  other  ignorant  people  are  easily  excited,  manifested 
their  joy  on  the  occasion  with  a  barbarous  enthusiasm.  The 
unfortunate  king,  who  owed  to  his  very  weakness  his  escape 
from  dangers  which,  after  all,  were  more  imaginary  than  real, 
and  who  at  first  appeared  satisfied  with  having  exchanged  his 
crown  for  the  privilege  to  live,  no  sooner  saw  himself  in  safety 
than  he  changed  his  mind.  He  wrote  to  the  emperor,  pro- 
testing against  his  abdication,  and  appealed  to  him  as  the  arbiter 
of  his  future  fate. 

During  these  internal  dissensions,  the  French  army  was 
pursuing  its  march  towards  the  Pyrenees.  These  mountains 
were  soon  passed,  and  Murat  entered  Madrid  in  the  beginning 
of  April,   1808. 

Before  receiving  any  despatch  from  government,  I  learned 
that  Murat's  presence  in  Madrid,  so  far  from  producing  a  good 
effect,  had  only  increased  the  evil.  This  information  was 
communicated  to  me  by  a  merchant  of  Lubeck,  who  had 
received  it  from  his  correspondent  at  Madrid.  In  this  letter, 
Spain  was  represented  as  a  prey  which  Murat  was  desirous 
oF  seizing  for  himself ;  and,  from  the  information  which  I 
afterwards  received,  I  f^ound  that  the  writer  was  correct.  It 
is  certainly  true,  that  Murat '  imagined  he  was  to  conquer 
Spain  for  himself,  and  it  was  by  no  means  astonishing  that  the 
inhabitants  of  Madrid  should  have  become  acquainted  with 
his  designs,  since  he  carried  his  indiscretion  so  far  as  openly 
to  express  his  wish  to  become  King  of  Spain.  The  emperor 
was  soon  informed  of  this,  and    gave    him   to   understand,  in 


350  NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 

very  plain  terms,  that  the  throne  of  Spain  and  the  Indies  was 
not  intended  for  him,  but  that  he  should  not  be  forgotten. 

Napoleon's  remonstrances,  however,  had  no  effect  in  re- 
straining Murat's  imprudence  ;  and,  although  he  did  not  gain 
the  crown  of  Spain  for  himself,  he  powerfully  contributed 
to  make  Charles  IV.  lose  it.  That  monarch,  whom  long 
custom  had  attached  to  the  Prince  of  the  Peace,  solicited  the 
liberation  of  his  favourite  from  the  emperor,  declaring  that 
he  and  his  family  would  be  satisfied  to  live  in  any  place 
of  security  provided  Godoy  was  with  them.  The  unhappy 
Charles  appeared  to  be  completely  disgusted  with  greatness. 

Both  the  king  and  queen  were  so  earnest  in  their  entreaties 
for  Godoy's  liberation,  that  Murat,  whose  vanity  was  highly 
flattered  by  these  royal  solicitations,  took  the  Prince  of  the  Peace 
under  his  protection  ;  and  declared  that,  notwithstanding  the 
abdication  of  Charles  IV.,  he  would  not  acknowledge  anyone 
but  that  prince  as  King  of  Spain,  until  he  should  receive 
contrary  orders  from  the  emperor.  This  declaration  placed 
Murat  in  formal  opposition  to  the  Spanish  people  ;  who, 
mortally  hating  the  Prince  of  the  Peace,  embraced  the  cause 
of  the  heir  to  the  throne,  in  whose  favour  Charles  IV.  had 
abdicated. 

It  has  been  said,  that  Napoleon  was  placed  in  a  difficult 
situation  in  this  dispute  between  the  king  and  his  son.  Such 
was  not  the  fact.  Although  Charles  declared  that  his  abdication 
had  been  extorted  from  him  by  violence  and  threats,  he  had, 
nevertheless,  actually  agreed  to  it.  In  virtue  of  this  act, 
Ferdinand  was  king  ;  but  Charles  insisted  that  it  was  done 
against  his  will,  and  retracted.  The  recognition  of  the  emperor 
was  wanting,  who  was  perfectly  at  liberty  either  to  give  or  to 
withhold  it. 

In  this  state  of  things.  Napoleon  arrived  at  Bayonne,  and 
he  invited  Ferdinand  to  come  and  meet  him  there,  under  the 
pretence  of  arranging  the  differences  which  existed  between  his 
lather  and  himself.  It  was  some  time  before  he  could  come 
to  the  resolution  to  do  so  ;  but  at  length  his  deluded  advisers 
prevailed  on  him,  and  he  set  off  for  Bayonne.  On  his  arrival 
at  Vittoria,  he  hesitated  to  proceed,  under  the  impression  that 
if  he  once  entered  Bayonne,  he  would  not  be  allowed  to  depait 
from  it  again.  But  he  was  induced  to  continue  his  journey 
on  receiving  a  letter  from  the  emperor,  which  was  filled  with 
the  most  deceitful  promises,  and  the  most  positive  assurances 
that  the  crown  of  Spain  should  be  placed  on  his  head,  and  that 


HIS   TREATMENT    OF    SPAIN  351 

everything  had  been  arranged  for  that  purpose  at  Bayonne. 
What  happened  to  him  afterwards,  as  well  as  to  his  father, 
who  came  shortly  after  with  his  inseparable  friend  the  Prince 
of  the  Peace,  is  well  known.  Napoleon,  who  had  engaged  to  be 
arbiter  between  the  father  and  the  son,  settled  the  matter  at 
once,  by  giving  the  disputed  throne  to  his  brother  Joseph. 

The  revolution  in  Madrid,  on  the  2nd  of  May,  hastened  the 
fate  of  Ferdinand,  who  was  accused  of  being  the  author  of  it ; 
at  least  this  suspicion  fell  on  his  friends  and  adherents.  It  was 
also  said,  that  Charles  IV.  would  not  return  to  Spain,  but  had 
solicited  an  asylum  in  France.  At  any  rate,  he  signed  a  re- 
nunciation of  his  rights  to  the  crown  of  Spain,  which  was 
also  signed  by  the  Infanta. 

The  Prince  Royal  of  Sweden,  who  was  at  Hamburg  at  this 
period,  and  the  ministers  of  all  the  European  powers,  loudly 
condemned  the  conduct  of  Napoleon  as  regarded  Spain.  I 
cannot  take  it  upon  me  to  say,  whether  or  not  M.  de  Talleyrand 
dissuaded  Napoleon  from  attempting  the  overthrow  of  a  branch 
of  the  house  of  Bourbon  ;  his  good  sense  and  elevated  views 
might  probably  have  suggested  such  advice  ;  but  the  general 
opinion  was,  that  had  he  retained  the  portfolio  of  foreign 
affairs,  the  Spanish  revolution  would  have  terminated  with  a 
greater  show  of  decency  and  good  faith,  and  more  creditable 
to  the  character  of  Napoleon. 


The  following  may  be  given  as  a  summary  of  the  proceedings 
in  Spain  and  Portugal,  which  led  to  the  occupation  of  these 
countries  by  the  French,  and  which  preceded  the  interference 
of  England  in  the  affairs  of  the  Peninsula. 

'The  secret  history  of  the  intrigues  of  1807,  between  the 
French  court  and  the  rival  parties  in  Spain,  has  not  yet  been 
clearly  exposed.  According  to  Napoleon,  the  first  proposal 
for  conquering  Portugal  by  the  united  arms  of  France  and 
Spain,  and  dividing  that  monarchy  into  three  separate  prizes, 
ot  which  one  should  fall  to  the  disposition  of  France,  a  second 
to  the  Spanish  king,  and  a  third  reward  the  personal  exertions 
of  Godoy,  came  not  from  him,  but  from  the  Spanish  minister. 
The  suggestion  has  been  attributed,  by  every  Spanish  authority, 
to  the  emperor  ;  and  it  is  difficult  to  doubt  that  such  was  the 
fact.  The  treaty,  in  which  the  unprincipled  design  took 
complete   form,   was   ratified   at  Fontaineblcau   on   the  29th   of 


352  NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 

October,  1807,  and  accompanied  by  a  convention,  which 
provided  for  the  immediate  invasion  of  Portugal  by  a  force 
of  28,000  French  soldiers,  under  the  orders  of  Junot,  and  of 
27,000  Spaniards  ;  while  a  reserve  of  40,000  French  troops 
were  to  be  assembled  at  Bayonne,  ready  to  take  the  field  by 
the  end  ot  November,  in  case  England  should  land  an  army 
for  the  defence  of  Portugal,  or  the  people  of  that  devoted 
country  presume  to  meet  Junot  by  a  national  insurrection. 

'Junot  forthwith  commenced  his  march  through  Spain, 
where  the  French  soldiery  were  received  everywhere  with 
coldness  and  suspicion,  but  nowhere  by  any  hostile  movement 
of  the  people.  He  would  have  halted  at  Salamanca  to  organize 
his  army,  but,  in  consequence  of  a  peremptory  order  from 
Paris,  he  advanced  at  once  into  Portugal,  and  arrived  there 
in  the  latter  part  of  November.  Godoy's  contingent  of  Spaniards 
appeared  there  also,  and  placed  themselves  under  Junol's 
command.  Their  numbers  overawed  the  population,  and  they 
advanced,  unopposed,  towards  the  capital.  The  feeble  govern- 
ment, meantime,  having  made,  one  by  one,  every  degrading 
submission  which  France  dictated,  became  convinced  at  length 
that  no  measures  of  subserviency  could  avert  the  doom  which 
Napoleon  had  fulminated.  A  Moniteur,  proclaiming  that  "the 
House  of  Braganza  had  ceased  to  reign,"  reached  Lisbon.  The 
Prince  Regent  re-opened  his  communication  with  the  English 
admiral  off  the  Tagus  (Sir  Sydney  Smith)  and  the  lately  expelled 
ambassador  (Lord  Strangford),  and  being  assured  of  their 
protection,  embarked  on  the  27th  of  November,  and  sailed  for 
the  Brazils  on  the  29th,  only  a  few  hours  before  Junot  made 
his  appearance  at  the  gates  of  Lisbon. 

'Napoleon  thus  saw  Portugal  in  his  grasp  :  but  that  he  had 
all  along  considered  as  a  point  of  minor  importance,  and  he 
had  accordingly  availed  himself  of  the  utmost  concessions  of  the 
treaty  of  Fontainebleau,  without  waiting  for  any  insurrection  of 
the  Portuguese,  or  English  debarkation  on  their  territory.  His 
army  of  reserve,  in  number  far  exceeding  the  40,000  men  named 
in  the  treaty,  had  already  passed  the  Pyrenees,  in  two  bodies, 
under  Dupont  and  Moncey,  and  were  advancing,  slowly  but 
steadily,  into  the  heart  of  Spain.  Nay,  without  even  the  pretext 
of  being  mentioned  in  the  treaty,  another  French  army  of 
12,000,  under  Duhesme,  had  penetrated  through  the  eastern 
Pyrenees,  and  being  received  as  friends  among  the  unsuspecting 
garrisons,  obtained  possession  of  Barcelona,  Pampeluna,  and 
St.  Sebastian,  and  the  other  fortified  places  in  the  north  of  Spain, 


OUTBREAK   IN    MADRID  353 

by  a  succession  of  treacherous  artifices,  to  which  the  history 
of  civilised  nations  presents  no  parallel. 

'  It  seems  impossible  that  such  daring  movements  should  not 
have  awakened  the  darkest  suspicions  at  Madrid  ;  yet  the  royal 
family,  overlooking  the  common  danger  about  to  overwhelm 
them  and  their  country,  continued,  during  three  eventful  months, 
to  waste  what  energies  they  possessed  in  petty  conspiracies, 
domestic  broils,  and,  incredible  as  the  tale  will  hereafter  appear, 
in  the  meanest  diplomatic  intrigues  with  the  court  of  France. 
A  sudden  panic  at  length  seized  the  king  or  his  minister,  and 
the  court,  then  at  Aranjuez,  prepared  to  retire  to  Seville,  and, 
sailing  from  thence  to  America,  seek  safety,  after  the  example  of 
the  house  of  Braganza.  The  servants  of  the  Prince  of  Asturias, 
on  perceiving  the  preparations  for  this  flight,  commenced  a 
tumult,  in  which  the  populace  of  Aranjuez  readily  joined,  and 
which  was  only  pacified  (for  the  moment)  by  a  royal  declaration 
that  no  flight  was  contemplated.  On  the  i8th  of  March  1808, 
the  day  following,  a  scene  of  like  violence  took  place  in  the 
capital  itself.  The  house  of  Godoy  in  Madrid  was  sacked. 
The  favourite  himself  was  assaulted  at  Aranjuez,  on  the  19th  ; 
with  great  difficulty  saved  his  life  by  the  intervention  of  the 
royal  guards  ;  and  was  placed  under  arrest.  Terrified  by  what 
he  saw  at  Aranjuez,  and  heard  from  Madrid,  Charles  IV. 
abdicated  the  throne  ;  and  on  the  20th,  Ferdinand,  his  son,  was 
proclaimed  king  at  Madrid,  amidst  a  tumult  of  popular  applause. 
Murat,  Grand  Duke  of  Berg,  had  before  this  assumed  the  chief 
command  of  all  the  French  troops  in  Spain  ;  and  hearing  of  the 
extremities  to  which  the  court  factions  had  gone,  he  now  moved 
rapidly  on  Madrid,  surrounded  that  capital  with  30,000  men, 
and  took  possession  of  it  in  person,  at  the  head  of  10,000  more, 
on  the  23rd  of  March. 

'  The  emperor  heard  with  much  regret  of  the  precipitancy 
with  which  his  lieutenant  had  occupied  Madrid — for  his  clear 
mind  had  foreseen  ere  now  the  imminent  hazard  of  trampling 
too  rudely  on  the  jealous  pride  of  the  Spaniards.  He,  therefore, 
sent  Savary,  in  whose  practised  cunning  and  duplicity  he  hoped 
to  find  a  remedy  for  the  military  rashness  of  Murat,  to  assume 
the  chief  direction  of  affairs  at  Madrid;  and  the  rumour  was 
actively  spread,  that  the  emperor  was  about  to  appear  there 
in  person  without  delay. 

'Madrid  occupied  and  begirt  by  40,000  armed  strangers,  his 
title  unrecognised  by  Murat,  his  weak  understanding  and 
tumultuous  passions  worke'l  upon  incessantly  by  the  malicious 

23 


354  NAPOLEON   BONAPARTE 

craft  of  Savary,  Ferdinand  was  at  length  persuaded,  that  his 
best  chance  of  securing  the  aid  and  protection  of  Napoleon  lay 
in  advancing  to  meet  him  on  his  way  to  the  capital,  and  striving 
to  gain  his  ear  before  the  emissaries  of  Godoy  should  be  able 
to  fill  it  with  their  reclamations.  Savary  eagerly  offered  to 
accompany  him  on  this  fatal  journey,  which  began  on  the 
loth  of  April.  The  infatuated  Ferdinand  had  been  taught  to 
believe  that  he  should  find  Bonaparte  at  Burgos  ;  not  meeting 
him  there,  he  was  tempted  to  pursue  his  journey  as  far  as 
Vittoria  :  and  from  thence,  in  spite  of  the  populace,  who,  more 
sagacious  than  their  prince,  cut  the  traces  of  his  carriage,  he 
was,  by  a  repetition  of  the  same  treacherous  arguments,  induced 
to  proceed  stage  by  stage,  and  at  length  to  pass  the  frontier  and 
present  himself  at  Bayonne,  where  the  arbiter  of  his  fate  lay 
anxiously  expecting  this  consummation  of  his  almost  incredible 
folly.  He  arrived  there  on  the  2cth  of  April — was  received  by 
Napoleon  with  courtesy,  entertained  at  dinner  at  the  imperial 
table,  and  the  same  evening  informed  by  Savary  that  his  doom 
was  sealed — that  the  Bourbon  dynasty  had  ceased  to  reign  in 
Spain,  and  that  his  personal  safety  must  depend  on  the  readiness 
with  which  he  should  resign  all  his  pretensions  into  the  hands 
of  Bonaparte. 

*  He,  meanwhile,  as  soon  as  he  was  aware  that  Ferdinand  had 
actually  set  out  from  Madrid,  had  ordered  Murat  to  find  the 
means  of  causing  the  old  king,  the  queen,  and  Godoy,  to  repair 
also  to  Bayonne  ;  nor  does  it  appear  that  his  lieutenant  had  any 
difficulty  in  persuading  these  personages  that  such  was  the 
course  of  conduct  most  in  accordance  with  their  interests. 
They  reached  Bayonne  on  the  4th  of  May,  and  Napoleon,  con- 
fronting the  parents  and  the  son  on  the  5th,  witnessed  a  scene  in 
which  the  profligate  rancour  of  their  domestic  feuds  reached 
extremities  hardly  to  have  been  contemplated  by  the  wildest 
imagination. 

'  Charles  IV.  resigned  the  crown  of  Spain  for  himself  and  his 
heirs,  accepting  in  return  from  the  hands  of  Napoleon  a  safe 
retreat  in  Italy,  and  a  large  pension.  Godoy,  who  had  entered 
into  the  fatal  negotiation  of  Fontainebleau,  with  the  hope  and 
the  promise  of  an  independent  sovereignty  carved  out  of  the 
Portuguese  dominions,  was  pensioned  off  in  like  manner,  and 
ordered  to  partake  of  the  Italian  exile  of  his  patrons.  A  few  days 
afterwards,  Ferdinand  VII.,  being  desired  to  choose  at  length 
between  compliance  and  death,  followed  the  example  of  his 
father,  and  executed  a  similar  act  of  resignation. 


INSURRECTION   IN    MADRID  355 

'  Ferdinand,  before  he  left  Madrid,  had  invested  a  council  of 
regency  with  the  sovereign  power,  his  uncle,  Don  Antonio, 
being  president,  and  Murat  one  of  the  members.  Murat's 
assumption  of  the  authority  thus  conferred,  the  departure  of 
Ferdinand,  the  liberation  and  departure  of  the  detested  Godoy, 
the  flight  of  the  old  king — these  occurrences  produced  their 
natural  effects  on  the  popular  mind.  A  dark  suspicion  that 
France  meditated  the  destruction  of  the  national  independence, 
began  to  spread  ;  and,  on  the  2nd  of  May,  when  it  transpired 
that  preparations  were  making  for  the  journey  of  Don  Antonio 
also,  the  general  rage  at  last  burst  out.  A  crowd  collected 
round  the  carriage  meant,  as  they  concluded,  to  convey  the  last 
of  the  royal  family  out  of  Spain  ;  the  traces  were  cut  ;  the 
imprecations  against  the  French  were  furious.  Colonel  La 
Grange,  Murat's  aide-de-camp,  happening  to  appear  on  the 
spot,  was  cruelly  maltreated.  In  a  moment  the  whole  capital 
was  in  an  uproar  :  the  French  soldiery  were  assaulted  every- 
where— about  700  were  slain.  The  mob  attacked  the  hospital 
— the  sick  and  their  attendants  rushed  out  and  defended  it. 
The  French  cavalry,  hearing  the  tumult,  entered  the  city  by  the 
gate  of  Alcala — a  column  of  3000  infantry  from  the  other  side 
by  the  street  Ancha  de  Bernardo.  Some  Spanish  officers  headed 
the  mob,  and  fired  on  the  soldiery  in  the  streets  of  Maravalles  : 
a  bloody  massacre  ensued  :  many  hundreds  were  made  prisoners  : 
the  troops,  sweeping  the  streets  from  end  to  end,  released  their 
comrades  ;  and,  to  all  appearance,  tranquillity  was  restored  ere 
nightfall.  During  the  darkness,  however,  the  peasantry  flocked 
in,  armed  from  the  neighbouring  country  ;  and,  being  met  at  the 
gates  by  the  irritated  soldiery,  not  a  few  more  were  killed,  v.'ounded, 
and  made  prisoners.  Murat  ordered  all  the  prisoners  to  be  tried 
by  a  military  commission,  which  doomed  them  to  instant  death. 

'  This  commotion  had  been  preceded  by  a  brief  insurrection, 
easily  suppressed  and  not  unlikely  to  be  soon  forgotten,  on  the 
23rd  of  April,  at  Toledo.  The  events  in  the  capital  were  of  a 
more  decisive  character,  and  the  amount  of  the  bloodshed,  in 
itself  great,  was  much  exaggerated  in  the  reports  which  flew, 
like  wildfire,  throughout  the  Peninsula.  In  almost  every  town 
of  Spain,  and  almost  simultaneously,  the  flame  of  patriotic 
resentment  broke  out  in  the  terrible  form  of  assassination.  The 
French  residents  were  slaughtered  without  mercy  :  the  supposed 
partisans  of  Napoleon  and  Godoy  were  sacrificed  in  the  Hrst 
tumult  of  popular  rage.  At  Cadiz,  Seville,  Carthagena,  above 
all  in  Valencia,  the  streets  ran  red  with  blood. 


356  NAPOLEON   BONAPARTE 

'  Napoleon  received  the  intelligence  with  alarm  ;  but  he  had 
already  gone  too  far  to  retract  without  disturbing  the  magical 
influence  of  his  reputation.  He,  moreover,  was  willing  to 
flatter  hiihself  that  the  lower  population  of  Spain  alone  took  an 
active  part  in  these  transactions  ;  that  the  nobility,  whose  de- 
gradation he  could  hardly  over-estimate,  would  abide  by  his 
voice  ;  in  a  word,  that  with  80,000  troops  in  Spain,  besides 
Junot's  army  in  Portugal,  he  possessed  the  means  of  suppressing 
the  tumult  after  the  first  effervescence  should  have  escaped.  He 
proceeded,  therefore,  to  act  precisely  as  if  no  insurrection  had 
occurred.  Tranquillity  being  re-established  in  Madrid,  the 
Council  of  Castile  were  convoked,  and  commanded  to  elect 
a  new  sovereign  ;  their  choice  had  of  course  been  settled  before- 
hand :  it  fell  on  Joseph  Bonaparte,  King  of  Naples  ;  and  ere 
it  was  announced,  that  personage  was  already  on  his  way  to 
Bayonne.  Ninety-five  Notables  of  Spain  met  him  in  that  town  ; 
and  swore  fealty  to  him  and  a  new  constitution. 

'  The  patriotic  feeling  which  had  been  thus  exhibited  through- 
out the  country  was  encouraged  by  the  British  commanders 
on  the  coast  of  Spain  ;  and,  without  waiting  for  orders  from 
home,  they  openly  espoused  the  cause  of  the  insurgents. 

*  The  King  of  England  on  the  4th  of  July  addressed  his 
parliament  on  the  subject,  and  said,  "The  Spanish  nation, 
thus  nobly  struggling  against  the  usurpation  and  tyranny  of 
France,  can  no  longer  be  considered  as  the  enemy  of  Great 
Britain,  but  is  recognised  by  me  as  a  natural  friend  and  ally."  The 
Spanish  prisoners  of  war  were  forthwith  released,  clothed, 
equipped,  and  sent  back  to  their  country.  Supplies  of  arms 
and  money  were  liberally  transmitted  thither  :  and,  Portugal 
at  the  same  time  bursting  into  general  insurrection  also,  a 
formal  treaty  of  alliance,  offensive  and  defensive,  was  soon 
concluded  between  England  and  the  two  kingdoms  of  the 
Peninsula. 

'This  insurrection  furnished  Great  Britain  with  what  she 
had  not  yet  possessed  during  the  war,  a  favourable  theatre 
whereon  to  oppose  the  full  strength  of  her  empire  to  the 
arms  of  Napoleon  ;  and  the  opportunity  was  embraced  with 
zeal,  though  for  some  time  but  little  skill  appeared  in  the 
manner  of  using  it.  At  the  moment  when  the  insurrection 
occurred,  20,000  Spanish  troops  were  in  Portugal  under  the 
orders  of  Junot  ;  15,000  more,  under  the  Marquis  delaRomana, 
were  serving  Napoleon  in  Holstein.  There  remained  40,000 
Spanish  regulars,   11,000  Swiss,  and  30,000  militia;  but  of  the 


PENINSULAR    WAR   BEGINS  357 

best  of  these  the  discipline,  when  compared  with  French  or 
English  armies,  was  contemptible.  The  nobility,  to  whose 
order  the  chief  officers  belonged,  were  divided  in  their  sentiments 
— perhaps  the  greater  number  inclined  to  the  interests  of  Joseph. 
Above  all,  the  troops  were  scattered,  in  small  sections,  over 
the  face  of  the  whole  country,  and  there  was  no  probability 
that  any  one  regular  army  would  be  able  to  muster  so  strong 
as  to  withstand  the  efforts  of  a  mere  fragment  of  the  French 
force  already  established  within  the  kingdom.  The  fleets 
of  Spain  had  been  destroyed  in  the  war  with  England  :  her 
commerce  and  revenues  had  been  mortally  wounded  by  the 
alliance  with  France  and  the  maladministration  of  Godoy. 
Ferdinand  was  detained  a  prisoner  in  France.  There  was  no 
natural  leader  or  chief,  around  whom  the  whole  energies  of 
the  nation  might  be  expected  to  rally.  It  was  amidst  such 
adverse  circumstances  that  the  Spanish  people  rose  everywhere, 
smarting  under  intolerable  wrongs,  against  a  French  army, 
already  80,000  strong,  in  possession  of  half  the  fortresses  of 
the  country,  and  in  perfect  communication  with  the  mighty 
resources  of  Napoleon. 

*  The  Spanish  arms  were  at  first  exposed  to  many  reverses  ; 
the  rawness  of  their  levies,  and  the  insulated  nature  of  their 
movements,  being  disadvantages  of  which  it  was  not  difficult 
for  the  experienced  generals  and  overpowering  numbers  of 
the  French  to  reap  a  full  and  bloody  harvest.  After  various 
petty  skirmishes,  in  which  the  insurgents  of  Arragon  were 
worsted  by  Lefebre  Desnouettes,  and  those  of  Navarre  and 
Biscay  by  Bessiires,  the  latter  officer  came  upon  the  united 
armies  of  Castile,  Leon,  and  Gallicia,  commanded  by  the 
Generals  Cuesta  and  Blake,  on  the  14th  of  July,  at  Riosecco, 
and  defeated  them  in  a  desperate  action,  in  which  not  less  than 
20,000  Spaniards  died. 

'  But  the  fortune  of  war,  after  the  great  day  of  Riosecco, 
was  everywhere  on  the  side  of  the  patriots.  Duhesme,  who 
had  so  treacherously  possessed  himself  of  Barcelona  and  Figueras, 
found  himself  surrounded  by  the  Catalonian  mountaineers, 
who,  after  various  affairs,  in  which  much  blood  was  shed  on 
both  sides,  compelled  him  to  shut  himself  up  in  Barcelona. 
Marshal  Moncey  conducted  another  large  division  of  the  French 
towards  Valencia,  and  was  to  have  been  further  reinforced  by 
a  detachment  from  Duhesme.  The  course  of  events  in  Catalonia 
prevented  Duhesme  from  affording  any  such  assistanee  :  and 
the   inhabitants  of  Valencia,  male  and  female,  rising  en  Tnasse, 


358  NAPOLEON   BONAPARTE 

and  headed  by  their  clergy,  manned  their  walls  with  such 
determined  resolution,  that  the  French  marshal  was  at  length 
compelled  to  retreat. 

'  A  far  more  signal  catastrophe  had  befallen  another  powerful 
corps  d'armee,  under  General  Dupont,  which  marched  from 
Madrid  towards  the  south,  with  the  view  of  suppressing  all 
symptoms  of  insurrection  in  that  quarter,  and,  especially,  of 
securing  the  great  naval  station  of  Cadiz,  where  a  French 
squadron  lay.  Dupont's  force  was  increased  as  he  advanced, 
till  it  amounted  to  20,000  men  ;  and  with  these  he  took  possession 
of  Baylen  and  La  Carolina,  in  Andalusia,  and  stormed  Jaen. 
But  before  he  could  make  these  acquisitions,  the  citizens  01 
Cadiz  had  universally  taken  the  patriot  side  ;  the  commander  of 
the  French  vessels  had  been  forced  to  surrender  them  ;  and  the 
place,  having  opened  a  communication  with  the  English  fleet, 
assumed  a  posture  of  determined  defence.  General  Castanos, 
the  Spanish  commander  in  that  province,  who  had  held  back 
from  battle  until  his  raw  troops  should  have  had  time  to  be 
disciplined,  began  at  length  to  threaten  the  position  of  the 
French.  Jaen  was  attacked  by  him  with  such  vigour,  that 
Dupont  was  fain  to  evacuate  it,  and  fall  back  to  Baylen,  where 
his  troops  soon  suffered  severe  privations,  the  peasantry  being 
in  arms  all  around  them,  and  the  supply  of  food  becoming  from 
day  to  day  more  difficult.  On  the  i6th  of  July,  Dupont  was 
attacked  at  Baylen  by  Castanos,  who  knew  from  an  intercepted 
despatch  the  extent  of  his  enemy's  distress  :  the  French  were 
beaten,  and  driven  as  far  as  Menjibar.  They  returned  on  the 
iSth,  and  attempted  to  recover  Baylen  ;  but,  after  a  long  and 
desperate  battle,  in  which  3,000  of  the  French  were  killed, 
.Dupont,  perceiving  that  the  Spaniards  were  gathering  all  around 
in  numbers  not  to  be  resisted,  proposed  to  capitulate.  In  effect, 
he  and  20,000  soldiers  laid  down  their  arms  at  Baylen,  on 
condition  that  they  should  be  transported  in  safety  to  France. 
The  Spaniards  broke  this  convention,  and  detained  them  as 
prisoners — thus  imitating  the  perfidy  of  Napoleon's  own  conduct 
to  Spain.  The  richest  part  of  Spain  was  freed  wholly  of  the 
invaders  :  the  light  troops  of  Castanos  pushed  on,  and  swept 
the  country  before  them  ;  and  within  ten  days,  King  Joseph 
perceived  the  necessity  of  quitting  Madrid,  and  removed  his 
head-quarters   to  Vittoria. 

'  In  the  meantime,  Lefebre  Desnouettes,  whose  early  success 
in  Arragon  has  been  alluded  to,  was  occupied  with  the  siege 
of  Saragossa — the  inhabitants  of  which   city  had  risen  in   the 


FIRST   SIEGE   OF    SARAGOSSA  359 

first  outbreak,  and  prepared  to  defend  their  walls  to  the  last 
extremity.  Don  Jose  Palafox,  a  young  nobleman,  who  had 
made  his  escape  from  Bayonne,  was  invested  with  the  command. 
The  importance  of  success  in  this  enterprise  was  momentous, 
especially  after  the  failure  of  Moncey  at  Valencia.  Napoleon 
himself  early  saw,  that  if  the  Valencians  should  be  able  to  form 
an  union  with  the  Arragonese  at  Saragossa,  the  situation  of 
the  Catalonian  insurgents  on  the  one  side  would  be  prodigiously 
strengthened  ;  while,  on  the  other  hand,  the  armies  of  Leon 
and  Gallicia  (whose  coasts  offered  the  means  of  continual 
communication  with  England),  would  conduct  their  operations 
in  the  immediate  vicinity  of  the  only  great  road  left  open  between 
Madrid  and  Bayonne — the  route  by  Burgos.  He  therefore  had 
instructed  Savary  to  consider  Saragossa  as  an  object  of  the 
very  highest  importance  ;  but  the  corps  of  Lefebre  was  not 
strengthened  as  the  emperor  would  have  wished  it  to  be,  ere 
he  sat  down  before  Saragossa.  The  siege  was  pressed  with  the 
utmost  vigour  ;  but  the  immortal  heroism  of  the  citizens  baffled 
all  the  valour  of  the  French.  There  were  no  regular  works 
worthy  of  notice  :  but  the  old  Moorish  walls,  not  above  eight 
or  ten  feet  in  height,  and  some  extensive  monastic  buildings  in 
the  outskirts  of  the  city,  being  manned  by  crowds  of  determined 
men,  whose  wives  and  daughters  looked  on,  nay,  mingled 
boldly  in  their  defence — the  besiegers  were  held  at  bay  week 
after  week,  and  saw  their  ranks  thinned  in  continual  assaults 
without  being  able  to  secure  any  adequate  advantage.  Famine 
came  and  disease  in  its  train,  to  aggravate  the  suiferings  of  the 
townspeople  ;  but  they  would  listen  to  no  suggestions  but 
those  of  the  same  proud  spirit  in  which  they  had  begun.  The 
French  at  length  gained  possession  of  the  great  convent  of 
St.  Engracia,  and  thus  established  themselves  within  the  town 
itself :  their  general  then  sent  to  Palafox  this  brief  summons  : 
"  Head-quarters,  Santa  Engracia — Capitulation  "  ;  but  he  received 
for  answer,  "  Head-quarters,  Saragossa — War  to  the  knife." 
The  battle  was  maintained  literally  from  street  to  street,  from 
house  to  house,  and  from  chamber  to  chamber.  Men  and 
women  fought  side  by  side,  amidst  flames  and  carnage  ;  until 
Lefebre  received  the  news  of  Baylen,  and  having  wasted  two 
months  in  his  enterprise,  abandoned  it  abruptly,  lest  he  should 
find  himself  insulated  amidst  the  general  retreat  of  the 
French  armies.  Such  was  the  first  of  the  two  famous  sieges 
of  Saragossa. 

'The    English     government    meanwhile    had    begun    their 


36o  NAPOLEON   BONAPARTE 

preparations  for  interfering  effectually  in  the  affairs  of  the 
Peninsula.  They  had  despatched  one  body  of  troops  to  the  sup- 
port of  Castanos  in  Andalusia  ;  but  these  did  not  ieach  the 
south  of  Spain  until  their  assistance  was  rendered  unnecessary 
by  the  surrender  of  Dupont  at  Baylen.  A  more  considerable 
force,  amounting  to  10,000,  sailed  early  in  June,  from  Cork,  for 
Corunna,  under  the  command  of  the  Hon.  Sir  Arthur  Wellesley. 
Sir  Arthur,  being  permitted  to  land  at  what  point  of  tHe 
Peninsula  he  should  judge  most  advantageous  for  the  general 
cause,  was  soon  satisfied  that  Portugal  ought  to  be  the  first 
scene  of  his  operations,  and  accordingly  lost  no  time  in  opening 
a  communication  with  the  patriots,  who  had  taken  possession  of 
Oporto.  Here  the  troops  which  had  been  designed  to  aid  Castanos 
joined  him.  Thus  strengthened,  and  well  informed  of  the  state 
of  the  French  armies  in  Spain,  Sir  Arthur  resolved  to  effect  a 
landing,  and  attack  Junot  while  circumstances  seemed  to  indicate 
no  chance  of  his  being  reinforced  by  Bessi^res. 

*  It  was  on  the  8th  of  August,  1808 — a  day  ever  memorable 
in  the  history  of  Britain — that  Sir  Arthur  Wellesley  effected  his 
debarkation  in  the  bay  of  Mondego.  He  immediately  commenced 
his  march  towards  Lisbon,  and  on  the  17th  came  up  with  the 
enemy  under  General  Laborde,  strongly  posted  on  an  eminence 
near  Rori^a.  The  French  contested  their  ground  gallantly, 
but  were  driven  from  it  at  the  point  of  the  bayonet,  and  com- 
pelled to  retreat.  The  British  general,  having  hardly  any 
cavalry,  was  unable  to  pursue  them  so  closely  as  he  otherwise 
would  have  done  :  and  Laborde  succeeded  in  joining  his  shattered 
division  to  the  rest  of  the  French  forces  in  Portugal.  Junot 
(recently  created  Duke  of  Abrantes)  now  took  the  command 
in  person  ;  and  finding  himself  at  the  head  of  full  24,000 
troops,  while  the  English  army  were  greatly  inferior  in  numbers, 
and  miserably  supplied  with  cavalry  and  artillery,  he  did  not 
hesitate  to  assume  the  offensive.  On  the  21st  of  August  he 
attacked  Sir  Arthur  at  Vimiero.  In  the  language  of  the  English 
general's  despatch,  "  a  most  desperate  contest  ensued "  ;  and 
the  result  was  "a  signal  defeat."  Junot,  having  lost  thirteen 
cannon  and  more  than  2000  men,  immediately  fell  back  upon 
Lisbon,  where  his  position  was  protected  by  the  strong  defile  of 
Torres  Vedras. 

'  It  is  to  be  regretted  that,  in  the  moment  of  victory,  Sir 
Arthur  should  have  been  superseded  by  the  arrival  of  an  officer 
of  superior  rank,  who  did  not  consider  it  prudent  to  follow 
up   the   victory.     Junot  a   few   days   after   sent   Kellerman   to 


CONVENTION   OF    CINTRA  361 

demand  a  truce,  and  propose  a  convention  for  the  evacuation 
of  Portugal  by  the  troops  under  his  orders.  General  Sir  Hugh 
Dalrymple,  who  had  succeeded  Sir  Arthur  Wellesley  in  the 
command,  granted  the  desired  armistice.  Junot  offered  to 
surrender  his  magazines,  stores  and  armed  vessels,  provided 
the  British  would  disembark,  his  soldiers,  with  their  arms,  at  any 
French  port  between  Rochefort  and  L'Orient,  and  permit  them 
to  take  with  them  their  private  property  ;  and  Dalrymple  did 
not  hesitate  to  agree  to  these  terms,  although  Sir  John  Moore 
arrived  off  the  coast  with  a  reinforcement  of  io,coo  men  during 
the  progress  of  the  negotiation.  The  famous  Convention  oj 
Cintra  was  signed  accordingly  on  the  30th  of  August  ;  and 
the  French  army  wholly  evacuated  Portugal  in  the  manner 
provided  for.  Thus  Portugal  was  freed  from  the  presence 
of  her  enemies  ;  and  England  obtained  a  permanent  footing 
within  the  Peninsuk.  The  character  of  the  British  army  was 
also  raised,  not  only  abroad,  but  at  home  ;  and  had  the  two 
insurgent  nations  availed  themselves,  as  they  ought  to  have 
done,  of  the  resources  which  their  great  ally  placed  at  their 
command,  and  conducted  their  own  affairs  with  unity  and 
strength  of  purpose,  the  deliverance  of  the  whole  Peninsula 
might  have  been  achieved  years  before  that  consummation  actually 
took  place.' 


CHAPTER    XXXIII. 

I  HAVE  no  wish  to  detail  the  many  disgraceful  actions  com- 
mitted by  intriguers  of  the  second  class,  who  hoped  to  come 
in  for  their  share  in  the  partition  of  the  continent.  It  would  be 
a  tedious  matter  to  give  an  account  of  all  the  tricks  and 
treacheries  vrhich  they  practised  either  to  augment  their  fortunes 
or  to  secure  the  favour  of  their  chief,  who  wished  to  have  kings 
for  his  subjects.  It  is  scarcely  to  be  conceived  with  what 
eagerness  the  princes  of  Germany  sought  to  range  themselves 
under  the  protection  of  Napoleon,  by  joining  the  Confederation 
of  the  Rhine.  I  received  letters  from  them  continually,  which 
served  to  shew  both  the  influence  which  Napoleon  exercised  in 
Germany,  and  the  facility  with  which  men  stoop  beneath  the 
yoke  of  a  new  power. 

Bernadotte  had  proceeded  to  Denmark,  to  take  the  command 
of  the  Spanish  and  French  troops,  who  had  been  sent  from  the 


362  NAPOLEON   BONAPARTE 

Hanse  Towns  to  occupy  that  kingdom,  which  was  then  menaced 
by  England.  His  departure  was  a  great  loss  to  me,  for  we  had 
always  taken  the  same  views  on  whatever  measures  were  to  be 
adopted,  and  I  became  still  more  sensible  of  his  loss  when  enabled 
to  form  a  comparison  between  him  and  his  successor.  It  is 
painful  to  me  to  detail  the  misconduct  of  those  who  com- 
promised the  French  name  in  unhappy  Germany,  but,  in  ful- 
filling the  task  I  have  undertaken,  I  am  determined  to  adhere 
strictly  to  the   truth. 

In  April,  1808,  General  Dupas  arrived  as  governor  of  Ham- 
burg, but  only  under  the  orders  of  Bernadotte,  who  retained  the 
chief  command  of  the  French  troops  in  the  Hanse  Towns.  By 
the  nomination  of  General  Dupas,  the  emperor  cruelly  dis- 
appointed the  wishes  and  hopes  of  the  inhabitants  of  lower 
Saxony.     That  general,  a  scourge  to  the  people  of  Hamburg, 

was  wont  to  say  of  them,  '  As  long  as  I  see  those rolling  in 

their  carriages,  I  will  have  money  from  them.'  It  is  but  just, 
however,  to  state,  that  his  extortions  were  not  for  his  own 
advantage  ;  his  most  unjustifiable  actions  were  all  committed 
for  the  benefit  of  the  man  to  whom  he  owed  his  rank,  and 
to  whom  he  had  in  some  measure  devoted  his  existence. 

I  shall  here  state  the  way  in  which  the  generals,  who  com- 
manded the  French  troops  at  Hamburg,  had  been  provided 
for.  The  Senate  of  Hamburg  granted  to  the  marshals  thirty 
friederichs,  and  to  the  generals  of  divisions  twenty  friederichs  per 
day,  for  the  expenses  of  their  table,  exclusive  of  the  hotel 
in  which  they  were  lodged  by  the  city.  General  Dupas  wished 
to  be  provided  for  on  the  same  footing  as  the  marshals.  The 
Senate  having,  with  reason,  rejected  such  a  claim,  Dupas 
was  highly  offended,  and  in  revenge  insisted  that  he  should 
be  served  daily  with  a  breakfast  and  dinner  of  thirty  covers. 
This  was  a  most  extravagant  and  intolerable  expenditure,  and 
Dupas  cost  the  city  more  than  any    of  his  predecessors. 

The  ill-humour  which  Dupas  had  conceived  on  the  resistance 
of  the  Senate,  he  visited  on  the  inhabitants.  Among  other 
vexations  there  was  one  to  which  the  people  could  not  easily 
submit.  In  Hamburg,  which  had  formerly  been  a  fortified 
town,  though  now  laid  out  more  like  an  English  garden,  the 
custom  is  still  preserved  of  closing  the  gates  at  nightfall.  On 
Sundays  they  were  shut  three  quarters  of  an  hour  later, 
that  the  amusements  of  the  people  might  not  be  interrupted. 

An  event,  which  excited  great  irritation  in  the  public  mind, 
and  which  might  have  been  attended  with  even  more  serious 


FRENCH   TREATMENT   OF   HAMBURG        363 

consequences,  was  occasioned  by  the  perverse  conduct  of  Dupas. 
From  some  unaccountable  whim  or  other,  the  general  ortlered 
the  gates  to  be  shut  at  seven  in  the  evening,  and,  consequently, 
while  it  was  broad  daylight,  the  season  being  the  middle  of 
spring.  From  this  regulation  not  even  the  Sunday  was  excepted  ; 
and  on  that  day  a  great  number  of  the  peaceable  inhabitants,  on 
their  return  from  the  outskirts  of  the  city,  presented  themselves 
for  admittance  at  the  gate  of  Altona.  The  first  comers  were 
greatly  surprised  to  find  it  closed,  as  it  was  a  greater  thoroughfare 
than  any  other  gate  in  Hamburg.  The  number  of  persons  thus 
excluded  was  continually  increasing,  and  a  considerable  crowd 
soon  collected  in  front  of  the  gate.  After  useless  entreaties 
addressed  to  the  officers  of  thje  station,  the  people  determined 
to  send  to  the  commandant  for  the  keys.  The  commandant 
arrived,  accompanied  by  the  general,  and  on  their  appearance, 
as  it  was  supposed  they  had  come  to  order  the  gate  to  be 
opened,  they  were  saluted  by  a  general  '  Hurrah  ! '  which, 
throughout  almost  all  the  north,  is  the  popular  cry  expressive 
of  satisfaction.  General  Dupas,  notwithstanding  its  intention, 
conceived  this  cry  to  be  the  signal  for  an  insurrection,  and 
instead  of  opening  the  gates,  commanded  the  soldiers  to  fire 
on  the  peaceable  citizens,  who  were  only  anxious  to  return 
to  their  homes.  Several  persons  were  killed,  and  others  more 
or  less  seriously  wounded.  Fortunately,  after  this  first  dis- 
charge, the  brutal  fury  of  Dupas  was  appeased,  but  he  persisted 
in  keeping  the  gates  closed  till  the  morning  ;  when  an  order 
was  posted  about  the  city  prohibiting  the  cry  of  'hurrah  !' 
under  the  severest  penalties.  It  was  also  forbidden,  that  more 
than  three  persons  should  collect  together  in  the  streets.  In  this 
manner  was  the  French  yoke  imposed  by  certain  individuals 
upon  towns  and  provinces  hitherto  contented  and  happy.  Dupas 
was  as  much  execrated  in  the  Hanse  Towns  as  Clarke  had 
been  at  Berlin,  of  which  capital  he  was  governor,  during  the 
campaign  of  1807.  Clarke  had  heaped  every  species  of 
oppression  and  exaction  on  the  inhabitants  of  Berlin  ;  and 
Heaven  knows  what  epithets  accompanied  his  name  when 
uttered  from  the  lips  of  a  Prussian  ! 

On  the  day  following  this  outrage,  fearful  of  the  fatal  con- 
sequences which  might  still  ensue,  I  wrote  to  inform  the 
Prince  of  Ponte-Corvo  of  what  had  taken  place,  soliciting,  at 
the  same  time,  the  suppression  of  an  extraordinary  tribunal 
which  had  been  created  by  General  Dvipas  ;  his  answer  was 
almost  immediate,  and  my  request  complied  with. 


364  NAPOLEON   BONAPARTE 

When  Bernadotte  returned  to  Hamburg  he  sent  Dupas  to 
Lubeck.  That  city,  much  less  rich  than  Hamburg,  suffered 
cruelly  from  such  a  guest.  Dupas  levied  all  his  exactions 
in  kind,  and  affected  the  highest  indignation  at  any  offer  of 
a  compensation  in  money,  the  very  idea  of  which  he  said  was 
offensive  to  his  delicacy  of  feeling.  But  his  demands  had 
become  so  extravagant,  that  the  city  of  Lubeck  was  actually 
unable  to  satisfy  them.  Besides  his  table,  which  he  required 
to  be  furnished  in  the  same  style  of  profusion  as  at  Hamburg, 
he  was  supplied  with  plate,  linen,  wood,  and  candles — in  short, 
with  the  most  trivial  articles  ot  household  consumption. 

The  Senate  deputed  to  this  disinterested  and  incorruptible 
general,  M.  Notting,  a  venerable  old  man,  who  mildly  represented 
to  him  the  abuses  which  were  everywhere  committed  in  his 
name,  and  entreated  that  he  would  condescend  to  accept  twenty 
louis  per  day,  for  the  expenses  of  his  table  alone.  At  this 
proposal.  General  Dupas  became  enraged.  To  offer  money 
to  him — to  him  ! — it  was  an  insult  not  to  be  endured.  In  the 
most  furious  manner  he  drove  the  terrified  senator  out  of  the 
house,  and  gave  immediate  orders  to  his  aide-de-camp,  Barral, 
to  imprison  him.  M.  de  Barral,  endowed  with  a  greater  share 
of  humanity  than  his  general,  and  alarmed  at  so  extraordinary 
an  order,  offered  some  remonstrances,  but  in  vain  ;  and, 
though  much  against  his  inclination,  was  obliged  to  obey.  The 
aide-de-camp  accordingly  repaired  to  the  house  of  the  aged 
senator,  but,  withheld  by  that  feeling  of  respect  which  grey 
hairs  never  fail  to  inspire  in  the  well-ordered  minds  of  youth, 
instead  of  arresting  him,  he  requested  the  old  man  not  to 
leave  his  house  until  he  could  prevail  on  the  general  to  retract 
his  orders.  It  was  not  till  the  following  day  that  M.  de  Barral 
succeeded  in  getting  these  orders  revoked,  that  is  to  say,  the 
release  of  M.  Notting  from  prison  ;  for  Dupas  would  not 
forego  his  revenge,  until  he  heard  that  the  senator  had  suffered 
at  least  the  commencement  of  the  punishment  to  which  his 
capricious  fury  had  doomed  him. 

Notwithstanding  these  fine  professions  of  disinterestedness, 
M.  Dupas  yielded  so  far  as  to  accept  the  twenty  louis  per  day 
for  the  expenses  of  his  table,  which  M.  Notting  had  offered  him 
on  the  part  of  the  Senate  of  Lubeck  ;  but  it  was  not  without 
murmurings,  complaints,  and  menaces,  that  he  made  this 
generous  concession,  exclaiming  on  more  than  one  occasion, 
'  Those  rascals  have  limited  my  subsistence.'  Lubeck  was  not 
freed   from  the  presence  of  this  general  before  the  month   of 


HIS   FURTHER   AGGRESSIONS  365 

March,  1809,  when  he  was  summoned  to  take  tlie  command 
of  a  division  in  the  emperor's  new  campaign  against  Austria. 
Strange  as  it  may  appear,  it  is  nevertheless  true,  that,  however 
oppressive  his  presence  had  been  at  Lubeck,  the  Hanse  Towns 
soon  had  reason  to  regret  him. 

The  year  1S08  was  fertile  in  remarkable  events.  Occupied 
as  I  was  with  my  own  official  duties,  I  still  contrived  to  amuse 
a  few  leisure  moments  in  observing  the  course  of  those  great 
actions  by  which  Bonaparte  sought  to  distinguish  every  day 
of  his  life.  At  the  commencement  of  1S08,  I  received  one  of 
the  first  copies  of  the  Code  of  Commerce,  promulgated  on  the 
ist  of  January  by  the  emperor's  order.  This  Code  appeared 
to  me  an  absolute  mockery  ;  at  least  it  was  extraordinary  to 
publish  a  Code  respecting  a  subject  which  all  the  other  imperial 
decrees  tended  to  destroy.  What  trade  could  possibly  be 
supposed  to  flourish  under  the  cruel  continental  system,  and 
the  ruinous  severity  of  the  customs  }  The  line  was  already 
sufficiently  extended,  when  by  a  decree  of  the  Senate  it  was 
still  further  widened.  The  emperor,  who  was  all-powerful  on 
the  continent,  had  recourse  to  no  other  formality  in  order  to 
annex  to  the  empire  the  towns  of  Kehl,  Cassel,  near  Mentz, 
Wessel,  and  Flushing,  with  the  territories  dependent  on  them, 
than  his  decrees  and  senatorial  decisions,  which  at  least  had  the 
advantage  of  being  obtained  without  bloodshed.  Intelligence 
on  all  these  matters  was  immediately  forwarded  to  me,  by  the 
ministers  with  whom  I  was  in  correspondence  ;  for  my  situation 
at  Hamburg  had  acquired  such  importance,  that  it  was  necessary 
I  should  be  informed  of  everything. 

My  correspondence  relative  to  what  was  passing  in  the  south 
of  France  and  of  Europe  afforded  me  merely  an  anecdotal 
interest.  But  not  so  the  news  which  came  from  the  north. 
At  Hamburg  I  was  like  the  sentinel  of  an  advanced  post  ; 
always  on  the  alert.  More  than  once  I  sent  information  to 
the  government  of  what  was  about  to  take  place,  before  the 
event  actually  happened.  I  was  one  of  the  first  that  gained 
intelligence  of  the  plans  of  Russia  relative  to  Sweden.  The 
courier  whom  I  sent  to  Paris  must  have  arrived  there  at  the 
very  moment  when  Russia  declared  war  against  that  power. 
About  the  end  of  February,  the  Russian  troops  entered  Swetiish 
Finland,  and  possessed  themselves  of  the  capital  of  that  province, 
which  had  long  been  coveted  by  the  Russian  government.  It 
has  been  since  asserted  that,  at  the  interview  at  Erfurt,  Bonaparte 
consented    to    the    usurpation  of  that  province  by   Alexander, 


j66  NAPOLEON   BONAPARTE 

in  return  for  the  latter's  complaisance  in  acknowledging  Joseph 
as  King  of  Spain  and  the  Indies.  Joseph  was  succeeded  at 
Naples  by  Murat,  and  that  accession  of  the  brother-in-law  of 
Napoleon  to  one  of  the  thrones  of  the  house  of  Bourbon,  gave 
Bonaparte  another  junior  in  the  college  of  kings,  of  which  he 
would  infallibly  have  become  the  senior,  had  fortune  still  sided 
with  him.  Bonaparte,  when  his  brow  was  encircled  with  a 
double  crown,  after  creating  princes,  at  length  realized  the  idea 
he  had  so  long  entertained  of  being  the  founder  of  a  new 
nobility,  endowed  with  hereditary  rights.  It  was  ^t  the  com- 
mencement of  March,  1808,  that  he  accomplished  this  notable 
project  ;  and  I  saw,  in  the  Moniieur,  a  long  catalogue  of  princes, 
dukes,  counts,  barons,  and  knights  of  the  empire.  Viscounts 
and  marquises  were  alone  wanting  to  the  list. 

At  the  time  that  Napoleon  was  founding  a  new  nobility,  he 
determined  to  build  up  again  the  ancient  edifice  of  the  university, 
but  upon  a  fresh  foundation.  The  education  of  youth  had 
always  been  one  of  his  ruling  ideas,  and  I  had  an  opportunity 
of  remarking  how  much  he  was  changed  by  the  exercise  of 
sovereign  power,  when  I  received  at  Hamburg  the  new  statutes 
of  the  university,  and  compared  them  with?  the  ideas  which  he 
formerlj^,  when  general  and  first  consul,  had  often  expressed 
respecting  the  education  of  youth.  Though  the  natural  enemy 
of  everything  like  liberty,  the  system  of  education  which 
Bonaparte  had  at  first  conceived  was  upon  a  vast  and  extended 
scale,  comprehending  the  study  of  history,  and_  those  positive 
sciences,  such  as  geology  and  astronomy,  which  afford  the 
utmost  scope  for  development  of  which  the  human  mind  is 
susceptible.  The  sovereign,  however,  shrunk  from  the  first 
ideas  of  the  man  of  genius,  and  his  university,  confided  to  the 
elegant  subserviency  of  M.  de  Fontanes,  was  but  a  mere 
school,  which  might  indeed  send  forth  well-informed,  but 
scarcely  high-minded  and  enlightened  men. 

About  this  time  Rome  was  occupied  bya  French  troops  under 
the  command  of  General  MioUis,  which  was  the  commencement 
of  a  long  series  of  troubles,  by  which  Pius  VII.  expiated  the 
condescension  he  had  shewn  in  going  to  Paris  to  crown 
Napoleon. 

Rome  now  became  the  second  city  of  the  empire  5  but  until 
this  time  the  boasted  moderation  of  Bonaparte  had  contented 
itself  with  dismembering  from  the  Papal  states  the  legations  of 
Ancona,  Urbino,  Marcerata,  and  Camerino,  which  were  divided 
into  three  departments,   and  added  to  the   kingdom   of  Italy. 


THE   INTERVIEW   AT  ERFURT  367 

The  patience  and  long-sufFering  of  the  Holy  See  could  no  longer 
hold  out  against  this  act  of  violence,  and  Cardinal  Caprara,  who 
had  remained  in  Paris  since  the  coronation,  at  length  quitted  that 
capital.  Shortly  afterwards  the  Grand  Duchies  of  Parma  and 
Placentia  were  united  to  the  French  empire,  and  annexed  to  the 
government  of  the  Trans-Alpine  departments.  These  transac- 
tions took  place  about  the  same  time  as  the  events  in  Spain  and 
Bayonne,  before  mentioned. 

After  the  disgraceful  conduct  of  the  emperor  at  Bayonne,  he 
returned  to  Paris  on  the  14th  of  August,  the  eve  of  his  birthday. 
Scarcely  had  he  arrived  in  the  capital,  when  he  conceived  fresh 
subjects  for  uneasiness,  on  account  of  the  conduct  of  Russia, 
which,  as  I  have  stated,  had  declared  open  war  against  Sweden, 
and  made  no  secret  of  the  intention  of  seizing  Finland.  The 
emperor,  however,  desirous  of  prosecuting  the  war  in  Spain  with 
the  utmost  vigour,  felt  tlie  necessity  of  withdrawing  his  troops 
from  Prussia  to  the  Pyrenees.  He  then  hastened  the  interview 
at  Erfurt,  where  the  two  Emperors  of  France  and  Russia  had 
appointed  to  meet.  By  this  interview  he  hoped  to  secure  the 
tranquillity  of  the  continent,  while  he  should  complete  the  sub- 
jugation of  Spain  to  the  sceptre  of  Joseph.  That  Prince  had 
been  proclaimed  on  the  8th  of  June,  and  on  the  21st  of  the 
same  month  he  made  his  entry  into  Madrid  ;  but  ten  days 
after,  having  received  information  of  the  disaster  of  Baylen,  he 
was  obliged  to  leave  the  Spanish  capital. 

The  interview  at  Erfurt  having  been  determined  on,  the 
emperor  again  quitted  Paris  about  the  end  of  September,  and 
arrived  at  Metz  without  stopping,  except  for  the  purpose  of 
reviewing  the  regiments  which  he  met  on  his  route,  and  which 
were  on  their  march  from  the  grand  army  to  Spain.  I  had 
received  previous  intelligence  of  this  intended  interview,  so 
memorable  in  the  life  of  Napoleon  ;  and  such  was  the  interest 
it  excited  in  Germany,  that  the  roads  were  covered  with  the 
equipages  of  the  princes  who  were  going  to  Erfurt  to  be  present 
on  the  occasion.  The  emper»r  arrived  at  the  place  of  rendez- 
vous before  Alexander,  and  went  forward  three  leagues  to  meet 
him.  Napoleon  was  on  horseback,  and  Alexander  in  his 
carriage.  They  embraced,  it  is  said,  with  every  demonstration 
of  the  most  cordial  friendship.  I  shall  not  dwell  on  other  well- 
known  particulars  relating  to  this  interview,  at  which  most  of 
the  sovereign  princes  of  Germany  were  present,  with  the  ex- 
ception, however,  of  the  King  of  Prussia  and  the  Emperor  of 
Austria.     The  latter  sovereign  sent  a  letter  to  Napoleon,  which 


368  NAPOLEON   BONAPARTE 

to  me  appeared  a  perfect  model  of  ambiguity,  though  it  was 
scarcely  possible  that  Napoleon  could  be  deceived  by  it.  He 
had  not  as  yet,  however,  any  suspicion  of  the  hostile  intentions 
of  Austria,  which  soon  afterwards  became  apparent  ;  his  grand 
object  at  that  time  was  the  Spanish  business  ;  and,  as  I  have 
before  observed,  one  of  the  secrets  of  Napoleon's  genius  was, 
that  he  gave  his  attention  to  only  one  thing  at  a  time. 

By  the  interview  at  Erfurt,  Bonaparte  obtained  the  principal 
object  he  had  in  view,  namely,  Alexander's  recognition  of  his 
brother  Joseph  in  his  new  character  of  King  of  Spain  and  the 
Indies.  It  has  been  said  that,  as  the  price  of  this  acknowledg- 
ment. Napoleon  consented  that  Alexander  should  have  Swedish 
Finland  ;  for  the  truth  of  this  I  cannot  vouch,  having  no 
positive  proofs  of  the  fact.  I  remember,  however,  that  when, 
after  the  interview  at  Erfurt,  Alexander  had  given  orders  to  his 
ambassador  to  Charles  IV.  to  continue  his  functions  under  King 
Joseph,  the  Swedish  charge  d'affaires  at  Hamburg  told  me,  that 
confidential  letters,  which  he  had  received  from  Erfurt,  led  him 
to  apprehend,  that  the  Emperor  Alexander  had  communicated 
to  Napoleon  his  designs  on  Finland,  and  that  the  latter  had 
consented  to  its  occupation.  Be  this  as  it  may.  Napoleon,  after 
the  interview,  returned  to  Paris,  where  he  presided  with  great 
pomp  at  the  opening  of  the  Legislative  Body,  and  again  set  out 
in  the  month  of  November  for  Spain. 


CHAPTER    XXXrV. 

Previous  to  the  interview  at  Erfurt,  an  event  took  place  which 
produced  a  considerable  sensation  at  Hamburg,  and,  indeed, 
throughout  Europe  ;  an  event  which  was  planned  and  executed 
with  inconceivable  secrecy.  I  allude  to  the  defection  of  the 
Marquis  de  la  Romana,  which  I  have  hitherto  forborne  to 
mention,  in  order  that  I  might  not  separate  the  different 
facts  which  came  to  my  knowledge  relative  to  that  defection, 
and  the  circumstances  which  accompanied  it. 

The  Marquis  de  la  Romana  had  come  to  the  Hanse  Towns 
at  the  head  of  1 8,000  men,  which  the  emperor,  in  the  last 
campaign,  claimed  in  virtue  of  treaties  previously  concluded 
with  the  Spanish  government.  This  demand  for  men  was  the 
result  of  the  disastrous  battle  of  Eylau.  The  Spanish  troops 
were  at  first  well  received  by  the  inhabitants  of  the  Hanse  Towns, 


SPANISH   TROOPS   AT   HAMBURG  369 

but  the  difference  of  language  was  soon  productive  of  discord 
between  them.  The  Marquis  de  la  Romana  was  a  little,  dark- 
featured  man  somewhat  unprepossessing  and  even  vulgar  in  his 
appearance,  but  of  considerable  talent  and  information.  He  had 
travelled  in  almost  every  part  of  Europe,  and  being  a  close 
observer,  his  conversation  was  both  instructive  and  agreeable. 
During  his  stay  at  Hamburg,  General  Romana  spent  most  of  his 
evenings  at  my  house,  and  whilst  at  the  whist  table,  constantly 
fell  asleep  over  the  game.  Madame  de  Bourrienne  was  usually 
his  partner,  and  I  recollect  he  continually  apologized  for  his 
involuntary  breach  of  good  manners,  though  sure  to  be  guilty  of 
the  same  offence  the  next  evening.  I  shall  shortly  explain  the 
cause  of  this  regular  siesta. 

On  the  birthday  of  the  King  of  Spain,  the  Marquis  de  la 
Romana  gave  a  magnificent  entertainment  ;  the  ball-room  was 
decorated  with  warlike  implements  and  allusions.  The  marquis 
did  the  honours  with  infinite  grace,  and  was  particularly 
courteous  to  the  French  generals.  He  spoke  of  the  emperor  in 
the  most  respectful  terms,  without  any  affectation  of  homage,  so 
that  it  was  almost  impossible  for  anyone  to  suspect  him  of  any 
clandestine  intention.  In  short,  he  played  his  part  to  the  last 
with  the  most  consummate  address.  VVe  had  already  heard  at 
Hamburg  of  the  fatal  result  of  the  battle  at  Sierra  Morena,  and 
of  the  capitulation  of  Dupont,  which  caused  his  disgrace  at 
the  very  moment  wKen  the  whole  army  had  marked  him  out  as 
the  man  most  likely  to  receive  the  baton  of  Marshal  of 
Prance. 

Meanwhile  the  Marquis  de  la  Romana  departed  for  the 
Danish  Island  of  Fiinen,  agreeably  to  the  orders  which  had  been 
transmitted  to  him  by  Marshal  Bernadotte.  There,  as  at 
Hamburg,  the  Spaniards  were  well  liked  ;  for  their  general 
obliged  them  to  observe  the  strictest  discipline.  Great  prepara- 
tious  were  then  making  at  Hamburg  on  the  approach  of  Saint 
Napoleon's  day,  which  at  that  time  was  celebrated  with  much 
solemnity  in  every  town  in  which  France  had  representatives. 
The  Prince  de  Ponte-Corvo  was  then  taking  the  baths  at 
Travemunde,  a  small  seaport  near  Lubeck  ;  but  that  did  not 
prevent  him  from  giving  directions  for  the  festival  of  the  15th  of 
August.  The  Marquis  de  la  Romana,  the  better  to  deceive  the 
marshal,  had  despatched  a  courier  to  him,  requesting  per- 
mission to  visit  Hamburg  on  the  day  of  the  fete,  in  order  to 
join  his  prayers  to  those  of  the  French,  and  to  receive  on  this 
occasion,  from  the  hands  of  the  prince,  the  grand  cordon  of  tlit 

2^ 


370  NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 

Legion  of  Honour,  which  he  had  solicited,  and  which  Napoleon 
had  granted  him.  Three  days  after,  the  marshal  received 
intelligence  of  what  had  taken  place.  The  marquis  had  collected 
a  great  number  of  English  vessels  on  the  coast,  and  escaped  with 
all  his  troops,  except  a  depot  of  600  men,  left  at  Altona.  It  was 
afterwards  ascertained  that  he  met  with  no  interruption  in  his 
passage,  and  that  he  landed  with  his  troops  at  Corunna.  I 
could  now  account  for  the  drowsiness  which  always  overcame 
the  Marcjuis  de  la  Romana  when  he  sat  down  to  take  a  hand 
at  whist.  The  fact  was,  he  used  to  sit  up  all  night  making 
preparations  for  the  escape  which  he  had  long  meditated,  and 
during  the  day  shewed  himself  everywhere  as  usual,  in  order  to 
avoid  the  least  suspicion  of  his  intentions. 

On  the  defection  of  the  Spanish  troops,  I  received  letters 
from  government,  requiring  me  to  augment  my  vigilance, 
and  to  seek  out  those  persons  who  might  be  supposed  to  have 
shared  the  confidence  of  the  Marquis  de  la  iRomana.  I  was 
informed  that  the  agents  of  England,  dispersed  through  Holstein 
and  the  Hanseatic  territories,  were  endeavouring  likewise  to 
spread  discord  and  dissatisfaction  among  the  troops  of  the 
King  of  Holland. 

These  manoeuvres  were  connected  with  the  treason  of  the 
Spaniards,  and  the  arrival  of  Danican  in  Denmark.  Insub- 
ordination had  already  broken  out,  but  it  was  promptly  repressed. 
Two  Dutch  soldiers  were  shot  for  striking  their  officers  ;  but 
notwithstanding  this  severity,  desertion  among  the  troops 
increased  to  an  alarming  degree.  Indefatigable  agents,  in  the 
pay  of  the  English  government,  laboured  incessantly  to  seduce 
the  soldiers  of  King  Louis  from  their  duty.  Some  of  these 
agents,  being  denounced  to  me,  were  taken  almost  in  the  fact, 
and  positive  proof  being  adduced  of  their  guilt,  they  were 
condemned  to  death. 

These  indispensable  examples  of  severity  did  not  check  the 
manoeuvres  of  England,  though  ^ey  served  to  cool  the  zeal 
of  her  agents.  I  used  every  endeavour  to  second  the  Prince 
of  Ponte-Corvoin  tracing  out  the  persons  employed  by  England. 
It  was  chiefly  from  the  small  island  of  Heligoland  that  they 
found  their  way  to  the  continent.  This  communication  was 
facilitated  by  the  numerous  vessels  scattered  about  the  small 
islands  which  lie  thick  along  that  coast.  Five  or  six  pieces  of 
gold  defrayed  the  expense  of  the  passage  to  or  from  Heligoland. 
Thus  the  Spanish  news,  which  was  printed  and  often  fabricated 
at  London,  was  profusely  circulated  in  the  north  of  Germany. 


HIS   JOURNEY   TO    ITALY  371 

Napoleon  was  so  well  aware  of  the  effect  produced  by  his 
presence  that,  after  a  conquest,  he  loved  to  shew  himself 
amongst  the  people  whose  territories  he  had  annexed  to  his 
empire.  To  Napoleon  himself,  these  were,  in  some  sort,  journeys 
of  pleasure,  in  which  he  enjoyed  the  fruits  of  his  enterprises, 
at  the  same  time  that  his  presence  imparted  the  greatest  possible 
activity  to  every  proceeding.  Duroc,  who  always  accompanied 
him,  unless  engaged  in  any  mission,  gave  me  an  interesting 
account  of  the  emperor's  journey  in  1807  to  Venice,  and  the 
other  Italian  provinces,  which,  in  conformity  with  the  treaty 
of  Prcsburg,  were  annexed  to  the  kingdom  of  Italy. 

Napoleon  had  many  very  important  motives  for  this  journey. 
He  was  planning  great  alliances  ;  and  he  loaded  Eugene  with 
favours  in  order  to  sound  him,  and  prepare  him  as  much  as 
possible  for  his  mother's  divorce. 

There  can  be  no  doubt  that  Bonaparte  now  seriously  con- 
templated his  divorce  from  Josephine.  Had  there  been  no 
other  proof  of  this,  I,  who  from  constant  attention  had  learned 
to  read  Napoleon's  thoughts  in  his  actions,  found  a  sufficient 
one  in  the  decree  of  Milan,  by  whicli,  in  default  of  lawful 
male  heirs,  he  adopted  Eugene  as  his  son,  and  successor  to  the 
crown  of  Italy.  It  was  during  this  journey  that  Napoleon 
united  Tuscany  to  the  empire. 

Whilst  Bonaparte  was  the  chief  of  the  French  republic,  he 
did  not  object  to  the  existence  of  a  Batavian  republic  to  the 
north  of  France,  and  was  equally  tolerant  of  the  Cisalpine 
republic  in  the  south.  But  after  his  coronation,  all  the  republics, 
which  like  satellites  revolved  round  the  grand  republics,  were 
converted  into  kingdoms,  subject  to  the  empire,  if  not  avowedly, 
at  least  in  fact.  In  this  respect  there  was  no  difference  between 
the  Batavian  and  Cisalpine  republics.  The  latter  having  been 
metamorphosed  into  the  kingdom  of  Italy,  it  was  necessary 
to  find  some  pretext  for  transforming  the  former  into  the 
kingdom  of  Holland.  The  government  of  the  Batavian 
republic  had  been  for  some  time  past  merely  the  shadow  of 
a  government  ;  but  still  it  preserved,  even  in  its  submission  to 
France,  those  internal  forms  of  freedom,  which  console  a  nation 
for  the  loss  of  its  independence.  In  this  state  of  things,  the  em- 
peror, who  maintained  a  host  of  agents  in  Holland,  found  no  great 
difficulty  in  getting  up  a  deputation,  whose  object  should  be, 
to  sohcit  him  to  choose  a  king  for  the  Batavian  Republic.  This 
submissive  deputation  came  to  Paris  in  the  month  of  May,  1806, 
to    solicit    the  emperor,  as  a   favour,  to  place  Prince  Louis  on 


372  NAPOLEON   BONAPARTE 

the  throne  of  Holland.  The  address  of  the  deputation,  with 
Napoleon's  gracious  reply,  and  the  speech  of  Louis,  on  the 
occasion,  will  be  found  among  the  official  records  of  the  period. 

Louis  thus  became  King  of  Holland,  though  greatly  against 
his  inclination  ;  he  offered  all  the  opposition  he  dared,  alleging 
as  an  objection,  the  state  of  his  health,  to  which,  certainly, 
the  climate  of  Holland  was  not  favourable  ;  but  Bonaparte 
sternly  made  this  unbrotherly  reply — '  It  is  better  to  die  a  king 
than  live  a  prince.'  He  had  then  no  alternative  but  to  accept 
the  crown.  He  went  to  Holland,  taking  with  him  Hortense, 
who,  however,  did  not  stay  long  there.  The  new  king  wished 
to  make  himself  beloved  by  his  subjects,  and  as  they  were 
entirely  a  commercial  people,  there  was  no  better  means  of 
doing  so  than  by  not  adopting  Napoleon's  rigid  laws  against 
commercial  intercourse  with  England.  Hence  the  first  coolness 
between  the  two  brothers,  which,  in  the  sequel,  led  to  the 
abdication  of  Louis,  and  his  withdrawing  from  his  brother's 
threatened  vengeance. 

I  know  not  whether  Napoleon  recollected  the  motive  assigned 
by  Louis  for  at  first  refusing  the  crown  of  Holland,  namely, 
the  climate  of  the  country,  or  whether  he  reckoned  upon  greater 
submission  in  another  of  his  brothers  ;  but  this  is  certain,  that 
Joseph  was  not  called  from  the  throne  of  Naples  to  that  of 
Spain,  until  after  the  refusal  of  Louis.  I  have  before  me  a 
copy  of  the  letter  written  to  him  by  Napoleon  on  the  subject. 
It  is  without  date  either  of  time  or  place,  but  its  contents 
unquestionably  refer  it  to  the  month  of  March,  or  April,  1808 
It  is  as  follows  : — 

<  Brother, 
'The  King  of  Spain,  Charles  IV.,  has  just  abdicated.  The 
Spanish  people  loudly  appeal  to  me.  Convinced  that  no  lasting 
peace  can  be  obtained  with  England,  unless  I  cause  a  great 
movement  on  the  continent,  I  have  determined  to  place  a 
French  king  on  the  throne  of  Spain.  The  climate  of  Holland 
does  not  agree  with  you  ;  besides,  Holland  cannot  rise  from 
her  ruins.  In  the  whirlwind  of  political  events,  whether  we 
have  peace  or  not,  there  is  no  possibility  of  maintaining  it.  In 
this  state  of  things  I  have  thought  of  the  throne  of  Spain  for 
you.  Tell  me  decidedly  what  is  your  opinion  of  this  measure. 
If  I  v/ere  to  name  you  King  of  Spain,  would  you  accept  the 
offer  ?  May  I  count  on  you  ?  Answer  me  simply  on  these 
two  points.     Say,  "  I  have  received  your  letter  of  such  a  day, 


TREATMENT   OF   LOUIS   BONAPARTE         373 

I  answer,  Tes "  j  and  then  I  shall  count  on  your  doing 
what  I  wish  ;  or  say,  No ;  if  you  decline  my  proposition. 
Admit  no  third  person  into  your  confidence,  and  mention  to 
no  one  the  object  of  this  letter.  The  thing  must  be  done 
before  we  confess  having  thought  about  it. 

•  Napoleon.* 

Before  taking  final  possession  of  Holland,  Napoleon  formed 
the  project  of  separating  from  it  Brabant  and  Zealand,  in 
exchange  for  other  provinces,  the  possession  of  which  was 
doubtful  ;  but  Louis  made  a  firm  and  successful  stand  against 
this  first  act  of  usurpation.  Bonaparte  was  too  intent  on  the 
great  business  in  Spain,  to  risk  any  commotion  in  the  north, 
where,  as  I  have  said,  the  declaration  of  Russia  against  Sweden 
already  sufficiently  occupied  him.  He  consequently  did  not 
insist  on  the  measure,  and  even  affected  indifference  to  the 
proposed  augmentation  of  territory  to  the  empire. 

On  the  20th  of  December,  however.  Napoleon  wrote  to  Louis 
a  very  remarkable  letter,  in  which  appears  the  undisguised 
expression  of  that  tyranny  which  he  wished  to  exercise  over 
all  his  family,  in  order  to  make  them  the  instruments  of  h-is 
own  ambition.  In  this  letter  he  reproached  Louis  for  acting 
in  opposition  to  his  system  of  policy,  telling  him  that  he  had 
forgotten  he  was  a  Frenchman,  and  wished  to  become  in  all 
respects  a  Dutchman. 

About  the  end  of  1809,  the  emperor  summoned  to  Paris  the 
sovereigns  who  might  properly  be  styled  the  vassals  of  his 
empire.  Among  the  number  was  Louis,  who,  however,  shewed 
no  great  willingness  to  quit  his  states.  He  called  a  council 
of  his  ministers,  who  were  of  opinion  that,  for  the  interest  of 
Holland,  it  was  necessary  he  should  make  this  fresh  sacrifice. 
He  submitted  to  it  with  resignation  ;  indeed,  every  day  passed 
on  the  throne  was  a  sacrifice  to  Louis. 

He  lived  at  Paris  very  retired,  under  the  constant  observation 
of  the  police  ;  for  it  was  supposed,  that  as  he  had  come  against 
his  will,  he  would  not  proiong  his  stay  so  long  as  Napoleon 
desired.  In  this  respect  they  were  not  much  deceived,  but  any 
such  attempt  on  his  part  was  useless.  This  surveillance  and 
constraint,  however,  had  the  effect  of  displaying  in  him  a 
strength  of  character  which  he  was  not  previously  supposed 
to  possess.  Amidst  the  general  silence  of  the  high  servants 
of  the  empire,  and  even  of  the  kings  and  princes  assembled  in 
the  capital,  he  ventured  to  say,  'I  have  been  deceived  by  promises 


374  NAPOLEON   BONAPARTE 

which  were  never  intended  to  be  kept.  Holland  is  weary  of 
being  the  plaything  of  France.'  The  emperor,  little  accustomed 
to  such  language  as  this,  was  terribly  incensed  at  it.  From  that 
moment  Louis  had  no  alternative — he  must  either  yield  to  the 
incessant  exactions  of  Napoleon,  or  see  Holland  united  to 
France.  He  chose  the  latter,  but  not  till  he  had  exerted  all 
his  feeble  power  in  behalf  of  the  subjects  whom  Napoleon  had 
consigned  to  him  ;  but  he  would  not  be  the  accomplice  of  the 
man  who  had  resolved  to  make  those  subjects  the  victims  of 
his  hatred  against  England. 

Louis,  however,  was  permitted  to  return  to  his  states  to 
contemplate  the  misery  arising  from  the  continental  blockade, 
which  pressed  with  an  iron  hand  on  every  branch  of  trade  and 
industry,  hitherto  so  flourishing  in  the  provinces  of  Holland. 
At  length,  his  feeling  heart  being  no  longer  able  to  support 
the  sight  of  evils  which  it  was  not  in  his  power  to  relieve,  he 
endeavoured,  by  cautious  and  respectful  remonstrances,  to  avert 
the  utter  ruin  with  which  Holland  was  threatened.  On  the  23rd 
of  March,  18 10,  he  wrote  the  following  letter  to  Napoleon  : — 

'If  you  wish  to  consolidate  the  present  state  of  France,  to 
obtain  maritime  peace,  or  to  attack  England  with  success, 
it  is  not  by  measures  like  the  blockading  system  that  these 
objects  can  be  obtained — it  is  not  by  the  destruction  of  a 
kingdom  of  your  own  creation,  by  the  enfeebling  of  your  allies, 
and  setting  at  defiance  their  most  sacred  rights,  and  the  first 
principles  of  the  law  of  nations.  On  the  contrary,  you  should 
render  them  the  friends  of  France,  and  consolidate  and  strengthen 
your  allies  till,  like  your  own  brothers,  you  might  depend  upon 
them.  The  destruction  of  Holland,  far  from  being  a  means 
of  assailing  England,  will  but  add  the  more  to  her  strength, 
by  all  the  industry  and  riches  which  will  take  refuge  with  her. 
In  reality,  there  are  but  three  methods  of  assailing  England  ; 
namely,  by  detaching  Ireland  from  her,  getting  possession 
of  the  East  Indies,  or  by  actual  invasion.  These  two  latter 
modes,  which  would  be  the  most  effectual,  cannot  be  executed 
without  a  naval  force.  But  I  am  astonished  that  the  first  should 
have  been  so  easily  relinquished.  It  would  be  a  surer  mode 
of  obtaining  peace  on  good  conditions  than  the  system  of 
injuring  one's  self  and  friends  in  the  attempt  to  inflict  a  greater 
injury  upon  the  enemy.  'Louis.' 

Written   remonstrances   were   not   more    to  Napoleon's  taste 


HIS  LETTER   TO   LOUIS  375 

than  verbal  ones,  at  a  time  when,  as  I  was  informed  by  my 
friends  whom  fortune  had  enchained  to  his  destiny,  no  one  ever 
ventured  to  address  a  word  to  him,  except  to  answer  his 
questions.  Cambaceres,  who,  as  his  old  coUeag-ue  in  the 
consulate,  had  alone  retained  that  privilege  in  public,  lost  it 
after  Napoleon's  marriage  with  the  descendant  of  the  Austrian 
emperors.  His  brother's  letter  excited  his  highest  displeasure. 
Two  months  after  its  reception,  being  on  a  journey  in  ti-.e 
north,  he  addressed  to  him  from  Ostend  a  letter,  a  very  model 
of  haughty  insolence,  which  cannot  be  read  without  a  painful 
feeling,  proving  as  it  does  how  weak  are  the  most  sacred  ties 
of  blood  in  comparison  with  the  interests  of  an  insatiable 
ambition.     This  letter  was  as  follows  : — 

'  Brother, 
'In  our  situation,  frankness  is  the  best  course.  I  know  your 
secret  sentiments,  and  all  that  you  can  say  to  the  contrary  will 
avail  nothing.  Holland  unquestionably  is  in  a  melancholy 
situation.  I  believe  you  are  anxious  to  extricate  her  from  her 
difficulties,  and  it  is  you,  and  you  alone,  who  can  do  so.  When 
you  conduct  yourself  in  such  a  way  as  to  induce  the  people 
of  Holland  to  believe  that  you  act  under  my  influence — that 
all  your  measures  and  all  your  sentiments  arc  conformable  to 
mine — then  you  will  be  loved,  you  will  be  esteemed  and  you 
will  acquire  the  power  necessary  for  re-establishing  Holland. 
When  to  be  known  as  my  friend,  and  the  friend  of  France, 
sliall  be  a  title  of  recommendation  at  your  court,  Holland  will 
be  in  her  natural  situation.  Since  your  return  from  Paris,  you 
have  done  nothing  to  effect  this  object.  What  will  be  the 
result  of  your  conduct  ?  Your  subjects,  bandied  about  between 
France  and  Englaml,  will  throw  themselves  into  the  arms  of 
France,  and  will  demand  to  be  united  to  her  rather  than 
remain  in  a  state  of  such  uncertainty.  If  your  knowledge  of 
my  character,  which  is  to  go  straight  forward  to  my  object, 
unimpeded  by  any  consideration,  is  not  sufficient  for  you — say 
what  would  you  have  me  do  .?  I  can  dispense  with  Holland, 
but  Holland  cannot  dispense  with  my  protection.  If  under  the 
dominion  of  one  of  my  brothers,  but  looking  to  me  alone 
for  her  welfare,  she  does  not  find  in  her  sovereign  my  image, 
all  confidence  in  your  government  is  at  an  end  ;  by  your  own 
hands  your  sceptre  is  broken.  Love  France,  love  my  glory-— 
that  is  the  only  vray  to  serve  Holland.  If  you  had  acted  as  you 
ought  to  have  done,  that  country  having  become  a  part  of  my 


37S  NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 

empire,  would  have  been  the  more  dear  to  me,  seeing  I  had 
given  her  a  sovereign  whom  I  looked  upon  almost  as  my  son. 
In  placing  you  on  the  throne  of  Holland,  I  thought  I  had 
placed  a  French  citizen  there  :  you  have  followed  a  course 
diametrically  opposite  to  what  I  had  expected.  I  have  been 
forced  to  prohibit  you  from  coming  to  France,  and  to  take 
possession  of  a  part  of  your  territory.  In  provi.ng  yourself  ~a 
bad  Frenchman,  you  are  less  to  the  Dutch  than  a  'Prince  of 
Orange,  to  which  dynasty  they  owe  their  rank  as  a  nation, 
and  a  long  succession  of  prosperity  and  glory.  It  is  evident 
to  the  Dutch  that,  by  your  banishment  from  France,  they  have 
lost  what  they  would  not  have  done,  under  a  Schimmelpennick, 
or  a  Prince  of  Orange.  Shew  yourself  a  Frenchman  and  the 
brother  of  the  emperor,  and  be  assured  that  you  will  thereby 
advance  the  interests  of  Holland.  But  your  fate  seems  fixed, 
you  are  incorrigible,  you  would  drive  away  the  few  Frenchmen 
who  remain  with  you.  Affection  and  advice  are  lost  upon 
you — you  must  be  dealt  with  by  threats  and  compulsion.  What 
mean  the  prayers  and  mysterious  fasts  you  have  ordered  } 
Louis,  you  will  not  reign  long  Your  actions  disclose  better 
than  your  confidential  letters  the  sentiments  of  your  soul. 
Return  from  your  wilful  course.  Be  a  Frenchman  in  heart,  or 
your  people  will  banish  you  ;  and  you  will  leave  Holland  an 
object  of  their  ridicule.  States  must  be  governed  by  reason  and 
policy,  and  not  by  visionary  schemes,  the  offspring  of  acrid  and 
vitiated  humours. 

'  Napoleon.* 

This  letter  had  scarcely  reached  Louis,  when  Napoleon  was 
informed  of  a  petty  affray  that  had  taken  place  at  Amsterdam, 
and  to  which  Count  de  la  Rochefoucauld,  knowing  he  could 
not  better  please  his  master  than  by  affording  him  a  pretext 
for  being  angry,  contrived  to  give  a  sort  of  diplomatic  import- 
ance. It  appeared  that  the  honour  of  the  count's  coachman 
had  been  compromised  by  the  insult  of  a  citizen  of  Amsterdam. 
The  sensitive  feelings  of  the  gentleman  in  livery  had  been  so 
deeply  v.ounded  that  a  quarrel  ensued,  which,  but  for  the 
interference  of  the  guard  of  the  palace,  might  have  led  to  very 
serious  consequences,  since  it  assumed  the  character  of  a  national 
affair  between  the  French  and  the  Dutch.  M.  de  la  Roche- 
foucauld sent  off  a  report  of  his  coachman's  quarrel  to  the 
emperor,  who  was  then  at  Lille.  The  illustrious  author  of 
the    Maxims    related    the    affair    with    as   much    warmth    and 


LOUIS   ABDICATES  377 

earnestness  as  In  his  literary-  crusade  against  royalty.  Napoleon, 
in  consequence,  instantly  despatched  a  most  violent  letter  to 
Louis,  declaring  at  the  same  time  it  should  be  the  last  he  would 
ever  write  to  him. 

Thus  reduced  to  the  cruel  alternative  of  crushing  Holland 
with  his  own  hands,  or  leaving  that  task  to  the  emperor,  Louis 
did  not  hesitate  to  lay  down  a  sceptre  which  he  was  not  suffered 
to  wield  for  the  happiness  of  his  people.  His  resolution  being 
made,  he  addressed  a  message  to  the  legislative  body  of  the 
kingdom  of  Holland,  explaining  the  motives  of  his  abdication. 
What,  indeed,  could  be  more  reasonable  than  such  a  step, 
when  he  found  an  armed  force  in  possession  of  his  dominions, 
which  had  been  united  to  the  empire  by  what  was  formerly 
called  a  family  alliance  .>  But  at  that  time,  no  consideration 
seemed  capable  of  arresting  the  course  of  Napoleon's  arbitrary 
proceedings.  The  French  troops  entered  Holland  under  the 
command  of  the  Duke  de  Reggio  ;  and  that  marshal,  who  was 
more  king  than  the  king  himself,  threatened  to  occupy 
Amsterdam.  Louis  then  descended  from  the  throne,  and,  four 
years  after,  Napoleon  in  his  turn  was  forced  to  descend  from 
his. 

After  his  message  to  the  legislative  body,  Louis  published 
his  act  of  abdication,  in  which  he  dwelt  on  the  unhappy  state 
of  his  kingdom,  attributing  it  to  his  brother's  unfavourable 
feeling  towards  himself.  He  declared  that  he  had  shrunk  from 
no  effort  or  sacriiice,  useless  as  they  had  proved,  to  put  an  end 
to  so  painful  a  state  of  things  ;  and  that,  finally,  he  considered 
himself  as  the  unhappy  cause  of  the  continual  misunderstanding 
between  the  French  empire  and  Holland.  It  is  worthy  of 
remark,  that  Louis  imagined  he  could  abdicate  the  crown  of 
Holland  in  favour  of  his  son,  as  Napoleon  wished  four  years 
after  to  abdicate  his  crown  in  favour  of  the  King  of  Rome. 
How  often  do  these  coincidences  occur  in  the  history  of  Napoleon  ! 
in  the  depth  of  his  reverses,  how  often  was  he  assailed  with 
precisely  the  same  blows  which,  in  the  height  of  his  fortune,  he 
relentlessly  aimed  at  others  ! 

Louis  bade  farewell  to  the  people  of  Holland  in  a  proclama- 
tion, after  the  publication  of  which  he  retired  to  the  waters 
of  Toplitz.  He  was  living  there  in  trancjuil  retirement,  when  he 
learned  that  his  brotlier,  so  far  from  respecting  the  terms  of  his 
abdication,  had  united  Holland  to  the  empire.  Against 
tliis  arbitrary  proceeding  Louis  published  a  protest,  the 
circidation  of    which  was  strictly  forbidden  by  the  police. 


378  NAPOLEON   BONAPARTE 

Thus  there  seemed  to  be  an  end  of  all  intercourse  between 
these  two  brothers,  who  were  so  opposite  in  character  and 
disposition.  But  Napoleon,  who  was  enraged  that  Louis 
should  have  presumed  to  protest,  and  that  too  in  energetic 
terms,  against  the  union  of  his  kingdom  with  the  empire, 
ordered  him  to  return  to  France,  to  which  he  was  sum.moned 
in  his  character  of  constable  and  French  prince.  Louis, 
however,  did  not  think  proper  to  obey  this  summons  ; 
and  Napoleon,  in  the  excess  of  his  passion,  though  faith- 
ful to  his  promise  of  never  writing  to  him  again,  ordered 
the  following  letter  to  be  addressed  to  him  by  M.  Otto, 
who  had  been  ambassador  from  France  to  Vienna,  since 
the  still  recent  marriage  of  the  emperor  with  Maria  Louisa  : — 

<  Sire, 

'  The  emperor  directs  me  to  write  to  your  Majesty  as 
follows  : — 

'It  is  the  duty  of  every  French  prince,  and  every  member 
of  the  imperial  family,  to  reside  in  France  :  whence  they  cannot 
absent  themselves  without  the  permission  of  the  emperor.  Before 
the  union  of  Holland  to  the  empire,  the  emperor  permitted  the 
king  to  reside  at  Toplitz  in  Bohemia.  His  health  appeared  to 
require  the  use  of  the  waters  ;  but  now  the  emperor  requires 
that  Prince  Louis  shall  return  at  the  latest  by  the  ist  of  December 
next,  under  pain  of  being  considered  disobedient  to  the  constitu- 
tions of  the  empire,  and  the  head  of  his  family,  and  being 
treated   accordingly. 

'  I  fulfil.  Sire,  word  for  word,  the  mission  with  which  I  am 
entrusted,  and  I  send  the  chief  secretary  of  the  embassy,  to  be 
assured  that  this  letter  is  carefully  delivered.  I  beg  your 
Majesty  to  accept  the  homage  of  my  profound  respect,  etc, 
etc. 

'  Otto.' 

What  a  letter  was  this  to  be  addressed  by  a  subject  to  a 
prince,  who  had  scarcely  yet  ceased  to  be  a  king  !  When  on  a 
subsequent  occasion  I  saw  M.  Otto  at  Paris,  knowing  the 
esteem  which  I  had  ever  felt  for  Louis,  he  spoke  to  me  on  the 
subject,  telling  me  how  much  he  had  been  distressed  at  the 
necessity  of  writing  such  a  letter  to  the  brother  of  the  emperor. 
He  stated,  however,  that  he  had  employed  the  very  expressions 
dictated  by  Napoleon,  in  that  irritation  which  he  could  never 
restrain  whenever  his  will  was  in  the  slightest  degree  opposed. 


HIS   BRIEF    CAMPAIGN    IN    SPAIN  379 


CHAPTER  XXXV. 

The  emperor,  enraged  at  the  first  positive  disgraces  which  had 
ever  befallen  his  arms,  and  foreseeing  that  unless  the  Spanish 
insurrection  were  crushed  ere  the  patriots  had  time  to  form 
a  regular  government  and  to  organize  their  armies,  the  succours 
of  England,  and  the  growing  discontents  of  Germany,  might 
invest  the  task  with  insurmountable  difficulties,  determined  to 
cross  the  Pyrenees  in  person,  at  the  head  of  a  force  capable 
of  sweeping  the  whole  Peninsula  clear  before  him.  Hitherto  no 
mention  of  the  unfortunate  occurrences  in  Spain  had  been  made 
in  any  public  act  of  his  government,  or  suffered  to  transpire  in 
any  of  the  French  journals.  It  was  now  necessary  to  break  this 
haughty  silence.  The  emperor  announced,  accordingly,  that 
the  peasants  of  Spain  had  rebelled  against  their  king ;  that 
treachery  had  caused  the  ruin  of  one  corps  of  his  army  ;  and 
that  another  had  been  forced,  by  the  English,  to  evacuate 
Portugal  :  demanding  two  new  conscriptions  each  of  80,000  men 
— which  were  of  course  granted  without  hesitation.  Recruiting 
his  camps  on  the  German  side,  and  in  Italy,  with  these  new 
levies,  he  now  ordered  his  veteran  troops,  to  the  number  of 
200,000,  including  a  vast  and  brilliant  cavalry,  and  a  largo  body 
of  the  Imperial  Guards,  to  be  drafted  from  those  frontiers,  and 
marched  through  France  towards  Spain. 

On  his  return  from  the  conference  at  Erfurt,  which  had 
terminated  on  the  14th  of  October,  Napoleon  opened  in  pei-son 
on  the  24th,  the  sittings  of  the  Legislative  Session  in  Paris  ; 
and  two  days  after  he  left  that  capital  to  take  the  command  of 
the  armies  in  Spain,  and  reached  Bayonne  on  the  3rd  of 
November.  He  remained  there  for  a  tew  days,  directing  the 
movements  of  the  last  columns  of  his  advancing  armies,  and  on 
the  8th  arrived  at  Vittoria.  He  immediately  obtained  a  detailed 
report  of  the  position  of  the  French  and  Spanish  armies,  and 
instantly  drew  up  a  plan  for  the  prosecution  of  the  war  ;  and 
in  a  few  hours  the  whole  machinery  of  his  intended  operations 
was  put  in  motion.  The  presence  of  Napoleon  ever^'where 
restored  victory  to  the  French  standards,  and  in  less  than  two 
months  he  had  cleared  the  Peninsula  of  any  opposing  force,  and 
obliged  the  English  army,  under  Sir  John  Moore,  to  make  a 
precipitate  retreat  upon  Corunna.     Napoleon,  after  enjoying  the 


3 So  NAPOLEON   BONAPARTE 

sight  of  an  English  army  in  full  retreat,  no  longer  considered 
it  worthy  of  his  own  attention,  but  intrusted  the  consummation 
of  its  ruin  to  Soult  ;  and  immediately  proceeded  to  Paris  with 
his  utmost  speed.  The  cause  of  this  sudden  change  of  purpose 
and  extraordinary  haste  was  a  sufficient  one  ;  and  ere  long  it 
transpired. 

It  was  in  the  midst  of  the  operations  of  the  Spanish  war  that 
Napoleon  learned  that  Austria  had,  for  the  first  time,  raised  the 
landnvehre.  I  obtained  the  most  certain  information  that  Austria 
was  preparing  for  war,  and  that  orders  had  been  issued,  in  all 
directions,  to  collect  and  put  in  motion  all  the  resources  of  that 
powerful  monarchy.  I  communicated  these  particulars  to  the 
French  government,  and  strongly  suggested  the  necessity  of  in- 
creased vigilance  and  precautionary  measures.  Preceding  ag- 
gressions, particularly  that  of  1805,  were  not  to  be  forgotten. 
It  is  probable  that  similar  information  was  furnished  from  other 
quarters.  Be  that  as  it  may,  the  emperor  committed  the  military 
operations  in  Spain  to  his  generals,  and  set  out  for  Paris,  where 
he  arrived  at  the  end  of  January,  1809.  He  had  been  in  Spain 
only  since  the  beginning  of  November,  and  though  the  insurgent 
troops  were  defeated,  the  inhabitants,  still  unsubdued,  shewed 
themselves  more  and  more  unfavourable  to  Joseph's  cause,  and 
it  did  not  appear  very  probable  that  he  would  ever  seat  himself 
tranquilly  on  the  throne  of  Madrid. 

Before  commencing  a  relation  of  what  came  to  my  knowledge 
respecting  the  German  campaign  which  was  about  to  begin,  I 
must  be  permitted  to  refer  back  to  one  of  the  most  important 
events  preceding  it.  When  speaking  of  the  interview  at  Erfurt, 
it  will  be  remembered  that  I  alluded  to  a  somewhat  ambiguous 
letter  transmitted  from  the  Emperor  Francis  to  Napoleon.  The 
answer  to  this  letter,  which  I  purposely  onlitted  in  its  proper 
place,  that  it  might  serve  as  an  introduction  to  the  events  of 
1809,  seemed  to  be  written  in  the  spirit  of  prophecy,  clearly 
pointing  out  what  actually  took  place  in  that  year.  It  was  in 
the  following  terms  : — 

'  Sire,  my  Brother, 
'  I  thank  your  royal  and  imperial  majesty  for  the  letter  you 
have  been  so  good  as  to  write  me,  transmitted  by  Baron  Vincent 
I  have  never  doubted  the  upright  intentions  of  your  majesty, 
but  I  was  not  the  less  fearful,  for  the  moment,  that  hostilities 
would  be  renewed  between  us.  There  is,  at  Vienna,  a  faction 
which    affects  alarm  in  order  to  drive  your  cabinet  to  violent 


LETTER   TO   FRANCIS   OF   AUSTRIA  381 

measures,  which  would  entail  misfortunes  greater  than  those 
which  are  past.  I  had  it  in  my  power  to  dismember  your 
majesty's  monarchy,  or  at  least  to  diminish  its  power.  I  did  not 
do  so.  It  exists,  as  it  is,  by  my  consent.  This  is  the  best 
proof  that  our  accounts  are  settled,  and  that  I  have  no  wish  to 
injure  you.  I  am  always  ready  to  s^uarantee  the  integrity  of 
your  monarchy,  I  will  never  do  anything  adverse  to  the  im- 
portant interests  of  your  state.  But  your  majesty  ought  not  to 
bring  again  under  discussion,  what  a  war  of  fifteen  years  had 
settled.  You  ought  to  avoid  every  proclamation  or  act  calculated 
to  provoke  hostility.  The  last  levy  in  mass  might  have  had 
this  effect,  if  I  had  apprehended  that  the  levy  and  preparations 
were  made  in  conjunction  with  Russia.  I  have  just  disbanded 
the  camp  of  the  confederation.  I  have  sent  100,000  men  to 
Boulogne,  to  renew  my  projects  against  England.  I  had  reason 
to  believe,  when  I  had  the  happiness  of  seeing  your  majesty,  and 
had  concluded  the  treaty  of  Presburg,  that  our  disputes  were 
terminated  for  ever,  and  that  I  might  undertake  the  maritime 
war  without  interruption.  I  beseech  your  majesty  to  distrust 
those,  who,  by  speaking  of  the  dangers  of  the  monarchy,  disturb 
your  happiness,  and  that  of  your  family  and  people.  Those 
persons  alone  are  dangerous,  they  create  the  dangers  they 
pretend  to  fear.  By  a  straightforward,  plain,  and  ingenuous  line 
of  conduct,  your  majesty  will  render  your  people  happy  ;  will 
yourself  enjoy  that  tranquillity  which,  after  so  many  troubles, 
you  must  doubtless  require  ;  and  will  be  sure  of  ever  finding 
mc  disposed  to  abstain  from  whatever  might  be  injurious 
to  your  best  interests.  Let  your  conduct  bespeak  confidence,  and 
you  will  inspire  it.  The  best  policy  at  the  present  time  is 
simplicity  and  truth.  Confide  to  me  whatever  troubles  may 
distress  you,  and  I  will  instantly  banish  them.  Will  your 
majesty  allow  me  to  make  one  observation  more — listen  to  your 
own  judgment,  your  own  feelings,  they  are  much  more  correct 
than  those  of  your  advisers.  I  beseech  your  majesty  to  read 
my  letter  in  the  same  spirit  in  which  it  is  written,  and  to  see 
nothing  in  it  which  has  not  for  its  object  the  welfare  and 
tranquillity  of  Europe  and  your  majesty.' 

From  this  letter  of  Napoleon,  I  had  no  doubt  that  a  new  war 
would  soon  ens*)e  between  France  and  Austria.  The  tone  of 
superiority  assumed  by  Napoleon,  as  if  he  had  been  writing  to 
one  of  the  princes  subject  to  his  Confederation  of  the  Rhine,  was 
indeed  of  a  nature  to  irritate  the  wounded  pride  of  the  heir  of  the 


382  NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 

Cassars.  The  cabinet  of  Vienna  was  also  attacked  in  a  manner 
calculated  to  irritate  all  its  members  against  Napoleon.  Illusion, 
however,  that  last  resource  of  misfortune,  appeared  in  a  seducing 
form  before  the  eyes  of  Austria.  True,  she  had  been  conquered 
once,  but  it  did  not  therefore  follow  that  she  should  be  conquered 
again.  She  might  recover  what  she  had  lost,  and  the  war  which 
Napoleon  was  obliged  to  maintain,  at  an  immense  expense 
of  men  and  money,  in  the  Peninsula,  gave  her  chances  of 
success  which  she  had  not  possessed  on  the  former  occasion, 
when  England  alone  was  at  war  with  France  ;  and  when,  above 
all,  England  had  not,  as  she  had  at  that  moment,  a  part  of  Europe 
where  she  could  employ  her  land  forces  against  the  power  of 
Napoleon.  Whether  undesignedly,  or  from  a  wish  that,  in 
the  new  war  about  to  take  place,  it  might  evidently  appear  that 
he  was  not  the  aggressor,  Napoleon  suffered  himself  to  be 
anticipated. 

The  Emperor  Francis,  however,  notwithstanding  the  instiga- 
tions of  his  counsellors,  hesitated  about  taking  the  first  step,  but 
at  length  yielding  to  the  open  solicitations  of  England,  and  the 
secret  insinuations  of  Russia,  and,  above  all,  seduced  by  the 
subsidies  of  Great  Britain,  he  declared  hostilities,  not  at  first 
against  France,  but  against  her  allies  of  the  Confederation  of  the 
Rhine.  On  the  9th  of  April,  Prince  Charles,  who  was  appointed 
commander-in-chief  of  the  Austrian  troops,  addressed  the  follow- 
ing note  to  the  commander-in-chief  of  the  French  army  in 
Bavaria  : — 

'In  conformity  with  a  declaration  made  by  his  majesty,  the 
Emperor  of  Austria,  to  the  Emperor  Napoleon,  I  hereby  apprize 
the  general-in-chief  of  the  French  army  that  I  have  orders 
to  advance  with  my  troops,  and  to  treat  as  enemies  all  who 
oppose  me.' 

A  courier  carried  a  copy  ot  this  declaration  to  Strasburg  with 
the  utmost  expedition,  from  which  place  it  was  transmitted  by 
telegraph  to  Paris.  The  emperor,  surprised,  but  not  disconcerted 
by  this  intelligence,  received  it  at  St.  Cloud  on  the  nth  of  April, 
and  two  hours  after  he  was  on  his  road  to  Germany.  The 
complexity  of  affairs  in  which  he  was  then  engaged  seemed  to 
give  a  fresh  impulse  to  his  activity.  When  he  reached  the  army, 
neither  the  troops  nor  his  guard  having  been  able  to  keep  up 
with  him,  he  placed  himself  at  the  head  of  the  Bavarian 
regiments,  thus  adopting,  as  it  were,  the  soldiers  of  Maximilian. 


HIS   AUSTRIAN    CAMPAIGN  3S3 

Six  days  after  his  departure  from  Paris,  the  army  of  Prince 
Charles,  which  had  passed  the  Inn,  was  threatened.  The 
emperor's  head-quaters  were  at  Donawerth,  and  frpm  thence  he 
addressed  to  his  soldiers  one  of  those  energetic  and  concise 
proclamations,  which  made  them  perform  so  many  prodigies. 
This  complication  of  events  could  not  but  be  fatal  to  Europe  and 
to  France,  whatever  might  be  the  results,  but  it  afforded  an 
opportunity  favourable  to  the  development  of  the  emperor's 
genius.  As  his  favourite  poet,  Ossian,  loved  best  to  tune  his 
lyre  to  the  noise  of  the  roaring  tempest.  Napoleon,  in  like 
manner,  required  political  tempests  and  opposing  elements  to 
display  his  wonderful  abilities. 

During  the  campaign  of  1809,  and  more  especially  at  its 
commencement.  Napoleon's  course  was  even  more  rapid  than 
it  had  been  in  the  campaign  of  1805.  Every  courier  who 
arrived  at  Hamburg,  brought  us  news  of  further  prodigies.  As 
soon  as  the  emperor  was  informed  of  the  attack  made  by  the 
Austrians  upon  Bavaria,  orders  were  despatched  to  all  the 
generals  having  troops  under  their  command  to  proceed  with 
the  utmost  expedition  to  the  theatre  of  war.  The  Prince  of 
Ponte-Corvo  was  summoned  to  the  grand  army  with  the  Saxon 
troops  under  his  command,  and  temporarily  resigned  the  govern- 
ment of  the  Hanse  Towns. 

I  shall  not  enter  into  any  longer  details  respecting  the  second 
campaign  of  Vienna  than  I  did  of  the  first,  and  the  campaign 
of  Tilsit.  I  shall  confide  myself,  as  before,  to  relating  such 
information  as  I  obtained  at  Hamburg,  where  my  functions 
always  became  more  difficult  whenever  any  fresh  movement 
took  place  in  Germany.  I  can  declare  that  in  1809  it  required 
all  the  promptitude  of  the  emperor's  march  upon  Vienna,  to 
defeat  the  conspiracies  which  were  formed  against  his  govern- 
ment ;  for,  in  the  event  of  his  arms  being  unsuccessful,  the 
blow  was  ready  to  be  struck.  England  had  entertained  the 
project  of  an  expedition  in  the  north  of  Germany,  and  her 
forces  there  already  amounted  to  about  10,000  men.  The 
Archduke  Charles  had  formed  the  plan  of  concentrating  in  the 
middle  of  Germany  a  large  body  of  troops,  consisting  of  the 
corps  of  General  Am  Eude,  of  General  Kadizwowitz,  and  ot 
the  English,  with  whom  were  to  be  joined  the  people  who 
were  expected  to  rise  on  their  approach.  But  all  the  attempts 
and  contrivances  of  England  on  the  continent  were  fruitless, 
for  with  the  emperor's  new  system  of  war,  which  consisted  in 
making  a  push  on  the  capital,  he  soon  obtained  negotiations  for 


584  NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 

peace.  He  was  master  of  Vienna  before  England  had  even 
organized  the  expedition  to  which  I  have  just  alluded.  He 
left  Paris  on  the  nth  of  April,  was  at  Donawerth  on  the 
17th,  and  on  the  23rd  he  was  master  of  Ratisbonne.  In  the 
engagement  which  preceded  his  entrance  into  that  town, 
Napoleon  was  wounded  in  the  heel.  The  injury,  however, 
was  too  slight  to  cause  him  to  leave  the  field  of  battle  for 
a  moment.  Between  Donawerth  and  Ratisbonne  also  was 
effected  that  bold  and  skilful  manoeuvre  by  which  Davoust 
gained  an-d  merited  the  title  of  Prince  of  Eckmuhl. 

At  this  period,  it  seemed  as  if  Fortune  was  so  allied  to 
Napoleon's  arms  that  she  took  pleasure  even  in  realizing  his 
boasting  predictions  ;  for,  within  a  month  after  his  proclamation 
to  that  effect,  the  French  troops  did  really  make  their  entry 
into  the  Austrian  capital. 

Rapp,  who,  during  the  campaign  of  Vienna  had  resumed 
his  duties  as  aide-de-camp,  related  to  me  one  of  those  striking 
remarks  of  Napoleon,  which,  when  his  words  are  compared 
with  the  events  that  followed  them,  would  almost  appear  to 
indicate  a  foresight  of  his  future  destiny.  The  emperor,  when 
within  a  few  days'  march  of  Vienna,  procured  a  guide  to 
explain  to  him  the  names  of  every  village,  or  ruin,  however 
insignificant,  that  presented  itself  on  his  road.  The  guide 
pointed  to  an  eminence,  on  which  were  still  visible  a  few 
remaining  vestiges  of  an  old  fortified  castle.  '  Those,'  said 
the  guide,  'are  the  ruins  of  the  castle  of  Diernstein.'  Napoleon 
suddenly  stopped,  and  remained  for  some  time  silently  con- 
templating the  ruins,  then  turning  to  Marshal  Lannes,  who 
was  with  him,  he  said,  *  See  !  yonder  is  the  prison  of  Richard 
Coeur  de  Lion.  He,  too,  like  us,  went  to  Syria  and  Palestine. 
But  Coeur  de  Lion,  my  brave  Lannes,  was  not  more  brave  than 
you.  He  was  more  fortunate  than  I  at  St.  Jean  d'Acre.  A 
duke  of  Austria  sold  him  to  an  emperor  of  Germany,  who 
shut  him  up  in  yonder  castle.  Those  were  the  days  of  bar- 
barism. How  different  the  civilization  of  our  own  times  ! 
The  world  has  seen  how  I  treated  the  Emperor  of  Austria 
whom  I  might  have  imprisoned — and  I  would  treat  him  so 
again.  I  take  no  credit  to  myself  for  this.  In  the  present  age 
crowned  heads  must  be  respected.     A  conqueror  imprisoned  !' 

A  few  days  after  the  emperor  was  at  the  gates  of  Vienna, 
but  on  this  occasion  his  access  to  that  capital  was  not  so 
easy  as  it  had  been  rendered  in  1805,  by  the  ingenious  bra^ado 
of    Lannes.     The   Archduke    Maximilian,  who   was   shut   up 


FRENCH   ENTER   VIENNA  385 

in  the  capital,  wished  to  defend  it,  although  the  French  army 
already  occupied  the  principal  suburbs.  In  vain  were  flags  of 
truce  sent  one  after  the  other  to  the  archduke.  They  were  not 
only  sent  back  unheard,  but  were  even  ill-treated,  and  one  of 
them  was  almost  killed  by  the  populace.  The  city  was  then 
bombarded,  and  was  fast  becoming  a  prey  to  the  flames,  when 
the  emperor,  hearing  that  one  of  the  archduchesses  remained  in 
Vienna,  on  account  of  ill-health,  ordered  the  firing  to  cease. 
Singularly  capricious  were  the  events  of  Napoleon's  destiny — 
this  archduchess  was  no  other  than  Maria  Louisa  !  Vienna  at 
length  opened  her  gates  to  Napoleon,  who,  for  some  days,  took 
up  his  residence  at  Schoenbrunn.  He  lost  no  time  in  addressing 
the  following  proclamation  to  his  troops  : — 

'Soldiers, 

'  One  month  after  the  enemy  passed  the  Inn,  on  the 
samc-i:lay,  and  at  the  same  hour,  we  have  entered  Vienna  !  Her 
landivehres,  her  levies  in  mass,  her  ramparts,  created  by  the 
impotent  fury  of  the  princes  of  the  house  of  Lorraine,  have 
vanished  at  your  approach.  The  princes  of  that  house  have 
abandoned  their  capital,  not  like  honourable  warriors  yielding 
to  the  circumstances  of  war,  but  like  perjurers,  pursued  by  their 
own  remorse.  In  flying  from  Vienna,  their  farewell  to  its 
inhabitants  were  murder  and  conflagration.  Like  Medea,  they 
have,  with  their  own  hands,  massacred  their  children.' 

Who  would  have  believed  that,  after  the  manner  in  which 
Napoleon  had  spoken  of  the  Emperor  of  Austria  in  this  procla- 
mation, he  would  finish  the  campaign  with  a  proposal  to  marry 
his  daughter  ?  I  had  always  been  of  opinion,  that  this  pro- 
pensity of  Bonaparte  to  abuse  his  enemies  in  these  public 
addresses,  was,  to  say  the  least  of  it,  impolitic,  and  by  no  means 
added  to  his  reputation.  And  if  it  be  remarked,  that  I  am  at 
pains  to  present  Napoleon's  proclamations  to  the  reader,  and  say 
nothing  with  regard  to  his  bulletins,  the  reason  is  this — his 
proclamations  were  founded  on  truth,  almost  to  their  prophecies, 
which,  however,  were  not  always  realized  like  that  of  his 
entrance  into  Vienna.  Their  groundwork  was  the  great 
historical  events  whicli  had  taken  place  before  the  eyes  of  the 
army  to  which  they  were  addressed  ;  while  his  bulletins,  which 
were  intended  to  impose  on  the  people  of  the  interior  of  France, 
and  foreign  countries,  too  fully  justilied  the  proverb,  'to  lie  like 
a  bulletin.* 

25 


386  NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 


CHAPTER    XXXVL 


Five  days  after  the  bombardment  of  Vienna,  namely,  on  the 
17th  of  May,  the  emperor  published  a  decree,  by  virtue  of 
which  the  States  of  the  Pope  were  united  to  the  French  empire, 
and  Rome  was  declared  an  imperial  city.  The  States  of  the 
Church  had  already  been  dismembered  for  the  sake  of  en- 
larging the  three  Italian  departments  ;  but  the  Holy  See  was 
now  entirely  erased  from  the  list  of  temporal  powers.  I  shall 
not  now  stop  to  inquire  how  far  such  a  measure  was  politic,  or 
otherwise  ;  but  it  certainly  was  a  mean  usurpation  on  the  part 
of  Napoleon,  for  the  time  had  long  passed  when  a  Julius  the 
Second  laid  down  the  keys  of  St.  Peter,  to  take  up  the  sword  of 
St.  Paul.  It  was,  besides,  an  injustice,  and  after  the  condescen- 
sion of  the  pope  towards  Napoleon,  an  act  of  the  blackest 
ingratitude.  The  decree  of  union  did  not  deprive  the  pope  of 
his  residence  ;  but  he  was  now  nothing  more  than  the  first 
Bishop  of  Christendom,  with  a  revenue  of  two  millions.  The 
virtues  of  this  persecuted  old  man,  however,  inspired  universal 
respect,  and  even  Protestants  were  loud  in  their  condemnation 
of  Napoleon's  scandalous  behaviour  to  Pius  VII. 

Napoleon,  while  at  Vienna,  heard  of  the  affair  of  Talavera 
de  la  Reyna.  I  was  Informed  by  a  letter  from  head-quarters, 
that  he  was  very  much  affected  by  the  news,  and  did  not  conceal 
the  chagrin  It  caused  him.  I  verily  believe,  that  he  had  deter 
mined  on  the  conquest  of  Spain,  precisely  on  account  of  the 
difficulties  It  piesented.  At  Talavera  commenced  th«  European 
reputation  of  a  man  who,  perhaps,  would  not  have  been  without 
some  glory,  even  had  less  pains  been  taken  to  build  him  up 
a  fabric  of  renown.  In  that  battle  commenced  the  career  of 
Sir  Arthur  Wellesle}',  whose  victories  have  since  been  attended 
with  such  important  consequences.  Whilst  we  experienced 
this  check  in  Spain,  the  English  were  attempting  an  expedition 
against  Holland,  where  they  had  already  made  themselves 
masters  of  the  island  of  Walcheren.  It  Is  true,  they:  were 
obliged  to  evacuate  It  shortly  afterwards,  but  as,  at  that  time,  the 
French  and  Austrian  armies  were  in  a  state  of  Inaction,  in 
consequence  of  an  armistice  concluded  at  Znaim  In  Moravia, 
the  news  unfavourable  to  Napoleon  raised  the  hopes  of  the 
Austrian  negotiators,   who  held   back  in  the  expectation   that 


ATTEMPT   TO   ASSASSINATE    HIM  387 

fresh  defeats  would  afford  them  better  chances.  These  delays 
were  borne  with  much  impatience  by  the  emperor,  who  longed 
for  the  opportunity  of  directing  his  whole  strength  against 
Spain  anci  England,  the  only  two  enemies  that  would  remain 
after  peace  had  been  concluded  with   Austria. 

It  was  during  the  course  of  these  negotiations,  the  termination 
of  which  seemed  every  day  to  be  further  distant,  that  Napoleon 
was  exposed  to  a  more  real  danger  than  the  wound  he  had 
received  at  Ratisbonne  Germany  was  in  a  state  of  distress 
difficult  to  describe  ;  her  sufferings  were  aggravated  by  the 
presence  of  numerous  French  troops,  whose  support,  whatever 
discipline  might  be  enforced  by  their  chiefs,  was  not  the  less 
burdensome  and  oppressive.  Illuminism,  too,  was  making  great 
progress,  and  had  filled  some  youthful  minds  with  an  enthusiasm 
equal  to  that  religious  fanaticism  to  which  Henry  IV.  fell  a 
victim.  A  young  man,  named  Staps,  formed  the  design  of 
assassinating  Napoleon,  in  order  to  rid  Germany  of  one  whom 
he  considered  her  scourge.  Rapp  and  Berthier  were  with  the 
emperor  when  the  assassin  was  arrested  ;  and  I  feel  assured 
that,  in  repeating  exactly  their  stateinent  to  myself,  I  am  giving 
the  most  faithful  account  of  all  the  circumstances  connected 
with  that  event. — '  We  were  at  Schoenbrunn,'  said  Rapp,  'when 
the  emperor  had  just  reviewed  the  troops.  I  had  before  observed 
a  young  man  at  the  extremity  of  one  of  the  columns,  when, 
just  as  the  troops  were  about  to  defile,  I  perceived  him  advancing 
towards  the  emperor,  who  was  then  between  Berthier  and  myself. 
The  Prince  de  Neufchatel,  supposing  he  had  a  petition  to 
present,  went  forward  to  tell  him  that  I  was  the  person  to  receive 
it,  being  the  aide-de-camp  for  the  day.  The  young  man 
replied,  that  he  wished  to  speak  to  Napoleon  himself,  and 
]'erthier  again  told  him  he  must  apply  to  me.  He  then  with- 
drew a  little,  still  repeating  that  he  wished  to  speak  to  Napoleon. 
He  again  aiivanced,  and  came  very  near  the  emperor.  I  ordered 
iiim  to  fall  back,  telling  him  in  German  to  wait  till  after  the 
parade,  when,  if  he  had  any  petition  to  make,  he  would  be 
attended  to.  I  surveyed  him  attentively,  for  the  importunity 
of  his  behaviour  began  to  make  me  suspect  him.  I  remarked 
that  he  kept  his  right  hand  in  the  breast-pocket  of  his  coat, 
out  of  which  appeared  one  end  of  a  roll  of  paper.  I  know 
not  liow  it  was,  but,  at  that  moment,  our  eyes  meeting,  I  was 
struck  with  a  certain  expression  in  his  look  and  air,  which 
seemed  to  imply  some  fixed  and  unalterable  determination. 
Perceiving  an  officer  of  gendarmerie  on  the  spot,  I  desired  him 


388  NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 

to  seize  the  young  man,  and  without  any  unnecessary  severity, 
to  convey  him  to  the  castle  until  the  parade  was  over.  All  this 
passed  in  less  time  than  I  have  taken  in  relating  it,  and  at  this 
moment  the  attention  of  everyone  being  fixed  on  the  parade, 
the  scene  passed  unnoticed.  Shortly  after,  I  was  told  that 
a  large  carving-knife  had  been  found  concealed  about  the  person 
of  the  young  man  ;  and  going  immediately  to  find  Duroc,  I 
proceeded  with  him  to  the  apartment  to  which  Staps  had  been 
taken.  We  found  him  sitting  on  a  bed,  seemingly  in  deep 
thought,  but  exhibiting  not  the  least  appearance  of  alarm. 
Near  him  was  the  portrait  of  a  young  female,  his  pocket-book 
and  purse,  in  which  were  two  gold  pieces,  if  I  remember  right, 
old  French  louis  d'ors.  I  asked  him  his  name,  but  he  replied 
he  would  tell  it  to  no  one  but  Napoleon  ;  I  next  inquired, 
what  he  intended  to  do  with  the  knife  found  upon  him.  His 
answer  was  the  same  as  before — "  I  shall  tell  no  one  but 
Napoleon."  "Did  you  intend  to  attempt  his  life?"  "Yes." 
"  Why  ?"     "I  cannot  tell  anyone  but  Napoleon." 

'  This  circumstance  altogether  appeared  so  strange  to  me, 
that  I  thought  it  right  the  emperor  should  be  informed  of  it. 
When  I  told  him  what  had  taken  place,  he  appeared  somewhat 
disconcerted,  for  you  know,'  said  Rapp,  '  how  much  he  was 
haunted  by  the  idea  of  assassination.  He  desired  that  the  young 
man  should  be  taken  into  his  cabinet,  but  this  order  was  given 
to  me  in  a  tone  that  neither  you  nor  myself  ever  heard  before  ; 
he  passed  his  right  hand  several  times  along  his  forehead,  and 
fixed  a  scrutinizing  look  on  all  present.  Two  gendarmes 
conducted  Staps  into  the  presence  of  Napoleon.  In  spite  of 
his  criminal  intention,  there  was  something  so  prepossessing 
in  the  countenance  of  the  unhappy  youth,  that  it  was  impossible 
not  to  feel  interested  in  his  fate.  I  wished  that  he  would  deny 
the  intention,  but  how  was  it  possible  to  save  a  man  who  was 
determined  to  sacrifice  himself?  The  emperor  asked  the 
prisoner  if  he  could  speak  French  ?  to  which  he  replied,  he 
had  but  a  slight  knowledge  of  it  ;  and  as  you  know,'  continued 
Rapp,  '  that  next  to  yourself  I  am  the  best  German  scholar 
in  Napoleon's  court,  I  was  ordered  to  act  as  interpreter  on  the 
occasion.  I  may  add,  that  such  was  Napoleon's  anxiety  to 
be  made  acquainted  with  the  prisoner's  answers,  that  I  took 
no  part  in  the  following  dialogue,  except  as  the  mouth-piece  of 
the  emperor,  in  translating  his  questions  and  their  several  replies. 

'  The  emperor  began — "  Where  do  you  come  from  ? "  "  From 
Narremburg."      "  What    is     your    father  ? "     "  A    Protestant 


THE    FANATIC    STAPS  389 

minister."  «  How  old  are  you  ?  "  «  Eighteen."  "  What  did 
you  intend  to  do  with  your  knife  ?"  "To  kill  you."  "You 
are  mad,  young  man  ;  you  are  one  of  the  illuminati."  "I  am 
mot  mad,  nor  do  I  know  what  is  meant  by  the  illuminati." 
"You  are  ill,  then  ?"  "I  am  not  ill,  I  am  very  well."  "Why 
did  you  wish  to  kill  me  ? "  "  Because  you  have  ruined  my 
country."  "  Have  I  done  you  any  harm  .!" "  "  The  same  harm 
as  all  other  Germans."  "Is  this  the  first  time  you  have  seen 
me  }"  "  I  saw  you  at  Erfurt,  at  the  time  of  your  interview  with 
the  Emperor  of  Russia."  "Did  you  intend  to  kill  me  then  ? 
"No,  I  thought  you  would  not  again  wage  war  against 
•  Germany.  I  was  one  of  your  greatest  admirers.  I  came  to 
Schoenbrunn,  a  week  ago,  with  the  intention  of  killing  you, 
but  the  parade  was  just  over  on  my  arrival.  I  therefore  deferred 
the  execution  of  my  design  till  to-day."  "I  tell  you,  young 
,raan,  you  are  either  mad  or  in  ill-health." 

'At  this  point  of  the  examination,  the  emperor  ordered 
Corvisart  to  be  sent  for.  Staps  asked  who  Corvisart  was.  I 
told  him  he  was  a  physician,  upon  which  he  replied,  "I  have 
no  need  of  him."  No  further  conversation  ensued  until  the 
arrival  of  the  doctor,  and  during  this  interval  Staps  evinced 
the  utmost  indifference.  As  soon  as  Corvisart  arrived.  Napoleon 
directed  him  to  feel  the  young  man's  pulse,  which  he  immedi- 
ately did,  and  Staps  then  very  coolly  said,  "  Is  it  not  true,  Sir, 
that  I  am  quite  well  >  "  "The  gentleman  is  in  perfect  health," 
said  Corvisart  to  the  emperor.  "  I  told  you  so,"  exclaimed 
Staps,  pronouncing  the  words  with  a  sort  of  exultation. 

'  I  was  really  astonished  at  the  coolness  and  stoicism  of  Staps, 
and  the  emperor  himself  seemed  for  a  moment  utterly  confounded 
by  the  young  man's  behaviour.  He,  at  length,  ordered  the 
prisoner  to  be  removed,  and  when  he  was  gone,  observed,  "  This  is 
the  effect  of  fine  principles,  they  convert  young  men  into  assassins." 

'This  event,  in  spite  of  all  endeavours  to  keep  it  secret, 
became  the  subject  of  conversation  in  the  castle  of  Schoenbrunn. 
One  evening  the  emperor  sent  for  me,  and  said,  "  Rapp,  I 
cannot  get  this  wretched  Staps  out  of  my  head.  The  more 
I  think  of  the  subject,  the  more  I  am  perplexed.  I  can  never 
believe  that  a  young  man  of  his  age,  a  German,  one  who  has 
received  a  good  education,  a  Protestant  too,  could  have  con- 
ceived and  attempted  such  a  crime.  The  Italians  are  said 
to  be  a  nation  of  assassins,  but  no  Italian  ever  attempted  my 
life.  The  thing  is  really  beyond  my  comprehension.  Inquire 
in  what  manner  he  met  his  fate,  and  let  me  know." 


390  NAPOLEON   BONAPARTE 

'  I  obtained  from  General  Lauer  the  information  which  the 
emperor  desired.  I  learned  that  Staps,  whose  rash  attempt  was 
made  on  the  23rd  of  October,  was  executed  at  seven  o'clock 
in  the  morning  of  the  27th,  having  refused  to  take  any 
sustenance  since  the  24th.  Whenever  food  was  offered  to  him, 
he  rejected  it,  saying,  "I  am  quite  strong  enough  to  walk 
to  the  scaffold."  On  being  told  that  peace  was  concluded,  he 
evinced  the  utmost  sorrow,  and  was  seized  with  a  universal 
tremor.  When  at  the  place  of  execution,  he  exclaimed  with 
a  loud  voice,  "  Liberty  for  ever  !  Germany  for  ever  1  Death 
to  the  tyrant  ! "  and  these  were  his  last  words.' 

It  is  well  known  that,  after  the  battle  of  Wagram,  conferences 
were  opened  at  Raab.  Although  peace  was  almost  absolutely 
necessary  for  both  powers,  and  the  two  emperors  appeared 
equally  anxious  for  it,  still  the  treaty  was  not  concluded.  The 
Austrian  commissioner  had  consented  to  all  the  most  important 
conditions,  but,  what  is  worthy  of  remark,  delays  were  still 
occasioned  by  Bonaparte.  In  fact,  he  was  not  sincerely 
desirous  for  the  conclusion  of  a  treaty  which  should  affix  any 
limit  to  his  conquests,  or  the  aggrandizement  of  his  power. 
Negotiations  were  therefore  suspended  ;  and  M.  de  Champagny 
had  ceased  for  several  days  to  see  the  Prince  of  Lichtenstein, 
when  the  affair  of  Staps  took  place.  Immediately  after  Napoleon's 
examination  of  the  young  fanatic,  he  sent  for  M.  de  Champagny. 
'  How  are  the  negotiations  going  on  ? '  he  inquired.  The 
minister  having  informed  him,  the  emperor  added,  '  I  wish  them 
to  be  resumed  immediately,  I  wish  for  peace  :  do  not  hesitate 
about  a  few  millions  more  or  less  in  the  indemnity  demanded 
from  Austria.  Yield  on  that  point  ;  I  wish  to  come  to  a  con- 
clusion. I  leave  it  all  to  you.'  The  promptness  with  which 
the  emperor's  orders  were  executed  on  this  occasion,  gave  him 
no  opportunity  to  recall  them.  The  minister  wrote  immediately 
to  the  Prince  of  Lichtenstein  ;  and  on  the  same  night,  the  two 
negotiators  having  met  at  Raab,  the  clauses  of  the  treaty  which 
had  been  suspended  were  at  once  discussed,  agreed  upon,  and 
signed.  The  next  morning  M.  de  Champagny  attended  the 
emperor's  levee  with  the  treaty  of  peace  as  it  had  been  agreed 
on.  Napoleon,  after  hastily  glancing  over  it,  expressed  his 
approbation  of  every  particular,  and  highly  complimented  his 
minister  on  the  quickness  with  which  his  wishes  had  been 
attended  to,  and  the  treaty  concluded.  By  this  act,  known  by 
the  name  of  the  treaty  of  Schoenbrunn,  the  ancient  edifice  of 
the  empire  of  Germany  was  overthrown,  and  Francis  II.  became 


TREATY    OF    SCHOENBRUNN  391 

Francis  I.,  Emperor  of  Austria.  He,  however,  could  not  say, 
like  his  namesake  of  France,  '  Tout  est  perdu  hors  Phonneur,' 
*  All  is  lost  but  honour,'  for  honour  had  been  somewhat  com- 
promised to  avoid  losing  all.  Still,  however,  Austria  was 
compelled  to  make  very  heavy  sacrifices.  The  territories  ceded 
to  France  were  immediately  united  into  a  new  general  govern- 
ment, under  the  collective  denomination  of  the  Illyrian  provinces. 
Napoleon  thus  became  master  of  both  shores  of  the  Adriatic, 
under  his  two-fold  title  of  Emperor  of  France  and  King  of  Italy. 
Austria,  thus  crippled  in  her  external  commerce,  had  no  longer 
any  direct  communication  with  the  sea.  The  loss  of  Fiume, 
Trieste,  and  the  sea-coast,  appeared  so  great  a  sacrifice,  that  I 
had  no  confidence  in  the  duration  of  a  peace  so  dearly  purchased. 
The  idea  that  Staps  might  have  imitators  among  his  countrymen, 
probably  induced  Napoleon  to  hurry  away  from  Schoenbrunn, 
for  he  set  off  before  he  had  ratified  the  preliminaries  of  the  peace, 
announcing  that  he  would  ratify  them  at  Munich.  He  pro- 
ceeded in  great  haste  to  Nymphenburg,  where  the  court  of 
Bavaria  was  awaiting  his  arrival.  He  next  visited  the  King  of 
Wirtemberg,  whom  he  declared  to  be  the  cleverest  sovereign  in 
Europe  ;  and  at  the  end  of  October  he  arrived  at  Fontainebleau. 
From  thence  he  proceeded  on  horseback  to  Paris,  riding  with 
such  rapidity,  that  only  a  single  chasseur  of  his  escort  could 
keep  up  with  him,  and  attended  by  this  one  guard  he  entered 
the  court  of  the  Tuileries. 


CHAPTER   XXXVII. 

It  was  during  Napoleon's  stay  at  Fontainebleau,  before  hi?  re'urn 
to  Paris,  that  Josephine  for  the  first  time  heard  any  mention  of 
her  divorce,  the  idea  of  wliich  had  occurred  to  the  emperor's 
mind  while  he  w'asat  Schoenbrunn.  At  Fontainebleau,  likewise. 
Napoleon  appointed  M.  de  Montalivet  Minister  of  the  Interior — 
a  choice  which  gave  universal  satisfaction.  The  letters  which 
we  received  from  Paris  at  this  period  were  continually  dwelling 
on  the  brilliant  state  of  the  capital  during  tlie  winter  of  1S09, 
and  especially  on  the  splendour  of  tlie  imperial  court,  where  the 
emperor's  levees  were  attended  by  the  Kings  of  Saxony,  Bavaria, 
and  Wirtemberg  ;  all  eager  to  evince  their  gratitude  to  the  hero 
who  had  raised  them  to  the  rank  of  sovereigns. 

I  was  the  first  person  in  Hamburg  that  received  intelligence 


392  NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 

of  Napoleon's  projected  marriage  with  the  Archduchess  Maria- 
Louisa.  The  news  was  brought  to  me  from  Vienna  by  two 
estafettes.  How  wonderful  were  the  fortunes  of  this  man  ! 
Who  could  have  supposed,  on  that  day  when  I  accompanied 
Bonaparte  to  my  brother's,  with  whom  he  left  his  watch  as  a 
deposit  for  a  little  silver,  that  he  was  destined  to  marry  an 
Austrian  archduchess  ?  It  is  impossible  to  give  any  idea  of  the 
effect  produced  by  the  anticipation  of  this  event  in  the  north  of 
Germany.  From  all  parts  the  merchants  received  orders  to  buy 
Austrian  stock,  which  immediately  experienced  an  extraordinary 
rise.  The  marriage  was  hailed  with  the  most  enthusiastic  joy  ; 
it  was  looked  upon  as  the  guarantee  of  a  lasting  peace,  and  the 
hope  was  entertained  that  the  repose  of  the  continent  would  no 
more  be  disturbed  by  the  rivalry  of  France  and  Austria.  My 
extensive  correspondence  led  me  to  believe  that  these  sentJlnents 
were  shared  by  the  people  of  the  interior  of  France,  and  the 
different  countries  of  Europe.  For  my  own  part,  in  spite  of  the 
presentiment  I  had  always  had  of  the  return  of  the  Bourbons  to 
France,  I  confess  I  now  began  to  think  that  event  problematical, 
or  at  least  very  remote. 

About  the  beginning  of  the  year  1810  commenced  the 
differences  between  Napoleon  and  his  brother  Louis,  which,  as 
the  reader  has  already  seen,  terminated  in  a  complete  rupture. 
Holland  could  not  exist  without  commerce,  and  this  Napoleon 
interdicted.  His  object  was  to  make  himself  master  of  the 
navigation  of  the  Scheldt,  which  Louis  wished  should  remain 
free,  and  hence  ensued  the  union  of  Holland  with  the  French 
empire.  Holland  was  the  first  province  of  the  grand  empire 
which  Napoleon  took  the  new  empress  to  visit.  Their  journey 
took  place  almost  immediately  after  the  marriage  ceremonies 
were  completed.  Napoleon  first  proceeded  to  Compiegne,  where 
he  remained  a  week.  He  next  set  out  for  Saint  Quentin,  and 
inspected  the  canal.  The  Empress  Maria-Louisa  then  joined 
him,  and  they  revisited  Belgium  in  company.  At  Antwerp,  the 
emperor  inspected  all  the  works  which  he  had  ordered,  for  the 
execution  of  which  he  testified  much  anxiety.  Throughout 
their  whole  progress  they  were  received  with  public  rejoicings, 
fetes,  and  other  popular  manifestations  of  joy.  Havfng  visited 
several  places  in  Holland,  the  emperor  returned  by  way  of 
Ostend,  Lille,  and  Normandy,  to  Saint  Cloud,  where  he  arrived 
on  the  I  St  of  June,   iSio. 

He  then  learned  from  my  correspondence  that  the  Hanse 
Towns    had    refused   to   advance   money   for   the   pay   of  the 


THE    HANSE   TOWNS  393 

French  troops,  who  were  left  absolutely  destitute,  without  money 
and  without  resources.  I  represented  the  urgent  necessity  for 
putting  an  end  to  this  state  of  things.  The  Hanse  Towns,  once 
so  opulent,  had  been  reduced  by  taxations  and  extortions  to 
absolute  misery,  and  were  wholly  unable  to  satisfy  the  unjust 
demand  which  was  now  made  upon  them. 

Towards  the  end  of  this  year,  Napoleon,  in  a  fit  of  madness, 
issued  a  decree,  an  infernal  one,  for  I  can  find  no  milder  epithet 
with  which  to  characterize  it.  It  ordained  the  burning  of  all 
English  merchandise  in  France,  Holland,  the  Grand  Duchy  of 
Berg,  the  Hanse  Towns,  in  short,  in  all  those  places  subject  to 
the  disastrous  dominion  of  Napoleon.  I  did  not  conceal  the 
discontent  which  this  ruinous  measure  excited,  and  the  emperor 
himself  was  at  length  convinced  of  its  folly,  by  the  following 
circumstance  :  In  spite  of  the  sincerity  with  which  the  Danish 
government  endeavoured  to  enforce  the  continental  system, 
Holstein  contained  a  great  quantity  of  colonial  produce,  and, 
notwithstanding  the  severest  measures,  it  was  necessary  to  find 
a  market  somewhere  for  such  comm.odities.  The  smugglers 
often  succeeded  in  introducing  them  into  Germany,  and  within 
a  few  months  the  whole  would,  no  doubt,  have  passed  the 
custom-house  limits.  After  much  consideration  on  this  state 
of  things,  I  thought  it  most  advisable  to  turn  to  some  account 
an  evil  which  could  not  be  avoided.  I  proposed,  therefore,  that 
the  colonial  produce  then  in  Holstein,  and  which  had  been 
imported  before  the  date  of  the  edict  for  its  prohibition,  should 
be  allowed  to  enter  Hamburg,  on  the  payment  of  30  or,  on 
some  articles,  of  40  per  cent.  This  duty  was  to  be  collected 
at  the  custom-house,  and  to  be  confined  entirely  to  articles  con- 
sumed in  Germany.  The  colonial  produce  in  Altona,  Gluck- 
stadt,  Husum,  and  other  towns  of  Holstein,  had  been  estimated 
at  about  thirty  millions  of  francs,  and  the  duty  would  amount 
to  ten  or  twelve  millions.  By  the  adoption  of  this  plan  the 
smuggler's  trade  would  at  once  be  at  an  end  ;  as  of  course  the 
merchants  would  prefer  to  give  30,  or  33  per  cent.,  for  the  right 
of  carrying  on  a  lawful  trade,  rather  than  40  per  cent,  to  the 
smugglers,   with  the  chance  of  seizure  besides. 

The  emperor  was  not  slow  in  adopting  my  idea,  for  I  trans- 
mitted my  observations  on  the  subject  to  the  Minister  for 
Foreign  Affairs  on  the  iSth  of  September,  and  on  the  4th  of 
October  a  decree  was  issued  conformable  to  the  plan  I  proposed. 
Within  six  weeks  after  the  decree  had  been  made  public,  the 
custom-house   director  received  thirteen    hundred  notices  from 


394  NAPOLEON   BONAPARTE 

persons  holding  colonial  produce  in  Holstein.  The  estimate  of 
the  duties  was  now  about  forty  millions  of  francs,  that  is  to  say, 
twenty-eight  or  thirty  millions  more  than  I  had  calculated  them 
at.  In  fact,  several  commercial  houses  paid  (each)  four  millions  ; 
but  this  surplus  of  revenue  did  not  surprise  me,  knowing  that 
I  had  made  no  exaggerated  statements  in  my  representations  on 
the  subject. 

At  the  beginning  of  December  I  received  a  letter  from  M. 
de  Champagny,  stating  that  the  emperor  wished  to  see  me,  in 
order  to  consult  with  me  upon  different  matters  connected 
with  Hamburg.  On  my  arrival  at  Paris,  however,  I  did  not  see 
the  emperor ;  but  the  first  Moniteur  I  read  contained  the 
official  report  of  a  senatus  consullum,  which  united  the  Hanse 
Towns,  Lauenburg,  etc.,  to  the  French  empire,  by  the  right 
which  the  strong  possesses  over  the  weak.  In  one  of  my 
interviews  with  M.  de  Champagny,  after  my  return  to  Paris,  he 
informed  me  that  the  emperor  did  not  wish  to  receive  me. 
My  situation  in  Paris  was  now  extremely  delicate. 

The  emperor's  refusal  to  see  me  was  an  embarrassing  cir- 
cumstance, and  I  was,  at  first,  in  doubt,  whether  I  might  seek 
an  interview  with  Josephine.  Duroc,  however,  having  assured 
me  that  Napoleon  would  not  object  to  it,  I  wrote,  requesting 
permission  to  wait  upon  her.  I  received  an  answer  the  same 
day,  and,  on  the  morrow,  I  went  to  Malmaison.  I  was  ushered 
into  a  small  drawing-room  in  the  form  of  a  tent,  where  I  found 
Josephine  and  Hortense.  On  my  entrance,  Josephine  stretched 
out  her  hand  to  me,  exclaiming,  '  Ah  !  my  friend.' — These 
words  she  pronounced  with  deep  emotion,  and  tears  prevented 
her  from  continuing.  She  threw  herself  on  the  ottoman,  on 
the  left  of  the  fireplace,  and  beckoned  me  to  be  seated  near  her. 
Hortense  was  standing  by  the  fireplace  endeavouring  to  conceal 
her  tears.  Josephine  took  my  hand,  which  she  pressed  in  both 
her  own.  It  was  some  time  before  she  could  sufficiently  com- 
mand her  feelings,  and  her  tears  still  flowed  as  she  said,  '  My 
dear  Bourrienne,  I  have  drained  my  cup  of  misfortune.  He  has 
cast  me  off !  forsaken  me. — He  conferred  upon  me  the  vain  title 
of  empress,  only  to  render  my  fall  the  more  marked.  Ah  !  we 
judged  him  rightly.  I  did  not  deceive  myself  as  to  the  destiny 
that  awaited  me,  for  what  would  he  not  sacrifice  to  his  ambition? ' 
At  this  moment  one  of  the  ladies  of  Queen  Hortense  entered 
with  a  message  to  her  mistress,  who  remained  a  minute  or  two, 
apparently  to  recover  herself  from  her  emotion,  and  then 
withdrew.     I  was  thus  left  alone  with  Josephine,  an  opportunity 


DIVORCES   JOSEPHINE  395 

not  displeasing  to  us.  She  seemed  to  wish  for  the  relief  of 
disclosing  her  sorrows,  which  I  was  equally  desirous  to  hear 
from  her  own  lips  ;  women  have  such  a  charming  way  of 
relating  their  troubles. 

Josephine  told  me  much  ot  what  I  had  previously  learned 
from  my  friend  Duroc  ;  then,  coming  to  the  period  when 
Bonaparte  had  declared  to  her  the  necessity  of  a  separation, 
'  My  dear  Bourrienne,'  she  said,  '  during  all  the  years  you  were 
with  us,  you  know  you  possessed  my  entire  confidence — to  you 
I  often  expressed  my  sad  forebodings.  Cruelly,  indeed,  are 
they  now  fulfilled  ;  I  have  finished  my  character  of  wife — I 
have  suffered  all — I  am  resigned  ! '  After  a  short  pause,  she 
continued,  '  What  fortitude  did  it  require  latterly,  when,  though 
no  longer  his  wife,  I  was  obliged  to  appear  so  in  the  eyes  of 
the  world  !  What  looks  do  courtiers  bend  upon  a  repudiated 
wife  !  I  was  in  a  state  of  vague  uncertainty,  worse  than  death, 
until  the  fatal  day,  when  he  at  length  avowed  to  me  what  I  had 
long  before  read  in  his  looks.  It  was  the  30th  of  November, 
1809  '•  ^^^^  '^o  I  remember  the  sinister  expression  of  his  counte- 
nance on  that  day  ;  we  were  dining  together  as  usual,  and 
during  that  sorrowful  repast  I  had  not  uttered  a  word,  and  he 
had  only  broken  silence  to  ask  one  of  the  servants  what  it  was 
o'clock.  As  soon  as  Bonaparte  had  taken  his  coffee  he  dis- 
missed all  his  attendants,  and  I  remained  alone  with  him.  His 
features  sufficiently  marked  what  was  passing  in  his  mind,  and 
I  knew  that  my  hour  was  come.  Coming  close  to  me  he  took 
my  hand,  pressed  it  to  his  heart,  and,  after  gazing  at  me  for  a 
few  moments  in  silence,  he  uttered  these  fatal  words,  "Josephine, 
my  dear  Josephine  !  you  know  I  have  loved  you  :  to  you  alone 
do  I  owe  the  only  moments  of  happiness  I  have  tasted  in  this 
world.  But,  Josephine,  my  destiny  is  superior  to  my  will  ;  my 
dearest  affections  must  give  way  to  the  interests  of  France." 
"  Say  no  more  !  "  I  exclaimed.  "I  understand  you  ;  J  expected 
this,  but  the  blow  is  not  the  less  severe."  I  had  not  power 
to  say  more,'  continued  Josephine  ;  *  I  know  not  what  took 
place  after  ;  strength  and  reason  at  once  forsook  me,  and  when 
I  recovered,  I  found  myself  in  my  chamber.  Your  friend, 
Corvisart,  and  my  poor  daughter  were  with  me.  Bonaparte 
came  to  see  me  in  the  evening,  and  oh  !  Bourrienne,  how  can  I 
give  you  an  idea  of  what  I  then  felt  !  even  the  interest  he 
appeared  to  feel  for  my  situation  seemed  an  additional 
cruelty.  Alas  !  I  had  good  reason  to  fear  ever  becoming  an 
empress.* 


396  NAPOLEON   BONAPARTE 

I  was  at  a  loss  what  consolation  to  offer  to  Josephine  ;  and 
knowintj  as  I  did  the  natural  gaiety  of  her  character,  I  should 
have  been  surprised  to  find  her  grief  so  acute  after  the  lapse  of  a 
year,  did  I  not  also  know  that  there  are  certain  chords  in  a 
woman's  heart,  which,  when  struck,  are  long  ere  they  cease  to 
vibrate.  A  divorce  may  be  submitted  to,  but  scarcely  pardoned; 
and  wounded  self-love  is  a  lasting  passion.  I  sincerely  pitied 
Josephine,  and  among  other  things  which  I  said  to  assuage  her 
sorrow,  the  one  which  appeared  to  afford  her  the  most  sensible 
consolation  was,  that  public  opinion  was  decidedly  opposed  to 
Bonaparte's  divorce.  On  this  point  I  said  nothing  but  the  truth, 
for  Josephine  was  generally  beloved.  I  reminded  her  of  a 
prediction  I  had  made  under  happier  circumstances,  viz.,  on  the 
day  when  she  came  to  visit  us  in  our  little  house  at  Ruel,  as  I 
was  accompanying  her  back  to  the  high  road.  *  I  remember  it, 
my  friend,'  she  replied,  '  and  I  have  often  thought  of  all  you 
then  said.  F'or  my  own  part,  I  knew  that  all  was  lost  from  the 
day  he  made  himself  emperor.  Adieu,  Bourrienne  ;  come  and 
see  me  soon  again,  come  often  ;  we  have  a  great  deal  to  talk 
about,  and  you  know  how  happy  I  always  am  to  see  you.' 
Such,  as  nearly  as  I  can  recollect,  was  what  passed  at  my 
first  interview  with  Josephine  after  my  return  from  Hamburg. 

During  the  period  of  my  stay  in  Paris,  the  war  with  Spain  and 
Portugal  occupied  much  of  the  public  attention  ;  proving,  in 
the  sequel,  an  enterprise  upon  which  Josephine's  clear  perception 
had  rot  deceived  her.  In  general  she  intermeddled  but  little 
with  politics  ;  in  the  first  place,  because  her  doing  so  would  not 
have  been  agreeable  to  Napoleon  ;  and  secondly,  because  the 
levity  of  her  disposition  led  her  to  prefer  more  pleasurable  pur- 
suits. I  cannot  but  observe,  however,  that  she  was  endowed 
with  an  instinct  so  perfect,  that  she  was  seldom  deceived  as  to 
the  good  or  evil  tendency  of  any  measure  bearing  on  her 
husband's  fortune  ;  and  I  remember  she  told  me,  that  on  being 
informed  of  the  emperor's  intention  to  bestow  the  throne  of 
Spain  on  Joseph,  she  was  seized  with  an  indescribable  feeling  of 
alarm.  I  know  not  how  to  define  that  instinctive  feeling  which 
seems  a  presentiment  of  the  future  ;  but  it  is  certain  that 
Josephine  was  endowed  with  this  faculty  beyond  any  other 
person  I  ever  knew.  To  her,  indeed,  it  was  a  fatal  gift,  since 
to  the  unhappiness  of  the  present  was  superadded  a  sad  fore- 
boding of  the  future. 

Though   more  than  a   twelvemonth    had   elapsed   since   the 
divorce,  it  was  still  a  new  theme  of  grief  in  the  heart  of  Josephine. 


THE   DIVORCED   EMPRESS  397 

'  You  cannot  conceive,  my  friend,'  she  often  said  to  me,  '  all 
the  torments  I  have  endured  since  that  fatal  day  :  I  cannot 
think,  how  I  survived  it.  You  can  form  no  conception  of  the 
misery  it  is  to  me  to  see  everywhere  descriptions  of  fetes.  And 
the  first  time  he  came  to  see  me  after  his  marriage,  oh  !  what 
a  meeting  was  that  !  what  tears  I  shed  !  The  days  on  which 
he  comes  are  days  of  torture  to  me,  for  he  has  no  delicacy. 
How  cruel  of  him  to  speak  to  me  about  his  expected  heir  ! 
You  may  suppose,  Bouriienne,  how  distressing  all  this  is  to  me. 
Better  far  to  be  e.xiled  a  thousand  leagues  from  hence  !  How- 
ever,' added  Josephine,  'some  few  friends  still  continue  faithful 
to  me,  and  that  is  now  my  only  consolation  in  the  few  moments 
I  am  able  to  admit  of  it.'  The  truth  is,  she  was  really  very 
unhappy  ;  and  the  only  consolation  her  friends  could  offer  her, 
was  to  mingle  their  sympathetic  tears  with  hers.  And  yet  such 
was  the  passion  which  Josephine  still  retained  for  dress,  that, 
after  having  wept  for  a  quarter  ot  an  hour,  she  would  forget 
her  tears  to  give  audience  to  milliners  and  jewellers.  At  the 
sight  of  a  new  hat,  she  was  still  a  very  woman.  I  remember 
that  one  day,  taking  the  opportunity  of  a  momentary  calm,  the 
effect  of  an  ample  display  of  some  glittering  baubles,  I  congratu- 
lated her  on  the  happy  influence  they  exercised  over  her  spirits, 
when  she  replied,  '  Why,  my  dear  friend,  it  is  true  all  these 
things  should  now  be  indifferent  to  me,  but  it  is  a  habit.* 
Josephine  might  have  added,  that  it  was  an  occupation  too, 
for  it  would  be  no  exaggeration  to  say,  that  if  the  time  she 
spent  in  tears,  and  at  her  toilet,  had  been  subtracted  from 
her  life,  its  term  would  have  been  very  considerably  shortened. 


CHAPTER    XXXVni. 

The  commencement  of  the  year  181 1  was  sufficiently  favour- 
able to  the  French  arms  in  Spain  ;  but  towards  the  beginning 
of  March,  fortune  changed  sides.  The  Duke  of  Belluno,  not 
withstanding  the  valour  of  his  troops,  was  defeated" at  Chiclana  ; 
and  from  that  day  the  French  army  was  unable  to  stand  its 
ground  against  the  combined  forces  of  England  and  Portugal 
Even  Massena,  notwithstanding  the  title  of  Prince  of  Eslingen, 
which  he  had  won  under  the  walls  of  Vienna  in  the  last  battle, 
was  no  longer  the  favoured  child  of  fortune,  as  he  had  been 
at   Zurich.     Having    mentioned    Massena — what    could    he   do 


398  NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 

against  the  English  in  Portugal  ?  The  combined  English  and 
Portuguese  forces  were  daily  augmenting,  whilst  ours  still 
decreased.  England  considered  no  sacriiice  too  great  to  secure 
success  in  the  important  struggle  in  which  she  was  engaged  ; 
and  as  her  money  was  lavished  profusely,  her  troops  paid  well 
wherever  they  went,  and  were  abundantly  supplied  with  am- 
munition and  provisions.  The  French,  on  the  other  hand,  were 
far  from  possessing  the  same  ample  means,  and  yet,  in  order 
to  prevent  the  natives  taking  part  with  the  English,  we  were 
constrained  to  imitate  their  lavish  expenditure.  But  even  this 
did  not  prevent  numerous  partial  insurrections  in  many  places, 
which  rendered  all  communication  with  France  extremely 
difficult.  Armed  bands  continually  carried  off  our  dispersed 
soldiers,  and  the  presence  of  the  British  troops,  supported  by 
the  money  they  spent,  excited  the  inhabitants  against  us  ;  for 
it  cannot  be  supposed  that,  unaided  by  the  English,  Portugal 
could  have  held  out  for  a  moment  against  France.  But  battles, 
bad  weather,  and  privations  of  every  kind,  had  so  weakened 
the  French  army,  that  it  absolutely  stood  in  need  of  repose  ; 
at  the  same  time  its  enterprises  could  lead  to  no  results.  In 
this  state  of  things  Massena  was  recalled,  because  his  health 
was  so  materially  injured,  that  it  was  impossible  he  could  exert 
sufficient  activity  to  restore  the  army  to  a  respectable  footing. 

Under  these  circumstances.  Napoleon  sent  Bertrand  into 
Illyria  to  supersede  Marmont,  who  was  ordered  in  his  turn  to 
relieve  Massena  in  Portugal.  Marmont,  on  succeeding  to  the 
command,  found  the  troops  in  a  deplorable  state.  The  difficulty 
of  procuring  provisions  was  extreme,  and  the  means  he  was 
compelled  to  employ  for  that  purpose  only  aggravated  the  evil  ; 
at  the  same  time  insubordination  and  want  of  discipline  had 
arrived  at  such  a  pitch,  that  it  would  be  as  difficult  as  painful 
to  depict  the  situation  of  our  army  at  this  period.  Marmont, 
by  his  firmness  and  conduct,  happily  succeeded  in  bringing 
about  a  better  state  of  things,  and  soon  found  himself  at  the 
head  of  a  well  organized  army,  amounting  to  30,000  infantrj', 
with  forty  pieces  of  artillery  ;  but  he  could  only  collect  a  very 
small  body  of  cavalry,  and  even  those  ill-mounted. 

The  aspect  of  affairs  in  Spain  at  the  commencement  of  iSii 
was  very  similar  to  what  was  taking  place  in  Portugal.  At 
first  a  continued  series  of  victories,  but  those  very  victories  so 
dearly  purchased,  that  the  ultimate  issue  of  the  straggle  might 
easily  have  been  foreseen  ;  because,  when  a  people  are  fighting 
for  their  liberties  and  their  homes,  their  assailants  must  gradually 


BIRTH    OF    HIS   SON  399 

diminiih  ;  while,  at  the  same  time,  the  armed  population,  em- 
boldened by  success,  increases  in  a  still  more  perceptible  pro- 
gression. A  regiment  cut  off  cannot  immediately  be  supplied, 
whilst  the  burning  of  a  single  village  amongst  a  spirited  people 
sets  a  whole  province  in  arms.  Besides,  insurrection  was  now 
considered  by  Spaniards  a  holy  and  sacred  duty,  to  which  the 
recent  meetings  of  the  Cortes  in  the  Isle  of  Leon  had  given, 
as  it  were,  a  legitimate  character,  since  Spain  found  again,  in 
the  remembrance  of  her  ancient  privileges,  at  least  the  shadow 
of  a  government — a  centre  around  which  the  defenders  of  the 
soil  of  the  Peninsula  might  rally. 

When,  at  the  commencement  of  181 1,  I  left  Paris,  I  had 
ceased  to  delude  myself  respecting  the  brilliant  career  which 
seemed  opening  upon  me  during  the  consulate.  I  clearly 
perceived,  that  since  Bonaparte,  instead  of  receiving  me  as  I 
expected,  refused  to  see  me,  the  calumnies  of  my  enemies  had 
succeeded,  and  that  I  had  nothing  to  hope  from  a  despotic 
master  whose  past  injustice  did  but  render  him  the  more  unjust. 
He  now  possessed  what  he  had  so  long  and  ardently  desired 
— a  son  of  his  own,  the  heir  to  his  name,  his  power,  and  his 
throne.  Truth  requires  me  here  to  notice,  that  the  foul  and 
malevolent  reports  which  were  circulated  respecting  the  birth 
of  the  King  of  Rome  were  entirely  without  foundation.  My 
friend  Corvisart,  who  did  not  for  a  single  instant  leave  Maria- 
Louisa  during  her  protracted  and  dangerous  labour,  removed 
every  doubt  from  my  mind  on  this  subject.  It  is  as  true  that 
the  young  prince,  for  whom  the  Emperor  of  Austria  answered 
at  the  font,  was  the  son  of  Napoleon  and  the  Archduchess 
Maria-Louisa  as  it  is  false  that  Napoleon  was  the  father  of  the 
eldest  child  of  Hortense.  The  birth  of  the  son  of  Napoleon  was 
hailed  with  universal  enthusiasm  ;  never  did  a  child  come  into 
the  workl  encircled  with  such  a  diadem  of  glory.  The 
emperor's  power,  indeed,  was  at  its  height  from  the  period  of 
the  birth  of  his  son  until  his  first  reverse  at  Moscow.  The 
empire,  including  the  states  possessed  by  the  imperial  family, 
comprised  nearly  fifty-seven  millions  of  inhabitants  ;  but  the 
moment  was  now  fast  approaching,  when  this  power,  unequalled 
in  modern  times,  was  to  crumble  and  fall  under  its  own  weight. 

During  the  summer  of  the  year  i8ii,  no  important  engage- 
ment took  place  in  Spain  ;  victory  and  defeat  succeeded  each 
other,  blood  flowed  in  torrents,  but  nothing  decisive  was 
effected.  Some  brilliant  events,  it  is  true,  attested  the  courage 
of  our   troops  and   the  skill  of    our    generals:    the    battle    of 


+00  NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 

Albufera,  for  instance,  and  the  taking  of  Tarragona  by  Suchet, 
while  Wellington  was  obliged  to  raise  the  siege  of  Badajoz. 
These  advantages,  productive  of  nothing  but  glory,  still  served, 
however,  to  keep  up  Napoleon's  hope  of  triumphing  in  the 
Peninsula,  and  permitted  him  to  enjoy  the  brilliant  fetes  which 
took  place  in  Paris  in  celebration  of  the  birth  of  the  King  of 
Rome. 

On  his  return  from  a  tour  in  Holland,  at  the  end  of  October, 
Napoleon  clearly  perceived  that  a  speedy  rupture  with  Russia 
was  inevitable.  In  vain  he  sent  Lauriston  as  ambassador  to 
St.  Petersburg  in  the  place  of  Caulincourt,  who  would  no  longer 
remain  there  ;  the  most  skilful  diplomatist  that  ever  existed 
could  effect  nothing  with  a  powerful  government  whose  deter- 
mination was  already  fixed.  All  the  cabinets  of  Europe  were 
now  unanimous  in  wishing  for  the  overthrow  of  Napoleon's 
power,  and  the  people  were  no  less  anxious  for  an  order  of  things 
less  destructive  to  their  trade  and  industry.  In  the  state  to 
which  Europe  was  reduced  no  one  could  effectually  counteract 
the  wish  of  Russia  and  her  allies  to  go  to  war  with  France — 
Lauriston  no  more  than  Caulincourt. 

The  impending  war,  for  which  Napoleon  was  now  obliged 
to  prepare,  compelled  him  to  neglect  Spain,  and  to  leave  affairs 
in  that  country  in  a  state  of  real  danger.  In  fact,  Napoleon's 
occupation  of  Spain,  and  his  well-known  wish  to  maintain 
himself  there,  were  additional  motives  for  inducing  the  powers 
of  Europe  to  enter  upon  a  war  which  would  necessarily  cause 
a  diversion  of  his  forces.  All  at  once  the  troops  which  were 
in  Italy  and  the  north  of  Germany  moved  towards  the  frontiers 
of  the  Russian  empire.  In  March,  1811,  the  emperor  had  nearly 
all  the  military  forces  of  Europe  at  his  command.  One  now 
reflects  with  astonishment  at  this  union  of  nations,  differing 
in  manners,  language,  religion,  and  interests,  but  all  ready 
to  fight  for  one  man,  against  a  power  that  had  never  injured 
them.  Prussia  herself,  though  she  could  never  pardon  the 
wrongs  he  had  inflicted  upon  her,  joined  his  alliance,  with  the 
obvious  intention  of  breaking  it  on  the  first  opportunity.  When 
the  war  with  Russia  was  first  spoken  of,  I  had  frequent  conver- 
sations with  the  Duke  de  Rovigo  on  the  subject.  I  com- 
municated to  him  whatever  intelligence  I  received  from  abroad 
respecting  that  vast  enterprise.  The  duke  shared  all  my  fore- 
bodings, and  if  he  and  those  who  thought  like  him  had  been 
listened  to,  that  war,  in  all  probability,  would  never  have  taken 
place.     Through  him  I  learned  who  the  individuals  were  that 


PREPARES    FOR    RUSSIAN    WAR  401 

urged  the  invasion.  Their  ambitious  views  could  be  realized 
only  by  war  ;  whilst  dreaming  of  viceroyalties,  duchies,  and 
endowments,  they  overlooked  the  possibility  of  seeing  the 
Cossacks  in  Paris. 

The  gigantic  enterprise  being  now  resolved  on,  preparations 
were  made  as  if  for  the  conquest  of  a'  world.  Before  his 
departure,  Napoleon,  intending  to  take  with  him  the  whole 
of  his  disposable  troops,  caused  a  senatus  conuiltiim  to  be 
issued  for  levying  the  national  guards,  who  were  divided  into 
three  corps.  He  also  arranged  his  diplomatic  affairs,  by  con- 
cluding, in  February,  1812,  a  treaty  of  alliance,  offensive  and 
defensive,  with  Prussia,  by  virtue  of  which  the  two  contracting 
powers  mutually  guaranteed  the  integrity  of  their  respective 
possessions  and  the  European  possessions  of  the  Ottoman  Porte, 
because  that  prince  was  then  at  war  with  Russia.  A  similar 
treaty  was  concluded  about  the  beginning  of  March  with 
Austria,  and  about  the  end  of  the  same  month  Napoleon  renewed 
the  capitulation  of  France  and  Switzerland. 

Determined  at  length  to  extend  the  bounds  of  his  empire,  or 
rather  to  avenge  the  injuries  which  Russia  had  committed 
against  his  continental  system.  Napoleon,  as  was  his  custom, 
put  all  his  affairs  in  order  ;  his  despatch  and  foresight  on  these 
occasions  were  little  less  than  miraculous.  Yet,  before  his 
departure  for  Germany,  the  inflexible  determination  of  the 
pope  not  to  come  to  any  arrangement  occasioned  him  con- 
siderable anxiety.  Savona  did  not  appear  to  him  a  residence 
sufficiently  secure  for  such  a  prisoner.  He  was  fearful  lest, 
when  all  his  forces  were  removed  towards  the  Niemen,  the 
English  should  attempt  to  carry  off  the  pope,  or  that  the 
Italians,  excited  by  the  clergy,  whose  dissatisfaction  was  general 
in  Italy,  should  stir  up  those  religious  commotions  which  are 
always  fatal  and  difficult  to  appease.  With  the  view  therefore 
of  keeping  the  pope  still  under  his  control,  he  appointed  him 
his  residence  at  Fontainebleau,  and  even  at  one  time  thought 
of  bringing  him  to  Paris. 

The  emperor  gave  directions  to  M.  Denon  to  reside  at 
Fontainebleau  with  the  Holy  Father  ;  and  in  this  respect  evinced 
a  degree  of  delicacy  and  attention,  in  affording  his  illustrious 
prisoner  the  society  of  a  man  whose  manners  and  accomplish- 
ments were  so  suitable  to  his  situation.  Pius  VII.  soon  conceived 
a  great  degree  of  frientlship  for  M.  Denon,  and  the  latter,  when 
speaking  to  me  of  his  residence  with  the  pope,  related  the 
following  anecdote  : — '  The  pope,'  said  he,  '  conversed  with  me 

26 


402  NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 

in  the  most  familiar  manner.  He  always  addressed  me  by 
the  appellation  "  my  son,"  and  seemed  to  take  a  pleasure  in 
conversing  with  me,  especially  on  the  subject  of  our  Egyptian 
expedition,  respecting  which  he  made  frequent  inquiries.  One 
day  he  asked  me  for  my  work  on  the  "Antiquities  of  Egypt," 
and,  as  you  are  aware,  it  is  not  quite  orthodox  on  some  points, 
and  does  not  perfectly  agree  with  the  creation  of  the  world 
according  to  Genesis.  I  at  first  hesitated,  but  the  pope  insisted, 
and  at  length  I  complied  with  his  desire.  The  Holy  Father  told 
me  he  had  felt  much  interested  in  its  perusal,  and  upon  my 
alluding  to  certain  delicate  points,  he  said,  "  No  matter,  no 
matter,  my  son  ;  all  that  is  exceedingly  curious,  and  certainly 
quite  new  to  me."  I  then,'  continued  M.  Denon,  'explained 
to  his  holiness  why  I  had  hesitated  to  lend  him  the  work,  which, 
I  observed,  he  had  excommunicated,  together  with  its  author. 
"  Excommunicated  you,  my  son  ! "  exclaimed  the  pope,  in  a 
tone  of  the  most  affectionate  concern,  "  I  am  very  sorry  for  it, 
and  I  assure  you  I  was  not  at  all  aware  of  it."  '  M.  Denon, 
on  relating  to  me  this  anecdote,  observed,  that  he  had  constant 
reason  to  admire  the  virtues  and  resignation  of  the  Holy  Fathei", 
but  he  added,  that  it  would  nevertheless  have  been  easier  to 
make  him  a  martyr,  than  to  have  induced  him  to  yield  on  a 
single  point,  until  he  should  be  restored  to  the  temporal 
sovereignty  of  Rome,  of  which  he  considered  himself  the 
depositary,  and  which  he  would  not  endure  the  reproach  of 
having  willingly  sacrificed. 


CHAPTER    XXXIX 

Having  provided  tor  the  pope's  residence,  Napoleon  set  off 
for  Dresden,  accompanied  by  Maria-Louisa,  who  had  expressed 
a  wish  to  see  her  father. 

The  expected  war  with  Russia,  the  most  gigantic  enterprise, 
perhaps,  that  the  mind  of  man  ever  conceived  since  the  conquest 
of  India  by  Alexander  the  Great,  now  absorbed  universal 
attention,  and  set  at  nought  the  calculations  of  reason.  The 
Manzanares  was  forgotten,  and  nothing  was  thought  of  but 
the  Nicmen,  already  so  celebrated  by  the  raft  of  Tilsit.  Thither, 
as  towards  a  common  centre,  were  moving  men  and  horses, 
carriages  and  provisions,  and  baggage  of  every  description. 
The  ambitious  hopes  of  the  generals,  and  the  fears  of  the  wise, 


HIS   DIFFICULTIES  403 

ere  all  now  directed  towards  Russia.  The  war  in  Spain, 
vhich  was  becoming  more  and  more  unfortunate,  excited  but 
tceble  interest,  and  our  most  distinguished  officers  considered 
r  almost  a  disgrace  to  be  employed  in  the  Peninsula.  In  short, 
_t  required  no  great  foresight  to  tell  that  the  period  was  at  hand, 
when  the  French  would  be  obliged  to  re-cross  the  Pyrenees. 
No  general  plan  of  operation  was  laid  down  for  the  troops  who 
were  scattered  into  many  separate  divisions,  and  although 
Joseph  had  returned  to  Madrid,  he  had  scarcely  a  single  general 
under  his  orders.  Though  the  truth  was  concealed  from  the 
emperor  on  many  subjects,  he  certainly  was  not  deceived  as  to 
the  situation  of  Spain  in  the  spring  of  1812.  In  February,  the 
Duke  of  Ragusa  had  frankly  informed  him,  that  without  con- 
siderable reinforcements  of  men  and  money,  no  important 
advantages  could  be  hoped  for,  since  Ciudad  Rodrigo  and 
Badajoz  had  fallen  into  the  hands  of  the  J^nglish.  The  French 
were  shortly  after  defeated  at  the  battle  of  Salamanca,  and 
Wellington  entered  Madrid. 

The  negotiations  which  Napoleon  carried  on  with  Alexander, 
when  he  yet  wished  to  appear  averse  to  hostilities,  resembled 
those  oratorical  circumlocutions  which  do  not,  however,  prevent 
us  from  coming  to  the  conclusion  we  desire.  The  two  emperors 
equally  wished  for  war  ;  the  one  with  the  view  of  consolidating 
his  power,  and  the  other  in  the  hope  of  freeing  himself  from  a 
yoke  which  had  become  a  species  ot  vassalage  ;  for  it  was  little 
short  of  it  to  require  a  power  like  Russia  to  close  her  ports 
against  England,  merely  to  favour  the  interests  of  France.  At 
this  period  there  were  but  two  European  powers  not  tied  to 
Napoleon's  fate — Sweden  and  Turkey.  With  these  powers,  such 
near  neighbours  of  Russia,  Napoleon  was  anxious  to  form  an 
alliance.  With  respect  to  Sweden,  his  efforts  were  vain  ;  and 
though,  in  fact,  Turkey  was  then  at  war  with  Russia,  yet  the 
Grand  Seignior  was  not  now,  as  at  the  time  of  Sebastiani's 
embassy,  under  the  influence  of  France. 

The  peace  which  was  soon  concluded  at  Bucharest,  between 
Russia  and  Turkey,  increased  Napoleon's  embarrassment,  who 
was  far  from  expecting  such  a  result.  The  left  of  the  Russian 
army,  secured  by  the  neutrality  of  Turkey,  was  reinforced  by 
Bagration's  corps  from  Moldavia.  This  corps  subsequently 
occupied  the  right  of  the  Beresina,  and  thus  destroyed  the  last 
hope  of  saving  the  wrecks  of  the  French  army,  reduced  as  it 
then  was  one  half.  It  is  difiicult  to  conceive  how  Turkey  could 
have  allowed  the  consideration  of  past  injuries  on  the  part  of 


404-  NAPOLEON   BONAPARTE 

France  to  induce  her  to  terminate  the  war  with  Russia,  when 
France  was  attacking  that  power  with  immense  forces.  The 
Turks  never  had  a  more  favourable  opportunity  for  taking 
revenge  of  Russia,  and  unfortunately  for  Napoleon  they  suffered 
it  to  escape. 

With  the  northern  power  Napoleon  was  not  more  successful. 
In  vain  were  his  overtures  addressed  to  the  prince  whose  fortune 
he  had  made — who  was  allied  to  his  family — but  with  whom  he 
had  never  been  on  terms  of  good  understanding.  The  Emperor 
Alexander  had  a  considerable  body  of  troops  in  Finland, 
destined  to  protect  that  country  against  the  Swedes — Napoleon 
having  consented  to  that  occupation,  in  order  to  gain  the  pro- 
visional consent  of  Alexander  to  the  invasion  of  Spain.  What 
was  the  course  pursued  by  Napoleon,  when,  being  at  war  with 
Russia,  he  wished  to  detach  Sweden  from  her  alliance  with 
Alexander  .?  He  intimated  to  Bernadotte,  that  he  had  a  sure 
opportunity  of  retaking  Finland — a  conquest  which  would  be 
glorious  to  himself,  gratifying  to  his  subjects,  and  the  certain 
means  of  winning  their  attachment  to  him.  By  this  alliance 
Napoleon  wished  to  force  Alexander  to  maintain  his  troops  in 
the  northern  part  of  his  empire,  and  even  to  augment  their 
numbers,  in  order  to  cover  Finland  and  St.  Petersburg.  It  was 
thus  that  Napoleon  endeavoured  to  draw  the  prince  royal  into 
his  coalition.  Napoleon  cared  little  whether  Bernadotte  should 
succeed  or  not.  The  Emperor  Alexander  would  have  been 
obliged  to  increase  his  force  in  Finland,  and  that  was  all 
Napoleon  desired.  In  the  gigantic  struggle  in  which  France 
and  Russia  were  about  to  engage,  the  most  trivial  alliance  was 
not  to  be  neglected.  But  in  the  month  of  January,  1812, 
Davoust  had  invaded  Swedish  Pomerania,  without  any  declara- 
tion of  war,  and  without  any  apparent  motive.  Was  this 
inconceivable  violation  of  territory  likely  to  dispose  the  Prince 
Royal  of  Sweden  to  the  proffered  alliance,  even  had  that 
alliance  not  been  adverse  to  the  interests  of  his  country  >  That 
was  impossible,  and  Bernadotte  took  the  part  that  was  expected 
of  him.  He  rejected  the  offers  of  Napoleon,  and  prepared  for 
coming  events. 

Alexander,  on  his  side,  was  desirous  of  withdrawing  his  forces 
from  Finland,  in  order  to  make  a  more  effectual  resistance  to 
the  immense  army  which  threatened  his  states.  Unwilling  to 
expose  Finland  to  an  attack  on  the  part  of  Sweden,  he  had  an 
interview  on  the  28th  of  August,  1812,  at  Abo,  with  the  prince 
royal,  for  the  purpose  of  effecting  an  arrangement  and  a  union 


HIS   POLICY    ON    POLAND  4.05 

of  interests.  I  know  that  the  Emperor  of  Russia  promised 
Bernadotte  that,  happen  what  might,  he  should  not  be  involved 
in  the  fate  of  the  new  dynasties  ;  that  he  would  guarantee  th£ 
possession  of  his  throne,  and  that  he  should  have  Norway  as 
a  compensation  for  Finland.  He  even  went  so  far  as  to  hint, 
that  he  might  eventually  supersede  Napoleon.  Such  promises 
had  the  desired  effect.  Bernadotte  adopted  all  the  propositions 
of  Alexander,  and  from  that  moment  Sweden  made  common 
cause  against  Napoleon. 


CHAPTER    XL. 

It  has  been  a  question  frequently  and  warmly  discussed,  whether 
Bonaparte,  previous  to  undertaking  his  last  campaijjn,  had 
resolved  on  restoring  her  independence  to  Poland.  Facts  will 
but  prove  that  Bonaparte,  as  emperor,  never  formed  the  decided 
intention  of  re-establishing  the  old  kingdom  of  Poland,  although 
at  a  previous  period  he  was  fully  convinced  of  its  necessity. 
He  may  have  said  that  he  would  do  so,  but  I  must  beg  leave 
to  say  that  this  affords  no  reason  for  believing  that  such  was 
his  real  intention. 

On  Napoleon's  arrival  in  Poland,  the  Diet  of  Warsaw,  con- 
vinced, as  it  had  reason  to  be,  of  the  emperor's  sentiments, 
declared  the  kingdom  free  and  independent.  The  different 
treaties  of  dismemberment  were  pronounced  to  be  null,  and 
unquestionably  the  Diet,  relying  upon  Napoleon's  support,  had 
a  right  so  to  act.  But  the  address  it  sent  up  to  the  emperor, 
in  which  these  principles  were  declared,  was  but  ill-received. 
His  answer  was  ambiguous  and  indecisive,  nor  could  his  motive 
be  blamed.  To  secure  the  alliance  of  Austria  against  Russia, 
he  had  just  guaranteed  to  his  father-in-law  the  integrity  of  his 
liominions.  Napoleon  therefore  declared,  that  he  could  take 
no  part  in  any  movement  or  resolution  tending  to  disturb 
Austria  in  the  possession  of  the  Polish  provinces  forming  part 
of  her  empire.  To  act  otherwise,  he  said,  would  be  to  separate 
himself  from  his  alliance  with  Austria,  and  to  throw  her  into 
the  arms  of  Russia.  But  with  regard  to  the  Polish-Russian 
provinces.  Napoleon  declared  that  he  would  see  what  could 
be  done,  should  Providence  prosper  their  good  cause. 

The  character  of  Bonaparte  presents  many  most  unaccount- 
able   inconsistencies.     Although    the    most    positive    n?an    that, 


4o6  NAPOLEON   BONAPARTE 

perhaps,  ever  existed,  yet  there  never  was  one  who  more  readily 
yielded  to  the  charm  of  illusion.  In  many  circumstances  the 
wish  and  the  reality  were  to  him  one  and  the  same  thing.  But 
never  did  he  indulge  in  greater  illusions  than  at  the  beginning 
of  the  campaign  of  Moscow.  The  burning  of  their  towns  and 
villages  seemed  a  sufficient  proof  that  the  Russians  wished  to 
allure  us  into  the  heart  of  their  empire.  It  was  the  opinion  of 
all  sensible  people,  even  before  the  commencement  of  those 
disasters  which  accompanied  the  most  fatal  retreat  recorded  in 
history,  that  the  emperor  ought  to  have  passed  the  winter  of 
1812-1813  in  Poland,  and  have  resumed  his  vast  enterprises 
in  the  spring.  But  his  natural  impatience  urged  him  forward  as 
it  were  unconsciously,  and  he  seemed  to  be  under  the  influence 
of  an  invisible  demon,  stronger  even  than  his  own  will : — this 
demon  was  ambition.  He  who  knew  so  well  the  value  of  time, 
never  sufficiently  understood  its  power,  and  how  much  is  often- 
times gained  by  delay.  And  yet  he  might  have  learned  from 
Caesar's  Commentaries,  which  were  his  favourite  study,  that 
Cassar  did  not  conquer  Gaul  in  one  campaign.  Another 
delusion  by  which  Napoleon  was  misled  during  the  campaign 
of  Moscow,  and  which  past  experience  might  render  in  some 
degree  excusable,  was  the  belief  that  the  Emperor  Alexander 
would  propose  peace,  when  he  saw  him  at  the  head  of  his 
army  on  the  Russian  territory.  But  the  burning  of  Moscow 
soon  convinced  him  that  it  was  a  war  of  extermination,  and  the 
conqueror,  so  long  accustomed  to  receive  overtures  from  his 
vanquished  enemies,  had  now  the  deep  mortification  to  see  his 
own,  for  the  first  time,  rejected.  The  prolonged  stay  of  Bona- 
parte at  Moscow  cannot  otherwise  be  accounted  for  than  by 
supposing  that  the  Russian  cabinet  would  change  its  opinion 
and  consent  to  treat  for  peace.  However  that  may  be,  Napoleon, 
after  his  long  and  useless  stay  at  Moscow,  left  that  ruined  city 
with  the  design  of  taking  up  his  winter  quarters  in  Poland  ;  but 
Fate  now  declared  against  him,  and  in  that  dreadful  retreat,  the 
very  elements  seemed  leagued  with  the  Russians  to  destroy  the 
most  formidable  army  ever  commanded  by  one  chief.  To  find 
a  catastrophe  in  history  comparable  to  that  of  the  Beresina,  we 
must  go  back  to  the  destruction  of  the  legions  of  Varus. 

Notwithstanding  the  general  gloom  which  hung  over  Paris, 
the  distresses  of  some,  and  the  forebodings  of  others,  that  capital 
continued  tranquil,  when,  by  a  singular  chance,  on  the  very  day 
on  which  Napoleon  evacuated  the  burning  city  of  Moscow, 
Mallet  attempted  his   extraordinary  enterprise.     This  general, 


MALLET'S   CONSPIRACY  407 

who  had  always  professed  republican  principles,  and  was  a  man 
of  much  energ-y  of  character,  after  having  been  imprisoned  for 
some  time,  obtained  permission  from  g-overnment  to  live  in  Paris 
in  an  hospital-house,  situated  near  the  Barriere  du  Trone.  This 
hair-brained  adventurer  conceived  the  idea  of  overthrowing 
Napoleon's  empire,  and  establishing  a  popular  form  of  govern- 
ment. But  what  power  had  Mallet  ?  what  could  he  do  to  effect 
this  ?  Absolutely  nothing  ;  and  had  his  government  continued 
three  days,  chance  must  have  been  more  favourable  to  him  than 
he  could  reasonably  have  expected.  He  affirmed  that  the 
emperor  had  been  killed  in  Russia,  but  the  first  post  that  arrived 
from  that  country  would  at  once  confound  both  Mallet  and  his 
proclamations.  In  short,  his  enterprise  was  quite  that  of  a 
madman.  The  nation  was  much  too  weary  of  agitation  to 
throw  itself  into  the  arms  of  Mallet  and  his  associate  Lahorie, 
who  had  figured  so  disgracefully  on  the  trial  of  Moreau.  Yet, 
in  spite  of  the  evident  impossibility  of  success,  it  must  be  con- 
fessed that  considerable  ingenuity  and  address  were  employed 
in  the  commencement  of  this  silly  conspiracy. 

On  the  22nd  of  October,  Mallet  escaped  from  the  hospital- 
house,  and  sent  for  Colonel  Soulier,  who  commanded  the  tenth 
cohort  of  the  national  guard,  whose  barracks  were  situated 
immediately  behind  the  hospital.  So  far  all  went  well.  Mallet 
was  provided  with  a  bundle  of  forged  orders,  drawn  up  and 
signed  by  himself.  He  announced  himself  to  Soulier  under  the 
name  of  General  La  Motte,  and  said  that  he  came  from  General 
Mallet. 

Colonel  Soulier,  on  being  informed  of  the  emperor's  death, 
burst  into  tears,  and  gave  immediate  directions  to  the  adjutant 
to  assemble  the  cohort,  and  obey  the  orders  of  General  La 
Motte  ;  to  whom  he  apologized  for  being  obliged,  on  account 
of  his  health,  to  remain  in  bed.  It  was  then  two  o'clock  in  the 
morning,  and  the  forged  documents  respecting  the  emperor's 
death  and  the  new  form  of  government,  were  read  to  the  troops 
by  the  light  of  the  lamps.  Mallet  then  hastily  set  off  with 
1200  men  to  the  prison  of  La  Force,  and  liberated  the  Sieurs 
Guidal  and  Lahorie,  who  were  confined  there.  Mallet  informed 
them  of  the  emperor's  death  and  the  change  of  government ; 
gave  them  some  instructions,  and  appointed  them  to  meet  him 
at  the  HAtel  de  Ville.  In  consequence  of  his  directions  the 
Minister  and  Prefect  of  Police  were  arrested  in  their  hotel. 

I  was  then  at  Courbevoie,  and  on  that  very  morning  went  to 
Paris,  as  I  frequently  did,  to   breakfast  with   the   Minister   of 


408  NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 

Police.  My  surprise  may  be  imagined,  when  I  learned  from  the 
porter  that  the  Duke  of  Rovigo  had  been  arrested  and  conveyed 
to  the  prison  of  La  Force.  I  made  my  way,  however,  into  the 
house,  and  was  informed,  to  my  great  astonishment,  that  the 
ephemeral  minister  was  being  measured  for  his  new  suit  of  office, 
an  act  so  completely  characteristic  of  the  conspirator,  that  I  saw 
at  once  how  matters  really  stood. 

The  Minister  of  War  was  also  arrested,  and  Mallet  himself 
repaired  to  General  Hulin,  who  had  the  command  of  Paris.  He 
told  him  that  he  was  commissioned  by  the  Minister  of  Police  to 
arrest  him,  and  seal  his  papers.  Hulin  demanded  to  see  the 
orders,  and  then  entered  his  cabinet,  into  which  Mallet  followed 
him  ;  and  just  as  Hulin  was  turning  round  to  speak  to  him,  he 
fired  a  pistol  in  his  face.  Hulin  fell.  The  ball  entered  his  cheek, 
but  the  wound  was  not  mortal.  It  is  not  a  little  remarkable, 
that  the  captain  whom  Mallet  had  ordered  to  follow  him,  and 
who  accompanied  him  to  Hulin's,  took  no  part  in  these  pro- 
ceedings, which  he  seemed  to  consider  quite  as  a  matter  of 
course  ;  and  Mallet  proceeded  with  the  utmost  composure  to  the 
adjutant-general  Doucet's.  It  happened  that  one  of  the  in- 
spectors of  the  police  was  there.  He  recognized  Mallet  as  being 
a  man  under  his  own  surveillance,  and  telling  him  he  had  no 
right  to  leave  the  hospital  without  his  knowledge,  ordered  his 
immediate  arrest.  Mallet  perceiving  that  all  was  lost,  en- 
deavoured to  draw  a  pistol  from  his  pocket,  but  the  act  being 
observed,  he  was  seized  and  disarmed,  together  with  his  three 
attendants.  Thus  terminated  this  extraordinary  conspii-acy,  for 
which  fourteen  individuals  suffered  death,  though  with  the 
exception  of  Mallet,  Guidal,  and  Lahorie,  the  rest  were  but 
passive  machines,  or  dupes. 

This  event  produced  but  little  sensation  in  Paris,  for  the 
enterprise  and  its  result  were  made  known  almost  at  the  same 
instant.  But  the  wits  amused  themselves  greatly  at  the  idea  of 
tlie  Minister  and  Prefect  of  Police  being  imprisoned  by  the  men 
who  only  the  day  before  were  their  prisoners.  The  next  day 
I  went  to  see  Savary,  whom  I  found  scarcely  yet  recovei-ed 
from  the  stupefaction  caused  by  his  extraordinary  adventure. 
He  was  aware  that  his  imprisonment,  though  it  had  lasted 
only  half  an  hour,  afforded  a  topic  for  the  jests  of  the 
Parisians. 

The  emperor,  as  I  have  already  mentioned,  left  Moscow  on 
the  very  day  of  Mallet's  audacious  enterprise,  and  was  at 
Smolensko  when  he  heard  the  news.     Rapp  was  present  when 


HIS    RETURN    FROM    RUSSIA  409 

Napoleon  received  the  despatches  containing  an  account  of  what 
had  happened  in  Paris.  He  informed  me  that  Napoleon  was 
crreatly  agitated  on  perusing  them,  and  vented  his  anger  against 
the  inefficiency  and  negligence  of  the  police.  '  Is  it  come  to 
this,  then  ? '  said  he  ;  'is  my  power  so  insecure  as  to  be  en- 
dangered by  a  single  individual,  and  he  a  prisoner  .?  It  would 
seem  that  my  crown  sits  but  loosely  on  my  head,  if,  in  my  own 
capital,  the  bold  stroke  of  three  adventurers  can  shake  it.  Rapp, 
misfortune  never  comes  alone  ;  this  is  an  appropriate  finish  to 
what  is  passing  here.  I  cannot  be  everywhere,  but  I  must  go 
back  to  Paris,  my  presence  there  is  indispensable  to  re-animate 
public  opinion.  I  must  have  men  and  money  ;  great  successes 
and  great  victories  will  repair  all  ;  I  must  set  off.'  Such  were 
the  motives  which  induced  the  emperor  to  leave  his  army  so 
precipitately.  It  is  not  without  indignation  that  I  have  heard 
that  departure  attributed,  by  some,  to  cowardice  and  fear. 
Napoleon  a  coward  !  they  know  nothing  of  his  character  who 
say  so.  Tianquil  in  the  midst  of  danger,  he  was  never  more 
happy  than  on  the  field  of  battle.  On  leaving  Moscow,  Napoleon 
consigned  the  wrecks  of  his  army  to  the  care  of  his  experienced 
generals — to  Murat,  who  had  so  nobly  commanded  the  cavalry, 
but  who  abandoned  the  army  to  return  to  Naples  ;  and  to  Ney, 
the  Hero  rather  than  the  Prince  of  the  Moskowa,  whose  name 
will  be  immortal  in  the  annals  of  glory,  as  his  death  will  be 
eternal  in  the  annals  of  party  revenge.  Amidst  the  general 
disorder,  Eugene,  more  than  any  other  chief,  maintained  a  sort 
of  discipline  among  the  Italians  ;  and  it  was  remarked  that  the 
troops  of  the  South  engaged  in  the  fatal  campaign  of  Moscow, 
endured  the  rigour  of  the  cold  better  even  than  the  men  who 
were  natives  of  less  sunny  climes. 

The  return  of  Napoleon  from  Moscow  was  not  like  his 
return  from  the  campaigns  of  Vienna  and  Tilsit,  when  he  came 
back  crowned  with  laurels,  and  bringing  peace  as  the  reward  of 
his  triumphs.  From  this  perioi!,  he  threw  off  even  the  semblance 
of  legality  in  the  measures  of  his  government  ;  he  assumed 
arbitrary  power,  imagining  that  the  critical  circumstances  in 
which  he  was  placed  would  be  a  sufficient  excuse.  But  however 
inexplicable  were  the  means  to  which  the  emperor  had  recourse 
to  procure  resources,  it  is  but  just  to  acknowledge  that  they  were 
the  natural  consequence  of  his  system  of  government,  and  that  he 
evinced  almost  inconceivable  activity  in  repairing  his  losses,  so  as 
to  place  himself  in  a  situation  to  resist  his  enemies,  and  restore 
victory  to  his  banners.     Obedience  followed  his  mandates  ;  but 


4IO  NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 

who  shall  describe  the  distresses  they  occasioned  throughout  his 
vast  empire  ?  Conscriptions  were  enforced  even  after  substitutes 
had  been  procured  at  enormous  sacrifices.  In  one  instance,  no 
less  a  sum  than  15,000  francs  was  given  for  a  discharge  from  the 
guard  of  honour,  which  was  raised  about  this  period  for  the 
protection  of  Napoleon's  person. 

But,  in  spite  of  all  Napoleon's  strenuous  efforts,  the  disasters  of 
the  Russian  campaign  were  every  day  more  and  more  sensibly 
felt.  The  King  of  Prussia,  in  joining  France,  had  played  a  part 
which  betrayed  his  weakness,  instead  of  openly  declaring  himself 
for  the  cause  of  Russia,  which  was  also  his  own.  Then  took 
place  the  defection  of  General  Yorck,  who  commanded  the 
Prussian  contingent  to  Napoleon's  army  in  Marshal  Macdonald's 
division.  The  King  of  Prussia,  though  no  doubt  secretly 
pleased  with  the  conduct  of  General  Yorck,  had  him  formally 
tried  and  condemned,  and  yet  a  short  time  after  that  sovereign 
commanded  in  person  the  troops  which  had  turned  against  us. 
The  defection  of  the  Prussians  produced  a  very  ill  effect.  It  was 
a  signal  which  could  leave  no  doubt  as  to  the  disposition  of 
our  German  allies,  and  it  was  easy  to  perceive  that  this  defection 
would  be  followed  by  others.  Napoleon  quickly  foresaw  that 
this  event  was  indicative  of  fatal  chances  for  the  future,  and 
in  consequence  assembled  a  privy  council,  consisting  of  the 
Ministers  of  State,  and  some  of  the  grand  officers  of  his  household. 
M.  de  Talleyrand,  Cambaceres,  and  the  President  of  the 
Senate  were  present.  Napoleon  asked  whether,  in  the  complicated 
difficulties  of  our  situation,  it  would  be  most  advisable  to 
negotiate  for  peace,  or  to  prepare  for  a  new  war  ?  Cambaceres 
and  'Talleyrand  gave  their  opinion  in  favour  of  peace,  which, 
however.  Napoleon  would  never  hear  of  after  a  defeat  ;  but  the 
Duke  de  Feltre,  knowing  how  to  touch  the  susceptible  chord 
of  Bonaparte's  heart,  said  that  he  should  consider  the  emperor 
dishonoured  if  he  consented  to  give  up  the  smallest  village 
which  bad  been  united  to  the  empire  by  a  decree  of  the  Senate. 
This  opinion  was  adopted,  and  the  war  continued. 

The  powers  with  whom  Bonaparte  was  most  intimately 
allied  separated  from  him,  as  he  might  have  expected,  and 
Austria  was  not  the  last  to  imitate;  the  example  set  by 
Prussia. 

In  these  difficult  circumstances,  the  emperor,  who  for  some 
time  past  had  noticed  the  talent  and  address  of  the  Count 
Louis  de  Narbonne,  sent  hjm  to  Vienna  to  replace  M.  Otto  ; 
but    the    pacific    propositions   of   M.    de   Narbonne   were    not 


1 


THE    HANSE    TOWNS  411 

listened  to.     Austria  would  not  let  slip  so  fair  an  opportunity 
of  takinc^  a  safe  revenge. 

Napoleon  now  saw  clearly,  that  since  Austria  had  abandoned 
him,  and  refused  her  contingent,  he  should  soon  have  all  Europe 
in  arms  against  him.  But  even  this  did  not  intimidate  him. 
Some  of  the  princes  of  the  Confederation  of  the  Rhine  still 
remained  faithful  to  him  ;  and  his  preparations  being  com- 
pleted, he  proposed  to  resume  in  person  the  command  of  the 
army,  which  had  been  re-produced  as  it  were  by  miracle. 
Before  his  departure,  Napoleon  appointed  the  Empress  Maria- 
Louisa  as  regent,  with  a  council  of  regency  to  assist  her 


CHAPTER    XLI. 

A  LONG  time  before  Napoleon  left  Paris  to  join  his  army, 
the  bulk  of  which  was  in  Saxony,  partial  insurrections  had 
occurred  in  many  places.  Although  he  had  built  a  new  city 
in  La  Vendee,  to  which  he  gave  the  name  of  Napoleon-town, 
the  troubles  in  La  Vendee  were  still  spoken  of.  It  is  true, 
these  related  to  obscure  rumours  that  excited  no  great  attention, 
and  the  interior  of  old  France  was  still  in  a  state  of  tranquillity. 
Far  otherwise  was  it  in  the  provinces  annexed  by  force  to  the 
extremities  of  the  empire,  particularly  in  the  north,  and  in  the 
unfortunate  Hanse  Towns,  for  which,  since  my  residence  at 
Hamburg,  I  have  always  felt  the  greatest  interest.  The  intelli- 
<rence  of  the  march  of  the  Russian  and  Prussian  troops,  who 
were  descending  the  Elbe,  increased  the  agitation  which  prevailed 
in  Westphalia,  Hanover,  Mecklenburg,  and  Pomerania.  Advan- 
tage was  everj'vvhere  taken  of  our  reverses,  and,  in  consequence, 
all  the  French  troops  cantoned  between  Berlin  and  Hamburg, 
including  those  who  occupied  the  shores  of  the  Baltic,  fell  back 
upon  Hamburg.  Reports  of  the  most  exaggerated  nature  now 
announced  the  approach  of  a  Russian  corps.  A  retreat  was 
immediately  ordered,  which  was  executed  on  the  12th  of 
March.  General  Cara  Saint-Cyr  having  no  money  for  the  troops, 
helped  himself  out  of  the  municipal  chest.  He  left  Hamburg 
at  the  head  of  the  troops  and  men  whom  he  had  taken  from 
the  custom-house  service.  He  was  escorted  by  the  town-guard, 
which  protected  him  from  the  insults  of  the  populace,  and 
heartily  glad  were  the  Hamburgers  to  be  well  rid  of  their  guests. 
This  sudden  retreat  excited  the  indignation  of  Napoleon,  and 


412  NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 

he  accused  General  Saint-Cyr  of  pusillanimity,  in  an  article 
inserted  in  the  Moniteur,  and  afterwards  copied  by  his  order 
into  all  the  journals.  It  would,  indeed,  be  difficult  to  exculpate 
Saint-Cyr  in  the  eyes  of  impartial  observers,  for  had  he  been 
better  informed,  and  less  easily  alarmed,  he  might  have  kept 
Hamburg,  and  prevented  its  temporary  occupation  by  the 
enemy  ;  to  dislodge  whom,  it  was  necessary  two  months  after- 
wards to  lay  siege  to  the  city.  The  whole  blame  of  this 
transaction  was  cast  upon  General  Saint-Cyr,  who,  in  fact,  was 
betrayed  by  his  perfidious  and  cowardly  advisers. 

In  the  month  of  August  all  negotiation  was  broken  off  with 
Austria,  though  that  power,  with  its  usual  fallacious  policy, 
still  continued  to  protest  fidelity  to  the  cause  of  Napoleon, 
until  the  moment  that  her  preparations  were  completed,  and 
her  resolution  made.  But  if  there  were  duplicity  at  Vienna, 
were  there  not  folly  and  blindness  in  the  cabinet  of  the  Tuileries  .? 
Could  we  reasonably  rely  upon  Austria  ?  Without  a  single 
remonstrance,  she  had  seen  the  Russian  army  pass  the  Vistula, 
and  advance  as  far  as  the  Saale.  At  that  moment,  a  single 
movement  of  her  troops,  a  word  of  declaration,  would  have 
prevented  everything.  But  as  she  would  not  interfere  when 
she  might  have  done  so  with  certainty  and  safety,  was  there  not,  I 
repeat,  a  most  extraordinory  degree  of  folly  and  blindness  in  the 
cabinet  which  witnessed  this  conduct,  and  did  not  understand  it  ? 

I  again  turn  to  the  relation  of  those  misfortunes  which  still 
afflicted  the  north  of  Germany,  and  Hamburg  especially.  Fifteen 
leagues  east  of  Hamburg,  but  included  within  its  territory,  is 
a  village  called  Bergdorff.  It  was  in  that  village  that  the 
Cossacks  were  first  seen.  Twelve  or  fifteen  hundred  of  them 
arrived  under  the  command  of  Colonel  Tettenborn,  who  was 
detached  from  the  main  body  of  the  Russian  army,  then  about 
thirty  leagues  distant.  Had  it  not  been  for  the  retreat  of  the 
French  troops,  amounting  to  3000,  exclusive  of  men  in  the 
custom-house  service,  no  attempt  would  have  been  made  upon 
Hamburg  ;  but  the  very  name  of  the  Cossacks  inspired  a  degree 
of  terror  which  everybody  must  well  remember. 

At  four  o'clock  in  the  afternoon  of  the  17th  of  March,  a 
picket  of  Cossacks,  consisting  of  only  forty  men,  took  possession 
of  a  town  recently  flourishing,  with  a  population  of  120,000, 
but  now  ruined  and  reduced  to  80,000  inhabitants,  by  the 
blessing  of  its  union  with  the  French  empire.  On  the  following 
day,  the  i8th.  Colonel  Tettenborn  entered  Hamburg  at  the 
head  of  1000  Cossack  regulars. 


AFFAIRS   AT  HAMBURG  413 

It  was  not  until  the  expiration  of  three  or  four  days  that  the 
small  number  of  the  allied  troops  was  noticed,  and  even  that 
number  gradually  diminished.  On  the  day  after  the  arrival 
of  the  Cossacks,  a  detachment  was  directed  upon  Lubeck, 
where  they  were  received  with  the  same  honours  as  at  Hamburg. 
Other  detachments  were  sent  to  various  places,  and,  after  four 
days'  occupation,  there  remained  in  Hamburg  only  seventy  out 
of  1200  Cossacks,  200  irregulars  included,  who  had  entered 
on  the  1 8th  of  March.  The  first  care  of  their  commander  was 
to  take  possession  of  the  post-office,  and  the  treasuries  of  the 
different  public  offices.  All  the  movable  effects  of  the  French 
government  and  its  agents  were  seized  and  sold  ;  and  the  officers 
laid  their  hands  on  whatever  private  property  they  could  reach, 
after  the  true  Cossack  fashion. 

The  restored  Senate  of  Hamburg  was  but  of  short  duration. 
It  was  soon  discovered  that  the  popular  manifestation  of  hatred 
to  the  French  government  was  somewhat  premature,  and  the 
people  of  the  Hanse  Towns  learned  with  no  small  alarm,  that 
the  emperor  was  making  immense  preparations  to  fall  upon 
Germany,  where  his  lieutenants  would  not  fail  to  take  cruel 
revenge  on  such  as  had  disavowed  his  authority.  Before  he 
quitted  Paris,  on  the  15th  of  April,  Napoleon  had  enrolled 
under  his  banners  180,000  men,  exclusive  of  the  guard  of 
honour  ;  and  with  such  forces,  and  such  ability  to  direct  them,  it 
was  certain  that  he  might  venture  on  a  great  game — and  possibly 
wia  it  too. 

ihe  French  having  advanced  as  far  as  Haarburg  took  up 
their  position  on  the  Schwartzenberg,  which  commands  that 
little  town,  as  well  as  the  river  itself,  and  the  considerable  islands 
situated  in  that  part  of  it  between  Haarburg  and  Hamburg. 
Being  masters  of^  this  elevated  point,  they  began  to  threaten 
Hamburg,  and  to  attack  Haarburg.  These  attacks  were  directed 
by  Vandamme,  of  all  our  generals  the  most  dreaded  in  conquered 
countries.  He  was  a  native  of  Cassel,  in  Flanders,  and  had 
acquired  a  reputation  by  his  inflexible  severity.  At  the  very 
time  he  was  attacking  Hamburg,  Napoleon  said  of  him  at 
Dresden,  '  If  I  were  to  lose  Vandamme,  I  know  not  what  I 
would  not  give  to  have  him  back  again  ;  but  if  I  had  two 
Vandammes,  I  should  be  obliged  to  shoot  one  of  them.*  It  is 
certainly  true  that  one  was  quite  enough. 

Davoust  was  at  Haarburg  with  40,00c  men,  when  it  was 
agreed  that  the  town  should  be  surrendered  ;  and  the  French, 
consequently,  made  their  entrance  on  the  evening  of  the  30th 


414  NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 

of  May,  occupying  the  posts  as  quietly  as  if   they  had  been 
merely  changing  guard. 

On  the  1 8th  of  June  was  published  an  imperial  decree,  dated 

the  8th  of  the  same  month.     To  expiate  the  crime  of  rebellion, 

an    extraordinary    contribution    of    48,000,000    of    francs    was 

imposed  upon  Hamburg,  and  Lubeck  was  required  to  contribute 

6,000,000.     This  enormous  sum,  levied  on  the  already  ruined 

city  of  Hamburg,  was  to  be  paid  in  the  short  space  of  a  month, 

by  six  equal  instalments,  either  in  money,  or  bills  on  respectable 

houses  in  Paris.     In  case  of  default,  or  delay  of  payment,  the 

whole  movable  and  immovable  effects  of  the  inhabitants  were 

to  be  sold.     In  addition  to  this,  the  new  prefect  of  Hamburg 

made  a  requisition  of  grain  and  provisions  of  every  kind,  wines, 

sailcloth,    masts,    pitch,    hemp,    iron,     copper,    steel — in    short, 

everything  that  could  be  useful  for  the  supply  of  the  army  and 

navy.     But  whilst  these  exactions  were  made  on  the   property 

of  individuals    in    Hamburg — at    Dresden,   their  liberties,    and 

even  their  lives,  were  invaded.     On  the  15th  of  June,  Napoleon, 

no  doubt  blinded  by  the  false  reports  that  were  laid  before  him, 

gave  orders  that   a  list   should   be  made  of  all  the  inhabitants 

of  Hamburg  who  were  absent  from  the  city.     He  allowed  them 

only  a  fortnight  to  return  home,  as  if  this  short  interval  would 

be  sufficient  for  them  to  come  from  the  places  where  they  had 

taken   refuge.     The    consequence    was,    that    many   of    them 

remained    absent    beyond    the    given    time.     But    victims    were 

wanting,    and    this    measure    was   calculated  to  produce    them, 

whilst   it  also   carried  terror   into   the  bosom   of  every  family. 

It  was  not   Bonaparte,   however,  who   conceived  the  iniquitous 

idea  of  seizing  hostages  to  answer  for  the  men  whom  prudence 

obliged  to  be  absent.    Of  this  I  entirely  clear  his  memory.     The 

hostages  were,  nevertheless,  taken,  and  were  declared  to  be  also 

responsible  for  the  payment  of  the  contribution  of  the  48,000,000. 

They  were  selected  from  among  the  most  respectable  and  wealthy 

men  in  the  city  of  Hamburg  ;  some  of  them  even  eighty  years 

of  age.     They  were  conveyed  to  the  old  castle    of  Haarburg, 

on  the  left  bank  of  the  Elbe  ;  and  there  these  men,  who  had 

been  accustomed  to  all  the  comforts  of  life,  were  deprived  even 

of  necessaries,   and   had  only  straw  to  lie  on.     O  for  the  pen 

of  a  Juvenal   to  lash   these  enormities  as   they  deserve  !     The 

hostages  from    Lubeck    were   taken    to   Hamburg,   where   they 

were  thrown,  between  decks,  on  board  of  an  old  ship  that  was 

anchored  in  the  port — a  worthy  imitation  of  the  prison  ships 

of  England.     On  the  24th  of  July  a  decree  was  issued,  which 


THE    WAR    IN    GERMANY  415 

was  published  in  the  Hamburg  Correspondent  on  the  27th 
of  the  same  month.  This  decree  consisted  merely  of  a 
proscription  list,  comprising  the  names  of  some  of  the  wealthiest 
men  in  the  Hanse  Towns,  Hanover,  and  Westphalia,  convicted, 
it  was  said,  of  treason  against  France. 

On  the  2nd  of  May,  Napoleon  won  the  battle  of  Lutzen.  A 
week  afterwards  he  was  at  Dresden,  where  he  stayed  only  ten 
days,  and  then  went  in  pursuit  of  the  Russian  army,  which  he 
came  up  with  on  the  19th  at  Bautzen.  This  battle,  which  was 
followed  on  the  two  succeeding  days  by  those  of  Wurtchen  and 
Ochkirchen,  may  thus  be  said  *o  have  lasted  three  days,  a 
sufficient  proof  that  it  was  obstinately  disputed.  It  terminated 
at  length  in  favour  of  Napoleon,  though  the  advantage  was 
dearly  purchased  both  by  him  and  France.  General  Kirschner, 
while  speaking  to  Duroc,  was  killed  by  a  cannon-ball,  which 
also  mortally  wounded  the  latter  in  the  abdomen. 

The  moment  had  now  arrived  for  Austria  to  prove  whether 
or  not  she  intended  altogether  to  betray  the  cause  of  Napoleon. 
All  her  amicable  demonstrations  were  limited  to  an  offer  of 
her  intervention  in  opening  negotiations  with  Russia,  Accord- 
ingly, on  the  4th  of  June,  an  armistice  was  concluded  at 
Plesswitz,  which  was  to  last  till  the  8th  of  July,  and  was  finally 
prolonged  to  the   loth  of  August. 

The  first  overtures,  after  the  conclusion  of  the  armistice  of 
Plesswitz,  determined  the  assembling  of  a  congress  at  Prague. 
It  was  reported  at  the  time  that  the  allies  demanded  the  restora- 
tion of  all  they  had  lost  since  1805,  that  is  to  say,  since  the 
campaign  of  Ulm.  In  this  demand  were  comprehended  Holland 
and  the  Hanse  Towns,  which  had  become  French  provinces. 
But  even  then,  we  should  have  retained  the  Rhine,  Belgium, 
Piedmont,  Nice,  and  Savoy.  This  proposition,  reasonable  as  it 
appeared,  was  nevertheless  impracticable,  tor  it  depended  on  a 
man  who  would  never  consent  to  go  back  to  such  a  state  of 
things.  The  battle  of  Vittoria,  which  placed  the  whole  of 
Spain  at  the  disposal  of  the  English,  the  retreat  of  Suchet  upon 
the  Ebro,  and  the  fear  of  seeing  the  army  of  Spain  annihilated, 
were  enough  to  alter  the  opinions  of  those  counsellors  who, 
never  hazarding  their  own  persons  on  the  field  of  battle,  still 
advised  a  continuance  of  the  war.  At  this  juncture  General 
Moreau  arrived,  and,  it  has  been  said,  at  Bernadotte's  solicitation. 
But  that  is  neither  true  nor  probable.  Moreau  was  influenced 
by  the  tiesire  of  being  revenged  on  Napoleon,  and  he  found 
death  where  he  could  not  find  glory. 


4i6  NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 


CHAPTER    XLII. 

At  the  end  of  July,  the  proceedings  of  the  congress  at  Prague 
were  no  further  advanced  than  on  its  first  assembling.  Far 
from  holding  out  a  prospect  of  peace  to  the  French  nation,  the 
emperor  made  a  journey  to  Mentz  ;  the  empress  went  there 
to  see  him,  and  returned  to  Paris  immediately  after  the  emperor's 
departure.  The  armistice  not  being  renewed,  it  died  a  natural 
death  on  the  17th  of  August,  the  day  appointed  for  its  expira- 
tion. A  fatal  event  immediately  followed  the  rupture  of  the 
conferences.  On  the  same  day,  Austria,  willing  to  gain  by  war, 
as  she  had  before  gained  by  alliances,  declared  that  she  would 
join  her  forces  to  those  of  the  allies.  On  the  very  opening  of 
this  disastrous  campaign,  Jomini  went  over  to  the  enemy. 
Jomini  belonged  to  the  staff  of  the  unfortunate  Marshal  Ney, 
who  was  beginning  to  execute  with  his  accustomed  ability  the 
orders  he  had  received.  Public  opinion  has  pronounced  upon 
the  conduct  of  Jomini,  who  deserted  from  our  ranks  at  so 
critical  a  moment,  the  better  as  it  would  seem  to  advance  his 
own  interests, 

The  first  actions  were  the  battle  of  Dresden,  which  took  place 
seven  days  after  the  rupture  of  the  armistice,  and  the  battle  in 
which  Vandamme  was  defeated,  and  which  rendered  the  victory 
of  Dresden  unavailing.  It  was  at  Dresden  that  Moreau  perished. 
The  signal  once  given,  and  Bavaria  freed  from  the  presence 
of  the  French  troops,  she,  too,  soon  raised  the  mask,  and  ranged 
herself  among  our  enemies.  In  October  was  fought  the  battle 
of  Leipsic,  and  its  loss  decided  the  fate  ot  France.  The  Saxon 
army,  which  had  alone  remained  faithful  to  us,  went  over  to 
the  enemies'  ranks  during  the  engagement.  In  this  battle,  the 
forerunner  of  our  misfortunes,  perished  Prince  Poniatowski,  in 
an  attempt  to  pass  the  Elster. 

I  will  take  this  opportunity  of  relating  what  came  to  my 
knowledge  respecting  the  death  of  two  men  who  were  deeply 
and  deservedly  regretted — Duroc  and  Poniatowski.  Napoleon 
lamented  Duroc,  less  from  real  feeling,  than  because  he  was 
sensible  of  his  great  utility  to  him.  The  admirable  order  which 
prevailed  in  the  emperor's  household,  and  in  the  other  imperial 
establishments,  was  entirely  due  to  him.  Next  to  the  death  of 
Duroc,  that  of  Poniatowski  excited  the  greatest  public  sympathy 


DEATH    OF   PONIATOWSKI  417 

during  the  campaign  of  1813.  Joseph  Poniatowski,  nephew 
of  Stanislaus  Augustus,  King  of  Poland,  was  born  at  Warsaw 
on  the  7th  of  May,  1763,  and  was  present  at  the  battle  of 
Leipsic.  He  had  previously  been  raised  to  the  rank  of  marshal 
of  France. 

After  that  battle,  where  500,000  men  were  engaged  on  the 
surface  of  three  square  leagues,  retreat  became  indispensable. 
Napoleon,  therefore,  took  leave  at  Leipsic  of  the  King  of  Saxony 
and  his  family,  whom  he  had  brought  with  him  from  Dresden. 
The  emperor  then  exclaimed  in  a  loud  voice,  '  Adieu,  Saxons,' 
to  the  people  who  filled  the  market-place,  where  the  King  of 
Saxony  resided.  With  some  difficulty,  and  after  threading 
many  circuitous  passages,  he  reached  the  suburb  of  Runstadt, 
leaving  Leipsic  by  the  outer  gate  of  that  suburb  which  leads 
to  the  bridge  of  the  Elster  and  Lindenau.  The  bridge  blew 
up  soon  after  he  had  passed  it,  thus  completely  cutting  off  the 
retreat  of  that  part  of  the  army  which  was  on  the  left  bank  of 
the  Elster,  and  which  fell  into  the  power  of  the  enemy. 
Napoleon  was,  at  the  time,  accused  of  having  ordered  the  de- 
struction of  the  bridge  immediately  after  he  had  himself  passed 
it,  in  order  to  secure  his  own  personal  retreat,  as  he  was 
threatened  by  the  active  pursuit  of  the  enemy.  This  was  not 
the  fact.  Before  passing  the  bridge  of  the  Elster,  Napoleon  had 
directed  Poniatowski,  in  concert  with  Marshal  Macdonald,  to 
cover  and  protect  the  retreat,  and  defend  that  part  of  the 
suburb  of  Leipsic  which  is  nearest  the  Borna  road.  For  the 
execution  of  these  orders  he  had  only  2000  Polish  infantr}'. 
He  was  in  this  desperate  situation  when  he  saw  the  French 
columns  in  full  retreat,  and  the  bridge  so  choked  up  with  their 
artillery  and  waggons,  that  there  was  no  possibility  of  passing  it. 
Then,  drawing  his  sword,  and  turning  to  the  officers  who  were 
near  him,  he  exclaimed,  '  Here,  my  friends,  we  must  fall  with 
honour  ! '  At  the  head  of  a  small  party  of  Cuirassiers  and 
Polish  officers,  he  rushed  on  the  columns  of  the  allies.  In  this 
action  he  received  a  ball  in  his  left  arm  ;  he  had  already  been 
wounded  on  the  14th  and  i6th.  He,  nevertheless,  pushed  for- 
ward, but  found  the  suburb  filled  with  allied  troops  ;  he  cut 
his  way  through  them,  and  received  another  wound.  He  then 
threw  himself  into  the  Pleisse  which  is  before  the  Elster.  Aided 
by  his  officers  he  gained  the  opposite  bank,  leaving  his  horse  in 
the  Pleisse.  Though  greatly  exhausted,  he  mounted  another 
and  gained  the  Elster  by  passing  through  M.  Reicherbach's 
garden,  which  was   situated   on    the   sid€   of  that  river.     The 

27 


4i8  NAPOLEON   BONAPARTE 

moment  was  urgent — the  greater  part  of  his  troops  were  drowned 
in  the  Pleisse  and  the  Elster.  Disregarding-  the  steepness  of  the 
banks  of  the  latter  at  that  spot,  the  prince,  wounded  as  he  was, 
plunged  into  it  and  both  horse  and  rider  were  swallowed  up 
in  the  stream,  together  with  several  officers  who  followed  his 
example  ;  Ivlarshal  Macdonald  happily  escaped.  Five  days 
after  a  fisherman  drew  the  body  of  the  prince  out  of  the  water. 
On  the  26th  of  October,  it  was  temporarily  deposited  in  the 
cemetery  of  Leipsic,  with  all  the  honours  due  to  the  rank  of  the 
deceased.  A  modest  stone  marks  the  spot  where  the  body  o; 
the  prince  was  taken  out  of  the  river.  The  body  of  the  princt, 
after  being  embalmed,  was  sent  in  the  following  year  to  War- 
saw ;  and  in  18 16,  by  permission  of  the  Emperor  Alexander,  it 
was  deposited  in  the  cathedral,  among  the  kings  and  great  men 
of  Poland.  The  celebrated  Thorwaldsen  was  commissioned  to 
execute  a  monument  for  his  tomb.  Prince  Poniatowski  left  no 
issue  but  a  natural  son,  born  in  1790.  That  royal  race,  there- 
fore, exists  only  in  a  collateral  branch  of  King  Stanislaus,  born 
in   1754. 

When  the  war  resumed  its  course,  after  the  disaster  of  Leipsic, 
the  allies  determined  to  treat  with  Napoleon  only  in  his  own 
capital,  as  he,  two  years  before,  had  refused  to  treat  with  the 
Emperor  of  Austria  except  at  Vienna.  That  monarch  now 
completely  threw  otF  the  mask,  and  declared  to  the  emperor  that 
he  would  make  common  cause  with  Russia  and  Prussia  against 
him.  The  reason  he  assigned  for  this  in  his  manifesto  was 
curious  enough,  viz.,  that  the  more  enemies  there  were  against 
him,  the  greater  would  be  the  chance  of  speedily  obliging  him 
to  accede  to  conditions  which  would  at  length  restore  the 
tranquillity  of  which  Europe  stood  so  much  in  need.  This 
declaration  on  the  part  of  Austria  was  a  matter  of  no  trifling 
importance,  since  she  had  by  this  time  raised  an  army  of 
250,000  men  ;  the  Confederation  of  the  Rhine  150,000  ;  in 
short,  including  the  Swedes  and  the  Dutch — English  troops  in 
Spain  and  in  the  Netherlands — the  Danes,  who  had  abandoned 
us — the  Spaniards  and  Portuguese,  whose  courage  and  hopes 
were  revived  by  our  reverses — Napoleon  had  arrayed  against  him 
upwards  of  a  million  of  enemies.  Among  them,  too,  were  the 
Neapolitans,  with  Murat  at  their  head  ! 

The  month  of  November,  181 3,  was  fatal  to  the  fortune  of 
Napoleon.  In  all  parts  the  French  armies  were  repulsed  and 
driven  back  upon  the  Rhine,  while  in  every  direction  the  allied 
forces  advanced  towards  that  river.    I  had  long  looked  upon  the 


AFTER    LEIPSIC  419 

fall  of  the  empire  as  certain,  not  because  the  foreign  sovereigns 
had  resolved  on  its  destruction,  but  because  I  saw  the  im- 
possibility of  Napoleon  defending  himself  against  all  Europe  ; 
and  because  I  knew  that,  however  desperate  might  be  his 
fortune,  nothing  would  induce  him  to  consent  to  conditions 
which  he  considered  disgraceful.  At  this  period  every  day 
witnessed  some  new  defection.  Even  the  Bavarians,  the  natural 
allies  of  France — they  whom  the  emperor  had  led  to  victory  at 
the  commencement  of  the  second  campaign  of  Vienna — they 
whom  he  had,  as  it  were,  adopted  on  the  field  of  battle,  were 
now  against  us,  and  distinguished  themselves  as  the  most 
inveterate  of  our  enemies. 

Even  before  the  battle  of  Leipsic,  the  loss  ot  which  was 
followed  by  such  ruinous  consequences  to  Napoleon,  he  had 
felt  the  necessity  of  applying  to  France  for  a  fresh  levy  of 
troops — as  if  France  had  been  inexhaustible.  He  directed  the 
Empress-Regent  to  make  this  demand,  who  accordingly  pro- 
ceeded to  the  Senate  for  the  first  time  in  great  state  ;  but  the 
glories  of  the  empire  were  now  on  the  decline.  Maria-Louisa 
obtained  a  levy  of  280,000  men,  who  were  no  sooner  enrolled 
than  sacrificed  to  the  exigencies  of  the  war.  The  defection  of 
the  Bavarians  considerably  augmented  the  difficulties  experienced 
by  the  wreck  of  the  army  which  had  been  all  but  annihilated 
at  Leipsic  They  had  preceded  us  to  Hanau,  a  town  four 
leagues  distant  from  Frankfort  ;  there  they  established  them- 
selves with  the  view  of  cutting  off  our  retreat  ;  but  French 
valour  was  roused,  the  little  town  was  soon  carried,  and  the 
Bavarians  repulsed  with  considerable  loss.  The  French  army 
then  arrived  at  Mentz,  if  indeed  the  name  of  army  can  be 
applied  to  a  few  masses  of  men,  destitute,  dispirited,  and  ex- 
hausted by  fatigue  and  privations — in  a  word,  brutalized,  as  it 
were,  by  excess  of  misery.  On  their  arrival  at  Mentz,  no 
preparations  had  been  made  for  their  reception,  there  were  nc 
provisions  or  supplies  of  any  description,  and,  as  the  climax  of 
misfortune,  contagious  diseases  broke  out  among  the  soldiers. 
I  received  several  letters  from  their  commanders,  and  all  con- 
curred in  representing  their  situation  as  most  dreadful. 

However,  without  reckoning  the  shattered  remains  which 
escaped  the  disasters  of  Leipsic  and  the  ravages  of  disease — 
without  including  the  280,000  men  which,  on  the  application 
of  Maria-Louisa,  the  Senate  had  granted  in  October — the 
emperor  still  possessed  120,000  good  troops;  but  they  were 
in  the  rear,  scattered  along  the  Elbe,  or  shut    up  in  fortresses. 


<|.20  NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 

such  as  Dantzic,  Hamburg,  Torgau  and  Spandau.  Such,  there- 
fore, was  the  horror  of  our  situation,  that  if,  on  the  one  hand, 
we  could  not  resolve  to  abandon  them,  it  was  on  the  other 
impossible  to  assist  them.  In  France,  the  universal  cry  was  for 
peace — peace — at  whatever  price  it  was  to  be  purchased.  The 
levy  of  October  was  followed  within  a  month  by  another  of 
300,000  men,  and  it  was  then  only  that  France  fully  understood 
how  deep  and  deadly  were  the  wounds  she  had  received.  In 
this  state  of  things,  it  may  even  be  affirmed  that  the  year  181 3 
was  more  fatal  to  Napoleon  than  the  year  18 12.  His  own 
activity  and  the  sacrifices  of  France  succeeded  in  repairing  the 
disasters  of  Moscow — those  of  Leipsic  were  irreparable. 

After  the  battle  of  Leipsic,  in  which  France  lost  for  the 
second  time  a  formidable  army,  all  the  powers  allied  against 
Napoleon  declared  at  Frankfort,  on  the  9th  of  November,  that 
they  would  never  break  the  bonds  which  united  them  ;  that 
henceforth  it  was  not  merely  a  continental  peace,  but  a  genera! 
peace,  that  would  be  insisted  on,  and  that  any  negotiation  not ' 
having  a  general  peace  for  its  object  would  be  rejected.  The 
allied  powers  declared,  that  France  ought  to  be  satisfied 
with  her  natural  boundaries,  the  Rhine,  the  Alps,  and  the 
Pyrenees. 

According  to  these  proposals,  Germany,  Italy,  and  Spain 
were  to  be  entirely  withdrawn  from  the  dominion  of  France. 
England  recognised  the  freedom  of  trade  and  navigation, 
and  there  appeared  no  reason  to  doubt  her  sincerity  when 
she  professed  her  willingness  to  make  very  considerable  sacri- 
fices for  the  promotion  of  the  object  proposed  by  the  allies. 
But  to  these  offers  a  fatal  condition  was  added,  namely,  that 
the  congress  should  meet  in  a  town  to  be  declared  neutral,  on  the 
right  bank  of  the  Rhine,  where  the  plenipotentiaries  of  all 
the  belligerent  powers  were  to  assemble — but  *  the  course  of  the 
war  was  not  to  be  impeded  by  these  negotiations.' 

The  Duke  de  Bassano,  who  was  still  Minister  for  Foreign 
Affairs,  replied,  by  order  of  Napoleon,  to  the  overtures  made 
by  the  allies  for  a  general  congress,  and  stated  that  the  emperor 
acceded  to  them,  and  wished  Manheim  to  be  chosen  as  the 
neutral  town.  We  shall  now  see  the  reason  why  these  first 
negotiations  were  attended  with  no  result.  In  the  month  of 
October  the  allies  overthrew  the  colossal  edifice  denominated 
the  French  empire.  When  led  by  victory  to  the  banks  of  the 
Rhine,  they  declared  their  wish  to  abstain  from  conquests, 
explained  their  intentions,  and  manifested  an  unalterable  resolution 


SEEKS   TO   GAIN   TIME  421 

not  to  depart  from  them.  This  determination  of  the  allies 
induced  the  French  government  to  evince  pacific  intentions. 
Napoleon  wished,  by  an  apparent  desire  for  peace,  to  justify,  if 
I  may  so  express  myself,  in  the  eyes  of  his  subjects,  the  necessity 
of  new  sacrinces,  which,  according  to  his  proclamations,  he 
demanded  only  to  enable  him  to  obtain  peace  on  as  honourable 
conditions  as  possible.  But  the  truth  is,  he  was  resolved  not 
even  to  listen  to  the  offers  made  at  Frankfort.  He  always 
represented  the  limits  of  the  Rhine  as  merely  a  compensation 
for  the  partition  of  Poland,  and  the  immense  aggrandizement 
of  the  English  possessions  in  Asia.  But  his  grand  object  was  to 
gain  time,  and  if  possible  to  keep  the  allied  armies  on  the  right 
bank  of  the  Rhine. 

The  nation  was  weary  of  its  sacrifices  ;  the  immense  levies 
raised  one  after  the  other  had  converted  the  conscription  into 
a  sort  of  press.  The  labourers  of  the  country  and  the  artisans 
of  the  town  were  alike  dragged  from  their  employment,  and  the 
dissatisfaction  of  the  people  at  the  measures  of  government  was 
loudly  and  boldly  expressed.  Still,  however,  they  were  willing 
to  make  one  last  efi^ort  could  they  have  believed  that  the  emperor 
would  henceforth  confine  his  views  to  France  alone.  Napoleon 
sent  Caulincourt  to  the  headquarters  of  the  allies,  but  that  was 
merely  to  gain  time,  and  to  induce  a  belief  that  he  was  favourably 
disposed  to  peace. 

The  allies  having  learned  the  immense  levies  of  troops  which 
Napoleon  was  raising,  and  being  well  acquainted  with  the  state 
of  feeling  in  France,  published  their  famous  manifesto,  addressed 
to  the  French  people,  which  was  profusely  circulated,  and  which 
may  be  referred  to  as  an  important  lesson  to  subjects  who  trust 
to  the  promises  of  governments. 

The  good  faith  with  which  those  promises  were  kept  may  be 
judged  of  from  the  treaty  of  Paris.  In  the  meantime,  the 
manifesto  did  not  a  little  contribute  to  alienate  from  Napoleon 
those  who  were  yet  faithful  to  his  cause,  for,  believing  in  the 
declarations  of  the  allies,  they  saw  in  him  the  sole  obstacle  to 
that  peace  which  France  so  ardently  desired.  It  was  in  vain, 
too,  to  levy  troops — everything  essential  to  an  army  was  wanting. 
To  meet  the  most  pressing  demands,  the  emperor  drew  out 
thirty  millions  from  the  immense  treasure  which  he  had  accu- 
mulated in  the  cellars  and  galleries  of  the  Pavilion  Marsan  at 
the  Tuileries.  These  thirty  millions,  a  generous  sacrifice  on  the 
part  of  Napoleon,  were  soon  swallowed  up. 

I   am  now  arrived  at  the  most  critical  period  in  Napoleon's 


422  NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 

career.  What  reflections  must  he  have  made,  if  he  had  had 
leisure  to  reflect,  if  he  had  compared  the  recollections  of  his 
rising  glory  with  the  melancholy  picture  of  his  falling  fortune  ! 
How  forcible  the  contrast,  when  we  compare  the  famous  flag 
of  the  army  of  Italy,  carried  to  the  Directory  by  Bonaparte 
when  flushed  with  youth  and  victory,  with  those  drooping 
eagles  who  were  now  compelled  to  defend  the  aerie  whence 
they  had  so  often  taken  flight  to  spread  their  triumphant  wings 
over  Europe  !  How  strikingly  does  this  display  the  difference 
between  liberty  and  absolute  power  !  Napoleon,  the  child  of 
Liberty,  to  whom  he  owed  everything,  had  disowTied  his  mother 
and  was  now  about  to  fall.  For  ever  past  were  those  glorious 
triumphs,  when  the  people  of  Italy  consoled  themselves  for  defeat 
and  submitted  to  the  magical  power  of  that  liberty  which 
heralded  the  armies  of  the  republic.  Now,  on  the  contrary,  it 
was  to  free  themselves  from  a  despot's  yoke  that  the  nations  of 
Europe  had  taken  up  arms,  and  were  preparing  to  invade  the 
sacred  soil  of  France. 

I  have  already  made  frequent  mention  of  the  sufferings  of  the 
unhappy  city  of  Hamburg,  but  these  were  merely  the  prelude  to 
what  it  had  still  to  undergo.  During  the  campaign  of  1813,  the 
allies,  after  driving  the  French  out  of  Saxony,  and  obliging  them 
to  retreat  towards  the  Rhine,  besieged  Hamburg,  where  Davoust 
was  shut  up  with  a  garrison  of  30,000  men,  resolutely  determined 
to  make  it  a  second  Saragossa.  From  the  month  of  September, 
every  day  augmented  the  number  of  the  allied  troops,  who  were 
already  making  rapid  progress  on  the  left  bank  of  the  Elbe. 
Davoust  endeavoured  to  fortify  Hamburg  on  so  extended  a  scale 
that,  in  the  opinion  of  the  most  experienced  military  men,  it 
would  have  required  a  garrison  of  60,000  men  to  defend  it  in  a 
regular  and  protracted  siege.  At  the  commencement  of  the 
siege,  Davoust  lost  Vandamme,  who  was  killed  in  a  sortie,  at 
the  head  of  a  numerous  corps,  which  was  rashly  sacrificed,  the 
greater  part  being  made  prisoners.  It  is  but  fair,  however, 
to  state,  that  Davoust  displayed  great  activity  in  his  erroneous 
and  useless  plan  of  defence  ;  he  began  by  laying  in  large  supplies, 
and  employed  upwards  of  15,000  men  in  the  works  of  the 
fortification.  General  Bertrand  was  ordered  to  construct  a 
bridge  which  might  form  a  communication  between  Hamburg 
and  Haarburg,  by  joining  the  islands  of  the  Elbe  to  the  continent, 
along  a  total  distance  of  about  two  leagues.  This  bridge  was 
to  be  built  of  wood,  and  Davoust  seized  upon  all  the  timber-yards 
to  supply  material  for  its  construction.     In   the  space  of  eighty- 


AFFAIRS   OF   ITALY  423 

three  days  the  bridge  was  finished.  It  was  a  very  magnificent 
structure  ;  its  length  being  2529  fathoms,  exclusive  of  the  lines 
of  junction  formed  on  the   two  islands. 

The  inhabitants  underwent  every  species  of  oppression,  but  all 
the  cruel  and  tyrannical  measures  of  the  French  to  preserve  the 
place  were  ineft'cctual.  The  allies  advanced  in  great  force  and 
occupied  Westphalia,  which  obliged  Davoust  to  recall  to  the 
town  the  different  detachments  dispersed  around  the  neighbour- 
hood of  Hamburg.  In  the  month  of  December,  provisions 
began  to  diminish,  and  there  was  no  possibility  of  renewing  the 
supply.  The  poor  were,  first  of  all,  compelled  to  leave  the  town, 
and  afterwards  all  persons  who  were  not  usefully  employed.  It 
is  no  exaggeration  to  estimate  at  50,000  the  number  of  persons 
who  were  thus  exiled.  At  the  end  of  December,  people,  with 
out  distinction  of  sex  or  age,  were  dragged  from  their  beds,  and 
conveyed  out  of  the  town  on  a  cold  night,  when  the  ther- 
mometer stood  between  sixteen  and  eighteen  degrees,  and,  by 
a  refinement  of  cruelty,  their  fellow-townsmen  were  obliged  to 
form  their  escort.  It  was  affirmed  that  several  aged  men  perished 
in  this  removal.  Those  who  survived  were  left  on  the  outside 
of  the  gates  of  Altona  ;  at  which  town,  however,  they  all  found 
refuge  and  assistance.  Such  is  a  brief  statement  of  the  vexations 
and  cruelties  which  long  oppressed  this  unfortunate  city. 


CHAPTER    XLIII. 

The  affairs  of  Italy,  and  the  principal  events  of  the  viceroyalty 
of  Eugene,  now  demand  some  share  of  attention  ;  I  shall 
therefore  somewhat  anticipate  the  order  of  time  in  laying  before 
the  reader  those  particulars  relative  to  Eugene,  which  I  obtained 
from  authentic  sources. 

After  the  campaign  of  181 2,  when  Eugene  revisited  Italy,  he 
was  promptly  informed  of  the  more  than  doubtful  dispositions 
of  Austria  towards  France.  He,  therefore,  lost  no  time  in 
organizing  a  force  capable  of  defending  the  country  which  the 
emperor  had  committed  to  his  safeguard.  Napoleon  was  well 
aware  of  the  advantage  he  would  derive  from  the  presence,  on 
the  northern  frontiers  of  Italy,  of  an  army  sufficiently  strong 
to  harass  Austria,  in  case  she  should  draw  aside  the  transparent 
veil  which  still  covered  her  policy.  Eugene  did  all  that  depended 
on  him  to  further  the  emperor's  intentions  :  but,  in  spite  of  all 


42+  NAPOLEON   BONAPARTE 

his  efforts,  the  army  of  Italy  was,  after  all,  only  an  imaginary 
army  to  those  who  could  compare  the  number  of  men  actually 
present  with  the  number  stated  in  the  lists.  When,  in  July, 
1813,  the  viceroy  was  informed  of  the  turn  taken  by  the 
negotiations  at  the  shadow  of  a  congress  assembled  at  Prague, 
he  had  no  longer  any  doubt  of  the  renewal  of  hostilities,  and 
foreseeing  an  attack  on  Italy,  he  resolved,  as  speedily  as  possible, 
to  approach  the  frontiers  of  Austria.  By  his  utmost  endeavours 
he  could  only  assemble  an  army  of  about  45,000  infantry,  and 
5000  cavalry,  ccKisisting  both  of  French  and  Italians.  On  the 
renewal  of  hostilities,  the  viceroy's  head-quarters  were  at  Udina. 
Down  to  the  month  of  April,  1814,  he  succeeded  in  maintaining 
a  formidable  attitude,  and  in  defending  the  entrance  of  his 
kingdom  with  that  military  talent  which  was  to  be  ex- 
pected in  a  man  educated  in  the  great  school  of  Napoleon, 
and  whom  the  army  looked  up  to  as  one  of  its  most  skilful 
generals. 

During  the  great  and  unfortunate  events  of  1813,  public 
attention  had  been  so  much  engrossed  with  Germany  and  the 
Rhine,  that  the  affairs  of  Italy  seemed  to  possess  an  inferior 
interest,  until  the  defection  of  Murat  for  a  time  diverted  attention 
to  that  country.  At  first,  this  fact  was  thought  incredible  by 
everyone,  and  Napoleon's  indignation  was  extreme.  Another 
defection  about  the  same  period  deeply  distressed  Eugene,  for 
though  raised  to  the  rank  ot  a  prince,  and  almost  a  sovereign, 
he  was  still  a  man,  and  an  excellent  man.  United  to  the 
Princess  Amelia  of  Bavaria,  who  was  as  amiable  and  as  much 
beloved  as  himself,  he  had  the  deep  regret  of  counting  the 
subjects  of  his  father-in-law  among  the  enemies  whom  he  would 
probably  have  to  combat.  Fearing  lest  he  should  be  harassed 
by  the  Bavarians  on  the  side  of  the  Tyrol,  Eugene  commenced 
his  retrograde  movement  in  the  autumn  of  181 3.  He  at  first 
fell  back  on  the  Tagliamento,  and  successively  on  the  Adige. 
On  reaching  that  river,  the  army  of  Italy  was  considerably 
diminished  in  spite  of  all  Eugene's  care  of  his  troops.  About 
the  end  of  November,  Eugene  learned  that  a  Neapolitan  corps 
was  advancing  upon  Upper  Italy,  part  taking  the  direction  of 
Rome  and  part  that  of  Ancona.  The  object  of  the  King  of 
Naples  was  to  take  advantage  of  the  situation  of  Europe,  whilst, 
in  fact,  he  was  the  dupe  of  the  promises  held  out  to  him  as 
the  reward  of  his  treason.  Murat  seemed  to  have  adopted  the 
deceitful  policy  of  Austria,  for  not  only  had  he  determined  to 
join    the   coalition,  but   was   actually  in   communication   with 


MURAT'S  TREACHERY  425 

England  and  Austria  at  the  very  moment  that  he  was  making 
protestations  of  fidelity  to  Napoleon. 

When  first  informed  of  Murat's  treason  by  the  viceroy,  the 
emperor  refused  to  believe  it  ;  '  No,'  he  exclaimed,  to  those 
about  him,  *  it  cannot  be.  Murat — to  whom  I  have  given  my 
sister  !  Murat — to  whom  I  have  given  a  throne  !  Eugene 
must  be  misinformed.  It  is  impossible  that  Murat  has  declared 
himself  against  me.*  It  was,  however,  not  only  possible,  bu' 
true.  Gradually  throwing  aside  the  dissimidation  beneath  which 
he  had  concealed  his  designs,  Murat  seemed  inclined  to  renew 
the  policy  of  Italy  during  the  fifteenth  and  sixteenth  centuries, 
when  the  art  of  deceiving  was  deemed  by  the  Italian  govern- 
ments the  most  sublime  eftbrt  of  genius.  Without  any  declara- 
tion of  war,  he  directed  one  of  his  generals,  who  occupied 
Rome  with  5000  men,  to  assume  the  supreme  command  in  the 
Roman  states,  and  to  take  possession  of  the  country.  General 
Miollis,  who  commanded  the  French  troops  in  Rome,  could 
only  throw  himself,  with  his  handful  of  men,  into  the  castle 
of  Saint  Angelo,  the  famous  mole  of  Adrian,  in  which  was  long 
preserved  the  treasure  of  Sixtus  V.  ;  the  French  general  soon 
found  himself  blockaded  by  the  Neapolitan  troops,  who  also 
blockaded  Civita  Vecchia  and  Ancona. 

The  treaty  concluded  between  Murat  and  Austria  was 
definitely  signed  on  the  nth  of  January,  1814.  As  soon  as 
he  was  informed  of  it,  the  viceroy,  certain  that  he  should  soon 
have  to  engage  with  the  Neapolitans,  was  obliged  to  renounce 
the  preservation  of  the  line  of  the  Adige,  the  Neapolitan  army 
being  in  the  rear  of  his  right  wing.  He  accordingly  ordered 
a  retrograde  movement  on  the  other  side  of  the  Mincio,  where 
his  army  was  cantoned.  In  this  position.  Prince  Eugene,  on 
the  8th  of  February,  had  to  engage  with  the  Austrians  who 
had  come  up  with  him  ;  and  the  victory  of  the  Mincio  arrested 
for  some  time  the  invasion  of  the  Austrian  army,  and  its 
junction  with  the  Neapolitan  troops.  It  was  not  until  eight 
days  after  that  Murat  officially  declared  war  against  the  emperor, 
and  immediately  several  general  and  superior  officers,  and  a 
great  many  French  troops,  abandoned  his  service,  and  repaired 
to  the  head-quarters  of  the  viceroy.  Murat  did  everything  he 
could  to  detain  them  ;  but  they  signified  to  him  that,  as  he 
had  declared  war  against  France,  no  Frenchman  who  loved 
his  country  could  continue  in  his  service.  The  viceroy  received 
an  official  communication  from  Napoleon's  War  Minister,  accom- 
panied by  an  imperial  decree,  recalling  all  the  French  who  were 


426  NAPOLEON   BONAPARTE 

in  the  service  of  Joachim,  and  declaring  that  all  who  were 
taken  with  arms  in  their  hands  should  be  tried  by  a  court- 
martial  as  traitors  to  their  country.  On  the  ist  of  February 
Eugene  published  a  proclamation,  calling  on  all  true  Frenchmen 
to  quit  the  service  of  Murat,  which,  indeed,  most  of  them  had 
already  done.  Murat  commenced  by  gaining  advantages  which 
it  was  impossible  to  dispute  with  him.  His  troops  almost 
Immediately  took  possession  of  Leghorn,  and  the  citadel  ot 
Ancona,  and  the  French  were  obliged  to  evacuate  Tuscany. 

I  again  turn  to  the  affairs  of  France  at  the  close  of  1813, 
where  the  prospect  was  scarcely  more  cheering  than  on  the  other 
side  of  the  Alps.  The  defection  of  Murat  had  destroyed  one 
of  Bonaparte's  gigantic  projects.  This  was,  that  Murat  and 
Eugene,  with  their  combined  forces,  should  march  on  the  rear 
of  the  allies,  whilst  he,  disputing  the  soil  of  France  with  the 
invaders,  should  multiply  the  obstacles  to  their  advance.  The 
King  of  Naples  and  the  Viceroy  of  Italy  were  to  march  upon 
Vienna,  and  make  Austria  tremble  in  the  heart  of  her  capital, 
before  the  timid  million  of  her  allies,  who  measured  their  steps 
as  they  approached  Paris,  should  pollute  by  their  presence  the 
capital  of  France.  When  informed  of  the  vast  project,  which, 
however,  was  but  the  dream  of  a  moment,  I  immediately  re- 
cognized that  eagle  glance,  that  power  of  discovering  great 
resources  in  great  calamities,  which  is  the  true  mark  of  superior 
genius,  and  which  was  so  eminently  conspicuous  in  Napoleon. 

But  all  his  resources  were  now  exhausted — even  victory,  if 
dearly  purchased,  must  have  proved  fatal  to  him  ;  whilst  in 
France  new  hopes  and  wishes  had  succeeded  to  those  bright 
illusions  which  had  attended  his  advance  to  the  consular  power. 
Now  was  he  able  fully  to  appreciate  the  wisdom  of  that  advice 
which  Josephine  gave  him — '  Bonaparte,  I  entreat  you,  do  not 
make  yourself  a  king  ! '  Napoleon,  it  is  true,  was  still  emperor  ; 
but  he,  who  had  imposed  on  all  Europe  treaties  of  peace,  scarce 
less  disastrous  than  the  wars  which  had  preceded  them,  could 
not  now  obtain  an  armistice,  and  Caulincourt,  who  was  sent  to 
treat  for  one  at  the  camp  of  the  allies,  spent  uselessly  twenty 
days  at  Luneville,  before  he  could  obtain  permission  to  pass  the 
advanced  posts  of  the  invading  army. 

In  the  first  fortnight  of  January,  18 14,  one-third  of  France 
was  invaded,  and  it  was  proposed  to  form  a  new  congress,  to  be 
held  at  Chatillon-sur-Seine.  Napoleon's  situation  became  daily 
worse  and  worse.  He  was  advised  to  seek  extraordinary  re- 
sources in  the  interior  of  the  empire,  and  was  reminded  of  the 


ENROLS   NATIONAL   GUARD  427 

fourteen  armies  which  rose,  as  if  by  enchantment,  to  defend 
France  at  the  commencement  of  the  Revolution. 

At  this  time,  the  Jacobins  were  disposed  to  exert  every  effort 
to  save  him  ;  but  they  required  to  have  their  own  way,  and  to 
be  allowed  uninterruptedly  to  excite  a  revolutionary  fcelinaj^. 
The  press,  which  groaned  under  a  most  odious  and  intolerable 
censorship,  was  to  be  wholly  at  their  command.  I  do  not  state 
these  facts  from  hearsay  ;  I  happened,  by  chance,  to  be  present 
It  two  conferences  in  which  were  set  forward  projects  infected 
with  the  odour  of  the  clubs  ;  and  these  projects  were  supported 
'vith  the  more  assurance,  because  their  success  was  regarded  as 
certain.  And  yet  the  ill-omened  counsellors  of  the  emperor 
>-vere  well  aware  of  his  hatred  of  a  free  press,  and  his  contempt 
ror  the  popular  authority  !  Though  I  had  not  seen  Napoleon 
since  my  departure  for  Hamburg,  yet  I  was  sufficiently  assured 
of  his  feeling  towards  the  Jacobins,  to  be  convinced  that  he 
would  quickly  turn  from  them  with  loathing  and  disgust.  I  was 
not  wrong.  Indignant  at  the  price  they  demanded  for  their 
services,  he  exclaimed,  'This  is  too  much  !  In  battle  I  shall  have 
a  chance  of  deliverance  ;  but  I  shall  have  none  with  these 
furious  blockheads  :  there  can  be  nothing  in  common  between 
the  demagogic  principles  of  ninety-three  and  the  monarchy  ; 
between  clubs  of  madmen  and  a  regular  ministry  ;  between 
revolutionary  tribunals  and  established  laws.  If  my  fall  is  de- 
creed, I  will  not  at  least  bequeath  France  to  the  revolutionists 
from  whom  I  have  delivered  her.' 

These  were  golden  words  ;  and  Napoleon  thought  of  a  more 
noble  and  truly  national  mode  of  warding  off  the  danger  which 
threatened  him.  He  ordered  the  enrolment  of  the  national 
guard  of  Paris,  which  was  intrusted  to  the  command  of  Marshal 
Moncey.  The  emperor  could  not  have  made  a  better  choice  ; 
but  the  staff  of  the  national  guard  was  a  focus  of  hidden  in- 
trigues, in  which  the  defence  of  Paris  was  less  thought  about 
than  the  means  of  taking  advantage  of  Napoleon's  overthrow. 
I  was  made  a  captain  in  this  guard,  and  with  the  rest  of  the 
officers  was  summoned  to  the  Tuileries  on  the  21st  of  January, 
when  the  emperor  took  leave  of  them,  previous  to  his  departure 
on  the  following  day,  to  combat  the  invaders  of  his  kingdom. 
We  were  introduced  into  the  noble  hall  which  I  had  so  often 
trod  whilst  an  inmate  of  the  palace.  Napoleon  entered  with  the 
empress  ;  he  advanced  with  a  dignified  air,  leading  by  the  hand 
his  son,  not  yet  three  years  old.  It  was  long  since  I  had  had 
so  near  a  view  of  him.     He  had  grown  very  corpulent,  and  I 


42 S  NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 

remarked  on  his  pale  countenance  an  expression  of  melancholy 
and    irritability.     The    habitual    movement    of  the    muscles  of 
his   neck   was   more   observable   and   frequent   than    formerly. 
Were  I  to  attempt  it,  I  should  but  ill  describe  what  were  my 
feelings   during   the  ceremony,  when   I  again  saw,  under  such 
circumstances,  the  friend  of  my  youth,  who  had  become  master 
of  Europe,  and  who  was  now  on  the  point  of  sinking  beneath 
the   efforts   of  his  enemies.     There  was  something  melancholy 
in  this  solemn  and  impressive  ceremony.     Seldom  indeed  have 
I  witnessed  such  profound  silence  in  so  numerous  an  assembly. 
At  length.  Napoleon,  in  a  voice  as  firm  and  sonorous  as  when 
he  used  to  harangue  his  troops  in  Italy  or  in  Egj^t,  but  without 
that    air    of    confidence    which    then    lighted    up    his   features, 
delivered  to  us  an  address,  of  which  the  following  is  a  part : — 
'  Gentlemen,  and  Officers  of  the  National  Guard  !     I  am  happy 
to   see   you   around   me.     This    night,    I    set    out   to  take\he 
command  of  the  army.     On  quitting  the  capital,  I  confidently 
leave  behind  me  my  wife,  and  my  son,  in  whom  so  many  hopes 
are  centred.     Under  your  faithful  guard  I  leave  all,  that,  next 
to   France,    I    hold    dear.     To    your    care    they   are  intrusted.' 
I   listened    attentively   to   Napoleon's   address,   and   though   he 
delivered  it  firmly,  he  either  felt  or  feigned  emotion.     Whether 
or  not  the   emotion  was  sincere  Oi.  his  part,   it  .was  shared  by 
many  present  ;  and   for  my  own  part,   I  confess  I  was  deeply 
affected   when   he  uttered  the  words,   '  I  leave  behind  me  my 
wife  and   my  son.'     At  that  moment  my  eyes  were  fixed  on 
the    child,    and    the    interest    with    which    he   inspired  me  was 
equally    unconnected    with     the    splendour    which    surrounded 
and  the  misfortunes  which   seemed   ready  to   overwhelm   him. 
I  beheld  in  the  interesting  infant,  not  the  King  of  Rome,  but 
the  son  of  my  old  friend.     I  could  not  but  contrast  my  feelings 
on  the  occasion  %vith  those  which  I  experienced  when,  fourteen 
years   ago,   we   came   to  take  possession   of  the  Tuileries.     O 
what  ages   had  passed   in  the  interval  !     It  may  be  considered 
curious,  by  those  who  are  in  the  habit  of  comparing  dates,  that 
Napoleon,  the  successor  of  Louis  XVI.,  and  who  had  become 
the  nephew  of  that  monarch  by  his  marriage  with  the  niece  of 
Marie  Antoinette,  took  leave  of  the  national  guard  of  Paris 
on   the  anniversary  of  the  fatal  21st  January,  after  twenty-five 
years  of  successive  terror,  disgrace,  hope,  glory,  and  misfortune. 


CONGRESS   OF    CHATILLON  429 


CHAPTER    XLIV. 

Meanwhile,  a  cong^ress  was  opened  at  Chatillon-sur-Seine,  at 
which  were  assembled  the  Duke  de  Vicenza  on  the  part  of 
France  ;  Lords  Aberdeen,  Cathcart,  and  Stewart,  as  the 
representatives  of  England  ;  Count  Razumowsky  on  the  part 
of  Russia;  Count  Stadion  for  Austria;  and  Count  Humboldt 
for  Prussia.  Before  the  opening  of  the  congress,  the  Duke 
de  Vicenza,  in  conformity  with  the  emperor's  orders,  demanded 
an  armistice,  which  is  almost  invariably  granted  during  negotia- 
tions for  peace  ;  but  it  was  now  too  late,  the  allies  had  long  since 
determined  not  to  listen  to  any  such  demand.  Instructed  by 
the  past,  they  resolved  to  continue  their  military'  operations 
during  the  time  negotiations  were  going  on,  and  required,  on 
their  part,  that  the  propositions  for  peace  should  be  immediately 
signed.  But  these  were  not  the  propositions  of  Frankfort. 
The  allies  established  as  their  basis  the  limits  of  the  old  French 
monarchy.  They  conceived  themselves  authorized  in  doing 
so  by  their  success,  and  by  their  situation. 

In  order  to  form  a  just  estimate  of  Napoleon's  conduct  during 
the  course  of  these  negotiations,  it  is  especially  necessary  to 
bear  in  mind  the  organization  he  received  from  nature,  and 
the  ideas  which  that  organization  produced  at  a  very  early 
period  of  lite.  If  the  last  negotiations  of  his  expiring  reign 
be  examined  with  due  attention  and  impartiality,  it  will  appear 
evident  that  the  causes  of  his  fall  arose  out  of  his  character. 
I  cannot  range  myself  among  those  flatterers  who  have  accused 
the  persons  about  him  with  having  constantly  dissuaded  him 
from  peace.  A  victim  to  his  own  duplicity  and  unbounded 
love  of  fame,  he  had  no  one,  at  this  period  at  least,  to  blame 
but  himself. 

The  plenipotentiaries  of  the  allies,  convinced  that  these 
renewed  difficulties  and  demands  on  the  part  of  Napoleon  had 
no  other  object  than  to  gain  time,  declared  that  the  allied 
powers,  faithful  to  their  principles,  and  in  conformity  with 
their  previous  declarations,  regarded  the  negotiations  at  Chatillon 
as  terminated  by  the  French  government.  This  rupture  of  the 
conferences  took  place  on  the  19th  of  March,  six  days  after 
the  presentation  of  the  ultimatum  of  the  allied  powers,  for  the 
signing  of  which  only  twenty-four  hours  were  at  first  allowed. 


430  NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 

The  issue  of  these  long  discussions  was  thus  left  to  be  decided 
by  the  chances  of  war,  not  very  favourable  to  the  man  who 
had  Europe  arrayed  in  arms  against  him.  The  successes  of 
the  allies  during  the  conferences  at  Chatillon  had  opened  to 
their  view  the  road  to  Paris  ;  while  Napoleon  shrank  from  the 
necessity  of  signing  his  own  disgi-ace.  To  this  feeling  alone 
his  ruin  is  to  be  attributed,  and  he  might  have  said,  'Every- 
thing is  lost  but  honour  ! '     His  glory  is  immortal. 

The  campaign  of  France  obliged  Napoleon  to  adopt  a  system 
of  operations  quite  new  to  him.  He,  who  had  been  accustomed 
to  attack,  was  now  compelled  to  stand  on  his  defence,  so  that 
instead  of  having  to  execute  a  previously  concerted  plan,  as 
when  in  the  cabinet  of  the  Tuileries  he  traced  out  to  me  the 
field  of  Marengo,  his  movements  were  all  now  dependent  on 
those  of  his  numerous  enemies.  When  the  emperor  arrived  at 
Chalons-sur-Marne,  the  Prussian  army  was  advancing  by  the 
road  of  Lorraine.  He  drove  it  back  beyond  Saint  Dizier. 
Meanwhile,  the  grand  Austro-Russian  army  passed  the  Seine 
and  the  Yonne  at  Montereau  ;  and  even  sent  forward  a  corps 
which  advanced  as  far  as  Fontainebleau.  Napoleon  then  made 
a  movement  to  the  right,  in  order  to  drive  back  the  troops 
which  threatened  to  march  on  Paris  ;  and,  by  a  curious  chance, 
he  came  up  with  the  troops  in  the  very  place  where  his  boyish 
days  were  passed,  and  those  wild  dreams  indulged,  which  seemed 
to  relate  but  to  a  fabled, future.  What  thoughts  and  recollections 
must  have  crowded  on  his  mind,  when  he  found  himself  an 
emperor  and  a  king  at  the  head  of  a  still  powerful  army,  in  the 
chateau  of  the  Count  de  Brienne,  to  whom  he  had  so  often 
paid  his  homage  !  It  was  at  Brienne  that  he  said  to  me  thirty- 
four  years  before,  '  I  will  do  your  French  nation  all  the  harm  I 
can.'  Since  then  he  had  certainly  changed  his  mind  ;  but  it 
might  be  said  that  Fate  persisted  in  forcing  the  man,  in  spite 
of  himself,  to  realize  the  intention  of  the  boy.  No  sooner  had 
Napoleon  revisited  Brienne,  as  a  conqueror,  than  he  was  repulsed 
and  hurried  towards  his  fall,  which  every  moment  was  making 
a  nearer  approach. 

I  think  it  indispensable  briefly  to  describe  Napoleonis 
wonderful  activity  from  the  moment  of  his  leaving  Paris  to  the 
entrance  of  the  allies  into  the  capital.  But  few  successful 
campaigns,  indeed,  afforded  our  generals  and  the  French  army 
an  opportunity  of  reaping  so  much  glory  as  they  gained  during 
this  great  reverse  of  fortune.  For  it  is  possible  to  triumph, 
and  to  fall  with  glory,  though   honour  itself  be  missed.     The 


I 


HIS    BRILLIANT    DEFENCE  4Si 

chances  of  the  war  were  not  doubtful,  but  certainly  the  numerous 
hosts  of  the  allies  could  never  liave  counted  on  so  long  and 
brilliant  a  resistance.  The  theatre  of  the  military  operations 
soon  approached  so  near  to  Paris,  that  the  general  eagerness 
for  news  from  the  army  was  readily  satisfied  ;  and  upon  any 
fresh  intelligence  of  success  on  the  part  of  the  emperor,  his 
partisans  saw  the  enemy  already  driven  trom  the  French  territory. 
Too  well  acquainted  with  the  resolves  and  resources  of  the  allied 
sovereigns,  I  was  not  for  a  moment  led  away  by  this  delusion. 
Besides,  events  were  so  rapid  and  diversified  in  this  war  of 
extermination,  that  the  guns  of  the  Invalides  announcing  a 
victory,  were  sometimes  immediately  followed  by  the  distant 
rolling  of  artillery,  denoting  the  enemy's  near  approach  to  the 
capital. 

The  emperor  had  left  Paris  on  the  25th  of  January,  at  which 
time  the  Emperors  of  Russia  and  Austria,  and  the  King  of 
Prussia,  were  assembled  at  Langres.  Napoleon  rejoined  his 
guard  at  Vitry-le-Francais.  On  the  second  day  after  his 
departure  he  drove  before  him  the  Prussian  army,  which  he 
had  forced  to  evacuate  Saint  Dizier.  Two  days  after  this  the 
battle  of  Briennc  was  fought,  and  on  the  ist  of  February, 
between  70  and  80,000  French  and  allied  troops  stood  face 
to  face.  On  this  occasion  the  commanders  on  both  sides 
incurred  great  personal  risks,  for  Napoleon  had  a  horse  killed 
under  him,  and  a  Cossack  fell  dead  by  the  side  of  Marshal 
Blucher. 

A  few  days  after  this  important  engagement.  Napoleon 
entered  Troyes,  where  he  stayed  but  a  short  time,  and  then 
advanced  to  Champ  Aubert.  At  this  latter  place  was  fought 
the  battle  which  bears  its  name.  The  Russians  were  defeated. 
General  Alsufieff  was  made  prisoner,  and  2000  men  and  thirty 
pieces  of  cannon  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  victors.  The 
prisoners  were  sent  to  Paris,  as  a  proof  of  the  emperor's  success. 
This  battle  took  place  on  the  loth  of  February,  and  at  this 
period  it  is  scarcely  an  exaggeration  to  say,  that  the  French 
army  had  every  day  to  sustain  a  conflict,  and  frequently  on 
different  points.  After  the  battle  of  Champ  Aubert,  the  emperor 
was  under  such  a  delusion  as  to  his  situation,  that  while  supping 
with  Berthier,  Marmont,  his  prisoner  General  Alsufieff,  and 
others,  he  said,  *  Another  such  a  victory  as  this,  gentlemen,  and 
I  shall  be  on  the  Vistula.'  Finding  that  no  one  replied,  and 
observing  by  the  countenances  of  the  marslials  that  they  did 
not  share  his  hopes,  'I  see  how  it  is,'  he  added,  'everyone  is 


432  NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 

growing  tired  of  war  ;  there  is  no  longer  any  enthusiasm.  The 
sacred  fire  is  extinct.'  Then,  rising  from  table,  and  stepping 
up  to  General  Drouet,  with  the  marked  intention  of  paying  him 
a  compliment,  which  should  at  the  same  time  reflect  censure 
on  the  other  marshals,  '  General,'  said  he,  patting  him  on  the 
shoulder,  'is  it  not  true  that  we  only  want  a  hundred  men  like 
you  to  ensure  success  ? '  Drouet  replied,  with  equal  presence  of 
mind  and  modesty,  'Rather  say  100,000,  Sire.'  This  anecdote, 
so  characteristic  of  Napoleon,  was  related  to  me  by  the  two 
principal  persons  who  were  present  on  the  occasion. 

But  Napoleon  now  began  to  have  other  subjects  of  inquietude, 
besides  the  fate  of  battles.  He  was  not  ignorant  that,  since  the 
beginning  of  February,  the  Duke  d'Angouleme  had  arrived 
at  Saint  Jean  de  Luz,  whence  he  had  addressed  a  proclamation 
to  the  French  armies  in  the  name  of  his  uncle  Louis  XVIIL  ; 
and  he  speedily  heard  of  the  arrival  of  the  Count  d'Artois  at 
Vesoul,  on  the  21st  of  February,  which  place  he  did  not  leave 
until  the   i6th  of  March  following. 

Meanwhile  hostilities  were  maintained  with  increased  vigour 
over  a  vast  line  of  operations.  How  much  useless  glory  did  our 
soldiers  not  gain  in  these  conflicts  !  But  in  spite  of  prodigies  of 
valour  the  enemy's  masses  advanced  and  approximated  to  a  central 
point,  so  that  this  war  might  be  compared  to  the  battles  of  the 
ravens  and  the  eagle  in  the  Alps.  The  eagle  kills  them  by 
hundreds,  every  stroke  of  his  beak  is  the  death  of  an  enemy, 
but  still  the  ravens  return  to  the  charge  and  press  upon  the 
eagle,  until  he  is  literally  overwhelmed  by  the  number  of  his 
assailants. 

Towards  the  close  of  February,  the  allies  were  in  retreat 
on  several  points — but  their  retreat  was  not  a  rout.  After  ex- 
periencing reverses,  they  fell  back  without  disorder  and  retired 
behind  the  Aube,  where  they  rallied,  and  obtained  numerous 
reinforcements,  which  daily  arrived,  and  soon  enabled  them  to 
resume   the  offensive. 

Still  Napoleon  continued  to  astonish  Europe,  leagued  as  it  was 
against  him.  At  Craonne,  on  the  7th  of  March,  he  destroyed 
Blucher's  corps  in  a  contest  which  was  very  warmly  disputed, 
but  the  victory  was  attended  with  great  loss  to  the  conqueror. 
Marshal  Victor  was  seriously  wounded,  as  well  as  Generals 
Grouchy  and  Ferriere. 

The  latter  days  of  March  were  but  a  continued  series  of 
misfortunes  to  Napoleon.  On  the  23rd,  the  rear-guard  of  the 
French  army  suffered  considerable  loss.     To   hear    of  attacks 


END    OF   THE    STRUGGLE  433 

on  his  rear-guard  must,  indeed,  have  sounded  harshly  to 
Napoleon,  whose  advanced  guard  had  so  often  led  on  his  grand 
army  to  victory.  Prince  Schwartzenberg  soon  passed  the  Aube, 
and  marched  upon  Vitry  and  Chalons.  Napoleon,  counting 
on  the  possibility  of  defending  Paris,  threw  himself  with  the 
rapidity  of  the  eagle  on  Schwartzenberg's  rear,  passing  by 
Doulevant  and  Bar-sur-Aube.  He  pushed  forward  his  advanced 
guard  to  Chaumont,  and  there  saw  the  Austrian  army  make 
a  movement  which  he  took  for  a  retreat — but  it  was  no  such 
thing.  The  movement  was  directed  on  Paris,  while  Blucher, 
who  had  again  occupied  Chalons-sur-Marne,  marched  to  meet 
Prince  Schwartzenberg  ;  and  Napoleon  thinking  to  cut  off  their 
retreat,  was  himself  cut  oft  from  the  possibility  of  returning  to 
Paris.  Everything  then  depended  on  the  defence  of  Paris,  or, 
to  speak  more  correctly,  it  was  just  possible,  by  sacrificing  the 
capital,  to  lengthen  out  for  a  few  days  longer  the  existence  of 
the  shadow  of  the  empire,  now  fast  disappearing  from  the 
view.  On  the  26th  was  fought  the  battle  of  Fere  Champenoise, 
where,  valour  giving  way  to  numbers,  Mai'shals  Marmont  and 
Mortier  were  obliged  to  retire  upon  Sezanne,  after  sustaining 
considerable  loss. 

It  was  on  the  26th  of  March,  and  I  beg  the  reader's  attention 
to  this  date,  that  Napoleon  suffered  a  loss  which  in  his  circum- 
stances was  quite  irreparable.  At  the  battle  of  Fere  Champenoise, 
the  allies  captured  a  convoy,  consisting  of  nearly  all  the 
ammunition  and  stores  we  had  left,  a  vast  quantity  of  arms, 
caissons,  and  equipage  of  all  kinds.  The  whole  became  the 
prey  of  the  allies,  who  published  a  bulletin  announcing  this 
important  capture.     On  that  very  day  the  empress  left  Paris. 

An  extraordinary  council  of  regency  was  convoked,  at  which 
Maria-Louisa  presided.  The  question  discussed  was,  whether 
the  empress  should  remain  at  Paris  or  proceed  to  Blois.  Joseph 
Bonaparte  strongly  urged  her  departure,  in  conformity  with 
a  letter  from  the  emperor,  which  directed  that,  in  case  of  Paris 
being  threatened,  the  Empress-Regent  and  all  the  council  of 
regency  should  retire  to  Blois.  The  arch-chancellor  and  the 
majority  of  the  council  were  of  the  same  opinion,  but  one  of 
the  most  influential  members  of  the  council,  a  man  of  dis- 
tinguished judgment  and  discernment,  observed  to  Joseph,  that 
the  letter  referred  to  had  been  written  under  circumstances  very 
different  from  those  then  existing,  and  that  it  was  highJy 
essential  to  the  interests  of  the  imperial  family,  that  the  empress 
should  remain  in  Paris,  where  no  one   could  doubt  she  would 

a8 


434  NAPOLEON   BONAPARTE 

obtain  more  advantageous  conditions  from  the  emperor  her 
father,  and  the  allied  sovereigns,  tiian  if  she  were  fifty  leagues 
from  Paris.  The  same  individual  even  suggested,  that  Maria- 
Louisa,  imitating  the  example  of  her  ancestress,  Maria-Theresa, 
should  take  her  son  in  her  arms  and  throw  herself  on  the 
protection  of  the  people.  Such  a  step  he  considered  would 
rouse  to  the  highest  pitch  the  national  enthusiasm,  and  cause 
the  citizens  to  arm  in  defence  of  their  capital.  The  adoption 
of  this  opinion  would  only  have  retarded,  for  a  few  days,  a  | 
change  which  had  become  inevitable  ;  nevertheless  it  might 
have  given  rise  to  serious  difficulties,  and,  certainly,  as  regards 
Napoleon's  interest,  it  was  the  wisest  that  could  have  been 
given.  The  emperor's  will,  however,  as  declared  in  his  letter, 
prevailed  with  the  majority,  and  their  first  opinion  was  acted 
upon.  The  empress  accordingly  proceeded  to  Blois,  and  Joseph 
took  up  his  residence  at  the  Tuileries,  with  the  title  of 
Lieutenant-general  of  the  Empire. 

On  the  departure  of  the  empress,  many  persons  expected  a 
popular  movement  in  favour  ot  a  change  of  government,  but 
the  people  of  Paris  remained  as  tranquil  as  if  they  had  been 
merely  the  spectators  of  the  concluding  scenes  at  one  of  their 
theatres.  Many  of  the  inhabitants,  it  is  true,  at  first  thought 
of  defence,  not  for  the  sake  of  preserving  Napoleon's  govern- 
ment, but  merely  from  that  quickness  of  feeling  which  belongs 
to  our  national  character.  They  could  not  but  feel  indignant 
at  the  thought  of  seeing  foreigners  masters  of  Paris,  a  circum- 
stance of  which  there  had  been  no  example  since  the  reign  of 
Charles  VIL  Meanwhile  the  critical  moment  approached.  On 
the  29th  of  March,  Marshals  Marmont  and  Mortier  fell  back 
to  defend  the  approaches  to  Paris.  During  the  night  the 
barriers  were  consigned  to  the  care  of  the  national  guard,  and 
not  a  foreigner,  not  even  one  of  their  agents,  was  allowed  to 
enter  the  capital. 

On  the  30th  of  March,  at  daybreak,  the  whole  population  of 
Paris  was  awakened  by  the  report  of  cannon,  and  the  plain 
of  St.  Denis  was  soon  covered  with  allied  troops,  who  were 
pouring  into  it  from  all  points.  The  heroic  valour  of  our 
troops  was  now  imavailing  against  such  superiority  of  numbers. 
But  the  allies  paid  dearly  for  their  entrance  into  the  capital. 
The  national  guard  under  the  command  of  Marshal  Moncey, 
ind  the  pupils  of  the  Polytechnic  school,  transformed  into 
irtillerymen,  behaved  in  a  manner  worthy  of  veteran  troops. 
The  conduct  of  Marmont  in  that  day  alone,  would  be  enough 


THE   LAST    FIGHT  435 

to  immortalize  him  as  a  general.  The  corps  he  commanded 
was  reduced  to  between  7  and  8000  infantry,  and  800  cavalry, 
with  which,  for  the  space  of  twelve  hours,  he  maintained  his 
ground  against  an  army  of  55,000  men,  of  whom  it  is  said 
14,000  were  either  killed,  wounded,  or  taken.  The  marshal 
was  seen  everywhere  in  the  thickest  of  the  fight,  a  dozen  of 
soldiers  were  bayoneted  at  his  side,  and  his  hat  was  perforated 
by  a  ball.  But  what  could  be  done  against  overwhelming 
numbers  .?  In  this  state  of  things  the  Duke  de  Ragusa  made 
known  his  situation  to  Joseph  Bonaparte,  who_  authorized 
him  to  negotiate.  Joseph's  answer  is  so  important,  in  reference 
to  the  events  which  succeeded,  that  I  think  it  necessary  to 
transcribe  it  literally.     It  was  as  toUovvs  : — 

'If  the  Dukes  of  Ragusa  and  Trcviso  can  no  longer  hold  out 

they  are  authorized  to  negotiate  with  Prince  Schwartzenberg  and 

the  Emperor  of  Russia,   who  are  before  them.     They  will  fail 

back  on  the  Loire. 

'Joseph. 

'  MONTMARTRE,  March  30,  1814, 
Quarter-past  12  o'clock.' 

It  was  not  until  a  considerable  time  after  this  formal  authority 
that  Marmont  and  Mortier  ceased  to  make  a  vigorous  resistance 
against  the  allied  army,  for  the  suspension  of  arms  was  not 
agreed  upon  until  four  in  the  afternoon,  and  Joseph,  it  is  well 
known,  did  not  wait  for  it.  At  a  quarter-past  twelve,  that  is  to 
say,  immediately  after  he  had  addressed  to  Marmont  the 
authority  just  alluded  to,  Joseph  repaired  to  the  Bois  de  Boulogne, 
to  regain  the  Versailles  road,  and  from  thence  to  proceed  to 
Ramb°ouillet.  Joseph's  precipitate  flight  astonished  only  those 
who  did  not  know  him.  I  have  been  assured,  that  several 
officers  attached  to  his  staff  were  by  no  means  pleased  at  so 
sudden  a  retreat.  Indeed,  they  at  first  imagined  that  it  was 
a  movement  towards  the  bridge  of  Neuilly,  in  order  to  oppose 
the  passage  of  the  allies,  but  were  promptly  undeceived  when, 
on  gaining  the  outward  barrier,  the  whole  company  turned  off 
to  the  left  towards  the  Bois  de  Boulogne. 

Under  these  circumstances,  what  was  to  be  done  but  to  save 
Paris,  which  there  was  no  possibility  of  defending  tv.o  hours 
longer  >  and  Marmont,  who  signed  the  suspension  of  arms, 
which  was  followed  by  the  capitulation  of  the  city  on  the 
following  night,  deserved  rather  a  civic  crown,  than  the  unjust 
reproaches  which  have  been  heaped  upon  him.     Methinks  I  still 


43^  NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 

see  the  marshal,  when,  on  the  evening  of  the  30th  of  March,  he 
returned  from  the  field  of  battle  to  his  hotel  in  the  Rue  de 
Paradis,  where  I  was  waiting  for  him,  together  with  about 
twenty  other  persons,  among  whom  were  MM.  Perregaux  and 
Lafitte.  When  he  entered,  he  was  scarcely  recognizable  ;  he  had 
a  beard  of  eight  days*  growth,  the  great  coat  which  covered  his 
uniform  was  in  tatters,  and  from  head  to  foot  he  was  blackened 
with  gunpowder.  We  were  considering  what  was  best  to  be 
done,  and  all  insisted  on  the  necessity  of  signing  a  capitulation. 
The  marshal  must  remember  that  the  general  exclamation  around 
him  was,  *  France  must  be  saved.'  MM.  Perregaux  and  Lafitte 
expressed  themselves  most  decidedly,  and  it  will  easily  be  con- 
ceived what  weight  was  attached  to  the  opinions  of  two  men 
who  stood  at  the  head  of  the  financial  world.  They  affirmed 
that  the  general  wish  of  the  Parisians,  which  no  one  could  be 
better  acquainted  with  than  themselves,  was  decidedly  averse  to 
a  protracted  struggle,  and  that  France  was  tired  of  the  yoke  of 
Bonaparte.  This  last  declaration  afforded  a  wider  field  for  the 
discussion  of  the  question  then  under  consideration.  It  was  no 
longer  confined  to  the  capitulation  of  Paris,  but  the  change  of 
the  government  was  contemplated,  and  the  name  of  the  Bourbons 
was  for  the  first  time  pronounced.  I  do  not  recollect  which  of 
us  it  was  who,  on  hearing  mention  made  of  the  possible  recall 
of  the  old  dynasty,  remarked  how  difficult  it  would  be  to  effect 
a  restoration  without  retrograding  to  the  past.  But  I  am  pretty 
well  sure  it  was  M.  Lafitte  who  replied,  '  Gentlemen,  we  shafl 
have  nothing  to  fear,  provided  we  have  a  good  constitution, 
which  will  guarantee  the  rights  of  all.'  The  majority  of  the 
meeting  concurred  in  this  judicious  opinion,  which  was  not 
without  its  influence  on  Marshal  Marmont. 

This  memorable  meeting,  however,  was  attended  by  an  unex- 
pected incident.  In  the  very  midst  of  our  discussions,  one  of 
tile  emperor's  aides-de-camp  arrived  at  Marmont's  hotel. 
Napoleon,  being  informed  of  the  advance  of  the  allies  on  Paris, 
had  marched  with  the  utmost  speed  from  the  banks  of  the 
Marne  on  the  road  of  Fontainebleau.  In  the  evening  he  was 
in  person  at  Froidmanteau,  whence  he  despatched  his  envoy  to 
Marshal  Marmont.  From  the  language  of  the  aide-de-camp, 
it  was  easy  to  perceive  that  the  ideas  which  prevailed  at  the 
imperial  head-quarters  were  very  different  from  those  entertained 
by  the  people  of  Paris.  The  officer  expressed  indignation  at  the 
very  idea  of  capitulation,  and  announced  with  inconceivable 
confidence  the  approaching  arrival  of  Napoleon  in  Paris,  which 


THE   ENEMY    IN    PARIS  437 

he  yet  hoped  to  save  from  the  occupation  of  the  enemy.  The 
same  officer  assured  us  with  much  warmth,  that  Napoleon 
depended  on  the  people  rising  in  spite  of  the  capitulation,  and 
that  they  would  unpave  the  streets  to  stone  the  allies  on  their 
entrance.  What  more  he  said  to  the  same  effect  I  do  not  now 
remember,  but  I  ventured  to  dissent  from  the  absurd  idea  of 
defence,  and  observed  that  it  was  madness  to  suppose  that  Paris 
could  resist  the  numerous  troops  who  were  ready  to  enter  on  the 
following  day.  The  greater  part  of  the  company  present  con- 
curred in  my  opinion,  and  the  decision  ot  the  meeting  was 
unanimous. 

Such  is  a  correct  statement  of  facts  which  have  been  perverted 
by  certain  parties,  with  the  view  of  enhancing  Napoleon's  glory. 
I  am  aware  that  there  are  some  versions  which  differ  in  many 
points  from  my  own  :  with  regard  to  them  I  have  but  one 
obser\'ation  to  offer,  which  is,  that  I  heard  and  saw  what  I  have 
here  described. 

The  day  after  the  capitulation  of  Paris,  Marmont  went  in  the 
evening  to  see  the  emperor  at  Fontainebleau.  He  supped  with 
him,  and  Napoleon  greatly  praised  his  noble  defence  of  Paris. 
After  supper  the  marshal  rejoined  his  corps  at  Essonne,  and  six 
hours  after  the  emperor  arrived  there  to  visit  the  lines.  On 
quitting  Paris,  Marmont  had  left  Colonels  Fabvier  and  Denys 
to  superintend  the  execution  of  the  terms  of  the  capitulation. 
These  officers  joined  the  emperor  and  the  marshal  as  they  were 
proceeding  up  the  banks  of  the  river  of  Essonne.  They  did  not 
disguise  the  etfect  which  the  entrance  of  the  allies  had  produced 
in  Paris.  The  emperor  appeared  deeply  mortified  at  the 
intelligence,  and  returned  immediately  to  Fontainebleau,  leaving 
the  marshal  at  Essonne. 

At  daybreak,  on  the  31st  of  March,  Paris  presented  a  novel 
and  curious  spectacle.  Scarcely  had  the  French  troops  evacuated 
the  capital,  than  the  most  respectable  quarters  of  the  town 
resounded  with  cries  of  '  Down  with  Bonaparte  !  *  '  No  con- 
scription !'  'No  consolidated  duties  !'  With  these  cries  were 
mingled  that  of  '  The  Bourbons  for  ever  ! '  though  this  latter 
cry  was  not  repeated  so  frecjuently  as  the  others,  and  in  general 
I  remarked  that  the  people  looked  on  and  listened  with  com- 
parative indifference.  As  I  had  taken  a  very  active  part  in  all 
that  had  happened  during  some  preceding  days,  I  was  particularly 
curious  to  study  what  might  be  called  the  physiognomy  of  Paris. 
This  was  the  second  opportunity  which  had  been  afforded  me 
for  such  a  study,  and  I  now  saw  the  people  applaud  the  fall  of 


438  NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 

a  man  whom  they  had  received  with  enthusiasm  after  the 
1 8th  Brumaire.  The  reason  was  the  same — liberty  fwas  then 
hoped  for,  as  it  was  hoped  for  again  in  1S14.  I  went  out  early 
in  the  morning  to  see  the  numerous  groups  of  people  who  were 
assembled  in  the  streets.  I  saw  women  tearing  their  handker- 
chiefs, and  distributing  the  fragments  as  the  emblems  of  the 
revived  lily.  That  same  morning  I  met  on  the  Boulevards,  and 
some  hours  afterwards  on  the  Place  Louis  XV.  a  party  of 
gentlemen  who  were  parading  the  streets  of  the  capital,  pro- 
claiming the  restoration  of  the  Bourbons,  and  shouting  '  Vive 
le  Roi  ! '  and  '  Louis  XVIIL  for  ever  ! '  At  their  head  I 
recognised  M.  Sosthenes  de  la  Rochefoucauld,  Count  de  Froissard, 
the  Duke  de  Luxembourg,  the  Duke  de  Crussol,  Seymour,  etc 
The  cavalcade,  distributing  white  cockades  as  they  passed  along, 
was  speedily  joined  by  a  numerous  crowd,  which  tumultuously 
hurried  to  the  Place  Vendome.  The  proceedings  which  there 
took  place  are  well  known,  and  even  the  delirium  of  popular  joy 
could  scarcely  excuse  the  fury  that  was  directed  against  the 
effigy  of  the  man  whose  misfortunes,  whether  merited  or  not, 
ought  to  have  protected  him  from  such  outrages. 

On  the  evening  of  the  31st  of  March,  an  important  meeting 
of  the  Royalists  was  held  in  the  hotel  of  the  Count  de  Morfon- 
taine,  who  officiated  as  president,  when  it  was  proposed  that 
a  deputation  should  be  immediately  sent  to  the  Emperor 
Alexander,  to  express  to  him  the  wish  of  the  meeting.  This 
motion  was  immediately  approved,  and  the  mover  was  chosen  as 
chief  of  the  deputation,  which  consisted  besides  of  MM.  Ferrand 
and  Cassar  de  Choiseul.  On  leaving  the  hotel  these  gentlemen 
met  M.  de  Chateaubriand,  who  had  that  very  day  been,  as  it 
were,  the  precursor  of  the  restoration,  by  publishing  his  admirable 
pamphlet,  entitled  '  Bonaparte  and  the  Bourbons.'  He  was 
invited  to  join  the  deputation,  to  which  he  consented,  but  nothing 
could  overcome  his  diffidence  and  induce  him  to  speak.  On 
arriving  at  the  hotel,  in  the  Rue  Saint  Florentine,  the  deputation 
was  introduced  to  Count  Nesselrode,  to  whom  M.  Sosthenes 
de  la  Rochefoucauld  briefly  explained  its  object  :  he  signified  to 
him  the  wishes  of  the  meeting,  and  the  unanimous  desire  of 
Paris  and  of  France.  He  represented  the  restoration  of  the 
Bourbons  as  the  only  means  of  securing  the  peace  of  Europe, 
and  observed  in  conclusion,  that  as  the  exertions  of  the  day 
must  have  been  very  fatiguing  to  the  emperor,  the  deputation 
would  not  solicit  the  favour  of  being  introduced,  but  would 
confidently  rely  on  the  good  faith  of  his  imperial  majesty.     '  I 


ALLIED    SOVEREIGNS   IN    PARIS  439 

have  just  left  the  emperor,  replied  M.  Nesselrode,  'and  can 
pledge  myself  for  his  intentions.  Return  to  the  meeting,  and 
announce  to  the  French  people  that,  in  compliance  with  their 
wishes,  so  ardently  expressed,  his  imperial  majesty  will  use  all 
his  influence  to  restore  the  crown  to  the  legitimate  monarch  ; 
his  majesty  Louis  XVIII.  shall  re-ascend  the  throne  of  France.' 
With  this  happy  intelligence  the  deputation  returned  to  the 
meeting  in  the  Rue  d'Anjou. 

Great  enthusiasm  was  undoubtedly  displayed  on  the  entrance 
of  the  allies  into  Paris.  It  may  be  approved  or  blamed,  but 
the  fact  cannot  be  denied.  I  was  an  attentive  observer  of 
passing  events,  and  I  could  not  but  recognize  the  expression  of 
a  sentiment  which  I  had  long  anticipated. 

Napoleon  had  become  master  of  France  by  the  sword,  and 
the  sword  being  sheathed  he  could  plead  no  other  right  to  the 
kingdom  ;  for  no  popular  institution  had  identified  with  the 
nation  the  new  dynasty  which  he  had  hoped  to  establish.  The 
nation  admired  but  did  not  love  him,  for  it  is  impossible  to  love 
what  is  feared — and  Napoleon  had  done  nothing  to  merit  the 
affection  of  France. 


CHAPTER    XLV 

I  WAS  present  at  all  the  meetings  and  conferences  which  were 
held  at  M.  Talleyrand's  hotel,  where  the  Emperor  Alexander 
had  taken  up  his  residence.  Of  all  the  individuals  present  at 
these  meetings,  M.  de  Talleyrand  appeared  most  disposed  to 
preserve  Napoleon's  government,  with  some  restrictions  on  the 
exercise  of  his  power.  In  the  existing  state  of  things  it  was  only 
possible  to  choose  one  of  three  courses  :  first,  to  make  peace  with 
Napoleon,  with  proper  securities  against  him  ;  second,  to  establish 
a  regency  :  and,  third,  to  recall  the  Bourbons. 

On  the  31st  of  March  the  allied  sovereigns  entered  Paris  ; 
and  the  Emperor  Alexander  repaired  to  M.  de  Talleyrand's 
hotel,  where  I,  with  others,  was  expecting  him.  When  the 
emperor  entered  the  drawing-room,  most  of  the  persons 
assembled,  and  particularly  the  Abbd  de  Pradt,  the  Abbe 
de  Montes(|uieu,  and  General  DessoUcs,  urgently  demanded  the 
restoration  of  the  Bourbons.  The  emperor  did  not  come  to 
any  immediate  decision,  but  drawing  me  into  the  embrasure 
of  a   window    which    looked   into    the   street,    he   made   some 


4+0  NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 

observations  which  enabled  me  to  form  an  opinion  as  to  his 
ultimate  determination.  '  M.  de  Bourrienne,'  said  he,  'you 
have  been  the  friend  of  Napoleon,  and  so  have  I  ;  I  was  mosi 
sincerely  his  friend,  but  there  is  no  possibility  of  remaining  at 
peace  with  a  man  of  such  bad  faith.  We  must  have  done  with 
him.'  These  last  words  opened  my  eyes,  and  when  the  different 
propositions  which  were  made  came  to  be  discussed,  I  saw 
plainly  that  Bonaparte,  in  making  himself  emperor,  had  made 
up  the  bed  for  the  Bourbons. 

A  discussion  ensued  on  the  three  possible  measures  which 
I  have  already  mentioned,  and  which  Alexander  had  himself 
proposed.  It  appeared  to  me  that  his  majesty  was  (what  is 
commonly  termed)  acting  a  part  when,  pretending  to  doubt 
the  possibility  of  recalling  the  Bourbons,  which  he  wished  above 
all  things,  he  asked  M.  de  Talleyrand,  what  means  he  proposed 
to  employ  for  the  attainment  of  that  object  ?  Indeed,  I  am 
persuaded  that  his  only  motive  for  starting  obstacles  was  in 
order  to  hear  the  persons  around  him  express  themselves  in  a 
more  decided  manner  Besides  the  French,  there  were  present 
at  this  meeting  the  Emperor  Alexander,  the  King  of  Prussia, 
Prince  Schwartzenberg,  M.  Nesselrode,  M.  Pozzo-di-Borgo,  and 
Prince  Lichtenstein.  During  the  discussion  Alexander  re- 
mained standing,  at  intervals  walking  up  and  down  with  some 
appearance  of  agitation  ;  at  length,  addressing  us  in  an  elevated 
tone  of  voice,  '  Gentlemen,'  said  he,  '  you  know  that  it  was  not 
I  who  commenced  the  war  ;  you  know  that  Napoleon  came  to 
attack  me  in  my  dominions.  But  we  are  not  drawn  here  by 
the  thirst  of  conquest,  or  the  desire  of  revenge.  You  have  seen 
the  precautions  I  have  taken  to  preserve  your  capital,  the  wonder 
of  the  arts,  from  the  horrors  of  pillage,  to  which  the  chances 
of  war  would  have  consigned  it.  Neither  my  allies  nor  myself 
are  engaged  in  a  war  of  reprisals,  and  I  should  be  inconsolable 
if  any  violence  had  been  committed  on  your  magnificent  city. 
I  repeat,  gentlemen,  that  we  are  not  waging  war  against  France, 
but  against  Napoleon,  and  every  other  enemy  of  French  liberty. 
William,  and  you,  Prince'  (here  the  emperor  turned  towards  the 
King  of  Prussia  and  Prince  Schwartzenberg,  who  represented 
the  Emperor  of  Austria),  'are  not  the  sentiments  I  express  in 
unison  with  your  own  .? '  Both  signified  their  assent  to  this 
observation  of  Alexander,  which  his  majesty  several  times 
repeated  in  different  words.  He  insisted  that  France  should 
be  perfectly  free,  and  that  as  soon  as  the  wishes  of  the  country 
were  understood,  he  and  his  allies  would  support  them,  without 


UECISION   OF    THE    ALLIES  441 

seeking  to  exercise  their  influence  in  favour  of  any  government 
in  particular. 

The  Abbd  de  Pradt  then  declared,  in  a  tone  of  conviction, 
that  we  were  all  royalists,  and  that  the  feelings  of  the  people, 
both  of  Paris  and  the  whole  of  France,  were  similar  to  our  own. 
The  Emperor  Alexander,  again  adverting  to  the  different 
governments  which  might  be  suitable  to  France,  spoke  of  the 
maintenance  of  Bonaparte  on  the  throne,  the  establishment  of  a 
regency,  the  choice  of  Bernadotte,  and  the  recall  of  the  Bourbons. 
M.  de  Talleyrand  then  spoke,  and  I  well  remember  his  saying 
to  the  Emperor  of  Russia,  *  Sire,  only  one  of  two  things  is 
possible.  We  must  have  either  Bonaparte  or  Louis  XVIIL  ; 
Bonaparte,  if  you  can  support  him,  but  you  cannot,  for  you 
are  not  alone.  Whom  could  you  propose  after  him  ?  Not 
another  soldier  ;  we  will  not  have  him.  If  we  wanted  a 
soldier  we  would  keep  the  one  we  have,  he  is  the  first  in  the 
world.  After  him,  any  other  offered  to  our  choice  would  not 
have  ten  men  to  support  him.  I  say  again.  Sire,  either  Bona- 
parte or  Louis  XVIII.  Anything  else  is  an  intrigue.'  These 
remarkable  words  of  the  Prince  of  Benevento  produced  on  the 
mind  of  the  Emperor  Alexander  all  the  effect  we  could  have 
desired.  Thus  the  question  was  simplified,  having  now  but 
two  alternatives,  and  as  it  was  evident  that  Alexander  would 
have  nothing  to  do  with  either  Napoleon  or  his  family,  it  was 
reduced  to  the  single  proposition  of  the  return  of  the  Bourbons. 
On  being  pressed  by  us  all,  with  the  exception  of  M.  de  Talley- 
rand, who  still  wished  to  leave  the  question  undecided  between 
Bonaparte  and  Louis  XVIIL,  Alexander  at  length  declared, 
that  he  would  never  again  treat  with  Napoleon.  When  it  was 
represented  to  him  that  this  declaration  applied  only  to  Napoleon 
personally,  and  did  not  extend  to  his  family,  he  added,  *  Nor 
with  any  member  of  his  family.'  Thus,  as  early  as  the  31st  of 
March,  the  Bourbons  might  be  said  to  be  restored  to  the  throne 
of  France.  Of  all  the  propositions  which  were  then  in  agitation, 
the  one  most  to  be  deprecated,  as  it  appeared  to  me,  was  that 
which  had  for  its  object  the  appointment  of  a  regency.  In 
that  case,  ever)'thing  would  still  have  been  left  in  suspense. 

The  discussion  did  not  terminate  till  three  o'clock  in  the 
afternoon,  when  the  Emperor  Alexander  signed  the  following 
declaration  : — 

'  If  the  conditions  of  peace  required  strong  guarantees  when  the  ob- 
ject was  to  restrain  the  ambition  of  Bonaparte,  they  ought  to  be  more 
fivourable  when,   by  a  return  to  a  wise  government,  France  herself 


4+2  NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 

shall  offer  the  assurance  of  repose.  The  sovereigns  proclaim  that  they 
will  no  longer  treat  with  Bonaparte,  nor  with  any  member  of  his 
family.  They  respect  the  iniegrity  of  the  French  territory,  as  it  ex- 
isted under  the  legitimate  monarchy :  they  may  even  go  further,  since 
they  adopt  the  principle  that  France  must  be  great  and  powerful. 
They  will  recognize  and  guarantee  any  constitution  of  which  the 
French  nation  may  make  choice.  They  consequently  invite  the  Senate 
immediately  to  appoint  a  provisional  government,  to  manage  the 
business  of  the  state,  and  to  prepare  the  constitution  which  may  be 
agreeable  to  the  wishes  of  the  people.  The  sentiments  herein  expressed 
are  shared  by  all  the  allied  powers.' 

And  here  1  cannot  help  noticing  the  haste  with  which  Laborie, 
whom  M.  de  Talleyrand  had  appointed  secretary  to  the  pro- 
visional government,  rushed  out  of  the  apartment  as  soon  as 
he  got  possession  of  the  Emperor  Alexander's  declaration.  He 
got  it  printed  with  such  expedition,  that  in  the  space  of  an 
hour  it  was  placarded  on  all  the  walls  in  Paris.  The  effect  it 
produced  was  prodigious — the  hopes  of  intriguers  were  at  once 
destroyed  by  it.  As  yet  there  appeared  no  doubt  whatever 
of  Alexander's  sincerity.  The  treaty  of  Paris  could  not  be 
anticipated,  and  there  was  reason  to  believe  that  France,  with 
a  new  government,  would  obtain  more  advantageous  conditions 
than  if  the  allies  had  treated  with  Napoleon.  But  this  illusion 
speedily  vanished. 

On  the  evening  of  the  31st  of  March,  I  returned  to  M.  de 
Talleyrand's.  About  1 1  o'clock  on  the  same  evening  I  again 
saw  the  Emperor  Alexander,  who,  stepping  up  to  me,  said, 
'  M.  de  Bourrienne,  you  must  take  the  superintendence  of  the 
post-office  department.'  I  could  not  decline  so  marked  an 
invitation  on  the  part  of  the  emperor  ;  and  besides,  Lavalette 
having  departed  on  the  preceding  day,  the  business  of  the  office 
would  have  been  for  a  time  suspended  ;  a  circumstance  which 
would  have  been  extremely  prejudicial  to  the  Restoration,  which  we 
wished  to  favour.  I  accordingly,  after  some  difficulty,  succeeded 
in  putting  matters  in  a  train  by  which  letters  were  forwarded 
the  next  morning  without  the  loss  of  a  single  post. 

Tlie  most  important  point  to  be  obtained  was  the  declaration 
before  mentioned.  After  that,  everything  else  would  follow  as 
a  matter  of  course.  Bonaparte's  partisans  were  now  fully  aware 
of  the  impolicy  of  removing  the  empress  and  her  son  from  Paris. 
It  was,  of  course,  necessary  to  establish  a  provisional  government, 
of  which  M.  de  Talleyrand  was  appointed  President.  The 
other  members  were  General  Beurnonville,  Count  Francois  de 
Jaucourt,  the  Duke  Dalberg,  who  married  one  of  Maria-Lousia's 


AT   FONTAINEBLEAU  443 

ladies  of  honour,  an^  the  Abbe  de  Montesquieu.  The  post  of 
Chancellor  of  the  Legion  of  Honour  was  given  to  the  Abb^  de 
Pradt.  Thus,  among  the  members  of  the  provisional  govern- 
ment were  two  abbes,  and,  by  a  singular  chance,  they  happened 
to  be  the  same  who  had  officiated  at  the  mass  which  was  per- 
formed in  the  Champ  de  Mars,  on  the  day  of  the  first 
federation. 

On  the  morning  of  the  30th  of  March,  while  the  battle  under 
the  walls  of  Paris  was  at  the  hottest,  Bonaparte  was  still  at 
Troyes.  He  quitted  that  town  at  10  o'clock,  accompanied  only 
by  Bertrand,  Caulincourt,  two  aides-de-camp,  and  two  orderly 
officers.  He  was  not  more  than  two  hours  in  travelling  the  first 
ten  leagues — indeed,  he  and  his  feeble  escort  performed  the 
journey  without  changing  horses,  or  even  once  alighting.  The 
emperor,  with  his  attendants,  who  were  not  acquainted  with 
their  place  of  destination,  arrived  at  Sens  about  one  o'clock  in 
ihe  afternoon.  Everything  was  in  such  confusion  that  it  was 
impossible  to  prepare  a  suitable  conveyance  tor  the  emperor. 
Both  he  and  his  suite  were  therefore  obliged  to  continue  their 
journey  in  a  mean-looking  calash,  and  in  this  equipage,  about 
four  in  the  morning,  this  monarch,  lately  so  powerful,  reached 
Froidmanteau,  about  four  leagues  from  Paris.  It  was  there  that 
the  emperor  received  from  General  Belliard,  who  arrived  at  the 
head  of  a  column  of  artillery,  the  first  intelligence  of  the  battle 
of  Paris.  He  heard  the  news  with  a  composure  which  was 
probably  affi^cted,  in  order  not  to  discourage  those  around  them. 
He  walked  for  about  a  quarter  of  an  hour  on  the  high  road,  in 
conversation  with  Belliard,  and  it  was  after  that  promenade  that 
he  sent  Caulincourt  to  Paris,  as  I  have  before  mentioned. 
Napoleon  afterwards  went  to  the  house  of  the  postmaster,  where 
he  ordered  his  maps  to  be  brought  to  him,  and,  as  was  his 
custom,  marked  the  different  positions  of  his  own  and  the 
enemies'  troops  with  pins,  the  heads  of  which  were  tipped  with 
wax  of  different  colours.  After  occupying  himself  some  time 
in  this  manner,  he  resumed  his  journey,  and  arrived  at  Fontaine- 
bleau  at  six  o'clock  in  the  morning. 

On  the  evening  of  the  3 1st  of  March,  the  emperor  sent  for  the 
Duke  de  Ragusa,  who  had  just  arrived  at  Essonne  with  his 
troops.  The  duke  reached  Fontainebleau  between  three  and 
four  o'clock  in  the  morning  of  the  ist  of  April.  At  this  inter- 
view Napoleon  received  a  detailed  account  of  the  events  of  the 
30th,  and,  as  I  have  already  stated,  highly  complimented 
Marmont  for  his  gallant  conduct  before  the  walls  of  Paris. 


44+  NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 

All  was  gloom  and  melancholy  at  Fontainebleau,  yet  the 
emperor  still  retained  his  authority,  and  I  have  been  informed  that 
he  deliberated  for  some  time  as  to  whether  he  should  retire  behind 
the  Loire,  or  at  once  attempt  a  bold  stroke  upon  Paris,  which 
would  have  been  far  more  in  accordance  with  his  character, 
than  to  resign  himself  to  the  chances  which  an  uncertain 
temporizing  might  afford  him.  The  latter  idea  pleased  him 
best,  and  he  was  seriously  considering  his  plan  of  attack,  when 
the  news  of  the  31st,  and  the  unsuccessful  issue  of  Caulincourt's 
mission,  gave  him  to  understand  that  his  situation  was  more 
desperate  than  he  had  hitherto  imagined. 

Meanwhile  the  heads  of  the  columns,  which  the  emperor 
had  left  at  Troyes,  arrived  at  Fontainebleau,  after  one  of  the 
most  rapid  marches  ever  known,  having  completed  a  distance  of 
fifty  leagues  in  somewhat  less  than  three  days.  On  the  2nd  of 
April,  Napoleon  communicated  the  events  of  Paris  to  the 
generals  who  were  about  him,  recommending  them,  at  the 
same  time,  to  conceal  the  news,  lest  it  should  dispirit  the  troops 
upon  whom  he  still  relied.  The  same  day  he  reviewed  his 
troops  in  the  court  of  the  palace.  He  then  endeavoured  to 
persuade  the  generals  to  second  his  mad  designs  upon  Paris, 
by  making  them  believe  that  he  had  made  sincere  efforts 
to  conclude  a  peace.  He  assured  them  that  he  had  expressed 
to  the  Emperor  Alexander  his  willingness  to  purchase  it  by 
immense  sacrifices  ;  that  he  had  consented  to  resign  even  the 
conquests  made  during  the  Revolution,  and  to  confine  himsel 
within  the  ancient  limits  of  France. 

The  old  companions  of  the  glory  of  their  chief  exclaimed, 
with  one  voice,  '  Paris  !  Paris  ! '  but  fortunately,  during  the 
night,  the  generals  having  deliberated  with  each  other,  saw 
the  frightful  abyss  into  which  they  were  about  to  plunge  their 
country.  They,  therefore,  resolved  to  intimate  in  moderate 
and  respectful  terms  to  the  emperor,  that  they  would  not 
expose  Paris  to  destruction  ;  and  this  spirit  of  moderation 
spreading  gradually  even  among  the  ranks,  by  the  3rd  of  April 
more  prudent  ideas  succeeded  the  rash  enthusiasm  of  the  day 
preceding. 

The  wreck  of  the  army  assembled  at  Fontainebleau,  the  poor 
remains  of  a  million  of  troops  which  had  been  levied  within 
fifteen  months,  consisted  only  of  the  corps  of  the  Duke  de 
Reggio,  Ney,  Macdonald,  and  General  Gerard,  which  altogether 
did  not  amount  to  24,000  men,  and  Trhich,  joined  to  the 
remaining    7000   of  the   guard,  did  not   leave   the  emperor   a 


DETHRONED    BY   SENATE  445 

disposable  force  of  more  than  31,000  men.  Nothing  but  madness 
or  sheer  despair  could  have  suggested  the  idea  of  successfully 
combating,  with  such  scanty  resources,  the  foreign  masses  which 
occupied  and  surrounded  Paris. 

On  the  2nd  of  April  the  Senate  published  a  decree,  declaring 
that  Napoleon  had  forfeited  the  throne,  and  abolished  the  right 
of  succession  which  had  been  established  in  favour  of  his  family. 
Furnished  with  this  act,  and  without  waiting  the  concurrence 
of  the  Legislative  Body,  which  was  given  next  day,  the  provisional 
government  published  an  address  to  the  French  armies.  In  this 
address  the  troops  were  informed  that  they  were  no  longer 
soldiers  of  Napoleon,  and  that  the  Senate  released  them  from 
their  oaths.  The  address  of  the  Senate  was  sent  round  to  the 
marshals,  and  of  course  to  such  of  them  first  as  were  nearest 
the  capital.  Of  this  latter  number  was  Marmont,  whose 
allegiance  to  the  emperor,  as  we  have  already  seen,  yielded  only 
to  the  sacred  interests  of  his  country.  Prince  Schwartzenberg 
wrote  to  Marmont  to  induce  him  to  espouse  a  cause  which 
had  now  become  the  cause  of  France.  To  the  prince's  letter 
Marmont  replied,  that  as  the  army  and  nation  had  been  absolved 
from  their  oaths  of  allegiance  to  Napoleon,  by  a  decree  of  the 
Senate,  he  was  disposed  to  concur  in  the  union  of  the  army 
and  the  people,  which  would  avert  all  chance  of  civil  war,  and 
stop  the  effusion  of  French  blood  ;  and  that  he  was  ready 
with  his  troops  to  quit  the  army  of  the  Emperor  Napoleon,  on 
the  following  conditions,  the  assurance  of  which  he  required  in 
writing — 

First. — I,  Charles  Prince  Schwartzenberg,  Marshal  and  Commander- 
in-chief  of  the  allied  armies,  guarantee  to  all  the  French  troops  who, 
in  consequence  of  the  decree  of  the  Senate  of  the  2nd  of  April,  may 
quit  the  standard  of  Napoleon  Bonaparte,  that  they  shall  retire  freely 
into  Normandy,  with  arms,  baggage,  and  ammunition,  and  with  the 
same  marks  of  respect  and  military  honours  which  the  allied  troops 
reciprocally  observe  to  each  other.  Second. — That  if,  by  this 
movement,  the  chances  of  war  should  throw  into  the  hands  of 
the  allied  powers  the  person  of  Napoleon  iJonaparte,  his  life  and 
liberty  shall  be  guaranteed,  in  a  space  of  territory  and  a  circum- 
scribed country,  to  L>e  chosen  by  the  allied  powers  and  the  French 
government." 

Prince  Schwartzenberg,  in  his  answer  to  Marmont,  expressed 
his  satisfaction  at  the  marshal's  readiness  to  obey  the  call 
of  the  provisional  government,  and  added,  '  I  beg  of  you  to 
believe  that  I  am  fully  sensible  of  the  delicacy  of  the  sentiment 


4+6  NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 

expressed  in  the  article  you  demand,  and  which  I  accept,  relative 
to  the  person  of  Napoleon.' 

The  conditions  before  mentioned  being  agreed  to  on  the 
part  of  the  Prince  of  Schwartzenberg,  Marmont  considered 
himself  bound  to  the  cause  which  might  now  be  called  the  cause 
of  France.  It  will  be  seen,  however,  that  he  subsequently 
found  himself  so  circumstanced  as  to  be  obliged  to  request  a 
releasement  from  his  promise,  and  the  Prince  of  Schwartzenberg 
generously  annulled    it. 

I  happened  to  learn  the  manner  in  which  Marshal  Macdonald 
was  informed  of  the  taking  of  Paris.  He  had  been  two  days 
without  any  intelligence  from  the  emperor,  when  he  received  an 
order  in  the  handwriting  of  Berthier,  which  ran  thus  :  '  The 
emperor  desires  that  you  halt  wherever  you  may  receive  this 
order.*  After  Berthier's  signature  the  following  words  were 
added  as  a  postscript  :  '  You  of  course  know  that  the  enemy  is 
in  possession  of  Paris.'  This  singular  postscript,  and  the  tone 
of  indifference  in  which  it  was  expressed,  filled  Macdonald  with 
mingled  surprise  and  alarm.  He  then  commanded  the  rear- 
guard of  the  army,  which  occupied  the  environs  of  Montereau. 
Six  hours  after  the  receipt  of  the  order  alluded  to,  Macdonald 
received  a  second,  directing  him  to  put  his  troops  in  motion, 
and  he  then  learnt  the  emperor's  intention  of  marching  on  Paris 
with  all  his  remaining  force. 

On  receiving  the  emperor's  second  order  Macdonald  left  his 
corps  at  Montereau,  ana  repaired  in  haste  to  join  Napoleon  at 
Fontainebleau.  On  his  arrival,  the  emperor  had  already  inti- 
mated to  the  generals  commanding  divisions  in  the  army  corps 
assembled  there,  his  intention  of  marching  on  Paris.  Alarmed 
at  such  a  determination,  the  generals,  most  of  whom  had  left  in 
the  capital  their  wives,  children,  and  friends,  gathered  round 
Marshal  Macdonald,  requesting  him  to  go  with  them,  and 
endeavour  to  dissuade  the  emperor  from  his  intention.  '  Gentle- 
men,' said  the  marshal,  'in  the  emperor's  present  situation  such 
a  proceeding  might  displease  him.  We  must  use  delicacy  and 
precaution.  Leave  it  to  me,  gentlemen,  I  will  go  to  the 
castle.' 

Marshal  Macdonald  accordingly  went  to  the  palace  of  Fon- 
tainebleau, where  the  following  conversation  took  place  between 
him  and  the  emperor,  and  I  beg  the  reader  not  to  lose  sight  of 
the  fact  that  it  was  the  marshal  himself  who  gave  me  the 
relation.  The  moment  he  entered  the  emperor's  apartment, 
the  latter  stepped  up  to  him  and   said,  '  Well,  how  are  things 


CONFERENCE    WITH    MACDONALD  447 

going  on  ? '  '  Very  badly,  Sire.'  '  How  !  badly  !  what  then  are 
tlie  feelings  of  your  army  ? '  '  My  army,  Sire,  is  entirely  dis- 
couraged— their  minds  are  alarmed  by  the  events  of  Paris.' 
'  Will  not  3^our  troops  join  me  in  an  advance  on  Paris  ? '  '  Sire, 
do  not  think  of  such  a  thing.  If  I  were  to  give  such  an  order 
to  my  troops,  I  should  run  the  risk  of  being  disobeyed.'  '  But 
what  is  to  be  done  }  I  cannot  remain  as  I  am  ;  I  have  still 
resources  and  partisans.  It  is  said  that  the  allies  will  no  longer 
treat  with  me.  Well,  no  matter.  I  will  march  on  Paris,  I  will 
be  revenged  on  the  inconstancy  of  the  Parisians,  and  the  base- 
ness of  the  Senate.  Woe  to  the  members  of  the  government 
they  have  patched  up  until  the  return  of  their  Bourbons,  for 
that  is  what  they  are  aiming  at.  But  to-morrow  I  shall  place 
myself  at  the  head  of  my  guards,  and  we  will  march  on  the 
Tuileries.' 

Whilst  Napoleon  thus  gave  way  to  such  idle  threats,  the 
marshal  listened  in  silence  ;  at  length,  perceiving  him  somewhat 
more  calm,  he  replied,  '  Sire,  it  appears,  then,  that  you  are  not 
aware  of  what  has  taken  place  in  Paris,  of  the  establishment  of  a 

provisional  government,  and '   '  I  know  it  all,  and  what  then  .? ' 

*  Sire,'  added  the  marshal,  presenting  to  him  a  paper, '  here  is  some- 
thing which  will  tell  you  more  than  I  can.'  Macdonald  there- 
upon gave  him  a  letter  from  Marslial  Beurnonville,  announcing 
the  forfeiture  of  the  emperor  pronounced  by  the  Senate,  and  the 
determination  of  the  allied  powers  not  to  treat  with  Napoleon, 
or  any  member  of  his  family.  '  Marshal,'  said  the  emperor, 
'  may  this  letter  be  read  aloud  f '  '  Certainly,  Sire.'  The  letter 
was  then  handed  to  Barre,  who  read  it.  An  individual  then 
present  afterwards  described  to  me  the  impression  which  the 
reading  of  the  letter  produced  on  Napoleon.  His  features  were 
violently  contracted,  as  I  have  often  observed  them  on  similar 
momentous  occasions.  He  did  not,  however,  lose  his  self-com- 
mand, which,  indeed,  he  could  always  preserve  when  policy  or 
vanity  required  it  ;  and  when  the  reading  of  Beurnonville's  letter 
was  ended,  he  affected  to  persist  in  his  intention  of  marching  on 
Paris.  '  Sire,' exclaimed  Macdonald,  'that  project  must  be  re- 
nounced. Not  a  sword  would  be  drawn  from  its  scabbard  to 
second  you  in  such  an  enterprise.' 

The  question  ol  the  emperor's  abdication  now  began  to  be 
seriously  entertained.  Caulincourt  had  already  hinted  to 
Napoleon  that,  in  the  event  of  his  abdicating  personally,  there 
was  still  a  possibility  that  the  allies  might  agree  to  a  council  of 
regency.     This  idea,  and  the  opposition  of  the  marshals  to  his 


4+8  NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 

desperate  project  of  marching  upon  Paris,  determined  Napoleon 
to  sign  his  abdication,  which  he  himself  drew  up  in  the  following 
terms  : — 

'  The  allied  powers  having  declared  that  the  Emperor  Napoleon 
is  the  only  obstacle  to  the  re-establishment  of  peace  in  Europe,  the 
Emperor  Napoleon,  faithful  to  his  oath,  declares  that  he  is  ready  to 
descend  from  the  throne,  to  leave  France,  and  even  to  lay  down  his  life, 
for  the  welfare  of  the  country,  which  is  inseparable  from  the  rights  of  his 
son,  those  of  the  regency,  of  the  empress,  and  the  maintenance  of  the 
laws  of  the  empire.  Given  at  our  palace  of  Fontainebleau,  April  2nd, 
1814. 

'  Napoleon. 

After  having  written  this  act  the  emperor  presented  it  to 
the  marshals,  saying, '  Here,  gerttlemen  !  are  you  satisfied  ?  ' 

This  abdication  of  Napoleon  was  certainly  very  useless,  but 
had  circumstances  recurred  to  render  it  of  any  importance, 
the  act  would  possibly  have  proved  altogether  invalid.  To 
most  people  its  meaning  would  appear  unequivocal,  but  not 
so  to  me,  who  was  so  instructed  in  the  cunning  to  which 
Napoleon  never  hesitated  to  resort,  whenever  a  purpose  was 
to  be  gained  by  it.  I  beg  the  reader  to  observe,  that  Napoleon 
does  not  say  that  '  he  descends  from  the  throne,'  but  that  '  he 
is  ready  to  descend  from  the  throne.'  This  was  a  subterfuge, 
by  the  aid  of  which  he  intended  to  open  new  negotiations 
respecting  the  form  and  conditions  of  regency  for  his  son, 
in  case  of  the  allied  sovereigns  acceding  to  that  proposition. 
This  would  have  enabled  him  to  gain  time,  and,  blinded  to 
his  real  situation,  he  had  not  yet  resigned  all  hope. 

In  this  state  of  feeling  he  joyfully  welcomed  a  piece  of 
intelligence  communicated  to  him  by  General  Allix.  The 
general  stated  that  he  had  met  an  Austrian  officer  who  was 
sent  by  Francis  II.  to  Prince  Schwartzenberg,  and  who  positively 
assured  him,  that  all  which  had  taken  place  in  Paris  was  con- 
trary to  the  wish  of  the  Emperor  of  Austria.  That  this  may 
have  been  the  opinion  of  the  Austrian  officer  is  possible,  and 
even  probable,  but  subsequent  events  proved  that  it  was 
nothing  more.  However,  as  soon  as  General  Allix  had  com- 
municated this  good  news,  as  he  termed  it,  to  Napoleon,  the 
latter  exclaimed  to  the  persons  who  were  about  him,  '  I  told 
you  so,  gentlemen.  Francis  II.  cannot  carry  his  enmity  so 
far  as  to  dethrone  his  daughter.  Vicenza,  go  and  desire  the 
marshals  to  return  my  act  of  abdication..  I  will  send  a  courier 
to  the  Emperor  of  Austria.' 


HIS   VAIN    EFFORTS  449 

Thus  Bonaparte,  in  his  shipwreck,  looked  round  for  a  saving 
plank,  and  buoyed  himself  up  with  self-deceptions.  The  Duke 
de  Vicenza  went  to  Marshals  Ney  and  Macdonald,  whom  he 
found  just  stepping  into  the  carriage  to  proceed  to  Paris. 
Both  positively  refused  to  return  the  act  to  Caulincourt,  saying, 
'  We  are  sure  of  the  concurrence  of  the  Emperor  of  Austria, 
and  will  take  all  responsibility  upon  ourselves.'  The  sequel 
sufficiently  proved  that  they  were  better  informed  than  General 
Allix. 

During  the  conversation  with  Marshal  Macdonald,  which  has 
been  just  related,  the  emperor  was  seated.  When  he  came 
to  the  resolution  of  signing  his  abdication,  he  rose  abruptly, 
and  walked  with  hurried  steps  once  or  twice  up  and  down 
the  apartment.  After  the  act  was  signed,  he  said,  'Gentlemen, 
the  interests  of  my  son,  the  interests  of  the  army,  and  above 
all  the  interests  of  France,  must  be  defended.  I  therefore 
appoint  as  my  commissioners  to  the  allied  powers,  the  Duke 
de  Vicenza,  the  Prince  of  the  Moskowa,  and  the  Duke  de 
Ragusa — are  you  satisfied  ? '  He  added  after  a  pause,  'I  think 
all  these  interests  are  intrusted  to  good  hands.'  All  present 
answered  as  with  one  voice,  '  Yes,  Sire.*  But  no  sooner  was 
the  answer  pronounced,  than  the  emperor  tlirew  himself  on 
a  small  yellow  sofa  which  stood  near  the  window,  and  striking 
his  thigh  with  his  hand,  with  a  sort  of  convulsive  motion,  he 
exclaimed,  'No,  gentlemen,  I  will  have  no  regency.  With  my 
guards,  and  Marmont's  corps,  I  shall  be  in  Paris  to-morrow.' 
Ney  and  Macdonald  vainly  endeavoured  to  undeceive  him 
respecting  this  impracticable  design.  He  rose  with  marked  ill- 
humour,  and  rubbing  his  head,  as  he  was  in  the  habit  of  doing 
when  much  agitated,  he  said  in  a  loud  and  authoritative  tone, 
'  Retire.' 

The  marshals  withdrew,  and  Napoleon  was  left  alone  with 
Caulincourt.  He  told  the  latter,  as  I  afterwards  heard,  that 
what  had  most  displeased  him  in  the  proceedings  which  had 
just  taken  place,  was  the  reading  of  Beurnonville's  letter. 
'Sire,'  observed  the  Duke  de  Vicenza,  'it  was  by  your  order 
that  the  letter  was  read.'  '  Yes,  that  is  true,  but  why  was  not 
that  letter  addressed  directly  to  me  by  Macdonald  ?'  '  Sire,  the 
letter  was  at  first  addressed  to  Macdonald,  but  the  aide-de-camp 
who  was  the  bearer  of  it  had  orders  to  communicate  its 
contents  to  Marmont,  on  passing  through  Essonne,  because 
Beurnonville  did  not  know  precisely  where  Macdonald  was 
to   be   found.'      After   this   explanation,    which    did    not   take 

29 


4SO  NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 

more  than  three  minutes,  the  emperor  appeared  satisfied,  and 
Said  to  Caulincourt,  'Vicenza,  call  back  Macdonald.' 

The  Duke  de  Vicenza  hastened  after  the  marshal,  whom  he 
found  at  the  end  of  the  gallery  of  the  palace  engaged  in  con- 
versation, and  brought  him  back  to  the  emperor.  On  his  return- 
ing. Napoleon,  who  had  quite  recovered  his  usual  composure, 
calmly  addressed  him.  'Well,  Duke  de  Tarento,  do  you  think 
that  the  regency  is  the  only  possible  thing  ? '  '  Yes,  Sire.' 
*  Then  I  wish  you  to  go  with  Ney  to  the  Emperor  Alexander, 
instead  of  Marmont ;  it  is  better  that  he  should  remain  with  his 
corps,  to  which  his  presence  is  indispensable.  You  will  therefore 
go  with  Ney — I  rely  on  you.  I  trust  you  have  entirely  forgotten 
all  that  has  separated  us  for  so  long  a  time.'  ♦  Yes,  Sire,  I  have 
not  thought  of  it  since  1809.'  'I  am  glad  of  it,  marshal,  and  I 
must  acknowledge  to  you  that  I  was  in  the  wrong.'  While 
speaking  to  the  marshal  the  emperor  manifested  unusual 
emotion.  He  approached  him,  and  pressing  his  hand  in  the  most 
affectionate  manner,  he  uttered  but  one  word  more,  '  Depart.' 

The  emperor's  three  commissioners,  that  is  to  say,  Marshals 
Macdonald  rnd  Ney,  and  the  Duke  de  Vicenza,  informed 
Marmont,  thit  they  would  dine  with  him  as  they  passed  through 
Essonne,  and  acquaint  him  with  all  that  had  taken  place  at 
Fontainebleau.  On  their  arrival  at  Essonne,  the  three  imperial 
commissioners  explained  to  the  Duke  de  Ragusa  the  object  o< 
their  mission,  and  persuaded  him  to  accompany  them  to  the 
Emperor  Alexander.  This  obliged  the  marshal  to  inform  them 
how  he  was  situated.  The  negotiations  which  Marmont  had 
opened,  and  almost  concluded,  with  Prince  Schwartzenberg, 
were  rendered  null  by  the  mission  which  he  had  joined,  and 
which  it  was  necessary  he  should  himself  explain  to  the  com- 
mander of  the  Austrian  army.  The  three  marshals  and  the 
Duke  de  Vicenza  repaired  to  Petitbourg,  the  head-quarters  of 
Prince  Schwartzenberg,  and  there  the  prince  released  Marmont 
from  the  promise  he  had  given. 


CHAPTER    XLVI. 

After  my  nomination  as  Director-General  of  the  Post  Office,  the 
business  of  that  department  proceeded  as  regularly  as  before.  I 
sent  on  the  4th  of  April  an  advertisement  to  the  Moniteur, 
stating  that  the  letters  to  and  from  England  and  other  foreign 


NEGOTIATIONS    WITH    ALLIES  451 

countries,  which  had  been  lying  at  the  post-office  for  more  than 
three  years,  would  be  forwarded  to  their  respective  addresses. 
This  produced  to  the  post-office  a  receipt  or  nearly  300,000 
francs,  a  sum  which  will  give  some  idea  of  the  prodigious 
quantityof  intercepted  letters,  and  the  system  which  characterized 
the  imperial  government  during  the  time  of  its  existence. 

On  the  night  after  the  publication  of  my  advertisement,  I 
was  awakened  by  an  express  from  the  provisional  government, 
requesting  me  to  proceed  with  all  possible  haste  to  M.  de 
Talleyrand's  hotel.  I  lost  no  time  in  repairing  thither,  and 
arrived  a  few  minutes  before  the  emperor's  commissioners.  I 
went  up  to  the  saloon  on  the  first  floor,  which  was  one  of  the 
suite  ot  apartments  occupied  by  the  Emperor  Alexander.  The 
marshals  were  conferring  with  that  monarch,  and  it  would  be 
difficult  to  describe  the  anxiety,  or,  indeed,  I  might  say  the  con- 
sternation, which  prevailed  among  some  of  the  members  of  the 
provisional  government  and  other  individuals  who  were  assembled 
in  the  saloon  where  I  was. 

During  the  interview  of  the  marshals  with  Alexander,  which 
lasted  a  considerable  time,  I  had  an  opportunity  of  learning 
some  particulars  of  a  conversation  which  they  had  already  had 
with  M.  de  Talleyrand.  The  prince  observed  to  them,  '  Gentle- 
men, what  is  it  you  are  about  to  do  ?  If  you  succeed  in  your 
designs,  you  will  compromise  all  who  have  met  in  this  place 
since  the  1st  of  April,  and  that  number  is  not  inconsiderable. 
As  for  me,  I  am  willing  to  be  compromised  ;  take  no  account 
of  me.'  I  had  passed  the  evening  of  this  day  with  M.  de 
Talleyrand,  who  had  observed  to  the  Emperor  Alexander,  in  my 
presence,  '  Will  you  support  Bonaparte  ?  No,  you  neither  can 
nor  will.  I  have  already  had  the  honour  to  tell  your  majesty, 
that  there  can  be  no  other  alternative  than  between  Napoleon 
and  Louis  XVIII.  ;  any  other  choice  whatsoever  would  be  but 
an  intrigue,  and  no  intrigue  will  possess  sufficient  strength  and 
consistency  long  to  sustain  him  who  may  be  its  object.  Berna- 
dotte,  Eugene,  the  regency,  all  these  are  but  intrigues.  Under 
present  circumstances  nothing  but  some  fixed  principle  is 
sufficiently  strong  to  establish  the  new  order  of  things,  on  which 
we  now  find  ourselves  obliged  to  enter.  Louis  XVIII.  is  a 
principle.'  I  remember  that  M.  de  Talleyrand  frequently  made 
use  of  this  expression  to  us — *  Louis  XVIII.  is  a  principle.' 

When  the  marshals  and  Caulincourt  had  retired,  wc  were  all 
anxious  to  know  what  liad  passed  between  them  and  the  Emperor 
of  Russia.     I  learned  from    DessoUes    that  the   marshals    were 


452  NAPOLEON   BONAPARTE 

unanimous  in  urging  Alexander  to  accede  to  a  regency.  Mac- 
donald,  especially,  warmly  defended  the  proposition.  The 
marshals  strongly  manifested  their  disinclination  to  abandon  the 
family  of  the  man  who  had  so  often  led  them  to  victory  ;  and 
lastly,  they  ventured  to  remind  Alexander  of  his  own  declara- 
tion, in  which  he  proclaimed  in  his  own  name,  as  well  as  on 
the  part  of  the  allies,  that  they  had  not  come  to  France  with 
the  intention  of  imposing  any  particular  government. 

Dessolles,  who  from  the  first  had  openly  declared  himself  in 
favour  of  the  Bourbons,  then  replied  in  his  turn,  with  as  much 
warmth  as  the  partisans  of  the  regency.  He  represented  to 
Alexander  how  many  persons  would  be  compromised  for  merely 
having  acted  or  declared  their  opinions  behind  the  shield  of  his 
promises.  Alexander  seemed  to  waver,  and,  unwilling  to  give 
the  marshals  a  positive  refusal,  he  had  recourse  to  a  subterfuge, 
by  which  he  would  be  enabled  to  execute  the  design  he  had 
irrevocably  formed,  without  seeming  to  take  on  himself  alone 
the  responsibility  of  a  change  of  government.  He,  therefore,  at 
last  gave  the  following  answer  to  the  marshals  :  '  Gentlemen,  I 
am  not  alone  in  an  affair  of  such  importance,  I  must  con- 
sult the  King  of  Prussia,  for  I  have  promised  to  do  nothing 
without  consulting  him.  In  a  few  hours  you  shall  know  my 
decision.' 

While  the  marshals  were  gone  to  Paris,  Napoleon  was  anxious 
to  ascertain  whether  his(  commissioners  had  passed  the  advanced 
posts  of  the  foreign  armies,  determined,  in  case  of  resistance,  to 
march  on  Paris,  for  he  could  not  bring  himself  to  believe  that 
he  had  lost  every  chance.  He  sent  an  aide-de-camp  to  Marmont, 
whom  he  ordered  to  come  immediately  to  Fontainebleau  ;  but 
such  was  his  impatience  that,  instead  of  waiting  for  the  return 
of  the  first,  he  sent  off  a  second,  and  then  a  third  officer  on  the 
same  errand.  This  rapid  succession  of  messengers  alarmed  the 
generals  who  commanded  the  different  divisions  of  Marmont's 
corps  at  Essonne.  They  feared  that  the  emperor  had  been  made 
acquainted  with  the  convention  concluded  that  morning  with 
Prince  Schwartzenberg,  and  that  he  had  sent  for  Marmont  with 
the  view  of  severely  reprimanding  him.  Napoleon,  however, 
knew  nothing  of  the  matter,  for  Marmont,  on  departing  for 
Paris,  had  left  orders  that  it  should  be  said  he  had  gone  to 
inspect  his  lines.  Souham,  Lebrun,  Des  Essarts,  and  Bordesaille, 
who  had  given  their  assent  to  the  convention  with  Prince 
Schwartzenberg,  deliberated  in  the  absence  of  Marmont,  and, 
perhaps  being  ignorant  that  he  was  released  from  his  promise, 


MARMONT'S    COURAGE  453 

and  fearing  the  vengeance  of  Napoleon,  they  determined  to 
inarch  upon  Versailles.  On  arriving  there  the  troops,  not  seeing 
the  marshal  at  their  head,  thought  themselves  betrayed,  and  a 
spirit  of  insurrection  soon  exhibited  itself  among  them.  One  of 
Marmont's  aides-de-camp,  whom  he  had  left  at  Essonne,  exerted 
his  utmost  endeavours  to  prevent  the  departure  of  his  general's 
corps,  but  finding  all  his  efforts  ineffectual,  he  hastened  to 
Paris  to  inform  the  marshal  of  what  had  happened.  Marmont 
was  at  breakfast  at  Ney's,  with  Macdonald  and  Caulincourt, 
when  he  received  the  news,  which  almost  threw  him  into  des- 
pair. He  said  to  the  marshals,  '  I  must  immediately  rejoin  my 
corps  and  quell  this  mutiny.'  Then,  without  losing  a  moment, 
he  ordered  his  carriage,  and  told  the  coachman  to  drive  with 
the  utmost  speed.  He  sent  forward  one  of  his  aides-de-camp 
to  inform  the  troops  of  his  approach.  Having  arrived  within  a 
few  hundred  paces  of  the  place  where  the  troops  were  assembled, 
he  found  the  generals  who  were  under  his  orders  advancing  to 
meet  him.  They  entreated  him  not  to  proceed,  as  the  men 
were  in  open  insurrection.  '  I  will  go  into  the  very  midst  of 
them,'  said  Marmont  ;  *  in  a  moment  they  shall  either  kill  me 
or  acknowledge  me  as  their  chief.'  He  then  sent  off  another 
aide-de-camp  to  range  the  troops  in  the  order  of  battle,  and, 
alighting  from  his  carriage,  and  mounting  a  horse,  he  advanced 
alone,  and  thus  harangued  the  soldiers  :  '  How  !  is  there  treason 
here  ?  Is  it  possible  that  you  disown  me  ?  Am  I  not  your 
comrade  ?  Have  I  not  been  wounded  twenty  times  among  you  ? 
Have  I  not  shared  your  fatigues  and  privations,  and  am  I  not 
ready  to  do  so  again  } '  At  these  words  he  was  interrupted 
by  a  general  shout  of  'Vive  le  Marechal  !       Vive  le  Marechal  !* 

The  mission  of  the  marshals  had  caused  the  most  lively 
apprehensions  among  the  members  of  the  provisional  govern- 
ment, but  the  alarm  was  equally  great  on  hearing  the  news 
of  the  mutiny  of  Marmont's  troops.  During  the  whole  of 
the  day  we  were  in  a  state  of  the  most  cruel  anxiety.  The 
insurrectionary  spirit  it  was  feared  might  extend  to  other  corps 
of  the  army,  and  the  cause  of  France  again  be  compromised. 
But  the  successful  gallantry  of  Marmont  saved  everything,  and 
it  would  be  impossible  to  convey  an  idea  of  the  manner  in 
which  he  was  received  by  us  at  Talleyrand's,  when  he  related 
the  particulars  of  what  had  passed  at  Versailles. 

As  soon  as  Marmont  had  left  Paris  for  Versailles,  Napoleon's 
three  commissioners  hastened  to  the  Emperor  Alexander,  to 
learn  his  resolution  before  he  should  be  made  acquainted  with 


45+  NAPOLEON   BONAPARTE 

the  movement  of  Marmont's  troops.  Alexander  had  walked 
out  at  six  in  the  morning  to  the  residence  of  the  King  of 
Prussia,  in  the  Rue  de  Bourbon.  The  two  sovereigns  after- 
wards proceeded  together  to  M.  de  Talleyrand's,  where  they 
were  when  Napoleon's  commissioners  arrived.  On  the  marshals 
and  Caulincourt  being  introduced  to  the  two  sovereigns,  the 
Emperor  Alexander,  in  answer  to  their  proposition,  replied, 
« That  the  regency  was  impossible — this,  gentlemen,  is  the 
conclusion  both  myself  and  my  allies  have  come  to.  Sub- 
missions to  the  provisional  government  are  pouring  in  from  all 
parts  ;  and  if  the  army  had  formed  contrary  wishes,  those 
wishes  should  have  been  made  known  earlier.'  '  Sire,'  observed 
Macdonald,  '  that  was  impossible,  as  none  of  the  marshals  were 
in  Paris ;  and,  besides,  who  could  foresee  the  turn  which 
affairs  have  taken  }  Could  we  have  foreseen  that  an  unfounded 
alarm  would  have  removed  from  Essonne  the  corps  of  the 
Duke  de  Ragusa,  who  has  this  moment  left  us  to  bring  his 
troops  back  to  order  .? '  These  words  produced  no  change  in 
the  determination  of  the  allied  sovereigns,  who  stilly  insisted 
on  Napoleon's  unconditional  abdication.  Before  taking  leave 
of  the  Emperor  Alexander  the  marshals  solicited  an  armistice 
of  forty-eight  hours,  which  time  they  said  was  indispensable 
to  negotiate  the  act  of  abdication  with  Napoleon.  This  re- 
quest was  immediately  complied  with. 

When,  in  discussing  the  question  of  the  abdication,  con- 
formably with  the  instructions  he  had  received,  Macdonald 
observed  to  the  Emperor  Alexander,  that  Napoleon  desired 
nothing  for  himself,  '  Assure  him,'  replied  Alexander,  '  that 
a  provision  shall  be  made  for  him  suitable  to  the  rank  he  had 
occupied.  Tell  him  that  if  he  wishes  to  reside  in  my  dominions, 
he  shall  be  well  received,  though  he  brought  desolation  there. 
I  shall  always  remember  the  friendship  which  united  us. 
He  shall  have  the  island  of  Elba,  or  something  else.'  After 
taking  leave  of  the  Emperor  Alexander  on  the  5th  of  April, 
Napoleon's  commissioners  returned  to  Fontainebleau,  to  render 
an  account  of  their  mission.  That  same  day  I  saw  Alexander, 
and  it  appeared  to  me  that  his  mind  was  relieved  from  a 
great  weight  by  the  question  of  the  regency  being  definitely 
settled.  I  learned  that  he  intended  to  quit  Paris  in  a  few  days, 
and  that  he  had  given  full  powers  to  M.  Pozzo-di-Borgo, 
whom  he  appointed  his  commissioner  to  the  provisional 
government. 

On   the  same  day,  the  5th  of  April,  Napoleon  inspected  his 


AT   FONTAINEBLEAU  455 

troops  in  the  palace-yard  of  Fontainebleau.  He  observed 
some  coolness  among  the  officers,  and  even  among  the  private 
soldiers,  who  had  evinced  such  enthusiasm  at  the  review  on 
the  2nd  of  the  same  month  :  their  altered  behaviour  shocked 
him  so  much  that  he  remained  but  a  short  time  on  the  parade, 
and  immediately  retired  to  his  apartments.  Convinced  of  the 
general  discontent,  which  even  his  soldiers  expressed  by  their 
silence,  he  gave  himself  up  to  the  most  painful  reflections. 

At    near    one  o'clock   on   the  morning  of  the  6th  of  April, 
Ney,    Macdonald,    and    Caulincourt,    arrived    at  Fontainebleau. 
to   acquaint   the  emperor  with  the  issue  of  their  mission,  and 
the    sentiments  expressed  by  Alexander  when  they  took  leave 
of  him.     Marshal  Ney  was  the  first  to  announce  to  Napoleon 
that  the  allies  required  his  complete  and  unconditional  abilica- 
tion,    without    any   other  stipulation  than    his  personal  safety, 
which   should    be    guaranteed.       Marshal    Macdonald  and    the 
Duke  de  Vicenza  then  spoke  to  the  same  effect ;  but  in  milder 
terms    than    those   employed    by    Ney,    who,    indeed,    was    not 
an  adept  in  courtly  phrases.     When  Marshal  Macdonald  had 
finished  speaking.  Napoleon  said  with  some  emotion,  '  Marshal, 
I  am  fully  sensible  of  all   that  you   have  done  for  me,  and  of 
the  warmth  with  which  you  have  pleaded  tiie  cause  of  my  son. 
They  wish  for  my  complete  and  unconditional  abdication.     Very 
well :  I  again  empower  you  to  act  on  my  behalf.     You  shall  go 
and  defend  my  interests,  and  those  of  my  family.*     Then,  after  a 
few  minutes'  silence,  and  again  addressing  Macdonald,  he  con- 
tinued— '  Marshal,  where  shall  I  go  .? '  Macdonald  then  informed 
the  emperor  of  what  Alexander  had  said,  in  the  supposition  of 
his  wishing  to  reside  in  Russia. — '  Sire,'  added  he,  'the  Emperor 
of  Russia  told  me  that  he  destined  for  you  the  Island  of  Elba,  or 
something    else.*       *  Or    something    else  ! '    repeated    Napoleon 
hastily  ;  'and  what  is  that  something  else  ?'     'Sire,  I  know  not.' 
'  Ah,  no  doubt  it  is  the  Island  of  Corsica,  which  he  would  not 
mention  in    order    to  avoid    any   embarrassment.      Marshal,    I 
refer  all  to  you.* 

The  marshals  returned  to  Paris  as  soon  as  Napoleon  hac^ 
furnished  them  with  new  powers  ;  but  on  their  arrival  Ney  sent 
in  his  adhesion  to  the  provisional  government,  so  that  when 
Macdonald  returned  to  Fontainebleau  to  convey  to  Napoleon 
the  definitive  treaty  of  the  allies,  Ney  did  not  accompany  him. 
Caulincourt  had  remained  with  the  emperor.  When  Mac- 
donald entered  the  emperor's  chamber,  he  found  him  seated  in 
a   small  arm-chair   before   the  fireplace.      He  was  dressed  in  a 


455  NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 

morning-gown  of  white  dimity,  and  he  wore  his  slippers  without 
stockings.  His  elbows  rested  on  his  knees,  and  his  head  was 
supported  by  his  hands.  He  was  motionless,  and  appeared 
absorbed  in  profound  reflection.  Only  two  persons  were  with 
him,  the  Duke  de  Bassano,  who  was  at  a  little  distance  from 
the  emperor,  and  Caulincourt,  who  was  near  the  fireplace.  So 
profound  was  Napoleon's  reverie,  that  he  did  not  hear  Macdonald 
enter,  and  the  Duke  de  Vicenza  was  obliged  to  inform  him  of 
the  marshal's  presence.  '  Sire,  the  Duke  de  Tarento  has  brought 
for  your  signature  the  treaty  which  is  to  be  ratified  to-morrow.' 
Whereupon  the  emperor,  as  if  roused  from  a  lethargic  slumber, 
turned  to  Macdonald,  and  merely  said,  '  Ah,  marshal,  you  here  ! ' 
Napoleon's  countenance  was  so  much  altered  that  the  marshal, 
struck  with  the  change,  uttered  the  involuntar}'  exclamation — 
'  Is  your  Majesty  indisposed  ? '  '  Yes,'  replied  Napoleon,  '  I 
have  passed  a  very  bad  night.' 

The  emperor  continued  seated  for  a  moment,  then  rising  he 
took  the  treaty,  read  it  without  making  any  observation,  and 
having  signed  returned  it  to  the  marshal,  saying,  '  I  am  not  now 
rich  enough  to  reward  these  la:t  services.'  '  Sire,  interest  never 
guided  my  conduct.'  '  I  know  it,  and  I  now  see  how  much  I 
have  been  deceived  respecting  you.  I  see,  too,  the  designs  of 
those  who  prejudiced  me  against  you.'  '  Sire,  I  have  already  told 
you  that  since  1809  I  am  devoted  to  you  in  life  and  death.'  'I 
know  it  ;  but  since  I  cannot  recompense  you  as  I  would  wish, 
I  will  beg  you  to  accept  a  token  of  remembrance,  which,  trifling 
as  it  is,  will  at  least  serve  to  assure  you  that  I  shall  never  forget 
the  ser\'ices  you  have  rendered  me.  Then  turning  to  Caulin- 
court, Napoleon  said,  '  Vicenza,  ask  for  the  sabre  which  was  given 
me  by  Murad  Bey  in  EgA'pt,  and  which  I  wore  at  the  battle  of 
Mount  Thabor.*  Constant  having  brought  the  sabre,  the 
emperor  took  it  from  the  hands  of  Caulincourt,  and  presented  it 
to  the  marshal.  'Here,  my  faithful  friend!'  said  he,  'is  a 
reward  which  I  think  will  gratify  you.'  Macdonald,  on  re- 
ceiving the  sabre,  said,  '  If  ever  I  have  a  son.  Sire,  this  will  be  his 
most  precious  inheritance,  but  I  will  never  part  with  it  as  long 
as  I  live.'  '  Give  me  your  hand,'  said  the  emperor,  *  and  embrace 
me.'  At  these  words  Napoleon  and  Macdonald  rushed  into 
each  other's  arms  with  a  mutual  feeling  of  emotion,  and  parted 
with  tears  in  their  eyes. 

On  the  nth  of  April,  at  Fontainebleau,  after  the  clauses  of  the 
treaty  had  been  guaranteed.  Napoleon  signed  his  act  of  abdica- 
tion, which  was  conceived  in  the  following  terms  : — 


HIS   ABDICATION  457 

*  The  allied  powers  having  proclaimed  that  the  Emperor 
Napoleon  is  the  only  obstacle  to  the  re-establishinent  of  peace  in 
Europe,  the  Emperor  Napoleon,  faithful  to  his  oath,  declares  that 
he  renounces  for  himself  and  his  heirs  the  thrones  of  France  and 
Italy,  and  that  there  is  no  personal  sacrihce,  even  that  of  life, 
which  he  is  not  ready  to  make  for  the  interests  of  France.' 

It  was  not  until  after  Bonaparte  had  written  and  signed  the 
above  act,  that  Marslial  Macdonald  sent  to  the  provisional 
government  his  recognition,  expressed  with  equal  dignity  and 
simplicity.     It  was  as  follows  : — 

'  Being  released  from  my  oaths  by  the  abdication  of  the 
Emperor  Napoleon,  I  declare  that  I  adhere  to  the  acts  of  the 
Senate  and  the  provisional  government.' 

Thus  terminated  Napoleon's  legal  reign.  It  is  worthy  of 
remark  that  his  act  of  abdication  was  published  in  the  Moniteur 
on  the  1 2th  of  April,  the  very  day  on  which  the  Count  d'Artois 
made  his  entry  into  Paris  with  the  title  of  Lieutenant-General 
of  the  Kingdom,  conferred  on  him  by  Louis  XVIII.  The 
1 2th  of  April  was,  also,  the  day  on  which  the  imperial  army 
under  the  walls  of  Toulouse  fought  its  last  battle,  when  the 
French  troops,  commanded  by  Soult,  made  Wellington  purchase 
dearly  his  entrance  into  the  south  of  France. 


CHAPTER    XLVII 

Political  changes  are  generally  stormy,  yet  at  the  period  of 
vthich  I  am  now  treating  Paris  was  perfectly  tranquil,  thanks  to 
the  excellent  discipline  maintained  by  the  commanders  of  the 
allied  armies,  and  thanks,  also,  to  the  services  of  the  national 
guard  of  Paris,  who  every  night  patrolled  the  streets.  My 
duties  as  Director-General  of  the  Post  Office  had  of  course  obliged 
me  to  resign  my  captain's  epaulette,  but  I  cannot  pass  over 
without  notice  the  important  benefit  which  this  citizen-guard 
conferred  on  the  community. 

When,  on  the  departure  of  the  commissioners  whom  Napoleon 
had  sent  to  Alexander  to  treat  for  the  regency,  it  was  finally 
determined  that  the  allied  sovereigns  would  listen  to  no  terms 
proposed  by  Napoleon  or  his  family,  the  provisional  government 
thought  it  was  time  to  request  that  Monsieur  would  by  his 
presence  give  a  fresh  impulse  to  the  efforts  of  the  Bourbon 
partisans.     The   Abbe  de  Montesquieu   wrote  to   the  prince  a 


458  NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 

letter,   which  was  carried   to  him  by  Viscount  Sosthi-nes  de  la 
Rochefoucauld. 

On  the  afternoon  of  the  nth,  Monsieur  arrived  at  a  country- 
house  belonging  to  Madame  Charles  de  Damas,  where  he  passed 
the  night.  The  news  of  his  arrival  spread  through  Paris  with 
the  rapidity  of  lightning,  and  everyone  seemed  anxious  to 
solemnize  his  entrance  into  the  capital.  The  national  guard 
formed  a  double  line  from  the  barrier  of  Bondy  to  Notre  Dame, 
whither  the  prince  was  to  proceed  in  the  first  instance,  in  con- 
formity to  an  ancient  custom,  which,  however,  had  not  been 
very  frequently  observed  during  the  last  twenty  years. 

M.  de  Talleyrand,  accompanied  by  the  members  of  the  pro- 
visional government,  several  marshals  and  general  officers,  and 
the  municipal  body  headed  by  the  prefect  of  the  Seine,  went  in 
procession  beyond  the  barrier  to  receive  Monsieur.  They 
arrived  at  the  place  of  rendezvous  about  one  o'clock,  and  M.  de 
Talleyrand,  in  the  name  of  the  provisional  government,  addressed 
the  prince,  who,  in  reply,  made  that  well-known  observation, 
*  Nothing  is  changed  in  France  ;  there  is  only  one  Frenchman 
more.'  This  expression  promised  much,  and  it  was  quicklv 
repeated  in  every  quarter  of  the  capital.  The  Count  d'Artois 
then  proceeded  on  horseback  to  the  barrier  Saint  Martin. 

Two  days  only  intervened  between  Monsieur's  entrance  into 
Paris  and  the  arrival  of  the  Emperor  of  Austria.  That  monarch 
was  no  favourite  with  the  Parisians.  His  conduct  was  almost 
universally  condemned,  for  even  among  those  who  had  most 
ardently  desired  the  dethronement  of  his  daughter,  in  order  that 
they  might  be  wholly  rid  of  the  Bonaparte  family,  there  were 
many  who  blamed  his  conduct  to  Maria-Louisa.  They  would 
have  wished  that,  for  the  honour  of  the  Emperor  of  Austria, 
he  had  opposed,  even  though  unsuccessfully,  the  downfall  of  the 
dynasty  whose  alliance  he  considered  as  a  safeguard  in  1809. 
The  people  form  their  opinion  by  instinct  ;  they  judged  of  the 
Emperor  of  Austria  in  his  character  of  a  father,  happily  ignorant 
themselves  of  what  was  required  of  him  in  his  character  of  a 
monarch  ;  and  as  the  rights  of  misfortune  are  always  sacred  in 
France,-  more  interest  was  felt  for  Maria-Lousia  when  she  was 
known  to  be  forsaken,  than  when  she  was  in  the  height  of  her 
splendour.  Francis  IL  had  not  seen  his  daughter  since  the  day 
she  left  Vienna,  to  unite  her  destiny  with  that  of  the  master  aad 
arbiter  of  half  the  nations  of  Europe. 

She  constantly  assured  those  about  her  that  she  could  depend 
upon  her  father.     The  following  words   which  were  faithfully 


MARIA-LOUISA'S   DEPARTURE  459 

reported  to  me,  were  addressed  by  her  to  an  officer,  who  was 
in  attendance  upon  her  during  the  mi^!';ions  of  M.  de  Cham- 
pagny  :  '  Even  though  it  should  be  the  intention  of  the  allied 
sovereigns  to  dethrone  the  Emperor  Napoleon,  my  father  will 
not  suffer  it.  When  he  placed  me  on  the  throne  of  France, 
he  repeated  to  me  twenty  times  his  determination  to  maintain 
me  on  it — and  my  father  is  a  man  of  his  word.'  I  have  reason 
to  know,  too,  that  the  empress,  both  at  Blois  and  Orleans, 
frequently  expressed  her  regret  at  not  having  followed  the 
advice  of  those  members  of  the  regency  who  wished  her  to 
remain  at  Paris. 

On  leaving  Orleans,  Maria-Louisa  proceeded  to  Ramboulllet, 
and  it  was  not  one  of  the  least  remarkable  circumstances  of 
that  eventful  period,  to  see  the  sovereigns  of  Europe,  the 
dethroned  sovereigns  of  France,  and  those  who  had  come  to 
resume  the  sceptre,  all  brought  together  within  a  circle  of 
fifteen  leagues  round  the  capital.  There  was  a  Bourbon  at  the 
Tuileries,  Bonaparte  at  Fontaineblcau,  his  wife  and  son  at 
Rambouillet,  the  repudiateil  empress  three  leagues  distant,  and 
the  Emperors  of  Russia  and  Austria  and  the  King  of  Prussia 
in  Paris. 

When  all  her  hopes  had  failed,  Maria-Louisa  left  Rambouillet 
to  return  to  Austria  with  her  son.  She  did  not  obtain  per- 
mission to  see  Napoleon  before  his  departure,  although  she 
had  frequently  expressed  a  wish  to  do  so.  Napoleon  himself 
was  conscious  of  the  embarrassment  with  which  such  a  farewell 
might  have  been  attended,  or  otherwise  he  would  doubtless 
have  made  a  parting  interview  with  Maria-Louisa  one  of  the 
clauses  of  the  treaty  of  Paris  and  Fontaineblcau,  and  of  his 
definitive  act  of  abriication. 

Things  had  arrived  at  this  point,  and  there  was  no  possi- 
bility of  retracting  any  of  the  decisions  which  had  been  made, 
when  the  Emperor  of  Austria  went  to  see  his  dauglitcr  at 
Rambouillet.  I  remember  that  it  was  thought  extraordinary 
at  the  time  that  the  Emperor  Alexander  should  accompany  him 
on  this  visit  ;  and,  in  fact,  the  sight  of  the  sovereign  who  was 
regarded  as  the  head  and  arbiter  of  the  coalition  could  not  be 
agreeable  to  the  dethroned  empress.  The  two  emperors  set 
off  from  Paris  shortly  after  each  other.  The  Emperor  of 
Austria  arrived  first,  and  was  received  by  his  daughter  with 
respect  and  affection.  Maria-Louisa  was  happy  to  see  iiim, 
but  the  many  tears  siie  shed  were  not  all  tears  of  joy.  After 
the    first    effusion    of  filial    tenderness,    she    complained   of   the 


46o  NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 

situation  to  ^hich  she  was  reduced.  Her  father  himself,  deeply 
affected,  could,  however,  do  no  more  than  sympathize  with  her, 
since  her  misfortunes  were  irreparable.  But  time  passed  on, 
and  Alexander  was  momentarily  expected  ;  the  Emperor  of 
Austria  was  therefore  obliged  to  apprize  his  daughter  that  the 
Russian  monarch  was  on  his  way,  desirous  of  an  interview  with 
her.  At  first,  Maria-Louisa  decidedly  refused  to  see  him,  and 
for  some  time  persisted  in  this  resolution.  She  said  to  her 
father,  '  Does  he  intend  to  make  me  a  prisoner  before  your 
eyes  ?  If  he  enters  here  by  force,  I  will  retire  to  my  chamber. 
There  I  presume  he  will  not  dare  to  follow  me,  whilst  you  are 
present.'  Not  a  moment  was  now  to  be  lost,  for  Francis  IL 
heard  the  carriages  of  the  Emperor  Alexander  rolling  through 
the  courtyard  of  Rambouillet,  and  his  entreaties  to  his  daughter 
became  more  and  more  urgent.  At  length  she  yielded  to  his 
solicitations,  and  the  Emperor  of  Austria  went  himself  to  meet 
his  ally,  and  conduct  him  to  the  saloon  where  Maria-Louisa 
remained  in  deference  to  her  father.  She  did  not,  however, 
carry  her  deference  so  far  as  to  give  a  favourable  reception  to 
him  whom  she  regarded  as  the  author  of  all  her  misfortunes. 
She  listened  with  much  coldness  to  all  the  offers  and  protesta- 
tions of  Alexander,  and  merely  replied,  that  all  she  wished  for 
was  the  liberty  of  returning  to  her  family.  A  few  days  after 
this  painful  interview,  Maria-Louisa  and  her  son  set  off  for 
Vienna. 

I  must  now  direct  the  attention  of  the  reader  to  Italy,  which 
was  the  cradle  of  Napoleon's  glory,  and  towards  which  he  in 
/•^agination  transported  himself  from  his  palace  of  Fontaine- 
bleau.  Eugene  had  succeeded  in  keeping  up  his  means  of 
defence  until  April,  but  on  the  yth  of  that  month,  having 
received  positive  information  of  the  reverses  by  which  France 
was  overwhelmed,  he  found  himself  constrained  to  accede  to 
the  propositions  of  Marshal  de  Bellegarde,  to  treat  for  the 
evacuation  of  Italy  ;  and  on  the  loth  a  convention  was  con- 
cluded, in  which  it  was  stipulated  that  the  French  troops,  under 
the  command  of  Eugene,  should  return  within  the  limits  of 
old  France.  The  clauses  of  this  convention  were  executed 
on  the  19th  of  April.  General  Grenier  and  several  other  officers 
about  him  endeavoured  to  persuade  Eugene  to  accompany  them 
into  France,  and  to  conduct,  in  person,  to  the  restored  king,  the 
remains  of  that  noble  army  which  he  had,  as  it  were,  so  mirac- 
ulously preserved.  It  still  amounted  to  21,000  men,  and  upwards 
of  5000   cavalry.     But  Eugene,    thinking   that,  in  the  general 


DOWNFALL   OF    PRINCE   EUGENE  461 

partition  of  provinces,  the  son-in-law  of  the  King  of  Bavaria 
would  not  be  passed  over,  refused  to  return  to  France,  declaring 
that  he  would  await  the  decision  of  the  allies  amidst  his  former 
Italian  subjects. 

Thinking  that  the  Senate  of  Milan  was  favourably  disposed 
towards  him,  Eugene  solicited  that  body  to  use  its  influence  in 
obtaining  the  consent  of  the  allied  powers  to  his  continuance 
at  the  head  of  the  government  of  Italy  ;  but  this  proposition  of 
the  son  of  Napoleon  was  now  contemptuously  rejected  by  the 
Senate.  Public  feeling  throughout  the  whole  of  Italy  was  highly 
exasperated,  and  the  army  had  not  proceeded  three  marches  be- 
yond Mantua,  when  an  insurrection  broke  out  in  Milan.  The 
Finance  Minister,  Prina,  was  assassinated,  and  his  palace  de- 
molished ;  and  nothing  could  have  saved  the  viceroy  from 
sharing  the  same  fate,  had  he  remained  in  his  capital.  Amidst 
this  popular  excitement,  and  the  eagerness  of  the  Italians  to  be 
released  from  the  dominion  of  the  French,  the  friends  of  Eugene 
thought  him  fortunate  in  being  able  to  join  his  father-in-law  at 
Munich,  almost  incognito.  Thus,  at  the  expiration  of  nine 
years,  fell  the  iron  crown  which  Napoleon  had  placed  on  his 
head,  saying,  '  Dieu  me  Pa  donne  :  gave  a  qui  la  toucfie.' 


CHAPTER    XLVIII. 

Napoleon  having  consented  to  proceed  to  the  island  of  Elba, 
conformably  with  the  treaty  he  had  ratified  on  the  13th,  requested 
to  be  accompanied  to  the  place  of  embarkation  by  a  commis- 
sioner from  each  of  the  allied  powers.  Count  Schuwaloff  was 
appointed  by  Russia,  Colonel  Neil  Campbell  by  England,  General 
Kohler  by  Austria,  and  Count  Waldburg  Truchess  by  Prussia. 
On  the  1 6th,  the  four  commissioners  came  for  the  first  time  to 
Fontainebleau,  where  the  emperor,  who  was  still  attended  by 
Generals  Drouet  and  Bertrand,  gave  to  each  a  private  audience 
on  the  following  day. 

Although  the  emperor  received  with  coldness  the  commis- 
sioners whom  he  had  himself  solicited,  there  was  still  a  marked 
distinction  in  his  behaviour  towards  them.  He  who  experienced 
the  best  reception  was  Colonel  Campbell,  whose  person  still  ex- 
hibited many  traces  of  wounds.  Napoleon  asked  him  in  what 
battles  he  had  received  them,  and  on  what  occasions  he  had  been 
invested  with  the  orders  he  wore.     He   next  questioned  him  as 


462  NAPOLEON   BONAPARTE 

to  the  place  of  his  birth.  Colonel  Campbell  having  answered 
that  he  was  a  Scotchman,  Napoleon  congratulated  him  on  being 
the  countryman  of  Ossian,  his  favourite  author,  whose  poetry  he 
greatly  praised.  At  this  first  audience.  Napoleon  said  to  the 
Colonel,  '  I  have  cordially  hated  the  English — I  have  made  war 
against  you  by  every  possible  means — but  I  esteem  your  nation. 
I  am  convinced  there  is  more  generosity  in  your  government 
than  in  any  other.  I  should  like  to  be  conveyed  from  Toulon 
to  Elba  by  an  English  frigate.' 

The  Austrian  and  Russian  commissioners  were  received  coolly, 
but  without  any  marked  indications  of  displeasure.  It  was  not 
so  with  the  Prussian  commissioner.  The  two  former  Napoleon 
had  detained  in  conversation  about  five  minutes,  but  to  the  latter 
he  said,  drily,  '  Are  there  any  Prussians  in  my  escort  ?  *  '  No, 
Sire.'  '  Then  why  do  you  take  the  trouble  to  accompany  me  ? ' 
'  Sire,  it  is  not  a  trouble,  but  an  honour.'  '  These  are  mere 
words,  you  have  nothing  to  do  here.'  '  Sire,  it  was  impossible 
for  me  to  decline  the  honourable  mission  with  which  the  king, 
my  master,  has  intrusted  me.'  At  these  words  Napoleon  turned 
his  back  on  Count  Truchess. 

The  commissioners  expected  that  Napoleon  would  be  prepared 
for  an  immediate  departure,  but  such  was  not  the  case.  Having 
asked  to  see  the  itinerary  of  his  route,  he  wished  to  make  some 
alteration  in  it,  and  this  afforded  a  pretext  for  further  delay,  as 
the  commissioners  were  unwilling  to  oppose  his  wishes,  and  were 
instructed  to  treat  him  with  all  the  respect  and  etiquette  due  to 
a  sovereign.  They  accordingly  suspended  the  departure,  but 
as  they  could  not  take  upon  themselves  to  acquiesce  in  the 
changes  wished  for  by  the  emperor,  they  requested  Caulincourt 
to  wait  on  their  respective  sovereigns  for  fresh  instructions.  On 
the  night  of  the  19th  they  were  authorized  to  travel  by  any 
road  the  emperor  might  prefer,  and  the  departure  was  then 
definitely  fixed  for  the  20th. 

Accordingly,  at  ten  in  the  morning  of  the  20th,  the  carriages 
were  in  readiness,  and  the  imperial  guard  was  drawn  up  in  the 
grand  court  of  the  palace  of  Fontainebleau,  called  the  Court  of 
the  White  Horse.  All  the  population  of  the  town  and  the 
neighbouring  villages  thronged  round  the  palace.  Napoleon 
sent  for  General  Kohler,  and  complained  of  Maria-Louisa  not 
being  allowed  to  accompany  him  ;  but  at  length  yielding  to  the 
representations  that  were  made  to  him,  he  added,  '  Well,  I  prefer 
remaining  faithful  to  my  promise,  but  if  I  have  any  fresh  cause  of 
complaint,  I  shall  consider  myself  freed  from  all  my  engagements.' 


HIS   FAREWELL   TO   THE    GUARD  463 

At  eleven  o'clock.  Count  de  Bussy,  one  of  the  emperor's 
aides-de-camp,  was  sent  by  the  grand  marshal  to  announce  that 
all  was  ready  for  departure.  '  Am  I,  then,'  said  Napoleon,  '  to 
regulate  my  actions  by  the  grand  marshal's  watch  ?  I  will  go 
when  it  suits  me.     Perhaps  I  shall  not  go  at  all.     Leave  me.' 

All  the  forms  of  imperial  etiquette  were  observed,  to  avoid 
wounding  the  feelings  of  Napoleon,  who  loved  them  so  much  j 
and  when  he  at  length  thought  proper  to  leave  his  cabinet  to 
enter  the  saloon,  where  the  commissioners  were  waiting,  the  doors 
were  thrown  open  as  usual,  and  '  The  Emperor '  announced  ; 
but  no  sooner  was  the  word  uttered  than  he  hastily  turned  back 
again.  However,  he  soon  re-appeared,  rapidly  crossed  the 
gallery,  and  descended  the  staircase,  and  at  twelve  o'clock  pre- 
cisely he  stood  at  the  head  of  his  guard,  as  if  at  a  review  in  the 
court  of  the  Tuileries  in  the  brilliant  days  of  the  consulate  and 
the  empire.  Then  took  place  a  really  affecting  scene — 
Napoleon's  farewell  to  his  soldiers.  Of  this  I  may  forbear 
entering  into  any  details  since  they  are  known  everywhere  and 
by  everybody  ;  but  I  may  subjoin  the  emperor's  last  address  to 
his  old  companions  in  arms,  as  it  belongs  to  history.  This 
address,  delivered  in  a  voice  as  firm  and  sonorous  as  in  the  days 
of  his  triumphs,  was  as  follows  : — 

'  Soldiers  of  my  old  guard,  I  bid  you  farewell.  For  twenty 
years  I  have  constantly  accompanied  you  on  the  road  to  honour 
and  glory.  In  these  latter  times,  as  in  the  days  of  our  prosperity, 
you  have  invariably  been  models  of  courage  and  fidelity.  With 
men  such  as  you,  our  cause  could  not  be  lost,  but  the  war 
would  have  been  interminable  ;  it  would  have  been  civil  war, 
and  that  would  have  entailed  deeper  misfortunes  on  France. 
I  have  sacrificed  all  my  interests  to  those  of  the  country.  I  go  ; 
but  you,  my  friends,  will  continue  to  serve  France.  Her  happi- 
ness was  my  only  thought.  It  will  still  be  the  object  of  my 
wishes.  Do  not  regret  my  fate  ;  if  I  have  consented  to  survive, 
it  is  to  serve  your  glory.  I  intend  to  write  the  history  of  the 
great  achievements  we  have  performed  together.  Adieu,  my 
friends  !  Would  I  could  press  you  all  to  my  heart.'  Napoleon 
then  ordered  the  eagles  to  be  brought,  and  having  emoraced 
them,  he  added,  '  I  embrace  you  all  in  the  person  of  your 
general.     Adieu,  soldiers  !     Be  always  gallant  and  good.' 

Napoleon's  parting  words  to  his  soldiers  were,  '  Adieu,  my 
friends.  My  wishes  will  always  accompany  you.  Do  not 
forget  me  ! '  He  then  stepped  into  his  carriage,  accompanied 
by  Bertrand. 


464  NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 

During  the  first  day,  cries  of  'Vive  TEmpereur  !'  resounded 
along  the  road,  and  Napoleon,  resorting  to  his  usual  dissimula- 
tion, affected  to  upbraid  the  people  for  their  disloyalty  to  their 
legitimate  sovereign,  which  he  did  with  ill-disguised  irony. 
The  guard  accompanied  him  as  far  as  Briare,  where  he  passed 
the  night.  Here  he  invited  Colonel  Campbell  to  breakfast  with 
him.  He  conversed  on  the  last  war  in  Spain,  and  spoke  in  com- 
plimentary terms  of  the  English  nation,  and  the  military  talents 
of  Wellington. 

On  the  night  of  the  21st,  Napoleon  slept  at  Nevers,  where  he 
was  still  received  with  the  acclamations  of  the  people,  who  here, 
as  in  several  other  towns,  mingled  their  shouts  of  enthusiasm, 
caused  by  their  late  emperor's  presence,  with  imprecations 
against  the  commissioners  of  the  allies.  He  left  Nevers  at  six 
on  the  morning  of  the  22nd.     The  guards  not  now  forming  a 

fart  of  his  escort,  Napoleon  no  longer  heard  the  cries  of  '  Vive 
Empereur  ! '  and  as  a  corps  of  Cossacks  had  succeeded  them, 
he  had  the  mortification  to  hear  in  its  stead,  'Vivent  les 
Allies  !' 

Augereau,  an  old  republican,  and  who  was  still  a  republican, 
though  he  received  the  title  of  Duke  de  Castiglione  from 
Napoleon,  had  always  been  among  the  discontented.  On  the 
24.th,  having  met  Augereau  at  a  little  distance  from  Valence, 
Napoleon  stopped  his  carriage,  and  immediately  alighted. 
Augereau  did  the  same,  and  they  cordially  embraced  in  the 
presence  of  the  commissioners,  to  one  of  whom  I  am  indebted 
for  this  anecdote.  It  was  remarked  that  Napoleon  saluted 
uncovered,  while  Augereau  kept  his  hat  on.  '  Where  are  you 
going?'  said  the  emperor;  'to  court?'  'No,  I  am  going 
to  Lyons.'  *  You  have  behaved  very  badly  to  me.'  Augereau, 
finding  that  the  emperor  addressed  him  in  the  second  person 
singular,  made  use  of  the  same  familiar  style,  and  they  con- 
versed as  they  had  been  accustomed  to  do  when  they  were 
both  generals  in  Italy.  '  Of  what  do  you  com.plain  ? '  said 
he  :  '  Has  not  your  insatiable  ambition  brought  us  to  this  ? 
Have  you  not  sacrificed  everything  to  that  ambition,  even  the 
happiness  of  France  ?  I  care  no  more  for  the  Bourbons  than 
I  do  for  you.  All  I  care  for  is  the  country.'  Upon  this 
Napoleon  turned  sharply  away  from  the  marshal,  lifted  his 
hat  to  him,  and  returned  to  his  carriage.  The  commissioners, 
and  all  the  persons  in  Napoleon's  suite,  were  indignant  at 
seeing  Augereau  stand  on  the  road  with  his  travelling  cap 
still  on  his  head,  w'u^   his  hands  behind  his  back,  and,  instead 


IN    DANGER   FROM    PEOPLE  465 

of  bowing,  merely  making  a  disdainful  salute  to  Napoleon 
with  his  hand.  These  haughty  republicans,  to  have  been 
consistent,  should  have  acted  In  this  manner  at  the  Tuileries  ; 
on  the  road  to  Elba  it  was  nothing  better  than  low-bred 
insolence. 

At  Valence,  Napoleon,  for  the  first  time,  saw  French  soldiers 
with  the  white  cockade  in  their  caps.  They  belonged  to 
Augereau's  corps.  At  Orange,  the  air  resounded  with 
cries  of  '  Vive  le  Roi  ! '  Here  the  gaiety,  real  or  feigned,  which 
Napoleon  had  hitherto  maintained,  began  to  forsake  him. 

Had  the  emperor  arrived  at  Avignon  three  hours  later  than 
he  did,  there  is  no  doubt  his  death  would  have  been  the 
consequence.  He  did  not  change  horses  at  Avignon,  through 
which  he  passed  at  four  in  the  morning,  but  at  St.  Audiol, 
where  he  arrived  at  six.  The  emperor,  who  was  fatigued 
with  sitting  in  the  carriage,  descended  with  Colonel  Campbell 
and  General  Bertrand,  and  walked  with  them  up  the  first  hill. 
His  valet-de-chambre,  who  also  preceded  them  on  foot  at  a 
little  distance,  met  one  of  the  post-office  couriers,  who  said 
to  him,  '  Are  those  the  emperor's  carriages  coming  this  way  ? ' 
'  No,  they  are  the  equipages  of  the  allies  ! '  'I  say,  they  are 
the  emperor's  carriages.  Perhaps  you  don't  know  that  I 
am  an  old  soldier.  I  served  in  the  campaign  of  Egypt,  and 
I  will  save  the  life  of  my  general.'  '  I  tell  you  again,  they 
are  not  the  emperor's  carriages.'  'Do  not  attempt  to  deceive 
me  :  I  have  just  passed  through  Orgon,  where  the  emperor 
has  been  hanged  in  effigy,  and  if  he  is  recognized,  it  will  be 
all  over  with  him.  The  wretches  have  erected  a  gibbet,  on 
which  they  have  hung  a  figure  dressed  in  a  French  uniform 
and  covered  with  blood.  This  confidence  on  my  part  may 
get  me  into  trouble — but  no  matter,  do  you  profit  by  it.' 
The  courier  then  set  off  at  full  gallop.  The  valet-de-chambre 
took  General  Drouet  apart,  and  told  him  what  he  had  just 
lieard.  Drouet  communicated  the  circumstances  to  General 
Bertrand,  who  himself  related  it  to  the  emperor  in  the  presence 
of  the  commissioners.  The  latter,  justly  alarmed,  held  a  sort 
of  council  on  the  highway,  and  it  was  decided  that  the  emperor 
should  go  forward  without  his  retinue.  The  valet-de-chambre 
was  asked  whether  he  had  any  clothes  in  the  carriage.  He 
produced  a  long  blue  cloak,  and  a  round  hat.  It  was  proposed 
to  put  a  white  cockade  in  liis  hat,  but  to  this  Napoleon  would 
not  consent.  He  went  forward  in  the  style  of  a  courier  with 
Amaudru,    one    of    the    two    outriders   who    had    escorted    his 

30 


+66  NAPOLEON   BONAPARTE 

carriage,  and  hastily  passed  through  Orgon.  When  the  allied 
commissioners  arrived  there,  the  whole  population  of  the 
neighbourhood  was  assembled,  uttering  exclamations  of  '  Down 
with  the  Corsican  ! '     '  Down  with  the  brigand  ! ' 

The  commissioners  would  not  breakfast  at  Orgon  ;  they 
nald  for  what  had  been  prepared  for  them,  and  took  some 
refreshments  to  eat  during  their  journey.  The  carriages  did 
not  overtake  the  emperor  until  they  came  to  La  Calade,  where 
he  had  arrived  a  quarter  of  an  hour  before  with  Amaudru. 
They  found  him  standing  by  the  fire  in  the  kitchen  of  the 
inn,  talking  with  the  landlady.  She  had  asked  him  whether 
the  tyrant  was  soon  to  pass  that  way  .?  '  Ah,  sir  ! '  said  she,  *  it 
is  no  use  to  tell  me  that  we  have  got  rid  of  him.  I  always  said, 
and  always  will  say,  that  we  shall  never  be  sure  of  seeing  an  end 
of  him  until  he  be  laid  at  the  bottom  of  a  well,  covered  with 
stones.  I  should  like  to  see  him  safely  laid  in  the  well  of  our 
yard.  You  see,  sir,  the  directory  sent  him  into  Egypt  to  get 
rid  of  him,  but  he  came  back  again  :  and  he  will  come  back 

again,  too,  you  may  be  sure  of  that,  sir,  unless '  Here  the  good 

woman,  having  finished  skimming  her  pot,  looked  up,  and 
perceived  that  the  only  person  in  the  party  who  remained  un- 
covered was  the  very  one  to  whom  she  had  been  speaking.  She 
was  at  first  confounded  ;  but  the  embarrassment  she  experienced 
at  having  spoken  so  ill  of  the  emperor  to  the  emperor  himself, 
converted  all  her  anger  into  a  kind  and  generous  feeling.  She 
shewed  the  greatest  possible  respect  and  attention,  both  to 
Napoleon  and  his  attendants.  A  messenger  was  immediately  sent 
off  to  Aix  to  purchase  ribbons  for  making  white  cockades.  All 
the  carriages  were  brought  into  the  courtyard  of  the  inn,  and 
the  gate  was  closed.  The  good  woman  then  told  the  emperor, 
that  it  would  not  be  prudent  for  him  to  venture  to  pass  through 
Aix,  where  a  population  of  more  than  20,000  were  waiting 
to  stone  him. 

Meanwhile  dinner  was  served,  and  Napoleon  sat  down  to 
table.  He  admirably  mastered  the  agitation  which  doubtless  he 
must  have  experienced,  and  I  have  been  told  by  several  of  the 
individuals  who  were  present  at  this  extraordinary  repast,  that  never 
had  Napoleon  taken  more  pains  to  render  himself  agreeable. 
Everyone  was  charmed  by  his  conversation,  enriched  as  it  was 
from  the  stores  of  his  memory  and  his  Imagination,  and  towards 
its  conclusion  he  remarked,  with  an  air  of  indifference,  which 
was  most  likely  affected,  '  I  believe  the  new  French  government 
has  a  design  on  my  life.' 


FURTHER   DANGERS  +67 

Whilst  the  commissioners,  who  had  been  informed  of  what 
was  going  on  at  Aix,  were  consulting  about  sending  an  order  to 
the  mayor  directing  him  to  close  the  gates,  and  to  adopt  measures 
for  securing  the  public  tranquillity,  about  fifty  ill-looking  fellows 
had  assembled  round  the  inn.  One  of  them  asked  to  speak  with 
the  commissioners,  and  offered  to  carry  a  letter  to  the  mayor 
of  Aix.  They  accepted  his  services,  and  in  their  letter  they 
told  the  mayor,  that  if  the  gates  of  the  town  were  not  closed 
within  an  hour,  they  would  advance  with  two  regiments  of 
Cossacks  and  six  pieces  of  artillery,  and  would  fire  upon  all  who 
opposed  their  passage.  This  threat  had  the  desired  effect,  and 
the  mayor  returned  an  answer  by  the  same  messenger,  that  the 
gates  should  be  closed,  and  that  he  v/ould  take  upon  himself  the 
responsibility  of  whatever  might  iiappen. 

Thus  the  emperor  escaped  the  dangers  with  which  he  was 
threatened  at  Aix  ;  but  there  was  another  to  be  braved.  During 
the  seven  or  eight  hours  he  passed  at  La  Calade,  a  considerable 
number  of  persons  had  collected  round,  and  it  was  evident  that 
they  would  have  proceeded  to  the  greatest  excesses  had  not  the 
doors  of  the  inn  been  carefully  fastened.  Most  of  them  had  in 
their  hands  five-franc  pieces,  in  order  to  recognise  the  emperor 
by  his  likeness  to  that  on  the  coin.  Napoleon,  who  had  passed 
two  nights  without  sleep,  was  in  a  little  room  adjoining  the 
kitchen,  where  he  had  fallen  into  a  slumber,  reclining  on  the 
shoulder  of  his  valet-de-chambre.  In  a  moment  of  dejection  he 
had  said,  '  I  now  renounce  the  political  world  for  ever.  I  shall 
henceforth  feel  no  interest  about  anything  that  may  happen 
— at  Porto-Ferrajo  I  may  be  happy — more  happy  than  I  have 
ever  been  !  No  !  if  the  crown  of  Europe  were  now  offered  mc, 
I  would  not  accept  it — I  will  devote  myself  to  science.  I  was 
right  never  to  esteem  mankind  !  I  have  treated  them  no  worsj 
than  they  deserved.  But  France — and  the  French  people — what 
ingratitude  ! — I  am  disgusted  with  ambition,  and  I  wish  to  rule 
no  longer  ! '  It  was  at  length  announced  that  everything 
was  ready  to  renew  the  journey,  but  it  was  thought  advisable 
that  the  emperor  should  put  on  the  great-coat  and  fur  cap  of 
General  Kohler,  and  that  he  should  go  into  the  carriage  of  the 
Austrian  commissioner.  Thus  disguised,  he  left  the  inn  of  La 
Calade,  passing  between  a  double  row  of  spectators,  who  vainly 
endeavoured  to  recognize  him.  On  turning  the  walls  of  Aix, 
Napoleon  had  again  the  mortification  to  hear  the  cries  of  '  Down 
with  the  tyrant  ! '  '  Down  with  Nicolas  ! '  and  these  shouts 
resounded  at  the  distance  of  a  quarter  of  a  league  from  the  town. 


468  NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 

Napoleon,  dispirited  by  these  manifestations  of  hatred,  said 
in  a  tone  of  mingled  grief  and  contempt,  '  The  people  of  these 
parts  have  ever  been  the  same — brawlers  and  madmen.  At  the 
commencement  of  the  Revolution  these  Proven9als  committed 
frightful  massacres.'  At  about  a  league  from  Aix,  the  emperor 
and  his  retinue  found  horses,  and  an  escort  of  gendarmerie,  to 
conduct  them  to  the  castle  of  Luc. 

The  Princess  Pauline  Borghese  was  at  that  time  at  the  country- 
house  of  M.  Charles,  member  of  the  legislative  body,  near  the 
castle  of  Luc.  On  hearing  of  her  brother's  misfortunes,  which 
she  was  astonished  he  bore  up  against  so  well,  she  determined 
to  accompany  him  to  the  island  of  Elba,  and  proceeded  to  Frejus 
to  embark  with  him.  Her  presence  was  a  great  consolation  to 
him.  At  Frejus  the  emperor  rejoined  Colonel  Campbell,  who 
had  quitted  the  convoy  on  the  road,  and  had  brought  into  the 
port  the  English  frigate,  the  Undaunted,  which  had  been  des- 
tined for  his  conveyance.  Notwithstanding  the  wish  he  had 
expressed  to  Colonel  Campbell,  he  evinced  great  reluctance  to 
go  on  board.  However,  on  the  28th  of  April  he  sailed  for  the 
island  of  Elba  on  board  that  frigate,  which  could  not  then  be 
said  to  carry  Caesar  and  his  fortune. 


CHAPTER    XLIX. 

The  force  of  the  changes  produced  by  time  is  the  most  irre- 
sistible of  all  powers.  Wise  policy  consists  in  giving  it  a  proper 
direction,  and  for  this  purpose  it  is  necessary  to  understand  the 
wants  of  the  age.  On  this  account,  Louis  XVHL  appeared,  in 
the  eyes  of  all  who  were  capable  of  forming  a  correct  judgment, 
a  monarch  expressly  formed  for  the  circumstances  in  which  we 
stood  after  the  fall  of  Napoleon. 

Louis  XVHL  succeeding  Bonaparte  was  like  Numa  coming 
after  Romulus,  only  Numa  had  not  the  misfortune  to  be  sur- 
rounded by  inexperienced  counsellors.  Louis  XVHL  embarked 
at  Dover  on  board  the  Royal  Sovereign,  and  landed  at  Calais 
on  the  24th  of  April.  I  shall  not  enter  into  any  details  of  the 
enthusiasm  occasioned  by  his  presence  on  French  soil  ;  that  is 
gejierally  known  through  the  reports  of  the  journalists  of  the 
period,  who  had  only  to  change  the  word  imperial  for  royal, 
to  give  an  equally  correct  and  glowing  description  of  it.  It 
is,   however,  very  certain    that    all    sensible   persons   saw   with 


LOUIS   XVIII.    ON    THRONE  469 

satisfaction  the  princes  of  the  house  of  Bourbon  re-ascend  the 
throne  of  their  ancestors,  matured  by  experience  and  misfortune, 
which,  as  some  ancient  philosopher  observes,  are  the  best 
counsellors    of  kings. 

The  route  by  which  Louis  XVIII.  was  to  proceed  from  Calais 
to  Paris  had  been  indicated  to  me  by  a  letter  from  the  Duke  de 
Duras  in  London.  The  king's  wishes  on  this  subject  were 
punctually  fulfilled,  and  I  recollect  with  pleasure  the  zeal  with 
which  my  efforts  were  seconded  by  all  the  persons  in  the  service 
of  the  post-office.  His  majesty  stopped  for  a  short  time  at 
Amiens,  and  then  proceeded  to  Compiegne,  where  the  ministers 
and  marshals  had  previously  arrived,  to  present  to  him  their 
homage  and  the  assurance  of  their  fidelity.  Berthier  addressed 
the  king  in  the  name  of  the  marshals,  and  said,  among  other 
things,  '  That  France,  groaning  for  five-and-twenty  years  under 
the  weight  of  the  misfortunes  that  oppressed  her,  had  anxiously 
looked  forward  to  the  happy  day  which  she  now  saw  dawning.' 
Berthier  might  have  said  for  ten  years  ;  but  even  had  he  spoken 
tne  truth  in  this  instance,  it  was  ill-placed  in  the  mouth  of  a 
man  whom  the  emperor  had  constantly  loaded  with  his  favours. 
The  Emperor  Alexander  also  went  to  Compiegne  to  meet 
Louis  XVIII. ,  and   the   two   monarchs  dined  together. 

At  Saint-Ouen  his  majesty  promulgated  the  declaration  which 
preceded  the  charter,  and  whicn  contained  a  repetition  of  the 
sentiments  expressed  by  the  king  twenty  years  before  in  the 
declaration  of  Calmar.  It  was  also  at  Saint-Ouen  that  the  plan 
of  a  constitution  was  presented  to  him  by  the  Senate,  in  which 
that  body,  to.  justify  even  to  the  last  its  title  of  Conser-uati'-ue, 
stipulated  for  the  preservation  of  its  revenues  and  endowments. 
On  the  3rd  of  May,  Louis  XVIII.  made  his  solemn  entry  into 
Paris,  proceeding  first  to  the  cathedral  of  Notre  Dame.  In  the 
same  carriage  with  his  majesty  was  the  Duchesse  d'Angouleme. 
On  arriving  at  the  Pont  Neuf,  he  saw  the  model  of  the  statue 
of  Henry  IV.,  on  the  pedestal  of  which  was  the  following  in- 
scription :  '  Ludovico  reduce,  Henricus  redivivus.'  These  words 
were  suggested  by  M.  de  Lally-ToUendal,  and  were  in  far 
better  taste  than  the  long  and  pompous  inscription  engraven 
on  the  bronze  statue. 

The  king's  entrance  into  Paris  did  not  call  forth  such  a  mani- 
festation of  public  feeling  as  that  of  Monsieur.  In  the  places 
through  which  I  passed  on  the  3rd  of  May,  astonishment  seemed 
to  prevail  over  every  otlier  feeling.  In  a  short  time,  however, 
the  abatement  of  public  enthusiasm  became  much  more  evident, 


470  NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 

owing    to    Louis    XVIIL  having  restored    the  red  corps  which 
Louis  XVL  had  s^ippressed  long  before  the  Revolution. 

It  was,  besides,  not  a  little  extraordinary  to  see  the  manage- 
ment of  affairs  intrusted  to  a  man  who  neither  had  nor  could 
have  any  knowledge  of  France.  From  the  commencement 
M.  de  Blacas  affected  ministerial  omnipotence.  When  I  went 
on  the  nth  of  May  to  present,  as  usual,  my  portfolio  to  the 
king,  in  virtue  of  my  privilege  of  personally  transacting  business 
with  the  sovereign,  M.  de  Blacas  wished  to  take  the  portfolio 
from  me.  This  appeared  to  me  the  more  surprising,  as  during 
the  seven  days  I  had  had  the  honour  of  being  near  Louis  XVIIL, 
his  majesty  had  been  pleased  to  address  me  in  that  gracious 
and  complimentary  manner  which  he  so  well  knew  how  to 
assume.  I  at  first  asserted  my  privilege  and  refused  to  give 
up  the  portfolio,  but  M.  de  Blacas  told  me  the  king  had  ordered 
him  to  receive  it,  and  I  then,  of  course,  yielded  the  point.  It 
was  not  long,  however,  before  I  found  myself  a  victim  to  a 
courtier's  revenge.  Two  days  after  this  circumstance  just  alluded 
to,  that  is  to  say,  on  the  13th  of  May,  having  entered  my  cabinet 
at  an  early  hour,  I  mechanically  took  up  the  Moniteur,  which 
I  found  lying  on  my  desk.  On  just  running  it  over,  what  was 
my  astonishment  to  find  that  the  Count  de  Ferrand  had  been 
appointed  Director  of  the  Post-office  in  my  stead.  I  imme- 
diately knew  whence  the  blow  came  ;  and  such  was  the  strange 
manner  in  which  M.  de  Blacas  made  me  feel  the  gratitude  of 
princes.  Certainly  after  so  many  proofs  of  loyalty  on  my 
part,  which  a  year  afterwards  procured  for  me  the  signal 
honour  of  being  outlawed  in  quite  a  privileged  way,  I  had 
reason  to  complain,  and  I  might  have  said,  with  as  much 
truth  as  Virgil,  '  Sic  vos  non  vobis,'  when  alluding  to  the 
unmerited  favours  lavished  by  Augustus  on  the  Masvii  and 
Bavii  of  his  time. 

The  measures  of  government  were  now  the  subject  of 
universal  complaint.  The  usages  of  the  ancient  regime  were 
gradually  restored,  and  ridicule  being  mingled  with  more 
serious  considerations,  Paris  was  speedily  inundated  with  pam- 
phlets and  caricatures.  However,  tranquillity  prevailed  until 
the  month  of  September,  when  M.  de  Talleyrand  departed  for 
the  congress  of  Vienna.  Then  all  was  disorder  at  the  Tuileries. 
It  seemed  as  if  everyone,  feeling  himself  freed  from  restraint, 
wished  to  play  the  statesman,  and  Heaven  knows  how  many 
follies  were  committed  in  the  absence  of  the  schoolmaster  ! 

Under   a   feeble   government    there    is    but    one    step   from 


PUBLIC   DISCONTENT  471 

discontent  to  insurrection  ;  under  an  imbecile  government  like 
that  of  France  in  1814,  after  the  departure  of  M.  de  Talleyrand, 
conspiracy  had  free  scope.  And  thus,  during  the  summer  of 
1 8 14,  were  prepared  the  events  which  had  their  completion 
on  the  20th  of  March,  18 15.  I  could  almost  fancy  myself 
dreaming,  when  I  look  back  on  the  miraculous  incapacity  of 
the  persons  then  at  the  head  of  our  government.  The 
emigrants,  who,  as  it  has  been  justly  observed,  had  neither 
learned  nor  forgotten  anything,  came  back  with  all  the  absurd 
pretensions  of  Coblentz.i 

At  the  end  of  1814,  indications  too  plain  to  be  mistaken 
enabled  me  to  perceive  that  a  great  and  important  change 
was  at  hand.  I  regretted  the  errors  which  were  constantly 
committed  by  the  ministers  ;  but  hoped  that  the  government 
would  gradually  return  to  those  principles  which  were  calculated 
to  conciliate  public  opinion.  On  one  occasion,  a  friend  called 
upon  me,  who  had  exercised  important  functions,  and  whose 
name  had  appeared  on  a  proscription  list.  He  gave  it  as  his 
opinion  that  if  the  government  persisted  in  its  present  course, 
it  could  not  possibly  stand,  and  that  we  should  have  the  emperor 
back  again.  '  That,'  said  I,  '  would  be  a  great  misfortune  ; 
and  even  if  such  were  the  wish  of  France,  it  would  be  opposed 
by  Europe.  You,  who  arc  so  devoted  to  France,  cannot  be  in- 
different to  the  danger  that  would  threaten  her,  if  the  presence 
of  Bonaparte  should  bring  the  foreigners  back  again.  Can  you 
endure  to  think  of  the  dismemberment  of  our  country  .? ' — '  That 
they  will  never  venture  to  attempt.  But  you  and  I  can  never 
agree  on  the  question  of  the  emperor  and  the  Bourbons  ;  we 
take  an  entirely  different  view  of  the  matter  ;  you  had  cause  to 
complain  of  Bonaparte,  and  I  had  only  reason  to  be  satisfied 
with  him.  But  tell  me,  what  would  you  do  if  he  were  to 
return.?' — 'Bonaparte  return?' — 'Yes!' — 'Upon  my  word, 
the  best  thing  that  I  could  do  would  be  to  take  myself  off 
as  quietly  as  possible,  and  that  I  certainly  should  do.  I  am 
perfectly  satished  that  he  would  never  pardon  me  for  the 
part  I  have  taken  in  the  restoration,  and  I  candidly  confess  that 
I  should  not  hesitate  a  moment  to  save  my  liie  by  leaving 
France.' — '  Well,  you  are  wrong  ;  for  I  am  convinced  that,  if 
you  would  range  yourself  amongst  his  friends,  you  might  have 
whatever  you  wished — titles,  honours,  riches.  Of  this  I  give 
you  assurance.' — '  Ail  this,  I  must  tell  you,  does  not  tempt  me  ; 
I  love  France  as  sincerely  as  you  do,  but  she  never  can  be  happy 
under  lionaparte.     If  he  return,  I  will  go  and  live  abroad.' 


472  NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 

This  is  only  a  part  of  the  conversation,  which  will  serve  to 
shew  the  feeling  which  existed  at  the  time.  These  opinions, 
which  seemed  to  have  been  expressed  to  me  as  if  by  authority, 
led  me  to  reflect  upon  the  hypothesis  of  the  return  of  Bonaparte, 
and  from  various  other  communications  which  were  made  to  me 
about  the  same  time  I  was  at  last  led  to  believe  that  some 
important  intrigue  was  in  progress. 

My  conviction  of  an  approaching  crisis  had  become  so  strong 
that,  in  the  month  of  January,  I  determined  to  solicit  an  inter- 
view with  M.  de  Blacas,  who  then  enjoyed  the  entire  confidence 
of  his  sovereign,  and  through  whom  alone  any  communication 
could  be  made.  I  need  scarcely  add  that  my  intention  was 
merely  to  submit  to  him  the  facts  which  I  had  collected,  without 
mentioning  the  individuals  from  whom  I  obtained  them.  After 
all,  M.  de  Blacas  would  not  receive  me,  and  I  had  only  the 
honour  of  speaking  to  his  secretary,  who  was  an  abbe  named 
Fleuriel.  This  personage,  who  was  an  extraordinary  specimen 
of  impertinence  and  self-conceit,  had  all  the  assumed  dignity  of 
the  great  secretary  of  a  great  minister,  and  with  an  air  of 
perfect  indifference  told  me  that  the  count  was  not  there  ; — but 
M.  de  Blacas  was  there,  and  I  knew  it. 

Devoted  as  I  was  to  the  cause  of  the  Bourbons,  I  thought  it 
my  duty  to  write  that  very  day  to  M.  de  Blacas  to  request  an 
interview  :  I  received  no  answer.  Two  days  after  I  wrote  a 
second  letter,  in  which  I  informed  M.  de  Blacas,  that  I  had  a 
communication  of  great  importance  to  make  to  him.  This 
letter  also  remained  unnoticed.  Unable  to  account  for  this  strange 
conduct,  I  again  went  to  the  Pavilion  of  Flora,  and  requested 
the  abbe  Fleuriel  to  explain  the  cause  of  his  master's  silence. 
*  Sir,'  said  he,  *  I  received  both  your  letters,  and  laid  them 
before  the  count  ;  I  do  not  know  why  he  has  not  sent  you  an 
answer.  I  can  do  nothing  in  the  matter,  and  Monsieur  le  Compte 
is  so  much  engaged.' — ^Monsieur  le  Compte,'  said  I,  'will,  per- 
haps, repent  of  it.     Good  morning.' 

I  had  thus  experience  in  my  own  person  of  the  truth  of  what 
I  had  often  heard  respecting  M.  de  Blacas.  This  minister  had 
succeeded  Count  d'Avaray  ;  he  enjoyed  the  full  confidence  of 
the  king,  and  concentrated  the  whole  of  the  sovereign  power  in 
his  own  cabinet.  Convinced  of  the  danger  which  threatened 
France,  and  being  unable  to  break  through  the  blockade  which 
M.  de  Blacas  had  formed  round  the  person  of  the  king,  I  wrote 
to  M.  de  Talleyrand  at  Vienna,  who  I  knew  corresponded 
directly  with  the  king,  and  communicated  to  him  the  information 


HIS    RETURN   FROM   ELBA  473 

which  I  had  received.  But  the  information  thus  communicated 
ivas  too  late  to  avert  the  danger — events  hurried  on. 

Those  who  opposed  the  execution  of  the  treaty  concluded 
with  Napoleon  at  the  time  of  his  abdication,  were  guilty  of  a 
great  error,  for  they  afforded  him  a  fair  pretext  for  leaving  the 
island  of  Elba.  The  circumstances  connected  with  that  extra- 
ordinary enterprise  are  so  well  known  to  everyone,  that  it  is 
unnecessary  for  me  to  repeat  them.  As  for  myself,  so  soon  as  I 
was  informed  of  the  rapidity  of  Bonaparte's  march  upon  Lyons, 
and  the  enthusiasm  with  which  he  was  received  by  the  people 
and  the  army,  I  prepared  to  retire  to  Belgium,  there  to  await 
the  close  of  the  new  drama.  My  arrangements  were  completed 
on  the  evening  of  the  13th  of  March,  and  I  was  ready  to 
depart,  when  I  received  a  special  message  from  the  Tuileries, 
stating  that  the  king  desired  to  see  me.  This  order  occasioned 
some  alarm,  but  I  did  not  hesitate  to  obey.  I  went  direct  to 
M.  Hue,  to  inquire  why  I  had  been  sent  for  ?  He  occupied  the 
apartments  in  which  I  had  passed  the  three  most  laborious  and 
anxious  years  of  my  life.  He  perceived  that  I  was  uneasy  at 
having  been  sent  for  at  that  late  hour  of  the  night,  when  he 
immediately  informed  me  that  the  king  wished  to  appoint  me 
Prefect  of  Police.  He  conducted  me  to  the  king's  chamber, 
when  his  majesty  addressed  me  with  great  kindness,  in  a  tone 
which  clearly  expressed  his  meaning — '  M.  de  Bourrienne,  can 
we  rely  upon  you  ?  I  expect  much  from  your  zeal  and  fidelity.' 
— '  Your  majesty,'  replied  I,  '  shall  have  no  cause  to  complain 
of  my  betraying  your  confidence.' — '  'Tis  well  ;  I  am  about  to 
re-establish  the  Prefecture  of  Police,  and  I  appoint  you  prefect. 
Go,  M.  de  Bourrienne,  do  for  the  best  ;  I  rely  on  you.'  By 
a  singular  coincidence,  on  the  13th  of  March,  the  day  on  which 
I  received  this  appointment,  Napoleon,  who  was  then  at  Lyons, 
signed  a  decree  which  excluded  Talleyrand,  Marmont,  myself, 
and  ten  others,  from  the  general  amnesty.  This  decree  con- 
firmed me  in  the  presentiments  I  had  entertained  so  soon  as  I 
heard  of  the  landing  of  Bonaparte  ;  but  as  I  was  only  influenced 
by  the  desire  to  serve  the  cause  of  the  king,  I  determined 
to  meet  with  courage  every  difficulty  which  might  present 
itself 

Even  now  I  am  filled  with  astonishment  when  I  recall  to 
mind  the  proceedings  of  the  council  which  was  held  at  the 
Tuileries  on  the  night  of  the  13th  of  March.  The  ignorance 
of  the  ministers  respecting  our  real  situation,  and  their  confi- 
dence in  the  measures  they  had  adopted  against  Napoleon,  exceed 


474  NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 

all  conception.  Could  it  be  believed  that  those  great  statesmen, 
who  had  the  control  of  the  telegraph,  the  post-office,  the  police 
and  its  innumerable  agents,  money,  in  short  everything  which 
constitutes  power,  were  absolutely  ignorant  of  the  advance  ot 
Napoleon,  and  that  they  asked  me  to  give  them  information  on 
the  subject  ?  What  could  I  say  to  them  ?  I  could  only  repeat 
the  reports  which  were  circulated  on  the  Exchange,  and  such 
others  as  I  had  collected  during  the  last  twenty-four  hours.  I 
did  not  conceal  that  all  their  precautions  would  be  of  no  avail. 
This  brought  on  the  discussion  as  to  what  course  should  be 
adopted  by.the  king.  It  was  impossible  he  could  remain  in  the 
capital,  and  yet  where  was  he  to  go  i  One  proposed  Bordeaux  ; 
another,  La  Vendee  ;  a  third,  Normandy  ;  and  a  fourth,  that 
the  king  should  be  conducted  to  Melun.  I  conceived  that  if  a 
battle  should  take  place  anywhere,  it  would  probably  be  in  the 
neighbourhood  of  that  town  ;  but  the  minister  who  made  that 
suggestion  assured  us  that  the  presence  of  the  king,  in  an  open 
carriage  with  eight  horses,  would  have  a  wonderful  effect  upon 
the  minds  of  the  soldiers.  This  project  was  ridiculous,  and  the 
others  were  dangerous  and  impracticable.  I  stated  to  the  council 
that,  considering  the  situation  of  affairs,  it  was  necessary  to 
renounce  all  idea  of  resistance  by  force  ;  that  no  soldier  would 
fire  a  musket,  and  that  it  was  madness  to  entertain  the  idea. 
I  further  stated  that  defection  among  the  troops  was  inevitable  ; 
that  they  had  been  amusing  themselves  and  getting  drunk,  for 
some  days  past,  with  the  money  which  had  been  given  them  to 
purchase  their  fidelity.  They  said,  Louis  XVIIL  is  a  very  good 
sort  of  person  ;  but  long  li-ue  the  Little  Co>'poral ! 

Immediately  on  the  landing  of  Napoleon,  the  king  sent  an 
express  for  Marmont,  who  was  at  Chatlllon,  whither  he  had 
gone  to  take  leave  of  his  dying  mother.  I  saw  him  the  day 
after  he  had  an  interview  with  the  king  ;  I  think  it  was  on  the 
6th  or  7th  of  March.  He  told  me  that  he  had  stated  to  his 
majesty  that  he  had  no  doubt  of  Bonaparte's  intention  of  coming 
to  Paris,  and  that  the  best  way  to  prevent  him  from  doing  so, 
would  be  for  his  majesty  to  remain.  He  recommended  that  his 
majesty  should  shut  himself  up  in  the  Tuilerles,  and  prepare  to 
stand  a  siege  ;  that  the  Dulce  d'Angouleme  should  go  to 
Bordeaux,  the  Duke  de  Berri  to  La  Vendue,  and  Monsieur  to 
the  Franche-Comtd  ;  that  they  should  set  out  in  open  day,  and 
announce  that  they  were  going  to  collect  defenders  for  his 
majesty.  I  did  not  concur  in  Marmont's  opinion,  but  it  is 
certainly  probable  that  had  Louis  XVIIL  remained  in  his  palace. 


AGITATION    AT    THE   TUILERIES  +75 

the  defections  which  quickly  took  place  would  have  been  pre- 
vented. There  can  be  no  doubt,  too,  that  Bonaparte  would 
have  hesitated  before  he  attempted  the  siege  of  the  Tuileries. 
While  I  rendered  full  justice  to  the  recommendation  of  the  Duke 
de  Ragusa,  yet  I  did  not  think  that  his  advice  could  be  followed. 
I  opposed  it,  as  I  opposed  all  the  other  propositions  that  were 
made  in  the  council  as  to  tlie  different  places  in  which  the  king 
should  retire.  I  myself  recommended  Lille  as  being  the  nearest 
and  most  secure,  and  consequently,  in  the  present  state  of 
things,  the  safest  asylum.  It  was  after  midnight  when  the 
council  at  the  Tuileries  broke  up,  without  coming  to  any  de- 
cision ;  it  was  agreed  that  the  different  opinions  should  be 
submitted  to  the  king,  in  order  that  his  majesty  should  adopt 
that  which  appeared  to  him  the  best.  My  opinion  was  adopted, 
but  it  was  not  acted  upon  until  five  days  after. 

My  appointment  to  the  Prefecture  of  Police  was,  as  has  been 
seen,   a  late-thought-of  measure,  almost    as    late  as   Napoleon's 

f)roposition  to  send  me  as  minister  plenipotentiary  to  Switzer- 
and.  In  accepting  office,  I  was  well  aware  that  no  effort  couki 
prevent  the  progress  of  the  fast  approaching  and  menacing 
events.  On  being  introduced  into  the  royal  cabinet,  his  majesty 
asked  me  what  I  thought  of  the  situation  of  affairs  .>  'I  think, 
sire,  that  Bonaparte  will  be  here  in  five  or  six  days.' — '  Do  you 
say  so  .■*' — '  Yes,  sire.' — 'But  proper  measures  are  taken,  orders 
given,  and  the  marshals  are  faithful  to  me.' — '  Sire,  I  suspect  no 
man's  fidelity  ;  but  I  can  assure  your  majesty  that  as  Bonaparte 
has  landed  he  will  be  here  in  eight  days.  I  know  him,  and  your 
majesty  cannot  know  him  as  well  as  I  do  ;  but  I  can  venture  to 
assure  your  majesty,  that  he  will  not  be  here  six  months  ;  he 
will  commit  excesses  which  will  ruin  him.'  *  M.  de  Bourrienne, 
I  augur  better  of  events  ;  but  if  misfortune  compels  me  again  fo 
leave  France,  and  your  second  prediction  be  fulrilled,  you  may 
rely  upon  me.'  During  this  conversation  the  king  appeared  calm 
and  resigned. 

On  the  following  day,  I  again  repaired  to  the  Tuileries  and 
received  orders  to  arrest  twenty-five  persons.  I  took  the  liberty 
to  observe  that  it  was  perfectly  useless  to  do  so,  and  that  it  was 
calculated  to  produce  an  injurious  effect  at  that  critical  moment. 
The  reasons  I  urged  had  not  the  effect  I  desired  ;  but  some 
relaxation  was  made  as  to  twenty-three,  who  were  only  to  be 
placed  under  surveillance.  Fouch^  and  Davoust  were  ordered  to 
be  arrested  without  delay.  The  king  repeatedly  said, '  I  wish  you 
to  arrest  Fouciie.'     '  Sire,  I  beseech  your  majesty  to  consider  the 


476  NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 

inutility  of  the  measure.' — *  I  am  resolved  upon  Fouche's  arrest  ; 
but  I  am  sure  you  will  fail,  for  Andre  could  not  succeed.' 

After  this  formal  order  from  the  king,  I  could  but  obey, 
although  I  had  a  great  objection  to  do  so.  I  communicated  the 
order  to  M.  Foudras,  the  inspector-general  of  the  police,  who 
very  coolly  observed,  '  Since  we  are  to  arrest  him  you  need  not 
be  afraid,  we  shall  have  him  secure  enough  by  to-morrow.'  The 
agents  of  police  repaired  to  the  hotel  of  the  Duke  of  Otranto, 
and  shewed  the  warrant  for  his  arrest,  but  he  refused  to  surrender 
himself,  as  the  warrant  purported  to  be  signed  by  the  prefect  of 
police  when  there  was  no  such  officer.  In  my  opinion  Fouche 
was  right,  for  my  appointment  had  not  been  legally  announced. 
On  his  refusal,  application  was  made  to  the  staff  of  the  national 
guard  for  assistance.  General  Dessolles  repaired  to  the  Tuileries 
to  receive  the  king's  orders  on  the  subject.  Meanwhile  Fouche 
retained  all  his  coolness,  conversed  with  the  agents  of  police,  and 
pretending  to  step  aside  for  some  indispensable  purpose,  he 
opened  a  door  which  communicated  with  a  dark  passage,  through 
which  he  escaped  into  the  street,  where  he  stepped  into  a  coach 
and  drove  off,  leaving  the  agents  of  the  police  to  seek  after  him  in 
vain.  This  is  the  whole  history  of  the  famous  arrest  of  Fouche. 
As  for  Davoust,  he  was  my  personal  enemy.  I  therefore  only 
ordered  him  to  be  looked  after,  that  it  might  not  be  said  that  I 
acted  towards  him  from  a  spirit  of  personal  vengeance. 

On  the  15th  of  March,  the  day  on  which  the  above  circum- 
stance occurred,  I  called  upon  M.  de  Blacas,  and  repeated  to 
him  what  I  had  stated  to  the  king  on  the  certainty  of  Bona- 
parte's speedy  arrival  in  Paris.  I  then  mentioned  that  I  con- 
sidered it  necessary  to  devote  the  short  time  still  in  our  power 
to  provide  for  the  safety  of  the  royalists,  and  to  preserve  public 
tranquillity  until  the  departure  of  the  royal  family.  '  You  may 
believe,  count,'  said  I,  '  that,  considering  the  important  interests 
with  which  I  am  intrusted,  I  am  not  inclined  to  lose  valuable 
time  in  arresting  parties,  whose  arrest  would  lead  to  nothing 
beyond  serving  to  irritate  public  feeling.'  I  then  inquired  what 
previous  information  he  had  obtained  of  Bonaparte's  departure 
from  Elba.  '  The  only  thing  which  we  know  positively,' 
replied  the  minister,  '  was  by  an  intercepted  letter,  dated  Elba, 

February  6th,  which  was  addressed  to  a  M. ,  near  Grenoble  ; 

but  I  can  show  it  you.'  M.  de  Blacas  opened  the  drawer  of 
his  writing-table  and  took  out  the  letter,  which  he  gave  to  me. 
The  writer  thanked  his  correspondent  for  the  information  he  had 
transmitted  to  the  inmate  at  Elba,  and  went  on  to  state  that 


PUBLIC    FEELING   IN    FRANCE  477 

everything  was  prepared  for  the  departure  ;  that  the  first  favour- 
able opportunity  would  be  seized  for  that  purpose,  but  that  it 
would  be  desirable  first  to  receive  answers  to  some  questions 
contained  in  the  letter.  These  questions  referred  to  the  regiments 
which  had  been  sent  to  the  south,  and  to  the  places  of  their 
cantonment.  It  was  inquired,  whether  the  officers  had  been 
appointed  as  agreed  on  at  Paris,  and  whether  Labedoyere  was 
at  his  post,  concluding  with  the  request  that  precise  answers 
should  be  given  to  the  inquiries.  On  returning  this  letter  to 
M.  de  Blacas,  I  remarked  that  the  contents  of  the  letter  called 
for  the  adoption  of  prompt  measures,  and  asked  what  had  been 
done.  He  answered,  '  I'hat  he  had  immediately  sent  a  copy  of 
the  letter  to  M.  d'Andri,  that  orders  might  be  given  for 
arresting  the  individual  to  whom  it  was  addressed.'  Having 
had  an  opportunity  of  closely  observing  the  machinery  of  a 
vigilant  and  active  government,  I  was  amazed  at  the  insufficiency 
of  the  measures  adopted  to  defeat  this  well-planned  conspiracy, 
and  of  the  total  negligence  and  weakness  of  the  higher  officers 
of  state. 

When  I  entered  upon  my  duties  in  the  Prefecture  of  Police, 
the  evil  was  already  past  remedy.  The  incorrigible  emigrants 
required  another  lesson,  and  the  momentary  resurrection  of  the 
empire  was  inevitable — but  it  could  not  last  long.  I  constantly 
stated  that  Bonaparte  would  not  remain  six  months  in  France. 
But,  if  he  was  recalled,  it  was  not  owing  to  any  attachment  to 
his  person  ;  nor  was  it  from  fidelity  to  the  recollections  of  the 
empire  that  a  portion  of  France  embraced  his  cause  again.  It 
had  become  the  general  wish  to  get  rid  of  the  imbecile  coun- 
sellors who  thought  they  might  treat  France  like  a  conquered 
country  for  the  benefit  of  the  emigrants.  In  this  state  of  things 
some  looked  upon  Bonaparte  as  a  liberator,  but  the  greater  part 
merely  as  an  instrument.  In  this  last  character  he  was  looked 
upon  by  the  old  republicans,  and  by  a  new  generation  who  had 
hitherto  only  beheld  liberty  in  promises,  and  who  were  blind 
enough  to  believe  that  the  idol  of  France  would  be  restored  by 
Napoleon. 

In  February,  18 15,  when  all  the  arrangements  for  the  departure 
from  Elba  had  been  completed,  Murat  applied  to  the  court  of 
Vienna  for  permission  to  march  through  the  Austrian  provinces 
of  Upper  Italy  an  army  destined  for  France.  On  the  26th  of 
the  same  month,  Napoleon  escaped  from  Elba.  These  two  facts 
have  necessarily  a  close  connexion  with  each  other  ;  for  however 
extravagant  Murat's  ideas  might  have  been    he  never  could  have 


478  NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 

conceived  it  possible  to  compel  the  King  of  France  by  force  of 
arms  to  recognize  his  claim  to  the  crown  of  Naples.  Since  the 
return  of  Louis  XVIIL,  the  cabinet  of  the  Tuileries  had  never 
regarded  Murat  in  any  other  character  than  that  of  an  usurper  ; 
and  I  know  that  the  French  plenipoteniiaries  at  the  congress  of 
Vienna  had  special  instructions  to  insist  that  the  restoration  ot 
the  throne  of  Naples  in  favour  of  the  Bourbons  of  the  Two 
Sicilies  should  be  a  consequence  of  the  restoration  of  the  throne 
of  France.  I  likewise  know  that  this  demand  was  strongly 
resisted  on  the  part  of  Austria,  whose  government  had  never 
viewed  without  extreme  jealousy  three  European  thrones  in  the 
occupation  of  the  single  house  of  Bourbon.  Murat,  therefore, 
was  well  aware  of  the  part  he  might  play  in  France,  by  sup- 
porting the  conspirators  and  the  interests  of  Napoleon.  Thus  he 
daringly  advanced  to  the  banks  of  the  Po,  leaving  his  country 
and  his  capital  exposed,  and  incurring  by  this  movement  the 
hostility  both  of  Austria  and  France.  It  is  incredible  that  he 
would  have  acted  in  this  manner  unless  he  had  previously  been 
assured  of  a  powerful  diversion,  and  the  assistance  of  Napoleon 
in  his  favour.  There  is  a  possibility,  indeed,  that  Murat  con- 
templated securing  himself  in  Italy  while  the  whole  powers  of 
Europe  should  be  engaged  anew  with  Napoleon  ;  but  both  sup- 
positions lead  to  the  same  conclusion — that  he  was  a  party  to 
the  enterprise  of  Bonaparte.  Murat,  however,  thus  acting 
rather  like  an  adventurer  than  a  monarch,  and  having  failed 
in  an  attack  against  the  bridge  of  Occhio-Bello,  was  obliged 
to  retreat,  and  by  this  ill-judged  expedition  ruined  the  great 
cause  in  which  he  was  intended  to  co-operate. 

According  to  information  which  I  received  from  authority  on 
which  I  can  rely,  the  following  were  the  plans  which  Napoleon 
conceived  at  Elba.  Almost  immediately  after  his  arrival  in 
France,  he  was  to  order  the  marshals  on  whom  he  could  rely 
to  defend  to  the  last  extremity  the  entrance  of  the  French 
territory,  and  the  approaches  to  Paris,  by  manoeuvring  within 
the  triple  line  of  fortresses  which  gird  the  north  and  east  ot 
France.  Davoust  was  set  apart  for  the  defence  of  Paris  ; 
he  was  to  arm  the  population  of  the  suburbs,  and  to  have 
besides  20,000  men  of  the  national  guard  at  his  disposal. 
Napoleon,  not  knowing  well  the  situation  of  the  allies,  never 
supposed  that  they  could  concentrate  their  forces  and  march 
against  him  so  speedily  as  they  did.  He  hoped  to  take  them 
by  surprise,  and  defeat  their  projects  by  causing  Miu-at  to 
march   upon   Milan,  and  exciting  insurrection   in  Italy.     The 


HIS   NEW    PLANS  479 

Po  once  passed,  and  Murat  approaching  the  capital  of  Italy, 
Napoleon,  with  the  corps  of  Suchet,  Brune,  Grouchy,  and 
Massena,  increased  by  troops  set  by  forced  marches  to  Lyons, 
was  to  cross  the  Alps  and  revolutionize  Piedmont.  There, 
having  recruited  his  army  from  amongst  the  insurgents,  and 
joined  the  Neapolitans  at  Milan,  he  was  to  proclaim  the  in- 
dependence of  Italy,  unite  the  whole  country  under  a  single 
chief,  and  afterwards  march,  at  the  head  of  100,000  men,  upon 
Vienna,  through  the  Julian  Alps,  across  which  victory  had 
conducted  him  in  1797.  This  was  not  all  ;  numerous  emissaries, 
scattered  through  Poland  and  Hungary,  were  there  to  foment 
troubles,  to  raise  the  cry  of  independence,  so  as  to  alarm  Russia 
and  Austria.  It  must  be  confessed  it  would  have  been  an 
extraordinary  spectacle  to  see  Napoleon  giving  liberty  to  Europe 
in  revenge  for  not  having  succeeded  in  enslaving  her. 

By  means  of  these  bold  manoeuvres  and  vast  combinations. 
Napoleon  had  calculated  upon  assuming  the  initiative  in 
militarj'  operations.  Perhaps  his  genius  was  never  more  fully 
developed  than  in  this  vast  conception,  which  was  not  matureii 
in  one  day.  This  design,  in  fact,  comprised  the  essence  of 
all  he  had  ever  aspired  to  accomplish — embraced  all  the  great 
enterprises  which  he  had  meditated  from  the  first  of  his  fields 
to  his  latest  hour  on  the  imperial  throne.  The  final  object 
alone  was  changed — from  empire  to  liberty  ;  but  success  would 
in  all  probability  have  restored  the  original  plan  of  his  selfish 
ambition.  According  to  this  plan  he  was  to  extend  his  military 
operations  over  a  line  of  500  leagues,  from  Ostend  to  Vienna, 
by  the  Alps  and  Italy.  He  would  thus  have  secured  im- 
mense resources  of  every  kind,  would  not  only  have  prevented 
the  Emperor  of  Austria  from  marching  his  troops  against 
France,  but,  perhaps,  have  obliged  him  to  terminate  a  war 
by  which  the  hereditary  states  would  exclusively  suffer.  Such 
was  the  bright  prospect  which  presented  itself  to  Napoleon, 
when  he  stepped  on  board  the  vessel  which  was  to  convey 
him  from  Elba  to  France.  But  the  mad  precipitation  of  Murat 
putEuropeon  the  alert,  and  the  brilliant  illusionfaded  like  a  dream. 

After  assuring  myself  that  all  was  tranquil,  and  that  the 
royal  family  were  secure  against  every  danger,  I  set  out, 
alone,  at  four  o'clock  on  the  morning  of  the  20th  of  Marcli, 
taking  the  road  to  Lille,  where  I  arrived  about  midnight  on 
the  2ist,  and  found  the  gates  closed,  which  obliged  me  to  content 
myself  with  a  miserable  lodging  in  the  suburbs  for  the  night. 

On  the  23rd,  Louis  XVIII.  arrived  at  Lille.      His  majesty  also 


48o  NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 

found  the  gates  closed,  and  more  than  an  hour  elapsed  before 
an  order  could  be  obtained  for  opening  them  ;  for  the  Duke 
of  Orleans,  who  commanded  the  town,  was  inspecting  the 
troops  when  his  majesty  arrived.  The  king  was  perfectly 
well  received.  There  appeared  some  symptoms  of  defection, 
for  it  must  be  acknowledged  that  the  officers  of  the  old  army 
had  been  completely  sacrificed  and  passed  over  to  favour  the 
promotion  of  the  returned  emigrants  ;  it  was  therefore  very 
natural  that  the  army  should  hail  the  return  of  a  man  who 
had  so  often  led  them  to  victory. 

It  was  Louis  XVIIL's  decided  wish  to  continue  in  France 
as  long  as  he  could  ;  but  the  Napoleon  fever  spread  with  such 
rapidity  among  the  troops,  that  the  garrison  of  Lille  could 
not  be  depended  upon.  Marshal  Mortier  expressed  to  me 
his  well-founded  fears,  and  recommended  me  to  urge  the  king 
to  quit  Lille  speedily,  in  order  to  avoid  any  fatal  consequence. 
At  length,  with  great  reluctance,  the  king  consented  to  go  to 
Ghent,  and  I  left  Lille  the  day  before  that  fixed  for  his  majesty's 
departure. 

In  September,  1S14,  the  king  had  named  me  charge  d'affaires 
from  France  to  Hamburg,  but  not  having  received  orders  to 
repair  to  my  post,  I  had  not  before  mentioned  it.  However, 
when  Louis  XVIII.  was  on  the  point  of  leaving  France,  he 
thought  my  presence  in  Hamburg  would  prove  useful  to  his 
interest.  I  set  out  immediately,  and  without  reluctance,  to  a 
place  where  I  was  sure  of  finding  many  friends.  Though  thus 
removed  from  the  immediate  theatre  of  events,  I  continued  to 
be  informed  of  all  important  transactions. 

Bonaparte  entered  Paris  on  the  20th  of  March,  about  nine 
at  night.  Nothing  could  be  more  gloomy  than  his  entry. 
The  darkness  was  increased  by  a  thick  fog,  the  streets  were 
almost  deserted,  and  a  vague  feeling  of  terror  prevailed  almost 
generally  in  the  capital.  I  had  not  an  opportunity  of  observing 
the  aspect  of  Paris  during  that  memorable  period,  recorded  in 
history  by  the  name  of  the  hundred  days  ;  but  the  letters  which 
I  received  at  the  time,  together  with  all  that  I  afterwards  heard, 
concurred  in  assuring  me  that  the  capital  never  presented  such 
a  melancholy  appearance  as  during  this  period.  None  had 
confidence  in  the  duration  of  Napoleon's  second  reign  ;  and 
it  was  said  without  any  reserve  that  Fouch^-,  while  serving  the 
usurpation,  would  surely  betray  it.  Throughout  the  whole 
mass  of  society,  fears  for  the  future  agitated  men's  minds,  and 
discontent  had  become  general.      The   sight   of  the   federates 


CONGRESS   OF   VIENNA  481 

who  paraded  the  Faubourgs  and  the  boulevards  shouting, 
'  Long  live  the  republic,'  and  '  Death  to  the  royalists  ! ' — their 
sanguinary  songs — the  revolutionary  airs  played  in  the  theatres 
— all  tended  to  produce  a  fearful  stupor  over  the  mind,  and  the 
issue  of  the  impending  events  was  anxiously  looked  for. 

One  of  the  circumstances  which,  at  the  commencement  of 
the  hundred  days,  chiefly  tended  to  open  the  eyes  of  those 
who  were  yet  dazzled  by  the  past  glory  of  Napoleon,  was  the 
non-fulfilment  of  the  promise  which  he  made,  that  the 
empress  and  his  son  were  to  be  restored  to  him  immediately. 
It  was  evident  that  he  could  not  count  upon  any  ally  ;  and 
in  spite  of  the  prodigious  activity  with  which  a  new  army 
was  created,  those  persons  must  have  been  blind  who  could 
imagine  the  possibility  of  his  triumphing  over  the  whole  of 
Europe,  then  evidently  arming  against  him.  I  deplored  the 
inevitable  disasters  which  Bonaparte's  bold  enterprise  would 
entail  ;  but  I  had  such  certain  information  respecting  the 
intentions  of  the  allies,  and  the  spirit  which  influenced  the 
plenipotentiaries  at  Vienna,  that  I  could  not,  for  a  moment, 
doubt  the  issue  of  the  contest. 

When  the  first  intelligence  of  Bonaparte's  attempt  was 
received  at  Vienna,  the  congress  had  made  but  little  progress 
towards  the  final  arrangement  of  affairs  ;  they  had  been  pro- 
ceeding with  caution,  as  their  desire  was  to  reconstruct  a  solid 
and  durable  order  of  things  after  the  violent  storm  which  had 
agitated  and  shaken  so  many  thrones.  Louis  XVIII.  had  in- 
structed his  plenipotentiaries  to  defend  and  support  the  principles 
of  justice,  and  the  law  of  nations,  so  as  to  secure  the  rights 
of  all  parties,  and  to  prevent  the  chances  of  new  wars.  The 
congress  was  occupied  on  these  important  deliberations,  when 
intelligence  was  received  of  Napoleon's  landing  in  the  Gulf 
of  Juan.  The  plenipotentiaries  thei:  signed  the  protocol  of 
tlie  conferences,  and  terminated  the  congress.* 

*  The  instant  that  the  news  of  Napoleon's  daring  movement  reached 
Vienna,  the  congress  pubhshed  a  proclamation  in  these  words. — '  By 
breaking  the  convention  which  established  him  in  Elba,  Bonaparte 
dcitroys  the  only  legal  title  on  which  his  existence  depended.  By  ap- 
pearing again  in  France,  with  projects  of  confusion  and  disorder,  he 
has  deprived  himself  of  the  protection  of  the  law,  and  manifested  to 
the  universe  that  there  can  be  neither  peace  nor  truce  with  him.  The 
powers  consequently  declare,  that  Napoleon  Bonaparte  has  placed 
himself  without  the  pale  of  civil  and  social  relations,  and  that,  as  an 
enemy  and  disturber  of  the  tranquillity  of  the  world,  he  has  rendered 
himself  liable  to  public  vengeance." 

31 


4.82  NAPOLEON   BONAPARTE 


CHAPTER    L. 

On  my  arrival  at  Lille,  and  afterwards  at  Hamburg,  I  received 
letters  from  my  family,  which  gave  me  an  account  of  what 
had  taken  place  at  Paris  since  the  return  of  Bonaparte.  Two 
hours  after  my  departure,  Madame  de  Bourrienne  also  left  Paris, 
accompanied  by  her  children,  and  proceeded  to  a  retreat  that  had 
been  prepared  for  her  about  seven  leagues  from  the  capital.  She 
left  at  my  house  in  Paris  her  sister,  two  of  her  brothers,  and  her 
friend  the  Countess  Neuilly,  who  had  resided  with  us  since  her 
return  from  emigration. 

On  the  very  morning  of  our  departure,  namely,  the  20th  of 
March,  General  Berton,  with  whom  I  had  always  been  on  a 
footing  of  friendship,  and  who  was  entirely  devoted  to  Bonaparte, 
sent  to  request  that  Madame  de  Bourrienne  would  call  upon 
him,  as  he  had  some  most  important  business  to  communicate. 
My  sister-in-law,  accompanied  by  a  friend,  waited  upon  the 
general,  who  advised  her  to  conjure  me,  above  all  things,  not  to 
follow  the  king  ;  he  observed,  that  the  cause  of  Louis  XVHL 
was  utterly  lost,  and  that  I  should  do  well  to  retire  quickly  into 
Burgundy,  as  there  was  no  doubt  of  my  receiving  the  emperor's 
pardon.  This  assurance  of  a  full  and  complete  pardon  was  also 
communicated  to  my  family  by  order  of  Bonaparte  on  the  very 
day  after  his  arrival  in  Paris,  as  well  as  the  desire  that  I  should 
retain  my  post  in  the  Prefecture  of  Police.  I  was,  I  confess,  very 
well  pleased  with  these  proofs  of  consideration  when  they  came 
to  my  knowledge  ;  but  I  did  not,  for  a  single  moment,  repent 
the  course  I  had  taken.  I  could  not  forget  the  intrigues  of 
which  I  had  been  the  object  since  181 1,  nor  the  continual  threats 
of  arrest  which,  during  that  year,  had  not  left  me  a  moment's 
quiet  ;  and  it  was  not  until  18 14  that  I  was  made  acquainted 
with  the  real  causes  of  the  persecution  to  which  I  had  been 
subjected.  I  had  then  communicated  to  me  the  following  letter, 
the  original  copy  of  which  is  in  my  possession  :  — 

*  Monsieur  le  Due  de  Bassano, 

'  I  send  you  some  very  important  documents  respecting  the 

Sieur  Bourrienne,  and  I   beg  you  will  make   me  a   confidential 

report   on    them.     Keep    these   documents   for   yourself  alone. 

This  business  demands  the  greatest  secrecy.     I  am  led  to  believe 


ALLIES  PREPARE    FOR    WAR  483 

that  Bourrienne  has  carried  on  a  series  of  intrigues  with   London 
Brings  me  the  report  on  Tuesday. 

'Napoleon. 
'  Paris,  December  25,  1811.' 

I  could  then  clearly  perceive  what  hitherto  had  been  enveloped 
in  obscurity  ;  but  I  was  not  as  yet  made  acquainted  with"  the 
documents  mentioned  in  Napoleon's  epistle  ;  but  I  afterwards 
learned  they  referred  to  some  intercourse  I  had  had  at  Hamburg 
with  General  Driesen,  a  warm  partisan  of  Louis  XVIIL 

I  was  shortly  afterwards  informed  that  seals  were  to  be  placed 
upon  the  effects  of  all  the  persons  included  in  the  decree  of 
Lyons,  and,  consequently,  upon  mine.  As  soon  as  my  wife 
received  information  of  this,  she  quitted  her  retreat,  and  repaired 
to  Paris  to  face  the  storm.  On  the  29th  of  March,  at  nine  in 
the  evening,  the  police  agents  presented  themselves  at  my  house. 
Madame  de  Bourrienne  remonstrated  against  the  measure,  and 
at  the  unseasonable  hour  that  was  chosen  for  its  execution  ;  but 
all  was  in  vain,  and  there  was  no  alternative  but  to  be  silent. 
It  did  not  even  end  there,  for  during  the  month  of  May,  seven 
persons  were  appointed  to  examine  my  papers.  Tiiey  behaved 
with  great  rudeness,  and  executed  their  commission  with  a 
rigour  and  severity  exceedingly  painful  to  my  family.  They 
carried  their  search  so  far  as  to  examine  the  pockets  of  my  old 
clothes,  and  even  to  rip  up  the  linings.  All  this  was  done  in 
the  hope  of  compromising  me  in  the  eyes  of  the  new  master  of 
France  ;  but  I  was  not  to  be  caught  in  that  way,  for  before 
leaving  home,  I  had  taken  such  precautions  as  to  set  my  mind 
perfectly  at  rest. 

From  Hamburg  I  wrote  to  M.de  Talleyrand,  acquainting  him 
with  my  arrival.  I  received  an  answer  dated  Vienna,  April  19, 
1 81 5,  in  wliich  he  informed  me,  that  the  allied  troops  were 
approaching  the  French  frontiers  with  all  possible  speed.  'In 
the  military  measures,*  he  said,  *  the  greatest  energy  and  activity 
everywhere  prevail.  The  Russian  troops,  who  were  on  the 
Vistula,  have  arrived  in  Bohemia  four  days  sooner  than  they 
were  expected,  and  will  reach  the  Rhine  at  the  same  time  with 
the  Austrian  troops.  It  is  expected  that  operations  will  com- 
mence about  the  middle  of  May,  and  the  immense  resources 
which  have  been  combined  leave  no  doubt  respecting  the  issue 
of  events.'  In  my  new  place  of  residence,  I  did  not  wish  to 
multiply  my  correspondence  unnecessarily,  and  having  rarely 
anything  of  importance  to  communicate  to  M.  de  Talleyrand   I 


484  NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 

did  not  often  address  myself  to  him.  In  a  second  letter 
which  I  received  from  that  minister,  dated  Vienna,  May  5,  he 
requested  me  to  write  oftener.  In  that  letter  he  observed, 
'Since  you  received  my  communication  of  the  19th  of  April, 
you  will  have  learned  that  the  Duke  d'AngouIeme  has  been 
unable  to  maintain  himself,  as  we  hoped  he  would,  in  the 
southern  provinces.  France  is,  therefore,  for  the  moment, 
entirely  in  the  power  of  Bonaparte  ;  but  hostilities  will  not  be 
commenced  against  him  for  some  time,  as  it  is  wished  to  attack 
him  simultaneously  on  all  points,  and  with  great  masses.  The 
most  perfect  concord  prevails  among  the  powers  with  respect  to 
the  military  measures.  The  war  is  carried  on  against  Murat, 
with  a  success  which  warrants  the  hope  that  it  will  not  be  of 
long  duration.  He  has  applied  twice  for  an  armistice,  which 
has  been  refused.' 

I  cannot  afford  a  better  idea  of  what  was  going  on  at  Vienna, 
than  by  giving  the  above  extracts  from  the  letters  of  the  firs-t 
diplomatist  of  Europe,  for  such  M.  de  Talleyrand  undoubtedly 
proved  himself  at  that  difficult  period.  At  Vienna,  as  at  Tilsit, 
he  could  not  support  himself  upon  the  right  of  conquest  ;  his 
task  was  now  to  advocate  the  rights  of  the  conquered,  and  yet 
he  induced  the  allies  to  acknowledge,  as  a  principle,  the  legi- 
timacy of  the  throne  of  Naples  in  favour  of  a  Bourbon  prince, 
and  at  the  same  time  prevented  Prussia  from  aggrandizing  herself 
too  much  at  the  expense  of  Saxony. 

Napoleon  had  no  sooner  re-established  himself  in  the  Tuileries, 
than  he  commenced  his  preparations  to  meet  the  gigantic  con- 
federacy which  was  forming  against  him.  '  Carnot  became  once 
more  Minister  of  War  ;  and  what  Napoleon  and  he,  when 
labouring  together  in  the  reorganization  of  an  army,  could 
effect,  had  been  abundantly  manifested  at  the  commencement  of 
the  consulate.  The  army  cantoned  in  France,  when  Bonaparte 
landed  at  Cannes,  numbered  175,000  ;  the  cavalry  had  been 
greatly  reduced  ;  and  the  disasters  of  181 2,  1813,  and  18 14, 
vtfere  visible  in  the  miserable  deficiency  of  military  stores  and 
arms,  especially  of  artillery.  By  incredible  exertions,  notwith- 
standing the  pressure  of  innumerable  cares  and  anxieties  of  all 
kinds,  and  although  the  temper  of  the  nation  prevented  him 
from  having  recourse  to  the  old  method  of  conscription — the 
emperor,  ere  May  was  over,  had  375,000  men  in  arms — in- 
cluding an  imperial  guard  of  40,000  chosen  veterans,  in  the 
most  splendid  state  of  equipment  and  discipline,  a  large  and 
b>:illiant  force  of  cavalry,  and  a  train  of  artillery  of  proportional 


WATERLOO  485 

extent  and  excellence.'  He  also  made  every  effort  by  means  of 
his  diplomacy  to  induce  the  allies  to  recognize  the  integrity  of 
France,  but  without  the  least  prospect  of  success.  He,  therefore, 
prepared  for  war.  He  had  no  intention  to  abide  at  home  the 
onset  of  his  enemies  ;  but  the  situation  of  civil  affairs  prevented 
him  from  commencing  his  military  operations  so  soon  as  he 
could  have  wished — he  met  with  difficulties  which,  in  former 
days,  were  not  used  to  perplex  the  opening  of  his  campaigns. 
Therefore,  after  having  presided  at  a  great  meeting  in  the 
Champ-de-Mal,  on  the  ist  of  June,  and,  three  clays  after,  having 
open  d  the  sittings  of  the  two  chambers,  he  left  Paris  on  the 
evening  of  the  nth  of  June  to  take  the  command  of  the  army. 
He  arrived  at  Vervins  on  the  12th,  and  assembled  and  reviewed 
at  Beaumont  on  the  14th  the  whole  of  the  army  which  had  been 
prepared  to  act  immediately  under  his  orders.  They  had  been 
carefully  selected,  and  formed,  perhaps,  the  most  perfect  force, 
though  far  from  the  most  numerous,  with  which  he  had  ever 
taken  the  field. 

France  and  Europe  were  not  kept  long  in  suspense,  for 
military  operations  commenced  on  the  morning  of  the  15th,  and 
the  campaign  and  the  war  were  decided  by  the  great  and 
sanguinary  battle  of  Waterloo.* 

The  fulfilment  of  my  prediction  was  now  at  hand  ;  t  for  the 
result  of  the  battle  of  Waterloo  enabled  Louis  XVHL  to  return 
to  his  dominions.  As  soon  as  I  heard  of  the  king's  departure 
from  Ghent,  I  quitted  Hamburg,  and  travelled  with  all  possible 
expedition,  in  the  expectation  that  I  should  have  been  enabled 
to  reach  Paris  in  time  to  witness  his  majesty's  entrance.  I 
arrived  at  Saint  Denis  on  the  7th  of  July,  and  having  resumed 
my  uniform  of  a  captain  of  the  national  guard,  I  proceeded  im- 
mediately to  the  king's  palace.  The  saloon  was  filled  with 
ladies  and  gentlemen  who  had  come  to  congratulate  the  king  on 
his  return. 

At  Saint  Denis  I  found  my  family,  who,  not  being  aware  that 
I  had  left  Hamburg,  were  much  surprised  to  see  me.  They 
informed  me  that  the  Parisians  were  all  impatient  for  the  return 
of  the  king,  a  fact  of  which  I  could  judge  by  the  opposition 
made  to  the  free  expression  of  public  opinion.     Paris  having  been 

*  For  an  account  of  the  military  operations  connected  with  the  com- 
paign  of  1815,  see  the  abstract  appenled  to  the  end  of  this  chapter. 

t  The  reader  will  recollect  that  while  Louis  XVIII.  was  at  Lille, 
previous  to  his  departure  from  France,  I  mentioned  to  his  majesty 
my  conviction  tb<jt  he  would  be  restored  to  his  throne  before  six  months. 


486  NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 

declared  in  a  state  of  blockade,  the  gates  were  closed,  and  no  one 
was  allowed  to  leave  the  capital  without  permission.  It  is  true, 
this  permission  could  be  obtained  with  tolerable  ease,  but  the 
forms  to  be  observed  were  such  as  to  deter  the  mass  of  the  people 
from  proceeding  to  Saint  Denis  to  meet  the  king  at  his  public 
entry.  As  it  had  been  resolved  to  force  upon  the  king  Fouche 
and  the  tricoloured  cockade,  it  was  attempted  to  keep  away  from 
his  majesty  all  who  might  persuade  him  to  resist  the  proposed 
measure.  The  king,  however,  resolutely  refused  to  permit  the 
tricoloured  cockade  to  be  adopted  ;  but  he  conceded  to  appoint 
Fouche  his  Minister  of  Police.  It  has  been  confidently  stated, 
that  Wellington  was  the  person  by  whose  influence  in  particular 
Fouche  was  made  one  of  the  counsellors  of  the  king.  After  all 
the  benefits  which  foreigners  have  conferred  upon  us,  Fouche 
was,  indeed,  an  acceptable  present  to  France  and  to  the  king  ! 

I  was  not  ignorant  of  the  influence  of  the  Duke  of  Wellington 
upon  the  second  restoration  ;  but  for  a  long  time  I  refused  to 
believe  that  his  influence  should  have  outweighed  all  the  serious 
considerations  opposed  to  such  a  perfect  anomaly  as  appointing 
Fouche  the  minister  of  a  Bourbon.  But  I  was  deceived.  France 
and  the  king  owed  to  him  Fouch^'s  introduction  into  the  council, 
and  I  had  to  thank  him  for  the  impossibility  of  my  resuming 
a  situation  which  I  had  relinquished  to  follow  the  king  into 
Belgium.  The  king  could  not  offer  me  the  place  of  Prefect  of 
Police  under  one  whom,  a  short  time  before,  I  had  received 
orders  to  arrest,  but  who  had  eluded  my  agents.  That  was 
impossible.  Therefore,  I  was  right  in  not  relying  on  the 
assurances  which  had  been  given  me  ;  but  I  confess  that,  if  I  had 
been  told  to  guess  the  cause,  I  never  could  have  supposed  that  it 
arose  from  Fouche  being  appointed  as  a  minister  of  the  King  of 
France.  Fouche  Minister  of  the  Police  !  If,  like  Don  Juan,  I 
had  seen  a  statue  move,  I  could  not  have  been  more  confounded 
than  when  I  heard  this  news.  I  could  not  credit  it  until  it  was 
repeated  to  me  by  different  persons.  How,  indeed,  could  I  think 
that,  at  the  moment  of  a  reaction,  the  king  should  have  intrusted 
the  most  important  ministerial  department  to  a  man  to  whose 
arrest  he  had,  a  hundred  days  before,  attached  so  much  import- 
ance— to  a  man,  moreover,  whom  Bonaparte  had  appointed  at 
Lyons  to  fill  the  same  office.  This  was  impossible  !  Thus,  in 
less  than  twenty-four  hours,  the  same  man  had  been  intrusted  to 
execute  measures  the  most  opposite,  and,  to  some  interests,  the 
most  contradictory.  He  was  one  day  the  minister  of  usurpation, 
and  the  next  the  minister  of  legitimacy  ! 


PARIS   AFTER    WATERLOO  487 

Having  returned  to  private  life  solely  on  account  of  Fouchd's 
presence  in  the  ministry,  I  yielded  to  that  consolation  which  is 
always  left  to  the  discontented.  I  watched  the  extravagance  and 
inconsistency  which  were  passing  around  me,  and  the  new  follies 
which  were  every  day  committed  ;  and  it  must  be  confessed,  that 
a  rich  and  varied  picture  was  presented  to  my  observation.  The 
king  did  not  bring  back  M.  de  Blacas — he  yielded  to  prudent 
advice,  and,  on  arriving  at  Mons,  he  sent  the  unlucky  minister 
as  his  ambassador  to  Naples. 

Vengeance  had  been  talked  of,  and  there  were  some  incon- 
siderate persons  who  wished  to  avail  themselves  of  the  presence 
of  foreigners  to  put  what  they  called  '  an  end  to  the  Revolution  '  ; 
;iS  if  there  were  any  other  means  of  effecting  that  object  than  by 
frankly  adopting  whatever  good  the  Revolution  had  produced  ! 
The  foreigners  observed  with  pleasure  the  disposition  of  these 
foolish  persons,  as  they  thought  it  might  turn  to  their  own 
advantage.  The  truth  is,  that  on  the  second  restoration  our 
pretended  allies  proved  themselves  our  enemies. 

But  for  them — but  for  their  bad  conduct — their  insatiable 
exactions — but  for  the  humiliation  which  was  felt  at  seeing 
foreign  cannon  planted  in  the  streets  of  Paris,  and  beneath  the 
very  windows  of  the  palace — the  days  which  followed  the  8th  of 
July  might  have  been  considered  by  the  royal  family  as  a  period 
of  rejoicing.  Every  day  people  thronged  to  the  Tuileries,  and 
expressed  their  joy  by  singing  and  dancing  under  the  king's 
windows.  This  ebullition  of  feeling  might  perhaps  be  con- 
sidered absurd  ;  but  it  at  least  bore  evidence  of  the  pleasure 
caused  by  the  return  of  the  Bourbons.  These  manifestations  of 
joy,  however,  became  displeasing  to  Fouche,  and  he  determined 
to  put  a  stop  to  them,  lest  it  might  be  supposed  that  his 
services  could  be  dispensed  with.  Wretches  were  hired  to 
mingle  with  the  crowd,  and  to  sprinkle  destructive  acids  upon 
the  dresses  of  the  females,  and  to  commit  acts  of  indecency,  to 
prevent  respectable  people  from  visiting  the  gardens  of  the 
Tuileries,  through  fear  of  being  insulted  or  injured.  Thus, 
by  such  means,  he  contrived  to  make  it  be  believed,  that  he 
was  the  only  person  capable  of  preventing  the  disturbances  of 
which  he  himself  was  tlic  author.  He  got  the  police  of  the 
Tuileries  under  his  control,  and  the  singing  and  dancing  ceased, 
and  the  palace  was  the  scene  of  dulness. 

While  the  king  was  at  Saint  Denis  he  re-appointed  General 
Dessolles  to  the  command  of  the  national  guard.  The  general 
ordered  the  barriers  to  be  Immediately  removed.     On  the  arrival 


488  NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 

of  the  king  in  Paris,  he  determined  to  surround  the  throne 
by  a  privy  council,  the  members  oi  which  were  to  consist 
of  the  princes,  and  such  persons  as  his  majesty  might  appoint 
at  a  future  period.  He  then  named  his  new  ministry,  which 
was  thus  composed  : — 

Prince  Talleyrand,  peer  of  France,  President  of  the  Council 
of  Ministers,  and  Secretary  of  State  for  Foreign  Affairs. 

Baron  Louis,  Minister  of  Finance. 

The  Duke  of  Otranto,  Minister  of  Police 

Baron  Pasquier,  Minister  of  Justice  and  Keeper  of  the  Seals. 

Marshal  Gouvion  Saint-Cyr,  Minister  of  War. 

Count  de  Jaucourt,  peer  of  France,  Minister  of  the  Marine. 

The  Duke  de  Richelieu,  peer  of  France,  Minister  of  the  King's 
Household. 

The  portfolio  of  the  Minister  of  the  Interior,  which  was 
not  irninediately  disposed  of,  was  provisionally  intrusted  to 
the  Minister  of  Justice.  Great  satisfaction  was  expressed  on 
the  appointment  of  Marshal  Macdonald  to  the  Chancellorship 
of  the  Legion  of  Honour,  in  place  of  M.  de  Pradt.  M.  de 
Chabrol  resumed  the  prefecture  of  the  Seine,  and  M.  de  Mole 
was  made  Director-General  of  Bridges  and  Highways  ;  I  was 
superseded  in-  the  Prefecture  of  Police  by  M.  de  Cazes,  and 
M.  Ferrand  became  Director-General  of  the  Post  Office. 

In  the  month  of  August,  the  king  having  resolved  to  con- 
voke a  new  chamber  of  deputies,  I  was  appointed  president  of 
the  electoral  college  of  the  department  of  the  Yonne.  As 
soon  as  I  was  informed  of  miy  nomination,  I  waited  upon 
M.  de  Talleyrand  to  receive  instructions,  but  he  told  me  that, 
in  conformity  with  the  king's  directions,  I  was  to  receive  my 
orders  from  the  Minister  of  Police.  I  observed,  that  I 
had  a  great  objection  to  wait  upon  Fouche,  on  account  of 
the  situation  in  which  we  stood  with  reference  to  each  other. 
'  Go  to  him,  go  to  him,'  said  M.  de  Talleyrand — '  be  assured 
he  will  not  take  any  notice  of  it.*  I  did  so,  and  was  very 
much  surprised  at  my  reception.  He  received  me  as  a  man 
would  be  expected  to  receive  an  intimate  friend  that  he  had 
not  seen  for  a  long  time.  On  reflection  I  was  not  surprised 
at  his  conduct,  for  I  was  well  aware  that  Fouche  could  make 
his  hatred  give  way  to  necessity  :  he  said  not  a  word  about 
his  arrest,  and  on  my  asking  for  instructions  respecting  the 
elections  of  the  Yonne,  he  merely  desired  me  to  get  myself 
nominated  if  I  could,  and  to  use  my  influence  to  exclude 
General  Desfournaux.     '  Anything  else,'  said  he,  '  is  a  matter 


FATE   OF   NEY  489 

of  indifference  to  me.' — '  What  is  your  objection  to  him  ?  * — 
'The  ministry  will  not  have  him.'  I  was  about  to  depart 
when  he  called  me  back,  and  entered  into  a  long  conversation 
respecting  the  first  return  of  the  Bourbons,  which  it  is  not 
necessary  here  to  describe,  otherwise  than  that  he  spoke  of 
them  with  great  disrespect  ;  indeed,  it  was  impossible  to  carry 
indecorum  of  language  further  than  he  did.  He  spoke  of 
the  royal  family  in  such  terms  of  contempt,  that  he  appeared 
like  a  bold  conspirator,  or  a  perfidious  seducer,  rather  than 
as  a  minister  of  the  king.  I  could  almost  have  fancied  he 
was  attempting  to  practise  upon  me  the  treachery  of  which 
Joseph  Bonaparte  had  once  made  me  the  dupe  at  Fouch^'s 
house,  or,  in  other  words,  that  he  was  playing  the  part  of  a 
spy  J  but  knowing  as  I  did  his  odious  principles,  I  felt  that 
he  was  giving  utterance  to  his  real  sentiments.  I  then  broke 
off  this  extraordinary  conversation. 

I  conceived  it  my  duty  to  make  the  king  acquainted  with 
the  conversation  I  had  had  with  his  Minister  of  Police,  and  as 
there  was  now  no  Count  de  Blacas  to  keep  truth  and  good 
advice  from  his  majesty's  ear,  I  was,  on  my  first  solicitation, 
admitted  to  a  private  interview.  The  king  thanked  me  for  my 
communication,  and  I  could  perceive  that  he  was  convinced  that, 
by  retaining  Fouchd  any  longer,  he  w'ould  become  the  victim  of 
the  minister  who  had  been  forced  upon  him  on  the  7th  of  July. 
The  disgrace  of  the  Duke  of  Otranto  speedily  followed,  and  I 
had  the  satisfaction  of  having  contributed  to  repair  one  of  the 
evils  inflicted  upon  France  by  the  Duke  of  Wellington. 

Soon  after  my  audience  with  the  king,  I  set  off  to  discharge 
my  duties  in  the  department  of  the  Yonne,  and  I  obtained  the 
honour  of  being  elected  to  represent  my  countrymen  in  the 
Chamber  of  Deputies.  My  colleague  was  M.  Randot,  a  man 
who,  In  very  trying  circumstances,  had  given  proof  of  his 
attachment  to  the  king's  government. 

After  my  election  I  returned  to  Paris,  but  took  no  part  in 
public  affairs.  I  was  grieved  to  see  the  government  resort  to 
measures  of  severity,  to  punish  faults  which  it  would  have  been 
better  policy  to  attribute  to  the  unfortunate  circumstances  of 
the  times.  No  consideration  can  ever  make  me  cease  to  regret 
the  memory  of  Marshal  Ney,  who  was  sacrificed  to  the  influence 
of  foreigners.  Their  object,  as  Blucher  Intimated  to  me,  was  to 
disable  France  from  engaging  in  new  wars  for  a  long  time  ; 
and  they  hoped  to  accomplish  that  object  by  stirring  up  between 
the  government  and  the  army  that  discord  which  the  sacrifice  of 


490  NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 

Ney  was  calculated  to  produce.  I  have  no  positive  proof  of  the 
fact,  but  in  my  opinion,  Ney's  life  was  a  pledge  of  gratitude 
which  Fouche  considered  he  must  offer  to  that  influence  which 
made  him  minister. 

In  the  month  of  August  I  was  named  by  the  king  a  counsellor 
of  state,  and  in  the  following  month  I  was  appointed  a  Minister 
of  State  and  Member  of  the  Privy  Council.  I  may  close  this 
volume  by  relating  a  circumstance  connected  with  the  last- 
mentioned  nomination,  which  I  felt  as  very  flattering  to  me. 
The  king  had  directed  M.  de  Talleyrand,  as  President  of  the 
Council,  to  present  to  him  a  list  of  such  persons  as  he  deemed 
suitable  as  members  of  the  privy  council.  The  king  having  read 
the  list,  said  to  his  minister,  '  But  M.  de  Talleyrand,  I  do  not 
see  the  names  of  two  of  our  best  friends,  Bourrienne  and  Alexis 
de  Noailles.' — '  Sire,  I  considered  that  their  nomination  would 
seem  more  flattering  in  coming  directly  from  your  majesty.' 
The  king  then  added  my  name,  as  well  as  that  of  the  Count 
Alexis  de  Noailles,  to  the  list  ;  so  that  our  names  are  written  in 
Louis  XVin.'s  own  hand  in  the  original  ordinance. 

I  have  now  brought  to  a  termination  my  narrative  of  the 
extraordinary  and  important  events  in  which  I  have  taken  a  part, 
either  as  an  actor  or  as  a  spectator,  and  of  which,  at  present, 
little  more  than  the  mere  recollection  remains. 


ABSTRACT  OF  THE  CAMPAIGN  OF  1815. 

EXTRACTED    FROM    THE    REMARKS    PUBLISHED    BY    CAPTAIN 
JOHN    W.    PRINGLE,    OF    THE    ROYAL    ENGINEERS. 

In  the  following  observations,  it  is  not  pretended  that  any  new 
matter  can  be  given  on  a  subject  already  so  much  discussed  ; 
still,  some  facts  and  considerations  are  treated  of,  which  have 
not  been  perhaps  fully  or  fairly  appreciated. 

France,  as  is  well  known,  is,  on  the  Belgian  frontier,  studded 
with  fortresses.  Belgium,  on  the  contrary,  is  now  defenceless. 
The  numerous  fortresses  in  the  Low  Countries,  so  celebrated 
in  our  former  wars,  had  been  dismantled  in  the  reign  of  the 
Emperor  Joseph  ;  and  their  destruction  completed  by  the  French 
when  they  got  possession  of  the  country  at  the  battle  of  Fleurus, 
1794,  with  the  exception  of  Antwerp,  Ostend,  and  Nieuport, 
which  they  had  kept  up  on  account  of  their  marine  importance. 


BELGIUM    BEFORE    WATERLOO  491 

These  circumstances  placed  the  two  parties  in  very  different 
situations,  both  for  security,  and  for  facility  of  preparing  and 
carrying  into  execution  the  measures  either  for  attack  or  defence. 
It  may  be  well  supposed,  that  the  general  impression  in 
Belgium  was,  that  Bonaparte  would  lose  no  time  in  endeavouring 
to  regain  a  country  which  he  considered  as  almost  part  of  France  ; 
important  to  him  from  the  resources  it  would  have  afforded, 
and  perhaps  still  more  so,  as  it  would  deprive  his  enemies  of  so 
convenient  a  base  of  operations  for  the  preparation  of  the 
means  for  attacking  France.  The  discontent  in  Belgium,  and 
the  Prussian  provinces  on  the  Rhine,  also  amongst  the  Saxon 
troops  who  had  served  in  his  army,  was  known.  The  mutinous 
spirit  of  these  troops  appeared  to  be  in  concert  with  the  move- 
ments of  the  French  forces  on  the  frontiers  ;  so  much  so,  that 
they  were  disarmed  and  sent  to  tlie  rear.  In  the  former,  the 
discontent  was  particularly  favoured  by  the  number  of  French 
officers  and  soldiers  who  had  been  discharged  as  aliens  from  the 
French  army,  in  which  they  had  served  nearly  since  the  Revolu- 
tion, and  now  gave  themselves  little  care  to  conceal  their  real 
sentiments  and  attachments.  The  flight  of  Louis  from  Lille, 
through  Flanders,  added  to  this  feeling  in  Belgium — such 
appeared  to  be  the  prevailing  spirit.  The  force  the  British 
had  to  keep  it  in  check,  and  resist  an  invasion,  amounted  only 
to  6000  or  70GO  men,  under  the  orders  of  Sir  Thomas  Graham, 
consisting  chiefly  of  second  battalions,  hastily  collected,  a  great 
portion  of  our  best  troops  not  having  yet  returned  from  America. 
There  were  also  in  Belgium  the  German  legion,  together  with 
8000  to  10,000  men  of  the  new  Hanoverian  levies.  The 
organization  of  the  Belgian  troops  had  been  just  commenced,  so 
that  the  force  of  the  Prince  of  Orange  might  amount  to  about 
20,000  men.  The  Prussian  General  Kleist,  who  commanded  on 
the  Rhine  and  Meuse,  had  30,000  men,  afterwards  augmented  to 
50,000,  which,  however,  included  the  Saxons. 

The  intelligence  of  Napoleon  having  landed  at  Cannes  on  the 
ist  of  March,  reached  Brussels  on  the  9th.  Preparations  were 
immediately  made  for  the  defence  of  the  coimtry.  The  British 
troops  under  General  Clinton  concentrated,  with  their  allies, 
near  Ath,  Mons,  and  Tournay  ;  and  these  places,  with  Ypres, 
Ghent,  and  Oudenarde,  were  ordered  to  be  put  in  a  state  of 
defence  consistently  with  the  exigencies  of  the  moment.  To  efi'ect 
this,  every  use  was  made  of  what  remained  of  the  old  fortifica- 
tions. New  works  were  added,  and  advantage  was  taken  of  the 
great  system  of  defence  in  that  country,  w  hich  is  generally  under 


492  NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 

the  level  of  some  canal,  or  the  sea,  and  consequently  capable  of 
being  inundated.  The  sluices  which  commanded  thfe  inundations 
were  covered  by  strong  redoubts. 

About  20,000  labourers,  called  in  by  requisitions  on  the 
countT}',  were  daily  employed  on  the  works,  in  addition  to  the 
working  parties  furnished  by  the  troops.  The  necessary  artillerv 
and  stores  were  supplied  from  England  and  Holland.  Troops 
arrived  daily,  and  were  immediately  moved  to  the  frontiers, 
whence,  from  the  movements  that  were  constantly  taking  place, 
it  is  probable  that  exaggerated  accounts  were  transmitted  to  the 
enemy.  By  these  vigorous  and  prompt  measures,  confidence 
became  restored — the  panic  amongst  the  people  of  Belgium  was 
removed — they  saw  that  their  countrj^  was  not  to  be  given  up 
without  a  severe  struggle  ;  it  fixed  the  wavering,  3nd  silenced  the 
disaffected.  In  less  than  a  month,  most  of  the  frontier  places 
were  safe  from  a  coup-de-main. 

The  Duke  of  Wellington  had  arrived  at  Brussels  from  Vienna 
early  in  April,  and  immediately  inspected  the  frontier  and  the 
fortresses  ;  after  which,  he  agreed  on  a  plan  of  operations  with 
the  Prussians,  by  which  they  concentrated  their  troops  along  the 
Sambre  and  Meuse,  occupying  Charleroi,  Namur,  and  Liege, 
so  as  to  be  in  communication  with  his  left.  The  Prussians  had 
repaired  the  works  round  Cologne,  which  assured  their  com- 
munications with  Prussia,  and  gave  them  a  tete-du-pont  on  the 
Rhine.  Reference  to  the  map  will  shew  that  the  cantonments 
of  the  Prussians,  along  the  Sambre  and  Meuse,  enabled  them 
to  act  in  concert  with  our  army  ;  to  cover  their  line  of  com- 
munication with  Prussia  ;  and  to  move  rapidly  into  the 
provinces  of  the  Moselle,  in  the  event  of  the  enemy  advancing 
from  Metz. 

The  Russians  were  to  have  come  into  the  line  at  Mayence, 
but  they  did  not  reach  the  Rhine  until  June,  and  then  only 
the  first  corps  ;  so  that,  for  the  present,  a  gap  existed  from 
the  Prussian  left  at  Dinant,  to  the  Austro-Bavarian  right  at 
Manheim. 

It  was  an  important  object  to  cover  Brussels  ;  and  it  is  to  be 
considered  that  this  city  forms,  as  it  were,  a  centre  to  a  large 
portion  of  the  French  frontier,  extending  about  seventy  miles 
from  the  Lys  to  the  Meuse,  viz.  from  Menin  to  Philipville  or 
Givet  ;  that  it  is  about  fifty  miles  distant  from  these  extreme 
points  ;  and  that  it  was  necessary'  to  guard  the  entry  from 
France  by  Tournay,  Mons,  and  Charleroi  ;  and  also  to  prevent 
Ghent,  a  verj-^  important  place,  from  being  attacked  from  Lille 


HIS   MOVEMENTS   BEFORE    WATERLOO       493 

Bonaparte  appears  to  have  attached  much  importance  to  the 
occupation  of  Brussels,  as  appears  by  the  bulletins  found  ready 
printed  in  his  baggage,  which  was  captured.  It  was  therefore 
of  much  importance,  in  every  point  of  view,  to  prevent  even 
a  temporary  occupation  of  this  city,  and  this  could  only  be  done 
by  risking  an  action  in  front  of  it. 

Some  movements  were  observed  on  the  French  frontier 
between  Lille  and  Berguer,  as  if  preparing  for  offensive  opera- 
tions, about  the  end  of  March,  at  which  period  the  troops 
cantoned  near  Menin  had  orders,  after  making  due  resistance, 
and  destroying  the  bridge  on  the  Lys,  to  fall  back  on  Courtrai, 
their  point  of  assembling  ;  and  then,  after  such  a  resistance  as 
would  not  compromise  their  safety  in  retreat,  to  endeavour  to 
ascertain  the  object  of  the  enemy's  movements,  and  give  time 
for  the  troops  to  assemble.  They  were  to  retire  on  Oudenarde 
and  Ghent,  opening  the  sluices,  and  extending  the-inundation. 
About  the  beginning  of  May  similar  movements  were  also 
observed,  but  less  was  then  to  be  apprehended,  since,  by  the 
advanced  state  of  the  works  at  Tournay,  the  tete-du-pont  at 
Oudenarde  and  Ghent,  we  then  commanded  the  Scheldt,  and 
could  have  assumed  the  offensive. 

Great  credit  is  undoubtedly  due  to  Napoleon,  for  the  mode 
in  which  he  concealed  his  movements,  and  the  rapidity  with 
which  he  concentrated  his  army.  The  forced  marches  he  was 
obliged  to  make  appear,  however,  to  have  paralyzed  his 
subsequent  movements,  from  the  fatigue  his  troops  underwent. 
The  army  he  commanded  were  mostly  old  soldiers  of  the  same 
nation,  under  a  single  chief.  The  allied  armies  were  composed 
of  different  nations,  a  great  portion  young  levies,  and  under  two 
generals,  each  of  such  reputation  as  not  likely  to  yield  great 
deference  to  the  other. 

On  the  night  of  the  14th  of  June,  the  French  army  bivouacked 
In  three  divisions,  as  near  the  frontier  as  possible,  without 
being  observed  by  the  Prussians  ;  the  left  at  Ham-sur-heure, 
the  centre  at  Beaumont,  where  the  head-quarters  were  established, 
and  the  right  at  Philipville. 

At  three  o'clock  a.m.,  on  the  15th  of  June,  the  French  army 
crossed  the  frontier  in  three  columns,  directed  on  Marchiennes, 
Charleroi,  and  Chatelet.  The  Prussian  outposts  were  quickly 
driven  in  ;  they,  however,  maintained  their  ground  obstinately 
at  three  points,  until  eleven  o'clock,  when  General  Zicthen  took 
up  a  position  at  Gilly  and  Gosselies,  in  order  to  check  the 
advance   of  the  enemy,   and    then   retired    slowly  on  Fleurus, 


494  NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 

agreeably  to  the  orders  of  Marshal  Blucher,  to  allow  time  for 
the  concentration  of  his  army.  The  French  army  was  formed, 
on  the  night  of  the  15th,  in  three  columns,  the  left  at  Gosselies, 
the  centre  near  Gilly,  and  the  right  at  Chatelet.  Two  corps  of 
the  Prussian  army  occupied  the  position  at  Sombref  on  the  same 
night,  where  they  were  joined  by  the  ist  corps,  and  occupied 
St.  Amand,  Bry,  and  Ligny  ;  so  that,  notwithstanding  all  the 
exertions  of  the  French,  at  a  moment  when  time  was  of  such 
importance,  they  had  only  been  able  to  advance  about  fifteen 
English  miles  during  the  day,  with  nearly  fifteen  hours  of  day- 
light. The  corps  of  Ziethen  had  suffered  considerably,  but  he 
had  effected  his  orders  ;  so  that  Marshal  Blucher  was  enabled 
to  assemble  three  corps  of  his  army,  80,000  men,  in  position 
early  on  the  15th,  and  his  4th  corps  was  on  its  march  to  join 
him  that  evening. 

The  Duke  of  Wellington  seems  to  have  expected  an  attack  by 
the  Mons  chaussee,  and  on  his  first  receiving  information  of  the 
enemy's  movements,  merely  ordered  his  troops  to  hold  them- 
selves in  readiness  ;  this  was  on  the  evening  of  the  15th  of  June, 
at  six  o'clock.  Having  obtained  further  intelligence  about 
eleven  o'clock,  which  confirmed  the  real  attack  of  the  enemy  to 
be  along  the  Sambre,  orders  were  immediately  given  for  the 
troops  to  march  upon  Quatre-bras. 

The  Duke  of  Wellington  arrived  at  Quatre-bras  on  the  i6th, 
at  an  early  hour,  and  immediately  proceeded  to  Bry,  to  concert 
measures  with  Marshal  Blucher,  for  arranging  the  most  eilicient 
plan  of  support.  It  appeared  at  that  time  that  the  whole 
French  attack  would  be  directed  against  the  Prussians,  as  con- 
siderable masses  of  the  enemy  were  in  movement  in  their  front. 

The  object  of  the  enemy  on  the  i6th,  as  may  be  seen  by  the 
general  orders  of  Napoleon,  communicated  by  Soult  to  Ney  and 
Grouchy,  was  to  turn  the  Prussian  right,  by  driving  the  British 
from  (Quatre-bras,  and  then  to  march  down  the  chaussee  upon 
the  Bry,  and  thus  separate  the  armies.  For  this  purpose,  Ney 
was  detached  with  43,000  men.  The  plan  was  excellent,  and  if 
Ney  had  been  successful,  would  have  led  to  important  results. 
After  obtaining  possession  of  Quatre-bras,  he  was  to  have 
detached  part  of  his  forces  to  attack  the  Prussian  right  flank  in 
rear  of  St.  Amand,  whilst  Bonaparte  was  making  the  chief 
attack  on  that  village,  the  strongest  in  the  position,  and  at  the 
same  time  keeping  the  whole  Prussian  line  engaged.  Half  of 
Ney's  force  was  left  in  reserve  near  Frasnes,  to  be  in  readiness 
either  to  support  the  attacks  on  Quatre-bras  or  St.  Amand,  and 


LIGNY    AND    QUATRE-BRAS  495 

in  the  event  of  both  succeeding,  to  turn  the  Prussian  right,  by 
marchings  direct  on  Wagnele  or  Bry. 

i^he  village  of  St.  Amand  was  well  defended  ;  it  formed  the 
strength  of  the  Prussian  right,  and  from  the  intersection  of 
several  gardens  and  hedges,  was  very  capable  of  defence, 
although  so  much  in  advance  of  the  rest  of  the  Prussian 
position.  After  a  continued  attack,  for  two  hours,'  the  enemy 
had  only  obtained  possession  of  half  the  village  of  St.  Amand, 
and  a  severe  attack  was  made  upon  Ligny,  which  was  taken  and 
retaken  several  times.  At  this  time  Bonaparte  sent  for  the 
corps  of  reserve  left  by  Key  at  Frasnes  ;  before,  however,  it 
reached  St.  Amand  in  consequence  of  the  check  they  had 
sustained  at  Quatre-bras,  it  was  countermarched,  and  from  this 
circumstance  became  of  little  use  either  to  Bonaparte  or  Ney. 
Bonaparte  having  observed  the  masses  of  troops  which  Blucher 
had  brought  up  behind  St.  Amand,  appears  to  have  changed  the 
disposition  of  his  reserves,  who  were  marching  upon  St.  Amand, 
and  moved  them  towards  the  right  to  attack  the  Prussian  centre 
at  Ligny,  which  they  succeeded  in  forcing,  and  so  obtained 
possession  of  that  village.  It  was  now  nine  o'clock,  about  dark, 
which  prevented  the  French  from  advancing  farther,  and  they 
contented  themselves  with  the  occupation  of  Ligny.  The 
Prussians  did  not  evacuate  Bry  before  three  o'clock  a.m.  on  the 
17th.  In  the  course  of  the  night,  the  Prussians  fell  back  on 
Tilly  and  Gembloux.  The  loss  of  the  Prussians,  according  to 
their  own  account,  amounted  to  14,000  men,  and  fifteen  pieces 
of  artillery  :  the  French  official  account  in  the  Moniteur  says 
15,000.     The  French  acknowledge  to  have  lost  7,000. 

The  force  of  the  enemy,  at  the  time  the  Duke  of  Wellington 
left  Quatre-bras  to  communicate  with  Blucher,  appeared  to  be 
so  weak,  that  no  serious  attack  was  at  that  time  to  be  appre- 
hended ;  but  on  his  return  to  that  position,  about  three  o'clock, 
he  found  they  had  assembled  a  large  force  at  Frasnes,  and  were 
preparing  for  an  attack,  which  was  made  about  half-past  three 
o'clock  by  two  columns  of  infantry,  and  nearly  all  their  cavalry, 
suppoiteil  by  a  heavy  fire  of  artillery.  The  force  at  that  time 
under  his  orders  was  17,000  infantry  and  2000  cavalry,  of 
which  about  4500  were  British  infantry,  the  rest  Hanoverians, 
and  Belgians,  and  Nassau  troops.  They  at  first  obtained  some 
success,  driving  back  the  Belgian  and  Brunswick  cavalry  ;  their 
cavalry  penetrated  amongst  our  infantry  before  they  had  quite 
time  to  form  squares,  and  forced  a  part  to  retire  into  the 
adjoining  wood  ;  they  were,  however,  repulsed.     At  this  period 


496  NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 

of  the  action,  the  third  British  division,  under  General  Altcn, 
arrived  about  four  o'clock,  soon  after  the  action  had  commenced. 
They  consisted  of  about  6300  men,  and  were  composed  of 
British,  King's  German  legion,  and  Hanoverians.  They  had 
some  difficulty  in  maintaining  their  ground,  and  one  regiment 
lost  a  colour.  They  succeeded,  however,  in  repelling  the  enemy 
from  the  advanced  points  he  had  gained  at  the  farm  of  Gemin- 
court  and  the  village  of  Pierremont. 

Ney  still,  however,  occupied  part  of  the  wood  of  Bossu, 
which  extends  from  Quatre-bras,  on  the  right  of  the  road 
towards  Frasnes,  to  the  distance  of  about  a  mile.  This  favoured 
an  attack  on  the  right  of  our  position,  which  he  accordingly 
made,  after  having  been  repulsed  on  the  left.  At  this  moment 
the  division  of  General  Cooke  (guards),  4000  strong, 
arrived  from  Enghien,  and  materially  assisted  to  repel  this 
attack,  which,  after  considerable  exertions,  was  done,  and  the 
enemy  driven  back  upon  Frasnes  in  much  confusion.  This 
affair  was  severely  contested,  and  though  the  enemy  were 
repulsed,  the  loss  on  each  side  was  nearly  equal,  owing  to  the 
superiority  of  the  French  in  artillery.  The  loss,  however, 
inflicted  on  the  French  by  the  fire  of  musketr)^,  which  their 
attacking  columns  were  exposed  to,  was  very  considerable,  and 
counterbalanced  the  advantage  they  derived  from  their  artillery. 
It  required  great  exertions  to  maintain  the  important  post  of 
Quatre-bras,  in  the  present  relative  situations  of  the  two  armies. 
If  Ney  had  advanced  as  rapidly  as  Bonaparte  says  he  might  have 
done,  he  would  have  obtained  his   object. 

«  But  even  had  Ney  got  possession  of  Quatre-bras  at  an  early 
hour,  he  would  scarcely  have  been  able  to  detach  any  sufficient 
force  against  the  Prussians,  seeing,  as  he  must  have  done,  or 
at  least  ought  to  have  calculated,  that  the  British  forces  were 
arriving  rapidly  on  the  point  which  we  suppose  him  to  have 
occupied.  The  British  could  have  still  retreated  on  Waterloo, 
and  been  concentrated  on  the  17th  at  that  position  ;  and  there 
was  nothing  to  prevent  the  Prussians  retreating  on  Wavre,  as 
they  afterwards  did.  Bonaparte  did  not  gain  possession  of 
Quatre-bras  until  the  forenoon  of  the  17th.  He  had  sustained 
a  severe  check  with  one  part  of  his  army,  and  gained  an  in- 
decisive action  with  the  other  ;  the  loss  of  the  allies  not 
exceeding  his  own,  whilst  they  had  the  advantage  of  retiring 
leisurely  on  their  resources  and  reinforcements,  and,  by  the 
retreat,  gave  up  no  place  or  position  now  of  consequence  to 
the  pursuing  enemy.     The  result  of  the  operations  of  the  i6th 


BRITISH    RETREAT   ON    WATERLOO  497 

produced  no  important  consequences  to  the  French.  The 
celebrated  engineer,  General  Rogniat,  does  not  hesitate  to  term 
it  an  indecisive  action.  The  success  of  the  British  in  repelling 
the  attack  of  Quatre-bras,  tended  to  make  them  meet  the 
renewed  attack  at  Waterloo  with  more  confidence,  and  probably- 
had  a  contrary  effect  on  the  enemy  ;  whilst  the  manner  in  which 
the  Prussian  corps  of  Thielmann  received  the  attack  of  Grouchy 
on  the  1 8th,  who  had  superior  forces,  shewed  how  little  the 
confidence  of  the  Prussians  had  been  shaken  by  the  action  at 
Ligny. 

The  outline  of  the  operations,  and  the  strategy  on  the  part 
of  Napoleon  to  separate  the  two  armies,  was  no  doubt  finely 
conceived,  and,  as  we  have  seen,  was  nearly  successful  ;  yet  it  is 
presumed  that,  had  it  been  so,  even  to  the  extent  Bonaparte 
could  hope  or  expect,  the  allies  had  still  a  safe  retreat,  and 
sufficient  resources.  On  all  sides  it  was  a  calculation  of  hours. 
It  is  hardly  possible  to  know  the  point  an  enterprising  enemy 
means  to  attack,  especially  on  so  extended  a  line  ;  and  here  the 
assailant  has  the  advantage. 

The  spirited  manner  in  which  the  allied  marshals  adhered 
to  their  plans  of  defence  previously  agreed  on,  and  extricated 
themselves  from  the  difficulties  which  they  found  themselves 
placed  in  by  the  sudden  and  vigorous  attack  they  had  to  sustain, 
and  which  their  distinct  commands  tended  rather  to  increase, 
must  command  admiration. 

On  the  morniug  of  the  17th,  the  British  troops  remained  in 
possession  of  Quatre-bras,  where  the  rest  of  the  army  had 
joined  the  Duke  of  Wellington,  who  was  prepared  to  maintain 
that  position  against  the  French  army,  had  the  Prussians 
remained  in  the  position  of  Ligny,  so  as  to  give  him  support. 

Marshal  Blucher  had  sent  an  aide-de-camp  to  inform  the 
duke  of  his  retreat,  who  was  unfortunately  killed,  and  it  was  not 
until  seven  o'clock  on  the  17th,  that  Lord  Wellington  learned 
the  direction  which  the  Prussians  had  taken.  The  Prussians  had 
fallen  back  very  leisurely  on  Wavre,  their  rear-guard  occupying 
Bry,  which  they  did  not  evacuate  before  three  o'clock  on  the 
morning  of  the  1 7th.  The  retrograde  movement  of  the  Prussians 
rendered  a  corresponding  one  necessary  on  the  part  of  the 
British,  which  was  performed  in  the  most  leisurely  manner,  the 
duke  allowing  the  men  time  to  finish  their  cooking.  About  ten 
o'clock  the  whole  army  retired,  in  three  columns,  by  Genappe 
and  Nivelles,  towards  a  position  at  Waterloo. 

As  the  troops  arrived  in  position  in  front  of  Mont  Saint  Jean 

3» 


^98  NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 

they  took  up  the  ground  they  were  to  maintain,  which  was 
effected  early  in  the  evening.  The  weather  began  to  be  very 
severe  at  this  period.  The  whole  French  army,  under  Bonaparte, 
with  the  exception  of  two  corps  under  Grouchy  (32,000  men, 
and  108  guns),  took  up  a  position  immediately  in  front  ;  and 
after  some  cannonading  both  armies  remained  opposite  to  each 
other  during  the  night,  the  rain  falling  in  torrents.  The  duke 
had  already  communicated  with  Marshal  Blucher,  who  promised 
to  come  to  his  support  with  the  whole  of  his  army  on  the 
morning  of  the  i8th.  It  was  consequently  decided  upon  to  cover 
Brussels  (the  preservation  of  which  was  of  such  importance,  in 
every  point  ot  view,  to  the  King  of  the  Netherlands),  by  main- 
taining the  position  of  Mont  St.  Jean.  The  intention  of  the 
allied  chiefs,  if  they  were  not  attacked  on  the  iSth,  v/as  to  have 
attacked  the  enemy  on  the  19th. 

The  morning  of  the  i8th,  and  part  of  the  forenoon,  were 
passed  by  the  enemy  in  a  state  of  supineness,  for  which  it  was 
difficult  to  account.  The  rain  had  certainly  retarded  his 
movements,  more  particularly  that  of  bringing  his  artillery  into 
position  ;  yet  it  was  observed  that  this  had  been  accomplished  at 
an  early  hour.  Grouchy  has  given  as  a  reason  that  Napoleon's 
ammunition  had  been  so  much  exhausted  in  the  preceding 
actions,  that  there  was  only  a  sufficiency  with  the  army  for 
ail  action  of  eight  hours.  The  heavy  fall  of  rain  on  the  night  of 
the  17th  was  no  doubt  more  disadvantageous  to  the  enemy  than 
to  the  troops  under  Lord  Wellington  ;  the  latter  were  in  position 
and  had  few  movements  to  make  ;  whilst  the  enemy's  columns 
and  particularly  his  cavalry,  were  much  fatigued  and  impeded  by 
the  state  of  the  ground,  which,  with  the  trampled  corn,  caused 
them  to  advance  more  slowly,  and  kept  them  longer  under  fire. 
On  the  other  hand,  the  same  causes  delayed  the  Prussians  in  their 
junction,  which  they  had  promised  to  effect  at  eleven  o'clock, 
and  obliged  Lord  Wellington  to  maintain  the  position  alone 
nearly  eight  hours  longer  than  had  been  calculated  upon. 

About  twelve  o'clock,  the  enemy  commenced  the  action  by  an 
attack  upon  Hougomont,  with  several  columns,  preceded  by 
numerous  light  troops,  who,  after  severe  skirmishing,  drove  the 
Nassau  troops  from  the  wood  in  its  front,  and  established  them- 
selves in  it. 

During  the  early  part  of  the  day,  the  action  was  almost 
entirely  confined  to  this  part  of  the  line,  except  a  galling  fire  of 
artillery  along  the  centre,  which  was  vigorously  returned  by  our 
guns.     This  fire  gradually  extended  towards  the  left,  and  some 


BATTLE   OF   WATERLOO  499 

demonstrations  of  an  attack  of  cavalry  were  made  by  the  enemy. 
As  the  troops  were  drawn  up  on  the  slope  of  the  hill,  they 
suffered  most  severely  from  the  enemy's  artillery.  In  order  to 
remedy  this,  Lord  Wellington  moved  them  back  about  one 
hundred  and  fifty  or  two  hundred  yards,  to  the  reverse  slope  of 
the  hill,  to  shelter  them  from  the  direct  fire  of  the  guns  ;  our 
artillery  in  consequence  remained  in  advance,  that  they  might 
see  into  the  valley.  This  movement  was  made  between  one  and 
two  o'clock  by  the  duke  in  person  ;  it  was  general  along  the 
front  or  centre  of  the  position,  on  the  height  to  the  right  of  La 
Haye  Sainte. 

It  is  by  no  means  improbable  that  the  enemy  considered  this 
movement  as  the  commencement  of  a  retreat,  since  a  consider- 
able portion  of  our  troops  were  withdrawn  from  his  sight,  and 
determined  in  consequence  to  attack  our  left  centre,  in  order  to 
get  possession  of  the  buildings  called  Ferme  de  M.  St.  Jean,  or  of 
the  village  itself,  which  commanded  the  point  of  junction  of  the 
two  chaussees.  The  attacking  columns  advanced  on  the  Genappe 
chauss{-e,  and  by  the  side  of  it  ;  they  consisted  of  four  columns 
of  infantry  (d'Erlon's  corps,  which  was  not  engaged  on  the 
16th),  thirty  pieces  of  artillery,  and  a  large  body  of  cuirassiers 
(Milhaud's).  On  the  left  of  this  attack,  the  French  cavalry 
took  the  lead  of  the  infantry,  and  had  advanced  considerably, 
when  the  Duke  of  Wellington  ordered  the  heavy  cavalry  (Life 
Guards)  to  charge  them  as  they  ascended  the  position  near  La 
Haye  Sainte.  They  were  driven  back  on  their  own  position, 
where  the  chaussee,  being  cut  into  the  rising  ground,  leaves  steep 
banks  on  either  side.  In  this  confined  space  they  fought  at 
swords'  length  for  some  minutes,  until  the  enemy  brought  down 
some  light  artillery  from  the  heights,  when  the  British  cavalry 
retired  to  their  own  position.  The  loss  of  the  cuirassiers  did 
not  appear  great.  They  seemed  immediately  to  reform  their 
ranks,  and  soon  after  advanced  to  attack  our  infantry,  who  were 
formed  into  squares  to  receive  them,  being  then  unsupported  by 
cavalry.  The  columns  of  infantry  in  the  meantime  pushed  for- 
ward on  our  left  of  the  Genappe  chaussee,  beyond  La  Haye 
Sainte,  which  they  did  not  attempt  in  this  attack  to  take.  A 
Belgian  brigade  of  infantry,  formed  in  front,  gave  way,  and 
these  columns  crowned  the  position  ;  when  Sir  Thomas  Picton 
moved  up  the  brigade  of  General  Pack  from  the  second  line 
(the  92nd  regiment  in  front),  which  opened  a  fire  on  the  column 
just  as  it  gained  the  height,  and  advanced  upon  it  ;  when  within 
thirty  yards,  the  column  began  to  hesitate  ;  at  this  moment  a 


500  NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 

brigade  of  heavy  cavalry  (the  ist  and  2nd  Dragoons)  wheeled 
round  the  92nd  regiment,  and  took  the  column  in  flank  ;  a  total 
rout  ensued  ;  the  French,  throwing  down  their  arms,  ran  into 
our  position  to  save  themselves  from  being  cut  down  by  the 
cavalry  ;  many  were  killed,  and  two  eagles,  with  2000  prisoners, 
taken.  But  the  cavalry  pursued  their  success  too  far,  and  beinjj 
fired  upon  by  one  of  the  other  columns,  and  at  the  same  time, 
when  in  confusion,  being  attacked  by  some  French  cavalry,  who 
had  been  sent  to  support  the  attack,  the  British  were  obliged 
fo  retire  with  considerable  loss.  In  this  attack  the  enemy  had 
brought  forward  several  pieces  of  artillery,  which  were  captured 
by  our  cavalry  ;  the  horses  in  the  guns  were  killed,  and  we  were 
obliged  to  abandon  the  guns.  General  Ponsonby,  who  com- 
manded the  cavalry,  was  killed.  The  gallant  Sir  Thomas  Picton 
also  fell,  leading  on  his  division  to  repel  this  attack.  From  this 
period,  half-past  two,  until  the  end  of  the  action,  the  British 
cavalry  were  scarcely  engaged,  but  remained  in  readiness  in  the 
second  line.  After  the  French  cuirassiers  had  re-formed,  and 
w.ere  strongly  reinforced,  they  again  advanced  upon  our  position, 
and  made  several  desperate  attacks  upon  our  infantry,  who 
immediately  formed  into  squares,  and  maintained  themselves 
with  the  most  determined  courage  and  coolness. 

The  French  cavalry,  in  the  attack  on  the  centre  of  our  line 
above  mentioned,  were  not  supported  by  infantry.  They  came 
on,  however,  with  the  greatest  courage,  close  to  the  squares  oi 
our  infantry  ;  the  artillery,  which  was  somewhat  in  advance, 
kept  up  a  well-directed  fire  upon  them  as  they  advanced,  but,  on 
their  nearer  approach,  the  gunners  were  obliged  to  retire  into 
the  squares,  so  that  the  guns  were  actually  in  possession  of  the 
enemy's  cavalry,  who  could  not,  however,  keep  possession  or 
them,  or  even  spike  them,  if  they  had  the  means,  in  consequence 
of  the  heavy  fire  of  musketry  to  which  they  were  exposed.  They 
were  driven  back  with  loss  on  all  points,  and  the  artillerymen 
immediately  resumed  their  guns  in  the  most  prompt  manner, 
and  opened  a  severe  and  destructive  fire  of  grape-shot  on  them 
as  they  retired.* 

*  The  cavalry  came  up  to  one  of  the  squares  at  a  trot,  and  appeared 
to  be  hanging  back  as  if  expecting  our  fire  ;  they  closed  round  two 
sides  of  it,  having  a  front  of  seventy  or  eighty  men,  and  came  so  close 
to  one  angle,  that  they  appeared  to  try  to  reach  over  the  bayonet , 
with  their  swoids.  The  squares  were  generally  formed  four  deep, 
rounded  at  the  angles  ;  on  the  approach  of  the  cavalry  two  files  fired, 
the  others  reserving  their  fire :  the  cavalry  then  turned,  and  it  is    not 


BATTLE    OF    WATERLOO  501 

After  the  failure  of  the  first  attack,  the  French  had  little  or 
no  chance  of  success  by  renewing  it  ;  but  the  officers,  perhaps 
ashamed  of  the  failure  of  such  boasted  troops,  endeavoured  re- 
peatedly to  bring  them  back  to  charge  the  squares  ;  but  they 
could  only  be  brought  to  pass  between  them,  and  round 
them.  They  even  penetrated  to  our  second  line,  where  they  cut 
down  some  stragglers  and  artillery-drivers,  who  were  with  the 
limbers  and  ammunition-waggons.  They  charged  the  Belgian 
squares  in  the  second  line  with  no  better  success  ;  and  upon 
some  heavy  Dutch  cavalry  shewing  themselves,  they  soon 
retired. 

If  the  enemy  supposed  us  in  retreat,  then  such  an  attack  of 
cavalry  might  have  led  to  the  most  important  results  ;  but  by 
remaining  so  uselessly  in  our  position,  and  passing  and  repassing 
our  squares  of  infantry,  they  suffered  severely  by  their  fire  ; 
30  much  so,  that  before  the  end  of  the  action,  when  they  might 
have  been  of  great  use,  either  in  the  attack,  or  in  covering  the 
retreat,  they  were  nearly  destroyed.  Had  Bonaparte  been  nearer 
the  front,  he  surely  would  have  prevented  this  useless  sacrifice 
of  his  best  troops.  Indeed,  the  artack  of  cavalry  at  this  period 
is  only  to  be  accounted  for  by  supposing  the  British  army  to 
be  in  retreat.  Thus,  every  attack  of  the  enemy  had  been 
repulsed,  and  a  severe  loss  inflicted.  The  influence  this  must 
have  had  on  the  '  morale '  of  each  army,  was  much  in  favour 
of  the  British,  and  the  probability  of  success  on  the  part  of  the 
enemy  was  consequently  diminished  from  that  period. 

It  may  here  be  proper  to  consider  the  situation  of  the  Prussian 
army,  and  the  assistance  they  had  rendered  up  to  this  time, 
about  six  o'clock. 

The  British  army  had  sustained  several  severe  attacks,  which 
had  been  all  repulsed,  and  no  advantage  of  any  consequence  had 
been  gained  by  the  enemy.  They  had  possessed  part  of  the 
wood  and  garden  of  Hougomont,  and  La  Hayc  Sainte,  which 
latter  they  were  unable  to  occupy.  Not  a  square  had  been 
broken,  shaken,  or  obliged  to  retire.  Our  infantry  continued  to 
display  the  same  obstinacy,  the  same  cool,  calculating  confidence 
in  themselves,  in  their  commander,  and  in  their  officers,  which 
had  covered  them  with  glory  in  the  long  and  arduous  war  in 

easy  to  believe  how  few  fell — only  one  officer  and  two  men  ;  no  doubt 
many  were  wounded,  but  did  not  fall  from  their  horses.  Many  squares 
fired  at  the  distance  of  thirty  paces,  with  no  other  effect.  In  fact,  our 
troops  fired  too  high,  which  must  have  been  noticed  by  the  most  casual 
observer. 


50Z  NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 

the  Peninsula.  From  the  limited  extent  of  the  field  of  battle, 
and  the  tremendous  fire  their  columns  were  exposed  to,  the 
loss  of  the  enemy  could  not  have  been  less  than  15,000  killed 
and  wounded.  Two  eagles  and  2000  prisoners  had  been  taken, 
and  their  cavalry  almost  destroyed.  We  still  occupied  nearly 
the  same  position  as  we  did  in  the  morning,  but  our  loss  had 
been  severe,  perhaps  not  less  than  10,000  killed  and  wounded. 
Our  ranks  were  further  thinned  by  the  numbers  of  men  who 
carried  off  the  wounded,  part  of  whom  never  returned  to  the 
field.  The  number  of  Belgian  and  Hanoverian  troops,  many 
of  whom  were  young  levies  that  crowded  to  the  rear,  was 
very  considerable,  besides  the  number  of  our  own  dismounted 
dragoons,  together  with  a  proportion  of  our  infantry,  some 
of  whom,  as  will  always  be  found  in  the  best  armies,  were  glad 
to  escape  from  the  field.  These  thronged  the  road  leading 
to  Brussels,  in  a  manner  that  none  but  an  ej-e-wltness  could 
have  believed  ;  so  that  perhaps  the  actual  force  under  the  Duke 
of  Wellington  at  this  time,  half-past  six,  did  not  amount 
to  more  than  34,000  men.  We  had  at  an  early  hour  been  in 
communication  with  some  patroles  of  Prussian  cavalry  on  our 
extreme  left.  But  it  was  certainly  past  five  o'clock  before  the 
fire  of  the  Prussian  artillery  (Bulow's  corps)  was  observed  from 
our  position  ;  and  it  soon  seemed  to  cease  altogether.  It  appears 
that  they  had  advanced,  and  obtained  some  success,  but  were 
afterwards  driven  back  to  a  considerable  distance  by  the  French, 
who  sent  a  corps  under  General  Lobau  to  keep  them  in  check. 
About  half-past  six,  the  first  Prussian  corps  came  into  com- 
munication with  our  extreme  left  near  Ohain. 

The  effective  state  of  the  several  armies  may  be  considered  to 
have  been  as  follows. 

The  army  under  the  Duke  of  Wellington  amounted,  at  the 
commencement  of  the  campaign,  to  75,000  men,  including  every 
description  of  force,  of  which  nearly  40,000  were  English  or  the 
King's  German  legion.  Our  loss  at  Quatre-bras  amounted 
to  4500  killed  and  wounded,  which  reduced  the  army  to  70,500 
men  ;  of  these  about  54,000  were  actually  engaged  at  Waterloo — 
about  32,000  were  composed  of  British  troops,  or  the  King's 
German  legion,  including  cavalry,  infantry,  and  artillery  ;  the 
remainder,  under  Prince  Frederic,  took  no  part  in  the  action, 
but  covered  the  approach  to  Brussels  from  Nivellcs,  and  were 
stationed  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Halle.  The  French  force 
has  been  variously  stated,  and  it  is  not  easy  to  form  a  very 
accurate  statement  of  their  strength.     Batty  gives  it  at  127,000; 


PRUSSIAN    MOVEMENTS  503 

that  is  the  number  which  crossed  the  frontiers.  It  Is  also  given 
at  122,000.  Courgaud  reduces  it  to  115,000  ;  of  these,  21,000 
were  cavalry,  and  they  had  350  guns.  They  assert  they  had  but 
71,000  engaged  at  Waterloo. 

This  number,  however,  is  certainly  underrated  ;  and  there 
is  little  doubt  but  Bonaparte  had  upwards  of  75,000  men  under 
his  immediate  command  on  the  i8th  of  June. 

It  may  be  necessary  here  to  refer  to  the  operations  of  the  corps 
under  Grouchy,  who  were  detached  in  pursuit  of  the  Prussians. 
It  appears  that  at  twelve  o'clock  on  the  17th,  Bonaparte  was 
ignorant  of  the  direction  the  Prussian  army  had  taken.  It 
was  generally  supposed  that  it  was  towards  Namur.  At  that 
hour  Bonaparte  ordered  Grouchy,  with  32,000  men,  to  follo-.v 
them.  As  the  troops  were  much  scattered,  it  was  three  o'clock 
before  they  were  in  movement,  and  they  did  not  arrive  at 
Gembloux  before  the  night  of  the  1 7th,  when  Grouchy  informed 
Bonaparte  of  the  direction  the  Prussian  army  had  taken.  He 
discovered  the  rear-guard  of  the  Prussians  near  Wavre  about 
twelve  o'clock  on  the  iSth,  and  at  two  o'clock  he  attacked 
Wavre,  which  was  obstinately  defended  by  General  Thielmann, 
and  succeeded  in  obtaining  possession  of  a  part  of  the  village. 
By  the  gallant  defence  of  this  post  by  General  Thielmann, 
Grouchy  was  induced  to  believe  that  the  whole  Prussian  army 
was  before  him.  Blucher,  however,  had  detached  Bulovv's  corps 
(4th)  at  an  early  hour  upon  Chapelle-Lambert,  to  act  on  the 
rear  of  the  French  army. 

The  British  army,  at  this  eventful  period  of  the  day,  amounted 
to  about  34,000  men  (allowing  10,000  killed  and  wounded,  and 
10,000  more  who  had  left  the  field),  18,000  of  whom  were 
English.  The  enemy  may  have  had  about  45,000  immediately 
opposed  to  us,  allowing  20,000  killed,  wounded,  and  taken 
prisoners  ;  and  10,000  men  detached  to  act  against  the 
Prussians. 

The  assistance  of  the  Prussians  had  been  expected  at  an  early 
hour,  which  had  induced  Lord  Wellington  to  accept  a  batt.'e  ; 
so  that  the  British  army  had  to  bear  the  whole  brunt  of  the 
action  for  a  much  longer  period  than  was  calculated.  Lord 
Wellington,  however,  shewed  no  anxiety  as  to  the  result.  The 
corps  of  Lord  Hill,  several  Belgian  battalions,  and  a  considerable 
portion  of  the  cavalry,  had  been  little  engaged.  He  knew  the 
troops  he  had  under  his  command,  and  seemed  confident  of 
being  able  to  maintain  his  position,  even  if  the  Prussians  did 
not  arrive  before  night. 


50+  NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 

The  above  detail  has  been  entered  into  for  the  purpose  of 
shewing  the  state  of  the  armies  towards  the  close  of  the  day. 
Bonaparte  was  now  aware  of  the  powerful  diversion  the  Prussians 
were  about  to  make,  but  at  the  same  time  sccms  to  have 
imagined  that  Grouchy  would  be  able  to  paralyze  their  move- 
ments. He  therefore  resolved  to  make  a  last  desperate  effort  to 
break  the  centre  of  the  British  army,  and  carry  their  position 
before  the  attack  of  the  Prussians  could  take  effect. 

The  Imperial  Guard  had  been  kept  in  reserve,  and  had  been 
for  some  time  formed  on  the  heights  extending  from  La  Belle 
Alliance  towards  Hougomont,  which  supported  their  left  flank. 
They  had  not  yet  been  engaged. 

About  seven  o'clock  they  advanced  in  two  columns,  leaving 
four  battalions  in  reserve.  They  were  commanded  by  Ney, 
who  led  them  on.  At  the  same  time  they  pushed  on  some  light 
troops  in  the  direction  of  La  Haye.  The  advance  of  these 
columns  of  the  guards  was  supported  by  a  heavy  fire  of  artillery. 
Our  infantry,  who  had  been  posted  on  the  reverse  of  the  hill,  to 
be  sheltered  from  the  fire  of  the  guns,  were  instantly  moved 
forward  by  Lord  Wellington.  General  Maitland's  brigade  of 
guards,  and  General  Adams'  brigade  (52nd  and  71st  regiments, 
and  95th  rifles),  met  this  formidable  attack.  They  were 
flanked  by  two  brigades  of  artillery,  who  kept  up  a  destructive 
fire  on  the  advancing  columns.  Our  troops  waited  for  their 
approach  with  their  characteristic  coolness,  until  they  were 
within  a  short  distance  of  our  line,  when  they  opened  a  well- 
directed  fire  upon  them.  The  line  was  formed  four  deep.  The 
men  fired  independently,  retiring  a  few  paces  to  load,  and  then 
advanced  and  fired,  so  that  their  fire  never  ceased  for  a  moment. 
The  French,  headed  by  their  gallant  leader,  still  advanced,  not- 
withstanding the  severe  loss  they  sustained  by  this  fire,  which 
apparently  seemed  to  check  their  movement.  They  were  now 
within  about  fifty  yards  of  our  line,  when  they  attempted  to 
deploy  in  order  to  return  the  fire.  Our  line  appeared  to  be 
closing  round  them.  They  could  not,  however,  deploy  under 
such  a  fire  ;  and  from  the  moment  they  ceased  to  advance,  their 
chance  of  success  was  over.  They  now  formed  a  confused 
mass,  and  at  last  gave  way,  retiring  in  the  utmost  confusion. 
They  were  immediately  pursued  by  the  light  troops  of  General 
Adams'  brigade.  This  decided  the  battle.  The  enemy  had 
now  exhausted  his  means  of  attack.  He  had  still,  however,  the 
four  battalions  of  the  Old  Guard  in  reserve.  Lord  Wellington 
immediately  ordered  the  whole  line  to  advance  to  attack  their 


& 


THE    FRENCH    ROUT  505 

position.  The  enemy  were  already  attempting  a  retreat. 
These  battalions  formed  a  square  to  cover  the  retreat  of  the 
flying  columns,  flanked  by  a  few  guns,  and  supported  by  some 
light  cavalry  (red  lancers). 

The  first  Prussian  corps  had  now  joined  our  extreme  left. 
They  had  obtained  possession  of  the  village  of  La  Haye,  driving 
out  the  French  light  troops  who  occupied  it.  Bulow,  with 
the  fourth  corps,  had  some  time  previous  to  this  made  an 
unsuccessful  attack  upon  the  village  of  Planchenoit,  in  the  rear 
of  the  enemy's  right  wing,  and  being  joined  by  the  second 
corps  (Pirch's),  was  again  advancing  to  attack  it.  In  the 
meantime,  the  square  of  the  Old  Guard  maintained  itself,  the 
guns  on  its  flank  firing  upon  our  light  cavalry,  who  now 
advanced,  and  threatened  to  turn  their  flank.  Our  light  troops 
were  close  on  their  front,  and  our  whole  line  advancing,  when 
this  body,  the  '  elite,'  and  now  the  only  hope  of  the  enemy 
to  cover  their  retreat,  and  save  their  army,  gave  way,  and 
mixed  in  the  general  confusion  and  rout,  abandoning  their 
cannon  and  all  their  materiel.  It  was  now  nearly  dark.  Bulow, 
upon  being  joined  by  Pirch's  corps,  again  attacked  Planchenoit, 
which  he  turned  ;  and  then  the  enemy  abandoned  it.  He 
immediately  advanced  towards  the  Genappe  chaussee,  and 
closed  round  the  right  of  the  French,  driving  the  enemy  before 
him,  and  augmenting  their  confusion.  His  troops  came  into 
the  high-road,  or  chaussee,  near  Maison  du  Roi,  and  Blucher 
and  Wellington  having  met  about  the  same  time  near  La  Belle 
Alliance,  it  was  resolved  to  pursue  the  enemy,  and  give  him  no 
time  to  rally. 

The  Prussians,  who  had  made  only  a  short  march  during 
the  day,  pursued  the  enemy  with  such  vigour,  that  they  were 
unable  to  rally  a  single  battalion.  The  British  army  halted  on 
the  field  of  battle.  The  French  once  attempted  to  make  a 
show  of  resistance  at  Genappe,  where,  perhaps,  if  they  had  had 
a  chief  to  direct  them,  they  might  have  maintained  themselves 
until  daylight,  the  situation  of  the  village  being  strong  ;  this 
might  have  given  them  the  means  of  saving  at  least  the  semblance 
of  an  army.  The  second  Prussian  corps  was  afterwards  detached 
to  intercept  Grouchy,  who  was  not  aware  of  the  result  of  the 
battle  until  twelve  o'clock  next  day.  He  had  succeeded  in 
obtaining  some  advantage  over  General  Thielmann,  and  got 
possession  of  Wavre.  He  immediately  retreated  towards  Namur, 
where  his  rearguard  maintained  themselves  against  all  the  eff"orts 
of  the  Prussians,  who  sufi'ered  severely  in  their  attempt  to  take 


5o6  NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 

the  place.  This  served  to  cover  his  retreat,  which  he  executed 
with  great  ability,  keeping  in  a  parallel  line  to  Blucher  ;  and 
having  rallied  many  of  the  fugitives,  he  brought  hii,  army 
without  loss  to  Paris.  He  had  been  considered  as  lost  and  his 
army  made  prisoners  ;  this  belief  was  a  great  cause  of  the  resigna- 
tion of  Bonaparte  ;  otherwise,  with  this  army  he  could  have 
mustered  70,000  or  80,000  men  ;  with  the  fortifications  and 
resources  of  Paris,  which  was  sufficiently  secure  against  a  coup- 
de-main,  it  is  not  likely  he  would  have  so  easily  submitted 
without  another  struggle,  after  the  brilliant  defensive  campaign 
he  had  made  the  preceding  year.  There  are  always  some  turns 
of  fortune  in  the  events  of  war  ;  he  might  at  least  have  made 
terms.  That  army,  and  a  great  part  of  the  population,  would 
still  have  been  glad  to  make  sacrifices  to  endeavour  to  re-establish 
the  sullied  lustre  of  his  arms.  At  least  the  honour  of  falling 
sword  in  hand  was  in  his  power. 

The  time  of  the  arrival  and  co-operation  of  the  Prussians 
has  been  variously  stated.  The  above  account  is  perhaps  as 
near  the  truth  as  can  be.  The  French  writers  make  it  at  an 
early  hour,  to  account  more  satisfactorily  for  their  defeat.  The 
Prussians  also  make  it  somewhat  earlier  than  was  actually  the 
case,  in  order  to  participate  more  largely  in  the  honours  of  the 
day.  Their  powerful  assistance  has  been  acknowledged  to  its 
full  extent.  They  completed  the  destruction  of  the  French 
army,  after  they  had  failed  in  all  their  attacks  against  the  British, 
which  continued  upwards  of  seven  hours  ;  after  their  cavalry 
had  been  destroyed,  their  Imperial  Guards  driven  back,  and 
eagles  and  prisoners  taken,  and  when  their  means  of  further 
attack  may  be  considered  as  exhausted.  The  British  army  had 
suffered  severely,  and  was  not  in  a  state  to  have  taken  great 
advantage  of  the  retreat  of  the  French.  But  its  safety  was 
never  for  a  moment  compromised,  and  no  calculation  could 
justify  the  idea  that  we  would  have  been  so  easily  defeated 
and  driven  from  our  position,  but  that  the  enemy  would  have 
been  so  much  crippled,  that  he  could  not  have  taken  much 
advantage  of  our  reverses.  Even  in  such  a  case  the  arrival  of 
the  Prussians  must  have  obliged  him  to  have  retired. 

This  short  campaign  of  'Hours'  was  a  joint  operation.  The 
honours  must  be  shared.  On  the  i6th,  the  Prussians  fought 
at  Ligny  under  the  promise  of  our  co-operation,  which  could 
not,  however,  be  given  to  the  extent  it  was  wished  or  hoped. 
On  the  18th,  Lord  Wellington  fought  at  Waterloo,  on  the 
promise  of  the  early  assistance  of  the  Prussians,  which,  though 


AFTER    WATERLOO  507 

unavoidably  doJayed,  was  at  last  given  with  an  effect  which 
perhaps  had  never  before  been  witnessed.  The  finest  army 
France  ever  saw,  commanded  by  the  greatest  and  ablest  of  her 
chiefs,  ceased  to  exist,  and  in  a  moment  the  destiny  of  Europe 
was  changed. 


CHAPTER    LI* 

The  immediate  consequences  of  the  battle  of  Waterloo  were 
the  total  loss  of  the  campaign,  and  the  entire  destruction  of 
the  finest,  though  not  the  most  numerous,  army  which  Napoleon 
had  ever  commanded.  That  portion  of  the  army  which  escaped 
from  the  field  fled  in  the  greatest  confusion  towards  the  frontiers 
of  France,  and  was  not  re-assembled  until  it  had  reached 
Laon. 

Napoleon  himself  continued  his  flight  until  he  reached 
Philipville,  and  at  this  point  he  intended  to  have  placed  himself 
at  the  head  of  Grouchy's  division,  but  a  report  became  current 
that  this  division  also  had  been  destroyed,  and  that  the  general 
was  made  prisoner.  These  reports  led  him  to  abandon  his 
purpose,  and  to  continue  his  journey  to  Paris,  whither  he  carried 
the  news  of  his  own  defeat. 

On  the  19th,  the  capital  had  been  greeted  with  the  news 
of  three  great  victories,  at  Charleroi,  at  Ligny,  and  at  Quatre- 
bras  ;  but  on  the  21st,  the  third  day  after  the  fatal  action, 
it  was  whispered,  and  then  openly  said,  that  Napoleon  had 
returned  alone  from  the  army  on  the  preceding  night,  and 
was  now  at  the  palace  of  the  Bourbon-Elysee.  The  fatal  truth 
could  not  long  be  concealed — that  a  great  battle  had  been 
fought,  and  that  the  French  army  was  destroyed. 

The  two  chambers  hastily  assembled,  and  passed  a  series  of 
resolutions  ;  the  first,  declared  the  state  to  be  in  danger  ;  the 
second,  their  sittings  to  be  permanent ;  the  third,  that  the  troops 
had  deserved  well  of  their  country  ;  the  fourth,  that  the  national 
guard  should  be  called  out  ;  and  the  fifth,  that  the  ministers  be 
invited  to  repair  to  the  assembly.     These  propositions  intimated 

*  The  whole  of  this  chapter  has  been  added  to  continue  the  narrative 
from  the  battle  of  Waterloo  to  the  death  of  Napoleon,  as  M.  de 
Bourricnne  has  not  offtrcd  any  observations  connected  with  that 
interesting  period.  The  facts  arc  principally  taken  from  the  life  by 
:>ir  Walter  Scott. 


So8  NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 

the  fears  of  the  Chamber  of  Representatives,  lest  they  should 
be  again  dissolved  by  an  armed  force,  and  at  the  same  time 
announced  their  intention  to  place  themselves  at  the  head  of 
public  affairs,  without  further  respect  to  the  emperor.  The 
resolutions  were  all  adopted,  except  the  fourth,  which  was 
considered  premature. 

The  chamber  formed  itself  into  a  secret  committee,  before 
which  the  ministers  laid  the  full  extent  of  the  disaster,  and 
announced  that  the  emperor  had  named  Caulincourt,  Fouch^, 
and  Carnot  as  commissioners  to  treat  of  peace  with  the  allies. 
The  ministers  were  bluntly  reminded  by  the  republican  members 
that  they  had  no  basis  upon  which  they  could  found  any 
negotiations,  as  the  allies  had  declared  war  against  Napoleon, 
and  that  he  alone  was  the  sole  obstacle  betwixt  the  nation  and 
peace.  All  seemed  to  unite  in  one  sentiment  that  the  ab- 
dication of  Napoleon  was  a  measure  absolutely  necessary  ;  and 
a  committee  of  five  members  was  appointed  to  concert  measures 
with  ministers.  The  Chamber  of^  Peers  adopted  the  three  first 
resolutions  of  the  lower  chamber,  and  named  a  committee  of 
public  safety. 

It  was  now  evident  that  Napoleon  must  either  declare  himself 
absolute  and  dissolve  the  chambers  by  violence,  or  abdicate 
the  authority  he  had  so  lately  resumed.  His  brother  Lucien 
recommended  him  to  dissolve  the  chambers  as  he  had  formerly 
done  on  the  19th  Brumaire  :  but  times  were  now  very  much 
changed,  and  he  could  neither  bring  himself  to  adopt  desperate 
measures,  nor  to  make  an  apparently  voluntary  resignation. 
On  the  evening  of  the  21st  of  June,  he  held  a  council  to  which 
the  presidents  and  vice-presidents  of  both  chambers  were  ad- 
mitted, and  after  an  angry  discussion,  in  which  his  abdication 
was  stated  as  necessary,  the  meeting  broke  up  without  coming 
to  any  decision. 

On  the  morning  of  the  22nd  of  June,  only  four  days  after 
the  defeat  at  Waterloo,  the  Chamber  of  Representatives  again 
assembled,  and  expressed  the  utmost  impatience  to  receive  the 
act  of  abdication.  They  were  about  to  put  it  to  the  vote,  that 
it  should  be  demanded  of  the  emperor  ;  but  this  was  rendered 
unnecessary  by  his  compliance.  It  was  presented  by  Fouch6, 
and  was  expressed  in  the  following  terms  : — 

'Frenchmen  ! — In  commencing  war  for  maintaining  the 
national  independence,  I  relied  on  the  union  of  all  efforts,  of  all 
wills,  and  the  concurrence  of  all  the  national  authorities.     I  had 


HIS   FINAL   ABDICATION  509 

reason  to  hope  for  success,  and  I  braved  all  the  declarations  of 
the  powers  against   me. 

'  Circumstances  appear  to  me  changed.  I  offer  myself  as  a 
sacrifice  to  the  hatred  of  the  enemies  of  France.  May  they 
prove  sincere  in  their  declarations,  and  have  really  directed  them 
only  against  my  power  !  My  political  life  is  terminated,  and 
I  proclaim  my  son,  under  the  title  of  Napoleon  II.,  Emperor 
of  the  French. 

'  The  present  ministers  will  provisionally  form  the  council 
of  the  government.  The  interest  which  I  take  in  my  son 
induces  me  to  invite  the  Chambers  to  form,  without  delay,  the 
regency  by  a  law. 

'  Unite  all  for  the  public  safety,  in  order  to  remain  an  inde- 
pendent nation. 


'  Done  at  the  palace  Elys6e, 
June  the  22nd  1815.' 


(Signed)     '  Napoleon. 


The  debate  which  followed  the  production  of  this  act,  in 
either  house,  was  violent  ;  but  to  preserve  the  respect  due  to 
the  late  emperor,  the  chamber  named  a  committee  to  wait  on 
him  with  an  address  of  thanks,  in  which  they  carefully  avoided 
all  mention  and  recognition  of  his  son.  Napoleon,  for  the  last 
time,  received  the  committee  delegated  to  present  the  address 
in  the  imperial  robes,  and  surrounded  by  the  great  officers  of 
state.  He  seemed  pale  and  pensive,  but  firm  and  collected  ; 
and  in  his  answer  he  recommended  unanimity,  and  the  speedy 
preparation  of  means  of  defence.  He  also  reminded  them 
that  his  abdication  was  conditional,  and  comprehended  the 
interests  of  his  son. 

The  president  of  the  chamber  replied,  with  profound  respect, 
that  the  chamber  had  gi^'en  him  no  directions  respecting  the 
subjects  which  lie  had  just  pressed  upon  them.  Napoleon  now 
clearly  perceived  that  there  was  no  hope  for  his  son  ;  he  dis- 
missed the  deputation  with  dignity  and  courtesy,  and  thus 
terminated  the  second  reign — the  hundred  days  of  Napoleon. 

A  provisional  government  was  formed,  vesting  the  executive 
powers  of  the  state  in  five  persons — two  chosen  from  the  House 
of  Peers,  and  three  from  that  of  the  Representatives. 
These  were  Carnot,  Fouch^,  Caulincourt,  Grenier,  and 
Quinette. 

The  chambers  again  met  on  the  24th  of  June,  when  the 
question  of  the  succession  came  to  be  considered,  and  was  evaded 


510  NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 

upon  the  plea  that  there  was  no  occasion  for  a  formal  recogni- 
tion of  Napoleon  II.,  since  he  was,  by  the  terms  of  the  constitu- 
tion, already  in  possession  of  the  throne.  By  this  means  the 
chambers  succeeded  in  silencing  the  imperialist  party,  by 
nominally  acknowledging  the  young  Napoleon's  right  to  the 
crown  ;  and  at  the  same  time  preventing  the  interference  of 
Napoleon  or  any  of  his  friends  in  the  further  administration 
of  the  country.  The  provisional  government  also  exacted  a 
proclamation  from  Napoleon,  addressed  in  his  own  name  to  the 
soldiers,  in  order  to  confirm  the  fact  of  his  abdication,  which  the 
troops  were  unwilling  to  believe  on  any  authority  inferior  to  his 
own.  They  also  required  that  he  should  retire  to  the  palace  of 
Malmaison,  where  he  had  not  been  a  single  day,  before,  sur- 
rounded by  Fouche's  police,  he  found  that  he  was  no  longer  the 
free  master  of  his  own  actions.  From  this  they  proceeded  to 
place  him  under  a  sort  of  arrest,  by  directing  General  Beker,  an 
officer  with  whom  Napoleon  had  been  on  indifferent  terms,  to 
watch  over,  and  if  necessary  to  restrain,  his  movements  In  such 
a  manner  as  to  prevent  his  escape,  and  to  use  measures  to  induce 
him  to  leave  Malmaison  for  Rochefort,  where  two  frigates 
were  provided  to  convey  him  to  the  United  States  of 
America. 

Napoleon  submitted  to  his  destiny  with  resignation  and  dignity. 
He  received  General  Beker  with  ease,  and  even  cheerfulness,  and 
the  latter,  with  feelings  which  did  him  honour,  felt  the  task 
committed  to  him  the  more  painful,  as  he  had  experienced  the 
personal  enmity  of  the  individual  who  was  now  committed  to  his 
charge.  On  the  29th  of  June,  Napoleon  departed  from  Mal- 
maison ;  and  on  the  3rd  of  July  he  arrived  at  Rochefort.  General 
Beker  accompanied  him,  as  he  was  instructed  to  continue  his 
surueillan^e  until  he  had  actually  embarked  on  board  the  vessels. 
In  this  journey,  wherever  he  came,  the  troops  received  him 
with  acclamation,  and  the  citizens  respected  the  misfortunes  of 
one  who  had  been  well-nigh  master  of  the  world. 

The  provisional  government  sent  to  the  Duke  of  Wellington 
to  request  passports  for  Napoleon  to  the  States  of  America,  but 
as  the  duke  had  no  instructions  from  his  government  he  declined 
to  grant  them  ;  and  the  only  consequence  of  this  application,  as 
perhaps  it  was  intended,  was  to  increase  the  vigilance  ot 
the  English  cruisers  so  as  to  prevent  the  possibility  of  flight. 

The  provisional  government  now  attempted,  without  success, 
to  awaken  the  spirit  of  the  soldiery  as  in  1794  ;  but  the  charm 
was  dissolved,  the  soldiers  refused  to  fight  '  because    they  had 


HIS   SURRENDER    AT   ROCHEFORT  551 

no  longer  an  emperor.'  Meanwhile  the  armies  of  Soult  and 
Grouchy  were  driven  under  the  walls  of  Paris,  and  closely 
followed  by  the  English  and  Prussians  ;  and  after  some  further 
useless  resistance,  an  armistice  was  concluded,  by  which  the 
capital  was  surrendered  to  the  allies,  and  the  French  army  was 
drawn  off  behind  the  Loire. 

The  allies  communicated  to  the  provisional  government  that 
they  considered  their  authority  as  at  an  end,  and  that  Louis  XVIIL, 
who  was  then  at  St.  Denis,  would,  in  a  few  days,  enter  his 
capital,  and  resume  his  royal  authority.  They  accordingly  dis- 
solved themselves,  and  Louis  re-entered  his  capital  on  the  8th 
of  July,  and  was  once  more  installed  in  the  palace  of  his 
ancestors. 

So  rapid  had  been  the  progress  of  events  since  the  battle  of 
Waterloo  that  within  the  short  space  of  fifteen  days.  Napoleon 
not  only  found  himself  an  exile,  but  obliged  to  surrender 
himself  to  someone  ot  his  enemies.  It  is  true  that  means  for  his 
transportation  were  provided,  and  still  at  his  disposal  ;  but  the 
increased  vigilance  ot  the  English  navy  had  rendered  his  escape 
by  sea  all  but  impossible.  He  was  aware  that  the  white  flag  was 
already  hoisted  at  the  neighbouring  town  of  Rochelle,  and  that 
the  authorities  at  Rochefort  were  only  waiting  his  departure  to 
follow  the  example.  Various  means  of  escape  were  projected, 
but  all  in  their  turn  were  abandoned — and  the  only  alternative 
which  now  remained  was  to  surrender  his  person  either  to  the 
allied  powers  as  a  body,  or  to  one  of  them  in  particular. 

Accordingly,  on  the  loth  of  July,  Napoleon  sent  two  of  his 
attendants,  General  Savary  and  Count  Las  Cases,  to  open  a 
communication  with  Captain  Maltland  of  the  Bellerophon, 
under  pretence  of  Inquiring  about  a  safe  conduct  from  England, 
which  they  said  had  been  promised  to  him.  But  this  was 
merely  a  pretence  ;  their  object  was  to  ascertain  whether  Captain 
Maitland  would  permit  the  frigates  to  sail  with  him,  without 
interruption.  On  this  being  refused  by  the  British  commander, 
it  then  became  evident  to  Napoleon  that  there  was  no  alter- 
native but  to  surrender.  Various  negotiations  were  then  entered 
into  for  that  purpose,  and  on  the  15th  of  July,  he  was  received 
on  board  the  Bellerophon  wlih  the  greatest  respect,  but  without 
any  distinguished  honours.  Napoleon  uncovered  himself  on 
reaching  the  quarter-deck,  and  said  to  Captain  Maitland,  in  a 
firm  tone  of  voice,  '  I  come  to  place  myself  under  the  protection 
of  your  prince  and  laws.'  His  manner  was  uncommonly  pleas- 
ing, and  lie  displayed  much  address  in  seizing  upon  opportunities 


512  NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 

of  saying  things  flattering  to  the  hearers  whom  he  wished  to 
conciliate. 

As  the  terms  upon  which  this  surrender  took  place  have 
been  variously  represented,  we  think  we  cannot  do  better  than 
to  give  the  letter  which  Captain  Maitland  addressed  to  the 
Secretary  of  the  Admiralty  on  the  14th  of  July,  and  which  was 
despatched  on  that  day  along  with  the  well-known  letter  which 
Napoleon  addressed  to  the  Prince  Regent.  These  letters,  we 
think,  will  satisfactorily  shew  that  the  surrender  was  uncon- 
ditional.    Captain  Maitland  thus  writes  : — 

*  For  the  information  of  the  Lords  Commissioners  of  the 
Admiralty,  I  have  to  acquaint  you  that  the  Count  Las  Cases 
and  General  Lallemand  this  day  came  on  board  his  majesty's 
ship  under  my  command,  with  a  proposal  from  Coimt  Bertrand 
for  me  to  receive  on  board  Napoleon  Bonaparte,  for  the  purpose 
of  throwing  himself  on  the  generosity  of  the  Prince  Regent. 
Conceiving  myself  authorized  by  their  lordships'  secret  order,  I 
have  acceded  to  the  proposal,  and  he  is  to  embark  on  board  this 
ship  to-morrow  morning.  That  no  misunderstanding  might 
arise,  I  have  explicitly  and  clearly  explained  to  Count  Las  Cases, 
that  I  have  no  authority  whatever  for  granting  terms  of  any 
sort,  but  that  all  I  can  do  is  to  carry  him  and  his  suite  to 
England,  to  be  received  in  such  manner  as  his  Royal  Highness 
may  deem  expedient.' 

The  letter  to  the  Pi'ince  Regent  was  in  these  terms  : — 


&^ 


'  ROCHEFORT,   July    13th,    1815. 

•Royal  Highness, 
'  A  victim  to  the  factions  which  distract  my  country,  and  to 
the  enmity  of  the  greatest  powers  of  Europe,  I  have  terminated 
my  political  career,  and  I  come,  like  Themistocles,  to  throw 
myself  upon  the  hospitality  of  the  British  people.  I  put  myself 
under  the  protection  of  their  laws  ;  which  I  claim  from  your 
Royal  Highness,  as  the  most  powerful,  the  most  constant,  and 
the  most  generous  of  my  enemies. 

*  Napoleon.' 

The  Bellerophon  immediately  set  sail  for  England,  and  during 
the  whole  passage,  notwithstanding  his  situation  and  the  painful 
uncertainty  under  which  he  laboured,  Napoleon  seemed  always 
tranquil  and  in  good  temper  :    at  times  he  even  approached  to 


SENT   TO   ST.   HELENA  513 

cheerfulness.  On  the  24th  the  Bellerophon  entered  Torbay,  and 
on  the  26th  they  were  ordered  round  to  Plymouth  Sound.  The 
arrival  of  Napoleon  having  by  this  time  become  known,  the 
ship  was  immediately  surrounded  by  numerous  boats,  filled  with 
persons  whose  curiosity  nothing  could  repress.  There  was  great 
difficulty  in  keeping  the  ship  itself  clear  of  these  eager  multitudes. 
Napoleon  appeared  on  the  deck,  and  was  greeted  with  huzzas, 
and  bowed  and  smiled  in  return. 

On  the  31st  of  July  the  final  resolution  of  the  British 
government  was  communicated  to  him,  namely,  that  he  should 
not  be  landed  in  England,  but  conveyed  forthwith  to  St.  Helena, 
and  that  he  should  not  be  allowed  any  other  rank  than  that  of 
a  General.  He  listened  to  the  reading  of  the  letter  of  Lord 
Melville  without  impatience  or  surprise,  and  on  being  asked 
to  state  if  he  had  any  reply,  he  began  with  great  calmness 
of  manner  and  mildness  of  countenance  to  declare  that  he 
solemnly  protested  against  the  orders  which  had  been  read,  and 
refused  to  be  sent  as  a  prisoner  to  St.  Helena.  He  expressed 
his  wish  rather  to  die  than  to  be  sent  thither.  He  also  com- 
plained much  of  the  title  which  they  had  given  him — General 
Bonaparte — and  insisted  upon  his  right  to  be  considered  as  a 
sovereign  prince.  But  to  one  in  his  situation  it  was  useless  to 
complain — he  had  now  only  to  submit. 

Napoleon,  at  last,  received  in  quiet  the  intimation  that 
Admiral  Sir  George  Cockburn  was  ready  to  receive  him  on 
board  the  Northutnberland,  and  to  convey  him  to  St.  Helena. 
The  fallen  emperor  was  permitted  to  select  four  officers,  together 
with  his  surgeon,  and  twelve  domestics  to  attend  him.  He 
selected  Counts  Bertrand,  Montholon,  Las  Cases,  and  General 
Gourgaud,  and  for  his  surgeon  Dr.  O'Meara,  whom  he  found 
on  the  Bellerophon.  Bertrand  and  Montholon  were  accompanied 
by  their  respective  countesses  and  their  children. 

On  the  yth  of  August  Napoleon  was  transferred  from  the 
Bellerophon  to  the  Northumberland,  and  on  the  following 
morning  they  sailed  for  St.  Helena,  where  they  arrived  on  the 
15th  of  October,  1815. 

The  orders  of  government  had  been  that  Napoleon  should 
remain  on  board  until  a  suitable  residence  could  be  provided 
for  him,  but  as  he  had  become  weary  of  shipboard.  Sir  George 
Cockburn  undertook  upon  his  own  responsibility  to  land 
his  passengers,  and  to  provide  for  the  security  of  Napoleon's 
person. 

The  island  at  that  time  afforded  little  accommodation  for  such  a 

33 


514  NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 

guest,with  the  exception  of  Plantation-house,  the  country  residence 
of  the  governor,  which,  however,  was  expressly  prohibited  from 
being  assigned  as  the  residence  of  the  fallen  emperor.  Sir 
George  Cockburn  made  choice  of  Longwood,  a  country-house 
occasionally  occupied  by  the  lieutenant-governor,  as  suitable, 
from  its  particular  situation,  to  be  extended  so  as  to  afford  such 
accommodation  as  was  sufficient  for  a  captive  of  the  rank  at 
which  Napoleon  was  rated  by  the  British  government.  This 
situation  was  also  approved  of  by  Napoleon  himself,  and,  until 
the  necessary  alterations  could  be  made,  he  took  up  his  residence 
at  a  small  house,  or  cottage,  called  the  Briars,  romantically 
situated  at  a  little  distance  from  James'  Town,  in  which  he 
could  only  have  one  spare  room  for  his  accommodation. 

On  the  9th  of  December  Longwood  received  Napoleon  and 
part  of  his  household,  and  a  space  of  about  twelve  miles  in 
circumference  was  traced  off,  within  which  Napoleon  might 
take  exercise  without  being  attended  by  anyone.  Beyond  that 
boundary  a  chain  of  sentinels  was  placed  to  prevent  his  passing, 
unless  accompanied  by  a  British  officer.  He  was  also  permitted 
to  extend  his  excursions  to  any  part  of  the  island,  providing  the 
officer  was  in  attendance,  and  near  enough  to  observe  his 
motions.  Sir  George  Cockburn,  in  conceding  such  an  extensive 
space  for  the  convenience  of  his  prisoner,  took  every  precaution 
which  the  peculiarity  of  the  island  presented  to  prevent  the 
possibility  of  escape.* 

*  Dr.  O'Meara  gives  the  following  account  of  the  precautions 
which  were  taken  : — 

'  A  subaltern's  guard  was  posted  at  the  entrance  of  Longwood, 
about  six  hundred  paces  from  the  house,  and  a  cordon  of  sentinels 
and  picquets  was  placed  round  the  limits.  At  nine  o'clock  the  senti- 
nels were  drawn  in  and  stationed  in  communication  with  each  other, 
surrounding  the  house  in  such  positions,  that  no  person  could  come 
in  or  go  out  without  being  seen  and  scrutinized  by  them.  At  the  en- 
trance of  the  house  double  sentinels  were  placed,  and  patrols  were 
continually  passing  backward  and  fonvard.  After  nine  Napoleon  was 
not  at  liberty  to  leave  the  house  unless  in  company  with  a  field-officer  ; 
and  no  person  whatever  was  allowed  to  pass  without  the  counter-sign. 
This  state  of  affairs  continued  until  daylight  in  the  morning.  Every 
landing-place  in  the  island,  and,  indeed,  every  place  which  presented 
the  semblance  of  one,  was  furnished  with  a  picquet,  and  sentinels  were 
even  placed  upon  every  goat-path  leading  to  the  sea ;  though  in  truth 
the  obstacles  presented  by  nature,  in  almost  all  the  paths  in  that 
direction,  would,  of  themselves,  have  proved  insurmountable  to  so 
unwieldy  a  person  as  Napoleon. 

'  From  the  various  signal-posts  on  the  island,  ships  are  frequently 
discovered  at  twenty-four  leagues'   distance,   and  always  long  before 


AT   ST.    HELENA  515 

In  April,  1816,  Sir  Ceorijje  Cockburn  was  superseded  in  his 
anxious  and  painful  office  by  Sir  Hudson  Lowe,  who  remained 
governor  of  St.  Helena  and  had  the  charge  of  Napoleon's  person 
until  his  death.  The  conduct  of  this  officer  has  been  much 
censured  by  various  writers,  but  considering  the  very  important 
duty  he  had  to  fulfil,  and  the  personal  dislike  which  Napoleon 
exhibited  towards  him  from  the  first,  and  the  offi;nsive  manner 
in  which  he  was  treated  by  him,  it  was  not  to  be  wondered  that 
the  governor  should  refuse  to  submit  to  it.  It  seemed  that  every 
circumstance,  whether  of  business  or  of  etiquette,  which  occurred 
at  St.  Helena,  was  certain  to  occasion  some  dispute  betwixt 
Napoleon  and  Sir  Hudson  Lowe,  the  progress  and  termination 
of  which  seldom  passed  without  an  aggravation  of  mutual 
hostilities.  It  was  necessary  that  the  greatest  vigilance  should 
be  exercised,  which  could  not  be  accomplished  without  giving 
offence  to  the  haughty  mind  of  Napoleon,  and  rather  than 
submit  to  the  restraints  which  were  imposed,  he  often  chose 
to  seclude  hirnself ;  and  it  cannot  be  doubted  but  that  the 
constant  irritation  in  which  he  kept  himself  towards  the  governor 
was  a  principal  means  of  shortening  his  life. 

During  the  five  years  and  seven  months  that  he  lived  in 
the  island  of  St.  Helena,  few  circumstances  occurred  to  vary  the 
melancholy  tenor  of  his  existence.  His  habits  of  life  were  or 
the  most  regular  and  simple  character  ;  he  never  took  more  than 
two  meals  a-day,  and  concluded  each  with  a  cup  of  coffee.     He 

they  can  approach  the  shore.  Two  ships  of  war  continually  cruised, 
one  to  windward,  and  the  other  to  leeward,  to  whom  signals  were 
made  as  soon  as  a  vessel  was  discovered  from  the  posts  on  shore. 
Every  ship  except  a  British  man-of-war  was  accompanied  down  to 
the  road  by  one  of  the  cruisers,  who  remained  with  her  until  she  was 
either  permitted  to  anchor,  or  was  sent  away.  No  foreign  vessels 
were  allowed  to  anchor,  unless  under  circumstances  of  great  distress  ; 
in  which  case,  no  person  from  them  was  permitted  to  land,  and  an 
officer  and  party  from  one  of  the  ships  of  war  was  sent  on  board  to 
take  charge  of  them  as  long  as  they  remained,  as  well  as  in  order  to 
prevent  any  improper  communication.  Every  fishing-boat  belonging 
to  the  island  was  numbered,  and  anchored  every  evening  at  sunset, 
under  the  superintendence  of  a  lieutenant  in  the  navy.  No  boats,  ex- 
cepting guard-boats  from  the  ships  of  war,  which  pulled  about  the 
island  all  night,  were  allowed  to  be  down  after  sunset.  The  orderly 
officer  was  also  instructed  to  ascertain  the  actual  presence  of  Napo- 
leon twice  in  the  twenty-four  hours,  which  was  done  with  as  much 
delicacy  as  possible.  In  fact,  every  human  precaution  to  prevent 
escape,  short  of  actually  incarcerating  or  enchaining  him,  was  adopted 
by  Sir  George  Cockburn. 


5i6  NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE 

generally  breakfasted  about  ten  o'clock,  and  dined  at  eight. 
He  preferred  plain  food,  and  ate  plentifully  and  with  an 
apparent  appetite.  A  very  few  glasses  of  claret,  scarce  amounting 
to  an  English  pint,  which  he  chiefly  drank  during  the  time  of 
dinner,  completed  his  meal.  He  sometimes  drank  champagne  ; 
but  his  constitutional  sobriety  was  such  that  a  large  glass  of 
that  wine  would  have  brought  the  colour  to  his  cheek,  and  it 
may  be  truly  said  that  few  men  were  ever  less  influenced  by 
the  appetites  which  are  peculiar  to  man  than  Napoleon.  He  was 
exceedingly  particular  as  to  the  neatness  and  cleanliness  of  his 
person,  and  this  habit  he  preserved  to  his  death. 

It  had  been  generally  stated,  so  early  as  1817,  that  the  health 
of  Napoleon  had  become  impaired,  and  he  himself  made  use 
of  it  as  a  reason  for  obtaining  more  indulgence  ;  but  as  his  ill- 
ness was  not  then  apparent,  it  was  only  considered  one  of  the  many 
complaints  he  was  in  the  habit  of  making  to  annoy  the  governor. 
But  it  is  probable  that  even  at  that  period  he  felt  the  symptoms 
of  that  internal  malady  which  consumed  his  life — a  cancer  in 
the  stomach.  Towards  the  end  of  1820  the  symptoms  of  his 
disease  increased,  the  disorganization  in  the  digestive  powers 
became  more  and  more  apparent,  and  his  reluctance  to  take  any 
medicine,  as  if  from  an  instinctive  persuasion  that  the  power 
of  physic  was  in  vain,  continued  as  obstinate  as  ever.  From  this 
time  his  health  began  seriously  to  decline,  and  his  mind  became 
more  and  more  depressed.  He  has  often  remained  silent  for 
many  hours,  suffering,  as  may  be  supposed,  much  pain,  and 
immersed  in  profound  melancholy.  About  the  end  of  January, 
1821,  he  appeared  to  resume  some  energy,  and  made  some 
attempt  to  overcome  the  disease  by  exercise,  but  he  found 
himself  unequal  to  the  eff^ort  and  that  his  strength  was  rapidly 
sinking  under  him.  In  the  month  of  March  the  disease  assumed 
a  character  still  more  formidable,  and  on  the  3rd  of  May  it 
was  seen  that  the  life  of  Napoleon  was  drawing  evidently  to  a 
close.  The  last  sacraments  of  the  church  were  then  ad- 
ministered by  Vignali.  He  lingered  on  in  a  <isiirious  stupor 
until  the  5th,  and  about  six  in  the  evening  he  breathed  his 
last. 


We  conclude  the  Memoirs  of  this  extraordinary  man  by 
the  simple  account  of  his  funeral  as  given  by  Sir  Walter 
Scott  : — 


HIS  FUNERAL  517 

'The  officers  of  Napoleon's  household  were  disposed  to  have 
the  body  anatomized  in  secret.  But  Sir  Hudson  Lowe  had 
too  deep  a  sense  of  the  responsibility  under  which  he  and  his 
country  stood,  to  permit  this  to  take  place,  unless  in  the  presence 
of  the  English  physicians. 

'  Generals  Bertrand  and  Montholon,  with  Marchand,  the 
valet-de-chambre  of  the  deceased,  were  present  at  the  operation, 
which  took  place  on  the  6th  of  May.  It  was  also  witnessed  by 
Sir  Thomas  Reade,  and  some  British  staff-officers.  Drs.  Thomas 
Shortt,  Archibald  Arnott,  Charles  Mitchel,  Matthew  Living- 
stone, and  Francis  Burton,  all  of  them  medical  men,  were  also 
present.  The  cause  of  death  was  sufficiently  evident.  A  large 
ulcer  occupied  almost  the  whole  of  the  stomach.  It  was  only  the 
strong  adhesion  of  the  diseased  parts  ot  that  organ  to  the 
concave  surface  of  the  lobe  of  the  liver,  which,  being  over  the 
ulcer,  had  prolonged  the  patient's  life  by  preventing  the  escape 
of  the  contents  of  the  stomach  into  the  cavity  of  the  abdomen. 
All  the  other  parts  of  the  viscera  were  found  in  a  tolerably 
healthy  state.  The  report  was  signed  by  the  British  medical 
gentlemen  present.  Dr.  Antommarchi  was  about  to  add  his 
attestation,  when,  according  to  information  which  we  consider 
as  correct.  General  Bertrand  interdicted  his  doing  so,  because 
the  report  was  drawn  up  as  relating  to  the  body  of  General 
Bonaparte.  Dr.  Antommarchi's  own  account  does  not,  we 
believe,  greatly  differ  from  that  of  the  British  professional 
persons,  though  he  has  drawn  conclusions  from  it  which  are 
apparently  inconsistent  with  the  patient's  own  conviction,  and 
the  ghastly  evidence  of  the  anatomical  operation. 

'The  gentlemen  of  Napoleon's  suite  were  desirous  that  his 
heart  should  be  preserved  and  given  to  their  custody.  But  Sir 
Hudson  Lowe  did  not  feel  himself  at  liberty  to  permit  this  upon 
his  own  authority.  He  agreed,  however,  that  the  heart  should 
be  placed  in  a  silver  vase,  filled  with  spirits,  and  interred  along 
with  the  body  ;  so  that  in  case  his  instructions  from  home 
should  so  permit,  it  might  be  afterwards  disinhumed  and  sent 
to  Europe. 

'  The  place  of  interment  became  the  next  subject  of  discussion. 
On  this  subject  Napoleon  had  been  inconsistent.  His  testamentary 
disposition  expressed  a  wish  that  his  remains  should  be 
deposited  on  the  banks  of  the  Seine  ;  a  request  which  he  could 
not  for  an  instant  suppose  would  be  complied  with,  and  which 
appears  to  have  been  made  solely  for  the  sake  of  producing 
effect. 


5i8  NAPOLEON   BONAPARTE 

*  A  grave  for  the  Emperor  of  France,  within  the  limits  of 
the  rocky  island  to  which  his  last  years  were  limited,  was  the 
alternative  that  remained  ;  and  sensible  that  this  was  likely  to 
be  the  case,  he  had  himself  indicated  the  spot  where  he  wished 
to  lie.  It  was  a  small  secluded  recess,  called  Slane's  or  Haine's 
Valley,  where  a  fountain  arose  at  which  his  Chinese  domestics 
used  to  fill  the  silver  pitchers  which  they  carried  to  Longwood 
for  Napoleon's  use.  The  spot  had  more  of  verdure  and  shade 
than  any  in  the  neighbourhood  ;  and  the  illustrious  Exile  was 
often  accustomed  to  repose  imder  the  beautiful  weeping  willows 
which  overhung  the  spring.  The  body,  after  lying  in  state 
in  his  small  bedroom,  during  which  time  it  was  visited  by  every 
person  of  condition  in  the  island,  was,  on  the  8th  of  May, 
carried  to  the  place  of  interment.  The  pall  which  covered  the 
coffin  was  the  military  cloak  which  Napoleon  had  worn  at  the 
battle  of  Marengo.  The  members  of  his  late  household  attended 
as  mourners,  and  were  followed  by  the  governor,  the  admiral, 
and  all  the  civil  and  military  authorities  of  the  island.  All  the 
troops  were  under  arms  upon  the  solemn  occasion.  As  the 
road  did  not  permit  a  near  approach  of  the  hearse  to  the  place 
of  sepulture,  a  party  of  British  grenadiers  had  the  honour  to 
bear  the  coffin  to  the  grave.  The  prayers  were  recited  by  the 
priest,  Abbe  Vignall.  Minute  guns  were  fired  from  the 
admiral's  ship.  The  coffin  was  then  let  down  into  the  grave 
under  a  discharge  of  three  successive  volleys  of  artillery,  from 
fifteen  pieces  of  cannon.  A  large  stone  was  then  lowered  down 
on  the  grave,  and  covered  the  moderate  space  now  sufficient 
for  the  man  for  whom  Europe  was  once  too  little.' 

In  1840,  Napoleon's  remains  were,  by  permission  of  the 
British  Government,  removed  to  Paris,  and  on  December  15th 
were  re-interred  in  the  chapel  of  the  Hotel  des  Invalides,  to 
which  they  were  conveyed  on  a  splendid  car,  escorted  by  a 
grand  military  procession 


CHRONOLOGY 


1769  Aug.  IS 

1779  April  25 

1784  Oct. 
i/-85 

17857 
1795  J 

o       Feb.  1 
'7^7     Oct.  j 

1787  ^  Dec.  ^ 

1788  I  May  I 

1789  f  Sept.  j 
1791  j  Feb.  J 

1789  Sept. 

1790  Oct. 
1791 


1792  Easter 


1792 

1792 

1792 

1792 

1792  "I 

1793/ 

1793 

1793 


May  21 
Aug.  10 
Aug.  30 
Sept.  17 

Winter 


ACE 


16 


16-26 


18 


20 
21 


22 


23 


}' 


une 


FIRST   PERIOD 

Napoleon  Bonaparte  born  at  Ajaccio  (Corsica). 

Entered  Royal  Military  School  at  Brienne. 
■  >  ..  ,,  ,,       in  Paris. 

Appointed   Second    Lieutenant   of    Ar- 
tillery. 

Served  in  garrison  at  Valence,  Lyons,  Douai, 
Paris,  Auxonne,  Seurre,  Auxonne  again. 

With  his  family  at  Ajaccio  (Corsica). 

Writes    '  Letters    on    History    of   Corsica, 
essays,  professional  pamphlets,  etc. 

Heads  revolutionary  party  at  Ajaccio. 

Has  meeting  with  Paoli,  the  Corsican  patriot. 

Elected  Lieutenant-Colonel  of  battalion 

of  volunteers  at  Ajaccio.   Forfeits  French 

Commission  by  outstaying  leave. 
Fails  in  attempt  to  seize  Ajaccio.     Flees  from 

Corsica. 
Arrives  in  Paris  as  private  person. 
Views  storming  of  Tuileries  by  insurgents. 
Restored  to  army  as  Captain. 
.Arrives  at  Ajaccio. 
Joins    in     unsuccessful     expedition     against 

Sardinia. 
Fails  in  attempts  on  citadel  of  Ajaccio. 
Flees    with    Bonaparte    family     to     France 

(Toulon). 


1793     July 
1793     Aug. 


24 


SECOND   PERIOD 

Aids  in  attack  on  anti-revolutionists  at 
Avignon. 

M.arches  with  General  Carteaux  into  Mar- 
seilles (anti-revolutionary). 


519 


520 

1793     Sept. 


AGE 

24 


1793 


Oct 
Dec 


0 


1794  Spring 

1794  July 

1794  Aug.  6 

1794  Aug.  20 
179s  Mar. 

179s  May 

179s  Summer 

1795  Oct. 
179s  Oct.  5 

379s  Oct. 

1796  Feb.  23 

1796  Mar.  9 

1796  Mar.  II 

1796  April  12 

1796  April  13 

1796  April  14 

1796  April 

1796  April  28 

1796  May  7 

1796  May  10 

1796  May  15 

1796  May  27 

1796  June 

,  June) 

1796  June 

1796  July  30 

1796  Aug.  3 

1796  Aug. 


25 


26 


CHRONOLOGY 

Appointed    Chef  de    Bataillon    in    2nd 

Regiment  of  Artillery. 
Distinguished  at  siege  of  Toulon  (anti-revo- 
lutionary)   and    appointed    General  of 

Brigade. 
Joins     Army    of    Italy    as    General    of 

Artillery  and  Inspector-General. 
On  mission  to  Genoa. 
Suspended  (by  '  Representatives '  with  army) 

from  functions,  and  put  under  arrest. 
Released  from  arrest. 
Fails  in  naval  expedition  to  recover  Corsica 

from  British. 
Summoned    to    command    '  Army    of    the 

West '  (in  France). 
Avoids  taking  up  command.      Engaged    in 

War  Office  work. 
Second     in    command     (under     Barras)    of 

'Army  of  the  Interior.' 
Suppresses   Sections   (Wards)   of  Paris  with 

grape-shot    in    insurrection  of  13tli   Ven- 

demiaire. 
Appointed   to   command   '  Army  of  the   In- 
terior. ' 
Appointed  by  Directory  to  command  '  Army 

of  Italy." 
Marries    Josephine,     Vicomtesse    de     Beau- 

harnois. 
Leaves  Paris  for  Italy. 
Defeats  Austrians  at  Monte  Notte, 

»  „  ,,  Millesimo. 

It  >,  ,,  Dego. 

, ,       Sardinians  (Piedmontese)  at  Ceva  and 

Mondovi. 
King    of    Sardinia    signs     '  Convention    of 

Cherasco,'  yielding  his  fortresses  to  France. 
Crosses  Po  at  Piacenza. 
Defeats  Austrians  at  Bridge  of  Lodi. 
Enters  Milan  as  conqueror. 
Leaves   Milan  to   pursue  Austrian    general, 

Beaulieu. 
Breaks  through  Austrian  centre  at  Borghetto, 

driving  Beaulieu  into  Tyrol, 

Besieges  Mantua. 

Invades    Papal  territory   and   extorts  fifteen 

millions. 
Raises  siege  of  Mantua. 
Defeats  Wurmser  at  Castiglione,  driving  him 

into  Tyrol. 
Invests  Mantua  again. 


CHRONOLOGY 


Szt 


1796  Sept. 

_  ^  Nov.  1 15  "I 

^796  Nov.  17/ 

1797  Jan.  14 
1797  Feb.  2 
1797  Feb.  19 


1797  April  13 


1797 
1797 


1797 
1798 
1798 
1798 
1798 
1798 
1798 

1799 
1799 
1799 

1799 

1799 
1799 

1799 
1799 

1799 

1799 

1800 

1800 

1800 
1800 


AGE 

27 


April  18 
Oct.  17 


Dec  s 
Jan. 
April 
May  19 
June  12 
June  30 
July  24 

Feb. 
Feb. 
Mar. 

Mar.  19  \ 
May  20  / 
June 
July  25 
Aug.  22 
Oct.  9 
Nov.    9  "I 
Nov.  10  / 
Dec. 

May  9 
May  15"! 
May  20  / 
June  3 
June  14 


1800  July  2 

1801  Feb.  9 

1801  July 

1802  Mar. 


28 


29 


30 


31 


Defeats  Wurmser  at  Bassano,  driving  him 
into  Mantua  on  September  15. 

Defeats  Austrian  general,  Alvinzi,  at  Areola 
(Arcole),  driving  him  into  Tyrol. 

Defeats  Alvinzi  at  Rivoli. 

Wurmser  surrenders  Mantua. 

Invades  Papal  States  and  concludes  '  Treaty 
of  Tolentino,'  extorting  cession  of  Bologna, 
Ferrara,  the  Roniagna,  etc. 

Advances  against  Archduke  Charles  in  Carin- 
thia,  and  reaches  Leoben  (Styria). 

Armistice  signed  at  Leoben. 

Treaty  of  Campo  Formio  (France  and 
Austria),  France  gaining  Belgium,  etc., 
Austria  acknowledging  '  Cisalpine  Repub- 
lic '  and  ceding  Lombardy  to  the  new 
state ;  Austria  receives  I  stria,  Dalmatia, 
and  territory  of  Venetian  Republic. 

Bonaparte  returns  to  Paris. 

Surveys  French  toast  opposite  England. 

Appointed  to  command  '  Army  of  Egypt. 

Sails  from  Toulon. 

Occupies  Malta. 

Reaches  Alexandria. 

Defeats  Mamelukes  under  Mourad  Bey  at 
Pyramids,  etc.     Enters  Cairo. 

Invades  Syria. 

Takes  El-Arish  and  Gaza. 

Takes  Jaffa.     Massacres  Turkish  prisoners. 

Fails  in  siege  of  Acre  (St.  Jean  d'Acre). 

Returns  to  Egypt. 

Defeats  Turks  at  Aboukir, 

Embarks  for  France. 

Reaches  France. 

Revolution  of  ISth,  19lli  Bruniaire. 
lature  dissolved  by  force. 

Consulate    established.      Bonaparte    created 
First  Consul  for  ten  years. 

Takes  field  at  Geneva  against  Austria. 

Crosses  Mt.  Great  St.  Bernard  into  Italy  with 
army. 

Enters  Milan. 

Defeats  Austrians  under  General  Melas  at 
Marengo. 

Returns  to  Paris. 

Treaty  of  Lunevllle  with  Austria. 

Makes  Coucordat  with  the  Pope  (re-esta- 
blishing Catholic  worship  in  France). 

Treaty  (Peace)  of  Auiiens  with  England. 


Legis- 


524 


CHRONOLOGY 


i8oo\ 

1808/ 

1802 

April 

1802 

1803 

April 

1803 

May  18 

1803 

June 

1804! 

1805/ 

1804 

Mar.  21 

1804 

May  18 

1804 

July 

1804 

Dec.  2 

1805 

May  26 

1805 

July 

1805 

Aug. 

1805 

Aug.  \ 
Sept.  / 

1805 

Oct.  17 

1805 

Nov.  14 

1805 

Dec.  2 

1805 

Dec.  26 

1806 

Feb. 

1806 

July 

1806 

1806 

1806 

Sept. 

1806 

Oct.  14 

1806 

Oct.  27 

1806 

Nov.  21 

1806 

Dec. 

1807 

Feb.  8 

1807 

June  14 

i8c7 

July 

1807 

Aug. 

1807 

Aug. 

1807 

Dec. 

1808 

April 

THIRD   PERIOD 

AGE 

Establishes  the  judicial  system,  the  four  codes, 
local  government,  the  University,  and  Bank 
of  France. 

32  Elected  First  Consul  for  life. 

Seizes  Elba,  Piedmont,  Duchy  of  Parma.  In- 
terferes in  Switzerland.  Assumes  headship 
of '  Italian  Republic"  (Northern  Italy). 

33  Insults  Lord  Whitworth  (British  ambassador) 

at  Tuileries  Palace. 
Great  Britain  declares  war. 
Bonaparte  seizes  Hanover. 

Camp  of  invasion  and  flotilla  at  Boulogne. 

34  Executes  Due  d'Enghien  at  Vincennes. 
Created   '  Emperor  '    by   decree   of  Senate, 

with  name  of  '  Napoleon.' 
Legion  of  Honour  founded.      Creation  of 
fourteen  marshals. 

35  Crowned  at  Noire  Dame,  Paris. 
Crowned  '  King  of  Italy  '  at  Milan. 
Visits  Boulogne  camp. 

War  with  Austria  and  Russia. 

36  Marches  from  Boulogne  to  Bavaria. 

Forces  Austrian  general.  Mack,  to  surrender 

at  Ulm. 
Arrives  at  palace  of  Schoenbrunn. 
Defeats  Russian  and  Austrian   emperors   at 

Ansterlitz. 
Treaty  of  Presburg  with  Austria. 
Returns  to  Paris. 
Forms    '  Confederation   of  Rhine.'      Creates 

Bavaria  and  Wirtemberg  kingdoms. 
Makes  Joseph  Bonaparte  King  of  Naples. 
Makes  Louis  Bonaparte  King  of  Holland. 

37  War  with  Prussia. 
Defeats  Prussians  at  Jena. 
Enters  Berlin  as  conqueror. 

Issues  '  Berlin  Decree'   against  British  con- 
tinental commerce. 
Marches  against  Russians. 
Defeats  Russians  and  Prussians  at  Eylan. 

,,  ,,  >,  >>        ,,  Fricdland. 

Peace  of  Tilsit  with  Russia  and  Prussia. 

38  Returns  to  Paris. 

Makes  Jerome  Bonaparte  King  of  Westphalia, 
Attacks  Portugal.     Lisbon  occupied  by  the 

French. 
Dethrones  King  of  Spam. 


CHRONOLOGY  52^ 


^GX 


1808  April  Makes  Joseph  Bonaparte  King  of  Spain. 

1808  "1  Peninsular    War— Spain,     Portugal,     and 

1814  /  Great  Britain  against  France. 

1808  Oct.  39        Meets  Emperor  Alexander  I.   of  Russia   at 

Erfurt. 

1808  Oct.  26  Leaves  Paris  for  Spain. 

1808  Dec.  4  Enters  Madrid. 

1808  Dec.  Directs  movements  clearing  Spain  of  British 

troops. 

1808  Dec.  22  Starts  in  pursuit  of  Sir  John  Moore, 

1809  Jan.  I  Reaches  Astorga. 
1809  Jan.  17  Starts  for  Paris. 

1809  March  Declares  war  against  Austria. 

1809  April  I  r  Leaves  Paris  for  seat  of  war. 

1809  April  20  Austrians  defeated  at  Abensberg, 

1809  April  21  ,,                 ,,          Landshut. 

1809  April  22  ,,                 ,,           Eckmiihl. 

1809  April  23  Drives  enemy  from  Ratisbon. 

1809  May  13  Enters  Vienna. 

f.  May  21  \  Defeated  by  Archduke  Charles  at  Aspern  and 

^°°9  May  22  j"  Essling. 

1809  July  5  Defeats  Archduke  Charles  at  Wagram. 

1809  Oct.  14  40        Treaty  of  Schoenbrunn  with  Austria. 

1809  Oct.  Annexes  Tuscany  and  Papal  States. 

1809  Dec.  16  Divorces  Josephine. 

1810  April  I  Marries     Archduchess      Maria  -  Louisa     of 

Austria. 

181 1  Mar.  20  41         °  King  of  Rome  '  born. 

181 1  ^"'^  ^  Annexes  Kingdoms   of  Holland  and   West- 
Aug.  /  phalia. 

i3i2  April  42         Declares  war  with  Russia. 

1812  May  16  Reaches  Dresden. 
1812  June  24  Crosses  Niemen. 
1812  June  28  Occupies  Vilna. 

1812  Aug.  i8  43        Drives  Russians  from  Smolensk. 

1812  Sept.  7  Defeats  Russians  at  Uorodiuo. 

1812  Sept.  14  Enters  Moscow. 

1812  Oct.  20  Leaves  Moscow. 

1812  Dec.  18  Reaches  Paris. 

1813  Mart  Uprising  of  Germany. 

1813  April  IS  Leaves  St.  Cloud  for  Mainz  (Mayence). 

1813  May  2  Defeats  Russo-Prussian  army  at  Liitzen. 

1 813  j^j^y  21  }  Defeats  allies  at  nautzen. 

1813  June  4  Makes  armistice  lasting  to  Aug.  11. 

1813  Aug.  27  44     Defeats  Austrians  at  Dre.wden. 

1813  Q^l'  Jg  j-  Defeated  by  allies  at  Leipzig. 

'J813  ^^^'  ^  (  Recrosses  Rhine  at  Mainz  (Mayence). 


5H 


CHRONOLOGY 


AGE 

1813 
I8I4 

Jan.  I     "^ 

I8I4 
I8I4 

Jan.  25 
Feb.  I 

I8I4 
1814 

Feb. 
Feb.  10 

1814 

Feb.  II 

I8I4 

Feb.  12 

I8I4 

Feb.  13 

I8I4 

Feb.   1 
Mar.  19  / 

I8I4 

Mar. 

I8I4 

Mar.  31 

I8I4 
I8I4 
1814 
I8I5 
1815 

April  II 
April  20 
May  4 

Feb.  26    45 
Mar.  I 

I8I5 
I8I5 

Mar.  20 
Mar.  131 
une  22  J 

I8I5 

une  12 

I8I5 

une  15 

I8I5 

[  une  16 

I8I5 

June  18 

I8I5 

June  21 

I8I5 

une  22 

I8I5 

Julys 

1815 

July  15 

iSis 

I8I5 
I8I5 
I8I5 
I8I5 

July  24 
July  27 
Aug.  8 

Oct.  15    46 
Dec.  9 

I8I6 
I82I 

April 

May  5     51 

1840 

Dec.  IS 

France  invaded  by  allies. 

Napoleon  takes  field  from  Paris. 

Defeats  Prussians  at  Brienne. 

Defeated  at  La  Rothifere. 

Defeats   Prussians,   etc.,   under    Bliicher    at 

Champaubert. 
Defeats   Prussians,    etc.,   under    Bliicher    at 

Montmirail. 
Defeats   Prussians,    etc.,    under    Bliicher  at 

Chateau  Thierry. 
Defeats   Prussians,   etc.,    under    Bliicher    at 

Vanchamps. 

Futile  congress  at  Chatillon-sur-Seine. 

Indecisive  battles  at   Craonne  and   Laon— 

great  loss  to  Napoleon. 
Paris  occupied  by  allies. 
Napoleon  signs  abdication. 
Takes  farewell  of  guard  at  Fontainebleau. 
Lands  in  Elba. 
Leaves  Elba. 

Lands  at  Fr6jus  on  French  coast. 
Enters  Paris 

The  Mundred  Days  period. 

Leaves  Paris  for  Belgium. 

Crosses  Belgian  frontier. 

Defeats  Bliicher  at  Ligny. 

Defeated  at  Waterloo. 

Reaches  Paris. 

The  second  abdication. 

Arrives  at    Rochefort,    making    for    United 

States. 
Surrenders   to   Captain   Maitland   on    board 

Bellerophon. 
Napoleon  in  Torbay. 

,,  ,,  Plymouth  Sound. 

Sails  for  St.  Helena  on  the  Nortbumberland. 
Arrives  at  St.  Helena. 
Begins  residence  at  Longwood. 
Sir  Hudson  Lowe  assumes  charge, 
Napoleou  dies  at  6  p.m. 


Re-interred  at  H6tel  des  Invalides,  Paris. 


APPENDIX 


Bonaparte  :  his  Origin  and  Early  Life. 

To  understand  the  character  and  career  of  Napoleon  Bonaparte, 
it  is  needful  to  remember  always  that  he  was  not  a  Frenchman,  but 
an  Italian.  The  Bonaparte  family  sprang  in  Tuscany,  and  a 
branch  of  it  was  settled  in  Corsica  in  the  sixteenth  century.  From 
this  time  Bonapartes  were  influential  citizens  of  Ajaccio,  having  an 
ancient  title  of  nobility  from  the  Genoese  republic,  and,  in  the 
eighteenth  century,  from  the  Grand  Duke  of  Tuscany.  Napoleon,  the 
second  of  thirteen  children,  of  whom  eight  grew  up,  was  the  son 
of  a  somewhat  indolent  Italian  gentleman  of  literary  tastes,  who 
was  born  in  1746,  and  took  a  degree  as  Doctor  of  Laws  at  the 
University  of  Pisa  in  1769,  the  year  of  Napoleon's  birth.  This 
gentleman  had  married,  in  1764,  when  he  was  eighteen  years  of 
age,  a  beautiful  girl  of  fifteen,  Letitia  Ramolino.  Of  the  father's 
character  nothing  is  seen  in  his  illustrious  son :  the  Corsican 
mother  may  account  for  his  astounding  energy.  We  may  note 
that  Napoleon  is  the  most  remarkable  instance  on  record  of  a 
second  son  far  surpassing  an  elder  brother  in  mental  capacity  and 
power. 

From  his  father,  who  died  in  1785,  at  the  age  of  thirty- eight, 
of  cancer  in  the  stomach.  Napoleon  doubtless  derived  the  seeds 
of  the  disease  which  ended  his  own  life.  The  man  who  was 
to  become  the  master  of  Europe  for  a  time  was  thus  a  needy  pro- 
vincial of  noble  birth,  a  foreigner  who,  for  some  months  prior  to 
entering  the  school  at  Brienne,  had  to  learn  the  French  language 
in  a  school  at  Autun.  From  his  tenth  year  his  education  was 
solely  military — a  fact  to  be  noted  in  connection  with  his  subsequent 
career.  His  character,  in  school  life,  was  shown  earlier  than  his 
mental  powers.  His  instructors  reported  him  as  '  taciturn,  fond 
of  solitude,  capricious,  haughty,  energetic  in  reply,  ready  and  keen 
in  repartee,  full  of  self-love,  of  unbounded  aspirations.'  He  was 
studious,  and  made  great  progress  in  geography  and  mathematics, 
but  had  neither  taste  nor  talent  for  grammatical  studies.  He  was 
fond  of  books  of  a.  soUd  nature,   and  seems,  at  this  time  to  have 

S2S 


5-6  APPENDIX 

been  chiefly  influenced  by  the  revolutionary  works  of  Rousseau  and 
Raynal. 

From  early  in  1787  to  February,  1791 — a  period  largely 
spent  in  Corsica— the  young  artillery  lieutenant  was  chiefly  en- 
gaged in  authorship,  as  his  only  road  to  distinction.  As  Sir 
John  Seeley  has  observed  in  his  admirable  S/iori  History,  char- 
acter rather  than  literary  ability  is  shown  in  his  early  writings, 
apart  from  his  pamphlets  on  practical  subjects.  A  '  precocious 
seriousness '  is  there,  and  the  style  is  marked  by  '  a  kind  of 
suppressed  passion  and  fierce  impatience.' 

The  six  years  between  1789  and  1795  may  be  called  '  the  Corsican 
period  '  of  Bonaparte's  life.  When  the  Revolution  broke  out,  the 
Italian  island  had  been  for  twenty  years  a  dependency  of  France, 
by  purchase  of  the  rights  of  the  Genoese  republic.  The  patriotic 
Paoli  had  taken  refuge  in  England,  where  he  was  still  living  in 
1789.  In  November,  1789,  Corsica  was  declared  by  the  new 
National  Assembly  sitting  at  Versailles  to  be  a  province  of  France, 
on  the  motion  of  Salicetti,  one  of  the  Corsican  representatives. 
In  July,  1790,  Paoli  landed  in  Corsica,  after  an  absence  of  twenty- 
one  years.  The  Bonaparte  family  had  always  favoured  the  French 
cause  in  the  island.  Napoleon,  however,  in  1789,  just  after  the 
taking  of  the  Bastille,  had  hurried  to  Ajaccio,  and  headed  the 
revolutionary  party,  and  had  published  a  letter  attacking  a  Corsican 
renegade  as  a  cynic  who  had  no  belief  in  virtue,  but  supposed  all 
men  to  be  guided  by  selfish  interest.  The  subsequent  career  of 
the  writer  is  a  curious  comment?.ry  on  these  noble  sentiments. 

In  1 79 1)  Bonaparte  became  commander  of  a  battalion  of  national 
volunteers  in  the  Ajaccio  district,  by  choice  of  the  volunteers 
themselves.  It  was  in  canvassing  for  this  post  that  he  outstayed 
his  furlough  and  forfeited  his  commission  in  the  French  artillery. 
At  the  Easter  festival  of  1792  he  failed  in  an  attempt  to  seize 
Ajaccio,  and  fled  to  France.  The  young  man  was  thus  a  rebel 
in  Corsica  and  a  deserter  in  France,  liable  to  be  tried  by  court- 
martial  and  shot.  Arriving  in  Paris  on  May  21st,  he  escaped 
notice  in  the  confusion  then  prevailing,  and  on  August  loth  he  saw 
the  downfall  of  the  monarchy.  On  August  30th,  when  the  new 
French  government,  with  France  invaded  from  beyond  the  Rhine, 
needed  every  trained  officer,  his  name  was  restored  to  the  army- 
list,  with  captain's  rank.  Instead  of  proceeding  at  once  to  the 
field,  Bonaparte  set  out  again  for  Corsica,  arriving  at  Ajaccio  on 
September  17th,  and  during  the  winter  he  made  his  first  campaign 
in  an  unsuccessful  expedition  against  Sardinia. 

In  April,  1793,  he  is  found  as  a  champion  of  the  French  con- 
nection and  a  bitter  opponent  of  Paoli.  The  insular  patriotism 
with  which  his  Letters  on  the  History  of  Corsica  had  teemed  had 
ended  in  this.  Paoli  summoned  a  national  assembly  which  dis- 
solved the  French  connection,  and  denounced  the  Bonaparte  family 


APPENDIX  527 

by  name.  After  another  desperate  attempt  to  seize  the  citadel 
of  Ajaccio,  the  young  officer,  with  his  widowed  mother  and  the 
whole  family,  took  refuge  in  France  from  the  fury  of  the  people 
of  Ajaccio.  Henceforth  Bonaparte  was  a  Frenchman.  He  had 
done  with  sentiment,  except  as  a  resource,  when  he  landed  at 
Toulon  in  June,  1793,  and,  embracing  the  stronger  side  in  his  own 
interest,  he  soon  issued  a  pamphlet,  in  the  cause  of  the  'Mountain' 
or  extreme  revolutionists,  against  the  falling  Girondins.  In  the 
attack  on  Avignon,  held  by  the  opponents  of  the  Convention,  in 
July,  1793,  Bonaparte  commanded  the  artillery,  and  became  intimate 
with  the  younger  Robespierre,  one  of  the  *  Representatives  in 
Mission'  of  the  Convention.  In  August  he  marched  with 
Carteaux,  the  Convention's  general,  into  Marseilles.  In  October 
he  was  before  Toulon,  and  his  services  during  the  siege  made  him 
a  marked  man.  The  veteran  Dugommier  wrote :  '  Among  those 
who  distinguished  themselves  most,  and  who  most  aided  me  to 
rally  the  troops  and  pushed  them  forward,  are  Citizens  Buona  Parte, 
etc'  On  April  5th,  1794,  when  he  had  joined  the  'Army  of 
Italy'  as  general  of  artillery  and  inspector-general,  the  younger 
Robespierre  describes  him  in  a  letter  as  '  of  transcendent  merit.' 
Marmont  writes  of  him  as  one  who  '  had''acquired  an  ascendancy 
over  the  representatives  which  it  is  impossible  to  describe.'  On 
July  28lh,  1794,  the  younger  Robespierre  died  on  the  scaffold  in 
Paris  with  his  famous  brother.  Bonaparte,  on  August  6th,  was 
placed  under  arrest  and  imprisoned  at  Fort  Carre,  near  Antibes. 
A  fortnight  later  he  was  set  free  on  the  ground  of  '  the  possible 
utility  of  the  military  and  local  knowledge  of  the  said  Bonaparte.' 
Marmont  declares  that  his  escape  from  being  sent  to  Paris  to 
share  the  fate  of  the  Robespierres  was  due  to  the  favour  of  the 
Corsican  Salicetti  (then  one  of  the  Convention's  'Representatives* 
with  the  army  in  Italy)  and  to  other  powerful  help  which  Bonaparte- 
succeeded  in  procuring.  His  power  of  attaching  followers  is 
shown  in  the  fact  that  Junot  and  Marmont,  who  had  made  his 
acquaintance  at  Toulon,  formed  a  plan,  in  case  Bonaparte  were 
ordered  to  be  sent  to  Paris,  for  freeing  him  by  killing  the  gens 
cParnies  and  carrying  him  into  Genoese  territory.  It  is  in  reference 
to  this  time  that  Marmont  wrote  of  the  young  commander  :  'there 
was  so  much  future  in  his  mind.' 

In  March,  1795,  the  coming  man  made  a  failure  in  a  maritime 
expedition  to  recover  Corsica  from  the  English.  He  embarked 
with  his  brother  Louis,  Marmont,  and  others  on  the  brig  Amiti^, 
i)ne  of  a  fleet  which  sailed  on  March  nth.  The  squadron  fell 
in  with  the  English,  loct  two  ships,  and  returned  in  discomfiture. 
His  return  to  Paris  from  Marseilles  in  May,  1795,  was  that  of  a 
man  who  felt  that  all  previous  credit  was  lost.  In  the  topographi- 
cal section  of  the  War  Office  he  furnished  strategical  plans  for  the 
conduct  of  the  war  in    Italy.     In   August  of  the   same   yea*  we. 


528  APPENDIX 

find  him  applying  for  a  commission  from  government  to  go  to 
Constantinople  at  the  head  of  a  party  of  artillerists  in  order  to 
reform  that  part  of  the  Turkish  service.  In  making  this  application, 
he  sends  in  a  testimonial  from  an  official  superior  describing  him 
as  '  a  citizen  who  may  be  usefully  employed,  whether  in  the 
artillery  or  in  any  other  arm,  and  even  in  the  department  ot 
foreign  affairs.'  He  did  not  go  to  Constantinople.  The  time 
was  to  come  when  the  fate  of  Turkey,  not  of  her  artillery  only, 
was  in  the  hollow  of  his  hand,  if  he  had  chosen  to  urge  Russia 
to  conquest  in  Southern  Europe. 

On  October  5th  {l2,th  Vendemiaire)  the  revolt  of  the  Paris 
'Sections'  was  suppressed.  On  February  23rd,  1796,  'General 
Bonaparte'  is  appointed  by  the  Directory  to  comman  i  the  'Army 
of  Italy.'  On  March  9th  the  lonely  Corsican,  destitute  of  con- 
nections in  Paris  or  in  France,  marries  Josephine  de  Beauharnois, 
prominent  in  Parisian  society  for  her  grace,  tact,  taste  in  dress, 
and  sweet  disposition.  Two  days  later  he  starts  for  Italy,  and 
his  great  career  before  the  world  begins. 

The  Projected  Invasion  of  England. 

Bourrienne,  in  chapters  xix.  and  xxi.  of  this  work,  represents  the 
great  gathering  of  forces  at  Boulogne  as  a  device  to  draw  the 
attention  of  Europe  in  that  direction,  with  the  view  of  deceiving 
the  Continental  powers  against  whom  the  army  was  to  be  employed. 
It  is  difficult  to  believe  that  the  vast  expense  incurred  in  naval,  as 
well  as  in  mihtary,  preparations  for  a  descent  upon  England  was 
wasted  for  a  needless  show.  It  is  certain  that  Napoleon  seriously 
intended  an  invasion  of  England.  He  had,  however,  as  Sir  John 
Seeley  has  remarked,  '  always  two  strings  to  his  bow.'  When 
circumstances  occurred  to  baffle  one  plan,  he  had  another  in  reserve. 
He  could  not  cross  the  Channel,  so  he  marched  for  Bavaria.  He 
could  not  hope  to  land  in  England,  so  he  shattered  her  great 
coalition  at  Austerlitz.  The  invasion  of  this  country  was,  beyond 
doubt,  a  real  project  in  the  mind  of  Napoleon.  When  the  Peace 
of  Amiens  was  broken  in  1803,  the  descent  upon  our  shores  was 
planned,  and  every  effort  was  made  to  rouse  France  for  the  under- 
taking. The  '  Bayeux  Tapestry,'  setting  forth  incidents  prior 
to  and  connected  with  the  landing  of  William  the  Conqueror,  was 
taken  from  its  resting-place  in  the  Hotel  de  Ville  of  that  town, 
sent  about  from  place  to  place,  and  hanged  up  for  view  in  the 
•  theatres.  On  every  French  and  Flemish  river,  from  the  Gironde 
to  the  Rhine,  flat-bottomed  boats  were  building  for  the  transport 
of  an  invading  host  across  the  narrow  sea.  One  French  department, 
the  Upper  Rhine,  built  a  ship  of  war  to  bear  its  own  name  ;  another 
iCdle  cTOr)  furnished  a  hundred  cannon.  A  hundred  and  fifty 
thousand  men  were  assembled  at  Boulogne,  with  thirteen  hundred 


APPENDIX  529 

vessels  for  their  transport,  and  by  constant  practice  the  troops  became 
so  expert  that  a  hundred  thousand  men  could  be  embarked  in  about 
forty  minutes.  The  army  was  organised  in  six  corps,  with  Ney, 
Soult,  and  Davoust,  three  of  the  ablest  and  most  daring  of  the 
famous  band  of  '  Marshals,'  among  the  leaders. 

In  the  summer  and  autumn  of  1805  the  peril  of  invasion  reached 
its  height  for  Great  Britain.  The  whole  fleets  of  Spain  and  Holland 
were  at  the  disposal  of  Napoleon,  and  an  armada  of  seventy  sail  of 
line-of-battle  ships  was  to  force  the  passage  of  the  Channel.  On 
July  20th,  1804,  Napoleon  had  joined  the  army  on  the  coast,  and  he 
wrote  to  his  admiral  at  Toulon,  Latouche  Treville,  who  alone  knew 
all  his  plans  :  '  Let  us  be  masters  of  the  Channel  for  six  hours,  and  we 
are  masters  of  the  world.'  A  medal  to  commemorate  the  conquest 
was  actually  struck  by  the  French  Mint,  bearing  the  words  '  Frappi 
a  Londres,'  and  many  of  those  made  are  still  to  be  seen  in  collections. 
A  lofty  pillar  was  erected  inland,  some  miles  from  Boulogne,  in 
celebration  of  an  event  which  never  'came  off.'  This  ridiculous 
monument  is  still  an  object  of  amusement  to  British  visitors.  When 
all  was  ready,  on  Aui^ust  20th,  Latouche  Treville  died,  and  the 
expedition  was  put  off.  Napoleon  then  made  a  fatal  mistake  in 
choosing  the  wrong  man  for  a  command  of  supreme  importance  to 
his  enterprise.  The  weakness  of  Admiral  Villeneuve,  Treville's 
successor  at  Toulon,  ultimately  ruined  the  plan  for  the  invasion  of 
England. 

In  the  spring  of  1805  Napoleon  was  again  preparing  for  the  attempt. 
Nelson  had,  for  nearly  two  years,  been  blockading  the  enemy's 
ships  in  Toulon.  On  March  31st,  1805,  when  the  British  fleet  was 
kept  away  from  her  station  off  the  French  port  by  contrary  winds, 
Villeneuve  put  to  sea  with  his  squadron,  and  on  April  8th  he 
passed  through  the  Straits  of  Gibraltar  en  route  for  the  West  Indies. 
Foul  winds  prevented  Nelson  from  reaching  Gibraltar  until 
April  30th,  and  not  until  May  5th  did  an  easterly  breeze  enable 
him  to  start  westwards  in  pursuit.  The  French  admiral  had  thus 
the  advantage  of  nearly  four  weeks'  start.  Villeneuve,  on  reaching 
the  West  Indies,  '  doubled  back '  for  Europe,  and  steered  for 
Ferrol,  on  the  north-west  coast  of  Spain,  there  to  join  the  Spanish 
fleet.  Nelson  had,  meanwhile,  sent  off,  from  the  West  Indies, 
swift  ships  to  England,  with  news  of  his  having  missed  the  French, 
and  Sir  Robert  Caldcr  was  on  the  look-out  for  Villeneuve.  An 
indecisive  action  was  fought  off  Cape  Finisterre  on  July  22nd,  and 
the  French  commander  went  to  Corunna  and  Ferrol.  There  he 
found  pressing  orders  from  Napoleon  to  hasten  to  Brest,  and  thence 
to  the  Channel,  with  his  fleet,  now  of  twenty-nine  sail  of  the  line. 

At  this  juncture  it  was  the  name  and  fame  of  Nelson,  the  hero 
of  the  Nile  and  of  Copenhagen,  that  saved  England  from  invasion. 
Villeneuve's  heart  failed  him  at  the  bare  thought  of  encountering 
Nelson,  who  was  really  at  Gibraltar,  anti  he  sailed  for  Cadiz.     He 

'.4 


530  APPENDIX 

reached  that  port  on  the  very  day  when  Napoleon  looked  for 
his  arrival  at  Brest.  Every  man  of  the  great  host  was  ready  to 
embark  on  the  flotilla  of  small  vessels  at  Boulogne.  Day  after  day 
Napoleon  stood  on  the  cliffs,  watching  for  Villeneuve's  vessels. 
Staff-officers  were  posted  at  signal-stations  all  along  the  coast  to 
the  west,  to  give  warning  of  his  approach,  so  that  the  army  might 
instantly  embark.  Villeneuve  was,  in  fact,  blockaded  in  Cadiz  by 
Collingwood  ;  and  Napoleon,  with  a  last  gaze  of  baffled  rage  at  the 
British  coast,  hurled  his  vast  forces,  vainly  gathered  at  Boulogne, 
against  Pitt's  Continental  coalition.  While  he  led  them  to  his 
crowning  victory  at  Austerlitz  on  December  2nd,  Nelson  had,  at 
Trafalgar,  on  October  21st,  finally  secured  England  against  the  very 
thought  of  French  invasion. 

BOURRIENNE  AND   HIS   BOOK. 

Louis  Antoine  Fauvelet  de  Bourrienne,  French  diplomatist  and 
deputy,  was  born  at  Sens  in  July,  1769,  about  a  month  before  his 
future  illustrious  patron  and  master.  Just  prior  to  the  French 
Revolution,  failing,  from  lack  of  noble  birth,  to  obtain  a  commission 
in  the  royal  army,  Bourrienne  went,  to  complete  his  education,  to 
Vienna  and  Leipsic.  With  a  view  to  the  diplomatic  career,  he 
studied  law  and  foreign  languages,  and,  after  visiting  Prussia  and 
Poland,  he  returned  to  P'rance  early  in  1792.  He  soon  returned  to 
Germany,  as  secretary  to  the  French  legation  at  Stuttgart,  the  capital 
of  Wirtemberg.  When  the  French  republic  was  proclaimed,  the 
government  of  Wirtemberg  did  not  recognise  the  new  state,  and 
Bourrienne  retired  to  Leipsic,  returning  to  France  in  1794.  His 
career  from  1797  to  181 5  is  given  by  himself  in  this  work.  We 
may  state  that  he  does  not  give  his  readers  the  real  cause  of  his 
rupture  with  Napoleon,  which  was  one  not  creditable  to  Bour- 
rienne's  honesty  in  financial  affairs.  Count  las  Cases,  in  his 
Memorial  de  Sainte-Helene,  informs  us  that  Napoleon  spoke  of  his 
former  secretary  as  a  man  of  ability  and  resource,  but  of  extreme 
gteed  for  money. 

In  August,  1815,  Bourrienne  was  elected  Deputy  for  the  Depart- 
ment of  the  Yonne,  and  was  sent  again  to  the  Chamber  in  1816, 
1822,  and  1824.  His  political  attitude  was  that  of  an  ultra-loyalist. 
In  1827,  on  the  fall  of  his  patron,  the  finance  minister  M.  de 
Villele,  Bourrienne  failed  to  be  re-elected,  and  fled  from  his 
creditors  to  Belgium.  After  the  downfall  of  Charles  X.  in  1830, 
Bourrienne  lost  his  reason,  and  he  died  in  February,  1834,  in 
a  maison  de  sante  near  Caen. 

The  original  work,  based  on  materials  gathered  by  the  author 
during  several  years  of  association  with  Napoleon,  and  at  a  later 
time,  was  written  in  Belgium,  during  his  exile  from  1827  to  1830. 
The   author   informs   us,  in   his   '  advertisement '  to  the  original, 


APPENDIX  531 

that  during  his  time  of  retirement  from  active  life,  he  was  constantly 
questioned  concerning  Napoleon,  and  that  his  hearers  generally 
ended  by  saying  :  '  You  ought  by  all  means  to  write  your  memoirs.' 
The  author  did  not  conceive  that  the  right  time  for  publication  had 
arrived  until  after  the  death  of  Napoleon.  The  book  was  written, 
as  above,  in  Belgium,  at  Fontaine  I'Eveque,  near  Charleroi,  the 
seat  of  Mme.  la  Duchesse  de  Brancas,  whose  kindness  provided 
Bourrienne  with  a  quiet  retreat  for  the  purpose  of  arranging  and 
correcting  his  very  extensive  materials.  The  M^moires  were  edited, 
in  Bourrienne's  name,  by  M.  de  Villemarest,  and  first  appeared  in 
ten  octavo  volumes  in  1829-31,  being  published  at  Paris. 

One  of  the  many  amusing  passages  in  these  lively  Mimoires, 
as  here  reproduced  in  an  abridged  form,  runs  somewhat  thus  : 

Napoleon. — 'Well,  Bourrienne,  you  too  will  be  immortal.' 

Bourrienne. —  'Why,  General?' 

Napoleon. — '  Are  you  not  my  secretary  ? ' 

Bourrienne. — '  Tell  me  the  name  of  Alexander's.' 

'  A  good  hit  ! '  cries  Napoleon. 

We  may  assume  that  the  author  does  justice,  in  general,  to  the 
talents  and  genius  of  the  great  man  with  whom  his  name  will  be 
ever  associated.  Whenever,  in  fact,  Bourrienne  is  not  writing  of 
himself,  and  has  no  need,  in  his  own  interests,  of  either  falsification 
or  suppression,  his  memoirs  are  of  real  historical  value,  and  contain 
many  true  and  curious  details  which,  without  his  work,  must  have 
been  lost  to  the  world.  The  book  was  a  great  success  with  the 
public,  and  has  become  a  '  classic '  in  the  vast  Napoleonic  litera- 
ture. Editions  were  published  in  English  in  1830  (in  two  separate 
translations),  1831,  1836,  and  1848,  all  these  appearing  in  London. 
The  abridged  English  edition  of  1836,  as  here  reproduced,  is  by  far 
the  best  in  this  form.  In  1852-4  an  edition  appeared  in  Glasgow, 
London,  and  New  York  ;  in  1S69  another  was  published,  and  yet 
another  in  18S5,  ^'^''^^^  "^  London. 

The  Empress  Josephine. 

In  the  pages  of  Bourrienne,  Napoleon's  first  wife  appears  gener- 
ally in  an  attractive  way,  as  a  good  genius  to  v^'hose  advice  he 
would  have  done  well  to  pay  heed.  Marie  Rose  Tascher  de  la 
Pagerie  was  born  on  June  23rd,  1763,  in  the  island  of  Martinique. 
Her  father  was  '  captain  of  the  port '  at  St.  Pierre,  the  chief  town, 
destroyed  by  the  fearful  eruption,  in  May,  1902,  of  the  adjacent 
Mont  Pelee.  She  had  the  scanty  colonial  education  of  a  French 
Creole  in  that  age  ;  but  she  was  attractive  from  her  mental  and 
moral  character,  as  well  as  from  her  graceful  manners  and  beauty. 
In  her  sixteenth  year  she  went  with  her  father  to  France,  and  was 
married,  in  December,  1779,  to  Viscomte  Alexandre  Beauharnois, 
bom  in  1760  of  an  old  French  family  in  Martinique.     He  served. 


532  APPENDIX 

under  Rochambeau,  in  the  American  war  of  independence  against 
Great  Britain.  In  17S9  he  was  an  ardent  supporter  of  the  popular 
cause,  and  became  a  member  of  the  military  committee.  He  lost 
favour  by  defending  the  conduct  of  General  Bouille  in  his  vigorous 
suppression  of  the  insurrection  at  Nancy.  In  July,  1794,  he  was 
executed  on  a  false  charge  of  having  brought  about  the  surrender 
of  Mainz  (Mayence)  by  inactivity  in  the  field.  Josephine,  for  the 
crime  of  being  his  wife,  had  a  narrow  escape,  being  saved,  when 
she  was  on  the  '  list  of  proscription,'  only  by  the  fact  that  her  state 
of  prostration,  due  to  her  husband's  fate,  was  such  that  she  could 
not  be  removed  from  prison.  On  the  fall  of  Robespierre,  she  was 
liberated  through  the  influence  of  Tallien,  and  she  recovered,  by  the 
help  of  Barras,  a  portion  of  her  husband's  property. 

It  is  remarkable  that  in  the  *  act  of  marriage,'  on  her  union  with 
Bonaparte,  he  is  declared  to  have  been  born  in  1768  instead  of  1769, 
and  she  in  1767  instead  of  1763.  It  was,  of  course,  a  device  to 
bring  them  nearer  together  in  age.  It  may  be  noted  that,  as  mother 
of  Hortense,  Queen  of  Holland,  Josephine  was  grandmother  of 
Louis  Napoleon  (Napoleon  III.),  Emperor  of  the  French. 

During  her  life  with  her  more  famous  husband,  she  exercised  a 
benevolent  influence  in  favour  of  many  Emigres,  and  at  the  time  of 
the  Pichegru  and  Georges  Cadoudal  conspiracy,  she  saved  by  her 
intercession  the  lives  of  Riviere  and  of  Armand  de  Polignac.  After 
the  divorce,  Josephine  retired  to  her  beautiful  seat  of  Malmaison, 
with  the  title  of  'empress-queen-dowager,'  and  was  followed  by  the 
love  of  the  French  people.  The  Emperor  Alexander  I.  showed  his 
respect  for  her  virtues  by  repeated  visits.  She  felt  severely  the  first 
downfall  of  Napoleon,  with  whom  she  had  continued  to  correspond, 
and  on  May  29th,  18 14,  she  died  at  Malmaison. 

The  Duke  of  Wellington. 

There  is  only  one  reference,  in  Bourrienne's  pages,  to  Napoleon's 
greatest  and  final  antagonist,  to  which  we  need  advert.  On  p.  386 
we  find  these  words  :  '  At  Talavera  commenced  the  European 
reputation  of  a  man  who,  perhaps,  would  not  have  been  without 
some  glory,  even  had  less  pains  been  taken  to  build  him  up  a 
fabric  of  renown.'  We  can  scarcely  expect  a  Frenchman  to 
do  complete  justice  to  Wellington,  but  the  above  comment  is 
certainly  exquisite  concerning  one  who  beat  nearly  all  Napoleon's 
best  marshals  in  the  Peninsula,  and  ended  his  military  career  by 
foiling,  with  a  far  inferior  force  as  to  quality,  all  Napoleon's  efforts 
for  many  hours  at  Waterloo.  It  is,  moreover,  rather  ungrateful 
of  Bourrienne  to  sneer  at  the  man  who  did  far  more  than  any  other 
single  personage  to  bring  about  the  return  of  the  Bourbons,  of 
whom  Bourrienne  became  so  devoted  an  adherent,  and  to  whom 
he  owed  office  and  pay. 


INDEX 


Abercrombie.GeneralSirRalph,  197 
Abrantes,    Due    d'.      See    'Junot, 

Marshal ' 
Addington,  Mr.  (Lord  Sidmouth), 

205-6 
Alexander  I.  of  Russia,  249,  280,  296- 

8i  301,  314.  337-40,  341-3)  3651  367-8. 

403-5.    418,    431.    43S.    439-42.    45° 

451.  452.  453-5.  460,  469 
Alvinzi,  Marshal,  38,  39,  40-5 
Artcienls,  Council  of,  58,  59,  100-2 
Andreossy,  General,  207-8 
Archduke  Charles  of  Austria,  34,  49, 

so,  SI,  287,  294,  296,  382-3 
Artois,      Comte      d'     (afterwards 

Charles  X.  of  France),  177,  253, 

432,  457-8 
Augereau,  Marshal,  26,  35,  40, 43,  47, 

58-60,  196,  258,  464-s 
Austria,   Emperor    Francis    of,   25, 

292,    297,  298,   367-8,  380-2,    390-1, 

40s,  4'o-ii,  416,  418,  431,  458-60 

B 

Barras,  Dirtctor,  19,  20,  22,  58,  66, 

99,  loi 
Barthelemy,  Dirtctor,  58,  S9 
Battles  (and  Sieges) — 
Aboukir  (naval),  ('  the  Nile")  77, 

89 
Aboukir  (French  and  Turks),  90 
Acre(St.  Jean  d'  Acre),  (siege), 84-6 
Admiral   Calder's    (with    French 

fleet),  278 
Alexandria  (French  and  English), 

197 
Areola  (Arcole),  40;  anolher,  41 


Battles  (and  Sieges)  {fontinned) 
Auerstadt,  316 
Austerlitz,  296-8 
Badajoz  (siege),  403 
Bassano,  37 
Bautzen,  415 
Baylen,  358 
Brienne,  431 

Caldiero,  39  ;  another,  291 
Castiglione,  35 
Champ  Aubert,  431 
Ciudad  Rodrigo  (siege),  403 
Copenhagen  (first),  193-4 
Copenhagen  (second),  341 
Craonne,  432 
Dresden,  416 
El-Arish  (siege),  8i-a 
Elchingen,  287 
Eylau,  335,  337 
Fere  Charapenoise,  433 
Friedland,  337 
Hanau,  419 
Hohenlinden,  189-92 
Jaffa  (siege),  82-3 
Jena,  316 
Leipsic,  416-8,  430 
Ligny,  494-5 
Lodi,  28,  29 

Lonato,  34  ;  another,  35 
Lutzen,  415 
Marengo,  165-73 
Millesimo,  26;  Mincio,  the,  425 
Monte  Notte,  26 
Montmartre  (or  St.  Denis),  434 
Pyramids,  75 
Quatre-bras,  494-7 
Riosecco,  357 
Rivoli.  43,  44 


533 


534 


INDEX 


Battles  (and  Sieges)  [couttnued) — 

Rori(pa,  360 

Roveredo,  36 

Salamanca,  403 

Salo,  34 

Saragossa  (first  siege),  358-9 

Talavera,  386 

Toulon  (siege),  10-16 

Toulouse,  457 

Trafalgar,  301 

Vimiero,  360 

Vittoria,  415 

Wagram,  390 

Waterloo,  485,  497-S07 

Wertingen,  287 
Bavaria,  made  a  kingdom,  299 ;  at- 
tacked by  Austria,  382-3 
King    of,    391 ;    turns  against 

Napoleon,  416-19 
Baylen,  French  capitulation  at,  358 
Beauharnois,  Hortense  de,  65,  104, 

123,  201-3,  21I1  216,   225,  242,  243, 

248,  372,  394 
Beauharnois,  Josephine  de,  22,  23, 

64,  67,  104-S,   116,  121-4,   125,  131, 

13S1   141-3.   146,   183-4,   190,  201-2, 

203,  211,  212,  215-8,  225,  248.    Now 

see  'Josephine,  Empress' 
Beauharnois,  Prince  Eugene  de,  22, 

57,  82,   123,   371,  409,  423-4,  425-7, 

460-1 
Beaulieu,  General,  25,  26,  28-31 
Belgium,  The  campaign   in  (1815^ 

490,  sqq 
Bellerophon,  The,  Napoleon  on,  512- 

13 

Belluno,  Due  de.  See  '  Victor, 
Marshal ' 

Benevento,  Prince  de.  See  '  Tal- 
leyrand ' 

Berg,  Grand  Duke  of.  See  '  Murat, 
Marshal ' 

Berlin  Decrees,  The,  324-5 

Bernadotte,  Marshal,  58,  98,  99,  100, 
127,  258,  281,  29s,  312,  316,  317, 
330,  327,  331,  335,  344,  361,  362-3, 
369,  370.  383,  404,  40s 

Bernard, Passage  of  Great  St.,  159-63 


Berthier,  General,  29,  57,  87,  88,  91, 
124,  156,  157,  258,  289,  298,  387, 
43 1 1  446,  469 

Bertrand,  General,  398, 422,  443,  461, 

463,  46s,  513,  517 
Bessieres,  Marshal,  167,  258,  357 
Blacas,   Comte  de,  470,  472,  476-7, 

487 
Blake,  General,  357 
Bliicher,   Marshal,  317,   320-1,  331, 

431,  432,  433,  489,  494-98,  504 

Bonaparte,  the  family  banished 
from  Corsica,  10 

Caroline,  2,  121-4,  201 

Charles  Marie  de  (Napoleon's 

father),  2 

Eliza,  2 

Jerome,  2,  339 

Joseph,  2,  18,  104,  113,  121,  157, 

257,  296,  307,  339,  348,  351,  356, 
358,  366,  367-8,  380,  403,  433,  434, 
435 

Louis,  2,  102,  201-3,  257,  258,  313, 

339i  370,  372-8,  392 

Lucien,  2,  99-102,  104,  157,  209, 

III,  212,  217,  508 

Madame.    See  'Josephine '  and 

'Beauharnois'  (Napoleon's 
mother),  2,  10,  211 

Pauline,  2,  202,  468 

Bonaparte  (till  May,  1804,  on  as- 
sumption of  imperial  power) : 
birth  and  descent,  2,  3  ;  at  Brienne 
Military  College,  3-6 ;  at  Paris 
Military  College,  6,  7 ;  appointed 
sub-lieutenant  of  artillery,  7  ; 
early  life  in  Paris,  8,  9 ;  visits  to 
Corsica,  9,  10  ;  commands  a  bat- 
talion against  Paoli,  10 ;  rejoins 
artillery  corps,  10 ;  at  siege  of 
Toulon,  9,  10,  II,  12-16;  promoted, 
16  ;  on  mission  to  Genoa,  16  ;  re- 
moved from  active  service,  17  ; 
private  life  in  Paris,  17,  i8 ;  ser- 
vices on  i^ik  Vende'niiaire  (Octo- 
ber 5,1795),  19-22 ;  marries  Joseph- 
ine de  Beauharnois,  23  ;  leaves 
Paris  for  Army  of  Italy,  23  ;  his 


INDEX 


535 


Bonaparte  (cottliuued)— 
victorious  career  in  Italy,  25-61, 
63;  returns  to  Paris  (December, 
1797).  64-6 ;  voyage  to  Egypt  ,69, 71 ; 
in  Egypt,  71-81;  in  Syria,  81-8; 
in  Egypt  again,  88-92  ;  returns  to 
France,  93-4,  97-102 ;  becomes 
First  Consul,  102-3  ;  at  Luxem- 
bourg Palace,  104-7 ;  at  Tuileries 
Palace,  129-43 ;  in  north  Italy 
again,  160;  battle  of  Marengo, 
165-73;  returns  to  Paris  (July, 
1800),  176  ;  escapes  from  assassin- 
ation, 180-4;  makes  Concordat 
with  Pope,  195-6;  created  consul 
for  life,  210  ;  his  lawless  conduct 
during  Peace  of  Amiens,  235-8 ; 
renewed  war  with  England,  237-8; 
executes  Due  d'Enghien,  240, 
246-9 ;  becomes  emperor,  255-6. 
Now  see  '  Napoleon ' 

Borghese,  Prince,  277  ;  Princcsse. 
See  '  Bonaparte,  Pauline ' 

Boulogne,  The  camp  at,  260-3,  278 

Bourrienne  :  his  early  friendship 
with  Bonaparte,  4-6,  8-9,  17-19,  22 ; 
with  Bonaparte  in  Italy,  51-6 ; 
returns  with  him  to  Paris,  64-7  ; 
to  Egypt,  69-71  ;  in  Egypt  and 
Syria,  71-88  ;  back  with  Bonaparte 
to  France,  92-4  ;  in  Paris,  97-105 ; 
as  his  secretary,  log-ii ;  settled 
at  the  Tuileries,  131-7,  139-43, 
147-8;  to  Italy  again,  157-64;  back 
to  Paris,  175-9;  t°  Italy  again, 
304;  first  rupture  with  Napoleon, 
223-6,  229-33  >  3S  minister  to  Hanse 
Towns,  273-6,  281-3,  309-10,  317-21, 
322-4,  362-6,  392-4  (see  also  '  Hanse 
Towns '  and  '  Hamburg ')  ;  re- 
turns to  Paris,  394 ;  at  Malmaison, 
394-7;  Napoleon's  final  quarrel 
with  Bourrienne,  399 ;  under 
Louis  XVIII.,  468-80;  leaves 
Paris  on  Napoleon's  return,  481. 
See  483,  485-90 

Brueys,  Admiral,  70,  78-9 

Brunswick,  Duke  of,  316 


Cadoudal,  Georges,  his  conspiracy. 

240,  241-55 
Cairo,   French  occupy,  75;    revolt 

at,  81 
Cambaceres,  Consul,  103,  114,  115, 

133.    134.    157;    as    President    ot 

Senate,  etc.  (under  Empire),  257, 

312.  375,  410 
Canova,  the  sculptor,  214 
Carnot,  Director,   etc.,  58,   59,   155, 

177.  484.  508,  509 
Caroline,  Queen  of  Naples,  296 
Cases,     Las,    Count.      See     '  Las 

Cases ' 
Castanos,  General,  358,  362 
Caulincourt  (Due  de  Vicenza),  343, 

400,  421,  429,  443,  444,  447,  449-50i 

451,  453.  454,  455,  456,  50S,  509 
Champ  de  Mars,  The  (Paris),  269 
Charles,  Archduke,  of  Austria.    See 

'  Archduke  Charles ' 
Charles  IV.  of  Spain,  305,  346-54 
Chateaubriand,  438 
Cintra,  Convention  of,  361 
Cockburn,     Admiral    Sir    George, 

S13-15; 
Code  Napoleon,  The,  344-6 
Colli,  General,  25,  26,  47 
Confederation  of  the  Rhine,  The,  361 
Congresses — 

Chatillon-sur-Seine,  426,  429 

Prague,  415,  416,  424 

Vienna,  470,  478,  481 
Constantine,  Grand  Duke,  295 
Continental  System,  The,  325-8 
Convention  of  Cintra,  361 
Corsica,  2,  3,  5,  9,  10,  38 
Corvisart,   Baron  (the    physician), 

307,  218,  223,  389,  399 
Cuesta,  General,  357 

D 

Dalrymple,  General  Sir  Hugh,  361 
Davidovich,  General,  36,  38 
Davoust,  Marshal,  131,  258,  316,  325, 

328,  384,  404,  413,  422-3,  475,  476 
Denmark,  British  attack  on  (1807), 341 


536 


INDEX 


Desaix,  General,  71,  77,  164-73,  278 
Directory,  The,  23-5,  33,  55-8,  59-61, 

62,  64,  65-7,  78,  95,  97,  98,  99  ;  end 

of,  loi,  102.     See  125 
Djezzar,  Pasha  of  Acre,  79,  8+ 
Drouet,  General,  192,  432,  461,  465 
Duhesme,  General,  352,  357 
Dumouriez,  313 
Dupas,    General,    his    conduct    at 

Hamburg,  etc.,  362-4 
Dupont,  General,  352,  358,  369 
Duroc    (Napoleon's   secretary),   65, 

"3.  131.  135,   181,  188,  201-3,  225- 

6,  233,  260,  293,  319,  322,  371,  388, 

41S,  416 


EckmQhl,  Prince  of.   See  '  Davoust, 

Marshal ' 
Egypt,  Campaigns  in,  71-81,  88-92, 

197-8 

evacuated  by  French,  198 

Enghien,  Due  d',  246-9 
Erfurt,  Napoleon  at,  367-8 
Eslingen,  Prince  of.   See  'Massena, 

Marshal ' 
Eugene,   Prince,  de    Beauharnois. 

See '  Beauharnois ' 


Feltre,  Due  de,  410 

Ferdinand  IV.  of  Naples,  32,  296 

Ferdinand,  Prince  of  the  Asturias 

(Ferdinand  VII.  of  Spain),  347- 

55,  357 
Finland,  Russian  conquest  of,  339, 

36s.  368 
Five  Hundred,  Council  of,  100,  loi, 

102 
Fontainebleau,   Palace  of,  266,  391, 

401-2,    437,    443-4,    446,    448,   4So-'4, 

462-3  ;  Napoleon's  farewell  at,  463 
Fouche  (Due  d'  Otranto),  99, 131, 157, 

183-7,  214-15,  240,  241,  244,  475-6, 

486-9,  508,  509 
Fox,  Charles  James,  310-11,  315 
Francis,  Emperor.     See  '  Austri  «' 
Frederick  William  of  Prussia,  299- 


301,   309,   315,   319,   321,  322,   323, 
329,  337-9,  410,  431,  440,  452,  454 
Fructidor,  The  i8ih  (1797),  58,  59,  62 

G 

Gambler,  Admiral,  341 
Gantheaume,  Admiral,  198 
Georges.     See  '  Cadoudal ' 
Gerard,  General,  444 
Germany,  Empire  of,  ended,  390-1 
Giulay,  General  Baron  de,  290,  292 
Godoy,  '  Prince  of  the  Peace,'  346- 

54,  357 
Gourgaud,  General,  513 
Gravina,  Admiral,  271,  301 
Grouchy,    General,    432,    494,    498, 

503,  505-6,  511 
Gustavus  of  Sweden,  295,  309,  323 

H 

Hamburg,  278-9,  281-2,  309,  316,  320, 
322,  325,  326,  327,  331,  345,  361-5, 
369,  393,  394,  411-15,  422-3 

Hanover,  given  by  Napoleon  to 
Prussia,  299  (noie) 

Hanse  Towns,The,  273,  312,  316,  320, 
327,  331,  362,  365-8,  383,  392-3, 
394,  411-15.     S^e' Hamburg' 

Hatzfeld,  Prince,  318-19 

Haugwitz,  de  (Prussian  diplo- 
matist), 299,  300 

Hawkesbury,  Lord,  198 

Heligoland,  370 

Hohenlohe,  Prince,  317 

Holland,  151,  154,  313,  392 

Hood,  Admiral  Lord  (at  Toulon),  15 

Hortense  de  Beauharnois  (Queen 
of  Holland).    See  'Beauharnois' 

Hundred  Days,  The,  480-509 


Italy,  North,  first  campaign  in,  23- 
65  ;  second  campaign  in,  152-74 


Jaffa,  Napoleon  at,  S2-3 

John,  Archduke  of  Austria,  190,  192 

Jomini,  General,  416 

Josephine,  Empress,  257,  294-5,  =73, 


INDEX 


537 


302,   303,   3'8-i9,  39i>  394-7.      •S*« 

also  '  Beauharnois* 
Joubert,  General,  43,  ^z,  62 
Jourdan,  Marshal,  34,  i54i  25* 
Junot,  Marshal  (Due  d'Abrantes), 

II,  131,  222,  343-4,  3S2>  356,  360-1 

K 

Kellerman,  General  (the  younger), 

at  Marengo,  165-7.  i73 
'  King    of    Rome,'    Birth    of,    399. 

Set  427-8 
Kleber,  General,  71,  77,  87,  92 
Kray,  General,  155 


Laborde,  General,  360 
Lannes,   Marshal,   2S,    29,    67,   133, 
160,  161,  163,  170-3,  196,  221-2,  258, 
S93-4.  344,  384 
Las  Cases,  Count,  263,  sii,  513 
Lauriston,  Marshal,  262,  264,  400 
Lebrun,  Consul,  103,  104,  133,  134; 

under  Empire,  257,  312 
Leclerc,  General,  200 
Lefebvre,  Marshal,  222,  357,  358 
Leghorn,  seized  by  French,  33 
Legion  of  Honour,  The,  208,  260-1 
Lichtenstein,    Prince    Maurice    of, 

168,  288-90,  298,  390,  440 
Lombardy,     Campaigns     in.      See 

'Italy,  North  ' 
Longwood,  514-16 

Louis    XVIII.,    143-7,    468-70;    his 
feeble    rule,    470-7  ;     flight    from 
Paris  (1815),  479-80  (see  4S1.   485- 
90) ;  his  return,  511 
Louvre,  Palace  of  the,  66,  219 
Lowe,  Sir  Hudson,  515-17 
Lubeck.     Sff  '  Hanse  Tovfns' 
Luxembourg,  Palace  of  the,  65,  102, 
104,  124,  129,  302 

M 

Macdonald,  Marshal  (Due  de  Ta- 
rento),  100,  401,  4171  418,  444,  446, 
449-50.  452.  453,  454.  455.  45*,  457, 
488 

Mack,  General,  284,  288-90 


Mackintosh,  Sir  James,  206 
Madrid,  French  occupation  of,  353 

insurrection  in,  355 
Mallet's,     General,    conspiracy 

against  Napoleon,  406-9 
Malmaison,   Chateau    de,   115,    147, 
187,  202,  204,  207,  211-13,  215,  248, 
273.  394.  510 
Malta,  French  occupation  of,  70 

British  occupation  of,  177 

British  refusal  to  give  up,  235 

Mamelukes,  The,  73-5,  76 
Mantua,   Siege    of,    32,    36-8  ;    sur- 
render of,  46 
Maria-Louisa    of    Austria,     Arch- 
duchess and  Empress,  385,  39-. 
399,  402,  410,   419,   427-8,    433.  434. 
458-60 
Marmont,  Marshal  (Due  de  Ragusa), 
89,  90,  398,  403,  43'.  433-4.  437.  443. 
445-6,  449,  450,  452-4,  473,  474 
Massena,  Marshal,  26,  35,  38,  39,  44, 
45,  49,  153,  154.  155.  163,  17s.  258. 
2S7,  292,  294,  397,  398 
Melas,  General,  154,  163,  168-74 
Milan,  Bonaparte  enters,  30 
Moncey,  Marshal,  159,  258,  352,  357, 

427.  434 
'Monsieur.'    S«  'Artois,  Comted" 
Montebello,  Duke  of.    See  '  Lannes, 

Marshal ' 
Montholon,  Count,  513,  517 
Mont    St.    Jean.      See     '  Battles : 

Waterloo ' 
Moore,  General  Sir  John,  361,  379 
Moreau,  General,  34.97.98.  i°o,  loi, 
155.  156.  177.  188-92,  239,  24a,  241, 
243,  244.  246,  230-3,  2S0,  415,  416 
Mortier,  Marshal  (Duke  of  Treviso), 

258,  292,  331,  433,  434,  435,  480 
Moscow,  Napoleon  at,  406 
Moskowa,     Prince     of    the.      See 

'  Ney,  Marshal 
Mourad  Bey,  75,  76,  77,  78 
Murat,  Marshal,  43.   88,  loi,  120-4, 
133,  163,  255,  253,  287,  292,  293-4, 
299    (tioie),    312,   317,   331,   349-50, 
3S3-S,  366, 4'39. 418,  424-7.  477-8,  484 


53« 


INDEX 


N 
Naples,  King  of.    Set '  Ferdinand ' 
Napoleon  (for  period  before  May, 
1804,     see     '  Bonaparte '),     esta- 
blishes Legion  of  Honour,   298, 
260-1 ;  creates  his  marshals,  25S  ; 
visits  Boulogne  camp,  261 ;    his 
letter  to  George  III.,  270-2  ;  his 
coronation  at  Notre  Dame,  268-9 ; 
his   coronation   at   Milan,   276-7; 
marches  for  Bavaria,  283-4,  287  ; 
his    success    at    Ulm,    287-8;    at 
Austerlitz,      296-8;      arrives     at 
Schoenbrunn,  299  ;  creates  Joseph 
King  of  Naples,  and  Louis  King 
of  Holland,  311,  313,  339;  at  war 
with     Prussia     (1806-7),     316-38 ; 
Jena,  316;    issues  Berlin  Decree, 
324  ;  at  war  with  Russia  (1806-7), 
329-38 ;     battle    of     Eylau,    335 ; 
Friedland,  337;    Peace  of  Tilsit, 
337-8  ;  returns  to  Paris  (1807),  342  ; 
the    Code   Napoleon,   344-6 ;     his 
army    invades    Portugal    (1807), 
343-4>  352  ;  his  troops  enter  Spain 
(i8o8),  349-52 ;  founds  new  nobility, 
366  ;  meets  Alexander  I.  at  Erfurt, 
365,  367-8 ;  with   army  in  Spain, 
379-80 ;    retarns   to    Paris   (1809), 
380;   takes  field   against  Austria 
(1809),   382-4;    his   victories,  383; 
at  Schoenbrunn  again,  385,  387 ; 
annexes  Papal^tates,  386  ;  victory 
at  Wagram,  390 ;  Peace  of  Vienna 
(or  Schoenbrunn),  390-1 ;  divorces 
Josephine,    391,    394-5;     marries 
Maria-Louisa    of    Austria,    392  ; 
birth  of  son,   399;    at   height   of 
power,    399 ;    the    Russian    cam- 
paign (1812),  402-6,  408-11 ;  returns 
from  Moscow  to  Paris,  409  ;  leaves 
Paris  for  Germany,  413;  victories 
at     Lutzen     and     Bautzen,    415 ; 
armistice,  415  ;  victorious  at  Dres- 
den, 416  ;  defeated  at  Leipsic,  416- 
18  ;  in  field  again  in  France  (1814), 
432-3;  victories  over  allies,  432; 
dethroned  by  Senate,  445;  first 


Napoleon  (continued)— 
abdication,  448  ;  farewell  to  the 
Guard  at  Fontainebleau,  463 ; 
journey  from  Fontainebleau  to 
Elba,  463-8 ;  returns  to  Paris 
(1815),  473-80;  his  energy  in  pre- 
parations for  war,  484-5 ;  the 
Waterloo  campaign,  485,  490-507  ; 
returns  to  Paris,  507-10  ;  his  final 
abdication,  508-9 ;  his  surrender 
at  Rochefort,  511-12;  his  letter  to 
the  Prince  Regent,  512;  second 
exile,  513  ;  at  St.  Helena,  513-16  ; 
death,  516;  funeral,  517  ;  personal 
appearance,  63,  64,  108 ;  character, 
habits,  log,   110-20,   126,    128,   130, 

135.  138.  143.  14+.  243,  250,  259, 
289-90.  332-4.  336.  371.  383,  388, 
405-6,  409,  426,  429,  510,  512-13,  515, 
516;  anecdotes,  109,  no,  113,  114, 
115,  117,  119,  123,  125,  126,  127,  134, 

136,  140,  141,  143,  153,  157-8,  161, 
176,  17S-9,  204,  212,  223-6,  238-9, 
242,  248,  262,  263,  264,  285,  294-5, 
302-3,  318,  319,  331,  384,  387-9,  395, 
409,  427-8,  432.  45°.  455.  456.  461, 
462,  464,  465,  466,  467,  468,  513,  518 ; 
his  career,  97  ;  his  legislation,  125 ; 
as  a  general,  330 

Napper  Tandy,  138-9 
Nelson,  Lord,  69,  70,  193-4,  301 
Nesselrode,  Count,  438-g,  440 
Neufchatel,  Prince  de.     See  '  Bcr- 

thier.  Marshal ' 
Ney,    Marshal,  190-2,  258,  287,  409, 

416,  444,  449-50,  453,  455,  489,  494-7. 

S04 
N orihumberland,  Napoleon  on  the, 

513 

O 

O'Hara,  General  (at  Toulon),  13 

O'Meara,  Dr.,  513,  514 

Oporto,  360 

Otranto,  Due  d'.     See  '  Fouche 

Otto,  Monsieur,  ig8,  205,  378 

Oudinot,  Marshal  (Due  de  Reggio), 

377.  444 
Ouvrard  the  financier,  301-4 


INDEX 


539 


Palafox,  Don  Jose,  359 
Paoli,  General,  5,  9,  10 
Papal  States,  annexed  by  Napoleon, 

386 
Paris,  Capitulation  of  (1814),  436-7  ; 

allied  sovereigns  in  (1814),  439 
Parker,  Admiral  Sir  Hyde,  193 
Parma,  Duchy  of,  annexed,  367 
Paul  I.  of  Russia,  148-53.  193-S 
Peaces.     5e<  '  Treaties' 
Peltier,  the  journalist,  205,  306 
Persia,  336 
Pichegru,    General,    239,   240,    241, 

243.  244.  246,  250-1 
Piedmont,  French  conquest  of,  26,27 
Pitt,  William,  249,  310 
Pius  VI.,  Pope,  33,  47,  48 
Pius  VII.,  Pope,  in  France,  266-g, 

276 ;   returns  to  Rome,  277.     Set 

366,  386,  401-2 
Placenza,  Duke  of.     Set  '  Lebrun ' 
Poland,  Napoleon's  policy  on,  329, 

340.  405 
Polignacs,  The  (in  Cadoudal's  con- 
spiracy), 243-4,  252-5 
Poniatowski,  Prince,  340,  ii6-j,  418 
Ponte     Corvo,     Prince     of.      See 

'Bernadotte,  Marshal' 
Portugal,  Invasion  of.    See  '  Wars ' 

(Peninsular) 
Pozzo  di  Borgo,  Count,  440,  454 
Fradt,  Abbe  de,  439,  441,  443 
Pi-ussia,  Frederick  Wilharo  of.    See 
'  Frederick  William  ' 

Queen  of,  338-9 

Se*  •  Wars  ' 


Quasdonowich,  General,  34,  35,  37 

R 

Ragusa,  Due  de.     See  '  Marmont, 

Marshal ' 
Rapp,   General,   168,   180,   211,   238, 

261,  266,  277,  285,  288,  289,  194,  296- 

7.  3",  33' I  337,  384,  387,  388,  408, 

409 


Reggio,  Duke  of.      See  '  Oudinot, 

Marshal ' 
Rewbell,  Director,  58 
Rochefoucauld,  Count  de  la,  376 
Roraana,  Marquis  de  la,  356,  368-70 
Rome,  occupied  by  French,  366 
Rovigo,  Duke  of.     See  '  Savary ' 


St.  Cloud,  Chateau  of,  100-3,  197, 
257,  26s,  382,  392 

Saint-Cyr,  General,  172-3 

Sardinia,  King  of,  25,  27 

Savary,  General  (Due  de  Rovigo), 
90,  168,  227-30,  23s,  24s,  248,  249, 
278,  298,  337-8,  353-4.  400.  408,  5" 

Saxony,  made  a  kingdom,  332,  339 

Elector  and  King  of,  329,  332-3, 

339.  340,  391.  417 
Schoenbrunn,     Napoleon    at,    294, 

38s,  387 
Schwartzenberg,    Prince,   433,    435, 

440,  445-6,  450.  45* 
Sebastiani,  General,  206,  238 
Sieyes,  Abbe,  Direclor  and  Consul, 

97.  98,  99,  loi,  102 
Smith,  Sir  Sidney,  69,  84,  352 
Soult,  Marshal,  258,  261,  287,317,511 
Spain,  Troubles  in,  346-52  ;  French 
invasion  of,  352-3  ;    Napoleon  in, 
379-80.     S?t  '  Wars '(Peninsular) 
Staps,  intending  assassin  of  Napo- 
leon, 180,  387-90 
Suchet,  General,  169,  170,  400,  415 
Sweden,  King  of.    See '  Gustavus 
Syria,  Campaign  in,  81-8 


Talleyrand,  65,  68,  105-7.  i34,  141, 
153,  208,  223-4,  299,  311,  312,  337, 
338,  410,  439,  441.  442,  45',  453,  454. 
458,  470,  473.  483.  484.  48S,  490 

Tarcnto,  Due  de.  See  '  Mac- 
donald.  Marshal  ' 

Thielmann,  General,  497,  503 

Tilsit,  The  interview  at,  337-8 

Toulon,  Siege  of,  10-16 

Toussaint  (of  St.  Domingo),  200 


540 


INDEX 


Treaties  (Peaces):  Amiens,  199, 
204 ;  Bucharest,  403 ;  Campo 
Formio,  61 ;  Leoben,  51 ;  Lune- 
ville,  192;  Presburg^,  298;  Tilsit, 
337-9;  Tollentino,  48;  Vienna 
(Schoenbrunn),  390 

Treviso,  Duke  of.  See  '  Mortier, 
Marshal ' 

Tuileries,  The,  8,  20,  21,  100,  105, 
129,  132-6,  258,  267,  391,  421,  427-8, 
434,  459i  470,  472-6,  484,  487 

Turkey,  336,  403 

Tuscany,  Grand  Duke  of,  33 

U 
Ulm,  Capitulation  of,  287-8 

V 
Vandamme,  General,  413,  416,  422 
VeHde'tniaire,Tke  13th,  Insurrection 

of,  ig-22 
Venice,  Republic  of,  49,  50,  53-4,  61 
Vicenza,    Due    de.      See    '  Cauliii- 

court ' 
Victor,  Marshal,  47,  170-2,  397,  432 
Vienna,  Capture  of,  by  Lannes  and 

Murat,  293-4  ;  occupied  by  P'rench 

(1809),  384 
Villeneuve,  Admiral,  264,  301 
Vincennes,  Chateau  de,  247 

W 

Wakheren,  Expedition  to,  386 
Wars — 
France  v.  Austria  and  Piedmont 

(1796),  23-65 
France  v.  Austria  (1800),  152-74 
France    v.    Austria    and    Russia 

(1805),  287-99 
France    v.    Prussia    and    Russia 

(1806-7),  316-38 
France  v.  Great  Britain  (1793-1802). 

See    '  Battles     (and     Sieges) '  : 

'Aboukir,'        'Alexandria,' 

'Toulon,'  and  '  Malta' 
France  v.  Gr^ atBritain(i8o3-iSi5), 


Wars  (continued)-- 

236-8,  246,  259.  See  also  '  Bat- 
tles (and  Sieges)':  'Admiral 
Calder's,'  '  Trafalgar,'  and 
'  Peninsular  War  ' 

France  v.  Spain,  Portugal,  and 
Great  Britain  (Peninsular  War). 
See  '  Battles  (and  Sieges) ' : 
'  Badajoz,"  '  Baylen,'  '  Ciudad 
Rodrigo,'  'Riosecco,'  '  Roriija,' 
'  Salamanca,'  'Saragossa,' 
'  Talavera,'  '  Toulouse,'  '  Vi- 
miero,'  'Vittoria,'  and  356-61, 
397-8,399-400,403,415 

France  v.  Austria  (1809),  380-5 

France  v.  Russia  (1812),  400,  402-6, 
408-11 

France  v.  Allies  in  Germany  (1813), 
413-20 

France  v.  Allies  in  France  (1814), 
430-7 

France  v.  Allies  in  Belgium  (1815), 
490  sqq 

Great    Britain   v.   Spain   (1804-7), 
271,  and  '  Battles  '  (Trafalgar) 
Warsaw,  Grand  Duchy  of,  founded, 

339>  340 
Wellesley,   Sir  Arthur,  his  arrival 

in  Spain,  360.     See  Wars  (Penin- 
sular) and  '  Wellington ' 
Wellington,   Duke    of  (Sir  Arthur 

Wellesley),  214,  386,  400,  403,  457, 

486,  492-507.  510 
Westphalia,  Kingdom  of,  founded, 

339.  340 
Whitworth,  Lord,  149,  235-6 
Wirtemberg,  made  a  kingdom,  299 ; 

king  of,  391 
Wurmser,  General,  34-8,  43,  46 

Y 
Yorck,  General,  410 

Z 

Zach,  General,  172-3 
Ziethen,  General,  493-4 


Priuted  by  Hascll,  Watson  &  Viney,  Ld.,  London  and  Aylesbury. 


be 


THE  LIBRARY 
UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA 

Santa  Barbara 


THIS  BOOK  IS  DUE  ON  THE  LAST  DATE 
STAMPED  BELOW. 


3  1205  00546  589 


UC  SOUTHERN  REGIONAL  LIBRARY  FACILITY 


A  A      000168  723    5