EVERYMAN.
!>& j GO WITH
& BE-THY GVI>E
TH YMO5T- NEED
Presented to the
LIBRARY of the
UNIVERSITY OF TORONTO
by
DR. MARION ROSS
EVERYMAN'S LIBRARY
EDITED BY ERNEST RHYS
FICTION
MEMOIRS OF A CAVALIER
INTRODUCTION BY
G. A. AITKEN
THE PUBLISHERS OF
WILL BE PLEASED TO SEND
FREELY TO ALL APPLICANTS A LIST
OF THE PUBLISHED AND PROJECTED
VOLUMES TO BE COMPRISED UNDER
THE FOLLOWING THIRTEEN HEADINGS:
TRAVEL ^ SCIENCE ^ FICTION
THEOLOGY & PHILOSOPHY
HISTORY $ CLASSICAL
FOR YOUNG PEOPLE
ESSAYS ^ ORATORY
POETRY & DRAMA
BIOGRAPHY
REFERENCE
ROMANCE
IN FOUR STYLES OF BINDING : CLOTH,
FLAT BACK, COLOURED TOP ; LEATHER,
ROUND CORNERS, GILT TOP; LIBRARY
BINDING IN CLOTH, & QUARTER PIGSKIN
LONDON : J. M. DENT & SONS, LTD.
NEW YORK: E. P. BUTTON & CO.
PHILIP^SIDNEY
MEMOIRS-^
^CAVALIER;
or A Military } $>
Journal gftfie!*
Wars in Germany
and tfie Wars in
England "-^>Bj/
DANIEL DEFOE
LONDON: PUBLISHED
by J-M-DENT &-SONS-EP
AND IN NEW YORK
BY E-P- DUTTONfcCO
FIRST ISSUE OF THIS EDITION . 1908
REPRINTED
1910
INTRODUCTION.
THE "Memoirs of a Cavalier " were published on
the 2 ist of May 1720, three weeks only after the
appearance of "Duncan Campbell." The full
title of the original edition, which bore no date, was,
" Memoirs of a Cavalier ; or, a Military Journal of the
Wars in Germany, and the Wars in England. From
the Year 1632 to the Year 1648. Written threescore
years ago, by an English Gentleman, who served first
in the Army of Gustavus Adolphus, the glorious King
of Sweden, till his death, and after that in the Royal
Army of King Charles the First, from the beginning of
the Rebellion to the end of the War." The book must
have been ready for the press when " Duncan Camp
bell" appeared, at the latest; it purports to have been
written "threescore years ago" that is, not later than
the Restoration. Elsewhere the date is carried back
to 1651, or earlier. The first question, then, that has
to be considered is whether Defoe's work is in reality
based upon a contemporary manuscript narrative ; and
this question leads to the other great problem connected
with the book, viz., Who was the cavalier whose adven
tures are here described ?
It will be convenient, for facility of reference, to give
a brief summary of the main incidents of the Cavalier's
vii
viii Introduction
life as set forth in the Memoirs. It will then be easy
to judge of the plausibility of any theory which may be
put forth.
" It may suffice the reader," says the Cavalier,
" without being very inquisitive after my name, that
I was born in the county of Salop, in the year 1608."
His father, a gentleman of means, lived six miles from
"the town." Being a second son, the Cavalier was care
fully taught, and was sent to " College," Oxford,
when he was seventeen. At the end of three years
he returned home, but, as he evinced a great desire to
travel, his father gave his permission, and he set out
for the Continent with a friend on April 22, 1630.
After seeing something of France and Italy, the young
man attached himself to the French army under the
Due de Montmorency in Italy, and was present at
the capture of Saluzzo. From September 1630 to
January 1631 he was at Milan, and in April 1631
he reached Vienna, where every one was discussing
the war in Germany, and the action of the King of
Sweden. The Cavalier abandoned his former plans,
and decided to see the army of Gustavus Adolphus ;
but, owing to difficuties in passing the guards on the
frontiers of Silesia, he had to go through Saxony, and
at the beginning of May 1631 he was with the
Imperial forces, under Count Tilly, at the siege of
Magdeburg. Horrified at the cruelties which fol
lowed the fall of that city, the Cavalier left the Im
perial army for Leipsic, where he remained until
August, when a siege seemed imminent. In September
he reached the Swedish army, was introduced to the
king, and entered himself as a volunteer under Sir John
Hepburn. Immediately afterwards the Cavalier took
part in the battle of Leipsic (September 7, 1631),
where Tilly was defeated ; and at the end of the month
he was wounded in the arm at the attack on the castle
Introduction ix
of Marienburg. Afterwards he took an active part in
the capture of the fort at Oppenheim, and was made
Colonel at Mentz in February 1632. In April he
was engaged at the battle of the Lech, where Tilly was
slain ; and in June he went to Nuremberg, which was
then being besieged by Wallenstein. He was present
when Freynstat was taken, but was not engaged in the
battle of Altemberg. Before Leipsic was captured by
the Imperialists, the Cavalier had been taken prisoner,
and he thus missed the battle of Liitzen (November
1 6, 1632), where his hero Gustavus Adolphus was
killed. When Leipsic was retaken, he obtained his
liberty. Afterwards he travelled about Germany for
two years, was present at councils of war in 1634, and
at the defeat of the Protestants at Nordlingen (August
17, 1634). By March 1635 he had inspected Prince
Maurice's army, and reached the Hague; and he
arrived in England at the end of the year.
After a period of retirement at home, the Cavalier
took advantage of the troubles with Scotland in 1639
to serve the king with a troop of horse. In the
following year he was again in the North, and when
King Charles's forces had been defeated at Newburn,
he was sent as a messenger to negotiate a treaty. The
Civil War broke out in 1642, and the Cavalier served
in his father's regiment at an action with the rebels
under Essex in October. A few days later he was
at the battle of Edgehill (fought on Sunday, October
23rd, not 24th, as Defoe says), and he was with the
king when the Royalist advance on London was
stopped at Brentford. In February 1643 ^ Cava
lier was wounded at the capture of Cirencester by the
Royalists, and in July he contributed to the defeat
of Sir William Waller at Roundway Down by taking
a body of horse and dragoons to the aid of Sir Wil
liam Hopton. Then came the siege of Gloucester,
x Introduction
and a repulse by Essex at Cirencester. The Cavalier
reached the king's army too late to take part in the
battle of Newbury (September 20). In May and
June 1644, he was with Prince Rupert at Bolton,
Liverpool, Lathom House, Newcastle, and York ;
and he had a narrow escape at Marston Moor on
July 2. After various adventures in disguise,* he
rejoined Prince Rupert at Appleby, and then went
home to recruit his regiment. Rejoining the king
at Oxford, the Cavalier was present at the second
battle of Newbury ( October 27,1 644 ) . On his way to
relieve Newark and Pontefract, he had an engagement
with Colonel Rossiter at Melton Mowbray ; and after
wards he obtained the liberty of his father, who had
been taken prisoner at Shrewsbury. The composition
for his estate cost ^4000, and this, with other expenses
of the war, and ^20,000 lent to the king, reduced the
family to very poor circumstances. The Cavalier was
at the capture of Hawkesley House, the siege of
Leicester, and the fatal battle of Naseby (June 14,
1 645 ) . The events that followed need not be specially
recorded ; the Cavalier was ashamed of having missed
the engagement at Rowton Heath (September 23) by
paying a visit to his father. Then came the vain
attempt to relieve Hopton in Cornwall, the disbanding
of the troops, and the return home on parole in March
1 646. The remainder of the book consists of a sketch
of the king's fate, and a criticism of the errors of the
king's advisers. The narrative ends with an allusion to
the Restoration.
Such, in brief, is the Cavalier's "Military Journal."
In the Preface, Defoe said that these Memoirs had been
in the publishers' hands for above twenty years, and
* The. Cavalier's route was by Blackstone Edge, which is fully
described in Defoe's "Tour through the whole Island of Great
Britain."
Introduction xi
that they had been discovered by accident in the closet
of one of King William's Secretaries of State. They
received sufficient sanction from all the histories of the
times. The name of the Cavalier could not be dis
covered, but there was a memorandum with the papers,
signed " I. K.," stating that the manuscript was
obtained by the writer's father, as plunder, at or after
the battle of Worcester (1651). The style was so
soldierly "that it seems impossible anything but the
very person who was present in every action here
related could be the relater of them." If the well-'
known facts of the Wars are here embellished with
particulars nowhere else to be found, " that is the
beauty we boast of." Finally, it was hinted that
perhaps there was a continuation of the narrative, yet
unpublished, which might now come to light.
The second edition of the '* Memoirs of a Cavalier "
was published at Leeds without date, but between 1740
and 1750, long after Defoe's death. In the Preface
to this edition the question " Who wrote them ? " is
discussed. The suggestion that the whole was a
romance is scouted, and the editor says that the descrip
tion given by the Cavalier of his family " suits no one
so well as Andrew Newport, Esq., second son to
Richard Newport, of High Ercall, Esq.; which Richard
was created Lord Newport, October 14, 1642." This
suggestion has been widely accepted, and in some
later editions the work is called " Memoirs of Colonel
Andrew Newport."
The question whether the " Memoirs of a Cavalier "
is or is not largely a work of fiction depends to a great
extent upon the question whether Andrew Newport
was the Cavalier ; for no one else has been suggested
as the original of the officer who was so constantly
taken into counsel by both Gustavus Adolphus and
Charles I., and by their lieutenants, and who occupied
xii Introduction
so prominent a part in both wars. How then do the
known facts of Andrew Newport's life agree with what
we are told of the Cavalier ?
If Defoe's biographers had been aware that Andrew
Newport was not born until 1623, they would have seen
that Newport's identification with the Cavalier was im
possible. He was only eight at the date of the siege
of Magdeburg, and only nineteen at the battle of Edge-
hill. This fact renders further inquiry into Newport's
life unnecessary ; but, if any doubt remained, the little
' that we know about him makes it perfectly clear
that he was not the prototype of the Cavalier. Mr
C. H. Firth shows, in the " Dictionary of National
Biography," that Newport matriculated at Christ
Church, Oxford, in 1640; that his father (the first
Lord Newport) and his elder brother (the first Earl
of Bradford) were active Loyalists; that High Ercall
was one of the garrisons which held out longest for the
king in Shropshire ; but that there is no evidence that
Andrew Newport took part in the Civil War. His
father was made a peer on giving the king ^6000 ;
was in custody in 1643 and 1645, and died in exile
in France in 1651. His estate, like that of the Cava
lier's father, was ruined by the troubles of the times.
Andrew's elder brother, Francis, joined the king at
Oxford in January 1644, and was taken prisoner at
Oswestry in July. In 1648 he obtained his liberty
by compounding for his delinquency, and, as Lord
Newport, was involved in Royalist plots during the
Commonwealth. After the Restoration he received
several offices, and was made Earl of Bradford by
William III. Andrew Newport's own services to
the Royalist party are first heard of in 1657. Charles
II. spoke highly of him in 1659, and at the Restora
tion he became a Commissioner of Customs. He was
frequently in Parliament, and he died in 1699, when
Introduction xiii
he was buried at Wroxeter. Luttrell says that at his
death he was worth ^40,000, besides his estate. It
will be seen that there is singularly little in common
between Andrew Newport and the Cavalier.
One of the particulars given by Defoe "as an
evidence that it is very probable those memorials were
written many years ago " the fact that the manuscript
was discovered in 1651 is contradicted by the allu
sions at the end to the Restoration, which purport
to be made by the Cavalier himself. Other anach
ronisms have been pointed out : there is a reference
to Ludlow's " Memoirs," which were not published
until 1698, and there are allusions to books of
Defoe's own time " Jure Divino," and the " Obser-
vator." A reference to Charles XII., Gustavus Adol-
phus's "late glorious successor," shows that the
Preface at least was written after 1718. These
difficulties are not, however, fatal, for believers in the
existence of an old manuscript which formed the
basis of Defoe's book will reply, of course, that no doubt
Defoe edited his original, and perhaps altered it to a
considerable extent. It is certainly the case that some
parts of the " Memoirs of a Cavalier " contain few
of his usual mannerisms, but this can be accounted for
to some degree by the nature of the subject, and by
the paucity of dialogue. As it is, we often find the
familiar "says he," "as I have said," "however,"
"in short," and, "to fright" (pp. 41, 184), and
" frighted" (pp. 104, 166, 273). The constant recur
rence of " I confess " and " I must confess " (pp. 4,
114, 115, 134, 140, 143, 153, &c.) is an indication
of hasty composition. The " like true Germans, they
were more willing to be saved than to save them
selves " (p. 35) is, as Mr Doble has pointed out,
a commonplace of Defoe. The use of the word
" mob" as substantive and verb (pp. 1 5, 1 54, 301 ) is an
xiv Introduction
illustration of the fact that the whole style of the
book is that of the eighteenth century ; while not un-
frequently we come upon a passage which could have
been written only by Defoe ; as, for example, the
amusing account of the booty obtained by the Cavalier's
servant after the battle of Leipsic (pp. 67-71), and
the conversation between the master and man.
The conflict of Defoe's own views with the Cavalier's
strong Stuart bias and dislike of the Scotch has been
noticed, but the writer of a novel in autobiographical form
clearly cannot be held responsible for the opinions of the
person whose history he tells. Again, Lee says that
the " Memoirs " show little of" the moral and religious
spirit of dependence upon Providence ... so charac
teristic of Defoe ; " but he appears to have overlooked
the *' minutes of circumstances ... as to the fatality
and resolutions of days and times" in the closing pages,
where Defoe speaks of Divine providences in a manner
very similar to that of " Robinson Crusoe " (vol. i. p.
147) and the "Serious Reflections" (vol. iii. p. 190).
The remarks upon the eagerness to fight on both sides
during the Civil War (p. 163) resemble closely what
Defoe had said many years before on the same subject
in the "Essay on Projects" (Of Academies). So,
too, a parallel for the remarks upon Gustavus Adolphus's
plan of interlining musketeers with horse (pp. 139,
219), and upon the influence of the clergy in 1639
(p. 135), will be found, as Mr Doble observes, in
"Memoirs of the Church of Scotland," 1717, p. 189.
If we continue the study of the details of the narrative
we shall find various mistakes which could hardly have
been made by a man who had himself gone through the
experiences described. In one place (as Lee pointed
out) the Cavalier says he never designed to write a
book, and kept no journal ; while in another he speaks
of his " Memoirs of Italy." After his residence in Italy
Introduction xv
he says he "had no gust for antiquities ; " but afterwards,
at Munich, he regrets that he could not take " a very
exact account" of the duke's chamber of rarities.
More important, however, than these inconsistencies are
numerous errors in the account of the Civil War, many
of which have been kindly pointed out to me by Mr
Firth. Thus the account of the battle of Marston
Moor in which the Cavalier took an active part is
entirely at variance with all the authorities. The
description of the distribution of the commands in the
Royalist army is wrong in nearly every point. New
castle had no command ; Prince Rupert commanded the
right and not the left wing, and was beaten altogether
out of the field at once ; Goring commanded the
victorious left wing and not the main battle. The
contest is apparently made to begin in the early morning,
instead of at five or six o'clock in the afternoon. The
re-capture of Newcastle by Rupert (p. 217) is entirely
fictitious ; and the Scotch besieged that city for about
nine months before it fell, instead of for twelve days.
Mr Gardiner says that it is certain that Rupert did
not enter York when the siege was raised before the
battle of Marston Moor. Defoe's statement to the
contrary is based upon Whitelocke, whose very words
("fetching a great compass about") are copied.
Lord Newport was not among those taken prisoner
at Shrewsbury in February 1645. The Governor of
Leicester cannot have supplied Sir Marmaduke Lang-
dale in this same month with provisions for the relief
of Newark, because Leicester was at that time a Par-
1 iamentary garrison. The Cavalier himself describes its
capture by the king on May 31, 1645. Charles left
Oxford for Worcester on the yth of May, not after
the fall of Leicester, in June. Hawkesley House was
taken by Prince Rupert in sight of the king, not by
a small detached force. It was not " the Cavalier,"
xvi Introduction
but Prince Maurice and Lord Wilmot, or, according
to others, Sir John Byron, whom the king sent to the
aid of the Royalists, before the engagement at Round-
way Down.
The omissions on the part of the Cavalier are as
remarkable as his mistakes. He does not allude to the
capture of Francis Newport at Oswestry in July 1644,
nor the siege of Lord Newport's home, High Ercall,
in March 1 646 ; and he gives no Shropshire news. He
rarely mentions the names of persons of small import
ance, nor does he give details of the places and dates of
the lesser events which he describes so circumstantially.
He never mentions as we should expect him to do
any of his friends or neighbours; in fact, he confines him
self entirely to the names of well-known commanders.
An examination of the whole narrative leads to the
conclusion that there is nothing in the story of the Civil
War which Defoe could not have obtained by a perusal
of Clarendon, Rushworth, Whitelocke, and Ludlow.
Whitelocke and Ludlow, at least, were in his own
library, as well as the histories by Rapin and Echard,
and we know that Defoe possessed a large collection of
Civil War pamphlets which would enable him to supple
ment what he found in the other works. The ac
count of the Thirty Years' War seems to be based in
a similar manner upon the " Swedish Intelligencer " *
(1632-34), and in a less degree upon the "Swedish
Soldier" (1634), and Colonel Robert Monro's
" Expedition with the worthy Scots regiment called
* The friend who served with the Cavalier under Gustavus
Adolphus (Captain Fielding) was a real person. Defoe says he
was wounded and taken prisoner at Altemberg (p. 113); and
the compiler of the "Swedish Intelligencer" has a marginal
note (Part III., p. 32): " All this relation . . . received I from
. . . Captain Fielding [&c.] . . . then present in the action."
This was presumably the Colonel Fielding who was afterwards
tried by court-martial for surrendering Reading to the Parlia
mentary forces (p. 192).
Introduction xvii
MackeyeV (1637). The writer himself speaks
of the " histories of those times, which I have since
read with a great deal of delight." These books
Defoe seems to have studied with care, but without
troubling to refer to them when he was writing, to
ensure perfect accuracy ; and with the narrative with
which he had thus filled his mind he interwove an
imaginary account of a Cavalier, in order to give unity
to the whole. The reader will notice that the Cavalier
is studiously vague in the particulars of his place of
birth, his family, his college at Oxford, and the like.
Defoe was wont to say that his books were based upon
old manuscripts. He loved, he tells us, to search
among ancient records ; and in some cases he certainly
had before him contrary to the general opinion the
manuscript or foreign book to which he alludes. Lee
has pointed out that in his " Scots Nation and Union
Vindicated," a pamphlet published in 1714, six years
before the " Memoirs of a Cavalier," Defoe expressly
alludes to a manuscript relating to Gustavus Adolphus :
*' The manuscript I have had in my hands many years."
I am, then, not prepared to say positively that Defoe
made use of no manuscript records in writing the
'* Memoirs of a Cavalier ; " but if he had any such
personal account he must other difficulties apart have
been very careless in his perusal of it. It should not
be forgotten that when Defoe was thirty or forty, many
who had served in these wars were living. No doubt he
often discussed the campaigns with these men, who would
supply him with some of the military knowledge which
he shows ; and perhaps the exaggerations and errors
which so easily creep into a tale that is often told will
help to account for the mistakes in the " Memoirs."
I regret that I have had to dwell so long upon a
matter of controversy, and some readers will sympathise
with the writer (probably Scott) of the Advertisement
xviii Introduction
to the 1809-10 edition of Defoe, who deftly avoided
the problem whether the "Memoirs'* were romance
or authentic history by saying that, in any case, they were
"of the best description of either species of compo
sition. . . . There is so much simplicity and ap
parent fidelity of statement throughout the narrative,
that the feelings are little indebted to those who would
remove the veil ; and the former editors, perhaps, have
acted not unwisely in leaving the circumstances of its
authenticity in their original obscurity." It would,
however, have been inexcusable at the present day not
to give as clear an account as possible of the chief
problem connected with the book. Having done this,
we may turn with relief to the consideration of the
narrative as a work of art.
It is well known that the Earl of Chatham believed
the " Memoirs of a Cavalier " to be genuine history,
and said they gave the best account of the Civil War
which was extant. Opinion* as to the duties of a
serious historian have altered much since then ; his
torical romances, if good of their kind, will always
be welcome, and will serve other useful ends besides
amusement ; but nowadays we expect a writer to make
it clear whether his work is fact or fiction. Defoe
felt perfectly warranted in giving greater point and
interest to his narrative by the interposition of an
imaginary Cavalier who could describe the events of
the time as his own experiences. He thought it was
much more important that his readers should have
before them a striking picture of the chief events of
a war than that the story should be of impeccable
accuracy, but dull. There is certainly a place in the
historical library for such work as Defoe's, and the
" Memoirs of a Cavalier " is, from the historical point
of view, one of the very best books of its class in
existence.
Introduction xix
It has been argued that it would have been beyond
even Defoe's genius to give us the realistic descriptions
of military events which abound in the " Memoirs of a
Cavalier," if the book were not based upon some
personal narrative. But the author of " Robinson
Crusoe " and the " Journal of the Plague Year " was
quite able to master military tactics, and when he had
made a subject his own whether it was a life of crime
or a pirate's career, a tradesman's methods of success or
a fortune-teller's he was always able to write as if
the matter had been his lifelong study. And there is
abundant evidence that Defoe's interest in history and
military memoirs dated from his earliest years as an
author.
Wherever the knowledge came from, the skill
shown in the descriptions in the " Memoirs of a
Cavalier" is certainly striking. The battle of Leipsic,
the crossing of the Lech, the siege of Augsburg, the
operations near Nuremberg, the battles of Edgehill,
Marston Moor, Naseby these and many other
engagements are explained with all the clearness and
detail which might be expected in the narrative of an
intelligent eye-witness. And some of the characters
drawn for us are as interesting as the campaigns, notably
that of Gustavus Adolphus, whom the Cavalier never
fails to praise. We find, too, notices of Tilly, of
Charles I., of Prince Rupert, and high praise of Lord
Fairfax, " the fittest to be reckoned in the second place
of honour " to the Swedish king. The Cavalier
criticises admirably, as an old soldier who had served
under a great commander, the defects of the untrained
recruits who took part in the Civil Wars, and the
mistakes made by their officers ; and he has much to
say about the errors in policy which brought disaster to
the Royalist cause.
It is by these remarki that we learn most that we
xx Introduction
know of the Cavalier himself; but the fact is that from
beginning to end we gather comparatively little about
his character, beyond his love of action and his bravery.
He remains a somewhat shadowy person, known to us
chiefly through his deeds ; but he was held in high
esteem by those under whom he served, and his advice
was often sought in military and other matters. Defoe
added greatly to the air of verisimilitude by causing the
Cavalier to be taken prisoner before the great battle of
Lvitzen, an engagement which many would have made
one of the central points of the story. In a similar
manner the Cavalier, owing to a regrettable delay of
two days at Bath, where he met some relatives,
reached Charles's army, after a skirmish with Essex,
too late to take part in the first battle of Newbury,
and he missed the engagement at Rowton Heath
through his temporary absence from the army on a visit
to his father. This, he says, " was the most unsoldier-
like action that ever I was guilty of ; " but we feel too
well convinced of his bravery to need his assurance that
he had not the least reason to think that the army would
engage during the time that he would be absent.
If any one wishes to compare the methods of novelists of
different schools, old and new, he cannot do better than
read the matter-of-fact narrative of Defoe's " Memoirs
of a Cavalier," whose very name is withheld from us,
and then turn to Mr Stanley Weyman's fascinating
romance of the Thirty Years' War, in which everything
centres around the heroine, Lady Rotha, after whom
the book is named. An interesting and instructive
subject for study is afforded by the contrast between
the modern author's graphic account of the anxiety
among the inhabitants of Nuremberg during the siege,
and Defoe's brief statement of the careful arrangements
made by the authorities, and of the excellent order
maintained in the city. Q A AITKEN.
THE following is a list of Defoe's works : " New-
Discovery of Old Intrigue" (verse), 1691. "Char
acter of Dr. Samuel Annesley" (verse), 1697. "The
Pacificator" (verse), 1700. " True-Born Englishman "
(verse), 1701. "The Mock Mourners" (verse), 1702.
"Reformation of Manners" (verse), 1702. "New
Test of Church of England's Loyalty," 1702. "Shortest
Way with the Dissenters," 1702. " Ode to the
Athenian Society," 1703. " Enquiry into Acgill's
General Translation," 1703. " More Reformation "
(verse), 1703. "Hymn to the Pillory," 1703. "The
Storm" (Tale), 1704. "Layman's Sermon on the
Late Storm," 1704. "The Consolidator ; or, Me
moirs of Sundry Transactions from the World in
the Moon," 1704. "Elegy on Author of 'True-Born
Englishman,'" 1704. "Hymn to Victory," 1704.
"Giving Alms no Charity," 1704. "The Dyet of
Poland" (verse), 1705. "Apparition of Mrs. Veal,"
1706. "Sermon on the Filling-up of Dr. Burgess's
Meeting-house," 1706. "Jure Divino" (verse), 1706.
"Caledonia" (verse), 1706. "History of the Union
of Great Britain," 1709. "Short Enquiry into a Late
Duel," 1713. "A General History of Trade," 1713.
"Wars of Charles III.," 1715. "The Family In
struction" (two eds.), 1715. "Hymn to the Mob,"
1715. "Memoirs of the Church of Scotland," 1717.
" Life and Death of Count Patkul," 1717. " Memoirs
of Duke of Shrewsbury," 1718. " Memoirs of Danie 1 .
Williams," 1718. "The Life and Strange Surprising
Adventures of Robinson Crusoe, of York, Mariner,"
1719. " The Farther Adventures of Robinson Crusoe,"
1719. "The Dumb Philosopher: or, Great Britain's
Wonder," 1719. "The King of Pirates" (Capt.
Avery), 1719. "Life of Baron de Goertz," 1719.
"Life and Adventures of Duncan Campbell," 1720.
"Mr. Campbell's Pacquet," 1720. "Memoirs of a
Cavalier," 1720. "Life of Captain Singleton," 1720.
"Serious Reflections during the Life and Surprising
Adventures of Robinson Crusoe," 1720. "The Super
natural Philosopher ; or, The Mysteries of Magick,"
1720. Translation of Du Fresnoy's "Compleat Art
of Painting" (verse), 1720. "Moll Flanders," 1722,
"Journal of the Plague Year," 1722. "Due Prepara
tions for the Plague," 1722. "Life of Cartouche,"
1722. " History of Colonel Jacque," 1722. "Religious
Courtship," 1722. "History of Peter the Great,"
1723. "The Highland Rogue" (Rob Roy), 1723.
"The Fortunate Mistress" (Roxana), 1724. "Nar
rative of Murders at Calais," 1724. " Life of John
Sheppard," 1724. "Robberies, Escapes, &c., of John
Sheppard," 1724. " The Great Law of Subordination ;
or, The Insolence and Insufferable Behaviour of
Servants in England," 1724. " A Tour through Great
Britain," 1724-6. "New Voyage Round the World,"
1725. " Account of Jonathan Wild," 1725. "Account
of John Gow," 1725. " Everybody's Business is
Nobody's Business" (on Servants), 1725. "The
Complete English Tradesman," 1725 ; vol. ii., 1727.
"The Friendly Demon," 1726. "Mere Nature De
lineated" (Peter the Wild Boy), 1726. "Political
History of the Devil," 1726. " Essay upon Literature
and the Original of Letters," 1726. " History of Dis
coveries," 1726-7. " The Protestant Monastery," 1726.
- A System of Magic," 1726. " Parochial Tyranny,"
1727. " Treatise concerning Use and Abuse of
Marriage," 1727." "Secrets of Invisible World Dis
covered ; or, History and Reality of Apparitions,"
1727, 1728. "A New Family Instructor," 1728.
"Augusta Triumphans," 1728. " Plan of English Com
merce," 1728. " Second Thoughts are Best " (on Street
Robberies), 1728. " Street Robberies Considered,"
1728. "Humble Proposal to People of England for
Increase of Trade, &c.," 1729. "Preface to R.
Dodsleys Poem 'Servitude,'" 1729. "Effectual
Scheme for Preventing Street Robberies," 1731.
Besides the above-named publications a large
number of further tracts by Defoe are extant, on
matters of Politics and Church.
PREFACE TO THE FIRST
EDITION.
S an evidence that 'tis very probable these Memo-
rials were written many years ago, the persons
now concerned in the publication assure the
reader that they have had them in their possession
finished, as they now appear, above twenty years ; that
they were so long ago found by great accident, among
other valuable papers, in the closet of an eminent public
minister, of no less figure than one of King William's
secretaries of state.
As it is not proper to trace them any farther, so
neither is there any need to trace them at all, to give
reputation to the story related, seeing the actions here
mentioned have a sufficient sanction from all the histories
of the times to which they relate, with this addition,
that the admirable manner of relating them, and the
wonderful variety of incidents with which they are
beautified in the course of a private gentleman's story,
add such delight in the reading, and give such a lustre,
as well to the accounts themselves as to the person who
was the actor, that no story, we believe, extant in the
world ever came abroad with such advantage.
It must naturally give some concern in the reading
that the name of a person of so much gallantry and
udtt
xxiv Preface to the First Edition
honour, and so many ways valuable to the world, should
be lost to the readers. We assure them no small labour
has been thrown away upon the inquiry, and all we
have been able to arrive to of discovery in this affair is,
that a memorandum was found with this manuscript, in
these words, but not signed by any name, only the two
letters of a name, which gives us no light into the matter,
which memoir was as follows :
Memorandum.
"I found this manuscript among my father's writings,
and I understand that he got them as plunder, at, or
after, the fight at Worcester, where he served as major
of 's regiment of horse on the side of the Parlia
ment. I. K."
As this has been of no use but to terminate the
inquiry after the person, so, however, it seems most
naturally to give an authority to the original of the
work, viz., that it was born of a soldier ; and indeed it
is through every part related with so soldierly a style,
and in the very language of the field, that it seems
impossible anything but the very person who was
present in every action here related could be the relater
of them.
The accounts of battles, the sieges, and the several
actions of which this work is so full, are all recorded
in the histories of those times ; such as the great battle
of Leipsic, the sacking of Magdeburg, the siege of
Nuremberg, the passing the river Lech in Bavaria ;
such also as the battle of Kineton, or Edgehill,
the battles of Newbury, Marston Moor, and Naseby,
and the like : they are all, we say, recorded in other
histories, and written by those who lived in those times,
and perhaps had good authority for what they wrote.
Preface to the First Edition xxv
But do those relations give any of the beautiful ideas
of things formed in this account ? Have they one half
of the circumstances and incidents of the actions them
selves that this man's eyes were witness to, and which
his memory has thus preserved ? He that has read
the best accounts of those battles will be surprised to
see the particulars of the story so preserved, so nicely
and so agreeably described, and will confess what we
allege, that the story is inimitably told ; and even the
great actions of the glorious King GUSTAVUS ADOLPHUS
receive a lustre from this man's relations which the
world was never made sensible of before, and which
the present age has much wanted of late, in order to
give their affections a turn in favour of his late glorious
successor.
In the story of our own country's unnatural wars, he
carries on the same spirit. How effectually does he
record the virtues and glorious actions of King Charles
the First, at the same time that he frequently enters
upon the mistakes of his Majesty's conduct, and of his
friends, which gave his enemies all those fatal advan
tages against him, which ended in the overthrow of his
armies, the loss of his crown and life, and the ruin of
the constitution !
In all his accounts he does justice to his enemies,
and honours the merit of those whose cause he fought
against ; and many accounts recorded in his story, are
not to be found even in the best histories of those
times.
What applause does he give to the gallantry of Sir
Thomas Fairfax, to his modesty, to his conduct, under
which he himself was subdued, and to the justice he
did the king's troops when they laid down their arms!
His description of the Scots troops in the beginning
of the war, and the behaviour of the party under the
Earl of Holland, who went over against them, are
xxvi Preface to the First Edition
admirable ; and his censure of their conduct, who
pushed the king upon the quarrel, and then would not
let him fight, is no more than what many of the king's
friends (though less knowing as soldiers) have often
complained of.
In a word, this work is a confutation of many errors
in all the writers upon the subject of our wars in Eng
land, and even in that extraordinary history written by
the Earl of Clarendon ; but the editors were so just,
that when, near twenty years ago, a person who had
written a whole volume in folio, by way of answer to
and confutation of Clarendon's " History of the Rebel
lion," would have borrowed the clauses in this account,
which clash with that history, and confront it, we
say the editors were so just as to refuse them.
There can be nothing objected against the general
credit of this work, seeing its truth is established upon
universal history ; and almost all the facts, especially
those of moment, are confirmed for their general part
by all the writers of those times. If they are here
embellished with particulars, which are nowhere else
to be found, that is the beauty we boast of; and that
it is that must recommend this work to all the men of
sense and judgment that read it.
The only objection we find possible to make against
this work is, that it is not carried on farther, or, as we
may say finished, with the finishing the war of the
time ; and this we complain of also. But then we
complain of it as a misfortune to the world, not as a
fault in the author ; for how do we know but that this
author might carry it on, and have another part finished
which might not fall into the same hands, or may still
remain with some of his family, and which they cannot
indeed publish, to make it seem anything perfect, for
want of the other parts which we have, and which we
hare now made public ? Nor is it very improbable but
Preface to the First Edition xxvii
that if any such farther part is in being, the publishing
these two parts may occasion the proprietors of the
third to let the world see it, and that by such a dis
covery the name of the person may also come to be
known, which would, no doubt, be a great satisfaction
to the reader as well as us.
This, however, must be said, that if the same author
should have written another part of this work, and
carried it on to the end of those times, yet as the
residue of those melancholy days, to the Restoration,
were filled with the intrigues of government, the poli
tical management of illegal power, and the dissensions
and factions of a people who were then even in them
selves but a faction, and that there was very little action
in the field, it is more than probable that our author,
who was a man of arms, had little share in those things,
and might not care to trouble himself with looking at
them.
But besides all this, it might happen that he might
go abroad again at that time, as most of the gentlemen
of quality, and who had an abhorrence for the power
that then governed here, did. Nor are we certain that
he might live to the end of that time, so we can give
no account whether he had any share in the subsequent
actions of that time.
'Ti enough that we have the authorities above to
recommend this part to us that is now published. The
relation, we are persuaded, will recommend itself, and
nothing more can be needful, because nothing more can
invite than the story itself, which, when the reader
enters into, he will find it very hard to get out of till
he has gone through it.
THE PUBLISHER OF THE SECOND
EDITION TO THE READER.
THE following historical Memoirs are writ with
so much spirit and good sense, that there is no
doubt of their pleasing all such as can form any
just pretensions to either. However, as upon reading
of a book 'tis a question that naturally occurs, Who is
the author ? and as it is too much the custom in these
days to form our sentiments of a performance not from
its intrinsic merit, but from the sentiments we form of
the writer, the present republication of these Memoirs
will renew an inquiry which has been oft made, Who
wrote them ? Some have imagined the whole to be a
romance. If it be, 'tis a romance the likest to truth
that I ever read. It has all the features of truth, 'tis
clothed with her simplicity, and adorned with her
charms. Without hazard, I may venture to say, were
all romance-writers to follow this author's example,
their works would yield entertainment to philosophers,
as well as serve for the amusement of bcaux-csprits. But
I am fully persuaded our author, whoever he was, had
been early concerned in the actions he relates. 'Tis
certain no man could have given a description of his
retreat from Marston Moor to Rochdale, and from
thence over the moors to the north, in so apt and proper
xxix
xxx Preface to Second Edition
terms, and in so exact a manner, unless he had really
travelled over the very ground he describes. I could
point out many other instances in the course of the
Memoirs which evidence that the author must have
been well acquainted with the towns, battles, sieges,
&c., and a party in the actions he relates. But as 'tis
needless to do this, all that remains is to trace our
author to his name.
He says he was second son to a Shropshire gentle
man, who was made a peer in the reign of King
Charles the First, whose seat lay eight miles from
Shrewsbury. This account suits no one so well as
Andrew Newport, Esq., second son to Richard New
port, of High Ercall, Esq., which Richard was created
Lord Newport, October 14, 1642. This Andrew
Newport, Esq., whom we suppose our author to be,
was, after the Restoration, made a Commissioner of the
Customs, probably in reward of his zeal and good ser
vices for the royal cause.
The several illustrations these Memoirs furnish to
the history of those times they refer to, the variety of
adventures they contain, and the elegant account herein
given of the wars in Germany and England, will abun
dantly recommend them to the curious.
MEMOIRS OF A CAVALIER
PART I.
IT may. suffice the reader, without being very
inquisitive after my name, that I was born in the
county of Salop, in the year 1608, under the
government of what star I was never astrologer enough
to examine ; but the consequences of my life may
allow me to suppose some extraordinary influence
affected my birth. If there be anything in dreams
also, my mother, who was mighty observant that way,
took minutes, which I have since seen in the first leaf
of her prayer-book, of several strange dreams she had
while she was with child of her second son, which was
myself. Once she noted that she dreamed she was
carried away by a regiment of horse, and delivered in
the fields of a son, that as soon as it was born had two
wings came out of its back, and in half-an-hour's time
flew away from her : and the very evening before I
was born, she dreamed she was brought to bed of a
son, and that all the while she was in labour a man
stood under her window beating on a kettle-drum,
which very much discomposed her.
My father was a gentleman of a very plentiful for
tune, having an estate of above ^5000 per annum,
A
2 Memoirs of a Cavalier
of a family nearly allied to several of the principal
nobility, and lived about six miles from the town ;
and my mother being at on some particular
occasion, was surprised there at a friend's house, and
brought me very safe into the world.
I was my father's second son, and therefore was not
altogether so much slighted as younger sons of good
families generally are. But my father saw something
in my genius also which particularly pleased him, and
so made him take extraordinary care of my educa
tion.
I was taught, therefore, by the best masters that could
be had, everything that was needful to accomplish a
young gentleman for the world ; and at seventeen
years old my tutor told my father an academic edu
cation was very proper for a person of quality, and he
thought me very fit for it : so my father entered me of
College in Oxford, where I continued three
years.
A collegiate life did not suit me at all, though I
loved books well enough. It was never designed
that I should be either a lawyer, physician, or divine ;
and I wrote to my father that I thought I had stayed
there long enough for a gentleman, and with his leave
I desired to give him a visit.
During my stay at Oxford, though I passed through
the proper exercises of the house, yet my chief read
ing was upon history and geography, as that which
pleased my mind best, and supplied me with ideas
most suitable to my genius ; by one I understood
what great actions had been done in the world, and
by the other I understood where they had been
done.
My father readily complied with my desire of
coming home ; for besides that he thought, as I did,
that three years' time at the university was enough, he
Memoirs of a Cavalier 3
also most passionately loved me, and began to think of
my settling near him.
At my arrival I found myself extraordinarily
caressed by my father, and he seemed to take a
particular delight in my conversation. My mother,
who lived in perfect union with him both in desires
and affection, received me very passionately. Apart
ments were provided for me by myself, and horses and
servants allowed me in particular.
My father never went a-hunting, an exercise he was
exceeding fond of, but he would have me with him ;
and it pleased him when he found me like the sport.
I lived thus, in all the pleasures 'twas possible for me
to enjoy, for about a year more, when going out one
morning with my father to hunt a stag, and having had
a very hard chase, and gotten a great way off from
home, we had leisure enough to ride gently back ; and
as we returned my father took occasion to enter into a
serious discourse with me concerning the manner of
my settling in the world.
He told me, with a great deal of passion, that he
loved me above all the rest of his children, and that
therefore he intended to do very well for me ; and
that my eldest brother being already married and
settled, he had designed the same for me, and pro
posed a very advantageous match for me, with a
young lady of very extraordinary fortune and merit,
and offered to make a settlement of 5^2000 per
annum on me, which he said he would purchase for
me without diminishing his paternal estate.
There was too much tenderness in this discourse
not to affect me exceedingly. I told him I would
perfectly resign myself unto his disposal. But as my
father had, together with his love for me, a very nice
judgment in his discourse, he fixed his eyes very atten
tively on me, and though my answer was without the
4 Memoirs of a Cavalier
least reserve, yet he thought he saw some uneasiness
in me at the proposal, and from thence concluded that
my compliance was rather an act of discretion than
inclination ; and that, however I seemed so absolutely
given up to what he had proposed, yet my answer
was really an effect of my obedience rather than my
choice.
So he returned very quick upon me: " Look you,
son, though I give you my own thoughts in the
matter, yet I would have you be very plain with me ;
for if your own choice does not agree with mine, I
will be your adviser, but will never impose upon you, and
therefore let me know your mind freely." " I don't
reckon myself capable, sir," said I, with a great deal
of respect, "to make so good a choice for myself
as you can for me; and though my opinion differed
from yours, its being your opinion would reform mine,
and my judgment would as readily comply as my
duty." " I gather at least from thence," said my
father, " that your designs lay another way before,
however they may comply with mine ; and therefore
I would know what it was you would have asked of
me if I had not offered this to you ; and you must not
deny me your obedience in this, if you expect I should
believe your readiness in the other."
' Sir," said I, " 'twas impossible I should lay out
for myself just what you have proposed ; but if my
inclinations were never so contrary, though at your
command you shall know them, yet I declare them
to be wholly subjected to your order. I confess my
thoughts did not tend towards marriage or a settle
ment ; for, though I had no reason to question your
care of me, yet I thought a gentleman ought always
to see something of the world before he confined him
self to any part of it. And if I had been to ask your
consent to anything, it should have been to give me
Memoirs of a Cavalier 5
leave to travel for a short time, in order to qualify
myself to appear at home like a son to so good a
father."
"In what capacity would you travel?" replied my
father. " You must go abroad either as a private
gentleman, as a scholar, or as a soldier." " If it were
in the latter capacity, sir," said I, returning pretty
quick, "I hope I should not misbehave myself; but
I am not so determined as not to be ruled by your
judgment." " Truly," replied my father, " I see
no war abroad at this time worth while for a man
to appear in, whether we talk of the cause or the
encouragement ; and indeed, son, I am afraid you
need not go far for adventures of that nature, for times
seem to look as if this part of Europe would find us
work enough." My father spake then relating to the
quarrel likely to happen between the King of England
and the Spaniard,* for I believe he had no notions of
a civil war in his head.
In short, my father, perceiving my inclinations very
forward to go abroad, gave me leave to travel, upon
condition I would promise to return in two years at
farthest, or sooner, if he sent for me.
While I was at Oxford I happened into the society
of a young gentleman, of a good family, but of a low
fortune, being a younger brother, and who had indeed
instilled into me the first desires of going abroad, and
who, I knew, passionately longed to travel, but had
not sufficient allowance to defray his expenses as a
gentleman. We had contracted a very close friend
ship, and our humours being very agreeable to one
another, we daily enjoyed the conversation of letters.
He was of a generous free temper, without the least
* Upon the breach of the match between the King of
England and the Infanta of Spain ; and particularly upon
the old quarrel of the King of Bohemia and the Palatinate.
6 Memoirs of a Cavalier
affectation or deceit, a handsome proper person, a
strong body, very good mien, and brave to the last
degree. His name was Fielding, and we called him
Captain, though it be a very unusual title in a college ;
but fate had some hand in the title, for he had cer
tainly the lines of a soldier drawn in his countenance.
I imparted to him the resolutions I had taken, and
how I had my father's consent to go abroad, and
would know his mind whether he would go with me.
He sent me word he would go with all his heart.
My father, when he saw him, for I sent for him
immediately to come to me, mightily approved my
choice ; so we got our equipage ready, and came away
for London.
'Twas on the 22nd of April 1630, when we
embarked at Dover, landed in a few hours at Calais,
and immediately took post for Paris. I shall not
trouble the reader with a journal of my travels, nor
with the description of places, which every geographer
can do better than I ; but these Memoirs being only
a relation of what happened either to ourselves, or in
our own knowledge, I shall confine myself to that part
of it.
We had indeed some diverting passages in our journey
to Paris, as first, the horse my comrade was upon fell
so very lame with a slip that he could not go, and
hardly stand, and the fellow that rid with us express,
pretended to ride away to a town five miles off to get a
fresh horse, and so left us on the road with one horse
between two of us. We followed as well as we could,
but being strangers, missed the way, and wandered a
great way out the road. Whether the man performed
in reasonable time or not we could not be sure, but
if it had not been for an old priest, we had never found
him. We met this man, by a very good accident, near a
little village whereof he was curate. We spoke Latin
Memoirs of a Cavalier 7
enough just to make him understand us, and he did not
speak it much better himself; but he carried us into
the village to his house, gave us wine and bread, and
entertained us with wonderful courtesy. After this he
sent into the village, hired a peasant, and a horse for
my captain, and sent him to guide us into the road.
At parting he made a great many compliments to us in
French, which we could just understand ; but the sum
was, to excuse him for a question he had a mind to
ask us. After leave to ask what he pleased, it was
if we wanted any money for our journey, and pulled
out two pistoles, which he offered either to give or
lend us.
I mention this exceeding courtesy of the curate
because, though civility is very much in use in France,
and especially to strangers, yet 'tis a very unusual thing
to have them part with their money.
We let the priest know, first, that we did not want
money, and next that we were very sensible of the
obligation he had put upon us ; and I told him in
particular, if I lived to see him again, I would acknow
ledge it.
This accident of our horse was, as we afterwards
found, of some use to us. We had left our two
servants behind us at Calais to bring our baggage
after us, by reason of some dispute between the
captain of the packet and the custom-house officer,
which could not be adjusted, and we were willing to
be at Paris. The fellows followed as fast as they
could, and, as near as we could learn, in the time we
lost our way, were robbed, and our portmanteaus opened.
They took what they pleased ; but as there was no
money there, but linen and necessaries, the loss was not
great.
Our guide carried us to Amiens, where we found the
express and our two servants, who the express meeting
8 Memoirs of a Cavalier
on the road with a spare horse, had brought back with
him thither.
We took this for a good omen of our successful
journey, having escaped a danger which might have
been greater to us than it was to our servants ; for the
highwaymen in France do not always give a traveller
the civility of bidding him stand and deliver his money,
but frequently fire upon him first, and then take his
money.
We stayed one day at Amiens, to adjust this little
disorder, and walked about the town, and into the
great church, but saw nothing very remarkable there;
but going across a broad street near the great church,
we saw a crowd of people gazing at a mountebank
doctor, who made a long harangue to them with a
thousand antic postures, and gave out bills this way,
and boxes of physic that way, and had a great trade,
when on a sudden the people raised a cry, "Larron,
larron/" [in English, "Thief, thief"], on the other
side the street, and all the auditors ran away from
Mr Doctor to see what the matter was. Among the
rest we went to see, and the case was plain and
short enough. Two English gentlemen and a Scotch
man, travellers as we were, were standing gazing at
this prating doctor, and one of them catched a fellow
picking his pocket. The fellow had got some of
his money, for he dropped two or three pieces just
by him, and had got hold of his watch, but being
surprised let it slip again. But the reason of telling
this story is for the management of it. This thief had
his seconds so ready, that as soon as the Englishman had
seized him they fell in, pretended to be mighty zealous
for the stranger, takes the fellow by the throat, and
makes a great bustle ; the gentleman not doubting but
the man was secured let go his own hold of him, and
left him to them. The hubbub was great, and 'twas
Memoirs of a Cavalier 9
these fellows cried, "Larron, larron/" but with a dex
terity peculiar to themselves had let the right fellow
go, and pretended to be all upon one of their own
gang. At last they bring the man to the gentleman to
ask him what the fellow had done, who, when he saw
the person they seized on, presently told them that
was not the man. Then they seemed to be in more
consternation than before, and spread themselves all
over the street, crying, " Larron, larron/ " pretending
to search for the fellow ; and so one one way, one
another, they were all gone, the noise went over, the
gentlemen stood looking one at another, and the bawling
doctor began to have the crowd about him again.
This was the first French trick I had the opportunity
of seeing, but I was told they have a great many more
as dexterous as this.
We soon got acquaintance with these gentlemen, who
were going to Paris as well as we ; so the next day
we made up our company with them, and were a pretty
troop of five gentlemen and four servants.
As we had really no design to stay long at Paris, so
indeed, excepting the city itself, there was not much
to be seen there. Cardinal Richelieu, who was not
only a supreme minister in the Church, but Prime
Minister in the State, was now made also General of
the King's Forces, with a title never known in France
before nor since, viz., Lieutenant-General "au place du
Roi," in the king's stead, or, as some have since trans
lated it, representing the person of the king.
Under this character he pretended to execute all
the royal powers in the army without appeal to the
king, or without waiting for orders ; and having parted
from Paris the winter before had now actually begun
the war against the Duke of Savoy, in the process of
which he restored the Duke of Mantua, and having
taken Pignerol from the duke, put it into such a state of
io Memoirs of a Cavalier
defence as the duke could never force it out of hi&
hands, and reduced the duke, rather by manage and
conduct than by force, to make peace without it ; so
as annexing it to the crown of France it has ever since
been a thorn in his foot that has always made the
peace of Savoy lame and precarious, and France has
since made Pignerol one of the strongest fortresses in
the world.
As the cardinal, with all the military part of the
court, was in the field, so the king, to be near him,
was gone with the queen and all the court, just before
I reached Paris, to reside at Lyons. All these con
sidered, there was nothing to do at Paris ; the court
looked like a citizen's house when the family was all
gone into the country, and I thought the whole city
looked very melancholy, compared to all the fine things
I had heard of it.
The queen-mother and her party were chagrined at
the cardinal, who, though he owed his grandeur to her
immediate favour, was now grown too great any longer
to be at the command of her Majesty, or indeed in her
interest ; and therefore the queen was under dissatis
faction, and her party looked very much down.
The Protestants were everywhere disconsolate, for
the losses they had received at Rochelle, Nimes, and
Montpellier had reduced them to an absolute depend
ence on the king's will, without all possible hopes of
ever recovering themselves, or being so much as in a
condition to take arms for their religion, and therefore,
the wisest of them plainly foresaw their own entire
reduction, as it since came to pass. And I remember
very well that a Protestant gentleman told me once,
as we were passing from Orleans to Lyons, that the
English had ruined them ; and therefore, says he, " I
think the next occasion the king takes to use us ill, as
I know 'twill not be long before he does, we must all
Memoirs of a Cavalier 1 1
fly over to England, where you are bound to maintain
us for having helped to turn us out of our own country."
I asked him what he meant by saying the English had
done it ? He returned short upon me : "I do not
mean," says he, " by not relieving Rochelle, but by
helping to ruin Rochelle, when you and the Dutch lent
ships to beat our fleet, which all the ships in France
could not have done without you."
I was too young in the world to be very sensible of
this before, and therefore was something startled at the
charge ; but when I came to discourse with this gentle
man, I soon saw the truth of what he said was un
deniable, and have since reflected on it with regret,
that the naval power of the Protestants, which was
then superior to the royal, would certainly have been
the recovery of all their fortunes, had it not been
unhappily broke by their brethren of England and
Holland, the former lending seven men-of-war, and
the latter twenty, for the destruction of the Rochellers'
fleet; and by these very ships the Rochellers' fleet
were actually beaten and destroyed, and they never
afterward recovered their force at sea, and by conse
quence sunk under the siege, which the English after
wards in vain attempted to prevent.
These things made the Protestants look very dull,
and expected the ruin of all their party, which had
certainly happened had the cardinal lived a few years
longer.
We stayed in Paris about three weeks, as well to
see the court and what rarities the place afforded, as
by an occasion which had like to have put a short
period to our ramble.
Walking one morning before the gate of the Louvre,
with a design to see the Swiss drawn up, which they
always did, and exercised just before they relieved the
guards, a page came up to me, and speaking English
12 Memoirs of a Cavalier
to me, " Sir," says he, " the captain must needs hare
your immediate assistance." I, that had not the know
ledge of any person in Paris but my own companion,
whom I called captain, had no room to question, but
it was he that sent for me ; and crying out hastily
to him, "Where?" followed the fellow as fast as 'twas
possible. He led me through several passages which I
knew not, and at last through a tennis-court and into
a large room, where three men, like gentlemen, were
engaged very briskly two against one. The room was
very dark, so that I could not easily know them
asunder, but being fully possessed with an opinion
before of my captain's danger, I ran into the room
with my sword in my hand. I had not particularly
engaged any of them, nor so much as made a pass at
any, when I received a very dangerous thrust in my
thigh, rather occasioned by my too hasty running. in,
than a real design of the person ; but enraged at the
hurt, without examining who it was hurt me, I threw
myself upon him, and run my sword quite through his
body.
The novelty of the adventure, and the unexpected
fall of the man by a stranger come in nobody knew
how, had becalmed the other two, that they really
stood gazing at me. By this time I had discovered
that my captain was not there, and that 'twas some
strange accident brought me thither. I could speak
but little French, and supposed they could speak no
English, so I stepped to the door to see for the page
that brought me thither, but seeing nobody there and
the passage clear, I made off as fast as I could, without
speaking a word ; nor did the other two gentlemen offer
to stop me.
But I was in a strange confusion when, coming into
those entries and passages which the page led me through,
I could by no means find my way out. At last seeing
Memoirs of a Cavalier 13
a door open that looked through a house into the street,
I went in, and out at the other door ; but then I was
at as great a loss to know where I was, and which was
the way to my lodgings. The wound in my thigh
bled apace, and I could feel the blood in my breeches. In
this interval came by a chair ; I called, and went into
it, and bid them, as well as I could, go to the Louvre ;
for though I knew not the name of the street where I
lodged, I knew I could find the way to it when I was
at the Bastile. The chairmen went on their own way,
and being stopped by a company of the guards as they
went, set me down till the soldiers were marched by ;
when looking out I found I was just at my own lodging,
and the captain was standing at the door looking for
me. I beckoned him to me, and, whispering, told him
I was very much hurt, but bid him pay the chairmen,
and ask no questions, but come to me.
I made the best of my way upstairs, but had lost so
much blood, that I had hardly spirits enough to keep
me from swooning till he came in. He was equally con
cerned with me to see me in such a bloody condition, and
presently called up our landlord, and he as quickly called
in his neighbours, that I had a room full of people about
me in a quarter of an hour. But this had like to have
been of worse consequence to me than the other, for
by this time there was great inquiring after the person
who killed a man at the tennis-court. My landlord
was then sensible of his mistake, and came to me and
told me the danger I was in, and very honestly offered
to convey me to a friend's of his, where I should be
very secure ; I thanked him, and suffered myself to be
carried at midnight whither he pleased. He visited me
very often, till I was well enough to walk about, which
was not in less than ten days, and then we thought fit
to be gone, so we took post for Orleans. But when I
came upon the road I found myself in a new error, for
14 Memoirs of a Cavalier
my wound opened again with riding, and I was in a
worse condition than before, being forced to take up
at a little village on the road, called , about
miles from Orleans, where there was no surgeon to
be had, but a sorry country barber, who nevertheless
dressed me as well as he could, and in about a week
more I was able to walk to Orleans at three times.
Here I stayed till I was quite well, and then took coach
for Lyons, and so through Savoy into Italy.
I spent near two years' time after this bad beginning
in travelling through Italy, and to the several courts of
Rome, Naples, Venice, and Vienna.
When I came to Lyons the king was gone from
thence to Grenoble to meet the cardinal, but the queens
were both at Lyons.
The French affairs seemed at this time to have but
an indifferent aspect. There was no life in anything but
where the cardinal was : he pushed on everything with
extraordinary conduct, and generally with success ; he
had taken Susa and Pignerol from the Duke of Savoy,
and was preparing to push the duke even out of all his
dominions.
But in the meantime everywhere else things looked
ill ; the troops were ill-paid, the magazines empty, the
people mutinous, and a general disorder seized the
minds of the court; and the cardinal, who was the
soul of everything, desired this interview at Grenoble,
in order to put things into some better method.
This politic minister always ordered matters so, that
if there was success in anything the glory was his,
but if things miscarried it was all laid upon the king.
This conduct was so much the more nice, as it is the
direct contrary to the custom in like cases, where kings
assume the glory of all the success in an action, and
when a thing miscarries make themselves easy by
sacrificing their ministers and favourites to the com-
Memoirs of a Cavalier 15
plaints and resentments of the people ; but this accurate
refined statesman got over this point.
While we were at Lyons, and as I remember, the
third day after our coming thither, we had like to have
been involved in a state broil, without knowing where
we were. It was of a Sunday in the evening, the people
of Lyons, who had been sorely oppressed in taxes,
and the war in Italy pinching their trade, began to be
very tumultuous. We found the day before the mob got
together in great crowds, and talked oddly ; the king
was everywhere reviled, and spoken disrespectfully of,
and the magistrates of the city either winked at, or
durst not attempt to meddle, lest they should provoke
the people.
But on Sunday night, about midnight, we was waked
by a prodigious noise in the street. I jumped out of
bed, and running to the window, I saw the street as
full of mob as it could hold, some armed with muskets
and halberds, matched in very good order ; others in
disorderly crowds, all shouting and crying out, "Du
paix le roi," and the like. One that led a great party
of this rabble carried a loaf of bread upon the top of a
pike, and other lesser loaves, signifying the smallness
of their bread, occasioned by dearness.
By morning this crowd was gathered to a great
height ; they ran roving over the whole city, shut up
all the shops, and forced all the people to join with
them from thence. They went up to the castle, and re
newing the clamour, a strange consternation seized all
the princes.
They broke open the doors of the officers, col
lectors of the new taxes, and plundered their houses,
and had not the persons themselves fled in time they
had been very ill-treated.
The queen-mother, as she was very much displeased
to see such consequences of the government, in whose
1 6 Memoirs of a Cavalier
management she had no share, so I suppose she had
the less concern upon her. However, she came into
the court of the castle and showed herself to the people,
gave money amongst them, and spoke gently to them ;
and by a way peculiar to herself, and which obliged all
she talked with, she pacified the mob gradually, sent
them home with promises of redress and the like ; and
so appeased this tumult in two days, by her prudence,
which the guards in the castle had small mind to
meddle with, and if they had, would in all probability
have made the better side the worse.
There had been several seditions of the like nature
in sundry other parts of France, and the very army
began to murmur, though not to mutiny, for want of
provisions.
This sedition at Lyons was not quite over when we
left the place, for, finding the city all in a broil, we
considered we had no business there, and what the
consequence of a popular tumult might be we did not
see, so we prepared to be gone. We had not rid
above three miles out of the city but we were brought
as prisoners of war, by a party of mutineers, who had
been abroad upon the scout, and were charged with
being messengers sent to the cardinal for forces to re
duce the citizens. With these pretences they brought
us back in triumph, and the queen-mother, being by
this time grown something familiar to them, they
carried us before her.
When they inquired of us who we were, we called
ourselves Scots ; for as the English were very much
out of favour in France at this time, the peace having
been made not many months, and not supposed to be
very durable, because particularly displeasing to the
people of England, so the Scots were on the other
extreme with the French. Nothing was so much
caressed as the Scots, and a man had no more to do in
Memoirs of a Cavalier 17
France, if he would be well received there, than to say
he was a Scotchman.
When we came before the queen-mother she
seemed to receive us with some stiffness at first, and
caused her guards to take us into custody ; but as she
was a lady of most exquisite politics, she did this to
amuse the mob, and we were immediately after dismissed;
and the queen herself made a handsome excuse to us
for the rudeness we had suffered, alleging the troubles
of the times ; and the next morning we had three
dragoons of the guards to convoy us out of the juris
diction of Lyons.
I confess this little adventure gave me an aversion
to popular tumults all my life after, and if nothing else
had been in the cause, would have biassed me to
espouse the king's party in England when our popular
heats carried all before it at home.
But I must say, that when I called to mind since,
the address, the management, the compliance in show,
and in general the whole conduct of the queen-mother
with the mutinous people of Lyons, and compared it
with the conduct of my unhappy master the King of
England, I could not but see that the queen understood
much better than King Charles the management of
politics and the clamours of the people.
Had this princess been at the helm in England, she
would have prevented all the calamities of the Civil
War here, and yet not have parted with what that good
prince yielded in order to peace neither. She would
have yielded gradually, and then gained upon them
gradually ; she would have managed them to the point
she had designed them, as she did all parties in
France ; and none could effectually subject her but the
very man she had raised to be her principal support
I mean the cardinal.
We went from hence to Grenoble, and arrived
1 8 Memoirs of a Cavalier
there the same day that the king and the cardinal
with the whole court went out to view a body of
6000 Swiss foot, which the cardinal had wheedled
the cantons to grant to the king to help to ruin their
neighbour the Duke of Savoy.
The troops were exceeding fine, well-accoutred,
brave, clean-limbed, stout fellows indeed. Here I
saw the cardinal ; there was an air of church gravity
in his habit, but all the vigour of a general, and the
sprightliness of a vast genius in his face. He affected
a little stiffness in his behaviour, but managed all his
affairs with such clearness, such steadiness, and such
application, that it was no wonder he had such success
in every undertaking.
Here I saw the king, whose figure was mean, his
countenance hollow, and always seemed dejected, and
every way discovering that weakness in his countenance
that appeared in his actions.
If he was ever sprightly and vigorous it was when
the cardinal was with him, for he depended so much
on everything he did, that he was at the utmost
dilemma when he was absent, always timorous, jealous,
and irresolute.
After the review the cardinal was absent some days,
having been to wait on the queen-mother at Lyons,
where, as it was discoursed, they were at least seem
ingly reconciled.
I observed while the cardinal was gone there was
no court, the king was 'seldom to be seen, very small
attendance given, and no bustle at the castle ; but as
soon as the cardinal returned, the great councils were
assembled, the coaches of the ambassadors went every
day to the castle, and a face of business appeared upon
the whole court.
Here the measures of the Duke of Savoy's ruin
were concerted, and in order to it the king and the
Memoirs of a Cavalier 19
cardinal put themselves at the head of the army, with
which they immediately reduced all Savoy, took Cham-
berri and the whole duchy except Montmelian.
The army that did this was not above 22,000 men,
including the Swiss, and but indifferent troops neither,
especially the French foot, who, compared to the
infantry I have since seen in the German and Swedish
armies, were not fit to be called soldiers. On the
other hand, considering the Savoyards and Italian
troops, they were good troops ; but the cardinal's
conduct made amends for all these deficiencies.
From hence I went to Pignerol, which was then
little more than a single fortification on the hill near
the town called St Bride's, but the situation of that
was very strong. I mention this because of the pro
digious works since added to it, by which it has since
obtained the name of "the right hand of France." They
had begun a new line below the hill, and some works
were marked out on the side of the town next the fort ;
but the cardinal afterwards drew the plan of the works
with his own hand, by which it was made one of the
strongest fortresses in Europe.
While I was at Pignerol, the governor of Milan, for
the Spaniards, came with an army and sat down before
Casale. The grand quarrel, and for which the war in
this part of Italy was begun, was this: The Spaniards
and Germans pretended to the duchy of Mantua; the
Duke of Nevers, a Frenchman, had not only a title to
it, but had got possession of it ; but being ill-supported
by the French, was beaten out by the Imperialists, and
after a long siege the Germans took Mantua itself, and
drove the poor duke quite out of the country.
The taking of Mantua elevated the spirits of the
Duke of Savoy, and the Germans and Spaniards being
now at more leisure, with a complete army came to
his assistance, and formed the siege of Montferrat.
2O Memoirs of a Cavalier
For as the Spaniards pushed the Duke of Mantua,
so the French by way of diversion lay hard upon the
Duke of Savoy. They had seized Montferrat, and held
it for the Duke of Mantua, and had a strong French
garrison under Thoiras, a brave and experienced com
mander ; and thus affairs stood when we came into the
French army.
I had no business there as a soldier, but having
passed as a Scotch gentleman with the mob at Lyons,
and after with her Majesty the queen-mother, when
we obtained the guard of her dragoons, we had also
her Majesty's pass, with which we came and went
where we pleased. And the cardinal, who was then
not on very good terms with the queen, but willing to
keep smooth water there, when two or three times our
passes came to be examined, showed a more than
ordinary respect to us on that very account, our passes
being from the queen.
Casale being besieged, as I have observed, began to
be in danger, for the cardinal, who 'twas thought had
formed a design to ruin Savoy, was more intent upon
that than upon the succour of the Duke of Mantua ;
but necessity calling upon him to deliver so great a
captain as Thoiras, and not to let such a place as Casale
fall into the hands of the enemy, the king, or cardinal
rather, ordered the Duke of Montmorency, and the
Marechal D'Effiat, with 10,000 foot and 2000 horse,
to march and join the Marechals De La Force and
Schomberg, who lay already with an army on the
frontiers of Genoa, but too weak to attempt the raising
the siege of Casale.
As all men thought there would be a battle between
the French and the Spaniards, I could not prevail
with myself to lose the opportunity, and therefore by
the help of the passes above mentioned, I came to the
French army under the Duke of Montmorency. We
Memoirs of a Cavalier 21
marched through the enemy's country with great bold
ness and no small hazard, for the Duke of Savoy
appeared frequently with great bodies of horse on
the rear of the army, and frequently skirmished with
our troops, in one of which I had the folly I can call it
no better, for I had no business there to go out and
see the sport, as the French gentlemen called it. I
was but a raw soldier, and did not like the sport at all,
for this party was surrounded by the Duke of Savoy,
and almost all killed, for as to quarter they neither
asked nor gave. I ran away very fairly, one of the
first, and my companion with me, and by the goodness
of our horses got out of the fray, and being not much
known in the army, we came into the camp an hour or two
after, as if we had been only riding abroad for the air.
This little rout made the general very cautious, for
the Savoyards were stronger in horse by three or four
thousand, and the army always marched in a body, and
kept their parties in or very near hand.
I escaped another rub in this French army about five
days after, which had like to have made me pay dear
for my curiosity.
The Duke de Montmorency and the Marechal
Schomberg joined their army about four or five days
after, and immediately, according to the cardinal's
instructions, put themselves on the march for the relief
of Casale.
The army had marched over a great plain, with
some marshy grounds on the right and the Po on the
left, and as the country was so well discovered that
'twas thought impossible any mischief should happen,
the generals observed the less caution. At the end of
this plain was a long wood and a lane or narrow defile
through the middle of it.
Through this pass the army was to march, and the
van began to file through it about four o'clock. By
22 Memoirs of a Cavalier
three hours' time all the army was got through, or into
the pass, and the artillery was just entered when the
Duke of Savoy, with 4000 horse and 1500 dragoons,
with every horseman a footman behind him, whether
he had swam the Po or passed it above at a bridge,
and made a long march after, was not examined, but
he came boldly up the plain and charged our rear with
a great deal of fury.
Our artillery was in the lane, and as it was impos
sible to turn them about and make way for the army,
so the rear was obliged to support themselves and
maintain the fight for above an hour and a half.
In this time we lost abundance of men, and if it had
not been for two accidents all that line had been cut
off. One was, that the wood was so near that those
regiments which were disordered presently sheltered
themselves in the wood ; the other was, that by this
time the Marechal Schomberg, with the horse of the
van, began to get back through the lane, and to make
good the ground from whence the other had been
beaten, till at last by this means it came to almost a
pitched battle.
There were two regiments of French dragoons who
did excellent service in this action, and maintained
their ground till they were almost all killed.
Had the Duke of Savoy contented himself with the
defeat of five regiments on the right, which he quite
broke and drove into the wood, and with the slaughter
and havoc which he had made among the rest, he had
come off with honour, and might have called it a
victory ; but endeavouring to break the whole party
and carry off some cannon, the obstinate resistance
of these few dragoons lost him his advantages, and
held him in play till so many fresh troops got through
the pass again as made us too strong for him, and had
not night parted them he had been entirely defeated.
Memoirs of a Cavalier 23
At last, finding our troops increase and spread them
selves on his flank, he retired and gave over. We had
no great stomach to pursue him neither, though some
horse were ordered to follow a little way.
The duke lost above a thousand men, and we
almost twice as many, and but for those dragoons
had lost the whole rear-guard and half our cannon.
I was in a very sorry case in this action too. I was
with the rear in the regiment of horse of Perigoort,
with a captain of which regiment I had contracted
some acquaintance. I would have rid off at first, as
the captain desired me, but there was no doing it, for
the cannon was in the lane, and the horse and dragoons
of the van eagerly pressing back through the lane must
have run me down or carried me with them. As for
the wood, it was a good shelter to save one's life, but
was so thick there was no passing it on horseback.
Our regiment was one of the first that was broke, and
being all in confusion, with the Duke of Savoy's men
at our heels, away we ran into the wood. Never was
there so much disorder among a parcel of runaways
as when we came to this wood ; it was so exceeding
bushy and thick at the bottom there was no entering it,
and a volley of small shot from a regiment of Savoy's
dragoons poured in upon us at our breaking into the
wood made terrible work among our horses.
For my part I was got into the wood, but was
forced to quit my horse, and by that means, with a
great deal of difficulty, got a little farther in, where
there was a little open place, and being quite spent
with labouring among the bushes I sat down resolving
to take my fate there, let it be what it would, for I was
not able to go any farther. I had twenty or thirty
more in the same condition came to me in less than
half-an-hour, and here we waited very securely the
success of the battle, which was as before.
24 Memoirs of a Cavalier
It was no small relief to those with me to hear the
Savoyards were beaten, for otherwise they had all been
lost; as for me, I confess, I was glad as it was because
of the danger, but otherwise I cared not much which
had the better, for I designed no service among them.
One kindness it did me, that I began to consider
what I had to do here, and as I could give but a very
slender account of myself for what it was I run all
these risks, so I resolved they should fight it among
themselves, for I would come among them no more.
The captain with whom, as I noted above, I had
contracted some acquaintance in this regiment, was
killed in this action, and the French had really a great
blow here, though they took care to conceal it all they
could; and I cannot, without smiling, read some of the
histories and memoirs of this action, which they are
not ashamed to call a victory.
We marched on to Saluzzo, and the next day the
Duke of Savoy presented himself in battalia on the
other side of a small river, giving us a fair challenge to
pass and engage him. We always said in our camp
that the orders were to fight the Duke of Savoy
wherever we met him ; but though he braved us in our
view we did not care to engage him, but we brought
Saluzzo to surrender upon articles, which the duke
could not relieve without attacking our camp, which
he did not care to do.
The next morning we had news of the surrender of
Mantua to the Imperial army. We heard of it first from
the Duke of Savoy's cannon, which he fired by way
of rejoicing, and which seemed to make him amends
for the loss of Saluzzo.
As this was a mortification to the French, so it
quite damped the success of the campaign, for the
Duke de Montmorency imagining that the Imperial
general would send immediate assistance to the
Memoirs of a Cavalier 25
Marquis Spinola, who besieged Casale, they called
frequent councils of war what course to take, and at
last resolved to halt in Piedmont. A few days after
their resolutions were changed again by the news of
the death of the Duke of Savoy, Charles Emanuel,
who died, as some say, agitated with the extremes of
joy and grief.
This put our generals upon considering again
whether they should march to the relief of Casale, but
the chimera of the Germans put them by, and so they
took up quarters in Piedmont. They took several small
places from the Duke of Savoy, making advantage of
the consternation the duke's subjects were in on the
death of their prince, and spread themselves from the
seaside to the banks of the Po. But here an enemy
did that for them which the Savoyards could not, for
the plague got into their quarters and destroyed abun
dance of people, both of the army and of the country.
I thought then it was time for me to be gone, for I
had no manner of courage for that risk; and I think
verily I was more afraid of being taken sick in a strange
country than ever I was of being killed in battle. Upon
this resolution I ^procured a pass to go for Genoa, and
accordingly began my journey, but was arrested at
Villa Franca by a slow lingering fever, which held me
about five days, and then turned to a burning malignancy,
and at last to the plague. My friend, the captain, never
left me night nor day ; and though for four days more
I knew nobody, nor was capable of so much as think
ing of myself, yet it pleased God that the distemper
gathered in my neck, swelled and broke. During the
swelling I was raging mad with the violence of pain,
which being so near my head swelled that also in
proportion, that my eyes were swelled up, and for
twenty-four hours my tongue and mouth ; then, as my
servant told me, all the physicians gave me over, as
26 Memoirs of a Cavalier
past all remedy, but by the good providence of God
the swelling broke.
The prodigious collection of matter which this swell
ing discharged gave me immediate relief, and I became
sensible in less than an hour's time ; and in two hours
or thereabouts fell into a little slumber which recovered
my spirits and sensibly revived me. Here I lay by it
till the middle of September. My captain fell sick
after me, but recovered quickly. His man had the
plague, and died in two days ; my man held it out well.
About the middle of September we heard of a
truce concluded between all parties, and being un
willing to winter at Villa Franca, I got passes, and
though we were both but weak, we began to travel in
litters for Milan.
And here I experienced the truth of an old English
proverb, that standers-by see more than the gamesters.
The French, Savoyards, and Spaniards made this
peace or truce all for separate and several grounds, and
every one were mistaken.
The French yielded to it because they had given
over the relief of Casale, and were very much afraid it
would fall into the hands of the Marquis Spinola. The
Savoyards yielded to it because they were afraid the
French would winter in Piedmont ; the Spaniard*
yielded to it because the Duke of Savoy being dead,
and the Count de Colalto, the Imperial general, giving
no assistance, and his army weakened by sickness and
the fatigues of the siege, he foresaw he should never
take the town, and wanted but to come off with honour
The French were mistaken, because really Spinola
was so weak that had they marched on into Montferrat
the Spaniards must have raised the siege ; the Duke of
Savoy was mistaken, because the plague had so weakened
the French that they durst not have stayed to winter
in Piedmont ; and Spinola was mistaken, for though he
Memoirs of a Cavalier 27
was very slow, if he had stayed before the town one
fortnight longer, Thoiras the governor must have sur
rendered, being brought to the last extremity.
Of all these mistakes the French had the advantage,
for Casale was relieved, the army had time to be
recruited, and the French had the best of it by an early
campaign.
I passed through Montferrat in my way to Milan just
as the truce was declared, and saw the miserable remains
of the Spanish army, who by sickness, fatigue, hard duty,
the sallies of the garrison and such like consequences,
were reduced to less than 2000 men, and of them
above 1000 lay wounded and sick in the camp.
Here were several regiments which I saw drawn out
to their arms that could not make up above seventy or
eighty men, officers and all, and those half starved with
hunger, almost naked, and in a lamentable condition.
From thence I went into the town, and there things
were still in a worse condition, the houses beaten down,
the walls and works ruined, the garrison, by continual
duty, reduced from 4500 men to less than 800, with
out clothes, money, or provisions, the brave governor
weak with continual fatigue, and the whole face of
things in a miserable case.
The French generals had just sent them 30,000
crowns for present supply, which heartened them a
little, but had not the truce been made as it was, they
must have surrendered upon what terms the Spaniards
had pleased to make them.
Never were two armies in such fear of one another
with so little cause ; the Spaniards afraid of the
French whom the plague had devoured, and the
French afraid of the Spaniards whom the siege had
almost ruined.
The grief of this mistake, together with the sense
of his master, the Spaniards, leaving him without
28 Memoirs of a Cavalier
supplies to complete the siege of Casale, so affected the
Marquis Spinola, that he died for grief, and in him
fell the last of that rare breed of Low Country soldiers,
who gave the world so great and just a character of
the Spanish infantry, as the best soldiers of the world ;
a character which we see them so very much degene
rated from since, that they hardly deserve the name of
soldiers.
I tarried at Milan the rest of the winter, both for
the recovery of my health, and also for supplies from
England.
Here it was I first heard the name of Gustavus
Adolphus, the king of Sweden, who now began his
war with the emperor ; and while the king of France
was at Lyons, the league with Sweden was made, in
which the French contributed 1,200,000 crowns in
money, and 600,000 per annum to the attempt of
Gustavus Adolphus. About this time he landed in
Pomerania, took the towns of Stettin and Stralsund,
and from thence proceeded in that prodigious manner
of which I shall have occasion to be very particular
in the prosecution of these Memoirs.
I had indeed no thoughts of seeing that king or his
armies. I had been so roughly handled already, that I
had given over the thoughts of appearing among the
fighting people, and resolved in the spring to pursue
my journey to Venice, and so for the rest of Italy.
Yet I cannot deny that as every Gazette gave us some
accounts of the conquests and victories of this glorious
prince, it prepossessed my thoughts with secret wishes of
seeing him, but these were so young and unsettled, that
I drew no resolutions from them for a long while after.
About the middle of January I left Milan and came
to Genoa, from thence by sea to Leghorn, then to
Naples, Rome, and Venice, but saw nothing in Italy
that gave me any diversion.
Memoirs of a Cavalier 29
As for what is modern, I saw nothing but lewdness,
private murders, stabbing men at the corner of a street,
or in the dark, hiring of bravos, and the like ; all the
diversions here ended in whoring, gaming, and sodomy.
These were to me the modern excellencies of Italy ?
and I had no gust to antiquities.
'Twas pleasant indeed when I was at Rome to say
here stood the Capitol, there the Colossus of Nero, here
was the Amphitheatre of Titus, there the Aqueduct of
, here the Forum, there the Catacombs, here the
Temple of Venus, there of Jupiter, here the Pantheon,
and the like ; but I never designed to write a book.
As much as was useful I kept in my head, and for the
rest, I left it to others.
I observed the people degenerated from the ancient
glorious inhabitants, who were generous, brave, and the
most valiant of all nations, to a vicious baseness of soul,
barbarous, treacherous, jealous and revengeful, lewd
and cowardly, intolerably proud and haughty, bigoted
to blind, incoherent devotion, and the grossest of
idolatry.
Indeed, I think the unsuitableness of the people made
the place unpleasant to me, for there is so little in a
country to recommend it when the people disgrace it,
that no beauties of the creation can make up for the
want of those excellencies which suitable society pro
cure the defect of. This made Italy a very unpleasant
country to me ; the people were the foil to the place,
all manner of hateful vices reigning in their general
way of living.
I confess I was not very religious myself, and being
come abroad into the world young enough, might easily
have been drawn into evils that had recommended
themselves with any tolerable agreeableness to nature
and common manners ; but when wickedness presented
itself full-grown in its grossest freedoms and liberties,
30 Memoirs of a Cavalier
it quite took away all the gust to vice that the devil
had furnished me with, and in this I cannot but relate
one scene which passed between nobody but the devil
and myself.
At a certain town in Italy, which shall be nameless,
because I won't celebrate the proficiency of one place
more than another, when I believe the whole country
equally wicked, I was prevailed upon rather than
tempted, a la courtezan.
If I should describe the woman I must give a
very mean character of my own virtue to say I was
allured by any but a woman of an extraordinary figure ;
her face, shape, mien, and dress, I may, without vanity,
say, the finest that I ever saw. When I had admit
tance into her apartments, the riches and magnificence
of them astonished me, the cupboard or cabinet of
plate, the jewels, the tapestry, and everything in pro
portion, made me question whether I was not in the
chamber of some lady of the best quality ; but when
after some conversation I found that it was really
nothing but a courtezan in English, a common street
whore, a punk of the trade I was amazed, and my
inclination to her person began to cool. Her conversa
tion exceeded, if possible, the best of quality, and was,
I must own, exceeding agreeable ; she sung to her
lute, and danced as fine as ever I saw, and thus
diverted me two hours before anything else was dis
coursed of. But when the vicious part came on the
stage, I blush to relate the confusion I was in, and
when she made a certain motion, by which I under
stood she might be made use of, either as a lady, or as
, I was quite thunderstruck, all the vicious part of
my thoughts vanished, the place filled me with horror,
and I was all over disorder and distraction.
I began, however, to recollect where I was, and that
in this country these were people not to be affronted ;
Memoirs of a Cavalier 31
and though she easily saw the disorder I was in,
she turned it off with admirable dexterity, began to
talk again a la gallant, received me as a visitant, offered
me sweetmeats and some wine.
Here I began to be in more confusion than before,
for I concluded she would neither offer me to eat or to
drink now without poison, and I was very shy of tasting
her treat ; but she scattered this fear immediately by
readily and of her own accord not only tasting but
eating freely of everything she gave me. Whether she
perceived my wariness, or the reason of it, I know not ;
I could not help banishing my suspicion, the obliging
carriage and strange charm of her conversation had so
much power of me that I both ate and drank with her
at all hazards.
When I offered to go, and at parting presented
her five pistoles, I could not prevail with her to
take them, when she spoke some Italian proverb
which I could not readily understand, but by my
guess it seemed to imply that she would not take
the pay, having not obliged me otherwise. At last
I laid the pieces on her toilet, and would not receive
them again, upon which she obliged me to pass my
word to visit her again, else she would by no means
accept my present.
I confess I had a strong inclination to visit her
again, and besides thought myself obliged to it in
honour to my parole. But after some strife in my
thoughts about it, I resolved to break my word with
her; when going at vespers one evening to see their
devotions I happened to meet this very lady very
devoutly going to her prayers.
At her coming out of the church I spoke to her, she
paid me her respects with a " Seignior Inglese," and
some words she said in Spanish, smiling, which I did not
understand. I cannot say here, so clearly as I would
32 Memoirs of a Cavalier
be glad I might, that I broke my word with her ; but
if I saw her any more I saw nothing of what gave me
so much offence before.
The end of my relating this story is answered in
describing the manner of their address, without bring
ing myself to confession. If I did anything I have
some reason to be ashamed of, it may be a less crime
to conceal it than expose it.
The particulars related, however, may lead the reader
of these sheets to a view of what gave me a particular
disgust at this pleasant part of the world, as they pre
tend to call it, and made me quit the place sooner than
travellers use to do that come thither to satisfy their
curiosity.
The prodigious stupid bigotry of the people also was
irksome to me ; I thought there was something in it
very sordid. The entire empire the priests have over
both the souls and bodies of the people, gave me a
specimen of that meanness of spirit, which is nowhere
else to be seen but in Italy, especially in the city of
Rome.
At Venice I perceived it quite different, the civil
authority having a visible superiority over the ecclesi
astic, and the Church being more subject there to the
State than in any other part of Italy.
For these reasons I took no pleasure in filling my
memoirs of Italy with remarks of places or things. All
the antiquities and valuable remains of the Roman
nation are done better than I can pretend to by such
people who made it more their business ; as for me, I
went to see, and not to write, and as little thought then
of these Memoirs as I ill furnished myself to write
them.
I left Italy in April, and taking the tour of Bavaria,
though very much out of the way, I passed through
Munich, Passau, Lintz, and at last to Vienna.
Memoirs of a Cavalier 33
I came to Vienna the loth of April 1631, intending
to have gone from thence down the Danube into
Hungary, and by means of a pass, which I had obtained
from the English ambassador at Constantinople, I
designed to have seen all the great towns on the
Danube, which were then in the hands of the Turks,
and which I had read much of in the history of the
war between the Turks and the Germans ; but I was
diverted from my design by the following occasion.
There had been a long bloody war in the empire of
Germany for twelve years, between the emperor, the
Duke of Bavaria, the King of Spain, and the Popish
princes and electors on the one side, and the Protestant
princes on the other ; and both sides having been
exhausted by the war, and even the Catholics them
selves beginning to dislike the growing power of the
house of Austria, 'twas thought all parties were willing
to make peace. Nay, things were brought to that
pass that some of the Popish princes and electors
began to talk of making alliances with the King of
Sweden.
Here it is necessary to observe, that the two Dukes
of Mecklenburg having been dispossessed of most of
their dominions by the tyranny of the Emperor Fer
dinand, and being in danger of losing the rest, earnestly
solicited the King of Sweden to come to their assist
ance ; and that prince, as he was related to the house
of Mecklenburg, and especially as he was willing to
lay hold of any opportunity to break with the emperor,
against whom he had laid up an implacable prejudice,
was very ready and forward to come to their assist
ance.
The reasons of his quarrel with the emperor were
grounded upon the Imperialists concerning themselves
in the war of Poland, where the emperor had sent
8000 foot and 2000 horse to join the Polish army
c
34 Memoirs of a Cavalier
against the king, and had thereby given some check
to his arms in that war.
In pursuance, therefore, of his resolution to quarrel
with the emperor, but more particularly at the instances
of the princes above-named, his Swedish Majesty had
landed the year before at Stralsund with about 12,000
men, and having joined with some forces which he
had left in Polish Prussia, all which did not make
30,000 men, he began a war with the emperor, the
greatest in event, filled with the most famous battles,
sieges, and extraordinary actions, including its wonder
ful success and happy conclusion, of any war ever
maintained in the world.
The King of Sweden had already taken Stettin,
Stralsund, Rostock, Wismar, and all the strong places
on the Baltic, and began to spread himself in Germany.
He had made a league with the French, as I observed
in my story of Saxony; he had now made a treaty
with the Duke of Brandenburg, and, in short, began to
be terrible to the empire.
In this conjuncture the emperor called the General
Diet of the empire to be held at Ratisbon, where, as
was pretended, all sides were to treat of peace and to
join forces to beat the Swedes out of the empire.
Here the emperor, by a most exquisite management,
brought the affairs of the Diet to a conclusion, ex
ceedingly to his own advantage, and to the farther
oppression of the Protestants ; and, in particular, in
that the war against the King of Sweden was to be
carried on in such manner as that the whole burthen
and charge would lie on the Protestants themselves,
and they be made the instruments to oppose their best
friends. Other matters also ended equally to their
disadvantage, as the methods resolved on to recover
the Church lands, and to prevent the education of the
Protestant clergy ; and what remained was referred to
Memoirs of a Cavalier 35
another General Diet to be held at Frankfort-au-Main
in August 1631.
I won't pretend to say the other Protestant prince*
of Germany had never made any overtures to the
King of Sweden to come to their assistance, but 'tis
plain they had entered into no league with him ; that
appears from the difficulties which retarded the fixing
of the treaties afterward, both with the Dukes of
Brandenburg and Saxony, which unhappily occasioned
the ruin of Magdeburg.
But 'tis plain the Swede was resolved on a war with
the emperor. His Swedish Majesty might, and indeed
could not but foresee that if he once showed himself
with a sufficient force on the frontiers of the empire, all
the Protestant princes would be obliged by their interest
or by his arms to fall in with him, and this the conse
quence made appear to be a just conclusion, for the
Electors of Brandenburg and Saxony were both forced
to join with him.
First, they were willing to join with him at least
they could not find in their hearts to join with the
emperor, of whose power they had such just apprehen
sions. They wished the Swedes success, and would
have been very glad to have had the work done at
another man's charge, but, like true Germans, they
were more willing to be saved than to save themselves,
and therefore hung back and stood upon terms.
Secondly, they were at last forced to it. The first was
forced to join by the King of Sweden himself, who
being come so far was not to be dallied with, and
had not the Duke of Brandenburg complied as he
did, he had been ruined by the Swede. The Saxon
was driven into the arms of the Swede by force, for
Count Tilly, ravaging his country, made him comply
with any terms to be saved from destruction.
Thus matters stood at the end of the Diet at Ratis-
36 Memoirs of a Cavalier
bon. The King of Sweden began to see himself leagued
against at the Diet both by Protestant and Papist ; and,
as I have often heard his Majesty say since, he had
resolved to try to force them off from the emperor,
and to treat them as enemies equally with the rest if
they did not.
But the Protestants convinced him soon after, that
though they were tricked into the outward appearance
of a league against him at Ratisbon, they had no such
intentions ; and by their ambassadors to him let him
know that they only wanted his powerful assistance
to defend their councils, when they would soon con
vince him that they had a due sense of the emperor's
designs, and would do their utmost for their liberty.
And these I take to be the first invitations the King
of Sweden had to undertake the Protestant cause as
such, and which entitled him to say he fought for the
liberty and religion of the German nation.
I have had some particular opportunities to hear
these things from the mouths of some of the very
princes themselves, and therefore am the forwarder
to relate them ; and I place them here because, pre
vious to the part I acted on this bloody scene, 'tis
necessary to let the reader into some part of the story,
and to show him in what manner and on what occa
sions this terrible war began.
The Protestants, alarmed at the usage they had met
with at the former Diet, had secretly proposed among
themselves to form a general union or confederacy,
for preventing that ruin which they saw, unless some
speedy remedies were applied, would be inevitable.
The Elector of Saxony, the head of the Protestants,
a vigorous and politic prince, was the first that moved
it ; and the Landgrave of Hesse, a zealous and gallant
prince, being consulted with, it rested a great while
between those two, no method being found practicable
Memoirs of a Cavalier 37
to bring it to pass, the emperor being so powerful in
all parts, that they foresaw the petty princes would not
dare to negotiate an affair of such a nature, being sur
rounded with the Imperial forces, who by their two
generals, Wallenstein and Tilly, kept them in continual
subjection and terror.
This dilemma had like to have stifled the thoughts
of the union as a thing impracticable, when one
Seigensius, a Lutheran minister, a person of great
abilities, and one whom the Elector of Saxony made
great use of in matters of policy as well as religion,
contrived for them this excellent expedient.
I had the honour to be acquainted with this gentle
man while I was at Leipsic. It pleased him exceed
ingly to have been the contriver of so fine a structure
as the Conclusions of Leipsic, and he was glad to be
entertained on that subject. I had the relation from
his own mouth, when, but very modestly, he told me
he thought 'twas an inspiration darted on a sudden into
his thoughts, when the Duke of Saxony calling him
into his closet one morning, with a face full of concern,
shaking his head, and looking very earnestly, "What
will become of us, doctor?" said the duke; "we
shall all be undone at Frankfort-au-Main." " Why
so, please your highness ? " says the doctor. " Why,
they will fight with the King of Sweden with our
armies and our money," says the duke, " and devour
our friends and ourselves by the help of our friends and
ourselves." " But what is become of the confederacy,
then," said the doctor, "which your highness had
so happily framed in your thoughts, and which the
Landgrave of Hesse was so pleased with?" "Be
come of it?" says the duke, "'tis a good thought
enough, but 'tis impossible to bring it to pass among
so many members of the Protestant princes as are to
be consulted with, for we neither have time to treat,
38 Memoirs of a Cavalier
nor will half of them dare to negotiate the matter, the
Imperialists being quartered in their very bowels."
" But may not some expedient be found out," says
the doctor, " to bring them all together to treat of it
in a general meeting?" "'Tis well proposed," says
the duke, "but in what town or city shall they as
semble where the very deputies shall not be besieged
by Tilly or Wallenstein in fourteen days' time, and
sacrificed to the cruelty and fury of the Emperor
Ferdinand ? " " Will your highness be the easier in
it," replies the doctor, " if a way may be found out to
call such an assembly upon other causes, at which the
emperor may have no umbrage, and perhaps give his
assent ? You know the Diet at Frankfort is at hand ;
'tis necessary the Protestants should have an assembly
of their own to prepare matters for the General Diet,
and it may be no difficult matter to obtain it." The
duke, surprised with joy at the motion, embraced the
doctor with an extraordinary transport. " Thou hast
done it, doctor," said he, and immediately caused him
to draw a form of a letter to the emperor, which he
did with the utmost dexterity of style, in which he
was a great master, representing to his Imperial
Majesty that, in order to put an end to the troubles of
Germany, his Majesty would be pleased to permit the
Protestant princes of the empire to hold a Diet to
themselves, to consider of such matters as they were
to treat of at the General Diet, in order to conform
themselves to the will and pleasure of his Imperial
Majesty, to drive out foreigners, and settle a lasting
peace in the empire. He also insinuated something
of their resolutions unanimously to give their suffrages
in favour of the King of Hungary at the election
of a king of the Romans, a thing which he knew the
emperor had in his thought, and would push at with
all his might at the Diet. This letter was sent, and the
Memoirs of a Cavalier 39
bait so neatly concealed, that the Electors of Bavaria
and Mentz, the King of Hungary, and several of the
Popish princes, not foreseeing that the ruin of them all
lay in the bottom of it, foolishly advised the emperor
to consent to it.
In consenting to this the emperor signed his own
destruction, for here began the conjunction of the
German Protestants with the Swede, which was the
fatallest blow to Ferdinand, and which he could never
recover.
Accordingly the Diet was held at Leipsic, February
8, 1 630, where the Protestants agreed on several heads for
their mutual defence, which were the grounds of the
following war. These were the famous Conclusions of
Leipsic, which so alarmed the emperor and the whole
empire, that to crush it in the beginning, the emperor
commanded Count Tilly immediately to fall upon the
Landgrave of Hesse and the Duke of Saxony as the
principal heads of the union ; but it was too late.
The Conclusions were digested into ten heads:
1. That since their sins had brought God's judg
ments upon the whole Protestant Church, they should
command public prayers to be made to Almighty God
for the diverting the calamities that attended them.
2. That a treaty of peace might be set on foot,
in order to come to a right understanding with the
Catholic princes.
3. That a time for such a treaty being obtained,
they should appoint an assembly of delegates to meet
preparatory to the treaty.
4. That all their complaints should be humbly
represented to his Imperial Majesty and the Catholic
Electors, in order to a peaceable accommodation.
5. That they claim the protection of the emperor,
according to the laws of the empire, and the present
emperor's solemn oath and promise.
40 Memoirs of a Cavalier
6. That they would appoint deputies who should
meet at certain times to consult of their common
interests, and who should be always empowered to
conclude of what should be thought needful for their
safety.
7. That they will raise a competent force to main
tain and defend their liberties, rights, and religion.
8. That it is agreeable to the Constitution of the
empire, concluded in the Diet at Augsburg, to do so.
9. That the arming for their necessary defence shall
by no means hinder their obedience to his Imperial
Majesty, but that they will still continue their loyalty
to him.
10. They agree to proportion their forces, which in
all amounted to 70,000 men.
The emperor, exceedingly startled at the Conclusions,
issued out a severe proclamation or ban against them,
which imported much the same thing as a declaration
of war, and commanded Tilly to begin, and immediately
to fall on the Duke of Saxony with all the fury imagin
able, as I have already observed.
Here began the flame to break out ; for upon the
emperor's ban, the Protestants send away to the King
of Sweden for succour.
His Swedish Majesty had already conquered Meck
lenburg, and part of Pomerania, and was advancing
with his victorious troops, increased by the addition of
some regiments raised in those parts, in order to carry
on the war against the emperor, having designed to
follow up the Oder into Silesia, and so to push the war
home to the emperor's hereditary countries of Austria
and Bohemia, when the first messengers came to him
in this case ; but this changed his measures, and brought
him to the frontiers of Brandenburg resolved to answer
the desires of the Protestants. But here the Duke of
Brandenburg began to halt, making some difficulties
Memoirs of a Cavalier 41
and demanding terms, which drove the king to use
some extremities with him, and stopped the Swedes
for a while, who had otherwise been on the banks of
the Elbe as soon as Tilly, the Imperial general, had
entered Saxony, which if they had done, the miserable
destruction of Magdeburg had been prevented, as I
observed before.
The king had been invited into the union, and when
he first came back from the banks of the Oder he had
accepted it, and was preparing to back it with all his
power.
The Duke of Saxony had already a good army r
which he had with infinite diligence recruited, and
mustered them under the cannon of Leipsic. The
King of Sweden having, by his ambassador at Leipsic,
entered into the union of the Protestants, was advancing
victoriously to their aid, just as Count Tilly had entered
the Duke of Saxony's dominions. The fame of the
Swedish conquests, and of the hero who commanded
them, shook my resolution of travelling into Turkey,
being resolved to see the conjunction of the Protestant
armies, and before the fire was broke out too far to
take the advantage of seeing both sides.
While I remained at Vienna, uncertain which way
I should proceed, I remember I observed they talked
of the King of Sweden as a prince of no considera
tion, one that they might let go on and tire himself
in Mecklenburg and thereabout, till they could find
leisure to deal with him, and then might be crushed as
they pleased ; but 'tis never safe to despise an enemy,
so this was not an enemy to be despised, as they
afterwards found.
As to the Conclusions of Leipsic, indeed, at first
they gave the Imperial court some uneasiness, but when
they found the Imperial armies began to fright the
members out of the union, and that the several branches
42 ' Memoirs of a Cavalier
had no considerable forces on foot, it was the general
discourse at Vienna that the union at Leipsic only
gave the emperor an opportunity to crush absolutely
the Dukes of Saxony, Brandenburg, and the Land
grave of Hesse, and they looked upon it as a thing
certain.
I never saw any real concern in their faces at
Vienna till news came to court that the King of
Sweden had entered into the union ; but as this made
them very uneasy, they began to move the powerfullest
methods possible to divert this storm ; and upon this
news Tilly was hastened to fall into Saxony before this
union could proceed to a conjunction of forces. This
was certainly a very good resolution, and no measure
could have been more exactly concerted, had not the
diligence of the Saxons prevented it.
The gathering of this storm, which from a cloud
began to spread over the empire, and from the little
duchy of Mecklenburg began to threaten all Germany,
absolutely determined me, as I noted before, as to
travelling, and laying aside the thoughts of Hungary,
I resolved, if possible, to see the King of Sweden's
army.
I parted from Vienna the middle of May, and took
post for Great Glogau in Silesia, as if I had purposed
to pass into Poland, but designing indeed to go down
the Oder to Custrim in the marquisate of Branden
burg, and so to Berlin. But when I came to the
frontiers of Silesia, though I had passes, I could go no
farther, the guards on all the frontiers were so strict,
so I was obliged to come back into Bohemia, and
went to Prague. From hence I found I could easily
pass through the Imperial provinces to the lower
Saxony, and accordingly took passes for Hamburg,
designing, however, to use them no farther than I found
Memoirs of a Cavalier 43
By virtue of these passes I got into the Imperial
army, under Count Tilly, then at the siege of Magde
burg, May the 2nd.
I confess I did not foresee the fate of this city,
neither, I believe, did Count Tilly himself expect to
glut his fury with so entire a desolation, much less did
the people expect it. I did believe they must capitu
late, and I perceived by discourse in the army that
Tilly would give them but very indifferent conditions ;
but it fell out otherwise. The treaty of surrender was,
as it were, begun, nay, some say concluded, when some
of the out-guards of the Imperialists finding the citizens
had abandoned the guards of the works, and looked to
themselves with less diligence than usual, they broke
in, carried an half-moon, sword in hand, with little
resistance ; and though it was a surprise on both sides,
the citizens neither fearing, nor the army expecting the
occasion, the garrison, with as much resolution as could
be expected under such a fright, flew to the walls,
twice beat the Imperialists off, but fresh men coming
up, and the administrator of Magdeburg himself
being wounded and taken, the enemy broke in, took
the city by storm, and entered with such terrible fury,
that, without respect to age or condition, they put all
the garrison and inhabitants, man, woman, and child, to
the sword, plundered the city, and when they had done
this set it on fire.
This calamity sure was the dreadfullest sight that
ever I saw; the rage of the Imperial soldiers was most
intolerable, and not to be expressed. Of 25,000,
some said 30,000 people, there was not a soul to be
seen alive, till the flames drove those that were hid
in vaults and secret places to seek death in the streets
rather than perish in the fire. Of these miserable
creatures some were killed too by the furious soldiers,
but at last they saved the lives of such as came
44 Memoirs of a Cavalier
out of their cellars and holes, and so about two thou
sand poor desperate creatures were left. The exact
number of those that perished in this city could never
be known, because those the soldiers had first butchered
the flames afterwards devoured.
I was on the other side of the Elbe when this
dreadful piece of butchery was done. The city of
Magdeburg had a sconce or fort over against it called
the toll-house, which joined to the city by a very fine
bridge of boats. This fort was taken by the Im
perialists a few days before, and having a mind to see
it, and the rather because from thence I could have a
very good view of the city, I was going over Tilly's
bridge of boats to view this fort. About ten o'clock
in the morning I perceived they were storming by the
firing, and immediately all ran to the works ; I little
thought of the taking the city, but imagined it might
be some outwork attacked, for we all expected the
city would surrender that day, or next, and they might
have capitulated upon very good terms.
Being upon the works of the fort, on a sudden I
heard the dreadfullest cry raised in the city that can
be imagined ; 'tis not possible to express the manner of
it, and I could see the women and children running
about the streets in a most lamentable condition.
The city wall did not run along the side where the
river was with so great a height, but we could plainly
see the market-place and the several streets which run
down to the river. In about an hour's time after this
first cry all was in confusion ; there was little shoot
ing, the execution was all cutting of throats and mere
house murders. The resolute garrison, with the brave
Baron Falkenberg, fought it out to the last, and were
cut in pieces, and by this time the Imperial soldiers
having broke open the gates and entered on all sides,
the slaughter was very dreadful. We could see the poor
Memoirs of a Cavalier 45
people in crowds driven down the streets, flying from
the fury of the soldiers, who followed butchering them
as fast as they could, and refused mercy to anybody,
till driving them to the river's edge, the desperate
wretches would throw themselves into the river, where
thousands of them perished, especially women and
children. Several men that could swim got over to our
side, where the soldiers not heated with fight gave them
quarter, and took them up, and I cannot but do this
justice to the German officers in the fort : they had
five small flat boats, and they gave leave to the soldiers
to go off in them, and get what booty they could, but
charged them not to kill anybody, but take them all
prisoners.
Nor was their humanity ill rewarded, for the soldiers,
wisely avoiding those places where their fellows were
employed in butchering the miserable people, rowed
to other places, where crowds of people stood crying
out for help, and expecting to be every minute either
drowned or murdered ; of these at sundry times they
fetched over near six hundred, but took care to take
in none but such as offered them good pay.
Never was money or jewels of greater service than
now, for those that had anything of that sort to offer
were soonest helped.
There was a burgher of the town who, seeing a boat
coming near him, but out of his call, by the help of a
speaking trumpet, told the soldiers in it he would give
them 20,000 dollars to fetch him off. They rowed
close to the shore, and got him with his wife and six
children into the boat, but such throngs of people got
about the boat that had like to have sunk her, so that
the soldiers were fain to drive a great many out again
by main force, and while they were doing this some of
the enemies coming down the street desperately drove
-them all into the water
46 Memoirs of a Cavalier
The boat, however, brought the burgher and his wife
and children safe, and though they had not all that
wealth about them, yet in jewels and money he gave
them so much as made all the fellows very rich.
I cannot pretend to describe the cruelty of this day :
the town by five in the afternoon was all in a flame \
the wealth consumed was inestimable, and a loss to the
very conqueror. I think there was little or nothing left
but the great church and about a hundred houses.
This was a sad welcome into the army for me, and
gave me a horror and aversion to the emperor's people,
as well as to his cause. I quitted the camp the third
day after this execution, while the fire was hardly out
in the city ; and from thence getting safe- conduct to
pass into the Palatinate, I turned out of the road at
a small village on the Elbe, called Emerfield, and by
ways and towns I can give but small account of, having
a boor for our guide, who we could hardly understand,
I arrived at Leipsic on the 1 7th of May.
We found the elector intense upon the strengthening
of his army, but the people in the greatest terror ima
ginable, every day expecting Tilly with the German
army, who by his cruelty at Magdeburg was become
so dreadful to the Protestants that they expected no
mercy wherever he came.
The emperor's power was made so formidable to all
the Protestants, particularly since the Diet at Ratisbon
left them in a worse case than it found them, that they
had not only formed the Conclusions of Leipsic, which
all men looked on as the effect of desperation rather
than any probable means of their deliverance, but had
privately implored the protection and assistance of
foreign powers, and particularly the King of Sweden,
from whom they had promises of a speedy and power
ful assistance. And truly if the Swede had not with a
very strong hand rescued them, all their Conclusions
Memoirs of a Cavalier 47
at Leipsic had served but to hasten their ruin. I
remember very well when I was in the Imperial army
they discoursed with such contempt of the forces of
the Protestants, that not only the Imperialists but the
Protestants themselves gave them up as lost. The
emperor had not less than 200,000 men in several
armies on foot, who most of them were on the back
of the Protestants in every corner. If Tilly did but
write a threatening letter to any city or prince of the
union, they presently submitted, renounced the Con
clusions of Leipsic, and received Imperial garrisons,
as the cities of Ulm and Memmingen, the duchy
of Wirtemberg, and several others, and almost all
Suaben.
Only the Duke of Saxony and the Landgrave of
Hesse upheld the drooping courage of the Protes
tants, and refused all terms of peace, slighted all the
threatenings of the Imperial generals, and the Duke
of Brandenburg was brought in afterward almost by
force.
The Duke of Saxony mustered his forces under the
walls of Leipsic, and I having returned to Leipsic,
two days before, saw them pass the review. The
duke, gallantly mounted, rode through the ranks,
attended by his field-marshal Arnheim, and seemed
mighty well pleased with them, and indeed the troops
made a very fine appearance ; but I that had seen
Tilly's army and his old weather-beaten soldiers,
whose discipline and exercises were so exact, and their
courage so often tried, could not look on the Saxon
army without some concern for them when I con
sidered who they had to deal with. Tilly's men were
rugged surly fellows, their faces had an air of hardy
courage, mangled with wounds and scars, their armour
showed the bruises of musket bullets, and the rust of
the winter storms. I observed of them their clothes
48 Memoirs of a Cavalier
were always dirty, but their arms were clean and
bright ; they were used to camp in the open fields, and
sleep in the frosts and rain ; their horses were strong
and hardy like themselves, and well taught their
exercises ; the soldiers knew their business so exactly
that general orders were enough ; every private man
was fit to command, and their wheelings, march
ings, counter- marchings and exercise were done with
such order and readiness, that the distinct words of
command were hardly of any use among them ; they
were flushed with victory, and hardly knew what it
was to fly.
There had passed some messages between Tilly and
the duke, and he gave always such ambiguous answers
as he thought might serve to gain time ; but Tilly
was not to be put off with words, and drawing his army
towards Saxony, sends four propositions to him to sign,
and demands an immediate reply. The propositions
were positive.
1. To cause his troops to enter into the emperor's
service, and to march in person with them against the
King of Sweden.
2. To give the Imperial army quarters in his
country, and supply them with necessary provisions.
3. To relinquish the union of Leipsic, and disown
the ten Conclusions.
4. To make restitution of the goods and lands of
the Church.
The duke being pressed by Tilly's trumpeter for an
immediate answer sat all night, and part of the next
day, in council with his privy counsellors, debating
what reply to give him, which at last was concluded,
in short, that he would live and die in defence of the
Protestant religion, and the Conclusions of Leipsic, and
bade Tilly defiance.
The die being thus cast, he immediately decamped
Memoirs of a Cavalier 49
with his whole army for Torgau, fearing that Tilly
should get there before him, and so prevent his con
junction with the Swede. The duke had not yet
concluded any positive treaty with the King of Swede-
land, and the Duke of Brandenburg having made
some difficulty of joining, they both stood on some
niceties till they had like to hare ruined themselves
all at once.
Brandenburg had given up the town of Spandau
to the king by a former treaty to secure a retreat
for his army, and the king was advanced as far as
Frankfort-upon-the-Oder, when on a sudden some
small difficulties arising, Brandenburg seems cold in
the matter, and with a sort of indifference demands
to have his town of Spandau restored to him again.
Gustavus Adolphus, who began presently to imagine
the duke had made his peace with the emperor, and
so would either be his enemy or pretend a neutrality,
generously delivered him his town of Spandau, but
immediately turns about, and with his whole army
besieges him in his capital city of Berlin. This
brought the duke to know his error, and by the
interpositions of the ladies, the Queen of Sweden
being the duke's sister, the matter was accommodated,
and the duke joined his forces with the king.
But the Duke of Saxony had like to have been
undone by this delay, for the Imperialists, under Count
de Furstenberg, were entered his country, and had
possessed themselves of Halle, and Tilly was on his
march to join him, as he afterwards did, and ravaging
the whole country laid siege to Leipsic itself. The
duke driven to this extremity rather flies to the Swede
than treats with him, and on the 2nd of September the
duke's army joined with the King of Sweden.
I had not come to Leipsic but to see the Duke
of Saxony's army, and that being marched, as I have
50 Memoirs of a Cavalier
said, for Torgau, I had no business there, but if 1
had, the approach of Tilly and the Imperial army
was enough to hasten me away, for I had no occasion
to be besieged there ; so on the 2yth of August I left
the town, as several of the principal inhabitants had
done before, and more would have done had not the
governor published a proclamation against it, and
besides they knew not whither to fly, for all places
were alike exposed. The poor people were under
dreadful apprehensions of a siege, and of the merciless
usage of the Imperial soldiers, the example of Magde
burg being fresh before them, the duke and his army
gone from them, and the town, though well furnished,
but irdifferently fortified.
In this condition I left them, buying up stores of
provisions, working hard to scour their moats, set up
palisadoes, repair their fortifications, and preparing all
things for a siege ; and following the Saxon army to
Torgau, I continued in the camp till a few days before
they joined the King of Sweden.
I had much ado to persuade my companion from
entering into the service of the Duke of Saxony, one
of whose colonels, with whom we had contracted a
particular acquaintance, offering him a commission to
be cornet in one of the old regiments of horse ; but the
difference I had observed between this new army and
Tilly's old troops had made such an impression on me,
that I confess I had yet no manner of inclination for
the service, and therefore persuaded him to wait a
while till we had seen a little further into affairs, and
particularly till we had seen the Swedish army which
we had heard so much of.
The difficulties which the Elector-Duke of Saxony
made of joining with the king were made up by a treaty
concluded with the king on the 2nd of September at
Coswig, a small town on the Elbe, whither the king's
Memoirs of a Cavalier 51
army was arrived the night before ; for General Tilly
being now entered into the duke's country, had plun
dered and ruined all the lower part of it, and was now
actually besieging the capital city of Leipsic. These
necessities made almost any conditions easy to him ; the
greatest difficulty was that the King of Sweden de
manded the absolute command of the army, which
the duke submitted to with less goodwill than he
had reason to do, the king's experience and conduct
considered.
I had not patience to attend the conclusions of their
particular treaties, but as soon as ever the passage was
clear I quitted the Saxon camp and went to see the
Swedish army. I fell in with the out- guards of the
Swedes at a little town called Beltsig, on the river
Wersa, just as they were relieving the guards and
going to march, and having a pass from the English
ambassador was very well received by the officer who
changed the guards, and with him I went back into
the army. By nine in the morning the army was in full
march, the king himself at the head of them on a grey
pad, and riding from one brigade to another, ordered
the march of every line himself.
When I saw the Swedish troops, their exact dis
cipline, their order, the modesty and familiarity of
their officers, and the regular living of the soldiers,
their camp seemed a well-ordered city ; the meanest
country woman with her market ware was as safe from
violence as in the streets of Vienna. There were no
regiments of whores and rags as followed the Im
perialists ; nor any woman in the camp but such as
being known to the provosts to be the wives of the
soldiers, who were necessary for washing linen, taking
care of the soldiers' clothes, and dressing their victuals.
The soldiers were well clad, not gay, furnished with
excellent arms, and exceedingly careful of them ; and
52 Memoirs of a Cavalier
though they did not seem so terrible as I thought
Tilly's men did when I first saw them, yet the figure
they made, together with what we had heard of them,
made them seem to me invincible : the discipline and
order of their marchings, camping, and exercise was
excellent and singular, and, which was to be seen in
no armies but the king's, his own skill, judgment, and
vigilance having added much to the general conduct of
armies then in use.
As I met the Swedes on their march I had no
opportunity to acquaint myself with anybody till after
the conjunction of the Saxon army, and then it being
but four days to the great battle of Leipsic, our acquaint
ance was but small, saving what fell out accidentally
by conversation.
I met with several gentlemen in the king's army
who spoke English very well ; besides that there were
three regiments of Scots in the army, the colonels
whereof I found were extraordinarily esteemed by the
king, as the Lord Reay, Colonel Lumsdell, and Sir
John Hepburn. The latter of these, after I had by
an accident become acquainted with, I found had been
for many years acquainted with my father, and on that
account I received a great deal of civility from him,
which afterwards grew into a kind of intimate friend
ship. He was a complete soldier indeed, and for that
reason so well beloved by that gallant king, that he
hardly knew how to go about any great action without
him.
It was impossible for me now to restrain my young
comrade from entering into the Swedish service, and
indeed everything was so inviting that I could not blame
him. A captain in Sir John Hepburn's regiment had
picked acquaintance with him, and he having as much
gallantry in his face as real courage in his heart, the
captain had persuaded him to take service, and promised
Memoirs of a Cavalier 53
to use his interest to get him a company in the Scotch
brigade. I had made him promise me not to part from
me in my travels without my consent, which was the
only obstacle to his desires of entering into the Swedish
pay ; and being one evening in the captain's tent with
him and discoursing very freely together, the captain
asked him very short but friendly, and looking earnestly
at me, " Is this the gentleman, Mr Fielding, that ha*
done so much prejudice to the King of Sweden's ser
vice ? " I was doubly surprised at the expression, and
at the colonel, Sir John Hepburn, coming at that very
moment into the tent. The colonel hearing something
of the question, but knowing nothing of the reason of
it, any more than as I seemed a little to concern my
self at it, yet after the ceremony due to his character
was over, would needs know what I had done to hinder
his Majesty's service. " So much truly," says the
captain, " that if his Majesty knew it he would think
himself very little beholden to him." " I am sorry,
sir," said I, " that I should offend in anything, who
am but a stranger ; but if you would please to inform
me, I would endeavour to alter anything in my beha
viour that is prejudicial to any one, much less to his
Majesty's service." " I shall take you at your word,
sir," says the captain ; " the King of Sweden, sir, has
a particular request to you." " I should be glad to know
two things, sir," said I ; "first, how that can be possible,
since I am not yet known to any man in the army,
much less to his Majesty ? and secondly, what the
request can be ? " " Why, sir, his Majesty desires you
would not hinder this gentleman from entering into his
service, who it seems desires nothing more, if he may
have your consent to it." " I have too much honour for
his Majesty," returned I, " to deny anything which he
pleases to command me ; but methinks 'tis some hard
ship you should make that the king's order, which 'tis
54 Memoirs of a Cavalier
very probable he knows nothing of." Sir John Hepburn
took the case up something gravely, and drinking a glass
of Leipsic beer to the captain, said, " Come, captain,
don't press these gentlemen ; the king desires no man's
service but what is purely volunteer." So we entered
into other discourse, and the colonel perceiving by my
talk that I had seen Tilly's army, was mighty curious
in his questions, and seeming very well satisfied with
the account I gave him.
The next day the army having passed the Elbe at
Wittenberg, and joined the Saxon army near Torgau,
his Majesty caused both armies to draw up in battalia,
giving every brigade the same post in the lines as he
purposed to fight in. I must do the memory of that
glorious general this honour, that I never saw an
army drawn up with so much variety, order, and
exact regularity since, though I have seen many
armies drawn up by some of the greatest captains of
the age. The order by which his men were directed
to flank and relieve one another, the methods of re
ceiving one body of men if disordered into another,
and rallying one squadron without disordering another
was so admirable ; the horse everywhere flanked, lined
and defended by the foot, and the foot by the horse,
and both by the cannon, was such, that if those orders
were but as punctually obeyed, 'twere impossible to put
an army so modelled into any confusion.
The view being over, and the troops returned to
their camps, the captain with whom we drank the day
before meeting me told me I must come and sup with
him in his tent, where he would ask my pardon for the
affront he gave me before. I told him he needed not
put himself to the trouble, I was not affronted at all ;
that I would do myself the honour to wait on him,
provided he would give me his word not to speak any
more of it as an affront.
Memoirs of a Cavalier 55
We had not been a quarter of an hour in his tent but
Sir John Hepburn came in again, and addressing to
me, told me he was glad to find me there ; that he
came to the captain's tent to inquire how to send to me ;
and that I must do him the honour to go with him
to wait on the king, who had a mind to hear the
account I could give him of the Imperial army from
my own mouth. I must confess I was at some loss in
my mind how to make my address to his Majesty, but
I had heard so much of the conversable temper of the
king, and his particular sweetness of humour with the
meanest soldier, that I made no more difficulty, but
having paid my respects to Colonel Hepburn, thanked
him for the honour he had done me, and offered to
rise and wait upon him. " Nay," says the colonel,
' we will eat first, for I find Gourdon," which was the
captain's name, " has got something for supper, and the
king's order is at seven o'clock." So we went to
supper, and Sir John, becoming very friendly, must
know my name ; which, when I had told him, and
of what place and family, he rose from his seat, and
embracing me, told me he knew my father very well,
and had been intimately acquainted with him, and told
me several passages wherein my father had particularly
obliged him. After this we went to supper, and the
king's health being drank round, the colonel moved the
sooner because he had a mind to talk with me.
When we were going to the king he inquired of
me where I had been, and what occasion brought me
to the army. I told him the short history of my
travels, and that I came hither from Vienna on purpose
to see the King of Sweden and his army. He asked
me if there was any service he could do me, by which
he meant, whether I desired an employment. I pre
tended not to take him so, but told him the protection
his acquaintance would afford me was more than I
56 Memoirs of a Cavalier
could have asked, since I might thereby have oppor
tunity to satisfy my curiosity, which was the chief end
of my coming abroad. He perceiving by this that I
had no mind to be a soldier, told me very kindly I
should command him in anything ; that his tent and
equipage, horses and servants should always have
orders to be at my service ; but that as a piece of
friendship, he would advise me to retire to some place
distant from the army, for that the army would march
to-morrow, and the king was resolved to fight General
Tilly, and he would not have me hazard myself; that
if I thought fit to take his advice, he would have me
take that interval to see the court at Berlin, whither he
would send one of his servants to wait on me.
His discourse was too kind not to extort the tenderest
acknowledgment from me that I was capable of. I
told him his care of me was so obliging, that I knew
not what return to make him, but if he pleased to leave
me to my choice I desired no greater favour than to
trail a pike under his command in the ensuing battle.
" I can never answer it to your father," says he, " to
suffer you to expose yourself so far." I told him my
father would certainly acknowledge his friendship in the
proposal made me ; but I believed he knew him better
than to think he would be well pleased with me if I
should accept of it ; that I was sure my father would
have rode post five hundred miles to have been at such
a battle under such a general, and it should never be
told him that his son had rode fifty miles to be out of it.
He seemed to be something concerned at the resolution I
had taken, and replied very quickly upon me, that he
approved very well of my courage ; " but," says he, " no
man gets any credit by running upon needless adven
tures, nor loses any by shunning hazards which he has no
order for. 'Tis enough," says he, " for a gentleman to
behave well when he is commanded upon any service ;.
Memoirs of a Cavalier 57
I have had fighting enough," says he, " upon these
points of honour, and I never got anything but reproof
for it from the king himself."
" Well, sir," said I, " however, if a man expects to
rise by his valour, he must show it somewhere ; and if
I were to have any command in an army, I would first
try whether I could deserve it. I have never yet seen
any service, and must have my induction some time or
other. I shall never have a better schoolmaster than your
self, nor a better school than such an army." "Well,"
says Sir John, "but you may have the same school and
the same teaching after this battle is over; for I must
tell you beforehand, this will be a bloody touch. Tilly
has a great army of old lads that are used to boxing,
fellows with iron faces, and 'tis a little too much to
engage so hotly the first entrance into the wars. You
may see our discipline this winter, and make your
campaign with us next summer, when you need not
fear but we shall have fighting enough, and you will be
better acquainted with things. We do never put our
common soldiers upon pitched battles the first campaign,
but place our new men in garrisons and try them in
parties first." " Sir," said I, with a little more freedom,
** I believe I shall not make a trade of the war, and
therefore need not serve an apprenticeship to it : 'tis a
hard battle where none escapes. If I come off, I hope
I shall not disgrace you, and if not, 'twill be some
satisfaction to my father to hear his son died fighting
under the command of Sir John Hepburn, in the army
of the King of Sweden, and I desire no better epitaph
upon my tomb."
"Well," says Sir John, and by this time we were just
come to the king's quarters, and the guards calling to
us interrupted his reply ; so we went into the courtyard
where the king was lodged, which was in an indifferent
house of one of the burghers of Debien, and Sir John
58 Memoirs of a Cavalier
stepping up, met the king coming down some steps into
a large room which looked over the town wall into
a field where part of the artillery was drawn up. Sir
John Hepburn sent his man presently to me to come
up, which I did ; and Sir John without any ceremony
carries me directly up to the king, who was leaning
on his elbow in the window. The king turning about,
"This is the English gentleman," says Sir John, "who
I told your Majesty had been in the Imperial army."
" How then did he get hither," says the king, "with
out being taken by the scouts ? " At which question,
Sir John saying nothing, " By a pass, and please your
Majesty, from the English ambassador's secretary at
Vienna," said I, making a profound reverence. " Have
you then been at Vienna ? " says the king. " Yes, and
please your Majesty," said I ; upon which the king,
folding up a letter he had in his hand, seemed much
more earnest to talk about Vienna than about Tilly.
"And, pray, what news had you at Vienna ? " " No
thing, sir," said I, " but daily accounts one in the
neck of another of their own misfortunes, and your
Majesty's conquests, which makes a very melancholy
court there." " But, pray," said the king, " what is the
common opinion there about these affairs ? " " The
common people are terrified to the last degree," said I,
" and when your Majesty took Frankfort-upon-Oder,
if your army had marched but twenty miles into Silesia,
half the people would hare run out of Vienna, and I
left them fortifying the city." " They need not," re
plied the king, smiling ; " I have no design to trouble
them, it is the Protestant countries I must be for."
Upon this the Duke of Saxony entered the room,
and finding the king engaged, offered to retire ; but
the king, beckoning with his hand, called to him in
French : " Cousin," says the king, " this gentleman
has been travelling and comes from Vienna," and so
Memoirs of a Cavalier 59
made me repeat what I had said before ; at which
the king went on with me, and Sir John Hepburn
informing his Majesty that I spoke High Dutch, he
changed his language, and asked me in Dutch where
it was that I saw General Tilly's army. I told his
Majesty at the siege of Magdeburg. " At Mag
deburg ! " said the king, shaking his head ; " Tilly
must answer to me one day for that city, and if not to
me, to a greater King than I. Can you guess what
army he had with him ? " said the king. " He had
two armies with him," said I, " but one I suppose
will do your Majesty no harm." " Two armies ! "
said the king. " Yes, sir, he has one army of about
26,000 men," said I, "and another of above 15,000
whores and their attendants," at which the king laughed
heartily. "Ay, ay," says the king, "those 15,000
do us as much harm as the 26,000, for they eat up the
country, and devour the poor Protestants more than
the men. Well," says the king, " do they talk of
fighting us ? " " They talk big enough, sir," said I,
" but your Majesty has not been so often fought with as
beaten in their discourse." " I know not for the men,"
says the king, " but the old man is as likely to do it as
talk of it, and I hope to try them in a day or two."
The king inquired after that several matters of me
about the Low Countries, the Prince of Orange, and
of the court and affairs in England ; and Sir John
Hepburn informing his Majesty that I was the son
of an English gentleman of his acquaintance, the king
had the goodness to ask him what care he had taken of
me against the day of battle. Upon which Sir John
repeated to him the discourse we had together by the
way ; the king seeming particularly pleased with it,
began to take me to task himself. " You English
gentlemen," says he, "are too forward in the wars,
which makes you leave them too soon again." " Your
60 Memoirs of a Cavalier
Majesty," replied I, "makes war in so pleasant a
manner as makes all the world fond of fighting under
your conduct." " Not so pleasant neither," says the
king, "here's a man can tell you that sometimes it
is not very pleasant." " I know not much of the
warrior, sir," said I, " nor of the world, but if always
to conquer be the pleasure of the war, your Majesty's
soldiers have all that can be desired." " Well," says
the king, "but however, considering all things, I think
you would do well to take the advice Sir John Hepburn
has given you." " Your Majesty may command me to
anything, but where your Majesty and so many gallant
gentlemen hazard their lives, mine is not worth men
tioning ; and I should not dare to tell my father at my
return into England that I was in your Majesty's army,
and made so mean a figure that your Majesty would
not permit me to fight under that royal standard."
" Nay," replied the king, " I lay no commands upon
you, but you are young." " I can never die, sir,"
said I, " with more honour than in your Majesty's
service." I spake this with so much freedom, and
his Majesty was so pleased with it, that he asked me
how I would choose to serve, on horseSack or on foot.
I told his Majesty I should be glad to receive any of
his Majesty's commands, but if I had not that honour I
had purposed to trail a pike under Sir John Hepburn,
who had done me so much honour as to introduce me
into his Majesty's presence. " Do so, then," replied
the king, and turning to Sir John Hepburn, said, "and,
pray, do you take care of him." At which, overcome
with the goodness of his discourse, I could not answer
a word, but made him a profound reverence and
retired.
The next day but one, being the 7th of Septem
ber, before day the army marched from Dieben to a
large field about a mile from Leipsic, where we
Memoirs of a Cavalier 61
found Tilly's army in full battalia in admirable order,
which made a show both glorious and terrible. Tilly,
like a fair gamester, had taken up but one side of
the plain, and left the other free, and all the avenues
open for the king's army ; nor did he stir to the
charge till the king's army was completely drawn
up and advanced toward him. He had in his army
44,000 old soldiers, every way answerable to what I
have said of them before ; and I shall only add, a
better army, I believe, never was so soundly beaten.
The king was not much inferior in force, being
joined with the Saxons, who were reckoned 22,000
men, and who drew up on the left, making a main
battle and two wings, as the king did on the right.
The king placed himself at the right wing of his
own horse, Gustavus Horn had the main battle of
the Swedes, the Duke of Saxony had the main battle
of his own troops, and General Arnheim the right
wing of his horse. The second line of the Swedes
consisted of the two Scotch brigades, and three
Swedish, with the Finland horse in the wings.
In the beginning of the fight, Tilly's right wing
charged with such irresistible fury upon the left of
the king's army where the Saxons were posted, that
nothing could withstand them. The Saxons fled amain,
and some of them carried the news over the country
that all was lost, and the king's army overthrown ;
and indeed it passed for an oversight with some that
the king did not place some of his old troops among
the Saxons, who were new-raised men. The Saxons
lost here near 2000 men, and hardly ever showed
their faces again all the battle, except some few of
their horse.
I was posted with my comrade, the captain, at the
head of three Scottish regiments of foot, commanded
by Sir John Hepburn, with express directions from
62 Memoirs of a Cavalier
the colonel to keep by him. Our post was in the
second line, as a reserve to the King of Sweden's
main battle, and, which was strange, the main battle,
which consisted of four great brigades of foot, were
never charged during the whole fight ; and yet we,
who had the reserve, were obliged to endure the whole
weight of the Imperial army. The occasion was, the
right wing of the Imperialists having defeated the
Saxons, and being eager in the chase, Tilly, who was
an old soldier, and ready to prevent all mistakes, for
bids any pursuit. "Let them go," says he, "but let
us beat the Swedes, or we do nothing." Upon this the
victorious troops fell in upon the flank of the king's
army, which, the Saxons being fled, lay open to them.
Gustavus Horn commanded the left wing of the
Swedes, and having first defeated some regiments
which charged him, falls in upon the rear of the Im
perial right wing, and separates them from the van,
who were advanced a great way forward in pursuit
of the Saxons, and having routed the said rear or
reserve, falls on upon Tilly's main battle, and defeated
part of them ; the other part was gone in chase of the
Saxons, and now also returned, fell in upon the rear
of the left wing of the Swedes, charging them in the
flank, for they drew up upon the very ground which
the Saxons had quitted. This changed the whole
front, and made the Swedes face about to the left, and
make a great front on their flank to make this good.
Our brigades, who were placed as a reserve for the
main battle, were, by special order from the king,
wheeled about to the left, and placed for the right of
this new front to charge the Imperialists ; they were
about 12,000 of their best foot, besides horse, and,
flushed with the execution of the Saxons, fell on like
furies. The king by this time had almost defeated the
Imperialists' left wing ; their horse, with more haste than
Memoirs of a Cavalier 63
good speed, had charged faster than their foot could
follow, and having broke into the king's first line, he
let them go, where, while the second line bears the
shock, and bravely resisted them, the king follows
them on the crupper with thirteen troops of horse, and
some musketeers, by which being hemmed in, they
were all cut down in a moment as it were, and the
army never disordered with them. This fatal blow to
the left wing gave the king more leisure to defeat the
foot which followed, and to send some assistance to
Gustavus Horn in his left wing, who had his hands
full with the main battle of the Imperialists.
But those troops who, as I said, had routed the
Saxons, being called off from the pursuit, had charged
our flank, and were now grown very strong, renewed
the battle in a terrible manner. Here it was I saw
our men go to wreck. Colonel Hall, a brave soldier,
commanded the rear of the Swedes' left wing ; he
fought like a lion, but was slain, and most of his regi
ment cut off, though not unrevenged, for they entirely
ruined Furstenberg's regiment of foot. Colonel Cul-
lembach, with his regiment of horse, was extremely
overlaid also, and the colonel and many brave officers
killed, and in short all that wing was shattered, and in
an ill condition.
In this juncture came the king, and having seen
what havoc the enemy made of Cullembach's troops,
he comes riding along the front of our three brigades,
and himself led us on to the charge ; the colonel of his
guards, the Baron Dyvel, was shot dead just as the
king had given him some orders. When the Scots
advanced, seconded by some regiments of horse which
the king also sent to the charge, the bloodiest fight
began that ever men beheld, for the Scottish brigades,
giving fire three ranks at a time over one another's
heads, poured in their shot so thick, that the enemy
64 Memoirs of a Cavalier
were cut down like grass before a scythe ; and following
into the thickest of their foot with the clubs of their
muskets made a most dreadful slaughter, and yet was
there no flying. Tilly's men might be killed and knocked
down, but no man turned his back, nor would give an
inch of ground, but as they were wheeled, or marched,
or retreated by their officers.
There was a regiment of cuirassiers which stood
whole to the last, and fought like lions ; they went
ranging over the field when all their army was broken,
and nobody cared for charging them ; they were com
manded by Baron Kronenburg, and at last went off
from the battle whole. These were armed in black
armour from head to foot, and they carried off their
general. About six o'clock the field was cleared of
the enemy, except at one place on the king's side,
where some of them rallied, and though they knew
all was lost would take no quarter, but fought it out to
the last man, being found dead the next day in rank
and file as they were drawn up.
I had the good fortune to receive no hurt in this
battle, excepting a small scratch on the side of my
neck by the push of a pike ; but my friend received a
very dangerous wound when the battle was as good
as over. He had engaged with a German colonel,
whose name we could never learn, and having killed
his man, and pressed very close upon him, so that he
had shot his horse, the horse in the fall kept the
colonel down, lying on one of his legs ; upon which he
demanded quarter, which Captain Fielding granting,
helped him to quit his horse, and having disarmed him,
was bringing him into the line, when the regiment of
cuirassiers, which I mentioned, commanded by Baron
Kronenburg, came roving over the field, and with a
flying charge saluted our front with a salvo of carbine
shot, which wounded us a great many men, and among
Memoirs of a Cavalier 65
the rest the captain received a shot in his thigh, which
laid him on the ground, and being separated from the
line, his prisoner got away with them.
This was the first service I was in, and indeed I
never saw any fight since maintained with such gallantry,
such desperate valour, together with such dexterity of
management, both sides being composed of soldiers
fully tried, bred to the wars, expert in everything,
exact in their order, and incapable of fear, which made
the battle be much more bloody than usual. Sir John
Hepburn, at my request, took particular care of my
comrade, and sent his own surgeon to look after him ;
and afterwards, when the city of Leipsic was retaken,
provided him lodgings there, and came very often
to see him ; and indeed I was in great care for him
too, the surgeons being very doubtful of him a great
while ; for having lain in the field all night among the
dead, his wound, for want of dressing, and with the
extremity of cold, was in a very ill condition, and the
pain of it had thrown him into a fever. 'Twas quite
dusk before the fight ended, especially where the last
rallied troops fought so long, and therefore we durst
not break our order to seek out our friends, so that
'twas near seven o'clock the next morning before we
found the captain, who, though very weak by the loss
of blood, had raised himself up, and placed his back
against the buttock of a dead horse. I was the first
that knew him, and running to him, embraced him with
a great deal of joy ; he was not able to speak, but
made signs to let me see he knew me, so we brought
him into the camp, and Sir John Hepburn, as I noted
before, sent his own surgeons to look after him.
The darkness of the night prevented any pursuit,
and was the only refuge the enemy had left ; for had
there been three hours more daylight ten thousand
more lives had been lost, for the Swedes (and Saxons
E
66 Memoirs of a Cavalier
especially) enraged by the obstinacy of the enemy,
were so thoroughly heated that they would have given
quarter but to few. The retreat was not sounded till
seven o'clock, when the king drew up the whole army
upon the field of battle, and gave strict command that
none should stir from their order ; so the army
lay under their arms all night, which was another
reason why the wounded soldiers suffered very much
by the cold ; for the king, who had a bold enemy to
deal with, was not ignorant what a small body of despe
rate men rallied together might have done in the dark
ness of the night, and therefore he lay in his coach
all night at the head of the line, though it froze very
hard.
As soon as the day began to peep the trumpets
sounded to horse, and all the dragoons and light-horse
in the army were commanded to the pursuit. The
cuirassiers and some commanded musketeers advanced
some miles, if need were, to make good their retreat,
and all the foot stood to their arms for a reserve ; but
in half-an-hour word was brought to the king that the
enemy were quite dispersed, upon which detachments
were made out of every regiment to search among the
dead for any of our friends that were wounded ; and
the king himself gave a strict order, that if any were
found wounded and alive among the enemy none should
kill them, but take care to bring them into the camp
a piece of humanity which saved the lives of near a
thousand of the enemies.
This piece of service being over, the enemy's camp
was seized upon, and the soldiers were permitted to
plunder it ; all the cannon, arms, and ammunition was
secured for the king's use, the rest was given up to the
soldiers, who found so much plunder that they had no
reason to quarrel for shares.
For my share, I was so busy with my wounded
Memoirs of a Cavalier 67
captain that I got nothing but a sword, which I found
just by him when I first saw him ; but my man brought
me a very good horse with a furniture on him, and one
pistol of extraordinary workmanship.
I bade him get upon his back and make the best of
the day for himself, which he did, and I saw him no
more till three days after, when he found me out at
Leipsic, so richly dressed that I hardly knew him;
and after making his excuse for his long absence, gave
me a very pleasant account where he had been. He
told me that, according to my order, being mounted on
the horse he had brought me, he first rid into the field
among the dead to get some clothes suitable to the
equipage of his horse, and having seized on a laced
coat, a helmet, a sword, and an extraordinary good
cane, was resolved to see what was become of the
enemy ; and following the track of the dragoons, which
he could easily do by the bodies on the road, he fell
in with a small party of twenty-five dragoons, under
no command but a corporal, making to a village where
some of the enemies' horse had been quartered. The
dragoons, taking him for an officer by his horse, desired
him to command them, told him the enemy was very
rich, and they doubted not a good booty. He was
a bold, brisk fellow, and told them, with all his heart,
but said he had but one pistol, the other being broken
with firing ; so they lent him a pair of pistols, and a
small piece they had taken, and he led them on.
There had been a regiment of horse and some troops
of Crabats in the village, but they were fled on the first
notice of the pursuit, excepting three troops, and these,
on sight of this small party, supposing them to be only
the first of a greater number, fled in the greatest con
fusion imaginable. They took the village, and about
fifty horses, with all the plunder of the enemy, and
with the heat of the service he had spoiled my horse,
68 Memoirs of a Cavalier
he said, for which he had brought me two more ; for
he, passing for the commander of the party, had all the
advantage the custom of war gives an officer in like
cases.
I was very well pleased with the relation the fellow
gave me, and, laughing at him, "Well, captain," said I,
"and what plunder have ye got?" "Enough to make
me a captain, sir," says he, "if you please, and a troop
ready raised too ; for the party of dragoons are posted
in the village by my command, till they have farther
orders." In short, he pulled out sixty or seventy pieces
of gold, five or six watches, thirteen or fourteen rings,
whereof two were diamond rings, one of which was
worth fifty dollars, silver as much as his pockets would
hold ; besides that he had brought three horses, two of
which were laden with baggage, and a boor he had hired
to stay with them at Leipsic till he had found me out.
" But I am afraid, captain," says I, "you have plundered
the village instead of plundering the enemy." " No
indeed, not we," says he, " but the Crabats had done
it for us, and we light of them just as they were
carrying it of." "Well," said I, "but what will
you do with your men, for when you come to give
them orders they will know you well enough?"
" No, no," says he, " I took care of that, for just
now I gave a soldier five dollars to carry them news
that the army was marched to Merseburg, and that
they should follow thither to the regiment."
Having secured his money in my lodgings, he asked
me if I pleased to see his horses, and to have one for
myself? I told him I would go and see them in
the afternoon ; but the fellow being impatient goes and
fetches them. There was three horses, one whereof
was a very good one, and by the furniture was an
officer's horse of the Crabats, and that my man would
have me accept, for the other he had spoiled, as he
Memoirs of a Cavalier 69
said. I was but indifferently horsed before, so I
accepted of the horse, and went down with him to
see the rest of his plunder there. He had got three
or four pair of pistols, two or three bundles of officers'
linen, and lace, a field-bed, and a tent, and several other
things of value ; but at last, coming to a small fardel,
"And this," says he, "I took whole from a Crabat
running away with it under his arm," so he brought it
up into my chamber. He had not looked into it, he
said, but he understood 'twas some plunder the soldiers
had made, and finding it heavy took it by consent.
We opened it and found it was a bundle of some linen,
thirteen or fourteen pieces of plate, and in a small cup,
three rings, a fine necklace of pearl, and the value of
100 rix-dollars in money.
The fellow was amazed at his own good fortune,
and hardly knew what to do with himself; I bid him
go take care of his other things, and of his horses, and
come again. So he went and discharged the boor that
waited and packed up all his plunder, and came up to
me in his old clothes again. "How now, captain," says
I, " what, have you altered your equipage already ?" " I
am no more ashamed, sir, of your livery," answered he,
"than of your service, and nevertheless your servant for
what I have got by it." "Well," says I to him, "but
what will you do now with all your money?" " I wish
my poor father had some of it," says he, "and for the
rest I got it for you, sir, and desire you would take it."
He spoke it with so much honesty and freedom that I
could not but take it very kindly; but, however, I told
him I would not take a farthing from him as his master,
but I would have him play the good husband with it,
now he had such good fortune to get it. He told me he
would take my directions in everything. "Why, then,"
said I, " I'll tell you what I would advise you to do,
turn it all into ready money, and convey it by return
yo Memoirs of a Cavalier
home into England, and follow yourself the first oppor
tunity, and with good management you may put your
self in a good posture of living with it." The fellow,
with a sort of dejection in his looks, asked me if he had
disobliged me in anything ? "Why?" says I. "That
I was willing to turn him out of his service." " No,
George" (that was his name) says I, "but you may live
on this money without being a servant." " I'd throw it
all into the Elbe," says he, " over Torgau bridge, rather
than leave your service; and besides," says he, "can't I
save my money without going from you ? I got it in
your service, and I'll never spend it out of your service,
unless you put me away. I hope my money won't
make me the worse servant; if I thought it would, I'd
soon have little enough." "Nay, George," says I, "I
shall not oblige you to it, for I am not willing to lose you
neither : come, then," says I, "let us put it all together,
and see what it will come to." So he laid it all together
on the table, and by our computation he had gotten
as much plunder as was worth about 1400 rix-dollars,
besides three horses with their furniture, a tent, a bed,
and some wearing linen. Then he takes the necklace
of pearl, a very good watch, a diamond ring, and 100
pieces of gold, and lays them by themselves, and having,
according to our best calculation, valued the things, he
put up all the rest, and as I was going to ask him what
they were left out for, he takes them up in his hand,
and coming round the table, told me, that if I did not
think him unworthy of my service and favour, he begged
I would give him leave to make that present to me ;
that it was my first thought his going out, that he had
got it all in my service, and he should think I had no
kindness for him if I should refuse it.
I was resolved in my mind not to take it from him,
and yet I could find no means to resist his importunity.
At last I told him, I would accept of part of his present,
Memoirs of a Cavalier 71
and that I esteemed his respect in that as much as the
whole, and that I would not have him importune me
further ; so I took the ring and watch, with the horse
and furniture as before, and made him turn all the rest
into money at Leipsic, and not suffering him to wear
his livery, made him put himself into a tolerable
equipage, and taking a young Leipsicer into my service,
he attended me as a gentleman from that time forward.
The king's army never entered Leipsic, but pro
ceeded to Merseburg, and from thence to Halle, and so
marched on into Franconia, while the Duke of Saxony
employed his forces in recovering Leipsic and driving
the Imperialists out of his country. I continued at
Leipsic twelve days, being not willing to leave my
comrade till he was recovered ; but Sir John Hep
burn so often importuned me to come into the army,
and sent me word that the king had very often in
quired for me, that at last I consented to go without
him ; so having made our appointment where to meet,
and how to correspond by letters, I went to wait on
Sir John Hepburn, who then lay with the king's army
at the city of Erfurt in Saxony. As I was riding be
tween Leipsic and Halle, I observed my horse went very
awkwardly and uneasy, and sweat very much, though
the weather was cold, and we had rid but very softly ;
I fancied therefore that the saddle might hurt the horse,
and calls my new captain up. "George," says I, "I
believe this saddle hurts the horse." So we alighted,
and looking under the saddle found the back of the
horse extremely galled ; so I bid him take off the
saddle, which he did, and giving the horse to my
young Leipsicer to lead, we sat down to see if we
could mend it, for there was no town near us. Says
George, pointing with his finger, " If you please to cut
open the pannel there, I'll get something to stuff into it
which will bear it from the horse's back." So while he
72 Memoirs of a Cavalier
looked for something to thrust in, I cut a hole in the
pannel of the saddle, and, following it with my finger, I
felt something hard, which seemed to move up and
down. Again, as I thrust it with my finger, " Here's
something that should not be here," says I, not yet
imagining what afterwards fell out, and calling, " Run
back," bade him put up his finger. " Whatever 'tis,"
says he, " 'tis this hurts the horse, for it bears just
on his back when the saddle is set on." So we
strove to take hold on it, but could not reach it ;
at last we took the upper part of the saddle quite
from the pannel, and there lay a small silk purse
wrapped in a piece of leather, and full of gold
ducats. " Thou art born to be rich, George," says I
to him, "here's more money." We opened the purse
and found in it four hundred and thirty-eight small
pieces of gold.
There I had a new skirmish with him whose the
money should be. I told him 'twas his, he told me
no ; I had accepted of the horse and furniture, and all
that was about him was mine, and solemnly vowed
he would not have a penny of it. I saw no remedy,
but put up the money for the present, mended our
saddle, and went on. We lay that night at Halle, and
having had such a booty in the saddle, I made him
search the saddles of the other two horses, in one
of which we found three French crowns, but nothing
in the other.
We arrived at Erfurt the 28th of September, but
the army was removed, and entered into Franconia,
and at the siege of Koningshoven we came up with
them. The first thing I did was to pay my civilities
to Sir John Hepburn, who received me very kindly,
but told me withal that I had not done well to be so
long from him, and the king had particularly inquired
for me, had commanded him to bring me to him at my
Memoirs of a Cavalier 73
return. I told him the reason of my stay at Leipsic,
and how I had left that place and my comrade, before
he was cured of his wounds, to wait on him according
to his letters. He told me the king had spoken some
things very obliging about me, and he believed would
offer me some command in the army, if I thought well
to accept of it. I told him I had promised my father
not to take service in an army without his leave, and
yet if his Majesty should offer it, I neither knew how
to resist it, nor had I an inclination to anything more
than the service, and such a leader, though I had
much rather have served as a volunteer at my own
charge (which, as he knew, was the custom of our
English gentlemen) than in any command. He
replied, "Do as you think fit; but some gentlemen
would give 20,000 crowns to stand so fair for advance
ment as you do."
The town of Koningshoven capitulated that day,
and Sir John was ordered to treat with the citizens, so
I had no further discourse with him then ; and the
town being taken, the army immediately advanced
down the river Maine, for the king had his eye upon
Frankfort and Mentz, two great cities, both which
he soon became master of, chiefly by the prodigious
expedition of his march ; for within a month after the
battle, he was in the lower parts of the empire, and
had passed from the Elbe to the Rhine, an incredible
conquest, had taken all the strong cities, the bishop
rics of Bamberg, of Wurtzburg, and almost all the
circle of Franconia, with part of Schawberland a
conquest large enough to be seven years a-making by
the common course of arms.
Business going on thus, the king had not leisure to
think of small matters, and I being not thoroughly
resolved in my mind, did not press Sir John to intro
duce me. I had wrote to my father with an account
74 Memoirs of a Cavalier
of my reception in the army, the civilities of Sir John
Hepburn, the particulars of the battle, and had indeed
pressed him to give me leave to serve the King of
Sweden, to which particular I waited for an answer,
but the following occasion determined me before an
answer could possibly reach me.
The king was before the strong castle of Marien-
burg, which commands the city of Wurtzburg. He
had taken the city, but the garrison and richer part of
the burghers were retired into the castle, and trusting
to the strength of the place, which was thought im
pregnable, they bade the Swedes do their worst ; 'twas
well provided with all things, and a strong garrison
in it, so that the army indeed expected 'twould be a
long piece of work. The castle stood on a high rock,
and on the steep of the rock was a bastion which
defended the only passage up the hill into the castle ;
the Scots were chose out to make this attack, and the
king was an eye-witness of their gallantry. In the
action Sir John was not commanded out, but Sir James
Ramsey led them on ; but I observed that most of the
Scotch officers in the other regiments prepared to serve
as volunteers for the honour of their countrymen, and
Sir John Hepburn led them on. I was resolved to see
this piece of service, and therefore joined myself to the
volunteers. We were armed with partisans, and each
man two pistols at our belt. It was a piece of service
that seemed perfectly desperate, the advantage of the
hill, the precipice we were to mount, the height of
the bastion, the resolute courage and number of the
garrison, who from a complete covert made a terrible
fire upon us, all joined to make the action hopeless.
But the fury of the Scots musketeers was not to be
abated by any' difficulties ; they mounted the hill,
scaled the works like madmen, running upon the
enemies' pikes, and after two hours' desperate fight
Memoirs of a Cavalier 75
in the midst of fire and smoke, took it by storm, and
put all the garrison to the sword. The volunteers did
their part, and had their share of the loss too, for
thirteen or fourteen were killed out of thirty-seven, be
sides the wounded, among whom I received a hurt more
troublesome than dangerous by a thrust of a halberd
into my arm, which proved a very painful wound, and I
was a great while before it was thoroughly recovered.
The king received us as we drew off at the foot
of the hill, calling the soldiers his brave Scots, and
commending the officers by name. The next morning
the castle was also taken by storm, and the greatest
booty that ever was found in any one conquest in the
whole war ; the soldiers got here so much money that
they knew not what to do with it, and the plunder they
got here and at the battle of Leipsic made them so
unruly, that had not the king been the best master of
discipline in the world, they had never been kept in
any reasonable bounds.
The king had taken notice of our small party of
volunteers, and though I thought he had not seen me,
yet he sent the next morning for Sir John Hepburn,
and asked him if I were not come to the army ?
" Yes," says Sir John, " he has been here two or
three days." And as he was forming an excuse for
not having brought me to wait on his Majesty, says the
king, interrupting him, " I wonder you would let him
thrust himself into such a hot piece of service as storm
ing the Port Graft. Pray let him know I saw him,
and have a very good account of his behaviour." Sir
John returned with his account to me, and pressed me
to pay my duty to his Majesty the next morning ; and
accordingly, though I had but an ill night with the
pain of my wound, I was with him at the levee in the
castle.
I cannot but give some short account of the glory of
76 Memoirs of a Cavalier
the morning ; the castle had been cleared of the dead
bodies of the enemies, and what was not pillaged by the
soldiers was placed under a guard. There was first a
magazine of very good arms for about 1 8,000 or 20,000
foot, and 4000 horse, a very good train of artillery
of about eighteen pieces of battery, thirty-two brass
field-pieces, and four mortars. The bishop's treasure,
and other public monies not plundered by the soldiers,
was telling out by the officers, and amounted to 400,000
florins in money ; and the burghers of the town in
solemn procession, bareheaded, brought the king three
tons of gold as a composition to exempt the city from
plunder. Here was also a stable of gallant horses
which the king had the curiosity to go and see.
When the ceremony of the burghers was over, the
king came down into the castle court, walked on the
parade (where the great train of artillery was placed
on their carriages) and round the walls, and gave order
for repairing the bastion that was stormed by the Scots ;
and as at the entrance of the parade Sir John Hepburn
and I made our reverence to the king, " Ho, cavalier ! "
said the king to me, " I am glad to see you," and so
passed forward. I made my bow very low, but his
Majesty said no more at that time.
When the view was over the king went up into the
lodgings, and Sir John and I walked in an ante-chamber
for about a quarter of an hour, when one of the gentle
men of the bedchamber came out to Sir John, and
told him the king asked for him ; he stayed but a
little with the king, and come out to me and told me
the king had ordered him to bring me to him.
His Majesty, with a countenance full of honour and
goodness, interrupted my compliment, and asked me
how I did ; at which answering only with a bow, says
the king, " I am sorry to see you are hurt ; I would
have laid my commands on you not to have shown
Memoirs of a Cavalier 77
yourself in so sharp a piece of service, if I had known
you had been in the camp." " Your Majesty does me
too much honour," said I, "in your care of a life that
has yet done nothing to deserve your favour." His
Majesty was pleased to say something very kind to me
relating to my behaviour in the battle of Leipsic,
which I have not vanity enough to write ; at the con
clusion whereof, when I replied very humbly that I
was not sensible that any service I had done, or could
do, could possibly merit so much goodness, he told
me he had ordered me a small testimony of his esteem,
and withal gave me his hand to kiss. I was now con
quered, and with a sort of surprise told his Majesty
I found myself so much engaged by his goodness, as
well as my own inclination, that if his Majesty would
please to accept of my devoir, I was resolved to serve
in his army, or wherever he pleased to command me.
" Serve me," says the king, " why, so you do, but I
must not have you be a musketeer ; a poor soldier
at a dollar a week will do that." " Pray, Sir John,"
says the king, " give him what commission he desires."
"No commission, sir," says I, "would please me
better than leave to fight near your Majesty's person,
and to serve you at my own charge till I am quali
fied by more experience to receive your commands."
" Why, then, it shall be so," said the king, " and I
charge you, Hepburn," says he, " when anything offers
that is either fit for him, or he desires, that you tell
me of it ; " and giving me his hand again to kiss, I
withdrew.
I was followed before I had passed the castle gate
by one of the king's pages, who brought me a warrant,
directed to Sir John Hepburn, to go to the master of
the horse for an immediate delivery of things ordered
by the king himself for my account, where being come,
the equerry produced me a very good coach with four
78 Memoirs of a Cavalier
horses, harness, and equipage, and two very fine saddle-
horses, out of the stable of the bishop's horses afore
mentioned ; with these there was a list for three servants,
and a warrant to the steward of the king's baggage
to defray me, my horses, and servants at the king's
charge till farther order. I was very much at a loss how
to manage myself in this so strange freedom of so great
a prince, and consulting with Sir John Hepburn, I was
proposing to him whether it was not proper to go im
mediately back to pay my duty to his Majesty, and
acknowledge his bounty in the best terms I could, but
while we were resolving to do so, the guards stood
to their arms, and we saw the king go out at the gate
in his coach to pass into the city, so we were diverted
from it for that time. I acknowledge the bounty of
the king was very surprising, but I must say it was
not so very strange to me when I afterwards saw the
course of his management. Bounty in him was his
natural talent, but he never distributed his favours but
where he thought himself both loved and faithfully
served, and when he was so, even the single actions of
his private soldiers he would take particular notice of
himself, and publicly own, acknowledge, and reward
them, of which I am obliged to give some instances.
A private musketeer at the storming the castle of
Wurtzburg, when all the detachment was beaten off,
stood in the face of the enemy and fired his piece,
and though he had a thousand shot made at him, stood
unconcerned, and charged his piece again, and let fly
at the enemy, continuing to do so three times, at the
same time beckoning with his hand to his fellows to
come on again, which they did, animated by his ex
ample, and carried the place for the king.
When the town was taken the king ordered the
regiment to be drawn out, and calling for that soldier,
thanked him before them all for taking the town for
Memoirs of a Cavalier 79
him, gave him a thousand dollars in money, and a
commission with his own hand for a foot company,
or leave to goj home, which he would. The soldier
took the commission on his knees, kissed it, and put
it into his bosom, and told the king, he would never
leave his service as long as he lived.
This bounty of the king's, timed and suited by his
judgment, was the reason that he was very well
served, entirely beloved, and most punctually obeyed by
his soldiers, who were sure to be cherished and en
couraged if they did well, having the king generally
an eye-witness of their behaviour.
My indiscretion rather than valour had engaged me
so far at the battle of Leipsic, that being in the van of
Sir John Hepburn's brigade, almost three whole com
panies of us were separated from our line, and sur
rounded by the enemies' pikes. I cannot but say also
that we were disengaged rather by a desperate charge
Sir John made with the whole regiment to fetch us
off, than by our own valour, though we were not
wanting to ourselves neither, but this part of the action
being talked of very much to the advantage of the
young English volunteer, and possibly more than I
deserved, was the occasion of all the distinction the
king used me with ever after.
I had by this time letters from my father, in which,
though with some reluctance, he left me at liberty to
enter into arms if I thought fit, always obliging me to
be directed, and, as he said, commanded by Sir John
Hepburn. At the same time he wrote to Sir John
Hepburn, commending his son's fortunes, as he called
it, to his care, which letters Sir John showed the king
unknown to me.
I took care always to acquaint my father of every
circumstance, and forgot not to mention his Majesty's
extraordinary favour, which so affected my father,
fto M ;ili<T
lint hr Q lioni.iil.il. Ir inriitii.il i.l it in a
i t<. tin- King of Sweden,
, !.y In-! own I;. ill. I.
w.nK-,1 no hit M.ijrsty, with Sir .loho I Irp-
IMIIII, to civr dim lli.inLi tor hi-i in I;MII|M rut pr*
vr,| with hii usual goodness, |
that I wa every day amoni' tin- .'ntli-inr-n of hit
> And il lii'= M.i|r-.ty went out on
party, on lir would ohm do, 01 to virw tin- . ountry,
1 d way* attended him among tlir voluii^-t i ;, ol whom
a great many always followed liim; .md hr would
. . dl UK- out, t.dk with me, lend m'-
message* to towns, to pi : tlir likr,
i. pon rxii.ioiduiary occanioim.
Tin- in 'it pirrr of nervier lie put HIP upon had likr
to l.i ;l'-d mi- with OIK- of hn f.ivoui itr i ..loneU.
Thr kin>; wan marching through the IV i low
Hi the edge of ilir Klnnr, ind, a* all men
it, wai going to l.'".i'-i;c I i !>ut on a
ordrr I'i, \utli five com-
ii , to l.r di.iwn out; while they were
out thin detachment tlir kmj; (.dK mr to him,
"No, (.iv.ihri," nay* he, that wna hi* initial woid,
"you nhall command thm p.ntv ; " .md tln-rrnpon
me orden to march hack .dl i . th> mo
by break of day, to take pout under the wall* of thr
(..it ol ( >|.p>-iii,rmi, .md iniiii' 11' i mch myself
M well as I could. (Jiare Neeln, thr < olom-1 of hid
guards, thought himself injured by this command, but
thr king took thr nnttri nj.on himself, in
NrrU told mr very f.miiliarly afterwards, " \\'r
uch a master," says he, "that no man r.m 1- .iiliontrd
by. I thought mysrll wion)M-d," says he, " whin
commanded my men over my head j and for my h
ay he, " I knew not which way to he angry.'
I executed my commission to punctually that by
Memoirs of a Cavalier 81
l>te.ik of day I was set down wit Inn RittlkttlhOt of
the toil, im.lei .-overt of a little mount, on which Stood
a windmill, and li.ul mdilleiently loiiilied iu\nrll. ,md
at the same time had poM.-.l aome of my men on two
other passes, but at Luther distance from the fort, so
th.it tin- toil u.n cll-. Hi. illy hlo.-ked up on the land
ide. In the afternoon the enemy sallied on my first
entrenchment, but being covered liin ilun- cannon,
and defended by a ditch which I ha.l drawn acros the
road, they were HO wrll received by my musketeeri that
they retired with the loss of nix or seven men.
The next day Sn .lolm I l<-|.l>uni w.i.% :u nt with two
brigades of foot to carry on the work, and so my
,.mmi.-<Mon ended. The kinj' expressed himself very
well pleased with what 1 h.id dour, and when he was
so was never sparing of telling of it, for he used to say
that public commendation* were a great encouragement
to v.ilom .
While Sir John Hepburn lay before the fort and
was preparing to storm it, the king's design was to get
over the Rhine, but the Spaniard which were in Op-
penheim had sunk all the boats they could dud. At
last the king, being informed where some lay that were
unk, caused them to be weighed with all the expedition
possible, and in the night of the 7th of Decei"
in three boats, passed over his regiment of guards, about
three miles above the town, and, an the kinj; thoni'ln,
secure from danger; but they were no sooner landed,
and noi di.iwn into order, but they were , lurged by a
body of Spanish horse, and had not the darkness given
them opportunity to draw up in the enclosures in several
little partir-i, ilu-y h.id l<n in "irat danger of I
disordered ; but by this means they lined the Iu .
and I. men HO with u , th.it the iem. under h.id
1 1 me to draw up in battalia, and saluted the horse with
their muskets, so that they drew farther off.
ff
82 Memoirs of a Cavalier
The king was very impatient, hearing his men
engaged, having no boats nor possible means to get
over to help them. At last, about eleven o'clock at
night, the boats came back, and the king thrust another
regiment into them, and though his officers dissuaded
him, would go over himself with them on foot, and did
so. This was three months that very day when the
battle of Leipsic was fought, and winter time too,
that the progress of his arms had spread from the
Elbe, where it parts Saxony and Brandenburg, to
the Lower Palatinate and the Rhine.
I went over in the boat with the king. I never saw
him in so much concern in my life, for he was in pain
for his men ; but before we got on shore the Spaniards
retired. However, the king landed, ordered his men,
and prepared to entrench, but he had not time, for by
that time the boats were put off again, the Spaniards,
not knowing more troops were landed, and being rein
forced from Oppenheim, came on again, and charged
with great fury ; but all things were now in order,
and they were readily received and beaten back again.
They came on again the third time, and with repeated
charges attacked us ; but at last finding us too strong
for them they gave it over. By this time another
regiment of foot was come over, and as soon as day
appeared the king with the three regiments marched to
the town, which surrendered at the first summons, and
the next day the fort yielded to Sir John Hepburn.
The castle at Oppenheim held out still with a
garrison of 800 Spaniards, and the king, leaving 200
Scots of Sir James Ramsey's men in the town, drew
out to attack the castle. Sir James Ramsey being left
wounded at Wurtzburg, the king gave me the command
of those 200 men, which were a regiment, that is to
say, all that were left of a gallant regiment of 2000
Scots, which the king brought out of Sweden with him,
Memoirs of a Cavalier 83
under that brave colonel. There was about thirty
officers, who, having no soldiers, were yet in pay, and
served as reformadoes with the regiment, and were
over and above the 200 men.
The king designed to storm the castle on the lower
side by the way that leads to Mentz, and Sir John
Hepburn landed from the other side and marched up to
storm on the Rhine port.
My reformado Scots, having observed that the town
port of the castle was not so well guarded as the rest,
all the eyes of the garrison being bent towards the king
and Sir John Hepburn, came running to me, and told
me they believed they could enter the castle, sword in
hand, if I would give them leave. I told them I durst
not give them orders, my commission being only to
keep and defend the town ; but they being very im
portunate, I told them they were volunteers, and might
do what they pleased, that I would lend them fifty
men, and draw up the rest to second them, or bring
them off, as I saw occasion, so as I might not hazard the
town. This was as much as they desired ; they sallied
immediately, and in a trice the volunteers scaled the
port, cut in pieces the guard, and burst open the gate,
at which the fifty entered. Finding the gate won, I
advanced immediately with 100 musketeers more,
having locked up all the gates of the town but the
castle port, and leaving fifty still for a reserve just at
that gate ; the townsmen, too, seeing the castle, as it
were, taken, run to arms, and followed me with above
200 men. The Spaniards were knocked down by the
Scots before they knew what the matter was, and the
king and Sir John Hepburn, advancing to storm, were
surprised when, instead of resistance, they saw the
Spaniards throwing themselves over the walls to avoid
the fury of the Scots. Few of the garrison got away,
but were either killed or taken, and having cleared the
84 Memoirs of a Cavalier
castle, I set open the port on the king's side, and sent
his Majesty word the castle was his own. The king
came on, and entered on foot. I received him at the
head of the Scots reformadoes, who all saluted him
with their pikes. The king gave them his hat, and
turning about, " Brave Scots, brave Scots," says he
smiling, " you were too quick for me ; " then beckon
ing to me, made me tell him how and in what manner
we had managed the storm, which he was exceeding
well pleased with, but especially at the caution I had
used to bring them off if they had miscarried, and
secured the town.
From hence the army marched to Mentz, which in
four days' time capitulated, with the fort and citadel,
and the city paid his Majesty 300,000 dollars to be
exempted from the fury of the soldiers. Here the king
himself drew the plan of those invincible fortifications
which to this day makes it one of the strongest cities in
Germany.
Friburg, Koningstien, Neustadt, Kaiserslautern, and
almost all the Lower Palatinate, surrendered at the very
terror of the King of Sweden's approach, and never
suffered the danger of a siege.
The king held a most magnificent court at Mentz,
attended by the Landgrave of Hesse, with an incredible
number of princes and lords of the empire, with ambas
sadors and residents of foreign princes ; and here his
Majesty stayed till March, when the queen, with a great
retinue of Swedish nobility, came from Erfurt to see
him. The king, attended by a gallant train of German
nobility, went to Frankfort, and from thence on to
Hoest, to meet the queen, where her Majesty arrived
February 8.
During the king's stay in these parts, his armies
were not idle, his troops, on one side under the Rhine-
grave, a brave and ever- fortunate commander, and
Memoirs of a Cavalier 85
under the Landgrave of Hesse, on the other, ranged
the country from Lorraine to Luxemburg, and past
the Moselle on the west, and the Weser on the north.
Nothing could stand before them : the Spanish army
which came to the relief of the Catholic Electors was
everywhere defeated and beaten quite out of the country,
and the Lorraine army quite ruined. 'Twas a most plea
sant court sure as ever was seen, where every day
expresses arrived of armies defeated, towns surrendered,
contributions agreed upon, parties routed, prisoners taken,
and princes sending ambassadors to sue for truces and
neutralities, to make submissions and compositions, and
to pay arrears and contributions.
Here arrived, February 10, the King of Bohemia
from England, and with him my Lord Craven, with a
body of Dutch horse, and a very fine train of English
volunteers, who immediately, without any stay, marched
on to Hoest to wait upon his Majesty of Sweden, who
received him with a great deal of civility, and was
treated at a noble collation by the king and queen at
Frankfort. Never had the unfortunate king so fair
a prospect of being restored to his inheritance of the
Palatinate as at that time, and had King James, his
father-in-law, had a soul answerable to the occasion,
it had been effected before, but it was a strange thing
to see him equipped from the English court with one
lord and about forty or fifty English gentlemen in his
attendance, whereas had the King of England now,
as 'tis well known he might have done, furnished him
with 10,000 or 1 2,000 English foot, nothing could have
hindered him taking a full possession of his country;
and yet even without that help did the King of
Sweden clear almost his whole country of Imperialists,
and after his death reinstal his son in the Electorate :
but no thanks to us.
The Lord Craven did me the honour to inquire
86 Memoirs of a Cavalier
for me by name, and his Majesty of Sweden did me
yet more by presenting me to the King of Bohemia,
and my Lord Craven gave me a letter from my father.
And speaking something of my father having served
under the Prince of Orange in the famous battle of
Nieuport, the king, smiling, returned, " And pray tell
him from me his son has served as well in the warm
battle of Leipsic."
My father being very much pleased with the honour
I had received from so great a king, had ordered me
to acquaint his Majesty that, if he pleased to accept
of their service, he would raise him a regiment of Eng
lish horse at his own charge to be under my command,
and to be sent over into Holland ; and my Lord
Craven had orders from the King of England to
signify his consent to the said levy. I acquainted my
old friend Sir John Hepburn with the contents of
the letter in order to have his advice, who being
pleased with the proposal, would have me go to the
king immediately with the letter, but present service
put it off for some days.
The taking of Creutznach was the next service of
any moment. The king drew out in person to the
siege of this town. The town soon came to parley,
but the castle seemed a work of difficulty, for its
situation was so strong and so surrounded with works
behind and above one another, that most people
thought the king would receive a check from it ; but
it was not easy to resist the resolution of the King of
Sweden.
He never battered it but with two small pieces, but
having viewed the works himself, ordered a mine
under the first ravelin, which being sprung with suc
cess, he commands a storm. I think there was not
more commanded men than volunteers, both English,
Scots, French, and Germans. My old comrade was
Memoirs of a Cavalier 87
by this time recovered of his wound at Leipsic,
and made one. The first body of volunteers, of about
forty, were led on by my Lord Craven, and I led the
second, among whom were most of the reformade
Scots officers who took the castle of Oppenheim.
The first party was not able to make anything of it ;
the garrison fought with so much fury that many of
the volunteer gentlemen being wounded, and some
killed, the rest were beaten off with loss. The king
was in some passion at his men, and rated them for
running away, as he called it, though they really re
treated in good order, and commanded the assault to
be renewed. 'Twas our turn to fall on next. Our
Scots officers, not being used to be beaten, advanced
immediately, and my Lord Craven with his volun
teers pierced in with us, fighting gallantly in the
breach with a pike in his hand ; and, to give him the
honour due to his bravery, he was with the first on the
top of the rampart, and gave his hand to my comrade,
and lifted him up after him. We helped one another
up, till at last almost all the volunteers had gained the
height of the ravelin, and maintained it with a great
deal of resolution, expecting when the commanded
men had gained the same height to advance upon the
enemy ; when one of the enemy's captains called to
my Lord Craven, and told him if they might have
honourable terms they would capitulate, which my
lord telling him he would engage for, the garrison
fired no more, and the captain, leaping down from the
next rampart, came with my Lord Craven into the
camp, where the conditions were agreed on, and the
castle surrendered.
After the taking of this town, the king, hearing of
Tilly's approach, and how he had beaten Gustavus
Horn, the king's field-marshal, out of Bamberg, began
to draw his forces together, and leaving the care of his
88 Memoirs of a Cavalier
conquests in these parts to his chancellor Oxenstiern,
prepares to advance towards Bavaria.
I had taken an opportunity to wait upon his
Majesty with Sir John Hepburn, and being about to
introduce the discourse of my father's letter, the king
told me he had received a compliment on my account
in a letter from King Charles. I told him his
Majesty had by his exceeding generosity bound me
and all my friends to pay their acknowledgments to
him, and that I supposed my father had obtained such
a mention of it from the King of England, as gratitude
moved him to ; that his Majesty's favour had been
shown in me to a family both willing and ready to
serve him, that I had received some commands from
my father, which, if his Majesty pleased to do me
the honour to accept of, might put me in a condition
to acknowledge his Majesty's goodness in a manner
more proportioned to the sense I had of his favour ;
and with that I produced my father's letter, and read
that clause in it which related to the regiment of horse,
which was as follows :
" I read with a great deal of satisfaction the account
you give of the great and extraordinary conquests of
the King of Sweden, and with more his Majesty's
singular favour to you ; I hope you will be careful to
value and deserve so much honour. I am glad you
rather chose to serve as a volunteer at your own
charge, than to take any command, which, for want
of experience, you might misbehave in.
" I have obtained of the king that he will particularly
thank his Majesty of Sweden for the honour he has
done you, and if his Majesty gives you so much
freedom, I could be glad you should in the humblest
manner thank his Majesty in the name of an old
broken soldier.
Memoirs of a Cavalier 89
" If you think yourself officer enough to command
them, and his Majesty pleased to accept them, I
would have you offer to raise his Majesty a regiment
of horse, which, I think, I may near complete in our
neighbourhood with some of your old acquaintance,
who are very willing to see the world. If his
Majesty gives you the word, they shall receive his
commands in the Maes, the king having promised me
to give them arms, and transport them for that service
into Holland ; and I hope they may do his Majesty
such service as may be for your honour and the
advantage of his Majesty's interest and glory.
"YouR LOVING FATHER."
" ' Tis an offer like a gentleman and like a soldier,"
says the king, "and I'll accept of it on two con
ditions : first," says the king, " that I will pay your
father the advance money for the raising the regiment ;
and next, that they shall be landed in the Weser or
the Elbe; for which, if the King of England will not,
I will pay the passage; for if they land in Holland, it
may prove very difficult to get them to us when the
army shall be marched out of this part of the country."
I returned this answer to my father, and sent my
man George into England to order that regiment, and
made him quartermaster. I sent blank commissions
for the officers, signed by the king, to be filled up as
my father should think fit; and when I had the king's
order for the commissions, the secretary told me I
must go back to the king with them. Accordingly
I went back to the king, who, opening the packet, laid
all the commissions but one upon a table before him,
and bade me take them, and keeping that one still in
his hand, " Now," says he, " you are one of my
soldiers," and therewith gave me his commission, as
colonel of horse in present pay. I took the com-
QO Memoirs of a Cavalier
mission kneeling, and humbly thanked his Majesty-
" But," says the king, "there is one article- of- war I
expect of you more than of others." " Your Majesty
can expect nothing of me which I shall not willingly
comply with," said I, " as soon as I have the honour
to understand what it is." "Why, it is," says the
king, " that you shall never fight but when you have
orders, for I shall not be willing to lose my colonel
before I have the regiment." " I shall be ready at
all times, sir," returned I, "to obey your Majesty's
orders."
I sent my man express with the king's answer and
the commission to my father, who had the regiment
completed in less than two months' time, and six of the
officers, with a list of the rest, came away to me, whom I
presented to his Majesty when he lay before Nurem
berg, where they kissed his hand.
One of the captains offered to bring the whole regi
ment travelling as private men into the army in six
weeks' time, and either to transport their equipage, or
buy it in Germany, but 'twas thought impracticable.
However, I had so many came in that manner that
I had a complete troop always about me, and obtained
the king's order to muster them as a troop.
On the 8th of March the king decamped, and,
marching up the river Maine, bent his course directly
for Bavaria, taking several small places by the way,
and expecting to engage with Tilly, who he thought
would dispute his entrance into Bavaria, kept his army
together ; but Tilly, finding himself too weak to en
counter him, turned away, and leaving Bavaria open to
the king, marched into the Upper Palatinate. The
king finding the country clear of the Imperialists comes
to Nuremberg, made his entrance into that city the 2ist
of March, and being nobly treated by the citizens, he
continued his march into Bavam, and on the 26th sat
Memoirs of a Cavalier 91
down before Donauwerth. The town was taken the
next day by storm, so swift were the conquests of this
invincible captain. Sir John Hepburn, with the Scots
and the English volunteers at the head of them, entered
the town first, and cut all the garrison to pieces, except
such as escaped over the bridge.
I had no share in the business of Donauwerth, being
now among the horse, but I was posted on the roads
with five troops of horse, where we picked up a great
many stragglers of the garrison, who we made prisoners
of war.
'Tis observable that this town of Donauwerth is a
very strong place and well fortified, and yet such expedi
tion did the king make, and such resolution did he use
in his first attacks, that he carried the town without
putting himself to the trouble of formal approaches.
' Twas generally his way when he came before any town
with a design to besiege it; he never would encamp at
a distance and begin his trenches a great way off, but
bring his men immediately within half-musket shot of
the place ; there getting under the best cover he could,
he would immediately begin his batteries and trenches
before their faces ; and if there was any place possibly
to be attacked, he would fall to storming immediately.
By this resolute way of coming on he carried many
a town in the first heat of his men, which would have
held out many days against a more regular siege.
This march of the king broke all Tilly's measures,
for now he was obliged to face about, and leaving the
Upper Palatinate, to come to the assistance of the Duke
of Bavaria; for the king being 20,000 strong, besides
10,000 foot and 4000 horse and dragoons which
joined him from the Duringer Wald, was resolved to
ruin the duke, who lay now open to him, and was the
most powerful and inveterate enemy of the Protestants
in the empire.
92 Memoirs of a Cavalier
Tilly was now joined with the Duke of Bavaria, and
might together make about 22,000 men, and in order to
keep the Swedes out of the country of Bavaria, had
planted themselves along the banks of the river Lech,
which runs on the edge of the duke's territories ; and
having fortified the other side of the river, and planted
his cannon for several miles at all the convenient places
on the river, resolved to dispute the king's passage.
I shall be the longer in relating this account of the
Lech, being esteemed in those days as great an action
as any battle or siege of that age, and particularly
famous for the disaster of the gallant old General Tilly ;
and for that I can be more particular in it than other ac
counts, having been an eye-witness to every part of it.
The king being truly informed of the disposition of
the Bavarian army, was once of the mind to have left the
banks of the Lech, have repassed the Danube, and so
setting down before Ingolstadt, the duke's capital city,
by the taking that strong town to have made his entrance
into Bavaria, and the conquest of such a fortress, one
entiie action; but the strength of the place, and
the difficulty of maintaining his leaguer in an enemy's
country while Tilly was so strong in the field, diverted
him from that design ; he therefore concluded that
Tilly was first to be beaten out of the country, and then
the siege of Ingolstadt would be the easier.
Whereupon the king resolved to go and view the
situation of the enemy. His Majesty went out the 2nd
of April with a strong party of horse, which I had
the honour to command. We marched as near as we
could to the banks of the river, not to be too much
exposed to the enemy's cannon, and having gained a
little height, where the whole course of the river might
be seen, the king halted, and commanded to draw up.
The king alighted, and calling me to him, examined
every reach and turning of the river by his glass, but
Memoirs of a Cavalier 93
finding the river run a long and almost a straight course
he could find no place which he liked ; but at last
turning himself north, and looking down the stream, he
found the river, stretching a long reach, doubles short
upon itself, making a round and very narrow point.
" There's a point will do our business," says the king,
"and if the ground be good I'll pass there, let Tilly
do his worst."
He immediately ordered a small party of horse to
view the ground, and to bring him word particularly
how high the bank was on each side and at the point.
"And he shall have fifty dollars," says the king, "that
will bring me word how deep the water is." I asked
his Majesty leave to let me go, which he would by no
means allow of; but as the party was drawing out, a
sergeant of dragoons told the king, if he pleased to
let him go disguised as a boor, he would bring him an
account of everything he desired. The king liked
the motion well enough, and the fellow being very well
acquainted with the country, puts on a ploughman's
habit, and went away immediately with a long pole
upon his shoulder. The horse lay all this while in the
woods, and the king stood undiscerned by the enemy
on the little hill aforesaid. The dragoon with his long
pole comes down boldly to the bank of the river, and
calling to the sentinels which Tilly had placed on the
other bank, talked with them, asked them if they could
not help him over the river, and pretended he wanted
to come to them. At last being come to the point
where, as I said, the river makes a short turn, he stands
parleying with them a great while, and sometimes, pre
tending to wade over, he puts his long pole into the
water, then finding it pretty shallow he pulls off his
hose and goes in, still thrusting his pole in before him,
till being gotten up to his middle, he could reach
beyond him, where it was too deep, and so shaking his
94 Memoirs of a Cavalier
head, comes back again. The soldiers on the other
side, laughing at him, asked him if he could swim ?
He said, " No." "Why, you fool you," says one of
the sentinels, " the channel of the river is twenty feet
deep." " How do you know that?" says the dragoon.
"Why, our engineer," says he, "measured it yesterday."
This was what he wanted, but not yet fully satisfied,
"Ay, but," says he, "maybe it may not be very broad,
and if one of you would wade in to meet me till I could
reach you with my pole, I'd give him half a ducat to
pull me over." The innocent way of his discourse so
deluded the soldiers, that one of them immediately strips
and goes in up to the shoulders, and our dragoon goes
in on this side to meet him ; but the stream took t'other
soldier away, and he being a good swimmer, came
swimming over to this side. The dragoon was then
in a great deal of pain for fear of being discovered, and
was once going to kill the fellow, and make off; but
at last resolved to carry on the humour, and having
entertained the fellow with a tale of a tub, about the
Swedes stealing his oats, the fellow being a- cold wanted
to be gone, and he as willing to be rid of him, pre
tended to be very sorry he could not get over the river,
and so makes off.
By this, however, he learned both the depth and
breadth of the channel, the bottom and nature of both
shores, and everything the king wanted to know. We
could see him from the hill by our glasses very plain,
and could see the soldier naked with him. Says the
king, "he will certainly be discovered and knocked
on the head from the other side: he is a fool," says
the king, "he does not kill the fellow and run off."
But when the dragoon told his tale, the king was
extremely well satisfied with him, gave him a hundred
dollars, and made him a quartermaster to a troop of
cuirassiers.
Memoirs of a Cavalier 95
The king having farther examined the dragoon, he
gave him a very distinct account of the shore and the
ground on this side, which he found to be higher than
the enemy's by ten or twelve foot, and a hard gravel.
Hereupon the king resolves to pass there, and in
order to it gives, himself, particular directions for such
a bridge as I believe never army passed a river on
before nor since.
His bridge was only loose planks laid upon large
tressels in the same homely manner as I have seen
bricklayers raise a low scaffold to build a brick wall ;
the tressels were made higher than one another to
answer to the river as it became deeper or shallower,
and was all framed and fitted before any appearance
was made of attempting to pass.
When all was ready the king brings his army down
to the bank of the river, and plants his cannon as the
enemy had done, some here and some there, to amuse
them.
At night, April 4th, the king commanded about
2000 men to march to the point, and to throw up
a trench on either side, and quite round it with a
battery of six pieces of cannon at each end, besides
three small mounts, one at the point and one of each
side, which had each of them two pieces upon them.
This work was begun so briskly and so well carried
on, the king firing all the night from the other parts
of the river, that by daylight all the batteries at the
new work were mounted, the trench lined with 2000
musketeers, and all the utensils of the bridge lay ready
to be put together.
Now the Imperialists discovered the design, but it
was too late to hinder it ; the musketeers in the great
trench, and the five new batteries, made such continual
fire that the other bank, which, as before, lay twelve
feet below them, was too hot for the Imperialists ;
96 Memoirs of a Cavalier
whereupon Tilly, to be provided for the king at his
coming over, falls to work in a wood right against the
point, and raises a great battery for twenty pieces of
cannon, with a breastwork or line, as near the river
as he could, to cover his men, thinking that when the
king had built his bridge he might easily beat it down
with his cannon.
But the king had doubly prevented him, first by
laying his bridge so low that none of Tilly's shot
could hurt it ; for the bridge lay not above half a foot
above the water's edge, by which means the king,
who in that showed himself an excellent engineer, had
secured it from any batteries to be made within the
land, and the angle of the bank secured it from the
remoter batteries on the other side, and the continual
fire of the cannon and small shot beat the Imperialists
from their station just against it, they having no works
to cover them.
And in the second place, to secure his passage he
sent over about 200 men, and after that 200 more,
who had orders to cast up a large ravelin on the other
bank, just where he designed to land his bridge. This
was done with such expedition too, that it was finished
before night, and in condition to receive all the shot
of Tilly's great battery, and effectually covered his
bridge. While this was doing the king on his side
lays over his bridge. Both sides wrought hard all
day and all night, as if the spade, not the sword, had
been to decide the controversy, and that he had got
the victory whose trenches and batteries were first
ready. In the meanwhile the cannon and musket
bullets flew like hail, and made the service so hot
that both sides had enough to do to make their men
stand to their work. The king, in the hottest of it,
animated his men by his presence, and Tilly, to give
him his due, did the same ; for the execution was
Memoirs of a Cavalier 97
so great, and so many officers killed, General Altringer
wounded, and two sergeant-majors killed, that at last
Tilly himself was obliged to expose himself, and to
come up to the very face of our line to encourage his
men, and give his necessary orders.
And here about one o'clock, much about the time
that the king's brigade and works were finished, and
just as they said he had ordered to fall on upon our
ravelin with 3000 foot, was the brave old Tilly slain
with a musket bullet in the thigh. He was carried off
to Ingolstadt, and lived some days after, but died of that
wound the same day as the king had his horse shot
under him at the siege of that town.
We made no question of passing the river here,
having brought everything so forward, and with such
extraordinary- success ; but we should have found it a
very hot piece of work if Tilly had lived one day
more, and, if I may give my opinion of it, having seen
Tilly's battery and breastwork, in the face of which
we must have passed the river, I must say that, when
ever we had marched, if Tilly had fallen in with his
horse and foot, placed in that trench, the whole army
would have passed as much danger as in the face
of a strong town in the storming a counterscarp.
The king himself, when he saw with what judgment
Tilly had prepared his works, and what danger he
must have run, would often say that day's success was
every way equal to the victory of Leipsic.
Tilly being hurt and carried off, as if the soul of the
army had been lost, they began to draw off. The
Duke of Bavaria took horse and rid away as if he had
fled out of battle for his life.
The other generals, with a little more caution, as
well as courage, drew off by degrees, sending their
cannon and baggage away first, and leaving some to
continue firing on the bank of the river, to conceal
a
98 Memoirs of a Cavalier
their retreat. The river preventing any intelligence,
we knew nothing of the disaster befallen them ; and the
king, who looked for blows, having finished his bridge
and 'ravelin, ordered to run a line with palisadoes to
take in more ground on the bank of the river, to cover
the first troops he should send over. This being finished
the same night, the king sends over a party of his guards
to relieve the men who were in the ravelin, and com
manded 600 musketeers to man the new line out of
the Scots brigade.
Early in the morning a small party of Scots, com
manded by one Captain Forbes, of my Lord Reay's
regiment, were sent out to learn something of the
enemy, the king observing they had not fired all night ;
and while this party were abroad, the army stood in
battalia ; and my old friend Sir John Hepburn, whom
of all men the king most depended upon for any
desperate service, was ordered to pass the bridge with
his brigade, and to draw up without the line, with com
mand to advance as he found the horse, who were to
second him, come over.
Sir John being passed without the trench, meets
Captain Forbes with some prisoners, and the good
news of the enemy's retreat. He sends him directly
to the king, who was by this time at the head of his
army, in full battalia, ready to follow his vanguard,
expecting a hot day's work of it. Sir John sends
messenger after messenger to the king, entreating him
to give him orders to advance ; but the king would
not suffer him, for he was ever upon his guard, and
would not venture a surprise ; so the army continued on
this side the Lech all day and the next night. In the
morning the king sent for me, and ordered me to draw
out 300 horse, and a colonel with 600 horse, and a
colonel with 800 dragoons, and ordered us to enter the
wood by three ways, but so as to be able to relieve
Memoirs of a Cavalier 99
one another ; and then ordered Sir John Hepburn with
his brigade to advance to the edge of the wood to secure
our retreat, and at the same time commanded another
brigade of foot to pass the bridge, if need were, to
second Sir John Hepburn, so warily did this prudent
general proceed.
We advanced with our horse into the Bavarian
camp, which we found forsaken. The plunder of it
was inconsiderable, for the exceeding caution the king
had used gave them time to carry off all their baggage.
We followed them three or four miles, and returned
to our camp.
I confess I was most diverted that day with viewing
the works which Tilly had cast up, and must own
again that had he not been taken off we had met with
as desperate a piece of work as ever was attempted.
The next day the rest of the cavalry came up to us,
commanded by Gustavus Horn, and the king and the
whole army followed. We advanced through the heart
of Bavaria, took Rain at the first summons, and several
other small towns, and sat down before Augsburg.
Augsburg, though a Protestant city, had a Popish
Bavarian garrison in it of above 5000 men, com
manded by a Fugger, a great family in Bavaria. The
governor had posted several little parties as out-scouts
at the distance of two miles and a half or three miles
from the town. The king, at his coming up to this
town, sends me with my little troop and three com
panies of dragoons to beat in these out-scouts. The
first party I lighted on was not above sixteen men, who
had made a small barricade cross the road, and stood
resolutely upon their guard. I commanded the dragoons
to alight and open the barricade, which, while they
resolutely performed, the sixteen men gave them two
volleys of their muskets, and through the enclosures
made their retreat to a turnpike about a quarter of a
ioo Memoirs of a Cavalier
mile farther. We passed their first traverse, and
coming up to the turnpike, I found it defended by 200
musketeers. I prepared to attack them, sending word
to the king how strong the enemy was, and desired
some foot to be sent me. My dragoons fell on, and
though the enemy made a very hot fire, had beat them
from this post before 200 foot, which the king had
sent me, had come up. Being joined with the foot,
I followed the enemy, who retreated fighting, till they
came under the cannon of a strong redoubt, where they
drew up, and I could see another body of foot of about
300 join them out of the works ; upon which I halted,
and considering I was in view of the town, and a great
way from the army, I faced about and began to march
off. As we marched I found the enemy followed, but
kept at a distance, as if they only designed to observe
me. I had not marched far, but I heard a volley of
small shot, answered by two or three more, which I
presently apprehended to be at the turnpike, where I
had left a small guard of twenty-six men with a lieu
tenant. Immediately I detached ioo dragoons to
relieve my men and secure my retreat, following myself
as fast as the foot could march. The lieutenant sent
me back word the post was taken by the enemy, and
my men cut off. Upon this I doubled my pace, and
when I came up I found it as the lieutenant said ; for
the post was taken and manned with 300 musketeers
and three troops of horse. By this time, also, I found
the party in my rear made up towards me, so that I
was like to be charged in a narrow place both in
front and rear.
I saw there was no remedy but with all my force to
fall upon that party before me, and so to break through
before those from the town could come up with me ;
wherefore, commanding my dragoons to alight, I ordered
them to fall on upon the foot. Their horse were drawn
Memoirs of a Cavalier loi
up in an enclosed field on one side of the road, a great
ditch securing the other side, so that they thought if
I charged the foot in front they would fall upon my
flank, while those behind would charge my rear ; and,
indeed, had the other come in time, they had cut me
off. My dragoons made three fair charges on their
foot, but were received with so much resolution and
so brisk a fire, that they were beaten off, and sixteen
men killed. Seeing them so rudely handled, and the
horse ready to fall in, I relieved them with 100
musketeers, and they renewed the attack ; at the same
time, with my troop of horse, flanked on both winga
with fifty musketeers, I faced their horse, but did not
offer to charge them. The case grew now desperate,
and the enemy behind were just at my heels with near
600 men. The captain who commanded the musketeers
who flanked my horse came up to me ; says he, " If
we do not force this pass all will be lost ; if you will
draw out your troop and twenty of my foot, and fall
in, I'll engage to keep off the horse with the rest."
" With all my heart," says I.
Immediately I wheeled off my troop, and a small
party of the musketeers followed me, and fell in with
the dragoons and foot, who, seeing the danger too as
well as I, fought like madmen. The foot at the turn
pike were not able to hinder our breaking through,
so we made our way out, killing about 150 of them,
and put the rest into confusion.
But now was I in as great a difficulty as before how
to fetch off my brave captain of foot, for they charged
home upon him. He defended himself with extra
ordinary gallantry, having the benefit of a piece of a
hedge to cover him, but he lost half his men, and was
just upon the point of being defeated when the king,
informed by a soldier that escaped from the turnpike,
one of twenty-six, had sent a party of 600 dragoons to
IO2 Memoirs of a Cavalier
bring me off; these came upon the spur, and joined
with me just as I had broke through the turnpike. The
enemy's foot rallied behind their horse, and by this
time their other party was come in ; but seeing our
relief they drew off together.
I lost above 100 men in these skirmishes, and killed
them about 1 80. We secured the turnpike, and placed
a company of foot there with 100 dragoons, and
came back well beaten to the army. The king, to pre
vent such uncertain skirmishes, advanced the next day in
view of the town, and, according to his custom, sits down
with his whole army within cannon-shot of their walls.
The king won this great city by force of words, for
by two or three messages and letters to and from the
citizens, the town was gained, the garrison not daring to
defend them against their wills. His Majesty made
his public entrance into the city on the I4th of April,
and receiving the compliments of the citizens, advanced
immediately to Ingolstadt, which is accounted, and
really is, the strongest town in all these parts.
The town had a very strong garrison in it, and the
Duke of Bavaria lay entrenched with his army under
the walls of it, on the other side of the river. The
king, who never loved long sieges, having viewed the
town, and brought his army within musket-shot of it,
called a council of war, where it was the king's opinion,
in short, that the town would lose him more than 'twas
worth, and therefore he resolved to raise his siege.
Here the king going to view the town had his
horse shot with a cannon-bullet from the works, which
tumbled the king and his horse over one another, that
everybody thought he had been killed ; but he received
no hurt at all. That very minute, as near as could be
learnt, General Tilly died in the town of the shot he
received on the bank of the Lech, as aforesaid.
I was not in the camp when the king was hurt, for
Memoirs of a Cavalier 103
the king had sent almost all the horse and dragoons,
under Gustavus Horn, to face the Duke of Bavaria's
camp, and after that to plunder the country ; which
truly was a work the soldiers were very glad of, for
it was very seldom they had that liberty given them,
and they made very good use of it when it was, for
the country of Bavaria was rich and plentiful, having
seen no enemy before during the whole war.
The army having left the siege of Ingolstadt, pro
ceeds to take in the rest of Bavaria. Sir John
Hepburn, with three brigades of foot, and Gustavus
Horn, with 3000 horse and dragoons, went to the
Landshut, and took it the same day. The garrison
was all horse, and gave us several camisadoes at our
approach, in one of which I lost two of my troops,
but when we had beat them into close quarters they
presently capitulated. The general got a great sum of
money of the town, besides a great many presents to
the officers. And from thence the king went on to
Munich, the Duke of Bavaria's court. Some of the
general officers would fain have had the plundering of
the duke's palace, but the king was too generous. The
city paid him 400,000 dollars ; and the duke's
magazine was there seized, in which was 140 pieces
of cannon, and small arms for above 20,000 men.
The great chamber of the duke's rarities was preserved,
by the king's special order, with a great deal of care.
I expected to have stayed here some time, and to have
taken a very exact account of this curious laboratory ;
but being commanded away, I had no time, and the
fate of the war never gave me opportunity to see it
again.
The Imperialists, under the command of Commissary
Osta, had besieged Biberach, an Imperial city not very
well fortified ; and the inhabitants being under the
Swedes' protection, defended themselves as well as they
IO4 Memoirs of a Cavalier
could, but were in great danger, and sent several
expresses to the king for help.
The king immediately detaches a strong body of
horse and foot to relieve Biberach, and would be the
commander himself. I marched among the horse, but
the Imperialists saved us the labour ; for the news of
the king's coming frighted away Osta, that he left
Biberach, and hardly looked behind him till he got up
to the Bodensee, on the confines of Switzerland.
At our return from this expedition the king had the
first news of Wallenstein's approach, who, on the death
of Count Tilly, being declared generalissimo of the
emperor's forces, had played the tyrant in Bohemia,
and was now advancing with 60,000 men, as they
reported, to relieve the Duke of Bavaria.
The king, therefore, in order to be'in a posture to
receive this great general, resolves to quit Bavaria, and
to expect him on the frontiers of Franconia. And
because he knew the Nurembergers for their kindness
to him would be the first sacrifice, he resolved to
defend that city against him whatever it cost.
Nevertheless he did not leave Bavaria without a
defence ; but, on the one hand, he left Sir John Baner
with 10,000 men about Augsburg, and the Duke of
Saxe- Weimar with another like army about Ulm and
Meningen, with orders so to direct their march as that
they might join him upon any occasion in a few days.
We encamped about Nuremberg the middle of June.
The army, after so many detachments, was not above
19,000 men. The Imperial army, joined with the
Bavarian, were not so numerous as was reported, but
were really 60,000 men. The king, not strong enough
to fight, yet, as he used to say, was strong enough not
to be forced to fight, formed his camp so under the
cannon of Nuremberg that there was no besieging the
town but they must besiege him too ; and he fortified
Memoirs of a Cavalier 105
his camp in so formidable a manner that Wallenstein
never durst attack him. On the 3Oth of June Wallen-
stein's troops appeared, and on the 5th of July en
camped close by the king, and posted themselves not
on the Bavarian side, but between the king and his
own friends of Schwaben and Frankenland, in order to
intercept his provisions, and, as they thought, to starve
him out of his camp.
Here they lay to see, as it were, who could subsist
longest. The king was strong in horse, for we had
full 8000 horse and dragoons in the army, and this
gave us great advantage in the several skirmishes we
had with the enemy. The enemy had possession of
the whole country, and had taken effectual care to
furnish their army with provisions ; they placed their
guards in such excellent order, to secure their convoys*
that their waggons went from stage to stage as quiet as
in a time of peace, and were relieved every five miles
by parties constantly posted on the road. And thus
the Imperial general sat down by us, not doubting but
he should force the king either to fight his way through
on very disadvantageous terms, or to rise for want of
provisions, and leave the city of Nuremberg a prey to
his army ; for he had vowed the destruction of the
city, and to make it a second Magdeburg.
But the king, who was not to be easily deceived,
had countermined all Wallenstein's designs. He had
passed his honour to the Nurembergers that he would
not leave them, and they had undertaken to victual
his army, and secure him from want, which they did so
effectually, that he had no occasion to expose his troops
to any hazard or fatigues for convoys or forage on any
account whatever.
The city of Nuremberg is a very rich and populous
city, and the king being very sensible of their danger,
had given his word for their defence. And when
io6 Memoirs of a Cavalier
they, being terrified at the threats of the Imperialists,
sent their deputies to beseech the king to take care of
them, he sent them word he would, and be besieged
with them. They, on the other hand, laid in such
stores of all sorts of provision, both for men and horse,
that had Wallenstein lain before it six months longer,
there would have been no scarcity. Every private
house was a magazine, the camp was plentifully supplied
with all manner of provisions, and the market always
full, and as cheap as in times of peace. The magis
trates were so careful, and preserved so excellent an
order in the disposal of all sorts of provision, that no
engrossing of corn could be practised, for the prices
were every day directed at the town-house ; and if
any man offered to demand more money for corn than
the stated price, he could not sell, because at the town
store-house you might buy cheaper. Here are two
instances of good and bad conduct : the city of Magde
burg had been entreated by the king to settle funds,
and raise money for their provision and security, and to
have a sufficient garrison to defend them, but they
made difficulties, either to raise men for themselves, or
to admit the king's troops to assist them, for fear of the
charge of maintaining them ; and this was the cause of
the city's ruin.
The city of Nuremberg opened their arms to receive
the assistance proffered by the Swedes, and their purses
to defend their town and common cause ; and this was
the saving them absolutely from destruction. The
rich burghers and magistrates kept open houses, where
the officers of the army were always welcome ; and
the council of the city took such care of the poor that
there was no complaining nor disorders in the whole
city. There is no doubt but it cost the city a great
deal of money ; but I never saw a public charge borne
with so much cheerfulness, nor managed with so much
Memoirs of a Cavalier 107
prudence and conduct in my life. The city fed above
50,000 mouths every day, including their own poor,
besides themselves ; and yet when the king had lain
thus three months, and finding his armies longer in
coming up than he expected, asked the burgrave how
their magazines held out, he answered, they desired
his Majesty not to hasten things for them, for they
could maintain themselves and him twelve months
longer if there was occasion. This plenty kept both the
army and city in good health, as well as in good heart ;
whereas nothing was to be had of us but blows, for
we fetched nothing from without our works, nor had
no business without the line but to interrupt the enemy.
The manner of the king's encampment deserves a
particular chapter. He was a complete surveyor and a
master in fortification, not to be outdone by anybody.
He had posted his army in the suburbs of the town,
and drawn lines round the whole circumference, so that
he begirt the whole city with his army. His works
were large, the ditch deep, flanked with innumerable
bastions, ravelins, horn-works, forts, redoubts, batteries,
and palisadoes, the incessant work of 8000 men for
about fourteen days ; besides that, the king was adding
something or other to it every day, and the very
posture of his camp was enough to tell a bigger army
han Wallenstein's that he was not to be assaulted in
his trenches.
The king's design appeared chiefly to be the pre
servation of the city ; but that was not all. He had
three armies acting abroad in three several places.
Gustavus Horn was on the Moselle, the chancellor
Oxenstiern about Mentz, Cologne, and the Rhine, Duke
William and Duke Bernhard, together with General
Baner, in Bavaria. And though he designed they
should all join him, and had wrote to them all to that
purpose, yet he did not hasten them, knowing that
io8 Memoirs of a Cavalier
while he kept the main army at bay about Nuremberg,
they would, without opposition, reduce those several
countries they were acting in to his power. This oc
casioned his lying longer in the camp at Nuremberg than
he would have done, and this occasioned his giving the
Imperialists so many alarms by his strong parties of
horse, of which he was well provided, that they might
not be able to make any considerable detachments for
the relief of their friends. And here he showed his
mastership in the war, for by this means his conquests
went on as effectually as if he had been abroad himself.
In the meantime it was not to be expected two such
armies should lie long so near without some action. The
Imperial army, being masters of the field, laid the country
for twenty miles round Nuremberg in a manner desolate.
What the inhabitants could carry away had been before
secured in such strong towns as had garrisons to protect
them, and what was left the hungry Crabats devoured
or set on fire ; but sometimes they were met with by
our men, who often paid them home for it. There
had passed several small rencounters between our
parties and theirs ; and as it falls out in such cases,
sometimes one side, sometimes the other, got the better.
But I have observed there never was any party sent out
by the king's special appointment but always came
home with victory.
The first considerable attempt, as I remember, was
made on a convoy of ammunition. The party sent out
was commanded by a Saxon colonel, and consisted of
1000 horse and 500 dragoons, who burnt above 600
waggons loaded with ammunition and stores for the
army, besides taking about 2OOO muskets, which they
brought back to the army.
The latter end of July the king received advice that
the Imperialists had formed a magazine for provision at
a town called Freynstat, twenty miles from Nuremberg.
Memoirs of a Cavalier 109
Hither all the booty and contributions raised in the
Upper Palatinate, and parts adjacent, was brought and
laid up as in a place of security, a garrison of 600
men being placed to defend it ; and when a quantity of
provisions was got together, convoys were appointed to
fetch it off.
The king was resolved, if possible, to take or destroy
this magazine ; and sending for Colonel Dubalt, a
Swede, and a man of extraordinary conduct, he tells
him his design, and withal that he must be the man to
put it in execution, and ordered him to take what forces
he thought convenient. The colonel, who knew the
town very well, and the country about it, told his
Majesty he would attempt it with all his heart; but he
was afraid 'twould require some foot to make the attack.
" But we can't stay for that," says the king ; "you must
then take some dragoons with you ; " and immediately the
king called for me. I was just coming up the stairs as
the king's page was come out to inquire for me, so I went
immediately in to the king. "Here's a piece of hot
work for you," says the king, "Dubalt will tell it you;
go together and contrive it."
We immediately withdrew, and the colonel told me
the design, and what the king and he had discoursed ;
that, in his opinion, foot would be wanted: but the
king had declared there was no time for the foot to
march, and had proposed dragoons. I told him, I
thought dragoons might do as well ; so we agreed
to take 1600 horse and 400 dragoons. The king,
impatient in his design, came into the room to us to
know what we had resolved on, approved our measures,
gave us orders immediately; and, turning to me, " You
shall command the dragoons," says the king, " but
Dubalt must be general in this case, for he knows the
country." " Your Majesty," said I, " shall be always
served by me in any figure you please." The king
no Memoirs of a Cavalier
wished us good speed, and hurried us away the same
afternoon, in order to come to the place in time. We
marched slowly on because of the carriages we had
with us, and came to Freynstat about one o'clock in
the night perfectly undiscovered. The guards were so
negligent, that we came to the very port before they
had notice of us, and a sergeant with twelve dragoons
thrust in upon the out- sentinels, and killed them with
out noise.
Immediately ladders were placed to the half-moon
which defended the gate, which the dragoons mounted
and carried in a trice, about twenty-eight men being
cut in pieces within. As soon as the ravelin was
taken, they burst open the gate, at which I entered at
the head of 200 dragoons, and seized the drawbridge.
By this time the town was in alarm, and the drums
beat to arms, but it was too late, for by the help of
a petard we broke open the gate, and entered the town.
The garrison made an obstinate fight for about half-
an-hour, but our men being all in, and three troops of
horse dismounted coming to our assistance with their
carabines, the town was entirely mastered by three of
the clock, and guards set to prevent anybody running
to give notice to the enemy. There were about 200
of the garrison killed, and the rest taken prisoners.
The town being thus secured, the gates were opened,
and Colonel Dubalt came in with the horse.
The guards being set, we entered the magazine,
where we found an incredible quantity of all sorts of
provision. There was 150 tons of bread, 8000 sacks
of meal, 4000 sacks of oats, and of other provisions
in proportion. We caused as much of it as could be
loaded to be brought away in such waggons and car
riages as we found, and set the rest on fire, town and
all. We stayed by it till we saw it past a possibility
of being saved, and then drew off with 800 waggons,.
Memoirs of a Cavalier in
which we found in the place, most of which we loaded
with bread, meal, and oats. While we were doing
this we sent a party of dragoons into the fields, who
met us again as we came out, wi}h above IOOO head
of black cattle, besides sheep.
Our next care was to bring this booty home without
meeting with the enemy, to secure which, the colonel
immediately despatched an express to the king, to let
him know of our success, and to desire a detachment
might be made to secure our retreat, being charged with
so much plunder.
And it was no more than need; for though we had
used all the diligence possible to prevent any notice,
yet somebody, more forward than ordinary, had escaped
away, and carried the news of it to the Imperial army.
The general, upon this bad news, detaches Major-
General Sparr with a body of 6000 men to cut off our
retreat. The king, who had notice of this detachment,
marches out in person with 3000 men to wait upon
General Sparr. All this was the account of one day.
The king met General Sparr at the moment when his
troops were divided, fell upon them, routed one part
of them, and the rest in a few hours after, killed them
1000 men, and took the general prisoner.
In the interval of this action we came safe to the
camp with our booty, which was very considerable,
and would have supplied our whole army for a month.
Thus we feasted at the enemy's cost, and beat them
into the bargain.
The king gave all the live cattle to the Nurember-
gers, who, though they had really no want of provisions,
yet fresh meat was not so plentiful as such provisions
which were stored up in vessels and laid by.
After this skirmish we had the country more at
command than before, and daily fetched in fresh pro
visions and forage in the fields.
Ii2 Memoirs of a Cavalier
The two armies had now lain a long time in sight
of one another, and daily skirmishes had considerably
weakened them; and the king, beginning to be im
patient, hastened the advancement of his friends to join
him, in which also they were not backward ; but having
-drawn together their forces from several parts, and all
joined the chancellor Oxenstiern, news came, the
1 5th of August, that they were in full march to join us ;
and being come to a small town called Brock, the
king went out of the camp with about 1000 horse to
view them. I went along with the horse, and the 2ist
of August saw the review of all the armies together,
which were 30,000 men, in extraordinary equipage,
old soldiers, and commanded by officers of the greatest
conduct and experience in the world. There was the
rich chancellor of Sweden, who commanded as general;
G-ustavus Horn and John Baner, both Swedes and
old generals; Duke William and Duke Bernhard of
Weimar; the Landgrave of Hesse-Cassel, the Palatine
of Birkenfelt, and abundance of princes and lords of the
empire.
The armies being joined, the king, who was now a
match for Wallenstein, quits his camp and draws up in
battalia before the Imperial trenches : but the scene
was changed. Wallenstein was no more able to fight
now than the king was before; but, keeping within
his trenches, stood upon his guard. The king coming
up close to his works, plants batteries, and cannonaded
him in his very camp. The Imperialists, finding the
king press upon them, retreat into a woody country
about three leagues, and, taking possession of an old
ruined castle, posted their army behind it.
This old castle they fortified, and placed a very
strong guard there. The king, having viewed the
place, though it was a very strong post, resolved to
attack it with the whole right wing. The attack was
Memoirs of a Cavalier 113
made with a great deal of order and resolution, the king
leading the first party on with sword in hand, and the
fight was maintained on both sides with the utmost
gallantry and obstinacy all the day and the next night
too, for the cannon and musket never gave over till
the morning; but the Imperialists having the advantage
of the hill, of their works and batteries, and being con
tinually relieved, and the Swedes naked, without cannon
or works, the post was maintained, and the king, finding
it would cost him too much blood, drew off in the
morning.
This was the famous fight at Altemberg, where
the Imperialists boasted to have shown the world the
King of Sweden was not invincible. They call it the
victory at Altemberg ; 'tis true the king failed in his
attempt of carrying their works, but there was so little
of a victory in it, that the Imperial general thought fit
not to venture a second brush, but to draw off their
army as soon as they could to a safer quarter.
I had no share in this attack, very few of the horse
being in the action, but my comrade, who was always
among the Scots volunteers, was wounded and taken
prisoner by the enemy. They used him very civilly,
and the king and Wallenstein straining courtesies with
one another, the king released Major- General Sparr
without ransom, and the Imperial general sent home
Colonel Tortenson, a Swede, and sixteen volunteer
gentlemen, who were taken in the heat of the action,
among whom my captain was one.
The king lay fourteen days facing the Imperial
army, and using all the stratagems possible to bring
them to a battle, but to no purpose, during which time
we had parties continually out, and very often skir
mishes with the enemy.
I had a command of one of these parties in an
adventure, wherein I got no booty, nor much honour.
H4 Memoirs of a Cavalier
The king had received advice of a convoy of provisions
which was to come to the enemy's camp from the
Upper Palatinate, and having a great mind to surprise
them, he commanded us to waylay them with 1200
horse, and 800 dragoons. I had exact directions given
me of the way they were to come, and posting my
horse in a village a little out of the road, I lay with
my dragoons in a wood, by which they were to pass
by break of day. The enemy appeared with their
convoy, and being very wary, their out-scouts dis
covered us in the wood, and fired upon the sentinel I
had posted in a tree at the entrance of the wood.
Finding myself discovered, I would have retreated
to the village where my horse were posted, but in a
moment the wood was skirted with the enemy's horse,
and 1000 commanded musketeers advanced to beat
me out. In this pickle I sent away three mes
sengers one after another for the horse, who were
within two miles of me, to advance to my relief; but
all my messengers fell into the enemy's hands. Four
hundred of my dragoons on foot, whom I had placed
at a little distance before me, stood to their work, and
beat off two charges of the enemy's foot with some
loss on both sides. Meantime 200 of my men faced
about, and rushing out of the wood, broke through
a party of the enemy's horse, who stood to watch
our coming out. I confess I was exceedingly sur
prised at it, thinking those fellows had done it to
make their escape, or else were gone over to the
enemy ; and my men were so discouraged at it, that
they began to look about which way to run to save
themselves, and were just upon the point of disbanding
to shift for themselves, when one of the captains called
to me aloud to beat a parley and treat. I made no
answer, but, as if I had not heard him, immediately
gave the word for all the captains to come together.
Memoirs of a Cavalier 115
The consultation was but short, for the musketeers
were advancing to a third charge, with numbers which
we were not likely to deal with. In short, we re
solved to beat a parley, and demand quarter, for that
was all we could expect, when on a sudden the body
of horse I had posted in the village, being directed by
the noise, had advanced to relieve me, if they saw
occasion, and had met the 200 dragoons, who guided
them directly to the spot where they had broke
through, and all together fell upon the horse of the
enemy, who were posted on that side, and, mastering
them before they could be relieved, cut them all to
pieces and brought me off. Under the shelter of this
party, we made good our retreat to the village, but we
lost above 300 men, and were glad to make off from
the village too, for the enemy were very much too strong
for us.
Returning thence towards the camp, we fell foul
with 200 Crabats, who had been upon the plundering
account. We made ourselves some amends upon
them for our former loss, for we showed them no
mercy ; but our misfortunes were not ended, for we
had but just despatched those Crabats when we fell in
with 3000 Imperial horse, who, on the expectation of
the aforesaid convoy, were sent out to secure them.
All I could do could not persuade my men to stand
their ground against this party ; so that finding they
would run away in confusion, I agreed to make off,
and facing to the right, we went over a large common
a full trot, till at last fear, which always increases in a
flight, brought us to a plain flight, the enemy at our
heels. I must confess I was never so mortified in my
life ; 'twas to no purpose to turn head, no man would
stand by us ; we run for life, and a great many we left
by the way who were either wounded by the enemy's
shot, or else could not keep race with us.
n6 Memoirs of a Cavalier
At last, having got over the common, which was
near two miles, we came to a lane ; one of our captains,
a Saxon by country, and a gentleman of a good for
tune, alighted at the entrance of the lane, and with a
bold heart faced about, shot his own horse, and called
his men to stand by him and defend the lane. Some
of his men halted, and we rallied about 600 men,
which we posted as well as we could, to defend the
pass ; but the enemy charged us with great fury. The
Saxon gentleman, after defending himself with exceed
ing gallantry, and refusing quarter, was killed upon the
spot. A German dragoon, as I thought him, gave me
a rude blow with the stock of his piece on the side of
my head, and was just going to repeat it, when one of
my men shot him dead. I was so stunned with the
blow, that I knew nothing ; but recovering, I found
myself in the hands of two of the enemy's officers, who
offered me quarter, which I accepted ; and indeed, to
give them their due, they used me very civilly. Thus
this whole party was defeated, and not above 500 men
got safe to the army ; nor had half the number escaped,
had not the Saxon captain made so bold a stand at the
head of the lane.
Several other parties of the king's army revenged
our quarrel, and paid them home for it ; but I had a
particular loss in this defeat, that I never saw the king
after ; for though his Majesty sent a trumpet to re
claim us as prisoners the very next day, yet I was not
delivered, some scruple happening about exchanging,
till after the battle of Liitzen, where that gallant prince
lost his life.
The Imperial army rose from their camp about eight
or ten days after the king had removed, and I was
carried prisoner in the army till they sat down to the
siege of Coburg Castle, and then was left with other
prisoners of war, in the custody of Colonel Spezuter, in
Memoirs of a Cavalier 117
a small castle near the camp called Neustadt. Here we
continued indifferent well treated, but could learn nothing
of what action the armies were upon, till the Duke of
Friedland, having been beaten off from the castle of
Coburg, marched into Saxony, and the prisoners were
sent for into the camp, as was said, in order to be
exchanged.
I came into the Imperial leaguer at the siege of
Leipsic, and within three days after my coming, the
city was surrendered, and I got liberty to lodge at my
old quarters in the town upon my parole.
The King of Sweden was at the heels of the
Imperialists, for finding Wallenstein resolved to ruin
the Elector of Saxony, the king had re-collected as
much of his divided army as he could, and came upon
him just as he was going to besiege Torgau.
As it is not my design to write a history of any more
of these wars than I was actually concerned in, so I
ahall only note that, upon the king's approach, Wallen
stein halted, and likewise called all his troops together,
for he apprehended the king would fall on him, and we
that were prisoners fancied the Imperial soldiers went
unwillingly out, for the very name of the King of
Sweden was become terrible to them. In short, they
drew all the soldiers of the garrison they could spare
out of Leipsic ; sent for Pappenheim again, who was
gone but three days before with 6000 men on a private
expedition. On the i6th of November, the armies
met on the plains of Liitzen ; a long and bloody battle
was fought, the Imperialists were entirely routed and
beaten, 12,000 slain upon the spot, their cannon,
baggage, and 2OOO prisoners taken, but the King of
Sweden lost his life, being killed at the head of his
troops in the beginning of the fight.
It is impossible to describe the consternation the
death of this conquering king struck into all the prince*
n8 Memoirs of a Cavalier
of Germany ; the grief for him exceeded all manner of
human sorrow. All people looked upon themselves as
ruined and swallowed up ; the inhabitants of two-thirds
of all Germany put themselves into mourning for him ;
when the ministers mentioned him in their sermons
or prayers, whole congregations would burst out into
tears. The Elector of Saxony was utterly inconsolable,
and would for several days walk about his palace like a
distracted man, crying the saviour of Germany was lost,
the refuge of abused princes was gone, the soul of the
war was dead ; and from that hour was so hopeless of
out-living the war, that he sought to make peace with
the emperor.
Three days after this mournful victory, the Saxons
recovered the town of Leipsic by stratagem. The
Duke of Saxony's forces lay at Torgau, and perceiving
the confusion the Imperialists were in at the news of
the overthrow of their army, they resolved to attempt
the recovery of the town. They sent about twenty
scattering troopers, who, pretending themselves to be
Imperialists fled from the battle, were let in one by one,
and still as they came in, they stayed at the court of
guard in the port, entertaining the soldiers with dis
course about the fight, and how they escaped, and the
like, till the whole number being got in, at a watchword
they fell on the guard, and cut them all in pieces ; and
immediately opening the gate to three troops of Saxon
horse, the town was taken in a moment.
It was a welcome surprise to me, for I was at liberty
of course ; and the war being now on another foot, as I
thought, and the king dead, I resolved to quit the service.
I had sent my man, as I have already noted, into
England, in order to bring over the troops my father
had raised for the King of Sweden. He executed his
commission so well, that he landed with five troops
at Embden in very good condition ; and orders were
Memoirs of a Cavalier 119
sent them by the king, to join the Duke of Lunenberg's
army, which they did at the siege of Boxtude, in the
Lower Saxony. Here by long and very sharp service
they were most of them cut off, and though they were
several times recruited, yet I understood there were not
three full troops left.
The Duke of Saxe- Weimar, a gentleman of great
courage, had the command of the army after the king's
death, and managed it with so much prudence, that all
things were in as much order as could be expected,
after so great a loss ; for the Imperialists were every
where beaten, and Wallenstein never made any advantage
of the king's death.
I waited on him at Heilbronn, whither he was gone
to meet the great chancellor of Sweden, where I paid
him my respects, and desired he would bestow the
remainder of my regiment on my comrade the captain,
which he did with all the civility and readiness imagin
able. So I took my leave of him, and prepared to come
for England.
I shall only note this, that at this Diet, the Protestant
princes of the empire renewed their league with one
another, and with the crown of Sweden, and came to
several regulations and conclusions for the carrying on
the war, which they afterwards prosecuted, under the
direction of the said chancellor of Sweden. But it
was not the work of a small difficulty nor of a short
time. And having been persuaded to continue almost
two years afterwards at Frankfort, Heilbronn, and there
about, by the particular friendship of that noble wise
man, and extraordinary statesman, Axell Oxenstiern,
chancellor of Sweden, I had opportunity to be con
cerned in, and present at, several treaties of extraordinary
consequence, sufficient for a history, if that were my
design.
Particularly I had the happiness to be present at,
I2O Memoirs of a Cavalier
and have some concern in, the treaty for the restoring
the posterity of the truly noble Palsgrave, King of
Bohemia. King James of England had indeed too
much neglected the whole family ; and I may say with
authority enough, from my own knowledge of affairs, had
nothing been done for them but what was from England,
that family had remained desolate and forsaken to this
day.
But that glorious king, whom I can never mention
without some remark of his extraordinary merit, had
left particular instructions with his chancellor to rescue
the Palatinate to its rightful lord, as a proof of his
design to restore the liberty of Germany, and reinstate
the oppressed princes who were subjected to the
tyranny of the house of Austria.
Pursuant to this resolution, the chancellor proceeded
very much like a man of honour ; and though the King
of Bohemia was dead a little before, yet he carefully
managed the treaty, answered the objections of several
princes, who, in the general ruin of the family, had
reaped private advantages, settled the capitulations for
the quota of contributions very much for their advan
tage, and fully reinstalled the Prince Char'es in the
possession of all his dominions in the Lower Palatinate,
which afterwards was confirmed to him and his pos
terity by the peace of Westphalia, where all these
bloody wars were finished in a peace, which has since
been the foundation of the Protestants' liberty, and the
best security of the whole empire.
I spent two years rather in wandering up and down
than travelling ; for though I had no mind to serve,
yet I could not find in my heart to leave Germany ;
and I had obtained some so very close intimacies with
the general officers that I was often in the army, and
sometimes they did me the honour to bring me into
their councils of war.
Memoirs of a Cavalier 121
Particularly, at that eminent council before the battle
of Nordlingen, I was invited to the council of war,
both by Duke Bernhard of Weimar and by Gustavus
Horn. They were generals of equal worth, and their
courage and experience had been so well, and so often
tried, that more than ordinary regard was always given
to what they said. Duke Bernhard was indeed the
younger man, and Gustavus had served longer under
our great schoolmaster the king; but it was hard to
judge which was the better general, since both had
experience enough, and shown undeniable proofs both
of their bravery and conduct.
I am obliged, in the course of my relation, so often
to mention the great respect I often received from these
great men, that it makes me sometimes jealous, lest
the reader may think I affect it as a vanity. The
truth is, and I am ready to confess, the honours I re
ceived, upon all occasions, from persons of such worth,
and who had such an eminent share in the greatest
action of that age, very much pleased me, and par
ticularly, as they gave me occasions to see everything
that was doing on the whole stage of the war. For
being under no command, but at liberty to rove about, I
could come to no Swedish garrison or party, but,
sending my name to the commanding officer, I could
have the word sent me ; and if I came into the army,
I was often treated as I was now at this famous battle
of Nordlingen.
But I cannot but say, that I always looked upon
this particular respect to be the effect of more than
ordinary regard the great king of Sweden always
showed me, rather than any merit of my own ; and
the veneration they all had for his memory, made
them continue to show me all the marks of a suitable
esteem.
But to return to the council of war, the great and,
122 Memoirs of a Cavalier
indeed, the only question before us was, Shall we
give battle to the Imperialists, or not ? Gustavus
Horn was against it, and gave, as I thought, the most
invincible arguments against a battle that reason could
imagine.
First, they were weaker than the enemy by above
5000 men.
Secondly, the Cardinal- Infant of Spain, who was
in the Imperial army with 8000 men, was but there
en pass ant y being going from Italy to Flanders, to take
upon him the government of the Low Countries; and if
he saw no prospect of immediate action, would be gone
in a few days.
Thirdly, they had two reinforcements, one of 5000
men, under the command of Colonel Cratz, and one of
7000 men, under the Rhinegrave, who were just at
hand the last within three days' march of them : and,
Lastly, they had already saved their honour, in that
they had put 600 foot into the town of Nordlingen, in
the face of the enemy's army, and consequently the town
might hold out some days the longer.
Fate, rather than reason, certainly blinded the rest of
the generals against such arguments as these. Duke
Bernhard and almost all the generals were for lighting,
alleging the affront it would be to the Swedish reputa
tion to see their friends in the town lost before their
faces.
Gustavus Horn stood stiff to his cautious advice, and
was against it, and I thought the Baron D'Offkirk
treated him a little indecently ; for, being very warm
in the matter, he told them, that if Gustavus Adolphus
had been governed by such cowardly counsel, he had
never been conqueror of half Germany in two years.
** No," replied old General Horn, very smartly, " but
he had been now alive to have testified for me, that I
was never taken by him for a coward ; and yet," says
Memoirs of a Cavalier 123
he, " the king was never for a victory with a hazard,
when he could have it without."
I was asked my opinion, which I would have de
clined, being in no commission ; but they pressed me
to speak. I told them I was for staying at least till
the Rhinegrave came up, who, at least, might, if ex
presses were sent to hasten him, be up with us in twenty-
four hours. But Offkirk could not hold his passion,
and had not he been overruled he would have almost
quarrelled with Marshal Horn. Upon which the old
general, not to foment him, with a great deal of mildness
stood up, and spoke thus
"Come, Offkirk," says he, "I'll submit my opinion
to you, and the majority of our fellow-soldiers. We
will fight, but, upon my word, we shall have our hands
full."
The resolution thus taken, they attacked the Imperial
army. I must confess the counsels of this day seemed
as confused as the resolutions of the night.
Duke Bernhard was to lead the van of the left wing,
and to post himself upon a hill which was on the
enemy's right without their entrenchments, so that,
having secured that post, they might level their cannon
upon the foot, who stood behind the lines, and relieved
the town at pleasure. He marched accordingly by
break of day, and falling with great fury upon eight
regiments of foot, which were posted at the foot of the
hill, he presently routed them, and made himself master
of the post. Flushed with this success, he never regards
his own concerted measures of stopping there and
possessing what he had got, but pushes on and falls in
with the main body of the enemy's army.
While this was doing, Gustavus Horn attacks another
post on the hill, where the Spaniards had posted and
lodged themselves behind some works they had cast up
on the side of the hill. Here they defended themselves
124 Memoirs of a Cavalier
with extreme obstinacy for five hours, and at last
obliged the Swedes to give it over with loss. This
extraordinary gallantry of the Spaniards was the saving
of the Imperial army ; for Duke Bernhard having all
this while resisted the frequent charges of the Imperial
ists, and borne the weight of two-thirds of their army,
was not able to stand any longer, but sending one
messenger on the neck of another to Gustavus Horn
for more foot, he, finding he could not carry his
point, had given it over, and was in full march to
second the duke. But now it was too late, for
the King of Hungary seeing the duke's men, as it
were, wavering, and having notice of Horn's wheeling
about to second him, falls in with all his force upon
his flank, and with his Hungarian hussars, made
such a furious charge, that the Swedes could stand no
longer.
The rout of the left wing was so much the more
unhappy, as it happened just upon Gustavus Horn's
coming up ; for, being pushed on with the enemies at
their heels, they were driven upon their own friends,
who, having no ground to open and give them way,
were trodden down by their own runaway brethren.
This brought all into the utmost confusion. The
Imperialists cried "Victoria! " and fell into the middle
of the infantry with a terrible slaughter.
I have always observed, 'tis fatal to upbraid an old
experienced officer with want of courage. If Gustavus
Horn had not been whetted with the reproaches of
the Baron D'Offkirk, and some of the other general
officers, I believe it had saved the lives of a thousand
men ; for when all was thus lost, several officers advised
him to make a retreat with such regiments as he had
yet unbroken ; but nothing could persuade him to stir
a foot. But turning his flank into a front, he saluted
the enemy, as they passed by him in pursuit of the rest,
Memoirs of a Cavalier 125
with such terrible volleys of small shot, as cost them
the lives of abundance of their men.
The Imperialists, eager in the pursuit, left him
unbroken, till the Spanish brigade came up and charged
him. These he bravely repulsed with a great slaughter,
and after them a body of dragoons ; till being laid
at on every side, and most of his men killed, the brave
old general, with all the rest that were left, were
made prisoners.
The Swedes had a terrible loss here, for almost all
their infantry were killed or taken prisoners. Gustavus
Horn refused quarter several times ; and still those that
attacked him were cut down by his men, who fought
like furies, and by the example of their general, behaved
themselves like lions. But at last, these poor remains
of a body of the bravest men in the world were forced
to submit. I have heard him say, he had much rather
have died than been taken, but that he yielded in com
passion to so many brave men as were about him ; for
none of them would take quarter till he gave his consent.
I had the worst share in this battle that ever I had
in any action of my life ; and that was to be posted
among as brave a body of horse as any in Germany,
and yet not be able to succour our own men ; but our
foot were cut in pieces (as it were) before our faces,
and the situation of the ground was such as we could
not fall in. All that we were able to do, was to carry
off about 2000 of the foot, who, running away in the
rout of the left wing, rallied among our squadrons, and
got away with us. Thus we stood till we saw all was
lost, and then made the best retreat we could to save
ourselves, several regiments having never charged, nor
fired a shot ; for the foot had so embarrassed them
selves among the lines and works of the enemy, and
in the vineyards and mountains, that the horse were
rendered absolutely unserviceable.
126 Memoirs of a Cavalier
The Rhinegrave had made such expedition to join
us, that he reached within three miles of the place of
action that night, and he was a great safeguard for us in
rallying our dispersed men, who else had fallen into
the enemy's hands, and in checking the pursuit of the
enemy.
And indeed, had but any considerable body of the
foot made an orderly retreat, it had been very probable
they had given the enemy a brush that would have
turned the scale of victory ; for our horse being whole,
and in a manner untouched, the enemy found such a
check in the pursuit, that 1600 of their forwardest men
following too eagerly, fell in with the Rhinegrave's
advanced troops the next day, and were cut in pieces
without mercy.
This gave us some satisfaction for the loss, but it was
but small compared to the ruin of that day. We lost near
8000 men upon the spot, and above 3000 prisoners, all
our cannon and baggage, and 120 colours. I thought
I never made so indifferent a figure in my life, and so
we thought all ; to come away, lose our infantry, our
general, and our honour, and never fight for it. Duke
Bernhard was utterley disconsolate for old Gustavus
Horn, for he concluded him killed ; he tore the hair
from his head like a madman, and telling the Rhine-
grave the story of the council of war, would reproach
himself with not taking his advice, often repeating it in
his passion. " 'Tis I," said he, " have been the death
of the bravest general in Germany ; " would call him
self fool and boy, and such names, for not listening to
the reasons of an old experienced soldier. But when
he heard he was alive in the enemy's hands he was the
easier, and applied himself to the recruiting his troops,
and the like business of the war ; and it was not long
before he paid the Imperialists with interest.
I returned to Frankfort-au-Main after this action,
Memoirs of a Cavalier 127
which happened the iyth of August 1634; but the
progress of the Imperialists was so great that there was
no staying at Frankfort. The chancellor Oxenstiern
removed to Magdeburg, Duke Bernhard and the Land
grave marched into Alsatia, and the Imperialists carried
all before them for all the rest of the campaign. They
took Philipsburg by surprise ; they took Augsburg by
famine, Spire and Treves by sieges, taking the Elector
prisoner. But this success did one piece of service to
the Swedes, that it brought the French into the war on
their side, for the Elector of Treves was their con
federate. The French gave the conduct of the war to
Duke Bernhard. This, though the Duke of Saxony
fell off, and fought against them, turned the scale so
much in their favour, that they recovered their losses,
and proved a terror to all Germany. The farther
accounts of the war I refer to the histories of those
times, which I have since read with a great deal of
delight.
I confess when I saw the progress of the Imperial
army, after the battle of Nordlingen, and the Duke of
Saxony turning his arms against them, I thought their
affairs declining ; and, giving them over for lost, I left
Frankfort, and came down the Rhine to Cologne, and
from thence into Holland.
I came to the Hague the 8th of March 1635, having
spent three years and a half in Germany, and the greatest
part of it in the Swedish army.
I spent some time in Holland viewing the wonderful
power of art, which I observed in the fortifications of
their towns, where the very bastions stand on bottom
less morasses, and yet are as firm as any in the world.
There I had the opportunity of seeing the Dutch army,
and their famous general, Prince Maurice. 'Tis true,
the men behaved themselves well enough in action,
when they were put to it, but the prince's way of
128 Memoirs of a Cavalier
beating his enemies without fighting, was so unlike the
gallantry of my royal instructor, that it had no manner
of relish with me. Our way in Germany was always
to seek out the enemy and fight him ; and, give the
Imperialists their due, they were seldom hard to be
found, but were as free of their flesh as we were.
Whereas Prince Maurice would lie in a camp till he
starved half his men, if by lying there he could but
starve two-thirds of his enemies ; so that indeed the
war in Holland had more of fatigues and hardships in
it, and ours had more of fighting and blows. Hasty
marches, long and unwholesome encampments, winter
parties, counter-marching, dodging and entrenching,
were the exercises of his men, and oftentimes killed
him more men with hunger, cold and diseases, than
he could do with fighting. Not that it required less
courage, but rather more, for a soldier had at any
time rather die in the field a la coup de mousquet, than
be starved with hunger, or frozen to death in the
trenches.
Nor do I think I lessen the reputation of that great
general ; for 'tis most certain he ruined the Spaniard
more by spinning the war thus out in length, than he
could possibly have done by a swift conquest. For
had he, Gustavus-like, with a torrent of victory dis
lodged the Spaniard of all the twelve provinces in five
years, whereas he was forty years a-beating them out of
seven, he had left them rich and strong at home, and
able to keep them in constant apprehensions of a return
of his power. Whereas, by the long continuance of
the war, he so broke the very heart of the Spanish
monarchy, so absolutely and irrecoverably impoverished
them, that they have ever since languished of the
disease, till they are fallen from the most powerful, to
be the most despicable nation in the world.
The prodigious charge the King of Spain was at in
Memoirs of a Cavalier 129
losing the seven provinces, broke the very spirit of the
nation ; and that so much, that all the wealth of their
Peruvian mountains have not been able to retrieve it ;
King Philip having often declared that war, besides
his Armada for invading England, had cost him
370,000,000 of ducats, and 4,000,000 of the best
soldiers in Europe; whereof, by an unreasonable Spanish
obstinacy, above 60,000 lost their lives before Ostend,
a town not worth a sixth part either of the blood or
money it cost in a siege of three years ; and which
at last he had never taken, but that Prince Maurice
thought it not worth the charge of defending it any
longer.
However, I say, their way of fighting in Holland
did not relish with me at all. The prince lay a long
time before a little fort called Schenkenschanz, which
the Spaniard took by surprise, and I thought he might
have taken it much sooner. Perhaps it might be my
mistake, but I fancied my hero, the King of Sweden,
would have carried it sword in hand, in half the time.
However it was, I did not like it ; so in the latter
end of the year I came to the Hague, and took shipping
for England, where I arrived, to the great satisfaction
of my father and all my friends.
My father was then in London, and carried me to
kiss the king's hand. His Majesty was pleased to
receive me very well, and to say a great many very
obliging things to my father upon my account.
I spent my time very retired from court, for I was
almost wholly in the country ; and it being so much
different from my genius, which hankered after a
warmer sport than hunting among our Welsh moun
tains, I could not but be peeping in all the foreign
accounts from Germany, to see who and who was
together. There I could never hear of a battle, and
the Germans being beaten, but I began to wish myself
130 Memoirs of a Cavalier
there. But when an account came of the progress of
John Baner, the Swedish general in Saxony, and of
the constant victories he had there over the Saxons,
I could no longer contain myself, but told my father
this life was very disagreeable to me ; that I lost my
time here, and might to much more advantage go into
Germany, where I was sure I might make my fortune
upon my own terms ; that, as young as I was, I might
have been a general officer by this time, if I had not
laid down my commission ; that General Baner, or
the Marshal Horn, had either of them so much respect
for me, that I was sure I might have anything of them ;
and that if he pleased to give me leave, I would go for
Germany again. My father was very unwilling to let
me go, but seeing me uneasy, told me that, if I was
resolved, he would oblige me to stay no longer in
England than the next spring, and I should have his
consent.
The winter following began to look very unpleasant
upon us in England, and my father used often to sigh
at it ; and would tell me sometimes he was afraid we
should have no need to send Englishmen to fight in
Germany.
The cloud that seemed to threaten most was from
Scotland. My father, who had made himself master
of the arguments on both sides, used to be often saying
he feared there was some about the king who exaspe
rated him too much against the Scots, and drove things
too high. For my part, I confess I did not much
trouble my head with the cause ; but all my fear was
they would not fall out, and we should have no fighting.
I have often reflected since, that I ought to have known
better, that had seen how the most flourishing provinces
of Germany were reduced to the most miserable condi
tion that ever any country in the world was, by the
ravagings of soldiers, and the calamities of war.
Memoirs of a Cavalier 131
How much soever I was to blame, yet so it was,
I had a secret joy at the news of the king's raising
an army, and nothing could have withheld me from
appearing in it ; but my eagerness was anticipated by an
express the king sent to my father, to know if his son
was in England ; and my father having ordered me
to carry the answer myself, I waited upon his Majesty
with the messenger. The king received me with his
usual kindness, and asked me if I was willing to serve
him against the Scots ?
I answered, I was ready to serve him against any that
his Majesty thought fit to account his enemies, and
should count it an honour to receive his commands.
Hereupon his Majesty offered me a commission. I
told him, I supposed there would not be much time
for raising of men ; that if his Majesty pleased I would
be at the rendezvous with as many gentlemen as I could
get together, to serve his Majesty as volunteers.
The truth is, I found all the regiments of horse the
king designed to raise were but two as regiments ;
the rest of the horse were such as the nobility raised
in their several counties, and commanded them them
selves ; and, as I had commanded a regiment of horse
abroad, it looked a little odd to serve with a single
troop at home ; and the king took the thing presently.
*' Indeed 'twill be a volunteer war," said the king,
" for the Northern gentry have sent me an account of
above 4000 horse they have already." I bowed, and
told his Majesty I was glad to hear his subjects were
so forward to serve him. So taking his Majesty's orders
to be at York by the end of March, I returned to my
father.
My father was very glad I had not taken a commis
sion, for I know not from what kind of emulation
between the western and northern gentry. The gentle
men of our side were not very forward in the service ;
132 Memoirs of a Cavalier
their loyalty to the king in the succeeding times made it
appear it was not from any disaffection to his Majesty's
interest or person, or to the cause ; but this, however,
made it difficult for me when I came home to get any
gentleman of quality to serve with me, so that I pre
sented myself to his Majesty only as a volunteer, with
eight gentlemen and about thirty-six countrymen well
mounted and armed.
And as it proved, these were enough, for this expe
dition ended in an accommodation with the Scots ; and
they not advancing so much as to their own borders,
we never came to any action. But the armies lay in
the counties of Northumberland and Durham, ate up
the country, and spent the king a vast sum of money ;
and so this war ended, a pacification was made, and
both sides returned.
The truth is, I never saw such a despicable appear
ance of men in arms to begin a war in my life ;
whether it was that I had seen so many braver armies
abroad that prejudiced me against them, or that it
really was so ; for to me they seemed little better than
a rabble met together to devour, rather than fight for
their king and country. There was indeed a great
appearance of gentlemen, and those of extraordinary
quality ; but their garb, their equipages, and their mien,
did not look like war ; their troops were filled with
footmen and servants, and wretchedly armed, God wot.
I believe I might say, without vanity, one regiment of
Finland horse would have made sport at beating them
all. There were such crowds of parsons (for this was
a Church war in particular) that the camp and court
was full of them ; and the king was so eternally be
sieged with clergymen of one sort or another, that it
gave offence to the chief of the nobility.
As was the appearance, so was the service. The
army marched to the borders, and the headquarter
Memoirs of a Cavalier 133
was at Berwick-upon-Tweed ; but the Scots never
appeared, no, not so much as their scouts ; whereupon
the king called a council of war, and there it was re
solved to send the Earl of Holland with a party of
horse into Scotland, to learn some news of the enemy.
And truly the first news he brought us was, that finding
their army encamped about Coldingham, fifteen miles
from Berwick, as soon as he appeared, the Scots drew
out a party to charge him, upon which most of his
men halted I don't say run away, but 'twas next door
to it for they could not be persuaded to fire their
pistols, and wheel off like soldiers, but retreated in
such a disorderly and shameful manner, that had the
enemy but had either the courage or conduct to have
followed them, it must have certainly ended in the ruin
of the whole party.
THE SECOND PART
I CONFESS, when I went into arms at the beginning
of this war, I never troubled myself to examine
sides : I was glad to hear the drums beat for
soldiers, as if I had been a mere Swiss, that had not
cared which side went up or down, so I had my pay.
I went as eagerly and blindly about my business, as
the meanest wretch that 'listed in the army ; nor had I
the least compassionate thought for the miseries of my
native country, till after the fight at Edgehill. I had
known as much, and perhaps more than most in the
army, what it was to have an enemy ranging in the
bowels of a kingdom ; I had seen the most flourishing
provinces of Germany reduced to perfect deserts, and
the voracious Crabats, with inhuman barbarity, quench
ing the fires of the plundered villages with the blood
of the inhabitants. Whether this had hardened me
against the natural tenderness which I afterwards found
return upon me, or not, I cannot tell ; but I reflected
upon myself afterwards with a great deal of trouble,
for the unconcernedness of my temper at the approach
ing ruin of my native country.
I was in the first army at York, as I have already
noted, and, I must confess, had the least diversion there
that ever I found in an army in my life. For when I
was in Germany with the King of Sweden, we used to
134
Memoirs of a Cavalier 135
see the king with the general officers every morning on
horseback viewing his men, his artillery, his horses, and
always something going forward. Here we saw nothing
but courtiers and clergymen, bishops and parsons, as
busy as if the direction of the war had been in them.
The king was seldom seen among us, and never without
some of them always about him.
Those few of us that had seen the wars, and would
have made a short end of this for him, began to be very
uneasy ; and particularly a certain nobleman took the
freedom to tell the king that the clergy would certainly
ruin the expedition. The case was this : he would
have had the king have immediately marched into
Scotland, and put the matter to the trial of a battle ;
and he urged it every day. And the king finding his
reasons very good, would often be of his opinion ; but
next morning he would be of another mind.
This gentleman was a man of conduct enough, and
of unquestioned courage, and afterwards lost his life for
the king. He saw we had an army of young stout
fellows numerous enough ; and though they had not
yet seen much service, he was for bringing them to
action, that the Scots might not have time to strengthen
themselves, nor they have time by idleness and sotting,
the bane of soldiers, to make themselves unfit for
anything.
I was one morning in company with this gentleman ;
and as he was a warm man, and eager in his discourse,
" A pox of these priests," says he, " 'tis for them the
king has raised this army, and put his friends to a
vast charge ; and now we are come, they won't let
us fight."
But I was afterwards convinced the clergy saw
further into the matter than we did. They saw the
Scots had a better army than we had bold and ready'
commanded by brave officers and they foresaw that
136 Memoirs of a Cavalier
if we fought we should be beaten, and if beaten, they
were undone. And 'twas very true, we had all been
ruined if we had engaged.
It is true when we came to the pacification which
followed, I confess I was of the same mind the gentle
man had been of; for we had better have fought and
been beaten than have made so dishonourable a treaty
without striking a stroke. This pacification seems to
me to have laid the scheme of all the blood and con
fusion which followed in the Civil War. For whatever
the king and his friends might pretend to do by talking
big, the Scots saw he was to be bullied into anything,
and that when it came to the push the courtiers never
cared to bring it to blows.
I have little or nothing to say as to action in this
mock expedition. The king was persuaded at last to
march to Berwick ; and, as I have said already, a party
of horse went out to learn news of the Scots, and as
soon as they saw them, ran away from them bravely.
This made the Scots so insolent that, whereas
before they lay encamped behind a river, and never
showed themselves, in a sort of modest deference to their
king, which was the pretence of not being aggressors
or invaders, only arming in their own defence, now,
having been invaded by the English troops entering
Scotland, they had what they wanted. And to show
it was not fear that retained them before, but policy,
now they came up in parties to our very gates, braving
and facing us every day.
I had, with more curiosity than discretion, put my
self as a volunteer at the head of one of our parties of
horse, under my Lord Holland, when they went out
to discover the enemy ; they went, they said, to see
what the Scots were a-doing.
We had not marched far, but our scouts brought
word they had discovered some horse, but could not
Memoirs of a Cavalier 137
come up to them, because a river parted them. At
the heels of these came another party of our men upon
the spur to us, and said the enemy was behind, which
might be true for aught we knew ; but it was so far
behind that nobody could see them, and yet the country
was plain and open for above a mile before us. Here
upon we made a halt, and, indeed, I was afraid it
would have been an odd sort of a halt, for our men
began to look one upon another, as they do in like
cases, when they are going to break ; and when the
scouts came galloping in the men were in such disorder,
that had but one man broke away, I am satisfied they
had all run for it.
I found my Lord Holland did not perceive it ; but
after the first surprise was a little over I told my lord
what I had observed, and that unless some course
was immediately taken they would all run at the first
sight of the enemy. I found he was much concerned
at it, and began to consult what course to take to pre
vent it. I confess 'tis a hard question how to make
men stand and face an enemy, when fear has possessed
their minds with an inclination to run away. But
I'll give that honour to the memory of that noble
gentleman, who, though his experience in matters of
war was small, having never been in much service, yet
his courage made amends for it ; for I dare say he
would not have turned his horse from an army of
enemies, nor have saved his life at the price of running
away for it.
My lord soon saw, as well as I, the fright the men
were in, after I had given him a hint of it ; and to
encourage them, rode through their ranks and spoke
cheerfully to them, and used what arguments he thought
proper to settle their minds. I remembered a saying
which I had heard old Marshal Gustavus Horn speak
in Germany, " If you find your men falter, or in doubt,
138 Memoirs of a Cavalier
never suffer them to halt, but keep them advancing ;
for while they are going forward, it keeps up their
courage."
As soon as I could get opportunity to speak to him,
I gave him this as my opinion. *' That's very well,"
says my lord, " but I am studying," says he, " to post
them so as that they can't run if they would ; and if
they stand but once to face the enemy, I don't fear
them afterwards."
While we were discoursing thus, word was brought
that several parties of the enemies were seen on the
farther side of the river, upon which my lord gave the
word to march ; and as we were marching on, my lord
calls out a lieutenant who had been an old soldier, with
only five troopers whom he had most confidence in,
and having given him his lesson, he sends him away.
In a quarter of an hour one of the five troopers comes
back galloping and hallooing, and tells us his lieutenant
had, with his small party, beaten a party of twenty of
the enemy's horse over the river, and had secured the
pass, and desired my lord would march up to him
immediately.
'Tis a strange thing that men's spirits should be sub
jected to such sudden changes, and capable of so much
alteration from shadows of things. They were for
running before they saw the enemy, now they are in
haste to be led on, and but that in raw men we are
obliged to bear with anything, the disorder in both was
intolerable.
The story was a premeditated sham, and not a word
of truth in it, invented to raise their spirits, and cheat
them out of their cowardly phlegmatic apprehensions, and
my lord had his end in it ; for they were all on fire to
fall on. And I am persuaded, had they been led im
mediately into a battle begun to their hands, they would
have laid about them like furies ; for there is nothing
Memoirs of a Cavalier 139
like victory to flush a young soldier. Thus, while the
humour was high, and the fermentation lasted, away we
marched, and, passing one of their great commons,
which they call moors, we came to the river, as he called
it, where our lieutenant was posted with his four men ;
'twas a little brook fordable with ease, and, leaving a
guard at the pass, we advanced to the top of a small
ascent, from whence we had a fair view of the Scots
army, as they lay behind another river larger than the
former.
Our men were posted well enough, behind a small
enclosure, with a narrow lane in their front. And my
lord had caused his dragoons to be placed in the front
to line the hedges ; and in this posture he stood view
ing the enemy at a distance. The Scots, who had
some intelligence of our coming, drew out three small
parties, and sent them by different ways to observe our
number ; and, forming a fourth party, which I guessed
to be about 600 horse, advanced to the top of the plain,
and drew up to face us, but never offered to attack us.
One of the small parties, making about 100 men,
one third foot, passes upon our flank in view, but out
of reach ; and, as they marched, shouted at us, which
our men, better pleased with that work than with fight
ing, readily enough answered, and would fain have
fired at them for the pleasure of making a noise, for
they were too far off to hit them.
I observed that these parties had always some foot
with them ; and yet if the horse galloped, or pushed
on ever so forward, the foot were as forward as they,
which was an extraordinary advantage.
Gustavus Adolphus, that king of soldiers, was the
first that I have ever observed found the advantage of
mixing small bodies of musketeers among his horse ;
and, had he had such nimble strong fellows as these, he
would have prized them above all the rest of his men.
140 Memoirs of a Cavalier
These were those they call Highlanders. They would
run on foot with their arms and all their accoutrements,
and keep very good order too, and yet keep pace with
the horse, let them go at what rate they would. When
I saw the foot thus interlined among the horse, together
with the way of ordering their flying parties, it presently
occurred to my mind that here was some of our old
Scots come home out of Germany that had the ordering
of matters, and if so, I knew we were not a match for
them.
Thus we stood facing the enemy till our scouts
brought us word the whole Scots army was in motion,
and in full march to attack us ; and, though it was not
true, and the fear of our men doubled every object, yet
'twas thought convenient to make our retreat. The
whole matter was that the scouts having informed them
what they could of our strength, the 600 were ordered
to march towards us, and three regiments of foot were
drawn out to support the horse.
I know not whether they would have ventured to
attack us, at least before their foot had come up ; but
whether they would have put it to the hazard or no,
we were resolved not to hazard the trial, so we drew
down to the pass. And, as retreating looks something
like running away, especially when an enemy is at
hand, our men had much ado to make their retreat
pass for a march, and not a flight ; and, by their often
looking behind them, anybody might know what they
would have done if they had been pressed.
I confess, I was heartily ashamed when the Scots,
coming up to the place where we had been posted,
stood and shouted at us. I would have persuaded my
lord to have charged them, and he would have done
it with all his heart, but he saw it was not practicable;
so we stood at gaze with them above two hours, by
which time their foot were come up to them, and yet
Memoirs of a Cavalier 141
they did not offer to attack us. I never was so ashamed
of myself in my life ; we were all dispirited. The Scots
gentlemen would come out singly, within shot of our
post, which in a time of war is always accounted a
challenge to any single gentleman, to come out and
exchange a pistol with them, and nobody would stir ;
at last our old lieutenant rides out to meet a Scotchman
that came pickeering on his quarter. This lieutenant
was a brave and a strong fellow, had been a soldier
in the Low Countries ; and though he was not of any
quality, only a mere soldier, had his preferment for
his conduct. He gallops bravely up to his adversary,
and exchanging their pistols, the lieutenant's horse hap
pened to be killed. The Scotchman very gene
rously dismounts, and engages him with his sword, and
fairly masters him, and carries him away prisoner ;
and I think this horse was all the blood was shed in
that war.
The lieutenant's name thus conquered was English,
and as he was a very stout old soldier, the disgrace
of it broke his heart. The Scotchman, indeed, used
him very generously ; for he treated him in the camp
very courteously, gave him another horse, and set him at
liberty, gratis. But the man laid it so to heart, that
he never would appear in the army, but went home to
his own country and died.
I had enough of party-making, and was quite sick
with indignation at the cowardice of the men ; and
my lord was in as great a fret as I, but there was no
remedy. We durst not go about to retreat, for we
should have been in such confusion that the enemy
must have discovered it : so my lord resolved to keep
the post, if possible, and send to the king for some
foot. Then were our men ready to fight with one
another who should be the messenger ; and at last when
a lieutenant with twenty dragoons was despatched, he
142 Memoirs of a Cavalier
told us afterwards he found himself an hundred strong
before he was gotten a mile from the place.
In short, as soon as ever the day declined, and the
dusk of the evening began to shelter the designs of the
men, they dropped away from us one by one ; and at last
in such numbers, that if we had stayed till the morning,
we had not had fifty men left, out of 1200 horse and
dragoons.
When I saw how it was, consulting with some of
the officers, we all went to my Lord Holland, and
pressed him to retreat, before the enemy should discern
the flight of our men ; so he drew us off, and we came
to the camp the next morning, in the shamefullest con
dition that ever poor men could do. And this was the
end of the worst expedition ever I made in my life.
To fight and be beaten is a casualty common to a
soldier, and I have since had enough of it ; but to run
away at the sight of an enemy, and neither strike or be
stricken, this is the very shame of the profession, and
no man that has done it ought to show his face again
in the field, unless disadvantages of place or number
make it tolerable, neither of which was our case.
My Lord Holland made another march a few days
after, in hopes to retrieve this miscarriage ; but I had
enough of it, so I kept in my quarters. And though
his men did not desert him as before, yet upon the
appearance of the enemy they did not think fit to fight,
and came off with but little more honour than they did
before.
There was no need to go out to seek the enemy
after this, for they came, as I have noted, and pitched
in sight of us, and their parties came up every day to
the very out-works of Berwick, but nobody cared to
meddle with them. And in this posture things stood
when the pacification was agreed on by both parties,
which, like a short truce, only gave both sides breath
Memoirs of a Cavalier 143
to prepare for a new war more ridiculously managed
than the former. When the treaty was so near a con
clusion as that conversation was admitted on both sides,
I went over to the Scotch camp to satisfy my curiosity,
as many of our English officers did also.
I confess the soldiers made a very uncouth figure,
especially the Highlanders. The oddness and bar
barity of their garb and arms seemed to have something
in it remarkable.
They were generally tall swinging fellows ; their
swords were extravagantly, and, I think, insignificantly
broad, and they carried great wooden targets, large
enough to cover the upper part of their bodies. Their
dress was as antique as the rest ; a cap on their heads,
called by them a bonnet, long hanging sleeves behind,
and their doublet, breeches, and stockings of a stuff
they called plaid, striped across red and yellow, with
short cloaks of the same. These fellows looked, when
drawn out, like a regiment of merry andrews, ready
for Bartholomew Fair. They are in companies all of
a name, and therefore call one another only by their
Christian names, as Jemmy, Jockey, that is, John, and
Sawny, that is, Alexander, and the like. And they
scorn to be commanded but by one of their own clan
or family. They are all gentlemen, and proud enough
to be kings. The meanest fellow among them is as
tenacious of his honour as the best nobleman in the
country, and they will fight and cut one another's
throats for every trifling affront.
But to their own clans or lairds, they are the willing-
est and most obedient fellows in nature. Give them
their due, were their skill in exercises and discipline
proportioned to their courage, they would make the
bravest soldiers in the world. They are large bodies,
and prodigiously strong ; and two qualities they have
above other nations, viz., hardy to endure hunger, cold,
144 Memoirs of a Cavalier
and hardships, and wonderfully swift of foot. The
latter is such an advantage in the field that I know none
like it ; for if they conquer, no enemy can escape
them, and if they run, even the horse can hardly over
take them. These were some of them, who, as I
observed before, went out in parties with their horse.
There were three or four thousand of these in the
Scots army, armed only with swords and targets ; and
in their belts some of them had a pistol, but no muskets
at that time among them.
But there were also a great many regiments of dis
ciplined men, who, by their carrying their arms, looked
as if they understood their business, and by their faces,
that they durst see an enemy.
I had not been half-an-hour in their camp after
the ceremony of giving our names, and passing their
out-guards and main-guard was over, but I was saluted
by several of my acquaintance ; and in particular, by
one who led the Scotch volunteers at the taking the
castle of Oppenheim, of which I have given an account.
They used me with all the respect they thought due to
me, on account of old affairs, gave me the word, and
a sergeant waited upon me whenever I pleased to go
abroad.
I continued twelve or fourteen days among them,
till the pacification was concluded ; and they were
ordered to march home. They spoke very respectfully
of the king, but I found were exasperated to the
last degree at Archbishop Laud and the English
bishops, for endeavouring to impose the Common Prayer
Book upon them ; and they always talked with the
utmost contempt of our soldiers and army. I always
waived the discourse about the clergy, and the occasion
of the war, but I could not but be too sensible what
they said of our men was true ; and by this I perceived
they had an universal intelligence from among us, both
Memoirs of a Cavalier 145
of what we were doing, and what sort of people we
were that were doing it ; and they were mighty desirous
of coming to blows with us. I had an invitation from
their general, but I declined it, lest I should give
offence. I found they accepted the pacification as a
thing not likely to hold, or that they did not design
should hold ; and that they were resolved to keep their
forces on foot, notwithstanding the agreement. Their
whole army was full of brave officers, men of as much
experience and conduct as any in the world ; and all
men who know anything of the war, know good officers
presently make a good army.
Things being thus huddled up, the English came
back to York, where the army separated, and the
Scots went home to increase theirs ; for I easily fore
saw that peace was the farthest thing from their
thoughts.
The next year the flame broke out again. The king
draws his forces down into the north, as before, and
expresses were sent to all the gentlemen that had
commands to be at the place by the 1 5th of July. As
I had accepted of no command in the army, so I had
no inclination at all to go, for I foresaw there would
be nothing but disgrace attend it. My father, observing
such an alteration in my usual forwardness, asked me
one day what was the matter, that I who used to be
so forward to go into the army, and so eager to run
abroad to fight, now showed no inclination to appear
when the service of the king and country called me to
it ? I told him I had as much zeal as ever for the
king's service, and for the country too : but he knew
a soldier could not abide to be beaten ; and being from
thence a little more inquisitive, I told him the observa
tions I had made in the Scots army, and the people I
had conversed with there. "And, sir," says I, " assure
yourself, if the king offers to fight them, he will be
146 Memoirs of a Cavalier
beaten ; and I don't love to engage when my judgment
tells me beforehand I shall be worsted." And as I
had foreseen, it came to pass ; for the Scots resolving
to proceed, never stood upon the ceremony of aggression,
as before, but on the 2Oth of August they entered
England with their army.
However, as my father desired, I went to the king's
army, which was then at York, but not gotten all
together. The king himself was at London, but upon
this news takes post for the army, and advancing a part
of his forces, he posted the Lord Conway and Sir
Jacob Astley, with a brigade of foot and some horse,
at Newburn, upon the river Tyne, to keep the Scots
from passing that river.
The Scots could have passed the Tyne without
fighting ; but to let us see that they were able to force
their passage, they fall upon this body of men, and
notwithstanding all the advantages of the place, they
beat them from the post, took their baggage and two
pieces of cannon, with some prisoners. Sir Jacob
Astley made what resistance he could, but the Scots
charged with so much fury, and being also overpowered,
he was soon put into confusion. Immediately the Scots
made themselves masters of Newcastle, and the next
day of Durham, and laid those two counties under in
tolerable contributions.
Now was the king absolutely ruined ; for among his
own people the discontents before were so plain, that
had the clergy had any forecast, they would never have
embroiled him with the Scots, till he had fully brought
matters to an understanding at home. But the case was
thus : the king, by the good husbandry of Bishop
Juxon, his treasurer, had a million of ready money in
his treasury, and upon that account, having no need
of a Parliament, had not called one in twelve years :
and perhaps had never called another, if he had not
Memoirs of a Cavalier 147
by this unhappy circumstance been reduced to a neces
sity of it ; for now this ready money was spent in two
foolish expeditions, and his army appeared in a con
dition not fit to engage the Scots. The detachment
under Sir Jacob Astley, which were of the flower of
his men, had been routed at Newburn, and the enemy
had possession of two entire counties.
All men blamed Laud for prompting the king to
provoke the Scots, a headstrong nation, and zealous for
their own way of worship ; and Laud himself found
too late the consequences of it, both to the whole cause
and to himself; for the Scots, whose native temper is
not easily to forgive an injury, pursued him by their
party in England, and never gave it over till they laid
his head on the block.
The ruined country now clamoured in his Majesty's
ears with daily petitions, and the gentry of other neigh
bouring counties cry out for peace and a Parliament.
The king, embarrassed with these difficulties, and quite
empty of money, calls a great council of the nobility at
York, and demands their advice, which any one could
have told him before would be to call a Parliament.
I cannot, without regret, look back upon the mis
fortune of the king, who, as he was one of the best
princes in his personal conduct that ever reigned in
England, had yet some of the greatest unhappinesses in
his conduct as a king, that ever prince had, and the
whole course of his life demonstrated it.
1. An impolitic honesty. His enemies called it
obstinacy ; but as I was perfectly acquainted with his
temper, I cannot but think it was his judgment, when
he thought he was in the right, to adhere to it as a duty
though against his interest.
2. Too much compliance when he was complying.
No man but himself would have denied what at
some times he denied, and have granted what at other
148 Memoirs of a Cavalier
times he granted ; and this uncertainty of counsel
proceeded from two things.
1. The heat of the clergy, to whom he was ex
ceedingly deroted, and for whom, indeed, he ruined
himself.
2. The wisdom of his nobility.
Thus when the counsel of his priests prevailed, all
was fire and fury ; the Scots were rebels, and must
be subdued, and the Parliament's demands were to
be rejected as exorbitant. But whenever the king's
judgment was led by the grave and steady advice of
his nobility and counsellors, he was always inclined by
them to temperate his measures between the two
extremes. And had he gone on in such a temper, he
had never met with the misfortunes which afterward
attended him, or had so many thousands of his friends
lost their lives and fortunes in his service.
I am sure we that knew what it was to fight for
him, and that loved him better than any of the clergy
could pretend to, have had many a consultation how
to bring over our master from so espousing their
interest, as to ruin himself for it ; but ' twas in vain.
I took this interval when I sat still and only looked
on, to make these remarks, because I remember the
best friends the king had were at this time of that
opinion, that 'twas an unaccountable piece of in
discretion, to commence a quarrel with the Scots, a
poor and obstinate people, for a ceremony and book of
Church discipline, at a time when the king stood but
upon indifferent terms with his people at home.
The consequence was, it put arms into the hands of
his subjects to rebel against him ; it embroiled him
with his Parliament in England, to whom he was fain
to stoop in a fatal and unusual manner to get money,
all his own being spent, and so to buy off the Scots
whom he could not beat off.
Memoirs of a Cavalier 149
I cannot but give one instance of the unaccountable
politics of his ministers. If they overruled this un
happy king to it, with design to exhaust and impoverish
him, they were the worst of traitors ; if not, the
grossest of fools. They prompted the king to equip a
fleet against the Scots, and to put on board it 5000
land men. Had this been all, the design had been
good, that while the king had faced the army upon the
borders, these 5000, landing in the Firth of Edinburgh,
might have put that whole nation into disorder. But
in order to this, they advised the king to lay out his
money in fitting out the biggest ships he had, and the
" Royal Sovereign," the biggest ship the world had ever
seen, which cost him no less than s^? 100,000, was
now built, and fitted out for this voyage.
This was the most incongruous and ridiculous
advice that could be given, and made us all believe we
were betrayed, though we knew not by whom.
To fit out ships of 100 guns to invade Scotland,
which had not one man-of-war in the world, nor any
open confederacy with any prince or state that had
any fleet, 'twas a most ridiculous thing. An hundred
sail of Newcastle colliers, to carry the men with their
stores and provisions, and ten frigates of 40 guns each,
had been as good a fleet as reason and the nature of
the thing could have made tolerable.
Thus things were carried on, till the king, beggared
by the mismanagement of his counsels, and beaten
by the Scots, was driven to the necessity of calling a
Parliament in England.
It is not my design to enter into the feuds and brangles
of this Parliament. I have noted, by observations of
their mistakes, who brought the king to this happy
necessity of calling them.
His Majesty had tried Parliament upon several
occasions before, but never found himself so much
150 Memoirs of a Cavalier
embroiled with them but he could send them home,
and there was an end of it ; but as he could not avoid
calling these, so they took care to put him out of a
condition to dismiss them.
The Scots army was now quartered upon the English.
The counties, the gentry, and the assembly of lords at
York, petitioned for a Parliament.
The Scots presented their demands to the king, in
which it was observed that matters were concerted
between them and a party in England ; and I confess
when I saw that, I began to think the king in an ill
case ; for as the Scots pretended grievances, we thought,
the king redressing those grievances, they could ask no
more ; and therefore all men advised the king to grant
their full demands. And whereas the king had not
money to supply the Scots in their march home, I
know there were several meetings of gentlemen with a
design to advance considerable sums of money to the
king to set him free, and in order to reinstate his
Majesty, as before. Not that we ever advised the
king to rule without a Parliament, but we were very
desirous of putting him out of the necessity of calling
them, at least just then.
But the eighth article of the Scots' demands expressly
required, that an English Parliament might be called
to remove all obstructions of commerce, and to settle
peace, religion, and liberty ; and in another article they
tell the king, the 24th of September being the time his
Majesty appointed for the meeting of the peers, will
make it too long ere the Parliament meet. And in
another, that a Parliament was the only way of
settling peace, and bring them to his Majesty's obe
dience.
When we saw this in the army, 'twas time to look
about. Everybody perceived that the Scots army would
call an English Parliament; and whatever aversion the
Memoirs of a Cavalier 151
king had to it, we all saw he would be obliged to
comply with it ; and now they all began to see their
error, who advised the king to this Scotch war.
While these things were transacting, the assembly
of the peers meet at York, and by their advice a
treaty was begun with the Scots. I had the honour
to be sent with the first message which was in writing.
I brought it, attended by a trumpet and a guard of
500 horse, to the Scots quarters. I was stopped at
Darlington, and my errand being known, General
Leslie sent a Scots major and fifty horse to receive
me, but would let neither my trumpet or guard set
foot within their quarters. In this manner I was
conducted to audience in the chapter-house at Durham,
where a committee of Scots lords who attended the
army received me very courteously, and gave me their
answer in writing also.
'Twas in this answer that they showed, at least to me,
their design of embroiling the king with his English
subjects ; they discoursed very freely with me, and did
not order me to withdraw when they debated their
private opinions. They drew up several answers but
did not like them ; at last they gave me one which I
did not receive, I thought it was too insolent to be
borne with. As near as I can remember it was thus :
The commissioners of Scotland attending the service
in the armv, do refuse any treaty in the city of
York.
One of the commissioners who treated me with more
distinction than the rest, and discoursed freely with me,
gave me an opportunity to speak more freely of this
than I expected.
I told them if they would return to his Majesty an
answer fit for me to carry, or if they would say they
would not treat at all, I would deliver such a message.
But I entreated them to consider the answer was to
152 Memoirs of a Cavalier
their sovereign, and to whom they made a great pro
fession of duty and respect, and at least they ought to
give their reasons why they declined a treaty at York,
and to name some other place, or humbly to desire his
Majesty to name some other place ; but to send word
they would not treat at York, I could deliver no such
message, for when put into English it would signify
they would not treat at all.
I used a great many reasons and arguments with
them on this head, and at last with some difficulty
obtained of them to give the reason, which was the
Earl of Strafford's having the chief command at York,
whom they declared their mortal enemy, he having
declared them rebels in Ireland.
With this answer I returned. I could make no
observations in the short time I was with them, for as
I stayed but one night, so I was guarded as a close
prisoner all the while. I saw several of their officers
whom I knew, but they durst not speak to me, and if
they would have ventured, my guard would not have
permitted them.
In this manner I was conducted out of their quarters
to my own party again, and having delivered my message
to the king and told his Majesty the circumstances,
I saw the king receive the account of the haughty
behaviour of the Scots with some regret ; however, it
was his Majesty's time now to bear, and therefore the
Scots were complied with, and the treaty appointed at
Ripon ; where, after much debate, several preliminary
articles were agreed on, as a cessation of arms, quarters,
and bounds to the armies, subsistence to the Scots
army, and the residue of the demands was referred
to a treaty at London, &c.
We were all amazed at the treaty, and I cannot but
remember we used to wish much rather we had been
suffered to fight ; for though we had been worsted at
Memoirs of a Cavalier 153
iirst, the power and strength of the king's interest,
which was not yet tried, must, in fine, have been too
strong for the Scots, whereas now we saw the king
was for complying with anything, and all his friends
would be ruined.
I confess I had nothing to fear, and so was not much
concerned, but our predictions soon came to pass, for
no sooner was this Parliament called but abundance of
those who had embroiled their king with his people of
both kingdoms, like the disciples when their Master was
betrayed to the Jews, forsook him and fled ; and now
Parliament tyranny began to succeed Church tyranny,
and we soldiers were glad to see it at first. The
bishops trembled, the judges went to gaol, the officers
of the customs were laid hold on ; and the Parliament
began to lay their fingers on the great ones, particularly
Archbishop Laud and the Earl of Strafford. We
had no great concern for the first, but the last was a
man of so much conduct and gallantry, and so beloved
by the soldiers and principal gentry of England, that
everybody was touched with his misfortune.
The Parliament now grew mad in their turn, and
as the prosperity of any party is the time to show
their discretion, the Parliament showed they knew as
little where to stop as other people. The king was
not in a condition to deny anything, and nothing could
be demanded but they pushed it. They attainted the
Earl of Strafford, and thereby made the king cut off
his right hand to save his left, and yet not save it
neither. They obtained another bill to empower them
to sit during their own pleasure, and after them, tri
ennial Parliaments to meet, whether the king call
them or no ; and granting this completed his Majesty's
ruin.
Had the House only regulated the abuses of the
court, punished evil counsellors, and restored Parlia-
154 Memoirs of a Cavalier
ments to their original and just powers, all had been
well, and the king, though he had been more than
mortified, had yet reaped the benefit of future peace ;
for now the Scots were sent home, after having eaten
up two counties, and received a prodigious sum of
money to boot. And the king, though too late, goes
in person to Edinburgh, and grants them all they could
desire, and more than they asked ; but in England,
the desires of ours were unbounded, and drove at all
extremes.
They threw out the bishops from sitting in the
House, make a protestation equivalent to the Scotch
Covenant, and this done, print their remonstrance.
This so provoked the king, that he resolves upon
seizing some of the members, and in an ill hour enters
the House in person to take them. Thus one impru
dent thing on one hand produced another of the other
hand, till the king was obliged to leave them to them
selves, for fear of being mobbed into something or other
unworthy of himself.
These proceedings began to alarm the gentry and
nobility of England ; for, however willing we were to
have evil counsellors removed, and the government
return, to a settled and legal course, according to the
happy constitution of this nation, and might have been
forward enough to have owned the king had been
misled, and imposed upon to do things which he had
rather had not been done, yet it did not follow, that
all the powers and prerogatives of the crown should
devolve upon the Parliament, and the king in a
manner be deposed, or else sacrificed to the fury of the
rabble.
The heats of the House running them thus to all
extremes, and at last to take from the king the power
of the militia, which indeed was all that was left to
make him anything of a king, put the king upon
Memoirs of a Cavalier 155
opposing force with force ; and thus the flame of civil
war began.
However backward I was in engaging in the second
year's expedition against the Scots, I was as forward
now, for I waited on the king at York, where a
gallant company of gentlemen as ever were seen in
England, engaged themselves to enter into his service ;
and here some of us formed ourselves into troops for
the guard of his person.
The king having been waited upon by the gentry
of Yorkshire, and having told them his resolution of
erecting his royal standard, and received from them
hearty assurances of support, dismisses them, and
marches to Hull, where lay the train of artillery, and
all the arms and ammunition belonging to the northern
army which had been disbanded. But here the
Parliament had been beforehand with his Majesty,
so that when he came to Hull, he found the gates
shut, and Sir John Hotham, the governor, upon the
walls, though with a great deal of seeming humility
and protestations of loyalty to his person, yet with
a positive denial to admit any of the king's attendants
into the town. If his Majesty pleased to enter the
town in person with any reasonable number of his
household, he would submit, but would not be pre
vailed on to receive the king as he would be received,
with his forces, though those forces were then but
very few.
The king was exceedingly provoked at this repulse,
and indeed it was a great surprise to us all, for
certainly never prince began a war against the whole
strength of his kingdom under the circumstances that
he was in. He had not a garrison, or a company of
soldiers in his pay, not a stand of arms, or a barrel of
powder, a musket, cannon or mortar, not a ship of all
the fleet, or money in his treasury to procure them ;
156 Memoirs of a Cavalier
whereas the Parliament had all his navy, and ordnance,
stores, magazines, arms, ammunition, and revenue in
their keeping. And this I take to be another defect
of the king's counsel, and a sad instance of the dis
traction of his affairs, that when he saw how all
things were going to wreck, as it was impossible but
he should see it, and 'tis plain he did see it, that he
should not long enough before it came to extremities
secure the navy, magazines, and stores of war, in the
hands of his trusty servants, that would have been
sure to have preserved them for his use, at a time when
he wanted them.
It cannot be supposed but the gentry of England,
who generally preserved their loyalty for their royal
master, and at last heartily showed it, were exceedingly
discouraged at first when they saw the Parliament had
all the means of making war in their own hands, and
the king was naked and destitute either of arms or
ammunition, or money to procure them. Not but
that the king, by extraordinary application, recovered
the disorder the want of these things had thrown him
into, and supplied himself with all things needful.
But my observation was this, had his Majesty had
the magazines, navy, and forts in his own hand, the
gentry, who wanted but the prospect of something to
encourage them, had come in at first, and the Parlia
ment, being unprovided, would have been presently re
duced to reason. But this was it that baulked the gentry
of Yorkshire, who went home again, giving the king
good promises, but never appeared for him, till by raising
a good army in Shropshire and Wales, he marched
towards London, and they saw there was a prospect
of their being supported.
In this condition the king erected his standard at
Nottingham, 22nd August 1642, and I confess, I
had very melancholy apprehensions of the king's
Memoirs of a Cavalier 157
affairs, for the appearance to the royal standard was
but small. The affront the king had met with at Hull,
had baulked and dispirited the northern gentry, and
the king's affairs looked with a very dismal aspect.
We had expresses from London of the prodigious
success of the Parliament's levies, how their men came
in faster than they could entertain them, and that arms
were delivered out to whole companies listed together,
and the like. And all this while the king had not
got together a thousand foot, and had no arms for them
neither. When the king saw this, he immediately
despatches five several messengers, whereof one went
to the Marquis of Worcester into Wales ; one went
to the queen, then at Windsor ; one to the Duke
of Newcastle, then Marquis of Newcastle, into the
north ; one into Scotland ; and one into France, where
the queen soon after arrived to raise money, and buy
arms, and to get what assistance she could among her
own friends. Nor was her Majesty idle, for she sent
over several ships laden with arms and ammunition,
with a fine train of artillery, and a great many very
good officers ; and though one of the first fell into the
hands of the Parliament, with three hundred barrels of
powder and some arms, and one hundred and fifty
gentlemen, yet most of the gentlemen found means,
one way or other, to get to us, and most of the ships
the queen freighted arrived ; and at last her Majesty
came herself, and brought an extraordinary supply
both of men, money, arms, &c., with which she joined
the king's forces under the Earl of Newcastle in the
north.
Finding his Majesty thus bestirring himself to muster
his friends together, I asked him if he thought it might
not be for his Majesty's service to let me go among
my friends, and his loyal subjects about Shrewsbury ?
" Yes," says the king, smiling, ' I intend you shall, and
158 Memoirs of a Cavalier
I design to go with you myself." I did not understand
what the king meant then, and did not think it good
manners to inquire, but the next day I found all things
disposed for a march, and the king on horseback by
eight of the clock ; when calling me to him, he told
me I should go before, and let my father and all my
friends know he would be at Shrewsbury the Saturday
following. I left my equipages, and taking post with
only one servant, was at my father's the next morning
by break of day. My father was not surprised at the
news of the king's coming at all, for, it seems, he,
together with the loyal gentry of those parts, had sent
particularly to give the king an invitation to move that
way, which I was not made privy to, with an account
what encouragement they had there in the endeavours
made for his interest. In short, the whole country
was entirely for* the king, and such was the universal
joy the people showed when the news of his Majesty's
coming down was positively known, that all manner of
business was laid aside, and the whole body of the
people seemed to be resolved upon the war.
As this gave a new face to the king's affairs, so I
must own it filled me with joy ; for I was astonished
before, when I considered what the king and his
friends were like to be exposed to. The news of the
proceedings of the Parliament, and their powerful pre
parations, were now no more terrible ; the king came
at the time appointed, and having lain at my father's
house one night, entered Shrewsbury in the morning.
The acclamations of the people, the concourse of the
nobility and gentry about his person, and the crowds
which now came every day into his standard, were
incredible.
The loyalty of the English gentry was not only
worth notice, but the power of the gentry is extra
ordinary visible in this matter. The king, in about
Memoirs of a Cavalier 159
six weeks' time, which was the most of his stay at
Shrewsbury, was supplied with money, arms, ammuni
tion, and a train of artillery, and listed a body of an
army upwards of 20,000 men.
His Majesty seeing the general alacrity of his people,
immediately issued out commissions, and formed regi
ments of horse and foot ; and having some experienced
officers about him, together with about sixteen who
came from France, with a ship loaded with arms and
some field-pieces which came very seasonably into the
Severn, the men were exercised, regularly disciplined,
and quartered, and now we began to look like soldiers.
My father had raised a regiment of horse at his own
charge, and completed them, and the king gave out
arms to them from the supplies which I mentioned
came from abroad. Another party of horse, all brave
stout fellows, and well mounted, came in from Lanca
shire, and the Earl of Derby at the head of them.
The Welshmen came in by droves ; and so great was
the concourse of people, that the king began to think
of marching, and gave the command, as well as the
trust of regulating the army, to the brave Earl of
Lindsey, as general of the foot. The Parliament
general being the Earl of Essex, two braver men, or,
two better officers, were not in the kingdom ; they
had both been old soldiers, and had served together
as volunteers in the Low Country wars, under Prince
Maurice. They had been comrades and companions
abroad, and now came to face one another as enemies
in the field.
Such was the expedition used by the king and his
friends, in the levies of this first army, that notwith
standing the wonderful expedition the Parliament made,
the king was in the field before them ; and now the
gentry in other parts of the nation bestirred themselves,
and seized upon, and garrisoned several considerable
160 Memoirs of a Cavalier
places, for the king. In the north, the Earl of New
castle not only garrisoned the most considerable places,
but even the general possession of the north was for
the king, excepting Hull, and some few places, which
the old Lord Fairfax had taken up for the Parliament.
On the other hand, entire Cornwall and most of the
western counties were the king's. The Parliament
had their chief interest in the south and eastern part
of England, as Kent, Surrey, and Sussex, Essex,
Suffolk, Norfolk, Cambridge, Bedford, Huntington,
Hertford, Buckinghamshire, and the other midland
counties. These were called, or some of them at least,
the associated counties, and felt little of the war, other
than the charges ; but the main support of the Parlia
ment was the city of London.
The king made the seat of his court at Oxford,
which he caused to be regularly fortified. The Lord
Say had been here, and had possession of the city for
the enemy, and was debating about fortifying it, but
came to no resolution, which was a very great over
sight in them ; the situation of the place, and the
importance of it, on many accounts, to the city of
London, considered ; and they would have retrieved
this error afterwards, but then 'twas too late ; for the
king made it the headquarter, and received great sup
plies and assistance from the wealth of the colleges,
and the plenty of the neighbouring country. Abingdon,
Wallingford, Basing, and Reading, were all garrisoned
and fortified as outworks to defend this as the centre.
And thus all England became the theatre of blood,
and war was spread into every corner of the country,
though as yet there was no stroke struck. I had no
command in this army. My father led his own regi
ment, and, old as he was, would not leave his royal
master, and my elder brother stayed at home to support
the family. As for me, I rode a volunteer in the
Memoirs of a Cavalier 161
royal troop of guards, which may very well deserve
the title of a royal troop, for it was composed of
young gentlemen, sons of the nobility, and some of the
prime gentry of the nation, and I think not a person
of so mean a birth or fortune as myself. We reckoned
in this troop two and thirty lords, or who came after
wards to be such, and eight and thirty of younger sons
of the nobility, five French noblemen, and ail the rest
gentlemen of very good families and estates.
And that I may give the due to their personal
valour, many of this troop lived afterwards to have
regiments and troops under their command in the ser
vice of the king, many of them lost their lives for
him, and most of them their estates. Nor did they
behave unworthy of themselves in their first showing
their faces to the enemy, as shall be mentioned in its
place.
While the king remained at Shrewsbury, his loyal
friends bestirred themselves in several parts of the king
dom. Goring had secured Portsmouth, but being
young in matters of war, and not in time relieved, though
the Marquis of Hertford was marching to relieve him,
yet he was obliged to quit the place, and shipped him
self for Holland, from whence he returned with relief
for the king, and afterwards did very good service upon
all occasions, and so effectually cleared himself of the
scandal the hasty surrender of Portsmouth had brought
upon his courage.
The chief power of the king's forces lay in three
places, in Cornwall, in Yorkshire, and at Shrewsbury.
In Cornwall, Sir Ralph Hopton, afterwards Lord
Hopton, Sir Bevil Grenvile, and Sir Nicholas Slan-
ning secured all the country, and afterwards spread
themselves over Devonshire and Somersetshire, took
Exeter from the Parliament, fortified Bridgewater and
Barnstaple, and beat Sir William Waller at the battle
1 62 Memoirs of a Cavalier
of Roundway Down, as I shall touch at more particu
larly when I come to recite the part of my own travels
that way.
In the north, the Marquis of Newcastle secured all
the country, garrisoned York, Scarborough, Carlisle,
Newcastle, Pomfret, Leeds, and all the considerable
places, and took the field with a very good army, though
afterwards he proved more unsuccessful than the rest,
having the whole power of a kingdom at his back, the
Scots coming in with an army to the assistance of the
Parliament, which, indeed, was the general turn of the
scale of the war ; for had it not been for this Scots
army, the king had most certainly reduced the Parlia
ment, at least to good terms of peace, in two years'
time.
The king was the third article. His force at Shrews
bury I have noted already. The alacrity of the gentry
filled him with hopes, and all his army with vigour, and
the 8th of October 1642, his Majesty gave orders to
march. The Earl of Essex had spent above a month
after his leaving London (for he went thence the 9th
of September) in modelling and drawing together his
forces ; his rendezvous was at St Albans, from whence
he marched to Northampton, Coventry, and Warwick,
and leaving garrisons in them, he comes on to Wor
cester. Being thus advanced, he possesses Oxford, as
I noted before, Banbury, Bristol, Gloucester, and
Worcester, out of all which places, except Gloucester,
we drove him back to London in a very little while.
Sir John Byron had raised a very good party of 500
horse, most gentlemen, for the king, and had possessed
Oxford ; but on the approach of the Lord Say quitted
it, being now but an open town, and retreated to
Worcester, from whence, on the approach of Essex's
army, he retreated to the king. And now all things
grew ripe for action, both parties having secured their
Memoirs of a Cavalier 163
posts, and settled their schemes of the war, taken their
posts and places as their measures and opportunities
directed. The field was next in their eye, and the soldiers
began to inquire when they should fight, for as yet
there had been little or no blood drawn ; and 'twas not
long before they had enough of it ; for, I believe, I
may challenge all the historians in Europe to tell me of
any war in the world where, in the space of four years,
there were so many pitched battles, sieges, fights, and
skirmishes, as in this war. We never encamped or
entrenched, never fortified the avenues to our posts, or
lay fenced with rivers and defiles ; here was no leaguers
in the field, as at the story of Nuremberg, neither had
our soldiers any tents, or what they call heavy baggage.
'Twas the general maxim of this war, " Where is the
enemy ? let us go and fight them," or, on the other
hand, if the enemy was coming, "What was to be done?"
" Why, what should be done ? Draw out into the fields
and fight them." I cannot say 'twas the prudence of
the parties, and had the king fought less he had gained
'more. And I shall remark several times when the
eagerness of fighting was the worst counsel, and proved
our loss. This benefit, however, happened in general
to the country, that it made a quick, though a bloody,
end of the war, which otherwise had lasted till it might
have ruined the whole nation.
On the loth of October the king's army was in full
march, his Majesty generalissimo, the Earl of Lindsey,
general of the foot, Prince Rupert, general of the horse ;
and the first action in the field was by Prince Rupert
and Sir John Byron. Sir John had brought his body of
500 horse, as I noted already, from Oxford to Wor
cester ; the Lord Say, with a strong party, being in the
neighbourhood of Oxford, and expected in the town,
Colonel Sandys, a hot man, and who had more courage
than judgment, advances with about 1500 horse and
164 Memoirs of a Cavalier
dragoons, with design to beat Sir John Byron out of
Worcester, and take post there for the Parliament.
The king had notice that the Earl of Essex de
signed for Worcester, and Prince Rupert was ordered
to advance with a body of horse and dragoons to face
the enemy, and bring off Sir John Byron. This his
Majesty did to amuse the Earl of Essex, that he might
expect him that way ; whereas the king's design was
to get between the Earl of Essex's army and the city of
London ; and his Majesty's end was doubly answered,
for he not only drew Essex on to Worcester, where
he spent more time than he needed, but he beat the
party into the bargain.
I went yolunteer in this party, and rode in my
father's regiment ; for though we really expected not
to see the enemy, yet I was tired with lying still. We
came to Worcester just as notice was brought to Sir
John Byron, that a party of the enemy was on their
march for Worcester, upon which the prince immedi
ately consulting what was to be done, resolves to march
the next morning and fight them.
The enemy, who lay at Pershore, about eight miles
from Worcester, and, as I believe, had no notice of our
march, came on very confidently in the morning, and
found us fairly drawn up to receive them. I must con
fess this was the bluntest, downright way of making war
that ever was seen. The enemy, who, in all the little
knowledge I had of war, ought to have discovered our
numbers, and guessed by our posture what our design
was, might easily have informed themselves that we
intended to attack them, and so might have secured the
advantage of a bridge in their front ; but without any
regard to these methods of policy, they came on at all
hazards. Upon this notice, my father proposed to the
prince to halt for them, and suffer ourselves to be
attacked, since we found them willing to give us the
Memoirs of a Cavalier 165
advantage. The prince approved of the advice, so we
halted within view of a bridge, leaving space enough on
our front for about half the number of their forces to
pass and draw up ; and at the bridge was posted about
fifty dragoons, with orders to retire as soon as the
enemy advanced, as if they had been afraid. On the
right of the road was a ditch, and a very high bank
behind, where he had placed 300 dragoons, with orders
to lie flat on their faces till the enemy had passed the
bridge, and to let fly among them as soon as our
trumpets sounded a charge. Nobody but Colonel
Sandys would have been caught in such a snare, for he
might easily have seen that when he was over the
bridge there was not room enough for him to fight in.
But the Lord of hosts was so much in their mouths,
for that was the word for that day, that they took little
heed how to conduct the host of the Lord to their own
advantage.
As we expected, they appeared, beat our dragoons
from the bridge, and passed it. We stood firm in one
line with a reserve, and expected a charge, but Colonel
Sandys, showing a great deal more judgment than we
thought he was master of, extends himself to the left,
finding the ground too strait, and began to form his
men with a great deal of readiness and skill, for by this
time he saw our number was greater than he expected.
The prince perceiving it, and foreseeing that the stratagem
of the dragoons would be frustrated by this, immediately
charges with the horse, and the dragoons at the same
time standing upon their feet, poured in their shot upon
those that were passing the bridge. This surprise put
them into such disorder, that we had but little work
with them. For though Colonel Sandys with the troops
next him sustained the shock very well, and behaved
themselves gallantly enough, yet the confusion beginning
in their rear, those that had not yet passed the bridge
1 66 Memoirs of a Cavalier
were kept back by the fire of the dragoons, and the
rest were easily cut in pieces. Colonel Sandys was
mortally wounded and taken prisoner, and the crowd
was so great to get back, that many pushed into the water,
and were rather smothered than drowned. Some of
them who never came into the fight, were so frighted,
that they never looked behind them till they came to
Pershore, and, as we were afterwards informed, the life
guards of the general who had quartered in the town,
left it in disorder enough, expecting us at the heels of
their men.
If our business had been to keep the Parliament
army from coming to Worcester, we had a very good
opportunity to have secured the bridge at Pershore;
but our design lay another way, as I have said, and the
king was for drawing Essex on to the Severn, in hopes
to get behind him, which fell out accordingly.
Essex, spurred by this affront in the infancy of their
affairs, advances the next day, and came to Pershore
time enough to be at the funeral of some of his men ;
and from thence he advances to Worcester.
We marched back to Worcester extremely pleased
with the good success of our first attack, and our men
were so flushed with this little victory that it put vigour
into the whole army. The enemy lost about 3000
men, and we carried away near 1 50 prisoners, with
500 horses, some standards and arms, and among the
prisoners their colonel ; but he died a little after of his
wounds.
Upon the approach of the enemy, Worcester was
quitted, and the forces marched back to join the king's
army, which lay then at Bridgnorth, Ludlow, and
thereabout. As the king expected, it fell out ; Essex
found so much work at Worcester to settle Parliament
quarters, and secure Bristol, Gloucester, and Hereford,
that it gave the king a full day's march of him. So
Memoirs of a Cavalier 167
the king, having the start of him, moves towards
London ; and Essex, nettled to be both beaten in fight
and outdone in conduct, decamps, and follows the
king.
The Parliament, and the Londoners too, were in a
strange consternation at this mistake of their general ;
and had the king, whose great misfortune was always
to follow precipitant advices, had the king, I say,
pushed on his first design, which he had formed with
very good reason, and for which he had been dodging
with Essex eight or ten days, viz., of marching directly
to London, where he had a very great interest, and
where his friends were not yet oppressed and im
poverished, as they were afterwards, he had turned the
scale of his affairs. And every man expected it ; for
the members began to shift for themselves, expresses
were sent on the heels of one another to the Earl of
Essex to hasten after the king, and, if possible, to bring
him to a battle. Some of these letters fell into our hands,
and we might easily discover that the Parliament were
in the last confusion at the thoughts of our coming to
London. Besides this, the city was in a worse fright
than the House, and the great moving men began to
go out of town. In short, they expected us, and we
expected to come, but Providence for our ruin had
otherwise determined it.
Essex, upon news of the king's march, and upon
receipt of the Parliament's letters, makes long marches
after us, and on the 23rd of October reaches the village
of Kineton, in Warwickshire. The king was almost
as far as Banbury, and there calls a council of war.
Some of the old officers that foresaw the advantage the
king had, the concern the city was in, and the vast
addition, both to the reputation of his forces and the
increase of his interest, it would be if the king could
gain that point, urged the king to march on to London.
1 68 Memoirs of a Cavalier
Prince Rupert and the fresh colonels pressed for
fighting, told the king it dispirited their men to march
with the enemy at their heels ; that the Parliament
army was inferior to him by 6000 men, and fatigued
with hasty marching ; that as their orders were to fight,
he had nothing to do but to post himself to advantage,
and receiye them to their destruction ; that the action
near Worcester had let them know how easy it was to
deal with a rash enemy ; and that 'twas a dishonour for
him, whose forces were so much superior, to be pur
sued by his subjects in rebellion. These and the like
arguments prevailed with the king to alter his wiser
measures and resolve to fight. Nor was this all ; when
a resolution of fighting was taken, that part of the advice
which they who were for fighting gave, as a reason for
their opinion, was forgot, and instead of halting and
posting ourselves to advantage till the enemy came up,
we were ordered to march back and meet them.
Nay, so eager was the prince for fighting, that when,
from the top of Edgehill, the enemy's army was
descried in the bottom between them and the village of
Kineton, and that the enemy had bid us defiance, by
discharging three cannons, we accepted the challenge,
and answering with two shots from our army, we must
needs forsake the advantages of the hills, which they
must have mounted under the command of our cannon,
and march down to them into the plain. I confess, I
thought here was a great deal more gallantry than
discretion ; for it was plainly taking an advantage out
of our own hands, and putting it into the hands of the
enemy. An enemy that must fight, may always be
fought with to advantage. My old hero, the glorious
Gustavus Adolphus, was as forward to fight as any man
of true valour mixed with any policy need to be, or
ought to be; but he used to say, "An enemy reduced
to a necessity of fighting, is half beaten."
Memoirs of a Cavalier 169
'Tis true, we were all but young in the war ; the
soldiers hot and forward, and eagerly desired to come
to hands with the enemy. But I take the more notice
of it here, because the king in this acted against his
own measures ; for it was the king himself had laid
the design of getting the start of Essex, and marching
to London. His friends had invited him thither, and
expected him, and suffered deeply for the omission ;
and yet he gave way to these hasty counsels, and
suffered his judgment to be overruled by majority of
voices ; an error, I say, the King of Sweden was
never guilty of. For if all the officers at a council of
war were of a different opinion, yet unless their reasons
mastered his judgment, their votes never altered his
measures. But this was the error of our good, but
unfortunate master, three times in this war, and par
ticularly in two of the greatest battles of the time, viz.,
this of Edgehill, and that of Naseby.
The resolution for fighting being published in the
army, gave an universal joy to the soldiers, who ex
pressed an extraordinary ardour for fighting. I re
member my father talking with me about it, asked me
what I thought of the approaching battle. I told him
I thought the king had done very well ; for at that
time I did not consult the extent of the design, and
had a mighty mind, like other rash people, to see it
brought to a day, which made me answer my father as
I did. "But," said I, "sir, I doubt there will be
but indifferent doings on both sides, between two
armies both made up of fresh men, that have never
seen any service." My father minded little what I
spoke of that ; but when I seemed pleased that the
king had resolved to fight, he looked angrily at me,
and told me he was sorry I could see no farther into
things. " I tell you," says he hastily, " if the king
should kill and take prisoners this whole army, general
ijo Memoirs of a Cavalier
and all, the Parliament will have the victory ; for we
have lost more by slipping this opportunity of getting
into London, than we shall ever get by ten battles."
I saw enough of this afterwards to convince me of the
weight of what my father said, and so did the king
too ; but it was then too late. Advantages slipped in
war are never recovered.
We were now in a full march to fight the Earl of
Essex. It was on Sunday morning the 24th of October
1642, fair weather overhead, but the ground very heavy
and dirty. As soon as we came to the top of Edgehill,
we discovered their whole army. They were not
drawn up, having had two miles to march that morning,
but they were very busy forming their lines, and posting
the regiments as they came up. Some of their horse
were exceedingly fatigued, having marched forty-eight
hours together ; and had they been suffered to follow us
three or four days' march farther, several of their regi
ments of horse would have been quite ruined, and their
foot would have been rendered unserviceable for the
present. But we had no patience.
As soon as our whole army was come to the top of
the hill, we were drawn up in order of battle. The
king's army made a very fine appearance ; and indeed
they were a body of gallant men as ever appeared in
the field, and as well furnished at all points ; the
horse exceeding well accoutred, being most of them
gentlemen and volunteers, some whole regiments
serving without pay ; their horses very good and fit
for service as could be desired. The whole army
were not above 18,000 men, and the enemy not 1000
over or under, though we had been told they were not
above 12,000; but they had been reinforced with 4000
men from Northampton. The king was with the
general, the Earl of Lindsey, in the main battle;
Prince Rupert commanded the right wing, and the
Memoirs of a Cavalier 171
Marquis of Hertford, the Lord Willoughby, and
several other very good officers the left.
The signal of battle being given with two cannon
shots, we marched in order of battalia down the hill,
being drawn up in two lines with bodies of reserve ;
the enemy advanced to meet us much in the same form,
with this difference only, that they had placed their
cannon on their right, and the king had placed ours in
the centre, before, or rather between two great brigades
of foot. Their cannon began with us first, and did
some mischief among the dragoons of our left wing ;
but our officers, perceiving the shot took the men and
missed the horses, ordered all to alight, and every man
leading his horse, to advance in the same order ; and
this saved our men, for most of the enemy's shot flew
over their heads. Our cannon made a terrible execution
upon their foot for a quarter of an hour, and put them
into great confusion, till the general obliged them to
halt, and changed the posture of his front, marching
round a small rising ground by which he avoided the
fury of our artillery.
By this time the wings were engaged, the king
having given the signal of battle, and ordered the right
wing to fall on. Prince Rupert, who, as is said, com-,
manded that wing, fell on with such fury, and pushed
the left wing of the Parliament army so effectually,
that in a moment he filled all with terror and confusion.
Commissary- General Ramsey, a Scotsman, a Low
Country soldier, and an experienced officer, commanded
their left wing, and though he did all that an expert
soldier, and a brave commander could do, yet 'twas to
no purpose ; his lines were immediately broken, and all
overwhelmed in a trice. Two regiments of foot, whether
as part of the left wing, or on the left of the main
body, I know not, were disordered by their own horse,
and rather trampled to death by the horses, than beaten
172 Memoirs of a Cavalier
by our men ; but they were so entirely broken and
disordered, that I do not remember that ever they
made one volley upon our men ; for their own horse
running away, and falling foul on these foot, were so
vigorously followed by our men, that the foot never had
a moment to rally or look behind them. The point of
the left wing of horse were not so soon broken as the
rest, and three regiments of them stood firm for some
time. The dexterous officers of the other regiments
taking the opportunity, rallied a great many of their
scattered men behind them, and pieced in some troops
with those regiments ; but after two or three charges,
which a brigade of our second line, following the prince,
made upon them, they also were broken with the
rest.
I remember that at the great battle of Leipsic, the
right wing of the Imperialists having fallen in upon the
Saxons with like fury to this, bore down all before
them, and beat the Saxons quite out of the field ; upon
which the soldiers cried, " Victoria, let us follow."
" No, no," said the old General Tilly, " let them go,
but let us beat the Swedes too, and then all's our own."
Had Prince Rupert taken this method, and instead of
following the fugitives, who were dispersed so effectu
ally that two regiments would have secured them from
rallying, I say, had he fallen in upon the foot, or
wheeled to the left, and fallen in upon the rear of the
enemy's right wing of horse, or returned to the assist
ance of the left wing of our horse, we had gained the
most absolute and complete victory that could be ; nor
had 1000 men of the enemy's army got off. But this
prince, who was full of fire, and pleased to see the
rout of the enemy, pursued them quite to the town of
Kineton, where indeed he killed abundance of their men,
and some time also was lost in plundering the baggage.
But in the meantime, the glory and advantage of the
Memoirs of a Cavalier 173
day was lost to the king, for the right wing of the
Parliament horse could not be so broken. Sir William
Balfour made a desperate charge upon the point of the
king's left, and had it not been for two regiments of
dragoons who were planted in the reserve, had routed
the whole wing, for he broke through the first line,
and staggered the second, who advanced to their assist
ance, but was so warmly received by those dragoons,
who came seasonably in, and gave their first fire on
horseback, that his fury was checked, and having lost
a great many men, was forced to wheel about to his
own men ; and had the king had but three regiments
of horse at hand to have charged him, he had been
routed. The rest of this wing kept their ground, and
received the first fury of the enemy with great firmness;
after which, advancing in their turn, they were once
masters of the Earl of Essex's cannon. And here we
lost another advantage ; for if any foot had been at
hand to support these horse, they had carried off the
cannon, or turned it upon the main battle of the enemy's
foot, but the foot were otherwise engaged. The horse
on this side fought with great obstinacy and variety of
success a great while. Sir Philip Stapleton, who com
manded the guards of the Earl of Essex, being
engaged with a party of our Shrewsbury cavaliers, as
we called them, was once in a fair way to have been
cut off by a brigade of our foot, who, being advanced
to fall on upon the Parliament's main body, flanked Sir
Philip's horse in their way, and facing to the left, so
furiously charged him with their pikes, that he was
obliged to retire in great disorder, and with the loss of
a great many men and horses.
All this while the foot on both sides were desperately
engaged, and coming close up to the teeth of one
another with the clubbed musket and push of pike,
fought with great resolution, and a terrible slaughter on
174 Memoirs of a Cavalier
both sides, giving no quarter for a great while ; and
they continued to do thus, till, as if they were tired,
and out of wind, either party seemed willing enough
to leave off, and take breath. Those which suffered
most were that brigade which had charged Sir William
Stapleton's horse, who being bravely engaged in the
front with the enemy's foot, were, on the sudden,
charged again in front and flank by Sir William
Balfour's horse and disordered, after a very desperate
defence. Here the king's standard was taken, the
standard-bearer, Sir Edward Verney, being killed ;
but it was rescued again by Captain Smith, and brought
to the king the same night, for which the king knighted
the captain.
This brigade of foot had fought all the day, and
had not been broken at last, if any horse had been at
hand to support them. The field began to be now
clear ; both armies stood, as it were, gazing at one
another, only the king, having rallied his foot, seemed
inclined to renew the charge, and began to cannonade
them, which they could not return, most of their
cannon being nailed while they were in our possession,
and all the cannoniers killed or fled ; and our gunners
did execution upon Sir William Balfour's troops for a
good while.
My father's regiment being in the right with the
prince, I saw little of the fight but the rout of the
enemy's left, and we had as full a victory there as we
could desire, but spent too much time in it. We killed
about 2000 men in that part of the action, and having
totally dispersed them, and plundered their baggage,
began to think of our fellows when 'twas too late to
help them. We returned, however, victorious to the
king, just as the battle was over. The king asked the
prince what news ? He told him he could give his
Majesty a good account of the enemy's horse. " Ay, by
Memoirs of a Cavalier 175
G d," says a gentleman that stood by me, "and of
their carts too." That word was spoken with such a
sense of the misfortune, and made such an impression in
the whole army, that it occasioned some ill blood after
wards among us ; and but that the king took up the
business, it had been of ill consequence, for some
person who had heard the gentleman speak it, informed
the prince who it was, and the prince resenting it,
spoke something about it in the hearing of the party
when the king was present. The gentleman, not at all
surprised, told his Highness openly he had said the
words ; and though he owned he had no disrespect for
his Highness, yet he could not but say, if it had not
been so, the enemy's army had been better beaten.
The prince replied something yery disobliging ; upon
which the gentleman came up to the king, and kneeling,
humbly besought his Majesty to accept of his commis
sion, and to give him leave to tell the prince, that
whenever his Highness pleased, he was ready to give
him satisfaction. The prince was exceedingly pro
voked, and as he was very passionate, began to talk
very oddly, and without all government of himself.
The gentleman, as bold as he, but much calmer, pre
served his temper, but maintained his quarrel ; and the
king was so concerned, that he was very much out
of humour with the prince about it. However, his
Majesty, upon consideration, soon ended the dispute, by
laying his commands on them both to speak no more
of it for that day ; and refusing the commission from
the colonel, for he was no less, sent for them both next
morning in private, and made them friends again.
But to return to our story. We came back to the
king timely enough to put the Earl of Essex's men
out of all humour of renewing the fight, and as I
observed before, both parties stood gazing at one
another, and our cannon playing upon them obliged Sir
176 Memoirs of a Cavalier
William Balfour's horse to wheel off in some disorder,
but they returned us none again, which, as we afterwards
understood, was, as I said before, for want of both
powder and gunners, for the cannoniers and firemen
were killed, or had quitted their train in the fight,
when our horse had possession of their artillery ; and
as they had spiked up some of the cannon, so they had
carried away fifteen carriages of powder.
Night coming on, ended all discourse of more fight
ing, and the king drew off and marched towards the hills.
I know no other token of victory which the enemy had
than their lying in the field of battle all night, which
they did for no other reason than that, having lost their
baggage and provisions, they had nowhere to go, and
which we did not, because we had good quarters at
hand.
The number of prisoners and of the slain were not
very unequal ; the enemy lost more men, we most of
quality. Six thousand men on both sides were killed
on the spot, whereof, when our rolls were examined, we
missed 2500. We lost our brave general the old Earl
of Lindsey, who was wounded and taken prisoner, and
died of his wounds ; Sir Edward Stradling, Colonel
Lundsford, prisoners ; and Sir Edward Verney and a
great many gentlemen of quality slain. On the other
hand, we carried off Colonel Essex, Colonel Ramsey,
and the Lord St John, who also died of his wounds ;
we took five ammunition waggons full of powder, and
brought off about 500 horse in the defeat of the left
wing, with eighteen standards and colours, and lost
seventeen.
The slaughter of the left wing was so great, and the
flight so effectual, that several of the officers rid clear
away, coasting round, and got to London, where they
reported that the Parliament army was entirely defeated
-all lost, killed, or taken, as if none but them were left
Memoirs of a Cavalier 177
alive to carry the news. This filled them with con
sternation for a while, but when other messengers
followed, all was restored to quiet again, and the
Parliament cried up their victory and sufficiently mocked
God and their general with their public thanks for it.
Truly, as the fight was a deliverance to them, they
were in the right to give thanks for it ; but as to its
being a victory, neither side had much to boast of, and
they less a great deal than we had.
I got no hurt in this fight, and indeed we of the
right wing had but little fighting ; I think I had dis
charged my pistols but once, and my carabine twice,
for we had more fatigue than fight; the enemy fled,
and we had little to do but to follow and kill those we
could overtake. 1 spoiled a good horse, and got a
better from the enemy in his room, and came home
weary enough. My father lost his horse, and in the
fall was bruised in his thigh by another horse treading
on him, which disabled him for some time, and at his
request, by his Majesty's consent, I commanded the
regiment in his absence.
The enemy received a recruit of 4000 men the next
morning ; if they had not, I believe they had gone back
towards Worcester ; but, encouraged by that reinforce
ment, they called a council of war, and had a long
debate whether they could attack us again ; but not
withstanding their great victory, they durst not attempt
it, though this addition of strength made them superior
to us by 3000 men.
The king indeed expected, that when these troops
joined them they would advance, and we were preparing
to receive them at a village called Aynho, where the head
quarters continued three or four days; and had they
really esteemed the first day's work a victory, as they
called it, they would have done it, but they thought not
good to venture, but march away to Warwick, and from
178 Memoirs of a Cavalier
thence to Coventry. The king, to urge them to venture
upon him, and come to a second battle, sits down be
fore Banbury, and takes both town and castle ; and two
entire regiments of foot, and one troop of horse, quit
the Parliament service, and take up their arms for the
king. This was done almost before their faces, which
was a better proof of a victory on our side, than any
they could pretend to. From Banbury we marched to
Oxford ; and now all men saw the Parliament had made
a great mistake, for they were not always in the right
any more than we, to leave Oxford without a garrison.
The king caused new regular works to be drawn round
it, and seven royal bastions with ravelins and out- works,
a double ditch, counterscarp, and covered way ; all
which, added to the advantage of the situation, made it
a formidable place, and from this time it became our
place of arms, and the centre of affairs on the king's
side.
If the Parliament had the honour of the field, the
king reaped the fruits of the victory; for all this part
of the country submitted to him. Essex's army made
the best of their way to London, and were but in an
ill condition v/hen they came there, especially their
horse.
The Parliament, sensible of this, and receiving daily
accounts of the progress we made, began to cool a little
in their temper, abated of their first rage, and voted an
address for peace; and sent to the king to let him know
they were desirous to prevent the effusion of more
blood, and to bring things to an accommodation, or, as
they called it, a right understanding.
I was now, by the king's particular favour, summoned
to the councils of war, my father continuing absent and
ill ; and now I began to think of the real grounds, and
which was more, of the fatal issue of this war. I say,
I now began it; for I cannot say that I ever rightly
Memoirs of a Cavalier 179
stated matters in my own mind before, though I had
been enough used to blood, and to see the destruction
of people, sacking of towns, and plundering the country;
yet 'twas in Germany, and among strangers; but I
found a strange secret and unaccountable sadness upon
my spirits, to see this acting in my own native country.
It grieved me to the heart, even in the rout of our
enemies, to see the slaughter of them ; and even in
the fight, to hear a man cry for quarter in English,
moved me to a compassion which I had never been
used to ; nay, sometimes it looked to me as if some
of my own men had been beaten ; and when I heard
a soldier cry, " O God, I am shot," I looked behind
me to see which of my own troop was fallen. Here
I saw myself at the cutting of the throats of my friends;
and indeed some of my near relations. My old com
rades and fellow-soldiers in Germany were some with
us, some against us, as their opinions happened to differ
in religion. For my part, I confess I had not much
religion in me, at that time ; but I thought religion
rightly practised on both sides would have made us
all better friends ; and therefore sometimes I began
to think, that both the bishops of our side, and the
preachers on theirs, made religion rather the pretence
than the cause of the war. And from those thoughts
I vigorously argued it at the council of war against
marching to Brentford, while the address for a treaty
of peace from the Parliament was in hand ; for I was
for taking the Parliament by the handle which they
had given us, and entering into a negotiation, with the
advantage of its being at their own request.
I thought the king had now in his hands an oppor
tunity to make an honourable peace ; for this battle
of Edgehill, as much as they boasted of the victory
to hearten up their friends, had sorely weakened their
army, and discouraged their party too, which in effect
i8o Memoirs of a Cavalier
was worse as to their army. The horse were par
ticularly in an ill case, and the foot greatly diminished,
and the remainder very sickly ; but besides this, the
Parliament were greatly alarmed at the progress we
made afterward ; and still fearing the king's surprising
them, had sent for the Earl of Essex to London, to
defend them ; by which the country was, as it were,
defeated and abandoned, and left to be plundered;
our parties over-run all places at pleasure. All this
while I considered, that whatever the soldiers of fortune
meant by the war, our desires were to suppress the
exorbitant power of a party, to establish our king in
his just and legal rights ; but not with a design to
destroy the constitution of government and the being
of Parliament. And therefore I thought now was the
time for peace, and there were a great many worthy
gentlemen in the army of my mind ; and, had our
master had ears to hear us, the war might have had
an end here.
This address for peace was received by the king
at Maidenhead, whither his army was now advanced,
and his Majesty returned answer by Sir Peter Kille-
grew, that he desired nothing more, and would not be
wanting on his part. Upon this the Parliament name
commissioners, and his Majesty excepting against Sir
John Evelyn, they left him out, and seat others ; and
desired the king to appoint his residence near London,
where the commissioners might wait upon him. Ac
cordingly the king appointed Windsor for the place
of treaty, and desired the treaty might be hastened.
And thus all things looked with a favourable aspect,
when one unlucky action knocked it all on the head,
and filled both parties with more implacable ani
mosities than they had before, and all hopes of peace
vanished.
During this progress of the king's armies, we were
Memoirs of a Cavalier 181
always abroad with the horse ravaging the country,
and plundering the Roundheads. Prince Rupert, a
most active vigilant party man, and I must own, fitter
for such than for a general, was never lying still, and
I seldom stayed behind ; for our regiment being very
well mounted, he would always send for us, if he had
any extraordinary design in hand.
One time in particular he had a design upon
Aylesbury, the capital of Buckinghamshire; indeed our
view at first was rather to beat the enemy out of town
and demolish their works, and perhaps raise some
contributions on the rich country round it, than to
garrison the place, and keep it ; for we wanted no
more garrisons, being masters of the field.
The prince had 2500 horse with him in this
expedition, but no foot ; the town had some foot
raised in the country by Mr Hampden, and two
regiments of country militia, whom we made light of,
but we found they stood to their tackle better than
well enough. We came very early to the town, and
thought they had no notice of us ; but some false
brother had given them the alarm, and we found them
all in arms, the hedges without the town lined with
musketeers, on that side in particular where they
expected us, and two regiments of foot drawn up
in view to support them, with some horse in the rear
of all.
The prince, willing, however, to do something,
caused some of his horse to alight, and serve as
dragoons ; and having broken a way into the enclo
sures, the horse beat the foot from behind the hedges,
while the rest who were alighted charged them in the
lane which leads to the town. Here they had cast
up some works, and fired from their lines very regu
larly, considering them as militia only, the governor
encouraging them by his example ; so that finding
1 82 Memoirs of a Cavalier
without some foot there would be no good to be done,
we gave it over, and drew off; and so Aylesbury
escaped a scouring for that time.
I cannot deny but these flying parties of horse
committed great spoil among the country people ; and
sometimes the prince gave a liberty to some cruelties
which were not at all for the king's interest ; because
it being still upon our own country, and the king's own
subjects, whom in all his declarations he protested
to be careful of, it seemed to contradict all those
protestations and declarations, and served to aggravate
and exasperate the common people ; and the king's
enemies made all the advantages of it that was possible,
by crying out of twice as many extravagancies as were
committed.
'Tis true, the king, who naturally abhorred such
things, could not restrain his men, no, nor his generals,
so absolutely as he would have done. The war, on
his side, was very much a la volunteer ; many gentle
men served him at their own charge, and some paid
whole regiments themselves: sometimes also the king's
affairs were straiter than ordinary, and his men were
not very well paid, and this obliged him to wink at
their excursions upon the country, though he did not
approve of them. And yet I must own, that in those
parts of England where the war was hottest, there
never was seen that ruin and depopulation, murders,
ravishments, and barbarities, which I have seen even
among Protestant armies abroad, in Germany and
other foreign parts of the world. And if the Parlia
ment people had seen those things abroad, as I had,
they would not have complained.
The most I have seen was plundering the towns for
provisions, drinking up their beer, and turning our
horses into their fields, or stacks of corn ; and some
times the soldiers would be a little rude with the
Memoirs of a Cavalier 183
wenches ; but alas ! what was this to Count Tilly's
ravages in Saxony ? Or what was our taking of
Leicester by storm, where they cried out of our
barbarities, to the sacking of New Brandenburg, or
the taking of Magdeburg ? In Leicester, of 7000 or
8000 people in the town, 300 were killed; in Magde
burg, of 25,000 scarce 2700 were left, and the whole
town burnt to ashes. I myself have seen seventeen or
eighteen villages on fire in a day, and the people
driven away from their dwellings, like herds of cattle ;
the men murdered, the women stripped ; and 700 or
800 of them together, after they had suffered all the
indignities and abuses of the soldiers, driven stark
naked in the winter through the great towns, to seek
shelter and relief from the charity of their enemies. I
do not instance these greater barbarities to justify
lesser actions, which are nevertheless irregular ; but I
do say, that circumstances considered, this war was
managed with as much humanity on both sides as
could be expected, especially also considering the
animosity of parties.
But to return to the prince : he had not always the
same success in these enterprises, for sometimes we
came short home. And I cannot omit one pleasant
adventure which happened to a party of ours, in one of
these excursions into Buckinghamshire. The major
of our regiment was soundly beaten by a party, which,
as I may say, was led by a woman ; and, if I had
not rescued him, I know not but he had been taken
prisoner by a woman. It seems our men had be
sieged some fortified house about Oxfordshire, towards
Thame, and the house being defended by the lady in
her husband's absence, she had yielded the house upon
a capitulation ; one of the articles of which was, to
march out with all her servants, soldiers, and goods,
and to be conveyed to Thame. Whether she thought
184 Memoirs of a Cavalier
to have gone no farther, or that she reckoned herself
safe there, I know not ; but my major, with two
troops of horse, meets with this lady and her party,
about five miles from Thame, as we were coming back
from our defeated attack of Aylesbury. We reckoned
ourselves in an enemy's country, and had lived a little
at large, or at discretion, as 'tis called abroad; and
these two troops, with the major, were returning to our
detachment from a little village, where, at the farmer's
house, they had met with some liquor, and truly some
of his men were so drunk they could but just sit upon
their horses. The major himself was not much better,
and the whole body were but in a sorry condition to
fight. Upon the road they meet this party ; the lady
having no design of fighting, and being, as she thought,
under the protection of the articles, sounds a parley,
and desired to speak with the officer. The major,
as drunk as he was, could tell her, that by the articles
she was to be assured no farther than Thame, and
being now five miles beyond it, she was a fair enemy,
and therefore demanded to render themselves prisoners.
The lady seemed surprised, but being sensible she was
in the wrong, offered to compound for her goods, and
would have given him ^300, and I think seven or
eight horses. The major would certainly have taken
it, if he had not been drunk ; but he refused it, and
gave threatening words to her, blustering in language
which he thought proper to fright a woman, viz., that
he would cut them all to pieces, and give no quarter,
and the like.
The lady, who had been more used to the smell of
powder than he imagined, called some of her servants
to her, and, consulting with them what to do, they all
unanimously encouraged her to let them fight; told
her it was plain that the commander was drunk, and
all that were with him were rather worie than he, and
Memoirs of a Cavalier 185
hardly able to sit their horses, and that therefore one bold
charge would put them all into confusion. In a word^
she consented, and, as she was a woman, they desired
her to secure herself among the waggons ; but she re
fused, and told them bravely she would take her fate
with them. In short, she boldly bade my major de
fiance, and that he might do his worst, since she had
offered him fair, and he had refused it ; her mind was
altered now, and she would give him nothing, and bade
his officer that parleyed longer with her be gone ; so the
parley ended. After this she gave him fair leave to go
back to his men ; but before he could tell his tale to
them she was at his heels with all her men, and gave
him such a home charge as put his men into disorder,
and, being too drunk to rally, they were knocked down
before they knew what to do with themselves, and in a
few minutes more they took to a plain flight. But
what was still worse, the men, being some of them
very drunk, when they came to run for their lives fell
over one another, and tumbled over their horses, and
made such work that a troop of women might have
beaten them all. In this pickle, with the enemy at hi*
heels, I came in with him, hearing the noise. When
I appeared the pursuers retreated, and, seeing what a
condition my people were in, and not knowing the strength
of the enemy, I contented myself with bringing them
off without pursuing the other ; nor could I ever hear
positively who this female captain was. We lost seven
teen or eighteen of our men, and about thirty horses ;
but when the particulars of the story was told us, our
major was so laughed at by the whole army, and laughed
at everywhere, that he was ashamed to show himself
for a week or a fortnight after.
But to return to the king : his Majesty, as I observed,
was at Maidenhead addressed by the Parliament for
peace, and Windsor being appointed for the place of
1 86 Memoirs of a Cavalier
treaty, the van of his army lay at Colebrook. In the
meantime, whether it were true or only a pretence, but
it was reported the Parliament general had sent a body
of his troops, with a train of artillery, to Hammer
smith, in order to fall upon some part of our army, or
to take some advanced post, which was to the prejudice
of our men ; whereupon the king ordered the army to
march, and, by the favour of a thick mist, came within
half a mile of Brentford before he was discovered.
There were two regiments of foot, and about 600 horse
into the town, of the enemy's best troops ; these taking
the alarm, posted themselves on the bridge at the west
end of the town. The king attacked them with a
select detachment of his best infantry, and they defended
themselves with incredible obstinacy. I must own I
never saw raw men, for they could not have been in
arms above four months, act like them in my life. In
short, there was no forcing these men, for, though two
whole brigades of our foot, backed by our horse, made
live several attacks upon them they could not break
them, and we lost a great many brave men in that
action. At last, seeing the obstinacy of these men, a
party of horse was ordered to go round from Osterley ;
and, entering the town on the north side, where, though
the horse made some resistance, it was not considerable,
the town was presently taken. I led my regiment
through an enclosure, and came into the town nearer
to the bridge than the rest, by which means I got first
into the town ; but I had this loss by my expedition,
that the foot charged me before the body was come up,
and poured in their shot very furiously. My men were
but in an ill case, and would not have stood much
longer, if the rest of the horse coming up the lane had
not found them other employment. When the horse
were thus entered, they immediately dispersed the
enemy's horse, who fled away towards London, and
Memoirs of a Cavalier 187
falling in sword in hand upon the rear of the foot, who
were engaged at the bridge, they were all cut in pieces,
except about 200, who, scorning to ask quarter, des
perately threw themselves into the river of Thames,
where they were most of them drowned.
The Parliament and their party made a great outcry
at this attempt that it was base and treacherous while
in a treaty of peace ; and that the king, having amused
them with hearkening to a treaty, designed to have
seized upon their train of artillery first, and, after that,
to have surprised both the city of London and the
Parliament. And I have observed since, that our
historians note this action as contrary to the laws of
honour and treaties, though as there was no cessation
of arms agreed on, nothing is more contrary to the laws
of war than to suggest it.
That it was a very unhappy thing to the king and
whole nation, as it broke off the hopes of peace, and
was the occasion of bringing the Scots army in upon us,
I readily acknowledge, but that there was anything dis
honourable in it, I cannot allow. For though the Parlia
ment had addressed to the king for peace, and such steps
were taken in it as before, yet, as I have said, there was
no proposals made on either side for a cessation of arms,
and all the world must allow, that in such cases the war
goes on in the field, while the peace goes on in the
cabinet. And if the war goes on, admit the king had
designed to surprise the city or Parliament, or all of
them, it had been no more than the custom of war
allows, and what they would have done by him if they
could. The treaty of Westphalia, or peace of Munster,
which ended the bloody wars of Germany, was a pre
cedent for this. That treaty was actually negotiating
seven years, and yet the war went on with all the vigour
and rancour imaginable, even to the last. Nay, the
very time after the conclusion of it, but before the news
1 88 Memoirs of a Cavalier
could be brought to the army, did he that was after
wards King of Sweden, Carolus Gustavus, take the
city of Prague by surprise, and therein an inestimable
booty. Besides, all the wars of Europe are full of
examples of this kind, and therefore I cannot see any
reason to blame the king for this action as to the fair
ness of it. Indeed, as to the policy of it, I can say
little ; but the case was this. The king had a gallant
army, flushed with success, and things hitherto had
gone on very prosperously, both with his own army and
elsewhere ; he had above 35,000 men in his own army,
including his garrisons left at Banbury, Shrewsbury,
Worcester, Oxford, Wallingford, Abingdon, Reading,
and places adjacent. On the other hand, the Parlia
ment army came back to London in but a very sorry
condition ; * for what with their loss in their victory, as
they called it, at Edgehill, their sickness, and a hasty
march to London, they were very much diminished,
though at London they soon recruited them again. And
this prosperity of the king's affairs might encourage him
to strike this blow, thinking to bring the Parliament to
the better terms by the apprehensions of the superior
strength of the king's forces.
But, however it was, the success did not equally
answer the king's expectation. The vigorous defence
the troops posted at Brentford made as above, gave the
Earl of Essex opportunity, with extraordinary applica
tion, to draw his forces out to Turnham Green. And
the exceeding alacrity of the enemy was such, that their
whole army appeared with them, making together an
army of 24,000 men, drawn up in view of our forces
by eight o'clock the next morning. The city regiments
were placed between the regular troops, and all together
* General Ludlow, in his Memoirs, p. 52, says their men re
turned from Warwick to London, not like men who had obtained
a victory, but like men that had been beaten.
Memoirs of a Cavalier 189
offered us battle, but we were not in a condition to
accept it. The king indeed was sometimes of the mind
to charge them, and once or twice ordered parties
to advance to begin to skirmish, but upon better
advice altered his mind, and indeed it was the wisest
counsel to defer the fighting at that time. The Parlia
ment generals were as unfixed in their resolutions, on
the other side, as the king ; sometimes they sent out
parties, and then called them back again. One strong
party of near 3000 men marched off towards Acton,
with orders to amuse us on that side, but were counter
manded. Indeed, I was of the opinion we might have
ventured the battle, for though the Parliament's army
were more numerous, yet the city trained bands, which
made up 4000 of their foot, were not much esteemed,
and the king was a great deal stronger in horse than
they. But the main reason that hindered the engage
ment, w/3 want of ammunition, which the king having
duly weighed, he caused the carriages and cannon
to draw off first, and then the foot, the horse con
tinuing to face the enemy till all was clear gone ; and
then we drew off too and marched to Kingston, and
the next day to Reading.
Now the king saw his mistake in not continuing his
march for London, instead of facing about to fight the
enemy at Edgehill. And all the honour we had gained
in so many successful enterprises lay buried in this
shameful retreat from an army of citizens' wives ; for
truly that appearance at Turnham Green was gay, but
not great. There was as many lookers-on as actors.
The crowds of ladies, apprentices, and mob was so
great, that when the parties of our army advanced, and,
as they thought, to charge, the coaches, horsemen, and
crowd, that cluttered away to be out of harm's way,
looked little better than a rout. And I was persuaded
a good home charge from our horse would have sent
Memoirs of a Cavalier
their whole army after them. But so it was, that this
crowd of an army was to triumph over us, and they did
it, for all the kingdom was carefully informed how their
dreadful looks had frightened us away.
Upon our retreat, the Parliament resent this attack,
which they call treacherous, and rote no accommoda
tion ; but they considered of it afterwards, and sent
six commissioners to the king with propositions. But
the change of the scene of action changed the terms of
peace, and now they made terms like conquerors, peti
tion him to desert his army, and return to the Parlia
ment, and the like. Had his Majesty, at the head of
his army, with the full reputation they had before, and
in the ebb of their affairs, rested at Windsor, and
commenced a treaty, they had certainly made more
reasonable proposals ; but now the scabbard seemed to
be thrown away on both sides.
The rest of the winter was spent in strengthening
parties and places, also in fruitless treaties or peace,
messages, remonstrances, and paper war on both sides,
and no action remarkable happened anywhere that I
remember. Yet the king gained ground everywhere,
and his forces in the north increased under the Earl of
Newcastle ; also my Lord Goring, then only called
Colonel Goring, arrived from Holland, bringing three
ships laden with arms and ammunition, and notice
that the queen was following with more. Goring
brought 4000 barrels of gunpowder, and 20,000 small
arms ; all which came very seasonably, for the king
was in great want of them, especially the powder.
Upon this recruit the Earl of Newcastle draws down
to York, and being above 16,000 strong, made Sir
Thomas Fairfax give ground, and retreat to Hull.
Whoever lay still, Prince Rupert was always abroad,
and I chose to go out with his Highness as often as I
had opportunity, for hitherto he was always successful.
Memoirs of a Cavalier 191
About this time the prince being at Oxford, I gave
him intelligence of a party of the enemy who lived a
little at large, too much for good soldiers, about Ciren-
cester. The prince, glad of the news, resolved to
attack them, and though it was a wet season, and the
ways exceeding bad, being in February, yet we marched
all night in the dark, which occasioned the loss of some
horses and men too, in sloughs and holes, which the
darkness of the night had suffered them to fall into.
We were a very strong party, being about 3000 horse
and dragoons, and coming to Cirencester very early in
the morning, to our great satisfaction the enemy were
perfectly surprised, not having the least notice of our
march, which answered our end more ways than one.
However, the Earl of Stamford's regiment made some
resistance ; but the town having no works to defend
it, saving a slight breastwork at the entrance of the
road, with a turnpike, our dragoons alighted, and forcing
their way over the bellies of Stamford's foot, they beat
them from their defence, and followed them at their
heels into the town. Stamford's regiment was entirely
cut in pieces, and several others, to the number of about
800 men, and the town entered without any other re
sistance. We took 1 200 prisoners, 3000 arms, and
the county magazine, which at that time was consider
able ; for there was about 1 20 barrels of powder, and
all things in proportion.
I received the first hurt I got in this war at this
action, for having followed the dragoons and brought
my regiment within the barricade which they had gained,
a musket bullet struck my horse just in the head, and
that so effectually that he fell down as dead as a stone all
at once. The fall plunged me into a puddle of water
and daubed me ; and my man having brought me another
horse and cleaned me a little, I was just getting up,
when another bullet struck me on my left hand, which
192 Memoirs of a Cavalier
I had just clapped on the horse's mane to lift myself into
the saddle. The blow broke one of my fingers, and
bruised my hand very much ; and it proved a very painful
hurt to me. For the present I did not much concern
myself about it, but made my man tie it up close in my
handkerchief, and led up my men to the market-place,
where we had a very smart brush with some musketeers
who were posted in the churchyard; but our dragoons
soon beat them out there, and the whole town was then
our own. We made no stay here, but marched back
with all our booty to Oxford, for we knew the enemy
were very strong at Gloucester, and that way.
Much about the same time, the Earl of Northamp
ton, with a strong party, set upon Lichfield, and took
the town, but could not take the Close ; but they beat
a body of 4000 men coming to the relief of the town,
under Sir John Gell, of Derbyshire, and Sir William
Brereton, of Cheshire, and killing 600 of them, dis
persed the rest.
Our second campaign now began to open ; the king
marched from Oxford to relieve Reading, which was
besieged by the Parliament forces; but Colonel Field
ing, Lieutenant-Governor, Sir Arthur Ashton being
wounded, surrendered to Essex before the king could
come up ; for which he was tried by martial law, and
condemned to die, but the king forbore to execute the
sentence. This was the first town we had lost in the
war, for still the success of the king's affairs was very
encouraging. This bad news, however, was over
balanced by an account brought the king at the same
time, by an express from York, that the queen had
landed in the north, and had brought over a great
magazine of arms and ammunition, besides some men.
Some time after this her Majesty, marching southward
to meet the king, joined the army near Edgehill, where
the first battle was fought. She brought the king
Memoirs of a Cavalier 193
3000 foot, 1500 horse and dragoons, six pieces of
cannon, 1500 barrels of powder, 12,000 small arms.
During this prosperity of the king's affairs his armies
increased mightily in the western counties also. Sir
William Waller, indeed, commanded for the Parlia
ment in those parts too, and particularly in Dorsetshire,
Hampshire, and Berkshire, where he carried on their
cause but too fast ; but farther west, Sir Nicholas
Slanning, Sir Ralph Hopton, and Sir Bevil Grenvile
had extended the king's quarters from Cornwall through
Devonshire, and into Somersetshire, where they took
Exeter, Barnstaple, and Bideford ; and the first of
these they fortified very well, making it a place of
arms for the west, and afterwards it was the residence
of the queen.
At last, the famous Sir William Waller and the
king's forces met, and came to a pitched battle, where
Sir William lost all his honour again. This was at
Roundway Down in Wiltshire. Waller had engaged
our Cornish army at Lansdown, and in a very obstinate
fight had the better of them, and made them retreat to
the Devizes. Sir William Hopton, however, having
a good body of foot untouched, sent expresses and
messengers one in the neck of another to the king for
some horse, and the king being in great concern for
that army, who were composed of the flower of the
Cornish men, commanded me to march with all pos
sible secrecy, as well as expedition, with 1 200 horse
and dragoons from Oxford, to join them. We set out
in the depth of the night, to avoid, if possible, any
intelligence being given of our route, and soon joined
with the Cornish army, when it was as soon resolved
to give battle to Waller ; and give him his due, he
was as forward to fight as we. As it is easy to meet
when both sides are willing to be found, Sir William
Waller met us upon Roundway Down, where we had
194 Memoirs of a Cavalier
a fair field on both sides, and room enough to draw up
our horse. In a word, there was little ceremony to
the work ; the armies joined, and we charged his
horse with so much resolution, that they quickly fled,
and quitted the field ; for we over-matched him in
horse, and this was the entire destruction of their army.
For their infantry, which outnumbered ours by 1 500,
were now at our mercy ; some faint resistance they
made, just enough to give us occasion to break into
their ranks with our horse, where we gave time to our
foot to defeat others that stood to their work, upon
which they began to disband, and run every way they
could ; but our horse having surrounded them, we
made a fearful havoc of them.
We lost not above 200 men in this action ; Waller
lost above 4000 killed and taken, and as many dis
persed that never returned to their colours. Those of
foot that escaped got into Bristol, and Waller, with the
poor remains of his routed regiments, got to London ;
so that it is plain some ran east, and some ran west,
tha* is to say, they fled every way they could.
My going with this detachment prevented my being
at the siege of Bristol, which Prince Rupert attacked
much about the same time, and it surrendered in three
days. The Parliament questioned Colonel Nathaniel
Fiennes, the governor, and had him tried as a coward
by a court-martial, and condemned to die, but sus
pended the execution also, as the king did the
governor of Reading. I have often heard Prince
Rupert say, they did Colonel Fiennes wrong in that
affair ; and that if the colonel would have summoned
him, he would have demanded a passport of the
Parliament, and have come up and convinced the
court that Colonel Fiennes had not misbehaved him
self, and that he had not a sufficient garrison to defend
a city of that extent ; having not above 1 200 men in
Memoirs of a Cavalier 195
the town, excepting some of Waller's runaways, most
of whom were unfit for service, and without arms ;
and that the citizens in general being disaffected to
him, and ready on the first occasion to open the gates
to the king's forces, it was impossible for him to have
kept the city. " And when I had farther informed
them," said the prince, " of the measures I had taken
for a general assault the next day, I am confident I
should have convinced them that I had taken the city
by storm, if he had not surrendered."
The king's affairs were now in a very good posture,
and three armies in the north, west, and in the centre,
counted in the musters above 70,000 men, besides
small garrisons and parties abroad. Several of the
lords, and more of the commons, began to fall off from
the Parliament and make their peace with the king ;
and the affairs of the Parliament began to look very ill.
The city of London was their inexhaustible support
and magazine both for men, money, and all things
necessary ; and whenever their army was out of order,
the clergy of their party in but one Sunday or two,
would preach the young citizens out of their shops,
the labourers from their masters, into the army, and
recruit them on a sudden. And all this was still
owing to the omission I first observed, of not march
ing to London, when it might have been so easily
effected.
We had now another, or a fairer opportunity, than
before, but as ill use was made of it. The king, as I
have observed, was in a very good posture ; he had
three large armies roving at large over the kingdom.
The Cornish army, victorious and numerous, had
beaten Waller, secured and fortified Exeter, which the
queen had made her residence, and was there delivered
of a daughter, the Princess Henrietta Maria, after
wards Duchess of Orleans, and mother of the Duchess-
196 Memoirs of a Cavalier
Dowager of Savoy, commonly known in the French
style by the title of Madam Royal. They had secured
Salisbury, Sherborne Castle, Weymouth, Winchester,
and Basing-house, and commanded the whole country,
except Bridgewater and Taunton, Plymouth and
Lynn ; all which places they held blocked up. The
king was also entirely master of all Wales, Monmouth
shire, Cheshire, Shropshire, Staffordshire, Worcester
shire, Oxfordshire, Berkshire, and all the towns from
Windsor up the Thames to Cirencester, except Read
ing and Henley ; and of the whole Severn, except
Gloucester.
The Earl of Newcastle had garrisons in every strong
place in the north, from Berwick-upon-Tweed to
Boston in Lincolnshire, and Newark - upon - Trent,
Hull only excepted, whither the Lord Fairfax and
his son Sir Thomas were retreated, their troops being
routed and broken, Sir Thomas Fairfax his baggage,
with his kdy and servants taken prisoners, and himself
hardly escaping.
And now a great council of war was held in the
king's quarters, what enterprise to go upon ; and it hap
pened to be the very same day when the Parliament
were in a serious debate what should become of them,
and whose help they should seek. And indeed they
had cause for it ; and had our counsels been as ready
and well-grounded as theirs, we had put an end to the
war in a month's time.
In this council the king proposed the marching to
London to put an end to the Parliament and encourage
his friends and loyal subjects in Kent, who were ready
to rise for him ; and showed us letters from the Earl
of Newcastle, wherein he offered to join his Majesty
with a detachment of 4000 horse and 8000 foot, if
his Majesty thought fit to march southward, and yet
leave forces sufficient to guard the north from any
Memoirs of a Cavalier 197
invasion. I confess, when I saw the scheme the king
had himself drawn for this attempt, I felt an unusual
satisfaction in my mind, from the hopes that we might
bring this war to some tolerable end ; for I professed
myself on all occasions heartily weary with fighting
with friends, brothers, neighbours, and acquaintance ;
and I made no question, but this motion of the king's
would effectually bring the Parliament to reason.
All men seemed to like the enterprise but the Earl
of Worcester, who, on particular views for securing the
country behind, as he called it, proposed the taking in
the town of Gloucester and Hereford first. He made
a long speech of the danger of leaving Massey, an active
bold fellow, with a strong party in the heart of all the
king's quarters, ready on all occasions to sally out and
surprise the neighbouring garrisons, as he had done
Sudley Castle and others ; and of the ease and freedom
to all those western parts to have them fully cleared of
the enemy. Interest presently backs this advice, and
all those gentlemen whose estates lay that way, or
whose friends lived about Worcester, Shrewsbury,
Bridgnorth, or the borders, and who, as they said,
had heard the frequent wishes of the country to have
the city of Gloucester reduced, fell in with this advice,
alleging the consequence it was for the commerce of
the country to have the navigation of the Severn free,
which was only interrupted by this one town from the
sea up to Shrewsbury, &c.
I opposed this, and so did several others. Prince
Rupert was vehemently against it ; and we both offered,
with the troops of the county, to keep Gloucester
blocked up during the king's march for London, so
that Massey should not be able to stir.
This proposal made the Earl of Worcester's party
more eager for the siege than before, for they had no
mind to a blockade which would leave the country to
198 Memoirs of a Cavalier
maintain the troops all the summer ; and of all men
the prince did not please them, for, he having no
extraordinary character for discipline, his company was
not much desired even by our friends. Thus, in an ill
hour, 'twas resolved to sit down before Gloucester.
The king had a gallant army of 28,000 men, whereof
1 1,000 horse, the finest body of gentlemen that ever I
saw together in my life ; their horses without com
parison, and their equipages the finest and the best in
the world, and their persons Englishmen, which, I
think, is enough to say of them.
According to the resolution taken in the council of
war, the army marched westward, and sat down before
Gloucester the beginning of August. There we spent
a month to the least purpose that ever army did. Our
men received frequent affronts from the desperate sallies
of an inconsiderable enemy. I cannot forbear reflecting
on the misfortunes of this siege. Our men were
strangely dispirited in all the assaults they gave upon
the place ; there was something looked like disaster
and mismanagement, and our men went on with an ill
will and no resolution. The king despised the place,
and the king, to carry it sword in hand, made no
regular approaches, and the garrison, being desperate,
made therefore the greater slaughter. In this work our
horse, who were so numerous and so fine, had no
employment. Two thousand horse had been enough
for this business, and the enemy had no garrison or party
within forty miles of us, so that we had nothing to do
but look on with infinite regret upon the losses of our
foot.
The enemy made frequent and desperate sallies, in
one of which I had my share. I was posted upon a
parade or place of arms, with part of my regiment, and
part of Colonel Goring's regiment of horse, in order to
support a body of foot, who were ordered to storm the
Memoirs of a Cavalier 199
point of a breastwork which the enemy had raised to
defend one of the avenues to the town. The foot were
beat off with loss, as they always were ; and Massey,
the governor, not content to have beaten them from his
works, sallies out with near 400 men, and falling in
upon the foot as they were rallying under the cover of
our horse, we put ourselves in the best posture we could
to receive them. As Massey did not expect, I sup
pose, to engage with any horse, he had no pikes with
him, which encouraged us to treat him the more rudely ;
but as to desperate men danger "is no danger, when he
found he must clear his hands of us, before he could
despatch the foot, he faces up to us, fires but one volley
of his small shot, and fell to battering us with the
stocks of their muskets in such a manner that one would
have thought they had been madmen.
We at first despised this way of clubbing us, and
charging through them, laid a great many of them upon
the ground, and in repeating our charge, trampled
more of them under our horses' feet ; and wheeling
thus continually, beat them off from our foot, who were
just upon the point of disbanding. Upon this they
charged us again with their fire, and at one volley killed
thirty-three or thirty-four men and horses ; and had
they had pikes with them, I know not what we should
have done with them. But at last charging through
them again, we divided them ; one part of them being
hemmed in between us and our own foot, were cut in
pieces to a man ; the rest, as I understood afterwards,
retreated into the town, having lost 300 of their men.
In this last charge I received a rude blow from a
stout fellow on foot with the butt end of his musket,
which perfectly stunned me, and fetched me off from
my horse ; and had not some near me took care of me,
I had been trod to death by our own men. But the
fellow being immediately killed, and my friends finding
2OO Memoirs of a Cavalier
me alive, had taken me up, and carried me off some
distance, where I came to myself again after some time,
but knew little of what I did or said that night. This
was the reason why I say I afterwards understood the
enemy retreated ; for I saw no more what they did
then, nor indeed was I well of this blow for all the rest
of the summer, but had frequent pains in my head,
dizzinesses and swimming, that gave me some fears the
blow had injured the skull ; but it wore off again, nor
did it at all hinder my attending my charge.
This action, I think, was the only one that looked
like a defeat given the enemy at this siege. We killed
them near 300 men, as I have said, and lost about sixty
of our troopers.
All this time, while the king was harassing and
weakening the best army he ever saw together during
the whole war, the Parliament generals, or rather
preachers, were recruiting theirs ; for the preachers
were better than drummers to raise volunteers, zealously
exhorting the London dames to part with their hus
bands, and the city to send some of their trained bands
to join the army for the relief of Gloucester ; and now
they began to advance towards us.
The king hearing of the advance of Essex's army,
who by this time was come to Aylesbury, had summoned
what forces he had within call, to join him ; and ac
cordingly he received 3000 foot from Somersetshire ;
and having battered the town for thirty-six hours, and
made a fair breach, resolves upon an assault, if possible,
to carry the town before the enemy came up. The
assault was begun about seven in the evening, and the
men boldly mounted the breach ; but after a very
obstinate and bloody dispute, were beaten out again by
the besieged with great loss.
Being thus often repulsed, and the Earl of Essex's
army approaching, the king calls a council of war, and
Memoirs of a Cavalier 201
proposed to fight Essex's army. The officers of the
horse were for fighting ; and without doubt we were
superior to him both in number and goodness of our
horse, but the foot were not in an equal condition ;
and the colonels of foot representing to the king the
weakness of their regiments, and how their men had
been baulked and disheartened at this cursed siege,
the graver counsel prevailed, and it was resolved to
raise the siege, and retreat towards Bristol, till the
army was recruited. Pursuant to this resolution, the
5th of September, the king, having before sent away
his heavy cannon and baggage, raised the siege, and
marched to Berkeley Castle. The Earl of Essex came
the next day to Birdlip Hills ; and understanding by
messengers from Colonel Massey, that the siege was
raised, sends a recruit of 2500 men into the city, and
followed us himself with a great body of horse.
This body of horse showed themselves to us once
in a large field fit to have entertained them in ; and
our scouts having assured us they were not above
4000, and had no foot with them, the king ordered a
detachment of about the same number to face them.
I desired his Majesty to let us have two regiments
of dragoons with us, which was then 800 men in a
regiment, lest there might be some dragoons among
the enemy ; which the king granted, and accordingly
we marched, and drew up in view of them. They
stood their ground, having, as they supposed, some
advantage of the manner they were posted in, and
expected we would charge them. The king, who did
us the honour to command this party, finding they
would not stir, calls me to him, and ordered me with
the dragoons, and my own regiment, to take a circuit
round by a village to a certain lane, where in their
retreat they must have passed, and which opened to
a small common on the flank ; with orders, if they
202 Memoirs of a Cavalier
engaged, to advance and charge them in the flank. I
marched immediately ; but though the country about
there was almost all enclosures, yet their scouts were
so vigilant, that they discovered me, and gave notice
to the body ; upon which their whole party moved to
the left, as if they intended to charge me, before the
king with his body of horse could come. But the king
was too vigilant to be circumvented so ; and therefore
his Majesty perceiving this, sends away three regiments
of horse to second me, and a messenger before them,
to order me to halt, and expect the enemy, for that he
would follow with the whole body.
But before this order reached me, I had halted for
some time ; for, finding myself discovered, and not
judging it safe to be entirely cut off from the main
body, I stopped at the village, and causing my dragoons
to alight, and line a thick hedge on my left, I drew
up my horse just at the entrance into the village open
ing to a common. The enemy came up on the trot to
charge me, but were saluted with a terrible fire from
the dragoons out of the hedge, which killed them near
100 men. This being a perfect surprise to them, they
halted, and just at that moment they received orders
from their main body to retreat ; the king at the same
time appearing upon some small heights in their rear,
which obliged them to think of retreating, or coming
to a general battle, which was none of their design.
I had no occasion to follow them, not being in a
condition to attack their whole body ; but the dragoons
coming out into the common, gave them another volley
at a distance, which reached them effectually, for it
killed about twenty of them, and wounded more ; but
they drew off, and never fired a shot at us, fearing to
be enclosed between two parties, and so marched away
to their general's quarters, leaving ten or twelve more
of their fellows killed, and about 180 horses. Our
Memoirs of a Cavalier 203
men, after the country fashion, gave them a shout at
parting, to let them see we knew they were afraid
of us.
However, this relieving of Gloucester raised the
spirits as well as the reputation of the Parliament
forces, and was a great defeat to us ; and from this
time things began to look with a melancholy aspect,
for the prosperous condition of the king's affairs began
to decline. The opportunities he had let slip were
never to be recovered, and the Parliament, in their
former extremity, having voted an invitation to the
Scots to march to their assistance, we had now new
enemies to encounter ; and, indeed, there began the
ruin of his Majesty's affairs, for the Earl of Newcastle,
not able to defend himself against the Scots on his rear,
the Earl of Manchester in his front, and Sir Thomas
Fairfax on his flank, was everywhere routed and de
feated, and his forces obliged to quit the field to the
enemy.
About this time it was that we first began to hear of
one Oliver Cromwell, who, like a little cloud, rose out
of the east, and spread first into the north, till it shed
down a flood that overwhelmed the three kingdoms.
He first was a private captain of horse, but now
commanded a regiment whom he armed cap-a-pie a la
cuirassier ; and, joining with the Earl of Manchester,
the first action we heard of him that made him any
thing famous was about Grantham, where, with only
his own regiment, he defeated twenty-four troops of
horse and dragoons of the king's forces ; then, at
Gainsborough, with two regiments, his own of horse
and one of dragoons, where he defeated near 3000 of
the Earl of Newcastle's men, killed Lieutenant-Gene-
ral Cavendish, brother to the Earl of Devonshire, who
commanded them, and relieved Gainsborough ; and
though the whole army came in to the rescue, he
204 Memoirs of a Cavalier
made good his retreat to Lincoln with little loss ; and
the next week he defeated Sir John Henderson at
Winceby, near Horncastle, with sixteen regiments of
horse and dragoons, himself having not half that
number ; killed the Lord Widdrington, Sir Ingram
Hopton, and several gentlemen of quality. Thus this
firebrand of war began to blaze, and he soon grew a
terror to the north ; for victory attended him like a
page of honour, and he was scarce ever known to be
beaten during the whole war.
Now we began to reflect again on the misfortune of
our master's counsels. Had we marched to London,
instead of besieging Gloucester, we had finished the
war with a stroke. The Parliament's army was in a
most despicable condition, and had never been recruited,
had we not given them a month's time, which we
lingered away at this fatal town of Gloucester. But
'twas too late to reflect ; we were a disheartened army,
but we were not beaten yet, nor broken. We had a
large country to recruit in, and we lost no time, but
raised men apace. In the meantime his Majesty, after
a short stay at Bristol, makes back again towards Oxford
with a part of the foot and all the horse.
At Cirencester we had a brush again with Essex ;
that town owed us a shrewd turn for having handled
them coarsely enough before, when Prince Rupert seized
the county magazine. I happened to be in the town
that night with Sir Nicholas Crisp, whose regiment of
horse quartered there with Colonel Spencer and some
foot ; my own regiment was gone before to Oxford.
About ten at night, a party of Essex's men beat up our
quarters by surprise, just as we had served them before.
They fell in with us, just as people were going to bed,
and having beaten the out-guards, were gotten into the
middle of the town before our men could get on horse
back. Sir Nicholas Crisp, hearing the alarm, gets up,
Memoirs of a Cavalier 205
and with some of his clothes on, and some off, comes
into my chamber. " We are all undone," says he, " the
Roundheads are upon us." We had but little time to
consult, but being in one of the principal inns in the town,
we presently ordered the gates of the inn to be shut,
and sent to all the inns where our men were quartered
to do the like, with orders, if they had any back-doors,
or ways to get out, to come to us. By this means,
however, we got so much time as to get on horseback,
and so many of our men came to us by back ways, that
we had near 300 horse in the yards and places behind
the house. And now we began to think of breaking
out by a lane which led from the back side of the inn,
but a new accident determined us another, though a
worse way.
The enemy being entered, and our men cooped up
in the yards of the inns, Colonel Spencer, the other
colonel, whose regiment of horse lay also in the town,
had got on horseback before us, and engaged with the
enemy, but being overpowered, retreated fighting, and
sends to Sir Nicholas Crisp for help. Sir Nicholas,
moved to see the distress of his friend, turning to me,
says he, " What can we do for him ? " I told him
I thought 'twas time to help him, if possible ; upon
which, opening the inn gates, we sallied out in very
good order, about 300 horse. And several of the
troops from other parts of the town joining us, we
recovered Colonel Spencer, and charging home, beat
back the enemy to their main body. But finding their
foot drawn up in the churchyard, and several detach
ments moving to charge us, we retreated in as good
order as we could. They did not think fit to pursue
us, but they took all the carriages which were under
the convoy of this party, and laden with provisions and
ammunition, and above 500 of our horse, the foot
shifted away as well as they could. Thus we made
206 Memoirs of a Cavalier
off in a shattered condition towards Farringdon, and so
to Oxford, and I was very glad my regiment was not
there.
We had small rest at Oxford, or indeed anywhere
else ; for the king was marched from thence, and we
followed him. I was something uneasy at my absence
from my regiment, and did not know how the king
might resent it, which caused me to ride after them
with all expedition. But the armies were engaged
that very day at Newbury, and I came in too late.
I had not behaved myself so as to be suspected of a
wilful shunning the action ; but a colonel of a regiment
ought to avoid absence from his regiment in time of
fight, be the excuse never so just, as carefully as he
would a surprise in his quarters. The truth is, 'twas
an error of my own, and owing to two days' stay I
made at the Bath, where I met with some ladies who
were my relations. And this is far from being an
excuse ; for if the king had been a Gustavus Adolphus,
I had certainly received a check for it.
This fight was very obstinate, and could our horse
have come to action as freely as the foot, the Parlia
ment army had suffered much more ; for we had here
a much better body of horse than they, and we never
failed beating them where the weight of the work lay
upon the horse.
Here the city train-bands, of which there was two
regiments, and whom we used to despise, fought very
well. They lost one of their colonels, and several
officers in the action ; and I heard our men say, they
behaved themselves as well as any forces the Parliament
had.
The Parliament cried victory here too, as they
always did ; and indeed where the foot were con
cerned they had some advantage ; but our horse de
feated them evidently. The king drew up his army
Memoirs of a Cavalier 207
in battalia, in person, and faced them all the next day,
inviting them to renew the fight ; but they had no
stomach to come on again.
It was a kind of a hedge fight, for neither army was
drawn out in the field ; if it had, 'twould never have
held from six in the morning to ten at night. But
they fought for advantages ; sometimes one side had the
better, sometimes another. They fought twice through
the town, in at one end, and out at the other ; and in
the hedges and lanes, with exceeding fury. The king
lost the most men, his foot having suffered for want of
the succour of their horse, who on two several occa
sions could not come at them. But the Parliament
foot suffered also, and two regiments were entirely cut
in pieces, and the king kept the field.
Essex, the Parliament general, had the pillage of the
dead, and left us to bury them ; for while we stood all
day to our arms, having given them a fair field to fight
us in, their camp rabble stripped the dead bodies, and
they not daring to venture a second engagement with
us, marched away towards London.
The king lost in this action the Earls of Carnarvon
and Sunderland, the Lord Falkland, a French marquis
and some very gallant officers, and about 1200 men.
The Earl of Carnarvon was brought into an inn in
Newbury, where the king came to see him. He had
just life enough to speak to his Majesty, and died in
his presence. The king was exceedingly concerned
for him, and was observed to shed tears at the sight of
it. We were indeed all of us troubled for the loss of
so brave a gentleman, but the concern our royal master
discovered, moved us more than ordinary. Everybody
endeavoured to have the king out of the room, but he
would not stir from the bedside, till he saw all hopes of
life was gone.
The indefatigable industry of the king, his servants
208 Memoirs of a Cavalier
and friends, continually to supply and recruit his forces,
and to harass and fatigue the enemy, was such, that we
should still have given a good account of the war had
the Scots stood neuter. But bad news came every day
out of the north ; as for other places, parties were al
ways in action. Sir William Waller and Sir Ralph
Hopton beat one another by turns ; and Sir Ralph
had extended the king's quarters from Launceston in
Cornwall, to Farnham in Surrey, where he gave Sir
William Waller a rub, and drove him into the castle.
But in the north, the storm grew thick, the Scots ad
vanced to the borders, and entered England in con
federacy with the Parliament, against their king ; for
which the Parliament requited them afterwards as they
deserved.
Had it not been for this Scotch army, the Parliament
had easily been reduced to terms of peace ; but after
this they never made any proposals fit for the king
to receive. Want of success before had made them
differ among themselves. Essex and Waller could
never agree ; the Earl of Manchester and the Lord
Willoughby differed to the highest degree ; and the
king's affairs went never the worse for it. But this
storm in the north ruined us all ; for the Scots pre
vailed in Yorkshire, and being joined with Fairfax,
Manchester, and Cromwell, carried all before them ;
so that the king was obliged to send Prince Rupert,
with a body of 4000 horse, to the assistance of the
Earl of Newcastle, where that prince finished the
destruction of the king's interest, by the rashest and
unaccountablest action in the world, of which I shall
speak in its place.
Another action of the king's, though in itself no
greater a cause of offence than the calling the Scots into
the nation, gave great offence in general, and even the
king's own friends disliked it; and was carefully
Memoirs of a Cavalier 209
improved by his enemies to the disadvantage of the
king, and of his cause.
The rebels in Ireland had, ever since the bloody
massacre of the Protestants, maintained a war against
the English, and the Earl of Ormond was general and
governor for the king. The king, finding his affairs
pinch him at home, sends orders to the Earl of
Ormond to consent to a cessation of arms with the
rebels, and to ship over certain of his regiments hither
to his Majesty's assistance. 'Tis true, the Irish had
deserved to be very ill treated by the English ; but
while the Parliament pressed the king with a cruel and
unnatural war at home, and called in an army out of
Scotland to support their quarrel with their king, I
could never be convinced, that it was such a dishonour
able action for the king to suspend the correction of his
Irish rebels till he was in a capacity to do it with
safety to himself; or to delay any farther assistance to
preserve himself at home ; and the troops he recalled
being his own, it was no breach of his honour to make
use of them, since he now wanted them for his own
security against those who fought against him at
home.
But the king was persuaded to make one step farther,
and that, I confess, was unpleasing to us all ; and some
of his best and most faithful servants took the freedom
to speak plainly to him of it ; and that was bringing
some regiments of the Irish themselves over. This
cast, as we thought, an odium upon our whole nation,
being some of those very wretches who had dipped their
hands in the innocent blood of the Protestants, and,
with unheard-of butcheries, had massacred so many
thousands of English in cool blood.
Abundance of gentlemen forsook the king upon this
score ; and seeing they could not brook the fighting in
conjunction with this wicked generation, came into the
o
2io Memoirs of a Cavalier
declaration of the Parliament, and making composition
for their estates, lived retired lives all the rest of the
war, or went abroad.
But as exigences and necessities oblige us to do
things which at other times we would not do, and is,
as to man, some excuse for such things ; so I cannot
but think the guilt and dishonour of such an action
must lie, very much of it, at least, at their doors, who
drove the king to these necessities and distresses, by
calling in an army of his own subjects whom he had
not injured, but had complied with them in every
thing, to make war upon him without any provocation.
As to the quarrel between the king and his Parlia
ment, there may something be said on both sides ; and
the king saw cause himself to disown and dislike some
things he had done, which the Parliament objected
against, such as levying money without consent of
Parliament, infractions on their privileges, and the
like. Here, I say, was some room for an argument at
least, and concessions on both sides were needful to
come to a peace. But for the Scots, all their demands
had been answered, all their grievances had been re
dressed, they had made articles with their sovereign,
and he had performed those articles ; their capital
enemy Episcopacy was abolished ; they had not one
thing to demand of the king which he had not granted.
And therefore they had no more cause to take up arms
against their sovereign than they had against the Grand
Seignior. But it must for ever lie against them as a
brand of infamy, and as a reproach on their whole
nation that, purchased by the Parliament's money,
they sold their honesty, and rebelled against their king
for hire ; and it was not many years before, as I have
said already, they were fully paid the wages of their
unrighteousness, and chastised for their treachery by
the very same people whom they thus basely assisted.
Memoirs of a Cavalier 211
Then they would have retrieved it, if it had not been
too late.
But I could not but accuse this age of injustice and
partiality, who while they reproached the king for his
cessation of arms with the Irish rebels, and not prose
cuting them with the utmost severity, though he was
constrained by the necessities of the war to do it,
could yet, at the same time, justify the Scots taking up
arms in a quarrel they had no concern in, and against
their own king, with whom they had articled and
capitulated, and who had so punctually complied with
all their demands, that they had no claim upon him,
no grievances to be redressed, no oppression to cry out
of, nor could ask anything of him which he had not
granted.
But as no action in the world is so vile, but the
actors can cover with some specious pretence, so the
Scots now passing into England publish a declaration
to justify their assisting the Parliament. To which I
shall only say, in my opinion, it was no justification at
all ; for admit the Parliament's quarrel had been never
so just, it could not be just in them to aid them, be
cause 'twas against their own king too, to whom they
had sworn allegiance, or at least had crowned him,
and thereby had recognised his authority. For if mal
administration be, according to Prynne's doctrine, or
according to their own Buchanan, a sufficient reason
for subjects to take up arms against their prince, the
breach of his coronation oath being supposed to dis
solve the oath of allegiance, which however I cannot
believe ; yet this can never be extended to make it
lawful, that because a king of England may, by mal
administration, discharge the subjects of England from
their allegiance, that therefore the subjects of Scotland
may take up arms against the King of Scotland, he
having not infringed the compact of government as to
212 Memoirs of a Cavalier
them, and they having nothing to complain of for
themselves. Thus I thought their own arguments
were against them, and Heaven seemed to concur with
it ; for although they did carry the cause for the
English rebels, yet the most of them left their bones
here in the quarrel.
But what signifies reason to the drum and the
trumpet ! The Parliament had the supreme argument
with those men, viz., the money; and having accordingly
advanced a good round sum, upon payment of this (for
the Scots would not stir a foot without it) they entered
England on the I5th of January i643[-4J, with an
army of 12,000 men, under the command of old Leslie,
now Earl of Leven, an old soldier of great experience,
having been bred to arms from a youth in the service
of the Prince of Orange.
The Scots were no sooner entered England but they
were joined by all the friends to the Parliament party
in the north ; and first, Colonel Grey, brother to the
Lord Grey, joined them with a regiment of horse, and
several out of Westmoreland and Cumberland, and so
they advanced to Newcastle, which they summon to
surrender. The Earl of Newcastle, who rather saw
than was able to prevent this storm, was in Newcastle,
and did his best to defend it ; but the Scots, increased
by this time to above 20,000, lay close siege to the
place, which was but meanly fortified, and having
repulsed the garrison upon several sallies, and pressing
the place very close, after a siege of twelve days, or
thereabouts, they enter the town sword in hand. The
Earl of Newcastle got away, and afterwards gathered
what forces together he could, but [was] not strong
enough to hinder the Scots from advancing to Durham,
which he quitted to them, nor to hinder the conjunc
tion of the Scots with the forces of Fairfax, Man
chester, and Cromwell. Whereupon the earl, seeing
Memoirs of a Cavalier 213
all things thus going to wreck, he sends his horse
away, and retreats with his foot into York, making all
necessary preparations for a vigorous defence there, in
case he should be attacked, which he was pretty sure
of, as indeed afterwards happened. York was in a
very good posture of defence, the fortifications very
regular, and exceeding strong ; well furnished with
provisions, and had now a garrison of 12,000 men in
it. The governor under the Earl of Newcastle was
Sir Thomas Glemham, a good soldier, and a gentleman
brave enough.
The Scots, as I have said, having taken Durham,
Tynemouth Castle, and Sunderland, and being joined
by Sir Thomas Fairfax, who had taken Selby, resolve,
with their united strength, to besiege York ; but when
they came to view the city, and saw a plan of the
works, and had intelligence of the strength of the
garrison, they sent expresses to Manchester and Crom
well for help, who came on, and joined them with
9000, making together about 30,000 men, rather
more than less.
Now had the Earl of Newcastle's repeated mes
sengers convinced the king that it was absolutely
necessary to send some forces to his assistance, or else
all would be lost in the north. Whereupon Prince
Rupert was detached, with orders first to go into Lan
cashire and relieve Lathom House, defended by the
brave Countess of Derby, and then, taking all the
forces he could collect in Cheshire, Lancashire, and
Yorkshire, to march to relieve York.
The prince marched from Oxford with but three
regiments of horse and one of dragoons, making in all
about 2800 men. The colonels of horse were Colonel
Charles Goring, the Lord Byron, and myself; the
dragoons were of Colonel Smith. In our march we
were joined by a regiment of horse from Banbury, one
214 Memoirs of a Cavalier
of dragoons from Bristol, and three regiments of horse
from Chester, so that when we came into Lancashire
we were about 5000 horse and dragoons. These
horse we received from Chester were those who,
having been at the siege of Nantwich, were obliged
to raise the siege by Sir Thomas Fairfax ; and the
foot having yielded, the horse made good their retreat
to Chester, being about 2000, of whom three regi
ments now joined us. We received also 2000 foot
from West Chester, and 2000 more out of Wales, and
with this strength we entered Lancashire. We had
not much time to spend, and a great deal of work
to do.
Bolton and Liverpool felt the first fury of our
prince ; at Bolton, indeed, he had some provocation,
for here we were like to be beaten off. When first
the prince came to the town, he sent a summons to
demand the town for the king, but received no answer
but from their guns, commanding the messenger to keep
off at his peril. They had raised some works about the
town, and having by their intelligence learnt that we
had no artillery, and were only a flying party (so they
called us), they contemned the summons, and showed
themselves upon their ramparts, ready for us. The
prince was resolved to humble them, if possible, and
takes up his quarters close to the town. In the even
ing he orders me to advance with one regiment of
dragoons and my horse, to bring them off, if occasion
was, and to post myselt as near as possible I could to
the lines, yet so as not to be discovered ; and at the
same time, having concluded what part of the works
to fall upon, he draws up his men on two other sides,
as if he would storm them there ; and, on a signal, I
was to begin the real assault on my side with my
dragoons.
I had got so near the town with my dragoons,
Memoirs of a Cavalier 215
making them creep upon their bellies a great way, that
we could hear the soldiers talk on the walls, when the
prince, believing one regiment would be too few, sends
me word that he had ordered a regiment of foot to
help, and that I should not discover myself till they
were come up to me. This broke our measures, for
the march of this regiment was discovered by the
enemy, and they took the alarm. Upon this I sent
to the prince, to desire he would put off the storm for
that night, and I would answer for it the next day ;
but the prince was impatient, and sent orders we should
fall on as soon as the foot came up to us. The foot
marched out of the way, missed us, and fell in with a
road that leads to another part of the town ; and being
not able to find us, make an attack upon the town
themselves ; but the defendants, being ready for them,
received them very warmly, and beat them off with
great loss.
I was at a loss now what to do ; for hearing the
guns, and by the noise knowing it was an assault
upon the town, I was very uneasy to have my share in
it; but as I had learnt under the King of Sweden
punctually to adhere to the execution of orders, and my
orders being to lie still till the foot came up with me,
I would not stir if I had been sure to have done never
so much service ; but, however, to satisfy myself, I
sent to the prince to let him know that I continued in
the same place expecting the foot, and none being yet
come, I desired farther orders. The prince was a little
amazed at this, and finding there must be some mistake,
came galloping away in the dark to the place and drew
off the men, which was no hard matter, for they were
willing enough to give it over.
As for me, the prince ordered me to come off so
privately as not to be discovered, if possible, which I
effectually did ; and so we were baulked for that night.
216 Memoirs of a Cavalier
The next day the prince fell on upon another quarter
with three regiments of foot, but was beaten off with
loss, and the like a third time. At last the prince
resolved to carry it, doubled his numbers, and, renew
ing the attack with fresh men, the foot entered the town
over their works, killing in the first heat of the action
all that came in their way ; some of the foot at the same
time letting in the horse, and so the town was entirely
won. There was about 600 of the enemy killed, and
we lost above 400 in all, which was owing to the foolish
mistakes we made. Our men got some plunder here,
which the Parliament made a great noise about ; but it
was their due, and they bought it dear enough.
Liverpool did not cost us so much, nor did we get
so much by it, the people having sent their women and
children and best goods on board the ships in the road ;
and as we had no boats to board them with, we could
not get at them. Here, as at Bolton, the town and
fort was taken by storm, and the garrison were many
of them cut in pieces, which, by the way, was their
own faults.
Our next step was Lathom House, which the
Countess of Derby had gallantly defended above eighteen
weeks against the Parliament forces ; and this lady
not only encouraged her men by her cheerful and noble
maintenance of them, but by examples of her own un
daunted spirit, exposing herself upon the walls in the
midst of the enemy's shot, would be with her men in
the greatest dangers ; and she well deserved our care
of her person, for the enemy were prepared to use her
very rudely if she fell into their hands.
Upon our approach the enemy drew off, and the
prince not only effectually relieved this vigorous lady,
but left her a good quantity of all sorts of ammunition,
three great guns, 500 arms, and 200 men, commanded
by a major, as her extraordinary guard.
Memoirs of a Cavalier 217
Here the way being now opened, and our success
answering our expectation, several bodies of foot came
in to us from Westmoreland and from Cumberland ;
and here it was that the prince found means to surprise
the town of Newcastle-upon-Tyne, which was re
covered for the king by the management of the mayor
of the town, and some loyal gentlemen of the county,
and a garrison placed there again for the king.
But our main design being the relief of York, the
prince advanced that way apace, his army still increas
ing; and being joined by the Lord Goring from Rich-
mondshire with 4000 horse, which were the same the
Earl of Newcastle had sent away when he threw him
self into York with the infantry, we were now 18,000
effective men, whereof 10,000 horse and dragoons; so
the prince, full of hopes, and his men in good heart,
boldly marched directly for York.
The Scots, as much surprised at the taking of New
castle as at the coming of their enemy, began to inquire
which way they should get home, if they should be
beaten ; and calling a council of war, they all agreed to
raise the siege. The prince, who drew with him a
great train of carriages charged with provision and am
munition for the relief of the city, like a wary general,
kept at a distance from the enemy, and fetching a great
compass about, brings all safe into the city, and enters
into York himself with all his army.
No action of this whole war had gained the prince so
much honour, or the king's affairs so much advantage,
as this, had the prince but had the power to have re
strained his courage after this, and checked his fatal
eagerness for fighting. Here was a siege raised, the
reputation of the enemy justly stirred, a city relieved,
and furnished with all things necessary in the face of
an army superior in number by near 10,000 men, and
commanded by a triumvirate of Generals Leven, Fair-
218 Memoirs of a Cavalier
fax, and Manchester. Had the prince but remembered
the proceeding of the great Duke of Parma at the relief
of Paris, he would have seen the relieving the city was
his business ; 'twas the enemy's business to fight if
possible, 'twas his to avoid it ; for, having delivered the
city, and put the disgrace of raising the siege upon the
enemy, he had nothing further to do but to have waited
till he had seen what course the enemy would take, and
taken his further measures from their motion.
But the prince, a continual friend to precipitant coun
sels, would hear no advice. I entreated him not to put
it to the hazard ; I told him that he ought to consider
if he lost the day he lost the kingdom, and took the
crown off from the king's head. I put him in mind
that it was impossible those three generals should con
tinue long together ; and that if they did, they would
not agree long in their counsels, which would be as
well for us as their separating. ' Twas plain Manchester
and Cromwell must return to the associated counties,
who would not suffer them to stay, for fear the king
should attempt them. That he could subsist well
enough, having York city and river at his back ; but
the Scots would eat up the country, make themselves
odious, and dwindle away to nothing, if he would but
hold them at bay a little. Other general officers were
of the same mind ; but all I could say, or they either,
to a man deaf to anything but his own courage, signified
nothing. He would draw out and fight ; there was no
persuading him to the contrary, unless a man would run
the risk of being upbraided with being a coward, and
afraid of the work. The enemy's army lay on a large
common, called Marston Moor, doubtful what to do.
Some were for fighting the prince, the Scots were
against it, being uneasy at having the garrison of
Newcastle at their backs ; but the prince brought their
councils of war to a result, for he let them know they
Memoirs of a Cavalier 219
must fight him, whether they would or no ; for the
prince being, as before, 18,000 men, and the Earl of
Newcastle having joined him with 8000 foot out of
the city, were marched in quest of the enemy, had
entered the moor in view of their army, and began
to draw up in order of battle ; but the night coming
on, the armies only viewed each other at a distance for
that time. We lay all night upon our arms, and with
the first of the day were in order of battle ; the enemy
was getting ready, but part of Manchester's men were
not in the field, but lay about three miles off, and made
a hasty march to come up.
The prince his army was exceedingly well managed ;
he himself commanded the left wing, the Earl of New
castle the right wing; and the Lord Goring, as general
of the foot, assisted by Major- General Porter and Sir
Charles Lucas, led the main battle. I had prevailed
with the prince, according to the method of the King
of Sweden, to place some small bodies of musketeers
in the intervals of his horse, in the left wing, but could
not prevail upon the Earl of Newcastle to do it in the
right, which he afterwards repented. In this posture
we stood facing the enemy, expecting they would ad
vance to us, which at last they did ; and the prince
began the day by saluting them with his artillery, which,
being placed very well, galled them terribly for a quar
ter of an hour. They could not shift their front, so
they advanced the hastier to get within our great guns,
and consequently out of their danger, which brought
the fight the sooner on.
The enemy's army was thus ordered : Sir Thomas
Fairfax had the right wing, in which was the Scots
horse, and the horse of his own and his father's army ;
Cromwell led the left wing, with his own and the Earl
of Manchester's horse, and the three generals, Leslie,
old Fairfax, and Manchester, led the main battle.
22O Memoirs of a Cavalier
The prince, with our left wing, fell on first, and,
with his usual fury, broke like a clap of thunder into
the right wing of the Scots horse, led by Sir Thomas
Fairfax, and, as nothing could stand in his way, he
broke through and through them, and entirely routed
them, pursuing them quite out of the field. Sir Thomas
Fairfax, with a regiment of lances, and about 500
of his own horse, made good the ground for some
time ; but our musketeers, which, as I said, were placed
among our horse, were such an unlooked-for sort of an
article in a fight among the horse, that those lances,
which otherwise were brave fellows, were mowed down
with their shot, and all was put into confusion. Sir
Thomas Fairfax was wounded in the face, his brother
killed, and a great slaughter was made of the Scots, to
whom I confess we showed no favour at all.
While this was doing on our left, the Lord Goring
with the main battle charged the enemy's foot ; and
particularly one brigade commanded by Major-General
Porter, being mostly pikemen, not regarding the fire of
the enemy, charged with that fury in a close body of
pikes, that they overturned all that came in their way,
and breaking into the middle of the enemy's foot, filled
all with terror and confusion, insomuch that the three
generals, thinking all had been lost, fled, and quitted
the field.
But matters went not so well with that always un
fortunate gentleman the Earl of Newcastle and our
right wing of horse; for Cromwell charged the Earl
of Newcastle with a powerful body of horse. And
though the earl, and those about him, did what men
could do, and behaved themselves with all possible
gallantry, yet there was no withstanding Cromwell's
horse, but, like Prince Rupert, they bore down all
before them. And now the victory was wrung out
of our hands by our own gross miscarriage ; for the
Memoirs of a Cavalier 221
prince, as 'twas his custom, too eager in the chase of
the enemy, was gone, and could not be heard of. The
foot in the centre, the right wing of the horse being
routed by Cromwell, was left, and without the guard
of his horse ; Cromwell having routed the Earl of
Newcastle, and beaten him quite out of the field, and
Sir Thomas Fairfax rallying his dispersed troops, they
fall all together upon the foot. General Lord Goring,
like himself, fought like a lion, but, forsaken of his
horse, was hemmed in on all sides, and overthrown ;
and an hour after this, the prince returning, too late to
recover his friends, was obliged with the rest to quit
the field to conquerors.
This was a fatal day to the king's affairs, and the
risk too much for any man in his wits to run ; we lost
4000 men on the spot, 3000 prisoners, among whom
was Sir Charles Lucas, Major-General Porter, Major-
General Tilyard, and about 170 gentlemen of quality.
We lost all our baggage, twenty-five pieces of cannon,
300 carriages, 150 barrels of powder, and 10,000
arms. The prince got into York with the Earl of
Newcastle, and a great many gentlemen ; and 7000 or
8000 of the men, as well horse as foot.
I had but very coarse treatment in this fight ; for
returning with the prince from the pursuit of the right
wing, and finding all lost, I halted with some other
officers, to consider what to do. At first we were for
making our retreat in a body, and might have done so
well enough, if we had known what had happened,
before we saw ourselves in the middle of the enemy ;
for Sir Thomas Fairfax, who had got together his
scattered troops, and joined by some of the left wing,
knowing who we were, charged us with great fury.
'Twas not a time to think of anything but getting
away, or dying upon the spot ; the prince kept on in
the front, and Sir Thomas Fairfax by this charge cut
222 Memoirs of a Cavalier
off about three regiments of us from our body ; but
bending his main strength at the prince, left us, as it
were, behind him, in the middle of the field of battle.
We took this for the only opportunity we could have
to get off, and joining together, we made across the
place of battle in as good order as we could, with our
carabines presented. In this posture we passed by
several bodies of the enemy's foot, who stood with their
pikes charged to keep us off; but they had no occasion,
for we had no design to meddle with them, but to get
from them.
Thus we made a swift march, and thought ourselves
pretty secure ; but our work was not done yet, for on a
sudden we saw ourselves under a necessity of fighting
our way through a great body of Manchester's horse,
who came galloping upon us over the moor. They
had, as we suppose, been pursuing some of our broken
troops which were fled before, and seeing us, they gave
us a home charge. We received them as well as we
could, but pushed to get through them, which at last we
did with a considerable loss to them. However, we
lost so many men, either killed or separated from us (for
all could not follow the same way), that of our three
regiments we could not be above 400 horse together when
we got quite clear, and these were mixed men, some of
one troop and regiment, some of another. Not that I
believe many of us were killed in the laat attack, for
we had plainly the better of the enemy, but our design
being to get off, some shifted for themselves one way
and some another, in the best manner they could, and
as their several fortunes guided them. Four hundred
more of this body, as I afterwards understood, having
broke through the enemy's body another way, kept
together, and got into Pontefract Castle, and 300 more
made northward and to Skipton, where the prince
afterwards fetched them off.
Memoirs of a Cavalier 223
These few of us that were left together, with whom
I was, being now pretty clear of pursuit, halted, and
began to inquire who and who we were, and what we
should do; and on a short debate, I proposed we should
make to the first garrison of the king's that we could
recover, and that we should keep together, lest the
country people should insult us upon the roads. With
this resolution we pushed on westward for Lancashire,
but our misfortunes were not yet at an end. We
travelled very hard, and got to a village upon the river
Wharfe, near Wetherby. At Wetherby there was a
bridge, but we understood that a party from Leeds had
secured the town and the post, in order to stop the
flying Cavaliers, and that 'twould be very hard to get
through there, though, as we understood afterwards,
there were no soldiers there but a guard of the townsmen.
In this pickle we consulted what course to take. To
stay where we were till morning, we all concluded,
would not be safe. Some advised to take the stream
with our horses, but the river, which is deep, and the
current strong, seemed to bid us have a care what we
did of that kind, especially in the night. We resolved
therefore to refresh ourselves and our horses, which
indeed is more than we did, and go on till we might
come to a ford or bridge, where we might get over.
Some guides we had, but they either were foolish or
false, for after we had rode eight or nine miles, they
plunged us into a river at a place they called a ford, but
'twas a very ill one, for most of our horses swam,
and seven or eight were lost, but we saved the men.
However, we got all over.
We made bold with our first convenience to trespass
upon the country for a few horses, where we could
find them, to remount our men whose horses were
drowned, and continued our march. But being obliged
to refresh ourselves at a small village on the edge of
224 Memoirs of a Cavalier
Bramham Moor, we found the country alarmed by our
caking some horses, and we were no sooner got on
horseback in the morning, and entering on the moor,
but we understood we were pursued by some troops of
horse. There was no remedy but we must pass this
moor ; and though our horses were exceedingly tired,
yet we pressed on upon a round trot, and recovered an
enclosed country on the other side, where we halted.
And here, necessity putting us upon it, we were obliged
to look out for more horses, for several of our men were
dismounted, and others' horses disabled by carrying
double, those who lost their horses getting up behind
them. But we were supplied by our enemies against
their will.
The enemy followed us over the moor, and we
having a woody enclosed country about us, where we
were, I observed by their moving, they had lost sight
of us ; upon which I proposed concealing ourselves till
we might judge of their numbers. We did so, and
lying close in a wood, they passed hastily by us, with
out skirting or searching the wood, which was what
on another occasion they would not have done. I
found they were not above 150 horse, and considering,
that to let them go before us, would be to alarm the
country, and stop our design, I thought, since we
might be able to deal with them, we should not meet
with a better place for it, and told the rest of our
officers my mind, which all our party presently (for
we had not time for a long debate) agreed to.
Immediately upon this I caused two men to fire
their pistols in the wood, at two different places, as
far asunder as I could. This I did to give them an
alarm, and amuse them ; for being in the lane, they
would otherwise have got through before we had been
ready, and I resolved to engage them there, as soon
as 'twas possible. After this alarm, we rushed out of
Memoirs of a Cavalier 225
the wood, with about a hundred horse, and charged
them on the flank in a broad lane, the wood being on
their right. Our passage into the lane being narrow,
gave us some difficulty in our getting out ; but the
surprise of the charge did our work ; for the enemy,
thinking we had been a mile or two before, had not
the least thoughts of this onset, till they heard us in
the wood, and then they who were before could not
come back. We broke into the lane just in the middle
of them, and by that means divided them; and facing
to the left, charged the rear. First our dismounted
men, which were near fifty, lined the edge of the wood,
and fired with their carabines upon those which were
before, so warmly, that they put them into a great dis
order. Meanwhile fifty more of our horse from the
farther part of the wood showed themselves in the lane
upon their front. This put them of the foremost party
into a great perplexity, and they began to face about,
to fall upon us who were engaged in the rear. But
their facing about in a lane where there was no room
to wheel, as one who understands the manner of
wheeling a troop of horse must imagine, put them into
a great disorder. Our party in the head of the lane
taking the advantage of this mistake of the enemy,
charged in upon them, and routed them entirely.
Some found means to break into the enclosures on
the other side of the lane, and get away. About thirty
were killed, and about twenty-five made prisoners, and
forty very good horses were taken ; all this while not
a man of ours was lost, and not above seven or eight
wounded. Those in the rear behaved themselves better,
for they stood our charge with a great deal of resolu
tion, and all we could do could not break them ; but
at last our men who had fired on foot through the
hedges at the other party, coming to do the like here,
there was no standing it any longer. The rear of them
226 Memoirs of a Cavalier
faced about and retreated out of the lane, and drew up
in the open field to receive and rally their fellows. We
killed about seventeen of them, and followed them to
the end of the lane, but had no mind to have any more
fighting than needs must, our condition at that time not
making it proper, the towns round us being all in the
enemy's hands, and the country but indifferently pleased
with us ; however, we stood facing them till they
thought fit to march away. Thus we were supplied
with horses enough to remount our men, and pursued
our first design of getting into Lancashire. As for our
prisoners, we let them off on foot.
But the country being by this time alarmed, and
the rout of our army everywhere known, we foresaw
abundance of difficulties before us ; we were not strong
enough to venture into any great towns, and we were
too many to be concealed in small ones. Upon this
we resolved to halt in a great wood about three milea
beyond the place, where we had the last skirmish, and
sent our scouts to discover the country, and learn what
they could, either of the enemy or of our friends.
Anybody may suppose we had but indifferent quar
ters here, either for ourselves or for our horses ; but,
however, we made shift to lie here two days and one
night. In the interim I took upon me, with two more,
to go to Leeds to learn some news ; we were disguised
like country ploughmen ; the clothes we got at a far
mer's house, which for that particular occasion we
plundered ; and I cannot say no blood was shed in
a manner too rash, and which I could not have done
at another time ; but our case was desperate, and the
people too surly, and shot at us out of the window,
wounded one man and shot a horse, which we counted
as great a loss to us as a man, for our safety depended
upon our horses. Here we got clothes of all sorts,
enough for both sexes, and thus dressing myself up au.
Memoirs of a Cavalier 227
paysan, with a white cap on my head, and a fork on
my shoulder, and one of my comrades in the farmer's
wife's russet gown and petticoat, like a woman, the
other with an old crutch like a lame man, and all
mounted on such horses as we had taken the day before
from the country, away we go to Leeds by three
several ways, and agreed to meet upon the bridge. My
pretended country woman acted her part to the life,
though the party was a gentleman of good quality, of
the Earl of Worcester's family ; and the cripple did
as well as he ; but I thought myself very awkward in
my dress, which made me very shy, especially among
the soldiers. We passed their sentinels and guards at
Leeds unobserved, and put up our horses at several
houses in the town, from whence we went up and down
to make our remarks. My cripple was the fittest to
go among the soldiers, because there was less danger
of being pressed. There he informed himself of the
matters of war, particularly that the enemy sat down
again to the siege of York ; that flying parties were in
pursuit of the Cavaliers ; and there he heard that 500
horse of the Lord Manchester's men had followed
a party of Cavaliers over Bramham Moor, and that
entering a lane, the Cavaliers, who were 1000 strong,
fell upon them, and killed them all but about fifty.
This, though it was a lie, was very pleasant to us to
hear, knowing it was our party, because of the other
part of the story, which was thus : That the Cavaliers
had taken possession of such a wood, where they rallied
all the troops of their flying army ; that they had plun
dered the country as they came, taking all the horses
they could get ; that they had plundered Goodman
Thomson's house, which was the farmer I mentioned,
and killed man, woman, and child ; and that they were
about 2000 strong.
My other friend in woman's clothes got among the
228 Memoirs of a Cavalier
good wives at an inn, where she set up her horse, and
there she heard the same sad and dreadful tidings ;
and that this party was so strong, none of the neigh
bouring garrisons durst stir out ; but that they had
sent expresses to York, for a party of horse to come
to their assistance.
I walked up and down the town, but fancied myself
so ill disguised, and so easy to be known, that I cared
not to talk with anybody. We met at the bridge
exactly at our time, and compared our intelligence,
found it answered our end of coming, and that we had
nothing to do but to get back to our men ; but my
cripple told me, he would not stir till he bought some
victuals ; so away he hops with his crutch, and buys
four or five great pieces of bacon, as many of hung
beef, and two or three loaves ; and borrowing a sack at
the inn (which I suppose he never restored), he loads
his horse, and getting a large leather bottle, he filled
that of aqua-vitas instead of small beer ; my woman
comrade did the like. I was uneasy in my mind, and
took no care but to get out of the town ; however, we
all came off well enough ; but 'twas well for me
that I had no provisions with me, as you will hear
presently.
We came, as I said, into the town by several ways,
and so we went out ; but about three miles from the
town we met again exactly where we had agreed. I
being about a quarter of a mile from the rest, I meets
three country fellows on horseback ; one had a long
pole on his shoulder, another a fork, the third no
weapon at all, that I saw. I gave them the road very
orderly, being habited like one of their brethren ; but
one of them stopping short at me, and looking earnestly,
calls out, "Hark thee, friend," says he, in a broad
north-country tone, " whar hast thou thilk horse ? "
I must confess I was in the utmost confusion at the
Memoirs of a Cavalier 229
question, neither being able to answer the question, nor
to speak in his tone ; so I made as if I did not hear
him, and went on. " Na, but ye's not gang soa," says
the boor, and comes up to me, and takes hold of the
horse's bridle to stop me ; at which, vexed at heart
that I could not tell how to talk to him, I reached
him a great knock on the pate with my fork, and
fetched him off of his horse, and then began to mend
my pace. The other clowns, though it seems they
knew not what the fellow wanted, pursued me, and
finding they had better heels than I, I saw there was
no remedy but to make use of my hands, and faced
about.
The first that came up with me was he that had no
weapons, so I thought I might parley with him, and
speaking as country-like as I could, I asked him what
he wanted ? " Thou'st knaw that soon," says York
shire, " and ise but come at thee." " Then keep awa',
man," said I, " or ise brain thee." By this time the
third man came up and the parley ended ; for he gave
me no words, but laid at me with his long pole, and
that with such fury, that I began to be doubtful of him.
I was loth to shoot the fellow, though I had pistols
under my grey frock, as well for that the noise of a
pistol might bring more people in, the village being on
our rear, and also because I could not imagine what the
fellow meant, or would have. But at last, finding he
would be too many for me with that long weapon, and
a hardy strong fellow, I threw myself off my horse, and
running in with him, stabbed my fork into his horse.
The horse being wounded, staggered awhile, and then
fell down, and the booby had not the sense to get down
in time, but fell with him. Upon which, giving him
a knock or two with my fork, I secured him. The
other, by this time, had furnished himself with a great
stick out of a hedge, and before I was disengaged from
230 Memoirs of a Cavalier
the last fellow, gave me two such blows, that if the last
had not missed my head and hit me on the shoulder, I
had ended the fight and my life together. 'Twas time
to look about me now, for this was a madman. I
defended myself with my fork, but 'twould not do.
At last, in short, I was forced to pistol him and get on
horseback again, and with all the speed I could make,
get away to the wood to our men.
If my two fellow-spies had not been behind, I had
never known what was the meaning of this quarrel of
the three countrymen, but my cripple had all the par
ticulars. For he being behind us, as I have already
observed, when he came up to the first fellow who
began the fray, he found him beginning to come to
himself. So he gets off, and pretends to help him, and
sets him up upon his breech, and being a very merry
fellow, talked to him : " Well, and what's the matter
now?" says he to him. "Ah, wae's me," says the
fellow, " I is killed." " Not quite, mon," says the
cripple. " Oh that's a fau thief," says he, and thus
they parleyed. My cripple got him on's feet, and gave
him a dram of his aqua-vitas bottle, and made much of
him, in order to know what was the occasion of the
quarrel. Our disguised woman pitied the fellow too,
and together they set him up again upon his horse, and
then he told him that that fellow was got upon one of
his brother's horses who lived at Wetherby. They
said the Cavaliers stole him, but 'twas like such rogues.
No mischief could be done in the country, but 'twas
the poor Cavaliers must bear the blame, and the like,
and thus they jogged on till they came to the place
where the other two lay. The first fellow they
assisted as they had done t'other, and gave him a
dram out of the leather bottle, but the last fellow was
past their care, so they came away. For when they
understood that 'twas my horse they claimed, they
Memoirs of a Cavalier 231
began to be afraid that their own horses might be
known too, and then they had been betrayed in a worse
pickle than I, and must have been forced to have done
some mischief or other to have got away.
I had sent out two troopers to fetch them off, if there
was any occasion ; but their stay was not long, and the
two troopers saw them at a distance coming towards us,
so they returned.
I had enough of going for a spy, and my companions
had enough of staying in the wood ; for other intelli
gences agreed with ours, and all concurred in this, that
it was time to be going ; however, this use we made of
it, that while the country thought us so strong we were
in the less danger of being attacked, though in the
more of being observed ; but all this while we heard
nothing of our friends till the next day. We heard
Prince Rupert, with about 1000 horse, was at Skipton,
and from thence marched away to Westmoreland.
We concluded now we had two or three days' time
good ; for, since messengers were sent to York for a
a party to suppress us, we must have at least two days'
march of them, and therefore all concluded we were to
make the best of our way. Early in the morning, there
fore, we decamped from those dull quarters ; and as we
marched through a village we found the people very
civil to us, and the women cried out, " God bless them,
'tis pity the Roundheads should make such work with
such brave men," and the like. Finding we were
among our friends, we resolved to halt a little and
refresh ourselves ; and, indeed, the people were very
kind to us, gave us victuals and drink, and took care
of our horses. It happened to be my lot to stop at a
house where the good woman took a great deal of pains
to provide for us ; but I observed the good man walked
about with a cap upon his head, and very much out of
order. I took no great notice of it, being very sleepy,
232 Memoirs of a Cavalier
and having asked my landlady to let me have a bed, I
lay down and slept heartily. When I waked I found
my landlord on another bed groaning very heavily.
When I came downstairs, I found my cripple talk
ing with my landlady ; he was now out of his disguise,
but we called him cripple still ; and the other, who put
on the woman's clothes, we called Goody Thompson.
As soon as he saw me, he called me out, ' Do you
know," says he, " the man of the house you are quar
tered in?" "No, not I," says I. <{ No; so I
believe, nor they you," says he ; " if they did, the good
wife would not have made you a posset, and fetched a
white loaf for you." " What do you mean ? " says I.
" Have you seen the man ? " says he. " Seen him,"
says I ; " yes, and heard him too ; the man's sick, and
groans so heavily," says I, " that I could not lie upon
the bed any longer for him." "Why, this is the poor
man," says he, "that you knocked down with your
fork yesterday, and I have had all the story out yonder
at the next door." I confess it grieved me to have
been forced to treat one so roughly who was one of our
friends, but to make some amends, we contrived to give
the poor man his brother's horse ; and my cripple told
him a formal story, that he believed the horse was taken
away from the fellow by some of our men, and if he
knew him again, if 'twas his friend's horse, he should
have him. The man came down upon the news, and
I caused six or seven horses, which were taken at the
same time, to be shown him ; he immediately chose the
right ; so I gave him the horse, and we pretended a
great deal of sorrow for the man's hurt, and that we
had not knocked the fellow on the head as well as took
away the horse. The man was so overjoyed at the
.revenge he thought was taken on the fellow, that we
heard him groan no more.
We ventured to stay all day at this town and the next
Memoirs of a Cavalier 233
night, and got guides to lead us to Blackstone Edge, a
ridge of mountains which part this side of Yorkshire
from Lancashire. Early in the morning we marched,
and kept our scouts very carefully out every way, who
brought us no news for this day. We kept on all
night, and made our horses do penance for that little
rest they had, and the next morning we passed the hills
and got into Lancashire, to a town called Littlebrough,
and from thence to Rochdale, a little market town.
And now we thought ourselves safe as to the pursuit of
enemies from the side of York. Our design was to get
to Bolton, but all the county was full of the enemy in
flying parties, and how to get to Bolton we knew not.
At last we resolved to send a messenger to Bolton ;
but he came back and told us he had with lurking and
hiding tried all the ways that he thought possible, but
to no purpose, for he could not get into the town. We
sent another, and he never returned, and some time
after we understood he was taken by the enemy. At
last one got into the town, but brought us word they
were tired out with constant alarms, had been strictly
blocked up, and every day expected a siege, and there
fore advised us either to go northward, where Prince
Rupert and the Lord Goring ranged at liberty, or to
get over Warrington Bridge, and so secure our retreat
to Chester.
This double direction divided our opinions. I wa&
for getting into Chester, both to recruit myself with
horses and with money, both which I wanted, and to
get refreshment, which we all wanted ; but the major
part of our men were for the north. First they said
there was their general, and 'twas their duty to the cause,
and the king's interest obliged us to go where we could
do best service ; and there was their friends, and every
man might hear some news of his own regiment, for we
belonged to several regiments. Besides, all the towns
234 Memoirs of a Cavalier
to the left of us were possessed by Sir William Brere-
ton, Warrington, and Northwich, garrisoned by the
enemy, and a strong party at Manchester, so that
'twas very likely we should be beaten and dispersed
before we could get to Chester. These reasons, and
especially the last, determined us for the north, and we
had resolved to march the next morning, when other
intelligence brought us to more speedy resolutions. We
kept our scouts continually abroad to bring us intelli
gence of the enemy, whom we expected on our backs,
and also to keep an eye upon the country ; for, as we
lived upon them something at large, they were ready
enough to do us any ill turn, as it lay in their power.
The first messenger that came to us was from our
friends at Bolton, to inform us that they were preparing
at Manchester to attack us. One of our parties had
been as far as Stockport, on the edge of Cheshire, and
was pursued by a party of the enemy, but got off by the
help of the night. Thus, all things looking black to
the south, we had resolved to march northward in the
morning, when one of our scouts from the side of
Manchester assured us Sir Thomas Middleton, with
some of the Parliament forces and the country troops,
making above 1 200 men, were on their march to attack
us, and would certainly beat up our quarters that night.
Upon this advice we resolved to be gone ; and, getting
all things in readiness, we began to march about two
hours before night. And having gotten a trusty fellow
for a guide, a fellow that we found was a friend to our
side, he put a project into my head which saved us all
for that time ; and that was, to give out in the village
that we were marched back to Yorkshire, resolving to
get into Pontefract Castle ; and accordingly he leads
us out of the town the same way we came in, and,
taking a boy with him, he sends the boy back just at
night, and bade him say he saw us go up the hills at
Memoirs of a Cavalier 235
Blackstone Edge ; and it happened very well, for this
party were so sure of us, that they had placed 400 men
on the road to the northward to intercept our retreat
that way, and had left no way for us, as they thought,
to get away but back again.
About ten o'clock at night, they assaulted our
quarters, but found we were gone ; and being informed
which way, they followed upon the spur, and travelling
all night, being moonlight, they found themselves the
next day about fifteen miles east, just out of their way.
For we had, by the help of our guide, turned short at
the foot of the hills, and through blind, untrodden
paths, and with difficulty enough, by noon the next
day had reached almost twenty-five miles north, near
a town called Clitheroe. Here we halted in the open
field, and sent out our people to see how things were
in the country. This part of the country, almost un-
passable, and walled round with hills, was indifferent
quiet, and we got some refreshment for ourselves, but
very little horse-meat, and so went on. But we had
not marched far before we found ourselves discovered,
and the 400 horse sent to lie in wait for us as before,
having understood which way we went, followed us
hard ; and by letters to some of their friends at Preston,
we found we were beset again.
Our guide began now to be out of his knowledge,
and our scouts brought us word, the enemy's horse
was posted before us, and we knew they were in our
rear. In this exigence, we resolved to divide our
small body, and so amusing them, at least one might
get off, if the other miscarried. I took about eighty
horse with me, among which were all that I had of
our own regiment, amounting to above thirty-two, and
took the hills towards Yorkshire. Here we met with
such unpassable hills, vast moors, rocks, and stony
ways, as lamed all our horses, and tired our men ; and
236 Memoirs of a Cavalier
sometimes I was ready to think we should never be
able to get over them, till our horses failing, and jack
boots being but indifferent things to travel in, we might
be starved before we should find any road, or towns ; for
guide we had none, but a boy who knew but little,
and would cry when we asked him any questions. I
believe neither men nor horses ever passed in some
places where we went, and for twenty hours we saw
not a town or a house, excepting sometimes from the
top of the mountains, at a vast distance. I am per
suaded we might have encamped here, if we had had
provisions, till the war had been over, and have met
with no disturbance ; and I have often wondered since,
how we got into such horrible places, as much as how
we got out. That which was worse to us than ail the
rest, was, that we knew not where we were going, nor
what part of the country we should come into, when
we came out of those desolate crags. At last, after a
terrible fatigue, we began to see the western parts of
Yorkshire, some few villages, and the country at a
distance looked a little like England, for I thought
before it looked like old Brennus Hill, which the
Grisons call the " grandfather of the Alps." We got
some relief in the villages, which indeed some of us
had so much need of, that they were hardly able to sit
their horses, and others were forced to help them off,
they were so faint. I never felt so much of the power
of hunger in my life, for having not eaten in thirty
hours, I was as ravenous as a hound; and if I had
had a piece of horse-flesh, I believe I should not have
had patience to have staid dressing it, but have fallen
upon it raw, and have eaten it as greedily as a Tartar.
However, I ate very cautiously, having often seen the
danger of men's eating heartily after long fasting.
Our next care was to inquire our way. Halifax,
they told us, was on our right. There we durst not
Memoirs of a Cavalier 237
think of going. Skipton was before us, and there we
knew not how it was, for a body of 3000 horse, sent
out by the enemy in pursuit of Prince Rupert, had
been there but two days before, and the country people
could not tell us whether they were gone, or no.
And Manchester's horse, which were sent out after
our party, were then at Halifax, in quest of us, and
afterwards marched into Cheshire. In this distress
we would have hired a guide, but none of the country
people would go with us, for the Roundheads would
hang them, they said, when they came there. Upon
this I called a fellow to me, " Hark ye, friend," says
I, ** dost thee know the way so as to bring us into
Westmoreland, and not keep the great road from
York ? " " Ay, merry," says he, " I ken the ways
weel enou ! " "And you would go and guide us,"
said I, " but that you are afraid the Roundheads will
hang you?" "Indeed would I," says the fellow.
"Why then," says I, "thou hadst as good be hanged
by a Cavalier as a Roundhead, for if thou wilt not go,
I'll hang thee just now." " Na, an ye serve mesoa,"
says the fellow, " Ise ene gang with ye, for I care not
for hanging ; and ye'll get me a good horse, Ise gang
and be one of ye, for I'll nere come heame more."
This pleased us still better, and we mounted the fellow,
for three of our men died that night with the extreme
fatigue of the last service.
Next morning, when our new trooper was mounted
and clothed we hardly knew him ; and this fellow led
us by such ways, such wildernesses, and yet with such
prudence, keeping the hills to the left, that we might
have the villages to refresh ourselves, that without him,
we had certainly either perished in those mountains, or
fallen into the enemy's hands. We passed the great
road from York so critically as to time, that from one
of the hills he showed us a party of the enemy's horse,
238 Memoirs of a Cavalier
who were then marching into Westmoreland. We lay
still that day, finding we were not discovered by them ;
and our guide proved the best scout that we could
have had ; for he would go out ten miles at a time,
and bring us in all the news of the country. Here he
brought us word, that York was surrendered upon
articles, and that Newcastle, which had been surprised
by the king's party, was besieged by another army of
Scots advanced to help their brethren.
Along the edges of those vast mountains we passed
with the help of our guide, till we came into the
forest of Swale; and finding ourselves perfectly con
cealed here, for no soldier had ever been here all the
war, nor perhaps would not, if it had lasted seven
years, we thought we wanted a few days' rest, at least
for our horses. So we resolved to halt ; and while we
did so, we made some disguises, and sent out some
spies into the country ; but as here were no great
towns, nor no post road, we got very little intelli
gence. We rested four days, and then marched
again ; and indeed having no great stock of money
about us, and not very free of that we had, four
days was enough for those poor places to be able to
maintain us.
We thought ourselves pretty secure now ; but our
chief care was how to get over those terrible moun
tains ; for having passed the great road that leads from
York to Lancaster, the crags, the farther northward
we looked, looked still the worse, and our business
was all on the other side. Our guide told us, he
would bring us out, if we would have patience, which
we were obliged to, and kept on this slow march, till
he brought us to Stanhope, in the county of Durham ;
where some of Goring's horse, and two regiments of
foot, had their quarters. This was nineteen days from
the battle of Marston Moor. The prince, who was
Memoirs of a Cavalier 239
then at Kendal in Westmoreland, and who had given
me over as lost, when he had news of our arrival, sent
an express to me, to meet him at Appleby. I went
thither accordingly, and gave him an account of our
journey, and there I heard the short history of the
other part of our men, whom we parted from in Lan
cashire. They made the best of their way north ;
they had two resolute gentlemen who commanded ;
and being so closely pursued by the enemy, that they
found themselves under a necessity of fighting, they
halted, and faced about, expecting the charge. The
boldness of the action made the officer who led the
enemy's horse (which it seems were the county horse
only) afraid of them ; which they perceiving, taking
the advantage of his fears, bravely advance, and charge
them ; and, though they were about 200 horse, they
routed them, killed about thirty or forty, got some
horses, and some money, and pushed on their march
night and day ; but coming near Lancaster, they were
so waylaid and pursued, that they agreed to separate,
and shift every man for himself. Many of them fell
into the enemy's hands ; some were killed attempting
to pass through the river Lune ; some went back
again, six or seven got to Bolton, and about eighteen
got safe to Prince Rupert.
The prince was in a better condition hereabouts
than I expected ; he and my Lord Goring, with the
help of Sir Marmaduke Langdale, and the gentlemen
of Cumberland, had gotten a body of 4000 horse, and
about 6000 foot ; they had retaken Newcastle, Tyne-
mouth, Durham, Stockton, and several towns of con
sequence from the Scots, and might have cut them out
work enough still, if that base people, resolved to
engage their whole interest to ruin their sovereign, had
not sent a second army of 10,000 men, under the
Earl of Callander, to help their first. These came and
240 Memoirs of a Cavalier
laid siege to Newcastle, but found more vigorous re
sistance now than they had done before.
There were in the town Sir John Morley, the
Lord Crawford, Lord Reay, and Maxwell, Scots; and
old soldiers, who were resolved their countrymen
should buy the town very dear, if they had it ; and
had it not been for our disaster at Marston Moor, they
had never had it; for Callander, finding he was not
able to carry the town, sends to General Leven to
come from the siege of York to help him.
Meantime the prince forms a very good army, and
the Lord Goring, with 10,000 men, shows himself
on the borders of Scotland, to try if that might not
cause the Scots to recall their forces ; and, I am
persuaded, had he entered Scotland, the Parliament
of Scotland had recalled the Earl of Callander, for
they had but 5000 men left in arms to send against
him ; but they were loth to venture. However,
this effect it had, that it called the Scots northward
again, and found them work there for the rest of the
summer to reduce the several towns in the bishopric
of Durham.
I found with the prince the poor remains of my
regiment, which, when joined with those that had been
with me, could not all make up three troops, and but
two captains, three lieutenants, and one cornet; the rest
were dispersed, killed, or taken prisoners. However,
with those, which we still called a regiment, I joined the
prince, and after having done all we could on that side,
the Scots being returned from York, the prince returned
through Lancashire to Chester.
The enemy often appeared and alarmed us, and once
fell on one of our parties, and killed us about a hundred
men ; but we were too many for them to pretend to
fight us, so we came to Bolton, beat the troops of the
enemy near Warrington, where I got a cut with a
Memoirs of a Cavalier 241
halberd in my face, and arrived at Chester the begin
ning of August.
The Parliament, upon their great success in the
north, thinking the king's forces quite broken, had
sent their General Essex into the west, where the
king's army was commanded by Prince Maurice,
Prince Rupert's elder brother, but not very strong ;
and the king being, as they supposed, by the absence
of Prince Rupert, weakened so much as that he might
be checked by Sir William Waller, who, with 4500
foot, and 1500 horse, was at that time about Win
chester, having lately beaten Sir Ralph Hopton ; upon
all these considerations, the Earl of Essex marches
westward.
The forces in the west being too weak to oppose
him, everything gave way to him, and all people ex
pected he would besiege Exeter, where the queen was
newly lying-in, and sent a trumpet to desire he would
forbear the city, while she could be removed, which
he did, and passed on westward, took Tiverton, Bide-
ford, Barnstaple, Launceston, relieved Plymouth, drove
Sir Richard Grenvile up into Cornwall, and followed
him thither, but left Prince Maurice behind him with
4000 men about Barnstaple and Exeter. The king
in the meantime, marches from Oxford into Worcester,
with Waller at his heels. At Edgehill his Majesty
turns upon Waller, and gave him a brush, to put him
in mind of the place. The king goes on to Worcester,
sends 300 horse to relieve Durley Castle, besieged by
the Earl of Denby, and sending part of his forces to
Bristol, returns to Oxford.
His Majesty had now firmly resolved to march into
the west, not having yet any account of our misfortunes
in the north. Waller and Middleton waylay the king
at Cropredy Bridge. The king assaults Middleton at
the bridge Waller's men were posted with some
Q
242 Memoirs of a Cavalier
cannon to guard a pass. Middleton's men put a regi
ment of the king's foot to the rout, and pursued them.
Waller's men, willing to come in for the plunder, a thing
their general had often used them to, quit their post
at the pass, and their great guns, to have part in the
victory. The king coming in seasonably to the relief
of his men, routs Middleton, and at the same time
sends a party round, who clapped in between Sir
William Waller's men and their great guns, and
secured the pass and the cannon too. The king took
three colonels, besides other officers, and about 300
men prisoners, with eight great guns, nineteen carriages
of ammunition, and killed about 200 men.
Waller lost his reputation in this fight, and was ex
ceedingly slighted ever after, even by his own party ;
but especially by such as were of General Essex's
party, between whom and Waller there had been
jealousies and misunderstandings for some time.
The king, about 8000 strong, marched on to Bristol,
where Sir William Hopton joined him, and from thence
he follows Essex into Cornwall. Essex still following
Grenvile, the king comes to Exeter, and joining with
Prince Maurice, resolves to pursue Essex ; and now
the Earl of Essex began to see his mistake, being
cooped up between two seas, the king's army in his
rear, the country his enemy, and Sir Richard Grenvile
in his van.
The king, who always took the best measures when
he was left to his own counsel, wisely refuses to engage,
though superior in number, and much stronger in horse.
Essex often drew out to fight, but the king fortifies,
takes the passes and bridges, plants cannon, and secures
the country to keep off provisions, and continually
straitens their quarters, but would not fight.
Now Essex sends away to the Parliament for help,
and they write to Waller, and Middleton, and Man-
Memoirs of a Cavalier 243
cheater to follow, and come up with the king in his
rear ; but some were too far off, and could not, as
Manchester and Fairfax ; others made no haste, as
having no mind to it, as Waller and Middleton, and if
they had, it had been too late.
At last the Earl of Essex, finding nothing to be
done, and unwilling to fall into the king's hands,
takes shipping, and leaves his army to shift for them
selves. The horse, under Sir William Balfour, the
best horse officer, and, without comparison, the bravest
in all the Parliament army, advanced in small parties,
as if to skirmish, but following in with the whole body,
being 3500 horse, broke through, and got off. Though
this was a loss to the king's victory, yet the foot were
now in a condition so much the worse. Brave old
Skippon proposed to fight through with the foot and
die, as he called it, like Englishmen, with sword in
hand ; but the rest of the officers shook their heads at
it, for, being well paid, they had at present no occasion
for dying.
Seeing it thus, they agreed to treat, and the king
grants them conditions, upon laying down their arms,
to march off free. This was too much. Had his
Majesty but obliged them upon oath not to serve again
for a certain time, he had done his business ; but this was
not thought of; so they passed free, only disarmed, the
soldiers not being allowed so much as their swords.
The king gained by this treaty forty pieces of
cannon, all of brass, 300 barrels of gunpowder, 9000
arms, 8000 swords, match and bullet in proportion,
200 waggons, 150 colours and standards, all the bag
and baggage of the army, and about 1000 of the men
listed in his army. This was a complete victory with
out bloodshed ; and had the king but secured the men
from serving but for six months, it had most effectually
answered the battle of Marston Moor.
244 Memoirs of a Cavalier
As it was, it infused new life into all his Majesty's
forces and friends, and retrieved his affairs very much ;
but especially it encouraged us in the north, who were
more sensible of the blow received at Marston Moor,
and of the destruction the Scots were bringing upon
us all.
While I was at Chester, we had some small
skirmishes with Sir William Brereton. One morning
in particular Sir William drew up, and faced us, and
one of our colonels of horse observing the enemy to be
not, as he thought, above 200, desires leave of Prince
Rupert to attack them with the like number, and
accordingly he sallied out with 200 horse. I stood
drawn up without the city with 800 more, ready to
bring him off, if he should be put to the worst, which
happened accordingly ; for, not having discovered
neither the country nor the enemy as he thought, Sir
William Brereton drew him into an ambuscade ; so
that before he came up with Sir William's forces, near
enough to charge, he finds about 300 horse in his rear.
Though he was surprised at this, yet, being a man of
a ready courage, he boldly faces about with 150 of
his men, leaving the other fifty to face Sir William.
With this small party, he desperately charges the 300
horse in his rear, and putting them into disorder, breaks
through them, and, had there been no greater force, he
had cut them all in pieces. Flushed with this success,
and loth to desert the fifty men he had left behind,
he faces about again, and charges through them again,
and with these two charges entirely routs them. Sir
William Brereton finding himself a little disappointed,
advances, and falls upon the fifty men just as the
colonel came up to them ; they fought him with a
great deal of bravery, but the colonel being unfortu
nately killed in the first charge, the men gave way, and
came flying all in confusion, with the enemy at their
Memoirs of a Cavalier 245
heels. As soon as I saw this, I advanced, according
to my orders, and the enemy, as soon as I appeared,
gave over the pursuit. This gentleman, as I remember,
was Colonel Marrow ; we fetched off his body, and
retreated into Chester.
The next morning the prince drew out of the city
with about 1200 horse and 2000 foot, and attacked
Sir William Brereton in his quarters. The fight was
very sharp for the time, and near 700 men, on both
sides, were killed ; but Sir William would not put it
to a general engagement, so the prince drew off, con
tenting himself to have insulted him in his quarters.
We now had received orders from the king to join
him ; but I representing to the prince the condition
of my regiment, which was now TOO men, and that,
being within twenty-five miles of my father's house, I
might soon recruit it, my father having got some men
together already, I desired leave to lie at Shrewsbury
for a month, to make up my men. Accordingly,
having obtained his leave, I marched to Wrexham,
where in two days' time I got twenty men, and so on
to Shrewsbury. I had not been here above ten days,
but I received an express to come away with what
recruits I had got together, Prince Rupert having
positive orders to meet the king by a certain day. I
had not mounted 100 men, though I had listed above
200, when these orders came ; but leaving my father
to complete them for me, I marched with those I had
and came to Oxford.
The king, after the rout of the Parliament forces in
the west, was marched back, took Barnstaple, Plympton,
Launceston, Tiverton, and several other places, and
left Plymouth besieged by Sir Richard Grenvile, met
with Sir William Waller at Shaftesbury, and again at
Andover, and boxed him at both places, and marched
for Newbury. Here the king sent for Prince Rupert
246 Memoirs of a Cavalier
to meet him, who with 3000 horse made long marches
to join him ; but the Parliament having joined their three
armies together, Manchester from the north, Waller
and Essex (the men being clothed and armed) from
the west, had attacked the king, and obliged him to
fight the day before the prince came up.
The king had so posted himself, as that he could
not be obliged to fight but with advantage, the Parlia
ment's forces being superior in number, and therefore,
when they attacked him, he galled them with his
cannon, and declining to come to a general battle, stood
upon the defensive, expecting Prince Rupert with the
horse.
The Parliament's forces had some advantage over
our foot, and took the Earl of Cleveland prisoner.
But the king, whose foot were not above one to two,
drew his men under the cannon of Donnington Castle,
and having secured his artillery and baggage, made a
retreat with his foot in very good order, having not
lost in all the fight above 300 men, and the Parliament
as many. We lost five pieces of cannon and took two,
having repulsed the Earl of Manchester's men on the
north side of the town, with considerable loss.
The king having lodged his train of artillery and
baggage in Donnington Castle, marched the next day
for Oxford. There we joined him with 3000 horse
and 2000 foot. Encouraged with this reinforcement,
the king appears upon the hills on the north-west of
Newbury, and faces the Parliament army. The Parlia
ment having too many generals as well as soldiers, they
could not agree whether they should fight or no. This
was no great token of the victory they boasted of, for
they were now twice our number in the whole, and
their foot three for one. The king stood in battalia all
day, and finding the Parliament forces had no stomach
to engage him, he drew away his cannon and baggage
Memoirs of a Cavalier 247
out of Donnington Castle in view of their whole army,
and marched away to Oxford.
This was such a false step of the Parliament's generals,
that all the people cried shame of them. The Parlia
ment appointed a committee to inquire into it. Crom
well accused Manchester, and he Waller, and so they
laid the fault upon one another. Waller would have
been glad to have charged it upon Essex, but as it
happened he was not in the army, having been taken
ill some days before. But as it generally is when a
mistake is made, the actors fall out among themselves,
so it was here. No doubt it was as false a step as that
of Cornwall, to let the king fetch away his baggage and
cannon in the face of three armies, and never fire a shot
at them.
The king had not above 8000 foot in his army, and
they above 25,000. 'Tis true the king had 8000
horse, a fine body, and much superior to theirs ; but
the foot might, with the greatest ease in the world,
have prevented the removing the cannon, and in three
days' time have taken the castle, with all that was in it.
Those differences produced their self-denying ordi
nance, and the putting by most of their old generals,
as Essex, Waller, Manchester, and the like ; and Sir
Thomas Fairfax, a terrible man in the field, though
the mildest of men out of it, was voted to have the
command of all their forces, and Lambert to take the
command of Sir Thomas Fairfax's troops in the north,
old Skippon being Major- General.
This winter was spent on the enemy's side in model
ling, as they called it, their army, and on our side in
recruiting ours, and some petty excursions. Amongst
the many addresses I observed one from Sussex or
Surrey, complaining of the rudeness of their soldiers,
and particularly of the ravishing of women and the
murdering of men, from which I only observed that
248 Memoirs of a Cavalier
there were disorders among them as well as among us,
only with this difference, that they, for reasons I men
tioned before, were under circumstances to prevent it
better than the king. But I must do the king's
memory that justice, that he used all possible methods,
by punishment of soldiers, charging, and sometimes
entreating, the gentlemen not to suffer such disorders
and such violences in their men ; but it was to no
purpose for his Majesty to attempt it, while his officers,
generals, and great men winked at it ; for the licen
tiousness of the soldier is supposed to be approved by
the officer when it is not corrected.
The rudeness of the Parliament soldiers began from
the divisions among their officers ; for in many places
the soldiers grew so out of all discipline and so unsuf-
ferably rude, that they, in particular, refused to march
when Sir William Waller went to Weymouth. This
had turned to good account for us, had these cursed
Scots been out of our way, but they were the staff of
the party ; and now they were daily solicited to march
southward, which was a very great affliction to the
king and all his friends.
One booty the king got at this time, which was a
very seasonable assistance to his affairs, viz., a great
merchant ship, richly laden at London, and bound to
the East Indies, was, by the seamen, brought into
Bristol, and delivered up to the king. Some mer
chants in Bristol offered the king 5^40,000 for her,
which his Majesty ordered should be accepted, reserv
ing only thirty great guns for his own use.
The treaty at Uxbridge now was begun, and we
that had been well beaten in the war heartily wished
the king would come to a peace ; but we all foresaw
the clergy would ruin it all. The Commons were for
Presbytery, and would never agree the bishops should
be restored. The king was willinger to comply with
Memoirs of a Cavalier 249
anything than this, and we foresaw it would be so ;
from whence we used to say among ourselves, " That
the clergy was resolved if there should be no bishop
there should be no king."
This treaty at Uxbridge was a perfect war between
the men of the gown, ours was between those of the
sword ; and I cannot but take notice how the lawyers,
statesmen, and the clergy of every side bestirred them
selves, rather to hinder than promote the peace.
There had been a treaty at Oxford some time before,
where the Parliament insisting that the king should
pass a bill to abolish Episcopacy, quit the militia,
abandon several of his faithful servants to be exempted
from pardon, and making several other most extravagant
demands, nothing was done, but the treaty broke off,
both parties being rather farther exasperated, than
inclined to hearken to conditions.
However, soon after the success in the west, his
Majesty, to let them see that victory had not puffed
him up so as to make him reject the peace, sends a
message to the Parliament, to put them in mind of
messages of like nature which they had slighted ; and
to let them know, that notwithstanding he had beaten
their forces, he was yet willing to hearken to a
reasonable proposal for putting an end to the war.
The Parliament pretended the king, in his message,
did not treat with them as a legal Parliament, and so
made hesitations ; but after long debates and delays
they agreed to draw up propositions for peace to be
sent to the king. As this message was sent to the
Houses about August, I think they made it the
middle of November before they brought the propo
sitions for peace ; and, when they brought them, they
had no power to enter either upon a treaty, or so much
as preliminaries for a treaty, only to deliver the letter,
and receive an answer.
250 Memoirs of a Cavalier
However, such were the circumstances of affairs at
this time, that the king was uneasy to see himself thus
treated, and take no notice of it : the king returned an
answer to the propositions, and proposed a treaty by-
commissioners which the Parliament appointed.
Three months more were spent in naming commis
sioners. There was much time spent in this treaty,
but little done ; the commissioners debated chiefly the
article of religion, and of the militia ; in the latter they
were very likely to agree, in the former both sides
seemed too positive. The king would by no means
abandon Episcopacy, nor the Parliament Presbytery ;
for both in their opinion were iure d'mlno.
The commissioners finding this point hardest to
adjust, went from it to that of the militia ; but the
time spinning out, the king's commissioners demanded
longer time for the treaty ; the other sent up for
instructions, but the House refused to lengthen out the
time.
This was thought an insolence upon the king, and
gave all good people a detestation of such haughty
behaviour ; and thus the hopes of peace vanished, both
sides prepared for war with as much eagerness as before.
The Parliament was employed at this time in what
they called a-modelling their army ; that is to say, that
now the Independent party r_wasj beginning to prevail ;
and, as they outdid all the others in their resolution of
carrying on the war to all extremities, so they were
both the more vigorous and more politic party in
carrying it on.
Indeed, the war was after this carried on with greater
animosity than ever, and the generals pushed forward
with a vigour that, as it had something in it unusual,
so it told us plainly from this time, whatever they did
before, they now pushed at the ruin even of the mon
archy itself.
Memoirs of a Cavalier 251
All this while also the war went on, and though the
Parliament had no settled army, yet their regiments and
troops were always in action ; and the sword was at
work in every part of the kingdom.
Among an infinite number of party skirmishings and
fights this winter, one happened which nearly concerned
me, which was the surprise of the town and castle of
Shrewsbury. Colonel Mitton, with about 1 200 horse
and foot, having intelligence with some people in the
town, on a Sunday morning early broke into the town
and took it, castle and all. The loss for the quality,
more than the number, was very great to the king's
affairs. They took there fifteen pieces of cannon,
Prince Maurice's magazine of arms and ammunition,
Prince Rupert's baggage, above fifty persons of quality
and officers. There was not above eight or ten men
killed on both sides, for the town was surprised, not
stormed. I had a particular loss in this action ; for
all the men and horses my father had got together for
the recruiting my regiment were here lost and dispersed,
and, which was the worse, my father happening to be
then in the town, was taken prisoner, and carried to
Beeston Castle in Cheshire.
I was quartered all this winter at Banbury, and went
little abroad ; nor had we any action till the latter end
of February, when I was ordered to march to Leicester
with Sir Marmaduke Langdale, in order, as we thought,
to raise a body of men in that county and Staffordshire
to join the king.
We lay at Daventry one night, and continuing our
march to pass the river above Northampton, that town
being possessed by the enemy, we understood a party
of Northampton forces were abroad, and intended to
attack us. Accordingly, in the afternoon our scouts
brought us word the enemy were quartered in some
villages on the road to Coventry. Our commander,
252 Memoirs of a Cavalier
thinking it much better to set upon them in their
quarters, than to wait for them in the field, resolves
to attack them early in the morning before they were
aware of it. We refreshed ourselves in the field for
that day, and, getting into a great wood near the
enemy, we stayed there all night, till almost break of
day, without being discovered.
In the morning very early we heard the enemy's
trumpets sound to horse. This roused us to look
abroad, and, sending out a scout, he brought us word a
part of the enemy was at hand. We were vexed to be
so disappointed, but finding their party small enough to
be dealt with, Sir Marmaduke ordered me to charge
them with 300 horse and 200 dragoons, while he at
the same time entered the town. Accordingly I lay
still till they came to the very skirt of the wood where
I was posted, when I saluted them with a volley from
my dragoons out of the wood, and immediately showed
myself with my horse on their front ready to charge
them. They appeared not to be surprised, and received
our charge with great resolution ; and, being above 400
men, they pushed me vigorously in their turn, putting
my men into some disorder. In this extremity I sent
to order my dragoons to charge them in the flank, which
they did with great bravery, and the other still main
tained the fight with desperate resolution. There was
no want of courage in our men on both sides, but our
dragoons had the advantage, and at last routed them,
and drove them back to the village. Here Sir Mar
maduke Langdale had his hands full too, for my firing
had alarmed the towns adjacent, that when he came
into the town he found them all in arms, and, contrary
to his expectation, two regiments of foot, with about
500 horse more. As Sir Marmaduke had no foot,
only horse and dragoons, this was a surprise to him ;
but he caused his dragoons to enter the town and charge
Memoirs of a Cavalier 253
the foot, while his horse secured the avenues of the
town.
The dragoons bravely attacked the foot, and Sir
Marmaduke falling in with his horse, the fight was
obstinate and very bloody, when the horse that I had
routed came flying into the street of the village, and
my men at their heels. Immediately I left the pursuit,
and fell in with all my force to the assistance of my
friends, and, after an obstinate resistance, we routed the
whole party; we killed about 700 men, took 350, 27
officers, 100 arms, all their baggage, and 200 horses,
and continued our march to Harborough, where we
halted to refresh ourselves.
Between Harborough and Leicester we met with a
party of 800 dragoons of the Parliament forces. They
found themselves too few to attack us, and therefore to
avoid us they had gotten into a small wood ; but per
ceiving themselves discovered, they came boldly out,
and placed themselves at the entrance into a lane, lining
both sides of the hedges with their shot. We imme
diately attacked them, beat them from their hedges,
beat them into the wood, and out of the wood again,
and forced them at last to a downright run away, on
foot, among the enclosures, where we could not follow
them, killed about 100 of them, and took 250 prisoners,
with all their horses, and came that night to Leicester.
When we came to Leicester, and had taken up our
quarters, Sir Marmaduke Langdale sent for me to sup
with him, and told me that he had a secret commission
in his pocket, which his Majesty had commanded him
not to open till he came to Leicester ; that now he had
sent for me to open it together, that we might know
what it was we were to do, and to consider how to do
it ; so pulling out his sealed orders, we found we were
to get what force we could together, and a certain
number of carriages with ammunition, which the gover-
254 Memoirs of a Cavalier
nor of Leicester was to deliver us, and a certain quantity
of provision, especially corn and salt, and to relieve
Newark. This town had been long besieged. The
fortifications of the place, together with its situation,
had rendered it the strongest piece in England ; and,
as it was the greatest pass in England, so it was of vast
consequence to the king's affair s. There was in it a
garrison of brave old rugged boys, fellows that, like
Count Tilly's Germans, had iron faces, and they had
defended themselves with extraordinary bravery a great
while, but were reduced to an exceeding strait for want
of provisions.
Accordingly we received the ammunition and provi
sions, and away we went for Newark ; about Melton
Mowbray, Colonel Rossiter set upon us, with above
3000 men ; we were about the same number, having
2500 horse, and 800 dragoons. We had some foot,
but they were still at Harborough, and were ordered
to come after us.
Rossiter, like a brave officer as he was, charged us
with great fury, and rather outdid us in number, while
we defended ourselves with all the eagerness we could,
and withal gave him to understand we were not so soon
to be beaten as he expected. While the fight con
tinued doubtful, especially on our side, our people, who
had charge of the carriages and provisions, began to
enclose our flanks with them as if we had been march
ing, which, though it was done without orders, had
two very good effects, and which did us extraordinary
service. First, it secured us from being charged in
the flank, which Rossiter had twice attempted ; and
secondly, it secured our carriages from being plun
dered, which had spoiled our whole expedition. Being
thus enclosed, we fought with great security ; and
though Rossiter made three desperate charges upon us,
he could never break us. Our men received him with
Memoirs of a Cavalier 255
so much courage, and kept their order so well, that
the enemy, finding it impossible to force us, gave it
over, and left us to pursue our orders. We did not
offer to chase them, but contented enough to have re
pulsed and beaten them off, and our business being to
relieve Newark, we proceeded.
If we are to reckon by the enemy's usual method,
we got the victory, because we kept the field, and had
the pillage of their dead ; but otherwise, neither side
had any great cause to boast. We lost about 1 50 men,
and near as many hurt ; they left 170 on the spot, and
carried off some. How many they had wounded we
could not tell ; we got seventy or eighty horses, which
helped to remount some of our men that had lost theirs
in the fight. We had, however, this advantage, that
we were to march on immediately after this service,
the enemy only to retire to their quarters, which was
but hard by. This was an injury to our wounded men,
who we were after obliged to leave at Belvoir Castle,
and from thence we advanced to Newark.
Our business at Newark was to relieve the place,
and this we resolved to do whatever it cost, though, at
the same time, we resolved not to fight unless we were
forced to it. The town was rather blocked up than
besieged ; the garrison was strong, but ill-provided ;
we had sent them word of our coming to them, and
our orders to relieve them, and they proposed some
measures for our doing it. The chief strength of the
enemy lay on the other side of the river ; but they
having also some notice of our design, had sent over
forces to strengthen their leaguer on this side. The
garrison had often surprised them by sallies, and indeed
had chiefly subsisted for some time by what they brought
in on this manner.
Sir Marmaduke Langdale, who was our general for
the expedition, was for a general attempt to raise the
256 Memoirs of a Cavalier
siege, but I had persuaded him off of that ; first, because,
if we should be beaten, as might be probable, we then
lost the town. Sir Marmaduke briskly replied, " A
soldier ought never to suppose he shall be beaten."
" But, sir," says I, " you'll get more honour by re
lieving the town, than by beating them. One will be
a credit to your conduct, as the other will be to your
courage ; and if you think you can beat them, you
may do it afterward, and then if you are mistaken,
the town is nevertheless secured, and half your victory
gained."
He was prevailed with to adhere to this advice, and
accordingly we appeared before the town about two
hours before night. The horse drew up before the
enemy's works ; the enemy drew up within their works,
and seeing no foot, expected when our dragoons would
dismount and attack them. They were in the right to
let us attack them, because of the advantage of their
batteries and works, if that had been our design ; but,
as we intended only to amuse them, this caution of
theirs effected our design ; for, while we thus faced
them with our horse, two regiments of foot, which
came up to us but the night before, and was all the
infantry we had, with the waggons of provisions, and
500 dragoons, taking a compass clean round the town,
posted themselves on the lower side of the town by the
river. Upon a signal the garrison agreed on before,
they sallied out at this very juncture with all the men
they could spare, and dividing themselves in two parties,
while one party moved to the left to meet our relief,
the other party fell on upon part of that body which
faced us. We kept in motion, and upon this signal
advanced to their works, and our dragoons fired upon
them, and the horse, wheeling and counter-marching
often, kept them continually expecting to be attacked.
By this means the enemy were kept employed, and our
Memoirs of a Cavalier 257
foot, with the waggons, appearing on that quarter where
they were least expected, easily defeated the advanced
guards and forced that post, where, entering the leaguer,
the other part of the garrison, who had sallied that way,
came up to them, received the waggons, and the dra
goons entered with them into the town. That party
which we faced on the other side of the works knew
nothing of what was done till all was over ; the gar
rison retreated in good order, and we drew off, having
finished what we came for without fighting. Thus we
plentifully stored the town with all things wanting, and
with an addition of 500 dragoons to their garrison;
after which we marched away without fighting a stroke.
Our next orders were to relieve Pontefract Castle,
another garrison of the king's, which had been besieged
ever since a few days after the battle at Marston Moor,
by the Lord Fairfax, Sir Thomas Fairfax, and other
generals in their turn. By the way we were joined
with 800 horse out of Derbyshire, and some foot, so
many as made us about 4500 men in all.
Colonel Forbes, a Scotchman, commanded at the
siege, in the absence of the Lord Fairfax. The
colonel had sent to my lord for more troops, and his
lordship was gathering his forces to come up to him,
but he was pleased to come too late. We came up
with the enemy's leaguer about the break of day, and
having been discovered by their scouts, they, with more
courage than discretion, drew out to meet us. We
saw no reason to avoid them, being stronger in horse
than they ; and though we had but a few foot, we had
1000 dragoons, which helped us out. We had placed
our horse and foot throughout in one line, with two
reserves of horse, and between every division of horse
a division of foot, only that on the extremes of our
wings there were two parties of horse on each point by
themselves, and the dragoons in the centre on foot.
x.
258 Memoirs of a Cavalier
Their foot charged us home, and stood with push of
pike a great while ; but their horse charging our horse
and musketeers, and being closed on the flanks, with
those two extended troops on our wings, they were
presently disordered, and fled out of the field. The
foot, thus deserted, were charged on every side and
broken. They retreated still fighting, and in good
order for a while ; but the garrison sallying upon them
at the same time, and being followed close by our
horse, they were scattered, entirely routed, and most
of them killed. The Lord Fairfax was come with
his horse as far as Ferrybridge, but the fight was over,
and all he could do was to rally those that fled, and
save some of their carriages, which else had fallen into
our hands. We drew up our little army in order of
battle the next day, expecting the Lord Fairfax would
have charged us ; but his lordship was so far from any
such thoughts that he placed a party of dragoons, with
orders to fortify the pass at Ferrybridge, to prevent our
falling upon him in his retreat, which he needed not
have done ; for, having raised the siege of Pontefract,
our business was done, we had nothing to say to him,
unless we had been strong enough to stay.
We lost not above thirty men in this action, and the
enemy 300, with about 150 prisoners, one piece of
cannon, all their ammunition, 1000 arms, and most of
their baggage, and Colonel Lambert was once taken
prisoner, being wounded, but got off again.
We brought no relief for the garrison, but the oppor
tunity to furnish themselves out of the country, which
they did very plentifully. The ammunition taken from
the enemy was given to them, which they wanted, and
was their due, for they had seized it in the sally they
made, before the enemy was quite defeated.
I cannot omit taking notice on all occasions how
exceeding serviceable this method was of posting
Memoirs of a Cavalier 259
musketeers in the intervals, among the horse, in all this
war. I persuaded our generals to it as much as possible,
and I never knew a body of horse beaten that did so ;
yet I had great difficulty to prevail upon our people to
believe it, though it was taught me by the greatest
general in the world, viz., the King of Sweden. Prince
Rupert did it at the battle of Marston Moor ; and
had the Earl of Newcastle not been obstinate against it
in his right wing, as I observed before, the day had not
been lost. In discoursing this with Sir Marmaduke
Langdale, I had related several examples of the service-
ableness of these small bodies of firemen, and with great
difficulty brought him to agree, telling him I would be
answerable for the success. But after the fight, he told
me plainly he saw the advantage of it, and would never
fight otherwise again if he had any foot to place. So
having relieved these two places, we hastened by long
marches through Derbyshire, to join Prince Rupert on
the edge of Shropshire and Cheshire. We found
Colonel Rossiter had followed us at a distance ever
since the business at Melton Mowbray, but never cared
to attack us, and we found he did the like still. Our
general would fain have been doing with him again, but
we found him too shy. Once we laid a trap for him
at Dovebridge, between Derby and Burton-upon-Trent,
the body being marched two days before. Three
hundred dragoons were left to guard the bridge, as if
we were afraid he should fall upon us. Upon this we
marched, as I said, on to Burton, and the next day,
fetching a compass round, came to a village near Titbury
Castle, whose name I forgot, where we lay till expect
ing our dragoons would be attacked.
Accordingly, the colonel, strengthened with some
troops of horse from Yorkshire, comes up to the bridge,
and finding some dragoons posted, advances to charge
them. The dragoons immediately get a-horseback,
260 Memoirs of a Cavalier
and run for it, as they were ordered. But the old lad
was not to be caught so, for he halts immediately at the
bridge, and would not come over till he had sent three
or four flying parties abroad to discover the country.
One of these parties fell into our hands, and received
but coarse entertainment. Finding the plot would not
take, we appeared and drew up in view of the bridge,
but he would not stir. So we continued our march
into Cheshire, where we joined Prince Rupert and
Prince Maurice, making together a fine body, being
above 8000 horse and dragoons.
This was the best and most successful expedition I
was in during this war. 'Twas well concerted, and
executed with as much expedition and conduct as could
be desired, and the success was answerable to it. And
indeed, considering the season of the year (for we set
out from Oxford the latter end of February), the ways
bad, and the season wet, it was a terrible march of above
200 miles, in continual action, and continually dodged and
observed by a vigilant enemy, and at a time when the
north was overrun by their armies, and the Scots want
ing employment for their forces. Yet in less than
twenty-three days we marched 200 miles, fought the
enemy in open field four times, relieved one garrison
besieged, and raised the siege of another, and joined our
friends at last in safety.
The enemy was in great pain for Sir William Brereton
and his forces, and expresses rode night and day to the
Scots in the north, and to the parties in Lancashire to
come to his help. The prince, who used to be rather
too forward to fight than otherwise, could not be per
suaded to make use of this opportunity, but loitered, if
I may be allowed to say so, till the Scots, with a
brigade of horse and 2000 foot, had joined him ; and
then 'twas not thought proper to engage them.
I took this opportunity to go to Shrewsbury to visit
Memoirs of a Cavalier 261
my father, who was a prisoner of war there, getting a
pass from the enemy's governor. They allowed him
the liberty of the town, and sometimes to go to his own
house upon his parole, so that his confinement was not
very much to his personal injury. But this, together
with the charges he had been at in raising the regiment,
and above 5^20,000 in money and plate, which at several
times he had lent, or given rather to the king, had
reduced our family to very ill circumstances ; and now
they talked of cutting down his woods.
I had a great deal of discourse with my father on
this affair ; and, finding him extremely concerned, I
offered to go to the king and desire his leave to go to
London and treat about his composition, or to render
myself a prisoner in his stead, while he went up him
self. In this difficulty I treated with the governor of
the town, who very civilly offered me his pass to go for
London, which I accepted, and, waiting on Prince
Rupert, who was then at Worcester, I acquainted him
with my design. The prince was unwilling I should
go to London; but told me he had some prisoners of
the Parliament's friends in Cumberland, and he would
get an exchange for my father. I told him if he would
give me his word for it I knew I might depend upon
it, otherwise there was so many of the king's party in
their hands, that his Majesty was tired with solicita
tions for exchanges, for we never had a prisoner but
there was ten offers of exchanges for him. The prince
told me I should depend upon him ; and he was as
good as his word quickly after.
While the prince lay at Worcester he had an in
cursion into Herefordshire, and having made some of
the gentlemen prisoners, brought them to Worcester ;
and though it was an action which had not been usual,
they being persons not in arms, yet the like being my
father's case, who was really not in commission, nor in
262 Memoirs of a Cavalier
any military seryice, having resigned his regiment three
years before to me, the prince insisted on exchanging
them for such as the Parliament had in custody in like
circumstances. The gentlemen seeing no remedy,
solicited their own case at the Parliament, and got it
passed in their behalf; and by this means my father got
his liberty, and by the assistance of the Earl of Denbigh
got leave to come to London to make a composition
as a delinquent for his estate. This they charged at
^7000, but by the assistance of the same noble person
he got off for ^4000. Some members of the com
mittee moved very kindly that my father should oblige
me to quit the king's service, but that, as a thing which
might be out of his power, was not insisted on.
The modelling the Parliament army took them up
all this winter, and we were in great hopes the divisions
which appeared amongst them might have weakened
their party ; but when they voted Sir Thomas Fairfax
to be general, I confess I was convinced the king's
affairs were lost and desperate. Sir Thomas, abating
the zeal of his party, and the mistaken opinion of his
cause, was the fittest man amongst them to undertake
the charge. He was a complete general, strict in his
discipline, wary in conduct, fearless in action, unwearied
in the fatigue of the war, and withal, of a modest,
noble, generous disposition. We all apprehended danger
from him, and heartily wished him of our own side ;
and the king was so sensible, though he would not dis
cover it, that when an account was brought him of the
choice they had made, he replied, " he was sorry for
it ; he had rather it had been anybody but he."
The first attempts of this new general and new army
were at Oxford, which, by the neighbourhood of a
numerous garrison in Abingdon, began to be very much
straitened for provisions ; and the new forces under
Cromwell and Skippon, one lieutenant-general, the
Memoirs of a Cavalier 263
other major-general to Fairfax, approaching with a
design to block it up, the king left the place, supposing
his absence would draw them away, as it soon did.
The king resolving to leave Oxford, marches from
thence with all his forces, the garrison excepted, with
design to have gone to Bristol ; but the plague was in
Bristol, which altered the measures, and changed the
course of the king's designs, so he marched for
Worcester about the beginning of June 1645. The
foot, with a train of forty pieces of cannon, marching
into Worcester, the horse stayed behind some time in
Gloucestershire.
The first action our army did, was to raise the
siege of Chester ; Sir William Brereton had besieged
it, or rather blocked it up, and when his Majesty came
to Worcester, he sent Prince Rupert with 4000 horse
and dragoons, with orders to join some foot out of
Wales, to raise the siege ; but Sir William thought
fit to withdraw, and not stay for them, and the town
was freed without fighting. The governor took care
in this interval to furnish himself with all things
necessary for another siege ; and, as for ammunition
and other necessaries, he was in no want.
I was sent with a party into Staffordshire, with
design to intercept a convoy of stores coming from
London, for the use of Sir William Brereton ; but
they having some notice of the design, stopped, and
went out of the road to Burton-upon- Trent, and so
I missed them ; but that we might not come back
quite empty, we attacked Hawkesley House, and took
it, where we got good booty, and brought eighty
prisoners back to Worcester. From Worcester the
king advanced into Shropshire, and took his head
quarters at Bridgnorth. This was a very happy
march of the king's, and had hu Majesty proceeded,
he had certainly cleared the north once more of his
264 Memoirs of a Cavalier
enemies, for the country was generally for him. At
his advancing so far as Bridgnorth, Sir William
Brereton fled up into Lancashire ; the Scots brigades
who were with him retreated into the north, while
yet the king was above forty miles from them, and all
things lay open for conquest. The new generals,
Fairfax and Cromwell, lay about Oxford, preparing
as if they would besiege it, and gave the king's army
so much leisure, that his Majesty might have been at
Newcastle before they could have been half way to
him. But Heaven, when the ruin of a person or
party is determined, always so infatuates their counsels
as to make them instrumental to it themselves.
The king let slip this great opportunity, as some
thought, intending to break into the associated counties
of Northampton, Cambridge, Norfolk, where he had
some interests forming. What the design was, we
knew not, but the king turns eastward, and marches
into Leicestershire, and having treated the country
but very indifferently, as having deserved no better of
us, laid siege to Leicester.
This was but a short siege ; for the king, resolving
not to lose time, fell on with his great guns, and having
beaten down their works, our foot entered, after a
vigorous resistance, and took the town by storm.
There was some blood shed here, the town being
carried by assault ; but it was their own faults ; for
after the town was taken, the soldiers and townsmen
obstinately fought us in the market-place ; insomuch
that the horse was called to enter the town to clear
the streets. But this was not all ; I was commanded
to advance with these horse, being three regiments,
and to enter the town ; the foot, who were engaged in
the streets, crying out, "Horse, horse." Immedi
ately I advanced to the gate, for we were drawn up
about musket-shot from the works, to have supported
Memoirs of a Cavalier 265
our foot in case of a sally. Having seized the gate,
I placed a guard of horse there, with orders to let
nobody pass in or out, and dividing my troops, rode
up by two ways towards the market-place. The
garrison defending themselves in the market-place
and in the churchyard with great obstinacy, killed us
a great many men ; but as soon as our horse appeared
they demanded quarter, which our foot refused them
in the first heat, as is frequent in all nations, in like
cases, till at last they threw down their arms, and
yielded at discretion ; and then I can testify to the
world, that fair quarter was given them. I am the
more particular in this relation, having been an eye
witness of the action, because the king was reproached
in all the public libels, with which those times abounded,
for having put a great many to death, and hanged the
committee of the Parliament, and some Scots, in cold
blood, which was a notorious forgery ; and as I am
sure there was no such thing done, so I must acknow
ledge I never saw any inclination in his Majesty to
cruelty, or to act anything which was not practised
by the general laws of war, and by men of honour in
all nations.
But the matter of fact, in respect to the garrison,
was as I have related ; and, if they had thrown down
their arms sooner, they had had mercy sooner ; but it
was not for a conquering array, entering a town by
storm, to offer conditions of quarter in the streets.
Another circumstance was, that a greaty many of the
inhabitants, both men and women, were killed, which
is most true ; and the case was thus : the inhabitants,
to show their over-forward zeal to defend the town,
fought in the breach ; nay, the very women, to the
honour of the Leicester ladies, if they like it, officiously
did their parts ; and after the town was taken, and
when, if they had had any brains in their zeal, they
266 Memoirs of a Cavalier
would have kept their houses, and been quiet, they
fired upon our men out of their windows, and from
the tops of their houses, and threw tiles upon their
heads ; and I had several of my men wounded so, and
seven or eight killed. This exasperated us to the last
degree ; and, finding one house better manned than
ordinary, and many shot fired at us out of the windows,
I caused my men to attack it, resolved to make them
an example for the rest ; which they did, and break
ing open the doors, they killed all they found there,
without distinction ; and I appeal to the world if they
were to blame. If the Parliament committee, or the
Scots deputies were here, they ought to have been
quiet, since the town was taken ; but they began with
us, and, I think, brought it upon themselves. This is
the whole case, so far as came within my knowledge,
for which his Majesty was so much abused.
We took here Colonel Gray and Captain Hacker,
and about 300 prisoners, and about 300 more were
killed. This was the last day of May 1645.
His Majesty having given over Oxford for lost,
continued here some days, reviewed the town, ordered
the fortifications to be augmented, and prepares to
make it the seat of war. But the Parliament, roused
at this appearance of the king's army, orders their
general to raise the siege of Oxford, where the garrison
had, in a sally, ruined some of their works, and killed
them 150 men, taking several prisoners, and carrying
them with them into the city ; and orders him to
march towards Leicester, to observe the king.
The king had now a small, but gallant army, all
brave tried soldiers, and seemed eager to engage the
new-modelled army; and his Majesty, hearing that
Sir Thomas Fairfax, having raised the siege of Oxford,
advanced towards him, fairly saves him the trouble of
a long march, and meets him half way.
Memoirs of a Cavalier 267
The army lay at Daventry, and Fairfax at Tow-
cester, about eight miles off. Here the king sends away
600 horse, with 3000 head of cattle, to relieve his
people in Oxford ; the cattle he might have spared
better than the men. The king haviug thus victualled
Oxford, changes his resolution of fighting Fairfax,
to whom Cromwell was now joined with 4000 men,
or was within a day's march, and marches northward.
This was unhappy counsel, because late given. Had
we marched northward at first, we had done it ; but
thus it was. Now we marched with a triumphing
enemy at our heels, and at Naseby their advanced
parties attacked our rear. The king, upon this, alters
his resolution again, and resolves to fight, and at
midnight calls us up at Harborough to come to a
council of war. Fate and the king's opinion deter
mined the council of war ; and 'twas resolved to fight.
Accordingly the van, in which was Prince Rupert's
brigade of horse, of which my regiment was a part,
countermarched early in the morning.
By five o'clock in the morning, the whole army,
in order of battle, began to descry the enemy from the
rising grounds, about a mile from Naseby, and moved
towards them. They were drawn up on a little ascent
in a large common fallow field, in one line extended
from one side of the field to the other, the field
something more than a mile over, our army in the same
order, in one line, with the reserve.
The king led the main battle of foot, Prince Rupert
the right wing of the horse, and Sir Marmaduke
Langdale the left. Of the enemy Fairfax and Skippon
led the body, Cromwell and Rossiter the right, and
Ireton the left, the numbers of both armies so equal,
as not to differ 500 men, save that the king had most
horse by about i ooo, and Fairfax most foot by about 500.
The number was in each army about 1 8,000 men.
268 Memoirs of a Cavalier
The armies coming close up, the wings engaged first.
The prince with his right wing charged with his
wonted fury, and drove all the Parliament's wing of
horse, one division excepted, clear out of the field;
Ireton, who commanded this wing, give him his due,
rallied often, and fought like a lion ; but our wing
bore down all before them, and pursued them with a
terrible execution.
Ireton seeing one division of his horse left, repaired
to them, and keeping his ground, fell foul of a brigade
of our foot, who coming up to the head of the line, he
like a madman charges them with his horse. But
they with their pikes tore him to pieces ; so that this
division was entirely ruined. Ireton himself, thrust
through the thigh with a pike, wounded in the face
with a halberd, was unhorsed and taken prisoner.
Cromwell, who commanded the Parliament's right
wing, charged Sir Marmaduke Langdale with extra
ordinary fury, but he, an old tried soldier, stood firm,
and received the charge with equal gallantry, exchang
ing all their shot, carabines and pistols, and then fell
on sword in hand. Rossiter and Whalley had the
better on the point of the wing, and routed two divisions
of horse, pushed them behind the reserves, where they
rallied and charged again, but were at last defeated ;
the rest of the horse, now charged in the flank, retreated
fighting, and were pushed behind the reserves of foot.
While this was doing the foot engaged with equal
fierceness, and for two hours there was a terrible fire.
The king's foot, backed with gallant officers, and full
of rage at the rout of their horse, bore down the
enemy's brigade led by Skippon. The old man,
wounded, bleeding, retreats to their reserves. All
the foot, except the general's brigade, were thus driven
into the reserves, where their officers rallied them, and
bring them on to a fresh charge ; and here the horse,
Memoirs of a Cavalier 269
having driven our horse above a quarter of a mile from
the foot, face about, and fall in on the rear of the foot.
Had our right wing done thus, the day had been
secured ; but Prince Rupert, according to his custom,
following the flying enemy, never concerned himself
with the safety of those behind ; and yet he returned
sooner than he had done in like cases too. At our
return we found all in confusion, our foot broken, all
but one brigade, which, though charged in the front,
flank, and rear, could not be broken till Sir Thomas
Fairfax himself came up to the charge with fresh men,
and then they were rather cut in pieces than beaten,
for they stood with their pikes charged every way to
the last extremity.
In this condition, at the distance of a quarter of a
mile, we saw the king rallying his horse, and preparing
to renew the fight ; and our wing of horse coming up
to him, gave him opportunity to draw up a large body
of horse, so large that all the enemy's horse facing us
stood still and looked on, but did not think fit to
charge us till their foot, who had entirely broken
our main battle, were put into order again, and brought
up to us.
The officers about the king advised his Majesty
rather to draw off; for, since our foot were lost, it
would be too much odds to expose the horse to the
fury of their whole army, and would but be sacrificing
his best troops without any hopes of success. The
king, though with great regret at the loss of his foot,
yet seeing there was no other hope, took this advice,
and retreated in good order to Harborough, and from
thence to Leicester.
This was the occasion of the enemy having so great
a number of prisoners ; for the horse being thus gone
off, the foot had no means to make their retreat, and
were obliged to yield themselves. Commissary-General
270 Memoirs of a Cavalier
Ireton being taken by a captain of foot, makes the
captain his prisoner, to save his life, and gives him his
liberty for his courtesy before.
Cromwell and Rossiter, with all the enemy's horse,
followed us as far as Leicester, and killed all that they
could lay hold on straggling from the body, but durst
not attempt to charge us in a body. The king, ex
pecting the enemy would come to Leicester, removes
to Ashby-de-la-Zouch, where we had some time to
re-collect ourselves.
This was the most fatal action of the whole war,
not so much for the loss of our cannon, ammunition,
and baggage, of which the enemy boasted so much,
but as it was impossible for the king ever to retrieve
it. The foot, the best that ever he was master of,
could never be supplied ; his army in the west was ex
posed to certain ruin, the north over-run with the Scots ;
in short, the case grew desperate, and the king was
once upon the point of bidding us all disband, and shift
for ourselves.
We lost in this fight not above 2000 slain, and the
Parliament near as many, but the prisoners were a great
number ; the whole body of foot being, as I have said,
dispersed, there were 4500 prisoners, besides 400
officers, 2000 horses, 12 pieces of cannon, 40 barrels
of powder, all the king's baggage, coaches, most
of his servants, and his secretary, with his cabinet of
letters, of which the Parliament made great improve
ment, and basely enough caused his private letters
between his Majesty and the queen, her Majesty's
letters to the king, and a great deal of such stuff to
be printed.
After this fatal blow, being retreated, as I have said,
to Ashby-de-la-Zouch in Leicestershire, the king
ordered us to divide ; his Majesty, with a body of
horse, about 3000, went to Lichfield, and through
Memoirs of a Cavalier 271
Cheshire into North Wales, and Sir Marmaduke Lang-
dale, with about 2500, went to Newark.
The king remained in Wales for several months ;
and though the length of the war had almost drained
that country of men, yet the king raised a great many
men there, recruited his horse regiments, and got to
gether six or seven regiments of foot, which seemed to
look like the beginning of a new army.
I had frequent discourses with his Majesty in this
low ebb of his affairs, and he would often wish he had
not exposed his army at Naseby. I took the freedom
once to make a proposition to his Majesty, which, if
it had taken effect, I verily believe would have given a
new turn to his affairs ; and that was, at once to slight
all his garrisons in the kingdom, and give private orders
to all the soldiers in every place, to join in bodies, and
meet at two general rendezvous, which I would have
appointed to be, one at Bristol, and one at West Chester.
I demonstrated how easily all the forces might reach
these two places ; and both being strong and wealthy
places, and both seaports, he would have a free com
munication by sea with Ireland, and with his friends
abroad ; and having Wales entirely his own, he might
yet have an opportunity to make good terms for him
self, or else have another fair field with the enemy.
Upon a fair calculation of his troops in several gar
risons and small bodies dispersed about, I convinced
the king, by his own accounts, that he might have two
complete armies, each of 25,000 foot, 8000 horse, and
2000 dragoons ; that the Lord Goring and the Lord
Hopton might ship all their forces, and come by sea in
two tides, and be with him in a shorter time than the
enemy could follow. With two such bodies he might
face the enemy, and make a day of it ; but now his
men were only sacrificed, and eaten up by piecemeal
in a party-war, and spent their lives and estates to do
272 Memoirs of a Cavalier
him no service. That if the Parliament garrisoned
the towns and castles he should quit, they would lessen
their army, and not dare to see him in the field ; and
if they did not, but left them open, then 'twould be no
loss to him, but he might possess them as often as he
pleased.
This advice I pressed with such arguments, that the
king was once going to despatch orders for the doing
it ; but to be irresolute in counsel is always the com
panion of a declining fortune ; the king was doubtful,
and could not resolve until it was too late.
And yet, though the king's forces were very low,
his Majesty was resolved to make one adventure more,
and it was a strange one ; for, with but a handful of
men, he made a desperate march, almost 250 miles in
the middle of the whole kingdom, compassed about
with armies and parties innumerable, traversed the
heart of his enemy's country, entered their associated
counties, where no army had ever yet come, and in
spite of all their victorious troops facing and following
him, alarmed even London itself and returned safe to
Oxford.
His Majesty continued in Wales from the battle at
Naseby till the 5th or 6th of August, and till he had
an account from all parts of the progress of his enemies,
and the posture of his own affairs.
Here we found, that the enemy being hard pressed
in Somersetshire by the Lord Goring, and Lord
Hopton's forces, who had taken Bridgewater, and
distressed Taunton, which was now at the point of
surrender, they had ordered Fairfax and Cromwell,
and the whole army, to march westward to relieve the
town ; which they did, and Goring's troops were
worsted, and himself wounded at the fight at Lang-
port.
The Scots, who were always the dead weight upon
Memoirs of a Cavalier 273
the king's affairs, having no more work to do in the
north, were, at the Parliament's desire, advanced
southward, and then ordered away towards South
Wales, and were set down to the siege of Hereford.
Here this famous Scotch army spent several months in
a fruitless siege, ill provided of ammunition, and worse
with money ; and having sat near three months before
the town, and done little but eaten up the country
round them, upon the repeated accounts of the
progress of the Marquis of Montrose in that kingdom,
and pressing instances of their countrymen, they
resolved to raise their siege, and go home to relieve
their friends.
The king, who was willing to be rid of the Scots,
upon good terms, and therefore to hasten them, and
lest they should pretend to push on the siege to take
the town first, gives it out, that he was resolved with
all his forces to go into Scotland, and join Montrose ;
and so having secured Scotland, to renew the war from
thence.
And accordingly his Majesty marches northwards,
with a body of 4000 horse ; and, had the king really
done this, and with that body of horse marched away
(for he had the start of all his enemies, by above a
fortnight's march), he had then had the fairest oppor
tunity for a general turn of all his affairs, that he ever
had in all the latter part of this war. For Montrose,
a gallant daring soldier, who from the least shadow
of force in the farthest corner of this country, had,
rolling like a snowball, spread all over Scotland,
was come into the south parts, and had summoned
Edinburgh, frighted away their statesmen, beaten their
soldiers at Dundee and other places ; and letters and
messengers in the heels of one another, repeated their
cries to their brethren in England, to lay before them
the sad condition of the country, and to hasten the
5
274 Memoirs of a Cavalier
army to their relief. The Scots lords of the enemy's
party fled to Berwick, and the chancellor of Scotland
goes himself to General Leslie, to press him for help.
In this extremity of affairs Scotland lay when we
marched out of Wales. The Scots, at the siege of
Hereford, hearing the king was gone northward with
his horse, conclude he was gone directly for Scotland,
and immediately send Leslie with 4000 horse and foot
to follow, but did not yet raise the siege. But the king,
still irresolute, turns away to the eastward, and comes
to Lichfield, where he showed his resentments at
Colonel Hastings for his easy surrender of Leicester.
In this march the enemy took heart. We had
troops of horse on every side upon us like hounds
started at a fresh stag. Leslie, with the Scots, and
a strong body followed in our rear, Major-General
Poyntz, Sir John Gell, Colonel Rossiter, and others in
our way; they pretended to be 10,000 horse, and yet
never durst face us. The Scots made one attempt
upon a troop which stayed a little behind, and took
some prisoners ; but when a regiment of our horse faced
them they retired. At a village near Lichfield another
party of about 1000 horse attacked my regiment. We
were on the left of the army, and at a little too far a
distance. I happened to be with the king at that time,
and my lieutenant-colonel with me, so that the major
had charge of the regiment. He made a very hand
some defence, but sent messengers for speedy relief.
We were on a march, and therefore all ready, and the
king orders me a regiment of dragoons and 300 horse,
and the body halted to bring us off, not knowing how
strong the enemy might be. When I came to the
place I found my major hard laid to, but fighting
like a lion. The enemy had broke in upon him in
two places, and had routed one troop, cutting them off
from the body, and had made them all prisoners.
Memoirs of a Cavalier 275
Upon this I fell in with the 300 horse, and cleared
my major from a party who charged him in the flank ;
the dragoons immediately lighting, one party of them
comes up on my wing, and saluting the enemy with
their muskets, put them to a stand, the other party of
dragoons wheeling to the left endeavouring to get
behind them. The enemy, perceiving they should be
overpowered, retreated in as good order as they could,
but left us most of our prisoners, and about thirty of
their own. We lost about fifteen of our men, and the
enemy about forty, chiefly by the fire of our dragoons
in their retreat.
In this posture we continued our march ; and though
the king halted at Lichfield which was a dangerous
article, having so many of the enemy's troops upon his
hands, and this time gave them opportunity to get into
a body yet the Scots, with their General Leslie,
resolving for the north, the rest of the troops were not
able to face us, till, having ravaged the enemy's country
through Staffordshire, Warwick, Leicester, and Not
tinghamshire, we came to the leaguer before Newark.
The king was once more in the mind to have gone
into Scotland, and called a council of war to that pur
pose ; but then it was resolved by all hands that it
would be too late to attempt it, for the Scots and
Major- General Poyntz were before us, and several
strong bodies of horse in our rear ; and there was no
venturing now, unless any advantage presented to rout
one of those parties which attended us.
Upon these and like considerations we resolved for
Newark ; on our approach the forces which blocked up
that town drew off, being too weak to oppose us, for
the king was now above 5000 horse and dragoons,
besides 300 horse and dragoons he took with him from
Newark.
We halted at Newark to assist the garrison, or give
276 Memoirs of a Cavalier
them time rather to furnish themselves from the country
with what they wanted, which they were very diligent
in doing ; for in two days' time they filled a large island
which lies under the town, between the two branches
of the Trent, with sheep, oxen, cows, and horses, an
incredible number ; and our affairs being now something
desperate, we were not very nice in our usage of the
country, for really if it was not with a resolution both
to punish the enemy and enrich ourselves, no man can
give any rational account why this desperate journey
was undertaken. 'Tis certain the Newarkers, in the
respite they gained by our coming, got above a $0,000
from the country round them in corn, cattle, money,
and other plunder.
From hence we broke into Lincolnshire, and the
king lay at Belvoir Castle, and from Belvoir Castle to
Stamford. The swiftness of our march was a terrible
surprise to the enemy ; for our van being at a village
on the great road called Stilton, the country people
fled into the Isle of Ely, and every way, as if all was
lost. Indeed our dragoons treated the country very
coarsely, and all our men in general made themselves
rich. Between Stilton and Huntingdon we had a
small bustle with some of the associated troops of horse,
but they were soon routed, and fled to Huntingdon,
where they gave such an account of us to their fellows
that they did not think fit to stay for us, but left their
foot to defend themselves as well as they could.
While this was doing in the van a party from Bur-
leigh House, near Stamford, the seat of the Earl of
Exeter, pursued four troops of our horse, who, straggling
towards Peterborough, and committing some disorders
there, were surprised before they could get into a
posture of fighting ; and encumbered, as I suppose,
with their plunder, they were entirely routed, lost most
of their horses, and were forced to come away on foot ;
Memoirs of a Cavalier 277
but finding themselves in this condition, they got in a
body into the enclosures, and in that posture turning
dragoons, they lined the hedges, and fired upon the
enemy with their carabines. Thi way of fighting,
though not very pleasant to troopers, put the enemy's
horse to some stand, and encouraged our men to venture
into a village, where the enemy had secured forty of
their horse ; and boldly charging the guard, they beat
them off, and recovering those horses, the rest made
their retreat good to Wansford Bridge ; but we lost
near 100 horses, and about twelve of our men taken
prisoners.
The next day the king took Huntingdon ; the foot
which were left in the town, as I observed by their
horse, had posted themselves at the foot of the bridge,
and fortified the pass, with such things as the haste and
shortness of the time would allow ; and in this posture
they seemed resolute to defend themselves. I confess,
had they in time planted a good force here, they might
have put a full stop to our little army ; for the river is
large and deep, the country on the left marshy, full of
drains and ditches, and unfit for horse, and we must
have either turned back, or took the right hand into
Bedfordshire ; but here not being above 400 foot, and
they forsaken of their horse, the resistance they made
was to no other purpose than to give us occasion to knock
them on the head, and plunder the town.
However, they defended the bridge, as I have said,
and opposed our passage. I was this day in the van,
and our forlorn having entered Huntingdon without
any great resistance till they came to the bridge, finding
it barricaded, they sent me word ; I caused the troops
to halt, and rode up to the forlorn, to view the counte
nance of the enemy, and found by the posture they had
put themselves in, that they resolved to sell us the
passage as dear as they could.
278 Memoirs of a Cavalier
I sent to the king for some dragoons, and gave him
account of what I observed of the enemy, and that I
judged them to be 1000 men ; for I could not particu
larly see their numbers. Accordingly the king ordered
500 dragoons to attack the bridge, commanded by a
major ; the enemy had 200 musketeers placed on the
bridge, their barricade served them for a breastwork
on the front, and the low walls on the bridge served to
secure their flanks. Two bodies of their foot were
placed on the opposite banks of the river, and a reserve
stood in the highway on the rear. The number of
their men could not have been better ordered, and they
wanted not courage answerable to the conduct of the
party. They were commanded by one Bennet, a reso
lute officer, who stood in the front of his men on the
bridge with a pike in his hand.
Before we began to fall on, the king ordered to view
the river, to see if it was nowhere passable, or any boat
to be had ; but the river being not fordable, and the
boats all secured on the other side, the attack was
resolved on, and the dragoons fell on with extra
ordinary bravery. The foot defended themselves
obstinately, and beat off our dragoons twice, and though
Bennet was killed upon the spot, and after him his
lieutenant, yet their officers relieving them with fresh
men, they would certainly have beat us all off, had not
a venturous fellow, one of our dragoons, thrown himself
into the river, swam over, and, in the midst of a shower
of musket-bullets, cut the rope which tied a great flat-
bottom boat, and brought her over. With the help of this
boat, I got over TOO troopers first, and then their horses,
and then 200 more without their horses ; and with this
party fell in with one of the small bodies of foot that
were posted on that side, and having routed them, and
after them the reserve which stood on the road, I made
up to the other party. They stood their ground, and
Memoirs of a Cavalier 279
having rallied the runaways of both the other parties,
charged me with their pikes, and brought me to a
retreat ; but by this time the king had sent over 300
men more, and they coming up to me the foot retreated.
Those on the bridge finding how 'twas, and having no
supplies sent them, as before, fainted, and fled ; and
the dragoons rushing forward most of them were killed ;
about 1 50 of the enemy were killed, of which all the
officers at the bridge, the rest run away.
The town suffered for it, for our men left them little
of anything they could carry. Here we halted and
raised contributions, took money of the country and of
the open towns, to exempt them from plunder. Twice
we faced the town of Cambridge, and several of our
officers advised his Majesty to storm it. But having
no foot, and but 1200 dragoons, wiser heads diverted
him from it, and leaving Cambridge on the left, we
marched to Woburn, in Bedfordshire, and our parties
raised money all over the county quite into Hertford
shire, withith five miles of St Alban's.
The swiftness of our march, and uncertainty which
way we intended, prevented all possible preparation to
oppose us, and we met with no party able to make head
against us. From Woburn the king went through
Buckingham to Oxford ; some of our men straggling
in the villages for plunder, were often picked up by
the enemy. But in all this long march we did not
lose 200 men, got an incredible booty, and brought
six waggons laden with money, besides 2000 horses
and 3000 head of cattle, into Oxford. From Oxford
his Majesty moves again into Gloucestershire, having
left about 1 500 of his horse at Oxford to scour the
country, and raise contributions, which they did as far
as Reading.
Sir Thomas Fairfax was returned from taking
Bridgewater, and was sat down before Bristol, in which
280 Memoirs of a Cavalier
Prince Rupert commanded with a strong garrison.,
2500 foot and 1000 horse. We had not force enough
to attempt anything there. But the Scots, who lay
still before Hereford, were afraid of us, having before
parted with all their horse under Lieu tenant- General
Leslie, and but ill stored with provisions; and if we
came on their backs, were in a fair way to be starved,
or made to buy their provisions at the price of their
blood.
His Majesty was sensible of this, and had we had
but ten regiments of foot, would certainly have fought
the Scots. But we had no foot, or so few as was not
worth while to march them. However, the king
marched to Worcester, and the Scots, apprehending
they should be blocked up, immediately raised the siege,
pretending it was to go help their brethren in Scotland,
and away they marched northwards.
We picked up some of their stragglers, but they were
so poor, had been so ill paid, and so harassed at the
siege, that they had neither money nor clothes ; and the
poor soldiers fed upon apples and roots, and ate the very
greea corn as it grew in the fields, which reduced them
to a very sorry condition of health, for they died like
people infected with the plague.
'Twas now debated whether we should yet march
for Scotland, but two things prevented I I.I The
plague was broke out there, and multitudes died of it,
which made the king backward, and the men more
backward. (2.) The Marquis of Montrose, having
routed a whole brigade of Leslie's best horse, and
carried all before him, wrote to his Majesty that he
did not now want assistance, but was in hopes in a
few days to send a body of foot into England to his
Majesty's assistance. This over-confidence of his was
his ruin ; for, on the contrary, had he earnestly pressed
the king to hare marched, and fallen in with his horse.
Memoirs of a Cavalier 281
the king had done it, and been absolutely master of
Scotland in a fortnight's time ; but Montrose was too
confident, and defied them all, till at last they got their
forces together, and Leslie with his horse out of England,
and worsted him in two or three encounters, and then
never left him till they drove him out of Scotland.
While his Majesty stayed at Worcester, several
messengers came to him from Cheshire for relief,
being exceedingly straitened by the forces of the
Parliament ; in order to which the king marched, but
Shrewsbury being in the enemy's hands, he was ob
liged to go round by Ludlow, where he was joined
by some foot out of Wales. I took this opportunity
to ask his Majesty's leave to go by Shrewsbury to my
father's, and, taking only two servants, I left the army
two days before they marched.
This was the most unsoldier-like action that ever I
was guilty of, to go out of the army to pay a visit when
a time of action was just at hand ; and, though I protest
I had not the least intimation, no, not from my own
thoughts, that the army would engage, at least before
they came to Chester, before which I intended to meet
them, yet it looked so ill, so like an excuse or a sham
of cowardice, or disaffection to the cause and to my
master's interest, or something I know not what, that
I could not bear to think of it, nor never had the heart
to see the king's face after it.
From Ludlow the king marched to relieve Chester.
Poyntz,who commanded the Parliament's forces, follows
the king, with design to join with the forces before
Chester, under Colonel Jones, before the king could
come up. To that end Poyntz passes through Shrews
bury the day that the king marched from Ludlow ; yet
the king's forces got the start of him, and forced him
to engage. Had the king engaged him but three houra
sooner, and consequently further off from Chester, he
282 Memoirs of a Cavalier
had ruined him, for Poyntz's men, not able to stand
the shock of the king's horse, gave ground, and would
in half-an-hour more have been beaten out of the field ;
but Colonel Jones, with a strong party from the camp,
which was within two miles, comes up in the heat of
the action, falls on in the king's rear, and turned the
scale of the day. The body was, after an obstinate
fight, defeated, and a great many gentlemen of quality
killed and taken prisoners. The Earl of Lichfield
was of the number of the former, and sixty-seven
officers of the latter, with 1000 others. The king,
with about 500 horse, got into Chester, and from
thence into Wales, whither all that could get away
made up to him as fast as they could, but in a bad
condition.
This was the last stroke they struck ; the rest of
the war was nothing but taking all his garrisons from
him one by one, till they finished the war with the
captivating his person, and then, for want of other
business, fell to fighting with one another.
I was quite disconsolate at the news of this last
action, and the more because I was not there. My
regiment was wholly dispersed, my lieutenant-colonel,
a gentleman of a good family, and a near relation to my
mother, was prisoner, my major and three captains
killed, and most of the rest prisoners.
The king, hopeless of any considerable party in
Wales, Bristol being surrendered, sends for Prince
Rupert and Prince Maurice, who came to him. With
them, and the Lord Digby, Sir Marmaduke Langdale,
and a great train of gentlemen, his Majesty marches
to Newark again, leaves 1000 horse with Sir William
Vaughan to attempt the relief of Chester, in doing
whereof he was routed the second time by Jones and
his men, and entirely dispersed.
The chief strength the king had in these parts was at
Memoirs of a Cavalier 283
Newark, and the Parliament were very earnest with the
Scots to march southward and to lay siege to Newark ;
and while the Parliament pressed them to it, and they
sat still and delayed it, several heats began, and some ill
blood between them, which afterwards broke out into
open war. The English reproached the Scots with
pretending to help them, and really hindering their
affairs. The Scots returned that they came to fight
for them, and are left to be starved, and can neither get
money nor clothes. At last they came to this, the
Scots will come to the siege if the Parliament will send
them money, but not before. However, as people
sooner agree in doing ill than in doing well, they came
to terms, and the Scots came with their whole army to
the siege of Newark.
The king, foreseeing the siege, calls his friends about
him, tells them he sees his circumstances are such that
they can help him but little, nor he protect them, and
advises them to separate. The Lord Digby, with Sir
Marmaduke Langdale, with a strong body of horse,
attempt to get into Scotland to join with Montrose, who
was still in the Highlands, though reduced to a low
ebb, but these gentlemen are fallen upon on every side
and routed, and at last, being totally broken and dis
persed, they fly to the Earl of Derby's protection in
the Isle of Man.
Prince Rupert, Prince Maurice, Colonel Gerard,
and above 400 gentlemen, all officers of horse, lay their
commissions down, and seizing upon Wootton House
for a retreat, make proposals to the Parliament to leave
the kingdom, upon their parole not to return again in
arms against the Parliament, which was accepted, though
afterwards the prince declined it. I sent my man post
to the prince to be included in this treaty, and for leave
for all that would accept of like conditions, but they had
given in the list of their names, and could not alter it.
284 Memoirs of a Cavalier
This was a sad time. The poor remains of the
king's fortunes went everywhere to wreck. Every
garrison of the enemy was full of the Cavalier prisoners,
and every garrison the king had was beset with enemies,
either blocked up or besieged. Goring and the Lord
Hopton were the only remainders of the king's forces
which kept in a body, and Fairfax was pushing them
with all imaginable vigour with his whole army
about Exeter and other parts of Devonshire and
Cornwall.
In this condition the king left Newark in the night,
and got to Oxford. The king had in Oxford 8000
men, and the towns of Banbury, Farringdon, Don-
nington Castle, and such places as might have been
brought together in twenty- four hours, 15,000 or
20,000 men, with which, if he had then resolved to
have quitted the place, and collected the forces in
Worcester, Hereford, Lichfield, Ashby-de-la-Zouch,
and all the small castles and garrisons he had there
abouts, he might have had near 40,000 men, might
have beaten the Scots from Newark, Colonel Jones
from Chester, and all, before Fairfax, who was in the
west, could be able to come to their relief. And this
his Majesty's friends in North Wales had concerted ;
and, in order to it, Sir Jacob Ashby gathered what
forces he could, in our parts, and attempted to join the
king at Oxford, and to have proposed it to him ; but
Sir Jacob was entirely routed at Stow-on-the-Wold,
and taken prisoner, and of 3000 men not above 600
came to Oxford.
All the king's garrisons dropped one by one; Here
ford, which had stood out against the whole army of
the Scots, was surprised by six men and a lieutenant
dressed up for country labourers, and a constable
pressed to work, who cut the guards in pieces, and let
in a party of the enemy. Chester was reduced by
Memoirs of a Cavalier 285
famine, all the attempts the king made to relieve it
being frustrated.
Sir Thomas Fairfax routed the Lord Hopton at
Torrington, and drove him to such extremities, that
he was forced up into the farthest corner of Cornwall.
The Lord Hopton had a gallant body of horse with
him of nine brigades, but no foot; Fairfax, a great
army.
Heartless, and tired out with continual ill news, and
ill success, I had frequent meetings with some gentle
men who had escaped from the rout of Sir William
Vaughan, and we agreed upon a meeting at Worcester,
of all the friends we could get, to see if we could raise
a body fit to do any service ; or, if not, to consider
what was to be done. At this meeting we had almost
as many opinions as people ; our strength appeared too
weak to make any attempt, the game was too far gone
in our parts to be retrieved ; all we could make up did
not amount to above 800 horse.
'Twas unanimously agreed not to go into the Parlia
ment as long as our royal master did not give up the
cause ; but in all places, and by all possible methods,
to do him all the service we could. Some proposed
one thing, some another ; at last we proposed getting
vessels to carry us to the Isle of Man to the Earl of
Derby, as Sir Marmaduke Langdale, Lord Digby,
and others had done. I did not foresee any service it
would be to the king's affairs, but I started a proposal
that, marching to Pembroke in a body, we should there
seize upon all the vessels we could, and embarking
ourselves, horses, and what foot we could get, cross
the Severn Sea, and land in Cornwall to the assistance
of Prince Charles, who was in the army of the Lord
Hopton, and where only there seemed to be any pos
sibility of a chance for the remaining part of our
cause.
286 Memoirs of a Cavalier
This proposal was not without its difficulties, as how
to get to the seaside, and, when there, what assur
ance of shipping. The enemy, under Major-General
Langhorn, had overrun Wales, and 'twould be next
to impossible to effect it.
We could never carry our proposal with the whole
assembly ; but, however, about 200 of us resolved to
attempt it, and Qhe]] meeting being broken up without
coming to any conclusion, we had a private meeting
among ourselves to effect it.
We despatched private messengers to Swansea and
Pembroke, and other places ; but they all discouraged
us from the attempt that way, and advised us to go
higher towards North Wales, where the king's interest
had more friends, and the Parliament no forces. Upon
this we met, and resolved, and having sent several
messengers that way, one of my men provided us two
small vessels in a little creek near Harlech Castle, in
Merionethshire. We marched away with what expedi
tion we could, and embarked in the two vessels accord
ingly. It was the worst voyage sure that ever man
went ; for first we had no manner of accommodation
for so many people, hay for our horses we got none, or
very little, but good store of oats, which served us for
our own bread as well as provender for the horses.
In this condition we put off to sea, and had a fair
wind all the first night, but early in the morning a
sudden storm drove us within two or three leagues of
Ireland. In this pickle, sea-sick, our horses rolling
about upon one another, and ourselves stifled for want
of room, no cabins nor beds, very cold weather, and
very indifferent diet, we wished ourselves ashore again
a thousand times ; and yet we were not willing to go
ashore in Ireland if we could help it; for the rebels
having possession of every place, that was just having
our throats cut at once. Having rolled about at the
Memoirs of a Cavalier 287
mercy of the winds all day, the storm ceasing in the
evening, we had fair weather again, but wind enough,
which being large, in two days and a night we came
upon the coast of Cornwall, and, to our no small com
fort, landed the next day at St Ives, in the county of
Cornwall.
We rested ourselves here, and sent an express to the
Lord Hopton, who was then in Devonshire, of our
arrival, and desired him to assign us quarters, and send
us his farther orders. His lordship expressed a very
great satisfaction at our arrival, and left it to our own
conduct to join him as we saw convenient'.
We were marching to join him, when news came
that Fairfax had given him an entire defeat at Tor-
rington. This was but the old story over again. We
had been used to ill news a great while, and 'twas the
less surprise to us.
Upon this news we halted at Bodmin, till we should
hear farther ; and it was not long before we saw a con
firmation of the news before our eyes, for the Lord
Hopton, with the remainder of the horse, which he
had brought off at Torrington in a very shattered con
dition, retreated to Launceston, the first town in Corn
wall, and hearing that Fairfax pursued him, came on
to Bodmin. Hither he summoned all the troops which
he had left, which, when he had got together, were a
fine body indeed of 5000 horse, but few foot but what
were at Pendennis, Barnstaple, and other garrisons.
These were commanded by the Lord Hopton. The
Lord Goring had taken shipping for France to get
relief a few days before.
Here a grand council of war was called, and several
things were proposed, but as it always is in distress,
people are most irresolute, so 'twas here. Some were
for breaking through by force, our number being
superior to the enemy's horse. To fight them with
288 Memoirs of a Cavalier
their foot would be desperation and ridiculous ; and to
retreat would but be to coop up themselves in a narrow
place, where at last they must be forced to fight upon
disadvantage, or yield at mercy. Others opposed this
as a desperate action, and without probability of success,
and all were of different opinions. I confess, when I
saw how things were, I saw 'twas a lost game, and
I was for the opinion of breaking through, and doing
it now, while the country was open and large, and not
being forced to it when it must be with more disad
vantage. But nothing was resolved on, and so we
retreated before the enemy. Some small skirmishes
there happened near Bodmin, but none that were very
considerable.
'Twas the 1st of March when we quitted Bodmin,
and quartered at large at Columb, St Dennis, and
Truro, and the enemy took his quarters at Bodmin,
posting his horse at the passes from Padstow on the
north, to Wadebridge, Lostwithiel, and Fowey, spread
ing so from sea to sea, that now breaking through was
impossible. There was no more room for counsel ; for
unless we had ships to carry us off, we had nothing to
do but when we were fallen upon, to defend ourselves,
and sell victory as dear as we could to the enemies.
The Prince of Wales seeing the distress we were in,
and loth to fall into the enemy's hands, ships himself
on board some vessels at Falmouth, with about 400
lords and gentlemen. And as I had no command here
to oblige my attendance, I was once going to make one,
but my comrades, whom I had been the principal occa
sion of bringing hither, began to take it ill, that I would
leave them, and so I resolved we would take our fate
together.
While thus we had nothing before us but a soldier's
death, a fair field, and a strong enemy, and people began
to look one upon another, the soldiers asked how
Memoirs of a Cavalier 289
their officers looked, and the officers asked how their
soldiers looked, and every day we expected to be our
last, when unexpectedly the enemy's general sent a
trumpet to Truro to my Lord Hopton, with a very
handsome gentlemanlike ofTer :
That since the general could not be ignorant of his
present condition, and that the place he was in could
not afford him subsistence or defence ; and especially
considering that the state of our affairs were such, that
if we should escape from thence we could not remove
to our advantage, he had thought good to let us know,
that if we would deliver up our horses and arms, he
would, for avoiding the effusion of Christian blood, or
the putting any unsoldierly extremities upon us, allow
such honourable and safe conditions, as were rather
better than our present circumstances could demand,
and such as should discharge him to all the world, as a
gentleman, as a soldier, and as a Christian.
After this followed the conditions he would give us,
which were as follows, viz. : That all the soldiery,
as well English as foreigners, should have liberty to go
beyond the seas, or to their own dwellings, as they
pleased ; and to such as shall choose to live at home,
protection for their liberty, and from all violence and
plundering of soldiers, and to give them bag and baggage,
and all their goods, except horses and arms.
That for officers in commissions, and gentlemen
of quality, he would allow them horses for themselves
and one servant, or more, suitable to their quality, and
such arms as are suitable to gentlemen of such quality
travelling in times of peace ; and such officers as would
go beyond sea, should take with them their full arms
and number of horses as are allowed in the army to
such officers.
That all the troopers shall receive on the delivery
of their horses, zos. a man to carry them home ; and
T
290 Memoirs of a Cavalier
the general's pass and recommendation to any gentle
man who desires to go to the Parliament to settle the
composition for their estates.
Lastly, a very honourable mention of the general,
and offer of their mediation to the Parliament, to treat
him as a man of honour, and one who has been tender
of the country, and behaved himself with all the mode
ration and candour that could be expected from an
enemy.
Upon the unexpected receipt of this message, a
council of war was called, and the letter read ; no
man offered to speak a word ; the general moved it,
but every one was loth to begin.
At last an old colonel starts up, and asked the gene
ral what he thought might occasion the writing this
letter ? The general told him, he could not tell ; but
he could tell, he was sure, of one thing, that he knew
what was not the occasion of it, viz., that is, not any
want of force in their army to oblige us to other terms.
Then a doubt was started, whether the king and Par
liament were not in any treaty, which this agreement
might be prejudicial to.
This occasioned a letter to my Lord Fairfax, wherein
our general returning the civilities, and neither accept
ing nor refusing his proposal, put it upon his honour,
whether there was not some agreement or concession
between his Majesty and the Parliament, in order to a
general peace, which this treaty might be prejudicial to,
or thereby be prejudicial to us.
The Lord Fairfax ingenuously declared, he had
heard the king had made some concessions, and he
heartily wished he would make such as would settle
the kingdom in peace, that Englishmen might not
wound and destroy one another ; but that he de
clared he knew of no treaty commenced, nor any
thing passed which could give us the least shadow of
Memoirs of a Cavalier 291
hope for any advantage in not accepting his condi
tions ; at last telling us, that though he did not insult
over our circumstances, yet if we thought fit, upon any
such supposition, to refuse his offers, he was not to seek
in his measures.
And it appeared so, for he immediately advanced his
forlorns, and dispossessed us of two advanced quarters,
and thereby straitened us yet more.
We had now nothing to say, but treat, and our
general was so sensible of our condition, that he re
turned the trumpet with a safe-conduct for commis
sioners at twelve o'clock that night ; upon which a
cessation of arms was agreed on, we quitting Truro to
the Lord Fairfax, and he left St Allen to us to
keep our headquarters.
The conditions were soon agreed on ; we disbanded
nine full brigades of horse, and all the conditions were
observed with the most honour and care by the enemy
that ever I saw in my life.
Nor can I omit to make very honourable mention of
this noble gentleman, though I did not like his cause ;
but I never saw a man of a more pleasant, calm, cour
teous, downright, honest behaviour in my life ; and
for his courage and personal bravery in the field, that we
had felt enough of. No man in the world had more
fire and fury in him while in action, or more temper
and softness out of it. In short, and I cannot do him
greater honour, he exceedingly came near the character
uf my foreign hero, Gustavus Adolphus, and in my
account is, of all the soldiers in Europe, the fittest to
be reckoned in the second place of honour to him.
I had particular occasion to see much of his temper
in all this action, being one of the hostages given by
our general for the performance of the conditions, in
which circumstance the general did me several times
the honour to send to me to dine with him ; and was
292 Memoirs of a Cavalier
exceedingly pleased to discourse with me about the pas
sages of the wars in Germany, which I had served in,
he having been at the same time in the Low Countries
in the service of Prince Maurice ; but I observed if at
any time my civilities extended to commendations of
his own actions, and especially to comparing him to
Gustavus Adolphus, he would blush like a woman, and
be uneasy, declining the discourse, and in this he was
still more like him.
Let no man scruple my honourable mention of this
noble enemy, since no man can suspect me of favouring
the cause he embarked in, which I served as heartily
against as any man in the army ; but I cannot conceal
extraordinary merit for its being placed in an enemy.
This was the end of our making war, for now we
were all under parole never to bear arms against the
Parliament ; and though some of us did not keep our
word, yet I think a soldier's parole ought to be the
most sacred in such case, that a soldier may be the
easier trusted at all times upon his word. For my part,
I went home fully contented, since I could do my
royal master no better service, that I had come off no
worse.
The enemy going now on in a full current of success,
and the king reduced to the last extremity, and Fairfax,
by long marches, being come back within five miles of
Oxford, his Majesty, loth to be cooped up in a town
which could on no account hold long out, quits the
town in a disguise, leaving Sir Thomas Glemham
governor, and being only attended with Mr Ashburn-
ham and one more, rides away to Newark, and there
fatally committed himself to the honour and fidelity of
the Scots under General Leven.
There had been some little bickering between the
Parliament and the Scots commissioners concerning the
propositions which the Scots were for a treaty with the
Memoirs of a Cavalier 293
king upon, and the Parliament refused it. The Parlia
ment, upon all proposals of peace, had formerly invited
the king to come and throw himself upon the honour,
fidelity, and affection of his Parliament. And now the
king from Oxford offering to come up to London on
the protection of the Parliament for the safety of his
person, they refused him, and the Scots differed from
them in it, and were for a personal treaty.
This, in our opinion, was the reason which prompted
the king to throw himself upon the fidelity of the
Scots, who really by their infidelity had been the ruin
of all his affairs, and now, by their perfidious breach
of honour and faith with him, will be virtually and
mediately the ruin of his person.
The Scots were, as all the nation beside them was,
surprised at the king's coming among them ; the Par
liament began very high with them, and send an order
to General Leven to send the king to Warwick Castle ;
but he was not so hasty to part with so rich a prize.
As soon as the king came to the general, he signs an
order to Colonel Bellasis, the governor of Newark, to
surrender it, and immediately the Scots decamp home
wards, carrying the king in the camp with them, and
marching on, a house was ordered to be provided for
the king at Newcastle.
And now the Parliament saw their error, in refus
ing his Majesty a personal treaty, which, if they had
accepted (their army was not yet taught the way of
huffing their masters), the kingdom might have been
settled in peace. Upon this the Parliament send to
General Leven to have his Majesty not be sent, which
was their first language, but be suffered to come to
London to treat with his Parliament ; before it was,
" Let the king be sent to Warwick Castle;" now 'tis,
"To let his Majesty come to London to treat with
his people."
294 Memoirs of a Cavalier
But neither one or the other would do with the
Scots ; but we who knew the Scots best knew that
there was one thing would do with them, if the other
would not, and that was money ; and therefore our
hearts ached for the king.
The Scots, as I said, had retreated to Newcastle
with the king, and there they quartered their whole
army at large upon the country ; the Parliament voted
they had no farther occasion for the Scots, and desired
them to go home about their business. I do not say
it was in these words, but in whatsoever good words
their messages might be expressed, this and nothing less
was the English of it. The Scots reply, by setting
forth their losses, damages, and dues, the substance of
which was, "Pay us our money and we will be gone,
or else we won't stir." The Parliament call for an
account of their demands, which the Scots give in,
amounting to a million ; but, according to their custom,
and especially finding that the army under Fairfax
inclined gradually that way, fall down to ^500,000,
and at last to ,3^400,000; but all the while this is
transacting a separate treaty is carried on at London
with the commissioners of Scotland, and afterwards at
Edinburgh, by which it is given them to understand
that, whereas upon payment of the money, the Scots
army is to march out of England, and to give up all
the towns and garrisons which they hold in this king
dom, so they are to take it for granted that 'tis the
meaning of the treaty that they shall leave the king in
the hands of the English Parliament.
To make this go down the better, the Scotch Par
liament, upon his Majesty's desire to go with their
army into Scotland, send him for answer, that it cannot
be for the safety of his Majesty or of the State to come
into Scotland, not having taken the Covenant, and this
was carried in their Parliament but by two voices.
Memoirs of a Cavalier 295
The Scots having refused his coming into Scotland,
as was concerted between the two Houses, and their
army being to march out of England, the delivering up
the king became a consequence of the thing unavoid
able, and of necessity.
His Majesty, thus deserted of those into whose hands
he had thrown himself, took his leave of the Scots
general at Newcastle, telling him only, in few words,
this sad truth, that he was bought and sold. The
Parliament commissioners received him at Newcastle
from the Scots, and brought him to Holmby House, in
Northamptonshire ; from whence, upon the quarrels
and feuds of parties, he was fetched by a party of
horse, commanded by one Cornet Joyce, from the
army, upon their mutinous rendezvous at Triplow
Heath ; and, after this, suffering many violences and
varieties of circumstances among the army, was carried
to Hampton Court, from whence his Majesty very
readily made his escape ; but not having notice enough
to provide effectual means for his more effectual deliver
ance, was obliged to deliver himself to Colonel Ham
mond in the Isle of Wight. Here, after some very
indifferent usage, the Parliament pursued a farther
treaty with him, and all points were agreed but two :
the entire abolishing Episcopacy, which the king de
clared to be against his conscience and his coronation
oath ; and the sale of the Church lands, which he
declared, being most of them gifts to God and the
Church, by persons deceased, his Majesty thought
could not be alienated without the highest sacrilege,
and if taken from the uses to which they were ap
pointed by the wills of the donors, ought to be restored
back to the heirs and families of the persons who
bequeathed them.
And these two articles so stuck with his Majesty,
that he ventured his fortune, and royal family, and his
296 Memoirs of a Cavalier
own life for them. However, at last, the king con
descended so far in these, that the Parliament voted
his Majesty's concessions to be sufficient to settle and
establish the peace of the nation.
This vote discovered the bottom of all the counsels
which then prevailed ; for the army, who knew if peace
were once settled, they should be undone, took the
alarm at this, and clubbing together in committees and
councils, at last brought themselves to a degree of
hardness above all that ever this nation saw ; for, call
ing into question the proceedings of their masters who
employed them, they immediately fall to work upon
the Parliament, remove Colonel Hammond, who had
the charge of the king, and used him honourably, place
a new guard upon him, dismiss the commissioners, and
put a stop to the treaty ; and, following their blow,
march to London, place regiments of foot at the Par
liament-house door, and, as the members came up,
seize upon all those whom they had down in a list as
promoters of the settlement and treaty, and would not
suffer them to sit; but the rest who, being of their
own stamp, are permitted to go on, carry on the designs
of the army, revive their votes of non-addresses to the
king, and then, upon the army's petition to bring all
delinquents to justice, the mask was thrown off, the
word all is declared to be meant the king, as well as
every man else they pleased. 'Tis too sad a story, and
too much a matter of grief to me, and to all good men,
to renew the blackness of those days, when law and
justice was under the feet of power ; the army ruled
the Parliament, the private officers their generals, the
common soldiers their officers, and confusion was in
every part of the government. In this hurry they
sacrificed their king, and shed the blood of the Eng
lish nobility without mercy.
The history of the times will supply the particulars
Memoirs of a Cavalier 297
which I omit, being willing to confine myself to my
own accounts and observations. I was now no more
an actor, but a melancholy observator of the misfortunes
of the times. I had given my parole not to take up
arms against the Parliament, and I saw nothing to
invite me to engage on their side. I saw a world of
confusion in all their counsels, and I always expected
that in a chain of distractions, as it generally falls out,
the last link would be destruction ; and though I pre
tended to no prophecy, yet the progress of affairs have
brought it to pass, and I have seen Providence, who
suffered, for the correction of this nation, the sword to
govern and devour us, has at last brought destruction
by the sword upon the head of most of the party who
first drew it.
If together with the brief account of what concern I
had in the active part of the war, I leave behind me some
of my own remarks and observations, it may be pertinent
enough to my design, and not unuseful to posterity.
I. I observed by the sequel of things that it maybe
some excuse to the first Parliament, who began thi
war, to say that they manifested their designs were not
aimed at the monarchy, nor their quarrel at the person
of the king ; because, when they had him in their power,
though against his will, they would have restored both
his person and dignity as a king, only loading it with
uch clogs of the people's power as they at first pre
tended to, viz., the militia, and power of naming the
great officers at court, and the like ; which powers, it
was never denied, had been stretched too far in the
beginning of this king's reign, and several things done
illegally, which his Majesty had been sensible of, and
was willing to rectify ; but they having obtained the
power by victory, resolved so to secure themselves, as
that, whenever they laid down their arms, the king
298 Memoirs of a Cavalier
should not be able to do the like again. And thus far
they were not to be so much blamed, and we did not
on our own part blame them, when they had obtained
the power, for parting with it on good terms.
But when I have thus far advocated for the enemies,
I must be very free to state the crimes of this bloody
war by the events of it. 'Tis manifest there were
among them from the beginning a party who aimed at
the very root of the government, and at the very thing
which they brought to pass, viz., the deposing and
murdering of their sovereign ; and, as the devil is
always master where mischief is the work, this party
prevailed, turned the other out of doors, and overturned
all that little honesty that might be in the first beginning
of this unhappy strife.
The consequence of this was, the Presbyterians saw
their error when it was too late, and then would gladly
have joined the royal party to have suppressed this new
leaven which had infected the lump ; and this is very
remarkable, that most of the first champions of this war
who bore the brunt of it, when the king was powerful
and prosperous, and when there was nothing to be got
by it but blows, first or last, were so ill used by this
independent, powerful party, who tripped up the heels
of all their honesty, that they were either forced by ill
treatment to take up arms on our side, or suppressed and
reduced by them. In this the justice of Providence
seemed very conspicuous, that these having pushed all
things by violence against the king, and by arms and
force brought him to their will, were at once both
robbed of the end, their Church government, and
punished for drawing their swords against their masters,
by their own servants drawing the sword against them ;
and God, in His due time, punished the others too.
And what was yet farther strange, the punishment of
this crime of making war against their king, singled out
Memoirs of a Cavalier 299
those very men, both in the army and in the Parlia
ment, who were the greatest champions of the Presby
terian cause in the council and in the field. Some
minutes, too, of circumstances I cannot forbear observ
ing, though they are not very material, as to the fatality
and revolutions of days and times.
A Roman Catholic gentleman of Lancashire, a very
religious man in his way, who had kept a calculate of
times, and had observed mightily the fatality of times,
places, and actions, being at my father's house, was
discoursing once upon the last judgment of God in
dating His providences, so as to signify to us His dis
pleasure at particular circumstances ; and, among an
infinite number of collections he had made, these were
some which I took particular notice of, and from
whence I began to observe the like :
1. That King Edward VI. died the very same day
of the same month in which he caused the altar to
be taken down, and the image of the Blessed Virgin in
the Cathedral of St. Paul's.
2. That Cranmer was burnt at Oxford the same
day and month that he gave King Henry VIII.
advice to divorce his Queen Catherine.
3. That Queen Elizabeth died the same day and
month that she resolved, in her Privy Council, to
behead the Queen of Scots.
4. That King James died the same day that he
published his book against Bellarmine.
5. That King Charles's long Parliament, which
ruined him, began the very same day and month which
that Parliament began, that at the request of his pre
decessor robbed the Roman Church of all her revenues,
and suppressed abbeys and monasteries.
How just his calculations were, or how true the
300 Memoirs of a Cavalier
matter of fact, I cannot tell, but it put me upon the
same in several actions and successes of this war.
And I found a great many circumstances, as to time
or action, which befell both his Majesty and his
parties first ;
Then others which befell the Parliament and Pres
byterian faction, which raised the war ;
Then the Independent tyranny which succeeded and
supplanted the first party ;
Then the Scots, who acted on both sides ;
Lastly, the restoration and re-establishment of the
loyalty and religion of our ancestors.
1. For King Charles I. ; 'tis observable, that the
charge against the Earl of StrafFord, a thing which
his Majesty blamed himself for all the days of his life,
and at the moment of his last suffering, was first read
in the Lords' House on the 3Oth of January, the same
day of the month six years that the king himself was
brought to the block.
2. That the king was carried away prisoner from
Newark, by the Scots, May 10, the same day six
years that, against his conscience and promise, he
passed the bill of attainder against the loyal, noble Earl
of StrafFord.
3. The same day seven years that the king entered
the House of Commons for the five members, which
all his friends blamed him for, the same day the Rump
voted bringing his Majesty to trial, after they had set
by the Lords for not agreeing to it, which was the
3rd of January 1648.
4. The 1 2th of May 1646, being the surrender of
Newark, the Parliament held a day of thanksgiving
and rejoicing, for the reduction of the king and his
party, and finishing the war, which was the same day
five years that the Earl of StrafFord was beheaded.
Memoirs of a Cavalier 301
5. The battle at Naseby, which ruined the king's
affairs, and where his secretary and his office was
taken, was the I4th of June, the same day and month
the first commission was given out by his Majesty to
raise forces.
6. The queen voted a traitor by the Parliament the
3rd of May, the same day and month she carried the
jewels into France.
7. The same day the king defeated Essex in the
west, his son, King Charles II., was defeated at
Worcester.
8. Archbishop Laud's house at Lambeth assaulted
by the mob, the same day of the same month that he
advised the king to make war upon the Scots.
9. Impeached the I5th of December 1640, the
same day twelvemonth that he ordered the Common
Prayer- Book of Scotland to be printed, in order to be
imposed upon the Scots, from which all our troubles
began.
But many more, and more strange, are the critical
junctures of affairs in the case of the enemy, or at
least more observed by me :
1. Sir John Hotham, who repulsed his Majesty and
refused him admittance into Hull before the war, was
seized at Hull by the same Parliament for whom he
had done it, the same loth day of August two years
that he drew the first blood in that war.
2. Hampden of Buckinghamshire killed the same day
one year that the mob petition from Bucks was presented
to the king about him, as one of the five members.
3. Young Captain Hotham executed the 1st of
January, the same day that he assisted Sir Thomas
Fairfax in the first skirmish with the king's forces at
Bramham Moor.
4. The same day and month, being the 6th of
302 Memoirs of a Cavalier
August 1641, that the Parliament voted to raise an
army against the king, the same day and month, anno
1648, the Parliament were assaulted and turned out of
doors by that very army, and none left to sit but who
the soldiers pleased, which were therefore called the
Rump.
5. The Earl of Holland deserted the king, who
had made him general of the horse, and went over
to the Parliament, and the pth of March 1641, carried
the Commons' reproaching declaration to the king ;
and afterwards taking up arms for the king against the
Parliament, was beheaded by them the gth of March
1648, just seven years after.
6. The Earl of Holland was sent to by the king to
come to his assistance and refused, the nth of July
1641, and that very day seven years after was taken
by the Parliament at St. Neots.
7. Colonel Massey defended Gloucester against the
king, and beat him off the 5th of September 1643 ;
was taken after by Cromwell's men fighting for the
king, on the 5th of September 1651, two or three days
after the fight at Worcester.
8. Richard Cromwell resigning, because he could
not help it, the Parliament voted a free Commonwealth,
without a single person or House of Lords. This was
the 25th of May 1658 ; the 25th of May 1660, the
king landed at Dover, and restored the government of
a single person and House of Lords.
9. Lambert was proclaimed a traitor by the Par
liament April the 2Oth, being the same day he pro
posed to Oliver Cromwell to take upon him the title
of king.
10. Monk being taken prisoner at Nantwich by Sir
Thomas Fairfax, revolted to the Parliament the same
day nineteen years he declared for the king, and thereby
restored the royal authority.
Memoirs of a Cavalier 303
11. The Parliament Toted to approve of Sir John
Hotham's repulsing the king at Hull, the 28th of
April 1642 ; the 28th of April 1660, the Parliament
first debated in the House the restoring the king to the
crown.
12. The agitators of the army formed themselves
into a cabal, and held their first meeting to seize on
the king's person, and take him into their custody from
Holmby, the 28th of April 1647 ; the same day,
1660, the Parliament voted the agitators to be taken
into custody, and committed as many of them as could
be found.
13. The Parliament voted the queen a traitor for
assisting her husband, the king, May the 3rd, 1643
her son, King Charles II., was presented with the
votes of Parliament to restore him, and the present of
s $0,000, the 3rd of May 1660.
14. The same day the Parliament passed the Act
for recognition of Oliver Cromwell, October 1 3th,
1654, Lambert broke up the Parliament and set up
the army, 1659, October the I3th.
Some other observations I have made, which, as not
so pertinent, I forbear to publish, among which I have
noted the fatality of some days to parties, as
The 2nd of September : The fight at Dunbar ; the
fight at Worcester ; the oath against a single person
passed ; Oliver's first Parliament called. For the
enemy.
The 2nd of September : Essex defeated in Corn
wall ; Oliver died ; city works demolished. For the
king.
The 29th of May: Prince Charles born; Leicester
taken by storm ; King Charles II. restored. Ditto.
Fatality of circumstances in this unhappy war,
304 Memoirs of a Cavalier
1. The English Parliament calls in the Scots, to
invade their king, and are invaded themselves by the
same Scots, in defence of the king whose case, and the
design of the Parliament, the Scots had mistaken.
2. The Scots, who unjustly assisted the Parliament
to conquer their lawful sovereign, contrary to their oath
of allegiance, and without any pretence on the king's
part, are afterwards absolutely conquered and subdued
by the same Parliament they assisted.
3. The Parliament, who raised an army to depose
their king, deposed by the very army they had raised.
4. The army broke three Parliaments, and are at
last broke by a free Parliament ; and all they had done
by the military power, undone at once by the civil.
5. Abundance of the chief men, who by their fiery
spirits involved the nation in a civil war, and took up
arms against their prince, first or last met with ruin or
disgrace from their own party.
(i.) Sir John Hotham and his son, who struck the
fiist stroke, both beheaded or hanged by the Parliament.
(2.) Major- General Massey three times taken pri
soner by them, and once wounded at Worcester.
( 3. ) Major-General Langhorn, (4. ) Colonel Poyer,
and (5.) Colonel Powell, changed sides, and at last
taken, could obtain no other favour than to .draw lots
for their lives ; Colonel Poyer drew the dead lot, and
was shot to death.
(6.) Earl of Holland; who, when the House voted
who should be reprieved, Lord Goring, who had been
their worst enemy, or the Earl of Holland, who, ex
cepting one offence, had been their constant servant,
yoted Goring to be spared, the Earl to die.
The Earl of Essex, their first general ;
Sir William Waller ;
Lieutenant-General Ludlow;
IO.) The Earl of Manchester ;
Memoirs of a Cavalier 305
all disgusted and voted out of the army, though they
had stood the first shock of the war, to make way for
the new model of the army, and introduce a party.
In all these confusions I have observed two great
errors, one of the king, and one of his friends.
Of the king, that when he was in their custody, and
at their mercy, he did not comply with the proposi
tions of peace, before their army, for want of employ
ment, fell into heats and mutinies ; that he did not at
first grant the Scots their own conditions, which, if he
had done, he had gone into Scotland ; and then, if the
English would have fought the Scots for him, he had
a reserve of his loyal friends, who would have had
room to have fallen in with the Scots to his assistance,
who were after dispersed and destroyed in small parties
attempting to serve him.
While his Majesty remained at Newcastle, the queen
wrote to him, persuading him to make peace upon any
terms ; and in politics her Majesty's advice was cer
tainly the best. For, however low he was brought by
a peace, it must have been better than the condition he
was then in.
The error I mention of the king's friends was this,
that after they saw all was lost, they could not be
content to sit still, and reserve themselves for better
fortunes, and wait the happy time when the divisions of
the enemy would bring them to certain ruin ; but must
hasten their own miseries by frequent fruitless risings,
in the face of a victorious enemy, in small parties ; and
I always found these effects from it :
I. The enemy, who were always together by the
ears, when they were let alone, were united and
reconciled when we gave them any interruption ; as
particularly, in the case of the first assault the army
made upon them, when Colonel Pride, with his regi-
306 Memoirs of a Cavalier
ment, garbled the House, as they called it. At that
time a fair opportunity offered ; but it was omitted
till it was too late. That insult upon the House had
been attempted the year before, but was hindered by
the little insurrections of the royal party, and the sooner
they had fallen out, the better.
2. These risings being desperate, with vast dis
advantages, and always suppressed, ruined all our
friends ; the remnants of the Cavaliers were lessened,
the stoutest and most daring were cut off, and the
king's interest exceedingly weakened, there not being
less than 30,000 of his best friends cut off in
the several attempts made at Maidstone, Colchester,
Lancashire, Pembroke, Pontefract, Kingston, Preston,
Warrington, Worcester, and other places. Had these
men all reserved their fortunes to a conjunction with
the Scots, at either of the invasions they made into this
kingdom, and acted with the conduct and courage they
were known masters of, perhaps neither of those Scots
armies had been defeated.
But the impatience of our friends ruined all ; for my
part, I had as good a mind to put my hand to the ruin
of the enemy as any of them, but I never saw any
tolerable appearance of a force able to match the enemy,
and I had no mind to be beaten and then hanged.
Had we let them alone, they would have fallen into so
many parties and factions, and so effectually have torn
one another to pieces, that whichsoever party had come
to us, we should, with them, have been too hard for
all the rest.
This was plain by the course of things afterwards ;
when the Independent army had ruffled the Presbyterian
Parliament, the soldiery of that party made no scruple
to join us, and would have restored the king with all
their hearts, and many of them did join us at last.
And the consequence, though late, ended so ; for
Memoirs of a Cavalier 307
they fell out so many times, army and Parliament,
Parliament and army, and alternately pulled one another
down so often, till at last the Presbyterians who began
the war, ended it, and, to be rid of their enemies,
rather than for any love to the monarchy, restored
King Charles the Second, and brought him in on the
very day that they themselves had formerly resolved
the ruin of his father's government, being the 2pth of
May, the same day twenty years that the private cabal
in London concluded their secret league with the Scots,
to embroil his father King Charles the First.
THE END.
THE TEMPLE PRESS, PRINTERS, LETCHWORTH
'
