Memoirs of General Sir Henry Dermot Daly ..

Ex Libris
C. K. OGDEN

THE LIBRARY

OF

THE UNIVERSITY

OF CALIFORNIA

LOS ANGELES

MEMOIRS OF GENERAL
SIR HENRY DERMOT DALY

G.C.B., CLE.

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MEMOIRS OF GENERAL
SIR HENRY DERMOT DALY

G.C.B., CLE.

SOMETIME COMMANDER OF CENTRAL INDIA

HORSE, POLITICAL ASSISTANT FOR WESTERN

MALWA, Etc., Etc.

BY MAJOR H. DALY

LONDON
JOHN MUEEAY, ALBEMAELE STEEET

1905

™

PREFACE

The criticisms and strictures upon leading- men and
current policy, which appear in the extracts from Sir
Henry Daly's correspondence and diaries, were fre-
quently modified by him in the light of fuller infor-
mation or subsequent events. They have been allowed
to stand as interesting examples of the feeling of the

hour.

HUGH DALY.

The Residency,
Indore, August 1905.

1907197

CONTENTS

CHAPTER I

EARLY LIFE ( 1 82 3- 1 848)

Parentage ; voyage to, and early days in, India ; first staff ap-
pointment ; Kaira ; early friends ; invalided ; return to Sind ;
Sir Charles Napier ; a sketch of the three Lawrence brothers

CHAPTER II

.MULT AN (1848- 1 849)

Peaceful condition of the Punjab early in 1848 ; Multan affairs ;
the outbreak ; voyage up the Indus ; the first siege of
Multan ; general condition of the Punjab ; George Lawrence
a prisoner ; defection of Sher Singh ; reinforcements from
Bombay ; storm and capture of Multan ; burial of Agnew and
Anderson . . . . . . 14

CHAPTER III

GUJERAT AND PESHAWAR

General course of the campaign ; battle of Gujerat ; pursuit of
the Sikhs ; their surrender ; pursuit of the Afghans and
occupation of Peshawar. Appointment of Sir C. Napier as
Commander-in-Chief; offers of staff employ in Bombay and
the Punjab ; decision for the latter . . . -53

viii CONTENTS

CHAPTER IV

RAISING OF THE 1ST PUNJAB CAVALRY ( 1 849-52)

PAGE

Account of the corps ; sketch of some of the Native Officers ; ex-
pedition through the Kohat Pass under Sir C. Napier ;
praise from the latter ; life at Peshawar ; friendship with Sir
Colin Campbell ; return to Kohat ; inspection of the regi-
ment ; visit to Murree ; Colonel Mansfield ; Miranzai Ex-
pedition ; Frontier affairs ; invalided . . .62

CHAPTER V

MARRIAGE, 1852-1856

Journey to England ; Marriage ; Crimean War and chances of
employment there ; return to India ; nomination to the
Oudh Cavalry . . . . . . -95

CHAPTER VI

RAISING OF THE 1ST OUDH IRREGULAR CAVALRY

I856-I857

Lucknow ; Mrs Daly's journey there ; formation of the Corps ;
Sekrora ; the Persian War ; Gaieties at Sekrora and retro-
spect on the fate of some of those present ; the outlaw Fazl
Ali ; appointment to the Guides ; visit to Sir Henry Lawrence
at Lucknow ; Agra . . . . . .107

CHAPTER VII

THE GUIDES AND DELHI — 1 857

Journey to join the Guides. Outbreak of the Mutiny. Neville
Chamberlain. Discussions at Rawal Pindi ; Sir John
Lawrence ; Herbert Edwardes. March of the Guides.
Arrival at Delhi ; Battye killed ; Daly severely wounded ;
reinforcements ; conflicting intelligence ; intended assaults
postponed ; death of Barnard, Reed succeeds ; Chamberlain

CONTENTS ix

PAOE

wounded ; Reed invalided, Wilson succeeds ; letter from
Havelock ; arrival of Nicholson ; news of Sir Henry
Lawrence's death ; Najafgarh ; siege train arrives ; capture
of Delhi ; loss of Nicholson ; Guides return to Mardan ;
their casualties ; acknowledgments from Court of Directors 129

CHAPTER VIII

LUCKNOW — 1858

The general position ; summons to Lucknow ; capture of the
city ; death of Hodson ; appointed to Hodson's Horse ;
memorandum on the Corps ; Lucknow after the capture ;
Napier ; operations at Moosabagh ; hopes for Sir John
Lawrence as Governor-General ; Russell of the Times ;
Chamberlain and Mansfield ; Hearsay's story . .186

CHAPTER IX

SIR HOPE GRANT'S OPERATIONS IN OUDH, 1858-1859

Hope Grant ; action of Nawabgunge ; Sir Colin Campbell's
peerage ; Outram and Oudh ; Mansfield ; march to Fyzabad ;
question of army re-organisation and the future of the
Company's officers ; passage of the Goomtee ; engagement
on the Khandoo River ; the proclamation and amnesty ;
Amethi ; passage of the Gogra ; Sekrora ; the Raja of Bul-
rampur ; the Naval Brigade ; pursuit in the Terai, capture
of guns ; a scramble in Nepal ; fight near Tulsipur ; depar-
ture for England . . . . . .212

CHAPTER X

CENTRAL INDIA HORSE AND GWALIOR, 1861-1869

Return to India ; appointment to the Central India Horse ;
death of Lord Clyde ; Napier's recommendation of Daly for
the good service pension ; entry into regular political employ
as Political Agent at Gwalior ; relations with Scindia ;
Scindia's administration ; Scindia's views on British rule.
Appointment as Agent to the Governor-General in Central
India ........ 252

CONTENTS
CHAPTER XI

ADMINISTRATION OF CENTRAL INDIA, 1869-1881

PACE

Description of the Province and of its condition before Daly
assumed charge; the famine of 1868-1870; relations of
Political Officers with Native States ; Daly's methods of
administration and objects ; annual progress as shown by
Reports; assassination of Lord Mayo; the Rewa Chief;
the Opium Trade ; Lord Northbrook's tour in Central
India ; visit to India of the Prince of Wales ; the Imperial
Assemblage at Delhi ; Daly's review of ten years ; officers
who served under him ; his departure . . . 278

CHAPTER XII
1881-189$

The Daly College at Indore. Occupations in England. Master
of Hounds. Twice contests Dundee. Receives the G.C.B.
Osborne. Second Marriage. Queen Victoria Godmother
to his youngest son. Illness and death. Character . 332

Appendix A . . . . . . -339

Appendix B ...... 342

Appendix C ...... 35°

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

General Sir Henry Daly, G.C.B., CLE. (photogravure), Frontispiece
Multan. Struggle in the Streets — Capture of two

Sikh Standards .... To face page 14

The Idgah, where Mr Vans Agnew and Lieutenant

Anderson were murdered . . . , 18
The 1st Bombay European Fusiliers Storming

the Breach at the Khooni Burj, Multan (Jan.

2nd, 1849, 3 P.M.) .... ,,44

Native Officers of the 1st Punjab Cavalry. . „ 72

Lucknow . . . . . . „ no

Ram Singh, as a Dafadar in the 1st Punjab Cavalry „ 118
G. Lawrence, Colonel H. Edwardes, and Sir

Henry Lawrence (photogravure) . . ,,130

The Guide Burj, Peshawar ... „ 142

Tooleram, a Gourka in the Guide Corps . . 142

Map— Plan of Delhi . . . . „ 160

Lucknow . . . . . . ,,190

Entrance to the King's Palace in the City,

Lucknow, 1856. .... , 200

Sir Henry Daly ... . ,,224
Goona, C. I., Residence of Commandant, Central

India Horse ..... ;) 254

The Residency, Indore, 1870 ... n 256

Maharaja Sir Jayaji Rao Scindia, G.C.B. . . „ 274

Bhopal, from the Old Fort ... n 298

Hindoo Roo's House and Sirmoor Battalion, 1857 „ 304

The Daly College at Indore . . M 332

Bathing Ghats, Ujjain .... „ 340
Bust of Sir Henry Daly. (By Bates). Placed in

the Daly College, Indore, by His Highness

Maharaja Sir Madho Rao Scindia, G.C.S.I.,

etc ,,348

The Lucknow Gates .... ?68

SIR HENRY DALY

CHAPTER I

EARLY LIFE ( I 823- I 848)

Parentage ; voyage to, and early days in, India ; first staff appoint-
ment ; Kaira ; early friends ; invalided ; return to Sind ; Sir
Charles Napier ; a sketch of the three Lawrence brothers.

Henry Dermot Daly was born at Kirkee, near

Poona, in the Bombay Presidency, on the 25th

October 1823; the second of the two children of

Francis Dermot Daly by his marriage with Mary,

only child of Captain Hugh Mcintosh, who served in

the Peninsular War in the 16th Light Dragoons

(taking part in the battle of Salamanca, and in the

actions of Llerna, Castrajon, La Serna, Tudela, and

Torquemado), and subsequently in the 101st Foot.

The pedigree of the Daly family is traced far back

into the twilight of Irish history. In the beginning

of the eighteenth century, the branch from which

Henry Daly sprang possessed estates in West Meath.

They were dispossessed in the penal times, and

settled in Connaught on old family lands at Clan-

baniffe (now Daly's Grove) ; here Francis Daly was

born and brought up. As a mere lad, Ensign Francis

Daly joined Wellington's army in the Peninsula, in

company with a still younger brother who was killed

in the storming of San Sebastian. Francis served the

campaigns of 181 3 and 1814 in the 84th Foot, being

wounded in the action near Bayonne on the 13th

A

2 EABLY LIFE

December 1813. In June 1814, he was transferred
to the 76th Foot, with which corps he served in the
American War, and was present at the siege and
battle of Plattsburg. After a short period on half-pay
he was posted in 18 18 to the 4th* Light Dragoons,
with whom he proceeded to India at the end of
1 82 1 ; he commanded a wing of the regiment during
Sir John (afterwards Lord) Keane's operations in
Afghanistan, including the siege and capture of
Ghazni in 1839, his services being rewarded by a
brevet lieutenant-colonelcy. He subsequently held
command of the regiment, with which he returned to
England in 1842, until he sold out in January 1846.
In the absence of their parents in India, Henry
Daly, who had been sent home as an infant, and his
brother Francis Hugh, who became a barrister, and
died unmarried in 1871, were brought up at Newport,
Isle of Wight, by their maternal grandmother, Mrs
Mcintosh. In 1840, Henry was given a nomination
to the East India Company's service, and was posted
to the 1 st Bombay European Fusiliers (now the 1st
Dublin Fusiliers). The regiment was then at Aden,
having formed part in the previous year of the force
which first occupied the Aden Peninsula ; but Daly
proceeded direct to India to join his father. Ten
years later he wrote a brief sketch of his early life : —

" On looking back I see a confused mass of impres-
sions, with little worthy of record, less worthy of selec-
tion. Not but perhaps I have, when reflecting on days
gone, felt something akin to pride and gratitude.
Amidst all, my chief desire has been to become what
some in their love and partiality thought I was, and
though I may have fallen short of this, I doubt not the
very thought of climbing has made me shun the ground.

* Now the 4th Hussars.

FIEST VOYAGE TO INDIA 3

" I was out of sight of England on the 3rd
September 1 840. The steamer ploughed away until
we reached Gibraltar, where we landed. Since then
I have wandered in many lands, have mixed with
many strange people, but the memory of that first
evening at Gibraltar is clear and distinct; the faces
and costumes betokening every race ; the Turk and
the Christian, the Jew and the Arab, all mingled
together in the narrow streets, with grim houses
towering up on either side. ' The Rock,' the Galleries,
the hundreds of steps, the tongues of this mass of
people, the gestures and grimaces to be equalled in a
French Bourse only. On reaching Malta, we are
told that Alexandria was in blockade by our fleet ; so
at Malta we remained four or five days. When
eventually^ we arrived at Alexandria, we found one
noble British ship riding at anchor at the mouth of
the harbour (a very narrow mouth it is), preventing
the egress of the splendid Turkish fleet moored
within. After some communication with the shore it
was announced that Mehemet Ali * would allow us to
pass through Egypt ; accordingly we landed. In those
days arrangements for travel were not as they are now
(1850). Vehicles of every whimsical kind may at this
time be seen in Cairo. Steamers and tug boats now
darken the Nile. Then there was but one steamer,
which, from its extreme smallness, some wag said was
of three donkey power. After many delays on the
mud banks of the Nile we entered Cairo. We wished
to cross the desert to Suez at once. No horses or
camels were to be had ; donkeys were brought out to
be our chargers. These animals are extraordinary
creatures, not less so than their attendants, the
'donkey boys.' Without his attendant the pony of
Jerusalem moves not. The Arab boy shouts and
shrieks ; at this signal the donkey rushes on his route
quite independent of his rider. As no change was to
be had in the desert, two donkeys were assigned to
each of us._ We traversed the distance to Suez, 78 or
80 miles, in less than twenty-four hours ; there we
found the steamer. On the 23rd September we went

* An excellent sketch of Mehemet Ali and his career is given in
Chapter XVIII. of The Cross and the Crescent, by Eliot Warburton,
a book to which Daly frequently referred in his earlier letters.

4 EARLY LIFE

puffing' down the Red Sea, and reached Bombay on
the ioth October. I was driven to Sir Henry-
Roper's house ; he was a great friend of my father's,
and from him I met with a most kind and warm
reception. That evening I started for my father's
house at Kirkee, about ioo miles from Bombay ; the
following evening I reached the cantonment at dusk.
I continued with him about a month, when he was
ordered with his regiment, as was then supposed, on
service to Afghanistan.

"My own regiment was at Aden, but to enable
me to study the language, father got me attached to
a corps at Poona. I remained at Poona till May
1 84 1 ; then I went to Bombay to try my chance
before the Committee of Examination. When the
General Orders were published I had the gratification
of seeing my name, Ensign Daly, first on the list of
'Qualified Interpreters.' I returned to Poona. Two
months after this I was directed to join a detachment
of my regiment at a cantonment 70 miles distant. A
few months more and my father's regiment was
ordered home. I galloped down to spend a week ere
the time of departure drew very near ; then I saw
him no more* till my return to England. I now

* It was shortly after this that the first news of the Kabul dis-
asters were received. In January 1842, Daly wrote to his brother :
"An order has arrived suspending all movements. The deadly
outbreak at Cabool has been the cause of this change. Fancy, since
father sailed from Bombay, 22 officers have been killed and upwards
of 30 wounded, and amongst these some of the wisest and best — Sir
A. Burnes and Sir W. Macnaghten. 1 have this instant seen an
extract from a letter from Cabool, detailing some of the terrible events.
It is thought that without delay an army will be sent up to clear the
country of every cut-throat who breathes in it, treacherous villains all.
The Chief has offered our regiment to Government. I hope and trust
the offer may be accepted, but I fear not.

" About three weeks since an express was received by the Brigadier
here from Mallegaum, about 120 miles hence, saying that a Madras t
regiment there was in a state of mutiny and calling for aid from here
as soon as possible. Accordingly, 150 European artillerymen, 4 guns
and 150 Sepoys were ordered to march the next day. I wrote to the
Brigadier, volunteering to go ; he accepted and put me in orders to

t The 52nd N. I. : see footnote at page 290 in Kaye's Sepoy War, vol. i.

APPOINTED ADJUTANT 5

deliberately composed myself to overcome a second
language; that of the Mahratta. In May 1842, I
again appeared before the Committee and with suc-
cess. At that time I knew the Commander-in-Chief,
Sir T. M'Mahon,* and his family well. Lady
M'Mahon was kindly interested about my passing.
Laughingly, I had obtained a promise from her that,
if I got through my trial, she would obtain from Sir
Thomas two months' leave for me to the hills, for my
health. The day of passing I saw her ; that evening
I received a note from an A.D.C. directing me to wait
on the Chief the following morning. I concluded it
was anent the hills leave ; having been but eighteen
months in the army, I had not dreamt of an appoint-
ment. Accordingly, I went to Sir Thomas, who
congratulated me, and said, ' I have a reward for your
industry,' and added something kind. I was appointed
Adjutant of an Irregular Infantry Regiment. I was
but an ensign at the time ; it changed my pay from
200 to upwards of 500 rupees a month. Strange
coincidence, the ' Provincial t Battalion' to which I
was appointed was stationed at the very place where
formerly had been a large cantonment, which had
been abandoned from its unhealthiness to Europeans ;
Kaira : there had been the 4th Dragoons ; there too
was my mother's grave! So we met. For months
every day I passed the spot where she lies. My poor
mother ! I was a child when she died, but so often
had I read her beautiful letters that her memory was
a living feeling.

"There were three European officers in the
corps, commandant, adjutant, and doctor. The com-
mandant, a captain of some standing, was married.
So was the doctor. I have seen no spot in any

march with the detachments, and away we went, but alas ! our hopes
of glory ! were doomed to die a sudden death, for, when we had
arrived within 30 miles of Mallegaum, we received an order to retrace
our steps as all was quiet."

* Lieut. -General Sir Thomas M'Mahon, Bart., K.C.B., was Com-
mander-in-Chief in Bombay from 1840 to 1847.

t The "Guzerat Battalion," which was raised in 1824, and was
some 1200 strong ; it was chiefly employed on civil and police duties
in Kaira, Ahmedabad, Broach, and Surat. The Adjutant was also
Interpreter and Quarter-master.

6 EARLY LIFE

country more luxuriantly beautiful than Kaira.
Verdure and culture on all sides. Trees of great
magnificence, which had been planted by the
Muhammadans when the tide of conquest bore them
there. The society was limited ; two or three
civilians besides the regiment ; yet was I very happy
there. Here commenced a friendship between
Anderson and myself which ended with his death
at Multan. He belonged to my regiment. I had
known him before. It so chanced that three of us of
the same corps had staff appointments far away from
the regiment but near each other : — Grant, the
adjutant of a cavalry regiment (like mine), Anderson
in the quarter-master general's department. These
two were at a large station 20 miles from mine ;
we became constant associates and were always at
each other's houses. Poor Grant, I can scarcely
write his name without a tear. Noble and high-
minded, he died young, a year after the time I allude
to. Of Anderson I knew even more. Being in the
same regiment, possessing many similar inclinations
and studies, we were much together. We both
entertained ambitious hopes of rising in the service,
and for many an hour did we sit of a night at Kaira,
dreaming dreams of days to come, breathing hopes
of success, alas how suddenly cut short in his case;
at a time too .when they were being fast realised.
Scarce of my own brother's mind and capacity did
I so well know the workings as of Anderson's. After
a year near me he joined Sir Charles Napier's staff
in Sind.* He won the regard and esteem of the

* In October 1843 Daly wrote home to his brother: — "You will
have heard of the rebellion in the Punjab ; I should trust now that
we shall place the country in leading strings ; under our sway the
Valley of Cashmere would prove the richest and most productive in the
world : we are all deeply anxious to know what Lord Ellenborough
will do, but it is not probable he will let slip so favourable an oppor-
tunity of annexing a gem so precious to our possessions. Should he
do this, it will require a strong force and some sharp fighting, for the
Sikhs can bring into the field an army 80,000 strong, composed of
well-disciplined brave soldiers, and 120 pieces of cannon. All the
fighting will, I fancy, fall to the good luck of the Bengal Army. Sind
is not to be occupied by Bombay troops any longer. The order for a
Bengal Force to march to relieve the Bombay Force is out, but the

RETURN TO ENGLAND 7

general, who gave him an appointment of honour.
Severe fever overtook him in the jungle of Sind, and
he was obliged to seek home for his health in
December 1843. Our correspondence had been
regular, for we were much to each other.

"About the time he went to England, or a little
earlier, I was seized with fever. I struggled with it
for some months, till at last in February 1844, much
weakened by its repeated attacks, I went to try the
change and sea breeze of Bombay. The first week
in Bombay revived me and I saw visions of return-
ing to Kaira, but these were not to remain long.
The attacks were renewed ; I was recommended to
proceed home, and sailed on the 1st March 1844. I
thus relinquished a good appointment and good in-
terest, and the latter could not easily be renewed, as
my father had left India. Many said, 'You'll sorely
regret this in days to come. At twenty-two resign-
ing a soldierly appointment worth ^700 a year.
Try the Cape or Egypt ; your health will be restored
there.' (By the rules of the service an officer might
go to the Cape or Egypt without losing his Indian
pay and Staff appointment, whereas by going home
both were sacrificed.) However I carecl little for
this sound advice. We underwent quarantine at
Malta, whence I travelled with a friend through
Sicily, Naples, Civita Vecchia, Leghorn, and Pisa to
France. There Anderson and I became again united.
I spent some weeks amidst his family in Scotland,
and was treated by them as one of themselves. My
days passed joyously, and by and by I began to
realise mentally the prophecies of those who warned
me against going. I knew I ought not to remain
the full length (three years) of my leave. It was
waste if I thought of climbing. When happily, to
save me the decision and free me from the responsi-
bility^ came the order in March 1846, during the
Sutlej campaign, ' Rejoin your regiment ordered on
service.' In fifteen days I was off. I joined my
regiment. The adjutancy became vacant ; I was
offered it. A month later I should have lost it, and

Punjab row will probably prevent its being carried into execution for
some time ; I hope so, for it would lose me my present appointment."

8 EARLY LIFE

with it that which has made me what I am, favour-
able opportunities. I have always liked my noble
prfoession, and proud was I when Sir Charles Napier
addressed the regiment in terms that made my
cheeks tingle. Anderson, after wandering" through
Persia, joined me at Karachi, and there we lived in
the same house for many months until he went to
take up the appointment in which he subsequently
met his death."

The speech by Sir Charles Napier, to which
allusion is here made, ran as follows : —

"Soldiers,- — I have this day the honour to pre-
sent new colours to the oldest regiment in the service
of the East India Company. A regiment which can-
not tread upon any part of our eastern territory whose
history has not been illustrated by its glory and by
its blood, either in victory or in defeat. Aye, in
defeat ; for though defeat has, in the long course of
ages, fallen at times like a direful vapour on the arms
of England, and for a moment veiled their brilliancy,
still has the indomitable courage of the European
remained unbroken, and, as the sun, shorn of its
beams, may be traced, though dimly, through a
murky mist, so has British valour ever been traced
through disaster, till other battles and better leading
gave fresh victories to our arms.

"To a young corps, unknown to history, I could
speak largely on the duties of soldiers to their colours ;
but to you, Fusiliers, whose bayonets gleam with the
splendour of Indian triumphs, whose standards are
wreathed with the accumulated laurels of ages, I have
only to point out past exploits ; to recall to your
memories the battlefields under Clive, Lawrence,
Coote, Cornwallis, Smith — from Plassey to
Beni-Boo-Ali — -aye, and long before Plassey ; in-
cluding innumerable sieges and assaults, unsurpassed
in number and in daring by any regiment in the
world. Were I to dwell on all the battles and storm-
ings, it would keep us till midnight. I will, therefore,
speak but of two which appear to me among the most
celebrated- — I mean the capture of Ahmedabad and
of Seringapatam. At Ahmedabad the two intrepid

SPEECH BY CHARLES NAPIER 9

men, Ensign Hieme and Sergeant Hugh Fridge,
both of your regiment, led the stormers to the walls,
and, sword in hand, they mounted the breach, and
won Hieme his lieutenancy and Fridge the honour
of carrying the colours, for which he had so bravely
fought.

"A few years later, the same courageous soldier,
the same Hugh Fridge (now become Captain Fridge
of the Bombay Europeans), mounted the immortal
breach of Seringapatam, close following the more
young, more active, and more renowned Sergeant
James Graham, who there fell, not the first bearing
that honoured name, distinguished by a glorious
death in the service of the British throne. Soldiers,
it must rouse the minds of military men to think of
the exultation of your regiment, as, in a dense
column, it rushed up the breach following the gallant
Graham, and beheld the hero waving the colours of
England on _ the summit amidst the flashing of
Mysorean scimitars, the fire, the smoke, and the
loud cheers of the stormers, as they fiercely won
their bloody footing aloft.

"Take your splendid colours, soldiers, refulgent
with the glories of a hundred battles. Ye are as good
men, as brave men, and as strong men to do battle as
the heroes who went before you, and the day will come
when, in future combats, you shall renovate* your
fame as you have this day renovated your standards."

From his earliest years Daly was a careful student
of character, and was in the habit of keeping a
journal, "being assured that the mere paper com-
mittal of one's ordinary pursuits and feelings tends
to improve both." He was a great, but discursive
reader : —

" I have a horror of the human mind being stuffed
like a turkey, fed only with diet to fit it for the table.

* See footnote, pp. 50, 51. The text of the speech was placed at
the author's disposal through the courtesy of an officer now serving
with the Dublin Fusiliers. To all readers it will at once occur that
Sir Charles Napier's closing words were especially prophetic of the
fame which was to be won by the regiment in South Africa.

10 EARLY LIFE

I have ever been a Republican in literature, following
a most desultory course. I never drew up a system
in my life, never followed that of anyone^ I confess I
have occasionally repented the not having- done so.
I find I have collected a considerable quantity of
knowledge, for I have read much of general literature
— History, Travels, Biographies, Reviews. I have
never attempted to master any scientific subject,
know nothing of any of the ology family. But I hold
the information a man gets from books very inferior
towards educating the mind to that which is obtained
from observation and reflection. Yet is there no
more ardent lover of books than I am ; none so lonely
without them. Biography has ever been a favourite
branch of reading with me. There is no study so
ennobling, more instructive, more consolatory ; perse-
verance and self-culture — no ability can claim im-
munity from these and still perform its course.
Touching languages, I can always cover my reputa-
tion with the mantle of Eastern tongues, which I
hope will always be to me what the earth is to the
physician, covering all civilised blunders. German I
can speak tolerably (read that last word slowly, it is
not intended to imply vast things) ; three or four
weeks in Germany would, I think, make me perfectly
fluent in the language. Not so French ; I have had
less practice there in conversation."

At Karachi Daly was first introduced to Sir
Charles Napier, from whom in later years he received
much kindness, and whom he ever regarded with the
deepest respect and affection. In 1847 he recorded
in his journal : —

"Sir Charles has quitted 'his own won' country,
bearing with him as much affection and respect from
all employed under him as ever great man had on
relinquishing a high command in which, of necessity,
he had frequently to apply the curb in an autocratic
government. Even those who at times spoke^ lightly
of the hero that's gone, felt deeply at his going ; as
he placed his foot upon the boat which was to bear
him away, the hearts of those around were too full to

IN INDIA AGAIN 11

cheer ; no one spoke, but many instinctively un-
covered their heads. He too was deeply affected.
Never did I feel prouder than as he passed down the
line of troops, where with dropped sword I sat on
horseback at the end of our formation, he recognised
me and said, ' Ah, Daly, is that you ? ' and turned his
horse and shook me by the hand with ' Goodbye,
good luck to you, my boy.' I bade God bless him,
and felt at that moment that good must befall me
after his wish."

Shortly after this Daly was also much affected by
the departure of his commanding officer, Colonel
Cumming : —

" We have lost the dear old Colonel. I knew not
how much we were attached to him until the time of
parting. I have never met such a character. He
had mingled much with the world, and from being of
an inquisitive temper and fond of the study of men,
had seen and thought much of feelings and dis-
positions. In some things he had an intuitive know-
ledge of what a man would think and do. His
simplicity was wondrous, as pure and high in his own
ideas and in his appreciation of the ' right ' as on the
day he left his father's house. He possessed more
charity than any man I ever knew. He judged more
kindly of acts perhaps than they at all times deserved ;
but, by his interpretations of men's motives, he raised
the standard in the mind of each, and many who
heeded little of morality before strove to win the
Colonel's regard. Falsehood he held as the lowest
and meanest act a man could commit ; without truth,
rigid truth, no character could prosper, no talents
could support a man lacking it."

Daly's health had not been fully restored by his
sojourn in Europe. It was in opposition to strong
medical advice that he returned to India in the spring
of 1846 ; at Malta he was so ill that he was almost
sent back to England. Soon after his arrival in
Karachi his regiment was decimated by a terrible

12 EARLY LIFE

outbreak of cholera ; the rest of that year was spent
in tents, and in May of the following year he was
dangerously ill. He recovered sufficiently to avoid
being- invalided, but his health remained unsatis-
factory for several years. He was at this time
exceedingly anxious to obtain employment in the
Punjab, but was not successful, being then unknown
to the Lawrences, or to anyone with local influence.
His friend Anderson, who had been more fortunate,
kept up a close correspondence from the Punjab, and
early in March 1848 wrote the following sketch of the
famous brothers who then formed the most interesting
group on the stage of Indian history : — *

" First for Henry : a thin face ; an expansive, but
not massive, forehead ; widely apart grey eyes, that
seem to look always on a distant object, even when
observing you, and which suggest ideas of abstracted-
ness and contemplation. An expression wonderfully
benevolent. Let me, however, dwell on the mouth,
which is perhaps the most sympathetic organ we
have. The mouth of Colonel Lawrence shows you at
once that he is desirous to please and to avoid hurting
a single feeling. The shyness of vanity is unknown
to him ; but the shyness of modesty, which sits well,
though not very elegantly, on a great man, is his
failing, his demon. He is, as of course he must be,
an entertaining companion ; his voice is the personi-
fication of entre-nous-ness, if I may be bold enough
such a word to try. Still he shirks literature as
literature, and sticks to Indian subjects, where no
immediate personal feeling or taste, beyond what is
referable to justice and truths and facts, is developed.
He does not think it advisable or becoming to open

* Henry Lawrence was at this time Resident at Lahore, with
control of the Council of Administration, which was formed under the
treaty of December 1846; John was Commissioner of the Jalandar
Division, which included the territory annexed after the first Sikh
War ; George was Political Agent on the North-West Frontier, with
headquarters at Peshawar.

THE THREE LAWRENCES 13

his mind upon any personal subject ; but throws
away all affectation of superior talent or dignity in
discoursing on matters where the welfare of India, the
state of the English world, or anything connected in
short with the sort of practical knowledge you would
expect to find in a man in his position is concerned.
But he avoids soliloquies, and shuns opinions without
a sound bottom ; and you would say, if you had not
read his novel,* had not a grain of romance in his
disposition. He provokes opinions from others, and
is as sharp as_ the Spanish Prime Minister in Gil
Bias in detecting the gold from the dross. He
surpasses Outranvf and all men I have seen as a
perfect knower of men.

"One kind of greatness is common to all the
three brothers — decision of character, unsurpassable
and dauntless courage. The Major is brisk, jolly,
less solid than John and the Colonel, but capable of
great deeds in a crisis by his pluck, talent, honesty,
and decision. John, whom I did not appreciate till
I learnt from his acts what a splendid creature he is,
is original, plain-spoken, playful and even prantic in
conversation ; is one of the first civil servants in
India; knows natives like ABC; notes humbug;
pulls out your most secret ^ wishes by an apparent
artlessness ; is fond of billiards and cigars ; writes
splendid reports and letters ; does immense naukri
(service), and has a very nice wife. The Colonel
surpasses the brothers by having all their decision,
all their experience, but with a refined, sensitive
nature. I do not doubt that great part of his life
has been spent in study, in nurturing grand resolves,
and carrying them out."

A few weeks after this sketch was written, the
whole situation in India was changed by the outbreak
at Multan, and the great events to which it was the
prelude.

* Adventures of an Officer in the Service of Ranjeet Singh, by
Major H. M. Lawrence.

f Sir James Outram, the " Bayard of India," whose wife was
Anderson's sister.

CHAPTER II

MULT AN (1848- 1 849)

Peaceful condition of the Punjab early in 1848 ; Multan affairs ; the
outbreak ; voyage up the Indus ; the first siege of Multan ;
general condition of the Punjab ; George Lawrence a prisoner ;
defection of Sher Singh ; reinforcements from Bombay ; storm
and capture of Multan ; burial of Agnew and Anderson.

Sir George Lawrence, in his Forty-Three Years
in India, especially notices (p. 240) the profoundly
peaceful condition of the entire Punjab at the end of
January 1848, when he returned from leave and
resumed his appointment as Political Agent at
Peshawar. On the 22nd March 1848 the Governor-
General in Council informed * the Secret Committee
of the Board of Control that "the perfect tran-
quillity which prevails in the Punjab is enabling
the Darbar, with the assistance of the Resident, to
promote reforms in the administration of the Lahore
State, calculated to relieve its finances, and to
ameliorate the condition of the people." Sir Henry
Lawrence had proceeded to England on sick leave
in November 1847, handing over charge to his
brother John, who officiated as Resident at Lahore
until the arrival of Sir Frederick Currie early in
March 1848. While John Lawrence was thus
officiating, he received a visit from Mulraj,f the

* Despatch No. 25, dated 22nd January 1848 : Parliamentary
Papers, India, 1849, vol. xli., p. 104.

t For details as to Mulraj, see despatch from the Governor-General
in Council to the Secret Committee, No. 43, dated nth May 1848, at
page 116: Parliamentary Papers, India, 1849, vol. xli.

MULTAN.
Struggle in the streets — Capture of two Sikh standards.

[To face 2>. 14.

PEACE IN THE PUNJAB 15

Dewan of Multan, who expressed his desire to resign
the government of that province, a desire in which
he persisted, in spite of Mr Lawrence's endeavours
to dissuade him from the step. By Mulraj's request,
the matter was treated as secret, until Sir Frederick
Currie reached Lahore ; the latter then communicated
the proposal to the Sikh Darbar, and, after a further
unsuccessful attempt to induce Mulraj to retain his
charge, decided to send two British officers to
accept the Dewan's resignation, and to instal his
successor.

The great Multan province, as then constituted,
may be roughly described as covering, on the east
of the Indus, the present Multan and Muzaffargarh
districts, with cis- Indus Dera Ismael Khan and
portions of the present Bannu, Jhelum, Shahpur,
Jhang, and Montgomery districts ; on the west of
the Indus, it included practically the whole of what
is now the Dera Ghazi Khan district, and a very
considerable tract of the adjacent tribal country.
The city of Multan is of remote antiquity, and has
been the scene of repeated struggles : it fell before
Alexander the Great ; it was taken by Mahmud of
Ghazni at the beginning of the eleventh, and by
Tamerlane at the end of the fourteenth century ;
it was besieged in 1810 by Ranjit Singh, who was
then bought off by the Afghan governor,* but
he stormed it in 1818, and annexed the province
to the Punjab. Three years later he appointed
as Governor Dewan or Sawan Mull, a man of
distinguished ability, who belonged to a banking
family of Lahore. Sawan Mull ruled the province
for twenty-three years, during which he amassed

* Sir H. Lawrence's Adventures of an Officer, etc., vol. i., p. 256.

16 MULT AN

great wealth and became almost independent of
the Darbar. He it was who constructed at Multan
the fortifications which, improved as they were by
Mulraj after April 1848, the British were to find so
formidable. Dying in 1844, from the effects of a
wound inflicted by one of his own guard, he was
succeeded by his son, Mulraj, whose appointment
was confirmed by the Regency on the conclusion of
the first Sikh war in 1847, and again by the British
Resident after the downfall of the Regency.

Vans Agnew, of the Civil Service, and Daly's
friend, Anderson were selected to accompany the
new Governor designate, Sardar Khan Singh, to
Multan. Vans Agnew was described by Sir
Frederick Currie as "the oldest political officer on
this frontier, and a man of much ability, energy,
and judgment " ; Anderson had the benefit of local
knowledge, as he had travelled through the whole of
the Multan province, and was "an excellent Oriental
scholar, who had been employed with credit under
Sir Charles Napier in Sind." The escort consisted
ol 1400 Sikh infantry, a Gurkha regiment, 700
cavalry, and 100 artillerymen with 6 guns.

In a letter written en rotite, Anderson said : —

" I am enjoying, in company with my senior,
Agnew, the pleasure of a boat on the Ravi. Such a
bumping voyage I never knew. Sardar Khan Singh,
the future Governor of Multan, accompanies us in
another boat. The Sardar is a fine fellow, has been
through all the wars, and has lots of pluck. We do not
yet know precisely what our duties are to be ; but I
fancy I shall be obliged to disband some 3000 or 4000
irregular troops of Mulraj, the late Ijaradar,* and

* Jjara signifies lease, and ijaradar leaseholder. The Dewan, or
Governor, was in fact a farmer of the revenues, paying a fixed annual
quit-rent to the Darbar.

OUTBREAK AT MULTAN 17

keep on some 2000 for regular regiments, and also to
superintend the discipline and equipment of two
Sikh regiments and a battery. My other duties will
be to help Agnew as much as possible in his revenue
and magisterial transactions. To say that I am a
lucky fellow, Daly, is less than the truth. I could
not in all India have had a better appointment given
me than the present one. Agnew is a first-rate and
most distinguished man. The country we are
appointed to has never been directly governed by
the Sikhs ; but by Ijara. It is very rich, and it is
expected that an increase of 6 to 8 lakhs will accrue
to Government by the new system.

" We expect in the cold weather to have to use the
strong arm against the Baluch and Afghan tribes on
the west of the Indus, and hence the military prepara-
tions ; but Agnew will not resort to arms without
great necessity, and he managed so well in Hazara
that it is to be hoped we shall avoid fighting.

" I am indebted to John Lawrence for my present,
berth, and to Napier * having given me a good
character at the right time. The vera causa was
Outram's letter to Mr Clark. Outram is much more
known here than in Bombay. There is no one in
the whole Residency who does not thoroughly support
him, from Currie to myself."

The party reached Multan on the 18th April 1848.
On the 1 gth, when returning from the fort of which
they had taken formal charge, the British officers
were attacked without warning and both wounded,
Anderson very seriously ; Agnew was actually riding
at the time by the side of Mulraj, who made no effort
to help or protect them. They were brought back
by Khan Singh to the Idgah f where their escort was
quartered ; but next morning the escort went over to

* The late Lord Napier of Magdala, then employed as a civil
engineer in the Punjab.

t An Idgah is a place where the Muhammadans worship on
certain festival days, which are termed Id. This Idgah was a parti-
ally enclosed building, a short distance outside the walls of Multan.

B

18 MULTAN

the rioters and that evening- the two officers were mur-
dered by a fanatical mob. Sardar Khan Singh, with
some eight or ten faithful horsemen, stood by them
to the last ; he was made prisoner and insultingly
treated by Mulraj, who now displayed himself as in
open revolt against the established administration.

On the 22nd April, Herbert Edwardes,* who was
engaged on revenue work in the Dera Ismael Khan
district, some 90 miles from Multan, received a letter
from Agnew, informing him of the attack made on
himself and Anderson, and calling for assistance.
The letter was written before the mutiny of the
escort. Edwardes at once made arrangements to
cross the Indus and proceed towards Multan with
such forces as he could muster, but it was not long
before he learnt that the worst had happened. This
is not the place to recount his brilliant performances.
It will suffice to say that with the help of local levies, of
the forces of the Nawab of Bahawalpur, and of some
loyal Darbar troops, mostly Muhammadans, under
the command of General Cortlandt,t he not only
kept the field against Mulraj until the arrival of the
British troops, but that his operations had the
successful results which are summed up in the
following passage from his own book}: —

" Mulraj rebelled on the 20th April 1848. On the
20th May, the battle of Dera Ghazi Khan lost him
all his Trans-Indus dependencies. On the 18th of
June, the battle of Kineyree deprived him of the
country between the Indus and the Chenab, and nearly

* The late Colonel Sir Herbert Edwardes, K.C.S.I., C.B.

+ Cortlandt was an officer of mixed parentage, holding the rank
of general under the Sikh Darbar. After the annexation he was made
a Deputy Commissioner in the Punjab. He did excellent service in
the Mutiny.

X A Year on the Punjab Frontier, in 184S-49, vol. ii., p. 483.

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THE PUNITIVE EXPEDITION 19

all between the Chenab and the Sutlej. On the ist
July, the battle of Suddoosam shut him up in the
city and fortress of Multan, whence he never issued
again except to resist the siege of a British army."

When the news of the Multan outbreak reached
Lahore, it was at first determined to despatch a Sikh
force, with a British brigade, to suppress it. But,
when intelligence of the deaths of Agnew and
Anderson had been received, it was considered
best, in view of the season of the year, to post-
pone active operations until October. Uneasiness,
however, soon began to spread through the Punjab,
manifesting itself first in Hazara, where Chattar
Singh, an old and influential Sikh chief, was
governor ; and Edwardes' success at Suddoosam
decided the acting Resident to move at once
against Multan, partly in the hope that it might
now be possible to finish off the rebellion at one
blow, and partly to check the widespread con-
spiracy which was known to exist. Accordingly, in
July 1848, a force under General Whish started in
two columns from Lahore and Ferozpur and con-
centrated before Multan soon after the middle of
August. The force included Her Majesty's 10th
and 32nd Regiments, with three companies of fort
artillery, 32 pieces of siege ordnance, and 12 horse
artillery guns. The strength was a little over 200
British officers and 7800 men. Co-operating with
them were the irregular forces * under Lieutenant
Edwardes and General Cortlandt ; the native aidsf
of Bhawal Khan, Nawab of the Bhawalpur State,
who were commanded by Lieutenant Lake ; and the

* Cavalry, 770P • infantry, 3100; H.A. guns; mortars, 2; camel-
guns, 25.

t Cavalry, 1900 ; infantry, 5700; H.A. guns, 14 ; camel-guns, iS.

20 MULTAN

Sikh force * under Sher Singh, which represented the
Lahore Darbar ; Sher Singh was the son of the
Chattar Singh above mentioned. Edwardes esti-
mated Mulraj's force at the beginning of September
1848 at 10,000 men, of whom 1200 were cavalry,
with about 54 guns and 4 mortars.

News of the Multan outbreak reached Karachi,
where Daly was serving with the 1st Bombay
Fusiliers, early in June. As soon as General
Whish's force was organised, Daly obtained per-
mission to join it as a volunteer. Travelling on the
Indus was in those days uncertain and difficult. He
left Karachi on the 16th August, and embarked on
the steamer Napier at Tatta on the 19th with four
other officers, including Captain Brown, formerly
secretary to Sir Charles Napier, and Major Gordon
of the 60th Rifles.

"We steamed the next day through sonie of the
most beautiful scenery eye ever saw— glorious trees,
resplendent with foliage and blossom, forming shades
and knolls which realise what one imagines from
Percy's Ballads the woods and forests of old England
must have been — such as Robin Hood would have
delighted to travel in. Tatta is some 70 miles from
Hyderabad, which we reached about 8. This being
the headquarters of _ the flotilla, all the prepara-
tions for the voyage immediately commenced — coal,
arms, ammunition, spare funnels, sails, tents, pro-
visions, and a doctor.

"At 9 the following morning we were again under
steam ; all day we were running past beauteous
woods, trees hanging down with yellow blossom.
The rolling rage of the river during this month
carries all before it, often from some unaccountable
freak it turns its force on a bank where trees have
risen to beauty and age in security and sweeps all

* Cavalry, 3400 ; infantry, 900 ; H.A. guns, 10 ; mortars, 2 ;
camel-guns, 115.

ON BOARD THE NAPIER 21

away in one swoop ; a bubble and no more is seen,
the undercurrent burying all. We had a strange
example of this while at Tatta Bunder (May)— the
boatmen had placed a large pile of wood for the
steamer some 10 yards from the bank ; about an
hour after they had done so, the water began to suck
in the bank by feet ; the boatmen hurriedly removed
it farther back — an hour sufficed to carry away the
ground on which it had been ; this, however, did not
suffice the hungry current — again they were obliged
to move the heap, and ere six hours were over, 60
feet had been swept away. On the 20th we
anchored 40 miles up the river. In places there is
naught to divest one of the idea of being in the wide
seas save that the water is dark and dirty incolour ;
here and there grand old trees rising with their richly
covered heads, the trunks being under water. _ It
reminds me much of my first impressions on coming
up the Nile in boyhood.

" I hardly know what expectations I have formed
for this expedition ; under any circumstances I am
glad of the opportunity of seeing the Indus ; I have
an inexpressible feeling to look on the spot where
he (Anderson) was wounded and where he lay ; it
may be something for good may arise from it ; I
cheer myself up with this : such hopes are apt enough
to creep in, and may be I am too much inclined to
indulge in high ones for the future and to bask in
fancies which can never be realised— -at any rate such
dreamings do one no harm. D' Israeli says to think the
heroic make heroes ; sure I am that high thoughts
and aspirations raise the standard of conduct in
life, and that alone is fruit. I do indeed despair
when I read the characters and abilities of those who
have filled prominent places in the world.

"About 5 p.m., 26th, we came in sight of
Sukkur, the rise of the river and consequent increased
strength of the current had delayed us more than we
had expected. The passage rounding Sukkur Fort
being somewhat difficult and doubtful, it was joyously
carried to attempt it at once without stopping at
Sukkur, so on we went — the view of the fort on one
side and Roree opposite, with temples and palm trees
rising high, was more picturesque and 'eastern,'

22 MULTAN

according to our ideas than anything I remember.
The currents run down through two mouths, their
violence even all that I had heard and the experience
I had from Tatta did not prepare me for. It was
indeed the battle of the floods, a strife of currents and
undercurrents meeting in three different places, and
/oaring and boiling in very whirlpools ; the space
between which this mass of waters rolls and the scene
of this contention can scarcely be a width of ioo
yards. The boat was steamed to full power, she
slowly but steadily breasted the first embankment,
on to the second with the same success ; the third
and last, as we approached, was visibly a bridge of
eddies : her pace, slow as it had been before,
slackened ; when she met the full force of the torrent,
she paused, reeled under it, sheered slightly away,
one slight effort more would have carried her head
round and taken us far down the stream, if we had
escaped contact with the projecting walls of the town
— but that did not occur — we escaped, and she
steamed through.

" 2jtk and 2&t/i. — We have been running on with
indifferent luck. The first pilot we brought with us
was not very well informed as to the channels ; but,
as he truly remarked, this ignorance might be
accounted for by the fact of his never having been so
high up before.

"Yesterday morning we came upon a boat con-
taining an elderly gentleman and his family : these,
our pilot told us, had no other place of residence.
Deeming that such an one would know something of
the channel and course of the river on which he
'moved and had his being,' we stopped to take him
in. The banks of the river, since leaving Sukkur,
have lost the wooded clothing; trees do appear, but
far in the distance, not in masses as before, but
separately or in small clumps. The inhabitants,
when there are any, rush to the banks and stare in
wonderment, yet in fear ; these children of the jungle,
like rabbits passing out of a warren.

" 2gt/i to 3rd. — The past days have been full of
misfortunes : first, at Mithankot an attempt was
made to run up a creek and so get into the Panjnad
by a cut — the adage was verified of the shortest road

IN THE PANJNAD 23

being the longest way. We ran hard-and-fast upon
a sandbank a couple of miles above Chacha, and
there, though shallow and broad the stream, it was so
violent that we did not get afloat until the sand had
drifted completely under the vessel, and so made a
completely new channel, by forming- an embankment
on the other side. Then through some blundering
we backed onto the bank the current had formed,
and the probability appeared of our being- left high
and dry, the river fast falling, and the creek was
merely a temporary ebullition of the river. However,
by daylight the next morning she was swinging ; we
started down the stream and took the long route :
this was on the ist morning. We were now in the
Panjnad ;* on the 2nd, by 10 a.m., we came to very
shallow water. The course recommended by the
gentleman who represented the pilot, was found at its
mouth to contain but 4 feet of water ; the stream ran
down this with such violence that the boat twice
slewed round and refused to enter ; unhappily, this
was held a sufficient reason for eschewing that
channel. The pilot said he didn't know the other
course, and feared that though deep now, we should
find not enough of water. Albeit, away we steamed
for about two hours, when his prophecy became too
true ; it was discovered that there was no de'boucke
by that course. We were obliged to steam back to
the old entrance — there, after some difficulty, we were
successful, the depth gradually greater as we
advanced ; we passed through a beautiful country
better cultivated and better populated than any I
have seen in Sind.

" zrd September. — Last night we were joking at
the results of our experiments in attempting channels
and cuts not recommended by the pilot, yet this
morning at 6 a.m. we found the same enormity had
been perpetrated. We were again obliged to turn
back. No man of sense will say there is a sandbank
between this and Karachi with which we are not
intimately acquainted. Here at 2 p.m. on the 3rd we

* Panjnad (Five Streams) is the name sometimes given to the
united rivers of the Punjab immediately below the junction of the
Chenab with the Indus.

24 MULTAN

are at the mouth of the Chenab, where we ougltf to
have been on the 30th or 31st. Most conflicting-
rumours have reached us, gathered from the different
villages, respecting Mulraj's fate. No letters ; so on
we go in fear and trembling", hoping much, yet I fear
scarcely trusting that we are in time.

" We arrived at the Raj Ghat at 6 a.m., 6th. In-
formation was immediately sent off, and we soon
discovered that General Whish's camp was some 10
miles distant, though that of the irregular troops lay
between us and him. An answer came from Brown s
friend to the effect that no operations had yet taken
place, but that a consultation was to be held that
morning to decide the point of attack, and probably,
the result would be the removal of the General's
camp from its present to a nearer position, in which
case there would be difficulty in procuring carriage
for our kit. No guns were heard, and this news
made us somewhat easy in mind. About 7 p.m. three
elephants and some tattoos [ponies] arrived for our
conveyance with a guard of sowars, as it appears the
fort is not completely invested. We resolved to
remain till 2 the following morning and so reach camp
at daylight. Accordingly, we started at 2 on the
7th, and well was it that our journey began so soon.
We passed through Edwardes' camp, which, with
that of a native prince adjoining, from the appearance
of the men with their matchlocks and mottled
accoutrements and dress resembled an Indian Fair —
a more ragged lot man never eyed. We did not reach
the position till 7 a.m., just in time to see the
skirmishers clearing the ground, and driving the
enemy from the space where the first parallel was to
run. We went up to the skirmishers at a place which
since that it has been my lot to become intimately
acquainted — the ' Ramtirat.' There I stood under
my first fire of heavy shot. Brown and I had walked
out in front to look at a battery the Sikhs were busy
erecting, a sound indescribable was heard just over
our head, and about 10 feet in our rear a ball, a cross
between an 18 and 24-pounder, fell slap between the
horses of an artillery waggon ; the shock floored one,
but killed none. The distance from which this came
could not have been less than if miles. It is a gun

HOT WORK IN THE TRENCHES 25

which, from his constant visits since, has obtained
great celebrity in camp under the title of ' Long-
Tom,' 'John Long'; his voice and range are alike
peculiar : after the Sikh artillerymen had succeeded
in obtaining the range of the ' Ramtirat,' during the
whole day he fell about in a manner most unpleasing
to gents who love their ease and comfort, some two
or three sepoys being cut to pieces by him ; yet ioo
shot from him must have fallen within a space of 50
square yards."

"Siddons, Brown's friend, shortly after my arrival,
went to Napier,* the Directing Engineer; on his
return he said Napier had offered to make me an
Assistant Field Engineer, if so inclined — assuredly I
was willing. By 5 p.m. I was in the trenches, cutting
out with some 400 Europeans of the 32nd the first
parallel, and many a salute did we receive during the
night from the enemy's ordnance in the fort, and
their matchlocks and zamburaks (camel-guns) fired
from under cover of the bushes and irregular ground.
About 10 a rush was made by them on our picket,
and the firing became so heavy that the men were
obliged to be withdrawn from the right of the work.
I was relieved at 1 a.m., 8th, and did not again go on
duty till 3 a.m., 9th, when, for the prolongation of this
parallel, with Captain Longdon, 10th Foot, as Acting-
Engineer, I had some native workmen (Native Regi-
ments I mean). The Perdasees performed their little
with bad grace and much grumbling, swearing that
such was not their employment. The fire burst so
heavily on us at 5, that we were unable to go on, and
the enemy running up to our very works, the working
party was taken out to drive them back ; this they
succeeded in doing with three men wounded, but
sepoys are totally unfit for a night attack. They fire
at random with or without an object, with or without
an enemy.

"This indiscriminate work drew onus the fort's
heavy fire and prevented further operations. I was
not relieved till noon — the heat of the trenches who
shall describe- — a burning sand and a vertical sun.
The thermometer under a Bengal tent 1140. Up to

* Afterwards Lord Napier of Magdala.

26 MULTAN

this time we had made no advance from the works
sketched out on the first day. The General's camp,
5000 or 6000 strong-, lies to the E.S.E. side of
the fort, 2\ miles from Long- Tom, who has occa-
sionally dropt within the tents, and oft-times the
ground near the sentries is ploughed up by his
ravages. We have an 8-inch mortar battery at the
Ramtirat, the extreme right of our works; an 18-
pounder of 3 guns at the white well some 700 yards
to the left ; Cortlandt's light 9 and 6-pounders are
again formed about the same distance to the left ;
other temporary batteries have been put in position
along the parallel and removed again as circum-
stances have required.

" The Sikhs are beautiful shots, and scarce a yard
have we gained unpeppered or a shot have we fired
which has not been returned with wondrous pre-
cision. On the 9th, evening-, it was resolved to attack
a little village, surrounded, or at any rate protected
as far as the eye can see, by a high wall. A square
building is the first thing that meets the eye. About
8 a storming party of Europeans, accompanied by
some of the 49th Native Infantry, moved out ; the
position is about 600 yards in front of ours and en-
vironed by a jungle of lofty trees and brushwood, of
which it is at the very edge ; when our party reached
it, they found the walls high, too much so to climb ;
the light from the enemy's fire was like the mouthof
a volcano ; the men, though falling fast, rushed in,
conceiving the fire and the burning light came from
the top of the building. No, it was from the loop-
holes with which the walls were pierced, crowds of
armed men firing their camel-guns and matchlocks
on the devoted party. Two light guns were now
brought up and two more companies of Europeans.
Three times they rushed to the walls and three times
were driven back shattered. Once the door was
burst open by an officer of the 69th (Richardson)
and a man of the 10th; the former was rio sooner
in than his face and body were covered with sword-
cuts ; severe wounds he received as he was dragged
away. Death's hand was so heavy that the place
could not be held, and the party was obliged to
etire, taking possession of an old building and demi-

A LUDICROUS BLUNDER 27

fort-looking house about 300 yards in rear. Thus
perished many a gallant fellow. The 10th lost 6
killed, 2 officers and 36 men wounded, 30 of the
latter severely. I fancy our total casualties killed
and wounded must have exceeded 150. I was not
on duty during this attack, but went to the works
at 4 a.m., the 10th, when by daylight the troops and
guns were to move again on the same point. Ac-
cordingly Anderson's troop moved out, with a party
of the 32nd, under shelter, to advance should the
guns clear the way ; scaling ladders were provided,
but no need arose for their employment. Most
heartily did the Sikhs return our fire, and after three
hours of cannonade we saw them still rushing up,
strengthening the building in rear of which they have
thrown up entrenchments and made stockades, etc.
About 8 a.m. all idea of assaulting the old place
was relinquished, and we contented ourselves with
pushing our troops into an advanced building some
100 yards ahead of that which we gained the previous
night. I was present during this, which did not
take place without some loss on our part : the
brigadier was wounded, and many besides ; fast and
heavy the shots fell around. We succeeded in carry-
ing out a battery which may be of use to-day. Thus,
up to this time, we have gained nothing but a know-
ledge of their undaunted, resolute courage and cool-
ness ; to the very last they were advancing. A
Gurkha regiment was brought to support, and
ardently we hoped they purposed an attack on our
camp. Europeans have been lost and the object for
which the loss was incurred ungained ! The General
was down about the works yesterday, but not an
order did he issue. I made a most ludicrous blunder :
I had never before seen the General ; during the
attack I pointed out to Major Napier the enemy
moving down in strength and completely under our
fire, if that was opened, which I earnestly suggested
should be done, and that we should forthwith send
out skirmishers to take possession of some rough
ground to the left. An old gent in a white jacket,
with a plain staff-surgeon look, came up ; Napier
turned to him while I was speaking, and the old gent
addressed some question to me, which deeming ir-

28 MULTAN

revelant, or at any rate of no importance compared
with Napier's attention, I answered curtly^ and
abruptly. Lo ! Gordon, who was behind and listen-
ing- to me, said to me, ' You treat the General coolly ! '
Lord ! Lord ! I thought he was either an old sapper
sergeant or a deputy surg-eon — the General !

"There's the want of a head palpable to the
meanest observer. The General leaves much to the
engineers, and yet fails to give them that support
which such a legacy requires. Yesterday, when our
affairs were certainly not brilliant to the eye, he stood
about as though unconcerned as to the issue. Napier
is cool, and, from all that is said, able. He is
indefatigable, sparing himself neither exposure nor
trouble. I had intended keeping a regular journal
and dotting down events and the impressions as they
arose ; but the fatigue, the heat and excitement quite
frustrated such views — after eight hours' duty in
exposure to shot and sun alike dangerous, one returns
totally incapacitated for even the light exertion of
scribbling without thought or care, as I do this. Till
to-day I have but sixteen hours between my eight
hours' tour- — now for once I have twenty.

11 nth, 8 a.m. Nothing has occurred during the
night ; the enemy quiet, probably holding well in hand
all their energies to resist our attack, which they may
have anticipated.

" izth, 7 a.m. I came off a hot, well-sunned tour
from 1 2 till 8 on the i ith, and was yesterday niorning
at 6 a.m. visited by the engineer brigade-major, with
a paper, which I was to take to the advanced posts,
containing directions for the sappers who were to
accompany the advance and assault, of which, up to this
hour, no one but the General and Napier were cog-
nisant. He lent me his horse, and away I galloped.
My brigade of sappers, with ioo Native Infantry as
a working party to assist in throwing up works, was
to accompany the stormers. I went down and found
all there, except the ioo rank and file, which by some
mistake were not forthcoming. However, we pro-
cured an excellent substitute in some sappers of
Cortlandt's, fine, wiry, bold fellows.

" The advance began from two flanks, each headed
by a company of Europeans — 32nd and 10th —

STORMING MULTAN 29

supported by the remaining portion of their wings
with Native Infantry. The ioth Foot went up to
the post with admirable steadiness, the 8th Native
Infantry vying with them in coolness. The 32nd
were ordered to advance firing, so that their march
was not so steady to the eye. The reception given
at the building was most desperate. The place was
full of loopholes and swings for camel-guns ; but so
gallant was the foe that on our approach they rushed
outside to charge us. The 32nd, on seeing this,
doubled in with a cheer. Now the struggle began :
the enemy got back, and every loophole was raging
death. The first man who ran up the scaling ladder
was Balfour of the 32nd — he was hacked fearfully
across the face, and before we could gain a position
on the top — which was to the best of my recollection
about 20 feet broad running all round, with a square
roof of some few feet higher in the centre — many of
the brave stormers knew the sleep which knows no
waking. While we were on the top of the building,
the enemy still were beneath in the central room,
from which they could command us above through
loops, and upon this the dying and the dead were
thickly strewn. Here it was that Colonel Pattoun
fell amongst many. He was calling for the ladders
which I was getting to go on to the next, a much
higher-walled and larger building than that we were
now in possession of. It was about 200 yards in
advance— so buried in trees that we were not aware
of its existence from our works.

"While we were on the top of the first place,
which was built of mud, the fire which had been
ignited at the bottom by some of the men, flamed
forth, and the centre, weakened by the loopholes
which we had made to command those inside, came
down with a great shudder. The flame caught their
ammunition, of which we knew not, and the interior
trembled fearfully, and the cry was raised, ' Mine.'
A fearful sight ensued, the dying and wounded so
thickly packed, friends and foes, though comparatively
few of the former at this place, were engulfed in
the flame, which burst out with renewed vigour,
having caught some of the dried grass which had
been their beds : poor wretches, their clothes were

30 MULT AN

on fire, the little they had ! I got almost accustomed
to this during the day, for many, many did I see burn-
ing- alive, their skins baked. Their matchlock lights,
burning- when they were shot, set their clothes in a
flame, and their burnt skins were crackling" as the
miserable creatures were weltering in the grilling sun.
The next place was not so desperately defended, though
larger. It seems to be a garden pleasure-house,
beautifully built. Yet, though I say not so desperately
defended, they resisted to the last, and fifty I suppose
were shot and bayoneted within it. In this some
spoil was found, and many carried away much who
were not there when we entered. Swords, percussion
pistols, were in a hole in the wall — silks, etc. In a
little cool place separate from the building, as we ran
through, I espied a bed which had not been long
quitted, evidently from its appearance belonging to
one of their chiefs. Peacock's plumes for brushing
away the flies from the sleeper lay at the head. I
seized one of these : all my plunder ! The sepoys
plundered much, and there was none to stay them.
Napier was everywhere in the thick : if coolness and
command of his faculties merit anything, assuredly
does he all that can be bestowed. We took posses-
sion of a garden and the left front of the building ;
the wall of this I got some sappers to make loops in
for the men to fire through ; as your head above was
the signal that you were near 20 matchlocks and
zamburaks.

" Up to this time the fort and city guns had not
annoyed us, not knowing, I fancy, where to fire ; but
now they began, and only by sticking close to the
wall could the men remain in safety. The H.A.
(Mackenzie) came up and took up an exposed position
to the left, and opened a heavy fire with their
6-pounders ; but they lost many horses and men.
The enemy's entrenchments, fearfully deep and thick,
were scarcely 250 yards from the garden walls ; with
the naked eye I could distinguish the men leaning
over to fire their long guns ; of these we could quickly
have possessed ourselves, but, unless prepared to
advance and occupy the mound, about 700 yards
in advance, and bursting with metal, we could not
have held them. I suggested to put a couple of

EXCURSIONS AND ALARUMS 31

6-pounders in the garden, which was acceded to ;
after this I was employed in throwing up an entrench-
ment connecting- Mackenzie's guns and the left of the
garden ; this space was commanded by their heavy
guns from the parapet and by their zamburaks from
the trenches. A hot, biting fire was kept up on us
all day, to the cost of many ; here I remained until
relieved, 6 p.m. I have no idea of our loss, the
amount I mean ; it must have been severe. Bodies
were lying thick, and many I saw taken wounded to
the rear. A fine young officer, a great favourite,
Lloyd of the 8th Native Infantry, was cut down by
some villains whom he would not allow his men to
fire on. The party that cut him up represented
themselves as friends, and on approaching the sepoys
said, ' We have no quarrel with you, it's only with
the Sahib-log : leave them and come along, every man
shall have a gold necklace.' Letters were written to
the same effect and thrown amongst the sepoys, who
bayoneted the bearers.

" Braver men than Mulraj's never went out to
battle; they vie with the Europeans. When the
advance parties were outnumbered and cut up, the
rear were strengthening their works below and
sniping above from the parapet. 'Long Tom' has
been wondrously silent of late ; the sepoys say he
is 'stiff' I felt very strongly what poor Willie
(Anderson) said to me once, 'that it was quite an
experiment standing under fire.' I have seen this in
many, many instances — men whose names stand
higher than their merits. I feel quite grateful for the
coolness with which I can face a heavy fire without
dread. We are strange creatures of impulse and
emulation, and often, doubtless, I exposed myself
from seeing others hold back. The firing is a thing
one gets wondrously habituated to, and I can well
understand young soldiers flinching and unsteady,
though, perhaps, the old ones are apt to be cunning.
Europeans properly led will go anywhere — of that,
from observation, I am convinced.

"llth. — Nothing particular occurred during last
night or to-day; the enemy affected to make an
attack on our position, but a volley of musketry from
the trenches quickly drove them back home. We

32 MULTAN

were employed in throwing up batteries and
strengthening- our works, to bear on the mound some
600 or 650, and the village to our left about 400 yards
distant. Their zamburaks gave us great annoyance,
and the heavy metal from the Khooni Burj soon
found us out. The workmen in the trenches were in
some cases wounded, and one or two Europeans
killed by round shot. Major Napier received a
severe contusion from the graze of a round-shot on
his knee. I was on duty from noon till 9 p.m.

" 14.1/1. — -Preparing for duty this morning when
strange information was in circulation. Conferences
were being held, and the authorities congregated at
Major Napier's, the next tent — the General, etc.
Sher Singh had gone over during the night to the
enemy, with his guns, howitzers, and force. I know
not why this should cause great surprise, as his dis-
affection had been long mooted ; nay more, his
followers were slain in arms against us on the 12th ;
day by day reports were received that his men were
thronging to Mulraj ; further than that even, on the
9th a man from the enemy's camp, whether an
escaped prisoner or spy I know not, stated that an
oath had been sworn on the 8th between the Dewan
and the Raja ! This information came from a
Political the day following, yet were they not
'satisfied' of his treachery. He was allowed to
continue on the left of all with his guns, nearest the
fort gate and the point of temptation. Who will
believe such things? Even the night before (13th)
he was in Edwardes' camp ; yet with all the suspicions
attached to his conduct, the certainty of his faithless-
ness in the mind of every individual in camp except
the Politicals, he was allowed to take his leave, which
he did by joining Mulraj forthwith.

" The strength of his army may be 5000, with 10
guns and 2 howitzers. From these we had never
derived the slightest aid ; to us, therefore, there is no
loss, and it is a question whether such an increase in
aught save the guns can be a gain to Mulraj,
beleaguered in a small spot. Efficiency and union
are not promoted by crowds. It may be, nay it must
be, that this retirement is caused by other information
of which we are not yet in possession, the state of the

DEFECTS IN THE ARMY 33

country alone must have had this effect on the
Politicals ; yet, if so, all experience tells us, in
addition to the criminality of having suffered and
sacrificed so much for no purpose, the greatest
blunder we could commit in policy is allowing any
difficulty time to get a head. If the country is inflam-
matory, much blood will be shed ere the ill-humour
is eradicated ; the first remedy would have cost many
lives in our little force, but it would have brought
honour to all — the fallen, the survivors, and Govern-
ment ; it would have crushed the serpent's head.
Now we have kicked the stone, and it may roll far
and wide. So much for the want of a leader : the
force is weak doubtless, too much so for a systematic
attack and to cope with difficulties which_ our books
suggest to us ; but not too weak considering the
constitution, if led resolutely and wisely. We are
weak in artillery officers, weak in guns ; 1600 or 1700
Europeans though, and bolder and braver never seen.
Nothing can surpass the 10th Foot. The saying
runs in camp, with reference to the small force, the
train, etc., the means against such a fort: 'A 1st
class siege, a 2nd class train, a 3rd class army.'
With a general, the army with all its weakness in
engineers, is strong enough to have been now within
the fort walls.

"The 15th was spent in peace till dusk, when
silently all tents were struck ; the Ramtirat being
the only position on our old parallel still held. All
night tents were being lowered and kits packed;
much difficulty occurred in collecting carriage ; no
one exactly knozving much about it. I lay down
amidst the row and confusion on the ground to get
as much of a snooze as one could seize. Ritchie
came up to join us, hoping to procure some slight
aid in carriage, for none could he get. I was not a
little amused at observing him about midnight put-
ing on a clean shirt to start with^ so that, if obliged
to leave his traps behind, the dirty not the clean
might remain. About 2 our anxieties were at an
end, camels arrived : though I had given _ myself no
uneasiness about the matter. I travelled with but two
portmanteaus, and told my servants that under the
worst they must contrive to remove one with clothes.

c

34 MULTAN

"At 3 a.m., finding- that great numbers of camels
had g"one on, ours marched off. We closed up our-
selves with poor Brown in a dooly, where he had
been since 7 p.m., to the park: there Napier, Aber-
crombie, and several more were assembled, packing
the few camels that remained with shot and sand-
bags, of which many were still on the ground. I had
contrived to get a mount on an awkward brute — dray-
horse stamp- — designated by his owner an ' Arab,'
and was sent off to the commissariat in search of
conveyance for the ordnance. No officer was there —
searching, I came upon an oldish fellow with a staff
appearance whom I questioned : he told me he was
not the man I wanted, but, instead of saying any-
thing with reference to my business, he said- — ■' By
the bye, when you see Captain Lloyd (the commis-
sariat officer), tell him the General has gone. I have
withdrawn the artillery-guns and troop from the post
held for the commissariat, as I don't consider it
tenable.' Shortly after I met the commissariat officer,
who could not give the carriage for the ordnance as
the camels had not yet returned. I then delivered
the message I had received from the unknown in-
dividual whose appearance I described. The officer
forthwith withdrew from the post, leaving" much
grain and forage, thirty days' supply — thus were
arrangements made and carried out. No order of
march was given that I heard of, but parties moved
off promiscuously as best suited them. Many 18-
pounder and shot of larger and smaller size were
carried off by Bhawal Khan's sowars in their hands !
Thus we contrived to use our allies. As day broke,
the enemy were seen in our old trenches, and moving
out in some strength, horse and foot, to the S.E.
These musters frightened the chivalrous brigadier
(who had entrusted me with the order for the com-
missariat anent its withdrawal) whose force consisted
of some 2000 cavalry, a European regiment — the
gallant ioth- — besides two or more native corps : and
though aware that shot was still on the ground and
other inferior supplies, he quickly left them to the
enemy. Mulraj and Sher Singh were both capering
in front with their light guns and some 5000 men ;
they drew within 800 yards of our flank ! The sight

GENERAL CORTLANDT 35

of this induced Hervey to retire ' rather than risk !
a general action ' ; these were the words of an officer
commanding a brigade of British troops. A swoop
might have been made which would have driven the
enemy screeching back to their walls.

"After this I pressed on to the leading brigade,
and passed through the camp of Cortlandt, Edwardes,
and Lake, beyond which I found Europeans and
natives, who had left with the baggage during the
night, wandering about they knew not whither,
without a guide or an officer to direct their march !
Europeans thus singly and in files were moving
about during the whole of the day. We halted at
Cortlandt's tent, where we sat in the shade. Tea
and biscuit were brought, and those who wished got
a capital breakfast, for all alike were received with
kindness. General Cortlandt is a fine-looking man,
tall and stout, about thirty-five years old. His dress,
like that of all the officers of the irregular troops, is
loose, resembling the natives'. He is very dark,
with fine features and dark eyes. The expression of
his countenance pleasing. His manner particularly
easy and conciliatory. His language in conversation
good, and his ideas, as far as I have been able to
form an opinion during the interviews I have had
with him, sensible and clear. He is evidently more
than popular with his men, whom he treats with great
temper and kindness. His force consists of about
3000 men with several light guns, 12 perhaps. His
artillery are remarkably soldierly men— capital shots.
They are cool and determined fellows, who would
accompany the guns anywhere, and stand by them to
the last. Mulraj boasts that some were spared at
Sobraon, these of Cortlandt's are of the same breed.

"Edwardes is an intelligent, fair-faced man be-
tween twenty-five and thirty years old. Nothing in
his appearance to give the impression of daring — or
remarkable in any way. I suspect he is a greatly over-
rated man — one who had been made by circum-
stances, and thrust into a position which he lacks
ability to fill. Notts verrons* My idea is that he
has been a dupe throughout.

* See pages 122, 125-6, 135, 137, 189, and 231.

36 MULTAN

" Lake, an engineer officer at the head of Bhawal
Khan's forces, is a different man from Edwardes in
all respects. Sound without display' — one whose
acts will eventually raise him higher than all the
others' flights, imaginary or real. He is very young,
about twenty-five.

After the fighting of the 1 3th September, Multan
lay within our grasp ; but the defection of Sher Singh
caused the siege to be raised on the 14th, and General
Whish drew off a few miles to await reinforcements.
The whole situation was indeed changed. I n August,
Chattar Singh had openly raised the standard of
revolt, "devoting his head to God and his arms to
the Khalsa." In September, with a force of 5000
infantry, 600 cavalry, and 16 guns, he moved towards
Peshawar ; Sher Singh, soon after rebelling at Mul-
tan, set off by forced marches to join him. The
news of Sher Singh's defection was received on the
2 1 st September at Peshawar, where the Darbar
troops were already perilously excited. The courage,
firmness, and energy of Colonel George Lawrence
enabled him for a time to stave off the worst ; but
in the latter part of October the inevitable out-
break occurred, and Colonel Lawrence retired to
Kohat, whither he had already sent his wife and
family. There he was received by Sardar Sultan
Muhammad Khan, Barakzai. Kohat was at that
time an appendage of Kabul, and Sultan Muhammad
had been the last Afghan governor of Peshawar
before Ranjit Singh conquered the province in 1822.
Chattar Singh entered Peshawar on the 31st October ;
he promised to make over the province to Sultan
Muhammad, provided that the latter would sur-
render Colonel Lawrence, and the other British
officers who were at Kohat. This Sultan Muham-

MAJOE NAPIER'S TRIBUTE 37

mad faithlessly did, and Colonel Lawrence found
himself, with several other British officers, a prisoner
in the hands of the Sikhs.

Directly the siege was raised, Daly hurried back
to Karachi to rejoin his regiment, which formed part
of the reinforcing column from Bombay. This
column under Colonel the Honourable H. Dundas,
C.B., 6oth Rifles, had reached General Whish by the
22 nd December, and the siege was resumed on the
27th December. Sir Henry Lawrence reached
Multan from England on the 28th. The loss in
General Whish's force up to this time had been 1 7
British officers and 238 of other ranks killed and
wounded. The force at the renewed siege included
the 10th and 32nd Regiments, the 60th Rifles,
and 1st Bombay European Fusiliers, with five com-
panies of European foot artillery : the total was over
15,500 men of all ranks; the irregular forces were,
however, much weaker. Daly served through the
final siege as Adjutant of the 1st Bombay Fusiliers,
better known in those days by the soubriquet of the
"Old Toughs." His work during the earlier period
had elicited the following letter : —

" Camp before Multan, \"]th September 1848.

'Sir, — I beg to convey to you this sense of my
obligation for the zeal shown by you during the last
few days' _ operations in the manner wherein you
observed the enemy's position, and for your indefati-
gable observation of him, and recommendation of
measures to counteract his designs. — I have, etc.,

R. Napier, Major,
Chief Engineer, Multan Field Force."

Daly's diary is continued : —

" Camp Multan, Christinas Day, 1848. — Orders
were issued this day for the march of the Bombay

38 MULTAN

Column from its present position at Suruj-kund to
Sital-ke-Mari, where the Bengal Column moved this
morning-. This is the position Whish occupied
during the previous operations. Our camp was
accordingly struck on the morning of the 26th, and
every preparation made for a start ; however, what
with the delay in moving the commissariat, we did
not quit our ground till near noon. Tents were down,
and there we lay basking in the sun for the last
camel to go, as we were to bring up the rear. On
reaching Sital-ke-Mari I observed the General's tent
in exactly the same spot as before, though the camp
on this occasion fronted the fort, whereas formerly it
showed a rear. We (the Bombay Column) were on
the left. The first thing which struck me was the
altered appearance of the face of the country between
us and the fort. This latter formerly was scarcely
visible at all ; high as its towers are, these were
almost screened by the numerous trees, thick and
dark with foliage. Much of this change has, doubt-
less, been occasioned by the cold season withering
the leaves and luxuriance ; more by the hands of the
Sikhs, who have been hewing and hacking the woods,
and clearing the jungle of that which was a defence to
them and the source of much annoyance to us. The
fort and part of the town even are now clear to view ;
with the glass this afternoon I could see them work-
ing and entrenching themselves on the ' Mound,'
which was to have been our prize on the 14th
September, and beneath which we lay on the 12 th
September casting longing, anxious looks at its
occupants. The orders of to-night are that the
Bombay Force will parade in two columns at 1 1 a.m.
to-morrow in front of the lines. The purpose for
which this was to be was not known, it being merely
said 'for service.'

"On the morning of the 27th, Colonel Dundas
appeared, and then told us that our columns * would
be under his own immediate command, as he intended
being with us during the day, and that the object of
the combined attack was that one column, composed

* Two squadrons cavalry, battering guns, two 9-pounder batteries,
five companies 60th Rifles, 3rd Regiment Bombay Native Infantry,
five companies Fusiliers, 4th Bombay Native Infantry (Rifles).

THE SIDI LAL KE BEDE WON 39

of 6oth, 3rd, and under Colonel Capon, should attack,
and, if possible, carry the 'Mound'; if any great
resistance should be encountered, then to clear the
places below. During; this the Bengal Column was
to'attack the ' Idgah,' * and occupy a hill adjacent, and
the possession of these were the points necessary for
the effectual carrying- on of the siege. Our column
was to advance making a feint on Sidi Lai ke Bede,
a high conical hill which the enemy held in some
strength ; our guns were to batter at this at a great
pace, and should our attack assume a cheerful and
successful aspect, the feint was to be made earnest
and we were to go on.

"After this explanation of what was intended, we
moved off: on arriving within about 200 yards of
the trench made during last operations, two companies
of the 41!^ Rifles were thrown out as skirmishers, we
following in support of the Rifles. The enemy were
now seen in some strength, retiring to high positions
from which they commenced a distant fire. A couple
of 9-pounders were brought up and opened on the
hill and city walls, from which a few round shot
began to drop ; during this we took cover under the
trench for a few moments. Colonel Dundas then
ordered us to advance in line — this we continued to
do for some distance, without firing a shot, the
enemy slowly retiring before us, firing a good deal
with but little effect up to this time. Thus we con-
tinued and the Sidi Lai ke Bede was crowned and
won ; on descending this the ground became broken
and irregular, intersected with ravines. About 300
yards to our front and left were some buildings, from
which a hottish fire was peppered down on us, and
3 or 4 men wounded, 1 killed. We cleared the front
building and took cover under its walls and behind a
mound as well as we could, the companies being
formed up as the ground would admit of. During
this a very annoying fire was opened on us by match-
lock men, who occupied a row of buildings, houses,
and gardens which ran along in front, leaving an
open space of ground between us and them. The
two supports of the Rifle skirmishers had halted to

* See page 17.

40 MULTAN

our right and rear. Finding many huts and walls
to our left occupied, a sub-division was sent to clear
them out ; this was speedily done without loss to us.

"We had been here but a few minutes when the
4th skirmishers came clattering- back closely and
fiercely pursued by the enemy, who, with their long,
sharp sabres wTere cutting at the riflemen until they
threw themselves into the midst of us. Emboldened
by this, the Sikhs began to throng the walls and
gardens ahead, and many actually rushed up and
sheltered themseves behind the very building on the
opposite side of which we were! The wall to the
left of our cover was low and broken ; the rush was
so sudden that much confusion ensued, and, as at
this time there was no opportunity or space to form,
I cried out to No. 10 (which wras nearest) to ' Charge '
— well they responded to the cry — Mules and I,
Hitchcock, the lance-corporal, between us, and
Nelson, a private of 10 company, were the first
amongst the foe, who were crouched beneath the
wall we sprang over ! Up they jumped, and plied
their bright sabres about their heads in gallant style,
but the bayonet — that true weapon the bayonet,
which never yet failed to bring success to the British
soldier — was more than a match for the sword and
matchlock. The first Sikh who bit the dust either
bowed to my sword or Hitchcock's bayonet; this
latter was borne through the chest of a tall, dark
fellow, whose eye was glistening anxiously towards
Mules, who, in rushing to meet the Sikh, stumbled,
and so, by the bending of his body, escaped the blow
aimed at his head. Poor Nelson, on my right hand,
was fearfully, frightfully mauled and hacked by two
slashing sword blows from a Sikh who never made
a third.

"After this struggle hand-to-hand beneath the
wall, they rushed back to their cover hotly pursued
by No. 10, for when space was given, the other sub-
division with King eagerly came to our aid. We
charged across, and with our bayonets and cheers
cleared the houses in front and then rejoined the
main body. We had been back scarce five minutes
when the dark faces and long matchlock barrels were
seen amidst the same buildings from which we had

NEAR THE CITY WALLS 41

just driven them. Without allowing" them time to
reassemble and occupy these places in great number
(for shots already began to fall hotly), > away we
charged across the open space at them with Nos. 9
and 10, this time in our eagerness we drove them
right through into the plain beyond, from which the
city walls, distant perhaps 200 yards, were clear to
view, nothing being between them and us but the
Sikhs. This was the first idea we had of our
position. A round shot or two from the ramparts
quickly cleared our notions.

"Once again under shelter of the walls from
behind which we had driven them, I sounded ' the
Assembly,' for our little charging band amidst the
narrow lanes chasing the enemy had become greatly
scattered ; twice the bugler blew his blast, and then
we returned to the regiment. We were now able
to explain our position, none of us being before aware
that the town walls were so nigh. While debating
on these points, orders were delivered by a staff
officer for us to fall back and take cover under a
garden wall. We imagined that this would not be
effected without annoyance from the enemy, who had
twice bearded us in our stronghold. The precau-
tions we adopted were not called into play. The two
bayonet charges and the slaughter we had then dealt
gave them matter for deliberate reflection ; not a
Sikh pursued or was seen, and scarce was a match-
lock turned toward us. Colonel Dundas, who was
here, directed us to move on the right, sheltering
ourselves under the high ground and irregular walls.
The enemy soon began to pepper on us with their
zamburaks and matchlocks, and the guns from the
city walls dropped their messengers somewhat thick
— the fire from the buildings and suburbs about we
kept down tolerably well with our musketry, when-
ever an enemy was to be seen. The artillery from
the Sidi Lai ke Bede (a high, coning hill about 1 50
paces to our rear) during this time opened a heavy
cannonade over our heads on the city and fort, both
of which were clearly discernible. The city walls
could scarce have been more distant than 450 yards.

"Thus we remained till between 3 to 4 p.m., when
to our surprise Leith marched down with the right

42 MULTAN

wing- (rather two companies) and took up a sheltered
position to our left. At 4 a report was sent from the
battery at Sidi Lai that the enemy were occupying
the houses and walls to our right in strength, and
apprehensions were expressed lest they should out-
flank us, getting between the 60th left and ourselves.
The Colonel then directed these places to be cleared,
if necessary at the point of the bayonet, and an
attempt made to open communication with the right
of the 60th. Accordingly two companies were
detached, 9 and 10, Woodward, May, Mules, King,
Disbrowe, and myself. We marched off in sections,
taking all the advantage the ground afforded, in a
direct line to the right for about 400 yards, when,
from some houses about 200 yards on our left, the
enemy were seen in position in a nulla which ran
along their front. The sections were wheeled round
and a sharp fire immediately opened from the Sikhs.
"We continued to advance, and when within 100
yards the files were extended, orders given ' No man
to fire,' but all forward at a steady double, leaving all
to the bayonet. Many a red-coated Sikh was visible,
but, after the first volley had been poured on us, the
shots were irregular ; the matchlock is not quickly
loaded. Our cheer and double, despite the fall of
two poor fellows in the leading section, evidently
occasioned a sensation. We saw them dodging
about the streets in numbers, firing, then bolting.
So on we went ; now a volley succeeded by a cheer
and a charge. Every place was cleared. The doors
were broken open, but no injury inflicted on those
not bearing arms. Thus we went through what was
almost a town in itself — random shots were fired on
us from the corners, we 'doubled through,' and, on
reaching the end of the street, to our amazement, the
grim, fortified walls with their embrasures were
gaping down on us ! A clear square spot between us
and them, a rendezvous it appeared for the townsmen
in days of peace to ramble and breathe outside their
fortification. We quickly withdrew under shelter of
the building we had quitted, which protected us from
the sight of the wall tenants. Our appearance
outside was so sudden and unexpected that we met
with no hail from their cannon.

COSTS OF THE VICTOEY 43

" We pursued our course parallel to the wall, driv-
ing- the Sikhs before us wherever they made a stand,
still seeking the 6oth left position. It was about here
that a good many zamburak balls fell amongst us,
one of which carried off the fleshy part of a man's
heel in the midst of his section, and then with a
ricochet struck my horse in the outer side of his chest,
the ball passing out at the off side. He bled much,
yet held his head up gallantly. Immediately after
this escapade we espied some dark objects in a corner
in our front ; they were under cover of a building.
We conjectured this must be the 6oth detachment ;
the bugler sounded our call, which was quickly
responded to, so our purpose was gained. We halted
under a wall while with a couple of men I ran across
to hail them. It was Clapcott of the 6oth with his
company, in a place not far distant from the ' Khooni
Burj ' Bastion. In the position they occupied they
were secure from its fire. From him I heard of the
success which had attended the 6oth advance in the
morning. They had carried the ' Mundee Awa'
Mound, and Clapcott's post was now between it and
the city wall. He told me of the gallant _ Major
Gordon's fall. He was shot dead. A more chivalrous
soldier and high-minded gentleman the British army
never at any time numbered in its ranks. I had a
peculiar opportunity of seeing his bearing during the
operations of the 12 th September, when he was here
as an amateur, and amongst many brave and noble
officers he was remarkable. Our small party of the
Napier has lost its chosen ; Brown by disease,
Gordon in the field.

" Well — I rejoined my friends, and as darkness was
drawing on and our object attained, _\\e turned our
steps back to the column, which we rejoined comfort-
ably enough. Orders had been received for the
regiment to fall back and occupy the Sidi Lai,
protecting the guns and as much of the ground as we
could between us and the 60th. Accordingly there
we lay, Fusiliers, 19th, and Rifles ; and a cold, raw
bivouac it was, without coats or dinners. Success,
however, had wondrously sweetened our tempers, and
we were proof against all miseries. The behaviour of
the men during these privations was beautiful, not a

44 MULTAN

syllable of discontent was uttered. The contents of
many haversacks were joyfully proffered to the
officers, who had come unprovided. During- the
night, owing to the kindly arrangements of the
commissariat, every man got his dram and his
biscuit. The 19th and 4th were on our left.
Colonel Dundas, no carpet leader, remained with us.
We received a few shots, big and little, but no damage
was done us.

' Daybreak was anxiously looked for by all. As
it drew nigh, the cold for lightly clad men became
piercing. The first order we received was to prepare
to advance, as the town was to be stormed by
escalade — another order, more pleasing under the
circumstances, considering that we had been fighting
all day previous, and suffering from cold, exposure,
and hunger during the night, was to march the left
wing to quarters. The whole of the right, having
assembled at the hill during the night, was to stand
fast, while we repaired back to our tents to refresh
ourselves, and in no light estimation was this move
held by us — our return of casualties since quitting on
the previous morning, 3 killed and 29 wounded, being,
I believe, far heavier than happened to any other
corps engaged. The officers luckily escaped uninjured,
Mules had his back scraped and I my hat cut off by
a sword blow.

" 2 gth.— Three companies marched down with
the Major and myself to the mound Mundee Awa.
These were distributed about, one being near the
Delhi Gate, and a second near the Khooni Burj :
in both places the batteries were in hard play at the
walls, for the breaches were here to be made for the
storming parties ; during the afternoon the Major
and I received orders to return to camp, as com-
manding officers and their staff were not to proceed
to the works unless ordered to with their whole
regiments."

The assault on the city was delivered on the
afternoon of the 2nd January 1849. The attack on
the main breach of the "Bloody Bastion" (Khooni
Burj) was led by the Bombay Fusiliers.

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ASSAULT ON "BLOODY BASTION" 45

Daly wrote the following account : —

"On the morning- of the 2nd January I was at
Colonel Stalker's tent when Tapp galloped down
with the order that the arrangements which had
been made on the previous day for the storm of the
city were to hold good for this day. Accordingly
plans of the town were issued showing the streets
the different columns of attack were to follow and
positions which were to be occupied after the carrying
and the passage of the breach. At 1 o'clock the
regiment paraded in front of the camp. Every man
was burning with eagerness for the assault, and
many were seen in the ranks who should have been
in hospital. Brigadier Stalker here joined us and
we moved off, the 19th and 4th following us. On
reaching the Mundee Awa mound a few round shot
from the fort fell about us without doing much
damage ; great indeed was _ our good fortune in
reaching the place of formation preparatory to the
storm without incurring any loss. I had not expected
this. We were drawn up behind a large mound ; the
road which led to the Khooni Burj and round the
city was close to our right hand. The Fusiliers here
formed in a column of sub-divisions right in front ;
the 19th Native Infantry next, and the Rifles in rear.
The engineer at the battery was to give the signal
for the advance. At a few minutes before 3 a salvo
was fired from the battery ; ' Forward ' to the
column was immediately given. The road to the
breach was a winding one, broad enough for 18
men to march along. Leith, who commanded the
right flank company, a fine, noble-looking soldier
about 6 ft. 4 high, filed out into the highway and
marched steadily off to the spot. No. 2 followed
at^ about twenty paces interval ; 3, 4, 5 close on.
Then again thirty paces and the left wing-, with the
colours of the old regiment flaunting in the wind.
There was not so much firing down on us as we had
expected.

"The breach was to our right of the Burj, a high
tower and bastion on which formerly they had some
heavy guns. The tower, though much shattered
without, from being stockaded with thick timber and

46 MULTAN

mud inside, was still a secure place of shelter for the
enemy, and was occupied in strength. I can give
you no accurate description of the breach we mounted.
It was steep, and broken brick and mouldered dust
gave beneath the feet, reminding me of the ascent of
Vesuvius. We did not climb this unmolested ; thick
and hot the balls fell amongst us, but not a man
was killed and strangely few wounded. When Leith
crowned the height a volley from below was discharged,
but they were too eager to fire and it passed overhead.
Leith doubled down at the charge. On the town
side of the breach they had dug a deep trench at the
bottom ; this was stockaded and covered over with
planks and mattings. From this place they sprang
up as Leith put his foot down to cross, and dozens of
bright sabres were in the air. Few shots were fired
on our side ; both parties relied on the steel. Leith's
long cavalry sword, such as no one but a stout man
could wield, was smashed to pieces near the hilt. He
himself received a couple of terrible sword cuts on
his left arm and a ball through his right shoulder,
and was taken to the rear.

" The regiment was now crowding forward under
a heavy fire from the houses and Burj. On, on we
poured, but for a quarter of an hour not 50 yards
were won. Every narrow street was filled with
matchlock men who, having discharged their pieces,
resorted to the sword. Here many were wounded.
A 9-pounder was taken in one of these narrow
passages which was pointed down on us, though
fortunately its too early discharge saved us from a.
terrible massacre. Here it became a hand-to-hand
encounter. Tapp, who had come well to the front,
about this time received wounds which disabled him
for the day. Two other officers were also wounded
here. The streets were so narrow and numerous
and the resistance had been so determined, the
enemy appearing on all sides, that it was found
impossible to follow out the roads as detailed on the
plan. Had the enemy taken the roads we wished,
all would have been plain ; no such feeling of sympathy
did they display. I know these Sikhs well. I have
had a good deal of experience of their mode of
fighting. When they do turn, no breathing space

HAND-TO-HAND FIGHTING 47

should be allowed them. Any hesitation or pause
on our side and again they rally, and forward they
rush to the attack. The column which had been
told off for the left was the headquarters of the corps,
which the left wing- and colours followed ; but all the
companies were so broken up in the medley contest
which had taken place, that amidst the din and
smoke scarcely anything was discernible.

"When we came out to a somewhat clear space
our party with the colours was indeed small. Joy-
ful I felt at seeing Mules with a few others burst
round the corner. I gave a cheer, which was
gallantly taken up, and forward at the double we
went, 1 20 men and about 8 officers. Now we pur-
sued the best course I could remember from the
plan ; but few of the enemy were to be seen except
at angles and corners, where they occasionally
frantically attacked us. The Brigadier was now
with us. He in no way interfered, merely cheering
us on by his voice and presence. On arriving at
the centre of the town, a large square with a lofty
masjid, the enemy were in strength, apparently re-
solved to make a stand. We fired a volley — a cheer,
and our true friend the bayonet carried us triumph-
antly through. Here we halted for a few minutes,
for the men were almost exhausted by their exertions.
I blew the ' Advance ' to deceive the enemy, and all
of us pulled away at the contents of a few small
canteens. Our little band then rushed forth, cheer-
ing as we advanced, and from one square building,
occupied by a strong cavalry picquet, we drove them
at the bayonet's point. I there cut down with my
sword a couple of handsome standards, which we bore
away with us. So we advanced towards the end of
the city, not knowing whither. Our guides had been
either killed or separated from us during the confusion.
At last I seized a tall fellow, drew him from a house
to lead us to the Lahore Gate. To our surprise he
said, ' You are very near now ; this is the road to it.'

"A few yards further the rampart and clear
country beyond opened to our view. A great cheer
we gave. Mules and I, followed by a few men, rushed
to the rampart ; between the end of the street and
the rampart, which circled round the foot wall, was a

48 MULTAN

hollow space with nothing but a few stables in it.
The rampart was wide, this was the main rampart,
which ran round the city. Here were at least 500
with sword and matchlock ; some occupied the build-
ings to the left of the street's end, but the main body
were out towards the fort. At first they began to
disappear over the walls. Mules and I, thinking to
secure the gate on the opposite side, were quickly
brought to a sense of our position. Some of them
came dashing forward towards us, and two fell on the
bayonets of men at our side. The fort walls were
alive with matchlocks, and their heavy guns had but
to be depressed to command the spot. They were
not long in observing this. One large-mouthed
cannon blustered forth, but happily fell between us
without doing any ill. Mules and I got back under
cover, a sharp fire of matchlocks opened on us from
the rampart, but generally too high ; 3 of our little
party were wounded and 1 shot dead.

"After a consultation with the Colonel, it was
decided to leave 2 officers and 50 men to hold this
passage, while we, in obedience to instructions, were
to possess ourselves of the rampart and the Bohur and
Pak Hurrun Gates. This done, we returned on our
course, but that road which was so clear on the plan
we found intricate. Passages and streets so narrow as
not to admit of more than 3 or 4 men abreast. The
fire as we approached the ramparts and from walls
and loopholes was very annoying, and in one spot,
midway between the Bohur and Lahore Gates, the
resistance was such that we were obliged to take
shelter in a temple to allow the men to recruit them-
selves. When we became a little refreshed, I took
them out by another door from that we had entered
and so contrived to outflank them. I seized two guides
and made them march on, under threat of my sword
bearing down on doubts of treachery. They led us
on, but scarcely had we proceeded 200 yards, when
again from what we afterwards found to be a barrack
the fire was heavy. Both guides were shot and fell
in front of me, one I think we left on the spot ; but I
cried out to charge up the hill ; bravely they answered,
up we dashed and gained the rampart above the gate.
A 9-pounder was placed commanding one street by

"A MOST FEARFUL EVENT" 49

which they had expected us to appear. We poured
a volley on them standing byit, and then forward at
the bayonet, captured and spiked the gun.

" Further up we observed them in some strength ;
we poured volleys from under cover of the rising
ground. Had they been aware of the weakness of
our little band, not so easily would they have quitted
their position. We at once, as night was drawing
in, past five and a half, began to look to our position
for the night, and distributed our little party into
three bands ; the worst was our ammunition, which
was almost expended. While making these arrange-
ments, Colonel Cheyne, the chief engineer, came up
and expressed great satisfaction on hearing we had
traversed the city and left a party at the Lahore Gate.
We learnt from him that the regiment was about the
city in companies, and now the great point was to
hold these gates, the Bohur and the Lahore. Major
Horner, 4th Rifles, with a large body of his men,
joined about 6 — and glad we were to see them ; they
had followed us. So strengthened, we sent a guard
for ammunition, coats, and grog to the breach, about
a mile distant, but there was no apprehension of any
enemy between us and that Burj ; we had well cleared
this interval. Soon after dark the quarter-master
sergeant, with arrack and coats for the men, appeared
to our joy. I got a coat. By and by came the
messman's servant with eatables. The night was
passing in peace up to midnight and we were con-
gratulating ourselves on our rest after the day's
work ; the poor wounded were well covered from the
cold, but no opportunity occurred to remove them
before daylight.

"About 1 a.m. a most fearful event occurred.
While we were lying down near the wall, a trembling
of the earth, followed instantaneously by flames and
fire all round. Bricks falling, houses tottering, roofs
off. All was darkness, save where lurid flames were
rising amongst us. We cried out to the men to stand
to their arms, and remain as steady as the convulsed
state of the ground would permit them. Long,
awfully long, it appeared ere even the worst passed
away. When it had done so, the cries of many
sufferers arose on every side. We could not in the

d

50 MULTAN

darkness see the havoc which had been committed,
but in many places the fire which had caught pieces
of wood still burned, and by its light a part of the ruin
could be seen ; 60 Sappers (native) had been em-
ployed at the time of the outburst in opening the Gate,
which had been stockaded and closed up with heavy
timber beneath the archway ; 35 of these were buried
alive, many others escaped with their lives indeed,
but with limbs desperately damaged. The 4th Rifles
also were among the unfortunates ; 10 of these poor
fellows were killed and some 30 or more wounded.
A few of the 19th Native Infantry with us were
also among the victims. Strange that every officer
escaped with no more serious damage than a blow
from falling stone. Much of our ammunition, which
was in boxes, continued to explode at various times.
Close by the place, the next house, we knew to be a
magazine well filled with powder ; and great were our
apprehensions lest this catch a spark. It did not.
The cause no one of us to this hour knows, whether
a mine or powder (much of which was about in all
places) ignited accidentally by the light and fires
made by our sepoys. Many fancy a mine. I incline
to the opinion that it was something of the kind ;
probably a magazine accidentally fired by us.

"At 7 a.m. we marched off towards the Lahore
Gate, and made perambulations through the town,
which we found to be entirely our own. The coldest
time I ever spent was in the bastion at the
Bohur Gate. How our poor fellows so escaped was
miraculous. The wounded too were just without its
influence. The time we passed till daybreak was
fearful, in momentary expectation of the great maga-
zine, yet not daring to quit our position. As we
marched to the Gate in the morning we saw some of
the wretched sappers with their heads just visible
above the ruins. We were relieved at 2, and marched
into our tents. The Brigadier came with us. Before
breaking off, he said one word of thanks to the men
for their devoted gallantry,*" to which they responded

* The colours were planted on the breach by Colour-Sergeant J.
Bennett, of the "Old Toughs" (ist Bombay Fusiliers), who was thus
mentioned in despatches by General Whish : " I would also bring to

END OF A GREAT DAY 51

with three cheers for the Brigadier, three cheers for
the Commanding- Officer, and three cheers for the
Adjutant [Daly]. So ended the day which Sir
Charles Napier prophesied would come 'when you
will renovate your ancient fame.' In all, of the regi-

notice the conduct of Colour-Sergeant J. Bennett, ist Fusiliers, who
volunteered to accompany the storming party, and, rushing up the
breach, planted the Union Jack on its crest, standing beside it until
the whole Brigade had passed. The column and staff are riddled
with balls." Sergeant Bennett subsequently received the following
characteristic letter : —

"Calcutta, 20th May 1849.
" Sergeant-Major Bennett,

"When in 1847 I presented the Fusiliers with their
new colours, I said that the men of our days were as good as
those of former days. I was right ; and Multan has proved every
word ! In former times Sergeant-Major Graham (if my memory
serves me correctly) of the ist Europeans, planted the old colours on
the breach of Ahmedabad. He did a gallant action, and when you
planted the British Standard on the breach of Multan, your deed was
as brave as his, and is as renowned !

"The officers, non-commissioned officers, and privates of the ist
Europeans in both Presidencies have sustained, and even, if possible,
surpassed by their valour in the present days, the glories of the past.
Tell your comrades that I rejoiced when I heard the fame which you
have all gained for those new colours that I had the honour of present-
ing to the regiment in Scinde.

" I remain your sincere friend and well-wisher,

"C. J. Napier,
" Commander-in-Chief."

"P.S.—l should have written to you long ago, but delayed till
my arrival in India."

In publishing this letter the Bombay Times wrote (16th August
1849): — "It was the breach at Seringapatam, not Ahmedabad, that
Sergeant Graham was the first to mount, though it was a Sergeant of
the ' Old Toughs ' who planted the colours on the walls of Ahmedabad.
The coincidence is striking enough assuredly, but Sir C. Napier seems
only aware of one half of it. Major Mignon, who led the Fusiliers up
the breach at Multan, is the son of Colonel Mignon, who, exactly half
a century ago, led the flank companies of the Bombay Army at the
storming of Seringapatam." In January 1850, Sir Charles Napier
met the regiment on !the march at Pakka Serai, and made them
another stirring speech: — "Soldiers of the ist Bombay European
Fusiliers ! When I last addressed you some three years since in pre-
senting to you these splendid colours at Karachi," etc.

52 MULTAN

ment 6 were killed, 66 wounded, many never to rise
again, and 5 officers, since marching out on the
previous day."

The citadel still held out, and was on the point of
being stormed when, on the 22nd, Mulraj, whose
force was still from 3000 to 4000 men, surrendered
unconditionally. The final siege thus lasted twenty-
seven days; the British loss was 210 killed and 982
wounded: upwards of 13,000 shot and 26,000 shell
had been fired into the city and fort. Daly was
mentioned in despatches as "conspicuous for gallan-
try" both in the fighting of the 27th December and
in the storm.

"The besieging army* did not march away to other
fields without performing its last melancholy dutyto
the memory of Agnew and Anderson. The bodies
of these officers were carefully — I may say affection-
ately— removed from the careless grave where they
lay side by side, and, wrapped in Cashmere shawls
(with a vain but natural desire to obliterate all traces
of neglect), were borne by the soldiers of the 1st
Bombay Fusiliers (Anderson's own regiment) to an
honoured resting-place on the summit of Mulraj's
citadel. By what way borne? Through the gate
where they had been first assaulted! Oh, no!
Through the broad and sloping breach which had
been made by the British guns in the walls of the
rebellious fortress of Multan."

* From A Year on the Punjab Frontier in 1848-49, by Herbert
Edwardes, vol. ii., p. 708.

CHAPTER III

GUJERAT AND PESHAWAR

General course of the campaign ; battle of Gujerat ; pursuit of the
Sikhs ; their surrender ; pursuit of the Afghans and occupation of
Peshawar. Appointment of Sir C. Napier as Commander-in-
Chief ; offers of staff employ in Bombay and the Punjab ; decision
for the latter.

In the meantime a great British army had been
assembled at Ferozpur to put down the insurrection,
which had now spread to the whole of the Punjab.
This force entered Lahore shortly before the middle
of November 1848, and was joined on the 21st
November by Lord Gough, the Commander-in-Chief.
On the 22nd November he gained the indecisive
victory of Ramnugger. On the 10th January 1849,
he was joined by Sir Henry Lawrence, who, hurrying
out from England, had reached Multan just after
Christmas, and had pressed on to join the main
army directly after the successful assault of the 2nd
January. On the 13th January 1849, was fought the
bloody battle of Chillianwallah, in which Lord
Gough's losses were terribly severe.

Immediately after Mulraj had surrendered, rein-
forcements were pushed forward to the field army.
On the 19th February the 60th Rifles, 1st Bombay
Fusiliers, and the 32nd Bombay Infantry reached

5S

54 GUJERAT AND PESHAWAR

Gujerat. In the crowning victory of the 21st they
formed the extreme left of our line. On the 22nd
the Bombay troops accompanied General Gilbert's
division in his pursuit of the Sikhs and Afghans, and
marched 25 miles "in appalling heat and with no
water." On the 28th February they were over the
Jhelum. On the 8th March George Lawrence, with
his wife and children, and the other prisoners were
brought in, safe and sound, to Gilbert's camp.
Negotiations followed for a general surrender of the
Sikhs. Daly gives the following account of the
event : —

" gth March (1849). — The Shercame himself, but
Gilbert told him he must go back and make his
people lay down their arms and deliver up their guns.
The Sher went back to his camp last night with this
message. They are close here, so the fighting, I
fancy, is over. I had a long talk with a fine, soldierly-
looking old man who had been a colonel in Ranjit
Singh's time. He was one of the many Sikhs who
went over to Sher Singh and forsook our people at
Attock. He was particularly intelligent, very friendly
and frank ; deplored the state of the country and their
own impoverished condition, contrasting it with what
they held in the Maharaja's day. He at once
admitted having joined Sher Singh in the hope of
restoring the falling time. Nobody knows (amongst
us) what our destination is to be. Marching day by
day is our present occupation.

" \2tl1, near Rawal Pindi. — The events of yester-
day and to-day are bringing the campaign to a close.
Our march yesterday to this place was through a
mountainous tract and ravines, which made the
moving of guns and infantry a work of time and
difficulty. Our ground here is in a lovely valley,
smiling with green cornfields ; villages are sprinkled
about by the sides of the hills. In front of our camp
(we, the Bombay troops, are on the left) is a brawling
river, now shallow ; from its opposite bank a mountain
abruptly rises. Shortly after our arrival yesterday,

THE SHER SINGH 55

we observed a number of horsemen on its brow.
About an hour elapsed when a body of our irregular
cavalry moved down to the left and mouth of the
debouchd from the mountain, and in a few minutes
returned accompanied by several native horsemen.
These were Sher Singh and his father with some of
the chiefs. Father and son rode side by side. The
Sher's face is of an oval form ; his eyes dark and
deep-set ; a black beard surrounds all. The counte-
nance is expressive of determination and devilry, for
there's something- peculiarly sinister about it. There's
but little of dignity in his appearance, nothing- of the
Sikh ; yet there is much about his general look which
an ordinary man lacks. There's nothing of the ease-
loving, luxurious Eastern. The father's features are
fine ; he looks a noble. He appeared sorrowful and
worn, his head was almost concealed. Not so the
son, who keenly eyed the soldiers who thronged the
banks to see them pass. The Sher even tapped his
forehead and salaamed to them. They were both
well-mounted. By nightfall 17 guns had been
brought into camp. Their horse artillery were well
turned out. Some had as many as eight horses,
others six in each gun ; every horse a rider. The
harness appointments bore traces of having been
good. The artillerymen were well dressed too,
although somewhat worn. Two of our guns which
were lost at Chillianwallah were amongst those given
up. These surrender days are days of storms. I
told you of the wetting we all got when Mulraj
surrendered. Well, yesterday, during the march the
rain fell at various times, but towards night a fearful
storm burst forth. Lightning so vivid that the whole
camp was enveloped in a sheet of flame ; thunder
resounded through the mountains, and the rain fell in
great torrents. I have witnessed some strange
events during the last two months. Not the least
seeing two armies lay down their arms, and this last
came back from a distance to submit. This must be
a blow to them ; the feeling which brought them to
such an act is utter helplessness. They say, 'What
could we do? Dost Muhammad, now that disaster
has befallen us, would give us up ! '

"15/^. — As we marched to this spot, Rawal

56 GUJERAT AND PESHAWAR

Pindi, yesterday, we saw the Sikh guns placed in
regular order at the top of the pass. They were
32 in number, with 3 mortars and a howitzer. Many
of the pieces were far larger in calibre than we had
anticipated, several beautiful brass 18-pounders being
among them. Two of our lost guns paraded with
them. On our arrival here we found, I should say,
10,000 Sikh horsemen. They formed up and rode
by by twos and threes, every man depositing his arms
as he passed. Before night a mass of matchlocks,
firelocks, swords, shields, and spears was collected,
covering 20 square yards, and rising 8 or 10 feet
high. A similar deposit took place at our yesterday's
ground. Every fellow after thus laying down his
arms is allowed to go free ; poor devils, they seem
starved. I must tell you that we pay every one a
rupee. They are allowed to carry off their horses.
These they will sell for anything. Mares, and very
fine ones, I've seen ; not many good nags for our
purposes. I think we have made a great mistake in
allowing this. Doubtless many of these horses were
stolen from villages and towns. Moreover, we give
them the means of moving off too easily ; though
they are abject and broken even to starvation, still I
incline to the opinion that dismounting them would
have been wise. What to do with the cattle would
puzzle us perhaps.

" i6tk {March 1849). — We marched 14 miles this
morning, moving parallel with the range of mountains,
which are only 4 or 5 miles on our right. There was
snow on their tops a few days since ; they are scarcely
higher than 1200 or 1300 feet. The climate is
deliciously fresh and pleasant ; the ground we passed
over to-day was covered with dandelions and a kind
of heath, bearing a purple flower, which perfumed the
air with its sweetness. The flowers and plants are
European ; the wild geranium I picked ; a few days
more and we shall be in the land of violets. The
peach and apple trees at Rawal Pindi were in blossom.
Many Grecian coins, copper and silver, were in the
bazaar. Hercules shone on most of them under
divers representations. We are now but four
marches from Attcok and some eight from
Peshawar."

THE PUNJAB INCORPORATED 57

It was on Peshawar that the Afghans* were
retiring, and strenuous efforts were made to come up
with them. Starting again on the night of the 16th,
the column did 36 miles more without a halt.
Another forced march of 31 miles brought them to
the bridge of boats over the Indus. The rear of the
Afghans was in the act of crossing when Gilbert's
cavalry arrived. The Afghans at once broke the
bridge, but sufficient boats were secured to restore
communication. On the 19th the force crossed the
Indus, and on the 21st they marched 28 miles into
Peshawar, whence the Afghans, two days before,
had hurriedly withdrawn. This ended the campaign.
On the 30th March was issued the Proclamation
which incorporated the Punjab in British India.

On the 23rd April 1849, Daly wrote from
Peshawar : —

' The express announcing the appointment of Sir
Charles Napier by the nation en masse reached us
yesterday. Verily the people at home seem panic-
struck. Some reason, doubtless, for change in the
Chief there was, but it was as strong before as after
Chillian. Every battle in which the brave old lord
has been the leader has been a scene of carnage f

* 1500 Afghan horse, under Akram Khan, son of the Amir Dost
Muhammad Khan, had fought against us at Gujerat.

t Compare what Sir Henry Lawrence wrote in 1847, after the
first Sikh War, in his essay on Lord Hardinge's Indian Administra-
tion : — "Too much has been said of the casualties during these
battles, and we have only to look to the returns of the Peninsular
War, or to those of Assaye, Argaum, Laswari, Delhi, Mehidpur, and
Maharajpur, to find that the loss in former campaigns averaged at
least as much as that of the Sikh battles, and generally — indeed in
India always — from the same cause, the enemy's artillery. It must
ever be so. Assaults are not to be made on positions bristling with
heavy guns without loss ; and if more cautious measures, involving
delay, might, in the first instance save some lives, it must also be
borne in mind that such delays tend to give confidence to the enemy,

58 GUJERAT AND PESHAWAR

and slaughter from China _ to India; read of his
victories won by his troops in spite of his _ blunders.
Yet one feels for the sorrow which this act of
Government will entail upon him. It will carry him
down with grief and shame to his grave. Those
who left him in such a position as to assemble and
lead the Grand Army of the Punjab, on them be the
blood of his confused battles. Sir Charles's arrival
I hail, you may be assured, with delight. _

"Now I will explain to you the position in which
I am placed. A few days since I received a short
note from Major Napier, dated Lahore, to this
effect : — 'How should you like to be second in
command of one of the Contingent Corps to be
raised in the Punjab ? I have mentioned your name
to the Resident (Sir H. Lawrence), and you are
nominated to the appointment, which I hope will
meet your views. The corps will be stationed at
Peshawar.' Now only once have I seen Napier since
we left Multan, and that but for a moment as we
crossed the Jhelum. I never spoke to him of
appointment or expected such from him, so you may
be assured such a kindly remembrance was most
pleasing. I replied thanking him, and, as he evinced
so much interest in me, I mentioned plainly that I
accepted the appointment gratefully as an opening
to some position whereby one might eventually rise.
That a second in command, though a proud position,
was not what I looked to as a finale.

"Well, now comes the puzzle. The day before
yesterday came the letter from the Adjutant-General,

who, on the other hand, promptly confronted and well beaten in a
hand-to-hand fight, seldom renews the conflict, — deeds which at first
sight may appear brutal and sanguinary, in the end may actually save
life.

Our tale is that of the Governor-General, and our narrative must
constantly keep him in sight ; but we should not for a moment imply
that the Commander-in-Chief did not throughout the day (Ferozeshah)
do all that a soldier could do.

Never, indeed, on India's fertile field of glory fought a braver
spirit than Lord Gough, and we believe that no British general in
the East ever won so many battles." (Page 298 of Essays, Military
and Political, by Sir H. M. Lawrence.)

OFFER OF PROMOTION 59

of which I send a copy. Now the advantages of
this latter are these. Young- in the service and
placed on the door of the Adjutant-General's depart-
ment unsolicited for service, so that one's rise in the
line would be certain, and in time to come I might
aspire to be Adjutant-General. Honours always
await him. Conferred on me in the manner the
appointment is, it would almost ensure active em-
ployment should an opportunity occur. Service is,
however, not likely to occur for many a year, so far
as one can judge.

"Now for the other; this morning I called on
Major George Lawrence (the brother of Sir Henry)
who had been prepared for an interview on the subject
by my friend Major Blood, an old^ schoolfellow and
Kabul ally of his. The Major said, ' I know what
you are come about. Speak freely your views and
wishes.' I did most plainly. I told him that the
advantages of both were so thoroughly appreciated
by me that the difficulties were rendered heavier by
this feeling- — that I was choosing my way in life.
Once here, I must turn my soul to the one grand
object 'Advancement.' After a most kind discussion
of the pros and cons, he said, ' My brother knows no
such thing as interest. He has carte blanche from
the Governor-General to fill up the appointments,
military and civil, from the three Presidencies. He
asked Major Napier, a man in whom he has much
confidence, if he knew of any efficient men (Bombay).
Napier mentioned you in flattering terms. I hardly
remember for which you were marked off, whether
cavalry or infantry ; but there was some talk between
them, Napier observing that he hardly thought you
would accept infantry. On that point be satisfied,
if that be any inducement. I guarantee you cavalry,
and you may be assured this is a field not lightly to
be estimated.'

"After much more in this way, I showed him
Hancock's letter. He said, ' I'll take a copy of this ;
it's handsome indeed, and does and ought to give
you a high appreciation of the Bombay appointment.'
I laughingly said, ' Why, you see, with that in hand,
I would not dive empty-handed into the water with-
out knowing the prizes at the bottom.' He replied,

60 GUJEEAT AND PESHAWAR

' Yes. You are in a position to drive a bargain^ I'll
write to my brother John, who will have more leisure
to attend to it than Henry, and ask what he can hold
out to you.' So I quitted his house. The answer
cannot be here for fourteen days. It makes no differ-
ence. I am in orders for the Brigade Majority. These
are tempting- things. In Bombay the best opening
from a professional point of view in the army. Youth
and service ; near the Chief and Governor ; at a good
station ; for the pleasurabilities, Poona has weight.
Here, what but a few months since I would have
given my right hand for, second in command of
an irregular cavalry regiment, the favour of the
Lawrences, and the door of preferment open. Many
would cry out 'cavalry'; enough for the day is the
good thereof. The command would in the course of
a few years assuredly be mine, but I think^ I may
look high ; at any rate, we are told lofty aspirations
raise the standard of the mind. Well, there is an
honest pride mingling with the feelings raised by the
position in which I now stand, which is, that it is won
solely and entirely by my own exertions. I feel that
much of this is owing to circumstances of favour
which perhaps always accompany and aid fortune's
children, yet none of it is to be attributed to outdoor
interest. That is more than satisfactory. Vanity I
have not about such things. Pride I may too much
coax perhaps."

The Adjutant-General's demi-official letter to the
officer commanding the ist Bombay Fusiliers ran as
follows : —

" $rd April (1849). — 'The Commander-in-Chief
has instructed me to acquaint you, that he has nomi-
nated Lieutenant Daly of the Fusiliers to the appoint-
ment of Brigade Major on the Establishment in
succession to Captain Stiles, appointed a Deputy
Assistant Adjutant-General, and that it has afforded
His Excellency much gratification thus to mark his ap-
probation of Lieutenant Daly's conspicuous gallantry
at Multan, both on 27th December and on the 2nd
January last, as specially reported by you and Bri-

A CAVALRY COMMAND 61

gadier Stalker, which the Commander-in-Chief begs
that you will do him the favour to communicate to
Lieutenant Daly.'"

Unofficially also came the information that he
would be posted to Poona, and at this period he
wrote home : —

" Probably after all I shall decide for Poona,
though not until I see Lawrence's letter shall I make
up my decision. In giving" up the Punjab, I resign
the political line into which I could easily get, and
once there, as Lawrence said, 'All India is open to
you.' However, 'annexed Punjab' differs from 'pro-
tected Punjab' materially."

The matter was decided at the end of May, when
Daly received his first communication from Sir
Henry Lawrence : —

" My dear Sir, — You are nominated to the com-
mand of the i st Cavalry Regiment, to be raised at
Peshawar. — Yours truly, H. M. Lawrence. Simla,
24th May."

At the same time he received a similar intimation
from the Board of Administration at Lahore, with
instructions to join and assume command of the
regiment at his earliest convenience. The other
officers were Lieutenant H. R. Nuttall, Madras In-
fantry, second in command, and Cornet H. Forbes,
1st Bengal Cavalry, adjutant.

CHAPTER IV

RAISING OF THE 1ST PUNJAB CAVALRY. ( 1 849-52.)

Account of the Corps ; sketch of some of the Native Officers ; ex-
pedition through the Kohat Pass under Sir C. Napier ; praise
from the latter ; life at Peshawar ; friendship with Sir Colin
Campbell ; return to Kohat ; inspection of the regiment ; visit to
Murree ; Colonel Mansfield ; Miranzai Expedition ; Frontier
affairs ; invalided.

"The 1 st Regiment of Cavalry* was raised at
Peshawar, under the direction of Colonel George
Lawrence, by Lieutenant Daly, a distinguished and
excellent officer of the Bombay service. The
men mostly belong to the fine race of Eusafzai
Pathans and several of the native officers are men
of good family. Within a year the corps was brought
to a high state of discipline. It was employed against
the Afridis, the Swatis in Ranizai, and in the Kohat
Pass, where its discipline and appearance attracted
Sir Charles Napier's favourable notice. It is now
stationed at Kohat, with a detachment at Bahadur
Khel. The regiment is armed, dressed, and equipped
in a style equal to the best irregular cavalry ; all
have carbines ; the horses are strong and hardy,
they are purchased from a subscription fund." Thus
ran the first Administration Report of the Punjab.

* Now styled "21st Prince Albert Victor's Own Cavalry (Frontier

Force), Daly's Horse."
02

THE 1st REGIMENT OF CAVALRY 63

The regiment was to consist of 588 natives of all
ranks, with 4 British officers ; the cost was Rs.
16,059 a month; the troopers received Rs. 20 a
month. In July 1850, Daly himself sent home the
following- sketch : —

" My regiment consists of 4 British officers and
6 troops, each with its complement of native officers
nearly 100 men, so that the corps is almost 600
strong. In India there are three distinct armies —
Bengal, Madras, Bombay— each presidency has its
separate military as well as civil government, but all
under one Governor-General. In the Bengal army
are 18 regiments of irregular cavalry, which have
been raised from time to time during the wars as
our dominions have extended. In Bombay there
are 4 of these regiments ; officered in each presidency
from the line, either rfrom a cavalry or infantry regi-
ment as merit or interest may prevail. After the last
campaign, on the annexation of the Punjab, the
Governor-General decided, on the advice of Sir
Henry Lawrence, to raise 5 regiments of cavalry and
5 of infantry. The Punjab having been conquered
by a united force from the Bengal and Bombay
armies, the Governor-General in handing over the
patronage of these new regiments to Sir Henry
Lawrence (who was appointed President of a Board
for the Government of Punjab affairs) authorised
him to select officers indiscriminately from Bengal,
Madras, or Bombay, as he might see fit. The desig-
nations of the European officers are, commandant,
2nd in command, adjutant, and assistant surgeon.
In my regiment each presidency has furnished an
officer. A strange combination. A lieutenant,
Bombay Army, commandant ; a captain, Madras
Army, 2nd in command ; and a cornet of Bengal
Cavalry, adjutant.

"In years past these regiments were embodied
with a view to induce men of birth and position, too
proud to enter the ordinary service, to embrace our
employment. The system pursued was altogether
different from that in the regular cavalry. Here a
native of good birth and character was to command

64 RAISING OF 1st PUNJAB CAVALRY

his troop, in which, of course, a number ojf his own
dependents and followers would be. His pay is
nearly ^300. He is allowed to mount a certain
number of his friends and followers on his own horses,
otherwise the horse must be the property of the
rider, who draws pay from Government for the
service and support of himself and horse. The men
arm, dress, and mount themselves, under the orders
and responsibility of their commandants. Govern-
ment provide nothing^ but pay and ammunition.

"The drill and discipline are the same as in the
line. In almost every one of these corps are men of
noble birth, whose fathers in former times were
chiefs and rulers. I have several, and more gallant
soldiers no army contains. They embrace the service
with great delight, and the conduct of these regiments
during the late wars was so excellent as to cause
much desire among European officers to enter them.
A native gentleman of birth and position can scarcely
be excelled in the dignity of his deportment.
Personally he is devotedly brave, and, as a body, with
a British officer or two at their head in whom they
have confidence, no troops could be finer. You
may be assured that the 1st Punjab Cavalry, in the
opinion of its commandant, lacks none of the
qualifications which a gallant regiment should
possess ! The raising of a regiment gives one a
great advantage in this respect ; I know every man
personally, who he is, and whence he came. Seeing
that I have enlisted the corps, they look to me and
not beyond, and so invest their commandant with all
power. The pay of each officer is consolidated (lucky
for the race of subalterns!) — commandant, Rs. 1080,
or about ^108 a month; second in command,
Rs. 500; adjutant, Rs. 500; doctor, Rs. 530."

A more detailed account is embodied in the
regimental records, taken from a memorandum which
Daly drew up for his successor, immediately before
his departure on sick leave in April 1852 : —

" I received my appointment to the command of
the 1 st Punjab Cavalry, 'to be raised at Peshawar,'

THE PATHANS 65

on the 28th May 1849, with direction to place myself
in communication with Major Lawrence, the deputy
commissioner. With him I found Forbes, the
adjutant, who had been sent with instructions to
commence work."

"As these regiments were to be designated
'Punjab Regiments,' I deemed it highly desirable to
enrol a considerable number of the Pathans of
Eusafzai and of the hills around, Sikhs and the
so-called Multanis, men of the Derajat. To bring
up Hindustanis from below was not to raise a Punjab
corps. I meant the proportion to be — Pathans, 1 50 ;
Sings (Sikhs), 100; the remainder Hindustanis,
quite failed in my efforts to gain the Multanis. I
attribute their unwillingness to very natural and
simple causes. They were invited to enter a service
in which the pay was no more than they then
received, and in which they considered discipline and
duty alike severe, for rumour had invested our
regulations with great severity ; in addition, they
were to provide themselves with arms, clothing, and
good horses. These were not great inducements for
them to quit employment about Kohat and Bannu,
where their pay was the same, though the Multani
owned only a 20-rupee pony and a family matchlock.
I regretted this failure, for they are gallant soldiers,
well used to roughing it. With the Eusafzai Pathans
for a considerable period I had scarcely any success.
They had imbibed strong notions prejudicial to our
service. They came by single files at first ; gradually,
however, this dislike was overcome, and now a
regiment might be raised in a month. In the ranks
at this present (March 1852) there are 5 Pathan
officers, 6 non-commissioned officers, and some 160
sowars. I have not known an instance among those
reluctant to enter the service from fears of its drill
and discipline express a desire to quit on experience
of its reality ; on the contrary they are quick to
appreciate the benefit of order, and, being good
horsemen, soon master every detail of drill. This ac-
complished, they are proud of their aieen (regulations).
There are some 100 Sikhs on the strength ; these I
would increase ; orderly and obedient at all times,
quiet in quarters, ready for any duty on any notice,

E

06 RAISING OF 1st PUNJAB CAVALEY

most careful of their horses ; some of the best horse-
men in the regiment are Sikhs. Of the Hindustanis
it is needless to say anything- ; their points are well
known ; there are some 280 horsemen in the corps.
There can be no better horseman (irregular) than a
good Hindustani. Their ancestors probably emi-
grated from Eusafzai. However, a good Hindustani
sowar has no fancy for service trans-Indus, when he
can find a livelihood in the provinces. There are no
inducements, nothing to compensate for the banish-
ment.

The regiment was raised unshackled by a bank,
unaided by a Government advance. From the first
issue of pay I commenced the stoppages. These I
regularly continued until the whole amount was
received from the sowars. It was well and often
explained for what purposes these stoppages were
made, and, although it was long before they saw the
result, I never heard a murmur at their continuance.
A sowar, with his carbine, accoutrements, alkalik,
and sound horse-gear, stands to pay Rs. 63. Westley
Richards supplied the carbines and Ridgeway the
accoutrements."

The account would not be complete without the
notes which Daly left on his leading native officers.
Apart from their intrinsic interest the notes give some
indication of Daly's close attention to the characters
of those around him, and of his knowledge of and
sympathy with the native of India.

" Resaldar Sundil Khan, the senior resaldar* in
the regiment, was introduced to me by a respectable
native of Peshawar in 1849. He produced several
strong testimonials of conduct and gallantry. After
I had read these, he said : ' You have seen I was a
resaldar in the 14th Irregular Cavalry. I must tell
you I have lost that position. I was tried by a court-
martial, convicted, and ruined. If you like, I will

* The relative ranks of the native officers may be taken as, Jemadar
equivalent to Lieutenant, Resaidar to Captain, Resaldar to Major,
Resaldar- Major to Lieutenant-Colonel. The native Adjutant is
styled Wordi Major.

SUNDIL KHAN 67

abide by your decision after you have heard the
circumstances, or learnt them elsewhere.' I thought
the latter the better course, so heard no more from
him at that time. It happened that Hodson * of the
Guides was living" at the Residency with me when
this occurred. Hodson was well acquainted with
Sundil Khan, had seen him on service, was aware of
his former position. From him I heard all. Hodson
is not a man to form a wrong- estimate of charactc r.
His testimony was stout in Sundil Khan's favour;
from this and other enquiries, I came to the con-
clusion that, although the offence against discipline
required his dismissal from the 14th Irregular
Cavalry, it was not of such a nature as to stain the
good character to which so many had testified, nor
to prevent his restoration to the service.

" I appointed him a resaidar ; he expressed
himself very properly and very^ gratefully; most
amply has he redeemed his promises. He raised a
good troop in his own district ; his father is a man of
wealth and position, Tahsildar t of Bahadurgarh,
Rohtak. In August 1849, he was promoted to
resaidar.

" Sundil Khan possesses excellent temper and
sound judgment ; his men bear him in much respect.
On the parade, in the field, he is equally good : his
earnest, collected manner imparts confidence to all
around him ; he is now stretched upon his bed
suffering from a sword-cut wound, received in a
gallant charge he headed at Bahadur Khel in
February last. His conduct on that occasion was
an instance of soldierly spirit which deserves being
recorded. In February, Sundil Khan was in com-
mand at the salt mine of Bahadur Khel, under
Wilde.+ The position of the encampment does not
afford much scope for cavalry ; save in two directions,
where the space is somewhat level and open, the
valley is narrow, traversed with ridges and lofty hills.
There had been many rumours of attacks, and
occasionally the piquets had been annoyed by the

* Subsequently better known as Hodson of Hodson's Horse.
t A Tahsildar is the (native) revenue officer of a tahsil, or portion
of a district.

I The late Lieut.-General Sir Alfred Wilde, K.C.B., K.C.S.I.

68 RAISING OF 1st PUNJAB CAVALRY

enemy ; although we had not suffered much loss on
these occasions, still we had failed to inflict any. On
the night of the ioth, just as the moon was peeping
out, information was received in the camp that a body
of marauders was prowling" about. Sundil Khan
volunteered to sweep round the front. Wilde directed
him to do so. Some 300 or 400 yards from home,
Sundil Khan perceived the party he was in search of,
consisting of 40 or 50 foot men. Sundil Khan had
with him 10 sowars. He quietly gave the forward
word, and with his little band plunged into the midst
of the enemy. The latter, perhaps observing the
attackers to be few, turned and made a struggle ; in
this two of the enemy were killed and several
wounded ; the party then broke away and fled to the
hills, leaving the two dead bodies. In this contest
the resaldar received a severe cut in the palm of his
hand. Karim Khan, one of the ten, threw himself
from his horse the more easily to close with his
assailant, who had wounded him ; three other sowars
met with sword cuts. Karim Khan has since been
promoted. I gave him the first vacant dafadari*

"Resaldar Jai Singh. — When I received my
appointment to the command of the corps, 28th
May 1849, I found Jai Singh at the Residency,
Peshawar, with Nehal Singh and Mahtab Singh.
Colonel Lawrence had brought these three men from
Lahore the previous month with a view to their
enrolment in the 1st P.C., then to be raised. _ Jai
Singh at Chillian served as adjutant of Khan Singh
Rosa's Musulman regiment. He was at Peshawar in
the days of Allard and Avitabile,t in the dragoons of

* A dafadar is a sergeant.

f Allard was a Frenchman who had served with distinction in the
armies of Napoleon. In company with an Italian named Ventura,
who was another of Napoleon's officers, he went first to Egypt and
then to Persia, seeking employment ; they were subsequently enter-
tained, not without hesitation, by Ranjit Singh, and did much towards
the training of the Sikh army. Avitabile, who was a Neapolitan, came
to the Punjab later ; he was chiefly employed in administrative work,
and his name is still remembered on the frontier as the iron-handed
Governor of Peshawar under the Sikh regime. For a sketch of
Avitabile, see vol. i., pages 43-46 of Sir H. Lawrence's Life of an
Adventurer, etc.

COLONEL LAWRENCE A CAPTIVE 69

the former ; first embraced servicein 1824, and was
some twenty years a jemadar. This rank he retained
under the Darbar, and was at Peshawar as such in
the dragoons of which Khan Singh Rosa was colonel
during the rebellion 1848-9. When Colonel Lawrence
was treacherously delivered over to the Sikhs at
Peshawar, Mrs Lawrence was at Kohat, under the
charge of Khojah Muhammad, a son of Sultan
Muhammad. Colonel Lawrence, finding himself a
prisoner in the Sikh camp, urged Chattar Singh to
send for Mrs Lawrence, that she might be with him.
This step was opposed by Sultan Muhammad, then
at Peshawar ; but he was over-ruled. Khan Singh
Rosa — who, during our Protectorate, had never
expressed himself favourable to us ; who, while at
Peshawar with his regiment under Major Lawrence,
had never affected to conceal his dislike at our rule —
now that Lawrence was a captive, became markedly
respectful and courteous.* Chattar Singh directed
Khan Singh Rosa to detach a trustworthy officer to
Kohat to escort Mrs Lawrence to the Sikh camp with-
out delay. Jai Singh was selected ; he went straight to
Kohat. Khojah Muhammad, on receiving Jai Singh,
affirmed he would not allow her to be removed. Jai
Singh hereupon told him at his peril to attempt to
keep her. Khojah Muhammad at last acceded to her
departure, but wished to detain her baggage, some
portion of which was very valuable. This also the
Sikh resisted : ' his orders were to bring her away,
with all she possessed.' So Mrs Lawrence was
escorted to Peshawar to the Sikh camp. Colonel
Lawrence then solicited from Chattar Singh that Jai
Singh might be attached to Mrs Lawrence's escort.
This step was refused ; his services as a soldier were
too valuable to be spared from his regiment. Khan
Singh Rosa, however, assured Colonel Lawrence that
he would place such men in attendance on her that he
might be free from apprehension. The men so placed
were Nehal Singh, now kot dafadar [troop sergeant-
major] in this regiment, and Mahtab Singh, my orderly,

* He said to Lawrence, " I have served you as governor for the
last two years as a duty, now I serve you as a pleasure, and you shall
judge how I can acquit myself." — From Forty-three Years in India, by
Sir G. Lawrence, p. 261.

70 RAISING OF 1st PUNJAB CAVALRY

the darogha of the 3rd (Jai Singh's) troop. Major
Lawrence was strongly impressed with Jai Singh's
good and respectful behaviour to Mrs Lawrence, and,
at Pakka Serai, when the Sikh power was shivered,
he desired him to present himself at Lahore. This
Jai Singh did, and so found his way back to his old
field at Peshawar. I heard this from Colonel Law-
rence. I appointed Jai Singh a jemadar from the
date of his quitting Lahore ; Nehal Singh a dafadar,
and Mahtab Singh a sowar in the regiment. Jai
Singh's knowledge and experience were most useful to
me in organising the regiment. For many years he
acted as wordi major, and in this capacity he did more
than well. In November I made him a naib resal-
dar ; in May 1850 a resaldar, his present position.
He deserves of me the best character I can give. A
stern, strict officer, he is held in much regard and
respect by those under him. In his troop are many
Pathans of the Peshawar valley and hills around ;
with them the Sikh resaldar's justice is proverbial.
During his long service of twenty-nine years he has
seen warfare in all its hues, and many a tale can he
unfold of glories departed, of the skill and valour of
Hurree Singh,* whose death he witnessed at J urn-
rood. He has profited much by this experience, has
excellent notions of discipline, and is, therefore, a
most valuable officer in the field. The resaldar is a
good accountant, and on several occasions has had
charge of the Treasury accounts. He may be
thoroughly relied on. I have never had the slightest
reason to doubt his truth.

"Resaldar Peru Khan was introduced to me by
Major Lawrence at Peshawar. He is the eldest son
of Rahmit Khan Orakzai, who during the Sikh rule
in the valley held a jagir [land grant] of Rs. 6000 a
year. Peru almost from childhood has been in the

* For details regarding Hurree (Hari) Singh Nalwa, " the Murat
of the Khalsa," see Ranjit Singh, by Sir Lepel Griffin, in the Rulers of
India Series. Hari Singh was the most dashing, famous, and skilful
of Ranjit Singh's fighting chiefs, and was adored by the Sikh army.
He was chiefly instrumental in the capture of Multan by Ranjit Singh.
He was killed at Jamrud, near Peshawar, in battle with the Afghans
in 1836. It was his son, Jowahir Singh, who led the splendid charge
of irregular Sikh cavalry upon our troops at Chillianwallah.

PERU KHAN 71

saddle ; his present age may be twenty-four or twenty-
five ; yet he was galloping about in the Khyber with
Mackeson in 1841-42. After our evacuation of
Kabul, he remained a time in Tirah ; subsequently,
not being able to squeeze the father to the extent he
craved, the boy bolted to Kabul and there obtained
some favour with the Dost. However, this did not
suit Peru long and he returned to his home. There,
amidst the Sikh Sardars, being a shrewd, clever lad,
a keen sportsman and a bold rider, ready with his
spear for a tilt, or his sword for a foray, he was petted
and his society courted. He had a place in all the
riotous dissipations. Major Lawrence assured me
there was good in him ; of his activity and smartness
there could be no doubt. I appointed him a naib
resaldar, and have never repented the act. I have
mentioned the circumstances of his early life because,
to command this man properly, they cannot be lost
sight of. It is due to him they should be known.
He has been brought up amidst strife and dissipation.
I promoted him to resaidar, February 1850; to re-
saldar, March 185 1. On the parade, in the field, he
is excellent. His ready mind quickly mastered all
parade duties ; no English officer could handle a
troop better. He is proud of his position, and
attentive to his duties. The horses of his troop are
always well cared for, for he is popular with his men,
and there are some of every class in his troop : Hindu-
stanis, Pathans, and Sikhs. He is flighty and dis-
sipated in quarters, and requires a good deal of
supervision. The more his officers see of him the
better. I encourage him to visit me ; friendship
cannot be carried too far unless it broaches on
familiarity. This is the kind of supervision I allude
to. Talk with him, laugh with him ; but never joke
about his dissipations or duty. Keep him as much
with the regiment as possible. Give him leave for a
week or a fortnight occasionally, but do not heed
his pretences for going to Peshawar. His word I do
not hold to be worth much. In the regiment there
are not more than eight or ten of his kinsmen. In the
field, on service, he will pay back all the care and
trouble he may cost in quarters. Ever vigilant,
energetic, a soldier from his birth, possessed of much

72 RAISING OF 1st PUNJAB CAVALRY

influence among the hill tribes, and conversant with
the ways and customs of all. When inclined to look
at him with the articles of war, I would strongly urge
a glance being thrown at his past life. Watch him
now, and in a few years habits will be established
which I can now observe being engendered. During
the last twelve months he has behaved steadily and
well. He is a true Pathan about money ; spends all
he can lay his hands on. Make no advances to him,
but make him pay his debts. In a scrimmage, Peru s
face by one's side would be a pleasant sight."

By the middle of October 1849, Daly was able
to write : —

"The corps is now nearly complete in strength.
We have some very good horses ; everything is
settling into order, the men being regularly clothed,
horses, etc., uniformly appointed." In this letter he
added: — "Sir Colin Campbell, who commands at
Rawal Pindi, is here in the house. He has come up
to inspect the 60th Rifles. The Horse Guardsdon't
like this being done by their own colonel, Sir H.
Dundas. He is a fine, soldierly, frank, active, old
fellow, who evidently considers himself one of a trio, of
which the Duke and Charley [Sir C. Napier] form
two. He is gallant to a degree, and an excellent
officer in all detail matters ; but whatever he may say
(and he talks well), at Chillian he committed a
frightful blunder. He commanded the division in
which poor Pennycuick's brigade was. t He it was
who advanced caring so little for his artillery.
Further, he it was (so it is reported) who suggested
to Lord Gough to fall back after the action, and thus
sacrificed wounded, dying, guns, honour, and victory.
The ground on which they were was everything that
was bad — marshy, and covered with trees and low
brushwood, and no water. But had they encountered
the distress this latter would have occasioned, the
result would have been termed a great victory,
though gained by blood and blunders."

Early in February 1850, — after being inspected
and well reported on by Colonel Lawrence, who was

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INSPECTION OF THE REGIMENT 73

accompanied by Sir Colin Campbell, now command-
ing at Peshawar, — the regiment formed part of the
force which was employed under the direct command
of Sir Charles Napier against the Afridis in the
Kohat Pass. On his return, Sir Charles addressed
the following- letter to Colonel Lawrence, on the 23rd
February 1850: — ■

"As Daly's and Coke's corps* are not my
children, I am perhaps not called on to state my
opinion of them ; but, as I reviewed them both, I
have much pleasure in saying- that they are two
excellent regiments. I really have seen none better ;
we all know that it takes more time to form a cavalry
than an infantry regiment, and Daly has got his wild
horsemen into excellent order. This regiment is
perfectly pliable and handy ; he has made wonderful
progress. Indeed, I was quite delighted with the
headlong charge they made, and it is a better style
of charge than one held too much in hand, as our
cavalry generally is, I think. In short I am more
pleased with these two young commanders than I
can well express."

That the regiment continued to merit this early
approval, is shown by the following extract of the
despatch, 17th September 1851, from the Court of
Directors : —

"This record of the sentiments of the late Com-
mander-in-Chief as to the great and rapid success
which had attended the exertions of Captain Cokef
and Lieutenant Daly to get their respective corps
into a state of discipline, is highly creditable to those
officers."

Kohat X was described in the first Administration
Report of the Punjab as "an expensive encumbrance,

* 1st Punjab Infantry, now 55th Coke's Rifles (Frontier Force),
f The late General Sir John Coke, K.C.B.

\ The best account then extant of Kohat was contained in Mount-
stuart Elphinstone's Kingdom of Caubul.

74 RAISING OF 1st PUNJAB CAVALRY

but politically indispensable, as connecting Peshawar
with the trans-Indus possessions." At about this
period it was made a separate civil charge, and was
placed under Captain Coke, who, with his own regi-
ment and a small mixed force, remained at Kohat
when the column under Sir Charles Napier returned
to Peshawar, after what Sir Charles described as
"our five days' campaign." The ist Punjab Cavalry
also remained for a time at Kohat. " Coke, who is
with us here and commands the infantry," wrote
Daly in April 1850, "is a particularly fine, high-
minded fellow ; a man of good family and sound
notions. A gallant soldier, with reading and infor-
mation not often met with. A more agreeable com-
panion I could hardly have selected. I know no man
of so logical a mind, or who can equal him in stating
a case, or in submitting his views and opinions in
conversation."

Daly's regiment shortly afterwards returned to
Peshawar.

"We arrived here yesterday morning," wrote
Daly on the 26th April 1850, "having made two
marches from Kohat. The valley we passed through
was smiling brightly with verdure and cultivation ;
the cold, brown, rocky hills rising almost perpen-
dicularly. I am in the midst of civilised life again.
In a large camp, much sounding of bugles, much play-
ing of bands. Ladies galloping and driving about.
Of course there is a pleasure in mixing in such society
again, yet I look back with much tenderness to my
residence in the beautiful valley of Kohat. So fresh
was the life, and the weather had been like fairyland."

In a letter written at this period to his brother,
he said : —

" I have ever had a kind of swimming notion that
a man rarely fails or falls much short of an object (I

SIR COLIN CAMPBELL 75

presume the object a prize for somebody) who places
it steadily before him, who in every path conforms
his steps and tends his energies to the one end. A
soldier and young-, perhaps in all India, would wish for
no better position than mine. Fortune has antici-
pated the usual rules and placed me, in defiance of
gradation, where a man may gain much, even if
ambitious, while young — i.e., if service occurred. I
am just now somewhat at sea. Now I ought to form
some fixed plan for the future. I will tell you by and
by my prospects, hopes, and dreams. If my health
fail not, I could do well. I could rise high, provided
I resolved to work on for aye and ever in this
country — at anyrate, as long as energy and activity
remained. I might, by putting this before me, gain
honours worth having. This would require fixedness
of purpose."

The remainder of the year passed busily and
pleasantly at Peshawar, where Daly established a
friendship with Sir Colin Campbell.

" I was in the habit of discussing all sorts of
events, telling and listening to anecdotes, every
morning with my old friend the brigadier."

In July 1850, Daly wrote : —

' Peshawar has undergone wondrous changes
since I first saw it. From Attock to this the country
is almost level. When we marched up in March last
year, nothing could surpass the rich beauty of all
around. It was like a flower-garden ; the flowers of
home, which we had not seen save in pots since
leaving that home. The honeysuckle and the
bramble, the daisy and the cowslip ; the men quite
shouted with delight as their eyes feasted on these
old friends. The Khyber Pass^ is about 13 miles
hence. The range of mountains had been long
visible to us, their peaks being above 5000 feet ; the
snow covered the sides at that season. On our
arrival at the first hill we had encountered for many
a day (my tower, whence I write, is within 200 yards

76 RAISING OF 1st PUNJAB CAVALRY

of it), we caught a glimpse of the mouth of the famed
Pass of Khyber. But no enemy. The valley had
nothing- but a few wretched, straggling- cattle. Dost
Muhammad had rushed through with his army two
days before. All about looked desolate and sad.
The old Sikh barracks and every place within reach
had been laid low by fire. The Afghans had spared
nothing which they had time to destroy ; they had
little doubt the British army would retain possession
of the valley. These ruins have been replaced by
goodly houses and barracks. Buildings here spring
up as if by magic. Of the army which marched up
as conquerors of the province none now remain save
a troop of horse artillery, two officers on the staff,
and myself. A general relief has taken place.

" There is no grander scenery in the world than
that which the eye can compass here. The Kashmir
range, towering in grandeur equalled by the Andes
only, circles east and west ; in many places its peaks
are so lofty that the eye cannot trace where they
end ; these mingle with the Himalayas at one end,
and are crossed at the other by what becomes the
Khyber range, running north and south. From the
Kashmir tops the snow never fades. _ The Khyber,
less lofty though glorious to view in its thousand
hues and deep ridges, loses its white covering in
April, though a few of the peaks towards Jalalabad
glisten all the year round. During winter snow falls
on the nearest range, and thick ice almost tempts
one to a cold bath by sliding and skating. # The
valley is never so green and beautiful as now in the
summer. It is everywhere irrigated Joy canals and
rivers which issue from the mountains ; these are
fed by the melting of the snow ; the water is so cold
as almost to benumb those who wade across. In
the days of Muhammadan pride, for miles around
Peshawar were gardens rich in fruit trees and shady
streams ; the peach and nectarine, the grape and the
pomegranate, the fig and the mulberry, all hang
clustering and ripening together ; nor must I forget
the apple and the quince. It is customary in the
East to take early morning rides ; during these I
generally find myself in some old gentleman's peach
garden, and never without receiving a most courteous

A KHYBER ROB ROY 77

welcome, and that too without money and without
price. By and by, as they know us better, I fear
this freedom will die away.

" For many fruits Kabul surpasses Peshawar ; the
climate there is more equable. Heat is unknown at
Kabul ; but I grieve to say our terms with its ruler
are not such as to admit of an Englishman moving
ten paces into the Khyber without a salute of match-
locks. In Kashmir also the climate is very joyous.
No sun, no heat on the hills or in the tableland to
strike the European as here in India during- the
summer. Several officers have gone up to Kashmir
from here on a month's trip, and speak in raptures of
all they have seen. With the Raja of Kashmir we
are on the most affectionate terms. But even Afridis
are sometimes quiet, and an existence at the gates of
British dominion may be commonplace, nothing-
more interesting- than cattle-lifting- or horse-stealing
going- on. I was living with Colonel Lawrence when
there was brought before him an old Khyber chief,
taken at Peshawar stealing in a true Rob Roy way.
Lawrence at once recognised him as a man of very
considerable importance, and said, 'Ah! what
brought you so far from home and on such an
errand ? ' * You may well ask,' was the reply, ' I have
been questioning myself all the morning ; but I'll tell
you :— -I have for the last six months heard men
speaking of the wealth to be had in your camp, and
no risk (for I never heard of a man having been
caught). I resisted the temptation and remained
away. Well, my fate willed that I should be
entrapped. A friend of mine came straight from
your camp to me, bringing a gun, a double-barrel,
and a brace of pistols ; he described Peshawar as full
of such spoil. I said, "I'll go down and get a gun"
(for your guns are good). I came last night. You
know the rest/ He was caught entering a tent. He
evidently considered the question like going to the
diggings."

In August 1850 : —

"Sir Charles Napier leaves India in November
never to return ; in him I lose such a warm friend as

78 RAISING OF 1st PUNJAB CAVALRY

young officers rarely have in one so lofty by position
and ability. I know him so well and he has been so
kind, more than kind, that I could say anything
to him.

" 26th November 1850. — This is one of those
exhilarating days when all nature seems bent on
enjoyment ; the birds sing and chatter ; the very
leaves of the trees flutter joyously. The clouds had
been gathering heavily for days, the mountains had
been concealed from view by the mists which hung
about ; at last came the long pent-up thunder, the
flood-gates opened. Torrents of rain, such as you
wot not of in England, fell ; and when morning broke
it disclosed the clear blue sky, with a few light fleecy
clouds, and the mountains, yesterday invisible,
apparently within stone's throw of the window ; the
ravines, peaks, and ridges distinctly marked, the tops
and sides far down covered with snow. Now all
around the snow is beautiful. On some of the loftiest
mountains the naked eye cannot trace the crest, so
purely white. You in England do not thoroughly
enjoy the blessings of life ; they are too get-at-able,
too common. I remember Fanny Kemble, in the
Year of Consolation, alludes to this, after having
travelled three nights without rest! Now in India,
after the heats of summer, and possibly the lassitude
induced by fever, one of these joyous mornirigs\
produces a grateful feeling, which hallows the enjoy-
ment. Did you ever read Fanny Kemble's A Year
of Consolation ? I journeyed the same route, over
the same mountains, perhaps in the same rickety
diligence, from Chalons to Nevers, actually in the
same steamer that brought her to Civita Vecchia :
poor dear Fanny; I have a love for her, though for
one so piquant she is somewhat fastidious ; over
anxious to parade her ' ablutions ' before the reader ;
we could have taken something' for granted! The
book would have lost half its raciness, though. I
know every stone which jolted her."

In January 1851, came the order to return to
Kohat, where the regiment was to be cantoned with
the 1 st and 4th Punjab Infantry and a field battery.

RETURN TO KOHAT 79

This move was part of the scheme of frontier defence,
in accordance with which a number of regiments were
sent across the Indus.

" Preventive measures to secure our newly acquired
territory from the maraudings of the hill tribes.
Kohat is as quiet as Carisbrooke at present ; the
mountains about are inhabited by a race little used
and less disposed to rigid rules of any right save that
of the strong arm. Nevertheless, they are wise in
their generation, and rarely strike where they incur a
chance of being struck. Cattle-lifters they are, like
the Highlanders of old ; beyond that they have no
combination, no enterprise. Jealous of their inde-
pendence, and tenacious of the reputation of which no
conqueror has ever attempted to deprive them, of
possessing homes and strongholds in the mountains
never subdued, probably never seen by any but them-
selves."

'We marched the first day 18 miles over a
beautiful road, the same which I had traversed last
February with Sir Charles in all the bristling of
expected service. The following morning at 9 we
were again away, the distance to Kohat from our
starting-place being some 22 miles. The first 7 or
8 are over a road as good as any of the down roads
in the Isle of Wight, then the Pass commences, now
narrow and rugged with precipitous, broken, con-
vulsed rocks overhanging on either side, now opening
out for a mile or two with a basin in which cultiva-
tion is carried to its utmost from the Afridi village
and hamlet by the mountain side. All was as quiet
as an > English churchyard. We got over the
mountain. without any incident occurring, and reached
Kohat about 4 p.m. As yet we are in tents ; in the
cold weather this is pleasant enough. Yet was our
residence here last February and March widely
different from now. Then scarce a day elapsed
without hearing firing in the hills ; scarce a day with-
out our being in the saddle giving chase to some
niarauder, or protecting some party or place from
incursion or attack. Sir Charles had just gone out
of the Pass, and all was in fermentation. I had a

80 RAISING OF 1st PUNJAB CAVALRY

horse always saddled ; 50 men ready at a moment's
warning-. Now we stroll about delighting- in the
scenery and the air."

In the middle of March, Kohat was visited by
Brigadier Hodgson, commanding the Punjab Irregu-
lar Force. Of this visit Daly wrote : —

"The Brigadier came in yesterday. I have been
somewhat agreeably disappointed in him. He has,
by reputation, the character of a g"allant soldier, but
a disagreeable, uncertain, domineering man ; anxious
to find fault and cautious of praise. I shall be sorry
at being- found fault with, yet not greatly annoyed,
for I am vain enough to think my regiment can bear
scrutiny ; so I am quite prepared not to suffer uneasi-
ness at his comments. He is a peculiar man this
Brigadier, by no means of an ordinary mould. He
dined with us last night ; he is stately and cold, with
dignity of manner enough for any station. Noble
and soldierly in appearance ; able and clear in con-
versation ; teeming with anecdote and observation.
He has been drawing up a report on the defence of
the frontier, and rarely, very rarely, have I read a
more masterly paper. Men in India generally write
discursively and redundantly ; subject to little criti-
cism, this naturally arises. His report is terse and
felicitous. I have been greatly struck by the keen-
ness of his remarks. He tells his story well, and often
illustrates his meaning by some well-applied and
neatly-turned anecdote. We are to be reviewed this
evening.

" igtk March. — My philosophy was not called into
play. However he might have found fault with
others, however stately and cold, he was in none of
this humour on the parade. When the parade was
over, he cantered up to me, and warmly expressed
himself in praise ; that he should be proud to bring
to the Governor-General's notice the state and
appearance of the regiment, etc. He addressed the
native officers to this effect. The next day he wrote
me, through his Brigade Major, an official letter to
the same effect, at the same time saying that as these

AT LORD DALHOUSIE'S CAMP 81

letters were laid before Government, he deemed it
better to write his opinion. That evening my old
friend Colonel Napier* of the Engineers came to
Kohat to inspect some of the works. He remained
the following- day, and rode back on the 17th. He
wished me to accompany him. I had been reviewed,
and was not sorry to come into Peshawar for a few
days to meet my old associates, and to see the
Governor-General's camp. So in I rode with him.
The day was beautiful ; the country, hills, and valleys
around green and luxurious. We rode through the
Pass at a walk, talking over all the old scenes at
Multan. I know no more lovable, upright, highly-
principled man than the Colonel. He joined the
Governor-General's camp here. Great falls of rain
have retarded the hot weather, and made such things
as fires comfortable. On the day I arrived there was
a great ball to the Governor-General, to which I went,
of course ; splendid-looking enough and dull enough,
though dancing was kept up long and late. The
Governor-General and Lady Dalhousie marched
away yesterday."

Of his return ride he wrote : —

" I cantered back here after breakfast on the 29th,
by the overhanging rocks, every one of which seems
to nod to me, their best European acquaintance. A
beautiful ride it was ; the Pass rich in beauty ; the air
perfumed with the shrubs and flowers which bedeck
its steep mountain sides. A few months ago nothing
could be harsher and rougher than this same spot ;
now green sprigs and bright blossoms encircle the
crags ; the glen was green with rising crops, every
inch has its corn blade. I came through the dreaded
Pass with a couple of horsemen. The chief of the
great clan of these mountains has a son holding an
appointment of rank and emoluments in my regiment.
The chief himself is the proprietor of considerable
estates in the Peshawar valley. As matters now
stand, in my opinion the Pass is the safest spot in
the Punjab ; daily goods and stores are being sent

* The late Lord Napier of Magdala ; at that time Chief Engineer
in the Punjab.

F

82 RAISING OF 1st PUNJAB CAVALRY

through ; yet, though robberies are common and
tolerably certain where no guard accompanies over
the plain, never has the slightest trifle been touched
within the Pass."

Early next month Daly was grieved at the
departure of Forbes, the adjutant, with whom he
had formed a close friendship, and who was not
expected to return : —

" I saw him well on his journey. The Indus, in a
direct eastern route, is 36 miles from Kohat ; the
ferry there is at a place called Khushalgarh. The
road to this latter runs, after 25 miles of plain,
through some hills and ridges for 5 or 6 miles ; their
sides presented as beautiful a prospect as the eye
could rest on. Flowers and shrubs of all colours ;
the air was laden with their perfume. One little
fellow something resembling the cowslip, with three
dark spots in its bowl, called the ' Prophet's flower,'
covered miles of rocky ground. 1 1 possesses a wonder-
fully sweet fragrance, occasioned, the Muhammadans
tell you, by Muhammad having blessed it for the
refreshing odour it gave him. Dr Ross,* Forbes,
and I galloped away from this at sunrise on the
morning of the 7th April. We had a couple of
sowars with us, and two others where we changed
our horses. After a delightful ride through this vale
and by these mountains, so variegated, we reached
Khushalgarh about 9 a.m. The Indus is a noble sight
there. The village contains but a few houses and
huts perched up on banks 400 feet above the river.
Some years ago the waters came down in a great
flood, covering the face of the land for many a mile ;
then the old town of Khushalgarh was swept away.
We had sent on servants, who had breakfast for> us ;
there, under a smith's shed, overhanging the river,
we lounged away the day, chatting and musing. In
the afternoon at 4 we crossed and cantered on
10 miles to a village inland, where we had forwarded

* The late Surgeon-General T. R. C. Ross, C.I.E., who joined the
1 st P.C. as Assistant Surgeon shortly after its formation, and was a
life-long friend of Daly's.

NEWS OF AKRAM KHAN 83

a small tent. Across the river we were in the
Punjab, out of Afghanistan ; we had quitted the land
of turbulence, rocks, and mountains ; we passed
through a sweet country. Onthis side of the Indus
every man you meet, whether in his fields or driving
his cattle, has his sword by his side ; there, no one
had arms. The spot where we stopped for the night
was exquisitely pretty. i At daybreak we were up ;
Forbes to hie on his journey to Rawal Pindi, and
thence by palanquin dak to the Himalayas ; Ross
and I to return here. Not without some choking
sensation did we shake hands."

In June 1851, some excitement was caused by
the news that Dost Muhammad's son, Akram Khan,
had come down from his post on the Peiwar Kotal
to within a march of the border near Kohat. The
hot weather, however, passed off uneventfully. In
September Daly paid a visit to Murree : —

' We mounted our horses at Kohat before peep
of dawn on the 3rd ; the ' we ' being Dr Ross and
myself and a couple of orderlies. After a merry
canter we found ourselves in the Indus ferry-boat at
Khushalgarh about 7 a.m. The sun was somewhat
glarish ; so much so that I had the prudence to take
a portion of a sowar's turban to bind round my cap
before we hied away. On the other bank of the
river we had horses awaiting us. No escort was here
requisite, and after clearing the broken banks, which
had been swept by the torrents of the Indus, the road
was excellent, no longer rocks and broken stones.
We cantered on to a village some 20 miles inland.
It was now near 10 ; there was scarcely any air
stirring. The sun was looking down fiercely from
his broad blue domain, not a cloud intervening to
soften his rays. We had accomplished some 56
miles without a halt, a considerable portion over
rough and broken ground, with a river to cross, all
in less than seven hours. We resolved to abide the
heat of the day under shelter, resuming our journey
in the afternoon. We selected a spot a few hundred

84 RAISING OF 1st PUNJAB CAVALRY

yards from the village ; a clump of trees round a well,
at which an old bullock was working a Persian wheel
to irrigate the fields of rice around. The people at
the well, who had rarely seen Europeans, you may
be sure, treated us with great civility. Fresh horses
had come on to this place for us the day previous.
The sowar in attendance on the nags had brought
biscuits, and thus, with many a draught of the
delicious, cool water, we spent the day.

"At half-past 4 we were again in the saddle ; the
road was but a sheep track, often winding through a
wild, low brushwood, with many a deep and rugged
ravine, plainly testifying the ravages which the Indus,
in its violence, has often worked far and near ; then
for a mile or two would be patches of vegetation, for
there are numerous villages and hamlets dotted about
We had fixed on a large town called ' Fattehganj '
as our halting-place for the night; this is but 33
miles from Rawal Pindi, a pleasant ride for the
following morning. The moon lighted us comfortably
into Fattehganj at half- past 7 p.m. So our day's
work of 90 miles was done ; everything had gone
well with us ; horses ready at the appointed spots,
and, despite the numerous tracks and pathways, we
had found our way without one mistake. The head-
man of the town came out to us with much courtesy
to ascertain our wants. These were not numerous ;
a bowl of milk and two charpais, literally ' four legs '
or ' sticks ' ; extraordinary want, you may think ; not
so, they are the common bedsteads on which the
people of the country sit and lay under trees and in
their houses. A draught, and a long draught, of
milk, and soon we were asleep in the open air. A
long, hot gallop does not induce hunger, and, after the
experience of many a ride, I consider milk the most
refreshing of beverages.

" We were up with the day the following morning.
The road thence to Rawal Pindi had been lately made
for the Governor-General. It was a noble, broad one.
Rawal Pindi was soon in sight, with its houses,
barracks, and buildings, and by 7 we were walking
our horses up the cantonment highway.

"At this place I saw the last of the Sikhs, in
March 1849, lay down their arms. I had not visited

THE SIKHS AND THEIR SWORDS 85

the spot since, and where I found a British canton-
ment, quietly dotted with pretty gardens, walls, and
hedges, I had seen a mighty Sikh host, covering
many a mile, with their long, tapering spears, bright
arms, and prancing steeds ; for, when we approached
where this force thronged, nobody felt assured that a
peaceable end was nigh. I have before told you of
that eventful morning when each Sikh approached
the rendezvous, laid down his sword, his shield, and
his matchlock, and received a rupee from a British
officer standing by ; for utter starvation was amongst
them ; — thus they passed on for hours, till at last the
heap of arms, some of great value, jewelled and
decorated, was as large as Carisbrooke Church !
Many an old Sikh did I see with his long, white
beard, betokening in his soldierly bearing and
carriage the pride won in the days of Runjeet, lay his
sword on the heap with as much tenderness as a
mother would lay her child in its cradle, and then
stepping back with tearful eyes bow his head in
reverence, and pay it a last farewell. It was a sight
which those who saw will never forget. There now
s. ..ids a cantonment for a large force of every arm,
though the country requires not a single soldier for
its maintenance. This force is a support for that
trans- Indus.

"Our servants, who had marched from Kohat
four or five days before us, reached Pindi at the same
time with us. We gave them a couple of days' rest
before starting them off for the mountain. We
remained until Walker * joined us from Peshawar, and
had cricket every evening. They are to have a great
match for us on our return. We left Rawal Pindi
about 4 or 5 in the evening, and cantered away
towards the hills. The first 1 2 miles a bowling-green ;
then you enter the hills ; for 25 miles, however, the
road, lately made by the Pioneers, is good and
canterable. Here we pulled up for the night, having
sent on a tent to sleep in, for no sooner had we
entered amongst the mountains than the change of
temperature became very marked. When we moved

* The late General H. Walker, C.S.I., sometime Surveyor-General
of India.

86 RAISING OF 1st PUNJAB CAVALRY

off the next morning- the road was indeed mountain-
ous ; here no Pioneer had been ; the path was narrow,
now climbing- over some rocky hill, then descending
into some deep glen to run along the mountain side.
With a clever horse or pony there was little diffi-
culty ; when the streams and springs are swollen
from the mountains their passage is not easy. The
scenery was very grand, mountain behind mountain
towering up, their sides and dells rich with every
verdure and every foliage ; then you would turn
suddenly, and find in front a range of hills with their
slopes turfy and soft like the downs of England.

"No description could give a clear idea of these
mountains. The idea I had of the place was as
different from the reality as well could be. At first I
was rather disappointed, but a further acquaintance
has changed that impression. I had fancied there
was more tableland ; that it would break more
suddenly on the sight, whereas the ascent is gradual
over so many mountains that one embraces not the
grandeur at once. There are some fourteen cottages
and houses built about, some peeping forth amidst
the forest, others perched up on the loftiest summit.
Then barracks have been built for the European
invalids. Roads have been cut with wondrous cun-
ning through the forest, along the steep sides of
mountains up which pines in every direction raise
their heads, some not less that ioo feet high; then
all about them are trees, shrubs, and brushwood, so
thickly mingled that naught of the deep, deep dell
beneath is to be seen. It is indeed delightful to walk
and scramble along with no sound to break on the
ear save the echo of the woodman's axe as it rings
through the forest. People are building about ; the
houses so interspersed make the whole very pictu-
resque. Then behind all, rising up like a ship on the
ocean, the mighty Pir Panjal range, with its never
melting snows ; for they lay on a height of 20,000
feet above the sea : we now are some 8000. There
are many ladies here. The climate is delicious ; the
air would be appreciated on the Cheviot Hills."

Daly returned to Kohat at the end of September ;
from Rawal Pindi he wrote : —

COLONEL MANSFIELD 87

" The last few days of our stay there was rendered
pleasant by the companionship of a friend of mine,
Colonel Mansfield* of the 53rd Foot, stationed here.
He has a small cottage at Murree. He is a great
ally of Sir Colin Campbell's, and as his guest at
Peshawar I had often seen him, and from circum-
stances was well acquainted with him before I had
seen him. must tell you of him, for he is a rare
character. In promotion he is the luckiest man in
the Queen's army ; thirty-four or thirty-five, and a
lieutenant-colonel ; versatile in talent and accom-

* Afterwards Lord Sandhurst. Daly's papers include a copy
in his own writing of the following letter from Sir Charles
Napier : —

"Simla, 25M April 1850.
" My dear Major Mansfield,

" I have received with great pleasure the account
which you have given to Major Kennedy of the good conduct
exhibited by the 53rd Regiment. It goes with my long fixed opinion
that British soldiers are as worthy and good as they are daring in
battle. All our conduct in every rank of life depends upon our
education. I do not mean reading and writing, I mean the education
of the minds of men ; those who have books and can read them,
educate their own minds ; those who have not books or cannot read
them, educate their minds by observation and reflection on the conduct
of their neighbours, and more especially of those superior to them in
rank, whether in civil or in military life ; and this at once brings us, if
my opinion be correct, to the British regiment. The commanding
officer influences the mess, and the mess influences the whole
regiment. A well-conducted regiment implies a well-conducted mess
of officers, and a commander who appeals to the good sense and
feelings of his men, who demands their obedience to reason, and who
reserves punishment for those perverse characters who defy all law,
whether of God or of man. These are found in all ranks of society,
but their number is few and contemptible, and it is therefore with
unfeigned gratification that I have heard of the excellent conduct of
the 53rd Regiment.

" I consider this good conduct as reflecting no less honour upon
the officer than it does upon the private soldier ; and I beg of you to
say from me to all, that, if anything can add to the pride I feel in the
British soldier, and in being one myself, it is to see such sound sense
and high feeling in those who command, and such responsive good
conduct in those who obev."

88 RAISING OF 1st PUNJAB CAVALRY

plished. He will travesty Hamlet, or write you an
essay on Military Defence; talk an essay, or discuss
the last quarterly ; turn over the leaves of Montaigne,
or play an active part in a joke. Each and all of
these he will enter into with so much zest that one
would think nothing- else ever occupied his attention.
He came down with us on the 24th ; I have been
living with him since. There is a wondrous fund of
life and humour about him. Then he is an excellent
officer, and commands his regiment right nobly,
holding the respect and regard of all. His regiment
goes to Peshawar to be cantoned, so that, when
inclined and able to get away for a change, to him I
shall gallop to rub up my intellect."

Almost immediately after his return from Murree,
Daly accompanied Coke on an expedition into
Miranzai. Sardar Muhammad Azim, the Amir's
son, had sent cavalry to occupy Buland Khel,
Thai, and Torawari. The Miranzai people then
petitioned to be included in British territory. Coke
issued a proclamation in August 185 1, declaring
Miranzai to be part of Kohat, and requested the
Sardar to withdraw. The Sardar was rude, and
attempted to create trouble. Coke accordingly
marched to the scene with his own and Daly's
regiments, the 1st Punjab Light Field Battery, and
half a company of sappers. The force proceeded to
Thai, crossed the Kurram River, and entered the
tribal country about Buland Khel. The expedition,
in Daly's opinion, was "as impolitic and rash a move
as could have been indulged in. I thought, if we
crossed the Kurram, nobody could say or suppose
what the result would be ; nothing was known of the
country, but the tribes were avowedly our bitter,
bitter foes. Lucky, therefore, in my judgment,
was the revocation of the proposition for a position
on the banks of the Kurram. The papers to this

TROUBLE WITH MOHMANDS 89

day know nothing- of where we went or what
occurred." In spite of Daly's forebodings, there were
no immediately bad results from the expedition ; and
the Kohat frontier remained quiet. The Mohmands
were, however, at this time somewhat troublesome,
and operations for the defence of the frontier to the
north of Peshawar were undertaken by Sir Colin
Campbell. Daly received from Mansfield the follow-
ing account of the proceedings, dated Dubri, the
13th December 1851 : —

"Here everything appears to be finished with the
Mohmands as a hostile gathering. Jackson, at Mutta
on the 8th, had a successful skirmish and drove them
without loss to himself, killing some ten or twelve
and wounding more. An attack was really expected
somewhere the next day. Jackson looked for the
enemy in force at Mutta : ditto, ditto the General at
his camp. I was marching from Palhee on the morn-
ing of the 8th, when I received orders to move on
the bridge of boats, with Walker's troop of horse
artillery, after the men had dined. When I got there,
notes poured in thick and fast by sowars in hot haste
from Jackson at Mutta, Hughes at Shabkadr, Sir
Colin at Mitchni. The enemy was numbered in
thousands and tens of thousands. The hope arose
in my martial breast of doing a bit of Nelson the
next day, and having a gazette of my own. So I
marched after a bivouac of a few hours to Shabkadr.
Nothing could be more bellicose than my intentions.
Information despatched at once; orders for the col-
lection of troops ; Bellona breathed flames !

"Shortly after a despatch from Sir Colin that
the fight would really come off on this day at his
camp, and I was to march with infantry and guns
as soon as I had given my men meat and (as they
are Englishmen) drink. Jackson in dismay at
Mutta!! I calmed him with the sedative of two
companies of British infantry, and marched in battle
array. The sense of hearing became painfully acute
in listening for the sound of firing, as I was to come

90 EAISTNG OF 1st PUNJAB CAVALRY

on Saadat Khan's flank with 500 of my regiment, 6
guns, and 1 50 sowars. But alas ! there was no rever-
beration in the hills. Echo still answered 'where' to
my mental enquiries, and I finally shook hands with
the General, unbegrimed with smoke and with neither
whisker damaged. The fact is that my presence at
the bridge had been felt along the whole line the
night before, as anticipated and planned by Sir
Colin, and Saadat Khan went off bag and baggage
instead of coming on, his preparations for breaking
up having been reported by the spies as the prepara-
tions for an onset. The whole gathering has, for the
moment, dissolved like snow in the sun, and the
campaign, unless things should again alter very
much, will be bloodless on our side.

' You will be pleased to hear for my sake that the
53rd marched 42 miles in thirty hours without a
straggler, and excited admiration for their general
appearance after this long trudge. The General was
particularly pleased with the spirit of the men. Our
occupation is now to finish the post as soon as
practicable, to put in the garrison, and then, I pre-
sume, to take up a more central position at Shabkadr,
till it may be safe to leave the villages to protect
themselves, with the assistance of the garrisons in
the two posts. The General acted very thought-
fully and wisely in showing more strength, as the
mountaineers were evidently quite aware that the
previous force could not protect so long a line as
that necessarily taken up for the protection of the
Doaba ; and he is, I think, much please ^ at the
result having been obtained without more skirmishing
and loss of men.

" I have a few good stories which will make you
laugh for a long hour by Shrewsbury clock, but re-
serve them till we meet at Kohat, where I shall come
and see you as soon as I am disengaged. Although
I had not an opportunity of 'blooding' the young
ones, the whole thing has been a capital bit of instruc-
tion for the regiment, which is at least half composed
of babies, officers and men, as far as field service is
concerned. The forced marching and keeping their
eyes open have been the ne plus ultra of good drill
for them, and will stand them in good stead in future."

A FRONTIER TOUR 91

Daly's health, as already mentioned, had never
been good since his return to India; he underwent
considerable exposure in the Miranzai expedition, and
at the end of 1851 he succumbed to an exceedingly
serious attack of fever in its worst form. Towards
the end of January he was sufficiently recovered to
be able to conduct his regiment at the inspection,
when it again won high praise, as shown in the
subjoined letter : —

From the Brigade Major, Punjab Irregular
Force, Kohat, No. 87, 22nd January 1852 : —

" I am desired by the Brigadier commanding the
Punjab Irregular Force to express to you his
extreme satisfaction with the appearance of your
regiment at review inspection last evening, and the
excellent and steady precision with which the
different field movements were performed. The
state of discipline, the appearance of the horses, the
steadiness of the men, and the well-appointed
efficiency of the whole regiment justify the Brigadier
in informing you that a better organised corps of
irregular cavalry does not exist in the service, and
that he most warmly appreciates the successful
results achieved by your untiring zeal and ability."

In February 1852, Daly took part in a short
frontier tour which Sir Henry Lawrence organised
for Lord Stanley,* the party including Lord Stanley,
Sir Henry Lawrence, Colonel Napier, Reynell Taylor,
Coke, and Daly. "The little tour," wrote Daly,
"was one of enjoyment; our party were like school-
boys, revelling in the delightful air and glorious
scenery." At this time there was prospect of con-
siderable trouble with the Swat tribes, and Daly

* Lord Stanley became President of the Board of Control (India)
in June 1858, in the Earl of Derby's second administration.

92 EAISING OF 1st PUNJAB CAVALRY

received an interesting" letter from Mansfield, con-
veying" his observations on the policy which appeared
to be in vogue : —

"Peshawar, 22nd March i852.> — As to you so to
us the attack on the Guide picket was at first
incomprehensible. It has had the effect of getting
up what is very like a frontier war. Mackeson
immediately invoked Sir Colin to assist him in
punishing" Ranizai, the valley whence the assailants
proceeded. Through Ranizai runs the principal road
to Swat, whence, if it comes to a fight, thousands of
matchlockmen with several hundreds of sowars will
move to help. Sir Colin took with him hence one
troop Royal Horse Artillery and two 8 -inch
howitzers ; 15th Irreg-ulars, 600 rank and file H.M.'s
32, 500 Gurkhas, a wing" 29th Native Infantry. He
was to be joined to-day by Henderson's regiment of
Punjab Infantry, so that he now has a very good
force of about 2800 infantry, including the Guides.

"The Ranizai people were called upon to pay
Rs. 5000 as fine, in default of which their villages
are to be laid waste. At first they seemed willing" to
make reparation ; but on hearing of the fine, which
we know they cannot pay, they drew back. I
presume Sir Colin will advance on them to-morrow
or the next day, and it remains to be seen what the
actual pressure of the force will effect towards staving
off a fight and destruction. Mackeson* went out to
camp on Saturday. I think there will be a fight, if
the Swatis come down in good heart. It is the old
story, forcing on war while we have peace in our
mouths, and it is a departure from the principle of
'the defensive,' for which alone there are sufficient
troops under present arrangements. I have not a
doubt that the attack originated in personal feud
between Ajun Khan and Futteh Khan, the former
being an ^--Thanadar, and having had two sons^ in
the Guide Corps who were turned out when Ajun
Khan sought refuge in Swat about a year ago. This
is between ourselves. But when we consider that
the party of hostile sowars passed all the rich,

* See pages 371-373 in Appendix C.

LETTER FROM MANSFIELD 93

unguarded villages of Eusafzai, coming 25 miles in
the plain, it is impossible in my mind to arrive at
any other conclusion.

" Instead of burning Ranizai, it would be much
better to blockade Swat, which would not be difficult,
keeping every < soul belonging to those mountains
from trading with Peshawar until the demand made
by the commissioner was fully met. I am also held
in readiness to move out to Shabkadr, should the
Mqhmands take advantage of Sir Colin being
seriously engaged on the other side of the Swat to
molest the Doaba.

! I cannot get over my old English notion that, as
Wilkes* said, the worst use you can put a man to is to
hang him, so the worst employment of a village is to
commit wholesale arson on it. It appears to me that,
by following the rude policy of our predecessors and
of hostile Afghan tribes, we are putting off sine die
the commencement of education towards a better
state of things. _ I make every allowance for the
difficulty of frontier management, and I give an
opinion with the greatest diffidence ; but of one thing
I am convinced, that we do not give our neighbours
a chance, as we are constantly violating what
would be called international right in Europe. I
consider there is an absolute want of mental, con-
stitutional preparation among our highest authorities,
who seem to me to consult a vulgar expediency,
which is sure to turn put costly in the end, instead of
adhering to strict principles, which our home rulers
are compelled to observe by the strength of their
neighbours. Now the population we are among,
though ks leaders may not be able to express their
feelings in comprehensible terms, thoroughly appreci-
ates these rights^ however troublesome they may be
to maintain, and invariably shows a proper resistance
to the invasion of them.

" Who can say that the Mohmands have not been
absolutely in the right? Their conduct has been
what we could not sufficiently applaud, had it been
that of English instead of untaught Afghan hillmen.

' I hope, my dear Daly, that now you are going
home, we shall keep up the correspondence so

* The author of the aphorism was Sir Henry Wotton (i 568-1639).

94 RAISING OF 1st PUNJAB CAVALRY

auspiciously commenced. I shall be delighted to
have your views of men and things, and in return will
not fail to keep you au courant with what is going on
in this region. Lebe wohl."

It had been Daly's wish to remain until the
following year, because he was not entitled to ordinary
furlough before 1853, and departure to Europe would,
under the existing regulations, entail loss of his
regiment. The medical verdict was, however, that
he must on no account risk another hot weather, and
he decided to depart in April 1852, being cheered by
promises of help and support from Sir Henry
Lawrence and other friends, while "even the
Governor-General went out of his way to be gracious."
Sir Henry Lawrence wrote : —

" I had hoped better than that you should be
obliged to leave us. I regret this very much, publicly
and privately. All hands acknowledge that you
have made a right good corps, and that you have done
your duty well. We therefore owe you our best
thanks, and, for myself, I shall always be glad to the
best of my power to assist your return to the Punjab."

Subsequently Sir Henry wrote that Hughes*
would succeed Daly, and added : —

"I give you the Governor-General's words — 'I
should be glad if it could be managed that Daly
should return to the corps when he recovers.' '

* The late General Sir William Hughes, K.C.B.

CHAPTER V

MARRIAGE, 1 85 2- 1 856

Journey to England ; Marriage ; Crimean War and chances of employ-
ment there ; return to India ; nomination to the Oudh Cavalry.

The wisdom of the decision to go home was soon
apparent, for, at the end of March 1852, Daly was
again down with a serious bout of fever ; indeed
his health was at this time so shattered that his
Kohat friends were very anxious as to how he would
stand the journey. He left Khushalgarh on the Indus
by country boat on the 14th April. Once started,
his spirits, always buoyant, were soon high, and he
sent back cheery accounts of his progress and occupa-
tions. ' I have had much pleasure with the Duke (of
Wellington) and his correspondence. After the
Bible, I believe that volume the best a man can
carry with him. Then a laugh I have screwed out
of Boswell." At Dera Ismail Khan he saw Reynell
Taylor,* then Deputy Commissioner of Bannu, who
was to accompany him home, and who joined him at
Karachi. Hyderabad was reached on the 30th April.
— " Had I pushed on I might have caught the
(Karachi) boat of the 3rd, and so have arrived in
Bombay in twenty-one days from Kohat." This

* The late General Reynell Taylor, C.B., C.S.I., known as "the

Bayard of the Punjab."
95

96 MARRIAGE

would evidently have been a record. The journey
down was described as "twenty- four days of quiet
Indus yacht- work, now between high banks with an
adverse wind, likely to upset my craft if an effort were
made to combat it, then again high and dry for six
hours on a sand-bank : — occasionally compassing 8
miles in twenty-four hours, occasionally 6." He
reached Bombay, with Taylor, about the middle of
May. They put up in Rampart Row, at the house of
Daly's old friend Howard, the barrister, who was
absent, "retained " by a native nobleman "ona paltry
pittance of 200 per diem. I have not seen him. He
has been suffering the 200 penalty nearly three
months." Daly's few days in Bombay were congeni-
ally occupied in the Arab stables executing com-
missions for horses from friends at Kohat. His
calculation of time required to send them up was :
" Hyderabad from Karachi, four or five days ; Sukkur
from the former, twelve days ; Multan fifteen days ; —
equal, say, thirty-five days. If all goes well, they
should be at Multan by the 10th July." Seven weeks
from Bombay, and this with friends at Karachi and
Hyderabad ready and duly warned to assist! The
instructions added were : " Detach somebody to drop
down the river from Kalabagh to Dera Ghazi Khan
■ — four or five days' work only now — and thence to go
across to Multan, distant from Ghazi Khan 48 miles —
then the horses will be safe and under proper care ;
they can march across to Ghazi Khan, and so up ; — no
guard is required on the left of the Indus."

It took twelve days from Bombay to reach Aden,
where a delay occurred which was not appreciated : —
" What a cursed bowl is this! Nothing green — rock
and rock, and then rock again — sun and glare, glare

VISIT TO ITALY 97

and sun, and then more sun. Water all brackish —
soda-water all dead — tea not drinkable — grapes not
ripe — African boys peeping- in at every corner craving
and whining."

Daly wrote a sketch of the journey to a friend in
1855:—

" Memoranda for the assistance of a Punjabi
invalid, carrying a shattered frame homewards over
the Alps, down the Rhine, and by Cologne, M alines,
and Calais, seeking rest and restoration of health in
England.

" The invalid is in Bombay : here he has to pro-
vide himself with other coinage than rupees. In the
first place he may pay down to Alexandria, even to
Trieste — the first I think certainly advisable — it
saves carrying gold, or circular notes to be exchanged
by extortioners. Pay then to Alexandria ; if the
invalid shall have resolved to follow the Trieste route,
he might pay even thus far in Bombay. _ The fare
from Alexandria to Trieste by the Austrian Lloyds
is £\£>.

"A day will suffice for Trieste. Steamers run
across to Venice three or four times weekly. The
passage occupies about six hours, Theapproach to
Venice cannot be described. Rogers in his Italy
beautifully depicts the golden glistening beams
thrown afar by the glorious St Marks. A London
tailor who was with us exclaimed, as the steamer
shot into the lagoon, ' For all the world like Batter-
sea Reach.' Yet the tailor had not seen the Battersea
view for three years. Not even the Himalayas had
so much surprised him.

"At Venice the invalid must halt. Venice,
wonderful Venice, Child of the Sea, nothing need
be said of you ! From Venice by rail to Verona.
There was an interval here of rail, which, I think,
has since been completed and now runs to Milan.
At Milan the invalid must repose — its curious
picture galleries, its heavenly cathedral, which spoils
the eye of its pleasures in viewing afterwards the
Gothic structures en route. Wait for a clear day to

G

98 MARRIAGE

ascend the tower of the cathedral : the view thence
cannot be surpassed. Italy at your feet — beautiful
cities, rich plains, and minature cathedrals right up
to the Alps ; then Monte Rosa, with its never-melt-
ing- snows ; and, if the atmosphere be clear, the
chamois may be distinguished by the sportsman !

" From Milan the invalid seeks Como by rail. We
slept the night at the littletown, and the next day
took the steamer to Beljagio^ where we landed, ran
and climbed up mountains with convents and vine-
yards hanging on their sides — returned across the
lake, were nearly upset in a storm in the passage —
sat down to an epicurean dinner in the comfortable
inn. After our feast, got into the steamer returning
from the head of the lake, were overtaken by a storm
and landed drenched with rain. The weather cleared
towards evening, and we (who had engaged a carriage
at Milan to carry us to Lucerne) started for St
Gothard.

" Now this is a difficulty — Lucerne with Lugano,
St Gothard, and the Devil's Bridge — or Lago
Maggiore, the Spliigen, and Geneva. We chose the
former, being the quicker, I think. Lugano differed
essentially from Como. I was more struck with its
grandeur than with anything I had seen before.
Stop at St Gothard. It is sorely cold. Taylor and
I ran up a considerable part of the last stage playing
at snowballs. We drank some sulphurous wine from
the Hospice, and being hungry ate some black bread
and mouldy cheese — visited some honoured and
revered bones inside, saintly bones of men and
dogs — saw two or three living canines, large and
sagacious. The descent is steep and rapid — arrived
at the stage below the Hospice, very frozen, we were
treated with great kindness — well-fed and little
charged. On again the following morning to
Albergo, and this was the first time I realised the
glory of the Alps. Ascending, I was disappointed —
looking back from Albergo and the Devil's Bridge
the mighty Alps appear. Across by steam to
Lucerne. The lake will describe itself. Guide
books will tell you every stone on its banks. From
this we travelled by diligence to Basle. Here your
Murray is of use. It points out battle-fields of old

SUSAN KIRKPATRICK 99

time. Fields of ancient fame whose stories have
been sung- by Schiller.

_ " From Basle routes are various. We went by
rail to Strasburg — the cathedral and a large French
army were seen — thence down the Rhine to Cologne ;
above Strasburg the Rhine banks are dull and dreary
— flat and uninteresting. Even within the beautiful
spots, there is much that requires a pleasant fancy
and a happy temperament. From Cologne even an
invalid may run by rail to Calais, although a pause
about Malines would well repay. I mention Malines,
but I would rest a day among the old Belgian cities."

After visiting the Isle of Wight, Daly crossed
over to Ireland, where his father had established him-
self at the old family place of Daly's Grove, 9
miles from Ballinasloe, "a big house dropped down
on the edge of a marsh." He found his father "right
well and merry ; devoted to gunnery — surrounded
by colts and horses — knows the character of every
horse within a circuit of 20 miles round." Here
Daly received with great interest accounts of the
Ranizai expedition, and his "heart ached to have
been absent." He wrote to one of his closest friends
at Kohat : —

"Well, even in the little I have seen of England,
bright and beautiful as it is — and nothing one can
conceive or remember of beauty can equal the reality
of its hedgerows, fields, and forests — I rejoice that
fortune led me to follow an energetic profession in a
land of trial. Sorrow not that fate has made you a
labourer in the world — rejoice rather."

Returning to the Isle of Wight, he was married in
October 1852, to Susan Kirkpatrick, whom he had
known from boyhood ; she belonged to that branch *

* Of another branch of this family came Colonel William Kirk-
patrick, who was the first British envoy to Nepal (1793), ar>d was also
Resident at the court of Scindia and at Hyderabad ; a most distin-

100 MARRIAGE

of the Kirkpatricks of Closeburn, whose ancestor
(a son of the first baronet) left Scotland and settled
in the Isle of Wight towards the end of the 17th
century ; her mother, a Miss Hughes, came of an old
Welsh family.

Shortly after his marriage, Daly settled down at
Shanklin, and devoted himself to hunting. During
trips to town he constantly went to hear debates in
the House of Commons, and was ''enchanted with
Dizzie's ready wit and humour — his aptitude for
repartee. I heard him shake Cobden's jacket most
effectually in a rejoinder ; his retort was so ready, so
pliant, so plausible. Cobden possesses so much
vulgarity of manner, such an arrogant tone, that
nothing but the sterling talent of the man could bear
him up."

On the news of Sir Henry Lawrence's withdrawal
from the Punjab, Daly wrote to India: "My
sympathy is with you all in the departure of Sir
Henry from the land of his own winning. He
deserves and has the love and respect of all who have
served under him."

Daly was deeply stirred by the outbreak of war
with Russia. In March 1854, he saw "the glorious
fleet sail for the Baltic. We were on board a
steamer, and had a clear view of the glorious scene
which thousands had congregated from every part to
witness. The weather suited the event — bright and
hopeful. The Queen received the old Admiral and his

guished officer — see Introduction to Vol. III. of the Wellesley
Despatches, p. 10. His brother James, who succeeded him at
Hyderabad, was also very highly commended by Lord Wellesley.
Yet a third brother, Achilles, was also President at Hyderabad, where
he contracted a romantic marriage with the daughter of one of the
Hyderabad nobles. From this marriage sprang the Kitty Kirkpatrick
who is mentioned in Carlyle's Reminiscences.

A NAVAL REVIEW 101

captains on board the Fairy, and when they had paid
their duty, signal was made by the Admiral, ' Sail ' —
so in her presence the canvas was unfurled, and ship
by ship they moved off. The Fairy remained
stationary near the Nab, and each noble vessel, as
she marched past the Sovereign, manned her yards
and sent forth a royal cheer, which was given back
from every boat crowding the water. The last to
pass was the Wellington, that stupendous ship — her
rigging was darkened with 1200 men, whose voices
resounded far and wide. The Queen thus sent forth
her fleet. Worthy of us all, was it not ? "

In May 1854, Daly went to Woolwich to witness
the launch of the Royal Albert, and there met many
friends with whom the chances of service in the
Crimea were eagerly discussed. Taylor had applied
some time previously to Lord Hardinge for employ-
ment ; the answer was that it did not lie in Lord
Hardinge's power to employ him. Since that,
however, Beatson, formerly of the Nizam's army, had
been employed with Greene, of the Sind Horse, under
him, but as yet no rank in the Queen's service had
been assigned to them. Daly had already en-
deavoured, without success, to ascertain whether or
not the Government had intentions of employing
officers from India. At the India House, Melvill,*
the secretary, said that the Company had no view of
sending forces, nor did they contemplate employing
officers as reported : — " If you wish to go to Turkey,
your course is to lay your services before Lord
Clarendon. I should think your experience is what
is required. Lord Clarendon will probably apply to

* Afterwards Sir James C. Melvill, K.C.B. ; he was secretary from
1836 to 1858.

102 MARRIAGE

us for your services, which will be readily accorded."
Daly replied : " I should be happy to go if I could be
sent in an authorised manner. I have no wish to be
an amateur." There matters rested, and his thoughts
were soon turned back to India. Amongst others
who stayed with him at this period, and on whose
advice he much relied, was Colonel Mansfield, who
was expecting to return to India unless he could
obtain employment in Turkey. Under the rules then
in force, Daly had lost his staff appointment on taking
leave, and he was anxious as to his future. In
September, however, he received reassuring letters
from Henry and John Lawrence. Sir Henry offered
to receive his wife on their arrival in India until Daly
was settled ; and sent him an extract from a letter in
which Lord Dalhousie said he would be glad to put
Daly back in the Punjab Frontier Force. Uncertain
though Daly's destination was, his wife accompanied
him to India. They journeyed by Trieste ; were
delayed a week in Egypt waiting for the mail steamer
from Southampton ; and their own steamer then took
ten days on the journey from Suez to Aden, and
twelve days from Aden to Bombay.

Arriving in Bombay at Christmas, 1854, Daly
was met with the news that proposals were before
Government for the formation of an irregular force,
to be styled "The Jehazpur Legion," in Rajputana,
and that Sir Henry Lawrence had recommended him
for the command as "one of the fittest men in India."
Disappointment was, however, in store. The scheme
for the "Legion" hung fire, and the rule as to the
number of absentees from the Company's European
regiments was in future to be rigidly enforced. The
maximum admissible number of absentees was

HOPES OF CRIMEAN EMPLOYMENT 103

twelve per battalion. The Bombay Fusiliers had
already thirteen absentees, of whom twelve held sub-
stantive extra-regimental appointments. Sir Henry
Lawrence sent on to Daly a letter from Lord Dal-
housie — "Final orders have not yet been passed as
regards the Jehazpur proposal, and I doubt whether
it can be done without reference to the Court. As
regards Captain Daly, I need not repeat the assurance
of my good opinion of him and my wish to serve him.
But I fear that at present the number of absentees
from his corps makes him ineligible for detached
employment." To Sir John Lawrence also Lord
Dalhousie wrote, on 22nd November 1854: "I have
received your letter. Your brother is well aware of
my willingness to serve Captain Daly, for I agreed
to put him back in the Punjab Force some time ago.
But Captain Daly did not return. According to the
last Bombay Army List he is not returned yet, and
at any rate there are thirteen officers absent from his
regiment ; so that for the present it is wholly im-
possible to appoint him to the Jehazpur Legion, even
if that force should be embodied." With a sad heart,
therefore, and regrets at not having delayed his return,
Daly established himself at Colaba, in a bungalow
"almost washed by the waves," and resumed regi-
mental duty.

His thoughts and hopes were now again turned
towards the Crimea, with the expectation that Indian
officers and perhaps Indian troops might yet be sent.
He wrote to Ross, who was still in the 1st Punjab
Cavalry : —

" Lord Derby, you see, urges the employment^ of
irregular cavalry from India. My deliberate opinion
is that the irregular cavalry are in every way capaci-

104 MARRIAGE

tated for such employment. With some exceptions
they possess the physique and morale to bear them
up, and I, for one, would proudly and gladly throw
in my fate with an irregular cavalry regiment in a
campaign against the Russians. I pray this may
befall me, and that, should the Government decide
on accepting volunteer regiments, I may be sent to
our old corps with an announcement that, if they
volunteer, we shall go. They would volunteer to a
man. A little selection would be required, and then
we could go with a regiment which would make one's
blood glow. Neville Chamberlain * to command the
brigade ! Does not the unequal strife in the Crimea
stir our hearts and make us long to stand by them,
overburdened, overborne by toil and numbers."

To another friend he said : —

' To be doing nothing in these days is an affliction.
I question whether a good appointment in India
would satisfy me, and certainly no employment has
not a soothing effect. When I left England,
Company's officers were discouraged from going —
now immediate promotion and the prospect of further
is painted up to tickle their fancy. It is possible
Lord Panmure, in his desire to do that something
which the people so shout loudly for, may ask Lord
Dalhousie to detach officers from India. I resolved
to meet the possibility, and on the arrival of the last
mail I wrote to Courtenay, the Private Secretary,
begging him in such an event to name me as ready
and proud to serve either with or without Indian
troops."

The reply from Courtenay was that Lord Dal-
housie had as yet received no requisition, but would
bear in mind that Daly was a volunteer for the
Crimea. To his old friend, General Vivian, Daly
also wrote that he was ready to join him at the
shortest notice, and had some hopes of success. ' I

* The late Field-Marshal Sir Neville Chamberlain, G.C.B., etc.
— afterwards a close friend of Daly's.

"LOTS OF LITTLE EMPLOYMENT'' 105

would rather go there for service than fill the best
appointment here now."

In April 1855, the Fusiliers moved to Karachi.
In May Sir Henry Lawrence wrote to Daly : —

"As far back as August last, I wrote to Lord
Hardinge recommending a Turkish contingent, and
mentioned your, Taylor, and Lumsden's names.
Some months ago I told him and Lord Dalhousie
too to consider me a volunteer ! "

In August, on seeing Colonel Mansfield's appoint-
ment to the mission at Constantinople, Daly sought
his advice : —

" I long and long to be where men are
working and where work is followed by honour."
"Mansfield," Daly gratefully tells, "wrote to me on
the day my letter reached him — kindly and fully —
counselling my remaining in India — he thinks the field
was great had I come at first, and writes kindly touch-
ing his help should I pitch his advice over and cast
my bread on the waters — and very tempted did I feel
to do this. Had I been alone, there would have been
no hesitation, no delay."

This was in early January 1856. He was in better
spirits. The acting appointment of Brigade-Major at
Karachi had given him "lots of little employment"
for a couple of months; and he felt "the tide was
swelling towards him," and should reach him before
Lord Dalhousie's departure. As to absentees from
his corps the ground was at last clear, and he wrote
this to Sir Henry Lawrence. "His reply came by
return of post — kind and curt as usual : ' By this
day's dak I have written sending extracts of your
note, and shall be as glad as ever to get the legion
and you too.' ' The answer to Sir Henry was, ' He
is provided for." Meanwhile Daly had received two

106 MARRIAGE

telegrams from the Viceroy's Private Secretary : " Go
to Agra " ; and, " You are to command Oudh Cavalry."
The quickest route to Agra was by sea to Calcutta,
and Daly set out at once, leaving his wife at Karachi,
where a few days later was born her second son, to
whom Sir Henry Lawrence was godfather.

CHAPTER VI

RAISING OF THE I St OUDH IRREGULAR CAVALRY,

I856-I857

Lucknow ; Mrs Daly's journey there ; formation of the Corps ; Sek-
rora ; the Persian War ; Gaieties at Sekrora and retrospect on
the fate of some of those present ; the outlaw Fazl Ali ; appoint-
ment to the Guides ; visit to Sir Henry Lawrence at Lucknow ;
Agra.

It was at the beginning- of February 1856 that the
Proclamation was issued which declared that Oudh
was henceforth to be incorporated in British India.
Sir James Outram, who was at the time the Resident*
at the Court of the King of Oudh, thereupon became
Chief Commissioner of the new Province, and among
the measures ordered for the administration was the
enrolment of an Irregular Force. It was to share in
the raising of this Force that Daly had been
summoned from Karachi. He reached Lucknow
just as the Annexation was announced, and was very
kindly received by Outram, who told him his was the
first name that Lord Dalhousie had put down for the
Force, and that, when Outram asked for a Brigadier
of Cavalry, Lord Dalhousie said, "No, I mean Daly
to have the organisation and command of three regi-
ments with his own." This intention was not carried
out, as Lord Dalhousie laid down the Governor-
Generalship on the last day of February 1856, and

* He succeeded Colonel Sleeman in the appointment in 1854.
107

108 1st OUDH IRREGULAR CAVALRY

unforeseen difficulties * arose on the score of Daly's
want of seniority. He was, therefore, left with the
command of the ist Regiment only. He had with
him as second in command Captain W. T. Johnson,
who had served in the Crimea with the 20th Regi-
ment, and had fought at the Alma and Inkerman ; and
as Adjutant Lieutenant Hope-Johnstone, who, how-
ever, was invalided in May ; Surgeon Greenhow, from
the Mhairwarra Battalion, was the medical officer.

Mrs Daly left Karachi on the 18th February
1856, made a short stay with friends at Bombay,
sailed thence on the 5th March, and arrived at Cal-
cutta on the 1 8th. On the 21st she left Howrah by
train, reaching the terminus, Raneegunge, the next
morning. The onward journey, which was by dak
carriage, she thus described : —

"A dak ghari is a long wooden carriage, with
Venetians all round for windows and awnings, which
stretch out beyond them. A small trunk and hamper
of necessaries are packed on the roof; there too the
khitmatgar or butler travels. Inside, two people lay
at length on the bed, which is put on the board seats ;
propped up by pillows, one can be very comfortable ;
there is a well beneath, and a cupboard with shelves
at one's feet, and a net from the top in which one
stows away all one's things. From the first, such
battles with the horses took place, that had I not been
pretty well drilled to a quiet sort of faith that ' it will
all come right ' with a vicious horse at last, I know
not what 1 should have done. One horse at a time is
put in the ghari ; he goes 4 miles, then is changed.
Every fresh horse resists to the uttermost making

* As soon as Daly had obtained his Captaincy (1854), he was
recommended for a Brevet Majority on account of his services at
Multan, and Lord Dalhousie specially interested himself in the case.
Some technical difficulty arose, and the step was not granted. A
further reference home was then made on the subject, and the matter
was still undecided when the Mutiny broke out.

MRS DALY'S JOURNEY 109

a start. The coachman whips and swears (I have
no doubt) in his language ; _ men seize the horse
by the head calling him every imaginable bad name ;
others bind ropes round his legs to pull ; half a dozen
seize the wheels to force the carriage on. At last,
after a long battle, the horse almost always yields and
canters off at a good pace for 4 miles. Then the same
scene occurs again. It is tiresome to people who
want to sleep, and every stoppage brings a crowd of
applicants for bakhshish. Then every night there is
an hour or two lost in stopping to grease the wheels ;
the coachman never will manage to get this done at
the place where one stops for the day. I usually
travelled from 5 o'clock in the evening to 9 or 10 the
following morning. There was always _ great diffi-
culty in persuading the horses to go up hill ; to make
amends, they galloped doivn the steep roads, with no
protection to prevent our going over the steep banks
into the ravines below, at a pace that would astonish
people at home.

"Some time in the second night we passed a
river, then a shallow stream, but which in the rainy
season becomes a powerful flood ; the horse was
taken out and the ghari dragged through by men.
It was a picturesque scene, two round mud towers
stood on the banks of the river, one on each side. A
number of natives were collected at the ford^ bullock
carts, ekkas, and men on horseback ; the hills were
dimly visible, closing in the scene ; a young moon
scarcely gave a light, though she cast a long line of
silver on the water ; on the opposite bank a fire was
burning, with natives grouped around it. Towards
morning we reached the Saone ; the horse was taken
out, and the carriage dragged through the dry sandy
banks and bed of the river and across the bridge of
boats by bullocks. A long, wearisome business this.
The sun was high when we reached Sasseram.

"The next night brought us to Benares; we
reached the holy city so very early that it was too
dark to see anything. We left on a hot, dusty
afternoon about 5 o'clock ; reached the shores of
Jumna before daybreak ; dawn came on as we
laboured over the bridge of boats. The aspect of
Allahabad in the early, hazy dawn was very pleasing ;

110 1st oudh irregular cavalry

the mud walls looked quite imposing- ; the little
temples by the water's edge, the groups of cattle on
their way to the jungle, and the boats floating lazily
out for their day's work were very picturesque. We
drove to a large, good, European hotel, intending to
have an early breakfast and then go on for a stage or
two. While at the hotel, I sketched from the balcony
a view of the Jumna, with a distant glimpse of the
Ganges at the junction of the two rivers ; the fort,
grey with the morning fog, and some of the curious
boats, which I sketched carefully — little houses with
thatched roofs built in them, with the most extra-
ordinary arrangement of masts and poles — made a
good subject. We started again soon, and stopped
for the day at a bungalow in a grove of beautiful
acacia trees, which looked most green and pleasant
through the sultry day. In the evening we were off
again ; by starting early and staying out late, we
managed to reach Cawnpore about 1 1 on the 29th."

Daly met his wife at Cawnpore, whence one more
stage of dak ghari brought them to Lucknow. She
thus concluded her description of the journey : —

" We reached Lucknow early, passing innumerable
mosques and temples with tall minarets, crowded
bazaars, etc. As we drove out of the city into the
open country I was charmed with the aspect of the
Dilkusha Park through which we passed ; the road,
wide and good, ran through beautiful trees ; we
passed the Dilkusha Palace, a handsome house
resembling a French chateau, approached by long
flights of steps with pillars and balustrades and
strange looking little pepper-box turrets and grotesque
statues ; a very favourite resort of the king, whose
private property it has still continued. About a
quarter of a mile further on we passed through a
handsome but dilapidated gateway, with a broken
statue of a man and a stag on the# top of great iron
gates well rusted on their hinges, into the Bebiapur
Park. Here the park was more like a forest.
Magnificent mango trees, pipul, acacia, banian,
many of which I knew not the names, grew here in
strength and beauty. We soon reached the encamp-

<2,

o
z

us
u

D

IN OUDH 111

merit, for as yet the men have no huts — their tents
pitched about under the trees, horses picqueted near,
the sowars in white with scarlet turbans and cummer-
bunds (sashes), the camp followers with coats and
scarves of every hue, the little fires on_ the ground
with women cooking- chupatties, naked children rolling
and playing- beside them. All this had a wonderfully
bright and pleasant effect. We passed another gate-
way, where the guard house is, and drove up a slight
hill to the Bebiapur Kothi or house. I was charmed
with the aspect of the large, comfortable mansion.

"From the flat roof of the house there is a very
extensive view* for miles around in every direction
over the flat but beautifully wooded scenery. The
domes and minarets of Lucknow rise above the
waves of foliage formed by the trees of the Dilkusha
Park. Dilkusha Palace, nearer to us, is distinctly
visible, so are the Martiniere (a college founded by
General Claude Martine, a French soldier of fortune
who rose to be a general in the late JKing of Oudh's
service), and a garden called the Vilaiti Bagh (foreign
garden), a very favourite place of resort with the
king. The Goomti winds away into the distant
plains, sometimes spreading out into wide sheets,
where it flows close by Bebiapur, a narrow but deep
stream. Little villages with flat-roofed mud hovels
are dotted about among the mango topes (clumps),
herds of cattle graze on the plains, whilst already the
patches of cultivation show where the harvest will be."

It was in Oudh as it had been in the Punjab :
commandants had to make their own arrangements
for arms, uniforms, and accoutrements. Daly had
his previous experience to guide him. He wrote off
at once to Ross, his great ally in the ist Punjab
Cavalry, who was then at home : —

" Now you must help in a business matter. First
the leathern accoutrements. Ridgeway shall supply
them as before, and I want them begun without

* This description is of interest as the Bebiapur House was Sir
Colin Campbell's headquarters during the final attack on Lucknow
exactly two years later : see page 191.

112 1st OUDH IRREGULAR CAVALRY

delay. Will you see whether patent leather would
not be better. The pouches were too large before ;
we had to cut them down. Put this afloat at once.
About carbines I will write more fully next mail. I
incline to think Sam Browne's method of slinging"
preferable. There are two great advantages arising
therefrom : the barrel up and the length increased
without inconvenience in carrying, and with much
advantage to the weapon. I would go to Westley
Richards. He has a wider repute, and can afford to
turn them out cheaper than Greener." In July he
sent another letter: — "I wrote you a line about
carbines in March. Subsequently Outram told me
to wait until the matter had been referred to the
Government as to whether they would provide them.
Of course the Government expressed astonishment,
and now I have drawn up a paper for you which I
think will enable you to form an opinion what you
should do, as I leave all with yourself! This Pritchett
rifle-carbine is a beautiful weapon, and would enable
us to go anywhere and hold any post ; 10 a troop,
the best shots in the corps. Look at the belts ; there
must be a small cap bag, which I have not ordered,
and which before we were obliged to get from Cawn-
pore." Lengthy was the correspondence with England
on this and similar details.

Concerning the enlistment, Mrs Daly wrote : —

" Every morning men and horses come to be
selected for the regiment ; they assemble on the open
space before our house. The horses, wild-looking
creatures, neighing and prancing, covered with all
sorts of bright-coloured saddle-cloths and scarves
from their noses to their saddle-girths ; men from all
parts of India : Afghans and Pathans, with their
large loose trousers, loose white linen coats, and
curious erections and scarves on their heads : fine-
looking Sikhs : Hindus and Muhammadans. Many
of the men of Henry's old regiment have come down
seeking service. He would like to raise his regiment
of north country men, but the order is to enlist men
of the King of Oudh's regiments. An hour or two is
occupied by Henry in inspecting these candidates,

THE NEW REGIMENT 113

making them put their horses through all manner of
evolutions to prove that they can ride ; listening to
their tales, reading their papers, etc."

As to the progress made, Daly wrote to Ross on
the 31st May 1856 : —

"When first I came here, Outram restricted us
to men of the old cavalry of the Government ; a
miserable lot. At my intercession he opened the
door a little to allow half a dozen non-commissioned
officers to be brought from other cavalry. I have
Ghulam Mohi-ud-din, Ram Singh,* and two or three
old friends now on their journey. Sundil Khanf
wishes much to come, and I will gladly take him, if he
can get leave. I have about 300 men now ; some
very fine: they move tolerably well even now. I
have parade every morning at daybreak, drilling and
parading them en masse directly they have learnt
right from left. Burnett is selecting Sikhs for me. I
will have a troop of them.

" i6tk July 1856. — The regiment is now nearly
full. Sundil Khan is to be transferred ; Ghulam
Mohi-ud-din + and three ^or four others are here. I have
made our old friend Ghulam Mohi-ud-din a jemadar.
Salar Bakhsh,§ from the Guide Corps, comes as
2nd resaldar. I tried to get him in 1849 with
Sobhan Ali, but Lumsden would not let him go. He
is a fine, handsome-looking, soldierly fellow, up to his
work. All the native officers I have here command
troops well. The regiment begins to move in
excellent order ; 3 strong squadrons. I shall make a
good corps. I have the same uniform as before.
Scarcely any alterations wrorthy of remark. The
clothing is now being made up in Bombay ; it will be
shipped to Calcutta for about Rs. 30, and in addition
to being superior in quality will be cheaper than
anything I could get here.

"The climate of Oudh is very much that of

* See page 118 (note). t See pages 66 and 151.

\ Mrs Daly noted in 1859, "This man was faithful when all around
were false, and died of wounds, fighting on our side, at Lucknow." See
also page 175 (7th Sept.).

§ See page 241.

II

114 1st OUDH IRREGULAR CAVALRY

Bengal, I should think. Moist, very moist. It
must be salubrious : the race of people one sees about
look so stout and robust ; so different from the fever-
smitten inhabitants of the Punjab during- August and
September. The rains have not been violent hitherto ;
ever longer than twenty- four hours at a bout.''

"23^/ September 1856. — The regiment will be
first-rate : it is finer as a whole than the 1st Punjab
Cavalry. The men I have taken by single files, and
all have passed the ordeal. Horses good. I mean
it to be the finest irregular cavalry in India, and so
it will be."

In the autumn the regiment was sent to an out-
station. Daly was offered the choice of Sekrora or
Pertabgarh, and chose the former, which is about
50 miles from Lucknow. He relieved the 5th
Irregular Cavalry, under Macdonald, who had built
good lines, for which Government gave funds. The
73rd Native Infantry had just left, and the garrison was
for the future to consist of a regiment of cavalry, one
of infantry, and a battery, all from the Oudh Irregular
Force. The march was made early in October
1856:—

"The roads are but tracks," wrote Daly, "and
these have been carried away by the heavy rains.
We remained encamped in a pretty spot on the banks
of the Gogra three days while the regiment passed
over in boats ; this was a slow process, as at the Ghat
the river is a couple of miles in width. From the
Gogra to Sekrora is but 16 miles, but a meandering
river, the Surjoo, runs between ; this and the Gogra
would delight the heart of any fisherman ; fish of
every kind and of all sizes. Shortly before leaving
Lucknow there was an inspection of my regiment.
A thunderstorm came on just as we were mounting.
When that had cleared off, there was not^ much
daylight left. However, the Brigadier and his staff
had come, also a friend of mine, a cavalry Brigadier,
who had courteously ridden over 10 or 12 miles to

PROGRESS OF MANSFIELD 115

be present. All went off very successfully ; the
regiment gave great satisfaction, even to me ! The
old Brigadier expressed much surprise and many-
congratulations, and concluded by saying he would
make a special report to Government of the manner in
which I had brought the corps into an effective state."

In November 1856, Daly wrote : —

" I am in an incipient trepidation about this
Persian affair. I have written to the Lawrences to
keep me informed should there be aught to move
from the north-west. I should strive hard to find a
place should any force move up to Kabul ; and, if it
be intended to afford the Dost the help of arms, there
it will be applied ; but I cannot see how such things
can be, and peace reign in Europe with Russia.
Persia must have Russia's aid or she will not move
her smallest puppet. I see Mansfield in the Gazette,
rank of Major-General while employed on particular
service in Poland. What means this ? "

" jtk December 1856. — I see Mansfield is widening
his footing at home ; Consul-General at Warsaw.
He has ability for any position, and that which is of
more use in many cases than even talent itself (though
in fact it is one of the greatest of talents), tact.
Whether his ambition is for soldiership or diplomacy
I know not ; possibly he has chosen the latter. He
is an excellent linguist, familiar with German and
French, and I rather fancy has some knowledge of
Italian. His mind is quickly applied to any point;
then he has cultivated penmanship, and can express
his ideas (and those of others too) clearly and
pointedly. Mansfield may choose his course now ;
rise he certainly will.

" We have war on our hands here without being-
aware of it. Dost Muhammad is now at Peshawar
at a conference with John Lawrence. John, George
writes me, is as much opposed as the other two
brothers to the aid of money and supplies which has
been sent to Kabul. Lakhs of everything — rupees,
muskets, ammunition — have been forwarded, and
by and by, if actual warfare with Persia be the
result, a force will go to the shoulders of our ally.
Should that be, may I be there to see.

116 1st OUDH IRREGULAR CAVALRY

" 2%rd January 1857. — Since last writing', Johnson
the second in command, has started for Bombay.
He telegraphed Outram for employment, and got it,
' under Jacob with Arab levies.' I would have offered
to join Outram, and I have reason to believe that
my offer would have been accepted, but I could not
do so without knowing the result of my Punjab
attempt. At first, in common with everyone in
India, I thought the Bushire attempt must end there,
or, as before in '38, at Kharak.* Now it is evidently
otherwise. The work will be there, but still I am
inclined to believe that the Dost is to be supplied
with officers as well as money wherewith to play our
game. In such event my chances are good. My
corps is a very fine one, and should no card turn up
trumps to get me away, I shall volunteer with the
regiment and plead hard. Here I cannot abide while
the great game is played out almost within hearing.

" ytk February. — Lumsden tells me the resolution,
after endless darbars, is that neither officers nor
troops are to advance, merely money and a mission
to Kandahar, with a vakil at Kabul. He and his
brother, with Cox the doctor, compose the mission,
and their duty will be to see that the Dost keeps up
an effective force with the 1 2 lakhs which he is to get
annually while the war lasts ; rather than that should
cease, the old fellow and his adherents could afford to
pay Persia half. A few days since came a letter from
George Lawrence to the effect that Sir Henry,
instead of starting for England according to his
leave, had, at Lord Canning's urgent request, laid
his dak for Lite know, where he will be in a few days.
Sir Henry's advent is, of course, a matter of rejoicing ;
for me, however well inclined, he can do nothing in
Oudh, and in Oudh I want nothing except to be
helped out of it, and that help I shall ask of him.
Since my last we have had the kind, gentlemanly, old
Brigadier here reviewing us ; he was very warm in his
admiration of the corps, which is indeed a fine one."

* Kharak Island was occupied by an Anglo-Indian force in June
1S38, evacuated in March 1842, reoccupied in December 1856, and
again evacuated in March 1857, on the conclusion of hostilities with
Persia. See Lord Curzon's Persia, vol. ii., p. 405.

LAUGHTER AND DEATH 117

On the z,oth January 1857, Mrs Daly wrote : —

"Mr Jackson, the acting Chief Commissioner, is
coming- here in afew days with his two pretty nieces ;
there are five ladies in this station and two at Gonda,
15 miles off; it is decided that there are enough to
get up a dance, and we are all highly busy now
planning- how it shall be." Two years later, after her
return to England, she noted : — " I remember well
how gay and merry we were preparing for that party !
The kutcherry, or court-room, which was to be the
ball-room, being whitewashed and decorated ; the
stands of arms, banners, and garlands of flowers that
adorned the walls, the tents to be pitched, and the
supper devised and cooked. Before many months
were over how many of that little party had died a
violent and dreadful death. The two fair girls for
whom it was got up, encountered a fate * one shudders
to think of. The bright, joyous Madeline indeed
was spared after months of intolerable captivity and
hardship; but Georgina, the gentle, lovely, elder
sister, it is believed was murdered, together with poor
Mrs Greene, after escaping from Sitapur. Mr
Charles Boileau, the clever, agreeable, young civilian,
who was believed to be the favoured lover of poor
Georgina, murdered in a few weeks only by Fazl Ali ;
the first of the awful scenes of horror of that dreadful
year. _ Mr Longueville Clark, t Mr Bax, both dancing
so gaily that night, soon to meet a bloody death, with
many others then present. But then we knew nothing
of coming horrors. All was gay and everyone
cheerful, and the little ball, got up in a rude out-
station, gave more pleasure than many a grand
entertainment.

" Next night we were all asked to dine with the
Chief Commissioner in his tents : then came the first
shock. News was brought that Fazl Ali, a noted
outlaw, had plundered some Government thanas
(police posts), murdered some villagers, etc. I was
puzzled at the consultations of the gentlemen. Next
morning I learnt that a 'daur,' or chase, had been

* See p. 209.

t Killed at Byram Ghat in June 1857, when endeavouring to
escape.

118 1st OUDH IRREGULAR CAVALRY

decided on, and that Henry was going with a party
of thirty or forty sowars to join a detachment of
Captain Miles's regiment which had marched from
Gonda. Next day was spent in selecting men and
making arrangements ; in the night he started off in
pursuit."

On his return, Daly wrote the following account of
his proceedings : — •

" gth March 1857. — I rode in from Nanparah,
about 70 miles distant, by moonlight on the night of
the 5th. The pursuit was vain to effect capture; it
proved to the people, a quiet race beaten by fever,
that troops were never far from them ; their awe of
Fazl Ali is such that no one would reveal a word of
his movements, though he is as well known through-
out the district as was Rob Roy on his heather.

" 10th March. — Thus far I wrote yesterday. A
tragedy most grievous this desperado has now
effected. Boileau the civilian (Deputy Commissioner
of the District), with whom I went to Tulsipur, was
murdered on the 7th or 8th ; the particulars of the
occurrence have not yet reached us. Yesterday I
received a note from Boileau, dated 6th, telling me
that the outlaw had again evaded the pursuit, and
had made his escape into Nepal. Boileau left a body
of men, and with an escort of six and a jemadar
moved along the forest side to Tulsipur. What took
place I have not yet ascertained.* Boileau was not
thirty years of age, of a sweet and engaging disposi-
tion, of a most kindly, generous temperament,

* On the 19th March Mrs Daly wrote : — "Every day brings fresh
accounts of the terrible affair. Poor fellow, he was brave and rash,
and rushed on his death as it were. He came suddenly on Fazl Ali's
party ; he had but half a dozen men with him, these he separated and
placed as sentries round the little village in which Fazl Ali was.
Ram Singh, whose portrait hangs at home, alone remained with him.
Whether he meant to wait till Lieutenant Clarke, known to be near,
came up with his party, or what, none knew. He was discovered ;
suddenly a volley was fired from behind some buildings. Mr Boileau
fell from his mare exclaiming, ' Oh Ram Singh ! I am killed.' Another
Sikh, Bhugwan Singh, came up ; together they lifted the Sahib's body
on to his horse ; it fell off. Bhugwan Singh appears to have gone

Ram Singh, as a Dafadar im the ist Punjab Cavalry,

[To foe, p. 118.

FAZL ALT THE OUTLAW 119

possessed of excellent talents and of great persever-
ance. He was active and gallant, confiding and
unsuspicious. Such was the fine English gentleman
cut off by this fellow. Many a tale of bold, reckless
ruffianism is told of Fazl AH. His headquarters for
years have been along the Tulsipur and Nandparah
forest, and when pressed he has taken to Nepal.
The Rani of Nandparah was constantly at war with
the Raja of Tulsipur. Fazl Ali was occasionally on
one side, occasionally on the other ; but, wherever he
was, that side had the prestige of success. After the
annexation he went into Nepal, but of late has
returned to our territory, and some horridly bloody
murders have been committed by him.

"On our arrival at the scene of his depredations
scarcely a word of information could we procure.
However, with some sixty sowars I made a forced
march to the end of the first ridge of hills where the
Raptee jerks round the Valley of Nepal to flow into
our territory. Here the hills sink into the plain,
which is a dense forest. Goolerie, marked in the
map, is a small space cut in the woods where the
cow-herds bring their cattle to graze ; here we found
clear and recent traces of the fugitive, but the^ same
silence amongst the people ; not from disaffection to
me, but from the awe of him and the fear of his
revenge. This was his old haunt ; here there was no
food for man or beast, but what we had brought with
us. I attempted to cut him off. I dismounted thirty
Sikhs and Hillmen, and sent them up the pass which
leads us into Nepal. These men took with them their
swords and carbines, and a little flour ; their trip was
vain. We marched to the Nepal border, and had a

away. Ram Singh went in search of the other sowars to endeavour
to persuade them to bring off poor Boileau's body ; he could not
induce them to venture. The firing was close and heavy, the- Sahib
dead, and they had but their swords. Still Henry is angry, and says
they shall leave the regiment for deserting the body. Ram Singh
returned alone and stood by the Sahib's body till he had four bullets
in himself and his clothes ; one in the wrist disabled him, but he made
his escape. He went to Ghulam Mohi-ud-din, a resaldar who was at
a village with a detachment not far off; they returned, but could not
find the body, and Fazl Ali had gone off. Afterwards the body was
found and sent into Lucknow for burial."

120 1st OUDH IKREGULAE CAVALRY

communication with their posts, very friendly. We
have since this captured one of his followers, who tells
us that, at Goolerie, we were within bowshot of Fazl
Ali, who, until our arrival, did not know of the pursuit.
The forests are so dense that I soon saw cavalry was
useless, no good till dismounted. I represented this
to the Chief Commissioner, and suggested some
movable parties of infantry, each of thirty or forty
volunteers without baggage or uniform, being dotted
about, with spies attached and ready to move any-
where. This has been acceded to."

On his return Daly found a telegram from Sir
John Lawrence offering him the command of the
Guides during Lumsden's absence with the Kandahar
Mission. This he gladly accepted. Sir Henry
Lawrence wrote to him on his way to Calcutta, from
Calcutta, and again from Agra on the ioth March
1857, the last letter running as follows : —

" I received your note this evening, and am send-
ing on to the Private Secretary what you say about
Forbes,* with a request that he may get the corps.
I am glad you are to get the Guides, but am sorry to
lose you. I am to be at Lucknow on the 20th,
Cawnpore 19th, Mynpoorie 18th. Don't pass me.
I propose, after a week's stay at Lucknow, to look
round the Province, and looked forward to having you
a good deal with me, and to Mrs Daly taking care of
my niece, whom I hope soon to get down from the
Punjab; but you will be better beyond the Indus,
and far be it from me to stay you.

" Your picture of Oudh politics is not pleasant. I
am not wise to go there ; but I suppose I am right to
go as my whole heart was bent on yoing home, and I
have five medical certificates. Come to Lucknow
about the 22nd, if you can without inconvenience.

* Forbes had been Daly's adjutant in the ist Punjab Cavalry, and
was at this time serving with one of the new corps of Oudh Irregular
Infantry. He succeeded Daly in command of the ist Oudh Irregular
Cavalry, and rendered excellent service during the defence of
Lucknow.

SIR HENRY LAWRENCE 121

At anyrate, don't pass me on the road. I want to
make Mrs Daly and my godchild's acquaintance."

In response to this invitation, Daly met Sir Henry
on the 20th March at Lucknow, where Mrs Daly and
her child arrived three days later, and were cordially
welcomed by Sir Henry, whose guests they were in
the Residency. Mrs Daly's account of the visit may
be quoted : —

"24M March. — We came in here last night.
There are no other visitors, so we have the whole
suite to ourselves. Four good-sized private rooms
opening into a large but scantily furnished sitting-
room ; beyond that the billiard-room, from which the
staircase descends. Sir Henry Lawrence is a most
charming person ; his manner so kind, so cheerful, so
affable, it sets everyone at his ease ; he is full of life
and animation, ready to talk on every subject grave
or gay, and so sympathising with all. He is worked
hard from morning to night and often looks ^ sadly
weary, but he is hospitable and sociable in disposi-
tion, and likes to collect people around him. I have
just had a visit from our old friends Colonel* and
Mrs Case, whom we knew at Karachi ; his regiment,
the 32nd, is here ; they marched right across country,
Mrs Case and her sister, Miss Dickson, riding the
whole way on horseback. I do regret leaving Oudh
just as Sir Henry has come.

' 1st April. — We are still here, urged by Sir Henry
to remain till Captain Forbes arrives. We have
everything to make the visit pleasant. Gay dinner
parties every evening. It is my business to write the
invitations ; Sir Henry sends up the cards of all the
people who call upon him, and desires that all may be
asked to dinner. I have to arrange them as well as I
can. Sir Henry has a habit of leaving all the minor
details of his household to anyone about him who
will take the trouble to attend to them. Now Henry
manages for him ; has bought the furniture, carriage,
horses, arranged the servants. The Khansamah

* Killed at Chinhat on 30th June 1857.

122 1st OUDH IRREGULAR CAVALRY

(head servant) comes to him every day for orders for
dinner. I don't consider housekeeping- his forte ; we
have very bad dinners often, but Sir Henry cares
nothing- about this, and the servants soon find it out.
Then there is never any knowing how many guests
will be present. One day I had sent out cards for a
small dinner of fifteen ; about two hours before dinner
George Lawrence came up to tell me his uncle had
forgotten to mention that he had invited about twenty
others in addition.

" Henry is evidently a great favourite with Sir
Henry, and this is very gratifying- to know. He
sends his bearer to call him at daybreak to go out
riding-. Sir Henry is most carefully inspecting the
city and making- various alterations and arrange-
ments. When they come in, Sir Henry has his easy
chair, books, and a cup of tea in the verandah, into
which our rooms open. Our little one has already
grown quite familiar with his godfather. Always
good-natured and kind to children, Sir Henry takes a
great deal of notice of him ; the child runs up to him
without hesitation, pulling his coat, touching his
book ; I rush out to fetch him in and apologise ; but
Sir Henry laughs, and says, ' I have had little children
of my own.' In the afternoon we usually drive out
with Sir Henry, and return to dress in a scramble for
dinner.

"6/// April. — Colonel Edwardes* is here. I am
rather disappointed in him, having always looked
upon him as a great hero. He may have been hand-
some once, but is stout and rather coarse now with a
very Jewish cast of countenance ; but I do not per-
ceive what other people complain of — great vanity
and contempt of other people's opinion. I was at
church, and stopped with Sir Henry and Colonel
Edwardes for the Sacrament. It is a long time since
I had the comfort of receiving that, or of being at
church at all. When we came in, I found Henry had
returned from Sekrora, where he had gone for a day
or two.

"Mr and Mrs Christian t are here; he is very

* The Commissioner of Peshawar, afterwards Sir Herbert
Edwardes.

t Both killed at Sitapur, 3rd June 1857.

FESTIVITIES AT LUCKNOW 123

clever, his conversation very interesting". She is a
delicate, gentle, young- woman, pretty and pleasing,
and beautifully dressed. Dr Ogilvie and his wife are
also here. The breakfast is the agreeable party
here ; a meal that lasts from 10 till 1 2 o'clock. Gentle-
men constantly dropping in ; the conversation animated
and pleasant, a great contrast to the usually vapid
discourse one hears. Sir Henry himself so spirited,
so agreeable in discourse ; Colonel Edwardes, Mr
Christian, Dr Ogilvie, my Henry, all clever men
and quick in conversation. Major Banks * is often
here. Colonel Goldney,t the Commissioner, is stay-
ing here; Captain Hayes + and many others con-
stantly coming.

"One night there was a performance of amateur
theatricals, with a ball afterwards, at the Residency
in cantonments. Soon afterwards Sir Henry gave a
fete to the men, women, and children of the 32nd
Regiment. Henry had all the arrangements to make
with Colonel Inglis. The entertainment was given
in the Dilkusha Park, near the Martiniere. There
was dinner for the men and their wives, and a
collation, iced champagne, etc., for the Mite, who
were all invited to be present; afterwards games,
races, feats of horsemanship exhibited by the men of
Major Gale's § regiment. In the evening a dance by
moonlight out of doors. One evening Sir Henry
drove us out to see the dear old house at Bebiapur.
Another evening we went to the Martiniere. Each
day was fully occupied. Sir Henry hates state, and
does not even like driving with four horses and being-
attended by horsemen and flags ; but this is necessary
for the Chief Commissioner's dignity. I had no time
for fresh sketches of the picturesque city. The view
from the top of the Residency is more beautiful than
I can describe. Countless mosques and minarets on
all sides ; the bright green trees which intersperse
them ; the winding Goomtee ; the vast expanse of

* Killed in Lucknow, 21st July 1857.

t Killed on the Gogra below Fyzabad, 9th June 1857 : see Kaye's
Sepoy War, vol. iii., pp. 460-467.

% Killed on the Mynpoorie Road, 31st May 1857.
§ Killed at Rai Bareilly early in June 1857.

124 1st OUDH IRREGULAR CAVALRY

richly wooded plains ; even the city looks beautiful
when one is far above the dirt. In the fresh early
morning- or by the sweet calm moonlight it was
inexpressibly lovely. One day I spent with the
Gubbins ; Mrs Gubbins is a very nice person ; I like
her and the Ommaneys * very much.

" \2th April.— Still at Lucknow. We have been
rather doubtful about undertaking the long, expensive
journey, now that the Persian War coming to a close
makes Major Lumsden's return probable ; but Sir
Henry advises Harry to go, saying, 'the Guide
Corps is the most honourable appointment a man of
your standing can hold, and if you lose a little money
now, you will find the advantage by and by.' Fazl
Ali is killed ; at least so it is hoped and believed.

"A native gentleman here takes photographic
likenesses, and has done several of Henry and me
and baby. Whilst he was trying baby, Sir Henry
came up to inspect. We persuaded him to sit for his
likeness f (he had always a great dislike to being
taken) ; the darogha was very successful.

"Sir Henry had a most romantic attachment for
his wife, who has been dead about four years. She
was, I believe, a talented and accomplished woman,
well worthy of the love her noble husband bore her.
One day Sir Henry's bearer called Eliza (maid) into
his master's room, while he was out for his morning-
ride, and showed her a portrait which Sir Henry
always wore round his neck ; by some chance he had
taken it off that morning and left it on his dressing-
table ; it was a miniature of Lady Lawrence taken
when she was a girl, a pretty fair girl with long curls ;
the bearer said he had never known his master leave
it off him before. Henry, who knew him before her
death, says that, cheerful as he is, there is a great
change in him. He certainly, more than anyone I ever
knew, gives one the feeling of living for another world ;
he is perfectly cheerful, active, and interested in this,
yet every now and then some little observation falls

* Mr Ommaney was killed early in the siege of Lucknow.

t The well-known portrait of Sir Henry, seated, in a black coat
with the Star of the Bath, and wearing a cloth cap, was probably taken
on this occasion.

COLONEL EDWARDES 125

from his lips which proves how fully he is imbued with
the feeling of the transitory nature of our present exist-
ence, how perfect is his faith that the real^ life is to
come. A deeply religious man, attached himself to
all the ordinances of the church, he is towards others
most tolerant and charitable in thought and deed. A
noble Christian hero in every sense of the word. His
munificence in all charitable institutions is the wonder
and admiration of all who know him ; yet he himself
never seems to think he has done more than his duty.
He is economical in his personal habits, yet most
liberal to others, exercising an almost boundless
hospitality, fond especially of collecting young people
about him and not despising any of their amuse-
ments. I shall leave Lucknow with regret, for I
have many pleasant acquaintances here, and many
with whom I am sure I should soon be very friendly.
" 16th April, Agra. — We left Lucknow on the
night of the 13th- 14th. Very sorry to depart, both
of us, and I believe Sir Henry was sorry we should
go ; he came out to see us off, and seemed quite
affected at parting with Harry." *

At the same period Daly wrote : —

"Colonel Edwardes is palpably a man above the
mark in talent ; makes good hits and points in con-
versation ; he is subdued and somewhat grave ; has
somewhat the affectation of dignity. He has grown
stout. He has a fine head and features like a Jew. In
early youth he was frolicsome, gay, and witty ; he seems
now to have a puritanical conviction that such things
are unbecoming. He is a religious man, carefiri of
forms, and inclined somewhat to give out his opinion
on controversial matters. He is friendly and polite

* That Sir Henry appreciated Daly is indicated by his mention of
him in his essay on "The Indian Army," written in 1855-56, where,
in speaking of the training of the native cavalry, he says, "An
inspector is wanted ; not an old Royal Dragoon officer, but a first-rate
irregular officer — a Jacob, a Chamberlain, an Anderson, a Daly, or a
Malcolm. A man, in short, who will go on common-sense principles,
keep the men out of debt, insist on rational reform and rational
treatment." (See Essays, Military and Political, by Sir H. M.
Lawrence, p. 412.)

126 1st OUDH IRREGULAR CAVALRY

to me, yet I do not warm to him. He is_ somewhat
diplomatic, and less straightforward than is pleasant.
Unlike our noble, high-minded host, whose heart
is full of true religion, whose mind is cultivated and
generous ; who is conversant with the history of the
world, and the nature of men ; keen in observation ;
quick in temper ; a rare creature, made for love and
honour."

On leaving Lucknow, Daly and his wife proceeded
by Cawnpore and Mynpoorie to Agra. On the 16th
April Mrs Daly wrrote : —

"This evening we drove out to see the Taj, with
which we were indeed delighted ; well worth the
detour of 70 miles to see it. Grand and solemn the
vast fabric of white marble looks rising up amidst the
dark foliage. Our first glimpse from the road as_ we
approached Agra did not give one an idea of half its
beauties, its solemnity. Seen by twilight the grand,
pure, massive structure impresses one with awe as
well as with admiration. All seems so chaste, so
pure, and so mighty ; so separate from the dust and
turmoil of the busy world # around. Two hundred
years have passed over this unequalled monument
raised by love, and still the tomb of Shah Jehan and
his beloved wife rises in unsullied splendour with a
grandeur and solemnity all its own.

"We reached the outer gate just as twilight was
coming on, the moon shining above the dome. The
view up the long avenue of yews, with the marble
tank and marble paths on either side, to the Taj
itself was impressive to the utmost. We walked up
these marble roads ; on either side marble paths
branch off, and one has glimpses of gardens and
bright flowers carefully kept beneath the shade of
the mango groves. At the end of the avenue we
ascended a flight of stick steep steps and came cm the
spacious marble platform on which the Taj _ itself
stands. From each corner of this platform rises a
marble minaret. It is all marble; marble every-
where ; the purest and whitest being reserved for the
tomb, with its smooth, vast dome. I cannot tell you
how this uniform, grand simplicity of material adds

DELHI 127

to the solemnity of the whole. Opposite the avenue
by which we approach, the platform rises from the
river. On either side of it, at some little distance, are
handsome buildings in red stone, with white_ domes ;
but one's attention is riveted on the pure white tomb
itself. We enter it ; a vast domed apartment, with the
most wonderful musical echo in it I ever heard. All
beautiful white marble above, around, and under one's
feet, except where chapters of the Koran, in Arabic, are
inlaid in letters of black, and the ornamental inlaying
of gold and jewels and precious stones on the tombs
themselves and the screen which encloses them. The
tomb of the Empress occupies the centre ; that of
Shah Jehan is by her side. The screen around the
tombs is the most wonderful specimen of open-work
carving in marble that I ever beheld. After all, the
real tombs are in a vault exactly beneath those one
sees on entering, and exact facsimiles of them, inlaid
jewel-flowers and all.

" 1 7th. — Early this morning we were up to pay the
Taj a second visit. Beautiful as it is by daylight, I
think one does not feel the same awe and reverence
as by moonlight. Afterwards we visited the fort, a
place of great strength, and the famous Moti Musjid
(Pearl Mosque), also built by Shah Jehan ; very
beautiful, but not comparable to the Taj. In the
fort we saw the ' Gates of Somnauth ' ; old worm-
eaten things, not worth the fuss made about them."

Delhi was reached on the 18th April. Here they
halted but a day, meeting an old home acquaint-
ance who "talked a good deal of the disaffection of
the troops, etc.," though it does not appear that the
matter was regarded as of immediate importance.
The 20th saw the little party at Umballa, whence, on
the 2 ist, Daly started for Lahore. His wife and
child left the same evening for Simla ; by mid-day on
the 22nd they reached Kasauli, of which Mrs Daly
wrote : —

"We stopped to dine at the dak bungalow,
where I took a sketch of the Lawrence Asylum, about

128 1st OUDH IRREGULAR CAVALRY

a mile distant. This institution, as you know, was
founded by Sir Henry Lawrence for the benefit of
the children of the European soldiers. It gives life,
health, and a good education to hundreds of poor
little creatures, who, but for this refuge, would die or
grow up in sickness and all kinds of evil. Sir Henry,
besides founding it, gives 10,000 rupees annually for
its support ; 5000 rupees to another branch at Mount
Abu. His brothers all subscribe nobly, and nearly
every officer in the army subscribes according to his
means. When we were at Lucknow, Sir Henry
snowed Harry a statement of his accounts, saying
many accused him of reckless indifference about
money. During the last four years he has subscribed
to this asylum and different charitable institutions
,£10,400 (ten thousand four hundred pounds)."

CHAPTER VII

THE GUIDES AND DELHI — I 857

Journey to join the Guides. Outbreak of the Mutiny. Neville
Chamberlain. Discussions at Rawal Pindi ; Sir John Lawrence ;
Herbert Edwardes. March of the Guides. Arrival at Delhi ;
Battye killed ; Daly severely wounded ; reinforcements ; con-
flicting intelligence ; intended assaults postponed ; death of
Barnard, Reed succeeds ; Chamberlain wounded ; Reed invalided,
Wilson succeeds ; letter from Havelock ; arrival of Nicholson ;
news of Sir Henry Lawrence's death ; Najafgarh ; siege train
arrives ; capture of Delhi ; loss of Nicholson ; Guides return
to Mardan ; their casualties ; acknowledgments from Court of
Directors.

Daly's journey from Umballa to Lahore, 212 miles,
was done in twenty-one hours by mail-cart, stoppages
for post offices and changes of horses included : —

"Grand going, wondrous whipping; desperate
driving in the darkness of a dark night across narrow
bridges of boats, through long and dreary tracts of
land laid waste by the torrents of the mighty rivers
which tear through the Punjab — bumping, twisting,
plunging, rearing, tearing — on, on through the night.

" 22nd 'April. — Reached Lahore about 10.30 a.m. ;
went to call on Sir John Lawrence, found him in
his office without coat, shirt sleeves tucked, burly-
looking, amidst a heap of papers. He was very
cordial and frank, pressed me to come to his house,
and later came and fetched me in his buggy.

" 2$rd April. — Had many familiar chats with my
host : his mind had much of the same bearing at
Sir Henry's : he is prompter and harder, less sucil-

129 r

130 THE GUIDES AND DELHI

vated, has not that generous delicacy, the great char-
acteristic of his brother. Sir John is doubtless an
excellent Government servant — energetic, bold, and
vigilant — with his command is none of the love and
reverence which bear so much sway in Sir Henry's
case.

" 2\th April. — Edwardes arrived. He is more
familiar with Sir John than with Sir Henry — he
seems to suit his manners and his affection to the
distinct characters. His influence with both is great.
Great with Sir Henry, because Sir Henry believes
him a man of great ability, ruled by the highest and
purest principles ; whereas with Sir John it is the
energy and adaptability of Edwardes which win
their way — the common-sense, active commission
John works to.

" 25M. — Started for Jhelum at noon ; crossed the
Chenab with two very intelligent men 'on the
Telegraph,' who had come down from Lahore to see
the cause of a stoppage in the communication. I
was much struck with these grammar-indifferent but
clear-headed fellows, possessed of a knowledge and
wielding it with an ease most enviable. Road bone-
breaking. Crossed the bridge of boats at a rattling
pace, recognised the Field of Gujerat and refreshed
my memory. Jhelum 106 miles ; entered the
melancholy Doon about midnight.

" 26th. — Reach Pindi, about 60 miles, at 8 p.m.
Kindly welcomed by Miller.

"27^/z. — -Remained chatting with Miller and his
pleasant, cheerful wife till 6 p.m. Started on a horse
of his and rode the sixteen miles, and then to my
doolie den.

"28///;. — Reached Attock at 8 a.m.; morning air
cool, atmosphere clear ; felt quite touched at crossing
the old river and saluting again the old familiar hills,
with the light so clear on them that every fissure was
bare to view ; reached Nowshera in two hours ;
found Holmes-Scott,* boisterously pleased to see me
— had long chats. Reached Mardan about sunset."

* Of the 55th Native Infantry, which relieved the Guides at
Mardan on 13th May, and mutinied just afterwards ; all the officers
were saved except the colonel, who committed suicide.

'

. / ^/ a irreucc
( lolime I . H A f ir/irti/y/cJ ( / //•. Mcnrii Juturrence

ry

NEWS OF THE MUTINY 131

The officers present with the Guides were Battye,
second in command ; Kennedy, Commandant of
Cavalry; Hawes, Adjutant; and Stewart, Assistant
Surgeon.

The news of trouble at Meerut reached Edwardes
at Peshawar on the night of the nth May; next
morn he heard of the Delhi outbreak. He telegraphed
to John Lawrence proposing- to form a movable
column of Her Majesty's 24th and 27th, the Guides
and some irregular cavalry. On the morning of
the 13th, a bare fortnight after he first joined the
corps, Daly received the news of the mutiny. He
wrote in his diary for that day : —

' Heard at 8 this morning that the 55th Native
Infantry had marched from Nowshera at gunfire to
relieve the Guides at Mardan. About an hour after-
wards received an order from Colonel Edwardes to
move without delay with the corps into Nowshera.
A private note * explained : open mutiny at Meerut

* "Private. — From Edwardes.

"Peshawar, xzth May 1857.

"That you may better know how to act on the enclosed instruc-
tions to move to Nowshera, I write privately to tell you that
telegraphic news of open mutiny among the native troops at Meerut
having reached us here to-day, we think a movable column should
be assembled in the Punjab to get between the stations that have
gone wrong and those that have not; and put down further dis-
affection by force. It is obviously necessary to constitute such a
column of reliable troops, and therefore it has been proposed to get
the Guides and Her Majesty's 27th together without delay as a part
of the scheme, and, if these plans be matured, you will probably have
to close upon Her Majesty's 24th and the Kumaon Battalion at
Pindi, and there be joined by an irregular regiment from Kohat or
Bannu, and perhaps more of that good quality. The 55th Native
Infantry have therefore orders to receive charge of Mardan from you.

" If these arrangements take effect, you will have the most
important service before you, and though painful, one that you will,
I feel sure, find usefulness and honour in. The disaffection seems
to have gone too far to be talked down ; and Government must look
now to men who can and \s\X\.put it down."

132 THE GUIDES AND DELHI

and elsewhere ; reliable troops to be collected and
moved off towards Jhelum. No more scotching- the
snake. No more concessions and sympathetic
speeches, drawing- tears and fanning- the flame, but
treason and mutiny to be met by sternness and force.
Handed over the fort, and marched at 6 p.m. with
about 150 cavalry and 350 infantry. Reached
Nowshera at midnight. Two hours after received
an 'urgent' to proceed forthwith to Attock to relieve
the three line companies in charge of the fort, and
hold it until the arrival of a detachment from Kohat.
Marched accordingly at daybreak. The men had
had nothing to eat (the Ramzan) during the previous
day, and were much distressed during this burning
march : ere we reached Attock the heat was trying-.
We crossed the Indus soon after 10 a.m.

"15^. — Chamberlain cantered into Attock this
morning. The General of the division was passing
through, and it was settled that we should move on
without assuming charge of the fort at all. 1
was pleasantly disappointed in Chamberlain ; found
him neither punctilious nor pedantic ; a resolute,
thoughtful soldier ; neither brilliant nor cultivated,
but sensible, grave, and solid, much impressed with
the state of affairs, but looking at them manfully.
The General, whom we went to see, a poor, weak,
old gentleman in H.M.S., of a very different temper
and style ; frivolous in all points, petty, with no grasp,
no knowledge ; writing little notes to subordinates
with much care and little grammar. Swam the Indus
last night and again to-night ; the current was strong-,
and I found I had no spare strength on my return.

" \6th.- — Boran, 32 miles from Attock Marched
at 2 a.m. in the midst of a sweeping-, violent dust-
storm, after which the air grew cool. Many of the
men very sore-footed from that hot, long- march from
Mardan to Attock, but all cheerfuland making light
of their work. The Punjabis paying back to India
all she cost her by sending troops stout and firm to
her aid. Bugle at midnight, move off at 1 a.m.

" 1 7th. — jani-ki-Sang, 32 miles ; a pleasant march,
reaching our ground about 8 a.m. My own opinion
of the present state of affairs is this. Many fine
fellows may fall victims ; but, ivithout some terrible

AN URGENT MILITARY COUNCIL 133

blow, Government would never set about the radical
reform necessary. But for the belief that revolution
was impending, no Reform Bill would have been
carried in England ; but for Lord Howe, the Mutiny
of the Nore would have destroyed our fleet; but for
Sir Charles Napier, England, in the north at least,
would have seen a bloody civil war in 1839. Now
the danger is faced and, however much it may spread,
it will be put down, to the benefit of the army, in
this way that it is well, even at the expense of pain
and suffering, to eradicate a spreading ulcer. This
is our case in India, and has been for many a long
day. The day has come when we have strength,
and peace without.

" \%th. — Started at 1 a.m. Overtaken within 4
or 5 miles of Pindi by Edwardes, travelling down in
a buggy to consult Sir John. I jumped into the
buggy and went with him to Sir John's — reached at
5 a.m. Chamberlain in bed at the door. Sir John,
in bed within, called us and began conversing on
affairs with his old frankness and cordiality. Affairs
are bad. The Punjab Ruler full of pluck and energy,
and but little different in demeanour. The telegraphic
messages from all quarters were detailed. Those
from the Chief read the worst. He is evidently
embarrassed and not buckling to with the mighty
emergency. Destruction at Delhi most ruthless,
most horrible. Meerut, strong in British troops,
shows the worst front. If a cantonment with English
infantry, dragoons, and artillerymen - — in all at
least 1 600 strong — is unable to make play and break
through the contemptible network, what can be
expected where no English troops are ? India holds
not 28,000 of our countrymen in all.

"Sir John Lawrence made me stay with them —
the two rooms in common — Sir John, Edwardes,
Chamberlain, James, and myself. Heard the
arrangement at Peshawar by which General Reed
was impounded to > the chief command in the Punjab.
Edwardes and Nicholson, feeling they could best
guide in the storm, and that the military disposition
could not be theirs without a plan, resolved on calling
a council — - the General, Brigadier Cotton, and
Chamberlain (in the secret). When they were

134 THE GUIDES AND DELHI

assembled at the old General's table, Edwardes stated
the case : the broad mutiny, the necessity for
immediate action, and the cordial co-operation of all
in authority : that to give this authority a point —
proposed that the General should assume the chief
command in the Punjab. The old General, in his
sleeping- drawers and slippers, looked puzzled and,
almost before he knew what had taken place, the
proceeding's were on paper ; orders out for the
movement and collection of troops at various
positions. Native troops suspected of disaffection
at Peshawar were then and there directed to proceed
to hold forts underneath the hills ; the Guides to
start forthwith, the European corps to be in hand.
Even at the last, the old General looked bewildered
and puzzled, with a doubting pride, which, however,
found no vent in language. The Chief sat presiding
in silence while these efforts to save India were
manfully and nobly made.

"Sir John Lawrence's messages to the Com-
mander-in-Chief pass beyond frank advice or even
entreaty — 'Act at once, march with any body of
European troops to the spot, and the danger will
disappear. Give it time, and it will flame through
the land.' The Chief is in a strange land — ignorant
of the troops, unaccustomed to military action in
times of emergency, and consequently he hangs fire.
Hence troops not disloyal become sulky and ready
to burst forth and join their for the nonce companions
triumphing in mutiny. No news from below Delhi for
days ; but five corps of European troops between
Meerut and Calcutta. The strength in the Punjab
is with us; a large body, some 12,000 British
soldiers ; no finger will be raised, no shot fired while
their shadow is on the land ; the disaffection which
influences the native soldiery here is but the echo from
below — the smoke of the fire below. It is on this
ground where we are strong that we must be careful
of throwing away our strength, or of so using it as
to show our weakness where no British troops are.
Hence I strongly counsel that no native troops in
the Punjab should be disarmed unless an overt act
of treason has been committed ; to disband a whole
corps on suspicion of bad faith, or even on conviction

"THE DICTATOR" 135

of its existence though not displayed, would be to
turn the whole army against us. Many there must
be from various causes and failings who are wishing
to join in the outburst — to disband would thrust these
into the flames and, when no controlling European
power is in the Cantonment, the native powers will
act in open sedition, seeing the fate those in our
power have met with. Chamberlain felt this, and
remarked that we must act in our strong places for our
comrades in weak positions. We should not, unless
compelled, do where we are strong what they can't
do — for us to put out our strength may and would
bring vengeance and destruction on them.

"All these matters were freely discussed, and
perhaps this feeling at last influenced us in not
seizing the artillery (native troops) guns this evening
as it was intended I should do with the Guides. The
Guides to go on as fast as possible towards the scene,
preceding the columns. The Chief informed of our
advance. Even amidst all the grave affairs
Edwardes' wit and humour sparkle. He has named
the old General 'the Dictator.' In the sort of
Council of Discussion at Sir John's, the line of
operations was fixed on, papers actually written by
Edwardes, and then the remark — ' Now let us send
for the Dictator.' Thus, cut-and-dried affairs are
put affirmatively to the General. Dreary these look
to-day. Disaffection threatening among the troops
in the districts. Sulky obedience at Sialkot ; open
insurrection at Ferozpur. Communications cut off
from Meerut — no posts or telegraph from below — the
Commander-in-Chief hesitating and nervous, with-
out plan or purpose. All will go right by and by.
The struggle will not swamp us, but open our eyes.

"igth. — Matters are brighter to-day. Nicholson
with two squadrons arrived. Chamberlain to com-
mand the Movable Column over several seniors ; he
did not covet the appointment, which was, in fact,
Edwardes' suggestion to 'the Dictator.' Sir John
saw the corps this morning ; most kind about all
matters connected with the march and comfort of the
men ; even the smallest things were thought of; spoke
very kindly on all matters. The Guides to be
augmented should I retain the command ; it will

136 THE GUIDES AND DELHI

now become one of the finest in the country.
Mighty must be the changes after this in the
organisation of the force. God see Sir Henry
through, then my hopes for India and for us all
will run high. .

" News less gloomy from below, though increasing
anxiety over the Indus; the troops there are power-
less for ill ; they without their officers would be cut
up on an announcement being made that the hill
tribes were at liberty to plunder them. Agra safe—
this is a mighty matter. I could not hope this. The
fort was in the hands of native troops and the only
European corps distant from it. However, the
saviour of India, the telegraph, brought us word,
'Agra safe,' ' Moradabad safe,' ' Bareilly safe.' Now
my anxiety is for Lucknow — there the burden of
trouble and woe may be great. Sir John, full
of pluck, fearing no responsibility; without com-
munication or means of communication with the
Governor - General, he has raised and is raising
large bodies of troops, passing all the best corps
of the Punjab Irregular Force towards India,
urging and entreating the Commander-in-Chief to
move. Affairs are brightening. All the old Sikh
Sardars have come forward proffering their swords
for us — not one noble, not one cultivator of the land
has joined the rebels. There is no feeling in the
country as yet, nor will any be roused, provided a
single blow be struck and quickly struck. Matters
may be bad for us, but with good European trooos
and noble artillery, even if all the native army fell off,
we could hold our own till succour should reach from
home. Nothing but a disaster could effect that
reform in our army which is so urgent — which has
been so often and often forced on Government. The
letters and messages which come in to Sir John
prove how many are the gallant and noble sons
England has in this grand land. ^ Weakness and
folly are abundant, but it makes one's heart gladden
to feel how stout and high the minds of many.

"I am much struck with Chamberlain; lofty,
high-minded, bold as a lion, no fire-eater, but with
calm, resolute views, knowing the occasion and the
trial.

EDWARDES AND CHAMBERLAIN 137

"Great is Edzvardes tact, great his ability, power-
ful in language, fertile in resource, willing- and
humorous, able to throw fun and give life to the
heaviest and darkest matter. He is very witty in
his observations about the Commander-in-Chief
(General Anson) — 'John, send a message thus: —
'From Chief Commissioner, Punjab, to the Com-
mander - in - Chief, wherever he may be hiding.
Major A. See Rule 16.* When in doubt play a
trump. Carry out your principles. We, the council,
headed by the Dictator, do hereby depose General A.
from command of the army, and place in his position
Lieutenant MacAndrew (who went near Delhi to
reconnoitre), with the rank of Archbishop."'

" Edwardes is very plucky, clever with temper ;
bending people to his views without appearing to
care about it ; very lively ; different in every respect
almost from the man we saw at Lucknow. Now he
is natural.

:< I see Sir John, though throwing himself aside in
a hundred trivial points, leaving their decision alto-
gether when Edwardes and Chamberlain, yet fixes
himself on certain points with a manly and gallant
heart, most kind, most cordial, courting debate, open
toconviction, and willing to concede or change, when
this latter weakens not the whole ; rather than risk
this, he would stick to a small error.

u20fk. — Reached Mandra, 20 miles, at 5 a.m.,
having marched at 10 p.m. last night. Great diffi-
culty in keeping awake ; obliged to get off and walk,
that succeeded in making me hot ; mounted again,
nearly off, eyes closed of themselves. Halt for ten
minutes, Battye and Hawes on the ground (rocks)
asleep before stretched out. We shall get over this
in a day or two. Night marching is less trying to
the cattle. Men very cheerful and ready to go any-
where ; none admit themselves too knocked up or too
stiff to proceed.

'' 21st. — Sohawah, 24 miles, crossing the Bakrialla ;
ravines and roads broken and intricate ; spent a burn-
ing day : marched at 8 p.m., wind scalding.

* A treatise on whist by " Major A." was popularly ascribed to
General Anson.

138 THE GUIDES AND DELHI

" 22nd. — Jhelum at 5 a.m. ; encampinggroundby
the river, delightfully fresh after 28 miles. First
trumpet at dark ; crossed the river at 9. Great
storm of dust and rain made the road difficult to
follow.

" 2Zrd. — Koria, 15 miles from the Chenab and 10
from Guj era t ; 21 miles from Jhelum. Roads heavy
from the storm, air delicious and fresh ; so tired all
night that I was compelled to walk to keep myself
awake ; even that remedy failed, constantly found
myself abreast of a sowar's horse. Some of the
sowars in the rear troop, asleep, kept passing right
up through the column : found excellent quarters.
Resolved to take advantage of the cool day and push
off to the Chenab. Cavalry first, infantry in evening.
Marched cavalry at 3 p.m., reached the Chenab at 8
and commenced the crossing. All safe at Wazirabad
at 7 a.m., 24th.

"25M. — Marched to Kamokee this morning by
7 a.m., 32 miles. Started for Lahore at 5 p.m.,
distance 30 miles.

"26th. — Reached Lahore at 6 a.m. Was met by
the Commissioner and military secretary — difficulty
about selecting recruits.

IT 27th. — Recruiting; but terribly overcome with
the report of the sufferings and exposure at Simla.

u2%th. — Overtook the corps at Powindiah at

7 A.M.

" 29th. — Reached the banks of the Sutlej close to
Sobraon battlefield by 6 a.m., commenced the
crossing at once. Here it was that the river ran
red with Sikh blood. Determined to follow the
Umballa road.

" 30M.— Reached Mihna, 32 miles, about 7 a.m.
The cross-country road sent many straggling ; some
did not reach till dark ; there was baggage still miss-
ing and 3 men when four o'clock struck. Resolved
on a short march and to leave at the usual time, so
as to enable them to make a night's rest. Marched
at 6 p.m. to Ingraon, 14 miles; reached before
midnight.

"31^. — Had a delightful sleep. Men much
refreshed. Letter from Commissioner at Ludhiana,
inviting us all to him. Marched at 7 p.m.

ON THE M AKC1I 139

" ist June. — Reached Ludhiana, 24 miles, at
3 a.m., and at once composed ourselves to sleep till
daybreak at the foot of the Kutcherry steps, the
lowest step serving as a pillow. Awoke by Nicolas
standing- over us and announcing Ricketts' house was
a mile distant. Greatly comforted, we went to
Ricketts' ; a thoroughly warm and hearty welcome ;
splendid quarters, large grand house, books, reviews,
rods, guns, all strewed about ; the temperature
enjoyable, tatties, cold water, iced ginger-beer, cold
sheets to lie on ; it was like the first day on the hills
to a man who has galloped through the sun from the
plains. Ricketts,* a pleasant, bold fellow, looking
the difficulties of the times in the face like a man.
Ludhiana would explode if a spark were to go up
elsewhere ; small chance for Ricketts and _ his few
friends, with their jagirdar horse, should this be the
case. Marched on Alawi-ke-Serai at 7.30 p.m.,
distance 28 miles.

" 2nd. — Got a sight of the Serai soon after
daybreak. Had two hours' sleep off the reel, and was
much refreshed. The men very cheery. The plan of
getting a cup of tea at our halt at midnight is a great
break. Officers and men fall to sleep on the ground
for an hour, and the difficulty is, who shall remain
awake to sound the trumpet. Off to Rajpoora,
distance 28 miles, at 7 this evening.

" $rd. — Reached the old Serai with the cavalry at
dawn, just as the light was breaking ; to sleep at once
under a wall so as to prevent the sun's early inter-
ference. He rises full of fire and heat now. Com-
fortable quarters in the old Serai. The men sleeping
and eating about. Started for Umballa at 6 p.m. ;
marched through the Cantonment at 1 a.m., every
house deserted — chowkidar alert in each compound.^
Patrols of the Patiala Raja's sowars going ' rounds '
with lighted matches — a large encampment of these
fellows about. Our guide took us down to the
' Boobial Tope.' Magnificent trees, under which a
score of horses can stand free from the sun, and a
large tank ; altogether a beautiful spot. We all laid

* For an account of Ricketts' gallant and resourceful proceedings,
see Kaye's Sepoy IVar, vol. ii., p. 506 et sea. He received the C.B.

140 THE GUIDES AND DELHI

down to rest by the trunk of an old banyan tree. A
few weeks ago how hard and strange we should have
thought thus sleeping in the open without any other
pillow than a stone ; now our great object is to get
down, sleep is never far from us. When daylight
came, we saw houses around us outside the park.
Soon I was disturbed by a gentleman on horseback
come to give help in moving the corps and carriages
for the men.

" 4tk — Marched to Pipli, 26 miles, by 4.30 this
morning. Road very heavy. Heard last evening
from Barnes, the Commissioner, of the affair with the
Meerut Force. The last attack made on them was
as much as they could manage to beat off. Succour
needed by them, as they could not and would
not give an inch, though pressed by numbers, in
want of ammunition, and exhausted by fatigue and
heat.

"5/A. — Pipli. Arrived at dawn. Road heavy.
Spent the day in the tahsil, and marched for Karnal,
24 miles, at sunset. Joined by Khan Singh Rosa.*

" 6tk. — Reached Karnal at 3 a.m. Cholera
appeared amongst us this evening and attacked three
Gurkhas ; 1 cook died, 7 or 8 men under its pressure by
sunset ; obliged to leave 5 men behind. A requisition
from the magistrate to burn and destroy three
villages by way of keeping the road open ; told him I
would engage that the doing so would close it
to-morrow, unless troops should remain ; they would
be irritated and desperate. The magistrate, however,
pressing, and, as I learnt that open outrages had been
committed by one village, I moved off with less
compunction."

The requisition of the magistrate, Mr Le Bas, was
strongly backed by Sir Theophilus Metcalfe. A day
was occupied in punishing the villages ; the Guides
had 1 man killed and 3 wounded. The delay
made the Guides miss the action of Badli-ki-Serai.
On the morning of the 8th June, they had reached

* Khan Singh Rosa had fought against us at Chillianwalla in
command of a cavalry regiment, see pages 69 and 146.

A FINE ACHIEVEMENT 141

Larsauli, 32 miles; "cholera lighter." Edwardes,
writing on that day, said : —

"We are all delighted at the march the Guides
have been making. It is the talk of the border. I
hope the men will fill their pockets in the sack of
Delhi. Herewith some more chits from Kandahar.
We are reorganising the native army ! The Supreme
Government seems to have disappeared. Bring back
some standards from the palace — especially Bahadur
Shah's trousers."

On the gtk June the Guides joined the Delhi
Force. " Their stately height and martial bearing*
made all who saw them proud to have such aid.
They came in as firm and light as if they had
marched but a mile." The orders of the day by
Major-General Sir H. Barnard, in announcing the
arrival of the Guides, said that the corps had
"marched from Marden to Delhi, a distance of
580 miles, in twenty-two days — a march to which
Sir H. Barnard believes there is no parallel on
record." The march, which was made at the hottest
time of the year, has, in fact, always been regarded
as one of the most notable achievements of the war.

As the Guides approached the Ridge after a march
of 30 miles, a staff officer galloped up — " How soon
can you be ready to go into action?" "In half an
hour." Edwardes wrote : —

"The Guides made surprising efforts. They
started six^ hours after the receipt of orders, fully
equipped for service, and marched 580 miles, fifty
marches, in twenty-two days with three halts made
by order. Three hours after their arrival at Delhi
they were engaged hand-to-hand with the enemy,
and every single British officer was more or less
wounded."

* From The Siege of Delhi, by One who Served There, p. 89.

142 THE GUIDES AND DELHI

Daly wrote to his wife : —

" gth June. — Camp before Delhi. We marched
in this morning, getting a hearty welcome from the
camp. The fire of the enemy is very light ; very
different from Multan. The affair yesterday was
brilliant enough ; we should have been in time for it
but for the village campaign ! The men are in great
spirits."

His diary entry for the day was : "The regiment
hotly engaged. Battye* mortally wounded — noble
Battye, ever in front ; Khan Singh Rosa hard hit ;
Hawes dipt across the face with a sword, and many
good men down. Men behaved heroically, impetu-
ously." Daly had his horse killed under him, and was
struck in the leg by a spent bullet. Kennedy also was
slightly hurt. In a letter to Daly, Edwardes said : —

"Amidst all our joy at the march and brave deeds
of the Guides, we are greatly grieved to hear of poor
young Battye's death. He was full of hope and
promise, and is indeed a flower fallen from the chaplet
of our Indian Army."

"Poor gallant Battye!" wrote Daly to his wife.
' There was some slight hope on the morning of the
ioth, though none on the evening, of his wound. I
never saw a bolder or truer soldier. He was shot by
a fellow within a couple of yards of him, right through
the lower part of the stomach. I believe he had two
or three wounds. I did not see it occur ; he was on
my right. The last time I saw him in the fight I
shouted to him, 'Gallant Battye, well done, brave
Battye.' He was buried the day after our arrival,
and at about the time we marched past the burial
ground the day before."

The general facts connected with the "siege" of
Delhi are well known. On the death of the Com-
mander-in-Chief, General Anson, at Kurnal on the

* See p. 366.

TOOLERAM. A GOURKA IN THE GUIDE CORPS.

[To face p. 142.

BEFORE DELHI 14:3

27th May 1857, General Sir H. Barnard succeeded
to the command. He continued the advance on
Delhi ; was joined at Alipore on the 7th June by the
Meerut Force under Brigadier Wilson ; fought the
successful action of Badli-ki-Serai on the 8th, and
on the same day took up his position on the
celebrated 'Ridge" before Delhi. His force con-
sisted of about 3000 European troops, Reid's
Gurkhas (the Sirmoor battalion), the Guides (who
joined on the 9th), and a few other native troops.
The first considerable reinforcement to anivewasa
contingent sent by the Maharaja of Jaipur ; then
followed a small column from the Punjab of 850 men,
chiefly natives, with 4 European horse artillery guns,
on the 23rd June. Four days later came the first
substantial aid from the Punjab, 2700 men, of whom
about half Europeans. The total of effectives before
Delhi on the 8th July was returned as 6600 men.

On the 5th July Sir H. Barnard died, and was
succeeded by General Reed, who, however, was
invalided on the 17th July, the command then
passing to Brigadier-General Archdale Wilson.

During a considerable portion of June and July
the condition of the British force more nearly
resembled that of a besieged than of a besieging
army. Of the numbers of the enemy it is impossible
to form any reliable estimate, but they were continu-
ally receiving additions to their strength, and from
first to last the total of trained sepoys who
entered Delhi must have been at least 40,000 men.
Throughout the early weeks of the siege the diffi-
culties and anxieties of the British were greatly
enhanced by the absence of any reliable intelligence
as to what was proceeding down country, and by the

144 THE GUIDES AND DELHT

terrible tales of the outrages committed at Cawnpore
and elsewhere. The tide turned in the middle of
August with the arrival of the Punjab Column under
Nicholson, who, on the 26th August, achieved a
brilliant success at Najafgarh. The heavy siege
guns reached the Ridge on the 4th September ; the
last troops from Meerut on the 6th ; the Kashmir
contingent on the 8th. The assault was delivered on
the 13th September, and the Palace was in our hands
and resistance at an end on the 20th September.

Throughout these months, mainly owing to the
loyal and active assistance of the Sikh chiefs of
Pataila, Nabha, and Jhind, there was practically no
interruption in communications between the Delhi
Force and Upper India. To and from Simla the
post plied with great irregularity, and the subjoined
comments on the progress of events are mainly
taken from Daly's letters* to his wife.

The Guides were posted on the right of the
Ridge, where, besides taking their share in the
general operations, they held with the Gurkhas the
position and outposts in and round Hindu Rao's
house. During the siege the enemy delivered twenty-
six separate attacks on this part of our line. One
attack on the ist-2ncl August lasted the whole night
and day. From the 6th to the 1 3th August there
was "constant worrying night and day."

On hearing of the fighting on the 9th June, Sir
John Lawrence at once wrote to Daly : —

"I was glad to get your letter of the 10th, and
rejoiced to hear how admirably the Guides have

* Daly's letters and diaries were placed at the disposal of Kaye,
when writing his History' of the Sepoy War, which contains many
quotations from Daly's writings.

LETTER FROM JOHN LAWRENCE 145

behaved. Poor Battye, we all grieve for him greatly.
We are sending you every man we can muster—
Rothney's Sikhs, Coke's regiment, and some Punjab
cavalry — also a regiment and a half of Europeans
and some 200 artillerymen. We are getting Hughes'
cavalry also up, and will push it on also, I hope. I
have seen from the first that native troops would
be greatly wanted at Delhi : but for General
Johnstone's * folly, Rothney's Sikhs and Nicholson's f
cavalry would have been with you by this. I have
offered to send either Chamberlain or Nicholson to
headquarters, whichever General Reed likes. The
one who remains to command the Movable Column.
Both are first-rate soldiers, good in council, and
strong in fight. I wish we had a few others like
them.

"Pray tell the Guides how delighted I am with
their good conduct. If I can do anything for you in
any way, pray command me.

' We are all quiet here, but Peshawar has given
us, and must give us, great anxiety. We are obliged
to place troops there, which would be of the highest
value down below. We have three European regi-
ments, 24 guns, Wilde's and Vaughan's regiments of
infantry; — not one of the native infantry or Hindu-
stani corps of cavalry are to be trusted.

"You will have heard of the Jullundhur mutiny.
The rebels started for Loodhianah, a distance of but
25 miles, General Johnstone in pursuit and a river in
front of the mutineers. He allowed every man to
escape across, though they were more than thirty
hours doing this. And this is the man whom you
will probably see commanding a division at Delhi
before long.

"On hearing of this, I sent off an express to dis-
arm the 62nd and 69th at Multan, who had been
giving signs of being about to show their teeth. It
was effected by Crawford Chamberlain with his own
corps, Green's, and Hughes', without the aid of a
European soldier. These are the kind of men we
want in command of our troops. When I see some

* See Kaye's Sepoy War, vol. ii., p. 507.

t Charles Nicholson, brother of John, to whom is the reference
immediately below.

K

146 THE GUIDES AND DELHI

of the men we entrust with our troops, I almost think
that a curse from the Almighty is on us."

The following clay (16th June) Lawrence wrote : —

" Many thanks for your notes. You are a capital
correspondent. We are all greatly grieved to hear of
poor Quintin Battye's death ; but from the moment
we found he was shot in the stomach, we feared he
was gone. I enclose a letter from Sirdar Nehal
Singh to Khan Singh Rosa. I wrote yesterday to
Khan Singh myself, praising him for his good con-
duct, and promising to provide for his family in the
event of his death. I also have given him iooo
rupees for his expenses. What pay does he get? or
does he get any ? Let me know how this is managed.
We are sending all the reinforcements we can muster.
They should be fully equal to iooo European in-
fantry, 200 artillery, iooo native infantry, and 400
or 500 horse. And all ought to be at Delhi in a
fortnight, say by the 1 st of J uly, and some earlier. The
Punjab Infantry is so tied by having to look after the
frontier, including Peshawar and all the Poorbeah
regiments, that it is not easy to send many more.

" I shall recommend to Government that Kennedy
succeed Battye ; get him put in orders. Look out for
some smart young fellow to join the corps and act as
adjutant. If there be any one in camp you fancy,
General Reed will let you have him, I expect. If he
is elsewhere, let me know.

"We are all well on the Peshawar frontier, and
indeed elsewhere. But we have to look sharp, and
rule with an iron hand.

"About 50 Guides, horse and foot, start from this
for Delhi this evening."

By the mid-day post on the 19th June, Daly wrote
to his wife : —

" We are making advances and have batteries in
an advanced position nearly ready to open. I hope
much from these. The walls are brittle, so are the
hearts of the defenders. If our reinforcements would

DALY SEVERELY WOUNDED 147

appear, the blow would not, could not, be distant. I
feel sure that the defence will be poor. I have just
been with Sir Harry Barnard, who sent for me to
consult about cutting- off the Jullundhur mutineers, of
which I fear there is but a slight chance. We are
very quiet, nothing but the occasional boom of an 18-
pounder or the smash of a shell. We have consider-
able reinforcements from a native prince, the Raja of
Jaipur. They are Rajputs, adepts in looting, but I
suspect not favourably inclined to close fighting.
There are 3000 infantry and a > large body of
cavalry ; this will help us in investing the place at
any rate."

The same evening Daly was very severely
wounded. It was at Nawabgunge, and there was
not during the siege a more perilous hour. Daly
himself afterwards gave this description of the
action : —

"At a time when every available British bayonet
was engaged in the front, the enemy, under cover of
the thick foliage, a large body of all arms, moved
round to our right and rear. The move was a
surprise which almost overwhelmed us. We had
nothing at first but a portion of the 9th Lancers, the
Guide Cavalry, and 4 guns, wherewith to meet and
repel the attack. Sir Hope Grant, who was in com-
mand, divided his small body (for the ground was
broken and thick with gardens and trees) and
detached me to the left with 2 of Major Tombs'
guns under Lieutenant Hills, a troop 9th Lancers,
and the Guides Cavalry. I quickly found myself in
the presence of a powerful force, with 6 or 8 guns
in position immediately to my front, and a mass of
infantry and cavalry. Knowing that there was
nothing to fall back on, I directed Lieutenant Hills
at once to get his guns into action, and detached all
but a handful of Guides, which I left with the guns, to
clear the left flank already threatened by the enemy's
cavalry. We were thus barely holding our own, Sir
Hope hotly engaged on my right, when Major
Tombs came up with the remainder of his guns.

148 THE GUIDES AND DELHI

The enemy, observing our weakness and the absence
of infantry, were now closing- on us in such numbers
that Major Tombs said to me, ' I fear I must askyou
to charge to save my guns.' I was the only British
officer with the cavalry, a few Guides only ; with
these I broke through the infantry and reached the
enemy's guns. This diversion cleared our front, and
gave time for the arrival of reinforcements."

Daly received a bullet through his left shoulder,
and that arm was crippled for life, though he retained
the use of the hand. As he lay on the ground in the
rapidly gathering dusk, his men at first failed to find
him, but his whereabouts was pointed out to them by
one of the enemy who who had served in the ist
Oudh Irregular Cavalry.* He was thus more for-
tunate than Yule, commanding the gth Lancers, of
whom Daly observed a few days later—" Poor Yule!
I knew him well ; he came up after I was down ;
He trotted by me as I lay on the ground. It was
quite dusk. He ought not to have been killed. The
darkness did it. I fear he was left but wounded.
The enemy prowled about the field during the night
and found him there." About the same time Becher,
the Quarter-Master-General, was wounded, and Sir
Hope Grant escaped only by holding on to the tail of
his orderly's horse. The guns served against us

* This was a man of whom Mrs Daly had written in November
1856: — "There is a young Shahzadah (prince) in this regiment (the
ist Oudh I. C.) a grandson or nephew of Shuja-ul-Mulk. A hand-
some, elegant boy of eighteen, pale and delicate, with beautiful eyes,
a very interesting-looking lad. Henry took him from great poverty.
The grandson of a king, he is thankful to be a jemadar (cornet) in a
regiment with ^40 a year. Henry has taken quite a fancy to him, has
him into the house to talk to him, gives him quinine, etc." In 1859,
she added a marginal note in her diary — " This poor boy had a sad
fate ; he joined the rebels, almost from compulsion. At Delhi, when
Henry was wounded, he told some of the Guides where the Sahib lay.
He was afterwards hanged, I fear on the taking of Delhi."

THE V.C. EARNED 149

included those of Abbott's battery, which had formed
part of the "illustrious garrison" of Jalalabad, and
which bore the mural crown. Daly wrote : " It was
pitch dark when we retired from the field ; otherwise
we should have taken every gun they brought out.
One gun and two carriages were taken the following
morning, when, at my suggestion, the General sent
out a party to sweep the ground."

It was generally felt that Daly had fully earned the
V.C, and that same evening General Barnard, when
visiting him, personally expressed regret that the
V.C. was not open to officers in the East India
Company's Service. Early in 1859, when the V.C.
had been thrown open to the Company's officers,
Sir Hope Grant strongly recommended Daly to
Lord Clyde for the decoration. Tombs wrote to
Daly :—

"I have a very vivid remembrance of the
occurrences of the 19th June 1857, in which you
were severely wounded. Two of my guns_ were in
action on the road leading through the Sabzi Mandi,
and were supported by the late Major Yule's troops
of 9th Lancers and some of your men. The enemy
had possession of the ground to our right front,
gardens and high mud-banks ; and taking advantage
of these latter, gradually crept closer and closer to
the guns — so close, indeed, as to be able to pick off
my gunners as they worked the guns, and rendering
it almost impossible to serve them. I recollect
perfectly asking you to charge, and at the time _ I felt
the guns must be lost unless you did so, for it was
impossible for me to retire without compromising
our troops, who were, as I supposed, advancing on
my right on the other side of the Ochterlony Garden.
I did not actually witness your charge, but I saw
you brought back severely wounded a few minutes
afterwards, and I have no hesitation in saying that in
all human probability that charge saved the guns

150 THE GUIDES AND DELHI

from falling into the hands of the enemy for the time ;
I had so many casualties that I could not have
moved my guns without assistance."

Hills wrote : —

" We were in a very nasty position, and the
enemy were very close to the guns and doing- us great
damage with their sharpshooters. Daly's charge
was a desperate one, right up to the enemy's guns.
It was a most perilous and bold movement, but
necessary to save the guns.''

Sir Hope Grant wrote to Daly : —

" I trust the Victoria Cross may be bestowed
upon you. No one has deserved it better. The
charge you made on the 19th June was of the most
serious importance, as there was# no time during the
whole siege that we had such difficulties to contend
with, or were so nearly annihilated."

The reply to Sir Hope was : —

" His Excellency has been obliged to decline for-
warding claims of this sort made so long after the
occurrence for which the claim is preferred."

Hope Grant then informed Daly privately : —

"I know Lord Clyde thinks an officer who is
eligible for the Bath — which you have got — ought
not to get the Victoria Cross. He thinks it ought
not to be given to a higher rank than captain." *

When Daly was disabled, the active command of
the Guides was at first entrusted to Hodson, who had
previously served with the corps and was known to
the men. Hodson held the acting command for about
five weeks, and was then succeeded by Shebbearne.
Daly, though unable to move, still regulated all regi-

* In 1859, when this was written, Daly was a brevet lieut. -colonel.

THE ENEMY DEMORALIZED 151

mental matters and was able to maintain a regular
correspondence. He wrote to his wife : —

" 2\th Jzme. — The Sikh corps which arrived
yesterday have already given the enemy a taste of
their quality. Yesterday, firing- continued throughout
the day ; the enemy came out in great force, sniping
and occupying gardens and suburbs ; their loss was
immense. The consequence is not a shot has been
fired to-day as yet. They get a sickener of fighting
if they attack, and take to looting till the arrival of
fresh troops. It is the mighty arsenal and the
prestige of the place which gives them strength. I
have a native officer in the city now. He was in
for four days and came out. He gives a lamentable
account of the state of the city. Dissension and
mutiny among themselves ; robbing and fighting, and
everything that is bad. Sundil Khan was on leave,
and came to join me here.

il 25th. — Chamberlain* arrived yesterday with
my old friend Walker.

" The Raja of Jhind's men do well ; they had little
fighting where I was, though.

"28M June. — We had our first _ fall of rain
yesterday ; a heavy storm ushering in the rains ;
to-day it is cloudy, with the sun beaming through
upon us. More reinforcements marched in this
morning — guns and Europeans. A meeting of the
engineers and leaders has been held, and I have no
doubt soon we shall strike our blow. Coke must be
within a day or two. He is 700 strong ; men inured
to fighting, and better up to this work than most
Europeans, who are beaten by the_ sun, and who
expose themselves in their white shirt sleeves in a
cruel way.

" 1st Jtdy. — Good news from below. An officer
rode in from Agra to-day. All well there. General
Wheeler marching with European corps to its aid ;
from this we infer that all must be well at Lucknow,
as he would not otherwise leave Cawnpore."

Daly's wound, of which he endeavoured to make

* Colonel (afterwards Sir Neville) Chamberlain joined as Adjutant-
General.

152 THE GUIDES AND DELHI

light, had called forth many anxious inquiries, and
about this time he received the two following-
letters : —

From Edwardes, Peshawar, 30th June 1857 : —

" We all hope you are getting- — or g-ot — well.

"These are not times in which (with Lord
Brougham's dedication to the Marquess of Wellesley)
we can apostrophise — ' The rare felicity of England ;
so rich in talent and capacity for affairs that she can
spare from her service such men as ' — you.

"Is that 'Lieutenant Chalmers of the Guides'
who got wounded on 27th June, young Chalmers of
51st Native Infantry? If so, he is a good fellow. I
only sent him to Pindi, and didn't expect he would
turn up so soon at Delhi."

From Sir John Lawrence, 4th July 1857 : —

"Ever since I heard you were not in danger I
have been entirely satisfied. I am much afraid that
the poor Guides have suffered greatly. What with
the enemy and cholera their ranks must have been
fearfully thinned. I have sent you down some 200
picked Punjabis, mounted on horses of the 6th and
8th Cavalry, under Lieutenant Bayley. This will be
a grand reinforcement for your cavalry.

"We are keeping all quiet in the Punjab, and
exerting ourselves to get up a decent force by the
cold weather. But I do not like to overdo the thing.
For we have barely 5000 Europeans in the Punjab ;
and it is just possible that we may have the Punjabis
even against us, if this style of thing goes on much
longer. We have not heard a word from below, I
mean from Calcutta, later than the gth of June.
There should, by this time, be ten European
regiments below Meerut. This is a goodly array,
and had we got them at the beginning of the affair,
it would have altered its present aspect most con-
siderably. I hope that in another fifteen days we
shall hear of the arrival of the China troops. If you
cannot write, get some one to do so for you, and
let us know what force the Guides muster. Upwards

AWAITING REINFORCEMENTS 153

of a hundred furlough men must have joined since
you marched. Try and get the Guides to keep
themselves clean and dry. These precautions are
great safeguards against cholera."

In the latter part of June the difficulties of the
force before Delhi were at their height, and it was
decided to attempt no offensive move until rein-
forcements arrived. Edwardes wrote to Lawrence
on the 26th June: 'The Empire's reconquest hangs
on the Punjab." On the 28th June, General Barnard
wrote to Sir John Lawrence: "So far, we have not
silenced a single gun, and they return us to this day
at least four to one." Lawrence was then seriously
considering a withdrawal from Peshawar in order
to free for the field the troops which were in garrison
there. The decision was, however, to retain Peshawar,
and this was fully endorsed by the first message
which came through from Lord Canning (15th July) :
" Hold on to Peshawar to the last."

With the commencement of July a more confident
spirit prevailed at Delhi, as is shown by Daly's letters
and diary : —

" ' Zfd July. — Our force here is now a splendid
one. Delhi should have been ours this morning !
Everything was arranged ; plans drawn ; regiments
told off (they did not know it) ; when information
was brought that the Bareilly Force, which is
encamped outside, would do their initiative fighting*
this morning, and this upset the scheme!

" Rain fell last night ; it was cloudy and would
have enabled our troops to approach all unseen, and

* Elsewhere Daly explained : " The fights which occur outside
are with new arrivals of mutineers ; they are not allowed to enter the
city till they have shown their pluck. It is said that out of the large
body we met on the night of the 19th, not one hundred found their
way in ; they were so beaten and dispersed."

154 THE GUIDES AND DELHI

there was dissension amongst the mutineers. No
attack has been made on us, though Delhi was
spared (!) to enable them to do so.

"The attack would have been made just before
daylight. Now the moon and the day meet, so the
difficulty of creeping up is increased.

" Few in camp know what was intended.

" %th July. — Last night late, we got information
that a large party, 4000 or 5000 cavalry and infantry
with some guns, had marched out in the direction
of Alipore, 8 miles on the Karnal road, with a
view to cutting up a little post of ours there. Well,
they went : they had not the pluck so to attack the
small detachment there as to get at them. Coke, with
his own corps, 350 Europeans, and Charlie Blunt's
troop, marched off at 3 this morning to endeavour
to cut them off returning. The cowardly loons would
not stand for a moment. Coke opened his guns on
them, but, despite their strength, no sooner did he
get within 500 or 600 yards of them than they bolted,
pitching away shoes, belts, etc. They were in red.
Little honour do they do us in fighting. They never
stand.

"The new engineer, Colonel Baird Smith, has
arrived, very tired. Until he has made himself
acquainted with the place nothing will be done. He
is said to be a very able man. Rest assured of this,
whenever the assault shall occur, the enemy will not
stand.

" $th July. — General Barnard has an attack of
cholera from which it is feared the brave, kindly, old
man cannot rally ; this will be a general grief, for,
however wavering and undecided as an officer, there
never was a man so made to win people's hearts by
kindness and unselfishness.

" 6tk July. — Poor General Barnard died yester-
day. No doubt, on him, like General Anson, worry
and anxiety laid the seeds of the destroyer. He was
the very gamest, kindest, and kindliest gentleman I
ever met. He had no mind, no resolution save what
he got from others. General Reed assumes the
command himself nominally. He has no health, no
anything, to enable him to do of himself. Poor
General Barnard's advisers were all who spoke to

THE KING OF DELHI'S TEEMS 155

him. I think Chamberlain is likely to lead and to be
trusted by General Reed. So far, it may be a great
improvement.

"There was a terrific storm which lasted nearly
throughout the night. The sun is now shining, and
lights up the camp picturesquely ; it is a pretty sight
to see the soldiers of the various corps in front of
their tents amusing themselves, chatting in groups,
jumping, and throwing round-shot, as though nothing
serious was going on, nor has it ever occurred to
them that there was anything doubtful in the conflict.
Scarcely a shot has been tired to-day. There was a
good deal of disturbance in the city, rowing amongst
themselves. You must not allude to it, but the king
is trying to make terms, and has asked, 'would his
pension be guaranteed, etc' Him away, the prestige
of the matter is smashed ; still I would grant him
never a promise till his submission shall be lull.

"jt/i. — Three engineers concocted the scheme*
which was to have come off on the 12th June, the first
of which I told you, a few days after my arrival.
Greathed was the prime mover in what was as
desperate and wild a plan as was ever concocted ;
the other engineer, a very clever fellow, although he
signed the paper, said afterwards he could not
possibly see his way through it.

" The plan concocted the other night will eventually
be adopted. It is by Taylor and Walker. The
moon is the great obstacle now. From all we can
gather, the country is certainly quieter, and my
own belief is that the fall of Delhi would soon smash

* This refers to the proposal for a conp-de-main immediately after
the force arrived before Delhi. A copy of the scheme, in what appears
to be rough draft form, is among Daly's papers. It is headed
" Project of attack on the City of Delhi, prepared for submission to
Major-General Sir H. Barnard, K.C.B.," and is dated " Camp Delhi
Cantonment, i ith June 1857." The scheme is quoted, almost in extenso,
at pages 526-7 of the History of the Sepoy War, vol. ii., where Kaye
tells that it was signed by four subalterns — Wilberforce Greathed,
Maunsell and Chesney of the Engineers, and Hodson. Barnard
accepted the scheme. The troops were warned and the attempt was
to be made. But when the selected force was assembling soon after
midnight on the nth, it was found that some of the troops had not
arrived and the venture was necessarily postponed.

156 THE GUIDES AND DELHI

the whole outbreak. The arsenal has been their
strong-hold ; without it they are little powerful, for
they would never stand, even at 10 to i, against our
troops in the field.

"9th July. — We have had a lively morning.*
About 10 this morning, just as the rain had
commenced to drizzle, a party of cavalry was seen
near our out battery. The cavalry was not fired at,
though the artilleryman had a lighted portfire ; he
deemed them our own ; they moved round to our
rear and there again were thought to be ours, and
unmolested. At last fifteen or twenty rushed over
the Canal Bridge into our camp and shouted to
some native artillerymen then horsing- their guns to
join them. The cavalry men began to cut away at
the horses' ropes in the lines. Our > men _ rushed out
of their tents, but had a difficulty in firing- because
our native horse artillery (who had been shouted to
by these fellows) were between our fire. _ The
artillerymen called out to our men, ' Never mind us,
don't spare them, fire away.' They were soon
polished off. A large force of cavalry was out, but a
small portion only made the rush.

" They have been*quiet for days and we were quite
prepared for a row to-day, and but for the rain,
doubtless they would have come out, for they were
outside the gate in the morning with guns and
elephants. I had quite calculated on seizing- some of
their guns to-day, though they are ' mighty ' careful
of 'em, as old Pepys would have written, and keep
them at a great distance from us.

"I had a letter from Sir Colin (Campbell)
yesterday; he says ten European corps are below
Agra, viz. : 10th, 43rd, 35th, 84th, Madras Fusiliers,
64th, 78th, one Ceylon reg-iment, 53rd, 32nd; in
another fifteen days we should hear of the China
troops, which, with marines, ought to give us 5000
men more.

" \oth July. — The affair of yesterday was much
more serious and much more successful than I
anticipated. The loss of the enemy, killed and

* It was in the scrimmage of the 9th July that Tombs and Hills
won the Victoria Cross. — Kaye's Sepoy IVar, vol. ii., p. 575 et seq.

FRESH TROOPS ON THE WAY 157

wounded, could not be less than iooo ; this estimate,
from what we can gather, is far from exaggerated.
Outside one little post, held by a company of the
Guides, between 80 and 90 of the enemy's bodies were
counted. I have no doubt this has been a heavy
lesson to them. Still Chamberlain is a queer fellow,
and very likely will make no assault till he learns of
troops closing up from below. He argues that their
dissensions increase and their strength fades away ;
that except in the vicinity of Delhi things are quieting
down, and that by delay we shall have less loss.

" nth July. — We are looking out to hear some-
thing certain of movements below. There must now
be several corps in the vicinity of Cawnpore, and may
be we shall hear of a couple of them at least marching
up to make a diversion for us. Whether they will
find us outside or inside is a problem. My own
opinion, which is that of every engineer officer, is
that the assault should have taken place, as was
arranged, on the morning following the arrival of
Coke and the fresh troops (the 61st and 8th).
Numbers are of no service in a city ; 500 disciplined
men are more likely to do good work in a street
than 5000. ' Them's my sentiments,' and they are
not singular in the camp. We have lots of good
men and true, though heaps and heaps of muffs and
old women, and not a few of these unfortunately in
places of responsibility. Scarcely a shot has been
fired to-day. The enemy were employed for hours
in carrying off their dead and wounded, yet many,
many of the former remained on the field.

' \\thjuly. — A Sikh of my Oudh corps came in
yesterday bearing letters from Agra. He confirms
the report of corps having reached Cawnpore. It is
said six regiments have arrived there. At any rate
the Delhi people, who know the news down to
Calcutta, have it that ' the British have re-established
their rule at Cawnpore and Futtehgarh, and that
troops are moving up.' Chamberlain has resolved on
making no assault till troops arrive, and no doubt
troops will be here soon. He is in capital spirits, and
convinced that he is adopting the wisest course. It
may be wise now, but it was a gross blunder deferring
the assault after the arrival of Coke, 61st, and 8th.

158 THE GUIDES AND DELHI

It is not merely this place but it would have smashed
Rebellion. The fall of this place, if not too long-
deferred, will effect wonders. Ferozepore, Phillour,
Agra, Allahabad, and Delhi are our magazines ;
three of these have strong forts ; these magazines
and Loodianah contain all our reserve artillery,
ammunition, and arms. At first our fears were
strong that Agra, Phillour, and Allahabad had fallen
into their hands. All these places would stand
sieges, and we should be without the means of firing
a round at them ! We found that by wondrous
fortune these forts were saved to us ; yet the
mutineers had attempted all of them! Phillour,*
whence our supplies for this siege are brought, was
saved by an hour and a night's march ; Agra by
stratagem ; Allahabad in the presence of the rebels.
Fortune and Providence befriended us, not our own
foresight or wisdom. When news of their safety
reached us, I felt the worst was over. Without these
arsenals we should have been in sore difficulties.
Cantonments are destroyed — no great matter. The
treacherous brutal murders, the lives of gallant and
good men, of women fair and dear — these are terrible
things ; but the light is visible through the darkness.
There is little beyond Delhi which will cause us
trouble and loss. Delhi is discomforted with the news
of the fights and defeats at Cawnpore, and at the
utter failure of their own thousands against our
tens.

"15M July. — Yesterday I told you firing was
going on. Well, the enemy having expended
thousands of cartridges, at 3 p.m. our loss was three
or four wounded ; the enemy began retreating. A
force went out and, in the rush in driving the enemy
in, got under the fire of the city walls. Chamberlain,
who remained in camp till 4. p.m., now went out. He
is a heroic, dashing fellow; he pursued. He was
hit ; arm broken. Walker, my friend, got a flesh
wound through the thigh, and is not much damaged ;
not so Chamberlain, but his arm will be saved, we
hope. Tell Mrs Norman her husband f possesses

* See Kaye's Sepoy War, vol. ii., p. 445.

t The late Field- Marshal Sir Henry Norman, G.C.B., etc. ;
Viceroy-designate of India in 1839.

CAMP PRICES 159

the respect and goodwill, hearty goodwill, of every
man in the camp, and the camp holds no better or
more cheery soldier. He always does what is best
at the time, and does it with a cheerful soldier's heart.

" \7thJ11ly. — Poor General Reed leaves to-night.
He never ought to have come here. Brigadier
Wilson gets the command with the rank of Brigadier-
General. He is an artillery officer ; just a stout,
gallant Englishman. I should not expect anything
very distinguished from him, but always firmness
and gallantry. He is decidedly the best we have.
Chamberlain's tent is next to mine, and I see him
often ; he is of heroic mould, gallant, and forward to a
fault; he is doing capitally; he has always been a
most temperate man. He has a fine, gallant-looking
person ; tall, with a soldierly gait ; head well put on ;
fine principles, and an honest heart ; most con-
scientious. His education and reading had been
narrow ; his views are more limited than they should
be, and adhered to with an obstinate tenacity which
neither reason nor justice can change.

" iZthJuly. — All well with Sir Henry (Lawrence)
on the 2nd at Lucknow. A portion of the 84th Foot
was with him in addition to the 32nd, and he was
well able to hold out. I have just had a visit from Jai
Singh, 1st P. C, who marched in this evening; not a
little pleased he was. The Sikhs have been thoroughly
staunch and firm throughout the country. At Jhelum
they severed ^themselves from their comrades in the
14th, joined us, and attacked them. Men of the Oudh
Cavalry on leave in the Punjab come in by single files.

There are several buggies * about the camp, which
may be seen every night in display up the main
street, one palki ghari also. A buggy was sold the
other day by auction, but a pot of jam nearly fetched
as much. Some epicures bought tins of bacon at the
rate of 4 rupees a mouthful, I believe. With all
ordinary things we are well supplied ; at one time
fowls were unknown, but lately they have appeared.
Grain is very cheap. When I want books I send to
the lines and tell the men. Various descriptions turn
up; amongst others, I have Scott's Poetry and the
third volume of Macaulay's History. The health of

* A sort of covered dogcart.

160 THE GUIDES AND DELHI

the troops is excellent, much better than in quarters.
All well at Agra a few days ago.

" 2$rd July. — We have had a fight in a new
direction to-day, opposite the Cashmere Gate and
towards Metcalfe's house. The enemy brought out
guns and infantry, and opened a heavy fire on our
battery. A detachment from Metcalfe's house made
an attempt to get round to their rear, while engaged
with firing on us, and so cut off their guns ; the
detachment reached within 300 yards unperceived,
and a column which moved down in front got within
a lesser distance, but to no purpose. Pandy no
sooner saw that he was to be closed with than he put
to his horses and fled helter-skelter across the glacis.
I fancy our troops were too easy in the pursuit ;
however, luckily our loss was slight ; killed and
wounded estimated about twenty. Two officers who
should not have been there, were hit ; one an excellent
officer, whose services are most valuable, is hors de
combat for some time, Colonel Seaton.

"The weather is cool and pleasant; we have had
two or three light showers ; extraordinary weather
for the rains. Gulab Singh* has lent Sir John 10
lakhs, money being scarce ; this is good, and shows
how well the cunning old fox sees the game.

" 24th July. — Tell Mrs Norman that it has been
generally resolved (by the General, too) that her hus-
band's life is too valuable to the army to be subject to
chance shots, and therefore it has been ordered, and
he too has been ordered, that he is not to go to the
advanced posts during operations. The other head-
quarter people take care of themselves without orders ! "

" 2Sth July. — The Punjab will send a large con-

* Gulab Singh, "the Talleyrand of the East," was a Dogra
Rajput ; he was raised to high office by Ranjit Singh, who conferred
on him the Principality of Jamu. In the stormy times which followed
Ranjit Singh's death, Gulab Singh took a leading part in Punjab
politics, and, in connection with the arrangements made under the
Treaty of Lahore in 1846 (after our defeat of the Sikhs at Sobraon),
Kashmir was made over to him by the British for a payment of a
crore and a half of rupees (one and a half millions sterling), and he
was recognised as a Ruling Chief. He died in the latter part of
1857, and was succeeded by his son, Ranbir Singh. See also vol. ii.,
pp. 75-76, of Sir H. Lawrence's Adventures of an Officer, etc.

'BRITISH

PLANor- DELHI

1. The Lahore Gate of thi. Fart

2. The Delhi ,. ,, ,, ,

3. Post Office
i. St. James' Church

5. Hotels

6. Clock Tower

ll'alJccr tr lioicXall.sc.

Plan of Delhi.

[Tnfiirr p. 16 '.

SYMPTOMS OF COMING SUCCESS 161

tribution to us, a force larger than our present.
Nicholson is already on the march. These troops
may reach before those from below, and these latter
may have to act elsewhere.

" 2.7th July. — There is no doubt we have won a
great victory at Fattehpur, just below Cawnpore, in
beating the representative (adopted son) of the
Peshwa ; we took 1 2 guns and 7 lakhs of treasure.
This has come with authority from Agra, and
Scindia, the Ruler of Gwalior, has sent his congratu-
lations. I feared more from him than from anybody,
but he is behaving nobly. He has kept his mutinous
troops {pur Contingent I which we gave him to have
drilled and disciplined !) in check. All the Independent
States have behaved well towards us. Light is break-
ing everywhere.

" 2St/i July. — I had a long cheery letter from Sir
John last evening. All is well with Sir Henry; his
front was so stout and his preparations so vigorous,
that I doubt if he was ever pressed. Reinforcements
have gone to him.

' 29th July. — The dark days are gone. I can
scarce give you a better illustration of the change
which is influencing the country than in the supplies
which reach our camp ; on our first arrival the feeling
that our rule was doomed and at an end was so
widespread and so thoroughly believed that nobody
brought in anything for sale ; sheep, poor and thin,
could be had only at the commissariat, and at rupees
5 each! Grain 10 seers the rupee! Fowls unknown.
Now sheep are as common as were jackals at
Sekrora ; grain is 45 to 50 seers ; poultry of all kinds
abundant ; boots, shoes, even macassar oil ! These
are strong symptoms. The servants in camp have
behaved marvellously well. I never knew them
better. The mutineers are at loggerheads, and
much dispirited at their failures so oft incurred in
attack, and at the knowledge of our troops advancing
from below. We know for certain that Lord Elgin
has consented to the coming of the China troops.
The steamers were off the coast of Malabar in the
first week in June. They would be turned from
Singapore, and I should think might be looked for
in Calcutta about the last week in June.

162 THE GUIDES AND DELHI

" zoth July. — You see with this mutiny how long-
it has been working up. What warnings we have
had. Remember our conversations at Lucknow : Sir
Henry's opinion : my opinion of General Hearsay's*
proceedings (vaunted and praised at home) : — our
belief then that the whole army was rotten ; that no
efforts were being made to stem it. Remember Sir
Henry's views the last day or two at Lucknow."

About this time Daly received the following
letters : —

From Edwardes, Peshawar, 21st July: —

"Yes. I daresay the assault would have suc-
ceeded when your reinforcements first reached ; but
like Sevastopol, it is possible that we may find that
the protracted struggle and delay have been in our
favour. The mutineers, instead of scattering over
the country, have concentrated there and thrown
themselves, in fight after fight, upon their fate.
Depend upon it your army, though not taking Delhi,
is performing no ignoble duty in destroying the
battalions which possessed our discipline and betrayed
it ! The mischief, which delay would cause, has been
caused. There seems less necessity for a coup-de-
main every week. I should be inclined now to take
the other line, and spend the rains in killing mutineers
— leaving the fortress for the opening of the winter
campaign.

" Here we have been most providentially quiet.
When the Sepoy army mutinies, the frontier seems
to take to peace. We have our little troubles,
rumours, anxieties, and even fights, but as a mass
the tribes seem to stand aloof and gape.

"James and Vaughan are this morning attacking
Narinji.t

* See Kaye's Sepoy War, vol. i., p. 524 et seq.

t A good deal of trouble was at this time caused by the Hindustani
fanatics under Maulavi Inayat Ali Khan. This culminated in a
punitive expedition in April 1858, under the command of Sir Sydney
Cotton. For an account of the Hindustani fanatics, see page 80
et seq. of the Record of Expeditions against the North- West Frontier
Tribes of India, by Paget and Mason (1885).

HELP FROM THE PUNJAB 163

" I hope by your writing- you are nearly recovered.
I do all I can for your men's families here. I have
given severe wigging's to two or three fellows of yours
who have come down lately from Kabul and Tirah,
and they have gone off hot foot to Delhi swearing
they are ' murids ' (disciples : i.e., eagerly loyal)."

From Sir John Lawrence, 25th July 1857 : —

"You will see that we are sending down upwards
of 4000 good and reliable troops, and not a Poorbeah
among them. We hope that 1200 or 1300 will be
Europeans. We have no more Europeans to give
you unless we evacuate Peshawar. We have not
more than 2200 this side of the Indus, of whom
many are weakly men, and 300 of them not even
arrived from Karachi.

"We may gradually send you more natives, but
no Europeans. I should hope, however, that these
reinforcements will suffice until troops arrive from
below. We hear that Cawnpore has been reoccupied
and Lucknow probably relieved. This should enable
our troops to move on to Agra. From thence it is
but a short spell to Aligarti and Shahdarrah. We
might and should send some guns to effect a junction,
and then advance and batter the Palace and river-
side of Delhi, and effect a diversion at the moment of
assault. A few heavy guns would soon make the
Palace too hot for His Imperial Majesty, and create
a great sensation.

"If things go wrong at Delhi, and it be a question
of more Europeans from this or a retreat, I am for
evacuating Peshawar and Kohat, and sending the
whole down. If we are beaten at Delhi and have to
retreat, our army will be destroyed. Neither Pesha-
war nor even the Punjab will then be of much good —
both will go. Whereas the Peshawar and Kohat
Force would give Europeans 3000, Punjab Regi-
ments 5000, Multani Horse 1000 — 9000 — besides
some 30 guns. Now in my mind such a force,
brought into the field in time, will turn the tide, or at
anyrate stem it until the cold weather. But such a
force when the army before Delhi is gone, and the
Punjab in insurrection will be swallowed up in the

164 THE GUIDES AND DELHI

general whirlwind. I hope and expect that there will
be no occasion for this sacrifice. But no man can
say what is in store for us. And it is necessary that
we take a statesmanlike view of the subject, and
decide on the line of policy to be followed ; otherwise
when the time comes we shall be unable to act.

" Read this to Chamberlain, and let me know his
views. I am for holding- Lahore and Multan to
extremity and no more, sending the women and
children down to Karachi, if things go wrong at
Delhi. Nicholson with H.M.'s 52nd must be across
the Beas to-day."

From Edwardes, 27th July 1857 : —

" So Sir P. G. [Patrick Grant] has 'hove in sight '
at last ; and announced himself at Cawnpore on nth
July with six European regiments for Delhi! And
our Fancy Man, Nicholson, has gone down from this
side with his shirt sleeves up ; and so I hope this is
the beginning of the end, and Delhi will be sur-
rounded at last, and assailed and squashed. Let me
know if you wish me to do anything in the recruiting
line for you."

From Edwardes, Peshawar, 29th July 1857 : —

"Are you getting any certain news of any rein-
forcements from below, or not?

" We have heard publicly that Sir Patrick Grant
with six European regiments was at Cawnpore
directed 'to Delhi — with care,' on nth July.
Privately we hear it is a false report. Truth probably
midway.

" Vaughan and James are again invited by Molvee
Inayat Ali to keep the Eed at Narinji with him on
Saturday' — and we have sent out knives and forks
and cold soiree. The Akhund * of Swat turns up his
nose at these Hindustani Ghazis, and behaves himself
like a gentleman.

* The Badshah (King) of Swat, who had been set by the Akhund
(religious leader), had died the very day (nth May) of the mutiny at
Meerut, and the Swatis were too much occupied with their own
affairs to give trouble. (See also footnote at p. 80.)

NO NEWS FROM CAWNPOEE 165

"We are intensely anxious about your force, and
hope there really are succours coming- to you from
below, for we can do little more ; unless we abandon
the frontier — which I believe would be fatal.

"All well at Kandahar on 13th July.

"Your soldiers never write to their fathers,
mothers, or sweethearts — and a precious row I have
at my house about it. If you would only send up
some captured trophy you would do good."

From Sir John Lawrence, 2nd August 1857 : —

" I see the Kumaonis joined you this morning,
and if you can only keep well, our other reinforce-
ments will soon be up. Nicholson, with the 52nd
and 6 1 st and Green's regiment and the new Punjab
levy, will bring up more than 2000 men. He is now
moving towards Umballa from Loodhiana. It has
struck me that if you were to write to one of our
Punjabis he might be raising men for the Guides.
I see by the last return from Norman that you are
very weak in infantry, though pretty well off in
cavalry. By the way, did 50 sowars whom Lake
sent down ever join you? It was intended that they
should do so. You will have heard of the flight of
the greater part of the 26th from Meean Meer.
They marched straight away in the middle of the
day, and no one made any effort in cantonments to
stop them. The country people and police, however,
intercepted and killed many of them ; some were
drowned, and the rest taken and executed. Not
above 100 can have escaped.

"It is very odd our hearing no authentic intelli-
gence from Cawnpore. By this time Havelock
should be at Aligarh. I am afraid that Lucknow
affairs have claimed his presence. The mail is in ;
but on the 26th June the good folks in England do
not seem to have realised our danger, or to have
stirred their stumps to aid us effectually."

The extracts from Daly's letters are resumed : —

" 2nd August. — We have been employed lately
in making the defences perfect, so that our men may

166 THE GUIDES AND DELHI

hold them unexposed, yet well able to open on the
meney a she approaches. The result of it was shown
last night. The fire was continued without interrup-
tion, and is in fact still going on in a mild way ; but
during the night the peals of musketry were ve?y
heavy ; the enemy must have fired tens of thousands
of rounds, besides round shot from the wall. Bugles
were sounding all night in the city, and outside
voices and shouting for the advance, but Pandy (this
is the universal name for the mutineers : Mangal
Pandy was the first man tried and executed for
mutiny) — Pandy has not increased his courage as
the moon fell. I have not heard that we lost any
one during the night, and since their firing has com-
menced our killed and wounded does not exceed a
dozen. We have had one sad loss ; Travers * was
peeping over a work and got shot in the forehead.
He is not dead, but there is no hope of recovery.
During the last twenty-four hours, despite the rounds
and rounds by thousands which have been expended,
but two others besides him have been mortally hit.
I consider this the most successful and scientific
drubbing we have shown Pandy. His loss has been
jreat ; his ammunition has been expended by cart-
oads ; he has never seen our men. These are the
essons we should teach when acting on the defensive.
Pursuing brings us loss when we have to return.

"4.1k Azigust. — Yesterday the Sikh Jewan Singh
and Jowahir Singh (whom I had sent to Cawnpore
to ascertain matters and carry letters) arrived. They
left this on 16th July, reached Cawnpore 22nd.
They found General Havelock there with the 78th
Highlanders, 1st Madras Fusiliers, and Sikh corps
with guns. Havelock's letter was as follows : ' I
regret to say Sir Hugh Wheeler was basely betrayed
and destroyed, 27th ultimo, by Nana Sahib. Thank
God, I have met with great and complete success.
I have encountered the rebels in three engagements,
and on each occasion took every gun from them, and
defeated them with great slaughter. I have destroyed
Bitore (the residence of the Nana, who headed the
rebels), and am now marching to Lucknow, which
holds out stoutly and well. My orders are strict to

* Of the 1st Punjab Infantry. He had served with Daly at Kohat.

DEATH OF HENRY LAWRENCE 167

relieve Lucknow. I have sent a copy of your letter
to Sir Patrick Grant. Reinforcements are on the
march in strength, including- the China Force, and
Sir Patrick Grant himself will soon be here.'

"Jewan Singh said notes were passing" to and
fro between Havelock and Lucknow. While they
were seated with General Havelock, a messenger
came with a note from the ' Bara Sahib' (Chief
Authority). Jowahir Singh questioned him about
the Sahib Log (English); he said the ladies and
children were all comfortable in the Taikhana (under-
ground rooms), and the Sahibs safe and unassailable ;
that all was well with them. This gave us comfort ;
the letter was dated from that bridge where toll is
levied between Cawnpore and Lucknow, one march
from the former, 25th July. Well, an hour after the
receipt of the above, a note was brought from Agra,
in which was given a copy of a letter from Havelock,
dated Cawnpore, 18th July, and sent from Agra, 31st.
In this he writes : ' Sir Henry Lawrence was wounded
on the 2nd July, and died 4th July.' This caused
great consternation and grief. I questioned Jewan
Singh long as to whether he had heard any talk of
Sir Henry's having been wounded, or sick ; he persists
that Sir Henry is well, that the messenger said he —
Sir Henry — had given him the letter. Moreover,
when I explained what was the report, the Sikh and
Jowahir Singh both exclaimed : ' People go to and
fro from Lucknow ; all talk of Sir Henry's stoutness,
and speak of him just as we speak of you in the
regiment' (meaning men were familiar with his
name); they said everybody speaks of Sir H.
Wheeler's murder, therefore it is not likely such a
death as Sir Henry's would be unknown. I am com-
forted by this. Havelock does not allude to it in
his letter, 26th, and on arrival at Cawnpore reports,
etc., may have reached him not to be relied on. I
have been sorely upset about this. Better have lost
Lucknow than Sir Henry. Lucknow can be retaken,
but he cannot be replaced ; at this season there is
no man in India whose character and peculiar know-
ledge would be so useful to the Government. God
grant it may not be true!

" 5t/i August. — Colonel Nicholson is here, but

168 THE GUIDES AND DELHI

goes back to meet his column ; there is doubtless a
good deal of jealousy about the supercession, but
nut all the Queen's colonels together who are in camp
(Greathed inclusive), and you could not extract a
man who would be willing even to incur the responsi-
bility of commanding this force. All here rejoiced
at Chamberlain's arrival, and not one would have
attempted to urge a word which would throw the
command on himself. Colonel Campbell is, I believe,
an excellent regimental officer, but there is a vast
difference between such a man and one who is able
to head and manage a force in the field. Moreover,
Colonel Campbell had no experience of actual service,
good as he is — and there is no doubt there is no
commanding officer here half as good.

" I thought at one time that there would be a
sudden and a great fall in Government Paper (India),
and wrote to Bombay to buy a lot in such event. It
has fallen but i and \\ per cent, in Bombay.

"6th August. — The news of Cawnpore was
flitting about the camp early last month, but without
confirmation ; one could not credit such brutality.
Even now, what puzzles us all is that so resolute and
experienced a soldier as Wheeler should have dreamt
of terms, or of faith. We shall hear more by and by
of the cause which led him to this, but of the massacre
there is no doubt.

"9th August. — The news in the Lahore Chronicle
about poor Sir Henry is from the same source I
mentioned. I have yet hope, and God grant there
may be ground for it. Calamity, indeed, for India
it would be.

" nth August. — I fear the report of Sir Henry.
We now learn a round shot struck his shoulder ; if
so — and there are details, sad details — death would
follow ; few, few survive the shock of a round shot.
I seemed to have some close tie to him. He rests in
peace and would not be sorry, personally, to quit
the world his loved wife no longer held a place in.

" \2th Augtist. — You will have learnt of Sir
Henry. I clung to hope for many a day, in fact
until yesterday. In these days of battle and death
there is so much to excite the mind that one is not
long by possibility in one vein of thought ; but I felt

A CAPITAL COUP 169

beaten down when this sad tale reached me. Reflec-
tion brings home to one the great public loss which
his death occasions. At any time India would mourn
his fall, but now, when she so much needed his
guidance and his wisdom, the death of the soldier
statesman fills all with grief. The public calamity
overpowers the consideration and thought of private
and personal bereavement. I do indeed feel that I
have lost a prop in the world. He was a rare
specimen of God's handiwork.

"This morning we made a capital coup. The
enemy has been bringing his guns out into the open
and has annoyed our picquets. We have somewhat
tempted him to this by making no rush to get them.
Yesterday it was resolved to seize those in the vicinity
of the Metcalfe picquet, and accordingly a force was
told off to attack this morning. It was kept a
profound secret. I was one of the half-dozen who
were aware of it. As the bugles announced the dawn
I anxiously awaited the sound of musketry ; quickly
it fell on the ear, and, as I wished to hear, in one clear
volley at first, and that before the light would enable
the enemy to discern from the walls what was going
on ; no desultory fire, but a quick, sharp volley. This
denoted success, that our column had been able to
approach near without detection, xAJl the guns (4,
including a howitzer) were captured, and the enemy
sorely mauled, for he was completely surprised. The
very horses were taken with the guns. Our loss was
not heavy considering ; one officer only mortally
wounded. The Brigadier (Showers) was hit twice,
— on the top of his finger, and by a bullet glancing
round underneath his arm. Coke got a flesh wound,
nothing bad, just as he seized the leading horses by
the head. The troops were in high glee, and this has
given delight to every one. We had taken no heavy
guns since the night I was wounded."

On the same date he wrote to England : —

"We are well here, though still without the walls
of Delhi ; our position has much strengthened ; we
await but reinforcements to stake the blow. The
enemy is cowed, and makes not the ventures he

170 THE GUIDES AND DELHI

formerly did. Colonel Nicholson's column comes in
to-morrow or the 14th ; 3000 — 1000 being' Europeans.
Then I hope nothing- will delay the capture of Delhi,
unless we should hear of the advance of troops from
below.

"The country, wherever our troops approach,
relapses into its old habits, and scarcely can a
spectator believe in the bloody revolution which has
torn up the old associations. Deserters from Delhi
are numerous ; they are not allowed to bear away
arms, so the deserting mutineers are plundered by
the villagers. It is estimated that there have been
35,000 or 40,000 fighting men within the walls ;
perhaps now 15,000 could not be mustered. They
may have had 10,000 killed and wounded. There are
always in every camp croakers, but I have never
observed anything but the most cheerful spirit
amongst the soldiery. The Europeans near my tent,
whenever the evening is cool and Pandy quiet, play
away at their games as though there was no more
serious occupation. Of an evening- till Tattoo they
walk up and down the road (my tent is at the corner)
neatly dressed, laughing and chatting in merry style.
I have never heard amongst them at any time, even
when we were weak in numbers, and the work was
even more harassing- than now, I have never heard a
desponding word ; of the result they never doubted.
The same with the Guides and Ghurkhas. The
Europeans have sometimes fought badly, but they
have never talked despondingly ; now all look cheerful
and hopeful. Pandy, we know, is in much distress ;
he knows not what to do ; to fly home, there he will
be followed ; to remain here, he will be slain. The
60th Rifles are beyond value; the old men of the
corps. I consider, and I expect it is the general
opinion, that 100 Riflemen equal 200 of any of the
British infantry we have. I wish you could see the
spirit which actuates the Guides ; how cheerful they
are amidst wounds and death ; with what heroic
devotion they rush forward.

{iiSth August. — Good news from Lucknow last
evening-. General Havelock had encountered all the
Oudh force, a few miles the Cawnpore side of
Lucknow ; the fight lasted long ; he utterly defeated

GOOD NEWS FROM HAVELOCK 171

them, and took 20 guns. No mention of Sir Henry,
and my hope died three days ago.

" \^th Augtist. — The Punjab column came in this
evening-. The siege train is far behind. I don't
think that would delay us, but with it are two corps,
and a portion of one will relieve the 60th Rifles at
Meerut — nearly 400 good soldiers, who will then join
us. We are strong enough for the assault now, I
have no doubt, but probably it will not be made.

" \6th August.- — The siege train will be at
Umballa about 19th or 20th. This was not
required under the circumstances of the first pro-
positions for attack ; blowing in the gates and
escalading were the ideas then. Now a breach will
be made ; probably breaches in two places.

" iStA August. — Nothing certain of an advance
from Cawnpore, though certain troops in numbers
are gathering. I put no faith in the paper reports
because I can always trace their origin. We know
all that is known and can be known. The informa-
tion respecting Sir Henry's wound was from two
quarters; both native ; but I have no hope — none.

" igth August. — News from General Havelock
that, having received reinforcements, he was about
to march (next morning) on Lucknow ; that he had
thoroughly discomfited the enemy, and had taken
between 40 and 50 guns ; after settling Lucknow he
should proceed to Agra, and thence to Delhi. All
this is well, and, what I believe is better, there is no
intention of awaiting his advent. The camp looks
very picturesque ; the sun shining on the tents, which
are pitched about in all directions, and are on every
hillock. One of the bands plays within the Staff
Square every evening, and people ride round, laugh,
chat, and gather together as though nothing of
unusual importance was going on.

" 26th August. — The large siege train from
Ferozpur is now near at hand, escorted by a Punjab
corps, and 3500 Dogras (a hill tribe), a contingent
offered by Gulab Singh before his death, and subse-
quently despatched by his son and successor, are
at Umballa en route. The day of reckoning is near.
Two days ago we received information that the
enemy had moved out of the city with 5000 or 6000

172 THE GUIDES AND DELHI

men and 18 guns, attempting to get by a circuitous
route to our rear. General Cortlandt, of Edwardes'
renown, is at Hansi, holding that country with a body
of newly raised irregulars. A force marched from
this yesterday at 6 a.m. to cut off the enemy. Rain
fell in torrents at midday, and greatly did we fear that
it would impede and prevent the passage of our guns
across the heavy ground. Happily, however, thanks
to the good pluck of the men and the energy of the
commander — a fine fellow, an old Punjab friend of
mine, Colonel Nicholson — the force crossed the
swampy ground. They marched on 18 miles,
attacked and thoroughly routed the enemy, taking
12 guns- — all that had crossed the canal. Our loss
was slight in number, but it included young Lumsden
of Coke's corps, brother of Major Lumsden,* and
well worthy to be so ; a fine, gallant young soldier,
shot through the heart : but two other officers were
touched ; one, a doctor, killed, and one wounded."

To England Daly wrote at this time : —

" There is one difficulty which was known to no
one perhaps, save the engineer of the place — the walls
have been lately repaired and rebuilt f ; the ditch out-
side is so deep, and the counterscarp of the glacis so
raised, that unless guns are on the very counterscarp
it would be impossible to raze the wall. A breach
bringing down the upper portion and leaving perhaps
8 feet or io of the thick, can be made at 400 yards,
and this will be done immediately the train arrives.

"In the assault I think the flight and rush will be
great. Some buildings and places will, I fear, be
held with tenacity, and loss, heavy loss, will be ours.
Nevertheless it must be undertaken, and the sooner
the better; while Delhi remains with them, India is
said, amidst a nation of liars, to be in the possession
of the mutineers. With Delhi will pass the great
, struggle, and the guerilla war which will ensue will be
more of punishment than opposition.

* Major Lumsden was the substantive Commandant of the Guides.
He was at this time employed with the Kandahar Mission.

t By Lieut. Robert Napier (afterwards Field-Marshal Lord Napier
of Magdala) : see Forty-One Years in India, by Field-Marshal Lord
Roberts, vol. i., pp. 162-3.

SIR COLIN CAMPBELL 173

" Death and misery have run wild in many a
happy home, many a noble, many a cherished spirit
has fled ; but it is evident that the blow was to fall some
time. It is no mere mutiny, but the struggle^ the
revolt, of the army we have disciplined and trained.
My opinion for the future in India is that the native
regular army will cease ; it will not be re-established
in Bengal. The regular army should consist entirely
of Europeans ; railways pushed on ; the Europeans
garrisoned in the best climates;* 60,000 European
troops for the Punjab, North-West, and Bengal.

" India should be the nursery of the British army ;
they would be available for service in any part of the
world — the bulk of them trained troops. John Bull
does not relish being behindhand when awar breaks
forth ; yet it must be so, as the profession of arms
is unpopular at home, and John loves not the sight of
'idling Red Coats.' God help them, poor fellows!
they have little idling here ; we have had upwards of
120 officers killed and wounded, and at least 1500
men ; in proportion to strength engaged, Sevastopol
casualties were not so high ! To hark back to the
army. The native portion to be reduced half at
least, and kept in the irregular form : i.e., 4 officers to
each corps, and officers of selection ; then the 3rd
body of the army to be police for general duty.
Never again would there be an army in the land to
contest the supremacy with its rulers.

" 2gtk August. — I forgot to mention yesterday
about Sir Colin Campbell. General Anson's death
was telegraphed, and reached London on the 12 th
July. Sir Colin was offered, and more I suppose in
these days, the command of the army, and started the
next day and overtook the mails. He sent a tele-
gram to Mansfield at Warsaw, offering him ' the chief
of the staff' ; accepted, and Mansfield will be out by
the next steamer. You know my opinion of Sir Colin.

* Sir H. Lawrence, in his Adventures of an Officer, etc. (1845), had
written :—" Considerations of finance, as well as of humanity, might
open the eyes of those in authority to the advantages of locating the
European troops in the hill stations, with such facilities for communi-
cation as might enable the men to be brought down speedily on any
emergency."

174 THE GUIDES AND DELHI

I know he has not capacity sufficient for the position
and work such as now there will be. Mansfield, on
whom he leans entirely, has the capacity, but his intel-
lect is subtle, and his character inspires no man with
confidence. I like him, but I question whether any-
body else in camp does ; but even with my feelings
towards him and knowledge of his ability, I cannot
bring myself to say that I should confide in hirn. Both
have no affection for the Company's service ; in fact I
have no doubt it will cease to exist. How the army will
be reconstituted it is hard to say, but I lean very much
to a letter published in the Times, and signed ' M.P.'
India will be in future the garrison for British troops :
hill stations, good roads (rail), rapid communication.

" 30th August. — News from Cawnpore, 13th and
17th. Havelock had gone out again to Bhitoor, and
had punished and mauled the mutinous42nd, which
was marching across from Saugor. This is the last
of the mutinous corps on foot.

"All well at Lucknow. Reinforcements will soon
be with Havelock in strength ; there is no mention
from Cawnpore of Lucknow being in trouble.

" 1st September. — Everything is in readiness to
commence close operations immediately on the siege
train's appearance. The Rifles and artillery at
Meerut have moved. 'General' Nicholson is in the
tent talking. The siege train will be here on the 5th.
Captain Wilde's Punjab Corps has passed Umballa,
so have the Dogras ; therefore our strength is being
collected at Najatgarh. Nicholson accomplished
what I believe no other man here would have done,
and this is the impression of every man with whom
I have spoken. So many guns were not taken even
on the 8th June. Nicholson is able, vigorous, and
brave as a lion. You remember dear Sir Henry's
kindly, affectionate feeling towards him ; it was not
without sound cause.

"General Havelock's force was but 1400 or 1500,
without cavalry ; heaps of guns, but few gunners.

" 4th September. — The siege train is in, and in
a few days everything will be ready for work. Sir T.
Metcalfe was in here just now, and. gave me an
account of his miraculous escape (from Delhi).

"6th September. — The following is the plan of

SIEGE TRAIN AT WOKK 175

operations. It is known to none but the engineers
and three others. We shall erect two batteries to-
morrow night, and hope to have them in readiness for
breaching the following morning. They will pound
the whole of the 8th, during the early morning of
which another battery will be prepared at a spot
which affords shelter, and is within 200 or 250 yards
of the Cashmere Gate. The breaching batteries with
the heavy guns will be 600 yards from the walls ; on the
9th, should all be ready, the assault will be made.
Should matters go well, should the fire of our batteries
be as successful as anticipated, the assault will come
off in two places ; the Guides will not assault. Should
the fire not be so effective, we must delay a little.

" jtk September. — 10-gun battery commenced
within 600 yards, after heavy firing from the Moree
(grape) and musketry on the working party, about

9 p.m. Happily the enemy's fire was diverted to the
ridge, and the work at 11 p.m. was proceeding satis-
factorily. Jowahir Singh returned from Cawnpore

10 p.m. — good account. General Havelock awaits
but the arrival of the 5th and 90th — God willing
— to relieve Lucknow. Jowahir Singh affirms that
he saw Forbes, the doctor, Hardinge, etc., all well
at Lucknow. Ghulam Mohi-ud-din killed in a sally
from the Muchee Bhawan, which we had been obliged
to relinquish, with stores.

" Saw my father's death, 15th July, in the Extra :
re-read all the letters in which his state was men-
tioned.— God rest him.

uSt/i. — Battery (divided in two at 150 yards dis-
tant) completed before daylight — 3 guns in position.
The enemy apparently astonished when morning dis-
closed the battery so close to the walls. Bugles
sounded the 'Assembly,' and great was the cry to go
forth to the attack ; however, no great advance took
place ; some cavalry galloped as though meaning the
battery, but a shower of grape quelled them ; our loss,
2 officers, and about 20 men killed and wounded. The
erection of the battery cost us no life. Parties at work
at nightfall to make mortar batteries in the Kudsia
Bagh and prepare the breaching battery. Went up
to the Mosque battery with the Brigadier at evening
to observe the fire ; the Moree (bastion) still alive.

176 THE GUIDES AND DELHI

" gtk. — The breaching' battery worked up to the
embrasures during- the night. Mortar batteries
finished : 10 heavy guns well at work tearing down
the defences. Baird Smith full of life, but the spirit
and energy of Taylor * are on the ground and do the
work ; Baird Smith fitfully wanders about ; heavy
complaints of the General's vacillation and want of
reliance. Pandy did little damage during- the night ;
his guns from Kishengunge do most and heaviest
damage. Our loss severe : evening- 7th, 2 officers and
18 men killed, 57 wounded.

" \otk September. — The operations are progres-
sing satisfactorily and successfully, though, from the
nature of the ground, the works have been slower
than was anticipated. Heavy firing last nig-ht on the
working parties. However, it is now but a question
of hours. In all sieges the last operations cannot be
looked to within a few hours of certainty ; at Multan
we paraded three times for the storm. Went to the
Ridg-e with Chamberlain,

( nth September. — Taylor called, telling- us all his
work was over. All the batteries needed have been
erected ; one will not open fire till to-morrow morning
or at midnight, otherwise all is in readiness. To-
morrow should suffice for the pounding of the works,
but it is not possible to say until the effect of the fire
has been seen for some hours. We have one battery
which has got to open 160 yards from the wall; this
will astonish our friend Pandy.

" \2tl1 September. — Meeting at the General's to
hear plan of assault — 3 columns, Nicholson 1st,
Campbell 3rd, Jones 2nd. Campbell's for the Jama
Masjid — the most trying work in my mind, but he is
resolute and good. Nicholson leads, no lesser man
could lead. Longfield reserve, Denny camp and con-
valescents. Reid to attack Paharipur with Guides
and Gurkhas, and contingent. Fagan, an officer
who has universal respect — whose name was in
everyone's mouth, so cheerful, so hardy, so heroic,
was shot dead or nearly so, as he sat on the trail of
his gun watching the effect of the shot for which he
had just laid. Great regret throughout the camp.
Storm to-morrow ! "

* Afterwards General Sir Alexander Taylor, G.C.B.

BREACH MADE AND CARRIED 177

Daly's wound still incapacitated him from active
duty ; with Chamberlain, he watched the assault from
the top of Hindu Rao's house, "able neither to ride
nor run," though he descended, and took charge of
the picquet when things looked black through the
check to Reid's column.*

Next day he wrote : —

' i/\.tk September.- — The assault came off at day-
break. I was not near the breach and therefore
cannot describe the sight, which must have been
glorious ; our troops there behaved with all their right-
ful valour. The troops had to escalade ; the Gate
(Cashmere) was blown in ; but few survived who
performed the deed. We hold the walls and bastions
which formerly so worried us, and have established
ourselves well in the city. The enemy fought stoutly
in several places. They have bolted in numbers, and
have rushed out of the city.

"The attack from here (Hindu Rao's house) on a
party outside in great strength and numbers, in
which Guides, Ghurkhas, and some Europeans, with
the contingent from Cashmere, suffered heavy loss,
failed in capturing the guns on which they made the
assault ; however, everybody is as well as we could
expect. Colonel Campbell has a slight wound ; he
has done, and is doing, his work heroically. I came
up here last night thinking I might be of use, and I
found it was so.

" \$th September.- — Loss we encountered, but the
success was great. But for this failure on the right
in an outside attack, all would have been glorious.
We are now shelling the Palace and battering old
Selim Ghar. Hundreds have quitted Delhi. Animals
laden with all sorts of spoil we can observe moving
away. There was not much resistance at the breach,
but the firing on our advancing column was heavy,
and our loss was heavy. Afterwards the troops

* The check was mainly ascribed to Reid receiving a severe and
disabling wound just as he was completing his dispositions for the
attack. The position after the check was one of great danger. (See
Kaye's Sepoy War, vol. iii., p. 611.)

M

178 THE GUIDES AND DELHI

advanced along" the ramparts at a great pace, captur-
ing guns and driving the mutineers away without
difficulty, until we came to a halt at one bastion for
supports and ammunition. Here for the first time
the opposition became stiff; 10 officers, I think, of
the Fusiliers were killed and wounded. Nicholson,
exhorting the men to make a manful rush, got his bad
wound. Welby Greathed wounded ; arm broken,
but not badly. It looks so singular to observe our
people quietly moving along the front of the walls
where death was so busy but a few days ago. Pandy
is sorely disheartened, but still holds out desperately
in some places. Nearly every heavy gun has been
captured.

" 16th September. — We have been doing well and
making progress since yesterday. Kishengunge has
been evacuated ; they have left guns and have
evaporated. The Magazine was assaulted at dawn,
after having been breached; 125 guns, with muni-
tions of war, etc. We lost nothing ; 3 or 4 men
wounded. To-day matters are going very well; the
roads full of bolters. Nicholson, the General, and a
great officer he will be if saved, is but a trifle better.

" 1 *]th September. — Our operations are doing well ;
no lives, or few, lost yesterday. I have not been in the
city, but am in command of this position (Hindu
Rao's house, etc.), which I can manage though un-
able to run a stride, and I am glad to be of any use.
I have the Guide Infantry, Ghurkhas, and some of
the 6 1 st Foot, Bengal Fusiliers, and artillery. I have
had no sleep for two nights.

" iSth September. — The blow has been a heavy
one, and Delhi will long carry with it many tearful
memories. We are progressing. Chamberlain is in
the city and doing all he can. From poor Nicholson
we may not look for aid again : I fear he is very bad.
All feeling about supersession had passed. I think
his valour and perception were such that all felt he
was born for command.

" igth September. — General Nicholson is danger-
ously ill ; I fear much for him ; he will be a heavy loss
indeed. Murray of the Guides : he was wounded a
bit on the 25th June, and again in July, never seri-
ously, but his health was bad, and he was sent to

DEATH OF NICHOLSON 170

Kasauli and recovered, and returned looking- strong
and well about the 6th of this month. I had got him,
a month ago, an adjutancy of one of the new regi-
ments. As I mentioned, the Guides were not in the
assault of the city, but in the action on the right.
The Guide officers, with a few men and a few-
Europeans, made a rush across a terrible fire attempt-
ing to gain a breast cover. Murray, one of the fore-
most, brave lad, was shot through the chest and fell
dead. Captain M'Barnett fell at the same moment,
or nearly so. The loss was heavy amongst 6oth,
Fusiliers, 6ist, Guides, and Ghurkhas.

" We lost nobody yesterday. It would be possible
to clear the place with a rush, but to save life we are
adopting the plan of steadyadvance.

"unci. — The old king is in our hands, and had
our information been worth anything, his sons*
also would be prisoners. Some Sikh sowars of
Hodson's came on them ; not knowing who they were,
plundered the sons, and took no heed of their capture.
We shall get them yet, I hope ; that Mirza Mogul
Beg must be hanged as high as possible. Our
terrible loss is Nicholson ; his services we have no
longer, and I fear his life can hardly be looked for.
He is so ill and worn. Everybody else among- the
wounded is doing well."

It was to Daly's tent that Nicholson was borne
when wounded. After his death, which occurred on
the 23rd September, Chamberlain and Daly formed
the committee of adjustment on his affairs. Daly
now heard from Sir John Lawrence, dated 19th
September : —

' I have to thank you for your letter giving an
account of the assault ; almost the only one any of
my friends have sent me. It strikes me very forcibly
that, as you say, it was a mistake attacking
Kishengunge at all. It could hardly fail to fall, if
we were successful in the town. And the men
expended in this erratic attack would have done good

* Afterwards captured and shot by Hodson.

180 THE GUIDES AND DELHI

service elsewhere. But it was unreasonable to
suppose that the Cashmere troops could face
1 8-pounders. I would have been for leaving- 400
or 500 of these well posted to mask Kishengunge.

"It seems to me, moreover, that we made a
mistake in attempting" too much on the morning of
the 14th, and perhaps might have done better had
we been less ambitious. I did not get any plan^ of
the attack, but I hear that it embraced the expulsion
of the mutineers from the whole of the city. If this
was true, surely it was too great a task for the means
at our disposal. Perhaps I may be wrong in my
criticisms, but I do not make them after the affair.
This I thought from the time that matters assumed
their present gravity.

" I feel very much vexed that I have no reinforce-
ments to send to Delhi ; we are barely holding the
country and no more. And had I not some good
men about me, we should not do this. At Murree
we had a petty affair which showed we were not over-
secure. At Peshawar the slightest spark would cause
a general conflagration. Even while I write we have
a disaffection among the wild tribes in the jungles,
half-way between this and Multan, which may give
us trouble. They have intercepted the post, and
seem bent on mischief.

" This delay in sending troops from England, or
rather in not sending some of them inland, may
breed great misfortunes. God grant us success. It
is very terrible to think how much will depend on the
next few days. I trust that the troops will be kept
well in hand, and full time taken in mastering each
point. We cannot afford to lose many men. We
have no reserve to give you. I am hunting up all the
officers I can lay hands on. General Cotton is sending
some 19, and some more will go down from this
division. I trust, therefore, that full 40 will be
available after clearing out Simla and Mussooree. I
hope the Guides did not suffer much. How is Khan
Singh Rosa?"

On the 27th, Daly wrote from the Jama Masjid : —

" I have come down here to pay Major Coke a
visit. He is quartered in this magnificent pile with

DELHI AFTER THE SIEGE 181

his corps. The city is a wondrous sight ; doors and
windows broken open, here and there a cat peering-.
Bottles, boxes, bedding-, furniture, and articles
beggaring- description cast about. Men of all colours
(soldiers) searching and plundering. The inhabitants
roaming about helpless and hungry in every direc-
tion. Nobles and delicate women, still carrying-
jewels and wealth, without food and almost without
covering. The desolation no language can paint.
The retribution will be palpable. The Guides will
march back as soon as English troops arrive. Had
we to depend on home succour, what would our hold
on India have been worth? The fall of Delhi has
been the fall of the rebel cause. Walking about the
streets of Delhi one could only wonder how we had
acquired it. The rebels in some places were ready
for a stiff resistance. Sand bag's in piles, guns loaded
to the muzzle and placed in position, all betokened
that which they had no leadership or heart to carry
out. We have struggled and reeled through our
trials."

At the beginning- of October Daly, who was still
crippled with his wound, was granted a few weeks'
leave to Simla, whence he wrote on the 12th October
to England : —

' The relief of Lucknow has taken place. I grieve
for the death of General Neill. We had many rolled
pieces of paper from him during our struggle at Delhi.
His heart and courage were always high ; he seemed
to be the Nicholson of that force. Our column, which
has marched by Aligarh to Agra, is pursuing its
course with little molestation or opposition. The
mutineers evacuate each place and throw away their
arms as we approach. We have sustained terrible
blows in the fall of our best men. Colonel Greathed,
who commands that force, was sent, not on account
of his capacity, but because the men of capacity were
either killed or wounded. It was to have been
Nicholson's post, and there neither is nor was any
man who could so thoroughly have filled it. One can
feel the blunders of the Crimean War, for truly few

182 THE GUIDES AND DELHI

of the Queen's officers have had any experience of any
service beyond mess management, and their views are
narrow and regimental. They are altogether ignorant
of the broader duties, and knozv nothing of the interests
at stake.

" Lord Canning has to answer for the delay at
Lucknow. Had Sir John Lawrence pursued the
same policy, we should have been overwhelmed at
Delhi, and the north-west would have been swamped.
Lord Canning seems to have had thought and care
for nothing but Calcutta and Bengal, whereas the
latter (for Calcutta had ships and sailors, citizens
and volunteers) did but faintly through the Sepoy
corps, and they were few, reflect the tone above.
Lord Canning at first was plucky ; as the troubles
gained strength he lost it. It is melancholy to read
the debates on our affairs ; the ' weighing of sug-
gestions' by Lord Palmerston as to the passage oi
troops through Egypt. De Lacy Evans dwells on
this in a great deal of twaddle, 20th August, and
Lord Palmerston replies with thanks. We who
looked for aid in July learn that in August and
September the near road was thought worthy of
consideration. Had Government but sent 500 men
to Bombay, the effect would have been substantial ;
it was heartrending to read the flummery that was
spoken about the strong arm of England, and to
learn that steamers were leaving every fortnight,
which might each time have brought 500 soldiers,
with nothing but debates and promises.

" I know not just at present whether my connection
with the Guides will continue or not. I wrote to ask
Sir John ; he replied : ' Something satisfactory will
assuredly turn up ; how I cannot say, for I do not
know. Lumsden will not return till December,
therefore all that will be necessary is to provide for
you or him then.' I should have liked, what Susie
so much wished, to be military secretary to Sir
Henry. He would have been pleased also, I think
and feel. Now I have no fancy for the appointment.
Sir John is most kind, most cordial, we have kept
up an intimate correspondence during the war, and
it has happened in several instances that I have
asked for appointments for those who have distin-

HONOURS OF WAR 183

guished themselves and for men of whom I have
thought well. In no case has he ever replied by
letter, but the Gazette has at once announced the
appointment, and this even to commands of corps.
Nevertheless he is not to me what Sir Henry was.
I had a love for him exceeding even the admiration
and reverence in which I held his lofty character,
his great attainments ; as Lumsden said, in writing"
of his death from Candahar, 'it is much, Daly, to
have known one such man.' I have a sort of
melancholy satisfaction in the knowledge that Susan
saw him and learnt to appreciate him."

The Guides left Delhi to return to Mardan on
the 1 8th December 1857. They first marched to
Peshawar, where they arrived on the 2nd February
1858, and were given a great reception. A division
order of that date by Major-General Sir Sydney
Cotton, commanding the Peshawar Division,
began : —

" Major-General Cotton makes known throughout
the division under his orders that the troops of the
Peshawar cantonment were paraded under his
personal command to-day to receive and welcome
the corps of Guides on its arrival in cantonment from
the siege of Delhi. A royal salute was fired in
honour of the Guides on their approaching the
parade-ground, and the troops saluted when the
General delivered addresses to the troops and to
the Peshawar force."

Four combatant British officers marched to Delhi
with the Guides : 1 5 others were attached to the
corps for various periods during the siege. Of these
1 9, 3 were killed, 1 died, and 8 were wounded ;
one of the latter was wounded six times, one four
times, at least two others were wounded more than
once. Edwardes said in a speech at a banquet :
' There was not one officer of the Guides who was

184 THE GUIDES AND DELHI

on their return to Peshawar not wounded at least
once. Sometimes every officer was laid up with
wounds, and an entirely new set of officers had to be
appointed." Of native ranks the strength on reaching
Delhi was*2i8 cavalry and 423 infantry, the reinforce-
ments subsequently received at various times were
205 cavalry and 241 infantry, making a grand total
of 1 107. The losses were, in the cavalry, 28 killed
and 49 wounded, or over 18 per cent. ; and in the
infantry, 99 killed and 173 wounded, or nearly 41
per cent. Even these percentages do not give an
adequate idea of the loss,* because a considerable
proportion of the reinforcements did not arrive till
the struggle was virtually over.

Twenty-five native officers and men of the
Guides received the Order of Merit for distinguished
conduct before Delhi. Fifty-four men were specially
mentioned in regimental orders, and promoted on

* These figures are taken from the regimental history of the
corps of Guides : they do not tally, as regards initial strength, with
those given by Norman, the Assistant Adjutant-General of the Army,
who was on the spot and in a position to obtain accurate returns.
In his Narrative of the Campaign of the Delhi Army, dated 28th
October 1857, he writes thus (p. 47): "All behaved nobly, but it
may be permitted to allude somewhat to those corps most constantly
engaged from the beginning, the 60th Rifles, Sirmoor Battalion, and
Guides. Probably not one day throughout the siege passed without
a casualty in one of these corps ; placed in the very front of our
position, they were ever under fire. Their courage, their high
qualifications as skirmishers, their cheerfulness, their steadiness, were
beyond commendation. Their losses in action show the nature of
the service.

" The Rifles commenced with 440 of all ranks ; a few days before
the storm they received a reinforcement of nearly 200 men : their
total casualties were 389.

"The Sirmoor Battalion commenced 450 strong, and once was
joined by a draft of 90 men. Its total casualties amounted to 319.

"The Guides commenced with about 550 (cavalry and infantry),
and the casualties were 313."

PRAISE FROM JOHN COMPANY 185

the spot to the commissioned or non-commissioned
ranks "for gallantry in the field."

The Court of Directors, in one of the last letters
which they wrote (No. 50, dated the 30th August
1858), thus addressed the Government of India : —

"We cannot too strongly express our entire con-
currence in the sentiments expressed by Major-
General Cotton in his Division Order on the occasion
of the return of the Guides to the Frontier.

"That corps, by the extraordinary alacrity with
which they proceeded to Delhi, marching 580 miles
in twenty-one days, and having during- those twenty-
one days turned off the road 1 2 miles one night to
attack mutineers ; by their remarkable services before
Delhi, where, for nearly four months, both officers
and men were constantly in action, sometimes twice
a day ; by their singular fidelity, as shown by the
fact that of 800 men not one man deserted to the
enemy, whilst 350 of them were killed and wounded ;
and by their heroic gallantry, having established for
themselves the strongest claim to our approbation
and favour. We desire that these our sentiments
may be conveyed to them through their gallant com-
mander, Major Daly."

CHAPTER VIII

LUCKNOW' — 1858

The general position ; summons to Lucknow ; capture of the city ;
death of Hodson ; appointed to Hodson's Horse ; memorandum
on the Corps ; Lucknow after the capture ; Napier ; operations
at Moosabagh ; hopes for Sir John Lawrence as Governor-
General ; Russell of the Times ; Chamberlain and Mansfield ;
Hearsay's story.

After the fall of Delhi, Daly spent his few weeks'

leave with his wife at Simla. She had been in Simla

throughout the anxious time at the commencement

of the mutiny, when the station was entirely without

defence or defenders and the rising- of the Ghurkha

regiment at Jutogh was for some days hourly

expected. Daly returned to Delhi at the end of

November, and immediately after this the Guides

were ordered back to Mardan. Mrs Daly joined her

husband at Umballa and marched with the corps to

Lahore, whence he took his wife and children to

Multan en route for England. They arrived at

Multan on the nth January 1858, after seven days'

march. Mrs Daly wrote : —

"We accomplished the journey without danger
or difficulty. The country looks deserted and bare ;
the rebels of the Gogaira* district are thoroughly

* A rising of the wild and wandering tribesmen of this tract
occurred in September, the news reaching Sir John Lawrence the very
day (14th September) that Delhi was assaulted. The disaffection at
first seemed likely to spread, but was suppressed by Sir John's prompt
and vigorous measures.

ISO

THE GENERAL POSITION 187

dispersed, it is said. Sowars are posted along- the
road, and they give you a guard from chauki to
chauki, if you wish it. We usually had a few sowars
if we were out late at night, but all appeared perfectly
quiet, and Europeans are marching up the road
constantly. There are 'Serais' about 12 miles apart
along the road. These Serais, large walled enclosures
for the protection of travellers, have each of them a
room or two where one can sleep. There are four or
five dak bungalows on the road, but these have been
plundered and all the furniture stolen. We had no
adventures beyond an occasional break-down of
luggage carts, or a pair of bullocks that would not
stir.

After seeing his family on board a boat on the
Indus, Daly returned by mail-cart to Lahore. The
210 miles occupied twenty-six hours : —

"The roads, broken up by constant traffic which
has lately set in, are in a state indescribable." After
a day at Lahore, he proceeded to Jhelum : " Here the
road was better, and we did the 100 miles in nine
hours. I often wish my head was towards the army
and the camp for service. I must try to get down ;
but just now, as the Guides have returned, this will
not be easy. The infantry are almost annihilated :
killed, wounded, and sick are so numerous that the
corps must be renovated. Good men in the field are
scarce. Great man there has not been since Henry
Lawrence and Nicholson's spirits. They were of a
separate class."

"The work in Oudh must now be going on. Sir
Colin has a large force to wield ; how different from
our advance on Delhi, 1500 infantry. He is strong
in artillery, efficient in cavalry, and with the prestige
of success in every struggle ; for, amidst the thousand
fights, often with incapable leaders and insufficient
parties, defeat has never dimmed us. The people of
Oudh, i.e., the soldiery, know full well the approach
of the end ; whereas, in all the early days they fought
not merely for victory, — they deemed that secure with
such a handful of competitors as we were, — they fought

188 LUCKNOW

for extermination. Now the tables are turned. I
have little doubt hundreds would accept any terms
they could get ; thousands will bolt into the forests
and deserts of Oudh. Nevertheless there must be a
struggle under the great gateways, in the courtyards
and palaces which Susan has painted ; but as I have
said, all things chime well for the attack, whereas,
nobody at a distance can describe the feeling of dismay
which smote us at Delhi in July and August, when,
instead of the armed men who, in our fancy, were walk-
ing the decks of the steamers, we received debates, long
heroic speeches of standing by us to the last, but an
intimation that ships were quicker than steamers,
that the Overland Route, which two dragoon corps,
with all their paraphernalia, had taken the previous
year for India, was tedious and impracticable. Yet
the Bombay Government in May telegraphed to
Calcutta for permission to despatch steamers and
ships, which they had in abundance in the harbour
(just returned from the Persian campaign) to Suez.
So great was the need felt, that to my knowledge in
May it was suggested to Lord Elphinstone to request
the Governor of Malta to despatch two corps from
Malta without awaiting the sanction from home, and
Lord Elphinstone all but did it. Oh how we cheered
the few allies we had by telling them of the speed
with which English troops would quit England.
Many of us, all of us, fancied that Lord Palmerston,
with his Civis Romanus sum notions and with the
experience of the Crimea at hand, would have met
the moment. How bitter was our disappointment ;
how sad the day in camp when these things became
known ! Sir John wrote to me, ' the Government at
home have a mind to leave us alone.' Had the
Mauritius and Cape governors taken the same view,
the Bombay army would have gone in numbers : one
corps sufficed to stay it, and that corps landed from
the Mauritius! 200 or 400 men from England in
Bombay in July would have been the preservation
of Central India. The villains placarded about, 'So
many months and not a boasted Englishman has
come to the rescue ; they cannot come, for that
good Muhammadan the Sultan has stopped the
road.' "

"AT PESHAWAR, READY FOR ORDERS" 189

The reception given to the Guides at Peshawar
has already been related. Daly himself stayed some
little time with Edwardes, of whom he wrote to his
wife : —

" Edwardes is a charming companion ; he has a
rich mind, his knowledge is well in hand, and the
method and style of expression are very happy ; he
speaks with great self-possession and readiness, is as
apt in speaking as in conversation ; his system is to
put his whole strength into everything he does. You
know my love for him was not thorotigh ; that
interview at Rawal Pindi, on our downward route
warmed me somewhat to him, and certainly increased
my admiration and respect for his capacity and
courage. He is warm and cordial to me."

Daly was now offered the appointment of Deputy
Commissioner of Kohat. He declined, remarking,
' The pay and position are good, but it is in a corner,
and I would rather be in the world in these days."
The Guides reached Mardan on the nth February
1858, when a great deal of work had to be done in
settling accounts, returns, etc.

Daly's old friend Mansfield was now chief of the
staff to Sir Colin Campbell, and while Daly was at
Peshawar, Edwardes had received a telegram, "The
Chief of the Staff enquires where is Captain Daly ? "
The reply was, "At Peshawar, ready for orders."
Hearing nothing more, Daly wrote to Mansfield that
he had for some days expected orders to start, but
now imagined that there was no immediate opening,
and that he regretted this, as he would like to have
seen the Lucknow struggle. On the 23rd February,
by the advice of the medical authorities at Peshawar,
he underwent a painful operation in the hope that it
would result in his recovering power in the left
shoulder, which was stiff and the arm useless from

190 LUCKNOW

the effects of his wound. Two days later came
another telegram to Edwardes from Mansfield at
Lucknow : —

"Will you kindly send an express to Captain Daly
of the Guides to ask him to come down and live here
with me. The Commander-in-Chief has given me
leave to make this offer. For the present I can do
nothing more, but he will understand it all as an
answer to his note. I do not see why he should not
be in time for the struggle, if he makes haste."

Sir John Lawrence readily accorded the necessary
permission, and Daly, with his crippled shoulder, set
off at once.

After arrival at Lucknow he wrote : —

"I reached Bebiapur on the 9th. The head-
quarters were in our old quarters. The Commander-
in-Chief, Mansfield, and all the swells were, on my
arrival, at the Martiniere, which had been attacked
from the Dilkusha. I rode across, and met a most
hearty reception ; Sir Colin markedly cordial and
jolly ; Hope- Johnstone and many an old friend's face ;
Delhi companions and Oudh allies. I left Mardan at
7 a.m. on the 1st, in a cold, misty rain, the ground
slippery and heavy. Kennedy drove me to Now-
shera. I rode on and reached Rawal Pindi before 8
p.m. ; 100 miles over. I was obliged to stop the night
at Pindi, and to start off my bag" for Jhelum, which I
reached the following- morning-. I got into the mail-
cart for Lahore about noon on the 3rd, and reached
that nig-ht at 12 ; started ag"ain for Umballa at 7 a.m.,
4th ; stopped at Ludhiana for half an hour, very
hungry and somewhat tired with shoulder pains,
however a glass of beer and some cold meat refreshed
me and on I went ; entered Umballa about 7 a.m., 5th,
breakfast and off again ; got to Karnal at 7 p.m., was
hospitably received and fed by the civilian ; off again,
and into Delhi about 7 a.m. on the 6th. I drove to
Sir John's ; he was in tents, most hearty and most
kind : it was arranged that I should spend the day
there, and off again in the evening. Chamberlain

J

1

o

2

u

DEATH OF HODSON 191

was written to of my arrival ; he came down ; about
an hour after a visitor called and told of my honours
(Brevet- Major and C. B.). Sir John was delighted.

" I travelled from Delhi by palki ghari ; delightful
rest after the mail-cart. I continued without a pause
till I reached Cawnpore, 4 p.m., 8th. ' Major-General
Sir John Inglis' was in command ; he put me up for
the night. I sent a telegram to Lucknow announcing
my arrival, and received an order to be passed on,
riding irregular cavalry horses. It was my intention
to leave at daybreak, but Inglis had much to tell me
of the garrison and Lucknow and dear Sir Henry.
I remained chattering with him till 9 a.m. I passed
Charlie Blunt, now in command of a battery, had a
chat, rode his horse 30 miles, and made the gates of
Bebiapur at 3 p.m. I rode from Cawnpore to Luck-
now without an escort. Troops and people were
passing to and fro. I found a large encampment at
Alumbagh. Bebiapur House is unaltered. Dilkusha
was occupied by our troops, and our guns from there
had pounded the Martiniere, which had been wantonly
destroyed, i.e., the interior. Yesterday morning we
commenced the interior and real operations. Major
Banks' house is in our possession. Sir Colin,
Mansfield, and I were there all day. This is a
pleasant sort of warfare after Delhi ; a large force
with all appliances. You will learn all particulars
from Russell of the Times, who has just been in this
tent.

" 12th March. — You will have heard ere this of
the complete success of the operations of yesterday.
The cordon is closing in on every side ; the loss we
sustained yesterday was slight : poor Hodson was
badly wounded in the city, whither he had gone to
speak to Colonel Napier during the operations.
Mansfield wishes me to assume command of his
corps, which is stronger than any here. I have told
you how well and more than well disposed to me are
the Chief and Mansfield ; the latter treats me alto-
gether in the olden familiar style.

17^/2 March. — I have been busy and absent on a
raid ; we returned yesterday. Poor Hodson died the
day after his wound. He was brought in in a
dhoolie, from which he was not removed until after

192 LUCKNOW

death. It chanced I was at Banks' house when he
was brought in. I spoke to him, fetched a doctor for
him, and helped to attend on him : poor fellow, we
had strong- hopes for his life, but internal bleeding
came on and soon swept him away 'K he was wounded
about 5 p.m., and died the following day at noon.
During the night he rallied much, and until 10 A.M.
there was no immediate danger and much ground for
hope. He was very calm. He was, as I always
thought, a wondrous compound ; ability high and
strong ; great capacity of mind ; power and energy,
physical and mental. His ability had received more
culture than falls to the lot of most of us. He did
not quit England till twenty-three years of age, when
he was a B.A. and somewhat distinguished at Cam-
bridge. He is a great loss to the service, for doubt-
less he had done great soldiership. He was attended
during that evening by Dr Clifford, and afterwards
by Dr Anderson, who remained with him till the end.
We buried him on the evening of the 12th March, at
the Martiniere. Sir Colin and Mansfield were at his
funeral.

"The corps is some 1200 strong, and will be the
nucleus of two or three regiments, I believe. The
kindness of Sir Colin and Mansfield makes my posi-
tion here very pleasant. Mansfield is wise and wary ;
as cool and gentlemanly now that he manages the
affairs of this army as when picking strawberries at
Gatcombe. The deference and respect shown to him
are great ; with me he is as of old, and when we are
alone asks and adopts my suggestions."

Daly left for his successor the following " Rough
Notes and Memoranda respecting Hodson's Horse."
Hodson, mortally wounded at the Begam Kothi on
the evening of the nth March 1858, died in the back
room on the ground floor of Banks' house on the
following morning.

" I assumed command of the corps at the
Alumbagh on the following day. It numbered
present about 750 sabres. The officers were the
two Goughs (Hugh on his back wounded), Wise,

CONDITION OF CORPS' ACCOUNTS 193

Mecham, Baker, Trench, and Anderson the assis-
tant surgeon. The regiment, so much of it as was
then present, had been paid by advances to 31st
January 1858. In the treasure chest, which was
counted by Captain Cough, was Rs. 16,000. No
English muster roll or pay abstract had been framed.
No English paper of any sort, record, receipt, account,
or statement, was forthcoming. The only English
paper known was the registry of a few names in
Hugh Gough's handwriting, which is now, as then,
in the muster roll book.

' The enrolment of men for the corps had begun
in June 1857. Rs. 1 19,557/10/4 had been taken up,
and ail save the 16,000 had been disbursed. It was
alarming to know that for the account* of this one
was entirely in the hands of the munshis : the times
were pressing ; work and movement the lot of all, and
in this vocation no man had been more active or
more zealous that poor Hodson. He possessed a
rarely clear head and keen memory, and on these
and the munshis was his sole reliance. No European
officer knew anything of the affairs of the regiment.
Everything was done by himself. I made Mecham
officiating second in command, and gave him charge
of the treasure chest, with directions to take down
from Dumichand and Gurdial, the two munshis,
without delay a statement of the expenditure.
Dumichand had been a khazanchi (treasurer) at
Lahore ; on him, on the faithfulness of his accounts,
we were entirely dependent ; though without experi-
ence of the pay rules, he is well versed in accounts.
Speaking now on an intimate knowledge of Dumi-

* The elucidation and settlement of the corps' accounts proved
a work of the utmost difficulty ; but was eventually completed, early
in 1859, to the entire satisfaction of Government, mainly through the
zeal, energy, and application of Lieutenant R. B. Anderson, ist
Bombay Fusiliers, who was attached to the force, by Daly's request,
as Brigade Major. This very promising young officer, a brother of
Daly's old friend slain at Multan, met his death during the China
campaign in distressing circumstances. Serving as Adjutant of
Fane's Horse, he was taken prisoner, with his escort, on the iSth
September i860, when carrying a flag of truce, and succumbed about
the end of that month to the barbarous treatment of his captors.

N

194 LUCKNOW

chand's conduct, I bear grateful testimony to his zeal
and honesty ; had he played false, I cannot picture
the result. Gurdial is more conversant with the
rules of the service, for he had served as a pay
munshi in the Guides : he is clever and quick at
figures, but, being- much addicted to opium, cannot
be relied on.

"Never before was corps raised as this has been
raised ; troop by troop, detachment by detachment,
the Punjab supplied them and down they marched to
Delhi, not only without drill, but there were few
among them who had crossed even a khazi tat (a
common pony). They were now mounted on what-
ever horses could be procured ; these were chiefly
stud, received from the dismounted cavalry corps :
thus they began to share in operations in the field, in
which they have been engaged without interruption
from that date to the present. Mr Montgomery,
then Judicial Commissioner at Lahore, liberally
aided the enrolment. One troop, Man Singh's, was
raised and inspected by him ; Raja Tej Singh
embodied Bhal Singh's troop, and Sheikh Imamuddin
Atta-ullah Khan's. These three marched to Delhi
and there joined poor Hodson about the middle of
July 1857. Previous to their arrival, Hodson had
begun the regiment, taking as a nucleus a few of the
Raja of J hind's men ; these, however, were eventu-
ally resumed, and the first of the corps at Delhi were
the three troops just named.

" Macdowell, 2nd European Regiment, now joined
as second in command, and remained with the corps
till he was killed at Shamanow, 27th July 1858.
Hugh Gough came shortly afterwards, and acted as
adjutant till 26th February 1858, when a severe wound,
received in charging- a battery near the Alumbagh, so
disabled him that he was compelled to go away.
Many of the men, hastily collected, caught at the
plough tail, cut a ludicrous figure mounted on the
big, obstinate stud horses, with English saddles,
bumping through the Delhi camp : the regiment then
acquired a nickname which it long retained, ' the
Plungers.' Jai Singh's and Sharif Ali Khan's troops
joined in August ; the former raised by Shamshere
Singh, Sardar, and the latter by Sheikh Imamuddin ;

MUHAMMAD KAZA 195

later came Muhammad Raza* with the troop raised
by himself and his brother. Fateh Ali Shah, who
had formerly served with me in the Oudh Cavalry,
raised a troop in a few days ; being a son of the
Afghan chief, Jan Fishan Khan, he had the command
of money. This was perhaps the worst troop the
corps had seen. Some 40 or 50 were his own
Bargheers, the scum of Meerut and the Delhi camp
in September 1857. Hugh Gough, with Baker and
about 230 sowars (Jai Singh and Bhal Singh),
formed part of Colonel Greathed's column, which
marched from Delhi 27th September. Baker, with
about 30 or 40 men, was dropped at Koel. Gough
came on with the remainder, and, joining the Chiefs
corps, was of the Bailie Guard reserve force. After
the relief, Hugh Gough and his squadron were at the
Alumbagh with General Outram, until the Chief's
return for the final smash. Halket, who joined the
squadron at Agra, was mortally wounded at the
Secundra Bagh.

" Hodson, with the headquarters of the regiment,
paraded with the column of Brigadier-General
Showers through the Jaggar district, and on his
return, after the interval of a few weeks during which
the regiment was at Meerut, he again took the field
with Brigadier Seaton's column, which marched from
Delhi about the 7th December. The regiment took
its full share in the operations of that march, and

* Muhammad Raza's son has recently forwarded to me a copy of
a certificate granted to his father by my father, and bearing date
Camp, Bhinga, nth February 1859. It runs :—" Muhammad Raza
Khan joined the Irregular Horse of the late Major Hodson at Delhi
a day or two before the storm (14th September 1857). He has served
throughout the war, and on all occasions has been conspicuous for
chivalric valour. Now that peace is restored, it is his wish to return
to his home at Lahore, whence he came to raise and command a
troop, chiefly of his own retainers, for service.

" Muhammad Raza's gallantry has won for him the first class of
the Order of Merit, 'and a representation has been submitted to
Government soliciting that the pension (Rs. 200), which he enjoys on
account of former services, may be increased. I commend Muhammad
Raza Khan to the kindly, courteous consideration of all British
officers. A braver soldier never took the field. — H. D."

196 LUCKNOW

subsequently joining- the Commander-in-Chief, came
on to Lucknow.

" I have now run down to the period when I
assumed command. I lost no time in submitting" to
the Commander-in-Chief that there were no English
records or accounts of any kind to be found, and
earnestly entreated that an officer might be specially
deputed to the clearing up of the past : there was a
disposition to accede to this suggestion, but at the
time there was no officer of business habits available
for the duty ; the service was going" on, and one
drifted on from day to day without the possibility of
pulling up ; at this period there were some 400 men
dismounted at Meerut, and about 100 at headquarters
in the same condition ; upwards of 1000 of those
with horses had no saddles. Plunder and the tales
of golden floods had enticed many of the relatives
and friends of the sowars from the Punjab ; the lines
of the regiment were full of these amateurs ; they
wore the uniform and have sometimes, in the absence
of the sowars, actually attended parades and taken
duty.

"In a skirmish I was at first surprised to see the
great array at the commencement ; their occupation,
however, quickly thinned the gathering". I had much
difficulty in breaking through this combination. The
duties which fell to the corps during" the siege were
harassing, but of fighting there was little. After the
evacuation of Lucknow, the regiment had little rest :
sometimes at Muhammad Bagh with constant g"allops,
sometimes at the Chinhat Road. This state of
things continued till the strength and display of the
rebels at Nawabgunge forced us, for the preservation
of Lucknow, to march out and attack them. This
was done by Sir Hope Grant on the morning of the
13th June. Russell, in one of his letters, wrote: 'I
am told Hodson's Horse refused to charge at
Nawabgunge.' This was not so. On us fell the
brunt of that day's fight. A squadron of the 7th
Hussars charged the body of fanatics which severed
from the main gathering" ; but, with this exception,
all the cavalry work of the day fell to us, and our
casualties equalled, or very nearly so, those of the
whole force engaged ; 2 officers and 30 men killed

THttEE REGIMENTS FORMED 197

or wounded and about 15 or 16 horses. The tale
of misbehaviour arose from the presence of a
detachment of Bruce's Police Sowars, dressed in
khaki like the Horse, formed up in line with them ;
this detachment had never seen its officer till a
day or two before — Lieutenant Hill, a very gallant
and dashing' fellow, who, full of excitement and
disappointment, was sorely upset that the men
did not follow him in the charge : they knew
him not and heeded him not ; yet many were
good soldiers, and I have no doubt have since
proved so.

' Baker, the adjutant, particularly distinguished
himself, and by his conduct won my confidence.
Mecham, with Fraser, led a squadron round to bear
down on the flank of the rebels, while I charged
their front. Mecham's conduct of the troops was
admirable, and, though badly wounded, he did not
quit his post till the day's work was over. Man
Singh, Resaldar, received four wounds ; Fatteh Ali
Shah behaved right well ; there was much single
combat fighting.

"Just prior to marching for Nawabgunge, I
had received authority to organise the mass
into two corps of irregular cavalry, agreeably
with a suggestion I made on assuming command.
Finding, however, the numbers on the rolls in
excess of two corps, and that, although there
were scores unfit for the service (men who
had been attracted by the hope of plunder) in
the ranks, even after their discharge the troop
officers would remain for 16 troops, I submitted
for consideration to enrol a Pathan squadron
for each corps, and so form three regiments
instead of two. The Sikh and Punjabi-Musulman
element was too strong. This proposition was
acceded to, and three regiments have arisen. It
was my wish that each regiment should possess
a Pathan squadron, and with this view I de-
tached an officer to recruit, and placed the matter
in Lumsden's hands. Thus about 300 Pathans
would have been entertained to complete the
complement. All this was cut short by Sir John
Lawrence, who felt that the Punjab and frontier had

198 LUCKNOW

given enough to India* : ioo men or thereabouts came
down, and these are chiefly with the third regiment.
Amongst those sent by Edwardes is Ishmael Khan,
son of Darria Khan, the outlaw of the border.
Darria Khan's crumbling- old fort is close under the
Khyber Hills, and in this stronghold he bade defiance
to the Sikhs. He came down and fought against
us at Gujerat, and subsequently committed many a
border raid ; is still an outlaw.

" It was the intention of the Commander-in-Chief
that, at any rate for organisation and during the
war, the three corps should be formed on the model
of the Sind Horse in its early days : one commandant
for the whole, and each corps with a second in
command. This was the recommendation made to
Government. Since Jacob became a Brigadier-
General, the Sind Horse has changed its formation,
and each corps has its separate commander, with
Jacob commandant of the body. The Government
have placed the corps of Hodson's Horse on the
last footing. In each corps I have placed a Sikh
Sardar of weight and character. They are men of
the old regime. Bhal Singh and Jai Singh fought
against us in the Punjab war, and none have been
stouter for us in this struggle.

" The first regiment sorely needs rest and refitting.
The troops of that corps have not yet been in
quarters. After the action of Nawabgunge, the
main body, first and second regiments, marched with
General Grant to Daliabad and Fyzabad ; near the
former place Palliser joined. From Fyzabacl the first
regiment marched with Brigadier Horsford to
Sultanpur ; after its occupation much patrolling fell
to the men. In September and October a strong
detachment marched with General Grant to clear the

* On the 3rd August 1858 Lieutenant L. F. Wells, who had been
in command of the depot of Hodson's Horse at Meerut since the
24th December 1857, reported :— "Since that period I have received
from the Punjab nearly 700 recruits ; out of this number I have
forwarded to Lucknow nearly 400 men and officers (natives), having
first drilled them to the best of my ability during the short time I
was allowed for that purpose. I have been the only officer with the
depot since its formation."

STATE OF THE CORPS 199

Doab between the Gogra and the Goomtee to the
eastwards. Returning to Sultanpur the whole force
marched by the Khandoo Nadi, Jagdespur, Rampur,
Kussiole, to Amethi, and thence back through
Beiswallah again by Sultanpur to Fyzabad to cross
the Gogra 25th November 1858. At the Khandoo
Nadi Palliser was severely wounded ; the rebels were
here in strength. Gee, who had joined the
corps in August, caught fever ; Palliser and he were
both so ill and weak in November that it was
necessary to send them to Lucknow ; there poor Gee,
a man of great accomplishments and high character
in his profession, died, and Palliser was obliged to
quit for Europe. Sarel joined the second regiment at
Fyzabad in September 1858; that corps was less
harassed by patrols and quickly benefited by Sarel's
kindly and skilful handling ; his excellent temper and
tact worked well. This corps joined the first and
crossed the Gogra on the 25th November. The two
remained together, engaged in the trans-Gogra
service, till 1st February 1859, when the second
marched for Lucknow, leaving the first at Bhingoh.
The third regiment has been formed from the depot
at Meerut ; all of them had reached Lucknow by
October 1858, about 80 per 100 still dismounted.
Mecham, who was in command of the second regiment
till Sarel's arrival, now proceeded to Lucknow to the
third. This corps is well up in foot drill and mindful
of discipline ; they had been ten or twelve months
daily at drill — the main body Sikhs.

"To meet the liabilities of the regimental chest I
have put in all proceeds of captured property, bullocks,
or elephants, for which Government rewards have
been received ; plunder found on the men or in the
lines. The first benefit which thus arises clears the
Government ; after that it is with the regiment ; for
whatever balance there may be on adjustment should
be paid to the Chanda or clothing funds of the first
and second regiments. It is not desirable that the
individual who plunders should derive any benefit
from an action through which he has probably
thrown his duty on others.

"A knowledge of the irregular cavalry system
can only be attained by daily intimacy with its

200 LUCKNOW

working' : yet there are a few general principles which
should be impressed on all. Much rough work falls
to the irregular cavalry ; long patrols ; hard gallops ;
difficult reconnaissances ; work which can only be
accomplished by men satisfied with themselves, their
condition, and their comrades. My experience of them
leads me to say they will bear any hammering pro-
vided that they meet with kind treatment ; that which
has the most weight with them is personal knowledge ;
strive above all things to know the individual ; the
stroll through the lines should lead to a chat about
the sowar and his nag; thus an influence is estab-
lished, and the Sikh or Pathan bound to serve his
officer. Cold formality and abuse as certainly bring
discontent and carelessness in their train. I take it,
where one officer has obtained more success with
irregulars than another, it may be traced to his
knowledge of his men ; that he has not disregarded
their little tales."

Immediately after the final occupation of Lucknow,
Daly wrote to his wife, dating his letter ' c Martiniere
Park, where the 32 nd banquet was held

#

"Lucknow is now as Delhi was— -full of desola-
tion. About that open court within the Roumi
Darwaza is a troop of artillery encamped. In the
Emambarah are the 79th Highlanders. The streets,
courts, and narrow ways hold nothing but our camp
followers plundering. Bodies of flying soldiers, shot
in all sorts of grotesque attitudes, burning and putrid,
carcasses of every animal clog and stop the passages ;
but the half million of inhabitants, where are they ?

"The preparations for resistance were made with
a skill and perseverance which no words can
adequately describe: there is not a corner, an angle,
a street, or a building without its defence :— either a
buttress looped with holes or an abattis of timber
and mud : — batteries and trenches intersecting each
other : not a garden in the vicinity on which labour
had not been spent. The one business of Secundra
Bagh, where 2000 and odd were slain, and not one

* See p. 123, supra.

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DESOLATION AT LUCK NOW 201

permitted to escape, settled the defence of all isolated
gardens and works, however skilfully prepared. They
have held none since.*

"The Residency is a heap of ruins ; the walls are
either defaced or knocked down ; the pillars broken
and on the ground ; the rooms half choked with the
debris of the roof. The Kaisar Bagh and the
gateways you sketched are immense mounds of earth ;
batteries fitted with guns. I went to the graveyard,
to the spot where Sir Henry was laid. I sat for a
long time under a tree in the old garden, looking at
the wreck and allowing memory and fancy full play.
The church is down to its very foundation ; the marks
of the buttresses alone remain. Of the verandah in
the Residency, where we were wont to lounge with
Sir Henry, and where he and I used to have our chats,
scarce a sign remains. The once tall pillars, now
none of them above two or three feet high, lean about.
Destruction and desolation fill the place ; the stairs
by which we used to ascend returning from church
have one or two steps remaining. One tall palm tree
appears undamaged, and that is all that remains as in
aforetime. Fayrer's house was less touched than
any. The utter and complete annihilation took place
during the rebel tenure, after Sir Colin relieved and
withdrew the garrison.

' I have seen a good deal of my old friend Colonel
Napier ; he was the chief engineer here, and displayed
the same chivalrous qualities I knew of old. His
character is rare ; pure and noble, with great ability ;
boy-like courage ; a most lovable fellow ; he and I are
very cordial. I believe he has a tenderness for me,
and I am so proud of his regard. I think I had an
opportunity of paying him back some of the early debt
of kindness by the way I could speak to Mansfield

* The Secundra Bagh was stormed on the 16th November 1857,
when Sir Colin Campbell relieved Lucknow. At the end of November
Sir Colin, with a large convoy of ladies, children, sick, and wounded,
withdrew to Cawnpore. .Sir James Outram, whose headquarters
were at the Alumbagh about 2 miles from Lucknow, was left to
threaten the city and hold the enemy. Lucknow was finally captured
in March 1858, when the resistance offered by the mutineers was, for
the most part, comparatively feeble

202 LUCKNOW

and Sir Colin of him. The testimony to him in the
despatch is handsome, but I shall not be satisfied
unless it results in his being K.C.B. What he is
anxious for is a Major-Generalship. He wants to
soldier ; he is all a soldier and Chief.

"An officer of the 13th Native _ Infantry was
actually left in the Residency when Sir Colin evacu-
ated the place. Before quitting, people went about
from room to room shouting out. The 13th man
had fallen asleep in a dark corner, and heard nothing
of the exodus ; when he awoke, several hours after
his companions had left, he was struck by the deep
silence ; finding out his loneliness, he jumped up and
ran down the streets and through the palaces and
courtyards, without encountering a person, till he
reached the Secundra Bagh, where he found the
rear guard of the H ighlanders !

" 25M March. — We had a pursuit the other day,
and cut up a considerable number ; less damage done
though than should have been. The country was
alive with armed men. Every field we entered,
fellows started out of the long grass in which they
had attempted to conceal themselves. Mansfield has
lent me a tent ; I have a carpet-bag, so am not
much embarrassed with baggage. My difficulty is
for a horse. Nothing good under ^150; nothing
rideable under ,£50.

"27M March.- — Moosabagh. Our force was so
much on the move for some days that I had no
opportunity of writing. We parched from Alumbagh
to get round between Bareilly and Lucknow. The
object was to effect a surprise ; that we should be
in a position to cut the enemy off in their retreat
on Rohilkhand after Outram had attacked the
Moosabagh Palace. We marched away at 3 a.m.,
pitch dark. The ground was luckily clear during
the early part, but about 7 a.m. we reached the
ravines. The country is all alike ; belts of trees and
thick underwood ; at this season, when the foliage
is dense and dark and fields thick and high, it is
almost impossible to move cavalry at all. We
marched through a strong village, well looped with
holes, and in every respect ready for us ; luckily but
a few shots were fired, and the infantry got through

FIGHTING AT MOOSABAGH 203

with but little opposition ; outside, the gardens were
close to the walls, and the country all around strewed
and streaming with people. Inhabitants who had
fled from us, many sepoys who had taken refuge
there; many, too, were pouring- out of Lucknow 10
miles distant. _ Here we had a little skirmishing and
lost valuable time.

"The intention was that cavalry and infantry
should also pass through the village, but the Brigadier,
finding it narrow and intricate, took fright and ordered
them to attempt to pass the canal and move round.
The order was in a manner misunderstood, and the
arms were severed till near i o'clock, by which time
we ought to have been in full chase from Moosabagh.
The heat at midday was trying : the infantry had
been afoot since 3 a.m., and now had to go on. We
moved along skirmishing in the corn and jungle
with desperadoes, who got out of the ravines and
deep ground like quail. After a time we reached
within 2 miles of Moosabagh or less : here the
country was thickly wooded, with villages and
gardens. We gave the men a rest under the
trees, and sent forward to know the result of the
attack under General Outram. No messenger could
reach ; armed men were all around. From one little
fort, near a tank where our horses were being-
watered, a sharp fire was opened ; some men were
wounded, and 2 or 3 horses actually captured. We
moved up a couple of guns to shell the inmates.
After two or three rounds some 50 or 60 fellows
moved out quietly, and without noise or confusion
steered straight to attack the guns. Some 30 of the
7th Hussars chanced to be on duty there; they
charged in amongst these fanatics, but, being men
of war, they did not charge throtigh, but pulled up
and entered into single combats with the footmen,
who were scarcely visible in the long grass and thick
corn. Two officers were knocked down and one fine,
gallant boy was actually hacked and cut before their
eyes. Nobody could rescue him. Some of my men
came up and went dashing in gallantly ; two of these
(Sikhs), finding the ground not good for horses,
dismounted and closed with sword and spear. At
last every man was killed ; we had 3 or 4 officers

204 LUCKNOW

wounded, but the British soldiers escaped with 2
or 3 wounded.

" We bivouacked for the night ; the next morning
we learnt that Outram's attack had been successful.
We believed that the enemy had eluded us, for
though we had cut up a considerable number, the
bulk we had never seen ; they had passed up near
the banks of the river and amidst the woods and
ravines, and would not have been visible even had
we been nearer. The following morning about 10
I received a note from the Brigadier : ' Come up as
quick as you can and order a squadron of your
regiment to follow ; the rebels are streaming out of
the fort.' 1 galloped off, and from the top of the
palace saw a large number of infantry and an elephant
or two and some horsemen. The look-out reported
that a large body had already passed across the
open space, and were concealed behind the wood.
My advice was asked and given thus * : ' Push the
1 st Sikh Cavalry (close to us) and a squadron of
the 7th Hussars along the trail, right on their rear ;
follow yourself with the remainder of the cavalry
with infantry, and do what may be required.' The
Brigadier meant to follow this, but funked and did
it in part only; he ordered the 1st Sikh Cavalry to
make a sweep, and followed himself with the remainder
of the troops. Luckily for the success of the pursuit,
the officer commanding the 1st Sikh Cavalry (Wale),
a fine, gallant, cheery officer, pushed on and cut up
a large number, throwing the whole of the rebels into
confusion ; in effecting this, however, the noble fellow
lost his life ; he was shot dead ; nearly all the officers
of the corps were slightly wounded. We chased for
6 miles, but the effect of the whole was lost by the
Brigadier's hesitation at first.

"On our arrival at the Moosabagh (20th March),
the fields had been deserted in the middle of the
harvest, the sheaves of corn were on the ground ;
the bullocks were actually yoked to the well to revolve

* In a despatch dated the 26th March 1858, Sir Colin Campbell
wrote of Daly : " This officer by his activity and zeal, added to his
knowledge of Indian warfare, has been of great service to the Brigadier
he served under."

"TREASONABLE IGNORANCE" 205

the wheel to irrigate the soil. For months the sound
of cannon had not ceased, and during the few previ-
ous days the fighting of all kinds, the movements in
retreat from the city, had caused as much confusion
as it was possible to excite. Yet the husbandman,
uninterested as to who conquered, sowed his cucumber
seed, and went on gathering up the corn which our
camp followers and oxen quickly possessed them-
selves of.

"You will hear by this mail of the explosion at
Gwalior. I hope the telegraph may also announce
that Rose* was on the spot. Had this, or anything
like it, occurred while our little force was before Delhi,
what result could have happened? It was not willed
that we should be destroyed. These disturbances in
Central India I place on the shoulders of the late
Ministry ; they wantonly and insolently left us to die,
and gave over Central India to revolution and civil
war. I think, with our great steam power, the Cape
must always be the grand high road for the relief and
support of our troops ; but for an emergency such as
that which arose it was cruel to leave Bombay and
Central India to hap-hazard. I go as far as Sir
John Lawrence, who termed the neglect 'treasonable
ignorance.'

"John Lawrence as Governor-General f would be
better for India than 10,000 British troops. He
would strengthen Sir Colin in every way. Sir John's
experience in a military point is considerable, and for
the desiderata nowadays his views are more practi-
cal than the Chief's. There is a disposition to run a
tilt against Sir Colin — most unjustly in my opinion.
No doubt small errors he may have, he must have,
committed; he has been hampered by Government,
by the prosecution of many and distant operations ;

* Sir Hugh Rose, afterwards Lord Strathnairn.

+ In April 1858 Neville Chamberlain wrote to Daly :— " If Lord
Canning goes, and that quickly, I certainly hope that Sir John Law-
rence may be his successor. India under his rule for two years
would rise like a giant refreshed. We should have a re-organised
army, re-organised systems of civil administrations, and all depart-
ments brought under control, which is far from being the case at
present."

206 LUCKNOW

and, above all, he has to guard against a single or
chance failure ; and to do this he is obliged to send
larger bodies of troops for operations than perhaps
they need. Many of his lieutenants are untried; all
or nearly all the colonels of corps from home are,
despite Crimean experience, ignorant of their profes-
sion, and incapable of taking care of themselves ; then,
too, the regiments are boys, hastily collected without
discipline.

" 7 th April.- — I believe there is no part of our old
provinces wherein our rule will be received with so
much satisfaction as this troubled province. The
small and even considerable landholders and cultiva-
tors look to us for Peace; one district has been so
much and so long in contention with its neighbours
that there is not one ready or willing to continue the
struggle. A column will move from this to operate
in Rohilkhand. the last province in which Rebel Rule
is known. Matters are now in the course of settle-
ment. No city of name or fame, when Bareilly shall
have fallen, will remain : nearly all our own guns
have been recaptured. The people are being every-
where disarmed. Sir Colin will not continue out here
longer than he can help, and Lord Canning must
resign ; he cannot serve with Lord Derby. I incline
to think the latter, with a view of hitting the public,
may appoint John Lawrence Governor-General ;
then Edwardes would rule in the Punjab. Lord
Canning wrote Sir Colin that he had wished to send
him to Oudh, but that his presence was necessary in
the Punjab ; unless Edwardes can see the Govern-
ment of the Punjab before him, he will not like being
made a necessity against his own advancement.

"Mansfield has made Russell (the Times cor-
respondent) a portion of the army — a department.
He is supplied with full information on all points,
bound only neither to discuss nor reveal purposes and
intentions in this country : by the time such matters
can be published in England, the danger which might
result from our object being known is past. Russell is
full of humour, a keen, quick-eyed Irishman. He
is a great pen-painter. Mansfield has not so much
respect for the tact and knack of language as many
of the uninitiated.

NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN 207

" zoth April. — I spoke to Mansfield of Chamber-
lain. I mentioned his great qualifications as a soldier,
and pointed out somewhat earnestly the loss Sir
Colin was inflicting- on himself, and on the service at
large, by not placing him in a prominent command.
I reiterated this on hearing of Walpole's horrid
disaster. I was moved to this, not merely by friend-
ship for Chamberlain, but because I am jealous of the
character of our service, and often pained to see men
playing at war who are totally ignorant of the prin-
ciples on which it should be conducted.

"Chamberlain looks what he truly is, a high and
noble soldier. I have always held that he did wrong to
resign the Adjutant-Generalship at the time he did,
and on the ground he did so. The appointment is not
in his line. He is not fond of penmanship and hates
office work, but he could have rendered great service to
us all. Mansfield is improved too ; he is a broader man
for his European experience :— I have endeavoured
to wipe out the feeling Chamberlain had of him."

Daly was in constant communication with
Mansfield, who wrote to him on the ioth May 1858,
from Fatteh Singh : —

" I have received your two notes. For the first I
am very much obliged to you. I can assure you
without affectation that to feel that our labours are
appreciated by men, who, like yourself, know what
work and responsibility mean, is a recompense
greater than almost any other. I have communi-
cated your letter recommending Nawabgunge as a
station for a brigade during the summer to Sir Colin,
and I support it strongly, not only because of the
necessity of averting menace and panic from the city,
but also because it is indispensable to keep a certain
radius from Lucknow free from molestation to ensure
the incoming of supplies. When Grant moved to the
northward, it was my desire that the column to which
you belong should have gone to the south-east — in
short, have made the march in which Grant is now
engaged. Thus it would have formed part of the
general dissemination of columns, viz. : YYalpole,

208 LUCKNOW

Grant, and Lugard, instead of being: isolated, as it
now is, and therefore pro tanto ineffective, although
a few forts may be destroyed. However, it was
deemed dang-erous to denude the city so much, and
you encamped at Dilkusha instead. I think an
opportunity was then lost, and it appears the same
thing" has occurred to you.

' The ubiquitous Moulvi * is in person at
Mohumdee, where he has been ever since our entry
into Rohilkhand. Jones (6oth) relieved Shah-
jehanpur on the nth instant from the state of siege
in which it was held by the Moulvi. The latter
returned to the scratch, and attacked Jones with a
great force of cavalry yesterday. The sowars
galloped up to the guns and suffered a good deal,
our loss being next to nothing. But this shows with
what spirit the insurrection throughout the two
provinces is animated, and how thoroughly we are
put on the defensive in consequence of the govern-
ment determination to operate over an extent which
is out of all proportion with the means at our
disposal.

"Our disposition in Rohilkhand is as follows: —
Bijnour is held by a movable column ; ultimately,
after the Mohumdee gathering is dispersed, Morada-
bad by one Punjab infantry, one irregular cavalry
regiment, wing of British infantry, and guns a discre-
tion ; Bareilly, by a strong brigade of all the arms;
Shahjehanpur, etc., and Budaon by a regiment of
Punjab infantry and irregular cavalry- The Terai
cannot be touched during the present season, there-
fore, beyond Pitabad, the collector will not amass any
revenue just now. All the Rohilkhand swells, the
Nana, and the Moulvi are, it is said, together at
Mohumdee. John Jones of the 6oth has done remark-
ably well, whether by advice of his subordinates or
by his own promptings, of course, I don't know. His
march has been spirited and successful, while military
precaution has not been forgotten. We hope to be
with him at Shahjehanpur the day after to-morrow,

* This man proclaimed the restoration of the rule of the Emperor
of Delhi, and succeeded, for a time, in establishing a sort of provi-
sional government. See Kaye's Sepoy War, vol. ii., p. 261.

SUFFERINGS OF ENGLISH 209

and then go to Fattehghur, where I hope I have
induced the Chief to put up for two or three months.
" I intend to oppose any more movement in Oudh
till we are prepared to move six or eig"ht columns at
the same time, and to drop garrisons sufficient for
self-protection as we go along-. . What is now being-
done is of no use for permanent occupation ; advan-
tageous perhaps from a certain political point of view,
but otherwise of little avail. I have got the whole
scheme in my head of what should and eventually
must be done, but in the meantime we must rest on
our oars, give repose to the over-worked troops, and
get a herd of native levies, police or military, to help
us hold the country after our advances have been
pushed. Pray write to me frequently. Your obser-
vations and experience are very valuable to Sir Colin,
and I need not tell you he thoroughly appreciates the
value of your information and your suggestions."

On the 9th June, Daly recorded the following
melancholy tale * : —

" I have had Captain Hearsay here this morning.
I had the opportunity to do him a service ; on my
representation of his usefulness and knowledge _ of
Oudh and native character, the Chief took him with
him to Bareilly ; he has now returned^ Hearsay had
just reached Sitapur from wandering about the
forests of Oudh at the beginning of the Mutiny^ He
was ignorant of the scenes at Meerut and Delhi, and
quite unprepared for what almost immediately took
place. When the horrors commenced at Sitapur,
those of our country-fellows who escaped, did so in
two small bodies. Burnes — poor, gallant, high-
hearted boy — went across the river ; the younger
Miss Jackson f was with her brother and Burnes.
Hearsay and his party, eleven I think, took, in the

* A more detailed story by Hearsay is given at p. 96 et seq. of the
Narrative of the Mutinies in Oudh, by Captain G. Hutchinson,
Military Secretary to the Chief Commissioner.

t The younger Miss Jackson was carried into Lucknow by the
mutineers, and after enduring dreadful privations, was rescued in
March 1858. Kaye's Sepoy War, vol. iii., p. 492.

O

210 LUCKNOW

confusion, another route. With the latter were Mrs

Greene and Miss Jackson, and a sergeant-major's

wife. They were for two days without any food save

what they could scrape out of the villages, all empty

and deserted, towards the Terai. Mrs Greene

believed her husband to be murdered, her baby was

with the wet-nurse ! she had got off alone ! She was

broken and nervous ; God knows there had been

enough to try better strung nerves than hers. Miss

Jackson — that fragile, delicate girl — bore hunger,

distress, fatigue, and all the anguish of the situation,

with a rare and beautiful fortitude. Hearsay thought

to get them out of the country down to Goruckpore

by decking them as a marriage procession. He is

half a native, is familiar with every twig and footpath

in Oudh. He obtained two palanquins and some

bearers whom he could trust, and on they went, with

success, through several considerable villages. The

plan failed ; how, I know not, but I imagine through

treachery. Hearsay knew the Raja of Khyreeghur

well and sent to him. The response was true and

kind ; however, after wandering about for some time,

600 sepoys were detached to bring them into

Lucknow. This body came to them and treated

them respectfully, and marched them off. After two

or three days of this escort, the little party held a

council ; it was decided to attempt an escape. The

ladies fully concurred. It was better to die there in

the forest than to be reserved for a worse fate in

Lucknow. I have said these sepoys were respectful

and chatty. The fugitives contrived to get the main

body, 600, to start on the march ; a guard went with

the tent, and 16 sepoys only remained. The plan

was to put the ladies on the elephant, and for the

gentlemen to ride. A drizzling rain favoured the

project ; they got off. After penetrating the forest

for some distance the hue and cry commenced ; the

country was up. On the elephant were the two

ladies, the sergeant's wife, and Mr Carthew of Shah-

jehanpore ; the sergeant-major's son was on foot ; in

this raid they were severed from the gentlemen, and

no reliable information has been obtained of them

since! Some say they were brought to Lucknow.

Some, that they are even yet alive.

HEARSAY'S ESCAPE 211

"The gentlemen rode on to the banks of a river.
The wild, coarse grass of the forest was high and
dense ; here they tried to conceal themselves, and
remained for two days, hoping to hear of the ladies
(my heart shudders even now for them). During
this the sepoys came up and opened a fire on the
grass where they believed them to be concealed.
There was but one boat, and it was on _ the other
side and not procurable ; had they got this in time,
all might have passed in safety. At last the
gentlemen, leaving their horses tied to trees, swam
across, and there they wandered without food or
clothing for some days, until the same friendly Raja
heard of them, and had them conveyed to a small
hamlet in a distant valley. By and by, as time went
on, he arranged a place of shelter for them in the
first range of the Nepal Hills, and thither they went,
and were wanderers for four months. Several died of
the jungle fever ; they had to conceal themselves to
preserve their lives. At last Hearsay, with one
companion, I think, about December reached Mus-
soorie ! Once he dressed himself as a Muhammadan,
and taking sword and shield from his friend the Raja,
and a couple of coolies from a neighbouring village
(the coolies did not know he was aught but what he
appeared), he attempted to get through to Goruck-
pore ; en route on one occasion he was met by a party
of sowars, some of whom he knew! He sat down
with them, smoked a pipe, etc., heard their news, and
told a tale of himself. They said, ' There is not an
Englishman left in the country except the few at the
Bailie Guard,* and very likely they have been killed
ere this ' ; they spoke of the times as being great for
them ; they considered themselves as rulers, the only
subjects were the cultivators and Bunniahs! It was
a Rule! no obedience. Hearsay was asked what he
was seeking : — ' Service as a sowar, he had been
formerly in the Raja of Bulrampore's service.' '

* I.e., the beleaguered garrison in Lucknow.

CHAPTER IX

SIR HOPE GRANTS OPERATIONS IN OUDH, 1 858- 1 859

Hope Grant ; action of Nawabgunge ; Sir Colin Campbell's peerage ;
Outram and Oudh ; Mansfield ; march to Fyzabad ; question of
army re-organisation and the future of the Company's officers ;
passage of the Goomtee ; engagement on the Khandoo River ;
the proclamation and amnesty ; Amethi ; passage of the Gogra ;
Sekrora ; the Raja of Bulrampur ; the Naval Brigade ; pursuit in
the Terai, capture of guns ; a scramble in Nepal ; fight near
Tulsipur ; departure for England.

" On the i ith June I received an intimation from my
old Delhi friend, General Grant, that I was to
accompany him with all the men I could collect in an
attack he was about to make on a great gathering- of
rebel Rajas, Zamindars, and sepoys at Nawabgunge.
The fact is, we had so long delayed doing anything
towards driving the rebels out of this, that they began
to dream dreams of conquest and recovery, and many
thousands were collected here ; for miles around in
every Tope (grove) was some Raja with his^ followers.
Men who are for us were compelled to join against
us, or submit to have their estates plundered and
themselves driven out. There had been a good deal
of correspondence between Sir Colin and Sir Hope
Grant, who commands in Oudh. The latter, not
knowing all the points, wished to make the site of
our column for the rains Chinhat, and this Sir Colin
was inclined to accede to. For all purposes desired,
the brigade would have been useless. I felt that if I
could see and talk with Hope Grant all would be
well : he did not know whence Mansfield got his
notions, nor would it suit his character that he should
do so. Yet he is the kindest, the noblest of soldiers,

aia

SIR HOPE GRANT 213

so generous in his estimation of others, so self-
sacrificing;, always in the thick of the fight, always at
work, very pious, very cheerful and jolly : nothing
daunts him, for somehow he does not see the heavy
matters, and perhaps, if he did, he would not under-
stand them. I am fond of him. He was my daily
visitor at Delhi when I was on my back.

"We marched to Chinhat on the morning of the
1 2th: 7th Hussars, a squadron of the Bays; 6oo
irregular horsemen under me ; guns, two batteries
and a troop; two battalions Rifle Brigade, 1200,
chiefly boys ; and Major Vaughan's Punjab corps.
A force capable of going anyivhere. Nawabgunge
was known to hold 12,000 of the enemy of sorts, with
10 or 12 guns. At Chinhat it was ordered that we
should march at 1 1 p.m., so as to reach the vicinity of
Nawabgunge about daybreak. Grant sent for me in
the evening at Chinhat to talk matters over. I
suggested 'Strike and pack your camp now by
daylight. Everybody sleeps in the open, and by thus
doing, when we move five or six hours hence, the
men will only have to jump up and shake themselves ;
and, above all, do not attempt to carry our baggage ;
the night will be dark ; we are not going to follow the
main road, and, if the baggage animals accompany
us, they will stray all over the country ; our troops
will be embarrassed and occupied guarding them ; the
rebels with their numbers can afford to play a game
they understand well, cutting up baggage.' After
some discussion he concurred ; the baggage to remain
on the ground packed, with a guard, until sent for
by us ; fortunate, indeed, it was that this was done.
We had on arrival to fight at all points at once ;
having no impediment, this we could do without
difficulty. The enemy was all around us, and his
first and only cavalry move was to get at our baggage
which he found not. The fight began at about 4 a.m.
on Sunday, 13th June, and was over at 8 a.m. The
General said, ' But for your suggestions, Daly, we
should not have met with this great success.' Not
many men would so speak. I must attempt to
describe the fight.

"We moved along the high road till within 3
miles of Nawabgunge, when we struck off to the left

214 GRANT'S OPERATIONS IN OUDH

so as to sweep round. It was desired to reach a
village i£ miles distant about daybreak. No accident
occurred ; all came as intended ; the halt sounded.
The men had a tot of grog" given out, and chewed
whatever they had with them. Daylight now met
us. The march had been a very hot one ; very
fatiguing despite the slowness of the pace ; the wind
was in our backs, and hot, driving the thick dust all
over us. We had half an hour's rest for this grog
process — up and off. The advance guard had
scarcely gone 300 yards when a challenge was given,
' Who kum dar ? ' repeated, and then the pattering of
muskets and matchlocks on us. I was 500 yards
behind with the cavalry. On the firing I trotted
forward alone, for the General had desired me to
come to the front. As I moved along, the round shot
began to fall unpleasantly about, and on a narrow
bridge which we were compelled to cross, the range
had evidently been carefully measured, for the
practice was good. However, a few rounds from our
artillery soon made them clear off, and we crossed
with the loss of but one poor artilleryman.

" When I got over, I received an order to come
forward with all the cavalry ; just at this time I saw
a body of rebel cavalry, 200 or 300, the only body
seen during the morning, trotting round to our left
and rear. I therefore halted my regiment and galloped
forward to report. It was lucky that I did so, for,
though I did nothing against them, the delay made
me available to move in another direction where the
fight eventually occurred. I was ordered to the
right. The plain was beautifully open ; a deep ravine
or two and some trees near the village about three-
quarter mile distant. The rebels were on our rear
and on our right in force, with guns, but few cavalry.
The sight was really picturesque. We had but two
companies of infantry near, and I was not pleased.
I chanced to see Major Carleton with his battery ;
I directed him to gallop round and bring his guns
into action, and that I would support him ; he com-
plied. To make a handsome demonstration, I got
into line; I had with me 200 police, so we had 600
cavalry deployed. My intention was to charge in
line to the right as soon as they appeared shaken

ACTION OF NAWABGUNGE 215

by our artillery. Their fire on us was good ; the
shot and shell fell thick among us, and the musketry
reached us. As usual, we suffered much less than
could have been expected. Grant came down and
joined in two or three charges. We took* all the

* Daly furnished the following report : —

" To the Brigade Major, Camp near Nawabgunge,

"Cavalry Brigade. 14/A/u/ie 1858.

" Sir, — Agreeably with the orders of Brigadier Hagart, I have the
honour to report the operations of the regiment under my command,
while not under his immediate observation yesterday.

"2. About 5 A.M. I received instructions from Major Hamilton,
the Assistant Adjutant-General, to move with my corps and the
squadron of Police under Lieut. Hill to a plain to the right, to meet
the enemy who was showing in strength and threatening our right
and rear. The enemy had 2 guns in position to our right rear,
distant about 1000 yards ; round them the rebels mustered in force,
and, though severely handled by 4 guns of Major Carlton's battery,
they still held very tenaciously. The length of their line, though
broken in spots, was upwards of a mile circling round Nawabgunge,
on the flanks of which at the commencement of the day were 2 guns
and a large body of infantry.

"3. The ground between us and the enemy on the right is well
adapted for cavalry, for, although there was a ravine within a few
yards of their front, it was not sufficient to stop a horse ; as I deployed
prior to making the charge, I detached Lieut. Mecham with Lieut,
the Hon. J. Fraser and 100 sabres to cross the ravine (which was
deep higher up), and to bear down on their left flank. Finding the
enemy in greater strength than could be observed from the front,
this officer judiciously delayed the movement till the advance on
the left took place. I much regret to state that in gallantly making
this charge over broken ground Lieut. Mecham was severely wounded,
his horse received a couple of bullets and two sword cuts. Lieut.
Fraser was also slightly wounded, but the rebels were driven back
in confusion.

"4. We made two charges on the enemy's line ; the first, although
we broke through, was but partially successful since we failed to
capture the guns ; the dust created by the advance was so thick and
heavy that it was not until our return, when I rode with a handful
of men close to the guns, that I was aware the bulk of the regiment
had borne away too far to the left.

"5. In a subsequent charge by a portion of the regiment the guns
were captured ; many of the enemy stood to the last and received
the charge with musket and sword ; they were sabred or shot.

216 GRANT'S OPERATIONS IN OUDH

guns we saw but two, which from the extent of the
fight they got away. They were broken and so
dispersed that there was no possibility of pursuit,
and further, our troops were tired by the heat. The
sun and fatigue took off many a fine lad ; upwards
of 30 died of sunstroke. I think many might have
been spared, but officers just out from home are
ignorant and sinfully careless of the effects of the
direful sun. I had 4 men killed, 21 wounded, and
a good many horses killed. This is the only successful
coup we have made in Oudh since Lucknow fell, and
the effect will be good. General Grant, now that he
has been here, sees as clearly as I do the necessity
of fixing a strong brigade here, to give security and
to show that we mean to hold the Province.

" 26M June.— Everything is on the mend. We
want now a few men to lead divisions not > bound
down and cramped by the ancient laws and principles
of war, which were in vogue in the Middle Ages
and in defiance of which Napoleon, to the disgust
of the old Austrian Generals in Italy, marched and
moved without reference to seasons and camps, to lick
them ! We are beginning to find this out, and after
a few more absurdities and considerable losses, no
doubt we shall right ourselves. I am not saying this
with reference to dear old Sir Colin. To my mind,
knowing how terribly he is enveloped in ancient
prejudices, it is wonderful to contemplate what he
has done ; and, further, the Chief of this army should
run no risk or possibility of failure. Sir Colin would

In this charge Lieut, and Adjutant Baker and Resaldar Man Singh
particularly distinguished themselves ; they rode straight on the
guns and closed with the desperate men defending them. The
Resaldar had his horse cut in three places across the chest. Jamadar
Hussain Ali, seeing Lieut. Baker hard pressed, dismounted and threw
himself on the gunner.

" 6. I would desire to bring to the notice of the Major-General
the zealous and efficient services rendered on this and previous
occasions by the Medical Officer, Dr Anderson. He was in the field
sharing in every movement, and was thus enabled to render immediate
aid to those requiring it. It is not too much to say that more than
one owes limb and perhaps life to his ready attention.

" 7. During the later period the Major-General came up, and
the subsequent movements were made under his supervision."

SIR COLIN CAMPBELL'S PEERAGE 217

have been happier in command of a brigade, and I
think there is no man in the army who would command
a brigade in difficulties with greater spirit. All in
all, he has done well and more than well. He has
had a hard game with many of his lieutenants, with
Horse Guards and parliamentary interests, but utterly
incapable; yet even the Commander-in-Chief dare
not put them aside. The peerage will bring with it
no satisfaction : he said to me one day very mourn-
fully, ' I am wifeless and childless — a lone man. The
rank and wealth and honours, which would have
gladdened those dear to me, come to me when all
who loved me in my youth are gone. Ah, Daly, I
have suffered poverty and hardship. For years, tor
the want of a few hundred pounds, I was compelled
to live in the West Indies, unable to purchase the
promotion I craved for, and which younger men
about me were getting as they wished : those were
bitter days.' Did I tell you of the pretty letter*
which the Queen wrote Sir Colin ? Womanly praise,
touching in expression, with this finale : ' The Queen,
however, has one reproof to make. Sir Colin
Campbell too much exposes a life very precious to
the nation.' Was not this beautiful ? Such things
make loyal and heroic soldiers.

"Sir James Outram, in his usual style, praises
everybody, and not less than 200 officers possess
notes (private) testifying to their heroism! some
chance to be otherwise regarded amongst their
comrades! You know I, in common with all the
world, like Sir James Outram, and to me he is kinder
and heartier even than to others ; but I look on him
as a thorough ^blunderer in war and politics ; chival-
rously brave, physically brave and stout-hearted.
'Go ahead — I lead' is his style of fighting; no con-
struction, no order. In politics, unless when vastly
excited, I have always seen him too indolent to be
interested in anything ; there is no man living in my
estimation so answerable for all the mistakes in the
annexation of Oudh as Outram. Sir Henry was
first offered the appointment : seeing it was with a
view to annexation, he, in his noble way, lucidly laid

* The full text of this letter is given in Shadwell's Life of Lord
Clyde ; the quotation is not quite exact.

218 GRANT'S OPERATIONS IN OUDH

before the Governor-General his opinions opposing
the sivoop. After that Lord Dalhousie got Outram,
the non-annexationist, the friend of the Amirs, to do
his will. Had Sir Henry Lawrence come to Oudh
in those early days, it is useless to speculate on what
changes it would have made. There would have
been no heroic garrison at the Residency, with parapet
and ditches that a baby of three could pass. The
mutiny would have worked its way, and Oudh would
have been affected ; but it is more than doubtful if
the Talukdars, the Dukes of Bedford of Oudh, would
have joined against us. Sir Henry foresaw the
mutiny. Neither he nor any man on earth foresaw
the extent ; but I can remember in those days when
the news of the Barrackpore and Dinapore disaffec-
tions used to reach us, how fully his mind was
imbued with the depth and breadth of the crisis.

"Sir William Mansfield, K.C.B.! this is but the
first link in his tether ; that man will rise. He has
nerve to bear any responsibility, the great bugbear in
public life. He has a keen, cultivated intellect, a
sharp temper well in hand and ready for use; his
education is European, his knowledge European ; and
therefore, I think he will end as Ambassador at Con-
stantinople or St Petersburg, or as England's
General, should need be. He has the powers of com-
bination ; whether he is a General actually in the
field I know not ; I have had no opportunity of judg-
ing ; but it is more than probable he is capable of
anything! "

"iindjuly. — I am with a gallant force en route
for Fyzabad, which we are to occupy, and thence will
be the base of operations for the cold weather move
trans-Gogra. Usually at this season it would be
impossible to move artillery and carts across the
country, for the roads are mere tracks, with many
deep water-courses and streams intersecting them.
But during this year no rain has fallen in the ordinary
course. The marshy ground is slightly wet, and the
streams a little swollen, nothing more. The appear-
ance of everything exquisitely fresh and green, for
the showers have been sufficiently frequent to keep
nature verdant. Our column consists of one troop
R.A., one battery R.A. with 4 heavy guns and their

ON THE ROAD TO FYZABAD 219

complement of ammunition, 7th Hussars, 400 sabres
of mine, one squadron 1st Sikh Cavalry, one battalion
Rifle Brigade, Madras European Fusiliers, and 5th
Punjab Infantry. Had poor Havelock had such a
complete force his march would have been one of
triumph. General Grant is with us ; he is always
ready, seizes every opportunity of work. Brigadier
Horsford, C. B., will command at Fyzabad ; the little
I know of him I like ; a straightforward man ; but, as
I have often said, all these new Queen's officers have
to be taught their profession in the field. Whatever
they may know of drills and dress, they know nothing
of actual service. There is no doubt this move should
have taken place long ago ; that had we moved on
Fyzabad after our victory of the 13th ultimo, it would
have been a triumphal march and attended with great
Sclat. Now we are enabled to go by a fluke of
weather, the like of which is unknown and unremem-
bered by the oldest inhabitant. It is all right though,
and therefore seems almost captious to complain.
Matters are looking well, and, if good sense guides
our civil and district rulers, India will do well, despite
the many obstacles that oppose us, the greatest of
which is the faction fight at home. With Sir John
Lawrence Governor-General, many a sword might be
hung up.

"Camp, Darriabad, 2$tli July. — WTe marched
through the old city yesterday, and encamped on the
site of our former cantonment. The streets were
totally deserted and the doors of the houses barred ;
here and there on the roofs were seen a few figures.
The rebels, many of them true Pandies, had been
here for some time, but all levanted two days prior to
our coming ; the people cultivate their fields, guide
their ploughs, and look up as we move along ; now
and then the headmen of the village come out with
their offerings to welcome us, and declaim in great
anguish against the tyranny and plunder they have
undergone. No doubt this class will rejoice in the
restoration of our Government, in a power to protect
them. They speak of the year of annexation as their
time of comfort, and probably never before had they
known a season of such freedom and ease.

'Fyzabad, 31st July. — On the 29th, on approach-

220 GRANT'S OPERATIONS IN OUDH

ing the city, the force halted, and cavalry and artillery
formed up with the intention of trotting- down to the
ferry, leaving- infantry and heavy guns behind. We
passed through the main streets of Fyzabad ; the
beauty of those avenues of tamarind must be seen
to be appreciated ; I have never seen tree or
verdure such as Fyzabad presents. You remember
Macaulay's description of Fyzabad in his Warren
Hastings, when he speaks of the pressure put upon
the princes to make them supply our wants. The
city, from its position on the Gogra, and the extreme
fertility of the district, has always been highly
favoured by the Muhammadans, who once esteemed
it the capital of the province. To the Hindus its
temples are considered hardly less sacred than those
of Agra and Benares. The temples of Ajudhya are
some 4 or 5 miles beyond Fyzabad, rich by endow-
ment, and by the pilgrimages from all parts of India.
The sacred images are hung about with gold,
jewellery, and precious stones of every denomination.
The Priesthood are by thousands. We trotted
through the midst of these temples, the steps studded
over with the Fakirs. The people of the city seemed
friendly and even pleased to see us ; their shops open.
This place will eventually become a very favourite
station. The Gogra is more easily navigable than
any river in India at this season.

" 5tA August. — The campaign is being trodden
out fast ; the difficulties of Oudh will disappear ; little
affairs there will be, but not many of these. A few
months, and order will rule."

The future of the officers of the East India Com-
pany's service was a question which was beginning
to trouble Daly's mind. He had received from
Mansfield the following letter, dated Allahabad, the
12th July 1858:—

" I should have answered your last letter long ago,
but you will excuse me for not writing notes of cere-
mony when I have nothing to tell and nothing to ask
about. I read your account of the action at Nawab-
gunge with the greatest interest, and I should much

ARMY RE-ORGANIZATION 221

like to have been an actor in the scene. We have
started from here a small brigade of 1200 infantry,
with light and heavy guns, to reduce the nest of forts
at the south-east corner of Oudh. I expect that the
first of these will be attacked in a day or two. It
has been long- necessary, but the troops to do it
have only just been got here with infinite labour and
paring in other quarters. In Behar we are very
active, and I hope you will hear little more from
that quarter. A small reinforcement has gone to
Goruckpur, which, though not sufficient for any
offensive movement will, I hope, suffice for the local
wants of that district.

" I am turning my thoughts very seriously to the
question of the reconstitution of the army, and I want
your opinion on one point. It appears to me that we
should learn an important lesson from the picture of
loyalty afforded by the Bombay and Madras armies.
It is idle to attribute that fact to a little improved
system or discipline as compared with the army of
Bengal. The loyalty of this or that section of the
native troops, during the tremendous ordeal through
which they have lately passed, is simply an affair of
circumstance. In the two southern armies the fact
of their being two separate bodies, with a strong
jealousy and esprit de corps running through them,
preserved them in the fiery trial. It seems to me,
therefore, that we should enlarge on the idea therein
conveyed, and have three or four distinct armies for
this Presidency : say one for the Punjab, one for the
North- West, and one for Bengal. While the troops
would be thus localised in a great measure for
ordinary times, I would entertain them on first enlist-
ment for general service in case of war either beyond
the frontier or in any part of the empire, precisely as
before. But this foreign service should never be
protracted, and it should not occur except for real
war or active purposes. There should be a differ-
ence in uniform between the different armies, and
only local enlistment should be permitted. Let
me hear what you think of these notions. As yet
they are quite crude in my head, and I should
like to have a practical opinion from you on their
feasibility."

222 GRANT'S OPERATIONS IN OUDH

In his reply Daly wrote: —

" I quite concur with you that we must look to
other causes than the mere difference^ of drill and
discipline for the staunchness of the armies of Madras
and Bombay. It is ridiculousto impute their steadi-
ness to more or less of supervision. No doubt, it is
to be found, as in the Sikh, Pathan, and Gurkha, in
the distinction of race. Observe in Bombay this was
so strong- that the Pandy element in each corps
exploded without touching the Mahrattas and others
in the same company; for instance, in the 12th
Bombay Infantry, and in the Bombay Lancers at
Mhow.

"The corps which have been disbanded in Bom-
bay, the 21st and 27th, were composed of men of
Hindustan; the former was filled with those grand-
looking- fellows of Oudh, and considered to be in the
highest state of efficiency. This settles the question.
Bombay and Madras may enrol their distinct armies,
but with Bengal and the North-West it will not be
easy to maintain the distinctions. Bombay has its
Mahrattas, Bhils, Kulis, also men of the lower Con-
can, not legitimate Mahrattas, but a race much
attracted to our service, which holds large numbers of
them. The Revolution has occurred in time to save
the Sikhs and us. But a few years, a short genera-
tion, and under the principles we had established the
race would have disappeared. Subject to Brahminical
influence in corps in which their numbers and posi-
tion failed to make them independent, it was the
opinion of the best of them, which I have often heard
expressed with a mournful shake of the head, that the
days of the Guru's followers were few. Had the
Mutiny overtaken us at such a time, and after the
Sikh had forgotten his war-calling and his contempt
for Pandy, it is hard to say what amount of British
troops could have reconquered India for us.

" I would not have every corps of a separate race.
I would have a considerable proportion formed, as
are the Guides and many of the Punjab corps :— the
Pathan, the Dogra, the Gurkha, Sikh, and Punjabi.
The company should be complete of its kind. The
greatest harmony prevailed in the Guides, though

LETTER TO LOKD STANLEY 223

the Gurkhas could not communicate with the Afridis.
The Pathan advanced with more than his usual dash
after he had learnt to know the stout, unflinching-
support which he would meet with under any circum-
stances from the Gurkha ; and the Gurkha always
speaks admiringly of the fiery Pathan.

" I should hope the bearing- of the Punjabi corps
during- this war has fairly and fully established the
advantag-es of the irreg-ular system in an army like
ours, when men in the usual course get a command
about the ag-e Sir Colin gets his peerage. No
regiments have ever fought for us as the Guides, the
Gurkhas, and the Punjab corps engaged in the war.
Death and disease have changed their officers, but
the gallantry and discipline of the corps remained."

Daly's views on the future of the Company's
officers are expressed in a letter written from Fyzabad
to Lord Stanley,* on the 19th August 1858 : —

"My Lord,

"The tour of 1852 along our rugged
frontier through Eusafzai by Peshawar, Kohat, and
the Indus Border, and the associations connected
with Sir Henry Lawrence, may recall to your lord-
ship's memory the writer of this : remembering the
frankness of your lordship in those days, I venture
thus to write now.

" I have seen much of the troubles and trials from
which we are now emerging. Within twelve hours
of the Delhi massacre the ' Lightning Wire ' had put
me in motion ; I was marching with the Guides bound
for Delhi, 600 miles distant. I saw the first gun
planted against its walls, was throughout the struggle
and present at its conquest. I was in command of a
large body of horse at the fall of Lucknow, since
when I have been constantly in the field.

"On the annexation of Oudh, I came to the
province to enrol irregular cavalry, and remained till
within a few weeks of the Mutiny. During that year
of annexation I was thrown much with the people ;

* Lord Stanley had become President of the Board of Control
(India) in Lord Derby's Administration.

224 GRANT'S OPERATIONS IN OUDH

the deed may have been a blunder; certainly the
time and mode of execution were ill-chosen ; but
setting all such opinions aside, no impartial man
could fail to observe that the result was highly
popular with the cultivators and small proprietors, in
proof of which tracts of land, miles in extent, which
had been for years deserted and thrown out of
cultivation, came again under the plough. An in-
vestigation will show, I suspect, that it was not the
loss of territory which Talukdars, the Feudal Barons,
the Warwicks, grieved over, but the loss of influence,
the power over life and limb exercised in a way too
wanton to bear description or obtain belief in England.
General Sleeman, a non-annexationist, in his notes
throws a light on the state of the country.

" It is probable, however, that by no line of
conduct towards Oudh could the Mutiny have been
staved off: the mighty army of India had felt its own
power : from the day we were rolled back from
Afghanistan, they viewed us^ in a new light; they
saw we could submit to failure. In the terrible
battles of the Sutlej and the Punjab, they learnt their
strength and boastfully spoke of it. For years it has
been the custom to concede everything asked or
suggested to the sepoy, who was hedged with so
much punctilio and respect that he rebuked his officer.
We have gone on extending our territory over
hundreds of square miles, till "the red line" is every-
where, without adding a British soldier ; his presence
was so rare that men journeyed for days without
seeing one. Sepoys wrote to one another of the
prevalence of black grain, and black cattle, and the
rarity of white ! So inflammable, so combustible was
the mass, that a spark at any moment for years past
would have exploded the whole, and that too without
any particular conspiracy or combination.

"There are many at home to whom the future
presents no difficulties, and who regard the past
chiefly for the display of their powers and musings.
They comfortably relieve themselves of all responsi-
bility by thrusting the burden upon us. Mr Roebuck,
for instance, evidently is convinced that the English
mind is incapable of development out of Sheffield or
the City ; that Indian Englishmen are worth nothing

" J

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' J^l

>

.. .

Ril

^Br Q * * *"A/r- •yjW'''* '*;!f-'wfe 1

WflU^:

[Photo Hughes & Mullins.

Sir Henry Daly.

[To face p. 2-24.

LESSONS OF THE MUTINY 225

better than a sneer. Debates exhibiting every
capacity; commissions of the most acute and
thoughtful men in England, may go on ; but after all,
India must be held by an army of British soldiers.
It was not so held, hence the Mutiny. The sepoy
was cheaper than the Englishman in the monthly
balance sheet, and, as we acquired territory and
desired economy, he was taken, and in such numbers,
that at last he thought he was big.

" The horror of the Mutiny no man could foresee ;
but all who have associated with Sir Henry Lawrence
know how deeply he was impressed with the dangerous
strength of the native army ; how much he depre-
ciated extension of territory, without an adequate in-
crease of European troops. He arrived at Lucknow
20th March 1857 : from the first day of his arrival he
accepted _ the situation ; he predicted the storm. I
was by his side from^ 20th March to 14th April, when
I quitted for the Punjab. His labours were incessant ;
every place was visited with a view to defence ; pre-
parations of every kind were initiated, quietly but
earnestly ; none _ but those in his confidence could
suppose under his quiet tones lurked the suspicions,
nay convictions, of danger, which he entertained.
Darbars were held, and all the court nobles invited :
his conciliatory influence, his great character, did
stay the evil. Oudh did not rise till the North- West
was gone, and our little force at Delhi was almost in
its death throes. The storage of grain, ammunition,
etc., was ridiculed by those about him, in whose eyes
no change was near, for the sepoy still did his guards
and observed his duties ; but for Henry Lawrence,
not one man of that garrison would have lived to tell
the tale of glory. I have been tedious, but your
lordship will be interested in the last accounts of that
noble man.

"Mr Russell describes very beautifully the
advance of our army in Rohilkhand : 'It moves on,
but takes no hold of the country.' Take the facts —
Rohilkhand is quiet ; the revenue regularly paid ; and
scarcely a shot has been fired there for months.
Again, our advance on Fyzabad — no doubt there
was a great gathering of rebels of sorts here ; our
force was not above 1 500 infantry, 800 cavalry, with

226 GRANT'S OPERATIONS IN OUDH

guns ; yet the gathering dispersed without firing a
shot : between Fyzabad and Lucknow, 90 miles, we
have two weak posts and two only ; supplies and
travellers move to and fro without hindrance. Had
the people been hostile, this could be hardly so.
There is much about Fyzabad to excite the enthu-
siasm of Muhammadans and Hindus. It is the
ancient capital and many stately tombs and lofty
minars tell the Muhammadan of the burial places of
his early Nawabs. Here are the temples of Ajudhya,
probably the most wealthy in India, and to the
Hindus scarcely less sacred than those of Benares.

" I would not have it inferred that the people are
particularly well inclined towards us ; they are now,
as in the Duke's days at the beginning of the century,
'Philosophers about their Rulers,' bending to the
storm, plundering the weak. When we were in
jeopardy, anarchy ensued ; attacks were made on all
who could not defend themselves. The sepoys, rich
with the plunder of Delhi, feared to pass through
the country in small parties because they were
stripped by the villagers. The difficulties attending
the settlement of Oudh have been enhanced by the
hungry lawyers and fortune hunters who hang about
the Oudh courtiers in London ; every word which has
a favourable sound is freely translated. A few weeks
ago a man of wealth and position in Lucknow told a
native officer of mine, ' We hear from London that
matters are progressing most favourably for us.
England is growing sick of the war. If we can keep
up the game a little longer, your troops will be with-
drawn and Oudh restored ! ' The result is that
hundreds craving for order fear to cast in their lot
with us, believing our rule to be temporary.

"Now, my Lord, let me ask what is to become
of the Company's officers? Merely to change our
name and leave us in other respects as before, less
the privileges and honours of the service, thrown
'open' to our brothers of Her Majesty's army, who
have superseded and are superseding us in rank and
promotion, and must therefore do so in influence and
position, will be, as Mr Gladstone observed, 'to deal
hardly with us.' To say to us : — You belong to the
army of the Queen ; you are no longer the army of a

THE COMPANY'S OFFICERS 227

Company in Leadenhall Street, you retain all your
privileges of pension (for which, by the way, you
subscribe) and service, and are in no way to inter-
mingle with the army of the Horse Guards. Your
rank will be regulated as heretofore ; no interference
with your becoming Captains after fifteen or twenty
years' service and Lieut.-Colonels after thirty-five,
your commissions in your respective grades will be
allowed still ! ! to give you standing according to date
with those officers of the Horse Guards who become
Lieut.-Colonels before you have passed through the
Lieutenants and Captains ere you have headed the
list of ensigns. It is true we have thrown 'open' to
the sister service the appointments and commands
which have made so many of your officers eminent
and distinguished, and which have been compensation
to you for painful exile and slow promotion. The
school which has brought forth Munro, Malcolm
(the Duke wanted to get the latter * to Spain, and said
he would give any two for him), Lawrence, Edwardes,
Chamberlain, Lumsden, and a host of ready soldiers,
who have preserved for the army of India a prestige
and tone which almost every officer has individually
enhanced during the present struggle. The inevitable
result of this ' throwing open ' all our advantages to
those who come and go as they list, and leaving us
but our banishment and gradation, must be to sink
the service. How can officers, bound to India,
contend with officers of the Horse Guards, who so
readily attain promotion in such various ways : by
passing for a month or two to the West Indies, by
the Augmentation Battalion, by the 'substantive'
rank, by the 'unattached,' and by God knows how
many means and appliances? These must bear

* The Duke of Wellington, then Colonel Wellesley, first met Sir
John (then Captain) Malcolm on the march to Seringapatam. Kaye
states (Preface to his Life of Sir John Malcolm), " There was no
one to whom the Duke wrote more unreservedly than to Sir John
Malcolm." Kaye also mentions (vol. ii. of the Life, page 90, footnote)
the desire of the Duke to have Malcolm and Munro with him in
Spain, and the Duke's strong opinion that the officers of the East
India Company's army should be made available for service in
Europe.

228 GRANT'S OPERATIONS IN OUDH

away all the higher appointments, and leave but a
few Police Adjutancies for the veteran subalterns of
India, who are thought to be so thankful for their
transfer to the Crown (Lord Ellenborough) that they
will pass their days in comfortable gratitude. If the
army of India is to preserve its character, it must not
be clipped of its only attractions and rewards. Few
men of education would come to India for service in
the army had they nothing to look to beyond a ^200
pension after a quarter of a century residence and
constant supercession by officers flitting to and fro
from England: either these privileges must be
retained, or the army incorporated with the army
of England. It is for statesmen to weigh this linking
of England and India. Personally, I have but little
interest in the result. I have been fortunate, and
hold a position which is not likely to be affected by
any change ; moreover, I am not bound to India for a
livelihood. Should I outlive this struggle, which is
now being fast trampled out, the probability is that my
residence in India will be short.

" I offer no apology for thus trespassing on your
lordship, for, should an apology be deemed necessary,
I could urge nothing."

To this Lord Stanley replied, thanking Daly for
his "most interesting letter," and adding a hope that
the Company's officers would in no way suffer from
the change of system.

The diary continues : —

" 26M August, Right bank of the Goomtee, Sultan-
pur, — The passage of this river has been an interest-
ing scene. Rafts placed across cranky dinghies
which require constant baling to prevent them trom
sinking; charpoys (native bedsteads) on ghurrahs
(earthen pots), which bear our saddles, and every
contrivance to compel the obstinate horses to face
the stream, which runs with depth for about 90
yards and with a strong current. We had got over
about 200 by 7 p.m. The General wished all to
cross, so as to make way for the 7th Hussars, so the
process went on all night with noise and clamour.

PASSAGE OF THE GOOMTEE 229

We have come over in light trim. Tents to protect
the Europeans ; no other baggage ; the food ready
cooked. They got over very well on the rafts, and
last evening the Madras Fusiliers and Vaughan's
Punjabis moved up to clear out a village and some
broken ground some 900 yards beyond the river.
The rebels bolted without firing a musket. _ They
threw a few round shot into our camp, without,
however, doing any injury.

"30//2 August — After the passage we found our
selves on a neck of land, which the twisting, winding
Goomtee flowed round, making us impregnable and
unassailable. We might and ought to have advanced
to the attack on the 29th. There is a rule in India
which admits not of exception — ' Whenever British
troops confront an enemy, they must attack and
without delay.' But the General was embarrassed
by letters from headquarters, which led him to think
that Colonel Berkeley's brigade at Soraon would
move up simultaneously and therefore it was well
not to hurry the attack. The rebels grew bold, seeing
that we were cautious, and every evening their
cavalry paraded in a vaunting way towards our
camp ; there was a good display of horsemen, who
preserved some formation ; they trotted along and
formed line, and their leaders advanced some 300
or 400 yards beyond their picket, which held a
mound with a deep nullah running round it, about
1200 yards from our post. It was not possible for
us to make a dash straight down, on account of the
intervening ravines. These parades took place 26th,
27th; on the 28th the General made up his mind
to go at them on the following day. Everything
was settled to advance on the morning of the 29th,
3 a.m. On the afternoon of 28th, about 4 P.M., the
usual parade of rebels began, but with the addition
of infantry and a gun. Sir William Russell sent
word to the General that the enemy were about to
attack us in force. The order for all to be in readiness
was given, and shortly we all turned out. It was a
very pretty sight when we got to the front. The
Madras Fusiliers had rushed forward in skirmishing
order, and were driving the rebels from every ravine ;
the firing was quick and wild ; I galloped out with

230 GRANT'S OPERATIONS IN OUDH

my cavalry, but there was nothing- for cavalry to do.
I joined the General, who, as usual, was forward,
almost amidst the skirmishers. I am on very familiar
terms with him ; I said, ' Now that you have come
out, although there is but little of daylight left, don't
stop. The enemy is on the move, the cantonments
can now be gained without even a shot; on, on.'
The General saw there was truth in this and, Jate
as it was, was almost giving the order ; but a cautious
old fellow near him turned the tables against me,
and there we stood. The rebels, finding we did not
advance, began to gather courage to stand and
throw in a good deal of wild firing, without, however,
doing us any damage, as we had but 3 or 4 men
wounded. A few shells from our guns checked their
ardour, and darkness almost overtook us on the
ground. I feared that in our retirement we should
suffer loss. However, whether damaged by our fire
or panic-stricken by the display of troops we made,
the rebels fell back. We were up by 3 a.m. yesterday
morning, and moved off by the moon, which was high
and clear. Our advance was picturesque ; a long-
line of skirmishers ; 4 guns on each side of the road,
with a troop of hussars and a troop of mine ; then
the remainder of infantry and cavalry, etc. A force
which, well-handled, nothing in Oudh could resist.
Our march was bloodless. Every rebel had bolted
during the night, taking with them their guns.

" Sultanpur, zpth September. — We have had the
rain of Oudh during the last few days. The season
which has not hitherto received its quantity is now
being paid up in full. We have had nothing to do
here, but we have had two or three little affairs,
affairs which plainly indicate the state of Pandy's
mind. Losses to him of hundreds without 20 casu-
alties on our side ; his fighting is reduced _ to the
worst. After all, Delhi was the field> which in more
ways than one decided the fate of India. The rebels
fought there in all their pride of power and numbers,
and the failure has tainted their arms ever since.
Had the enemy won confidence in those struggles,
not all the troops England has sent forth would have
sufficed to win back half of Bengal even.

wth "October. — We made our first march this

POSSIBILITIES FOR THE ARMY 231

morning-. Fresh and pleasant is the country through
which we passed, rich in foliage and beauty. Our
force is not large; 200 hussars, 100 of mine, the
Rifle Brigade, 2 H.A. guns, with a considerable
portion of that weighty and grievous siege train.
The object of our coming is to aid Colonel Kelly,
who is moving with a column from Azimgarh to
Atrowlea ; there are some two or three forts on the
right bank of the Gogra, which it will be necessary
to reduce should there be any attempt to hold them.
Colonel Kelly has reached Atrowlea, and in two days
we may hear that the country along the bank is
deserted. We then return to Sultanpur.

" I cannot understand Edwardes going, as it is
said he will do soon. True it is that he has been
harassed by work and responsibility, and that his
exertions have not been duly acknowledged, and not
at all rewarded. Sir John Lawrence's departure
would have put him in a foremost place. He would
have been sent to Oudh as Chief Commissioner, but
that John Lawrence said the frontier could not spare
him. I cannot think Edwardes huffed : he is _ too
high-minded for that : I suspect his domesticities
bear down his ambition ; to nothing else can I
attribute his policy ; he is ambitious.vastly ambitious ;
it may be that ambition tempts him home ; but he
is too high in India, too successful, too young and
too old to do very well at home.

"We shall know something ere long of the
destination of the army. My notion is that though
the officers of the Army of India will, of course, suffer
in the transaction, that the tone and character of the
Army of England — a great matter — will vastly
improve. In India, men of H.M.'s corps are without
occupation ; they become mess presidents, tiffin
eaters, grumblers, and billiard players ; the field which
yields so much honour, develops so much character,
is closed to them. Hence it is that a Queen's corps in
India is usually a narrow, ignorant circle. Now should
India be thrown open to the Army of England {i.e.,
all made the army), all in turn pass through India, as
the corps pass through the West Indies, very great
will be the improvement in soldiership and education.
If, on the other hand, the E.I.C. army is simply

232 GRANT'S OPERATIONS IN OUDH

transferred to the Crown, and kept up as an Indian
army, the men composing- it will still keep the loaves
and fishes, for a time at any rate, but will eventually
sink into an inferior service, whereas this is not now
felt. The army of the country is distinct : its officers
fill all the positions of the ruling- power ; they win
distinction as diplomatists, surveyors, engineers,
captains. Amongst them are men like Edwardes,
Chamberlain, Outram, and in looking back the train
of heroes and statesmen is so long- the eye can hardly
reach it : from Clive to Henry Lawrence, what
wondrous men has not India produced and brought
out!

" zoth October. — We marched back to Sultanpur
on the 23rd, and marched again on the 25th. On the
27th we marched to Doalpur, so as to be within a
morning's distance of the Khandoo, a small river
which runs into the Goomtee. The banks of this are
steep and dry ; ravines and nullahs intersect the
ground about ; dense forests and topes of trees every-
where abound. It was there the troops of rebels who
quitted Sultanpur pulled up, and better cover could
not have been chosen. Across the Khandoo is a
strong- stone bridge ; a bridge of olden days ; this
was the only spot at which to cross. Beyond and
behind the rebels had thrown up earthworks with
embrasures for 4 guns, prettily revetted, and finished
in the most artistic style. The batteries beyond
swept the road of approach — the battery behind
covered the bridge.

"My advance guard of 10 sowars, about 600 yards
in front of the column, carefully reconnoitred ; a few
figures were seen about the first battery, which was
empty ; I doubt if a gun had ever been in it. The
General and I went forward and reconnoitred, and
saw that the second battery was also empty. The
ground now became raviny and wild. I cantered on
a few^ hundred yards to see the state of things,
believing- all to have gone. I observed a line of men
moving in broken order through the jungle ; here
and there were open patches through which could be
seen the long, tall sepoys in white clothing with their
sloped muskets. It was now decided to g-allop
forward with a troop of mine, a troop of the hussars,

GUERILLA WARFARE 233

and 2 guns. On we went ; we could observe dust of
moving bodies in many directions. It was difficult
work for cavalry : trees of size ; ravines, patches of
woods ; everywhere impossible ground for cavalry.
Had the rebels quietly held their own, we should
never have driven them out, and we must have
suffered ; but they were harassed and without metal.
Why they remained so long to fall back at last is a
problem never to be solved. They do things
beyond computation.

"In my mind there is no work so unsatisfactory
for cavalry, so dangerous to life, as a pursuit of this
kind — following up on broken ground sullen, sulky,
desperate men, who walk with a bent gait, here and
there doubling, till the horsemen are on them, then
turn and discharge their muskets, sometimes wildly,
more frequently right on the attacker, and then stand
and die like heroes. The same men who have left
works and positions admirably adapted for defence,
when they think death has come, meet it in a manner
to win admiration. A few sepoys had got into a bit
of close ground, surrounded and encased with thick
prickly-pear hedges ; we were looking for a place
to penetrate when a sepoy took a shot at me,
missed within 3 yards, but hit the sowar who was
following in the breast. Palliser was riding up on
the other side, near the corner, when he was shot, and
toppled off his horse; a gallant Pathan sprang from
his horse right down on the fellow who had fired at
Palliser ; a desperate struggle ensued for a few
minutes, and then the Pathan cleft the sepoy to
pieces. Palliser, who is a truly gallant, fine fellow, is
doing well. After this I turned and pursued a gun
track to the river 7 miles ; it had not crossed, but I
never saw it.

"On the 29th a portion of the force under
Brigadier Horsford moved out to attack a fort about
7 miles distant. We found it deserted, but the wheel
tracks of the guns were so recent that it was resolved
to pursue. Brigadier Horsford made over to me
4 guns, the 7th Hussars, and 100 of my men for the
purpose ; an exciting gallop it was ; each mile seemed
to strengthen our hopes of closing on the fugitives,
4 guns and a great rebel, ' Mendee Hussan.' We had

234 GRANT'S OPERATIONS IN OUDH

no made roads, but went across fields, through woods,
following the wheels. After about 8 miles we saw
a few footmen and horsemen scattered about, and
the villagers told us the guns were not far ahead.
We increased the pace, so much so that with my
men and a troop of the hussars I had outridden the
others. There was nothing, however, for it but speed,
so I pressed on fancying the tracks ensured success.
We ran to the bank of the Goomtee, and as we reached
the bank about ioo rebels sprang into the water and
swam to the other side : they had been taken com-
pletely by surprise. To this spot the guns were
clearly tracked ; the fact we found to be that the guns
were brought down with a view to being crossed
over, but finding that delay would ensue in preparing
the platform to cross them from the boats, they were
taken back on the morning of our arrival. They
had gone to the west, to a small fort owned by
Mendee Hussan, some 1 2 or 14 miles up the Goomtee.
Thus our attempt failed. I got one small gun which
they had left, and we had to return to our encamp-
ment 17 miles distant.

"We have reached the destination assigned to us,
10 miles north-west of Amethi, while the fortes to
be attacked from the south. My belief is that it will
be relinquished. I cannot think that the Raja, with
3000 men, will attempt a defence. However, one
can reason on none of their acts.

" The Proclamation and Amnesty will be published
this afternoon. The former the people and troops
will have difficulty in comprehending. In their eyes
and in the eyes of their fathers before them, the
government was ' Koompanie Bahadoor ' (the East
India Company), and what Badhshaie (Queen) can
be greater will be a puzzle. The Amnesty I rejoice
at : without it I can see no end. Many will take
exception to its broadness, and many will regret that
so much villainy should get away unpunished.
Probably the greatest scoundrels will do so ; but to
drag on the guerilla warfare is to throw good and
valuable lives, and our very supremacy, order, and
power into jeopardy. I have just heard from Neville
Chamberlain, who wrote on the 3rd November from
Dera Ismael Khan — 'We proclaimed Her Majesty

AMETHI 235

here this morning. Lots of gunpowder fired on the
occasion. I am glad we had Europeans on the
ground, though few in numbers. They are the first
in these parts since Alexander's days. I watch your
progress on the map, and shall be glad when you
have #// cleared up to the left bank of the Gogra.'

"Jagdespur, igtk November. — The force I am
with separates to-morrow morning. All the infantry,
7th Hussars, and artillery go Lucknow- wards. I
with 300 of my horse trot to Sultanpur, where we
cross the Gogra by bridge ; a large force will be
assembled there, and we shall sweep up by Gonda,
Sekrora, and Baraitch.

" We gathered in great strength around the jungle
fort of Amethi — three armies, with guns enough to
carry Oudh at a sweep. The Raja at the last
moment sent in his submission, but during the night
his followers, sepoys, and matchlock men, broke
through, as it was easy for them to do in such a
country, and bolted. Thus we got possession of an
empty fort, and 13 instead of, at least, 25 or 30 guns ;
the remainder we suppose have been buried. We
marched away with the view of cutting off the fugi-
tives and closing round the great fort of Beni Madhu
at Sharkipur. We found Amethi like all the forts
we have seen in this part of Oudh. The outer ditch
is 4 or 5 miles in circumference, deep and narrow ;
the enclosure a deep jungle through which roads have
been cut. The corundah bush, bearing a prickly
thorn which covers the ground like the bramble, fills
the space ; even an elephant could scarcely penetrate.
There are two ditches and two walls within the outer
circumference : at points are bastions of mud, with
embrasures commanding the approaches. At one
corner is a village, within which the immediate
followers of the Raja live. Within the interior wall
are the house and courtyards for the Zenanah and
the Raja, and in all these places more space is
required for the lady portion than for aught else.
There were two mines sunk near the gate, but
altogether the strength of the place was in its posi-
tion. Such was its extent, and so concealed among
the trees and bushes, that shells might fall for six
months without reaching the point desired.

•236 GRANT'S OPERATIONS IN OUDH

"So much for Amethi. We moved on and on
until we came to the fort of Beni Madhu on the 16th.
The fort is some 14 miles from Delama, and 10 miles
from Rai Bareilly. We moved round to the north-
east side ; the Chief and his force within 3 miles of
us to the south-west. As we approached we observed
small bodies of cavalry moving about, footmen with
bundles, etc., and amongst them doubtless some
sepoys. We encircled the place as fast as we could
in such a jungle ; an investment with even 40,000
men would be quite impossible. There are four
ghurras, or forts, and villages within one ditch or
wall, 8 miles in circumference. Terms had been
offered to Beni Madhu, and he had sent to know what
his reception would be. Therefore there was no
doubt about holding out. I felt sure the bolting had
been going on for days. So it proved ; the following
morning, although our pickets and vedettes had been
placed according to military principles, the forts were
deserted. I have a strong conviction that nobody
was left on our arrival but the few cavalry for display
whom we saw caracoling.

"The order to march came: Rai Bareilly for us.
We had moved out but a few miles, when cheery old
Sir Colin, with General Mansfield, came galloping to
our front. There was a wild report that the enemy
were in strength before us. This soon subsided, and
the Chief went back to his troops. Biswarrah, as
this province is called, is the heart of the sepoy
kingdom. You will observe the actual war is at an
end. They fly everywhere and fight nowhere, even
about their own homesteads. Insurrection will gradu-
ally die out ; there will be no grand smash. Rai
Bareilly is a powerful place, and has been of great
importance. A large and ancient fort of brick and
stone with lofty walls frowning over the city ; and
there is many a mark of strife and shot about it ; it
was here poor Major Gale was killed. We moved to
Nolan Gange, and so to this place (Jagdespur)
yesterday afternoon. To-morrow the General and
his staff and I trot away for Fyzabad, and there the
last chapter of the Oudh War will be worked. My
old 1st Punjab Cavalry will be brigaded with me.

" 2%th November, opposite Fyzabad. — We galloped

PASSAGE OF THE GOGRA 237

into Sultanpur, about 30 miles ; waited there a day,
then on in two marches to Fyzabad. The bridge for
crossing- was in readiness : the brigade of infantry,
1 st Punjab Cavalry, wing 9th Lancers, one and a
half troops H.A., a battery of guns of size, were
assembled. The rebels had small batteries along the
banks, from which occasionally light guns fired ; a few
matchlocks and muskets were visible lining the
bank ; instead of the width of waters we had left in
August there was a good mile of sand or bog. The
General resolved to cross on the night of 24th and
early morning 25th. We had already a battery at the
head of the bridge trans-Gogra. A regiment of Sikh
infantry was thrown over the river in boats higher up.
They were to remain quiet and concealed until our
battery opened, and this was to be with the first
streak of dawn. The infantry and guns began the
passage of the bridge at 3 a.m. The moon was bright
and clear, and, as no baggage was to go, no confusion
occurred. Over the bridgeway was strewed a thick
layer of sand ; all sound was deadened.

" By 5 a.m. the cavalry were over the bridge, and
formed in line on the side. With the first faint light
of day our guns opened. The Sikh regiment on our
left gave a shrieking shout, and moved up the right
flank of the rebel works ; there was a good deal of
wild firing as the enemy forsook their batteries. The
bed of the Gogra is very wide : the cavalry followed
the infantry, and by daylight we were close to the
bank ; here, for about 40 or 50 paces wide, was the
remnant of the river. The soil was dark and
quaggy ; to our right was a gun with its horses sunk
deep, and in the vicinity all was commotion. The
bog was heaving with every effort of the horses, rising
and falling with every tramp. In the leading troop of
the 9th Lancers some of the horses sunk to the saddle
flaps. I sought a place higher up and got over very
well with 300 or 400 men, but those who followed
found this ground like a jelly. Thus we had a great
delay ; had 50 women remained, our passage would
have been a work of great loss. Once over, we
pressed on the cavalry and guns, leaving the infantry.
We pursued some 12 or 14 miles; the country was
open, and admirably adapted for the movement of

238 GRANT'S OPERATIONS IN OUDH

cavalry, the only ground I have seen in Oudh which
is so. After going- 5 miles we picked up 2 guns and a
carriage. Fugitives were seen running in all direc-
tions. The fields were high with dhall, like riding
through a shrubbery. Subsequently, we captured
other 3 guns, among them an English 24-lb. howitzer.
We charged in amongst them and cut up a number.
The rout was complete and thorough, and all in all
it was perhaps the most successful affair in a little
way that I have seen. The Raja of Gonda was the
leader of the force here ; a cowardly loon he is ; 'tis
said he mounted his elephant and bolted at the first
discharge of our guns. Some sepoys of Captain
Boileau's regiment were amongst the rabble.

" The Gonda Raja has sent to know what terms
will be granted him ; he will be liberally treated, so I
hope he will come in. The answer to one and all now
in arms against us should be, ' If you are out in arms
on January 1st, restoration of property will be impos-
sible. Everything you have ever held will be confis-
cated, and you will be an outlaw.' We blunder in
discussion. Our vacillation towards the Amethi
man, the manner in which he was allowed to play
with and alter our ultimatum, has done us no good.
The only chance of anything good happening to them
should be instant submission. The sepoys even now
cannot believe in the Amnesty. A man who came in
the other day said, ' We enlisted under the Articles of
War. What has the Proclamation to do with us ? '

" Bunkassia, %tk December. — Here we are at the
Gonda Raja's fort. We marched through a dense
jungle. On our approaching the place, the sowars,
who were 500 yards in advance, sent back to say that
armed men had broken away from the villages near,
and that horsemen had been seen ; by the General's
desire I cantered forward, and took a sweep round.
I observed a good many running in a sort of broken
line, and a gathering near the edge of the forest,
which is thick along the banks of the Biswah, a small
river. I came round to Sir Hope, reporting that I had
seen some fugitives ; I did not think their number
serious, but one of the captured said there were 2 guns
in the wood. The country was very close, many
clumps of trees scattered about, but the line of un-

SEKRORA 239

broken wood ran along the banks of the stream. The
main column of infantry had not yet arrived, but the
encamping ground was being marked out. The
pickets had been ordered out, when a sowar galloped
in saying, ' The enemy is moving in large numbers
along the wood ; cavalry, infantry, and elephant.' On
looking, a body was visible on the very road I had
just passed. The truth was that some 4000 men of
sorts — 700 or 800 regular infantry, and about 300
cavalry of various corps, together with the Gonda
Raja's own followers — occupied the side of the wood,
and were encamped in the neighbouring topes. When
I came up they were cooking ; our arrival was totally
unexpected ; a surprise on both sides. I passed one
body ; they must have been all at food.

" Immediately on my moving round they got
under arms, and those whom we now observed had
formed a kind of line. One swell bedecked with red
was conspicuous marshalling the ranks. We had
with us 200 infantry and 2 guns, 40 of my men, and
100 9th Lancers. Behind them was the wood. We
trotted down our guns, threw out the infantry to
cover our left, and opened within 400 yards of them.
We fired the first shot, but quickly their shots replied.
Our guns rattled in and advanced farther. The
enemy at this time were moving off in numbers,
skirting the forest. At last, on the arrival of our
infantry, we closed on the wood ; 2 guns fell into our
hands ; their round shot smashed a fine fellow, an
artilleryman, in the leg and killed a horse ; we had no
other casualties beyond a scratch or two. We
advanced to the fort to find it empty. Gonda is
about 10 or 12 miles distant.

' The Chief is, or will be in a day or two, at Bairam
Ghat waiting for boats. He wishes to cross to give
the final swoop. Probably before he can get over with
his great array all will be broken up. However,
despatches will be written and marches made in a
delightful climate, so it doesn't much matter, provided
that the rebels fail in getting away. My fear is lest they
should get away now, and turn up again in the hot
weather. Nothing can surpass the beauty and purity
of the atmosphere now with those snowy peaks of the
grand Nepal mountains sparkling in the sun.

240 GRANT'S OPERATIONS IN OUDH

" Sekrora, 12th December. — We arrived here
yesterday. Our old house is a heap of ruins, the
road which ran in front of it has been ploughed up
and sown with barley. The houses were destroyed
by Bala Rao, a brother of the Nana. The people of
Sekrora came out in numbers to bring- their supplies
with more readiness than we have observed elsewhere.
Our course is to Tulsipur, and thence to sweep up the
left bank of the Raptee. My trip of 1857 after Fazl
Ali now stands me in good stead."

There was no loss of life at Sekrora. Almost all
the troops mutinied, but they treated their officers
with respect, and permitted them to depart uninjured.
Daly received the following account from his old
corps : —

" The way in which we left Sekrora was, in short,
this. After our 1st squadron mutinied (together with
Major Gale's) on the road between Cawnpore and
Mynpooree, and murdered 3 out of the 4 officers with
them, viz., Captain Hayes, Mr Barbor, and young
Mr Fayrer, we began to feel very shaky at Sekrora.
Rumours had long been about among the men that
Europeans were coming to take the guns of Mr
Bonham's battery, etc., etc. We tried to reassure the
men, of course, and they seemed satisfied. Two fires
occurred in the lines of Captain Boileau's regiment,
and great uneasiness was evidently going on. Captain
Forbes had gone to Cawnpore ; Mr Bax to visit his
brother at Ghazipur ; Captain Tulloch to the hills.
We had but few of our men left ; for all but about
1 30 or 1 40 had gone into Lucknow, etc. We talked
of sending the ladies away, but Captain Boileau had
it represented to him that it would not be safe to do
so, as the men might mutiny. They therefore
remained till the 7th June 1857, when, early in the
morning, Captain Forbes arrived with 25 of our Sikhs
with him, and orders from Sir Henry Lawrence to
take the ladies to Lucknow."

Daly had written to his wife on the 10th June
1857, from before Delhi : —

SALAR BAKHSII -241

" You will be sorry to hear that a squadron of my
Oudh regiment went wrong- : — One squadron of
mine and a squadron of Gale's under poor Hayes ;
the worst man they could have selected, inasmuch as
the old Oudh soldiers of the corps consider him the
cause of all their trouble. I have not heard of them
since. I think the regiment would not have broken
hurriedly had I been present, and I have no doubt
that many are firm yet."

Of the native officers, Sundil Khan, as already
mentioned, joined Daly at Delhi, and Mohi-ud-din
was killed fighting on our side in Lucknow. There
were 75 Sikhs and Pathans in the regiment, and all
these, or nearly all, remained staunch. Sir Henry
Lawrence, writing on the 12th June 1857 to MrColvin,
Lieutenant-Governor of the North-West, said' —
"All our irregular cavalry, except about 60 Sikhs of
Daly's corps, are either very shaky or have deserted."

Of Salar Bakhsh, Daly wrote in 1857 : —

''There are a few pleasing traits of fidelity, and
his is one of the best I know. He ought to have
gone wrong, and there would be little blame attach-
able to him had he done so. He came to our officers
after the outbreak — I mean officers at another
station- — and asked them what he should do ; they
gave him cold comfort ; sent him off and told him to
go down and join his regiment!! He went, was
stripped and plundered by some mutineers of the 7th
Cavalry ; still he went on, and, I believe, joined Sir
Henry in Lucknow."

In July 1858 Daly submitted the following
official report regarding charges connected with
carbines for the 1st Oudh Irregular Cavalry: —

"On the annexation of Oudh I was appointed to
command the 1st Oudh Cavalry. Sir James Outram,
the Chief Commissioner, through his military secre-
tary, the late Captain Hayes, issued instructions to the

Q

242 GRANT'S OPERATIONS IN OUU1I

commandants of cavalry that they should immedi-
ately make arrangements for arming their men with
percussion carbines and appropriate appointments.
This could only be done from Europe, as arms were
not supplied by the State, nor were those carbines
which were made available for purchase from the
arsenal at all within the means of the sowar."

" Just prior to my departure from Oudh in April
1857, a portion of the carbines and belts which I had
ordered from Europe had arrived and had been
distributed to the regiment. The carbines for which
compensation is now sought were, I am informed,
taken within the Residency defences, and were used
by the volunteers and others requiring arms. Since
the second siege I myself have seen some of them in
the hands of the volunteer cavalry."

To his wife he wrote on the 14th December 1858,
from a camp near Bulrampur : —

" You remember my talking of the little Raja of
Bulrampur. He has behaved with most steadfast
loyalty to us throughout the struggle. His elephants
were sent to Sekrora for the transport of the ladies
and children to Lucknow, and with him took refuge
all the officers and civilians who were saved. His
position has been difficult during the past six months ;
beset by rebels in all directions ; nevertheless he has
maintained his ground. His chief town was plundered
a few days ago by a host of fugitives. I wrote to him
congratulating him on his loyalty and gallantry,
reminding him of our previous intercourse, and saying
what pleasure it will give me to introduce him to the
General. I received a delighted reply. We shall
meet him to-morrow. The fighting across the Raptee
will be slight. I question our firing a shot. All the
small Rajas creep to Bulrampur and seek the influence
which he is proud to use in their behalf.

"315/ December {Camp Puchpurwa, 14 miles
North-East of Tulsipur). — We have made a detour
by Heer towards Bansee, thence by the north along
the borders of Nepal, concluding yesterday with a
passage of the forest under the hills. The General
took down a force without baggage of any kind to

JACK TAR AS ATKINS 243

work the forest ; he took me to command the cavalry
which accompanied him ; four troops gth Lancers,
and my own men,_ 13th Infantry (Sikhs), artillery,
etc. We had nothing" to do ; a long- march into the
forest, skirting- its edges, and then round the camp,
which we reached just after sunset. Bala Rao, the
Nana's brother, is in the forest within a few miles of
us. There he cannot stay, for food is only procurable
through plunder, and then it is mere rice and dhall.
With him are many sepoys and ruffians whose deeds
have put them out of the Proclamation. However,
the great difficulty is in getting the Proclamation
made known. The Nana, Bala Rao, and others,
upon whose persons are rewards, prevent the publica-
tion of the Government Notification, and alter it for
their own purposes.

"2nd January 1859 {Camp near Tulsipur). — I
have just been down to the Naval Brigade to say
farewell to Captain Sotheby ; they go shipwards
to-morrow ; to Allahabad, thence to Calcutta. I
could tell many laughable anecdotes of the sailors.
They have small howitzers, drawn by small ponies,
which the sailors ride horse-artillery fashion. On the
march, if they encounter any obstacle, such as a
ravine or a mound, they are off in a moment, and
with one great pull altogether, out or over go gun-
carriage and steeds. We rode down to see them
march to join our camp the other day : Jacks, dressed
in their straw hats and blue shirts and pants just as
they would be at Portsmouth, astride the ponies. A
halt is sounded ; the leading tar near turned round to
his near comrade in the saddle, ' I say, Bill, it's Heave
to,' on which they shot off. A parade is required:
shrilly sounds the boatswain's whistle and a gruff
voice 'all hands,' on which they roll up. Colonel
Payne of the 53rd told me that at the Tulsipur fight
the other day he saw the sailors with their pony
artillery skirmishing side by side with his men,
dragging the guns and ' slewing ' them about, as they
call it, as though on deck.

"The rebels are confined to the forest ; they must
either pass through the first range into the broken
valley which I entered in pursuit of Fazl Ali, or
starve and disperse in the jungle. Life could not be

244 GRANT'S OPERATIONS IN OUDH

sustained there after the first fall of rain by people
unacclimatised. I fear we shall not now get the
Nana or his brother. Individuals can so easily
escape ; and somehow war made formally and accord-
ing to system against rebels beaten and discouraged
does not bring telling results: they escape ; they are
driven now to the uttermost parts, and, if we can
deprive them of their guns, our police are sufficiently
numerous and organised to prevent their gathering
for plunder during the hot season.

" Chunderfiur, left bank of the Rafitee, nth
January 1859. — I believe I may confirm what you
already have read — that the campaign is at an end.
The Chief, who was with an army 30 miles north-
west of this, has hied away to Lucknow to meet
Lord Canning. Thousands of the rebels have taken
refuge in Nepal ; within the same range of hills, and
by the same routes as I chased Fazl Ali. Neither
horses nor guns could pass over or through the
mountains, so that lots of both have been left to their
fate. On the 4th we made a grand haul of guns.
We made a long march along the Terai on the 3rd.
I had spies (herdsmen with cattle in the forest) on
the qui vive ; about 4 p.m. on the 3rd, as we were on
the move, a good spy came running up, ' The rebels,
with 1 8 guns, are within 4 miles of us, not expecting
you, and such is the plundered state of the villages
that no one will whisper your arrival.' I asked the
man, pointing to the sun, whether he would be above
or below the horizon when we reached the rebel
camp; he replied, 'just dipping.' This fixed us for
the night. We moved off at early dawn. About 3
miles further on, at the very edge of the forest, we
espied a body of about 100 or 200 men, and 2 or 3
horsemen. We prepared for work ; that morning we
captured 15 guns in the forest, and that without
losing a man ; so broken in spirit, starving, and
hopeless were they. The brother of the Nana
(Bala Rao) was the chief, but he was not present at the
so-called fight. Many of his followers knew nothing
of the Amnesty. He and those like him, murderers
and outlaws, conceal all they can from those about
them. Jung Bahadur will have a difficult part to
plavv he has issued a proclamation refusing shelter

MR POLEHAMPTON 245

to the rebels within the Nepalese territory. Many-
have given themselves up, and, unless implicated in
deeds of murder, they are allowed to go free. The
whole thing- is gone. Central India still holds Tantia
Topee ; a few weeks and this will end.

"Camp Bhinga, iyth January 1859. — I have a
good many officers here now; Sir Henry Havelock*
amongst them ; a fine young fellow, chivalric,
frank, and dashing, about thirty years old ; devoted
to his profession, in which by his resolution and
daring he has already won much distinction ; his
father's son in many respects.

" I have received the Life of Mr Polehampton.
He was indeed of a healthy temperament, a man
blessed in youth, with those near him to love and
foster, a happy home, a sound education, training at
old Eton and Cambridge. Brothers about the same
age, of similar tastes, his friends and companions.
Everything around him in his career calculated to
strengthen and expand the good. 1 like the man,
and I like his own view of his character. He was in
the world and of the world. There was, till a few
days ago, in the camp one of very much the same
mould : a Scotch clergyman ; a simple character with
much less cultivation than the child of Eton ; but I
suspect not less endowed, or less good. He was
attached to the 79th Highlanders; a Presbyterian,
yet in the midday he read prayers and a sermon at
the General's tent, and in the evening he read again
to the soldiers (a parade) of the Church of England,
and gave an extempore discourse. His accent is
broad and uncouth ; his language nervous and clear ;
fluency is natural to him, yet it never degenerated to
verbosity. I have rarely listened to smoother
eloquence. He was much liked by all, for he lived
amongst us to talk, walk, work, and do good. He
too, like poor Polehampton, is physically gifted, a
handsome man of pleasant address, beaming with
life and health.

" I remain out here in command some time longer.
I shall have one regiment Hodson's Horse, Colonel
Gordon's Sikhs, some Engineers, and Major Middle-

* The late Sir Henry Havelock-Allen, shot in the Khyber Pass,
30th December 1897.

246 GRANT'S OPERATIONS IN OUDH

ton's troop R. H. A. A nice command; but there is
'nothing in it,' work is over. You ask about Nor-
man.* On the day of his captaincy he will be Major,
Lieut.-Colonel, C. B., perhaps full Colonel. He
deserves it all and more. His services and knowledge
have been of the highest value. My regiment, the
i st Punjab Cavalry, has made many reputations in
this war, and stands avowedly the first in character.

"Camp Tulsipur, nth March. — Two days ago
Brigadier Horsford and I, with two or three officers
and a few men, had a scramble to look into Nepal.
The path runs for the first 3 miles through a forest ;
then you follow the bed of a mountain stream in
which there is but little water now, though wild and
grand are the ravages of the torrent which sweeps
down during the monsoon. Trees of stupendous size
lie about, huge boulders tossed fantastically here and
there, fanciful caves with lichens and creepers, chines,
and scarped rocks, over which hang lofty trees and
pines. We had to follow this course for 10 miles, then
began the ascent, which was about 3 miles, ere the
crown was reached. Suddenly the valley of the
Raptee appeared. It was about 6 miles in width,
forests and swamps, the river tortuous ; from this
ridge the other five ridges were visible which stand
between us and the eternal snows. The ascent was
so steep and rugged that a pony could with difficulty
be led up. My little Pegu alone accomplished it, and
he had to be picked up several times. Yet there were
signs of an elephant having passed over, and the
remains of a dead horse or two told us of the attempt
of the rebels to move by that route.

" Camp 12 miles north of Tulsipur, under the
Nepal Hills, 1st April 1859. — I little thought to see
any more fighting, yet we have had a fight. It came
about thus : the rebels, driven from Bootwal at the
foot of the Nepalese mountains, marched up in
strength by the forest to within 1 5 or 20 miles of this.
Their object is to break away from the forest, where
starvation and disease await its denizens. We were
aware of their movements ; on the evening of the
30th March, Brigadier Horsford and I concocted an
advanced post at this place. The 1st Sikh Infantry

* The late Field-Marshal Sir Henry Norman.

A SCRAMBLE IN NEPAL 247

marched some 8 miles from us with 30 sowars, to
intercept stragglers and prevent the passage. The
Sikh infantry reached the ground about 8 a.m.
About 9 a.m. the pickets came galloping in, 'The
rebels are advancing in strength.' A camel sowar of
mine came back with the announcement that the
enemy were in great strength, and that the Sikhs
were beset and hard pressed. I ordered 'boots and
saddles' and every man to be in readiness, and
mounting my pony galloped to the Brigadier's tent,
told him the news and what I had done. We chatted
the matter over, and in less than five minutes I was
back in the artillery lines with orders for them to turn
out sharp, and carry as many of the 53rd on the gun
carriages as possible. In twenty minutes we were on
the road ; a squadron was left to escort the guns,
while the Brigadier accompanied me with some 200
sowars. We trotted and cantered the 7 or 8 miles, for
as we approached the forest the musketry came quick
on our ears.

"Soon our eyes fell on a wondrous gathering.
The enemy all around. My advance guard, about
30 sowars under M'Gregor, a very gallant young
officer, was already in the thick of it ; passing the
infantry, who were a good deal broken and fatigued,
he dashed into the midst of the fight ; the smash with
them was great ; on all sides they gave way, and see-
ing the dust I suppose they fancied a large army was
at hand. Gordon's Sikhs suffered much. The
second in command, a fine young fellow named
Grant, was killed ; a fresh English boy shot_ through
the body ; some 7 native officers and men killed, and
40 wounded. Out of my little party we had 1 killed
and 9 wounded, 1 horse killed and 7 wounded. Had
the Sikhs not been there, the rebels would have
passed ; indeed, a wing would have been over-
whelmed, great as is the cowardice of the rebels as a
body. I mean that 10,000 do not avail to overcome
a single 1000 of Sikhs led by British officers; yet
individually, when they know death is at hand, they
struggle with a resolution and daring unknown to the
European. Several times it occurred yesterday that
a sepoy, finding himself alone and no escape, would,
after discharging his musket at his pursuer, throw

248 GRANT'S OPERATIONS IN OUDH

down his musket, draw his sword and stand at bay.
No single horseman is a match for an active swords-
man on foot. I have seen five British dragoons around
one of these, and he defending- himself and taunting
them. _ Yesterday Anderson had something of this
kind with a fanatic, in which Anderson behaved with
great coolness and courage, and slew his opponent
without any injury to himself. The rebels killed
yesterday were all sepoys."

" ina I April. — This morning 150 sowars came in
and delivered up their arms to me, amongst others
Aman Beg and Amir Beg. Their condition is utterly
wretched ; rice, uncertain hours, have begun their
work; scarcely could 100 of these sowars walk at
noon ! It is evident from their statements that the
Pandies hold the Terai in greater horror than we do,
and coilte que cofde they have resolved to quit the
forest, and this, I hold, will be the beginning of the
end ; if pressed by us at all points, succumb they
must. Fever in the afternoon.

"4-th April. — Rode through the forest with the
Brigadier this morning ; the felled trees across the
paths had effectually closed the paths for animals and
baggage travelling. There are still parties hanging
about ; we heard dropping shots. The main body
has doubtless gone on. Fever attacked me about
1 1 a.m., and I was under the blankets till 3 or 4 p.m. ;
very much knocked up by this bout ; resolved to
start for Lucknow to-morrow.

"5M April.— Homeward bound! Left Lerwah
at 4 a.m. Just as I entered the dhooly, the Brigadier
sent an express from Ramsay of the Kumaon
battalion imploring immediate aid ; that he was
surrounded. Ramsay evidently panic-stricken. The
Brigadier asked my advice, which was, ' The swell is
westwards; move yourself with wing of the 53rd, 2
or 4 guns, a wing of the Sikhs, and 200 horse.' I
got into Tulsipur about 8 a.m. Hughes followed me ;
the Brigadier had ordered him to take 200 horse and
2 guns westward, but begged Hughes to see me. I
wrote to the Brigadier enforcing my opinion ; this
had its effect, and about 4 p.m. he came up and
marched away. We discussed all the probabilities.
I warned him to take heed ; that the rebels had no

ON THE WAY HOME 249

settled plan, but would bolt in any direction which
appeared open. Came in to Bulrampur ; could hardly
sit on my pony.

"6ta April. — No news at Bulrampur, but as the
country is unsettled, and the rebels may cross the
Rapti at any point, I would not allow two Rifle
Brigade officers to go straight to Baraitch. I quitted
Bulrampur at 2 a.m. and marched to within 8 miles of
Gonda. Hot wind, but a noble grove sheltered me
from the sun. Started again at 5 p.m. ; when within
a few miles of Gonda, heard that the rebels had
crossed and were but a few miles from our line ;
reached Gonda at 7 p.m. Sent a telegram to General
Grant, suggesting that a wing 20th Foot, 2 guns, and
200 horse, should start at 07ice along the Bulrampur
road to prevent the rebels from breaking. Left
Gonda at 8 p.m., passed through Sekrora during the
night, reached Byram Ghat at 6 a.m. 7th April, very
tired and feverish ; sat under the trees. By and by
a troop 3rd Horse Artillery came up from Durriabad,
and very well they looked and moved. Mules brought
up my tent 36 miles since evening ; the old tent pole
broke on this the last occasion required ; got a native
officer's pal (small tent), and was comfortable enough ;
quitted Byram Ghat at 6 p.m. ; met Mecham with 3rd
Regiment, the Bays, and artillery, bound for Byram
Ghat. Colonel Walker, a fresh man, in command.

" Zth April. — Made Lucknow at 7 a.m.; found
Sarel, and the General came up to talk over events ;
while here, we drew up and despatched an order for
Walker to move straight on Sekrora and to direct
Mecham on Gonda. I got the map and pointed out
to the General the necessity for pressing troops,
horse, and guns to the east of the Gonda and
Bulrampur road, and suggested that a wing of 3rd
Hodson's Horse should move without delay from
Gonda. The General looked harassed and fagged ;
he seemed more cheery after our chat and arrange-
ments ; kindly wanted me to go to his house.

"gth April. — Went before the Committee; the
superintending surgeon recommended me to see
Ferguson and Symes at home about my arm ; very
kind about my going ; thought it was well for me to
start without delay as I am a good deal shaken.

250 GRANT'S OPERATIONS IN OUDH

Sarel and I dined with the General ; while at dinner
a telegram from the Chief directing- the General to go
to Fyzabad to be near the operations. The General
a good deal cut up at affairs ; his heart is bent on
going- home 30th April, and this will probably prevent
him.

"13M April. — Spent a gossiping day with
Wing-field, Chief Commissioner ; frank and free as
usual, not in the _ smallest degree touched by his
elevation. We discussed the characters of all the
military leaders during- the war, and compared our
various experiences."

The 3rd Regiment of Hodson's Horse was shortly
afterwards engaged in the Gonda district, and on the
20th April Daly heard from one of the officers : —

" I was in a little affair with the enemy the other
day at a place called Koel ka Jungal. The men of
the 3rd Reg-iment behaved very well under fire and in
action. Wade's Horse and ourselves polished off
about 300 of the enemy tog-ether, all Pandies. My
casualties were 8 men wounded, 5 horses wounded,
and 1 horse killed. We had a tremendous daur
(chase) in dense jungle yesterday, and captured the
colours of a native infantry regiment, sky-blue
facings; I suppose the 15th Native Infantry. Also
the Queen's colour, a good beginning- for the 3rd
Regiment."

At the end of the month Daly handed over the
command to Hughes, his old successor in the 1st
Punjab Cavalry, who, on his suggestion, had been
selected to succeed him in Hodson's Horse. Early in
May Daly sailed from Calcutta for England. He
observed, " I think I was the first commanding-
officer of the Punjab Force in motion during- the
war, and certainly I was the last."

Shortly before his departure, which was on sick
certificate, he received the following letter from
Mansfield :—

OFFICERS FOR EMPLOYMENT 251

" I am grieved to hear of the cause of your return
to England, although I am not by any means taken
by surprise. I gather from your letter that you are
not in a position to retain your appointment, though
it is not stated positively. Supposing such to be the
case, I cannot say what may be the ultimate con-
struction of the corps you have brought into order,
whether to keep it as it is now in the form of a
brigade, or to have three separate regiments. I
believe the latter to be the more convenient now,
whereas it was impossible when the Augean task of
reducing order into it was undertaken by you.

"I will have a note taken of the officers you
recommend, but I must tell you candidly we have
many claimants for irregular commands who cannot
be put aside. Lieut. Mecham has a very strong
claim. But there is immense inconvenience in
appointing lieutenants to command irregular corps
in these days when there are hundreds of captains
afloat who, whatever their antecedents, must be
employed somehow."

CHAPTER X

CENTRAL INDIA HORSE AND GWALIOR, 1 86 I- 1 869

Return to India ; appointment to the Central India Horse ; death of
Lord Clyde ; Napier's recommendation of Daly for the good
service pension ; entry into regular political employ as Political
Agent at Gwalior ; relations with Scindia ; Scindia's administra-
tion ; Scindia's views on British rule. Appointment as Agent to
the Governor-General in Central India.

At the beginning of i860, under medical advice,
Daly applied for an extension of his leave. In reply,
he was informed that the appointment of com-
mandant of Hodson's Horse had been abolished from
the 1 2th December 1859, the three regiments* being-
placed on the same footing as other regiments of
irregular cavalry. Shortly after this he heard from
the Viceroy's private secretary : —

" Lord Canning wishes me to tell you that the
abolition of your appointment was not in any way
connected with your compulsory absence from India.
The measure was one out of many reductions made
by Government for State reasons, and would not
have been otherwise had you remained on the spot."

Coupled with this was an assurance that his
"services and claims would never be forgotten by
Lord Canning."

* Two are now the 9th Hodson's Horse and the 10th Duke of
Cambridge's Own Lancers (Hodson's Horse) ; the third was dis-
banded about 1 86 1.

252

THE CENTRAL INDIA HORSE 253

In these circumstances Daly remained at home
until the latter part of 1861, when, on his return to
India, he was appointed to the command of the
Central India Horse,* with whom he served for the
next five years. The corps, which consisted of two
regiments, each about 500 strong", was thus described
in the first Administration Report of the Central
India Agency (that for 1865-1866) : —

"The Central India Horse is a most useful and
valuable force ; and it is not too much to say that the
general security of the trunk road is chiefly owing to
its services. It has further done much towards
suppressing crime, generally of a predatory character,
throughout western Malwa, and in the states and
districts around and to the south of Goona. The
force is well-mounted, and admirably equipped and
drilled, and is in every respect in a thoroughly
efficient condition ; and its able commandant, Colonel
Daly, C. B., and his officers may be justly proud of it."

On his arrival in India, Daly was at first some-
what disposed to return to purely military duty on
the Punjab frontier, but was strongly dissuaded by
Mansfield, who wrote early in December 1861 : —

"The wild soldiering success of the last twenty
years is, I believe, pretty nearly over for a long time

* Now the 38th Central India Horse and 39th Central India
Horse. The former was raised in 1858, by Captain H. O. Mayne, on
a nucleus of the faithful remains of the cavalry of the Gwalior, Bhopal,
and Malwa contingents, and was originally styled " Mayne's Horse."
The force was augmented in i860 to a corps of three regiments
(Beatson's Horse being incorporated), and the first of these became,
the same year, the 1st Regiment of Central India Horse. Received
the present designation in 1903.

The 39th Central India Horse was raised at Hyderabad in 1858
by Colonel W. F. Beatson, as the 1st Regiment of Beatson's Horse;
became the 2nd Regiment of Mayne's Horse i860 ; the 2nd Regiment
Central India Horse the same year ; received the present designation
in 1903.

254 CENTRAL INDIA HORSE, ETC.

to come ; and the toga, or at least the Windsor
uniform of the Political Agency, will henceforth bring
a man more distinction than the sword, if, as I
believe, we have fairly entered on a peace cycle in
this country ; the war cycle which commenced with
the invasion of Afghanistan in the days of Lord
Auckland, and the breaking up the foundation of our
old Policy, having come to an end with the conclusive
blow given to the native reaction in 1858- 1859."

With these views Daly, in part at least, agreed,
for a couple of months later he wrote home from
Goona : —

" India at any rate, I think, has entered on a cycle
of peace. The military service here is in a state of
convulsion. The retirement scheme is now taking
effect. The Gazette has already published the names
of the field officers who have availed themselves of
the bonus, and in a few days we shall know the
captains who have sent in their decision. More field
officers would have gone had they been able to go ;
but many of those of the period (twenty-five years
army rank) had not, through furlough and sick
certificate, served in India the pension time, and were
thus precluded from availing themselves of the offer.
The anxiety to go is great among the body. Sir C.
Wood proposed to include in his scheme 300 ; 240
odd have accepted. It is said he will now bid lower ;
i.e., twenty-two years or twenty ; I doubt this. Some
part of the retirement scheme may effect my promo-
tion, therefore I look with interest to the finale of the
plan.

"Goona is not tempting in appearance ; it is but a
wretched village, which supplies the very poorest of
native produce. Mine _ is the only house in the
cantonment ; the sheds in which the officers live are
coverings of bamboo and mud, under which tents
were originally pitched. My house is of great
prettiness ; quaint it is ; more like a musjid, or rather
a temple, than the residence of an Englishman.
There is a beautiful garden attached, immensely
large, with wells and water-courses. All this was the

GOONA 255

work of an officer (English) in Scindia's service, who
resided here alone for many years prior to the Mutiny.
An officer of the Engineers told me the other day
that, in olden times, he had sat in the garden porch
of the Scindia officer and shot panthers. There are
some handsome trees just about the house, and here
alone ; elsewhere the wild coarse grass, 2 or 3 feet
high, rank and yellow, extends far and wide, for the
inhabitants are few and cultivation limited ; standing
up like sentinels at intervals are tall cocoa trees. The
country has very much the appearance of that in
which Mark Tapley's virtue of jollity was tried. It
is a great place for sport. Tigers have been killed,
even last year, within a mile of my house. In May
last, a party from Goona during a month bagged
sixteen tigers and as many bears. Despite the wild,
desolate appearance of this place, it is esteemed
healthy, and is certainly a pleasant climate for India ;
now fires are very enjoyable. It was great good
luck falling so quickly on good pay and employment ;
there is attached to the command a duty I value, the
political charge of the district ; it belongs ex officio to
the commandant ; it brings one into association with
all the Rajas and nobles around, and gives one an
interest. I hope by and by it may lead to my getting
into the political line altogether."

For this appointment he was, so he believed,
largely indebted to the spontaneous intervention of
his old friend Napier, who had held a command
during the final repression of the rebels in Central
India. In the following May, Napier wrote: —

"I will not wait to write you on all the Central
Indian points that I feel interest in, and which your
note has freshened up, as I might find it, like my last
letter, one of the stones of the eternal pavement — not
of paradise. But I write a line in reply at once
because I fear you may have thought me unkind or
lukewarm about your appointment, as I never wrote
to you then. It was the only application I ever made
to Lord Canning for an officer not having served im-
mediately under my command. I, however, made my

256 CENTRAL INDIA HORSE, ETC.

application for you on the ground of public service
entirely, and I believe the representation of your
fitness for political employ carried the day against a
dangerous competitor. In this, however, I acted
entirely on public grounds, and Lord Canning knew
well I neither did nor would ask any private favour.
Bowie was a very valuable ally, and very warm in
your favour, but you owe your appointment entirely
to your own public character, and to no solicitation of
your friends.

" I found the work in Central India best done by
small parties under such men as Bradford,* Blair,
Roome, honest old Rice (of the ' Tigers '), and con-
stantly sent them against parties that my neighbours
pushed in vain with brigades. I felt inclined to
despair when I thought of Central India and its
remote prospect of civilisation, and — I speak with
deference now to a political — its political system. It
is the object of politicals to keep matters smooth, but
it was remarked to me happily by one of your native
councillors, the completion of the railways will do more
to civilise India than a thousand schools.

" I entirely agree with you as to the chiefs. I never
found them difficult, nor forgetful of any kindness.
I have the deepest regard for the natives generally, in
spite of the Mutiny, and should rejoice in the oppor-
tunity of influencing the chiefs in the direction of
civilisation. My first advice to all the Rajput chiefs
was to educate their sons. There is a great virtue in
the Rajputs — inconvenient to us — no price can induce
them to betray a fugitive guest."

The Commandant of the Central India Horse
then held political charge of the Western Malwa
Agency, which included the States of Jaora, Ratlam,
Sitamau, and Sailana, with the Malwa districts of
Gwalior, Indore, Jhalawar, Dewas, and Tonk. The
years which followed were a period of some anxiety ;
for, throughout Central India, the crops were gener-
ally below the average from 1 861-1862 to 1864- 1865,

* Now Colonel Sir Edward Bradford, Bart, G.C.B., G.C.V.O.,
K.C.S.I.

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DEATH OF LORD CLYDE 257

stocks in Malwa had been depleted by the extra-
ordinary demands received from Bombay, and at the
commencement of the monsoon of 1865, a scarcity
of food, amounting- to actual famine in the western
division, prevailed throughout Malwa. A peculiarly
fatal type of fever, known as the " Guzerati sickness,"
was also prevalent. The conditions were therefore
such as to call forth all Daly's energy and activity.
At that period railways were unknown in Central
India : the main line of communication through the
Agency was the Grand Trunk Road from Agra to
Bombay ; the black cotton soil through which it
passed cut up terribly during the rains, but experi-
ments in metalling had only just been commenced,
while the opening out of new roads had scarcely been
attempted. The zeal which Daly devoted in later
years to opening up the land-locked areas of Central
India may doubtless be in part ascribed to the diffi-
culties with which he had to contend in Malwa.

In 1863 Daly was much moved by the death of
Lord Clyde, regarding which he received the follow-
ing letter from Mansfield : —

"Poona, n/10/63.
"My dear Daly,

" I am always glad to hear from you,
but more especially on such a theme as that forming
the subject of your last letter. In this world of
graves and tombstones, it in general makes but little
impression on us when one more is added to the
latter, when one more familiar form subsides into the
ever open mouth of the former. But I can truly say
that the loss of our poor friend Sir Colin — he would
never allow me to call him Clyde — has caused me a
feeling of sadness of which I hardly deemed myself
capable except in the case of the nearest blood rela-
tions. I suppose this strong feeling is not merely one
of friendship and recollection of old kindness, but that

R

258 CENTRAL INDIA HORSE, ETC.

it comes also from the strong- bond which unites men
who have carried out not inconsiderable work to-
gether, who were perfectly loyal to one another after
their own fashion and disposition, notwithstanding'
the passing clouds and differences incidental to all
human connections. As you say, I knew Sir Colin in
his strength and in his weakness. I think your
appreciation of his character very accurate. He was
the incarnation of the idea of military duty, and he
rose to high command too late to be able to temper
the severity and one-sidedness of that idea by a con-
templation of the responsibilities of command and
initiative in administration as apart from the notion
of subordination.

"This defect, strange to say, grew rather than
decreased with age, and it was never so apparent as
in the last six months of his stay in India, when he
was marching- about with Lord Canning. I then
almost quarrelled about it.

"As a military man, I mean as respects command
of troops, he was perfectly admirable ; quite unrivalled
in his knowledge of the British soldier, and the
manner in which he should be now driven, now led in
the way he should go. And this sprang from a cause
far too little appreciated by the generality of generals
and commanding officers, viz., from an invincible love
of equity, from his power of putting himself in the
position of the soldier when he was deciding on the
lot of the latter. Thus the soldier was in the first
place above all a man in his eyes. By appeal to the
manhood he formed the soldier, and maintained him
as such. The truth and the simplicity of the means
are very obvious, but how few understand them, and
how still fewer are able to apply them in practice.
Hence the frequency of military crime, and the sight
of misconduct often in the field. Coke is not just to
him as a commander of troops in the field. He was
not slow to seize the fruits of victory ; but he was so
greedy of the lives of his men that he would not risk
the sacrifice of one, unless he could see a really com-
pensating effect. Such was his sagacity in action
that he could discern the value of forward movements,
after a point had been won, better than any man I
ever came across. In these matters he had something

CLYDE AS COMMANDER 259

like the certainty of science as distinguished from the
brilliant venture of a gambler. I do not think his
genius extended to far grasping of military affairs,
but he was almost perfect in the command of a battle
and campaign which might come within his ken —
such, for instance, as the relief of Lucknow.

"On several occasions when I have been in the
field with him during the last fourteen years, it has
been mine to draft his correspondence, and to advise
in the midst of diplomatic difficulties, and I cannot call
to mind an instance in which his conduct and views
were not ultimately justified in the face of the hasty
criticisms of the passing hour in and out of camp.
Yet it often happened that the immediate military
action was much less speedy than outsiders fancied.
His notions of completeness made him dislike putting
out a hand after an enemy, unless he could assure
himself that his plans and means were such that he
would not have to draw it in again. He would
always meet the desire for distinction, and the appeals
for bolder movements by the question cut bono ? But,
if you could convince him that there was a real
advantage to be gained, no man could be more
persevering or more audacious in attack, advance, and
pursuit, actually spurring those who had fancied they
had been urging him forward ; I have seen him thus
many times, and I have more than once been reluc-
tantly but truthfully compelled to admit that the cui
bono had properly set aside my own view of an opera-
tion, when that question has been put at a time that
he was actually writhing under the pain of public
criticism, to which as you know he was so painfully
sensitive. This circumstance causes us to look with
still greater admiration at the moral power of resist-
ance, seeing that no man I ever knew felt the goad of
the public voice so keenly as he did. To such a pitch
did the pain of public attack reach in his case, that I
could with regard to it only compare him to a man
whose epidermis had been burnt off, leaving all the
sensitive nerves scorched and exposed.

'There is a fact in his character which is little
known, viz., the wonderful tenderness in deed while
his temper was so bitter. He was less prone to
punishment than any commander of my acquaint-

260 CENTRAL INDIA HORSE, ETC.

ance. He really could not turn people out ; in short, in
this he sometimes failed. But he scolded much, and
had a biting- sarcasm. This procured him many
enemies which a colder but dangerous severity would
have saved him, while the latter would or might
have ruined the individuals he always spared. I used
to tell him his 'bark was worse than his bite,' and I
have often made him bite.

" I sum up the whole, as you apparently do, that
he was the beau ideal of a lieutenant who might
command a Corps d'Arm^e, of which the initiative
should come from such a Chief as Napoleon or the
Duke. He was of the highest class of military
executive, and there masterful. Such, I think, was his
own view of his abilities, though there was such a
modesty about the man that it was impossible to
draw him with a view of self-appreciation. — Ever
yours very sincerely,

"W. Mansfield."

In August 1864 Daly was promoted to full
Colonel, and two years later Sir Robert Napier, now
Commander-in-Chief, Bombay, recommended him for
the good service pension (which was duly granted) in
the following terms : —

" Commander-in-Chief's Office,
"Headquarters, Bombay, 20th April 1866.

"Sir,

" I have the honour to submit, for the con-
sideration of His Excellency the Honourable the
Governor, a statement of the services of Colonel Daly,
C. B., Bombay Staff Corps, commanding the Central
India Horse, an officer most distinguished in the
field, whom I would earnestly recommend to His
Excellency as specially deserving of the good service
pension.

"Colonel Daly's commissions are dated Ensign,
1840; Lieutenant, 1843; Captain, 1854; Brevet-
Major, 1858 ; Brevet- Lieutenant - Colonel, 1858 ;
Colonel, 1864. And his field services are as
follows : —

" Served as a Volunteer during the first siege of

DALY'S EECORD 261

Multan as Assistant Engineer; was Adjutant of the
i st Bombay Fusiliers at the final siege, and was
engaged in the storming of the suburbs, 27th De-
cember 1848 (especially mentioned in the despatch).
Storm of the city on the 2nd January 1849, and
named in the despatch 'conspicuous for gallantry.'

" Battle of Gujerat and the pursuit to the Khyber
Pass.

" Raised the 1st Punjab Cavalry, and commanded
the corps in the passage of the Kohat Pass under Sir
C. Napier.

"In command of the 1st Punjab Cavalry in the
first Miranzai expedition, and in several affairs on the
frontier during 1850, 1851, 1852.

" Raised the 1st Oudh Cavalry in 1856.

"In command of the Guides in 1857, and marched
them to Delhi : one of the most remarkable military
marches on record.

"Was present throughout the siege of Delhi, and
slightly wounded on the 9th June (horse killed), and
dangerously wounded 19th June, in charging the
enemy's guns (horse wounded) ; commanded the
Guides, etc., on the 14th September.

" Siege of Lucknow, March 1858, and commanded
1 Hodson's Horse,' on Major Hodson's death, during
the siege.

" Formed Hodson's Horse into a brigade of three
regiments, and commanded the whole throughout the
operations in Oudh, 1 858-1 859, under Sir Hope
Grant, including the action of Nawabgunge, passage
of the Gumti, Pandu Nadi, etc. ; passage of the
Gogra, affairs in the Terai, Jewrah Pass, etc.

" The intelligence and zeal displayed by Lieutenant
Daly as a Volunteer Assistant Field Engineer at the
siege of Multan led to my recommending him to the
late Sir Henry Lawrence for command of one of the
new regiments raised for the Punjab service in 1 848,
and I have been familiar with the uniformly high
character which Colonel Daly has since maintained
in every duty, whether civil or military, in which he has
been engaged, and the very high estimation in which
his services have been held by the ruling authorities
in India.

"As Colonel Daly has not been serving in the

262 CENTRAL INDIA HORSE, ETC.

Bombay Presidency, I have thought it necessary to
detail his services, though, I fear, imperfectly, but I
have little doubt that his merits are known to His
Excellency in Council, and that my solicitation^ for
the good service pension for him^ will be lully
supported by the Government of his own proper
Presidency. — I have, etc.,

" R. Napier, Lieut- General,
' ' Commander-in- Chef.

At this time also, Napier made enquiry from Daly
as to his views regarding a brigade command in the
Bombay Presidency, Aden being specially suggested ;
but Daly decided, not without some misgivings, to
decline the offer and to fix his hopes on the political
line. Shortly before this, Colonel Meade, the Agent
to the Governor-General in Central India, had
contemplated long furlough, and Daly, knowing that
he could rely on Meade's support, had hopes of
obtaining the acting vacancy. He wrote to a
friend : —

"Touching my prospects in the event of Meade's
going home — these are certainly not weakened by
the personality of those in a position to be 'pushed
up.' There are three possible competitors > in the
Agency, and in Rajputana there is nobody with any
spring : — but as you say, success in this matter will
rest on other grounds. I know Sir John* well, and
he has known me with considerable intimacy for
years, and, though this was chiefly due to his brothers,
Sir Henry and George (both my true friends), he has
a kindly feeling towards me. Sir Henry nominated
me when quite a young subaltern (after the seigeof
Multan) to raise the ist Punjab Cavalry, a frontier
regiment, and my success won his cordial friendship.
During my service on the Peshawar frontier I became
associated with Nicholson, Edwardes, Lumsden, etc. ;
and then sprang up an acquaintance, and more, with

* Sir John Lawrence, who had now become Viceroy and Governor-
General.

PAST EXPERIENCES -J63

Colonel Mansfield* and Sir Colin Campbell. I was
for years in intimate correspondence with Sir Henry —
up to within a few days of his end ; and at his instance
Sir John (then ruling" in the Punjab) appointed me
(on Lumsden's Candahar expedition) to command
Henry's own corps, the Guides, which I marched to
Delhi and led there. That march from Mardan to
Delhi, 590 miles in twenty-two days in the heats of
May and June, with cavalry and infantry, has never
been equalled in India. I have said that the Viceroy's
knowledge of me was chiefly through his brothers ;
but it became confidential during the mutiny, and his
letters to me during the Delhi struggle were numerous
and full of his mind. Our position and the possible
eventualities were discussed with the utmost freedom.
Sir John's views were higher than the world is now
inclined to believe, and he never in the darkest moment
lost sight of the public service. He knew that
Nicholson disliked him personally and evinced his
feeling in contemptuous speech, or still more con-
temptuous silence, towards his chief; but this had not
the slightest effect on Sir John's desire to put the best
man of the situation in authority. (By the way, who
is to write the article on Nicholsonf in the Calcutta
Review ? He was a grander and more Plutarchian
man than Kaye painted and rouged.) After Delhi
and Hodson's death, I formed the body of horse
which bore his name into three corps and commanded
this brigade till the end of the war ; and, but for this
command and my desire to see the last of the military
service, I should have passed into political employ-
ment in Rajputana, for which Sir John had com-
mended me to Lord Canning.

" I have given these particulars of my own career

* At this time Lieutenant-General Sir William Mansfield, Com-
mander-in-Chief in Bombay.

+ On this subject, Daly subsequently wrote to the same corre-
spondent : — " I will write to Major Malleson. I know him by name
and character ; he is brother-in-law to Quentin Battye of the Guides,
the Knight of the White Plume who fell in his ' first fight ' under my
command at Delhi. I have often heard him allude to Malleson ;
M. will handle the grander points of Nicholson's character : Kaye
cushions all his heroes in velvet."

264 CENTRAL INDIA HORSE, ETC.

that you may understand how I stand with the
Governor-General. He has forgotten none of these
things, though I believe his memory is much affected
by his eyes and ears. He is warm to old allies near
him, somewhat careless of those^at a distance. I am
sure the more you know of the Governor-General the
more you will appreciate his rare common sense,
always at hand : the grit too is palpable."

Of the political service generally, Daly had not at
this time a high opinion. He wrote to the same
friend : —

" With the exception of a few of the highest in the
calling, the British Political Agents who spent their
days and nights at native courts, cut off from associa-
tion of their countrymen, have not been types of
which we can be proud ; nowadays something more
is looked for than mere subserviency to the Chief;
some familiarity with the public opinion of our own
country and a general knowledge of the people of
India are requisite in the representative of the
Government of India. My charge in Western Malwa
(Malcolm's own country) with the scores of thakurs
and Chiefs receiving stipends from Holkar, Scindia,
etc., under our guarantee — without which their incomes
would be worth only what their swords and spears could
plunder — includes Jaora, Ratlam, Sailana, besides
provinces subject to Gwalior, Indore, Dewas, and
Patan, and extends to Neemuch. So you see there
are few Agencies with more varied interests."

In the end Meade postponed his leave, and it was
not till early in 1867 that Daly obtained his first
substantial advancement in the political service, when
he was appointed to officiate as Political Agent at
Gwalior. The Gwalior appointment was the most
important of the seven political charges forming the
Central India Agency, over which presided the
Agent to the Governor-General in Central India,
with headquarters at Indore.

DTNKAR RAO 265

Daly's old friend Crawford Chamberlain almost
immediately afterwards took up the command of the
troops at Gwalior, where the two worked in close
accord. The situation at Gwalior was difficult, and
the character and influence of the Maharaja Jayaji
Rao Scindia made the political duties of special
interest and delicacy. Daly had been for several
years personally known to the Maharaja, and his
work in Western Malwa had brought him into
constant communication with the officials of the
Gwalior Darbar. He had also learnt to appreciate
the work and character of that great statesman
Dinkar Rao (Raja Sir Dinkar Rao, K.C.S.I.),
who had been Scindia's minister during- the mutiny.
"Dinkar Rao," wrote Daly, "is the one native
whose purity nobody of any creed or colour ques-
tions : all mention his name with deference, even
reverence."

There was thus nothing new to Daly in associa-
tions with Gwalior, and in March 1867 he wrote : —

"There is a great deal that is good in Scindia,
and I think, had he been fairly handled in youth,
the man would now be worthy his position ; his
ability developed wonderfully between 1854 and
1858, showing that the stuff was in him. It was Sir
Dinkar Rao's calm wisdom which saved Gwalior,
but undoubtedly Scindia deserves much for being
capable of being saved by one man, when all else
were for rebellion. He retains every string of office
in his own hands ; there is not a man about him
with authority to spend a rupee, as he is entirely his
own minister ; without doubt there is nobody now in
Scindia's court with anything like the Chiefs ability ;
he knows this, and believes himself capable of any-
thing. The prosperity of his State is due entirely to
the settlements made by Dinkar Rao. It was he
who carved out the paths, which, though now

266 CENTRAL TNDIA HORSE, ETC.

covered with briars, are still paths for use. Nobody
knows all this better than the Maharaja himself. In
conversation, though without education _ but that
attained since manhood, he is intelligent and
pleasant ; seizes on points readily, and now can
command the temper which years ago used to break
forth in horrible violence ; he is thoroughly alive to
his status towards Government — no glamour there :
1 1 take wishes to be orders, tell me what is wanted
and I will do it.' "

Within a few weeks of Daly's arrival at Gwalior a
serious matter had to be dealt with — the dispersal of
Scindia's police force and the distribution of his
regular troops, hitherto massed at the capital. In
a letter to the Maharaja the Viceroy had advised
His Highness "to distribute from a half to a third"
of his army in different parts of his territories, urging
" that large bodies of troops, collected for long periods
with little to occupy their minds, become difficult of
control and dangerous to their own rulers."

The Agent to the Governor-General in Central
India, Colonel Meade, visited Gwalior, and the views
of Government were conveyed to Scindia orally and
privately by Meade and Daly. Daly wrote : —

"The decision of the Government that the police
should be disembodied was received by Scindia
calmly, and apparently without much _ interest ;
whereas, despite the most painful efforts, his emotion
respecting the dispersion of the regular troops could
not be suppressed, though with a distinct admission
that the wishes of the Viceroy were law to him, and
that, whatever the sacrifice to himself, there would be
no hesitation in obedience. Within a few days it was
arranged that orders for the disembodiment of the
police should be issued forthwith ; with the sanction
of the Viceroy, the distribution of the regular troops
should be deferred till after the celebration of the
Dasehra at Gwalior. Colonel Meade quitted Gwalior

RELATIONS WITH SCINDIA 267

a few days after this arrangement had been come to,
leaving Scindia grievously depressed : for weeks
following" he almost abstained from business, and, as
in his own person he represents the Darbar and all
authority, the deadlock was serious. I sought an
opportunity of discussing with him alone the position
which he had assumed ; the conversation was long
and painful; yet it seemed to give him relief; he
promised to renew attention to general work, and
very cordially invited me at any time to talk frankly
with him on any subject. Since that conversation
there has been no reserve between us, and frequently
he has alluded to his 'grief,' which still oppresses him,
though less visibly than formerly. I have never
avoided the subject, believing that the ventilation of
it with me is calculated to work some good on one
whose associates dare but echo his voice. The army
was his idol ; its discipline his constant occupation ;
the only books with which he has any acquaintance
are those connected with drill and military pursuits.
Therefore it was he pleaded sorely that his toy might
be spared. With all this was the tone of direct sub-
jugation to the will of Government, that he is 'as
clay in the potter's hands.' Every effort was made
to spare his feelings ; not a line in the vernacular was
penned to the Darbar on the subject. Scindia gave
his own orders, and, at the time appointed by himself
after the Dasehra, effect was quietly given to the
Viceroy's advice.

" It is pleasant to turn to Scindia's personal bearing
in his intercourse with the Political Agent. He is
accessible at any time, and, even when brooding oyer
the fancies which affect him most, he is never wanting
in kindly courtesy. He will listen to anything urged ;
bear his part fairly in discussion and face to face in a
pleasant way ; not shrink from pressure for a decision.
During these discussions and since, I have attempted
to impress on Scindia the advisability of changing
the materiel of his force ; that he should no longer
enlist men who have served in our army, or entertain
recruits from British territory- Oudh and the
neighbourhood of Cawnpore have hitherto been
common recruiting fields, supplying not only our
own regular contingents, but the need of Chiefs who

268 CENTRAL INDIA HORSE, ETC.

maintain disciplined corps. Members of the same
family serve the Queen at Morar, Scindia at the
Lashkar, the Nizam at Hyderabad, and the Gaekwar
at Baroda. Scindia's force should be entirely
recruited from his own territories, and thus distinct
from that of the Government of India. The change
will not be easy, but the step is important and should
be steadily kept in view."

In the same report Daly discussed the peculiar
difficulties in the way of improving the administration
in Gwalior : —

" There is an entire absence of individual responsi-
bility in the heads of departments. There is neither
council nor councillor : the Maharaja rules everything.
He alone is the Government. In capacity and
administrative ability there is no one about him to
compare with him, but many things are hid from
him. Information trickles to him through crooked
and narrow channels, not likely to bear many truths
of current life. The Court Newsman culls from the
Native Press remarks upon Gwalior and its Chief.
Several of his officials have a good knowledge of
English, and similarly work the English papers
(published in India), of which many are taken in.
Thus the Maharaja is pretty sure to learn in one way
or another what is written about him, and he is keen
on this point. It was thus His Highness became
acquainted with the publication of my confidential
report on Gwalior * through the press quite as soon as
I did. It is no light tribute to his good feeling to
say that he did not allow this to mar the freedom of
our intercourse. He was conscious of the truth of
what was written, and that nothing was set down in
malice.

" Scindia is desirous of improving his Government,
but the question is beset with difficulties. In Native
Governments the salaries of officials of all grades are
inadequate to their position without illicit gains.
They are not fixed high, in the expectation that men
will resist temptation, but low, from the knowledge

* See Appendix A.

THE ADMINISTRATION IN GWALIOR 269

that they will yield to it. Dustoories (presents) and
nazarana (fees), attach to every proceeding-, and
every step in each proceeding" ; without such accom-
paniments, few officials would do anything", and no
suitor would expect anything- to be done. To
compensate for these, a public servant must not only
be well paid, and so removed from the need of other
emoluments than the salary of his office, but he must
be hedged about by laws and a fixed procedure,
which have no existence in Native States. Scindia,
with the prestige of his name and undoubted power —
with his capacity and aptitude to master business —
might so remodel his Government as to make it a
blessing" to the people ; for no man more thoroughly
knows the weak points of the present system than
he does, and he is not without ambition to win fame
as an administrator ; but the apparent increase in the
cost of administration, which the fair payment of
State servants would entail, will, I fear, deter him
from such a sustained effort as the circumstances
demand.

"At this time, when public attention is attracted
to the bearing- in India of the British Government as
a Paramount Power, special interest attaches to the
expressed views of, perhaps, the richest and most
powerful Chief in the country. I will, therefore, give
the substance of conversations I have held with him.
He invariably speaks of himself as the special ally of
the British Government, as being-, in fact, part of it,
and considers that his unflinching- fidelity places him
in a nearer position to it than any other Chief.
Scindia said : — ' I fully appreciate the value of the
British Government to us, the Chiefs of India. The
feeling of order and security which pervades all classes
is a substance — a silent working- power never attained
under any previous rule ; and, as natives of India still
are, it would be impossible for any Native Govern-
ment to attain it. I have watched it and thought of
it long. It springs from causes, many of which are
hidden from us, but to me the most striking- is the
careful way in which you husband your experience.
Your records are so preserved, that in almost all the
positions filled by your officers, the current of business
is little affected bv the men themselves. With a Native

270 CENTRAL INDIA HOKSE, ETC.

Government it is entirely otherwise ; its servants pay
no deference to the records of their predecessors to
follow them, rather the reverse. There are no such
links of responsibility as you maintain ; nor with
natives would it be possible to bring- about the unity
of feeling- and loyalty to one another which exists
amongst you.

"'Your prestige fills men's minds to an extent
which, to men who know how things were carried on
scarce fifty years ago, seems beyond belief. Within
that period when Mahrattas went from time to time
from Gwalior to the Deccan, small parties were not
safe. The departure was an epoch in the year.
Their friends parted from them knowing that they
had set out on a journey of danger — perils through
thugs, robbers, spoliation, and black-mail levied on
them by the States through which they must pass ;
these things men, not old, still speak of. Now, all
pass to and fro without danger and without hindrance
— the poorest traveller feels as safe as the richest —
for you make as much effort to protect the poor as
the rich. I never put myself upon the mail-cart,
unattended and perhaps unknown, without appreciat-
ing the strength of your rule. It is a substance —
I leave Gwalior without apprehension, and my absence
occasions no distrust. Then again, there is no doubt
a general faith in your justice. Your Government,
though often hard, curt, and inconsiderate in its
treatment of the prejudices, or, if you like, weaknesses
of the Chiefs, yet, on the whole, treats them with a
liberality which they never show to one another.
And, now that annexation is at an end, we breathe
freely even when our failings are probed and our
shortcomings discussed. Notwithstanding that your
subjects are perhaps richer and more prosperous than
the same classes in Native States, you are not popular.
I speak as a friend. I travel a good deal about your
territory, and hear much which never reaches your
ears. The people are bewildered by your legislation ;
you coil "Act" upon "Act," "Code" upon "Code,"
with sections innumerable. You never leave them
alone. I am told that your district officers have less
intercourse with their ryots than formerly ; there is
more of system and less sympathy nowadays.

REFORMS GOOD AND OTHERWISE 271

"'In your desire to press on improvements, you
overlook the vast difference between us and you.
Some of your reforms have been excellent, such as
the abolition of sati, child-murder, and many others.
There are others again which seem meddlesome.
Take, for instance, your attempt to interfere with and
curtail marriage expenses. The people do not under-
stand this, and there are not wanting many who
point to these acts as showing your purpose to upset
caste and custom. What good have you done?
Such interference is vain, and gets you into bad odour.
Now there is a circular canvassing the opinions of
Chiefs with a view to decreasing pilgrimages and
fairs at shrines during the hot season, on the ground
that such gatherings cause and diffuse cholera, etc.
Well, this may be so; but very few of the Chiefs
whose advice you have asked will believe that your
object is as set forth ; and pilgrims and others, whose
very existence depends upon their going at certain
seasons to shrines, etc., will be troubled, and throng
more and more, thinking that the end is at hand.
Why raise the question ? You might have contented
yourselves with adopting on the spot every measure
which seemed requisite for sanitation. This would
have been gradually understood.'

"The wisdom of these remarks commands atten-
tion. Such criticisms from such a quarter are not
only valuable in themselves, but mark a state of mind
in Scindia which shows that the cause of progress is
gathering strength by example. I break no confi-
dence in thus dwelling on these conversations. It will
cheer His Highness to know that the Government
attaches value to the sentiments he has expressed,
and gathers from them a renewed assurance of im-
proving rule in Gwalior.

"On my arrival at Gwalior in February 1867, I
found cases and references which had been dragging
for years, important or unimportant. The transmis-
sion gave occupation and writing to men who had no
power to dispose of them. I had many discussions
with Scindia, whose accessibility and good humour
admit of these being carried on with the utmost
freedom. He acknowledged the waste of time caused
by the many paper references, and expressed his

272 CENTRAL INDIA HORSE, ETC.

willingness to meet my views. His Highness has
thoroughly acted in this spirit, and the business rela-
tions between the Agency and the Darbar are now
on a pleasant and satisfactory footing. There are no
arrears, correspondence has decreased, and questions
are discussed orally with the Maharaja and Dewan."

In acknowledging the above, which was embodied
in the Administration Report for 1867-68, the Foreign
Secretary wrote to Colonel Meade : —

"The confidential remarks of His Highness as to
the relative merits of native and British rule, con-
veyed in the report of Colonel Daly as gathered from
familiar conversations with the Maharaja, are such
as every British official who is called on either to
administer executive government^ directly, or to inter-
pose with suggestions and advice to native rulers,
would do well to bear in mind. The feeling of per-
sonal confidence and attachment to the British
Government and its officers displayed by the Maha-
raja is a subject of real satisfaction, and it is one that
reflects credit on the tact and good management of
Colonel Daly and of General Chamberlain, command-
ing the Gwalior district, by whom, at a particular
crisis, this result has been attained. His Excellency
concurs with you in thinking, as already intimated,
that Colonel Daly is especially entitled to the acknow-
ledgments of the Government of India for the services
rendered by him at the Gwalior Agency."

In England, at about this time, an unusual degree
of attention was being directed towards the affairs of
Native States in connection with the restoration of
Mysore to native rule. Some extracts may be given
from Daly's private letters of the period : —

"Rawlinson speaks of the stir in Native States
by the quickening influence of European civilisation.
He has never been in a Native State ; his experience
is of Afghanistan and Persia ; neither he nor one of the
Home agitators, except Hamilton, ever saw a Native

NATIVE STATES 273

State. Here (Gwalior) such is the ' stir of civilisation '
that not a rupee can be got for a road or- work of
utility, beyond the sum Scindia is squeezed into giving;
no interior road or work is ever carried on. Fakirs are
feasted, thousands spent on them and astrologers, in
the Holi drunkenness ; but nothing- on the quickenings
of progress, such as Europeans designate progress.

"You invite me to discuss Native States and
their government. The theme is tempting at the
first glance, and that only. I began it indeed, but to
make the sketches of any value it would be necessary
to describe the government as now conducted. I
could not do this without giving offence, for the truth
is ten times worse than anything which fancy could
devise. Scindia's State is practically one of the best
as far as we know, but that knotvledge is very slight ;
no servant or subject of his is allowed to visit or speak
to British officers ; if one of his nobles were to pay me
a visit without having obtained permission, he would
be a marked man ; tyranny and oppression in many
matters baffle belief, but no sign is made by us. If it
were known that our aid would be given in any case
of oppression, _ the road would be thronged with
shrieking petitioners, but this sort of intercession
would never become us ; it should be prophylactic to
be of use, and in the large States the opportunity
for this is past.

" Lord Cranborne says Sir George Clerke told him
that he had never known of a migration from a Native
State to the British ; but, bad taste though it was,
the reverse is not uncommon. What twaddle is this ?
George Clerke of (Jmballa's experience of Native
States is aged thirty or forty years. What are the
facts? In Esagarh, a large and rich province,
villages are depopulated, lands waste ; in Scindia's
and Holkar's districts in Malwa, it is the same.
These tracts are now as Oudh was in 1855, as
described by Sleeman and Outram. What is the
condition in Oudh now? Where in British territory
does land lie waste ? Do you not remember in your
passage from Indore to Gwalior, the bleak deserted
vista which everywhere greeted you? Soil of the
richest untouched : that is the condition of great
States.

274 CENTRAL INDIA HORSE, ETC.

"It is a pretty thing to talk of 'a well-governed
Native State.' Where is this to be found ? In those
States, small and dependent, which, but for our
support, would be swallowed up. With them is much
that suits the native tastes. British ideas worked
by themselves. Wherever this is the case you will
find prosperity and population. This should have
been the case here with Scindia ; but we wrecked
ourselves and Dinkar Rao, and so left Scindia with
his own fickle temper to guide him. Seeing all this
I could not write the truth ; harm would follow. _ It
must be our rule to work out better things by winning
the Chiefs to ourselves. Scindia is good in many
points ; sensitively desirous to win our approbation,
and in this way we may find a way of winning him
to good purposes. He is like a trout and wants
tickling. Speak kindly of him and be careful to
eschew satire of him. He should be dealt with
tenderly and gently ; praised for his good acts and so
won over. I have written you this to give you a
notion of the moody nature of one who ought to be
better than he is. Yet, as he is, the difference
between him and others is great. Of late years we
have in no way helped him. Still I do not despair.
I am sure with all these semi-educated Chiefs, we do
not well to be angry ; we must treat them with
forbearance. Good is to be attained by personal
influence only ; for few indeed are they who value
principles. There is but one Dinkar Rao. If it
should happen that he be restored to position here,
and stranger things have happened, Scindia would
find immense relief and happiness, the country would
rise in glee ; even now, despite the knowledge that to
name Dinkar Rao is disgrace, as he passes through
towns and hamlets, all run out with clasped hands to
bless him for his settlement, and that it is to which
Scindia owes the order now existing despite the
laches. The more I see of Dinkar Rao the more I
esteem his rare purity. What a Governor of a
province he would make! Calmly wise, honestly
good. That man should be an Indian Councillor
nobly paid. So should we recognise ability and
service. We are beginning at the wrong end of the
stick."

Maharaja Sir Jayaji Rao Scindia, G.C.B.

[To face p. 274.

A CONFIDENTIAL MEMORANDUM 275

In one of the above quotations from his annual
report, Daly refers to the publication of a con-
fidential memorandum* in which he had dealt with
the affairs of Gwalior. The memorandum was
written in response to a circular which was issued
by the Government of India, in consequence of some
remarks made in the House of Commons by Lord
Cranborne (the late Marquess of Salisbury), who, in
the debate on the Mysore question, expressed a doubt
whether, in the estimation of the natives, the British
system of administration was superior to that in
force in the Native States. The publication of his
remarks took Daly entirely by surprise and greatly
vexed him. He wrote privately to a friend : —

"An essay on British or Native rule might be as
well cooked up in Oxford as Calcutta, in the way
that recent travels in Abyssiniaf are now under
process at the British Museum. But it requires a
man to be on the premises to know how sausages
are made. I was asked confidentially for information
on the working of the Government machinery in the
State to which I am accredited. I drew up the
curtain on the system, and in so doing, made personal
allusions which I would have omitted had I known
that publication was at hand. Mark the difference
of tone of those who wrote for themselves in print !
they paint Oliver without moles ! I said as little as I
could through fear of writing too much ; but to have
left out the personal bearing would have been striking
out Hamlet. Moreover, had I contemplated publica-
tion, I would have told Scindia, so that the blow
should not fall from an outsider. He is an extra-
ordinary compound and can bare frankness. There
is much to like about him. There is nothing- in what
I wrote about Central India (Malwa) which I have

* See also Appendix A.

t The allusion is to the Abyssinian Expedition of 1867-68, in which,
but for his employment at Gwalior, Daly would have commanded a
brigade.

276 CENTRAL INDIA HORSE, ETC.

not told him again and again in the endeavour to
make him take a real interest in his rich possessions
there. _ His revenues are some 30 lakhs from Malwa :
with liberal nursing in a few years they will spring
to 50.

" — * is a philosopher. He has called upon

me and discussed the general question. He says
he is as honest as his position admits : that while
at Rome he is obliged to do as the Romans do.

'It has been said of the Infidel, where does he
get his notion of the God he denies ? So of the
comparative systems (!) of government in this
country. What would happen without the security
we give ? What did happen in olden time ? Pindaries,
Dacoits, Largesse' — a man's means being the measure
of his contribution I It is our security which makes
natives to think of these things. The happiest rule
for the people, that gives contentment without fear,
is that administered by one of themselves under our
general supervision and protection. Jaora is an
instance in point. Our slavery to system frequently
works harshly and inflicts suffering, but it is the
reliance on our truth and intention to do justice which
redeems us. In Native States, faith in the English-
man is still strong.

"We have distributed Dinkar Rao's rules of
government as much as possible amongst the States
of Central India and with excellent effect. Our
system, carried out by a well-trained Chief or a minister
like Dinkar Rao, would realise Edwardes' notion of a
perfect government in a new country — that Sir Henry
Lawrence should go through the land amongst the
people saying what was to be done, and leave Sir
John to do it."

Daly had spoken so freely of the Maharaja Scindia
that the Government of India imagined that his
personal relations with the Chief could not stand the
strain, and orders were actually issued for Daly's
transfer to another appointment. " I quit this posi-
tion with regret," wrote Daly to a friend, " I have got

* A leading native official at Gwalior.

RETAINED AS POLITICAL OFFICER 277

on well with Scindia and was gradually acquiring a
working" influence over him, and despite the unwise
publication of my paper, I should, in time, recover any
ground that may be lost. Scindia has borne the
matter well and honestly. He is too sensible to
compare his administrators with ours. He has his
grievances, and feels, not without bitterness, that we
neglected him in days past, and paid no attention to
his education and training. He thinks us harsh and
comments on our adherence to form at the expense
of sympathy."

In point of fact, Scindia, with a large-heartedness
that Daly was the first to acknowledge, was at pains
to show that he had taken no offence at Daly's free
speaking and that he abated not a jot from the
confidence which he had learnt to repose in him.
The order for transfer was cancelled on a special
representation from the Agent to the Governor-
General, and Scindia congratulated himself on retain-
ing Daly as his political officer.

Daly went home on sick leave in May 1 868 ; he
returned to Gwalior in September, and proceeded to
Indore in the following March to officiate for Meade
as Agent to the Governor-General. Meade resumed
charge at the end of 1869, but was transferred to
Hyderabad early in 1870, when Daly again took up
the appointment of Agent to the Governor-General,
which he held until his final departure from India
eleven years later.

CHAPTER XI

ADMINISTRATION OF CENTRAL INDIA, I 869- 1 88 I

Description of the Province and of its condition before Daly assumed
charge; the famine of 1 868-1 870 ; relations of Political Officers
with Native States ; Daly's methods of administration and objects ;
annual progress as shown by Reports ; assassination of Lord
Mayo ; the Rewa Chief ; the Opium Trade ; Lord Northbrook's
tour in Central India ; visit to India of the Prince of Wales ; the
Imperial Assemblage at Delhi ; Daly's review of ten years ;
officers who served under him ; his departure.

The Native States which constitute the province of
Central India cover an area of about 84,000 square
miles, or approximately that of England, Scotland,
and Wales. The chief administrative authority is
officially styled, "the Agent to the Governor-General
in Central India," and his charge is officially desig-
nated "the Central India Agency"; it may be
roughly described as extending from the confines of
Bengal on the east to the Bombay Presidency of the
west, and as bounded on the north by the United
Provinces and Rajputana, and on the south by the
Central Provinces. When Daly assumed charge,
Central India was divided for administrative purposes
into seven subordinate Agencies, each controlled by
a Political Officer, who acted directly under the orders
of the Agent to the Governor-General. The province
contained four cantonments, Mhow, Morar, Neemuch,
and Nowgong, which were supervised by the Agent

278

REPORT OF THE PROVINCE 279

to the Governor-General, who also exercised military
control over the local corps in Central India, consist-
ing of the two regiments of the Central India Horse,
the Bhopal Battalion, and the Malwa Bhil Corps.
The opium revenue of Malwa, which in 1868
amounted to two million pounds sterling, was collected
at Indore under the direction of the Agent to the
Governor.

The first Administration Report of the Central
India Agency was submitted in 1866 by Daly's
predecessor, Colonel (afterwards Sir Richard) Meade,
who held the post of Agent to the Governor-General
for eight years. Meade classified the Chiefships as
follows : — Principal States, 4, viz., Gwalior, Indore,
Bhopal, Rewa; Secondary States, 23, whereof 2
Mahratta, 2 Muhammadan, 6 Bundela, 12 Rajput,
and 1 Gujar; minor and petty States, 44. He
estimated the population at over 7l millions, and the
revenues of the Chiefships at rather over 2* crores
of rupees. " Many of the Chiefs," observed Daly a
few years later, "wield an influence in the country
worthy of all consideration, and far beyond that
which income would imply."

No regular census* of Central India was taken
until 1 88 1, when the population was returned as
9,261,907; ten years later the census figure was
10,318,812, while at the last census (1901) the
enumerated total was 8,628,781. The decrease in
1 90 1 is to be ascribed in large measure to the effects
of the famine of 1899- 1900; at the same time it is
well known that the returns of the two previous

* "Sir John Malcolm in 1823 estimated 98 to the square mile 'as
a scale for the present reduced population of Central India.'" Memoir
of Central India, including Mahua, vol. ii., p. 222.

280 CENTRAL INDIAN ADMINISTRATION

decades were very unreliable, especially as regards
the numbers of the Bhils and other semi-wild tribes.

"The character of the country and of the people
inhabiting- it," wrote Meade, in 1866, "naturally
varies greatly throughout this extensive territory.
Nothing can be a greater contrast than the desolate
wilds and jungles of the Western Satpuras, and the
country extending from them to the Vindhyas — with
their savage inhabitants the Bhil tribes, who abhor
field, or indeed any manual, labour — and the adjoin-
ing richly cultivated plains of Malwa, populated
by a thrifty, agricultural people. A. great part of
Bundelkhand is hilly and unproductive, especially the
southern and eastern districts, forming the northern
slope of the tableland of the Vindhyas, which throw
off offshoots in the form of lower ranges or detached
hills, some of the latter of great height, as those
surmounted by the celebrated Forts of Kalingar and
Ajaigarh. The scenery here is strikingly grand and
picturesque, the ghats being bold and abrupt, and
clothed with luxuriant foliage. The greater part of
the Rewa has been, till recently, untraversed by
Europeans, but the Topographical Survey now in
progress will furnish full information."

Malwa stretches from the highlands of the
Vindhya Range in a north-easterly direction for
nearly 300 miles as far as the river Chambal. This
district has long been famous for its equable climate,
good crops, and rich soil. It contains the whole of
the poppy-growing land from which Malwa opium is
exported. It is thickly populated and well-cultivated.
Sugar-cane, cotton, wheat, jowari, and the smaller
millets are all successfully grown in this favoured
district ; numbers of rivers and streams, which have
their sources in the Vindhyas, run through this area
to join various affluents of the Jumna and the Ganges,
while lakes, tanks, and numerous wells add greatly
to the prosperity and security of the cultivating

DESCRIPTION 281

classes. It has often been said that Malwa is secure
from drought. This is a theory advanced by Sir
John Malcolm* in his volumes on Central India, and
reiterated by his successors. And it was not until
1899 that Malwa lost her fair fame, and fell a victim
to the devastating- scourge of famine.

The northern districts of Central India are
remarkable chiefly on account of the vicissitudes in
their conditions. The heat of Gwalior is proverbial ;
while famine and scarcity have frequently played a
disastrous part in the history of the State. Though
well populated by as patient and long-suffering a
class of cultivators as can be found in any part of
India, Gwalior has an unenviable reputation for
prolonged droughts ; and many years of prosperity
are needed to balance the effects of such famines as
were experienced in 1868, 1880, 1886, 1897, and
1900.

In Bundelkhand and Rewa the character of the
country is hilly ; large forests and heavy jungles
cover a great portion of this area, and there is a
considerable sprinkling of the aboriginal tribes of
Bhils and Gonds. In 1871, after a visit to Orchha,
during which he composed certain differences between
the Chief and his nobles, Daly wrote : " I could not
fail to observe that this country of rocks, passes, and
forts is populated by thousands who, but for British
prestige, would make the old hills ring again with
their war cries."

In the Central India of 1868, there was an entire
lack of railway communication. The Great Indian
Peninsula Railway extended only as far as Khandwa,
while the terminus on the northern side of the

Memoir of Central India, including Malwa, vol. ii., p. 42.

282 CENTRAL INDIAN ADMINISTRATION

province was Agra. In roads also Central India
was remarkably deficient. With the exception of
the grand trunk road from Bombay to Agra, which
passes through Indore, Goona, Sipri, and Gwalior,
there was practically not a yard of metalled road in
the Agency. Merchandise and goods for export
were carried, by devious routes, on the backs of
Banjara bullocks ; and all journeys were performed
on horseback or in carts. Education was almost
unknown ; the few schools that existed at the large
towns, such as Gwalior, Indore, Dhar, and Ratlam,
were neglected by the Chiefs, and can hardly be said
to have been popular among the people. The
administration of justice was marked chiefly by
corruption, while the collection of revenue was in
many States merely a system of over-assessment
and rack-renting, tempered by an occasional remis-
sion of uncollected balances. Throughout Bundel-
khand, and in many parts of Malwa and Gwalior,
gangs of dakoits, emboldened by the supine conduct
of native rulers, terrorised the country and collected
heavy toll from the villagers, and from such merchants
as were bold enough to send their goods through
those parts of the country.

In August 1867, when Police Agent at Gwalior,
Daly wrote : —

" Colonel Sutherland, Resident at Gwalior, in 1837
described Esaghar, Bhilsa, and Malwa as desolate
and miserable. Thirty years have brought no change
for the better. Travellers still go armed to the teeth,
and in many places the man at the plough has a
sword by his side. Traders going from village to
village are not safe without an armed Bhil or Sondia.
To men accustomed to see districts under British
rule such a statement must seem fabulous. It is

PAST CONDITION OF MALWA 283

necessary to live and move in Native States to know
the nature of the system under which they exist.
The comparison between their method of administra-
tion and our own is as St Giles' to St James'."

In reviewing- the past condition of Malwa, Daly
wrote : —

" Mountstuart Elphinstone, in his report to the
supreme Government, 1819-20, on the territory
conquered from the Peshwa, describes districts which
had _ once been populous with handsome cities,
yielding- large revenues to the Mubammadans, now
lying- desolate and uninhabited through the rapacity
of the Mahratta soldiery and the misgovernment of
the Peshwa's officers. Men are apt in these days to
speak of Elphinstone, but few remember what he
wrote of the misery which prevailed, and the
dissimulation, mendacity, and fraud taught by
extortion, and the sense of oppression and insecurity.
Old men still talk of that time, though none can now
recognise, in the busy towns now once more spread
about the provinces, the picture painted by Elphin-
stone fifty years ago. If we pass on to Malwa, and
take the picture by Malcolm of the same period, the
contrast is hardly less remarkable, though under
different conditions. In 1817 Holkar's territory was
one scene of anarchy from which all government had
disappeared. The produce of the country was given
over to plunder. Rajput Chiefs and thakurs were
consumed by the mercenary bands which they
employed to protect them against the Mahrattas.
Holkar, Amir Khan (Pindari),*and the Rani of Dhar

* "Amir Khan was a Pathan adventurer, who commenced his
career as a private horseman in 1788. After serving first one Chief
and then another, he adhered pretty steadily to the family of Jeswant
Rao Holkar until 181 8, just before the battle of Mehidpur, when he
was gained over by the British, under guarantee of holding unmolested
his possessions, the value of which was about ,£200,000 per annum.
After this arrangement, he retired into private life and was virtually
a prince in his own territory." Sir H. Lawrence's Adventures of an
Officer, etc., vol. i., p. 10. For a complete account of the Pindaris, see
vol. i.. chap, x., of Malcolm's Memoir of Central India, etc. For the
condition of Dhar, see Malcolm, vol. ii., chap. xv.

284 CENTRAL INDIAN ADMINISTRATION

had 70,000 horse and foot, besides Sibhandis, and
no less than 300 field-guns — dependent, or subsistent,
on plunder. The revenues of Holkar were less than
4i lakhs. The Malwa possessions of Daulat Rao
Scindia, though free from anarchy, were much
disturbed; and Rajput Chiefs were alert to escape
from the Mahratta pressure. He had an army of
26,000 regular infantry, 13.000 cavalry, and 400
pieces of cannon, besides Pindaris, ready for the
field.

"This was the state of Malwa when the British
troops entered Central India in 181 7, and, on the
2 1 st December, in the battle of Mehidpur utterly
shattered Holkar's army. The victory was so
complete that, from that moment, order took root.
The distress produced by successive revolutions had
become so acute that Chiefs, thakurs, and people
alike yearned for peace and the close of the reign of
terror. British supremacy was nowhere resisted.
Holkar, by the treaty of Mandisor, became one of
the independent allies of the British Government.
To him, as also to Dhar and Dewas, many estates
which had been lost were restored. Malcolm
proclaimed every district to be the right of the
proprietor in possession, provided he proved himself
the friend of peace. The Mahratta Chiefs were thus
secured in conquests which, without our protection,
they were powerless to hold, and from that date have
been accepted as sovereign rulers by Rajput thakurs.

"Malcolm, in writing of these events three years
afterwards, says : ' No contrast can be stronger than
that which is now presented. The people of Malwa are
probably at this moment happier and more contented
than they will be hereafter.'

"Fifty years have elapsed since this was written.
Malcolm is still remembered with gratitude by the
people; who still look to us as the rulers of the
country, and pray for our intercession as much as
they did in 1818."

In 1868 Central India and Rajputana were
visited by a disastrous famine, which grew intense
in 1869, and did not disappear until 1870. Daly

FAMINE -285

assumed charge as Agent to the Governor-General,
from Meade, in March 1869; it consequently fell to
him to record the history of the past year, and he
wrote : —

"The exodus from Rajputana, through Malwa,
began early in August ; families, with their herds and
household property, went streaming on for weeks
and months in succession ; they paused for rest and
refreshment only, and then passed on in search of
fodder and cheap food. This class, the cultivators of
the province, went out to tide over the drought time,
and then to return to their homes ; overtures were
made by States through which they passed to induce
them to settle, but hardly one was accepted ; when
they returned some months afterwards their plight
was changed — numbers thinned, means exhausted,
the surviving cattle lank and dying, for the rain which
was due had not fallen. With that large class below
the cultivators and well-to-do inhabitants of villages,
which fled from the famine, destitution was normal
from the outset. They were without means to travel
or strength to labour ; they clung about the States of
Malwa like locusts ; much charity was shown to
them. The Public Works Department on the im-
perial roads was open* to all-comers capable in any
way of contributing to their own maintenance ; thus
the lives and self-respect of thousands were saved.
The numbers which perished from starvation and
exhaustion are not to be computed ; there are no
statistics to give a clue to this ; dead bodies and
human bones were found in all directions ; parties
were constantly moving up and down the roads to
bury and burn those who had died by the wayside ;
in many instances the corpses were left to the jackals
and vultures.

"In September the Gwalior Darbar, in view to
allay the panic, issued a proclamation urging the
village communities to remain in their homes, promis-
ing that the first revenue instalment would be post-
poned, and that assistance, either through the State
or through Banias, would be given. This proclama-
tion had a ringing sound, nothing more ; moreover,

286 CENTRAL INDIAN ADMINISTRATION

the distress was soon beyond such treatment ; to
remain in the villages was to meet certain death ;
wells were dry and water everywhere scarce, fodder
was exhausted, and there was no food for man or
beast, save that which the jungle gums, roots, and
berries supplied.

"In December the highways about Gwalior and
the palace gates were crowded with cultivators : whole
communities pressed in to appeal against the demand
for revenue collections ; for the officials had begun to
exact payment of the instalment the postponement of
which had been promised by proclamation. Up to
this time Maharaja Scindia had scarcely realised how
terrible was the issue. For several months he had
not been able to give his usual attention to public
affairs. A dangerous illness prostrated him in August,
and he was absent from Gwalior in search of health
for upwards of a couple of months afterwards. His
opinions soon underwent change ; and he directed his
Dewan to make a hasty tour through the affected
districts. The Dewan quickly returned, bringing with
him a harrowing account of what he had witnessed.
The Maharaja was now roused : he mounted his
horse, and with a handful of followers, for the country
was bare, rode from tahsil to tahsil to see the face of
things. What he saw was narrated under his own
hand in graphic and striking language.

" I had many long and anxious consultations with
Scindia and his Dewan on the measures to be adopted
to meet the calamity. The Maharaja was appalled
at its extent, and often exclaimed, ' How can I feed a
people?' His plan was to put down half a lakh of
rupees for distribution amongst the twelve Subhas
(divisions), for the purchase of supplies, for deepening
wells and tanks, and for relief works. The Sardars
and chief men of Gwalior were called upon to feed the
thousands thronging the streets in hunger and want.
The appeal was liberally responded to by the wealthy
community.

"In Bundelkhand distress became visible in Sep-
tember, between which and 31st March last nearly
two lakhs were spent by twenty-two States in works
of utility and relief. Panna, which was early con-
spicuous in practical benevolence, Charkhari, Chhat-

DALY'S REPORT 287

tarpur staggered under the burden of relief cheerfully
sustained, and the smaller States were not wanting.
Rewa, though perhaps slower in taking the field as
the darkness gathered, outshone all in bounty. This
State is rich, and its riches were nobly used. But the
mainstay of the province during this visitation has
been the public works of the Government of India.
Lakhs of rupees were spent in saving life in Native
States, and it was the example of this wakeful muni-
ficence before their eyes which roused the Chiefs to a
sense of their responsibilities."

Daly's report of the following year (1869-70) was
in the same gloomy strain : —

" Within the States of Central India the past year
has been marked by all the terrors of famine and
disease ; thousands perished from sheer starvation, and
thousands from cholera and sunstroke. Villages, and
even districts, were depopulated, and there were none
left to tell how many of the inhabitants had sunk
under the miseries which oppressed them. Scindia
computes the casualties in the neighbourhood of
Gwalior at 92,987. In Bundelkhand the drought,
which began later, lasted longer and was perhaps even
more disastrous, for the people are poorer than those
of Gwalior ; but the Chiefs of the States, great and
small, seem to have given themselves earnestly to
relief and measures of precaution. With the excep-
tion of a few places on the western border, Malwa
suffered not at all from drought, but the streaming
crowds from Rajputana and Gwalior brought in their
train disease and death. Of the mortality among
these wanderers it is impossible to form an opinion.
Marwaris, lank and emaciated, came pouring down
through every outlet into Western Malwa ; there are
no data of their numbers ; bodies and bones were
found in nalas, and on the plains, under trees, and
upon the wayside ; and this over a vast space. Even
so late as February 1870, an English gentleman,
marching through Rajputana to Indore, encountered
human beings, living and dead, in every form of
misery ; and witnessed scenes too horrible to be
described. With the rains of this year (1S70)

•288 CENTKAL INDIAN ADMINISTRATION

thousands of survivors have found their way back ;
and even now there may be seen little camps of way-
farers returning- to their villages, out of which they
came in hundreds. The love of home was strikingly
illustrated amongst these people, driven out by
drought and famine, pursued by cholera and death :
the survivors, in the depth of their misery, thought
only of the time of return. No temptations to settle
where they found food and kindliness turned them.
Scarcely a settler was found. They struggled back,
by tens and twenties, along- the routes down which
they hurried, a few months before, in crowds with
their herds. It is pleasant to note the warm and
abiding- charity of the States in Western Malwa ; for
months in succession food was distributed at Jaora
and Ratlam to thousands, the wealthy opium traders
and bankers subscribed liberally, and relief was
systematically disbursed under the orders of Hazrut
Nur Khan, the Kamdar of Jaora, and Mir Shahamat
Ali, the Superintendent of Ratlam. The Maharaja
Holkar was also liberal and compassionate. During
this year of misery, the dispensaries of Central India
have been green spots diffusing food and comfort to
the weary.

" Native States are still quivering under the strain ;
for where famine was heaviest there were no means of
alleviating it, neither roads nor approaches. The rail
saved Bundelkhand from utter destitution ; but Raj-
putana had no such refuge, hence it was that the
population rushed out in panic to starve and die.
Salar Jung told Maharaja Holkar that it was the
saving power of the rail which had induced him to
invite the Government of India to introduce it within
the Nizam's territory. He gave an instance which
had occurred to himself. Anticipating a dearth of
food, he made a large purchase of grain for transport ;
but before this could be effected the country had
become impassable, and the store rotted, and those
for whom it had been provided starved. Salar Jung
resolved that, if money could supply an iron way, such
a calamity should not recur."

Anyone who compares the arrangements made by
the Native States of Central India during the famines

COMPARISONS 289

of 1896-97 and 1 899- 1 900 with what occurred in
1868-70, cannot fail to be struck with the advance
made in the thirty years. In the famines of 1896-97
and 1 899- 1 900, Maharaja Sir Madho Rao Scindia
spent upwards of 38 lakhs of rupees (over ,£250,000)
in direct relief, besides placing- 24 lakhs of rupees at
the disposal of the Agent to the Governor-General
for loans on easy terms to neighbouring States,
which found it difficult to bear the strain of a liberal
relief policy. In the year 1896-97 the Maharaja also
remitted arrears of revenue amounting to over 74
lakhs of rupees, of which 60 lakhs were remitted in
commemoration of the Diamond Jubilee, and the
balance on account of famine. In 1869 the States
of Bundelkhand were largely dependent for relief
upon famine works in British India. In 1900 they
spent more than 20 lakhs on famine labour ; through-
out Central India the famine relief code of the
Government of India was not only accepted, but
honestly worked up to by the Darbars.

In 1871, prefacing his annual report for the past
year, Daly said : —

"The Administration Reports of Native States
must of necessity widely differ from those which
tell of the workings of British rule. Lieutenant-
Governors and Chief Commissioners lay bare the
state of a province. Defects of law, acts of officials,
high and low, are discussed with a freedom all our
own, and utterly foreign to the comprehension of
chiefs and Darbar officials. A British Political Agent,
save in the special case of a State under temporary
management, has no administrative power. He can
only report a description of life and rule in States in
which he has no executive charge, and in few of
which is there any other law than custom — and that
subject to the caprice of the Chief. The Political
Agent's control is founded on his own personal influ-

T

290 CENTRAL INDIAN ADMINISTRATION

ence, and the traditional sway of the British Govern-
ment : except, of course, where marked oppression or
disturbance call for the intervention of the Imperial
Government. It is only within the last few years that
Government, by publishing the annual reports of
Political Agents, has kept the public abreast of the
current. On the whole the effect has been un-
doubtedly good. In Scindia's words, ' a lifting up of
the purdah (veil) with which Government has hitherto
shrouded Native States may startle the public, and
disclose things little contemplated ' ; but it has let in
wholesome light and air. While there are rulers who
almost resent discussion about their affairs, and
affirm that we are bound to be deaf to any wails
which arise, there is not one who does not in a
measure temper his acts accordingly ; and some there
are who yearn for honest fame with the public. The
unreserved publication of all that a Political Agent to
a native court may write of a despotic rule, alien in
principle and practice to our own theories, would be
as unwarranted and injurious to society as the pub-
lication of private correspondence by the Post
Office : but frank discussion, in good faith, of things
as they are will win and hold its way in the East
as well as elsewhere. When Chiefs understand
that we have no ulterior motive to serve, that
we seek neither land nor subjects, the free ventila-
tion which publicity gives will not fail of beneficial
results."

As to the position of the Chiefs, Daly wrote : —

"The ruler himself makes, and at pleasure
administers, the law, of which there is no written
code, and which is wholly undefined, though in
practice justice is ordinarily meted out according to
the Shastras, or custom and precedent." This he
qualified on another occasion by observing : —
"Written laws are of less importance in Native
States than the outside world would suppose ; their
mere absence is no cause of confusion, and their
existence is no check upon a despotic Chief whose
fiat in all matters is the very essence of his rule.
With the most conservative people in the world,

SCINDIA AND HOLKAR 201

usages and traditions form a code from which
deviation is rare."

Of the two Mahratta Houses of Scindia and
Holkar, he gave this brief summary : —

"The most important in the Agency, in wealth,
power, and subjects, the States of Gwalior and Indore
have grown strong under British protection since
Malcolm's settlement of 1818. Scindia rules over
territory in area about the size of Ireland, with a
population of 2I millions and a revenue of upwards
of 1 million. He is free from debt, and has a large
cash reserve which is swelling : for his expenditure
falls short of his income by probably 30 per cent.
His revenue is elastic : for in Dinkar Rao's great
settlement of Malwa, which Scindia maintains, the
ryots are prosperous ; and in this respect contrast
markedly with Holkar's, who are tottering and
starving under pressure.

" Scindia's possessions in Malwa form the largest
and richest portion of the province, and yield him a
revenue of 40 lakhs. But this does not represent
half their capacity. There is want of population, and
scores of miles are still waste. It is pleasant to note
a growing tendency in Scindia to treat his Rajput
subjects in Malwa with forbearance. Holkar's
example of the reverse has had, at any rate, this
effect. Scindia took alarm at the disquietude excited
by Holkar's demands for title-deeds from thakurs
and zamindars, whose forefathers gave their names
to villages before a Mahratta lance was seen above
the Vindhyas, and has ordered that no new demands
shall be made on thakurs. ' I will have no such cry
against me as the country is ringing with against
Holkar.'"

These extracts from his first annual reports
will suffice to show the spirit in which Daly buckled
to his work in Central India. He possessed an
extensive knowledge of the history of India generally,
and of the States of Malwa in particular. He had a
clear and precise conception of Indian character ; and,

292 CENTRAL INDIAN ADMINISTRATION

above all, he possessed a perfect temper, a buoyant
good nature, and the faculty of impressing- his own
high spirits and bonhomie upon those with whom he
was brought into contact. Personal influence was
the keynote of his success ; and he avoided most
sedulously the system of official correspondence so
irksome to native Darbars. If anything serious had
to be said, or if any transaction of importance had to
be conducted, he would not hesitate to undertake at
any season of the year a journey of 400 miles to
Gwalior, travelling in the mail-cart, which was the
only means of conveyance. There he would discuss
matters personally with the Maharaja Scindia, who,
under Daly's genial influence, soon cast off the
reticence and isolation which for many years had
marked his relations with political officers. It is not
too much to say that Daly not only succeeded in
gaining Scindia's confidence, but, by bringing him
out of himself and stimulating his better nature,
recovered for him many friendships which he had lost,
and restored him to good terms with the officers of
the British army serving near his capital. In like
manner, by frequent visits to different parts of the
Agency, Daly made personal friendships with rulers
of various capacities and different characters ; and
was thus enabled to persuade them to undertake
reforms, and to promote the benefits of their people,
without resorting to official correspondence or poli-
tical pressure. To the Rajput thakurs of Central
India, Daly always extended especial consideration.
"Amongst them," he wrote, "are men of the bluest
blood of the Rajputs, relatives of the Rana* (of

* "The Princes of Mewar are styled Ranas, and are the elder
branch of the Souryavansi, or Children of the Sun. . . . The Hindu
tribes yield unanimous suffrage to the Prince of Mewar as the

CHIEFS WHO WERE LOYAL 293

Udaipur), whose lands have been in the undisputed
possession of their families for many centuries,
although the district was often the shuttlecock of
conquest."

Daly's great test in estimating the value and the
character of every ruler within his political charge
was the conduct of the Chief during the trying time
of the Mutiny. Throughout his career in Central
India he missed no opportunity of drawing attention
to loyalty and good services rendered during 1857-58.
He made it his habitual practice to bring to favour-
able notice those Chiefs, or their descendants, who
had stood firm at a time when the whole country was
ablaze. It was on these grounds, more than for any
other reason, that he specially respected Maharaja
Jayaji Rao Scindia. He recalled to mind the fact
that, when the Gwalior Contingent mutinied, when
his own troops had broken out and were joined by
the mutineers, and when the Rani of Jhansi was
actually knocking at his gates and demanding his
assistance in fighting the British, Scindia, with a
bare handful of followers, left his capital, rode
from Gwalior to Agra, placed himself at the dis-
posal of the officer commanding the Fort, and
remained with our troops until Sir Hugh Rose's
forces recaptured the Gwalior fortress and restored
order in Scindia's capital. In the Maharaja and his
able Dewan, Raja Sir Dinkar Rao, Daly always
showed the greatest confidence. It is well-known

legitimate heir to the throne of Rama, and style him ' Hinduar
Sooraj,' or ' Sun of the Hindus.' He is universally allowed to be the
first of the thirty-six royal tribes, nor has a doubt ever been raised
respecting the purity of his descent." From Annals and Antiquities
of Raj as than, by Lieut.-Col. James Tod (original edition of 1829), vol.
i., p. 214.

294 CENTRAL INDIAN ADMINISTRATION

that on one occasion, at the festival of Sankarant,
Scindia, in recognition of Daly's warm friendship,
went through the form of exchanging head-dresses
and binding the wrist thread, in order to prove that
he had accepted him into the bonds of brotherhood.
And from that date, throughout the years of his
residence in Central India, Daly never failed to
address the Maharaja Scindia in terms of brotherly
affection, and invariably signed himself, in corre-
spondence with him, as "your friend and brother."

Among the Chiefs in Bundelkhand, Daly, acting
on the same principle, always upheld the Maharajas
of Panna,* Chirkhari,t and Orchha, on account of
their loyal and praiseworthy conduct during the
Mutiny. In 1869, when he was first acting as Agent
to the Governor-General, it fell to his lot to record
the death in the previous October of the Secunder
Begam of Bhopal. This he did in the following
terms : —

" Perhaps in no Native State have the relations
with the Government of India been accepted so

* Of Panna he wrote in 187 1 : "This is a model State, and was
made so by the late Maharaja Nirpat Singh, whose death last year
called forth the regrets of his people and of the Government of India.
When Nirpat Singh succeeded in 1849, Panna was in utter darkness
and misrule ; his first step was to abolish sati. After ruling twenty-
one years he left Panna not only free from disorder and discontent-
ment, but conspicuous for the reverse. There was no eye-wash about
what he did ; his State in the wilds of Bundelkhand was rarely visited
by Englishmen and little known. Aided by an honest minister, he
worked out reforms in every part of the Administration. Bundela
thakurs and zamindars (landholders), unaccustomed to such a rule,
held their Chief in much reverence."

t "The bearing of this State during the Mutiny will long secure
that warm sympathy from Englishmen, which Lord Canning in the
Cawnpore Darbar proclaimed its due." (From Daly's annual report
for 1870-71.)

NEED FOR IMPROVEMENTS 295

cordially and firmly as in Bhopal. In the darkest
hours of mutiny, with disaffection at her side, nothing-
turned the Secunder Begam from her fidelity and
allegiance. She possessed rare energy of character
and capacity for government, and with all her energy
and capacity she was true to the British rule. It was
her pride to be known as the faithful feudatory of the
Queen of England ; and almost her last breath was
in prayer for the happiness of Her Majesty, her
family, and Government. Her Highness's only
daughter and successor, the Shah Jehan Begam, has
inherited her mother's spirit of loyalty, and has an
ardent desire to emulate her fame as a ruler."

The terrible experiences of 1868-69, following
as they did on similar experience in Western Malwa,
brought closely home to Daly the urgent need for
improved communications in Central India. Of the
condition in which he found things, a few extracts
from his reports will tell. In 1868 he wrote from
Gwalior : —

' I am not aware of any work which can be called
public being in hand at the cost of the Darbar, nor
of there being a mile of metalled road throughout the
interior. The fair-weather tracks are of the rudest.
There are n.o roads in Malwa or Esaghar, and the
Maharaja is aware that Ujjain, once so rich and
prosperous, is daily crumbling away from being cut
off from other cities and the main road ; and that
Esaghar is very desolate. It is quite on the cards
that, with one of Scindia's capacity and temperament,
Gwalior may one day be as conspicuous in the
prosecution of public works as it is now for the
absence of them."

In 1869, reviewing the state of the province as
Agent to the Governor-General, he wrote : —

'Malwa is without roads; except on the 'gun
road,' as the natives call the trunk road, now under

296 CENTRAL INDIAN ADMINISTRATION

construction between Mhow and Nasirabad, and a
few bits in Jaora and Ratlam, there is not a yard of
metal laid. This province, which yields an annual
revenue of three millions sterling (two of which are
received by the Government of India on account of
opium exports), is without a mile of communication
which can be used in the rainy season. Malwa, as
regards the extend of cultivation, is still in a backward
state ; population is scanty, lands which would bear
cotton and corn lie waste. With roads and a line of
rail, Malwa would be to Central India what Bengal
is to the North- West Provinces."*

In the same year he recorded that Bhopal also was
without roads, and in 1870 he noted, "there is no
road of any sort in Indore territory."

The sufferings of 1868-69 had also brought
home to the Chiefs the advantages which would
accrue from railway extention into Central India.
In 1869 Daly reported, "The Maharaja Holkar is
keenly anxious to see the rail at Indore and through
Malwa." In his report for the succeeding year, he
was able to record the completion of the negotiations
under which His Highness loaned a crore of rupees
to the Government of India to link Indore with the
Great Indian Peninsula Railway. In 1871-72 he
wrote : —

"The progress of the railway towards Indore,
with the prospect of its extension through Malwa
by Ujjain, Ratlam, and Mandisor to Neemuch, is a
work of interest to India at large. With the inter-
course which must follow, we have the best guarantee
for light in dark places. Public opinion will tell, for
it will speak. But this must come from without.
Chiefs will thus come to a sense of the responsibility
of government, and not treat it as a mere milch cow.
What a rule is ours in India! As I move through
the country with its scores of Chiefs, heads of clans,

* Now the United Provinces.

RAILWAYS IN SCINDIA 297

brawny people, it occurs to me how much our tenure
and strength depend upon personality. Knowledge
of India, like knowledge of anatomy, makes one think
of the wonders of the frame which works so quietly."

In 1874 he was able to report the completion of
the arrangements with Scindia for the prosecution of
railway works in his territory : —

"To Maharaja Holkar belongs the honour _ of
being the first Chief to break ground in this direction
by offering a contribution for a line from Khundwa to
Indore. His Highness placed a special value on this
loan, being the first of his house who had invested
money with the Government of India. Scindia, when
he had made up his mind to offer a loan to Govern-
ment for railways, did so in a manner that was satis-
factory to all. ' I want a rail to link Gwalior with
Agra, and will contribute three-fourths of a million for
the purpose. Give me and my descendants your own
rate of interest, 4 per cent., and I shall be content. I
want no share of the profits, for that might give cause
of disagreement hereafter.' Subsequently His High-
ness, seeing the benefits his territory in Malwa will
derive from a railway, proffered three-fourths of a
million on similar terms for the extension from Indore
to Neemuch, with a link to Ujjain, in all 164 miles.
Railways in Native States, and especially through
Malwa, will have a marvellous effect on Chiefs and
people. The people will learn the value of labour,
and rulers, who now look upon their subjects in the
light of a patrimony, will learn that the true source of
wealth is in the prosperous industry of their people."

The report for 1874-75 said : —

" In Bhopal too the tide has set in. Hitherto
Bhopal has been isolated, without roads or means of
communication with the rail or trunk road, for there
was not a metalled mile in the State outside the city.
Shah Jehan Begam has put her hand to remove this
reproach, and a road is under construction, which,
crossing the Vindhyas, will place the Begam's capital

298 CENTRAL INDIAN ADMINISTRATION

within a day's drive of the Great Indian Peninsula
Railway. Her Highness has also promised to com-
plete a road to the west, which will link her grain-
producing" districts with the rail at Ujjain and Indore.
The effect of railways on the comfort of the people in
Malwa is not to be computed."

In 1878 Daly was able to report that there were
1 400 miles of road completed, or under construction
by the Public Works Department in Central India, of
which only 160 were still unmetalled. In short, he
was the first to promote railways in Native States,
and to induce Chiefs to expend large sums on lines
running through their territories. The Government
of India, in addressing the Secretary of State in 1878,
said : —

"The system of constructing Imperial Public
Works in Native States under the Central India
Agency with funds supplied in whole or in part by the
Chiefs themselves, without interest during the period
of construction, was mainly inaugurated by General
Daly."

During 1870 and 1871 the affairs of Central India
proceeded quietly and without much that is worthy
of mark. The annual reports for those years record
a general recovery from the famine, and steady pro-
gress in the administration of several States. In
February 1872, the assassination of Lord Mayo
thrilled India with indignation and sorrow.

"His prestige with the Chiefs and Princes of
India," wrote Daly, "stood romantically high. He
had made their position and personal interests his
special study. Hardly any predecessor had seen so
much of India, and so carefully marked the character-
istics of its native rulers. There was that in his
presence and manner which touched Asiatics, and

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ASSASSINATION OF LOKD MAYO 290

charmed those who came in contact with him, while
his character for earnestness commended itself to all.
The Chiefs of India mourned for Lord Mayo as for a
friend. ' I have made a friend and lost him,' was
Scindia's speech."

Scindia's official Gazette of the 18th February
contained the following- announcement (translated
verbatim from the vernacular) : —

1 With the greatest grief and sorrow we announce
a heart-rending" catastrophe, alas ! how lamentable !
His Excellency Earl Mayo, K.T., G.M.S.I., Viceroy
and Governor-General of India, has suddenly left this
transitory scene for the eternal abode, and we his
humble admirers are fettered with the chain of grief
and desolation. On hearing" of this dreadful occur-
rence His Highness the Maharaja was thrown into
grief and sorrow immeasurable. On the 15th and
1 6th all public offices and bazaars were closed. The
striking" of g"ongs, the ringing" of bells, and all sounds
of joy were stopped : and on each day 49 minute guns
were fired by the Darbar artillery. In truth the
mourning" caused at Gwalior by this life-gnawing"
occurrence, and the scar of grief and sorrow left on the
heart, defy the powers of description. The pen itself
weeps bitterly, alas ! how unfortunate ! With fond
expectation His Highness was making" arrangements
for a camp of exercise to be held near Gwalior ; all
supplies had been collected there ; and from 50 to 60
thousand rupees had been spent : with a stroke of the
pen all this has been stopped in consequence of the
shock, the great grief, and the sorrow caused to His
Highness by the appalling intelligence."

Scindia's grief was reflected in every State in
Central India ; and Daly received many proofs of
the sympathy and sorrow of the ruling Chiefs.

It was in this year (1872) that the affairs of the
Rewa State forced themselves into notice. For a
long time the Maharaja Raghuraj Singh had failed

300 CENTRAL INDIAN ADMINISTRATION

to pay due attention to his administration. The
thakurs, who should have been subordinate to their
Chief, held an independent sway, collected excise and
other revenue for their own benefit, harboured
offenders, and frequently broke out into open revolt.
There was no form of government ; and the resources
of the State were being- gradually dissipated. With
all his weaknesses and shortcomings the Maharaja
of Rewa was a delightful personage. Of enormous
frame and great personal courage, he delighted in
field-sports, and was perhaps the greatest tiger-slayer
of his age. He had a slight smattering of English
which he was always anxious to parade ; and he was
of that cheerful and happy disposition which sets at
naught all cares and troubles, and heeds nothing but
the pleasures of the present moment. He wasted his
money as much in appeasing the wrath of the
Brahmans as in providing for his own special delights
and absurdities. It is said that during his lifetime
the Maharaja was weighed twice against gold, and
five times against silver for the benefit of the priests
at Allahabad, to whom he also presented such
elephants belonging to his State as had shown the
white feather during his shooting excursions. His
ideas of morality were crude, and he generally referred
to any breach of moral discipline by saying : " This, I
think, is against your ten orders " the (Command-
ments).

Daly took special pleasure in the Maharaja, and
was always willing to meet him more than half-way
in the discussion of his quaint ideas regarding morals,
religion, and the best means of administering his State
for the benefit of his people. But occasionally it
became necessary to speak seriously to His Highness.

"A VERY SAD CASE OF FORGERY" 301

In one particular instance Daly was compelled to
show the Maharaja some very incriminating papers
which bore his signature. The Maharaja affected
to be unable to read his own handwriting, and sent
for various pairs of spectacles, one after another,
with the obvious intention of gaining time. At
length, after satisfying himself in this respect,
he read the papers out aloud before the Governor-
General's Agent ; then put them solemnly aside, and
said, "This is a very sad case of forgery. I will
issue warrant : the man's hand must be cut off."

During each of his tours in this part of the Agency,
Daly spent many days in the Rewa State, where he
wrote : —

" I was always received by the Maharaja with
a display of barbaric splendour hardly to be seen
in any other State in Rajputana or Central India.
His Highness's Darbar represented a scene of
brocade, kinkhab, gold, and jewels, _ which would re-
quire the flowery language of Persia and a Persian
pen to describe. His palace was worthy of the scene ;
for its walls and roofs were heavy with ornamentations
reflected in scores of mirrors ; no less than 200
feudatory barons of Rewa were gathered round their
Chief, each clothed in a costly costume, or in ancient
armour with breast-plate and buckler, and all
adorned with jewels and gold and silver ornaments.
The whole scene was one of magnificent Eastern
splendour ; — and the town of Rewa, in the midst of
which the palace stands, and where this collection of
feudatories assembled, is a miserable collection of
hovels."

Eventually the Maharaja represented his inability
to manage his affairs himself, and requested that a
political agent might be appointed to conduct the
administration. This change was introduced in 1873,
and was attended with the best results. The

302 CENTRAL INDIAN ADMINISTRATION

Maharaja died in 1880,* having devoted the last few
years of his life to the enjoyment of a life in the
jungle and the destruction of many tigers.

"Whatever were his failings as a ruler," wrote
Daly, "the late Maharaja's benevolent character, his
charitable tendencies, and his love of display and
hospitality, will long be remembered among his people,
by whom he was beloved and reverenced. During a
long minority there is every hope that the prosperity
of Rewa will be re-established, and that by careful
management the resources of the State will be
developed."

The young Maharaja was a child of four at his
father's death. When he became ruler of the State in
1 894, the administration had, for over twenty years,
been under the careful control of a succession of able
political officers, with results fully commensurate with
the hopes that Daly had expressed.

The condition of the Malwa opium trade was a
matter that received Daly's early attention. Owing
largely to the uncertainty of delivery consequent on

* After the death of the Maharaja, one of the State officials dis-
closed to the Political Agent the existence of a secret walled-up vault,
in which were found two brass vessels containing gold pieces. Among
these were fifteen or twenty coins which appeared to be curious, and
which were submitted for examination to the late General Sir Alex-
ander Cunningham, then Head of the Archaeological Department of
the Government of India. He reported that most of the coins were
Indo-Scythic, of a more or less familar type, but that one was very
rare, being the only specimen which he had ever come across. (The
coins were subsequently valued, and General Cunningham was per-
mitted to purchase the rare one for his private collection. It is
believed to have been lost in the wreck of the P. and O. s.s. Tasmania
in 1887). Among the other coins were one of Pertinax, Emperor of
Rome from the 31st December 192 to the 28th March 193, and one of
Elagabalus, Emperor of Rome from 218 to 222. The latter bore on
the obverse the stamped head of an Emperor, with the words Imp.
Antoninus Pius Aug. (" for he had assumed and polluted that respect-
able title," Gibbon) ; and on the reverse the words Adventus Augusti.

OPIUM 303

the absence of roads, there was much speculation, and
the trade was in an unhealthy state. The general
position was thus summed up in one of his first
reports : —

"The standard weight of a chest of opium is 141I
lbs., on which an export duty is levied on behalf of the
Government of India at the scales. No other opium
than that which is intended for export pays duty to
Government, or is brought for weighment. We
have no concern with its growth, sale, or transport.
Our connection with opium grown in Native States
begins and ends at the scales : the ryot (peasant) sells
as suits his own interest to the China merchant or
in his own market ; so far it is a free trade. After
weighment the trader receives a pass for his chests,
and is then free to despatch them to Bombay, how and
when he likes."

Up to this time there had been a single Agency,
at Indore, for the grant of passes and the collection of
revenue ; Daly established sub-agencies at Ratlam,
Dhar, Bhopal, Mandesor, and also at Udaipur in
Rajputana.

" States much covet the presence of Government
scales," he wrote; "wherever the opium trade
flourishes, there must be merchants of capital, and,
as the natives of Malwa say, opium imparts the
fragrance of prosperity wherever it has a recognised
mart.

"The habit of opium-eating in Rajputana and
Central India is now almost universal. It is the
stirrup-cup of the Rajput,* and no visitor comes or
goes without a draught of the ' Kossumbah ' : — opium

* See, for instance, in chap, xxix., vol. i., of Tod's Annals
and Antiquities of Rajasfhan, the account of how the chivalry of
Marwar drank opium together for the last time before their final
desperate charge at Mairta upon Scindia's troops under De Boigne.
[The notes in the same chapter contain interesting references to De
Boigne's career.]

304 CENTRAL INDIAN ADMINISTRATION

in a liquid form, spiced. Taken moderately, it can
hardly be detrimental to health."

In 1874 he reported : —

"A belief is prevalent that the opium revenue is
something- very precarious ; a sort of will-o'-the-wisp,
not to be handled and not to be depended upon._ A
review of its course will show how fallacious this idea
is. Variations there are from year to year, due to
the peculiarities of the season ; but side by side with
wheat, hop, and indigo, this variation is slight.
Before the repeal of the Corn Laws in England, the
price of bread was much more dependent on the
weather than opium is in Malwa. Sir John Malcolm
remarked, fifty years ago, that though crops in Malwa
have been damaged by too much or too little rain,
that though they have suffered from biting winds and
frosts, the climate is generally so mild and the soil
always so rich, with water at command from the
many rivers and streams, that there is no record of a
complete failure : pressure for food, except from the
consequences of war and plunder, was unknown.

"Since 1863 the export duty per chest fixed by
the Government of India has not varied, consequently
the returns during- that period afford complete infor-
mation on the fluctuations of the trade. These show
that this trade, like every other, depends for success
on the facilities it enjoys. Within the last thirty
years the exports have trebled. In 1850 there was
but one place in Malwa to which the merchant could
bring his opium for weighment if he desired to export
it. There was no made road to Bombay, and thence
to China sailing-ships from time to time were irregular
in departure. Later, things improved. Roads were
growing towards Bombay, monthly steamers had
taken the place of the China clippers, and other
facilities in like manner had opened. During the
last ten years the progress in communications has
been marked. The Great Indian Peninsula Railway,
step by step, has made its way, and now passes
within 80 miles of Indore. The telegraph wire is
at every business mart in Malwa, bringing cultivators
knowledge which twenty years ago was confined to

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THE OPIUM REVENUE 305

merchants and exporters. Steamships sail from
Bombay on fixed dates throughout the year. These
are the things which have led to the development
— the steady development- — of the opium trade, on
which Chiefs and people in Central India depend for
their prosperity.

" Prices have been so steadily falling for some
years that the great merchants have lost heavily ; and
though _ they recoup themselves to a considerable
extent in the exchange, many a big firm has been
shaken. Time bargains occupy as much attention
as bona fide trade. It is calculated that these trans-
actions reach two millions sterling in the year.

"The flavour and delicacy of opium excite as
much attention in the East as do these qualities in
the wines of France and Spain in Europe. A con-
noisseur will tell at a glance whether the drug, in its
earthen vessel, is the produce of the poppy grown at
Mandesor or Ratlam. The flavour of the poppy juice,
like thatof the grape, depends on the soil. Its manu-
facture into cakes for packing takes place at a few
cities which are more or less famous on that account.
It is only opium of the best quality which is fit for the
China market. The high duty prevents the export of
any inferior drug, and so preserves the prestige of
Malwa in the market. China takes the new and
fresh opium, which is used in a liquid form. In India,
amongst the wealthy, old opium is valued as much
as old port at home, and for the same qualities —
mellowness and softness. Opium of a good season
and vintage, twenty or twenty-five years old, com-
mands a fabulous price, and is only to be had in the
houses of the rich.

"Many a bigah* of the best land is sub-let at
prices from Rs. 40 to Rs. 60. Malcolm estimated the

* " The quantity contained in a bigah" Daly noted, " was a
matter of enquiry before the Committee of the House of Commons
on Indian affairs. A bigah consists of a jarib of ioo hands, but
a hand has nothing definite in length. The length of the hand in
the olden days was somewhat significant of the relative strength of
Chief and ryot ; where the people held their own it was large, and
where the reverse was the case it was small. In the North-Western
Provinces, in common parlance, three bigahs go to an acre."

U

306 CENTRAL INDIAN ADMINISTRATION

land-tax or rental of opium lands in Malwa in his day
at Rs. 520,000. It is now treble that sum.

"The land-tax of Malwa is unequalled in India,
and it is felt that this mainly depends upon the
continuance of the opium trade. However this may
be, the resources of Malwa are but very partially
developed : the people have never recovered altogether
from the anarchy which preceded the British supre-
macy ; cities which were once populous and prosperous
are still little more than hamlets ; and much land is
waste. The introduction of railways, now at hand,
will, in a few years, work greater changes than those
which have been chronicled since Malcolm's time."

All the lines indicated by Daly have been carried
out, and the chief towns of Malwa are now in direct
railway communication with each other, and with the
railway systems to the north and south of Central
India.

The autumn of 1875 was famous in Central India
on account of the visit of Lord Northbrook, who,
accompanied by the Foreign Secretary (Sir Charles,
then Mr, Aitchison) and a small staff, passed through
Malwa to Rajputana in November.

"His Excellency," wrote Daly, "was the first
Viceroy to visit Indore and Malwa. His reception by
the Chiefs was most cordial, and the difficulties of the
journey and the roughness of the roads only added to
the gratification which all felt at seeing a Viceroy who
had taken so much trouble to visit them. The Maha-
raja Holkar gave a grand banquet and illuminated
Indore. Lord Northbrook passed on through Dhar,
Ratlam, Jaora, and the old city of Mandesor to
Neemuch."

This journey was not performed without consider-
able difficulty, as between Mhow and Dhar — a dis-
tance of 40 miles — and again between Dhar and
Ratlam — another stage of 50 miles — there were at

EDUCATION 307

that time no made roads. The Viceroy was con-
veyed in a small carriage drawn by troop-horses of the
Royal Horse Artillery from Mhow. The Agent to
the Governor-General and his staff rode the whole
distance, and acted as a volunteer escort to His
Excellency ; and at each place visited by Lord North-
brook he was met by the political officer of the
district, and escorted by a detachment of the Centra
India Horse.

'His Excellency was entertained," continued
Daly's report, "by the Rajas of Dhar and Ratlam,
and by the Nawab of Jaora, at their capitals, in a
spirit of the greatest hospitality. Each Chief was
anxious that the schools and places of note should be
visited by the Viceroy. Ratlam and Jaora have
schools which would do credit to any city in British
India. And Lord Northbrook gave the cause of
education a firm position in Malwa by the interest he
everywhere evinced in it. Every Chief and every
Thakur pressed forward to pay his duty to the
Viceroy."

In education Daly had from the first manifested
a most active interest. He instituted the Residency
College at Indore, and paid close attention to its work
and progress. He took a leading part in the discus-
sion which resulted in the foundation of the Mayo
College at Ajmer ; it was upon his representations that
the Government of India gave their support to the
movement of the Chiefs of Bundelkhand who sub-
scribed to found a Rajkumar College at Nowgong in
memory of Lord Mayo ; and there is hardly a State in
Central India which does not point with pride to
schools and colleges that owe their origin to his
initiative. After his tour in Central India, Lord
Northbrook acknowledged- in the most handsome

308 CENTRAL INDIAN ADMINISTRATION

manner the efforts which Daly had made and the
success which had attended them, and His Excellency
gave effect to an undertaking which he had passed
while in Central India, whereby the appointment of a
British educational officer as Principal of the Resi-
dency College at Indore was sanctioned at the expense
of Government. This post was first held by Mr
Aberigh Mackay, afterwards so well known under his
nom de plume of Ali Baba, in whose hands the institu-
tion made very satisfactory progress. The Maharaja
Holkar's sons, Scindias son Bulwant Rao, the
Chiefs of Dewas, Ratlam, Jaora, and Sailana, and
the Thakur of Bagli, all attended, and many of the
smaller Thakurs sent their relatives.

In 1875-76 the Chiefs of Central India took part in
the ceremonials consequent on the visit of His Royal
Highness the Prince of Wales. Several, including the
Maharaja Scindia, went to Calcutta to assist at the
reception of His Royal Highness. The Prince
visited Gwalior at the end of January 1876, and spent
three days in Scindia's capital.

The Phul Bagh Palace was assigned for the
accommodation of the Prince. It stands in an exten-
sive pleasure-ground almost under the south-east
bastion of the fortress of Gwalior, and on the site of
the building which was erected in 1832 for the recep-
tion and entertainment of Lord William Bentinck,
then Governor-General of India. It is a handsome
double-storied structure in the Italian style of archi-
tecture, built of stone on massive arches and but-
tresses, and enclosing a quadrangle 107 yards square,
which is prettily laid out as an English flower-garden,
with handsome fountains, statues, and pillars, and
English annuals in full bloom. It cost the Maharaja

THE PRINCE OF WALES IN SCTNDIA 300

Scindia not less than 18 lakhs of rupees. When His
Highness decided on placing this palace at the disposal
of his Royal guest, the building was in the hands of the
workmen : it was covered with scaffolding, and the
ground strewed with building material. It was feared
at one time that it would be impossible to have the
palace ready before His Royal Highness's arrival.
But the patient energy of the architect, Major Sir
Michael Filose, and the unremitting labour of 7000
workmen triumphed, and the palace and its grounds
were available on the date fixed.

His Royal Highness drove from Agra, 76 miles;
the road was watered for the entire distance. Daly
sent the following description of the visit to the
Viceroy (Lord Northbrook) : —

4 The journey was accomplished pleasantly. The
Prince and a suite of twenty-eight left Agra at 8.30 :
breakfast at Dholpur, thirty-four miles. I had ar-
ranged with the Prince and with General Browne*
that Scindia, attended by his Dewan only, with the
Political Agent and General commanding the district,
should be in waiting at the old Residency about five
miles from Gwalior. Scindia thus met us at 5 p.m.
The Prince took His Highness into his own carriage,
in which also were the Duke of Sutherland and
myself.

'The Maharaja's regular troops lined the road
for a couple of miles, placed at intervals, after which
came the Mahratta Horsemen, etc. At Dowlat Rao
Scindia's palace, the elephants were in waiting to
carry the suite and Sardars in procession. The
Prince and Scindia sat on the same golden howdah,
with all the emblems of royalty ; I sat or stood
behind to interpret.

"The passage through the streets to the new
palace was magnificent ; a mass of people everywhere ;

* The late General Sir Samuel Browne, V.C., G.C.B., K.C.S.I.

310 CENTRAL INDIAN ADMINISTRATION

windows, verandahs, housetops, crammed. A column
of Scindia's State followers headed the elephants,
occupying- half-a-mile in length, behind came the
Sardars and English guests and officers. Elephants
two abreast, one bearing- Sardars, the other English-
men. The palace was brilliant with illuminations, I
will not attempt any description of the finest building
in India. Scindia conducted the Prince to the hall,
and after the royal suite were introduced to His
Highness by the Prince, Scindia presented his
Sardars (ten or so). Itr and Pan followed, and
Scindia took His Royal Highness to the apartments
prepared for him, and thus that day's ceremonies
concluded.

" On the morning of the ist, at eight, the Prince
rode to witness Scindia handle _ troops. Scindia
received His Royal Highness with a royal salute.
Scindia then marched past at the head of his troops,
saluting the Prince. The force on parade consisted
of about six thousand cavalry and infantry, two
bullock, and two horse batteries. All looked clean
and well, and moved steadily. The appearance of
the troops has wonderfully improved within the last
few years. After the march past, Scindia divided his
forces, putting- half to defend a village which he
attacked in person. The Prince was so pleased that
he remained on the ground till Scindia pronounced
the action over — at noon !

" At 6 p.m. the Prince paid the return visit. The
streets were crammed ; there was scarcely standing
room ; everybody striving to catch sight of the Prince ;
all joyous and orderly. Scindia received His Royal
Highness at the carriage. The Darbar haU was
full ; about forty Sardars were presented by Scindia
himself, after which the Maharaja made a short
speech, prefacing it by saying to me, ' I will say a
few words. Translate sentence by sentence that all
may be understood.' . . . ' No language can express
the gratitude I feel for the honour the Prince has
conferred upon me in thus visiting Gwalior. What
can I say ? The fame of this day will never die out.
I have nothing to offer worthy of the Prince's notice,
or of the occasion. I know that it was consideration
for me which induced His Royal Highness, despite

SPEECHES AND PRESENTS 311

dust and heat, to remain watching my parade * this
morning-. I am an uneducated man, knowing- little of
books, and nothing- of the English language. What
I did with my troops this morning- is an instance, and
nothing more, of what may be learnt by observation
and labour. When the Prince sees the Queen, beg
him to tell her that with hands clasped I am her
faithful servant for ever.'

"The foregoing- is pretty nearly a translation of
the words uttered with strong emotion and glistening
eyes. His Royal Hig-hness replied admirably both
in manner^ and language. After this, stepping- down
from the little dais on which the chairs of the Prince
and himself were placed, Scindia gave His Royal
Highness Itr and Pan. Scindia, desirous of doing
special honour to his English guests on this occasion,
had our chairs in horse-shoe shape on either side of
the Prince and himself. The Sardars occupying the
whole of the hall below. Major Bannerman and
Hope were on the spot with Scindia arranging seats
before the Prince arrived.

' The presents were now shown. Arms — match-
lock, sword, shield, etc., with two suits of clothing as
worn by himself.

' Then came a splendid necklace for the Princess.
Pearls 2070, emeralds 3, diamonds (flat) 306, with
many small rubies. It can hardly be called a neck-
lace. It is as large as a 'Har' (long garland) of
flowers. The pearls are not large but sized, and the
diamonds with enamel form knots at an interval of
six or eight inches. As a whole, it is the most
elegant [piece of jewellry conceivable. The Prince
was charmed with the offering. Then followed a
necklace, presented for the Queen ; this was smaller
in quantity, pearls large, diamonds large, flat. The

* The Maharaja issued the following general order to his army : —
"The march past and the movements on the ist instant were
approved of by Field-Marshal His Royal Highness the Prince of
Wales, who highly commended the commanding officers. His High-
ness the Maharaja has much pleasure in communicating this to com-
manding officers, in order that they may keep it in joyful recollection,
and may continue to discharge their duties in an efficient manner, that
the same may redound to their credit and to that of the force."

312 CENTRAL INDIAN ADMINISTRATION"

number, etc., I cannot just now put my hands upon.
In money value, Scindia said, there was little difference
between them. I fancy that for the Princess may be
worth ^6000. The Duke of Sutherland put it
higher.

"At the banquet that evening Scindia came in
after dinner, as at Bombay, with ten of his Sardars.
His Highness proposed the Queen's health, and then
that of the Prince, reiterating much that he had said
in the Darbar. His Royal Highness replied, and
very prettily proposed Scindia's health. Thus the
ceremonies of that day closed.

"The Prince's departure was fixed for 10.30 the
following morning (2nd February). Scindia came to
the palace at nine to sit for his sketch. The Prince at
10.15 came into the room in which Hall was sketch-
ing him. Scindia brightened up and went to the
Prince, and taking his hand walked with him to the
carriage. As the Prince took leave, ' I am sorry to
see you go, and to think I shall see your face no
more. I can hardly expect this. When at home,
sometimes think of Scindia, and that all he has, his
State and everything in it, is yours.'

"So the Prince's visit terminated. The return
journey was easily accomplished. Luncheon at
Dholpur, Agra at 6 p.m. Everything connected
with the visit was a triumph. Scindia spared nothing ;
every arrangement was made by himself; his cordial
desire was to treat the Prince in a princely way."

The Prince visited Indore in March 1876, just
before leaving Bombay on return to England.
Holkar, in the cordiality of his reception, was not
behind his great Mahratta brother. Indore was
illuminated ; the streets were thronged ; and the
Maharaja was devoted to the comfort of his guest.
His Royal Highness's attention to Holkar's sons
much touched the Maharaja, who expressed an
intention of sending one or both by and by to
England to renew their expressions of duty and
devotion.

"THE EVENT OF THE YEAR TO INDIA" 313

Daly thus referred to the subject in his annual
report : —

'The event of the year to India — the visit of His
Royal Highness the Prince of Wales — specially stirred
the hearts of the rulers and princes. Scindia in his
palace standing- before the Prince speaking- burning
words with an emotion which touched all who heard
him ; Holkar proffering to take ship to Aden to bid
His Royal Highness welcome. Chiefs of all ranks
evinced the same feeling ; thakurs and men of all
degrees and classes praying for standing ground that
they might see and bow to the Queen's son, as he
passed.

' The feeling displayed towards the Prince of
Wales by the Chiefs and people of India is some-
thing which cannot be gauged by an Englishman,
however broad his experience and thorough his
knowledge of the East.

' Before the Prince's arrival in India I consulted
with one of the greatest Chiefs as to the course to be
adopted in respect of presents and offerings to His
Royal Highness: whether it would be wise actually
to interdict all offerings, seeing that it would be
impossible for the Prince to make returns in any
instance of commensurate value. We talked the
matter over in all its bearings. My friend in this
conversation — who is unsurpassed for astuteness, who
is no spendthrift, who is something of a scholar and
very much of a financier, not wholly given to
sensational sentiments — was decided in his opinion.
He said : ' This is an event without precedent. Do
not attempt to shape it by anything which has gone
before. For the first time during your rule in India,
India is to be visited by the Sovereign; for in the
Queen's heir all will see their Sovereign. We, the
Chiefs of India, owe it to ourselves to receive the
Prince in a manner becoming to us. I could not
meet His Royal Highness without an offering: and
I cannot present a small offering. Advise Chiefs to
present something in their possession — heirlooms, or
curios ; and leave the rest to us.'

"This was the spirit which possessed the Chiefs

314 CENTRAL INDIAN ADMINISTRATION

when laying- their offerings before the Prince of Wales.
The great rulers gave thing's of value either from
antiquity, tradition, or rarity. No one was content
who had not an opportunity to offer some treasured
possession.

" Scindia showed me a sash or belt studded with
2070 pearls, and knotted with diamonds and rubies,
and asked whether I thought ' that would be a fit
offering to the Princess of Wales' ; and then pointed
to a necklace of large pearls, and said, "and that for
the Queen ? Her Majesty must not be forgotten."

A Chapter of the Star of India was held at
Calcutta by His Royal Highness, and was attended
by the Maharajas Scindia, Holkar, Rewa, and by the
Begam of Bhopal — all of them Knights Grand Com-
manders of the Order. The Maharaja of Panna,
Kashi Rao Dada (brother of Maharaja Holkar),
and Ganpat Rao Kharke (Minister of Gwalior),
were invested by His Royal Highness with the
insignia of Knight Commander of the Star of India.
The splendour of that assemblage has been fully
described. It was the first occasion when Chiefs of
Central India were gathered with their brother Chiefs
of other provinces for such a function ; they were
deeply impressed by the ceremonial, and gratified
by the gracious reception accorded to all alike by
the Prince.

In the following cold weather occurred another
event of great public interest — the Imperial
Assemblage.

"The year 1876-77," wrote Daly, "will long be
remembered in connection with the event round which
the interests of so many were centred. For months
before and after the 1st January the great Assemblage
and the Proclamation of the assumption by Her
Majesty the Queen of England of the title of Empress

KATSER-I-HIND 315

of India, Kaiser-i-Hind, were subjects for discussion
of never-failing interest in the home of every Chief
and every thakur throughout Malwa and Bundel-
khand. The anxiety of all to be present on the
occasion was real ; and it was not without special
reason that a single native ruler, great or small, was
absent from Delhi. The attendance, indeed, of some
of the Chiefs was not effected without a straining- of
resources, but sacrifices were cheerfully made in the
desire which stimulated all to do full honour to the
proclamation which they were summoned to celebrate.
From the seventy-one Native States comprising
Central India, twenty-two Chiefs were present at the
Imperial Assemblage, and thirty-six attended the
local Darbars held at Indore, Sehore, Dhar, and
Agar.

" The meeting of Chiefs and Princes from all parts
of Hindustan gave rise to a cordiality in their
relations which will long remain an important feature
in the results of the Imperial Assemblage. There
was an entire abandonment of those scruples regard-
ing rank and precedence which have for so many
years been the stumbling-block to intercourse. This
barrier once broken, Chiefs who had known each
other only by reputation, and whose associations were
generally those of jealousy and distrust, conversed
with friendliness and good humour. The feeling
among all was satisfaction and pleasure at the arrange-
ments made for their reception and comfort ; and
gratitude for the marks of Her Majesty's consideration
and grace which all received.

' The honours bestowed were such as would most
readily stir the hearts of those upon whom they were
conferred. In each case the wish nearest to the
heart of the Chief was considered, and, where possible,
met. Maharaja Scindia received the distinguished
honour of enrolment in the Order of Knights Grand
Commander of the Bath, and was at the same time
created a General in Her Majesty's Army — an
appointment which his love of the army and know-
ledge of military matters taught him thoroughly to
appreciate. He also received an additional salute of
2 guns. Maharaja Holkar received a similar
addition to his salute, and must have felt that the

316 CENTRAL INDIAN ADMINISTRATION

desire of his heart had been sought for and fulfilled,
when he learnt that, as an act of grace on the part of
Her Majesty the Empress of India, the Government
of India were prepared to reconsider the adjustment
of the boundary between his territory and Khandesh.
Scindia and Holkar were appointed Councillors to
the Empress.

"The Begam of Bhopal was charmed with the
recognition accorded to her husband, the Nawab
Sadik Hussain, and the grant to him of a personal
salute of 17 guns. The Maharajas of Rewa and
Tehri — Chiefs respectively of the Baghel and Bundela
clans — each received an increase of 2 guns to his
salute. The Raja of Dhar was enrolled a Knight
Commander of the Star of India. The services of
the Minister of Jaora, Hazrut Nur Khan, were
recognised by the bestowal on him of the C.S.I.
Additions of 2 guns were made to the salutes of the
Maharaja of Panna, and the Raja of Ratlam ; and
various tokens of recognition were bestowed upon
other Chiefs who attended the Assemblage."

We have recently seen a gathering on more
magnificent lines than those attempted at the
Imperial Assemblage of 1877. In both cases Delhi
was chosen for the ceremonial, and the Coronation
Darbar of the 1st January 1903 was held on the
same ground as the function of 1877. The arrange-
ments in 1877 were not so complete as those of 1903,
nor was the attendance, large as it was, anything like
that of the later year. But the Imperial Assemblage
was the first pageant of its kind : a new departure for
a special and magnificent purpose, which was hailed
by all the Chiefs of India as appropriate to the
occasion, and as giving them an opportunity,
separately and collectively, of testifying their loyalty
to the Crown and welcoming their newly created
Empress.

It is curious to note that in 1875 Dr J. P. Strat-

THE HISTORY OF AN INCIDENT 317

ton, Political Agent in Bundelkhand, mentioned in
his annual report the remarks of a native Chief on the
subject of the title which Her Majesty the Queen, two
years later, assumed. It was doubtless some news-
paper article or extract of a democratic tendency
which led the Chief, who knew English moderately
well, to start this subject as he did. In the midst of
general conversation he suddenly broke off and said :
"There will never be a Republic in England. Will
there? That will not be good." A half-laughing
reply that "there was not much chance of that,"
seemed satisfactory to him. And then he went on to
say: "Why does not the Queen take the title of
Empress of India? " The answer naturally was that
Her Majesty was in reality Empress already, whether
she formally assumed the title or not. To which the
Chief rejoined: "But why not? Why not take the
title? It will be good. It will be good specially for
the Chiefs of India." Dr Stratton adds, that it had
not previously occurred to him to think of native
Chiefs wishing for Her Majesty's assumption of that
title, or even of their considering it at all : yet when
the subject is entered into, the grounds for such views
are not far to seek nor difficult to understand.

In his report for the year 1877-78, Daly writes :■ —

" There is an increasing tendency in the adminis-
tration of Native States to conform to the general
principles of Government in force in British India.
The Native States of which Todd and Malcolm wrote
exist no longer ; the days of strife have passed away,
and with them the tyranny and oppression which made
life insecure and property the prize of the strong. All
the great States are penetrated and swayed to some
extent by public opinion ; and even where this finds
more expression on paper than in acts, the feeling is
not less real. The people in Native States do not

318 CENTRAL INDIAN ADMINISTRATION

hesitate to speak of their grievances when pressure is
severe. This sign of life is sure evidence of progress.
It is well that we should bear in mind that the Native
States of this period are in many respects what we
make them, and by the continuance of the friendly
support which the Government of India now liberally
gives to all, they will strengthen in their foundations
for good, and in feelings of allegiance to the Empire.

" Dr Stratton remarks on the difficulty of obtain-
ing other than scanty information from which to
frame annual reports of the progress made in Native
States, and notes that it is only on one or two points
of general interest that a Political officer is able to
write with assurance. This is very true as regards
each year's report : yet the retrospect which the
Political Agent makes shows changes which can be
wrought in a few years of careful supervision by the
exercise of personal influence. When Dr Stratton
assumed charge of the Bundelkhand Agency in 1861,
the conditions of the Native States were far behind
that of the present day. Public works were unknown,
communications were few and rough, lawlessness and
violence were everywhere rampant, while in many
States, owing to bad management, revenue had
diminished, and debts increased. There is no State
in Bundelkhand which cannot show advantages
gained by the friendly advice and support of the
Political Agent. Living for nearly twenty years in
their midst, and intimately acquainted with the wants
and peculiarities of each of the States under his super-
vision, Dr Stratton has made the best use of his
opportunities of working for their good. His efforts
have been specially directed towards the improvement
of communications and the freedom of traffic. With
a valuable practical knowledge of engineering he has
given advice in the construction of roads which are
already of immense advantage to the Native States ;
and he has further promoted the cause of prosperity
by persuading Chiefs to abolish duties on articles of
trade : as a consequence, all the States of Bundelkhand
are now as free and accessible to traders as many
parts of British territory. In all the States, public
buildings, jails, schools, and hospitals have been con-
structed and maintained ; lawlessness has been re-

THE ANNUAL REPORTS 319

pressed, and security established. Much remains to
be done ; but Dr Stratton may congratulate himself
on the good which he has brought about, the effects
of which will be lasting, and will give a stimulus to
those States which are still behindhand to follow the
example which they see in others.

"Change to eager eyes, viewing it from day to
day, often appears slow amongst a people bound to
caste and custom. It is only by looking back that we
bring home to ourselves how far away the past is,
and how steady has been progress in comfort and
security."

The foregoing sketch of Central India under
Daly's administration is, perhaps, sufficient to give
some idea of the work then devolving upon the Agent
to the Governor-General and of the manner in which
Daly discharged it. It would be tedious to write in
detail of each State. That the objects which Daly
placed before himself when he took up his appointment
in 1868 were sedulously kept in view, is shown by the
following extract from his annual report for 1878-79,
which was written when he expected to retire almost
immediately. As a matter of fact, owing to the
Afghan War, Daly remained in Central India, by the
express wish of Lord Lytton, for eighteen months
after that report was written, but he did not subse-
quently refer in direct terms to his general administra-
tion of the province.

" As this," he wrote in 1879. "is probably the last
annual report that I shall have the honour to submit
of the Central India Agency Administration, I pro-
pose to make a brief review of the changes that the
past ten years, during which I have held the post of
Agent to the Governor-General, have worked among
the Native States under my charge. With regard to
the interior economy of each State it is not necessary
that I should write much. The Government of India

320 CENTRAL INDIAN ADMINISTRATION

is fully informed of such political events as have from
time to time occurred, and it is sufficient to note that
the relations between the Government and the Chiefs
of Central India have been maintained in conformity
with treaty and agreement, and that the integrity and
independence of each State has been preserved.

"The chief incidents of each year have been
touched upon in successive annual reports: — the
drought and distress of 1868-69, when I first assumed
charge of the Agency, followed by famine, disease, and
death in the following year ; the efforts made by the
Chiefs of Malwaand Bundelkhand to relieve suffering
in their States ; then the sorrow which the assassina-
tion of Lord Mayo awakened among all classes ; the
sympathy that watched the dangerous illness of His
Royal Highness the Prince of Wales ; next, the visit
of the Duke of Edinburgh ; the Darbars held at
Calcutta, Agra, Jubbulpore, Bombay, and Barwai ;
Lord Northbrook's tour through Malwa ; afterwards,
the^ arrival of the Prince of Wales in Calcutta, where
Chiefs who had never seen each other's faces, and
whose ancestors had never met except in battle,
pressed in a friendly crowd to bid him welcome; and
his visits to Gwaljor and Indore ; the Imperial
Assemblage at Delhi, the honours and rewards there
bestowed ; the Chapters of" the Star of India, and the
investiture of the Maharaja Scindia with the dignity
of a G.C. B., of the Begam Bhopal with the Orders of
G. C.S.I, and of the Imperial Crown. These are
passages in the history of Central India during the
past ten years.

" I recall, too, with pleasure my annual tours.
Visiting Bundelkhand and Malwa alternately, I have
had opportunities, such as fall to the lot of few, of
making myself acquainted with the people, the
country, the traditions, and the customs of each State
in Central India. There is not a district or capital
have not visited, not a fortress or stronghold I
have not seen ; the rugged passes, the lakes and hills
of Bundelkhand ; the alternate jungle and poppy-field
of Malwa — are all familiar to me, and I take with me
the pleasant remembrance of friendship formed by
years of intercourse and personal knowledge with
many a Chief, and with nobles and gentlemen,

WANT OF EOADS 321

members of their Darbars; and with subjects of their
States. But I wish to allude more particularly to the
progress which the past decade has brought about in
two special matters — I mean with regard to the
opening up of the country, and education.

" Ten years ago, the only road worthy of the name
in Central India was the Agra and Bombay road,
which passes through Gwalior, Goona, and Biaura
to Indore, thence by Mhow and Manpur down the
southern slopes of the Vindhyas, with a ferry across
the Narbudda, and so on by Scindwa and Khargaon
into Khandesh. This road bore the traffic which
passed through Malwa between Northern and South-
ern India, and was then, as it always will be, an impor-
tant military road ; but of internal communication
there was nothing. The black cotton soil of Malwa
was crossed only by country-tracks, rough and difficult
at all times, and impassable in the rains. Grain, which
sold at Bhilsa and about Bhopal at 50 seers for the
rupee, was, from the impossibility of carriage, selling
at 8 or 10 seers at Indore, distant barely 100 miles.
Opium, which is the trade and wealth of Malwa, with
difficulty found its way over the heavy country roads
to Indore. In Bundelkhand, things were almost
worse : the want of roads and communications was
hampering the prospects of the country and prevent-
ing trade. There was no passage across the ghats,
no means of communication between the East India
Railway at Sutna and the garrison of Nowgong,
100 miles away. The railway had not been opened
beyond Khandwa, on the Great Indian Peninsula line,
and the break between Khandwa and Jubbulpore
made it necessary for passengers and traffic passing up
country either to travel from Nagpore across country
to Jubbulpore, or to go up by the Bombay and Agra
road through Indore, leaving the rail at Khandwa.

" My efforts were directed from the first to remedy
these defects, and it is due to the liberality and
confidence with which the views of Government were
met by the Chiefs of Central India that we can now
point to the improvements that have taken place.
Maharaja Holkar was the first to tender a loan for
railway construction through his territory. The
million of money he placed at disposal, at 4^ per cent.,

x

322 CENTRAL INDIAN ADMINISTRATION

is now represented by the Holkar State Railway, which
connects Indore with the Great Indian Peninsula Rail
at Khandwa. This line was difficult of construction,
owing" to the heavy work in alternately climbing and
piercing- the Vindhya range and in bridging the great
Narbudda near Barwai ; but, the work completed,
the line is now answering all purposes, and both
bridge and gh&t are monuments of engineering skill.
Maharaja Scindia was not slow to follow the example
set him. He placed at the disposal of Government
altogether a million and a half of money for railways
in his territory ; the broad-gauge line, connecting
Gwalior with Agra, is now nearing completion, while
the Scindia Neemuch State Railway carries goods
and passengers daily from Indore to the banks of the
Sipra, and awaits but a bridge to penetrate Scindia's
Malwa capital (Ujjain) and give forth its increase,
and through Fatehabad and Barnagar to Rutlam.
The extension of the line to Neemuch is being rapidly
pushed on, and in a few months it will be ready for
traffic. The opening of the line from Ajmer and
Nasirabad to Neemuch will complete a chain of
railway communication encircling the States of Central
India and communicating with every part of Hindu-
stan. Her Highness the Begam of Bhopal, an
enlightened ruler, always anxious for the advance-
ment of her State, seeing the advantages of the rail in
her neighbours' territories, has been for the last three
years in negotiation for the construction of a line to
connect her capital with the system of railways. She
has now concluded an agreement for a loan of so
lakhs, and the survey of the line between I tarsi and
Bhopal, crossing the Narbudda at Hoshangabad, is
being rapidly pushed forward. If, as Her Highness
urgently desires, the rail is continued from Bhopal to
join the State railway at Ujjain, or, far better, is
carried through the grain-producing districts of
Bhilsa and, skirting Bundelkhand, to Gwalior, the
railway communication of Central India will be
complete and trade will have every opening. In
Bundelkhand also, though railways are still wanting,
much improvement in communications has been
effected. The trunk road from Gwalior to Jhansi
has been extended to Nowgong, and communication

EDUCATION 323

with the East India Railway at Sutna has been
opened by a road passing- by Panna and Nag-ode.
The Bisramghat road, made by the Panna Chief
under Dr Stratton's guidance, is an example of the
good work which Native States can accomplish.
From Sutna a road has been made for 30 miles to Bela,
connecting Rewa, the capital of Baghelkhand, with
the rail, and joining the trunk road which passes to
Mirzapur. Of roads in Malwa the principal con-
structed during the last ten years are the Mhow and
Neemuch road, passing through Jaora and Ratlam,
a branch from Ujjain to Dewas, made with a view to
helping the opium trade prior to the opening of the
railway, and an extension through Dewas, on the
Agra and Bombay road, to Sonkutch, and thence via
Ashta to Sehore and Bhopal. The Maharaja of
Dhar has made an excellent road of 30 miles,
connecting his capital with the Mhow and Neemuch
road at Ghata Bilode, where the Chambal is crossed
by a good iron bridge, and to this point Maharaja
Holkar has marked, though not completed, a road
25 miles from Indore. The road from Indore to
Khandwa, and the whole length of the Bombay and
Agra trunk road, are kept up, and prove useful
feeders to the railway.''

"Turning to education, I would draw attention to
the work done under the supervision of Mr Mackay.
In 1868, with the exception of the Maharaja's school
in the Indore City, and the Sehore High School,
there were hardly any institutions worthy of the name
in Central India. Year by year the interest of Chiefs
and Darbars in this good work has increased, and the
States have vied with each other in the establishment
of schools where the children of the country receive
cheap and useful education. The Rajkumar School
at the Indore Residency has proved of immense
benefit to the sons of Chiefs and thakurs. The want
of education among the rulers of the country has in
past times been a crying evil ; the reproach has, to
some extent at least, been removed from Central
India. It is not alone the advance of education as
demonstrated by the establishment of schools in
places where the light of knowledge had never before
penetrated, to which I would call attention ; the

324 CENTRAL INDIAN ADMINISTRATION

collateral advantages of learning have been equally
marked. Ten years ago it was the exception to find
in a Native State any person, young or old, who
could converse with intelligence on general topics,
their ideas of things and places were limited to the
narrow circle of immediate surroundings ; indolence
and opium had taken firm hold on the youths of
Native States who could afford to be idle, and
endeavours to cure this were foiled by the apathy
and self-contentment of the people. Learning was a
new thing, and, as such, not to be desired, and it was
not without trouble and pleading that the cause of
education has been advanced. The tide has now
fairly turned : a spirit of emulation has now prompted
the boys who attend our schools to take the good
held out to them, and the results of their training are
evidenced by the intelligent interest which all evince
in the topics of the day, and by the desire which many
have shown to improve themselves by travelling and
by seeing places and people their forefathers knew
nothing of.

" I would add a few words about the trade in
Malwa opium, the revenue from which forms so
important a factor in imperial receipts.

" For the ten years ending 31st March 1869, the
total number of chests passing the scales was 341,412,
the duty realised being Rs. 20, 1 1,04,500. For the
ten years ending 31st March 1879, the books show a
total export from Malwa of 405,094 chests, represent-
ing in duty paid to Government Rs. 24,57,82,725.
The improvement, therefore, over the previous decade
is 63,682 chests, and a revenue of Rs. 4,46,78,225 —
in other words, the increase in export is more, on an
average, than 500 chests a month, and the yearly
revenue to Government has improved by upwards of
44 lakhs of rupees.

"Among the causes of improvement in this
important trade I would mention the security of the
country and a decrease in highway robbery and
violence ; inducements held out by Chiefs, to whom
land under opium is the chief source of income ;
improvements in communication, and particularly
the facilities which the railway from Indore and
Ujjain affords. The establishment of scales at

OPIUM 325

Ujjain, Jaora, and Udaipur has been the means of
drawing- the produce of each district to pay export
duty to the Government of India without being
harassed by the levy of dues by each State through
which the opium passed, as was the case when
Indore was the only place in Malwa where Govern-
ment duty could be paid.

"The importance of opium cultivation to the
Chiefs of Malwa can hardly be over-estimated ; it
gives a value to land which no other crop can
afford. Wheat and other cereals in the best soil pay
from annas 1 2 to Rs. 3 per bigah ; opium yields
Rs. 10, Rs. 20, and Rs. 40 for the same measure of
land, and in some districts where the advantage of
soil and water are great and the opium crop heavy,
as much as Rs. 60 per bigah is paid for land under
the poppy.

" The principal gainers by the growth of opium
are the Maharajas Scindia and Holkar. In Indore
territory especially, advantage had been taken of the
profits which the trade in opium holds out to increase
the assessment on irrigated lands, and Holkar's
revenue has, chiefly by this means, steadily increased.
Enhanced collections may fairly be estimated at 40
per cent, over those of 1868."

Many are the points of interest and importance
which must necessarily receive scant notice in a brief
epitome such as the present. Attention was paid to
the preservation of objects of archaeological interest,
in connection with which an indication of the changed
conditions now existing is afforded by reading that in
1 868 there existed "no local means of photographing *

The want was specially felt in connection with the splendid ruins
at, and near Mandu, to the care and restoration of which, under the
direction of Lord Curzon, due attention is now at length being paid.
" Yesterday," wrote Daly to a friend in the autumn of 1867, "we were
at Nalcha, pitched near the old palace which Malcolm fitted up as a
residence, dispossessing in the occupation a tigress which had made
a den of one of the rooms. To-day we are in the midst of the ruins
of Mandu— broken arches, mosques, palaces, strew the hills for some

326 CENTRAL INDIAN ADMINISTRATION

such works as may be considered fit objects for the
art." Efforts were directed towards persuading
Rajput families to curtail the extravagant expendi-
ture upon marriage ceremonies, and the quotation of
the prophetic remark made to Daly by a trusted
native friend,* who "expressed the hope that British
influence will gradually break down the barriers
with which Hindu law and custom have blocked
the way to alliances in Indian high life." Endea-
vours were coutinuous to secure the introduction
of simple measures for improving the public health,
and of vaccination to protect the population against
the devastating scourge of small-pox. In these latter
aims Daly was supported by an able and devoted
body of medical officers, and in particular by
Surgeon - Major T. Beaumont, and Lieutenant-
Colonels D. Keegan and R. Caldecott, who suc-
cessively held the appointment of Residency Surgeon
at Indore and Administrative Medical Officer in
Central India, and through whose efforts great
progress was made in the establishment of hospitals
and dispensaries throughout the Province.

Among the officers who served under Daly during
his tenure as Agent to the Governor-General may
be mentioned General the Right Honourable Sir

twenty miles ; granite slabs, cunningly carved, ruthlessly cast about,
mark the grandeur of the Muhammadans and the destroying hand of
the Mahrattas ; for the Mahrattas it was who, but a little more than
a century ago, thrice gutted the still rich, though fallen Mandu."
The palace at Nalcha, to which Daly refers, was originaily built in
1441 by Muhammad Khilji, King of Mandu ; it was occupied by Sir
John Malcolm, while engaged in the settlement of Malwa, during
1819-20.

* Khan Bahadur Mir Shahamat Ali : " His experience," said
Daly, " is varied and deep ; it is a well which will always bear
dipping into."

OFFICER-COMRADES 327

Dighton Probyn, G.C.B., G.C.V.O., etc., who com-
manded the Central India Horse, and held charge of
the Malwa Political Agency during 1868-70; his
successor in that appointment, General Sir John
Watson, V.C., G.C.B., who had joined the 1st Punjab
Cavalry as Adjutant in 1852 ; Colonel Martin, C.B.,
one of Daly's intimate friends, who served with him
in the Central India Horse, and succeeded Watson
in the command ; Colonel Sir Edward Bradford,
Bart, G.C.B., G.C.V.O., K.C.S.I., who served in
the Central India Horse and as Political Assistant
at Goona; Colonel Willoughby Osborne, C. B., who
was for many years Political Agent at Bhopal, and
who died while holding- the similar post at Gwalior ;
Colonel P. W. Bannerman, one of Daly's most
trusted Political officers, who did conspicuously g'ood
service in Rewa and elsewhere; Dr J. P. Stratton,
the erudite and energetic Political Agent in Bundel-
khand ; Colonels A. R. Hutchinson, and E. Impey,
CLE., who were each Political Agent at Gwalior;
General Sir Montagu Gerard, K.C.B., K.C.S.I., who
afterwards commanded the Central India Horse.
Among- his Assistants, or Secretaries, at Indore were
Captain Berkeley, now General and CLE. ; Captain
West Ridgeway, now the Right Honourable Sir
West Ridg-eway, K.C.B., K.C.S.L, lately Governor
of Ceylon ; Captain F. H. Maitland, now Earl of
Lauderdale ; Lieutenant Barr, now Colonel Sir David
Barr, K.C.S.L, who was Agent to the Governor-
General in Central India from 1894 to 1900, and
subsequently Resident at Hyderabad. Daly's Chief
Engineers and Secretaries for Public Works were
Colonels A. Cadell, L. Russel, and C Thomason, all
of the Royal Engineers, and Colonel W. S. Trevor,

328 CENTRAL INDIAN ADMINISTRATION

of the Bengal Engineers — of the latter he wrote in
1875 to Sir George Lawrence: —

" I was about to close this without telling you that
W. S. Trevor is here, my P. W. Secretary in place of
Cadell. He was with you at Kabul, and remembers
every incident there and in the retreat.* He read
your book here, and told me that the scenes you
described are as clear to him as those around him now.
He was eleven years old then, I think. I like him —
he is clever and full of soldier-pluck."

With all the officers who served under his orders
Daly maintained the most cordial relations of personal
friendship. He knew — none better — how trying and
anxious were the duties of Political officers in remote
places such as Sardarpur, Rewa, and Nowgong ; the
strain that fell upon all who worked throughout the
hot weather in Gwalior, Bundelkhand, and Malwa ;
and he was ever ready to give them the sympathy,
support, and commendation which they needed, and
to cheer them with his genial good nature, and kindly
spirit. Having an intimate acquaintance with every
Chief and thakur, being familiar with the traditions,
the customs, and the peculiarities of every State — big
or little — it was comparatively easy for Daly, when
any doubt or difficulty arose, to grasp at once,
correctly and firmly, the salient points of the case, and
to give his instructions briefly, concisely, and to the
point. But his usual course, when a difficulty arose
in any State under his charge, was to go to the
spot at once, as fast as trains, or horses, could carry
him, meet the Political officer and discuss matters
with him, and then take such measures as were
necessary to bring about a prompt and satisfactory

* The disastrous retreat of January 1842, fully described in Sir
George Lawrence's Forty-three Years' Service in India.

DALY'S CHARACTER 329

settlement. There was no beating about the bush :
no protracted enquiry, no demand for long official
reports — he believed, and the officers who served
under him learned to believe also, in personal
enquiry, frank and friendly advice, a patient hearing
of both sides of the case, and a decision on the
merits — precise, definite, and clear-cut. In the
majority of cases — and they were many — in which
dispute or difference arose, the Chiefs and their
officials accepted Daly's decision without demur —
placing confidence in his judgment, and being assured
that he would suggest nothing that was prejudicial
to their feelings or honour. In this way many
important matters were quietly settled without
unnecessarily causing friction or raising discontent.
Daly was a man of action himself, and required
that all officers serving under him should be as active
and alert as he was : it was one of his well-known
sayings that "a Political officer who couldn't jump
on to a horse and ride 50 miles when duty called him,
wasn't worth keeping." He hated all pomp and
show ; and ridiculed the idea of maintaining dignity
by the outward and visible signs or ceremonials, pro-
cessions, formal Darbars, and all functions of a like
nature. Guards of honour, escorts of cavalry, salutes
of guns, he counted as nothing, and he discouraged in
his Political officers and assistants any tendencies
towards that type of mannerism which AH Babi in his
Twenty-one Days in India alludes to as "paralytic
swagger "and " thirteen-gun tall-talk" — the peculiar
attributes, according to popular view, of Politicals.
"Go, and talk to him" was Daly's standing advice
when a Political officer complained of the difficulty of
getting things done by any Chief: and he gave

330 CENTRAL INDIAN ADMINISTRATION

practical effect to this theory himself, by chatting,
confidentially and freely, with any personage who
showed disinclination to follow advice or to learn
wisdom. Daly was not a profound Oriental scholar ;
but he knew the vernacular sufficiently well to bring-
home his views in the most forcible manner, and
withal with so much humour, wit, and common-sense,
as to appeal as readily to the most sullen as to the
most amenable disposition.

Daly was promoted to Major-General in January
1 8 70, and to Lieu tenant-General seven years later. H e
was made a K.C. B. in 1875, but the honour, as he
wrote to his old friend Sir George Lawrence, "came
with a deep shadow. The three to whom it would have
been joy and pride knew it not. " H is only brother had
died in 1871 ; his wife's mother, to whom he was as a
son, followed in 1873 ; finally, after a short illness at
Indore, his wife died in October 1874, at Bombay,
whither she had been moved in the hope of regaining
health from a sea voyage. "My life in India," he
said to Sir George, "seems a thing of yesterday, and
when I call up the incidents and time, it is passing
strange, for, until this dark blow came,* I felt

* On this sad occasion Maharaja Sir Jayaji Rao Scindia gave a
touching proof of the reality of his feeling towards his "brother." He
had never met Maharaja Sir Tukoji Rao Holkar of Indore or entered
his territorities ; proposals for a meeting between the two Chiefs had
been frequently made, but had always broken down upon some point
of ceremony. But nothing could prevent Sir Jayaji Rao from proceed-
ing to Indore to pay to Daly the visit of sympathy and condolence
(Matampursi), which is prescribed by the highest Hindu etiquette.
Scindia marched from Khandwa to Indore. He declined to halt at
Indore, as he did not consider this seemly in the circumstances ; but
remained only a couple of hours, which enabled him to discharge his
mournful, though kindly errand. At the first stage from Khandwa,
on the banks of Narbada, he and Sir Tukoji Rao Holkar met for the
first time in their lives. It is pleasant to add that their relations were

A

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LIFE OF GENERAL DALY

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FINALLY LEAVES INDIA 331

no older or colder than when I landed a boy of
seventeen."

Of his private life at Indore it is not necessary to
say much. He made it his home, and was never so
happy as when the house was overflowing- with
visitors ; the memory of his hospitality and of the
cheery welcome which was extended to all, is still alive
in Central India. With natives his popularity was
great, owing to his accessibility to men of every class,
and to the sympathetic hearing which he accorded
to all.

It was in February 1881 that Daly finally left
India, after handing- over charge to Mr (now Sir
Lepel) Griffin. The Government of India sped his
parting- with the following notification : —

1 His Excellency the Viceroy and Governor-
General in Council desires to place on record his
high appreciation of the long and distinguished
service rendered by Lieutenant-General Sir Henry
Daly, K.C. B., CLE.,* who vacated on the 10th
February his appointment as Agent to the Governor-
General in Central India.

"His Excellency the Viceroy is confident that Sir
Henry Daly's relinquishment of the important duties
which he has for twelve years discharged in Central
India will be generally regretted, and by none more
than by the Chiefs and people, toward the promotion
of whose welfare his exertions have throughout been
directed with remarkable energy and success."

thereafter of a friendly character. Twelve years later, when each was
in his last illness, they exchanged kindly messages, and it is a curious
fact that these two Chiefs, who were by far the most conspicuous
figures in Central India, and had both succeeded to the gadi in the
decade before the Mutiny, died within three days of each other in
June 1886.

* Daly was one of the original members of this Order, which was
instituted at the Delhi Assemblage on the ist January 1877, and at
first consisted of Companions only.

CHAPTER XII

1881-1895

The Daly College at Indore. Occupations in England. Master
of Hounds. Twice contests Dundee. Receives the G.C.B.
Osborne. Second Marriage. Queen Victoria Godmother to
his youngest son. Illness and Death. Character.

After Daly's departure, a movement was set on foot
by the Chiefs of Central India to commemorate in
some visible and substantial manner the services
which he had rendered to the Province. The
Residency College at Indore, which owed its success
to Daly, was conducted in somewhat meagre and
inadequate buildings, and it was felt that the provision
of better accommodation would be an appropriate
tribute to the memory of one who had been the
pioneer of education in Central India. Subscriptions
flowed in, and in due course a handsome building,
bearing the name "The Daly College," and con-
taining a full suite of class-rooms, was erected in a good
position about half a mile from the Residency. The
Hall was opened in November 1885 by the Viceroy,
Lord Dufferin, who concluded his address with the
following words : —

"All Englishmen must be very grateful for the
generous thought which induced the Princes and
Chiefs of Central India, who subscribed for this
institution, to name it after their old friend, Sir

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Henry Daly. I am well aware that Sir Henry Daly
was one of the most accomplished and high-minded
public servants that ever pursued a career of useful-
ness in India. He was, from first to last, the champion
and friend of the Native Princes and the Native States,
and I assure you it is very gratifying to us, whose aim
and desire is to follow in the footsteps of those who
have been most distinguished by their earnest
endeavours to do their duty by the people of India,
to have such a proof that we are serving a nation who
is generous to preserve after their departure such an
enduring record of their name and fame as that which
you have erected in honour of Sir Henry Daly."

Ten years later, after Daly's death, the present
Maharaja Scindia conceived the graceful idea of
placing a bust of his father's old friend in the College
hall. The work was entrusted to Mr Charles Bates,
and, at his untimely death, was in so forward a condi-
tion that completion by one of his friends was a matter
of no difficulty. From various causes the ceremony
of unveiling the bust at Indore was delayed, but it
was finally performed in April 1902, when eloquent
tributes* to Sir Henry Daly's memory were paid by
his old friend and disciple, Colonel Sir David Barr, as
well as by the Agent to the Governor-General, Mr
C. S. Bayley, and by the Maharaja Scindia.

On his return to England in 1881, Daly divided
his time between London and the Isle of Wight. He
became Master of the Isle of Wight Foxhounds, and
held that post for nearly nine years, during which he
was among the hardest riders in the hunting field.
He took an active part in local politics and business,
and did his full share of magisterial work. He
was a member of several Indian Railway Boards,
and rendered special aid in the conduct of the affairs

* For the speeches delivered upon this occasion, see Appendix B.

334 1881-1895

of the Indian Midland Railway. His interest in
Indian questions was fully maintained ; he kept up a
wide correspondence with old friends, both English
and native; in 1884 he delivered an interesting-
lecture* on "The Punjab Frontier Force," at
the United Service Institution ; he was consulted
not infrequently by authorities at the Indian Office
on leading matters of Indian policy ; and he gave
much assistance in connection with the celebration of
Queen Victoria's Jubilee in 1887.

In politics Daly, like so many Anglo-Indians, had
no strong party leanings, but he was a follower and
great admirer of Gladstone until the Home Rule
question arose. He then became a Liberal- Unionist,
and in 1886, and again in 1888, he unsuccessfully
contested, in that interest, the Gladstonian stronghold
of Dundee. Here, though an entire stranger when
he arrived a few days before the commencement of
the polling in 1886, he soon won warm friends, and,
at the second contest, the improvement of his posi-
tion elicited the following letter from the Liberal-
Unionist Whip : —

" Liberal-Unionist Association,
"Great George Street,

"Westminster, Feb. itf/i, 1888.

"Dear Sir Henry Daly,

" I have been hoping to see you
here; but as I have not had that good fortune yet,
I must ask to be allowed to congratulate you most
heartily on your most plucky fight at Dundee. I
assure you our spirits were buoyed up amidst the
disaster at Southwark and the bad luck at Edinburgh

* Reproduced as Appendix C. Portions of this lecture have been
incorporated in Lumsden of the Guides, by Sir P. S. Lumsden and
G. R. Elmslie, pp. 64 et seg. and 255 et seq.

HONOURS 335

by the thought of the great breach which you made
in the Gladstonian fortress at Dundee.

"Now your example has helped to storm effectu-
ally the weaker fort at Doncaster. — Believe me, Yours
very truly, Wolmer."

The Liberal- Unionists of Dundee presented Daly
with a very handsome service of plate to commemorate
his connection with them.

Daly became a full General in 1888, and was
created a G.C. B. in 1889. From Queen Victoria
and King Edward (then Prince of Wales) he
received many marks of kindness and favour. When
the Queen was at Osborne he was frequently invited
there, and in August 1889 he wrote the following
description of a banquet : —

" I was at dinner at Osborne the day before
yesterday. We dined in a splendid tent, I should think
seventy or eighty. The Emperor, a strong, jolly
fellow, in capital spirits. I was presented to him by
the Prince of Wales ; he talked famously, with an
accent, but freely and with a thorough understanding.
The Queen spoke to me of the Island and the
Assembly. The Princess of Wales and the Princess
Beatrice also did me the honour of chatting. The
scene was an extraordinary gay one : the Germans
covered with gold Orders and medals ; H. Bismarck,
a strong, thick fellow, speaking much ; all the notables
of Germany there. The Queen after dinner proposed
'the health of the Emperor of Germany.' The
Emperor rose and proposed 'the Queen.' Nothing
more said. Then the Assembly rose, and moved
back to the drawing-room ; talking and introducing
went on there till 1 1.30, and, as old Pepys would say,
'then home.'"

Shortly after his final return to England, Daly
married again. His second wife, n^e Coape, was
the widow of Mr Stirling Dunlop. His only child by

336 1881-1895

his second marriage was born in December 1889;
Queen Victoria proposed herself as godmother, and
was present at the christening- in Daly's house,
holding- and naming the child. Towards the end of
1889 Daly met with a severe fall when hunting, being
thrown on his left shoulder, which had never recovered
from his Delhi wound. He made light of the injury,
and unfortunately refused to lie up ; the next few
days happened to involve exceptional physical strain,
and there followed a paralytic stroke. He rallied
from this, and preserved fair health, though greatly
crippled, for some three years ; thereafter he sank
gradually, until the end came at Ryde on the 21st

July 1895.

The foregoing pages will have given a tolerably
clear idea of Daly's character. He was of an eager,
bright, joyous, sympathetic disposition. He " warmed
both hands before the fire of life," and loved to make
others enjoy themselves around him. He was over-
flowing with activity ; a grand horseman, and a lover
of horses ; in his youth a keen cricketer, and at all
times a supporter and encourager of every manly
sport. He had a rich fund of Irish humour, delighted
in telling and hearing anecdotes, and was an
admirable raconteur, being plentifully furnished with
memories of active service and stirring adventure,
and with tales drawn from the lore of Native States.
He was exceptionally well read in historical subjects
and in the lives of great men ; he had a strong
memory, and a great aptitude in quotation and in
applying the results of reading and experience ; in
writing, he possessed a clear, terse, graphic style,
which was illuminated by his wit and spirits. No
close observer of religious forms, he was deeply

APPRECIATION OF FRIENDS 337

religious at heart ; and, as one of his oldest friends
observed, his most conspicuous trait was a wide and
active, but unostentatious, charity. Upon this sub-
ject he wrote to his wife early in 1859 : "There is
nothing you can lay up for ' my boys ' so valuable as
a kindly feeling for, and sympathy in, the wants of
others : one cannot estimate the good influence on
character which such things beget. To my mind,
there is no religion so holy as that of helping and
comforting our fellow-creatures. I do not mean
mere money aid — it is not all of us who can bestow
that — but let those who are blessed with the ' talents '
use them freely. It is not by storing them for a
possible need which may never arise, nor for a time
that we may not live to see, that good can come — let
us be content to live and do good in our own day."

He was a great favourite in all society, and
immensely popular in India with all ranks, creeds, and
races. ' It was his frank, honest, impartial mind
and acts and words," wrote the late Sir Neville
Chamberlain, "that won for him the confidence and
respect of all he associated with, European or Native.
By instinct he fathomed the mind of all classes of
Natives ; and they at once felt that he judged them
rightly. They, on their part, were at once led to
trust him ; and they accepted him as a just judge, and
as a friend who would do his best to see that their
rights were respected by the State."

Daly's old regiment, the 2nd Munster Fusiliers
(late the Bombay Fusiliers), were quartered at
Portsmouth when he died. They sent over a funeral
party, and he was borne to his grave by men of the
corps which he had joined nearly fifty-five years
previously, 6000 miles away.

APPENDIX A.

THE Confidential Report to which allusion is made in
Chapter X. was published in a small compilation entitled
"Correspondence regarding the compararive merits of
British and Native Administration in India." A few
extracts from Daly's observations may be of interest,
especially to those who are aware how vastly affairs in
Native States have since changed for the better.

" What is understood by Government in civilised
countries," wrote Daly, "has no place in any Native State
unconnected with us, so far as my experience and know-
ledge go. In Europe it is said that happy accidents occur
in despotisms. Such accidents are unknown in the East ;
there is security neither of person nor property. Men are
seized at the instance of any man in power, imprisoned
without charge, discharged without trial. There is no
record of mortality. Death by foul means would only
excite inquiry in the event of money being forthcoming to
prosecute it ; more money, and the question is stifled.
These things are well known. Petitions have often
reached me setting forth false imprisonment ; murder
unnoticed. A Political Agent has no authority to institute
inquiries into such matters ; probably the State makes no
returns to him of crime or casualty. If in a friendly
manner he moved in a case laid before him, every effort
would be used to stifle his purpose.

" I may here remark that Scindia himself views his
own administration as infinitely superior to that of any
other Native State ; as he does everything himself, he
considers everything done well. The fulness of his treasury
is his test of successful administration, and no official

339

340 APPENDIX A

changes or receives a post without paying nazarana, and
no doubt the amount of this has great weight in settling
the candidate's suitability.

*******

" As to the comparative estimation by the people at
large, and whether their prosperity and contentment are
best promoted under British or native rule, what, let me
ask, would cause greater dismay in districts which for
years have been under us than the announcement that
they were about to be transferred to a Native State —
Scindia or Holkar, for instance ? Political officers who
have lived amongst Chiefs and thakurs under our
guarantee know well the effect of such a threat ; but I
have never known an instance of discontent on the part of
a ryot transferred by the Darbar. He has got a fixed
lease or settlement in lieu of fixed uncertainty.

*******

" I have already made these observations longer than I
ought to have done, but the subject bursts with fulness.
Let me cast a glance at Malwa. What has caused
Scindia's cities of Ujjain and Mandisor year by year to
lose wealth, importance, and population ? Mandisor is in
the very heart of the poppy-fields, on the banks of a noble
river ; yet many of its streets are in ruins, and its name is
declining. Ujjain, that ancient city, venerated by all
Hindus, with the Sipra flowing by its walls and rich land
around, is crumbling to the ground, and being yearly
deserted by merchants and men of business. On the
other hand, why are Ratlam and Jaora, comparatively
insignificant States, increasing in wealth and prosperity?
Because it has chanced to them to fall under British protec-
tion. Within the last forty years, through the heirs of
both States being infants on accession, the supervision
was assumed by Major Borthwick, one of Sir John
Malcolm's assistants. Borthwick delivered over his charge
when the time came — Ratlam a busy, handsome city, filled
with merchants and traders, prosperity everywhere. After
the lapse of a few years, Ratlam again passed into the
hands of a child of two or three years old. During the
interval dissension and dissipation had destroyed much
that Borthwick had built up ; but, under British guardian-
ship, more than the old prosperity is reviving. Jaora,

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APPENDIX A 341

forty years ago, was little more than a village. Under
Borthwick's fostering care it became a city, with a rich and
well-supplied mart. About two years ago, the Nawab
died ; his heir is a minor, and thus the State has again
fallen under British protection.

" The Agent to the Governor-General knows better
than I do the utter want of confidence among the natives
at large in the promises of any Chief, great or small. I
will, however, give an instance in point. About Goona,
where I was for many years, scores of square miles of rich
land belonging to petty Rajas are lying waste. The
Raja of Bhadaura invited my assistance in obtaining
cultivators. I spoke to Sikh pensioners of the Central
India Horse, and others about to take pension — men
always greedy for land — and suggested that they should
settle and form villages. The idea thoroughly chimed in
with their inclinations, on one condition, that I should
countersign the engagement between them and the Raja.
Without this, despite his liberal offers of years of free
tenure and a sanad, not a man would risk his savings or
discuss the question. Scindia has long felt the same in
many parts."

APPENDIX B.

Speeches delivered on the 2nd April 1902, on the occa-
sion of the unveiling, in the Daly College at
Indore, of the bust of Sir Henry Daly, pre-
sented by His Highness Maharaja Madho Rao
Scindia of Givalior.

SPEECH by the Honourable Mr C. S. Bayley, Agent to
the Governor-General.

Your Highnesses, Ladies and Gentlemen, — It is
with the very greatest pleasure that I welcome you here
to-day, for I know nothing more gratifying than to see a
large number of persons representative of all classes of our
Central Indian community, Chiefs and subjects, Europeans
and Indians, officials and non-officials, assembled together
to honour the memory of a truly great and good man.
That Sir Henry Daly's character and devotion to duty
were appreciated by those among whom he moved, the
building in which we are met, erected as it was by public
subscriptions immediately after his retirement from the
service of Government, bears ample and enduring testimony.
That the recollection of him remains green among those
who had the privilege of knowing him, and that his name
is revered by those who, like myself, can judge him only
by the fruits which his work has borne, and by the tradi-
tions handed down to us by others, is shown by our presence
here ; and if further evidence be needed, it is at hand in the
bust which has been generously presented to this College

342

APPENDIX B 343

by His Highness the Maharaja Madho Rao Scindia of
Gvvalior, in honour of his father's greatest friend.

It would be impossible for me, within the limits of a
short speech, to enumerate Sir Henry Daly's claims to the
gratitude of the people of Central India. This much,
however, I can say with absolute certainty, that no one
who has occupied the post which I have the honour to
hold, can fail to be aware of the fact that there is no
department of the Administration on which Sir Henry
Daly has not left the impress of his clear intellect, his
decision and integrity of character, and his excellent
judgment of men and things. No one can be much thrown
with the Chiefs and people of Central India without observ-
ing that the names to which reference in all cases of
difficulty is most frequently made, are those of Sir John
Malcolm and Sir Henry Daly. To Sir John Malcolm is
due the political system of Central India as it exists to-
day ; but no sooner does any question arise as to the
working of that system than an appeal is made to the
views held by Sir Henry Daly as the most cogent argument
which it is possible to adduce. To us Political officers Sir
Henry Daly is a model of all that a Political officer should
be : but to all of us alike, whatever our vocation in life may
be, he stands forth as a conspicuous example of upright-
ness, fearlessness, capacity, and kindliness of heart. One
can imagine no more appropriate gift to the younger
generation of Chiefs and nobles of Central India than the
marble image of one whom all must revere, and whose
qualities all should strive to imitate.

I esteem it a peculiar privilege that the duty of pre-
siding at the unveiling of this bust should devolve upon
me, and I rejoice heartily that the ceremony should be
performed by the munificent donor, Maharaja Scindia, in
the presence of so many who knew and loved Sir Henry
Daly well. It is a matter for regret that His Highness the
Maharaja Holkar, who in his younger days knew Sir
Henry, and who studied for a while in this College, has
been prevented by family bereavement from attending. I
am also exceedingly sorry that pressure of official duties

344 APPENDIX B

has caused the absence of one whom all would have
welcomed, and without whom the day's proceedings seem
sadly incomplete. I refer to Sir Henry Daly's son, Major
Hugh Daly, who served for a while in his father's old
regiment, the Central India Horse, and who has in the
important position which he has so long held, of Deputy
Secretary to the Government of India in the Foreign
Department, shown in a conspicuous degree that Sir Henry
Daly's talents and political instinct have been handed
down unimpaired to his offspring.

I have no wish to take up your time with personal
matters, but I cannot avoid a feeling that my own share in
this ceremony needs some explanation, I had almost said
apology. Many of you are aware that this bust was
ordered long ago, at a time when there was every reason
to hope that one of the aptest of Sir Henry Daly's pupils
and certainly one of the most ardent of his admirers, the
one who had the best opportunities for appreciating his
merits, my predecessor, Lieut.-Colonel David Barr, would
be here to preside over the ceremony of the unveiling.
Before, however, the bust arrived from England, Colonel
Barr had been selected to fill the arduous and important
office of Resident at Hyderabad, and this has necessitated
my attempting, I will not say to fill his place, for on an
occasion of this kind that is impossible, but to preside
over a ceremony which would have been more appropriately
conducted by him. Although he cannot be with us in
body to-day, he is, I am sure, with us in mind, and he has
in answer to a request from me sent the following message,
which, with your permission, I will now read to you.

SIR DAVID BARR'S NOTE

I shall be much obliged if you will kindly express to all
present my deep regret that I am unable to attend the
ceremony of unveiling the bust of my revered friend and
master, the late General Sir Henry Daly, G.C.B.

My duties at Hyderabad preclude the possibility of my
attendance, and even were it otherwise, I should feel that
as I have severed my long connection with Central India,

APPENDIX B 345

the ceremony is more fittingly conducted by you as the
Agent to the Governor-General.

Still, as one of the least of the disciples of the great
and good man, whose memory this bust will perpetuate in
the College which bears his name and in the place where
for twelve years he was the able representative of the
Government of India, I hope you will allow me to say how
cordially I sympathise with your proceedings, and how
entirely my heart is with you on this occasion.

There are still living many of Sir Henry Daly's
Political Agents and Assistants. Some of them have
risen to high office, and have won honoured names for
themselves. I would mention Sir Dighton Probyn, Sir
John Watson, Sir Edward Bradford, Sir West Ridgeway,
the Earl of Lauderdale, General A. Cadell, General J. C.
Berkeley, Colonel Cunliffe Martin, Colonel P. Bannerman,
Colonel T. Cadell, Colonel E. A. Fraser, Colonel F. Wilson,
Lieutenant-Colonel M. J. Meade — all of whom had the
highest regard, esteem, and affection for him, who was
their Chief: but I claim the personal distinction of being
the only one of Sir Henry Daly's Assistants who served,
almost uninterruptedly, under him from his first appoint-
ment as Agent to the Governor-General in 1869, to the
day when, with a few others, among whom were his dear
son George Daly of the Central India Horse, and Dr
Caldecott (whose name will, I trust, never be forgotten in
Central India), I bade him farewell in February 1881, on
board the P. and O. s.s. Siam, when he left India for
good. For nearly nine years I was Sir Henry's First
Assistant, and everything I know of political work, and
every success I have attained in my political service, I
ascribe to the training and education I received from him,
as well as to his never-failing sympathy, kindness, and
forbearance towards me personally. As he was to me so
he was to all with whom he was brought in touch — bright,
genial, considerate. To work under him was a pleasure,
for he was not only quick-witted and clever, but had the
faculty of grasping his subject, and of arriving at once at
a correct judgment Yet there was no one more apprecia-
tive of the efforts of those who worked under his orders,
and no one more ready to overlook the blunders of men
who had not his constructive genius.

He left his mark on Central India in many directions,
but perhaps his efforts in the causes of railway com-

346 APPENDIX B

munications and education were those to which he devoted
more especially his great energies.

When Sir Henry Daly came to Central India there
was not a mile of railway in the Agency ; the nearest
approaches were the Great Indian Peninsula Railway at
Khandwa, and the East India Railway at Agra. Before
he left, he had the satisfaction of seeing the Rajputana-
Malwa line completed from Khandwa through Indore to
Neemuch and Ajmer ; as also the railway from Agra to
Gwalior ; and from Itarsi to Bhopal : the great bridges
over the Narbada at Barwaha and Hoshangabad, and
over the Chambal near Dholpur, were commenced at his
initiative, and opened for traffic in his presence.

Central India was thus brought, by Sir Henry Daly,
into railway communication with the rest of India, and
the extensions which have since taken place, by the con-
struction of the lines from Gwalior to Bhopal, from Bhopal
to Ujjain and Ratlam, from Ratlam to Anand, and from
Bina to Goona, are expansions of the policy which he
inaugurated.

Similarly, the stimulus to education throughout the
States of Central India was given by his personal interest
and power of persuasion. In 1869 the number of schools
and colleges in Central India could be counted on the
fingers of one hand ; before Sir Henry Daly left in 1881
there was hardly a State that could not boast of an
educational department, while the colleges and schools at
Gwalior, Indore, Bhopal, Ratlam, Jaora, Rewa, and in
many of the States in Bundelkhand, are now flourishing
institutions, which have turned out hundreds of well-
educated men, subjects of these States, and are still
maintaining an annually increasing reputation for useful-
ness and progress. The Daly College at Indore, where
Sir Henry Daly's bust is now to be unveiled, was built by
public subscription as a testimony from Chiefs and people
of their appreciation of his efforts in the cause of education
in Central India.

Sir Henry Daly's chief claims on the States of this
Agency were his charming personality, his intimate
acquaintance with every Chief and thakur, his knowledge
of the country and people, and his thorough grasp of the
various and frequently conflicting relations of the States
with the Government of India, as well as between them-
selves. There is not a corner of any of the States of

APPENDIX B 347

Central India to which he did not penetrate ; there is not a
town, hardly a village, where he was not known, and his
bright, cheery manner, his quick, decisive judgment, and
his hearty desire to do good to all were known and
appreciated by all alike, from the greatest Chiefs to the
humblest of petitioners.

I recall, as the memories of the happiest years of my
life, my recollections of my service as Sir Henry Daly's
assistant. His early tours in Malwa, Bundelkhand, and
Rewa ; the visit of H.R.H. the Prince of Wales to Gwalior
and Indore; the Imperial Assemblage at Delhi; the
Darbars at Agra, Barwaha, and Indore ; numerous journeys
with him to Calcutta, Bombay, and Simla ; and visits to
Gwalior, Bhopal, and Rewa on special occasions. And
throughout the years, the genial hospitality of the
Residency, and the gathering of friends at the gardens,
at the river side, at dinners and dances, concerts and
theatricals.

It is sad to think how few remain of those who shared
with me the privilege of knowing Sir Henry Daly while
he was Agent to the Governor-General in Central India.
There is a new generation of Chiefs, and most of those who
knew Sir Henry best have gone with him to their long
homes. Maharaja Jayaji Rao Scindia, Maharaja Tukoji
Rao Holkar, Shah Jehan Begam of Bhopal, Maharaja
Raghuraj Singh of Rewa, Maharaja Anand Rao Puar of
Dhar, Raja Krishnaji Rao Puar of Dewas, the Nawab
Muhammad Ismail Khan of Jaora, Raja Ranjit Singh of
Ratlam, Raja Dooley Singh of Sailana, and many others
have died since Sir Henry left Central India ; but their
reverence and esteem for him, who was their personal
friend and their sympathetic adviser, lives in their sons
and representatives of the present day.

May I ask you to congratulate most heartily on my
behalf my dear friend the Maharaja Madho Rao Scindia on
carrying out his long-cherished project of perpetuating Sir
Henry Daly's memory in Central India by placing this
bust of him in the Daly College at Indore. His Highness
nobly fulfills the obligations of that great Chief his father,
the late Maharaja Jayaji Rao Scindia, to the memory of
him who, for more than fifteen years was Scindia's friend
and brother.

I hope some of my old friends, Pundit Suroop Narain,
Yar Muhammad Khan of Jaora, Mr Khory, Bakhshi

348 APPENDIX B

Khuman Singh, Rai Nanak Chand, Mr Krishna Rao
Muley, Mr Madge, and a few of the old residents, office
clerks, and merchants of Indore, who knew and esteemed
Sir Henry Daly, are present with you on this occasion.
To one and all I send my greeting and good wishes.
With me they share the memory of the soldier-politician
whose bust you unveil to-day. With me they recall the
services rendered to Central India by him, and his many
favours to us all ; and though we shall never see again his
bright smile, or hear his cheery voice, or admire his lithe,
active figure as he rode with the courage and dash of a
man of thirty, over any sort of country, and at any sort of
pace, yet the marble provided by Maharaja Scindia will
bring to our minds the features of one who was our friend
and our master — Daly of the Bombay Fusiliers, Daly of the
Guides, Daly of Hodson's Horse, Daly of the Central

India Horse, and Daly of Central India.

*******

Gentlemen, anything that I could add to the words
which I have read would but weaken their effect. I leave
them with you as a message from a friend whose love for
Central India was not less than that of his revered master,
and whose memory will, I venture to think, long occupy a
place in the minds of the Central Indian Chiefs worthy of
one who studied at Sir Henry Daly's feet. I now request
Your Highness to unveil the bust.

MAHARAJA SCINDIA'S SPEECH

Mr Bayley, Ladies and Gentlemen, — I esteem it
a great privilege to be present on this occasion to unveil
the bust of Sir Henry Daly. I hoped that the Honourable
the Agent to the Governor-General would perform the
ceremony, but I was asked quite unexpectedly to undertake
this honourable task in such a manner that I could not
refuse.

My sentiments towards Sir Henry Daly have been
exactly expressed by Mr Bayley, and I am sure that all
present here who either knew him personally, or are
acquainted with his career, will echo them.

The memory of that great and good man, as he has
been most appropriately described by Mr Bayley and

Bust of Sir Henry Daly. (By Bates.)

THIS BUST IS ERECTED BY MAHARAJA MADHO RAO SCINDIA, G.l .S.I.
IS HONOUR OF

GENERAL SIR HENRY DALY, G.C.B., CLE.

AGENT TO THE GOVERNOR-GENERAL IN CENTRAL INDIA FROM 1869 TO l88l

BORN 25TH OCTOBER 1S24; DIED 2IST JULY 1895

AND IS PLACED IN THE DALY COLLEGE AS A MONUMENT OF THE AFFECTION AND ESTEEM

IN WHICH HE WAS HELD BY ALL THE CHIEFS AND PEOPLE OF CENTRAL INDIA, AND

IN REMEMBRANCE OF THE FRIENDSHIP, ONLY SEVERED BY' DEATH, WHICH

SUBSISTED FOR MORE THAN TWENTY YEARS BETWEEN HIM AND

THE LATE MAHARAJA JAYAJI RAO SCINDIA, G.C.B., G. C.S.I.

{To face p. 34S.

APPENDIX B 349

Colonel Barr, remains green in the minds of the Chiefs and
people of Central India, because so large a part of his
service was passed in this part of India, and because he
was not only the chief representative of the Imperial
Government, but always endeavoured to cultivate the
friendship and gain the confidence of those with whom his
duties brought him in contact, and by his cordial manner
inspired them with love and reverence.

Sir Henry Daly was Political Agent at Gwalior from
1867 to 1870, with intervals during which he was on leave
or officiating as Agent to the Governor-General. The
period of his service as Agent to the Governor-General is
even longer, extending continuously from 1870 to 1881,
and he is a conspicuous example of the good effects of a
long tenure of office by a man of sympathetic nature.
Though I have not met all the Political officers mentioned
by Colonel Barr as having served under Sir Henry Daly,
still from those whom I have met I have gathered that one
and all have entertained the same feelings of affection and
regard for his memory as are so eloquently expressed by
Colonel Barr.

As to Sir Henry Daly's special connection with Gwalior,
I had not, of course, the good fortune to be personally
acquainted with him— yet he might have seen me in my
childhood; he was my father's greatest friend, and they
looked upon each other as brothers.

For myself, since I had the pleasure of making the
acquaintance of Major Hugh Daly, whose absence to-day
I, in common with Mr Bayley, greatly regret, I have
regarded him as my brother.

I trust that though I cannot claim, on account of my
youth, the same relationship towards Sir Henry Daly's
successors, yet I consider that I have a claim to be looked
upon by them in the light of a son.

It has just struck me, ladies and gentlemen, that the
proper person to unveil the bust is not my humble self, but
Mrs Bayley, and, therefore, as I have not succeeded in
inducing Mr Bayley to do it, I beg her to favour me by
consenting to my request.

APPENDIX C

Friday, 27th June 1884.

Lieutenant-General Sir Samuel J. Browne, V.C., K.C.B.,
K.C.S.I., late Bengal Staff Corps, in the Chair.

THE PUNJAB FRONTIER FORCE.

By Lieutenant-General Sir Henry D. Daly, K.C.B., CLE.,
Bombay Staff Corps.

The Council of the Royal United Service Institution has
done me the honour to request that I would supply a
paper on " The Punjab Frontier Force." The subject is
vast ; embracing a period of thirty years, during which the
Indian Empire was convulsed : — the grand Native Army, of
which all were so proud, rich with the glories and con-
quests of a hundred years — triumphs in all climates,
Egypt, Afghanistan, China, and Burma — under Clive,
Wellesley, Foote, Pollock, Napier, Gough, and many a
good commander — between the dawn and dusk of a May-
day in 1857, broke away from their allegiance, rose in arms
against us, carrying with them many arsenals and war
matiriel of every description.

The mere recital of the records of the Punjab Force,
from the Kohat expedition under Sir Charles Napier, in
February 1850, to the glorious defence and glorious death
of young Hamilton and Cavagnari's guard of Guides at
Kabul, in 1879, would, however compressed, occupy more
time than is allotted for such a paper as this. No amount
of hard writing could make the catalogue easy reading.

350

APPENDIX C 351

We have the carefully compiled chronicles of Paget, of
the exploits of the Force on the North-West Frontier, filling
upwards of 450 pages, records of daring service, done with
devotion and discipline, under the prestige and leading of
Englishmen, by Pathans, Muhammadans of the wildest
class and clan— men steeped in blood feuds, traditionally
careless of life, hating every dynasty but their own; by
Sikhs, descendants of the soldiers of Ranjit Singh, who
had wrested Peshawar from the very Pathans by whose
side they had been fighting shoulder to shoulder in our
ranks.

These chronicles are to us what the chronicles of
Froissart were to the soldiers of his time : they bring a
glow of pride, testifying to the wondrous power of order and
discipline effected by the nerve and brains of a handful of
Englishmen. True it is that many a noble spirit passed
away, hallowed in the going ; but many remain, pressing
to do whatever devotion and duty may.

After I had accepted the invitation to prepare this
paper, and began to read the records, reports, and lives of
the men who made the history of the time, I felt over-
whelmed at the task, and shrank from attempting more
than to dot down personal reminiscences, with here and
there sketches and anecdotes illustrative of the men and
the times— of the deeds done, and the doers. My own
reminiscences have this merit — they carry us back to the
earliest stages of the Punjab Force ; for I believe Sir John
Coke, that rare leader of Pathans, and myself, are the only
survival of the original commandants.

Captain Coke and Lieutenant Daly raised the 1st
Punjab Infantry and the 1st Punjab Cavalry; and within
seven months of their embodiment both corps were
reviewed by Sir Charles Napier, and served in the field
under his command. As to Coke's, wrote that heroic
soldier to George Lawrence : " I have seen nothing
superior to it in drill — it is admirable ; and both you and I
saw how this brave corps fought under its excellent leader
in our five days' campaign." And in the General Order
detailing the fighting, he writes : " As Captain Coke and

352 APPENDIX C

the ist Punjab Regiment of Infantry sustained the brunt
of this skirmishing, the Commander-in-Chief thinks it due
to this admirable young corps, and its excellent leader, to
say that their conduct called forth the applause of the
whole column."

The stately proclamation of Lord Dalhousie, dated
29th March 1849, recounts how the Punjab became part of
the British Empire. The treacherous murder of two
British officers at Multan, Vans Agnew and Anderson, in
April 1848, was followed within twelve months by the
destruction of the Sikh army, the capture of Multan, the
battle of Gujerat, and the expulsion of the Afghans across
the Indus to the mouth of the Khyber Pass.

Sir Henry Lawrence was placed at the head of the
new Government, with unlimited power of selecting
the civil and military officers under him ; Lord Dalhousie
stipulating only for his Agent in the war, Colonel
Mackeson.

The defence of the frontier from Hazara to Mithankot,
at the junction of the five rivers, was a heavy task to face.
It meant the control of lawless tribes, whose trade was
warfare and plunder, numbering in all not less than 100,000
fighting men, levying blackmail on travellers and mer-
chants, never combining save against Ranjit Singh or
Kabul.

For a thousand years and more the valley of the Indus
under the Suleiman range had been studded with a line of
forts and towers — ruins of which still remain — as positions
and outposts against the ceaseless raids of mountain
marauders.

In times not long past, in a country so difficult for
military operations — with narrow defiles, mere fissures in
the rocks — marauders assembled from long distances, well
armed and well mounted, and carrying their food on their
backs. They sacked towns, exacted ransoms, murdered
Sikh Governor and people, getting back to their fastnesses
with impunity.

The first duty which fell on Sir Henry Lawrence was
the defence of this trans-Indus frontier, and ten regiments,

APPENDIX 0 353

five of cavalry and five of infantry, were organised for
employment.

Before proceeding further, it will be well to turn to the
small body of Guides, which owed its origin to Sir Henry
Lawrence in December 1846; their organisation must
have been in his mind when he conceived the idea of a
Frontier Force.

Sir Henry, during the first Afghan War, had seen the
difficulties our army, British and native, encountered in
the passes, amongst the hill tribes and northern nations, in
the absence of guides and interpreters ; and he resolved
that in the future, within our own ranks, there should be
hardy men accustomed to every region and accident of
service, and familiar with every village dialect.

The Guides, originally one troop of cavalry and two
companies of infantry, were raised by Major-General Sir
Harry Burnett Lumsden, then a Lieutenant. Lumsden
possessed characteristics for the task in a rare degree : a
daring sportsman, full of endurance, hardy and strong of
frame, with an instinctive knowledge of men which gave him
a power which none under him ever questioned. Life in
the Punjab in those times was full of incidents, and few
were the days which did not test self-dependence and
soldierly intelligence. Henry Lawrence quickly gauged
Lumsden's genius. In addition to the strength begotten by
the stirring scenes in which he moved, Lumsden breathed
among giants — the Lawrences, Edwardes, Nicholson, were
his associates.

It is hardly enough to say that on the enrolment of
the Guides each man's personal history was known to
Lumsden ; men from every wild and warlike tribe were
represented in its ranks, men habituated to war and sport,
the dangers and vicissitudes of border life. Afridis and
Gurkhas, Sikhs and Hazaras, Waziris, Pathans of every
class, and even Kaffirs, speaking all the tongues of the
border, Persian, Pooshtoo, etc., dialects unknown to the
men of the plains ; in many cases the Guides had a camp
language ox patois of their own. Lumsden sought out the
men notorious for desperate deeds, leaders in forays, who

Z

354 APPENDIX C

kept the passes into the hills, and lived amid inaccessible
rocks. He made Guides of them : tempted by regular
pay and enterprise, many joined the corps and became
conspicuous for daring and fidelity. On the border, and
in the ranks of the Guides, tales, abundant in humour,
were told of Lumden's interviews with men who had
defied all authority, and had never been seen in the plains
but for murder and plunder.

A sketch of Dilawar Khan, who died on the path of
duty, a Subadar of the Guides, whose name is familiar
in every village between the Khyber and Kashmir, will
illustrate this.

When Lumsden first visited Eusafzai in search of
recruits — in his own words — " of men accustomed to look-
after themselves, and not easily taken aback by any
sudden emergency," Dilawar Khan was notorious. He
had been brought up by Muhammadan priests, and was
intended for the priesthood ; but kidnapping bankers and
rich traders, carrying them across the Indus into Eusafzai,
was too attractive in adventure and remuneration, and he
forsook the sacred calling.

Dilawar's capital consisted of his sword, a piece of
rope, and a huge bullock's skin, which he could inflate at
pleasure, and so carry himself and his guests across the
sacred river ; once there, a message was sent to settle the
sum the firm or family would give as ransom for his
guest. This was Dilawar's occupation. Lumsden, think-
ing that Dilawar must have rare local knowledge and
pluck to carry on such a trade successfully, sent him an
invitation to his camp, promising him a safe return to the
hills. The very novelty of the invitation took Dilawar's
fancy, and to the astonishment of the chiefs of the
district he appeared in camp. Lumsden received him
with all courtesy, pointed out that in a short time posts
would be so established throughout the country that his
calling would be impossible, and the risk of hanging great,
and ended his moral by proposing to make him a Guide.
Dilawar fairly burst into a fit of laughter at the proposal,
and took his departure across the border. Six weeks

APPENDIX C 355

afterwards he voluntarily turned up at Lumsden's tent,
saying he had come to join the Guides, but pleaded hard
to be excused the degradation of the " goose step " ; but
Lumsden held out stoutly for the absolute necessity of his
being taught the complete art of war, and finally had the
satisfaction of seeing the most dreaded man on the frontier
patiently balancing on one leg at his bidding.

Such is Lumsden's own account, and he adds : " About
half my first recruits were of this stamp, while the other
half were sons or nephews of the chiefs of the district," who
sought the Englishmen as representatives of their family,
and eventually rose to the higher ranks. So popular
became enlistment under Lumsden that thirty or forty
young Afridis, or Pathans, fed and clothed by their
relatives in the ranks, passed through their drill, awaited
vacancies. Great was the excitement at the rifle butts
when a vacancy, as a prize, was shot for by these aspirants.

The headquarters of the corps were fixed at Mardan, in
the midst of Eusafzai ; a rude fort was constructed, and
there in a rich vallev, bounded on the north and east by
the Swat Mountains, with the Indus and the Kabul Rivers
south and west, Lumsden held civil and military sway over
a people the Sikhs had failed to subdue, and who had
withstood an army with guns led by Ranjit Singh in
person.

I have described Lumsden's mode of selecting Afridis
and Pathans, to be associated and brought under discipline
with Sikhs and other Hindus, and must now give an anec-
dote of the feeling of this body to Lumsden himself. Sir
John Lawrence, as ruler of the Punjab, was wont from time
to time to make tours through all parts of the country. On
one of his early visits to Mardan, the Chiefs from the hills
with their followers, and every village baron, gathered at
Mardan to pay the great man obeisance. Revenue assess-
ments and cases were discussed, and appeals received.
Lumsden, from early ties, was probably easy in criminal
and civil matters with a people whom he found cultivating
their fields with sword and matchlock by their side, and
who had never paid revenue except by force of arms, and

356 APPENDIX C

who had no law but tradition and the will of the Kazis.
Sir John, though cordially relying on Lumsden's judgment,
spent two or three days in cultivating a personal knowledge,
as was his habit, with all that came before him, and thus it
seemed to the men of the Guides that their leader was
harassed by discussions and explanations instead of being
with them as usual in the field or at sports.

The night before Sir John was to march with his
retinue from Mardan, Lumsden, after Sir John had gone
to bed, went outside, and sat on the parapet of the fort.
After a while, an Afridi orderly, who always attended
Lumsden in sport or fight, crept up to him and said, in a
low tone : " Since the great Lawrence came you have been
worried and depressed ; many have observed this, and that
he is always looking at papers, asking questions, and over-
hauling your accounts. Has he said anything to pain you ?
is he interfering with you? He starts for Peshawar to-
morrow morning ; there is no reason why he should reach
it." The incident tells its own tale.

To return to our story. All these men were so welded
together by Lumsden that they quailed before no danger,
shrank from no raid, however desperate, and bore themselves
to their leader against any odds with a fidelity unsurpassed
by the Crusaders. In the valley of Peshawar, in 1847,
Lumsden's prestige became a proverb, and with his native
officers, men of mark and name, the Guides became famous.
In the following year Lieutenant Hodson joined the
Guides as Adjutant. This was the famous partisan
soldier who, after being conspicuous in many a stirring
scene, fell at Lucknow in 1858.

During 1848, the year of the rebellion in the Punjab,
the Guides under Lumsden and Hodson were repeatedly
engaged; their ranks repeatedly thinned, and again and
again filled ; their pay was above the ordinary scale for
native officers and men, and to meet the exposure, and the
leading which constant service entailed, the proportion of
native and non-commissioned officers was double that of
the Line. The corps was self-dependent ; they had no
carriage save that which was carried by their own mules

APPENDIX C 357

and ponies ; their pay supplied everything ; extras for
foreign service, or any cause, there were none.

It may be thought that 1 have been too careful in
sketching the life and deeds of the Guides through the
throes of the Sikhs, on their transition from an independent
nation in 1846, to their incorporation with the British
Empire in 1849; but this handful of soldiers became the
nucleus of the Punjab Force, which, modelled on the
Guides, and associated with them in scores of struggles on
the hills and in the passes, along a frontier of some 600
miles, became, in May 1857, not only the foundation of the
present Bengal army, but, with the exception of the sturdy,
heroic Gurkhas, was the only available native force where-
with to stem the tide of sedition which, at a swoop, carried
the Sepoy army of Bengal, from Peshawar to Calcutta, into
rebellion.

I will now touch upon the constitution of the first
regiments of the Punjab Force, five of cavalry and five of
infantry, and the organisation is on the same principle to
this day. A cavalry corps was composed of a com-
mandant and 3 British officers, 18 native officers, and 588
sabres ; an infantry regiment, with the same proportion of
officers and 896 bayonets.

The native officers were the sons or brothers of chiefs
and nobles, on or outside the frontier, or Sikhs who had
held rank and power in the old army ; men of the family
of the ex-Amir of Kabul, the son of the Governor of
Jalalabad, who stood by our cause in Sale's defence, were
of these. The non-commissioned officers were mostly of
the same stamp, serving on to await their promotion to
the commissioned rank.

Each corps maintained its own carriage of mules and
ponies, and was thus ready at all times to take the field at
the shortest notice.

Within a year, each regiment had settled down to
guard their portion of the frontier of 500 miles, from Kohat
to Mithankot.

Three horse field-batteries, each with five 9-pounders
and a 24-pounder howitzer, were attached to the Force.

358 APPENDIX C

The batteries were commanded by Bengal Artillery officers
who had made their mark during the war. The gunners
were Sikhs who had remained faithful. There were also
two companies for garrison duty, veterans of the Sikh
army. With these batteries were some remarkable Sikh
officers, who had served under Avitabile and Van Cortlandt
in Ranjit Singh's army, bearing French orders of rank ;
noble old soldiers they were, with a holy faith in their
guns — to them objects of devotion.

The cavalry and infantry force, of necessity hastily
organised, was composed in several regiments mostly of
men of Hindustan. Life beyond the Indus, away from
their families, with harassing duties, and exposure in a
climate very different from their own, had no abiding
temptation for them : health and spirits gave way ; they
longed to return to the plains of India, and be with their
own people. Their vacancies were filled on the type of
the Guides — the 1st Punjab Cavalry and ist Punjab
Infantry were so from the beginning — and thus it came
about that the security of that troubled border was main-
tained by the descendants of the restless marauders who
had roamed and plundered for generations ; and by their
side fought Sikhs, their hereditary enemies, still conspicu-
ous for the discipline and daring with which Ranjit Singh
had imbued their fathers.

The Punjab Frontier Force in 1852 numbered 11,000
men of all ranks, and 64 guns — including old metal in
position on the walls of the forts at Bunnoo and Kohat.

The Bengal army of 1857 was almost entirely drawn
from Oudh ; light cavalry, in discipline and horsemanship
all that could be desired ; infantry, splendid in physique
and perfect in movements, described by no mean judge
the gallant old Nott, " noble soldiers whose backs no
Afghan had ever seen." Each regiment had some 24
British and from 16 to 20 native officers ; but the native
officers, under the system which prevailed, owed their
position to length of service only. In the infantry the
result was specially conspicuous. Subadars of companies,
aged and often toothless, mounted on scraggy ponies,

APPENDTX C 359

jogged along the line of march. Gallantry in action could
hardly win for the Sepoy the badge of a non-commissioned
rank. It was with this mass, fresh in discipline, armed to
the teeth, steeped in fanaticism, that the Punjab Frontier
Force had suddenly to deal.

Mark the contrast in the constitution of the present
native army, modelled on the Guides and Punjab Force.
Regiments of cavalry and infantry have each a selected
commandant and seven British officers. Native officers,
numerically as before, often men of birth and position,
always men of education ; every soldier feels that he bears
with him his own fate on the field — that promotion is the
sure heritage of skill and valour.

In the majority of regiments, instead of one race, there
is an admixture of races — sometimes by troops and com-
panies, sometimes by men antagonistic in religion and
caste.

In this commingling of tribes the army has a bond of
strength which no temptation has yet shaken.

Sir Hugh Rose bore striking testimony to this as
Commander-in-Chief, after the trials and struggles of
Umbeyla in 1863: "It was due to the native troops
employed, particularly to the regiments organised since
1857, that the Commander-in-Chief should submit to the
Government of India a practical proof of their discipline
and fidelity. Every effort was made by the Akhund of
Swat and the hostile tribes to seduce to their cause their
co-religionists in the native regiments opposed to them ;
but, with the exception of one young Bonair recruit, their
sense of duty and discipline kept them true."

The mixture of races in the ranks has proved a politi-
cal and social safeguard.

Of the fifty fights and expeditions in which the Punjab
Force was engaged on the north-west frontier during the
ten years Sir Neville Chamberlain exercised command, I
will touch on one only — the expedition against the Mahsud
Waziris in i860. This is an illustrative one. The Mahsud
Waziris were pre-eminent for plunder and violence, their
raids increased year by year in daring, till at last in 1859,

360 APPENDIX 0

after years of immunity, their chiefs brought a body of five
or six thousand men into the plains for plunder.

General Chamberlain, who passed down the frontier at
this time, wrote to the Government: "In the course of
my annual tour, I see much of all classes, and nowhere do
I hear the cry for justice till I come within reach of the
Waziris. Then commences a train of injuries received and
unredressed. There is no more pitiable sight than the
tears and entreaties of a family stripped of all their means.
Supposing our backwardness to arise from fear, men and
women counselled courage, saying, 'We will assist you;
they can't stand before guns and percussion arms.'"

This final raid brought their deeds of rapine to a crisis.
It was determined to march a column into their strong-
holds, which no stranger had ever approached — an
entangled mass of mountains of five ranges, with their
crests rising from 5500 feet to 11,500 feet — accessible only
by the defiles of the Suleiman range, channels, by which
the drainage from the mountains finds its way to the
Indus, varying in breadth from 1000 to 80 yards.

The expedition, composed entirely of soldiers organised
and disciplined in the way I have described, without an
English bayonet or sabre in the ranks, consisted of —

Detachments of the Punjab Light Field Batteries : 3
Royal Artillery British officers, 101 fighting men.

The Peshawar and Hazara Mountain Transport : 6
Royal Artillery officers, 125 fighting men.

Detachments of Guide, Punjab, Multan Cavalry : 4
British officers, 331 sabres.

Detachments of Sikh, Guide, Punjab, and Gurkha
Infantry: 41 British officers, 4536 men.
In all about 5200 fighting men — Sikhs, Afridis, Gurkhas,
and Pathans of every clan — with 64 British officers, of
whom 7 were Staff, led by Brigadier-General Sir Neville
Chamberlain, whose presence to every man of the Force
was a guarantee of success.

On the 17th April i860, the column entered the Tank
Zam defile, a huge ravine, rugged with rocks and boulders,
the passage difficult in fine weather — impassable even for

APPENDIX C 361

elephants after a storm of rain, for the watercourses at the
base of the towering mountains, wind for miles before
reaching the plains ; but selected as the route which
afforded the best means of getting up supplies from the
rear.

On the 19th, at midnight, the General marched off with
the whole of the cavalry, to seize a height, followed by
Lumsden with the mountain guns and 2000 infantry.

Now began a series of marches in which miles occupied
hours, the safety of followers, supplies, etc., requiring
heights on both sides to be crowned until the rearguard
came up. In the new ground, day by day, breastworks
had to be constructed for night pickets of stones from
the hill-sides, palisaded to prevent a sudden rush from
overpowering numbers ; all tents were struck at dusk ;
half the men slept accoutred, all in uniform, and the inlying
pickets were of necessity strong.

The Waziris, with unity which is proverbial amongst
men who subsist almost entirely on plunder from the
plains, were gathered, perched on crags and heights, ready
for every chance, occasionally fighting with desperation.
One chief, seeing an English officer with a few men
reconnoitring the ground, shouted to his followers, " Now
is the time to die for our faith, and to show the kind of
men whose country is invaded." There was no lack of
enthusiasm, a desperate rush was made, the gallant fellow
died, but not until others had fallen.

The first serious opposition burst out on the 25th : the
reveille was just sounding, and all was quiet, when a volley
from the pickets and the " fall in " call startled Lumsden's
column of 4 field-guns, 100 sabres, and 1200 infantry,
which had moved by another gorge. Three thousand
Waziris, sword in hand, burst through the pickets, 500
penetrated the camp, where a desperate hand-to-hand
struggle ensued; they were driven back, leaving 132
bodies behind them ; no wounded were found, though the
number must have been great. Lumsden's loss was heavy
also: 21 killed and 109 wounded.

The sick and wounded were now sent back ; sixteen

362 APPENDIX C

days' supplies, 4000 shoes for the men, and shoes for the
horses — for struggling over rocks and boulders had
destroyed these — were taken, and arrangements made for
an advance on Kani Goram, the capital, hitherto con-
sidered inaccessible.

At this time a message came from the Waziris, that
they desired a conference ; the chief men appeared in
camp. The General told them "there was still time to
make terms ; we had no wish to meddle with their affairs,
but we must have security against their plundering and
murdering on the British territory, and that unless this
was assured their capital would be captured." After much
discussion, the maliks (chief men) said : " Why go further ?
Our people are rough mountaineers, difficult to restrain ;
blood was fresh, and bodies of relations still unburied in the
sun ; our country is unfit for an army ! " The General
replied that it was contrary to our custom to show hostility
to the dead, and pointed out to them that many of their
dead had been honourably buried by our troops, and that
the relations might come and bury the remainder. The
Mahsuds, who hold it a sacred duty to bury their dead,
seemed touched for the moment ; but, depending on their
numbers, their crags and mountains, they roughly put
aside overtures for peace, and left, warning us of their
preparations.

On the 4th May the Force moved forward through a
narrow cleft in the rock ; 6000 or 7000 of the enemy were
in position, the mouth of the pass was closed by an abattis
so strong that guns had no effect on it ; above the crags
and ridges were breastworks of stone, terraced one above
the other, thick with Waziris. I will not delay by
attempting further description of ground, etc., which well
might lead the mountaineers to rely on their courage to
maintain it.

The Force was formed into three columns of attack.
The right and main attack had to carry breastworks on a
crest, the last 12 or 15 feet of which were almost inacces-
sible, the ground below was broken and cut up with
ravines ; the attacking party in groups fired from behind

APPENDIX C 363

rocks, to shelter themselves from the fire and stones hurled
from above. Casualties were thick amongst them. The
Waziris, seeing this check, leaped from their breastworks,
and with shouts, sword in hand, burst through the leading
men and reached the mountain-guns and reserve. The
ground on which this occurred was visible to both sides ;
the hills and crags rang with cheers from the clansmen as
they watched the glistening swords. Captain Keyes, now
Sir Charles Keyes, was with the ist Punjab Infantry in
reserve; putting himself at the head of a handful of men,
he cut down the leader of the Waziris, already on the flank
of the guns. Thus the tide of triumph was turned. The
men of the battery under Captain Butt never swerved ;
they stood to their guns and fought ; the brilliant stroke
was over ; the Waziris, leaving the ground thick with dead,
retreated up the hill, so hotly pursued that the breastwork
was carried and the position won.

Our loss was Lieutenant Ayrton, 94th, attached to the
2nd Punjab Infantry, and 30 killed ; 84 wounded.

The centre and left attacks were carried with trifling
loss, and the stronghold of the Waziris fell into our hands.

During the halt at Kani Goram the soldiers who had
won, encamped in order outside the walls, were permitted
to visit the town under officers, morning and evening. A
Syud, watching the orderly marching of the conquerors
about the city, called out to the bystanders, " Well done,
British justice ! " It is said this remark, testifying to the
strength of discipline, touched the English General as
much as his military success.

On the 9th May the force marched back by another
route towards the plains ; and on the 19th, with little
molestation, reached Bunnoo, where the column was
broken up.

Thus the Force, bearing sixteen days' supplies for
8000 men, led by Sir Neville Chamberlain — of whom it is
not fitting to speak in such a paper as this — with a few
English officers, marched in triumph through a country
which no native power had ever dared to enter — 160 miles,
through clefts, over crags and mountains peopled by

364 APPENDIX C

desperate marauders, watching and contesting every peak
and point — yet such was the force of discipline and system
that three camp followers and as many camels were the
only losses en route.

The casualties in action were 450 : —

Killed, 1 English officer.

„ 3 non-commissioned officers.

„ 100 men.

Wounded, 346.

I will not speak of Umbeyla in 1863; the expedition
of a mixed force, English and native, reinforced as the
necessity demanded, commanded also by Sir Neville
Chamberlain, until a severe wound compelled him to hand
over the command to General Garrock, though he remained
in the field, and saw the successful end ; the total casualties
were 908 : —

15 British officers killed, 21 wounded.
34 „ soldiers „ 118 „
4 native officers „ 20 „
185 soldiers „ 504 „

Here again many well-known frontier names appeared
in a distinguished manner. Wilde, Probyn, Brownlow,
Keyes, all added to their reputation.

I will now quit the frontier and turn for a few minutes
to the trials and glories of the Punjab Force at Delhi and
Lucknow ; these have been eloquently described by Kaye
and Malleson, and do not call for other mention than bare
record here.

Edwardes and the men of might at Peshawar and
down the border so stirred the enthusiasm of the chiefs
and tribes for our rule that they submitted themselves to
organisation, and, proudly taking the place of the Frontier
Force, kept the peace themselves, and so admitted of the
despatch of regiment after regiment to Delhi.

The first corps to move, being the nearest to the road

APPENDIX C 365

was the Guides. Within a few hours of the massacre at
Delhi, cavalry and infantry, 6 officers and about 600 men,
were on the march towards the scene. The grand old
masters of India, the Court of Directors, thus wrote, in
August 1858, of the Guides at Delhi: "The corps, by
the extraordinary alacrity with which they proceeded to
Delhi — marching 580 miles in twenty-one days — in the
months of May and June, turning off the road one night
12 miles to attack mutineers ; by their remarkable services
before Delhi, where for nearly four months both officers
and men were constantly in action, sometimes twice a day ;
by their singular fidelity, as shown by the fact that not
one man deserted, whilst 350 were killed and wounded;
and by their heroic gallantry having established for them-
selves the strongest claim to our approbation and favour."

For some weeks after the commencement of operations
at Delhi, the only native troops with the British Force
were the Guides and Charles Reid's Gurkhas, the Sirmur
battalion. During July and August, the 1st, 2nd, and 4th
Punjab Regiments, and 4th Sikh Infantry, squadrons of
the Punjab Cavalry, old border soldiers, with new levies to
meet the casualties of the daily struggles, poured in ; and
on the nth September 1857, some 3000 men of all ranks
of the Punjab Force were in array outside the walls.

On the capture of the city, 28th September, the rolls
were examined, when it was ascertained that the casualties
in the Punjab Force during the operations were little short
of 1000. Of these, 250 were killed, including 9 British and
n native officers; 16 British and 28 native officers
wounded. No Punjab corps had a complement of more
than 5 English officers ; and this number had with some
regiments to be renewed more than once. In the Guides
and 1st Punjab Infantry alone, 6 British officers were
killed, and 1 1 wounded ; some were twice wounded ; not
one escaped without a mark.

Of those who fell, I could tell of Lumsden, brother of
the two distinguished soldiers, Sir Harry and Sir Peter ;
Travers, brother of the General who won the Victoria
Cross by charging, with four or five Sikh troopers, Holkar's

366 APPENDIX C

guns at Indore ; Quentin Battye, the pride of the border,
the beau ideal of a soldier and horseman, fell amidst the
wail of his men, murmuring " Dulce et decorum est pro
patria mori ! " Murray — young Murray — sorely wounded
in the early days of the siege, rejoined the Guides on the
morning of the assault, and found his death springing a
trench some feet in advance of his eager men.

Many other gallant spirits closed their course, but the
names of Quentin Battye, Lumsden, Travers, and Murray
were in many mouths, and to this day have a hallowing
influence in the ranks in which they died.

The heavy losses caused by the lengthened operations
made the pressure great for qualified officers, but the spirit
among them was high, and men pressed to serve where
duty pointed. As an instance of this, Nicholson, who had
marched down with a squadron of Sam Browne's, the 2nd
Punjab Cavalry, brother of Brigadier-General John Nichol-
son— who, as recorded on his tomb, " led the assault of
Delhi, but fell in the hour of victory, mortally wounded" —
volunteered to join and lead the ist Punjab Infantry at the
storm ; because the border men of the regiment knew him,
and Major Coke and their own officers were either disabled
from wounds or dead. Nicholson lost an arm on this
occasion.

Neville Chamberlain, severely wounded in July, had
never ceased to cheer the army by his presence, and was
the moving spirit in the dark days between the storm and
capture, 14th and 20th September.

Coke recovered from his wounds and led a brigade in
the subsequent operations in Rohilkhund with marked
distinction.

The squadrons of Punjab Cavalry, under Probyn,
Watson, and Younghusband ; the Sikhs, 2nd and 4th
Punjab Infantry, under Wilde, subsequently Sir Alfred,
formed part of the column which joined Sir Colin
Campbell at Lucknow. The Punjab squadrons were
everywhere conspicuous for gallant work ; Probyn, Sir
Dighton, and Watson, Major-General and C.B., both won
the Victoria Cross, and the native officers and men were

APPENDIX C 367

worthy of their leaders. Younghusband was killed during
the advance on Futtehghar.

The 4th Punjab Infantry, at the assault of the Sikan-
drabagh, Lucknow, vied with the 93rd Highlanders ; when
the bugle sound gave the signal for the attack, an eye-
witness wrote : " It was a glorious rush ; on went, in
generous rivalry, the Sikh, Pathan, and Highlander ;
Subadar Gokul Sing, of the Sikhs, mentioned by the
Commander-in-Chief, waving his tulwar above his head,
dashed on five yards in front of his men."

In the succeeding operations at Lucknow, and through-
out the campaign, the Punjab Force bore itself with con-
spicuous glory ; many officers, English and native — in
their gallant leading there was no distinction — fell, or were
disabled. Wilde was sorely wounded, but recovered, and
in after years distinguished himself on the frontier as the
leader of the force which held him in honour. Sam Browne,
too — now Lieutenant-General, K.C.B., and K.C.S.I. — per-
formed a gallant feat of arms. He was in command of a
column, 250 sabres of his regiment and 350 infantry
hastily detached to save an important town in Rohilkhand
from falling into the hands of the rebels. He found the
enemy in a strong position on a mound, within a short
distance of the threatened city, with a wide tract of inun-
dated ground in front, which prevented attack, or even
approach. At midnight, with an old woman and boy as
guides, Captain Browne moved his force round the swamp,
and with break of day was in the enemy's rear. He halted
a breathing space to refresh men and horses, for the march
had been heavy. The enemy caught sight of him, and at
once turned three 9-pounders into action. Captain
Browne, seeing a 9-pounder open with grape within 80
yards of his flank, galloped down, sword in hand, on the
gun, attended by his orderly only. A desperate hand-to-
hand fight ensued — the gun was captured, but not without
terrible wounds to the heroic leader, whose life was saved
by a native officer, an old friend, badly wounded himself,
devotedly rushing with two or three troopers to the rescue.

Sir Samuel Browne's empty sleeve and the Victoria

368 APPENDIX C

Cross on his breast, tell of the struggle and honour of that
day. The town was saved, the enemy crushed, and guns
captured. Sir William Mansfield, then chief of the staff,
not wont to be keen of praise, described the affair " as very
brilliant, the attack being made in the most soldierly
manner and secundum arteiu."

The Punjab Force has, since the time of which I have
been speaking, and since Sir Neville Chamberlain, shattered
with wounds, left the command, maintained its reputation
for discipline and daring. Wilde and Keyes have both
commanded the troops amongst whom they had served
as subalterns.

It was while serving as Brigadier-General, commanding
the Frontier Force, that Roberts began his career of a
General, and developed that capacity for command which
won the love and honour of the soldiers he led over the
Peiwar, at Kabul, and to Kandahar.

In the troubles and triumphs in Afghanistan the Punjab
Force bore an honourable share, with Sir Donald Stewart
on his march from Kandahar, with Roberts at Sherpore,
and in scenes too numerous to mention. In all these
operations the Punjab troops were mingled with the army
at large ; but in any case the events are too recent for
more than this general comment.

The Frontier Force, by May 1857, had broadened
into —

Three Horse Field-Batteries, each with a commandant

and subaltern, R.A.
Two Mountain Batteries, each with a commandant and

2 subalterns, R.A.
Five regiments of cavalry.
The corps of Guides.
Four regiments of Sikh Infantry.
Six regiments of Punjab Infantry.

At which, with the exception that the horse field-batteries
have been changed to mountain-guns and one garrison

o

W
H

o

2
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w

APPENDIX C 369

company, and the addition of one Gurkha regiment, the
Hazara, the force still stands.

The armament has changed with the times. In the
early period Brown Bess and the two-grooved rifle did not
proudly compete with the long matchlock and Jezail of
the Afridi. The cavalry, under the order of their
commanders, provided themselves with arms and horses,
clothing and equipments ; the State supplies were confined
to medicine and surgical instruments, and carriage for
these only. In the Bengal Irregular Cavalry of that
period, the trooper had a matchlock swung at his back.
The trooper of the regular regiments bore a heavy
carbine, provided by the State, fastened to his saddle. The
Punjab Cavalry, following the example of Jacob's Sind
Horse, were armed with a light percussion carbine bought
by themselves, and carried on their persons, for which the
State found ammunition ; all wore good swords, and in
several regiments half of the men had lances. This order
of things, which lasted for many years, has also changed,
and the position of the trooper greatly improved ; the State
now pays him better, and supplies him with an arm of
precision free of cost.

The horses of the Punjab Cavalry for a long time were
chiefly imported from Afghanistan and Persia : in these
countries there are tribes of dealers who, for generations,
have been in the habit of bringing strings of horses into
India; hardy, clever animals, bearing distinct marks of
Arab parentage, well suited to the requirements of the
trooper, and costing about £25 on the average.

The Punjab Force, raised under the direct orders of the
Governor-General, has never been, as regards the selection
of officers for its ranks, and promotion within, subject to
the Commander-in-Chief. This, which doubtless seems
anomalous to those not familiar with the working and
constitution of the Government of India, has proved to
possess many advantages, and the force has not suffered in
discipline or prestige. The Viceroy has the power of
selection from the armies of Bengal, Madras, and Bombay.
Wilde and Keyes were both officers of Madras.

2 A

370 APPENDIX C

The negotiations with the border tribes, and our
relations and treaties with chiefs and rulers, rest with the
Viceroy, and are traditionally known to the Punjab
Government, through whom work and mediation of varied
kinds is conducted. The officers and men of the Force,
moving from place to place on a border of 700 or 800 miles,
are thus personally imbued with knowledge valuable and
almost necessary for life and duty. The work which falls
to them could hardly be done in its daily uncertainties by
the interchange of regiments of the army at large, and by
officers trained merely on the lines of military discipline,
moving about under the routine of reliefs.

Discipline and military science being maintained,
experience has proved that the State enjoys special
advantages from having this border Force at its disposal.
On all expeditions, when serving with corps of the Line,
the Punjab regiments are subject to the same rules and
regulations as others, and no distinction exists between
them. There is no jealousy ; for the officers are drawn
from the army at large, and appointments to the Force are
prizes which many seek. With the men, transfers and
exchanges are also frequent

That great administrator, Sir Henry Lawrence,
trusted, however, to other means than force for quieting
and civilising the trans-Indus territory.

As the first regiments settled down along the border,
Sir Henry Lawrence impressed on medical officers the
necessity of establishing dispensaries. All officers were
specially instructed to seize every opportunity of making
these institutions popular. The consequence of this was
many a strange scene of war and confidence : men wounded
on the hill-side fighting against us were brought to our
pickets, and shouts came across the rocks for permission
to bring their wounded to our hospital — even while the
fight was going on. It so happened that a few days after
our first occupation of Kohat, we had many casualties, and
many wounded prisoners fell into our hands. Chloroform,
then a new introduction in science, was used ; and the
fame of its soothing power spread far and wide. For

APPENDIX C 371

months afterwards, men journeyed from long distances,
merely to see the Doctor Sahib who sent people to sleep,
and then did what he liked with them without giving pain.

The medical officers of the force, upon whose tact and
capacity the success of the civilising influence of medicine
and surgery depended, were men selected for their energy
and ability ; and well and broadly did they lay the founda-
tion of trust in the Englishman's skill and kindliness. As
the Chief Commissioner subsequently wrote to Lord
Dalhousie, " the presence of such men tends to strengthen
our rule." In some cases, the English doctor so won the
gratitude of the faithless Afghan that his life would have
been safe and his wants attended to, where a dog, outside
the camp, would have had no chance.

Vaccination all along the border was another source
of power to us. Kafilas from distant countries coming
through the passes with their horses, camels, and
merchandise, their women and children, were vaccinated
by hundreds every year : they too carried the tale of the
Englishman's power far and wide ; and Hakims from
Kabul and Kandahar came down to be instructed in the
Englishman's art of escape from the sore disease, which
carried disfigurement and death to so many of their
countrymen.

Muhammadan fanaticism, often nurtured to madness
by men who, after the commission of crime, have sought
refuge from punishment and recognition by their fellows
in the solitude of caves and rocks, at the sources of rivers,
has many disciples scattered about along the border in
places rarely visited by others than those who seek an
asylum. These fanatics from time to time come out,
sometimes at the bidding of others, sometimes of their
own accord, deliberately to murder ; generally the selection
falls on some prominent man who is not of the Moslem
faith. This to the fanatic is martyrdom. " I have
destroyed the infidel ; do with me what you will." So
spake the man who calmly stabbed to death, at Peshawar
in 1853, the most famous frontier Englishman of his time
Colonel Mackeson, whose epitaph, written by the great

372 APPENDIX C

Governor-General, the Marquis of Dalhousie, is sculptured
on a monument facing the Khyber : " He was the beau
ideal of a soldier : cool to conceive, brave to dare, and
strong to do. The Indian Army was proud of his presence
in its ranks. The reputation of Colonel Mackeson is
known to and honoured by all. His value as a political
servant of the State is known to none better than to the
Governor-General himself, who in a difficult and eventful
time had cause to mark his great ability.

" The loss of Colonel Mackeson's life would have
dimmed a victory. To lose him thus by the hand of a
foul assassin is a misfortune of the heaviest gloom for the
Government, which counted him among its bravest and its
best."

Mackeson's was a noble nature : death would have
been proudly met by him for such an epitaph by such a
hand.

Major Adams, an officer of distinction, conspicuous
at Peshawar and in Hazara as a Political officer (he was
trained in the Guides), was signalled out by a fanatic and
openly cut down.

Mecham, a gallant young soldier of artillery, who had
served in many fields with honour, was another victim of
the assassin on that border.

Healy, Carne, Tapp, good servants of the State, though
little known to the outside world, met death in the same
foul way, doing their duty.

Godby, of the Guides, and the grand John Nicholson,
both were attacked by fanatics. Godby escaped, through
the devotion of his men, with a ghastly wound. Nicholson
freed himself, and thus describes the scene : —

" I was standing at the gate of my garden with Sladen
and Cadell (both General Officers now), and four or five
native official attendants, when a man with a drawn sword
rushed suddenly up and called out for me. I was wearing
a long fur pelisse of native make, which prevented his
recognising me at first ; this gave time for the only native
attendant who had a sword to get between us, to whom he
cried out contemptuously to stand aside, saying he had

APPENDIX C 373

come to kill me, and did not want to hurt a common
soldier. The relief sentry for the front of my house
happening to pass opportunely at this moment, I snatched
his musket, and, presenting it at the would-be assassin,
told him I would fire if he did not put down his sword and
surrender. He replied, ' Either you or I must die ' ; so I
had no alternative, and shot him through the heart, the
ball passing through a religious book which he had tied on
his chest as a charm.

" The poor wretch was religiously mad ; he had dis-
posed of his property in charity the day before he set out
for Bunnoo ; his religious instructor here has disappeared
mysteriously, and got into the hills.

" My police orderly replied to his cry for my blood,
'All our names are Nikhul Seyn here,' and I think would
have got the better of him had I not interfered ; but I
could not allow the man to risk his life when I had such a
sure weapon as a loaded musket and bayonet in my
hand."

I think I did well to speak of the frontier on which
these foul scenes occurred as a "troubled frontier." They
are now scenes of the past ; resolute rule and the un-
daunted courage of Englishmen have stamped out the
assassin, and put bounds even to Muhammadan fana-
ticism.

Sir H. D. Daly. — There is one remark I should like to
make, Mr Chairman. The other day it chanced that I
read one of the last letters which the Duke of Wellington
wrote from India. It was a letter to Major Shaw, who
was the Secretary to the Government, and he said, speak-
ing of returning to Europe and his anxiety to do so : "I
have long felt that services in this country, whatever they
may be, are not recognised or rewarded on the same scale
as services rendered in any other part of the world." I
believe that is the same to this day. I have spoken to you
of men whose names are known on that border of which I
have been speaking, whose names are known throughout
India and throughout the Indian army as household
words ; yet here, barring the great ones, the Lawrences,
the Napiers, and perhaps probably Neville Chamberlain,

374 APPENDIX C

they fall upon the English public coldly and with a chill.
Services, as the Duke wrote when Sir Arthur Wellesley in
1805, services in that country are not recognised and
rewarded on the scale in which they are in any other part
of the world.

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N.W.INDIA

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LIFE OF GENERAL DALY

Viuiuv itnrtwbjietl xn bUir.arr maihmurl in the book.

Hya^

London John Murray .

^

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INDEX

Abyssian Expedition, 275 note

Adams, Major, murdered, 372

Aden, 2, 96

Agnew, Vans, accompanies Sardar
Khan Singh to Multan, 16 ; at-
tacked and wounded, 17 ; mur-
dered, 18, 352 ; burial, 52

Agra, 106, 126, 158 ; the Taj, 126

Ahmedabad, capture of, 8

Aitchison, Sir Charles, 306

Ajaigarh, Fort of, 280

Ajmer, foundation of Mayo College
at, 307

Ajudhya, temples of, 220

Ajun Khan, 92

Akram Khan, 57 note, 83

Alawi-ke-Serai, 139

Albergo, 98

Alexandria, 3, 97

Ali Baba, Twenty-one Days in
India, 329

Allahabad, 109, 158

Allard, 68 ; his career, 68 note

Alumbagh, 202

Amethi, 199, 234

Amir Khan, a Pathan adventurer,
283

Anderson, W., 6 ; joins Sir Charles
Napier's staff in Sind, 6 ; at
Karachi, 8 ; his sketch of the
brothers Lawrence, 12 ; accom-
panies Sardar Khan Singh to
Multan, 16; attacked and
wounded, 17 ; murdered, 18, 352 ;
burial, 52

Anderson, Dr, 192 ; his services in
the action of Nawabgunge, 216
note

87*

Anderson, Lieut. R. B., Brigade-
Major of Hodson's Horse, 193
note

Anson, General, Commander-in-
Chief, 137 ; his death, 142

Army, reorganization, 221 ; retire-
ment scheme, 254

Atrowlea, 231

Attock, 75, 130, 132

Avitabile, Governor of Peshawar, 68

Ayrton, Lieut., 363

Azimgarh, 231

Badli-ki-Serai, action of, 140, 143

Bairam Ghat, 239

Baker, Lieut., adjutant of Hodson's

Horse, 197 ; at the action of

Nawabgunge, 216 note
Bakrialla, 137

Baksh, Salar, his fidelity, 241
Bala Rao, 243, 244
Ballinasloe, 99
Banks, Major, 123
Bannerman, Colonel P. W., 311,

327, 345

Bannu, 15

Bansee, 242

Barbor, Mr, murdered, 240

Bareilly, 236

Barnard, Major-General Sir H., on
the arrival of the Guides at Delhi,
141 ; Commander-in-Chief, 142 ;
his death, 143, 154; attack of
cholera, 154; character, 154

Barr, Colonel Sir David, Resident
at Hyderabad, 327 ; tribute to
the memory of Sir H. Daly, 333,
344-348

376

INDEX

Bas, Mr Le, 140

Basle, 98

Bates, Mr Charles, 333

Battye, Quentin, 131, 137 ; mortally

wounded, 142, 366
Bax, Mr, 117, 240
Bayley, Lieut., 152
Bayley, Mr C. S., his tribute to the

memory of Sir H. Daly, 333, 342-

344

Bayonne, action near, 2

Beatrice, Princess, 335

Beatson, Colonel W. F., 101 ; raises
the 39th Central India Horse,
253 7to te

Beaumont, Surgeon-Major T., 326

Bebiapur House, ill, 191

Becher, Quarter-Master-General,
wounded at Delhi, 148

Behar, 221

Beiswallah, 199

Bellagio, 98

Benares, 109

Beni Madhu, fort of, 236

Bennett, Colour - Sergeant J.,
planted the British Standard on
the breach of Multan, 51 note

Bentinck, Lord William, 308

Berkeley, General J. C, 327, 345

Bhawalpur, Nawab of, 18

Bhil tribes, 280

Bhilsa, 282

Bhinga, 245

Bhingoh, 199

Bhitoor, 174

Bhopal, construction of roads in,
297 ; sub-agency at, 303

Bhopal, Secunder Begam of, her
loyalty, 294 ; honours conferred,
314, 320 ; construction of rail-
ways, 322

Bhugwan Singh, 118 note

Bigah, meaning of the term, 305

Bijnour, 208

Bismarck, H., 335

Biswah River, 238

Biswarrah, 236

Bitore, 166

Blair, 256

Blood, Major, 59

Blunt, Charlie, 154, 191

Boileau, Mr Charles, murdered,
it 7, 118 ; character, 119

Bombay, 4, 96, 102

Bootwal, 246

Boran, 132

Borthwick, Major, his charge of

Ratlam, 340
Bradford, Colonel Sir Edward, 256,

345 ; Political Agent at Goona,

327
Brown, Captain, 20
Browne, General Sir Samuel J.,

3°9j 35° ; his feat of arms at

Lucknow, 367
Buland Khel, 88
Bulrampur, 249

Bulrampur, Raja of, his loyalty, 242
Bundelkhand, 280 ; character of

the country, 281 ; famine, 286,

287 ; result of Dr Stratton's

work as Political Agent, 318 ;

condition, 321
Bunkassia, 238
Bunnoa, 363
Burnes, Sir A., 4 note
Burnes, his escape from Sitapur,

209
Butt, Captain, 363
Byram Ghat, 117 note, 249

CABOOL, outbreak at, 4 note

Cadell, Colonel A., 327

Cadell, Colonel T., 345

Cadell, General A., 345

Cairo, 3

Calcutta, 108 ; Chapter of the Star
of India, held at, 314

Caldecott, Lieut.-Col. R., 326

Caldecott, Dr, 345

Campbell, Sir Colin, his inspection
of the 1st Punjab Cavalry, 72 ;
operations against the Moh-
mands, 89 ; headquarters at
Bebiapur House, 1 1 1 note; on re-
inforcements, 156; Commander-
in-Chief, 173; wounded, 177;
his testimony on Sir H. Daly,
204; peerage conferred, 217 ; his
death, 257 ; character, 258-260

Canning, Lord, 153 ; his delay in
sending troops to Lucknow, 182 ;
on the abolition of the appoint-
ment of commandant of Hodson's
Horse, 252

Capon, Colonel, 39

Carleton, Major, 214

Carlyle's Reminiscences, 100 note

INDEX

377

Carne assassinated, 572

Carthew, Mr, 210

Case, Colonel and Mrs, 121

Cashmere, Valley of, 6 note

Cawnpore, no, 126, 191 ; outrages
at, 144

Chacha, 23

Chambal River, 280

Chamberlain, Crawford, 145 ; in
command of the troops at
Gwalior, 265

Chamberlain, Field - Marshal Sir
Neville, 104 ; his character, 132,
•363 !59 ; m command of the
Movable Column, 135 ; at Delhi,
151 ; his decision to defer the
assault on Delhi, 157 ; wounded,
158, 364, 366 ; appearance, 159 ;
his view of India under the rule
of Sir J. Lawrence, 205 note;
qualifications as a soldier, 207 ;
on the character of Sir H. Daly,
337 ; in command of the expedi-
tion against the Waziris, 359 ;
against Umbeyla, 364

Charkhari, State of, 286, 294

Chattar Singh, 69 ; governor of
Hazara, 19 ; enters Peshawar, 36

Chenab, 18, 24, 130, 138

Chesney, 155 note

Cheyne, Colonel, at the siege of
Multan, 49

Chhattarpur, 286

Chillian wallah, battle of, 53

China, troops from, 161

Chinhat, 121 note, 213

Chloroform, influence of, 370

Cholera, outbreaks of, 12, 140

Christian, Mr and Mrs, 122

Chunderpur, 244

Clanbaniffe, 1

Clapcott, 43

Clarendon, Lord, 101

Clark, Mr Longueville, killed at
Byram Ghat, 1 17

Clarke, Lieut., 118 note

Gierke, Sir George, 273

Clifford, Dr, 192

Clyde, Lord, his death, 257

Coape, Miss, 335

Coke, General Sir John, raises the
1st Punjab Infantry, 7^, 35 1 ; at
Kohat, 74 ; at the siege of Delhi,
151, 154; wounded, 169; his

quarters in the Jama Masjid,

180
Colaba, 103
Cologne, 99
Colvin, Mr, Lieutenant-Governor of

the North-West, 241
Como, 98
Connaught, 1

Cortlandt, General, 18 ; his appear-
ance, 35 ; popularity with his

men, 35 ; at Hansi, 172
Cotton, Brigadier, 133
Cotton, Major-General Sir Sydney,

162 note; his reception of the

Guides at Peshawar, 183
Courtenay, 104
Cox, Dr, 116
Cranborne, Lord, 273
Crimean War, 101
Cumming, Colonel, his departure

from Karachi, 1 1 ; character, 1 1
Cunningham, General Sir A., Head

of the Archaeological Department

of India, 302 note
Currie, Sir Frederick, Resident at

Lahore, 14
Curzon, Lord, Persia, 116 note

Dafadar or sergeant, 68

Dak ghari, travelling by, 108

Dalhousie, Lord, Governor-General,
81 ; his wish to serve Sir H.
Daly, 103 ; proclamation, 352

Daliabad, 198

Daly, Francis Dermot, 1 ; serves in
the Peninsular War, 1 ; wounded,
2 ; at the siege and battle of
Plattsburg, 2 ; siege and capture
of Ghazni, 2

Daly, Francis Hugh, 2

Daly, George, 345

Daly, Sir Henry Dermot, 1 ; his
birth, 1 ; at Newport, 2 ; joins
the 1st Bombay European Fusi-
liers at Aden, 2 ; sketch of his
early life, 2 ; journey to Bombay,
3, 4 ; at Poona, 4 ; on the out-
break at Cabool, 4 note; appointed
Adjutant of an Irregular Infantry
Regiment at Kaira, 5 ; his friends,
6; attacks of fever, 7, 91, 95,
248 ; resigns appointment, 7 ;
return to England, 7, 97/99, 333 !
joins his regiment, 7 ; his journal,

2 A 2

378

INDEX

9 ; knowledge of literature, 10 ;
languages, 10 ; his respect for
Sir Charles Napier, 10 ; on the
departure of Colonel Cumming,
II ; joins the expedition to
Multan, 10 ; voyage up the
Indus, 20-24 ; appointed Assist-
ant Field Engineer, 25 ; in the
trenches, 25 ; operations against
Mulraj, 26-32 ; at the siege of
Multan, 26-32, 37-52 ; retreat,
34 ; rejoins his regiment, 37 ;
appointed Adjutant, 37 ; on the
appointment of Sir C. Napier
to be Commander-in-Chief, 57 ;
on the offer of two appointments,
58-61 ; nominated to the com-
mand of the 1st Cavalry Regi-
ment, 61, 351 ; account of the
corps, 63-66 ; on the character
of his native officers, 66-72 ; at
Kohat, 74, 79, 86 ; Peshawar,
75 ; Khushalgarh, 82 ; visit to
Murree, 83-87 ; ride to Rawal
Pindi, 83-85 ; impressions of the
Pir Panjal range, 86 ; on the
expedition to Miranzai, 88 ; in-
valided home, 94, 250, 277 ; at
Bombay, 96 ; Aden, 96 ; mar-
riage, 97 ; at Shanhlin, 100 ;
return to India, 102 ; volunteers
for the Crimea, 103-105 ; sum-
moned to Agra, 106 ; birth of
his second son, 106 ; in com-
mand of the 1st Oudh Irregular
Cavalry, 108 ; selecting the men,
112; at Sekrora, 114; on the
murder of Boileau, 118 ; pursuit
of Fazl Ali, 119; accepts the
command of the Guides, 120;
visit to Sir H. Lawrence, 121 ;
leaves Lucknow, 125 ; at Agra,
126; Delhi, 127; journey from
Umballa to Lahore, 129; joins
the Guides, 131 ; preparations
for checking the Mutiny, 133-136;
march to Delhi, 137-141 ; at the
siege, 141-179 ; wounded, 142,
147, 148 ; at the action of
Nawabgunge, 147 ; recom-
mended for the V.C., 149 ; Brevet
Lieut.-Colonel, 150 note; on the
death of Sir H. Lawrence, 168 ;
on the fall of Delhi, 181 ; granted

leave to Simla, 181, 186 ; on
Lord Canning's policy, 182 ;
admiration for Sir H. Lawrence's
character, 183 ; departure of his
wife and children, 186; on the
neglect of the Government, 188,
205 ; declines appointment of
Deputy Commissioner of Kohat,
189; undergoes an operation,
189 ; journey to Lucknow, 190,
191; Brevet-Major and C.B., 191;
assuming command of Hodson's
Horse, 192 ; memorandum on
the corps, 192-200 ; his treat-
ment of the natives, 199, 337 ;
on the condition of Lucknow
after the capture, 200 ; at
Moosabagh, 202 ; on Captain
Hearsay's account of the mutinies
in Oudh, 209-211 ; at the action
of Nawabgunge, 213-216 ; march
to Fyzabad, 218-220 ; his views
on the reconstitution of the army,
222 ; on the future of the officers
of the East India Company,
223-228, 231 ; passage of the
Goomtee, 228 ; at the engage-
ment on the Khandoo River,
232 ; at Amethie, 234 ; passage
of the Gogra, 237 ; at Bunkassia,
238 ; his report on charges for
carbines, 241 ; capture of the
guns in the Terai, 244 ; at the
fight near Talsipur, 246 ; in
command of the Central India
Horse, 253 ; at Goona, 254 ; in
political charge of the Western
Malwa Agency, 256 ; promoted
Colonel, 260 ; recommended for
the good service pension, 260 ;
appointed Political Agent at
Gwalior, 264 ; relations with
Scindia, 267, 277, 293; his report
on the administration of Gwalior,
268-272, 339-341 ; views on the
government of Native States,
272-274 ; on the publication of
his report, 275 ; Agent to the
Governor-General, 277 ; on the
condition of Malwa, 283, 295 ;
reports on the famine, 285-287 ;
on the position of Chiefs, 290 ;
his system of administration,
291-295 ; on the construction of

INDEX

379

railways, 296-298, 321 ; relations
with the Maharaja of Rewa,
299-302 ; on the opium trade of
Malwa, 303-306, 324 ; establishes
sub-agencies, 303 ; his interest
in education, 307, 323 ; on the
visit of the Prince of Wales, to
Gwalior and Indore, 309-314;
on the Imperial Assemblage,
314-316; result of Dr Stratton's
work in Bundelkhand, 317-319;
his review on the changes in ten
years, 319-325 ; officers serving
under him, 326-328 ; relations
with them, 328 ; method of
settling matters, 328 ; dislike of
pomp and show, 329 ; promo-
tions, 330 ; K.C.B., 330 ; death
of his wife, 330 ; life at Indore,
331; popularity, 331, 337; de-
parture from India, 331 ; CLE.,

331 ; tributes to his memory,

332 ; bust unveiled, 333, 342 ;
Master of the Isle of Wight
Foxhounds, 333 ; his lecture on
"The Punjab Frontier Force,"
334, 35°-374; political views,
334 ; contests Dundee, 334 ;
General, 335 ; created a G.C.B.,
335 ; at Osborne, 335 ; second
marriage, 335 ; accident and
death, 336 ; character, 336 ;
funeral, 337

Daly, Mrs, birth of her second son,
108 ; journey to Lucknow, 108-
1 1 1 ; on the gaieties at Sekrora,
117 ; the murder of Boileau, 118
note; on their visit to Sir H.
Lawrence, 121 ; her impressions
of the Taj at Agra, 126; at
Kasauli, 127 ; journey to Multan,
186 ; death, 330

"Daly College, The," erection at
Indore, 332, 346

Daly's Grove, 1, 99

Darria Khan, 198

Delama, 236

Delhi, 127 ; outbreak of the mutiny,
131 ; siege, 141-179, 365 5 fall,
144, 179; proposed scheme of
attack on, 155 ; number of killed
and wounded, 170; arrival of
the siege train, 171, 174 ; plan of
assault, 174-176 ; Imperial As-

semblage at, 314, 320; Corona-
tion Darbar, 316

Delhi, The Siege of, by One Who
Served There, extract from, 141

Dera Ghazi Khan, 15 ; battle of, 18

Dera Ismael Khan, 15, 95

Devil's Bridge, 98

Dewas, 256

Dhar, 283, 306 ; sub-agency at, 303

Dhar, Raja of, honour conferred,
316 ; his construction of road, 323

Dickson, Miss, 121

Dilawar Khan, joins the Guides,

354
Dilkusha Park, no; Palace, no

Disbrowe, 42

Doalpur, 232

Doon, 130

Dost Muhammad Khan, Amir,
57 ?io te ; at Peshawar, 115 ; con-
ference with John Lawrence, 115

Dufferin, Lord, at the opening of
the Indore Daly College, 332

Dumichand, 193

Dundas, Colonel the Hon. H., 37 ;
in command of the force against
Multan, 38 ; his character as a
soldier, 72

Dundee elections, 334

Dunlop, Mr Stirling, 335

Durriabad, 219

Edwardes, Colonel Sir Herbert,
his operations against Mulraj,
18 ; A Year on the Punjab
Frontier, 18 note, 52 note; his
camp, 24 ; appearance, 35, 122;
at Lucknow, 122 ; character, 125,
137, 189; at Lahore, 130; influ-
ence with the Lawrences, 130 ;
on the outbreak of Mutiny, 131 ;
his wit and humour, 135, 137;
tact, 137 ; on the delay in attack-
ing Delhi, 162 ; on reinforce-
ments, 164

Ellenborough, Lord, 6 note

Elmslie, G. R., Lumsden of the
Guides, 334 note

Elphinstone, Mountstuart,his report
on the Native States, 283

Esaghar, 282, 295

Fagan shot at the siege of Delhi,
176

380

INDEX

Fairy, the, 101

Fanaticism, victims of, 371

Fateh AH Shah, 195, 197

Fattehganj, 84

Fattehghur, 209

Fattehpur, victory at, 161

Fayrer, Mr, murdered, 240

Fazl Ali, 117; murders Boileau,
118 ; killed, 124

Ferozepore, 158

Ferozpur, British army assembled
.at, 53

Filose, Major Sir Michael, 309

Forbes, Captain H., 61 ; his depar-
ture, 82 ; in command of the
1st Oudh Irregular Cavalry, 120
note j at Sekrora, 240

Fraser, Colonel E. A., 345

Fraser, Lieut, the Hon. J., wounded
at the action of Nawabgunge,
215 note

Fridge, Captain Hugh, 9

Futteh Khan, 92

Futtehghar, advance on, 367

Fyzabad, 198, 218, 220, 236

GALE, Major, 123 ; killed at

Bareilly, 236
Ganges, no
Ganpat Ras Kharke, minister of

Gwalior, honours conferred, 314
Garrock, General, 364
Gee, joins Hodson's Horse, 199 ;

attack of fever and death, 199
Gerard, General Sir Montagu, in

command of the Central India

Horse, 327
Germany, Emperor of, 335
Ghazni, siege and capture, 2
Ghulam Mohi-ud-din, 113, 119

note j killed, 175
Gibralter, first impressions of, 3
Gilbert, General, 54
Godby, attacked by a fanatic, 372
Gogaira, 186
Gogra, 114, 199, 220,231 ; passage

of the, 237
Goldney, Colonel, 123
Gonda, 1 17, 249
Gonda, Raja of, 238
Goolerie, 1 1 9
Goomtee, ill, 123, 199; passage

of the, 228
Goona, 254 ; climate, 255

Gordon, Major, 20 ; his death, 43

Goruckpore, 210, 221

St Gothard, 98

Gough, Captain Hugh, 193, 194

Gough, Lord, Commander-in-Chief,
53 ; his victory of Ramnugger,
53 ; losses at the battle of
Chillian wallah, 53

Graham, Sergeant James, g, 51

Grant, 6

Grant, Sir Hope, at the siege of
Delhi, 147; recommends Daly for
the V.C.j 149, 150 ; his character,
212 ; at the action of Nawab-
gunge, 213

Grant, Sir Patrick, 164

Greathed, Welby, his scheme for an
attack on Delhi, 155 ; wounded,
178

Greene, 101

Greene, Mrs, murdered, 117, 210

Greenhow, Surgeon, 108

Griffin, Sir Lepel, Ranjit Singh t
extract from, 70 note; Political
Agent of Gwalior, 331

Gubbins, Mrs, 124

Guides, the, their march to Delhi,
137-141 ; in action, 142 ; depar-
ture, 183 ; reception at Peshawar,
183 ; number of killed and
wounded, 184 ; promotions, 184 ;
organisation, 353 ; headquarters,

355
Gujerat, 54

Gujerat, battle of, 352

Gulab Singh, "the Talleyrand of
the East," 160; his career, 160 note

Gurdial, 193

"Guzerati sickness," form of, 257

Gwalior, 256 ; explosion at, 205 ;
Political Agency of, 264 ; report
on the administration, 268-272,
275 ; climate, 281 ; droughts,
281 ; number of deaths from
famine, 287

Hagart, Brigadier, 215 note
Hamilton, Major, 215 note
Hansi, 172
Hardinge, Lord, 101
Havelock-Allan, Sir Henry, 245
Havelock, General, at Cawnpore,
166 ; defeats the rebels at Luck-
now, 170

INDEX

381

Hawes, 131, 137 ; wounded, 142

Hayes, Captain, 123; murdered,
240

Hazara, 19, 352

Hazrut Mir Khan, Kamdar of
Jaora, 288 ; C.S.I, conferred, 316

Healy assassinated, 372

Hearsay, Captain, his account of
the mutinies in Oudh, 209-211

Heer, 242

Hieme, Ensign, 9

Hills, Lieutenant, at the siege of
Delhi, 147 ; on Daly's charge,
150; wins the V.C., 156 note;
at the action of Nawabgunge,
197, 215 note

Hindustanis, their character as
soldiers, 66

Hitchcock, 40

Hodson, in command of the Guides,
67, 150; wounded at Lucknow,
191 ; death, 191 ; character, 192

" Hodson's Horse," notes and
memoranda on, 192-200 ; nick-
name of the "Plungers," 194;
at the attack on Nawabgunge,
196 ; appointment of Com-
mandant abolished, 252

Hodgson, Brigadier, in command
of the Punjab Irregular Force,
80 ; his character, 80 ; report
on the defence of the frontier,
80; review of the 1st Punjab
Cavalry, 80

Holkar, Maharaja, 283 ; his
revenues, 284 ; conquest of, 284 ;
contribution to railway construc-
tion, 297, 321 ; reception of the
Prince of Wales, 312 ; honours
conferred, 315 ; his meeting with
Maharaja Scindia, 330 note;
death, 331 note

Holmes-Scott, 130

Hope-Johnstone, Adjutant Lieut.,
108

Horner, Major, 49

Horsford, Brigadier, 198 ; in com-
mand at Fyzabad, 219 ; at the
fight near Talsipur, 246

Howard, 96

Howrah, 108

Hughes, General Sir W., 89, 94 ;
in command of Hodson's Horse,
250

Hughes, Miss, 101

Hurree or Hari Singh Nalwa,
"the Murat of the Khalsa," 70;
death at Jamrud, 70 note

Hussain Ali, Jamadar, 216 note

Hutchinson, Colonel A. R., Politi-
cal Agent at Gwalior, 327

Hutchinson, Captain G., Narrative
of the Mutinies in Oudh, 209 note

Hyderabad, 20, 95

IDGAH, meaning of the word, 17

Ijara, meaning of the word, 16 note

Imamuddin, Sheikh, 194

Impey, Colonel E., Political Agent
at Gwalior, 327

India, incorporation of the Punjab,
57 ; of Oudh, 107 ; the Central
India Horse, 253 ; views on the
government of the Native States,
272-274 ; division of, 278 ;
number of agencies, 278 ; census,
279 ; famine, 279, 284 ; character-
istics, 281 ; railway construction,
281, 296-298, 346; roads, 282;
education, 282, 307, 323, 346 ;
administration of justice, 282 ;
reports on the famine, 285-287 ;
position of the Chiefs, 290 ; visit
of the Prince of Wales, 308 ;
Imperial Assemblage, 314-316;
Native Chiefs, relations with Sir
H. Daly, 337 ; "correspondence
regarding the comparative merits
of British and Native Adminis-
tration in," 339-341 ; influence of
medical officers, 370 ; vaccina-
tion, 371 ; fanaticism, 371

Indore, 256 ; construction of rail-
ways in, 296 ; opium trade, 325 ;
erection of "The Daly College,"

332, 346
Indus, 15, 82 ; voyage up the, 20-24
Indus, valley of the, 352
Inglis, Major-General Sir John,

123 ; in command at Cawnpore,

191
Ingraon, 138
Ishmael Khan, 198

Jackson, his skirmish at Mutta,

89 . .

Jackson, Mr, Chief Commissioner,

117

382

INDEX

Jackson, Miss, in the mutinies in

Oudhj 210
Jagdespur, 199, 235, 236
Jai Singh, Resaldar, 194 ; his

career, 68 ; escorts Mrs Lawrence,

69 ; his character, 70
Jalalabad, 76
James, 162, 164
Jan Fishan Khan, 195
Jani-ki-Sang, 132
Jaora, State of, 256 ; under British

protection, 340
Jehan, Shah, tomb of, 126
Jehan, Shah, Begam, her loyalty,

295 ; construction of roads, 297
"Jehazpur Legion," proposals for

the formation, 102
Jemadar or Lieutenant, 66 note
Jewan Singh, Sikh, 166, 167
Jhalawar, 256
J hang, 15

Jhelum, 15, 54, 130, 138, 190
Johnson, Captain W. T., 108
Johnstone, General, 145
Jones, John, his relief of Shahje-

hanpur, 208
Jovvahir Singh, 10 note, 166, 167,

175
Jullundhur Mutiny, 145

Jumna, 109

Jumrood, 70

Jutogh, 186

Kabul, climate, 77

Kaira, 5

Kalingar, Fort of, 280

Kamokee, 138

Kandahar, mission to, 116

Kani Goram, advance on, 362

Karachi, 8, 95, 108

Karim Khan, 68

Karnal, 140, 190

Kasauli, 127 ; Lawrence Asylum at,
127

Kashmir range, 76 ; climate, 77

Kaye, his Histoiy of the Sepoy War,
123 note, 139 note, 144 note, 145
note, 155 note, 156 note, 158 note,
[62 ?iote, 177 note, 208 note, 209
note; Life of Sir John Malcolm,
117 note

Keane, Lord, 2

Keegan, Lieut.-Colonel D., 326

Kelly, Colonel, at Atrowlea, 230

Kemble, Fanny, A Year of Con-
solation, 78

Kennedy, Major, 87 note, 131 ;
wounded, 142

Keyes, Sir Charles, 363

Khandoo Nadi, 199 ; River, engage-
ment on the, 232

Khandwa, 281

Kharak Island, 116

Khilji, Muhammad, King of Mandu,
326 note

Khojah, Muhammad, 69

" Khooni Burj," Bastion, 43 ; attack
on, 44

Khushalgarh, 82

Khyber Pass, 75, 76

Khyreeghur, Raja of, 210

Kineyree, battle of, 18

King, 42

Kirkee, 1, 4

Kirkpatrick, Achilles, 100 note

Kirkpatrick, James, 100 note

Kirkpatrick, Kitty, 100 note

Kirkpatrick,Susan, her marriage,99

Kirkpatrick, Colonel Wm., 99 note

Kishengunge evacuated, 178

Koel ka Jungal, 250

Kohat, 36, 73, 79, 86

Koria, 138

Kurram River, 88

Kussiole, 199

Lahore, 127, 129, 138, 190

Lake, Lieutenant, 19, 35 ; his
character, 36

Larsauli, 141

Lauderdale, Earl of, 327, 345. See
Maitland

Lawrence, Sir George, Political
Agent on the North-West Fron-
tier, 12 note; Forty -Three Years
in India, 14, 69 note, 328 note;
retires to Kohat, 36; made
prisoner, 37, 69 ; released, 54 ;
his inspection of the 1st Punjab
Cavalry, 72

Lawrence, Sir Henry, Resident at
Lahore, 12, 352 ; his appearance
and character, 12 ; Adventures
of an Officer in the service of
Ranjeet Singh, 1 3 note, 283
note; on sick leave, 14 ; joins
the army at Multan, 53 ; on the
casualties of the Sikh battles, 57

INDEX

383

note; his letter to Lieut. Daly,
61 ; appointed President of a
Board for the government of
Punjab, 63 ; organises a short
frontier tour, 91 ; departure from
India, 100; at Lucknow, 116,
121 ; his invitation to the Dalys,
120; method of entertaining,
121 ; portrait, 124; affection for
his wife, 124; character, 125;
his appreciation of Daly, 125
note j founds Asylum at Kasauli,
128 ; subscriptions to charities,
128 ; death, 167, 168 ; methods
of civilising the natives, 370

Lawrence, Sir John, Commissioner
of the Jalandar Division, 12 note;
his character, 13, 129 ; officiates
as Resident at Lahore, 14 ; re-
ceives a visit from Mulraj, 15 ;
conference with Dost Muham-
mad, 115; at Lahore, 1 29 ; his
Council on the outbreak of
Mutiny, 133; messages to the
Commander-in-Chief, 134 ; on
the fighting at Delhi, 144 ; on
reinforcements, 152, 163, 165 ;
on the plan of assault on Delhi,
179; disaffection of tribes,
180 ; as Governor-General, 205

Lawrence, Mrs, escorted to the
Sikh camp, 69

Leith, at the siege of Multan, 41,
45 ; wounded, 46

Lerwah, 248

Lloyd, Captain, 34

Longdon, Captain, 25

Loodianah, 158

Lucerne, 98

Lucknow, no, 190; relief of, 181 ;
condition after the capture, 200 ;
siege, 367

Ludhiana, 139, 190

Lugano, 98

Lumsden, Major-General Sir H. B.,
his mission to Kandahar, 116,
120; probable return, 124; his
method of raising the Guides,
353-355 ; headquarters, 355 ;
relations with his men, 355

Lumsden, killed, 366

Lumsden, Sir P. S., Lumsden of the
Guides, 334 note

Lytton, Lord, 319

MACAULAY, Lord, his description

of Fyzabad, 220
Macdowell, second in command of

Hodson's Horse, 194
Mackay, Mr Aberigh, Principal of

the Residency College, Indore,

308 ; his supervision of education,

323
Mackeson, Colonel, 92 ; his epitaph,

37i

Macnaghten, Sir W., 4 note

Mahmud of Ghazni, takes the city
of Multan, 15

Mahtab Singh, 69, 70

Maitland, Captain F. H., 327. See
Lauderdale

Malcolm, Sir John, Memoir of
Central India including Malwa,
279 note, 281 note, 283 note ; his
estimate of the population of
Central India, 279 note; on the
opium trade of Malwa, 304, 305 ;
occupies the Nalcha Palace, 326
note

Malines, 99

Mallegaum, 4 note

Malleson, Major, 263 note

Malta, 3

Malwa, 256 ; famine, 257, 281, 304 ;
opium trade, 279, 302-306, 321,
324 ; climate, 280 ; review of the
condition, 283, 295 ; construction
of railways, 297

Man Singh, Resaldar, at the action
of Nawabgunge, 197, 216 note

Mandisor, 340 ; sub-agency at, 303

Mandra, 137

Mandu, ruins of, 325 note

Mansfield, Lieut.-Gen. Sir William,
his rapid promotion, 87 ; char-
acteristics, 88 ; on the expected
attack of the Mohmands, 89 ; on
the management of native tribes,
92-94 ; at Shanklin, 102 ; ap-
pointed to the mission at Con-
stantinople, 105 ; advice to Daly,
105; Major-General, 115; Con-
sul-General at Warsaw, 115;
appointed Chief of the Staff to
Sir C. Campbell, 173, 189; his
letter from Fatteh Singh, 207-
209; K.C.B., 218; his views on
the reconstitution of the army,
221 ; on the departure of Sir H.

384

INDEX

Daly, 250 ; on the death of Lord
Clyde, 257 ; on his character,
258-260 ; Commander-in-Chief in
Bombay, 263 note

Mardan, 130, 190

Martin, Colonel Cunliffe, 345 ; in
command of the Central India
Horse, 327

Martine, General Claude, 1 1 1

Maulavi Mayat Ali Khan, punitive
expedition against, 162 note

Maunsell, 155 note

May, 42

Mayne, Captain H. 0.3 raises the
38thCentral India Horse, 253 note

Mayo, Lord, his assassination, 298

Mayo College, Ajmer, foundation
of the, 307

M'Barnett, Captain, 179

Mcintosh, Captain Hugh, 1

Mcintosh, Mary, 1

Mcintosh, Mrs, 2

Meade, Lieut.-Colonel M. J., 345

Meade, Colonel Sir R., Agent to
the Governor-General in Central
India, 262 ; transferred to
Hyderabad, 277 ; his first ad-
ministration report of the Central
India Agency, 279, 280

Mecham, Lieutenant, at the attack
on Nawabgunge, 197 ; wounded,
197, 215 note ; assassinated, 372

Meerut, mutiny at, 131, 133

Mehemet Ali, 3

Mehidpur, battle of, 283 note, 284

Melvill, Sir James C., 101

"Mendee Hussan," 233

Metcalfe, Sir Theophilus, 140; his
escape from Delhi, 174

Mewar, Princes of, 292 note

M'Gregor, at the fight near Tulsi-
pur, 247

Mhow, 278, 306

Mignon, Colonel, 51

Mignon, Major, 5 1

Mihna, 138

Milan, 97

Miller, 130

Miranzai, expedition to, 88

Mitchni, 89

Mithankot, 22, 352

M'Mahon, Lieut.-Gen. Sir Thomas,
Commander-in-Chief in' Bombav,
5

Mohi-ad-din, killed at Lucknow,
241

Mohmands, operations against, 89

Mohumdee, 207

Montgomery district, 15

Montgomery, Mr, Judicial Com-
missioner at Lahore, 194

Moosabagh, 202

Morar, 278

Moulvi at Mohumdee, 208

Muchee Bhawan, 175

Muhammad Azim Sardar, 88

Muhammad Khan, Sultan, sur-
renders British officers to Sikhs,

36
Muhammad Raza, 195
Mules at the siege of Multan, 40,

42,47
Mulraj, Dewan of Multan, 15, 16 ;

his wish to resign, 15 ; revolt, 18,

estimated force, 20 ; operations

against, 24-32, 37-52 ; surrenders,

52
Multan, outbreak at, 13 ; position,

15 ; history, 15; Sawan Mull, 15 ;

Mulraj, 16 ; Sardar Khan Singh,

t6; operations against, 24-32,

37-52 ; siege raised, 33, 36 ;

explosion, 49 ; surrender, 52 ;

capture, 352
Multanis, their unwillingness to

serve in the British army, 65
" Mundee Awa" Mound, 43, 45
Murray wounded at the siege of

Delhi, 178 ; death, 179, 366
Murree, 83
Mutta, 89
Muzaffargarh, 15
Mynpoorie, 126

Najapgarh, success at, 144

Nalcha, palace at, 325 note

Nandparah, 118, 119

Napier, Lord, of Magdala, 81, 172
note ; Directing Engineer at
Multan, 25 ; wounded, 32

Napier, Sir Charles, 6 ; his speech
to the soldiers, 8 ; letter to
Sergeant-Major Bennett, 51 note;
appointed Commander-in-Chief,
57 ; report of the 1st Punjab
Cavalry, 73, 351 ; leaves India,
77 ; his letter to Colonel Mans-
field on the 53rd regiment, 87

INDEX

385

note; character, 201 ; on Daly's
appointment to the Central India
Horse, 255

Napier, Sir Robert, Commander-in-
Chief, recommends Daly for the
good service pension, 260-262

Narinji, 162, 164

Native States, views on the govern-
ment of, 272-274. See India

Naval Brigade, their method of
marching, 243

Navvabgunge, attack on, 147, 196,
213

Neemuch, 278

Nehal Singh, 69, 70

Neill, General, his death, 1S1

Nelson, 40

Nepal, 246; Valley, 119

Newport, 2

Nicholson, Charles, 145

Nicholson, General, his success at
Najapgarh, 144 ; at Delhi, 167,
174 ; his character, 174 ; wounded,
178; death, 179; attacked by a
fanatic, 372

Nile, the, 3

Nirpat Singh, Maharaja, his ad-
ministration of Panna, 294 note

Nolan Grange, 236

Norman, Field - Marshal Sir H.,
158 ; his narrative of the Cam-
paign of the Delhi army, 184
note; tribute on his services, 246

Norman, Mrs, 158

Northbrook, Lord, his tour in
Central India, 306-308

Nowgong, 278 ; foundation of
Rajkumar College at, 307

Nowshera, 130, 190

Nuttal, Lieut. H. R., 61

Ogilvie, Dr, 123

Ommaney, Mr, 124

Opium trade, 279, 302-306

Orchha, 281, 294

Osborne, 335

Osborne, Colonel Willoughby,

Political Agent at Bhopal, 327
Oudh, incorporated in British India,

107; climate, 113; account of

the mutinies in, 209-21 1
Oudh Irregular Cavalry, enrolment

of the 1 st, 107, 112; inspection,

114, 116; at Sekrora, 114

Outram, Sir James, 13 ; Chief Com-
missioner of Oudh, 107 ; his
character, 217 ; mistakes, 217

Paget and Mason, Record of Ex-
peditions against the North- West
Frontier Tribes of India, 162 note

Pakka Serai, 70

Palhee, 89

Palliser joins Hodson's Horse, 198 ;
wounded at the engagement on
the Khandoo River, 199, 233

Panjnad, 23

Panmure, Lord, 104

Panna, State of, 286, 294

Panna, Maharaja of, honours con-
ferred, 314, 316

Pathans, their character as soldiers,

65
Pattoun, Colonel, 243

Peiwar Kotal, 83

Pertabgarh, 114

Peru Khan, Kesaldar, his early life,
70 ; character, 71

Peshawar, outbreak at, 36 ; occu-
pation of, 57 ; 1 st Regiment of
Cavalry raised at, 62 ; account
of the corps, 63-66 ; changes in,

75
Phillour, 158

Pipli, 140

Pir Panjal range, 86

Plattsburg, siege and battle of, 2

Polehampton, Life of Mr, 245

Poona, 4

Powindiah, 138

Probyn, General the Right Hon.

Sir Dighton, in command of the

Central India Horse, 327, 345
" Prophet's flower," fragrance of, 82
Puchpurwa, 242
Punjab, peaceful condition of the,

in 1848, 14; insurrection, 53;

incorporated in British India,

57, 352
Punjab Cavalry, 1st Regiment of,
62-66 ; native officers, 66-72 ;
review of, 72, 91 ; discipline, 73,

91
Punjab Force, constitution of the

first regiments, 357-359, 368 ;

expedition against the Mahsud

Waziris, 359-363 ; at Umbeyla,

364 ; Delhi, 365 ; casualties, 364,

386

INDEX

365 ; at Lucknow, 366 ; arms,
369 ; horses, 369 ; influence of
medical officers, 370
" Punjab Frontier Force," lecture
on, 334, 350-374

Raghuraj Singh, Maharaja, his
administration of Rewa, 299 ;
characteristics, 300 ; inability to
rule, 301 ; appointment of a
political agent, 301 ; death, 302 ;
discovery of coins, 303 note

Rahmit Khan Orakzai, 70

Railways, construction of; 296-298,

32I» 346

Railway, The Great Indian Penin-
sula, 281

Rajkumar College, Nowgong, 307

Rajkumar School, Indore, 323

Rajpoora, 139

Rajputana, proposals for the for-
mation of "The Jehazpur Legion,"
102 ; famine, 284 ; exodus from,
285; habit of opium-eating in, 303

Ram Singh, 113, 118

Ramnugger, victory at, 53

Rampur, 199

Ranbir Singh, 160 note

Raneegunge, 108

Ranizai, 92

Ranjit Singh annexes the province
of Multan, 1 5

Rao, Raja Sir Dinkar, 265 ; his
character, 265, 274

Raptee, 119, 244, 246

Ratlam, State of, 256, 306 ; sub-
agency at, 303 ; under British
protection, 340

Ravi, 16

Rawal Pindi, 54, 84, 130, 133, 190

Raza, Muhammad, 195 ; certificate
granted to, 195 note

Reed, General, 133 ; Commander-
in-Chief, 143, 154; invalided, 143;
his departure, 159

Reid wounded at the siege of
Delhi, 177 note

Resaidar or Captain, 66 note

Resaldar or Major, 66 note

Rewa State, 287 ; character of the
country, 281 ; administration,
299-302

Rewa, Maharaja of, honours con-
ferred, 314, 316

Rhine, 99

Rice, of the "Tigers," 256

Richards, Westley, 112

Ricketts, 139

Ridgeway, Right Hon. Sir West,

Governor of Ceylon, 327, 345
Roads, construction of, 298, 321,

322
Roberts, Lord, Forty-one Years in

India, 172 note; in command of

the Punjab Force, 368
Rohilkhand, 206, 208 ; operations

in, 366
Roome, 256
Roper, Sir Henry, 4
Rosa, Khan Singh, 69, 140 ;

wounded, 142
Rosa, Monte, 98
Rose, Sir Hugh, 205
Ross, Surgeon-General T. R. C,

82,83
Royal Albert, launch of the, 101
Russel, Colonel L., 327
Russell, the Times correspondent,

206
Russia, outbreak of war, 100
Ryde, 336

Saadat Khan, operations against,

9°
Sadik Hussain, Nawab, honours

conferred, 316
Sailana, 256
Salar Bakhsh, 113
Sandhurst, Lord, 87. See Mansfield
Sankarant, festival of the, 294
Saone, 109
Sarel, 249 ; joins Hodson's Horse,

199
Sasseram, 109
Saugor, 174
Swan Mull, Governor of Multan,

Scindia, Maharaja, Ruler of
Gwalior, his loyalty, 161 ; char-
acter, 265, 274 ; on the disposal
of the police force and troops,
266 ; his relations with the
Political Agent, 267, 277, 293 ;
system of administration, 268,
339 ; illness, 286 ; his measures
for the relief of the famine, 286,
289 ; contribution to railway con-
struction, 297, 322 ; on the

INDEX

387

assassination of Lord Mayo, 299 ;
reception of the Prince of Wales,
308-312; presents, 311, 314;
honours conferred, 315, 320 ; his
visit of sympathy to Sir H. Daly,
2,?)0 note; relations with Maharaja
Holkar, 330 note; death, 331
note j speech at the unveiling of
Sir H. Daly's bust, 348

Scotland, 7

Seaton, Colonel, wounded at the
siege of Delhi, 160

Sekrora, 114, 240; mutiny of the
troops at, 240

Seringapatam, 9 ; storming of, 51

Shabkadr, 89

Shad well's Life of Lord Clyde, 217
note

Shahamat Ali, Mir, Superintendent
of Ratlam, 288, 326 note

Shahjehanpur, siege of, 208

Shahpur, 15

Shamanow, 194

Shamshere Singh, 194

Shanklin, 101

Sharif Ali Khan, 194

Sharkipur, 235

Shebbearne, in command of the
Guides, 150

Sher Singh, in command of the
Sikh force, 20 ; his treachery,
32 ; joins Mulraj, 32, 36 ; his
surrender, 54 ; appearance, 55

Shuja-ul-Mulk, 148 note

Siddons, 25

Sidi Lai ke Bede, 39, 41

Sikhs, their style of shooting, 26 ;
mode of fighting, 46 ; negotia-
tions for their surrender, 54 ;
lay down their arms, 56 ; char-
acter as soldiers, 65

Simla, 127, 138, 181, 186

Sind, 6

Sipra, 340

Sital-ke-Mari, 38

Sitamau, 256

Sitapur, 117, 122

Sleeman, Colonel, 107 note

Smith, Colonel Baird, 154 ; at the
siege of Delhi, 176

Sobhan Ali, 113

Sobraon, 138

Sohawah, 137

Sotheby, Captain, 243

Souryavansi, or Children of the
Sun, 292 note

Stalker, Colonel, 45

Stanley, Lord, President of the
Board of Control (India), 91 ;
letter from Sir H. Daly on the
future of the officers of the East
India Company, 223-228 ; his
reply, 228

Stewart, 131

Stewart, Sir Donald, his march
from Kandahar, 368

Stiles, Captain, 60

Strasburg, 99

Strathnairn, Lord, 205 note

Stratton, Dr J. P., Political Agent
in Bundelkhand, 316, 327; on
the title of Empress of India,
317 ; result of his administration,

Suddoosam, battle of, 19

Suez, 3

Sukkur, 21

Sultanpur, 199, 231, 232, 235, 237

Sundil Khan, Resaldar, his char-
acter, 66 ; gallantry at Bahadur,
Khel, 67 ; his wish to join the
Oudh Cavalry, 113; at Delhi,
241

Surjoo, 114

Suruj-kund, 38

Sutherland, Colonel, President at
Gwalior, 282

Sutherland, Duke of, 309

Sutlej, 19, 138

Swat tribes, trouble with the, 91

Tahsildar or revenue officer, 67
Tamerlane, takes the city of Mul-

tan, 15
Tank Zam defile, 360
Tapp at the siege of Multan, 45 ;

wounded, 46 ; assassinated, 372
Tatta, 20
Taylor, 155
Taylor, General Sir Alexander, at

the siege of Delhi, 176
Taylor, General Reynell, 91 ;

Deputy Commissioner of Bannu,

95.
Terai, capture of guns in the, 244

Thai, 88

Thomason, Colonel C, 327

Tod, Lieut.-Colonel James, Annals

3R8

INDEX

and Antiquities of Rajasthan,
extract from, 293 note, 303 note

Tombs, Major, at the siege of
Delhi, 147 ; on Daly's charge,
149 ; wins the V.C., 156 note

Tonk, 256

Torawari, 88

Travers, wounded at the siege of
Delhi, 166 ; killed, 366

Trevor, Colonel W. S., 327

Trieste, 97, 102

Tulloch, Captain, 240

Tulsipur, n8, 243, 246; fight at,
246

Udaipur, sub-agency at, 303
Ujjain, 295, 340
Umballa, 127, 129, 139, 190
Umbeyla, expedition against, 364

Vaccination, effect of, 371

Vaughan, 162, 164

Venice, 97

Ventura, 68 note

Verona, 97

Victoria, Queen, assumes the title
of Empress of India, 314 ; re-
ceives Sir H. Daly at Osborne,
335 5 godmother to his child, 336

Vindhyas, 280

Vivian, General, 104

Wale, in command of the 1st Sikh
Cavalry, 204

Wales, Prince of, 335 ; his visit to
India, 308 ; reception at Gwalior,
308-312 ; Indore, 312 ; holds a
Chapter of the Star of India at
Calcutta, 314

Wales, Princess of, 335

Walker, at the siege of Delhi, 155 ;
wounded, 158

Walker, Colonel, 249

Walker, General H., Surveyor-
General of India, 85

Watson, Sir J., in command of the
Central India Horse, 327, 345

Wazirabad, 138

Waziris, expedition against, 359-

363

Wellesley Despatches, 100 note

Wellington, Duke of, 227 note

Wellington, the, 101

Wells, Lieut. L. F., 198 note

West Meath, 1

Wheeler, General Sir Hugh, 151 ;
his betrayal and murder, 166

Whish, General, in command of
the force against Multan, 19 ;
his retreat, 34 ; number of killed
and wounded, 37

Wight, Isle of, 2, 99

Wilberforce, 155 note

Wilde, Lieut.-General Sir Alfred, 67

Wilson, Brigadier-General Arch-
dale, Commander-in-Chief, 143,

159

Wilson, Colonel F., 345

Wingfield, Chief Commissioner,
250

Wood, Sir C, his military retire-
ment scheme, 254

Woodward, 42

Woolwich, 101

Wordi, Major or Adjutant, 66 note

YOUNGHUSBAND killed, 367

Yule, Major, killed at Delhi, 148

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