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UNIVERSITY OF
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DA 750. A2 no. 30
Sinclair, John, 1683-175O
Memoirs of the insurrection in
Scotland in 1715
Date due
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MEMOIRS
OF
THE INSURRECTION IN SCOTLAND
IN 1715.
BY JOHN, MASTER OF SINCLAIR.
FROM THE ORIGINAL MANUSCRIPT IN THE
POSSESSION OF THE EARL OF ROSSLYN.
WITH NOTES,
BY SIR WALTER SCOTT, BART.
PRINTED AT EDINBURGH :
M.DCCC.LVIII.
Alex. Laurie fc Co., Printers to Her Majesty.
At an Adjourned Meeting of the Committee of The ABBOTSFORD
CLUB, held at Edinburgh on the Qth of December 1856
MR MACKNIGHT, Treasurer, reported to the Meeting that having applied
to The Right Honourable The EARL OP ROSSLYN for the use of the
Manuscript Memoirs of JOHN, MASTER OF SINCLAIR, his Lordship
had in the handsomest manner consented to its publication by the
Club, and, along with a fair Transcript, had sent the original Manu
script to Edinburgh.
Having likewise applied through Isaac Bayley, Esq., to MR HOPE
SCOTT of Abbotsford, for the use of the Transcript of the same Work,
prepared for the Press, with Notes, by Sir Walter Scott, this application
had been equally successful, and that the Club were now in a position
to proceed, under the most favourable circumstances, with the publica
tion of this long desired and valuable Historical Work.
The Committee having heard this Report, unanimously resolved that
the " MEMOIRS OF THE INSURRECTION IN SCOTLAND IN 1715," by
JOHN, MASTER OF SINCLAIR, be printed for the Members of The
ABBOTSFORD CLUB, under the joint superintendence of MR MACKNIGHT
and MR LAING, from the original Manuscript, accompanied with SIR
WALTER SCOTT'S Annotations, from the Manuscript at Abbotsford.
JAMES BURN, Chairman of the Meeting.
PREFACE.
1HE peculiar tone of asperity which characterizes the present MEMOIRS, and the
freedom and severity with which the leaders of the Insurrection are treated, have
hitherto induced the Family of the Noble Author to withhold their consent to
their publication. But the period is now passed, during which any remarks, how
ever satirical and harsh, could inflict pain on individuals or particular persons ;
and the reflections are directed against them almost exclusively in their capacity
as actors in a great public and political movement ; a position in which none
can be considered exempt from liability to censure. Much indeed as has been
whispered regarding the mysterious and unpleasant revelations contained in the
present Work, it may safely be said that few Memoirs of the period will be found
more free from personal scandal. The Author is apparently much more bent upon
exposing the folly, treachery, and incapacity of the leaders of this unhappy
Insurrection, than in recording their private vices and imperfections. With the
exception of a few strong expressions and incidental remarks, the Work has no
claim to be reckoned a scandalous chronicle ; as even the poverty with which many
parties are so bitterly taunted, had, according to the theory of the Author, a most
important influence on their public conduct.
It must also be borne in mind that the character of no sharer in the Rebellion
was more rudely assailed by invective and misrepresentation than that of THE
MASTER OF SINCLAIR himself; and the present Memoirs were evidently composed
for his own Vindication, and designed for publication expressly for that object.
In these circumstances, the Memoirs have at last been given to the press by the
permission of the Bight Honourable THE EARL OF ROSSLYN, the present repre
sentative of the family, as a tardy act of justice to the memory of the Author ; and
every student of Scottish manners and character must feel grateful for the con
siderate liberality which has thus rendered accessible so curious and valuable an
addition to the Historical Records of Scotland.
The autograph Manuscript of the Memoirs is preserved at Dysart House, and
was entrusted by the EARL of ROSSLYN to the Editors for collation. They have
vi PREFACE.
also to thank his Lordship for the use of an old transcript, which has proved of
considerable utility. A third Manuscript has also been kindly entrusted by the
EARL of EOSSLYN to the Editors for collation ; it is a carefully executed transcript
in a modern hand, subdivided into paragraphs, but not in other respects requiring
observation.
Sir WALTER SCOTT was not only familiarly acquainted with the Work, and
had printed extracts from it so early as in his Notes to the Lay of the Last
Minstrel in 1805, but he had obtained a complete transcript of the Manuscript,
with the intention of committing it to the press. For this purpose he had examined
it with great care, and made Annotations and Observations with his own hand
upon his copy, which is now preserved in the Library at Abbotsford ; but his inten
tions were necessarily postponed, in compliance with the wishes of the family.
The use of this Manuscript, 1 and permission to print the Notes of Sir WALTER
SCOTT, have been, in the most handsome manner, granted to the Members of The
ABBOTSFORD CLUB, by JAMES E. HOPE SCOTT, Esq. of Abbotsford.
The original Manuscript is written by the Author in a large, bold, and firm
current hand, on loose folio sheets, but, owing to interlineations, deletions, and
other accidental causes, a few words are occasionally indistinct. In such cases,
and when there is any slight difference between the wording of LORD EOSSLYN'S
copy and Sir WALTER SCOTT'S transcript, the reading of the Abbotsford Manu
script has been preferred. It may however be explained, that these difficulties
do not frequently occur, and are of no real importance, so that the original text
may be relied upon as printed with scrupulous accuracy. The Author's ortho
graphy has likewise been retained, with the exception of correcting a few palpable
slips of the pen. Considerable difference of opinion may indeed exist as to the
propriety of preserving such uncouth and barbarous misspellings as will frequently
be found in the present Work. But, besides the guarantee for rigid adherence
to the text, which the preservation of the Author's orthography always affords,
the present Memoirs prove the MASTER to have been an accomplished Scholar, 2
1 It may here be explained that Sir Walter Scott's MS. is written on small quarto paper,
and bound in two volumes ; the Annotations being made upon the margin of the pages, and
occasionally on loose sheets of paper inserted in the proper places. The Life of The Master
is prefixed to the first volume, and the Observations are inserted at the end of the second
volume.
* The Master of Sinclair, in his numerous quotations from the Latin Classics, appears
chiefly to have trusted to his memory, and occasionally has substituted synonymous words.
PEEFACE. vii
and well acquainted with Classical literature, so that his disregard of the ortho
graphy of his native tongue may be considered as forming a singular feature in
the history of education. A marked peculiarity of the style is the almost in
variable omission of the auxiliary verb, which has been supplied only in such
instances as those in which the meaning is otherwise obscure. The words so
supplied are printed within brackets ; and, for the sake of ordinary readers, the
narrative has been divided into paragraphs, and the Author's punctuation cor
rected.
The Notes and Observations by Sir WALTER SCOTT, it is scarcely necessary
to remark, are particularly valuable. The substance indeed of much of his
annotation will be found in his writings already printed ; but there is still suffi
cient matter, either unprinted, or but little known, to render these annotations
of interest in connexion with the name of their illustrious author. Sir Walter
Scott's account of the Life of the Master originally appeared in a volume which
he presented as a contribution to the EoxBURGHE CLUB, in 1828, and is but
little known to the public. The volume is entitled " Proceedings in the Court-
Martial held upon John, Master of Sinclair, Captain- Lieutenant in Preston's
Regiment, for the Murder of Ensign Schaw of the same Regiment, and Captain
Schaw of the Royals, 17th October 1708. With Correspondence respecting that
transaction." Edinburgh, 1828, 4to.
Lord John Russell, when composing his " History of the Principal States
of Europe, from the Peace of Utrecht," consulted a copy of the MS. ; and
Lord Mahon, when writing his History of England, had access to Sir Walter
Scott's copy ; and both of these Noble Authors have founded on, and quoted from
it, as an undoubted authority ; but it is obvious that in such Works the authors
could not enter into the more minute and circumstantial details given in the
Memoirs.
Thus, iii the lines quoted at p. 255, from the commencement of book 2d of Lucretius, instead
of turbantibus, he uses agitantibus, and transposes lines 5 and 6. In general, the quotations
have been verified, and the passages and punctuation corrected according to recognized
editions. In some places however it was thought preferable to allow them to remain as
they occur in his Manuscript. Thus, at p. 57, the words quoted from Tacitus, (Ann. lib. vi,
cap. 3,) should read " Tibi summum rerum judidum Di dedere : nobis obsequii gloria relicta
eft." At p. 70, the passage attributed to Sallust, seems to be an adaptation from the second
Oration of Cicero against Cataline, cap. 9. Again, at p. 252, three lines quoted from Statius's
(in his Manuscript the name seems Placius) Thebaid, occur in lib. v, (ii, 88,) of the Silvae.
viii PREFACE.
In 1716 a curious Pamphlet was printed anonymously in London, bearing the
following title: " A True Account of the Proceedings at Perth, .the Debates in
the Secret Council there, and the Reasons and Causes of the suddain finishing
and breaking up of the Rebellion. Written by a Rebel. London, printed for
J. Baker, at the Black Boy, in Paternoster Row, 1716." 12mo.
This Pamphlet was reprinted in the second volume of the " Miscellany of the
Spottiswoode Club." The Editor, James Maidment, Esq., introduces it with the
following remarks : " On the title-page of a copy of this scarce tract, in the
Library of the Faculty of Advocates, has been written in pencil ' By the Master of
Sinclair ;' J Indeed, the internal evidence is strong in favor of the claim put in
for the Master, for it is written by a lukewarm Jacobite, and by one who held the
Earl of Mar in supreme contempt. It concludes with the writer leaving the
councils of the Chevalier, and proceeding to the North facts which correspond
exactly with the known history of the Master. Coming from the pen of this very
remarkable person, an account of the confusion in the councils of the Chevalier
becomes an important historical document ; and although it is characterised by a
dislike to Mar, and by a spirit of opposition to his orders, there can be little doubt
that in substance the statements are generally correct. Undoubtedly, if the Prince
had any thing like a chance of success, that chance was destroyed by the want of
vigour and the incapacity of his General."
Notwithstanding the plausibility of the preceding facts and reasoning, it is clear
that the Master was not the author of the Pamphlet in question. The style is
essentially different, being totally devoid of the bitter satirical energy of the present
Memoirs. The author employs the expression of "us Highlanders," while every
line of the present Memoirs breathes dislike, if not contempt for the Celtic race.
But, above all, the work in question is chiefly devoted to the narration of the events
which took place subsequent to the Pretender's arrival in Perth, of all which the
Author describes himself as having been an eye-witness ; while the present Memoirs
distinctly prove that the MASTER OF SINCLAIR had left Perth previous to the Pre
tender's arrival there, and never returned. Upon the whole, the " True Account "
must be regarded as a contemporaneous authority, strongly corroborative, in every
respect, of the authenticity of the present MEMOIRS ; and as the Master's feelings
must have been well understood, the similarity of sentiments would probably give
rise to the report of his having been the Author.
i Mr Robert Chambers, in his " History of the Rebellion in 1715," in " Constable's
Miscellany," without hesitation assigns the authorship to the same person.
PREFACE. ix
A Letter, giving an account of the Insurrection, subjoined to a History of
Scotland, by Dr. Wallace, printed at Dublin in 1720, small quarto, may also be
mentioned as strongly corroborative of the views contained in the present MEMOIRS.
This Letter contains a short incidental notice of the Master's sister, Miss Catherine
Sinclair. ,
The Introductory Remarks of SIR WALTER SCOTT, which are here printed,
ought perhaps to supersede the necessity of further explanation, but the position
of society, at the period to which these Memoirs relate, was in many respects so
peculiar, that, at the risk of being considered presumptuous, a few Additional
Remarks are submitted to the notice of the Reader.
INTRODUCTORY NOTICE
SIR WALTER SCOTT, BART.
J_HE following Memoirs were written by JOHN, MASTER OF SINCLAIR.
eldest son of Henry, Seventh Lord Sinclair. 1 This gentleman was bred to
a military life, and had a Lieutenant's commission in Preston's Regiment,
in the army of the Duke of Marlborough. At the Battle of Wynendale he
was accused by Ensign Hugh Schaw, of the same Regiment, for stooping
down during the time of action. Sinclair challenged Schaw for this
aspersion on his courage, but the other did not immediately accept his
defiance, having gone to attend his brother, who had been mortally
wounded before Lisle. Upon the . . . February 1707-8, 2 a casual ren
counter took place between them, in which, after a few passes, Sinclair's
sword was broken and Schaw's bent, but the last was mortally wounded.
Captain Alexander Schaw, of the Royals, brother of the deceased,
expressed himself with great acrimony of the mode in which Sinclair had
conducted himself in this affair, and said openly that he had paper in his
breast, against which his brother's sword was bent, before receiving the
fatal wound. Upon the 13th of the same month of February the
Master called Captain Schaw to account for these expressions, and after a
short parley, shot him dead at the head of the regiment, Captain Schaw's
hand being at the same time laid on his pistol. For these crimes the
Master of Sinclair was tried by a general Court- Martial held in the British
Camp at Rouseler, 17th October 1708. The Court found him guilty of
1 [He was born on the 5th of December 1683. ED.]
2 [According to the Report of the Court Martial, printed by Sir Walter Scott,
the date, it seems, should rather have been . . . September 1708. ED.]
xii INTRODUCTORY NOTICE
the breach of the 19th Article of War, and sentenced him to death. But,
in consideration of the high provocation given to the prisoner by the
deceased, they recommended him to the Queen's mercy. The case was,
by the Duke of Marlborough, recommended to the consideration of the
Queen's Council, who pronounced the slaughter of the brothers wilful
murder. Sir John Schaw of Greenock, eldest brother of the deceased
Captain and Ensign Schaws, followed up this doom with all the interest
he could make with the Earl of Stair and others ; so that the sentence
must have been executed had not Sinclair escaped out of the Camp into
the Prussian Dominions. 1 Notwithstanding the repeated instances 2 of Sir
John Schaw (of whose solicitations I have copies, along with an attested
copy of the Master's trial), the Master of Sinclair at length obtained the
Queen's pardon upon the Tory Administration coming into power in 1712.
He seems to have remained at the family seat of Dysart, in Fife, until
the Queen's death, when he engaged, rather it would seem from a prin
ciple of honour than any hearty liking to the scheme, in the Insurrection
of 1715. Mar and Sinclair, it is plain, were upon the worst terms
possible from the beginning of the affair; and the latter, with Huntly,
soon placed himself at the head of those among the Insurgents who were
for peace with the Government. This party became obnoxious to the
more keen Jacobites, and were exposed to much popular odium. Sinclair's
behaviour at the Battle of Sheriffmoor showed but a lukewarm interest in
the cause. According to the best accounts of that singular engagement,
had the cavalry which he commanded supported the charge of the High
landers, all the left wing of Argyle's army must have been cut off.
Hence, perhaps, the popular old song hath said that
" Huntley and Sinclair
They baith played the tinclair,
With consciences black as a craw, man."
After the return of the Highland army to Perth, and the miscarriage of
the enterprise became daily more manifest, Sinclair, as these pages inform
1 Not without Marlborotigh's connivance. See Memoirs, p. 14. [Infra, p. 5.]
2 [" Repeated instances," importunities. ED.]
BY SIR WALTER SCOTT, BART. xiii
us, went from the army north to Strathbogie, and thence to Orkney,
where, seizing a vessel, he escaped, with some of his companions in mis
fortune, to the Continent.
Being attainted for his share in the Rebellion, the Master of Sinclair
remained abroad until 1726, when he obtained a pardon for his life, but
which did not remit the other consequences of the attainder. Lord
Sinclair, his father, who survived the Master several years, ] to avoid the
consequences of the forfeiture, 2 settled his estate on his second son,
1 [This is an evident oversight : Henry, Lord Sinclair, died in March 1723.
ED.]
2 In the scrolls of two deeds which were given me by Charles Kirkpatrick
Sharpe, the disinheritance is ascribed to a different cause, the death, namely, of
the Schaws ; but as these deeds must have been dated after 1715, I presume that
reason was only assigned to disguise the real purpose of eluding the forfeiture for
treason. The first is draft of a deed by Lord Sinclair, setting forth that although
the fee of the estate of Ravenscraig was settled upon his son John, Master of
Sinclair, yet that the said fee was redeemable upon the granter making payment of
a rose-noble, or four pounds Scots money, within St Geill's Church in Edinburgh,
at the Earl of Murray's tomb ; and that he, the granter, being resolved to exercise
this faculty of redemption, did settle the fee of his estate upon James and William
Sinclairs, his second and third sons, to the exclusion of the said John, Master of
Sinclair. The second scroll is in the name of James and William Sinclairs, the dis-
ponees, who set forth therein that the true and real design of granting the said
disposition and assignation in their favours, and not in favours of John, Master of
Sinclair, their elder brother, was to prevent all inconvenience and hazard whatsum-
ever which the rents of the said Lord Sinclair, his heritable estate, or his move-
ables, might be liable to if they were settled on the said Master's persone, on
accompt of the said Master of St Clair his present circumstances, by reason of
unfortunate accidents that some years ago fell out abroad between the said Master
and two sons of the deceast Sir John Schaw of Greenock, (these words are added in
margin,) therefore it was just and reasonable that they should grant a back bond
of settlement, binding themselves to manage the property, when they should succeed
to it, by advice of certain friends, overseers, and managers, viz. : Sir John Erskine
of Alva, Bart., Sir William Baird of Newbaith, Bart., Mr John Paterson, eldest
lawful son to the deceast Archbishop of Glasgow, their brethren-in-law ; Sir William
Cockburne of that Ilk, Bart., and Mr Matthew Sinclair of Hennistoun, Doctor of
Medecine, our uncles. This trust was granted for obliging them to account for the
xiv INTRODUCTORY NOTICE
General James Sinclair, who generously put his brother into possession of
it upon his return to Scotland. The Master of Sinclair continued to
reside at Dysart till his death in 1750. He seldom ventured to Edin
burgh, and was then always well armed and attended, holding himself
still in danger of the vengeance of the Schaws, or of other enemies. 1 He
was twice married ; 1st, to Lady Margaret Steward, daughter of James,
Earl of Galloway, Countess Dowager of Southesque ; 2rf, to Emilia,
daughter of Lord George Murray, brother of the Duke of Athole.
There was no issue of either marriage. The Master died in 1750. 2
The following Memoirs are written with great talent and peculiar
satirical energy. They are intended as a justification of the Author's
rents of the estate, after certain necessary branches of expenditure to these trustees,
for behoof of the Master. And James and William Sinclairs also bind themselves,
in case the Master should become free of his present inconvenience, or should have
lawful children, then, and in that case, to reconvey the estate to the said Master,
or to his said children, at the sight of the said trustees. As General St Clair
therefore only implemented a legal obligation, less need have been said about his
fraternal generosity.
1 [Sir Walter Scott, in the Roxburghe volume, has thus enlarged this notice :
" After his succession virtually, though not by name, to the family estate, the Master
of Sinclair lived at Dysart in much retirement, and seldom visited Edinburgh.
When he did cross the Frith he was always well armed and attended, for he seems
to have accounted himself still in danger, either from the resentment of the Schaw
family or because he was odious to the more zealous Jacobites, who considered him
as having deserted the cause. On one of these rare occasions on which he crossed
the Frith, the Master had a singular rencontre. As he wanted to hire what was
then called a running footman, a foreigner was presented to him by his landlord as
a candidate for his service. The lad only knew he was in presence of a Scottish
gentleman of quality, the Master as usual preserving a species of incognito. He
asked the man what specimen he had ever given of his activity, to which he received
for answer, ' Sir, I ran beside the Master of Sinclair's horse when he rode post
from the English camp to escape the death to which he was condemned for the
murder of two brothers.'' The Master, much shocked, was nearly taken ill on the
spot.'" ED.]
2 [On the 2d of November 1750, in the 67th year of his age. ED.]
BY SIR WALTER SCOTT, BART. xv
own conduct ; but are more successful in fixing a charge of folly and
villany upon that of others than in exculpating his own. They will be a
precious treat to the lovers of historical scandal, should they ever be
made public. The original Memoirs, written by the hand of the Author,
are in the library at Dysart. But there are other transcripts in private
collections, though some, I understand, have been destroyed to gratify
those whose ancestors fall under the lash of the Master. It is remark
able that the style, which at first is not even grammatical, becomes dis
engaged, correct, and spirited in the course of composition.
WALTER SCOTT.
MAKING every allowance for the prejudice and vehemence of The MASTER
OF SINCLAIR, 1 it is impossible not to concur with him in thinking that the
whole management of Mar, from the beginning to the end of the Insur
rection, was highly blameworthy.
His motive for availing himself of the general discontent which pre
vailed in Scotland at the time of the accession of the House of Hanover,
seems only to have been disappointed ambition and mortified pride, when
he found himself disgraced at the Court of Saint James's. As a mere
political leader, he seems to have possessed very considerable talents,
having eloquence, address, and power of influencing and persuading
those around him. But these are not enough for military command,
where promptitude, firmness, and sagacity are required. The same sound
judgment which dictated to the Duke of Argyll a procrastinating and
cautious train of operations, recommended to Mar vigour and decision.
An established government always grows stronger, while an insurrection
gradually becomes weaker, [as] its chiefs disagree, and its inferior members,
unsupported by any regular system of finance, desert for subsistence, or
render themselves detestable by plundering. It is vain to say that Mar
1 [These additional remarks by Sir Walter Scott occur at the end of his
Transcript, and are written evidently several years later than his Prefatory
Notice. ED.]
xvi INTRODUCTORY NOTICE
waited for his distant reinforcements, for the success of a desultory army
depends always more on the celerity of its motions than on, its numerical
force ; and as success never fails to strengthen its numbers, so inactivity
is sure to impair them. Forth is proverbially said to bridle the wild High
lander, but it did not bridle Charles in 1745, and ought not to have
bridled Mar in 1715. Mar's own arrival at Perth should have been con
certed with a movement of the Western Clans, Macdonalds, Camerons,
Stuarts, &c., towards Aberfoil and the Heads of the Forth, which these
ready soldiers could easily have seized, while the Duke of Argyle could
hardly have marched towards them without exposing the Pass at Stirling
Bridge to the insurgents, who, by passing a body of men at Mar's own
town of Alloa in lighters, could have placed those left to defend the bridge
betwixt two fires. If it had been judged necessary, the movement of the
Western Clans might have been combined by a corresponding march of
the insurgent cavalry, under Winton and Kenmore, towards the Lennox,
and as far as Drymen. This would have been more judicious than their
union with the handful of Northumberland fox-hunters, who seem never to
have had any serious thoughts of fighting, and soon sickened of it. This
might have been done with the utmost ease before Argyle's forces exceeded
the number of 1500 men, which was his strength in the beginning of Sep
tember. It is probable such a movement would have obliged the Duke of
Argyle to have retired to Edinburgh, or perhaps to Berwick, and would
have given opportunity to the numerous malcontents in the Lowlands to
have joined the insurgents. This was still more recommended by the season
of the year, when the harvest being in the fields, those difficulties of want
of forage and provisions, afterwards alleged as the cause of Mar's in
activity, could not have existed. If it be alleged that Mar waited for
foreign assistance, with which he so often flattered his followers, and with
out which there was no great wisdom in attempting an insurrection at all,
he ought to have known that the successful negotiation of Stair, and his
influence with the celebrated Cardinal Du Bois, whose authority over the
mind of the Regent of France was unbounded, had entirely detached the
latter from the Jacobite party.
When the insurgents did at length move they seem to have been
BY SIR WALTER SCOTT, BART. xvii
shamefully negligent of intelligence, and the Battle of Sheriffmuir was,
on their part, a mere accident. They were drawn up with military skill,
probably by General Gordon and Hamilton ; but they did not act with
sufficient promptitude, for those who command Highlanders should always
secure the first attack. On the right they were successful, and it seems
they ought also to have been so in the centre, had their cavalry attacked
Wightman's infantry in flank, when it was exposed by the route of
Whitham's horse and foot. This inactivity, for which the MASTER OF
SINCLAIR takes credit as a merit, is not ill described in some rude lines of
the old ballad " Oh ! was ye at the Sheriffmuir," &c.
" Perth, Fyfe, and Angus, who were horse,
Stood motionless, and some did worse ;
For though the red-coats went them cross,
They did conspire for to admire
Clans run and fire,
Left wings retire,
While rights entire
Pursue, man.
" But Scotland has not much to say
For such a fight as this is,
Where both did fight, both ran away,
The devil take the mess is."
On the other wing Argyle obtained a decisive advantage by out-flanking
the Highlanders with his dragoons. But though he chased them to the
Bridge [the Water] of Allan, they rallied so often, that it is observable
pursuers and pursued were three hours in marching two miles, which looks
more like a retreat than a disorderly flight, though many of the highest
rank among the insurgents fled on the spur, and said all was lost. When
this first blunder was committed, fate allowed Mar another cast for vic
tory ; for the Duke of Argyle, in returning from pursuit of the insurgents'
right wing, with two regiments of dragoons and Whitham's [Wightman's]
small body of infantry, in crossing the field of battle in order, passed under
the advantageous position occupied by the victorious right of Mar's army ;
by their cavalry, and by such of their left wing as had rallied, the fight
xviii INTRODUCTOEY NOTICE
might then have been renewed with every prospect of success, and the
route of the Duke would have opened the passes to the Low Countries.
This error of permitting Argyle, like civil gentlemen, to walk quietly on
to Dumblane without a second struggle, says little for Mar's courage or
for his capacity.
The Battle of Sheriffmuir being in a manner only half-foughten, left
both parties as it found them, for neither had gained a decided victory.
But, on the other hand, all the subsequent advantage remained with the
Duke of Argyle, whose plan was to remain stationary ; all the loss with
the insurgents, whose interest it had long been to advance, and who having
attempted such a movement, were again driven back to the inactivity of
Perth.
After so disheartening a conclusion to their only offensive movement,
it is no wonder that they began to despair, and it is only extraordinary
that Mar should not have endeavoured to make some accommodation.
Perhaps he was deterred by fear of being made the atoning victim ;
perhaps, having sent for the Chevalier Saint George, he deemed it neces
sary to wait the consequences of his presence. But it is certain, that
during the whole affair he neither found, nor endeavoured to create any
circumstance from which he could claim advantage to his arms. He was
perhaps courtier enough to think that de par le Roy was as omnipotent
in camps as in capitals.
While Mar [was] waiting for this cordial to a sinking cause, the
divisions of his army became incurable. The MASTER OF SINCLAIR'S
character may be gathered from his own Memoirs. The slaughter of the
two Schaws, accompanied with some awkward circumstances of time and
place, marked a fierce and vindictive disposition. He had been a trained
soldier, and notwithstanding the contempt he pretends to have entertained
for promotion, undoubtedly he felt hurt at seeing it disposed of to Maris-
chal, Drummond, and others, in preference to himself. At Sheriffmuir
he had been at the best but lukewarm. Whatever reality there might be
for his despairing of the cause in which he had engaged, it is plain that
he gave vent to his sentiments on that subject in a manner which might
make matters [worse], but could hardly mend them. He seems also to
BY SIR WALTER SCOTT, BART. xix
have been extremely opinionative, and whoever opposed him, if men of
quality, were brutes, blockheads, and what seems to have, in his compre
hension been worst of all, bankrupts ; if of an inferior class, they are all
little, dirty, mean, insignificant wretches ; and the power of sarcastic
vituperation which he displays in his Memoirs undoubtedly [did not]
abandon him in conversation, and accordingly those of the opposite party
seem not to have spared him in their turn. He is described in one of
these songs as
" The Master with the bully-face,
And with the coward's heart, man,
Who never missed, to his disgrace,
To act the traitor's part, man,
Did join Dunbog, the greatest knave
In all the shire of Fyfe, man ;
Who was the first the cause to leave,
By counsel of his wife, man. 11
With more talent than Huntly, and at the same time with less power
and influence, the MASTER obtained the credit of being his adviser, and
chief of the Mutineers, or, as they were called, of the Grumbling Club.
He was very sensible of all this, and wrote recentibus odiis, which may
[be] an apology for the savage ferocity with which he attacks not only
Mar but Marischal and others.
At the same time, viewing the matter in general, we must return to
the point we have set out from, that Mar, unconscious perhaps of the
limits of his own talent, undertook a matter for which he was totally
unfit. With a far less force than he had at his disposal Montrose gained
eight victories, and overrun Scotland ; with fewer numbers of High
landers Dundee gained the Battle of Killiecrankie ; and with about half
the troops assembled at Perth, Charles Edward, in 1745, marched as far
as Derby, and gained two victories over regular troops. But in 1715, by
one of those misfortunes which dogged the Stewarts since the days of
Robert II, they wanted a man of military talent just at the time when
they possessed an unusual quantity of military means. If the armies had
changed Generals, and some part of Ian Roy Cean's life made his adopt-
xx INTRODUCTORY NOTICE, &c.
ing father side not quite impossible, he would, in all probability, have
made himself master of Scotland within the month of September. But
his quarrel with Bolingbroke, and probably his sense of the incapacity
of the Court at Saint Germains, prevented the Duke from adopting a
side of the question which his talents might have [rendered] formidable,
but the success of which could only have brought new convulsions on
the country.
INTRODUCTORY REMARKS
THE EDITOR.
JL HE Military incapacity and want of energy displayed by Mar, it is
acknowledged, rendered the Insurrection of 1715 abortive; and the result
was, that the most numerous body of Highlanders ever assembled, dis
persed without having added to those laurels so frequently obtained by
smaller numbers of their countrymen. These facts have been sufficiently
illustrated by all Writers on the period, and are so forcibly stated in the
previous reflections of Sir WALTER SCOTT, as to render further comment
superfluous. It must however be borne in mind, that Mar's forces were
almost entirely composed of tumultuous and irregular levies, who, as a
general rule, are not favorable to dilatory tactics, while in former times
the Scottish military character was characterised by hasty operations and
rashness, rather than by caution and inactivity.
It is quite impossible even to imagine that Mar was possessed of that
strength of intellect and force of mind which alone enables a commander
to bend masses of men, hastily and accidentally combined, to his senti
ments, in opposition to their own. It therefore appears that the timidity
and irresolution which marked the conduct of the insurgents during the
whole of this inglorious insurrection must have arisen from some deeper
and more wide-spread source than the personal character of their com
mander. Whether the following suggestions regarding the real causes
of the inactivity of the Rebels, and their infatuated confidence in the
future, be well or ill founded, must be decided by the Reader, and they
are here with diffidence submitted to his consideration.
1'he Lowland gentlemen of Scotland, who formed so large a portion of
the Rebel Army, were the lineal descendants of that fierce and turbulent
xxii INTRODUCTORY REMARKS
aristocracy whose stubborn and unyielding valour had preserved the
freedom of their country during centuries of desperate and infuriated
struggles for independence with their more wealthy and powerful neigh
bours of England ; and whose swords indeed scarcely knew their scabbards,
so constantly were they engaged either in foreign warfare or domestic feuds.
The ancient Scottish Aristocracy were familiar with blood and carnage,
and well accustomed to the hardships and self-denial so essential in actual
warfare. Indeed the extreme hardiness of the mediaeval Scot, and his
great aptitude for long and rapid marches, as well as for nocturnal and
fatiguing duty, form the theme of eulogium by foreign military writers
to an extent which is by no means conceded in modern times to the
present inhabitants of the country. Such armies, when assembled, seldom
failed to rush, whether prudently or the reverse, into action, as the readiest
and most decisive mode of bringing the campaign to a termination.
The Union of the Crowns however most materially altered the position
of society with reference to the military habits of the people. The
country became secure from all danger of English rapine and invasion ;
the increased power of Government gradually suppressed forcible resist
ance to its dictates ; while the great Civil Wars, by withdrawing men's
minds from the limited objects from which intestine discords in Scotland
chiefly arose, together with the increase of knowledge and civilization,
entirely extinguished the barbarous practice of deadly feuds in the Low
lands. But these inestimable blessings to society completely neutralized
the benefit which a landed proprietor formerly derived from the martial
character of his vassals. Habits and feelings which are not constantly
called into action usually cease to exist, particularly among the lower
orders. In this manner the resident aristocracy of Scotland lost all actual
knowledge of war, and the peasantry both the practice and the spirit.
The legal power of enforcing military service from followers and
vassals however remained in all its original stringency in 1715 ; and the
aristocracy appear to have inherited to a great extent the warlike tenden
cies of their forefathers, the traditions of whose prowess they cherished
with the fondest regard ; a regard, even in that day, far from being
unmingled with dislike to, if not contempt for, the organised and metho-
BY THE EDITOR. xxiii
dical system which had long been introduced in regular armies. At
the same time, the fact that the feudal organization had for nearly a
century been little more than a theory, had totally destroyed all practical
acquaintance with its working. While, as the smaller landed proprietors
had, unless distinguished by very superior capacity, been long cut off from
much active share in the political business and intrigues of the country,
they had, as a race, lost much of the activity, sagacity, and presence of
mind which so generally distinguished their ancestors. Thus the indomi
table energy and fiery ambition which led the old Scottish Baron to
spend his life in constant alternation between deadly combat and hazard
ous intrigues, was too frequently frittered away in little better than the
excitement of the table, the hunting-ground, and the race-course. A
gay, jovial, and insouciant race were the Scottish Lairds of the 1715,
particularly those attached to the ancient dynasty ; and, in discussing the
prospects of the Restoration of the Stewarts over a bottle or punch-bowl,
where such consultations were generally held, all difficulties vanished.
The fumes of the generous liquor disclosed to their imaginations James the
Eighth seated on his ancestral Throne, surrounded by many thousands as
gay and triumphant as themselves ; while the overmastered and discom
fited Whigs and red coats stood by in sullen dejection; and it may be,
for the blood yet ran dark in Scottish veins, that the gallows and scaffold,
with its dismal concomitants of dripping axe and bloodstained saw-dust,
were not always absent from these exciting visions.
What was the prevailing tendency of political feeling in Great Britain
in those days, is still a controverted point which each author apparently
decides in accordance with his own political predilections, however ear
nestly he may asseverate his desire to judge independently of them.
To the Editor it appears that a careful and impartial examination of the
historical records of the period justifies the conclusion that the number of
men really prepared to hazard their lives and fortunes in the cause of the
exiled family was comparatively few. At the same time, between the
normal discontent with which a large portion of the inhabitants of Great
Britain have generally entertained for whatever Government may exist
at the time, and the actual leaning to the Stewarts, the favorers of
xxiv INTRODUCTORY REMARKS
that race were in 1715 numerically more powerful, particularly in Scot
land. In that country indeed the safety of the Revolutionary Settlement
depended, not so much upon the number of its supporters, as upon the
important fact that the Government possessed the allegiance of the great
majority of the practical intelligence and business-talent of the country.
The discontent created among almost all classes by the Union,
tended not a little to disseminate and increase the confidence of the
Jacobites in their numerical strength and the ultimate ascendancy of their
principles. To such an extent indeed do they appear to have cherished
their hopes, that they confidently looked for success, not as the result of
hard fought and toilsome campaigns and weary nights in the trench or
bivouac, but in taking the field in numbers so overwhelming as to make
a great military demonstration, sufficient either at once to overawe the
Government into submission, or bring any military operations to a speedy
and triumphant issue in their favor.
When, however, the Rebels had actually assembled in force at Perth,
their numbers, respectable and imposing as, comparatively speaking, they
were, yet fell far short of the sanguine expectations which had been
formed, and upon the realization of which their prospects of success, if the
preceding theory be correct, had been based. In these circumstances two
courses presented themselves to their leaders. The one was, to make the
most of the materials which they possessed, by taking every means to
render the army as efficient as possible, and commence operations without
loss of time ; the other was, to await the arrival of further reinforcements,
and thus render their strength equivalent to their preconceived opinions.
Unfortunately for the cause and the military reputation of the Insurgents,
the latter alternative was adopted ; but it certainly appears to have been the
one most agreeable to the great mass of the parties actually engaged, and,
in order to ensure its success, a course of most wilful and deliberate mis
representation concerning their prospects and numbers was put in practice
by Mar and bis confidants. When, however, it is borne in mind that the
very belief in the truth of these statements, by inspiring confidence in the
cause, would have tended materially to their fulfilment, perhaps it may
not be necessary to brand these exaggerations, however gross, with the
BY THE EDITOR. xxv
high degree of moral turpitude which the Master of Sinclair attaches to
them. In adhering to this system it was perhaps natural, although
certainly most imprudent, rather to neglect the efficiency of the troops
already in the field. In place therefore of being harassed with the
irksome task of military training and organization, they were encouraged
to spend their time in careless jollity and amusement till their forces
should have increased to the overpowering numbers which they so con
fidently expected. So infatuated was Mar on this point, that even when
their prospects were effectually crushed by the retrograde movement after
the Battle of Sheriffmuir, he still seems to have clung to the hope that
the presence of the Pretender would place the insurrection on a strong
and commanding basis.
While these were the sentiments of the Lowland Jacobites, the High
landers, although in many respects in a widely different position, were
yet led, from causes incident to their own peculiarities, to entertain views
entirely similar, in so far as warlike operations were concerned. This
remarkable people were, even in 1715, regarded by the Lowlanders as
a totally distinct race, who had, by inexplicable accidents, obtained extra
ordinary success in their engagements with regular troops, and were
therefore to be considered as valuable auxiliaries in a military point of
view, although their inveterate love of violence and haughty overbearing
manners, rendered them objects of dislike, if not of secret dread.
Although the march of civilization and the progress of law had long
succeeded in abolishing the feuds of clans in the Highlands, yet High
landers still retained their martial spirit and clanish attachments. These
feelings were, from motives of policy, encouraged and inculcated by their
Chieftains with the greatest assiduity; and, from causes which it would
be irrelevant to recapitulate, it may safely be asserted that at no period in
history was the power and influence of the Chiefs over their followers
greater than at the period now under discussion.
The majority of the able-bodied clansmen were thoroughly accustomed
to the use of the broadsword and target, as well as that of the musquet
and rifle, and all Highlanders still regarded war as their noblest occupa
tion ; while it is to be feared that too many had considerable practical
D
xxvi INTRODUCTORY REMAEKS
experience in the somewhat analogous employment of extensive depreda
tions on their Lowland neighbours, in the course of which bloodshed
was by no means unusual. From these causes it may safely be asserted
that the Highlanders took the field as well fitted for their own peculiar
system of warfare, as any well-disciplined and organized regiment after a
long peace. The success of Highlanders against regular troops, ever
since the great Civil Wars down to the Insurrection in 1745, has been
most uniform and remarkable. It might have been expected that so
singular a feature in military history would have excited some attention
among tacticians and historians, but it has been passed over in silence ;
the admirers of the Celtic race attributing it to the romantic and super
human valour with which they are pleased to endow them, while their
detractors are contented with laying the blame on the cowardice of their
adversaries, or ascribing their success to some of those unfortunate acci
dents which occasionally occur in war, and the causes of which it is alike
impossible to investigate or prevent.
It would here be quite out of place to enter into any discussion as to
the accuracy of these theories ; but a careful examination of existing
memoirs and correspondence clearly demonstrates that the Highlanders
themselves placed no overweening confidence in their own valour, but
acted upon a regular and recognised system, which, although independent
of minute and technical rules, was capable of being easily understood
and practised by men of courage and resolution. Several of the High
land Chiefs were undoubtedly men of sagacity and penetration, and they
had observed that in modern warfare comparatively few musquet shots
tell out of the number fired. From this they concluded, that in a fair
field and no favor, it was quite possible for active and determined men
to close with musqueteers ; and when once in contact, their uniform
experience had been that the musquet and bayonet were no match for
the broadsword and target. The great activity of the Highlanders, in
which they confessedly exceeded the regulars, was supposed to do more
than compensate for their want of methodical training, while their superior
skill as marksmen fully counterbalanced their irregularity in firing.
Upon these grounds, the Celtic leaders considered their forces as
BY THE EDITOR. xxvii
decidedly superior to modern infantry ; but they were equally sensible
that on open ground their arms and training were inadequate to cope with
efficient cavalry, and they had nothing whatever to oppose to the fatal
power of artillery. Although, therefore, on many occasions they had
obtained successes more or less marked against both cavalry and artillery,
yet it seems much to their credit, as scientific soldiers, that they attributed
these advantages solely to the accidental inefficiency of their opponents.
Accordingly, in taking the field, they considered themselves as forming
nothing more than the nucleus of an army ; formidable, doubtless, in
many respects, and capable of rendering a good account of much more
than their own number of regular infantry, but unfitted to contend singly
against the modern combination of infantry, cavalry, and artillery. It
thus happened, that finding themselves unsupported by any considerable
amount of cavalry and artillery, they readily acquiesced in Mar's desire
to wait for further reinforcements of those powerful auxiliaries before com
mencing active operations, while their ardent and susceptible temperament
rendered them, it is possible, too facile victims of that nobleman's exag
gerations.
The Master of Sinclair seems, in this insurrection, to have stood almost
alone in his feelings and sentiments. Regularly trained as a soldier in the
desperate European wars of the period, he viewed with unmitigated, per
haps undue, contempt, both the raw levies of the Lowlands, and the irre
gular and undisciplined warriors of the Highlands. His sagacity and know
ledge of the world easily enabled him to detect Mar's falsehoods and delu
sive exaggerations regarding the temper of the country, and the amount
of support which could be anticipated. He also soon perceived that
their only prospect of success was by making active use of the materials at
their command, so as, if possible, to obtain some brilliant advantage which
would probably have had the effect of inducing many waverers to declare
themselves in favour of the Insurgents, and might also have induced the
French Government to render them efficient co-operation. In order to
accomplish this object, he seems to have been at first most strenuous and
sincere in his efforts to organize the army, and render it as efficient
and serviceable as circumstances would permit; but finding his efforts
xxviii INTRODUCTORY REMARKS
thwarted, and a completely different system encouraged and pursued, he
soon despaired of success, and became disgusted with his associates.
Sir Walter expresses his opinion that the Master in the present Memoirs
is more successful in attacking the reputation of others than in vindi
cating his own, and of this the Reader must judge. It must however
be admitted that the whole tone of the Memoirs most decidedly indicates
a sincere, though not a blind, attachment to the cause of the Stewarts. At
the same time they evince a haughty and unconciliatory temperament,
which probably deprived his counsels of much of the influence which they
might otherwise have possessed. But it is impossible to dispute the
sagacity and foresight evinced in his opinions and reflections, tinctured as
they are by prudence and caution, rather than daring and adventure. His
conduct at Sheriffmuir is evidently, in Sir Walter's opinion, the great blot
upon his escutcheon ; and, referring to the present account of the engage
ment, it cannot be denied that a more enterprising officer might not have
hesitated to undertake the duty abandoned by Huntly and Marischal's
squadrons, and attacked General Wightman's division, whose unopposed
movement to the right contributed so materially to the defeat of the
Insurgents' left. But the temper of the Master was evidently cautious and
methodical, shunning, rather than courting independent action ; and it is
besides extremely probable that, as stated by himself, the fact of his
squadron's remaining unbroken upon the ground, alone prevented
Whitham's Dragoons from rallying and destroying the victorious High
landers when scattered and disordered by their success.
No account of the Battle of Sheriffmuir, so circumstantial and distinct
as the present, is known by the Editor to exist ; and from this account it
appears that the success of the peculiar system of the Highlanders was
never more marked and complete. In four minutes two thousand High
landers, with the loss of only twenty-five men, defeated, in open field,
and without advantage of ground on either side, an equal, if not superior,
number of the tried veterans of the Duke of Marlborough's wars. The
efficiency of the Highland broadsword as a weapon of destruction is
described in language peculiarly forcible and characteristic. This coming
from a trained and disciplined soldier, who candidly acknowledges that
BY THE EDITOR. xxix
he never believed that Highlanders would have endured the fire of
regular troops, and elsewhere speaks most disparagingly of their general
military character, entitles the Master to be cited as an unwilling witness,
the most favourable of all testimonies, in support of Highland tactics
and prowess.
It may here be remarked, that while the " rough rebuke," as the
Master terms it, which the right of the Rebel army gave to the left of
Argyle's, tended to confirm the confidence of the Highlanders in their
system, and nerved their arms for Prestonpans and Falkirk, the rout of
the left, however annoying in itself, was nothing unexpected, or contrary
to their preconceived ideas ; they were defeated by cavalry. They there
fore only blamed the cowardice or misconduct of their Lowland allies or
their Commander, who, with a respectable cavalry force in the field,
abandoned the left wing entirely, and left it exposed to the onset of the
Grey Dragoons.
After the victorious right wing of the Rebels, consisting of the Mac-
donalds, with Huntly's and Marischal's squadrons of cavalry, together
with the Fife squadron led by the Master of Sinclair, had altered
their front, they found themselves opposed to Argyle's troops, returning
from their successful attack on the left of the Rebels. In this position
both armies remained facing each other for a short time. The powers of
invective have been exhausted in abusing Mar for his cowardice and
incapacity in not attacking Argyle. Possibly these accusations may be
just, more particularly with reference to the unmolested retreat which
Argyle was permitted to make. But the question may be fairly asked,
Why did Argyle not attack Mar, the one being in command of regular,
and the other of irregular forces ? Argyle evidently hesitated to trust his
tried and victorious infantry, aided as they were by most efficient cavalry,
against Highlanders similarly supported. A greater compliment was
never paid to irregular troops, whether deservedly or not, it is now
impossible to ascertain.
Perhaps it may be here permitted to add a few words regarding what
has always been considered as the great fault of the old Highlanders, and
which so completely annihilated the effect of their brilliant military
xxx INTRODUCTORY REMARKS
achievements, viz., their love of plunder, and proneness to abandon their
standards. But, in extenuation, it must be borne in mind .that the High
land idea of a soldier was that of the middle ages, which only called upon
a man for service during a limited period in each year, and allowed him
all the plunder he could seize as the legitimate and only reward of his
valour. It thus seems rather too much to expect that Highlanders
should have become indoctrinated with the modern ideas of military ser
vice, without the advantages which modern soldiers consider themselves
entitled to receive. To have attached them to their standards by liberal
pay and allowances was either never contemplated, or was rendered im
practicable by circumstances. Mar indeed seems to have given the High
land Chiefs as much money as he could, but this was wholly insufficient
to enable them to allow their followers more than a bare subsistence,
unless their selfishness and cupidity induced them to appropriate too large
a portion for themselves ; and, in either view, the conduct of their fol
lowers should excite neither surprise nor disapprobation. We never
heard of a soldier or officer, in modern times, who refused his share of
prize-money, which is simply the old Highland idea of plunder ; but a
modern soldier would feel indignant at being accused of taking the field
solely or principally on that account, which is the accusation so constantly
and unjustly levelled at the Highland Clans.
The celebrated ROB HOY is mentioned more than once, as apparently
too well known to require further observation ; but it is much to be re
gretted that no description of his character and peculiarities is to be found
among the graphic and forcible sketches given by the Master. The
advantage which Rob Roy undoubtedly obtained over a party of the
Government forces in Fife, sometime after the battle of Sheriffmuir,
appears to be nowhere else recorded, and must now be added to the other
exploits of that celebrated partizan and freebooter. The particulars of the
rencontre are, it is to be feared, irrecoverably lost. 1 Rob's character, it is
1 It ia stated in the memoirs of his life that he went to Falkland with his fol
lowers after the Battle of Sheriffmuir, and plundered the country, but no allusion is
made to any engagement with the Government forces.
BY THE EDITOR. xxxi
well known, suffered much on the ground either of courage or sincerity
for his conduct at Sheriffmuir, which is fully commented on by Sir Walter
Scott ; but, according to the account given in the present volume, it may
be remarked that, along with a detachment of the Macphersons, he was
stationed on a separate duty some miles from the field of battle, there
being no intention of bringing them into action. In these circumstances,
when called upon with his small force to stem the tide of innumerable
fugitives, and attack victorious cavalry, his refusal seems in accordance
with recognized military principles, and his memory ought thus to be
rescued from the imputation of treachery or cowardice on this occasion.
It would be easy to extend these remarks to a much greater length ;
and many fertile subjects for annotation presented themselves during the
course of the Work. But it was deemed, upon the whole, most suitable
to allow the Notes as framed by Sir Walter Scott to remain as the sole
illustrations of the text.
JAMES MACKNIGHT.
It is well known, that I am of a Familie who, at all times and upon all
occafions, were attached to the Crown of Scotland, and who have fuffi-
cientlie fuffer'd for it, and that I was earlie inflrucled in the principles of
an indifpenfable duty and fidelitie towards my Prince ; and I muft own,
that from my infancie I had an innate zeal and affection for all the
remains of the old Royall Familie of Scotland ; and tho' I was fo far a
A
ERRATA.
On Page 1st of Preface, line 4, for " But the period is now passed, during which
any remarks, however satirical and harsh, could inflict pain on individuals or
particular persons ; and the reflections are directed against them almost exclu
sively in their capacity as actors in a great public and political movement ;"
read " But the period is now passed, during which any remarks, however satirical
and harsh, could inflict pain on individuals ; and the reflections on particular
persons are directed against them almost exclusively in their capacity as actors
in a great public and political movement."
Page 300, line 8, for " no," read " on."
MEMOIRS
OF THE
INSURRECTION IN SCOTLAND IN 1715.
BY
JOHN, MASTER OF SINCLAIR.
THE matter I have in hand does not deferve the dignitie of a Preface, nor
am I fuch a proficient in fcriblery as to be a mailer of forms ; but it being
my miffortune, upon the late part I ac~led in conjunction with other gentle
men of my countrie, not onlie to [have] fallen under the heavie cenfure of
the advers partie, who with juftice enough may condemn me, but to have
likwife had the moft fevere and injurious reflections made upon me by
fome of thofe with whome I was imbarqu'd in that unhappie caufe ; I think
it necefiarie fo far, to fupplie the want of fome introdudlorie difcourfe as,
before I enter upon a relation of thofe facts which make up the fubjec"l-
matter of this paper, to fay fomewhat of the motives and intervening
accidents that led me into that fatall flep, and of the reafons I had of
difaproveing of that ill-concerted defigne in the beginning.
It is well known, that I am of a Familie who, at all times and upon all
occafions, were attached to the Crown of Scotland, and who have fuffi-
cientlie fuffer'd for it, and that I was earlie inftrucled in the principles of
an indifpenfable duty and fidelitie towards my Prince ; and I mufl own,
that from my infancie I had an innate zeal and affection for all the
remains of the old Royall Familie of Scotland ; and tho' I was fo far a
A
2 MEMOIRS OF THE
child at the Revolution as not to be capable of makeing any judgement of
the proceedings of the times, yet that, as foon as I came. to fome reafon-
able fenfe and feeling of things of that kynd, I oftne lamented as well the
pad as the prefent miffortunes of that Illuftrious Familie ; and haveing juft
before my faid late unhappie adventure received a very fingular mark of
her late Majeftie's familie clemencie, as I hope I may without offence call
it, it went a great way towards the fixing and rooting in my heart a fenfe
of love and gratitude towards that Stock, and all that yet remain'd of it.
I am now in courfe to fay fomewhat of that infamous furrender of our
rights and liberties, or Union, as they pleafe to call it. Tho' I was too
younge to be concerned in publick bufinefs it made a deeper impreffion
on no Scotfman then on myfelf, thro' the priviledge I had as a Peer's
elded fon, of being prefent at all the debates that arofe upon paffing that
fatall ac~l. I faw with horrour fome of the defendants of our once noble
anceftors, who had made it their glory to facrifife life and fortune in pre-
fervation of the freedom and independencie of their Countrie, altogether
as follicitous to mine and reduce it into a contemptible province to a
neighbouring Nation. There was indeed amongfl thofe a hideous mixture
of fuch whofe names had no place in ftorie, and who haveing no (hare of
the honour of their Countrie tranfmitted to them, were not fo much to
blame if they barter'd it away for profit or preferment, or to fecure the
ill-got wealth they had alreadie purchafed, being confcious of their own
guilt ; there were wretches of a mufhroom growth, who, like the falfe
mother before Solomon, had no other way of getting a part but by diftroy-
ing the whole ; and they now flourifh and lord it in peace, haveing fweept
away all marks of power and diftin&ion, and thereby put themfelves on
a levell with thofe whofe vafials they were not longe before. I had then fo
great a fenfe of the diflionour and Nationall evill, that I was not onlie free
enough in cenfureing it and all its abettors, but I offer' d zealouflie, to thofe
great men who oppofed it, my helping hand to put a flop to it. And
I am ftill of opinion, that a madnefs would have been honourable and
beautifull in the Scots Nation at that time. I fay a madnefs, becaufe being
then as unprovided as we were afterwards, we might been born down with
the weight of a more powerfull Nation, fuch as England ; tho' in all proba-
INSURRECTION IN SCOTLAND, 1715. 3
bilitie our game would have been better, they haveing their hands full
elfewhere, and we more unanimous amongft ourfelves. But the prudence
of one to whom a great part of the management of that affair was intruded
overrul'd his zeale, and we left in that difgraceful degenerate ftate, groan
ing under a load of taxes, which accumulated on us every day ; while our
Nobles and great men, the happie inftruments of fo good a work, went to
Court to reap the fruits of their perfidie ; and while our prophets at home,
much at their eafe, amufed the ignorant people by damning and faving
their fouls according to their pleafure, they themfelves, in all tranquillitie,
haveing fecured their beloved, becaufe profitable Kirk ; nor being to bear
any part of the burthen, in the mean time keept up the divifions amongfl us,
in cafe we might at anie time cemented to [have] done our countrie juftice.
" Tantum religio potuit fuadere maJorum."
For my own part, I don't ballance to fay that I with, for the good of my
countrie, we could have fallne on fome method to have made ourfelves rid
both of Church and Kirk for a time, for there feemed no poffibilitie of
makeing up our differences without takeing that methode ; and it would
be doeing them injuftice not to think, that they had laid fo folide founda
tions of religion in the. hearts of the people, that we could for fuch
a generall good difpenced with them for a few years. But if they have
onlie foued tares inftead of wheat, I don't know the good of them. 1
muft freelie own I have no notion of principles of religion or government
that tends to the deftruclion of my countrie.
The more the Englifh faw into our differences at home, the greater
infractions they made of the Treatie of Union, and the lefs they faw
any reafon of keeping meafures with us. I myfelf fuffer'd by the firfl,
being one of thofe four Peers' fons who were returned members to fit in
the Houfe of Commons, notwithftanding it was flipulated, on our Peers
giveing up their rights of fitting in the Houfe of Lords, that onlie
excepted, they fliould enjoy all the priviledges of Englifh Peers. Almoft
everie Parliament has produced new infractions, nor mould I wonder that
a Nation who knows fo much of us, fhould put it out of our power to
fell their liberties, fince we had not honour enough to preferve our own.
4 MEMOIRS OF THE
But of all the indignities that ever was done a Nation, the treatement
given foon after the Union to a confiderable number of the Scots nobilitie
and gentrie was the greatefl. On the French makeing a feint to invade
us, (for in my confciens I don't beleive there was more defigned by
France,) yea, after the Englifh themfelves were perfuaded that all was
over, the Scots miniders of State, at Court, being in danger of loofeing
their pods by a difcoverie of their weaknefs in influencing the electing at
home of proper Members of Parliament, to anfuer the ends of England,
put it in the heads of the Englifli Minidrie to lay hold of that pretext to
bring up to London, like malefactors, thofe of the bed families and bed
interefls of the Scots Nation ; which the Englifh went eafilie into, that the
Scots might know their mafters earlie. " Et quam gravis cafus in fer-
vitium ex libertate fit, illi fecum ipfe reputarent." (Saluft. Bel. Jug.)
But what made the indignitie the greater was, that after keeping them fo
long in prifons at home they brought them up in triumph to London, to
be infulted on the road by their mobb ; as if it was not enough to have
made them (laves, but they mud be told it by every fcoundrell of that
Nation, which would appear'd to been no fmall part of their defigne ;
for the event (hewed they had nothing to lay to their charge.
Haveing faid fo much of the principal motives that engaged me in that
defigne, the lead part of which would been enough to me to embrace the
fird favourable opportunitie to afiert the honour of my Countrie, I think it
necefiarie, in my Vindication, to give my reafons for being in the beginning
backward to engage in that defperate attempt which was pretended to be
meant for the releif of the countrie ; and that the reader may form the
jufter idea of the fpirit that then reigned, and the grounds I walkt on, I
will give an account of myfelf for fome years before, as well as of others,
that he may didinguiih betwixt what men ought to doe and ought to
think, and what they doe think, and what they are capable of.
Soon after the paffing of the Union I left Scotland, and about the age of
tuentie went abroad to the armie, without recommendation, fupport, or the
lead acquaintence there, and I may fay without monie, but what was word
of all without the confent of my Father, which, had I carried with me,
might have fupplied mod of thofe wants. I beleive, I haveing dudied as
INSURRECTION IN SCOTLAND, 1715. 5
much as moft of younge men had done of my age, he had defigned me for
fome other flate of life. But being prepofefft with the fame follie that moft
younge men are, I lookt on all other ways of liveing as unworthie of a man
of qualitie ; even tho' I forfaw, befides thefe other difadvantages, that the
very cara6ler of my familie was alone enough to be a clog to me, which
for fome centuries bygone, till then, would at lead intitled me to fome-
thing. So changeable are the affairs of human life, that what at one time
is his greater advantage, is, at another, his greateft miffortune.
In my way to the armie, while I was meditateing how I fhould carrie a
firelock, I had the good luck to meet with a colonall, a gentillman of note
of my countrie, who had the generofitie to attache himfelf more to me than
I did to him. He made me fome time after a captain in his regiment,
where I ferved till I was oblidged to quit, for tuo miffortunes that
happened in a very fhort time, one after the other, notwithflanding of
the court-marifhaH's recommending me to the Generall, his Grace the
Duke of Marlebourough's mercie, which was always lookt on as equall to a
pardone, and which, I can aver, was never refufed to anie but myfelf;
nor was his allowing me to ferve at the feiges of Lille and Ghent pre-
cedented, on my giveing my word of honour to return to areft after thofe
feiges were over, which I did, and continued till his Grace of Marle-
bourough fent his repeated orders to make my efcape, which I difobey'd
tuice ; but at laft, being encouraged by his promife to recommend me to
any Prinpe in Chriftendom that I pleafed, for thefe were his words, I went
off, and procured his recommendation to the King of Pruffia, in whofe
fervice, which, I may fay is of all the ftrickteft, I came back to ferve in
the Low Countries, where I continued untill the end of the war ; at which
time her Majeftie Queen Ann, haveing, as it was faid, turned Tory,
vouchfafed me her pardon.
I need not ufe many words to convince, that I who had bore my (hare
of the fatigues of a bloodie war, and more than my equall (hare of tra-
verfes and chicanes, had now feen through the follie of the world ; and the
rather that I had tafted all the fouer of fervice, but none of the fweet, was
extreamlie glade to retire home, my temptations to a countrie life being
none of the lead of thofe who followed the armie ; and that I might enjoy
6 MEMOIRS OF THE
myfelf the better, I put on a refolution to joyn no partie, hopeing by that
means to have the friendfhip of all my neighbours ; haveing no thoughts
of depending on any Court, could not conceave the advantages I could
reap from anie partie, which onlie anfuer the ends of deffigneing men, and
is keept by them, to the ruine of commerce and good neighbourhood ; and
whatever the pretext may be, never tend to the good of a countrie, being
always mifled by one or other who has moft cunning and leaft honour, who
raifes himfelf on the others ruins. Tho' my way of liveing till then had
been very different, I had got fo much knowledge by ftrouleing for fome
time in the world, that I had a horrour of all thofe Court tricks and
courtiers, whofe virtues I beleived confifted in lying, impudence to fupport
their rogueries, and their exterior eclat which dazels the eyes of the world,
and impofes on them ; together with a fervile, fouple humor, which makes
them abandon all that's good to ferve their intereft, for no fooner one of
them taftes the fueet of a penfion, than
" In villos abeunt veftes, in crura lacerti,
Fit lupus, nee veteris fervat veftigia formse."
Haveing this opinion of that fet of men, my neceffities not forcing me to
depend on them, nor my inclinations leading me to raife myfelf at the
expence of my countrie, I was refolved I'd neither cheat or be cheated ;
at leaft I would keep out of the way of it as much as I could, and had
determined that with myfelf, when one who I had reafon to think was my
friend, and to whome I oued obligations, told me, at London, when there
in my way home, it would be proper for me to waite on my Lord Mar,
Secretarie of State for Scotland, and in all appearance the rifeingeft man
of that Nation, and affure him I would be determined by him in every thing;
at leaft make him a compliment to that purpofe, tho' I knew he had done
me all the harm that lay in his power, by ftoping my pardon underhand.
I anfuerd that gentleman, who gave me the advice, very franklie, that by
God I would be no man's (lave, nor determind by any bodie, far lefs by his
Lordfliip of Mar, who I never had anie opinion of. Upon which his Lord-
fhip, when I went to waite of him, found himfelf oblidged to fpeak free lan
guage to me, and pretended the Queen's order to keep me for half a year
INSURRECTION IN SCOTLAND, 1715. 7
at London for a frivolous reafon. At laft, finding that I had no regarde
to what he faid, he fell on feverall little indireft methods to doe it, which,
being as ineffectual, fome days after, when I faw him, he fpoke plainlie to
me about the elections, by which I difcoverd his defigne. I afterwards told
the gentleman who had fpoke to me to waite of Mar, that I was not the
fimple German he took me to be, and afkt him feriouflie whether I had
not difcoverd his Lordfhip? He ownd ingenuouflie it was fo, and that
my Lord was affraid I mould interfeer with fome of his new acquired
creatures in the countie of Fife, where he knew I had ane intereft. I was
informed afterwards, that his Lordfhip haveing ufe of all his intereft at
Court to hinder the Queen's pardoning me, finding it was not in his
pouer, fent Sir Hugh Paterfon, his brother-in-law, to my brother, to affure
him of my Lord Mar's friendfliip ; but infinuating it would be proper that
my father mould write a civill letter to Mar, oweing him the favour ; which
my father was not mean enough to ftoop to.
While at London, I had occafion to fee the meannefs of fome of our
Scots Nobilitie who were of the fixteen, and who I heard complain grive-
ouflie of the Treafurer's cheating them ; becaufe he had gone out of toun
without letting them know, or giveing them monie, as he had promifed. I
was told, they wanted a hundred pound, or fome fuch matter, to pay their
debts, and carrie them down to Scotland ; and that they ufed to hange on
at his levie like fo many footmen. My God ! how concerned I was to fee
thofe who pretended to be of the ancient Scots Nobilitie reduced to beg at
ane Englifh Court ! " O quantum mutati ab illis." And fome of thofe, of
which number was my Lord Kilfeyth, were they who gave themfelves the
greateft airs in our affair ; fo ufefull is impudence to impofe on mankind.
I foon got out of that place, where I faw nothing but what was chocking,
to enjoy my libertie and the innocent amufements of a countrie life,
refolving rather to put my hand to the plough than ever proftitute myfelf
and the honour of my familie by truckeling or cringeing to any infolent or
deceitfull courtier.
When I got home, I had the good luck to be very well receaved by all
the gentlemen of the countie I lived in, and I may fay without vanitie that
no familie had fo good a caracler amongs them, or was fo well lookt on as
8 MEMOIRS OF THE
ours, both by gentrie and commons ; for no man had to reproach us with
rifeing on the ruines of either our countrie or neighbours, or fo much as
with the lead breach of faith or promife ; the little that remain'd to us was
got and preferved by our virtue, of which had we had lefs our eftate
would been much greater.
I foon found that the countrie was in a ferment. The Tories begun to
hope, and the Whigs to fear. I keept up to my refolution above half a
year, and was equallie civill to both, and without entring into any of their
differences, went to both Church and Kirk, as they happned in my way.
I found this my behaviour difpleafed the High Flyers, and they fpread
about that I was an errant Whig. Tho' I had been a great part of my
time out of the countrie I was not ignorant of the general! carafters of the
parties, or of the particular caraclers of thofe whome they were compofed
of. I lookt on the Whigs as a fet of men very capable to ferve their_cou.n-
trie, but their moralls fo vitiated that they had not the lead inclination.
As for the Tories, I beleived them willing to ferve their countrie without
the leafl capacitie. The Whigs' pjnncipjes, I faw all alonge, were entirelie
founded on their intereft, and never change but with it. The Tories'
feemed properlie to have no foundation, and confifts in caprice, and a con-
tradi&ion of every thing the Whigs doe, I beleive, not more from a pre
judice of education as from an averfion contracted in their continuell
druggies; which eafilie appear'd from the bad ufe they made of the many
pollitick leflbns the Whigs daylie gave them ; for, as Horace fays
" Dum vitant stulti vitia, in contraria currant."
But what was mod unaccountable, that which was at all other times, in
all States, the onlie fupport of focietie, and indifputablie the bed founded
of all principles the love of countrie was extinct and forgot by both ; and
in that point onlie did they feem to agree ; fo that I may take the libertie
to fay that the Tories afperfed me injudlie, for at that time I had no mind
either to be infected with the Whigs' knaverie or their follie, tho' then, as
at all other times of my life, they themfelves had my good wiflies. Thefe
afperfions, which they knew were falfe, were fometime after backt by
griveous accufations and complaints to myfelf ; the heads of them were
INSURRECTION IN SCOTLAND, 1715. 9
my goeing to the Kirk, by which means I had intirelie loft the Church ;
and the other was, my not joyning the Tories in all their caballes. After
many repeated inftances from the heft of my friends, for all thofe I lookt
on to be fuch were of that partie, I was fo ingenuous to tell them, that I
thought my goeing fometimes to the Kirk was without confequence, and
that I did it not to be odious to the common people ; I never thought my
fcandall had lyen that way, and if it gave offence, I could eafilie difpence
with a worfhip that confifled onlie in ignorant preaching, which oftne
raifed my fpleen but never my devotion, and as feldom edified me. As
to medling in partie bufinefs, I had refolved to keep myfelf free, fince
there was no view of ferveing the countrie, but a certaintie of difquieting
myfelf, and neglecting my familie affairs. It was reprefented to me, that
my familie intereft lay that way, and it was a fhame for a man to be ane
ufelefs burthen to the earth when he had it in his power to be fignificant
in his countrie, and at fame time to ferve it. I had told them that the rubs
I had met with, together with the tract of miffortunes, of which no man,
for the time I had lived, had a greater (hare, had cured me of that follie
of wifhing to be fignificant in a countrie, and left me no other view but that
of liveing at eafe. Happie had I keept up to that refolution.
Not long after, the Whig miniflers furnifht me with a very juft pretext
of giveing up with them, for the pulpits begun to beat to rebellion, like fo
many drums ported at convenient diftances to alarme, as if that had been
the defigne of them, and the minHters payed onlie for that ufe. I thought
myfelf oblidged in honour not to give my countenance to thofe who
declared themfelves enemies to that good Queen who fo latelie had vouch-
fafed me her pardon. The Whigs did not flop there ; they armed them
felves expeditiouflie throughout the whole countrie, and at fame time fpread
reports that the Tories were all arm'd from France, the truth of which
has been too well known fince. All this while, the good Tories fatiffied
themfelves with drinking loyall healths, and writeing bold addrefles to her
Majeflie, fome telling her of the Whigs preparations againft her, and all
promifeing to (land by her with their lives and fortunes. One muft been
blind not to fee through the Whigs' management and the Tories follie ;
and I have fince found, by my experience, that I had then a juft notion
10 MEMOIRS OF THE
of every man of them throughout the whole kingdom. In fpite of all this,
like one infatuated, and cut out for definition, being teazed and reproacht
by friends, who, I thought, knew more than myfelf, I was at lad perfuaded
to goe alonge, believing the Whigs were to rebell, and that there would be
foon a neceffitie of joyning; and accordinglie went to a meeting of the
countie where an addrefs was communicated to us befor the meeting,
which was then to be prefented, and fent to the Queen. It was a bold
cavalier addrefs, telling her of the Whigs armeing, and their clergies
preaching rebellion ; and in the common flile, promifing to fland by her
with their lives and fortunes.
The Earl of Rothes, the fherif, who came there to oppofe it, with a
handful of his partie, rebated inflantlie all of them who prefented the
addrefs, tho' they were more than thrice his number. I came there as
a fpeclator, and, haveing been at none of thofe head courts before, nor
being in fee of a foot of ground, afkt fomebodie who flood by, If I
might not fpeak? He faid I might, as my father's fteward. I was
forrie and angrie to fee thofe fo lhamefullie baffled, who had undertakne to
doe wonders, and, after pulling the addrefs out of Major Balfour's pocket,
infpired them with courage, and got it palled with very little trouble.
This tryfle gain'd me their efteem ; it did not raife my expectations of
them ; but as follie is the fame from the beginning to the end, I did not
ftop there, and fell into what I had before avoided, the greatefl intimacie.
It was the common talk that the Queen was to put her brother on the
throne ; I oftne told them I wiflit it fo much that I could not bring myfelf
to believe it ; nor did I fee one flep takne towards it, except they'd fay that
the Whigs armeing throughout the whole Nation was a mean to bring it
about, when they were cheating the Queen with their foolifh addrefles, and
telling her they'd fland by her with their lives and ffortunes, when it
was plaine they had not the foules to doe it. Could any bodie pretend
to perfuade me that they, who had neither armes nor horfes, could
be capable of any thing but drinking ; yea, giveing all the allowances
could be afltt to the weaknefs of countrie gentlemen, I could not conceive
that they were fo great fools as not to know, when the fherrif and minifters
had armed all the mob of the countie ; if they deffigned but felf-defence,
INSURRECTION IN SCOTLAND, 1715. 11
armes and horfes were not neceflarie to them ; and, for that reafon, I lookt
on all they did or fayd to be but gafconnade onlie to pleafe themfelves, as
they had done thefe tuentie-eight years bypaft.
It's not to be believed that this way of fpeaking could have got me the
caracler of a Whig from fome of them. The Tories have that wife
maxime, amongft many other, whoever does not fall into their follies, or
contradicts their nonfenfe or lyes, muft inftantlie be branded.
However, haveing had fome further tryells, they fent fome of their
number to get a pofitive anfuer from me, If I would command them, in
cafe an opportunitie offer'd to reftore the King, and break the Union. I
faid I would, if they'd allow me to judge of the proper time, and fatiffie
myfelf with the reafonablenefs of the project ; for I knew them fo well
that I did not know what to think of them, nor would I be determined by
them. But if they would believe me, the bed thing they could doe in the
mean time was to provide arms and horfes, for without that I'd have
nothing to doe with them ; for in the difpofition the Whigs were then in
I expected everie day we fhould all be takne and tyed, except they'd give
over irritateting a partie daylie who had armes in there hands when we
had none. I told them further that I would take care of one, and next
poft would write to Holland for fiftie firelocks with the next poft, which,
with the armes I had, would defend me againft the infults of the whole
countrie. Being all alone at home, I could barricade myfelf fo that no
mob would dare to attack me ; for, happne what would, I was refolved
not to be takne. This appear'd to make fome impreffion on them, being
convinced of the truth of what I faid, and they defired me to come to a
meeting of the principall gentrie, where I might have an opportunitie of
laying it before them. I found difficultie in that, becaufe of the number
they fpoke of, and fome one or others blabbing. They anfuered, they
knew the people they had to doe with ; that if any private methode were
fallne on to provide armes, they'd think themfelves affronted and take
none of them when they came, fo that there was ane abfolute neceffitie
of meeting with fome of thofe who had moft difcretion, for which a
day was named. Accordinglie I keept the apointment at Denmure's
houfe, where, after repeating my reafons for armeing, I found a few dif-
12 MEMOIRS OF THE
pofed, and mod of them furprifed, and lookt on thofe who advifed armeing
as rafh people, who had a mind to ruine them. They were told, that armes
would bite no bodie, that it was ane old Scots proverb they bodded peace,
and there could be no harm in haveing them if they did not put them to a
wronge ufe, which ftill depended on every man's felf. I told them likwife
I had fent to Holland for armes to take care of myfelf, and they might doe
as they pleafed. At laft, after a good dale of idle difcourfe, and more
drinke, they were perfuaded to allow me and other three to fend a com-
miffion to Harry Crauford for fourfcore carabines and carabine belts, and
as many pairs of piflolls, with a fmall quantity of pouder and flints, for that
was all they would confent to take ; tho' to encourage them I bid them
put anie proportion on me, notwithftanding I was alreadie armed. They
were at fame time advifed to take the brokne dragoons into their fervice,
numbers of which were then to be got ; but to no purpofe, in cafe they
might afkt ten millings more a year then the countrie fervants. Some
time after we found out that Mr Malcome of Grange, in driveing under
hand ane intereft for my Lord Mar, then Secretarie of State, was the man
that had raifed that jealoufie againft me, and about tuentie of us at one
time refolved Mr Malcome fhould not be allowed to take upon, and that
my Lord Lyon fliould no more be knight of the mire. But the Queen's
death happning, we cemented againft the common enemie.
Were I to give a full detaile of the bad conduct of thofe gentlemen, and
the follies they put me upon, I'd never have done. It was not enough to
be drag'd alonge to give them fpirit in elections, but I muft take oaths to
King George, which I had never done before to any prince, becaufe no bodie
of our partie would accept of being Juftice of Peace if I did not, and in that
cafe the whole countrie would be left to the mercie of the Whigs. The
fear of a procefs ftartled them, and reallie it was to be expected, for by the
Act of SuccefTion the fame Juftices of Peace who were in commiffion at her
Majeftie's death were to continue for half a year after ; the queftion was,
Whether we, who had not exerced that office, fince our commiffion was not
read till fhe was dead, could be underftood to be thofe in office ? Lawyers
were divided about it. In the meantime I was to bear the brunt of all,
for no bodie would fit without my being prefent, and at laft I was, I may
INSUBRECTION IN SCOTLAND, 1715. 13
fay, deferted. Upon another occafion I turned a Don Quixot to ferve the
partie. A magiftrat of Kircaldee, one of the moil conliderable towns in
the Nation, wanting to be continued in his office, and, as the Whigs faid,
haveing no bodie in the whole town for him but thofe of the Town Coun-
cill, who they called a packt partie, and who were not above tuelve, or
fome fuch number, and were fo outraged againft him that they threatned
to deftroy him and thofe of his partie if he did not defift. Tho' I was no
favourite of that people, upon the Magiftrates defireing of me to be prefent,
becaufe of the regarde they'd have to me might keep them in awe ; and
tho' I knew the mob of that place no lefs dangerous than in anie town of
the Nation, efpeciallie when fet agoge by the minifters, and headed by all
the principall people in town, and fupported by the fherrif of the countie,
yet I ventured with one fervant, and efcorted him through a very nume
rous mob who oppofed his goeing to the Town-Houfe, which everie bodie
ouned was oueing to me, and to tell truth more than I had reafon to
expect. But being their devoted flave, I muft run all rifques to ferve
them, and to keep them eafie once more accept of being Juftice of Peace,
in a new nomination the Whigs procured, where there was onlie five in all
of our partie nominated.
The noice of the rebellion beginning then to fpread, the Juftices got
orders from Court to feize the horfes and armes of all the difaffedled
perfons. In the beginning, our Juftices did not believe the neceffitie
was fo great in our countrie, of feizing the horfes and armes of
thofe who were reputed fo ; but the news of the mobs in England
increafcing, and heats growing there every day to greater bights, our
Juftices feem'd onlie to want fome one to propofe it, and every one waited
on the others' motion. At laft the Proclamation was read in one of our
meetings where I was prefent, I, as I reallie then believed, faid, that the
Proclamation feemed to be calculated for England, who were then in
broiles, and not for us, who were liveing in great tranquillitie, and had not
(hewed the leaft marks of difaffection, and beg'd of the Juftices that, con-
trarie to the deffigne of our office, we might not be the firft difturbers of
the publick peace, for I could not fee that was the way to ferve King
George. Tho' they had little to fay againft this, yet I could perceave
14 MEMOIRS OF THE
they were not fatiffied, and feared their meeting fometime by themfelves
without advertifeing me, and in that cafe their blind zeale would
carrie them all lengths, and for that reafon took all the precautions
I could to be prefent at everie meeting, of which we had feveralls,
where I found them very hot upon feizing horfes and armes. I repre-
fented to them that, above all things, we were to avoid even the very
appearances of privat revenge in publick affairs; and aflct them, If in their
confciences they thought the gentlemen of the countrie bad more horfes
than was neceflarie for them, or fuch as could be faid to be of ufe in war ?
As to their armes, they knew as well as I that a pair of old ruflie pillolls
was little enough to defend one's houfe againft theeves, nor did I think
them off that value to draw upon us the hatred of our neighbours, fince
their keeping them could riot be of that confequence to put the Govern
ment in danger ; and in reallitie it feem'd fo to myfelf at that time. By
this I gave onlie a checque to their violent proceedure ; and they being
generallie feven againfl me alone, was glad to agree with them to refer all
to a generall meeting of the whole Juflices of the countie, it being allowed
not proper for us to take the odium of all upon ourfelves. By that means
I not onlie gained time, but in cafe the meeting happned not to be fre
quent, I had hopes we might foyle them once more by bringing all our
force there, which, with a new convert, made up fix. And fo it fell out ;
for either trufling to one another, or becaufe they would not fhare the
odium when they thought the bufinefs would doe without their being pre-
fente, they met fo little flronger than ourfelves that we got them managed,
and that in a countie where they were ten Juflices to one, and where
there was nothing wanting of the violence of the partie; and in that con
dition did we continue till our affair broke out. I'm fenfible, I have
enlarged too much on things that won't appear of any confequence to the
reader, to deferve fo long a detaile ; but fuch as they are, they cofl me no
little travell and pains, and of that kind that none of our partie were
capable, or had authoritie enough to goe about them, and at lead deferved
fome better returne. One thing I can affirm, that had it not been for my
management, not one of the Fife gentlemen had faved their horfes, who
made up the befl fquadron of thofe engaged with us. True it is, I have oftne
INSURRECTION IN SCOTLAND, 1715. 15
repented it, nor did I then believe they'd make fo bad a ufe of that piece
of fervice, and act fo inconfideratlie as they did foon after; for my defligne
was to leave them at their freedom, in cafe a probabilitie happned to ferve
the countrie. I muft confefs that to bring that about I was oblidged to
deffemble, and I challenge mankind to fay that ever I acted a double part
at any other time of my life.
It's now high time to enter on the fubje6l of this Paper, which is to con-
fift in a faithfull relation of the manner of rifeing, the principall councills,
mouvements, and tranfadlions of that partie whilft I was with them, and of
the reafons that induced me to feperate fo early from them.
" Quamquam animus meminifle horret, luctuque refugit,
Incipiam. "
About the end of Julie [1715], if I remember right, I went to the eaftern
part of the countie to doe fome private bufinefs, where meeting with Mr
Malcome of Grange, I was invited to dine with him in my return home
wards. I came there, with a good many others, at the time appointed, and
found Mr Malcome abfent. His fifter made us fit down to dinner, and
affured us her brother would be with us foon; which accordinglie happned,
for he was with us in half ane hour. After dinner he took me afide, and
told me, he had come from my Lord Mar and Generall Hamilton, who had
landed at Elie the night before, hard by his houfe, out of a coale barck,
from London, with onlie three feamen ; and that my Lord and the Generall
had wrought all the way (this to raife the admiration) ; that my Lord
paffed under the name of Mr Maule, and had gone, alonge with Generall
Hamilton, to Bethun of Balfour's houfe, Hamilton's fon-in-law, whence
they had fent for him. I afkt him the meaning of that. He faid, they
were the forerunners of a very good thing, and they were goeing to
the Highlands to pave the way for the Duke of Berwick's comeing, if not
the King's ; for it was not certaine if he muft not goe to England with the
Duke of Ormond ; for all was in the laft readienefs in England, as well
as in France, whence we were to expect ten thoufand men, whofe landing
we'd foon hear off, both in England and Scotland, with great ftores off
16 MEMOIRS OF THE
annes and ammunition. I afkt him, What had my Lord Mar to doe with
all this, who I had no notion of giveing any credit to ; for did not all the
world know the part [he] had always acted ; and faid, " Timeo Danaos et
dona ferentis." He faid, there was no reafon to fear, fince, to his know
ledge, my Lord Mar had fhew'd himfelf a very firm man to our caufe in
the Queen's reigne ; and he had takne the freedom to put him in mind of
the Union, and that his Lordfhip own'd his fault, and beg'd of him not to
fpeak of it, for he was going to doe his beft to repair it. I told him Mar
would find it was eafier to fell our libertie than recover it ; and if we were
fuch fools as to truft fuch a man, could our repenting afterwards retrieve
it ? Malcome faid further, I have told him of the daylie fear we are in of
haveing our horfes takne from us, and the ftruggle you have had of late,
and that it will be impoffible for you to ftave it off any longer. He faid
Mar anfuer'd, Whenever they are preffed let them draw together and
defend themfelves. I muft confefs that I was dunned with the raftmefs
of that order, or rather advice, for he did not pretend then to command,
becaufe the Duke of Berwick was expected daylie, as he then gave out ;
and I told Malcome if the Fife gentlemen would take my advice, which I
did not doubt they would, they Ihould not acl fo rafhlie ; did not he know
that the Gouvernment had alreadie takne umbrage, and had fent a regi
ment of dragoons to Stirveling, within a few hours marche of us, and that
the Whig magiftrats and burgers of Pearth had alreadie made themfelves
mafters of that toun, and confequentlie of the Bridge of lerne, our onlie
pafiage out of Fife ; and would the Sherrife and the mob of the countrie,
who, all knew, were armed, be wanting on fuch ane occafion to take us,
being hem'd in on all hands in a peninfule ; or if ~we got out, who could
aflure us of a refuge in the Highlands, fince it was more than probable the
Duke of Athole, into whofe countrie we muil retire, would feize us, and
deliver us up to the Gouvernment, as all thefe things were then very
obvious to any who alloued himfelf to think, or who had the lead notion
of the bufinefs defigned. So this may ferve, in the beginning, to (hew that
his Lordfhip of Mar neither knew the fituation of the countrie, fo necelTarie
to a Generall, nor did he care what became of the whole, provided he had
the good luck to put it once fairlie in confufion ; which the uncertaintie of
INSURRECTION IN SCOTLAND, 1715. 17
his fuccefs in the Highlands proves further, for at that time he was not
fhure of anie bodie ; and yet moft impudently, in his printed letter from
France, where he endeavours to excufe himfelf by palliating all his late
villanies with new lyes, he fays, He could not allay the Scots heat. I aikt
Malcome, If he thought the want of armes was nothing ? He anfuered,
There was no want of armes and everie thing necefTarie ; for, before Mar
came from London, he was affured all was gone from France that was
needfull, both of monie and ammunition, and certainlie all mud be landed in
fome creeck in the North. He ended, telling me that Mar and Generall
Hamilton had gone to Hary Balfour's houfe, a gentleman of weight in the
countie, and brother to my Lord Burleigh ; l where I knew Malcome had
fent them, being in their way to Duplin, where they were to be that
night. I don't doubt Malcome had given Mar inflruclions how to manage
that poor gentleman, whofe miffortune was to be very eafielie elevated, and
as eafielie diijected. Haveing ferved a Major of King William's armie,
and ever after being of the Torie partie, and of late years always prefes of
the countie meetings, I imagine Mar would talk big to him, and promife
him very great things. From that his Lordfhip went to Duplin, and from
thence to the Highlands. Malcome took my word of honour I fliould
fpeak to nobodie of what he had told me till meeting ; and faid, he would
fee me in tuo-three days.
For Mar, being then out of danger, he was to goe his rounds, and give
private information, to all who could be trufted, of his Lordfhip's landing,
and the defigne of his comeing ; with ample inftruclions and full pouers to
folve all doubts, which was Malcome's great excellencie. For enough, if
anie wanted to have the King come, before they'd raife, which was the cafe
of moft, I may fay of all, in the beginning, Malcome was to bring him in
lefs than eight days. Others would neceffarlie have the Duke of Berwick :
Maleome laid down that as a fundamentall point, which there was no doeing
without, and it was fuppofed he was alreadie landed ; fome defcended to a
pair of piftells, if one pair did not ferve them, they could have tuentie.
One may judge that everie thing cofling fo little was eafilie procured. In
1 Henry Balfour of Dunbog, third son of John third Lord Burleigh. He had
been a Major of Dragoons.
18 MEMOIRS OF THE
fhort, England was unanimous ; the troops were readie to revolt, and the
afliftance of France alloweing us to want nothing, the thing could not faile ;
yea, it muft be done whether we would or not. But he could not under-
ftand the Mafter of Sinclair, who, tho' naturallie a bardie younge fellow,
was now turned backward, and did not feem to joyne heartilie ; at fame
time beg'd of them not to take anie notice of it to me, becaufe very often
I ufed to be fevere on him. In goeing his rounds, he came to me in the
fields, not finding me at home. I aikt, How a raifeing could be propofed
to a people who were neither provided with horfes fit for the purpofe, or
at all armed, a great part of which had not fo much as big bridles or
fadles ; and if my Lord Mar fpoke truth, it was proper for us to fee
the King landed before we flirred ; for it was my opinion a countrie
was not to be rifqu'd on the faith of a man who had no pretenfions to
be believed, but what his impudence afforded him. He anfuered, There
was no more defired of us but to be readie, and we would hear of all
being come very foon ; and he was goeing about to advertife all friends to
put themfelves in readienefs, and that moft were getting fadles and bridles
from Edinburg. I bid him reconcile that with Mar's advice about drauing
ourfelves together ; I cautioned him againft telling of ftories, for I knew it
was his way ; tho' I found him at that time very modeft with me, yet I
did not doubt he would be otherwife with the firft countrie laird he met
with. Amongft many bad things that attend a partie, fuch men as this
are its neceffarie evils; who at firft are found tractable enough to be taught
to fetch and carrie letters by thofe who> lead a partie, are afterwards
intruded with little commifiions in countrie brigues or elections, and by
the credit of their patrons, fpeaking nonfeufe, lying, drinking, and idlenefs,
accomplifhments requifite to get a caracler amongft countrie gentlemen,
who out of zeale believe everie thing that fuch fools fay, and becaufe they
never faile to flatter their follie, which talents of pleafing puts them at laft
in pofieffion of difpofeing of them ; who no fooner find themfelves thus
eftablifht than they fet up on their own foot, forget their old patrons, as well
as themfelves, and, rather than act in concert with anie of them to whome
they muft think they owe defference, take up with the firft who they think
capable to fupport them in driveing a new fcheme, and flatter their own
INSURRECTION IN SCOTLAND, 1715. 19
vanitie by imagineing themfelves great men, and if the project fucceeds,
that all will be oweing to them. Of this kidney was Mr Malcome, or the
Honeft 1 Laird, as they pleafe to call him, and fhews that few or none,
however difinterefted they may appear are without views of a back game.
For on that change of the Miniftrie, in the end of the Queen's reigne, he
was fent for to London by my Lord Mar, and offered five hundred pound
a year, as he himfelf told me, but faid he could not take the oaths, and
for that reafon refufed the poft; tho' I am apt to beleive the pofl would
have rendered him foon ufelefs to his Lordfhip.
My Lord Mar being now got into the Highlands, ftay'd fome days with
Indercale, chief of the Fercharfons, a gentleman of one of the bed eftates of
that countrie, but is vaflall to my Lord Mar for a fmall part of it. He,
foundeing this gentleman, who had always been firm to the caufe, and find
ing him difpofed to raife fo foon as the King came, but not before, told him
no more of his defiigne at firft but that he was come to advertife the King's
friends to have all in readienefs. He foon after procured a meeting at
Aboyne with the Lords Huntlie, 2 Tullibardine, 3 Southefque, 4 (a blank in
1 The Jacobites, while they continued to exist as a party, used to distinguish
themselves by the title of honest men.
2 Alexander Marquis of Huntly, afterwards second Duke of Gordon. He
appears very soon to have tired of the Insurrection, or of the mode in which it was
conducted, and became eager for accommodation with the Government. As he
acted in concert with our author, both were considered by the more violent Jacobites
as lukewarm in the cause. Huntly had the good fortune to make his peace with
Government, succeeded to his father's estates, and died in 1728.
3 William Marquis of Tullibardine, second son to John Duke of Athole, suc
ceeded to the second title of his house on the death of his bro'ther, killed at the
Battle of Mons, in 1709. He was attainted for his share in the Rebellion 1715 ;
but, escaping to France, he lived to take part in the final affair of 1745, when
he was made prisoner, and died in the Tower of London in 1747. His Father
obtained an Act of Parliament passing over the Marquis of Tullibardine, and
settling the family estate and titles on Lord James Murray, the younger brother of
the Marquis.
4 James Carnegie, fifth Earl of South Esk. He escaped to France, after suffer
ing attainder, and died there in 1729. The direct line of his family ended in his
person.
20 MEMOIRS OF THE
MS.) and the heads of Clans, or their deputes, of which Glengarie was one
of the chief, together with feverall others of no note, who he made pafs for
the deputes of the Low Countrie counties, fent to him with inftru6lions from
thofe gentlemen ; when all their bufmefs was to fay what he had ordered
them. After telling them of his defigne, he flieu'd them the King's picture,
which was all the eredentialls he had, kiffed it frequentlie with the appear
ance of more than ane ordinarie affection, and, to confirm all, told them,
it was ane originale which was fent him direcllie from his Mafler ; for he
judged there was fome fuch thing as that needfull to amufe them, and gett
into credit with them, and make him pafs for ane honeft man ; which, if
once alloued him, he knew the people he had to doe with too well to doubt
that he would foon put himfelf at the head of them. By the little know
ledge I have of thofe noblemen and gentlemen, I don't imagine they'd ftart
many difficulties, or would my Lord Mar's pofitive way of fpeakeing allow
of doubts, haveing come fo latelie from England, where he muft had occa-
fion to know the difpofition of that Nation, which he was not wanting to
exaggerate ; which was the eafier believed that we had heard of nothing
from thence but mobs and tumults.
All England being of our fide, and perfaitlie well arm'd, the troops
inclined our way ; and the French King haveing promifed to fend over
the King with ten thoufand men, the one half of which was to goe to
England with the King and the Duke of Ormond, and the other to come
to Scotland under the command of the Duke of Berwick, with a train of
artilerie, great ftores of armes and amunition, and plentie of officers and
monie. By letters from France, before he came from England, all was in
the lafl readienefs ; and he was fent by the King's pofitive order, and by
thofe who were at the helm of affairs in England, to difpofe everie thing
right as foon as poffible, and was furprifed to find all was not alreadie
landed. In the mean time, no time was to be loft ; we must keep touch
with England, who, tho' very well affected at prefent, they knew were a
humorfome people, and whofe heat might pafs, if not takne at the firft
bond. For his own part, he pretended to no command, and would give his
vote to the Duke of Athole, who, he knew, would be moft acceptable to
the King, and who, there was no doubt, would accept if once he faw them
INSURRECTION IN SCOTLAND, 1715. 21
heartie. When he paffed through Fife and Pearth (hires he found them
all readie to mount on a night's warning ; and his letters from Stirveling-
fhire affured him to depend on them ; and if they had but the lead doubt,
they had but to aflc thofe gentlemen then prefent, who were deputed from
thofe counties, and were men of honour, whofe words might be takne
(fuch as James Malcome, Alexander Maitland, and the like, who he had
brought there, as in the name of the whole). Southefque, who was there,
could anfuer for Angus countie, fo that it depended on thofe prefent to fet
the King on his throne, and break the Union, and reftore their countrie to
its ancient libertie. What honour and profit would acrew to them from
that, they themfelves knew as well as he ; but if they did not incline to it,
after praying for ane occafion of this kind fo many years, he did not know
what to think, and fhould be mightilie furprifed, and would drop the pro-
jecl, when he was more than fure it was impoffible it could faile. That
he himfelf, who, without vanitie, was never takne for a fool, had to loofe
as well as anie of them, and could not have greater intereft in that affair
then they ; but that he'd had greater occafions than any of them to know
the whole to the bottom, would not engage in a thing of that kynd himfelf,
if he did not fee it eafie ; that Generall Hamilton, who had a confiderable
rank in the armie, was not fo mad as to loofe it idlie, and knew particularlie
how the armie was affecled, amongft whom he had fo many friends and
acquaintances. This, with as chenaericall afliftance from the King of
Sueden as the other from France, but as little to be doubted of, feem'd
more than was neceffarie to thofe gentlemen, of whome the greateft part
thought they were ftronge enough to doe the work themfelves, it not
being alloued there were troopes in Brittain ; befides few off the Highland
gentlemen haveing to loofe, and thinking they might gain, animated the
others, and on the lead hefitation that any had made, would accufed him of
couardice. So the Clans found no difficultie, if Huntlie would joyn in it;
but without him they abfolutlie refufed. Huntlie was foon fatiffied but
not fo eafilie determined, and gave them his word of honour he would,
provided they'd allow him his own time to rife.
After things were believed and brought fo far, it was agreed, to goe
ftraight home and get their folks together againft (blank in MS.) day,
22 MEMOIBS OF THE
except Huntlie, who was alloued to be raafler of his own time. Generalls
Hamilton and Gordon, who were experienced officers, .were to difpofe
of them till the Duke of Berwick came. That night they were to
gether, the number haveing crouded the houfe where they were, and
moil of the gentlemen of the fecond rank haveing no beds, were oblidged
to fet themfelves all night by the fire, a pleafant enough ftorie happened
of a favourite footman of my Lord Mar's, who comeing in amongft
them, and takeing no notice of their want of beds, complained griveouflie
of the hardfhip of fitting up a night, and fuore rather than be more put
to that pinch he'd goe back and turn Whig; but foon after comforted
himfelf, faying, Let my mafter alone ; by God, he can turn cat in pan as
well as anie man in England. Next morning they feparated without more,
onlie renewing their promifes to meet, with all their followings, againft
(blank in MS.) day, and went home entirelie fatiffied with what Mar had
faid to them.
" Sed, veluti Pueris abfinthia tetra medentes
Cum dare conantur, prius oras pocula circum
Contingunt mellis dulci flavoque liquore,
Ut Puerorum setas improvida ludificetur
Labrorum tenus, interea perpotet amarum
Abfinthi laticem." (Lucretius, lib. Imo.)
But what was fo haftilie promifed was floulie performed, and all of them
cool'd after returning home ; tho' it did not hinder the ftorie of their
meeting to be improven upon in Mar's letters to thofe he could truft in all
parts of the kingdom, where the numbers that each had promifed to bringe
were reprefented three or four times greater then they reallie had under-
takne ; nor is it the fault of the Highland gentlemen to leffen their own
numbers. Severall of the gentlemen of the countie I was of came to me
to afk my advice, and what was to be done ? I bid them have all in readie-
nefs, but it was flill my opinion they fhould not ftirr till they faw further
into it.
At lad, being defired to meet fome of thofe in the northern part of the
countie, I got thither without a fervant, the whole countrie's eyes being upon
us. I found Major Balfour and feverall fo bloun up, by what Mar had faid
INSURRECTION IN SCOTLAND, 1715. 23
to him, and by that vifite, and, I fuppofe, great promifes, that there was no
fpeaking to him ; and thofe young people in his neighbourhood, who ufed to
fpur him up, who all their lives were fools, were now turned mad, Malcome
haveing been amongft them fpreading his lyes. I told Major Balfour
that he, who ought to fee further than others, haveing feen the world, had
a great dale to anfuer for if he mifled them raftilie, on the word of a dif-
oblidged courtier; and would have argued the cafe with them, but to no pur-
pofe ; all I could draw from them was, that I muft goe alonge. I anfuered,
that I did not truft fo much to their judgement, which I had feen fo oftne
faultie, to be overruled by them. This feemed the more extraordinarie,
that he who was turned now the foreward man, on other occafions was
known by all, in things of lefs confequence, to be affraid of his own fhadow.
In my goeing there I went into a gentleman's houfe, and miffing my friend,
waited of the ladie, who told me that I was mightilie blam'd for oppofeing
a thing that was fo much for the good of the countrie. I afkt, What that
was ? She faid, Takeing of armes. My anfuer was, How could they take
what they had not. She faid, It was certain we'd make fix hundred horfe-
men, well armed, in that countie. I afkt, Who told her fo? She faid,
Her hufband. I told her, It was a fhame for her hufband to be telling
fuch ftories : not being able to contain myfelf, to fee a man who then did
not believe, more as I, that we could make one hundred, give out fo
barefaced a lye. To be fhort, I left thofe gentlemen, neither they nor I
being well pleafed with the interview ; and the laft words I fpoke to them,
when they preffed me to goe alonge with them to command them, were,
That being refolved to be a man of my word, I would not promife rafhlie,
but it might readilie happne I'd be better than my word ; and fo left them.
This was before they knew my Lord Mar's fuccefs in the Highlands.
After that, they were hourlie animated with lyes from Pearthlhire, telling
of armes and all other things being landed in the North ; and they, leaft
they mould feem to be out of their dutie, repay 'd the Pearthfhire folks in
their own coine.
I was not longe at home when I had letters from thofe gentlemen I had
fo latelie been with, defireing me to meet them in anie private place, it not
being proper we fhould be feen together, [n]or durft they come my length,
24 MEMOIRS OF THE
there being fo many fpies. I returned them for anfuer, that I had no
bufinefs with them fmce they were mad. This did not hinder my corre-
fpondence with the gentlemen of the weftern part of the countie, with
whom I met from time to time; I found them much more reafonable,
and told me plainlie of Malcome's insinuations, takeing my promife I
fhould not refent it at that time. We agreed not to rife till we faw the
King come, and then we were fure the Highlandmen would be more
unanimous, and armes and amunition and officers could not be wanting.
Malcome had been up in the Highlands, and had returned with the news
of Mar's fucceffful negotiation with the Marquife of Huntlie and the
chiefs of the Clans. He called upon me in pafling, and left me a letter,
which at my comeing home I found was from my Lord Mar. He bid tell
me he was goeing to his nephew's houfe, three miles from thence, where
haveing bufinefs, he defired I might follow him that afternoon. The letter
was very (hort, and, as nere as I can remember, it run thus :
" SIR, In the hurrie and confufion we are in at prefent, I can give you
no particular account of the King's affairs, onlie that all is goeing on to
wifli. You are ordered, on your alledgeance, to repair to the King's
flandart, which is to be fet up day.
SIR,
Your mod obedient humble fervant,
MAR."
I went that afternoon and found Malcome with the gentlemen of the
weftern part of the countie. I told him, I had read the letter my Lord
Mar had fent me, and found that Mr Francois Steuart, brother to the Earle
of Murray, who was then prefent, had got another of the fame, which makes
me believe this was the ftile of all his circular letters. Malcome told me,
he had been in the Highlands, and had waited of my Lord Mar, and that
all the heads of Clans, who were the braveft fellous in the world, had de
termined to meet together againft (blank in MS.) day ; that my Lord Mar's
commiffion to raife them, being laide on the table before them all, (for thefe
were his words,) they were determined to loofe no time to vindicate the
INSURRECTION IN SCOTLAND, 1715. 25
libertie of their countrie, and fet the King on his throne. I afkt him, Did
he fee the commiffion ? He faid, No ; for he had not got there till after
the meeting, (which was falfe, for he was at the meeting,) but Southefque
and a great many others had feen it. I afkt him, Did he hear Southefque
fay fo ? He faid, No ; for Southefque was alreadie gone to raife the
Angus people. I afkt him, Why, if he faw my Lord Mar, his Lordfhip did
not fhew it to him ? He faid, He was not a great enough man to demand
it, and his Lordfhip was not pleafed to offer it, haveing a great dale to doe.
I took freedom to tell the companie, before Malcome, that then they might
depend upon it there was no fuch thing as a commiffion; and that my Lord
Mar's difapointments at Court haveing render'd him miferable, had made
him defperate, and, to my certaine knowledge, haveing nothing to loofe,
his defigne was to make himfelf a great man abroad, by rifeing on our
mines at home. Malcome anfuered, I had that from my Lord Rothes, for
that was the ftorie he was fpreading.
I faid, I had not fpoke to Rothes for more than a year, and needed no-
bodie to tell me my Lord Mar's circumftances. I afkt him, How the
fcheme came to be fo foon changed, and that we muft all rife before a
landing ; for, by what he had told me latelie of my Lord Mar himfelf, and
by all I could learn of the Jacobites refolutions, they had refolved never to
flir till then. He faid, Wifer people then he had thought it proper, and he
inquir'd no further. I afkt, If my Lord Mar knew of the King of France
his death, for we had got the news of it fome days before. He faid, He
did, and was very well pleafd to hear it, for a younge Prince, fuch as the
Regent, would pufh our affair with more vigour then the old King, who
was half doated ; and my Lord was pofitive, none in France was fo well
inclined to ferve us as the Duke of Orleans, contrarie to all the falfe
reports that were fpread of him. 1 I told him plainlie I had no faith in the
French entring into a new war, who were latelie reduced fo low, and fo
glade to get rid of the laft ; and I was fure they had no fleet that could
pretend to land troops in Scotland, fince we faw, by the Englifh prepara-
1 The real sentiments of the Duke of Orleans were afterwards made known by
his intercepting the military stores provided for the insurgents, at the expense of
the Chevalier St George, at Havre de Grace, and St Maloes.
D
26 MEMOIRS OF THE
tions, they were alreadie takeing their precautions ; and did not everie
bodie fee, that fince the Queen's death, England feemed. to want nothing
but a pretext of beginning the \var ; and what pains France had been at to
evite it, witnefs the meflages that the Regents, and after that which King
George, fent to the King of France about Mardyk, and with what fubmif-
fion they were anfuer'd, fo unlike to the King of France's ordinarie flile. 1
France knew very well it was not with England alone they'd have to doe,
fince the fame reafons that made all the Allies fo averfe to the peace would
foon cement them into a new confederacie ; the German Princes not lan-
guifhing after any thing fo much as the Englifh and Dutch monie, which
they could not patientlie bear the want of, being fo long ufed to receave it.
I faid, further, I did not believe one word of France affifting us, and I for-
faw the event : The Highlandmen would rife out of hopes of plunder, and
would doe as they had always done, which the hiftorie of Montrofs, and
fince that, of my Lord Dundee, was enoughe to convince anie bodie of,
which is, they certainlie defert on three events ; firft, they'd wearie
and goe home, if they could not come to action foon ; the fecond, if they
fight and get the vi&orie, plunder following on that, they'd be fure to goe
home with it ; the third is, if they are beat, they run ftraight home :
fo goe as it would, we of the Low Countries muft be left in the lurch.
The Highlandmen, on the other hand, being encouraged by haveing
nothing to loofe, and its not being worth anie bodie's while to purfue
them into their hills, where ane armie muft be fatigued, and ruined with
hunger and cold, would foon make their peace, afc they had always done, or
at leaft truft to it, when we would fall the facrifice, and be the jeaft of all
the people of common fenfe in all Europe, by not onlie loofeing our eftates
but our honours. And, were we not to confider what troops King George
had againft us, which were above thirtie thoufand men by the eftablifhment ;
and all that ever we had heard the Highlands could bring out was eight or
nine thoufand men, without difciplaine or armes, whome the Duke of Argyle's
1 As the Peace of Utrecht was generally exclaimed against by the Whigs, it
might seem that they would look out for a pretext to recommence the war. But
it was strongly the interest of France, exhausted by the ambition of Lewis the
h, to recruit herself by some years of peace.
INSURRECTION IN SCOTLAND, 1715. 2?
following, which was verie confiderable, and the Grants, would embarrafs
not a little ; and how a few divided, armlefs people, in the corner of a
narrow countrie, like ours, which at fame time could fubfift no number of
men together, even tho' we had monie, could pretend to make war againft
a Prince who had the Dutch and Englifh fleets at command, as well as
the Englifli Treaforie, and confequentlie all the force of Germanic and
Holland, if his own was not ftronge enough, I could not conceave.
Malcolme faid, England would give him his hands full. I afkt him, What
made the Duke of Ormond goe out of England if it was fo ? He faid,
To bring troopes from France. I told, If England was not to rife till then,
I could fee no reafon why we mould be made ufe of as the cat's foot by
a Nation who, we knew, whither Whig or Torie was uppermoft, would
opprefs us. He afkt me, Would I venture nothing for the King? I
anfuered, Everie thing but run my countrie into certaine ruine ; for I could
not fee any thing we had to depend on ; but it was ftrange he could doe
nothing for himfelf in France, that no lefs man than the Duke of Ormond
muft goe there, who, all knew, the whole Torie partie in England depended
on. He faid, He fuppofed it had been neceflarie ; and we were to rife to
draw the troopes out of England, to facilitate the King's landing, and that
Nation's rifeing for England would needs have him there. I faid, If that
was what we wanted, we'd have troopes enough upon us. Befides, the
Duke of Berwick wanted to have us up before he came, was another of
his reafons, becaufe it was feen, at the defcent, l nobodie offered to move.
I faid, That very reafon was the ftrongeft he could bring for our not rifeing,
for that fheu'd us how many accidents we had to fear from fea ; for, fup-
pofeing the French at that time in earned, even when they were almoft in
our harbours they were forced to get off again ; and how luckie the
Stirveling-fhire gentrie were to get out of that fcrape, 2 I left him to
1 The attempt to invade Scotland in 1707- It was frustrated by the close pur
suit of Sir George Byng with the English fleet, which followed the French squadron
commanded by Fourbin so closely as to render the projected descent impracticable.
The Chevalier St George was on board Fourbin's vessel in person.
2 James Stirling of Keir, Archibald Seaton of Touch, Archibald Stirling of
Garden, Charles Stirling of Kippendavie, and Patrick Edmonstoun of Newtoun,
28 MEMOIRS OF THE
judge, for they feemed the onlie [perfons] who were concerned in that
affair ; and I was of opinion that their credulitie then was enough to put
others on their guard now, not to believe eafilie. But after all that was
faid, that they might not think it was fear that made me fpeake fo, as foon
as the gentlemen of the countie, but particularlie thofe of the weftern part,
got over this reafoning, and were refolved to goe, they needed but give
me a few hours warning, and [I] fhould be with them ; for I could not
think of my countrie and friends ruine without fhareing of their fate, fince
it did not depend of me to put a flop to it. That I could not difpenfe
with myfelf from doeing fo, having nothing but my Perfon to loofe, which
I thought no great compliment to my countrie, haveing rifkt it fo oftne for
a tryfle during the late war. That I had nothing to fear but banifhment,
which 1 was alreadie no ftranger to ; or death, which would put ane end
to all miferie. But they had eflates, wives, and children, and it was their
bufinefs to know on what footing they imbarckt. Malcome faid, Then they
would never imbarck, becaufe it was not proper all fhould know the fecret
fprings, for that was the great argument they made ufe of to deceave.
I faid, I did not know who ought to know them, if fome of us did not.
This, and a great deal more, was faid ; fome prefent being pleaf'd and
others difpleaf'd, as in all fuch occafions ; and to encourage, Malcome told
them of the North-fide Lairds (for fo we called them) goeing off in four or
five days, and that it was believed by everie bodie that a fhip loadned with
armes and ammunition was landed in the North, which would make the
Duke of Athole joyn and accept of a command under the Duke of
Berwick ; for Huntlie, being Catholick, was to pretend to none. In the
meantime, Generals Hamilton and Gordon commanded all.
were tried for high treason, [15th] November 1708, for rising in arms and corre
sponding with the enemy's fleet intended to invade Scotland. Owing to the small-
ness of their number, and the unwillingness of the witnesses to say anything
which might indicate the real purpose of their meeting, these gentlemen were
acquitted. One witness, the butler of the Laird of Keir, was asked by his master
how he had so suddenly forgotten some particulars when interrogated by the Crown
lawyers? " I would rather trust," answered the domestic, " my own soul in the
Lord's hands, than your Honor's body in those of the Whigs."
INSURRECTION IN SCOTLAND, 1715. 29
The names of thofe Generalls were to be made ufe of on all occafions,
in cafe it fhould be thought Mar would take the command, who durft not
then flatter himfelf that anie bodie had a notion of his conduct in war ;
for he was onlie to be lookt on as a meflenger of credite and weight, who
had fo much good fenfe and fo great a fortune to loofe, he would not throw
himfelf away idlie. Our meeting broke up without determineing anie-
thing, onlie that we were to meet again in a few days.
It was before this, that the furprifeing the Caftle of Edinburgh had failed.
I can't be pofitive who laid the fcheme ; but it was projected after the
Queen's death, and gone into by fome younge people about Edinburgh, who
had fcrewd themfelves into the belief that the King was then to land, at
which time they were readie to put it in execution. But the hopes of that
being over, through impatience to (hew their diligence, they communicated
it to a great many of their friends ; and, as it is ufuall, everie new plotter
was racking his brain how to improve the firft fcheme, to have a fhare of the
honour in cafe ane opportunitie offered, and thereby the meafures of the
whole proje6l were more and more difconcerted. And thus they continued
untill the beginning of Auguft 1715, that the intention of Lord Mar's goeing
to the Highlands was publicklie known ; and then thofe who had been all
alonge the principall contrivers of that affair thought there was no time to
be loft in comeing to a finall resolution about the proper methods, and
even in putting them to the tryell, applied themfelves to my Lord Mar,
who encouraged it ; becaufe, whatever the event might be, it dipt fo manie
who muft be oblidged to refuge to him. My Lord Drummond, who,
amongft the many good qualities he has inherited of his familie, has
that of imagining nothing can be well done except he has the management
of it, would undertake the direction of all ; and, for that effect, made
choice of a little brokne merchant, Charles Forbes, a man according to his
own heart, who was to be principall engineer and conductor of that affair.
Thomas Arthur, who had formerlie been ane officer in the Caftle, had, six
months before, gained a ferjeant, and brib'd a fojer of the guarnifone j 1 the
ferjeant, when he'd have the guard, was to place that fojer fentrie at a pod
1 One serjeant, William Ainslie, and two privates, James Thomson and John
Holland, were engaged in this scheme. Ainslie was afterwards hanged.
30 MEMOIRS OF THE
on the Caflle wall, which they had agreed on. The fentrie was to have a
clew of fmall cordes in his pocket, one end of which he was to throw down
to thofe who were to furprife the Caftle, who were to tye it to a grapling
iron, faftned at the end of the fcaladeing ladders, which he was to pull
up and fix in the head of the wall or parapet. They propofed to doe the
work with fourfcore or nintie men, whereof fortie were to be Highlandmen,
who were fent to toun by my Lord Drummond about the time appointed,
all by different roads, with orders to obey one Drummond of Bouhadie.
Fiftie younge apprentices, advocates' fervants, writers, and fome fervants to
thofe in the Government, were let into the fecret, to make up the number
to be imploy'd in the attack. At laft, the ferjeant letting them know the
night he could ferve them, and the time, the Weft Kirk, a place under the
Caftle wall, was agreed on to be the place of rendevous, precifelie at nine
of the clock at night, where they were to come armed with piftells and
fuords. They all mett at the place and hour appointed. Things haveing
thus far fucceeded to their wifh, they, and it muft be own'd reafonablie,
haveing brought it fo great a length, reckoned themfelves fure of their
ftroak ; but the principall thing was ftill wanting. They had imploy'd a
fellow in the Caltone to make the ladders, which Mr Arthur and his
brother, Doclor Arthur, were to mount the firft, becaufe they knew the
Caftle beft ; and had brought the greateft part of the ladders, with the
grapling iron, alonge with them to the Weft Kirk at the hour appointed ;
and Charles Forbes had takne it upon him to bring the reft of the ladders
precifelie at the fame hour, but inftead of that, ftay'd till after ten in the
citie, drinkeing to good news from the Caftle, while the others were waite-
ing impatientlie at the Weft Kirk ; for they had defigned to begin the
attack at ten, which being paft, and receaveing no neus of Forbes or
their ladders, not knowing what to doe, and afraid the fentrie would
loofe patience, or be relieved, fcrambled up the rock, and pofted them
felves at the foot of the wall, with a refolution, in all events, to ftay
there as longe as they could. And thus they continued till eleven of
the clock, when, being out of all patience, and the fentrie telling he
was to be relieved at twelve, they made him pull up the grapling irone,
in order to try if the ladders they had could doe ; but, as they fufpe&ed,
INSURRECTION IN SCOTLAND, 1715. 31
they found them above a fathome too fliort ; and in this iituation
did they continue untill half an hour after eleven, when the fentrie per-
ceaveing the rounds comeing about, called down to them, " God damn you
all ! you have ruined both yourfelves and me ! Here comes the round
I have been telling you of this hour, I can ferve you no longer." And
with that threw down the grapling iron, fired his piece, and called out
" Enemie ;" upon which everie man fhifted for himfelf, the round fireing
over the wall after them. And at this time, when the fireing from the
wall hapned, Mr Forbes, the ingeneer, had onlie advanced to the back of
Bareford's Parks, on the north fide of the North Loch, with the reft of the
ladders, and could not been up in time before that fentrie was to be
reliev'd.
My Lord Juftice-Clerck, haveing got a hint of the defigne, l was the
occafion of that rounds goeing about, haveing given the Gouvernour
the alarme, and at fame time, with difficultie, got twelve men of the
Burgers' Guard from the Magiftrats of the toun, to goe without the walls,
under the command of ane officer, who saw no bodie but two boys, who
faid, they came there by chance, whome he took prifoners, together with
ane old man, who had fallen from the rock. 2 But all agree, that had the
ladders come in time, the Juflice-Clerck's advertifement had come too late;
and blamed my Lord Drummond for the choife of his ingeneer. It was, I
may fay, miraculous, that fo many keept the fecret, or rather, that the
Gouvernment was not fooner informed by fome indirect way or other ; for
they were fo far from carrieing on their affairs privately, that a gentleman,
who was not concerned, told me that he was in a houfe that evening
where eighteen of them were drinking, and heard the hoftefs fay, they were
poudering their hair to goe to the attack of the Caftle.
It's to be thought, that the certaintie of the French King's death, which
was brought us before anie acl; of hoftilitie begun, would have difconcerted
1 By a letter, it was believed, from the wife of Dr Arthur. Sir Adam Cock-
burn of Ormiston was then Justice-Clerk.
2 Captain MacLean, formerly an officer of James the VII. There were three
youths taken, Alexander Ramsay and George Boswell, writers in Edinburgh, and
one Lesly, formerly page to the Duchess of Gordon.
32 MEMOIRS OF THE
my Lord Mar, who had founded his own plan, as well as his argu
ments, on the affiflance that was to be fent from France ; and to thinking
people, his not being fo, would have difcovered the fallacie of the whole.
Generall Hamilton, who came from London with Mar, and who, I have
heard fay, knew nothing at all but what he told him, who he believed was
of opinion for that time to defift from the enterprife ; and that Mar and he,
who as yet were the onlie [perfons] who anything could be made out againft,
ought to goe for France, and waite another favourable opportunitie, rather
than by perfifting at fo bad a conjuncture, be the certain ruine of their
friends and caufe. But his Lordfhip of Mar's views, being of another
nature, opiniated their perfifting, affureing pofitivelie, that to his certaine
knowledge the Duke of Orleans, who, he faid, was a young prince, full of
fire, and no worfe inclined to ferve the King, would pufh that affair with
more vigour than the old King, whofe death was the happiefl thing could
happne to us.
After the meeting of Aboyn, Mar returned to Indercauld's l houfe, who,
becaufe his vafTall for a fmall part of his eftate, as I have alreadie faid, he
commanded to get the Fercharfons, his Clan, together in armes, to obey his
orders. This gentleman, tho' as zealous as anie, but haveing had more
occafion to know his Lordfhip then others, did not amufe himfelf with
what his Lordfhip faid, refufed to flir till the King's landing ; and the
meantime, being unwilling to make noife or flruggle, left his houfe to Mar,
and retired to Aberdeen. He applied himfelf next to Inderie, 2 another
of his vafTalls, and the fecond man of that Clan, who, not haveing fo much
to loofe as the other, was difpofed to rife with the firft ; but would have
1 Farquharson of Invercauld had great possessions in the head of Braemar,
which, lying within the lordship so called, were held by him of the Earl of Mar, and
so he was his feudal vassal. But as a chief of his own tribe, the Clan lanla, he was
of course independent of his feudal superior. Invercauld took arms afterwards, and
became Colonel of a regiment of his own name, when he was taken at Preston.
2 John Farquharson of Inverei, descended from a younger son of Finlay Mor
Farquharson of Invercauld. The Inverei always consisted of bold daring men,
and [had] a considerable command [influence ?] amongst the tribe, though inferior
to that of the Chief Invercauld.
INSURRECTION IN SCOTLAND, 1715. 33
nothing to doe with Mar, in fpite of the intreaties of all his friends, till the
Marquife of Huntlie, to whome he offered his fervice, perfuaded him to
fubmit to obey my Lord Mar, who, he faid, was the laft man in Scotland
who he'd choofe to follow. His Lordfhip haveing thus gained him, offered
him the command of all his men, thinking, by his means, to raife the whole
Clan Fercharfone ; but to no purpofe, for neither he [n]or his Lordfhip had
influence enough to bringe out above a hundred, or a few more, out of
Brae Mar. By this time the Earle of Linlithgow, 1 and Vifcount of Kil-
feyth, 2 tuo of thofe Peers, who, in the end of the Queen's reigne owed their
obligations of being chofen of the fixteen to Mar, came and joyned him.
The firfl of thofe Lords fpoke a good dale of his interefl, tho' it never
appeared amongft us ; becaufe, he faid, he could not bring his friends to us
from the fouth fide of Forth. The other had no pretenfions to that, but
had feverall qualifications that fitted him for Mar's purpofe, the chief of
which was, his being poor and defperate, his debauches and extravagance
haveing left him nothing but his title of Vifcount ; fo it may be believed
his equipage was very fmall, and his attendants verie few, to be helpfull to
us, which confifted onlie of tuo fervants ; but, in revenge, his complaifance
was very great to my Lord Mar, who was to fupport him at the expence
of the publick, as was the cafe of a great many others who bore fpecious
titles.
However, this was founded in our ears, and through the whole coun-
trie, that tuo Peers, with great numbers, had alreadie joyned Mar; and
the news of armes and officers being come, was repeated on all occafions.
Thefe, and a great many as groundlefs reports, wrought fo much on thofe
of the call and north parts of the countie of Fife, that they fent to tell me
they were goeing off. They got over the Tay, mofl of them at little
blind ferries, and were not in all fortie. Some fkulkt in the borders
of the Highlands for fome time, there being no fourage where Mar was,
1 James fourth Earl of Callendar and fifth Earl of Linlithgow. He was
attainted for his share in this unfortunate insurrection.
2 William, [second son of Sir James Livingston, raised to the Peerage as
Viscount of Kilsyth in 1661. His brother, James, having died unmarried in the
year 1706, he succeeded to the titles and estates as third Viscount of Kilsyth.]
E
34 MEMOIRS OF THE
and a few of them joyned him Barafield, a gentleman from the weft,
whofe domeftick affairs being in diforder, engaged earlier .than was to be
expected of a man of his fenfe, was fent, after joyning, to my Lord Pan-
mure and Mr Hary Maule, Mar's tuo uncles, upon whome his Lordfliip's
letters could have no influence ; the Earle of Panmure, as I was told by
Barafield, haveing fent back a great many, with the higheft contempt,
without opening them ; and even when Barafield fpoke to both, they faw
nothing but racks and gibets before them ; its to be imagined they knew
their nephew. He got orders to waite of the Earle of Strathmore, 1 a
younge gentleman of eighteen years old, who had the moft good qualities,
and feueft vices, of any younge man I ever faw : the bufinefs was to get
him to proclaim the King at Dundee and Forfar, haveing great intreft
both in thefe touns and the countrie about, being of ane ancient noble
familie. While Alexander Maitland,' 2 uncle to Southefque, a forward man,
and through everie action of whofe life a great drain of madnefs ran,
which generally fucceeded better with him than could been expected, was to
pufli Southefque, his nephew, (who needed a more prudent gouvernour to
advife him, being not much older than Strathmore,) to proclaime at Mon-
trofe, another royall burrough, in the countie of Angus. Mar haveing thus
fet all his engines to work far and near, knew very well that the dipping
of thofe tuo orphants was not onlie that of all their nighbourhood and the
whole countie, but that it would be lookt on everie where as a fignall of
the King's arrivall, by thofe who his emifTaries had prepared to expect him
daylie, or at leaft the Duke of Berwick ; and people's fpirits being up ; on
that fuppofition, his, and their proclaiming at the fame time, would make
the Low Countrie, as well as the Highlandmen, joyn him at once, who,
notwithftanding their promifes, were very flow, or rather, were not like
to move.
In the mean time, the Marquife of Tullibardine, a modeft, good-natured,
younge gentleman, who he had gaind by paying his debts at London,
1 John, fifth Earl of Strathmore, a gallant young nobleman, killed at Sheriff-
muir.
2 Son of the third Earl of Lauderdale, and brother to Mary, Countess of
Southesque.
INSURRECTION IN SCOTLAND, 1715. 35
with the affiftance of his brothers, Lord Charles and Lord George Hurrays,
and their uncle, Lord Nairne, was endeavouring to bring over the Athole
men, who were naturallie well inclined to the caufe, but were afraid of their
matter, the Duke of Athole, and defired that at lead that regarde fhould be
had to him, that he fhould be fpoke to.
Mar haveing nothing to fay to him but lies, and a great or a little one
being equallie eafy, fent Lieut.-Colonell Hay, his brother-in-law, to offer him,
from the King, the command of the armie under the Duke of Berwick,
requireing of him to get his men together, and proclaime the King in three
days. The Duke anfuered, It was ftrange, if the King defigned him anie
commiffion, he had not fent it diredllie to himfelf ; and if there was anie fuch
thing, that my Lord Mar had not communicated it to him fooner, till, after
brigueing fo longe in the countrie, and debauching his children, and fetting
up his own familie againll him, and then requireing him, on fo fhort ane
advertifement, without further enquirie, to appear in armes, as if it were
conditionell, if he were to take the command, Mar was to be his gouvernour.
He faid, Thefe were circumftances that did not pleafe him, and defired to
be excufed. I won't pretend to determine that the Duke of Athole would
have joyned ; but I can fay that, to my certaine knowledge, no Scots man
was more forward to venture his all than his Grace was at the makeing of
the Union, where he a6led the part of a worthie and noble patriot ; and it's
evident, as well by Mar's meflage to him as his Grace's anfuer, that Mar
did not treat him as a man of that confequence ought to be, and, for his
own ends, did not want he fhould joyn ; which is proven further by his
fending Collonell Hay to him, the man on earth the mofl unacceptable to
him, who had been Mar's tool dureing the Torie miniflrie in makeing
ane interefl againfl him in the elections of the fhire of Pearth, to no
effect but chagrineing him, no more than the lyes and calumnies he
and others fpread of him at that time. It's certaine, he was of that
confequence that he'd done more in one day, in raifeing the Highlands,
than Mar did in tuo months ; and had been matter of the Bridge of
Striveling before the Gouvernment could takne tbeir precautions ; and,
without alarming by proclaiming, lying, and truckling, at one pull carried
all the Highlands, as well as thofe of the Low Countrie after him ;
36 MEMOIRS OF THE
but then Mar would not had the honour of being known in the world ;
who all this time had got nobodie to joyn him. But being informed that
Strathmore and Southefque were readie to proclaime, fo foon as he did, in
defpair he fet up the Royall ftandard, and proclaimed at Kirkmichell, when
he had not in all above tuo hundred men with him, both of his own and
thofe who had joyned him; while he was dreading every minute the Duke
of Athole would attack him, the fear of which made him pod fentries in all
the pafies of the hills, to give him time to retire to the Weft Highlands,
where he could hide himfelf till he made his efcape to France ; for all
that the Marquife of Tullibardine could as yet obtaine of the Athole men
was not to follow his father in that defigne.
The Earle of Linlithgow, being the onlie man of qualitie there, except
Kilfeyth, got the command of tuentie horfe, of all fortes, which was all
they could make up then, to guard the ftandard, and was the firft rife of
that fquadron, afterwards known by the name of the Royall Squadron.
This no fooner done, than exprefies were fent to all the Low Countrie
about, affirming that eight thoufand men had alreadie joyned my Lord
Mar ; upon which Strathmore and Southefque, with the gentlemen of
Angus, proclaimed in the three towns alreadie mentioned.
The more the number hookt in by thefe methods increafed, the greater
the ferment grew, and the more people he had to lie for him, who now
made it their own caufe. By their help the Earle of Panmure, who
hitherto had refifted all with fteadienefs, was made believe the King was
landed in England; and that being confirmed to him different ways, as if
without defigne, and from people of undoubted credite, (for he had no
regarde to what came direcllie from Mar,) he thought he was too longe of
proclaiming the King in Brechin, a royall burrough, in his nighbourhood,
and accordingly did it without further hefitation.
But it muft be owned the Gouvernment contributed mod to Mar's pro
ject, by the Adi of the Brittim Parliement made at that time ; which, being
put in execution fpeedilie after it paft, fiftie of the moft active or moft
confiderable Lords and Gentlemen were cited, fome to render themfelves
in fifteen days, and others in fortie, according to the diftance they lived from
Edinbourgh, under the pain of forfaulture of their liferent efcheat. All
INSURRECTION IN SCOTLAND, 1715. 3?
thofe were buoy'd up to the lad day of their citations by the great pains Mar
and his emhTaries took to make them expect the King daylie, or, at leaft,
the Duke of Berwick, with great fecours from France; and no bodie, in
that great ferment of fpirits, and great expectation, careing to give
bad exemple by delivering up himfelf firft, they were at laft all caught
in the fame noofe, their time being elapfed, and no place left to repent ;
or, like the Stirveling-ftiire gentrie, who hapning to live too nere Stir-
veling, where fome few troops were alTembled, the chief of whome were
cited, and fearing that they were more in the eye of the Gouvernment then
others, becaufe of their forwardnefs on the former threatned defcent, and
that they would not be allowed to live quietlie to the laft day of their
fummons, chofe, rather than live in that hurrie, to take refuge in the
Highlands, where they carried fome of their friends with them, and made
in all tuentie horfe. But it's certaine moft were undetermined, even to
the laft minute, amongft whome was Mr Hary Maule, brother to Panmure,
and uncle to Mar, who was tuentie miles in his road fouthward, to deliver
himfelf up, when he was met by a certaine man whofe integritie was not
to be doubted of, who affured him that the Gouvernment had intercepted
letters to him from beyond fea, which, if he delivered himfelf up at fuch a
time, could not mifs to coft him his life. Mar found ane abfolute neceffitie
of impofeing on his uncle in this manner, being the man of the whole
partie whofe exemple moft of people would have folloued, all haveing a
good opinion of him. So, at the expence of his uncle, he adroitlie turned
that which would have been his greateft miffortune to his greateft advantage;
and, without further balancing, returned from that place where the gentleman
met him, and joyned Mar, who drew another advantage from it, which was,
informing the publick, that tho' Mr Maule, till then, had determined not to
joyn, yet, by letters of a frem date he had receaved from beyond fea, he
was at laft convinced all was goeing well. Therefor, others out of fimpli-
citie, others, whofe great zeale would not allow to think, " Crimen ac
dolum altius non fcrutati, more majus quam judicio, poll alius alium, quafi
prudentiorem fecuti." (Tacit. Hift. Imo.; Saluft, Imo.; Orat. ad Caefar.)
" Pecorum ritu, fequentes antecedentium gregem, ac pergentes non qua
eundem eft, fed qua itur." (Senec. de Vit. Beata.) It's incomprehen-
38 MEMOIRS OF THE
fible to conceave how the florie of the eight thoufand men's joyning Mar
was fuallowed down by thofe who knew that all the men of .the Highlands
together, who we had anie reafon to believe for us, could not exceed that
number. But then there were fo many friends engaged, it was treafon
to doubt the truth of it ; and that armes and all necefiaries of war were
landed, for, faid they, without that how would fo many engage ? "A pler-
ifque veritatis inveftigatio negligitur ; dum ea potius quse magis in promptu
funt, confeclantur, et quoquo modo audita pro compertis habent." (Thucid.
and out of him Tacit. 3tio. Annal.) "Mavult unufquifque credere, quam
judicare : quo fit ut verfat multos prsecipitatque traditus per manus error,
alienifque perimus exemplis." (Senec. de Vit. Beata.)
Thofe of the Whig partie in the toun of Pearth keept the Tories ftill
under, haveing difarmed them more by the authoritie of the Magiftrats,
who were Whigs, then by their fuperioritie or number, but were not a little
alarmed at the report of my Lord Mar's haveing got fo many men together,
fear haveing the fame effect on them which hopes had on us, by makeing
both equallie blind, and equallie credulous. They addreffed themfelves to
the Duke of Athole, the onlie man of their nighbourhood who was able to
affift them, or who they had the lead reafon to trufl, and not haveing ane
intire trufl in him neither, or doubting his Highlandmen, I can't tell whether,
they would take no more then tuo hundred. And, on the other hand, they
fent to the Earle of Rothes, Sherrife and Lord Lieutenant of the countie
of Fife, begging his aide with the pofTe-comitatus, being a man very active
and firm to their partie, and very well provided with armes, both of his own
and five hundred he had of late got from the Gouvernment, with a good
quantitie of amunilion. He had not been wanting before to promife them
his affiftance, and was at pains enough to make good his promife, and
ifiued out ane order for all the fenfible men of the Countie to meet him at
a place called Caflimoor. The gentlemen took no notice of his orders, nor
did the commons, except thofe who the minifters forced to goe to the
place of rendevoufe, to the number of fifeteen hundred mob, and all that
their outmofl diligence could perform. But thofe of that countie haveing
been taught, by their experience, that it is not good medling with edged
tools, efpeciallie in the hands of Highlandmen, were very averfe from take-
INSURRECTION IN SCOTLAND, 1715. 39
ing armes. No fooner they reflected on the name of the place of rende-
vouze, Cafhmoor, than Tippermoor was called to mind, a place not far
from thence, where Montrofe had formerlie routed them, under the com
mand of my great-granduncle, the Earle of Wemyfs, then Generall of
God's armie. In a word, the unluckie choife of a place called moor,
appeared ominous, and that, with the flying report of the Highlandmen's
haveing made themfelves mafters of Pearth, .made them throw doun their
armes and run, notwithftanding the trouble that Rothes and his miniflers
gave themfelves to flop them. In the meantime, the ftorie of Pearth
being takne, was not without foundation ; for the Torie burgers, who were
confiderable in that place, being animated with the neus of my Lord Mar's
being fo ftronge, begun to caball ; and after feeling the tuo hundred High
landmen's pulfes, or at lead their pulfes who commanded them, fent to
Liutennant-Coll. Hay, fon to my Lord Kinnoule, in their nighbourhood, to
let him know, that if he could get anie number of men together, and come
to their afliftance, they would revolt, and deliver him up the toun, fince
there was nothing to be feared from the Highlandmen.
He affembled mod of the gentlemen of the countie of Fife who were ikulk-
ing in Pearthfliire, who made the greateft part of the cavalcade, and, with
a very few of thofe of Pearthfhire who joyned, they made up fortie horfe ;
the laft being dill backward, in fpite of their great talking and big words,
which had rouzed the Fife gentlemen, when they themfelves were very
tranquille, being well informed how floulie things were goeing on with
Mar, becaufe of their nighbourhood to the Highlands ; but what they had
done to the Fife gentlemen turned againft themfelves, who, haveing now
retired from their own homes, thought they were too guiltie to loock back,
and were very afiiduous in dipping them. Noe fooner Collonell Hay
appeared with the fortie horfe on the other fide the Tay, then the Torie
burgers, who expected them, revolted, feifed the boats in the fight of the
other partie and Magulrats, who drew up under armes, but durft not flir,
for fear of the Highlandmen, while their adverfaries were bringing the
gentlemen over the river, which is there about tuo hundred yards broad.
The Whigs made no difficultie in delivering up their armes, which were
given to the Tories ; and fome of them road poft to Edinbourgh to inform
40 MEMOIRS OF THE
the Gouvernment; all of thofe, as we were told, afiureing pofitivelie there
were fome thoufand Highlandmen got into Pearth.
By fo manie concurrent accidents did Pearth fall in the hands of our people,
without his Lordfliip of Mar's knouledge, which, if we had not got poflef-
fion of, his whole defigne mud have proven abortive, for there was no
other place where ane armie could been formed. And had Rothes, with
his Fife mob, who were well armed, got into Pearth, however defencelefs
that place was, I am of opinion that our Highlandmen, who had not one
graine of pouder then, nor for a good time after, till chance threw it in
our way, which it could not done without the takeing of that toun, would
have been at a lofs to attack it, at lead till their numbers had grown very
much greater then they were for a confiderable time afterwards ; even tho'
their afiembling was not onlie facilitate by the takeing of that toun, but de
pended intirelie on it, and, after all, a (Ironge prefumption contributed not
a little to it ; for the Laird of Gay, who commanded the one half of the
Highlandmen, not dareing to impart the fecret to the other, choofe rather
to fteall the flints, in the nick of time, out of the other hundred's armes.
The toun being takne, there was nobodie to reinforce thofe few gentlemen
and burgers who were in it. My Lord Mar being dill in the fame circum-
flance, and as uncertaine of his own fate as ever; the Athole men ftill
ballanceing betwixt the Duke and his fons, Tullibardine, Lord Charles and
Lord George Murrays, with their uncle, Lord Nairne, who had a great
intrefl with his brother's vaffalls ; Liutennant-Collonell Hay, brother-in-
law to Mar, took upon him the command of the place ; and all being made
believe that Mar had fo many thoufands with him, he pretended to write
to his Lordfliip to fend him a reinforcement of fome hundreds, which my
Lord's anfuer made him, and thofe with him, expeft was to joyn them
everie moment.
In the meantime Mar got younge Strathmore, who was very alerte,
to raife tuo hundred Low Countrie men, and march to Pearth, with
fuch armes as they had, all more for fhew and countenance then ufe.
Thofe were no fooner got into toun than all were fatiffied they were
(Ironge enough ; and a report being fpread of the Duke of Argyle's
comeing to attack them, they refolved to ftand it, with the tools they had,
INSURRECTION IN SCOTLAND, 1715. 41
and the few pounds of pouder they pickt up in the toun, which I don't
believe were above five or fix.
The Duke of Argyle, who came down from London to take the com
mand of the troopes, had gone to Striveling fome days before, where he
found affembled the few regiments [that] were in the countrie. The
noife of the great numbers that had joyned Mar in the Highlands,
attended with the fuccefs that our folks had in getting into Pearth,
and the great numbers that the Whigs themfelves, who came from thence,
faid were alreadie got into that toun, improven by daylie mefiages from
our friends there, rouzed thofe of our countie, fo that they thought they
were too longe of joyning ; and, I believe, left the Duke of Argyle no
hopes of the pofiibilitie of recovering Pearth by any detachment he could
make from Stirveling out of that handful he had there. For, could he
doubt of what thofe of his owne partie, of the beft credite of that place,
affured him of? The reafon was, that thofe in a countrie like ours, who
were not ufed to war, and confequentlie to fee any number of men together,
with the terrour that was upon them, imagined everie hundred men to be
a thoufand. So circumftances being thus magnified, as well by ignorance
as induftrie, thofe with whome I was concerned would hear reafon no more.
I may truelie fay, that at this time I had no better opinion of the whole
affair then I had before. The fame reafons ftill fubfifling, which to me
feemed unanfuerable, I endeavoured to diffuade them from what they
had refolved. I did, amongft the reft, tell them, That if there had been
no other objection againft that defigne than that of the unfitnefs of the then
head and leader of it, even that alone was, in my opinion, a fufficient
reafone to withdraw all confidering men from a thought of it : They had all,
as well as I, a juft notion, or rather a certaine knowledge, of that noble
Lord's caracter and practice upon all the occafions that occurred in his
time ; they knew, from the various turns and windings of his life, that his
intereft was his leading ftar, and that it was a rule with him to facrifife all
faith and friendship to it, and much more us, to whome he never had the
lead tye of friendfhip. I lay'd all this before them ; and that, from his utter
want of all experience and knowledge of the great part he had takne upon
him, it feemed to me pretty evident, that the fuccefs of that caufe was not
F
42 MEMOIRS OF THE
what he had in view ; but that his defigne was rather, when ane opportu-
nitie offered, to make his market at Court, by giveing up. both the caufe
and all that adhered to it ; or, at our expence, make himfelf pafs for a
great man abroad, haveing not the lead hopes left of fupporting himfelf at
home : and if the little force he had for fo great ane enterprife, and the
little influence which he knew he had upon all men of diftinclion or pouer
inthecountrie; and if all he did, or attempted to doe, be duelie confidered,
this conjefilure will perhaps appear not altogether improbable. It is true
thefe gentlemen could not intirelie get over the diffidence they had of this
noble Lord, but they contented themfelves with a report, induftriouflie
handed by his partizans amongft them, that his onlie aime was to put all in
readinefs againfl the Duke of Berwick's comeing, who was hourlie expecled,
a man indeed beyond all exception, and everie way preferable, to this
enterprizing Lord. I muft own I could not concur with them in the
opinion, that fo great a perfone would venture his reputation upon fo
defperate ane enterprize. And, after I had on this head, and other good
objections, keept them for fome days in fufpence, in hopes that, upon a
due confideration of all things, they'd come to a fenfe of the defperate
affair they had in hand : In the mean time, I advifed them to fend one
of their number to Pearth to know the truth of what was reported, for
I gave no credite to all the flying (lories our folks had fpread. Accord-
inglie one was fent, who got his lefibn there, and confirmed all, and a
great dale more, if poffible : armes and pouder were landed ; and the
Earle of Mar, who was expecled everie day at Pearth, was waiteing
the King and Duke of Berwick's comeing with impatience. The day
after this meflenger returned, another was fent us from Pearth with the
fame packet. All this while my friends of the county of Fife, who were
alreadie got into Pearth, were curfing me for a very ill man, becaufe I
retarded their nighbours ; Malcome, and all, haveing made a faithfull
report to Mar of what I had faid of him.
" Hinc mihi prima mali labes ; hinc Temper Ulyfies
Criminibus terrere novis ; hinc fpargere voces
In vulgum ambiguas, et quaerere confcius arma."
(Virgilius, ^Eneid 2.)
INSURRECTION IN SCOTLAND, 1715. 43
But to return to thofe with whome I had been fo longe treating ; they
came at laft to a peremptorie refolution, and fent one of their number to
me, and told me they had weigh'd all things, and were refolved to goe on,
and defired me to meet them next morning, tuo hours before day, at
Achtertoole, a place of rendevouze equallie convenient for us all. I
anfuered, I would, fince I had promifed, and was one of the firft there.
Amongfl other reafons that determined me, they had oftne told me, If I
would not goe with them, it was to ly at my door that they had choofe a
leader of fome other familie to head them. I muft ingenuouflie confefs, I
was not able to {land the reproach of haveing deprived my familie of fo
honourable a fupport and intereft in my countrie, and that I therefor
refolved to take my fate with them. When we were all met we made
fiftie horfe, of which number was Mr Francois Steuart, brother to the
Earle of Murray. Before we begun our marche, I could not hinder
myfelf to tell feveralls of them, That tho' it was then too late to look back,
they'd remember that I told them that we were goeing to our ruine.
That very day's marche confirmed me more and more, for of thofe fiftie
horfe there was oftne tuo miles betwixt front and rear. Severall gentlemen
came and met us from Pearth, and told us of the horfe being drawn up in
the South Inch; which, at our approaching, we found were about our own
number, and a great part of them our own countrie people.
Mr Francois Steuart and I being invited to the Gouvernour's to fup, I was
very inquifitive about the fituation of the place, which, they faid, was ftronge.
As to our affairs, all was impudentlie confirmed, except that they could not
deny their number in Pearth was fmall, confiding of a hundred horfe, with
what I brought alonge with me, and tuo hundred Low Countrie men, who,
I knew, were not at all ufed to armes, and fiftie Highlandmen, of thofe
who came firft into Pearth by the Duke of Athole's order ; for the others,
according to their laudable cuftome, had gone home. I met with Collonell
Urchard, a gentleman who had ferved all the laft war in the armie, and
feeing him the onlie man who knew fervice there, I beg'd of him we might
goe round the toun in the morning; for, except Major Balfour, no other
there had anie pretenfions to fervice, which he had left above tuentie-five
years, a longe enough time to forget it, haveing ferved amongft the horfe,
44 MEMOIRS OF THE
and all the others fpoke nonfenfe, impudentlie, as if with one tongue. Coll.
Urchard brought Smith of Methvine alonge with him. .In our goeing
round the toun, I afkt the Collonell, who had been longer there then I, If,
in cafe the Duke of Argyle fhould come, they defigned to defend it with
the fmall number that was in it ? He faid, They feemed not to doubt of
defending it. I afkt him, What he thought of it ? He faid, He did not know
what to think of it. I told him, I thought we needed a greater guarnifone,
for the place was of a large circuit. I found the greatelt half of the toun,
where there was ane old flone wall, might be made prittie tenible, by
louering the wall, which was very high in fome places, to bread high, fo that
with louering it, and raifeing of foot-banks, it might give us a parapet to
fire over. He faid, He was of my opinion. When we came to the gates,
I found they had made great new gates of firr planks, which filled the
whole arches of the gates, where the walls nere the gates were of vaft
hight, and no place to ftand nere them to defend them ; and tho' there
were, the fuburbs comeing up clofe to three parts, covered the attackers
all the way till under the ports, which, like ane ordinarie door, would be
foon forced with a forehammer, and all that without the lofs of one man, till
they were within the toun ; fo it was my opinion they ihould reduce thofe
gates to barriers, which were to be defended, and give us the fame front
with our attackers, who muft, by that means, be expofed to our fire as they
came alonge the ftreets of the fuburbs ; and make feverall traverfes behind
thefe barriers, in cafe we were beat from them. He faid, He was intirelie
of my opinion ; and fell a laughing at the clofe gates, which took away all
defence from us. At lafl we came to the open fide of the toun, which is
towards the South Inch, where there was no cover or defence. I was
told it was thought that fide was not attackable, becaufe it had a ditch
full of water, feven foot deep, for three foot in the middle onlie, and
not ten foot over. I afkt, Whither three [or] four trufles of draw, out of
the next corn-yard, would not make it paflable ? Both the Collonell and
Methvine agreed it would, and for that reafon I propofed lines fliould be
begun to, as foon as poflible, to cover all that fide of the toun. Collonell
Urchard acquiefced to all, and propofed I ihould goe and fpeak #bout it to
Lieut.-Collonell Hay, who was Gouvernour. I bid him goe aloage with me,
INSURRECTION IN SCOTLAND, 1715. 45
which he refufed, faying, He was goeing out of the toun, and my fpeaking
would have the fame effedl, fince I could tell it was his lentiment as well
as mine ; his naturall modeftie not allowing him to take upon him, and
the rather, that he knew it would not be well takne. For Methvine told
me then, that, being fent by my Lord Mar to be affifting to Collonell Hay,
who was a young lad, who flood much in need of advice, being latelie
come from fchoole, and haveing bought, before the Queen's death, a com-
panie in the foot-guards, where all the fervice he had done was to have
mounted the guard once or tuice at St James's, was now turned fo vaine
of his title of Collonell, and that of Gouvernour, that he took no notice of
Collonell Urchard ; who, finding himfelf fo ufelefs there, was to goe with
him to his countrie houfe. Then we begun to fpeak of the guarnifone ;
and we found we had a hundred gentlemen and fervants, without carabines,
who could be of no ufe in the defence of a place, and tuo hundred Low
Countrie men, with old ruftie mufketts, who had never fired one in their
lives, and without pouder and flints, with about fiftie Highlandmen no
better accoutred. I went ftraight to Collonell Hay, and told him 1 had
been makeing the round of the toun with Urchard, and that it was both
our opinions that the place was not at all tenible by a far greater number
then ours, even tho' they were fupplied with neceflaries for a defence. But,
in the mean time, till thofe numbers or neceflaries came, it would be proper
to put our affairs in the befl poflure we could, and loofe no time to make the
place as flronge as poffible. That it would be neceflkrie Generall Hamilton
fhould come there, if it were but for one day, to give his directions about
it ; if otherwife, I'd undertake to make it a great dale ftronger then it was;
and if Generall Hamilton thought fit afterwards to fortifie it in earned, as I
was certaine he would, as much as the fituation of the place, or our cir-
cumflances could admit of, I'd undertake it fhould not be worfe for
what I fhould doe; for I was pofitive nobodie ever pretended to make
war without haveing fome placed armes to retreat to in cafe of a miffor-
tune, and where we might keep our ftores and magazines, when we
marched from thence, and keep a communication with the North, and the
fea touns on the north coafl. All this was gibberifh to him ; and he
appeared very much furprifed at what I faid, and wifht I had been in the
46 MEMOIRS OF THE
toun before the gates were made, and the fiftie horfe that came in with
me, which, he faid, was a confiderable reinforcement ; - For, faid he, we
were then refolved to ftand it ; and that, with his ufual difdainfull laugh,
after makeing a fine fpeech. I had no longer patience, and faid, It feems
they were refolved to play the foole, but I did not think that was a reafon
for our doeing fo now, for that would be building on a falfe foundation,
and on their follies ; for neither his gates, of which we were the worfe, or
his whole hundred gentlemen, were of any ufe, without carabines, in the
defence of a toun, or, for what I faw, his Low Countrie men either ; I
was of opinion, yea, I was certaine, that they, like all people who never had
been tryed, might flood till the danger was nere, and then their natural!
fear would opened their eyes, and furprifed them fo with fhewing them
their wants, that it mufl have ended in running away ; as the Weft
Countrie mobs had done at Argyle's Road and Bothwell Bridge, being
juft fo buoy'd up by the Whig minifters; which appear'd mod ridiculous to
us in them, but our felf-love and weaknefs did not allow us to difcover it
in ourfelves. I allured him, fince I faw them obdured, I would not make
a foole of myfelf, nor betray thofe who trufled me, and, on the firft approach
of the enemie, would carrie off all who came with me to the Highlands, and
joyn the firft bodie I could find of our people ; nor would I give myfelf airs
of doeing a thing that I faw was impracticable, and downright madnefs.
He, not knouing what to make of me, and finding his reafons had no
weight, fent for old Collonell Balfour, brother to Major Balfour, a gentle
man I have alreadie mentioned, who was one of his advifers, a worthie,
honed man, and had ferved in his youthe, a volunteer in Germanic, at the
fiege of Brunfwick, about fiftie years before, and afterward advanced in
the Scot's armie at home, which he quitted at the Revolution. I hope it
will be no tache on that gentleman to fay, that he could know little of a
trade which he never faw much of, and which has been not a little improven
fince he ferved. He told, Brunfwick was not fo ftronge when it made a
vigorous defence for a confiderable time, I forgot how longe. I told him,
I had feen Brunfwick before it was fortified laft, and affured him it admitted
of no manner of comparifon ; befides, he owned himfelf, there was no com-
parifone as to the numbers of the defendants, for ane armie within a place
INSURRECTION IN SCOTLAND, 1715. 4?
will always make it flronge, which makes Rab[e]lais fay, " Que le rampart
des couilles eft le plus fort." And that place being one of the greateft
touns in Germanic, could not be defended without a great armie. But
he teafed me fo much, that I was forced to tell the good old man, by all I
could judge, he had ferved when bous and arrows were in fafhion. I took
Lieut.-Coll. Hay afide, and afkt him feriouflie, If it was reallie out of
ignorance that he was fo ftiff, or onlie to encourage in the mean time, that
he gave out that place was to be defended without armes, pouder, or men ;
for if it was onlie to encourage, I would put the beft face on it I could for the
time, till I faw the danger approach ; but then, he might depend upon it,
I would marche off to the Highlands, with all that came with me. He
faid, If I went the whole would follow, and all would be difcouraged ; and
our armie could never form if we loft that place. I afkt him, Why he would
not fuffer all to be put in the beft pofture of defence that was poffible, by
working day and night at the place to make it more tenible ; and fending
to my Lord Mar for more men, fince he had fo many with him, and
particularlie for pouder ? He faid, We had pouder enough, and were
expecting more. I faid, If no pouder was pouder enough, he was right.
At laft we went round the toun, together with his greateft advifer, Peter
Smith, who he had made Major de la Place. I made them obferve all the
weaknefs of the place, and told him of Coll. Urchard's reafoning and
mine, to no purpofe, for Mr Smith, who, all the world, as well as his
brother Methvine, owns to be a madman, and who, after being a chirur-
geon, and carrieing a clyfter-bag for fome years in the armie, was at the
peace advanced to be ane Enfign, was now turned fo great a fojer, that
with his ufuall noife and nonfenfe, there was no bearing of him ; and if he
faw a window, or anie peeping hole of a garret, at anie diftance, he fuore
that was enough to defend the poft. I foon turned fick of that work, and
got rid of them, not being able to ftand it longer, being more and more
confirmed in my opinion of all that affair, and difcovering clearlie the ruine
of my poor Countrie in the hands of fuch people, of whofe management it
was impoffible to prefage good.
All this pad in a week after takeing of the toun ; and notwithstanding
my Lord Mar had proclaimed fome weeks before ; he was not, as yet,
48 MEMOIRS OF THE
in a capacitie to affift or reinforce us with any detachment, tho' they
gave him out to be four or five thoufand men ftronge ; for, like a
perfpe6live, his beautie confided in the diftant views, and the nearer
we came to him the fewer we found his numbers, and the greater his
imperfections. But in realitie he was not yet fo many hundreds ; which,
moft carefullie, was keept up from us. In the mean time, a report was
fpread of the Duke of Argyle's comeing to attack us. I perfifted in my
firft opinion of goeing off to the Highlands to joyn Mar, on the Duke's
approach ; and told now, plainlie, I had come out to ferve my Countrie to
the beft of my knouledge, and to pleafe no man on earth would I do other-
wife, fince I knew very well that if they pretended to ftand it, the toun
would be takne, and we takne in it, like fcoundrells, without being in a
condition to ftrike one ftroake for our lives or honours, and lofe fo many
men and horfes to no purpofe. Coll. Hay thought himfelf obliged to
come to me, and tell me that I difcouraged people. I afkt him, If
takeing the neceflarie precautions to make the place more tenible could
have that effect ? He faid, It would ; for they were fatiffied it was
aboundantlie ftronge, and that I was not to think they were always to
flay in that toun. That anfuer deferving no return, I afkt him, If fend
ing for a reinforcement to Mar would difcourage ? He bid me goe
alonge with him and he'd fhew me a letter he had wrote to Mar,
which he'd fend away that moment, and if I pleafed I might write a poft-
cript ; which I did, and told his Lordfhip, if he did not fend us a ftronge
reinforcement it was impofiible to ftand it. All this while he had nobodie to
fend ; and to give him his due, was doeing all he could to raife the Athole-
men, and everie bodie elfe ; and by all his letters was makeing us expecl;
him everie day with a great armie ; and order'd that no horfe fhould come
up to him, becaufe there was no fourage ; which, I own, was not plentie
there ; but I underflood that to be calculated for me. At laft, after all
this great expectation, Struan Robertfon came to us with tuo hundred and
fiftie Highlandmen.
The report ftill continuing of the Duke of Argyle's being to marche
towards us, and I not changeing my firft resolution, Struan's men being
very badlie armed, and no pouder amongft us all, Coll. Hay fell on a
INSURRECTION IN SCOTLAND, 1715. 49
ftratagem which he thought would doe the work ; he called about tuelve
of the gentlemen together of thofe he thought n't, and defired me to be
there ; he named our meeting a Council! of War ; if it was fo, I'm per-
fuaded the moft ignorant Councill of War that ever was held fince the Crea
tion. It was no difficult matter to make thofe he had pickt imagine the
place impregnable at this time, when they had tuice the number, when they
thought fo before with the half: Old CollonellBalfour affureing them he could
defend it againft ten thoufand of the beft men of the Allies armie, in thefe
very terms. I left them, without almoft opneing my mouth, to let them
enjoy their own opinion ; not being the more convinced of their ftanding
it, that they talkt fo big. I knew the want of pouder was more than
enough to difcourage anie bodie from that, tho' I had not known the men.
But I could not know then to what to attribute the willfullnefs of not
takeing the neceffarie precautions, (for nothing could have difcouraged ane
enemie fo much from comeing to attack us, as the noife of our haveing
fortified ourfelves, ) except to Collonell Hay's weaknefs, who, I imagined, was
jealous of thofe who give him advice, as if they encroached on his fpeciall
prerogrative, a fault common to fuch vaine, poor, creatures, to whome
Nature has neither given foule or bodie : " Scilicet in tenero tenerascere
corpore mentem." However bad opinion I had of the bufinefs, it never
enterd into my head that all that folloued was to be of a piece with this
pattern ; and that pouder, arms, and fortiefieing, were poftulates, that, if
granted neceffarie, would overturn their futur fcheme, which was to be
carried on with nothing but lyes.
" Ilia tibi eft igitur verborum copia cafla
Omnis, quae contra fenfus inftru&a, parata 'ft.
Denique ut in fabrica, fi prava 'ft regula prima ;
Normaque fi fallax reftis regionibus exit ;
Et libella aliqua fi ex parti claudicat hilum :
Omnia mendofe fieri, atque obftipa neceflum 'ft,
Prava, cubantia, prona, fupina, atque abfona tefta ;
Jam mere ut qusedam videantur velle ; ruantque,
Prodita judiciis fallacibus omnia priuiis.
50 MEMOIRS OF THE
Sic igitur ratio tibi rerum prava, necefle 'ft,
Falfaque fit, falfis qusccunque ab fenfibus orta 'ft."
Lucretius, lib. 4to.
At this time the Earle of Southefque came to Pearth with about thirtie
horfe from Angus, and a hundred and fiftie Low Countrie foot. A good
humor haveing now takne Coll. Hay, he fent to me to tell me that I might
make what changes about the place I pleafed. I anfuered, I was very in
different, for the way they were goeing to work what changes I could
make would be to no purpofe ; houever, if they would order in the
countrie people about, with fhovells and mattocks, I'd fet them to work to
make lines on that open fide of the toun towards the South Inch. I believe
what I had remonftrated haveing now turned publick, he found the gentle
men went into it, and, for that reafon, found it neceflarie to crofs his
humour a little, or goe further than his orders ; I believe, both. In the mean
time I ordered the trees about the toun to be cut for pallifades, which was
done, and palliffades made of them. Three hundred countrie fellows were
brought to toun ; I carried them to the iron mill, where I traced a large
flefh or raveline, with ropes, and when I was beginning to put the men to
work, feeing Coll. Balfour, Major Balfour, and Coll. Hay, fall a laughing,
I beg'd of them to take the management of it ; and told them there was a
necefiltie of being a foole with fooles, and fo left it; and certaine it is, that
it's in many cafes a miffortune to be too clear fighted. It was buzed in
my ear, underhand, that it was time enough to doe thofe things when Mar
and Generall Hamilton came to toun, and intreated I would in the mean
time change my way of fpeaking, becaufe people had a regarde to what
I faid, haveing ferved fo latelie. And for that reafon, I a(kt them, If I
was to be made a toole of to flatter my countriemen into their ruine ? I
faid, I did not take that to be makeing a good ufe of my credite. They
might doe as they pleafed ; but, I believed, Truth was the bed pollitick.
My Lord Panmure came next into toun, with a hundred Highlandmen,
and tuo hundred Low Countrie men. Achterhoufe, uncle to Strathmore
and to the Earle of Aboyn, brought in the Aboyn men. My Lord Nairne
and his fon brought in their own men, and fome of the Duke of Athole's
Highlandmen ; and now they were in all a great many men, but no fuch
INSURRECTION IN SCOTLAND, 1715. 51
thing as order. I did what I could to perfuade thofe who commanded
them to pick out fuch as had ferved, to make officers and ferjeants, and,
where they were wanting, to take fome of the a6liveft of their folks to
fupplie ; and one day all the guarnifone being drawn out on the South
Inch, I told my Lord Panmure there would be no doeing till all that mob
was regimented, and accordinglie, propofed to him to joyn his men to the
Aboyn men, becaufe his Highlandmen of Glenefke and they were nigh-
bours, and it would have a good efFedl, they haveing a confidence in one
another ; that if his Lordfhip would begin to form a regiment, the others
would follow his exemple. He faid, If Achterhoufe was pleafed, he defired
no better. I went to propofe it to Achterhoufe, who was fatiffied ; and in-
ftantlie they formed a regiment, which was called Panmure's Regiment, to
which Achterhoufe was Lieutenant-Collonell, and I pointed out to my Lord
Panmure one Lefflie, who had ferved, who he made Major. Barafield and
I fpoke to Strathmore about joyning his Low Countrie men and South-
efque's together, being of the fame countie. He was fatiffied to doe it,
but the difficultie was, after they were joyned, who mould command them ;
for Strathmore pretended to command the gentlemen of the countie, which
mud be owned he had a better title to than Southefque, if either familie
or perfon was to be regarded. I undertook to fpeak to Southefque, at a
diftance, to fee what could be done, or what he inclined to. He faid,
pofitively, he would command the gentlemen. I returned, and told him
Southefque inclined to command the gentlemen. He afkt me, If South
efque was as fliff and pofitive in that, as he ufed to be in every other
thing ? for if he was, he fuore he mould not command them. It was none
of my bufinefs to aggravate things, knouing that if the leaft difference
happned, it would fplite the gentlemen of that Countie, one half of whome
would goe one way, and the other another, which made me foftne it as
much as poffible ; and Strathmore faid, very generouflie, It was the fame
to him where he ferved ; and pleafed himfelf with the fancie of Southefque's
breaking his bones by falling from horfeback ; becaufe, faid he, His mother
had not taught him to ride. And that day, Strathmore took the command
of Southefque's and his own Low Countriemen joyned, and made Barafield
his Lieutenant-Collonell, and one Captain Walkinfhaw, his Major. It muft
52 MEMOIRS OF THE
be faid, nobodie engaged in that affair gave the half of the application to
their dutie, or difciplining their regiments, as my Lord Strathmore and
Panmure ; for the others feemed to doe things for their humour, or rather,
did nothing at all ; but they made it their bufinefs after that all in toun were
regimented, fome into ftronger and others into weaker corps. Now, our
guarifone being ftronge, I fpoke to Collonell Hay, that, to avoid confufion
in cafe of a fuddain alarme, he'd order everie regiment its alarme pod ;
but that was a language neither he nor his friend, Peter Smith, underflood
any thing off, the work being to be done by confufion. Tho' fo many
men were got together, there was no monie to pay them, except what
everie one gave his own people out of his private purfe, which could
not fubfifl longe. I, happning to meet with Mr Hary Maule, fell into
regrateing the unluckie ftate we were in for want of armes, pouder, and
monie. He faid then, very ingenuouflie, That never men were fo idlie
brought in for their lives and fortunes as we were.
But lyes, the life of our affair, were fpread with more induftrie than
ever, of pouder, armes, and monies being fent us. Some of our gentlemen,
who had thought that they had takne monie enough with them to doe
their bufienefs, or who came out in fuch hafte that they had no time to
provide, were goeing daylie home to get new fupplies. I ufed to tell
them, to no purpofe, that fome of them would be kidnapt ; amongft,
others, Sir Thomas Bruce, a gentleman of a very good eflate, was
oblidged to goe home fome fuch errand. I fent one Mr Balfour, of
Forret, after him, and told him of the rifque he run ; but if he muft goe,
advifed him not to flay a night at home. He took no notice of it, thought
himfelf fecure, ftay'd fome nights, and was takne by a partie of dragoons
which my Lord Rothes brought with him, and from thence was carried
to Leflie Houfe ; but this happned very foon after our getting into
Pearth, 1 and when we were daylie expecting a vifite from the Duke of
Argyle. Houever, Coll. Hay, and all there, prefied me to take the
hundred horfe then at Pearth, to attack Rothes, with his tuentie-five
1 Sir Thomas Bruce was taken upon 28th September. Upon the 26th a small
party of the insurgents had attempted to proclaim the King at Kinross, but were
interrupted by the Earl of Rothes. Rae's History, p. 232.
INSURRECTION IN SCOTLAND, 1715. 53
dragoons, in his houfe of Leflie, and retake Sir Thomas Bruce ; and, at
fame time, take five hundred armes, which was fuppofed to be hid there,
which Rothes had fo latelie got from the Gouvernment, befides a greater
quantitie which he had provided himfelf tuo years before. The bootie of
armes and amunition would indeed been of ufe to us, but it was ten to one
if they were dill there ; and if we had thought they were, we ought to
have made a fearch when there was nobodie there, and when we could
had them cheap, which we could not expect now, that houfe being a large
fquare, and ftronglie situated, and, tho' of eafie accefs to the weft, the front
is fo large, and the windows fo many, that a regiment would not be
flraitned in them, and platform above. It's true, we were not to expect
fo many there, but it was not to be doubted that my Lord, on half ane
hour's advertifement, could get a hundred men out of the village and
nighbourhood, and that, with his own fervants, who ufe to be numerous, and
the tuentie-five dragoons, would make fuch a defence, with fo many armes
fuppofed to be there, the louer windows being all ftauncheld with iron
bars. Without a greater force than at that time they could fpare, which
was the hundred gentlemen, with piftells, and a hundred of the raw foot,
without pouder, I muft have had very little knouledge of the trade to
knock fo many poor gentlemen in the head, for diverfion, in the very
beginning of our affair ; nor was it our bufinefs, at a time we were fo weak,
to be makeing excurfions of that kind. I was apt to believe that, it might
be a trap laide for us, knouing us to be young fojers, who might jump
at everie baite, and, for what we could truft to Coll. Hay's intelli
gence, it might been ane ambuflb. Tho' this was not to hinder Coll. Hay
to goe there himfelf, and doe as he thought fit ; and for his encouragement
I told him, the bed attack he had on it, that I remember' d, was under the
cover of a wall, the back way from the village, which would lead them to
the corner of the houfe, when they'd be under a good dale of the fire from
the windows, and fo force the back gate. But the Gouvernour did not
think it convenient to rifque himfelf, and was fatiffied to let that project
drop. All juftified my opinion in the later end of our affair, when a fmall
guarifone of the Suiffe were put into that houfe, who cut off our com
munication from the coaft of Fife, and from the coales, fo abfolutelie
54 MEMOIRS OF THE
necefiarie for us in fuch a cold winter, and choofe to ftarve for cold,
when they pretended to be flronge enough to give the Duke of Argyle
battle rather than attack that place.
My Lord Mar begun at laft to move towards us, haveing fucceeded
in raifeing almoft all the Athole and Tullibardine men, by the means of
Tullibardine, Lord Charles and Lord George Murrays, the Duke's three
fons, and one hundred of the Mar-men, by the help of Inderei, for the
others would take no notice of him fo longe as Indercale would not
engage. On his marche he was joyned by my Lord Drummond, and
thofe who followed him, who, not being Highlandmen, would not rife
till the others came to force them out.
Generall Hamiltone came into Pearth tuo or three days before my
Lord Mar, and the troopes with him, to regulate the quarters, and prepare
magazines of meale and fourage, which feem'd needlefs till then, nobodie
thinking of it. Mar, at that time putting all his truft in Hamiltone, could
not think of letting him goe out of his fight till the dread of the Athole
men was over. He was not ane hour in toun when he afkt for me, and
fent [to] defire me to come to him, to Collonell Hay's lodgings. I went fo
foon as I had dined ; he took me afide into a window, and, after a little
difcourfe, afkt me, Who I thought would be the fitted man to command the
Fife fquadrone. I faid, Till officers came to us, at which time I'd demitt
in any bodies favours who had ferved longer than myfelf, I believed the
gentlemen of that countie would be commanded by nobodie but myfelf.
He faid, He knew that ; but I was to be employed another way. I told
him, I was indifferent what way, provided it was not to leave me behind in
guarnifone when they marched ; for I begun to fufpedl, that after Mr
Malcome's recommendation, that of Coll. Hay's might put my Lord Mar
on pofling me fome where out of the way, to be rid of me ; upon which
I told Generall Hamiltone, That pofitivelie I would not flay in guarifone.
When he found I took it on that foot, he faide, He would be plaine with
me, provided I'd keep the fecret. I faid, Upon honour, I would. He told
me I was to be fent over to the Lothiens, with a thoufand men under my
command, to raife thofe gentlemen who were for us in the fouthern coun
ties, and from that to marche into England. I afkt him, How he propofed
INSURRECTION IN SCOTLAND, 1715. 55
to fend fuch a number over, and at what place ? He faid, At the Queen's
Ferrie. I told him, That was too nere the enemie, Stirveling being onlie
eight miles from it, and we could no fooner make a movement that way
than the Duke of Argyle would fufpecT;, or at lead, being fo near, would
inflantlie be informed of our bringing boats together ; for it was no eafie
matter to find boats for fo manie, and, in the mean time, would have his
dragoons, yea, his foot, there, before we could get that done, and would
hinder our landing on the other fide. He faid, There was no difficultie in
getting boats the minute we came there, for all the large pafiage-boats of
the Frith were laid up there. I told him, If we were of that fide where
the boats were, we'd have no need of boats, for they were all of the fouth
fide. He had not been informed of that, and faid, He was allured they
were all at the Queen's Ferrie, which was true, for tho' there be tuo miles of
fea betwixt thofe touns, on both fides, they goe both by the fame name,
onlie they are diftinguilh't by the South or North Queen's Ferrie. I fup-
pofed we could got over, which was impoffible, the dragoons would dill be
at our heels, and afkt him, Where we could take poft? for I could not
imagine he thought that a thoufand of our raw people would pretend to
(land that number of dragoons in the plain, which the Duke of Argyle could
detache. He faide, Did I know no ftrong houfe thereabouts ? I anfuered,
I had never been in that part of the countrie but once, fome years agoe,
when I halted no where ; onlie I remembered I had feen fome large houfes,
which always afford a defence ; but the divill was, we'd foon be block't
up in them, and ftarve for want of provifions, which, I was fure, the Duke
of Argyle would not give us time to get in ; and for my part, were I in
fuch a cafe, I'd endeavour to gaine the longe chaine of hills, if poffible,
which, if I did, I'd laugh at the dragoons. But to put an end to that
raifoning, I bid him be afiured there were no boats to be got there to
execute that project. He faid, It mud be done fome way. I faid, If it
muft be done, it was to be done further down the Frith ; but I forfaw
great difficulties in it, for there were men-of-war in ftation through the
whole Frith ; and, before I came from home, orders were given to the
Cuftom-Houfe officers all alonge the coaft, to inform the men-of-war of the
leaft movement of the troopes ; this I could afiure him of. He afkt,
56 MEMOIRS OF THE
Where boats were to be got ? I told him, Very far down the Frith, at
Creile, Kilrinnie, Anftruthers, Pittenweem, Buchaven, and Wemyfs, and
the further down the more boats were to be got. He afkt me, If I knew no
ftronge place oppofite ? I faid, I was intirelie a ftranger to my countrie,
haveing been fo longe out of it ; but afkt him, If he remembered any thing
of the Citadell of Leith ? for I could think of no other. He faid, He
believed it would foon be put in a poflure of defence, and faid, fo might
Haddingtoun ; but in cafe they were to land, with a view to the Citadell of
Leith, where could they land ? I faid, I did not doubt it was to be done
in the night time, and then they could doe it, as the wind ferved, on any
place of the coaft, fuppofe Seatoun, Muflelbrough, or Prefton Pans, for
Leith was not to be thought of, becaufe there never wanted men-of-war
in that road ; but if they were to goe for Haddingtoun, which he feemed
to think might be made ftronge in fo fmall a time as was requifite, and
would embarrafs the enemie more, and put our people out of infult, being
at fo great a diflance, Aberladie Sands and North Berwick would be the
places. I enquired further, What men he defigned to feud ? He faid,
Strathmore's regiment for one. I looking furprifed at that, afkt him, If
there was no Highlandmen ? He faid, The refl were to be Highlandmen.
I told him, If I went, I'd take care to keep nere the hills, rather than fhut
myfelf up in any place ; and fince the defigne of that expedition was to
raife thofe South Countrie gentlemen, I did not fee why any thing fliould
be rifqud till that was done. Some one takeing the Generall afide about
other bufinefs, I left him ; and tho', I mufl own, I was not fond of that
commiffion, and fufpecled my Lord Mar had pitched on me rather to put
me out of the way then out of friendfhip, yet I thought I could not in
honour refufe it ; and if propofed to me after, would have gone, provided
I had feen armes, pouder, and ball, without which I had flatlie denied.
From what Generall Hamiltone had told me, I formed a very bad idea
of the Hate of our affairs, for it fhewed me clearlie, that my Lord Mar's
fyflem, of England's rifeing, on the firft account of our being up in armes,
muft been falfe ; as well as his telling us, that it was defired by the Englifh
that we (hould rife firft, to draw all the troopes our way, and, by that
deverfion, untie their hands, and give them ane opportunitie of formeing
INSURRECTION IN SCOTLAND, 1715. 5?
into bodies ; when, no fooner he had got a few of us together, than he was
meditateing to fend a thoufand of us to England, which muft weakne us fo
much, that he'd never thought of it, if he had the lead hopes of England's
rifeing without it, fince, contrarie to the pretended concert, it would rather
keep the troopes in England then draw them our way.
Notwithftanding of my reafoning thus with myfelf, I am fhure my great-
eft enemies can't accufe me of either then difcourageing, or difcovering the
leaft thing to anie bodie; onlie I told feveralls of my Fife friends, that I be-
liev'd I was not to ferve with them ; which they feemed forrie for, and
which I explained to them after Brigadeer Mackintofh pad the Frith.
My Lord Mar comeing at laft to Pearth, with thofe he had got together
in the Highlands, we were drawn out to the North Inch to receave him,
and from that time did he daylie take more and more upon him to act like
our Generall, and did all of himfelf, without confulting anie bodie ; as if he
had been another Mofes, meek and fpotlefs, and without a blemifh, fent from
Heaven with a divine commiffion to relieve us miferable wretches out of
bondage: fo mean an opinion had he of all of us prefent, and fo great was
ours to be of him, that " Illi fummum rerum judicium a Deo datum : nobis
fola obfequii gloria relicta videretur." (Tacit.)
Haveing laid the foundation of this ftorie, it will not be improper to give
the origine and caracler of the Hero, or great man, who afted the chief part
in it, as well as a hint of his inducements and motives; that thofe who read
this may judge how much, from his infancie, he has been of a piece with
himfelf, nor be furprifed with his conduct throughout the whole affair.
JOHN ERSKINE, EARLE OF MAR, is of ane ancient family, which of late
has been very low and poor. His father dyed when he was verie younge, 1
1 Charles, tenth Earl of Mar, was one of James VII.'s Privy Council, but is said
to have disapproved of many of his measures, and to have been on the point of retiring
from public life when the Revolution took place. During the sitting of the Con
vention of Estates he was arrested, in an attempt to leave Edinburgh, with the
view, it was supposed, of joining Dundee, then in arms. But he afterwards acquired
their confidence by delivering up Stirling Castle, and levying a body of men for the
Revolutionary interest.
H
58 MEMOIRS OF THE
and, as it's generallie believed in Scotland, he hanged himfelf, Judas-like,
out of a remorfe of confcience, for betraying his mafter James the Seventh;
and tho' by his bountie he fubfifted, he delivered up the Caftle of Stirveling,
of which he was Gouvernour, and carried over his regiment to King William.
He left this Lord Mar heir to more debt than eflate, 1 and to the manage
ment of a mother, who was a notorious whore, whofe figure did not give
her merite enough to gaine by her trade, 2 fo that he profited nothing of her
but the hump he has got on his back, and her diflblute, malicious, medling
fpirite. It's eafie to imagine that the firft teintures he receaved from fuch
a gouvernante were none of the befl, no more than his education advanta
geous or inftructive. Haveing no obligations to nature, and fo few to his
father and mother, and none but that of debt to the reft of mankind, fo foon
as he was capable of anything he feemed to think himfelf in a ftate of
war with the whole; for it has oftne been obferved that thofe who are born
with fuch naturall defects, ufe to revenge themfelves on nature, by doeing
her as little honour as me has done them; which I believe the reafon of that
Lacedemonian law for deftroying thefe monftruous productions the minute
they were born. 3 His originall fin, both by his father and mother giveing
him as fmall a title to honour as eftate, he foon gave himfelf up, as by
inftindl, to his hereditarie and naturell penchant, yillanie and lying. The
firft a6t of hoftilitie he committed was defrauding of his creditours by the
help of his never to be forgotten fteuart, Charles Kierie, without the leaft
regarde to fo many poor families, whofe bowells he tore out and rendered
miferable ; but this was facilitate by the Court, to whom he recommended
1 Tho estate is said to have been embarrassed in consequence of the debts con
tracted by Earl Charles's grandfather during the great Rebellion. Earl Charles
sold the Lordship of Erskine, from which the family take their name.
2 The Lady thus rudely characterized was Lady Mary Maule, daughter of George,
Earl of Panmure.
8 Our author was better acquainted with the Latin than the English classics,
else he had remembered Shakspeare's Richard
" Since I cannot prove a lover,
To entertain these fair well-spoken days,
I am determined to prove a villain."
INSURRECTION IN SCOTLAND, 1715. 59
himfelf by his father's merite, by which he had the cunning to infinuate
himfelf earlie, and gave them hopes that in time he might be of ufe to them.
As he grew older, his inherent villanie, and his intereded ambition, grew
with him ; he foon found that when he had done his bed the fmall matter
he could pilfer from his creditours was but a tryfle to his extravagance he
abandonned himfelf to the Court, and declared war againfl his countrie. He
truckled as an underling till the Union, at which time he was made Secre-
tarie of State for Scotland, to which it was not the intereft or influence he
had in his countrie, or the lead good qualitie recommended him to the
Englifh Court, but the bardie difpofition they found in him to ruine and
betray his countrie. For it was he, who, the year before, firil treacherouflie
prefented that fatale, fcandalous, and deplorable A61 of Union to the Scots
Parliament, and left the power of the nomination blank, and managed it fo
afterwards, that the nomination was given to the Queen ; it was he whofe
breathe was fo infeftious, that his familiaritie was enough to render the Duke
of Hamilton fufpecled to honed men, tho' he had done more for his coun
trie than all in it ; it was he who made that great man fwerve, and foon
after betrayed him, and broke his promife to him ; it was he who by his
little undermineing artifices, which is his fort, laid the foundation of that
jealoufie amongd thofe who loved their countrie, which contributed mod
to its utter mine.
For thefe r good actions, and this merite, and no other, was he made
Secretarie of State ; to prove which I not onlie appeal to " Lockhart's
Memoirs," where his caracler is at large, but to the confciences of mod
Scotfmen now alive. To doe him judice, he ferved the Englifh faith-
fullie ; tho' I could never imagine that the many fpeeches I have heard him
make on that occafion, deferved the three thoufand pound of equivalent,
and the tuo for Secretarie of State, for it's hard to fay whither he difcover-
ed himfelf by them more the bad man, or the bad oratour. Tho' I knew
then he was not difpofeing of much of his own, yet I could not hinder my-
felf to admire the zeale he fhewed at that time for their fervice; but never
admired his courage, for no fooner candles were called for into the Parlia
ment Houfe, than he always proteded he'd goe, tho' in the middle of a hot
debate ; his cowardice, as well as his guilty confciens, infpireing him at that
60 MEMOIRS OF THE
time with that maxime, as well as afterwards, that it was good to fecure a
retreat, believing it fafer to retire out of the Parliament Houfe in daylight
than in the night, the citie and countrie being in no fmall commotion ; fo it's
demonftrable that his onlie and great qualitie was that of undermining his
countrie, and committing the fin againft the Holie Ghoft, by treacherouflie,
for a piece of raonie, betraying it; the blacked and atrocioufeft of crimes,
never to be forgiven by God Almightie, and I think ought never to be for
given, and impoffible to been forgot by men, for no day has paft fince the
makeing of that difmall Union that we have not found the fad effects of it.
And to fhew he never repented fo longe as he receaved the lead part of the
reward of his patricide, at the time of the pretended Invafioun he was the
great promoter in bringing up to London, in triumph, thofe of the beft fami
lies of his countrie, which I took the freedom to tell him at Pearth. It's
evident he was not acted of late by his zeale for his countrie, or the Royalle
Familie, but his ambition to be again Secretarie of State, and all that his
beft friends can fay for him is, that he was a creature of my Lord Ox
ford's. His old friends, the Whigs, who knew him capable of everie thing
for his intereft, feared his turning renegado, foon armed againft him, and
did not leave him fo much as the influence he had in the little toun of
Stirveling.
If, by the Whigs throwing him off, he was forced to [take] refuge to the
Tories in Scotland, and cajole them to gaine their fupport, he acled the fame
part with his Mafter Oxford, it was with the fame view to cheat them like
him; who, he found a verie eafie purchafe, haveing loft their head, the Duke
of Hamiltone, and feverall other Lords of late, which left them primo occu-
panti, with almoft few or none of common fenfe amongft them, and fitted
them exacllie for his purpole. His getting the Torie Lords chofen of the
lixteen, with his procureing them the other hundred pounds of drink-monie
from theTreafaurer; and when that would not doe, getting them credite from
him on their giveing him their bonds, were favours great enough to make his
peace with them, and gaine them to him, while all they were doeing was
onlie ruining themfelves in his fervice. The penfions given to the Chiefs
of Clans was with no other view procured from the Court, but that of
makeing him popular amongft them at the expenfe of the Gouvernment,
INSURRECTION IN SCOTLAND, 1715. 61
for there was no lefs needfull to get himfelf, what he had not, I mean, ane
intereft fomewhere in his countrie. To gaine himfelf more univerfall
credite, he infinuated underhand that if it were in his power he would not
be wanting to ferve King James; which, he knew, would foon bringe about
him all the little hungrie Jacobite meflengers, whofe greatefl merite,he knew,
confided in their follie and lying, virtues, that calculated them exac~llie to
ferve his prefent turn. He dealt with them as Pfaphon of old did with the
magpyes, thrufhes, jais, and parrets, and fome fuch birds, after haveing
taught them to pronounce thefe words, Pfaphon is God, he turned them
loofe, that thofe who heard fo many and fo extraordinarie teftimonies of
his divinitie, might the more eafilie be brought to believe it. They were
verie docile, and got their leflbn foon, and were not longe of proueing him a
very honeft man to their certaine knowledge, for that's their way of fpeak-
ing, nor, if need required, were they to ftand to fwear they had known him
fo thefe many years, if need required ; which was all he wanted of them,
and which they did not fo much out of a view to ferve the King, as wifely
to ferve themfelves, haveing no head to applie to, and no bodie to take the
lead notice of their fervices, which, though the King fucceeded, would turn
to no account to them, without a man of confequence were to represent
them; they were overjoyed to find themfelves, imployed by a Minifler of
State, which fome of them might be fools enough to imagine was makeing
court to them, who would not be at pains to doe fo, if he did not find a
merite in them, but at lead conceaved no fmall opinion of the great fortune
they were to make if they could be ufeful to him.
If the Prefbiterian miniders have ufurped the power of damning and fave-
ing the foules of their mob, according to their pleafure, thofe have been in
a longe poflefiion of giveing or takeing away the good name or reputation
of the gentlemen of their partie, according as they drunk them hard, or gave
into their lyes; without which ufurpation they were not altogether fo igno
rant as to know themfelves of no ufe. Mar was informed, by thofe at Lon
don, who of that band could be mod ferviceable to him in the countrie ;
letters were fent to fome, defireing them to come to London ; amongd
whome was Mr Malcome of Grange, that my Lord Mar, Secretarie of State,
might have ane opportunitie of telling them the value he had for them, and
62 MEMOIRS OF THE
how much, were it in his power, he'd be their humble fervant. They were
not longe of goeing, and haveing got their leffon, returned heartilie fatiffied
with their reception, brought letters alonge with them to thofe of their
recommendation, not more fignificant as themfelves, but good enough to
raife him a reputation amongft the unthinking part of countrie gentlemen,
who have, of a longe time, been damned to fwallow, like Gofpell, all that
thefe drouthie polliticiens were pleafed to tell them. In a word, Mar was
made ane honeft man by them to their certaine knowledge, and his health
was drunk, tho' this ftill required management ; for thofe confidering fools
who had occafion to know anything of his pad life would foon flop the pro-
grefs of all, being ane argument that was not to be well fupported, and for
that reafon, before fuch, his name was never to be mentioned; or, if it was, it
would be doeing him and the caufe fervice to drop the fubject, for thefe
were people who were not to be convinced, and might be alarmed ; and no
good could come of that.
His Lordfhip being fatiffied of the deteftation and abhorrence that thofe
of the better fort had of him, did not think it was yet time to applie to them
till the others had paved the way for him ; and even then the jealoufie of
him would be fo great, that they'd be fo far from goeing in blindlie to all
his meafures, it was to be feared, they'd occafion the dropeing of him,
when the Whigs were not like to be reconciled to him. So there was
no lefs than ane abfolute neceflity of refugeing to the Tories for fupport ;
who he attackt in the foible by getting their weakeft or neadieft Lords
chofen of the fixteen, by captivateing, underhand, with great promifes,
all the little tools of the partie. And, at laft, as if by infpiration, de
claring himfelf of the Church of England, contrarie to the profeffion of his
whole life ; fetting up a chappell for the fervice, gaining by that the whole
Episcopal! clergie, to whome he made the compliment of his new religion,
who could not but be rejoyced at the repentance of a finner; all this with
a view to make his own markett at Court, at the expence of the whole, by
takeing advantage of their weaknefs, and makeing ufe of them either for or
againft themfelves, according to the exigence of his affairs, while all he was
preferring by his recommendation to polls in Scotland were of the oppofite
partie; which, tho' not a proof of what I have faid was his defigne, yet a
INSURRECTION IN SCOTLAND, 1715. 63
prefumption, which, with his letter to King George at the Hague, 1 if you'll
take his own word for it, will amount to a manifeft convi&ion ; where, after
1 This memorable document, which affords sufficient evidence of the Earl of
Mar's versatility, to give it no worse name, is in the following terms :
" SIR,
" Having the happiness to be your Majesty's subject; and also the honour of
being one of your servants, as one of your Secretaries of State, I beg leave to kiss
your Majesty's hand, and congratulate your happy accession to the throne ; which
I would have done myself the honour of doing sooner, had I not hoped to have had
the honour of doing it personally ere now.
" I am afraid I may have had the misfortune of being misrepresented to your
Majesty ; and my reason for thinking so is, because I was, I believe, the only one of
the late Queen's servants who your ministers here did not visit, which I mentioned
to Mr Harley and the Earl of Clarendon, when they went from hence to wait on
your Majesty ; and your ministers carrying so to me, was the occasion of my receiving
such orders as deprived me of the honour and satisfaction of waiting on them, and
being known to them.
" I suppose I had been misrepresented to them by some here, upon account of
party, or to ingratiate themselves by aspersing others, as our parties here too often
occasion, but I hope your Majesty will be so just as not to give credit to such
misrepresentations.
" The part I acted in bringing about and making of the Union, when the succes
sion to the Crown was settled for Scotland on your Majesty's family, where I had
the honour to serve as Secretary of State for that Kingdom, doth, I hope, put my
sincerity and faithfulness to your Majesty out of dispute.
" My family hath had the honour, for a great tract of years, to be faithful servants
to the Crown, and have had the care of the King's children (when Kings of Scot
land) entrusted to them. A predecessor of mine was honoured with the care of
your Majesty's grandmother when young ; and she was pleased afterwards to
express some concern for our family in letters which I have still in her own hand.
" I have had the honour to serve her late Majesty, in one capacity or other,
ever since her accession to the Crown. I was happy in a good mistress, and she was
pleased to have some confidence in me, and regard for my services. And since
your Majesty's happy accession to the Crown, I hope you will find that I have not
been wanting in my duty in being instrumental in keeping things quiet and peace
able in the country to which I belong, and have some interest in.
" Your Majesty shall ever find me as faithful and dutiful a subject and servant
64 MEMOIRS OF THE
congratulateing his own happinefs of being his Majeftie's fubjecl, as well as
his Majeftie's happie acceflion to the throne, he is in no fmall apprehen-
fions, and fears his being inifreprefented to him by his Minifters, who had
not vifited him, and regrates his being afperfed to them by fome ill-meaning
partie men ; tells his Majeftie of the care he bad takne of undeceaveing him,
by my Lord Clarendon and Mr Harley, when they went to Hanover;
values himfelf on his haveing fo great a hand in the Union, for thefe are his
own words, " The part I ac"led in bringing about and makeing the Union,
when the fucceffion to the Crown was fettled for Scotland on your Majeftie's
family, where I had the honour to ferve as Secretarie of State for that King
dom, doth, I hope, put my fincerity and faithfulnefs to your Majesty out of
difpute ;" and afterwards tells him, in a mean fervile manner, that one of his
predeceffours was nurfe to his grandmother, and lays fo much ftrefs upon
that, in cafe the truth of it might be doubted, that he pretends to inftruct
it by letters : A little after, " And fince your Majeftie's happie accefllon to
the Crown, I hope you will find that I have not been wanting in my duty, in
being inftrumental in keeping things quiet and peaceable in the countrie to
which I belonge, and have fome intereft in." Does not he there begin very
earlie to make difcoveries, yea, facrifice the Scots Tories, onlie to have ane
occaflion to fhew ane attachment to King George's fervice, and of valueing
himfelf on his intereft in his countrie.
If the deffinge of this letter was to lulle King George afleep, as his
Lordfhip's friends gives out, and would have believed a mafterpiece of
as ever any of my family have been to the Crown, or as I have been to my late
Mistress the Queen. And I beg your Majesty may be so good as not to believe
any misrepresentations of me, which nothing but party hatred and my zeal for the
interest of the Crown doth occasion, and I hope I may presume to lay claim to
your royal favour and protection.
" As your accession to the Crown hath been quiet and peaceable, may your
Majesty's reign be long and prosperous, and that your people may soon have the
happiness and satisfaction of your presence among them, is the earnest and fervent
wishes of him who is, with the humblest duty and respect,
" SIR, Your Majesty's most faithful, most dutiful, and most obedient subject and
servant,
MAR."
INSURRECTION IN SCOTLAND, 1715. 65
pollitick, certainlie this is contrarie to that deflgne, where he puts him
on his guarde where there was no need for it, and not the lead appear
ance of difturbance or difquiet; which happened afterwards by fecond
caufes, and depended intirelie on the broiles in England. If his Lord-
fhip was capable to tell King George fo much on fo flight acquaintance,
what would not he have done had he got into the pofleffion of the five
thoufand pounds a year ? to attain to which he had alreadie facri-
ficed his honour and confcience, countrie, and all mankind. As he begins
his letter, fo he ends it, in terms full of fubmiffion and duty, hopeing
and fearing, and begging his Majefty to believe him his mod dutiefull,
faithfull, and obedient fubje6l and fervant. Can it be denyed that in this
letter his Lordftiip forgot the promifes made to the Tories ; and, while
he was fooleing them, he was affiduouflie makeing his court elfewhere,
without the lead regarde to what he had made them believe was the will
of his good miftrefs, as he calls her, who he forgot fo foon as her breath
was out, tho' (he had longe given him bread, as be himfelf owns in the
letter : In a word, my Lord Mar is fo much through the whole letter, that
one muft be worfe than my Lord Mar to pretend to excufe it, and a Scots
Torie, in the fuperlative degree, ever after to put the leaft confidence in
him.
Befides this letter to King George, he made ufe of another precau
tion, which was, marrieing ane Englifh ladie 1 fome time before, whofe
familie interefl he was in hopes might keep him in place, or reconcile the
Whigs to him ; and, at leaft, get him of the readie to keep up his credite
for fome time, in cafe the Queen fhould happne to die, which all forfaw, and
he fent of grazeing. To bringe that about, as I am told, he was forced
to give her, in joynture, all that was called his eftate. I have fome reafon
to think he cheated her, by pretending to give her what was not in his own
name, and if fo, not his own ; and, I'm fhure, if it was his own, it was
cheating his fon and familie.
But thefe precautions and fubmiffions did not ferve his turn, being fo
odious to the Englifh Miniftrie, who had fo long knoun him, and the fame
1 Lady Frances Pierrepoint, daughter of the Duke of Kingston, sister and
correspondent of the accomplished Lady Mary Wortley Montague.
66 MEMOIRS OF THE
who had imployed him formerlie, who treated him as thofe who make ufe
of poifon doe a venimous monfter, after fqueezing, as they thought, the
poifon out of him, threw him away ; haveing no further occafion for him,
and imagineing him fufficientlie recompenfed for betraying his countrie.
Finding himfelf in a mod defpicable condition, and that there was no
mercie to be expected for him, either from the Court or his creditours, of
which there was no want in Scotland as well as in London, and fearing
that his old friends the Whigs of that countrie would have no compaffion
on him, and ufe him fcurvilie for deferting them ; and believeing that the
little and mercenarie part of the Scots Tories, who he was fo latelie tam
pering with, and to whome he had never done the lead fervice, had founded
their friendfhip to him more on a view of ferving themfelves than anie
regarde they could have for him, would throw him off as eafilie as they
had takne him up ; and the rather, that the lownefs of his circumftances
muft be foon difcover'd, if not alreadie known, when he would appear to
them in his own naturell deformitie, for its fuccefs onlie that's a cover to
villanie : Thus, reafonablie looking on himfelf as one detefted and abhorred
by all mankind, he could not pardon his countrie and countriemen the
evills which he himfelf had done them, and imagin'd their hatred propor-
tion'd to his villanie, and fuppofed they'd fpare him on no occafion, if he
did not haften to prevent them. On thefe confiderations did he duble his
diligence, and refolved to ftrike the iron while hot. Haveing no other
game to play, knowing that the mobs and broiles in Engeland had rowzed
the Scots Tories, who were very attentive to all that pad there, which,
according to their laudable cuftome, they magnified to cheat themfelves,
he did not know how far, with his management, and makeing ufe of fo
favourable a conjuncture, he might work them up before things turned
ftale, and while their fpirits were in a ferment ; if, by the force of lying,
and makeing them believe he was trufted by the Englilh Jacobits and the
King, he fhould fucceed in raifeing them, no matter what came of it, he
could loofe nothing, not fo much as a reputation. It was but takeing a
fhip, and leaving a countrie he could not well fubfift in ; and a propofall of
that kind to the Jacobites there, before they had time to reflect on his true
motives, and comeing from him, who they had no reafon to doubt was ane
INSURRECTION IN SCOTLAND, 1715. 67
interefted man, would naturallie lead them in to believe it a mure game,
and might furprize them into doeing fomething which would be fufficient
to recommend him to the unfortunate King, the onlie refuge his defpair
left him. But if he could be fo happie as to fucceed in makeing a heartie
buftle, by takeing advantage of their weaknefs, and by makeing ufe of thofe
tools who he had alreadie been dealing with, whofe defpair it would anfuer
as well as his own, end as it would, it muft get him a reputation abroad,
and make him pafs on ftrangers as the greateft man of that countrie ; in
which, at the bottom, he had no further pretenfions, haveing no other view
of felling it a fecond time :
" For what's the use of any thing,
But so much monie as it will bring."
In all events, he could not faile of fecureing a fhip and get over to France,
where he'd have the firfl title to the King's favour, after fuch fignall
fervices done him.
He was in hopes the Highland Chiefs of Clans had not forgot the
penfions that they fo latelie owed him, when Secretarie of State, and knew
how far the promife of a little monie would goe with them at all times,
but yet further, when joyned to their naturall inclinations of plundering
and ferveing that caufe. The Duke of Athole flood moil in his way, for
tuo reafons : If he joyned, his Lordfhip would be loft in the croude of poor
Lords, and not being at the head, would loofe the merite of all ; for he'd
make but a forrie figure out of that fphere, being capable of nothing but
writeing of letters, and perhaps not intruded with that; I muft fay a whim-
ficall circumftance, where there was no medium betwixt being Generaliffi-
mo and being a little clerck : If his Grace of Athole did not joyn, the reft
of the Highlands, houever well inclined, would be very backward, and he'd
pafs his time but badlie at Bre-Mar. 1 But he foon found a falvo to both ;
for the Duke's eldeft fon, Tullibardine, being at London, and in a little
debt, was foon engaged by him in a caufe he loved, by paying his debts
with the King's monie, as he gave out, to make the world enter into the
truft, and fent to Scotland before his Lordfhip of Mar, in hopes he'd, with
1 Which borders on the Athole country.
68 MEMOIRS OF THE
the affiftance of his uncle and brothers, fecure his father's vafialls, who
were naturallie well inclined ; which there was great ground to believe he
would doe, without keeping meafures with his father, being, as he thought,
hardlie ufed by him ; which expedient would anfuer all difficulties, for it
would tye up the Duke's hands, and at fame time rancour him, till Mar
got ane opportunitie of doeing more.
Next thing that was to be done, was to draw into the affair fome one
who had the caradler of a Generall, to give the thing a name. Generall
Hamilton occurred to him ; whofe difapointments, by the death of the
Queen, and the difficultie of liveing on a Collonell's half-pay, which was
not eafilie granted him neither, made him the fooner believe what his
Lordfhip faid ; and, as he told my Lord Balcarres and me, he doubted of
nothing that his Lordfhip of Mar told him, and that he had tuelve thoufand
pounds before him in Scotland, and tuo thoufand carrieing alonge with him
in his ftronge box, which would be of ufe in the beginning, till the great
remittances folloued him from France. But to goe on with particulars.
He knew the Earle of Marifhall, 1 who had little or no eftate, was a younge
man of ambition ; and tho' his familie was funk, yet the name of it bad ane
influence in the countrie, which he'd readilie make ufe of to refent the in-
jurie done him in takeing away his regiment, and [it] being uneafie to him
to accomodate himfelf to the way of liveing that his neceflities reduced
him to, after haveing fo latelie -tailed of the fweet of a regiment.
Linlithgow would be eafilie led alonge, whofe talent did not ly in much
thought or reflection. If Kilfyth had no influence, yet his want of bread
would make him a fure carde, as well as a ufefull inftrument, being a man
of fenfe, and haveing the title of Vifcount. As to Drummond, 2 the ftraits
he had plounged himfelf into by his follie, would not goe a greater length
1 George, the tenth and last Earl Marischal. More fortunate than his com
panions in misfortune, he not only escaped from Scotland after 1715, but became
the favourite of the great King of Prussia, in whose service he died. The cele
brated Marshal Keith, one of Frederick's greatest generals, was the Earl Marischal's
brother, and also engaged in the Rebellion.
2 James, commonly called Marquis of Drummond and Lord Drummond, was
-eldest son to James, fourth Earl of Perth, Chancellor of Scotland under James II,
INSURRECTION IN SCOTLAND, 1715. 69
with him than the vanitie of being made a great General!, which there was
nothing fo eafie as promife him. Southefque was fo younge, and knew fo
little of the matter, that he neither would or could afk queftions. Huntlie,
tho' a man who'd not readilie incline to rifque a good eftate, yet, if he gained
upon the others, he being a Catholick, ihame would bringe him in, and
that very religious reafon would be ane argument for his not pretending
the command, as he loved the King's affairs. Seaforth 1 would be got by
the fame reafon ; to facilitate which, my Lord Duffus 2 was fent to Scotland
fometime before, haveing bargained for as much monie as bear his charges
doun ; for, I fuppofe, my Lord Mar did not put that compliment on him of
paying his debts, which would been buying his fervice very dear. This
poor creature, who had no other qualitie but that of ane infatiable drouth,
and who had neither houfe nor hold, being turned out of his fhip, under
took to raife the countie of Southerland againft their mafter, and his own
Chief. 3 Caithnefs he was no lefs fure of, and did not make the leaft
fcruple of a great part of the countie of Murreys following him, as well as
bringing out Seaforth, who was his coufine, when thofe people knew
nothing of him further than being oblidged to give him monie, and fubfift
him when he ufed to be amongft them. " Quid fecit tanto dignum hie
promuTor hiatu," will afterwards appear. It will be tedious to give the
details to anie Scotfman of a great manie others, againft whome it was no
lefs eafie for his Lord(hip to have formed defignes, before he moved from
London.
who followed his unfortunate master's fortunes into France, and was there raised
to a titular dukedom. His son had the good fortune to escape to France after the
Rebellion was subdued, and died there.
1 William, fifth Earl of Seaforth. He engaged in the Rebellion, but was sup
posed not to be very hearty in the cause. He suffered attainder, but escaped to
France. In 1726 he received the King's pardon, and returned to Scotland, where
he died in 1740.
2 Kenneth Sutherland, Lord Duffus, educated in the Navy. He also escaped,
but was seized at Hamburgh and delivered up to Government, and continued a
prisoner in the Tower till the Act of Indemnity. He afterwards went abroad, and
died an Admiral in the Russian service.
3 The Earl of Sutherland, of whom more hereafter.
70 MEMOIRS OF THE
He had got marchands of note to whifper it about, that there was
infinite foumes of monie lodged in their hands from France and England,
for fome great defigne ; which he took care to improve after his landing, fo
there was little place left to doubt it was fo ; the rather that it was eafilie
believed, that even his Lordfhip himfelf could not be , fo abandoned as
attempt ane affaire of that kind without it, and that England, which had
(hewed itfelf fo difpofed, could not place a little monie better to ferve their
purpofe, than beflowing fome of it in Scotland.
He thought, if he hoockt in but anie fmall part of thefe I men
tioned, the others were fo weak they'd not refill longe, and then a great
many better meaning then difcerning men, would follow, befides all of
defperate circumflances, who are numerous enough in moft of countries,
and always readie to lay hold of all occafions to make commotions. Who
ever he had reafon to fufpec"l would be fo impertinent to afk queflions, or
ftart doubts, were to be lafl fpoke to, and if they would not drive, muft be
flandered, by which their fling was to be takne off. The private way of
makeing his efcape from London, and the hazard he run to bring them the
certaine news of their King's comeing, imbellifht with fome prittie little
circumftances of his workeing aboard of the fhip, would make them flare
and prick their ears, and the bringing a Generall alonge with him would
found great, and at once raife their expectations. On thefe, and the like
hopes and fuppofitions, did that noble Lord found his plan.
Being kickt out of Court, and finding it impoflible to flab his countrie
to the heart another way, the vitals of which had been his daylie
bread, and its blood the nourifhment of his whole life, which, from his
infancie, he had been of fucking ; " Quod nihil fpei nifi per difcordias
haberet : et fummi fafligii honores, quos quieta Republica defperabat, per-
turbata confequi fe poffe arbitrabatur." (Salufl.) And that his loyaltie was
intirelie oweing to that, I fhall narrate what happned betuixt him and fome
gentlemen of the countie of Stirveling, as a further proof. On King George's
acceffion to the throne, thefe gentlemen, who he had been amufeing, as he
had done others, wrote to him to know what was to be done on that junc
ture ; and, as I had it from one of thofe gentlemen, who faw his anfuer, he
faid, Nobodie but madmen would think there was any thing to be done at
INSURRECTION IN SCOTLAND, 1715. 71
that time. I can't fay but after his way of thinking he was in the right, fo
longe as he had five thoufand reafons againft it ; the lead of which weigh'd
more with him then the Gouvernment's being unfettled, and their want
of troopes, or his loyaltie to the King, or his dutie to his countrie ;
but the moment thofe five thoufand obftacles were removed, I mean his
penfion of five thoufand a year takne from him, and the reward for betray
ing his Countrie, tho' the Gouverment was fettled, the fleet and annie
purged, and more than a double number of troopes raifed, I may fay
a triple, then was the onlie and proper time for wife men to a6l, and
his Lordfhip to commence the hero ; and all the advantages the Gouver
ment had gained by that delay were counterpoifed by unheard of forgeries
and lying ; revenge, defpair, and want of bread, were to fupplie him for
the want of honour, courage, and loyaltie ; and the zeale, credulitie, and
weaknefs of his poor countriemen, fupplied his want of intereft. Specious
pretexts, at no time hard to be found, were eafilie got ; and imaginarie aide,
and imaginarie magazines, as well as ane imaginarie commiflion, made up
the want of everie thing to thofe unwarie people, who, as they had never
before known him, trailed to his perfidious words and proinifes. With
this foundation did he fet out, haveing, with artifices and illufions, infnared
too many of his poor deluded countriemen, with no other view than the
makeing a noife in the world at their expenfe, to fatiffie his private revenge,
and give him bread, which, in fpite of fo much ill got monie, his own
extravagance, and the curfe of God on him for his villanies, had not left
him at home.
The lead plaufible pretext makes thofe who goe no further than the
furface of things pafs over the greateft of crimes for fmall defects ; but
thofe who goe to the bottom and digs, finds out the reall genious of the
man, and there reads the certaine prefage of the miffortune which threat-
ned us. Animofitie or hatred does not disfigure him to me ; it's onlie to
thofe he is disfigured to whome his fuccefsful villanies had made him
appear great. I don't give him the names of perfidious, or odious, without
haveing proved he deferved it, otherwife it might be faid, with reafon, that
thefe are pure invectives, and nothing more. Ther's none, who will be at
the lead pains to trace him from the beginning of his life, but will difcover
72 MEMOIRS OF THE
more than I doe here, and that everie day of his life has been a new fcene
of villanie ; and, without at prefent entring into the confideration of what
happned afterwards, they'd find too much to fhew that it's his own actions
which defines and names him. Tuo reafions have induced me to enter into
that detaile ; firft, Ther's nothing fo proper to unmafk the cheat or impoftor,
and (hew his perfidie clearlie ; next, Ther's nothing more neceflarie to
cure certain weak fpirits, whofe admiration he has furprifed, and to whome
their ignorance paints him a hero; for his greatnefs can aftonifh nobodie but
thofe who are blind, or ftupid enough, not to find out the methods he took
to attain to it.
But to return to Pearth. His Lordfhip was not longe there when the
Highlandmen begun to mutinie, for want of pay. It appear'd to me then,
that it had been fuppofed they could liv'd without it, as well as fight with
out pouder and armes, becaufe there was a fudden conflernation amongft
us all.
Southefque gave five hundred pound to help to fupplie the prefent wants,
with great franknefs, and Panmure followed his exemple and gave as much.
A Councill of Finance was inflantlie eftablifht, to fall on ways and means to
raife monie, and it was determined to levie eight months cefs in thefe Low-
Countrie counties we were matters of. In the meantime, it was defired of
thofe who knew any of their nighbourhood who were not engaged, and had
monie, to give in their names. Civill letters, as they call'd them, were wrote
to friends and foes promifcouflie, and foumes defired, as it was thought they
could convenientlie fpare them. Monie came in apace, in greater plentie
than we had a notion of; but it was eafie to judge, that tho' the common
people were pay'd half in meale, and half in monie, that it would not be
longe fufficient to the great numbers we expedled would joyn us. It was
certaine, the Highlandmen would contribute nothing to their own fubfiflance,
and even their Chiefs were to be pay'd out of the firft and readied, each of
them as he was pleafed to put a value on himfelf. So many poor Lords
were likewife to be fupported, according to their qualitie, and the better
they lived, the more influence they'd have on the leffer forte. Numbers
of gentlemen, a good many of whome I could name, were to receave under-
INSURRECTION IN SCOTLAND, 1715. ?3
hand to render them more ufefull to doe fervice, and when others of vifible
eftates, who were draind everyway, and complaining of being flraitned and
feard want, they feemed furprifed, fuore on, and talkt big. My Lord Mar
himfelf was to keep a table at the public expence, for, tho' a very great
man, [he] never had to bear his own charges, far lefs that of his favourites,
who were all on the fame foot with himfelf. Mr Francois Steuart, brother
to the Earle of Murray, l was made threfaurer, and a committee was
eftabliflit for providing the armie with fourage and meale. Tho' orders were
given out to form into regiments, everie one did as they pleafed. My Lord
Drummond, who had got fix hundred men together under his name, tho'
a great part of them belonged to Lord Strothallan, 2 Logic, 3 and his other
nighbours, who he teazed to follow him, and endeavoured to pafs all upon
the world as Highlandmen, being extreamlie ambitious to be thought a
Highland Chief, 4 formed them in three battalions, contrarie to everie bodies
advice, who told him they'd make one good, but could not make three.
His Lordfliip laught at thofe ignorant people, who did not know the mode
in France ; and being fo takne with the found of the firft, fecond, and third
battalion of Drummond, there was no perfuading him to the contrarie, he
imagineing himfelf a great prince, who had three battalions at his difpofall,
and the haveing fo many Collonells and Lieut.-Collonells, and other com-
miffions to give, pleafed him above all things, and, for the fame reafon,
made the companies as little as poffible. By that means he and others
about that time carried out of the Fife fquadron nere fortie horfe, by
picking out all the fprightlieft younge gentlemen to make officers amongft
the foot, which there was no diffuadeing them from doeing, becaufe they
got the rank of Captains, Liutennants, and Enfignes. They never haveing
1 He was fourth son of Alexander sixth Earl of Moray, and, by the death of
his brothers, succeeded to the dignity himself in 1736, and carried on the line of
the family.
2 William Drummond, fourth Viscount of Strathallan. He was killed at the
Battle of Culloden, 1746.
3 Drummond of Logie-Almond.
* Notwithstanding the author's sneer, the Drummonds had, by the influence of
their property, a great Highland following.
74 MEMOIRS OF THE
ferved, added to the confufion of thofe they did not know ; for, I fuppofe,
none but fuch as have ferved can be ufefull in a mob, except they know
them, and have a refpec~l for them, and rather occafion a defertion, not being
able to bear the command of drangers, to whome they can't applie to make
their little complaints, and from whome they don't expert anie redrefs of their
grievances. In the mean time, thefe gentlemen, their fervants, and horfes,
which lad was what we wanted mod, were loft to the fervice. I complained
of all this to my Lord Mar, to no purpofe, and propofed, at lead to avoide
the bad confequence of it, to take the ferviceable horfes from them, and give
Galloways in their place, which was all that was needfull to thofe amongft
the foot, when we had mod to fear the want of cavallrie. But his Lord-
fhip's bufinefs being more to pleafe everie bodie, by letting them follow
their own humor, than difpofe of them ufefullie in eroding their
humor, took no notice of it. My Lord Drummond was not now content
to be a great prince at home, but mud come into a forraigne fervice, and
be made Liutennant- General of the Horfe, which was the command of the
whole gentlemen ; whether it was that he was the man of the bed familie,
or becaufe of his didinguidit prudence, for he had ane equall pretenfion to
both, I can't tell, but I'm apt to believe the modedie of others gave him
the bed title to it, with the opinion Mar had, of a man of his qualifications
being more ufefull to him than anie other in fo defperat and pernicious a
project. Houever, Mar and he were fenfible that was not to be fpoke of till
a ftratagem was fallne on to fend his favourite fervant, Will. Drummond,
out of the way for tuo-three weeks ; who pretended to come back from
France with great neus, and brought alonge with him the King's cornmif-
fion to my Lord Drummond, to command the horfe. So, by a drange
unaccountable jumble of lyes and accidents, the tuo men in Scotland the
mod unacceptable, got at the head of all, the one, as I have alreadie faid,
the mod abhorred for his villanies, and the other the mod contemptible
for his follies.
But the King's commidion was falvo enough againd all other objections,
as well as that generall rule Mar himfelf had fet before him in the begin
ning, that no Catholick was to have a command ; which, in the main, was
to extend no further then Huntlie.
INSURRECTION IN SCOTLAND, 1715. 75
But this was not the onlie time in our affair that his name was made ufe
of to his own lofs and his friends ruine.
Tho' we were onlie four fquadrons of horfe in Pearth, we could not
agree about the poft of honour, and in this, as well as in all other things in
the whole courfe of our affair, it would appear that thofe who had the
lead title to any thing expected moft. All the others took it ill that Lin-
lithgow, whofe fquadrone was weak, and moftlie compofed of Stirveling-
fhire gentlemen, which was the youngeft countie, mould carrie the Royall
Standard. They had to fay for thernfelves, that ibme of them were in the
Highlands at its firft fetting up, and haveing got it then, were refolved to
keep it, and thought they had the heft title to it. The others faid, there
were as many of them there as of thofe of Striveling. Houever, the
prudenteft part were willing to fatiffie themfelves with anie excufe or
pretext, and the difpute fprunge more from Linlithgow's airs he was
giveing himfelf, than anie other reafon ; for, one day, being draun all
out on the North Inch, Linlithgow came up, bluftering, before his fquad
rone, and ordered fome other to change their ground, and give him the
right, and fuore he would have it. Methvine took him up, and told him,
That the gentlemen of Perthfhire were not all come up as yet, but, when
they did, they'd make a ftronger fquadrone as his, and believed they
would not yeeld to his threats ; but if, to keep bis band in ufe, he'd goe and
talk big to the Fife fquadrone, who, he pointed out to him, he did not doubt
but they'd ride him and his fquadrone doun.
The truth was, I had put my fquadrone out of the way, to avoide difputes,
till things were regulated. After that, Fife and Pearthfhire differ'd in their
ranking ; for, tho' it was advanced Fife gave the firft vote in all the Scots
Parliements, after the Peers, yet Perthfhire had always protefted againft it.
To put ane end to that difpute, I propofed throwing the dice, but that was
not gone into, leafl our confufions mould not [have] continued.
Linlithgow, finding that nobodie pufht that difpute againft him, was not
now content with what was alloued him by a connivance, or to let things
ftand as they were, he perfuaded Mar to make a review of the horfe ; and,
becaufe his fquadrone was neither ftronge enough, or fo well mounted as
he wifht them, at the review, it was ordered, that we were to give fourteen
76 MEMOIRS OF THE
of our beft mounted gentlemen out of each of the other three fquadrons,
Fife, Pearthfhire, and Angus, to ferve in the royall fquadrone, for which
Linlithgow was to fend us back five or fix of his word. Certainlie one
muft have been as weak as Linlithgow, to pleafe his imagination with the
thought that anie bodie would yeeld to a propofale of that kind, or make
his indifcretion their rule, as if anie thing had depended on him and his
fquadrone more than on ours. We fent him the number, but they were
fuch that they were contented with the fight of them, and did not think
fit to keep, and returned them back to us. Tho' Mar was very glade
to take all occafions to make friends, houever unreasonable their pre-
tenfions were, yet Linlithgow had fo little weight amongft us, he could
be of little or no ufe to him, nor could anie obligation make him more
dependent than he was alreadie, haveing nothing to recommend him but
Mar's favour; which makes me fuppofe, that Mar's true motive was to
eftablifh himfelf the better by divideing as much as he could all follouings,
and breaking bonds, fo that being once done, all muft have ane equall
dependance upon him, and as new to one another as the whole was to
him ; nor did he care to whome he gave influence, provided he took it
from thofe who had it. It was in vaine for me to reprefent it was doeing
harme to the fervice, for no mixt number could agree fo well together as
thofe of the fame countie, who pleafed themfelves with the choice of their
oun leader, and who knew one another ; nor, when it came to aclione,
could they behave fo well, as where everie man, who knows thofe about
him, is a check upon his nighbour, which is the reafon given, that even in
regular fervices, detachments never doe fo well as whole corps ; yea, I
have feen it in a day of adlione, that all the officers of the fame regiment
were put as nere their companies they ferved in as pofiible, without a ftricl;
regarde to fenioritie, and amongft gentlemen, where there is a friendfhip, it
animates them to ftick to one another ; and the honour of a countie will
have in fome meafure the fame effect on them, at lead its to be fuppofed
fo, as the honour of ane old corp will have on fouldiers. I faid, If Linlith
gow did not think his fquadron good enough to carrie the Royall Standard,
it was but giveing it to mine, which was of the firft countie, and the
ftrongeft and beft mounted, and we would take care of it; -or give it to
INSURRECTION IN SCOTLAND, 1715. 77
who they pleafed, or keep it, and he (hould be at full liberty to think him-
felf a better man than any of us, provided be would not force us to think
fo, for in that cafe he'd put the neceffitie upon us of undeceaveing him.
My Lord Tullibardine, Lord Charles, and Lord George Murrays formed
each of them regiments out of the Athole men and thofe of Tullibardine,
as did their uncle, Lord Nairne, 1 fome ftronger, and fome weaker, as they
could get thofe men to follow them. My Lord Ogilvie, 2 fon to the Earle
of Earlie, a very younge gentleman, and reprefentative of a verie noble
familie, and who was faid to be of the firft who was engaged, formed a
regiment out of the Killiemure and Glenprofien men, and made Sir James
Kinloch, 3 who joyn'd him with his follouing, his Lieut.-Collonell. Steuart
of Indernitie 4 did the fame with the Garntillie men who folloued him.
We, of the horfe, were order'd to divide each fquadrone in three companies,
and name our officers for each company. It was no eafie talk to get everie
bodie to agree to be commanded by the fame officers who were to be
named out of the gentlemen ; for we had nobodie who had ferved, and a
great manie afpired to a greater or lefler command ; and, as on all fuch
occafions, thefe who deferved lead, or were good for leafl, pufht hardeft
for it. I told thofe who I was concerned in, That no man mud pretend to
be Major but one who had ferved; and till fuch was found, I'd have none.
As to the Captains, Liutenants, and Cornets, after tuo day's difpute, we
at laft named them, tho', I can't fay, to everie bodies fatiffaclion ; yet we
feemed to agree in it rather better than the other regiments, as they
1 Lord William Murray, fourth son of John, Marquis of Athole, who enjoys the
title of Lord Nairne by marriage with Margaret, the heiress of that ancient family.
2 James, Lord Ogilvie, son and heir to David, third Earl of Airley.
3 Sir James Kinloch of that Ilk, in Perthshire. His father, Sir David Kinloch,
was created a Baronet by James II. He died 1744.
4 John Stewart of Invernitie, descended from a cadet of the family of Stewart
of G-randtully. The instance in the text is one amongst many of the policy exercised
by the more prudent Jacobites in these uncertain times. The Chief or Representa
tive of a great family staid at home and professed submission, while it often
happened that some cadet or younger brother possessed influence enough to bring
out his followers and clan. Thus lands and tenements committed no treason.
78 MEMOIRS OF THE
called them ; but no bodie confented to be Corporalls, becaufe it was
honour, and not fatigue, they wanted ; in that cafe neither countrie nor
caufe was confidered. Some, who did not think juftice was done to their
merite, endeavoured, at that time, to get commifiions in the foot ; amongfl
others, Mr Carftairs of Kinucher, who was difoblidged for not being made a
Captaine, and being prepofiefft with the fancie that fome time or other he
was to be a great man, got himfelf made Major to my Lord Tullibardine ;
I don't know how, never haveing been a fojer, and not fpeaking one word
of the language of the people he was to be amongft. He and his fervants
happneing to be well mounted, I complained to my Lord Mar of the lofs
that fuch humors occafion'd to the fervice, and of the little ufe he was
the other way, and threatning to lay him in arreft, he was ordered back
to his fquadron, where I perfuaded the gentlemen, contrarie to all their
inclinations, to make him a Liutennant. Thefe particulars I mention,
to (hew how follie and vanitie got oftne the better of our intereft,
and that thofe who pretended to be moft forward for the King and
Countrie were thofe who importuned hardeft for themfelves, and made
up with impudence what they wanted of title, of which many inftances can
be given.
For my own part, I can appeall to a certaine friend of mine who did
not engage in that affair, but the beft friend I ever had in my life, and,
if any in Scotland, a man off undoubted caradler, who can witnefs that I
was refolved to take no command upon me before I went out ; and that I
went out with that deffigne. There needed no witchcrauft to know, that
whoever had a command amongft fuch irregular people muft be unhappy;
and that the greater the command was, the more one had to anfuer for,
and the greater rifque he run of haveing the ruine of his Countrie imputed
to him ; the lead infmuation of which is a hard charge to a man of honour,
and, if convicted, what no good man ought to furvive ; and the want of
command no great felf-deniell to him who faw how all would goe from the
beginning. But finding ane intire want of officers, which I had lead reafon
to fufpecl, haveing fo many in France, and contrarie to all I was made
believe ; and that the worthlefeft, and bankrupts, aflumed, and got com
mands, I did not know in whofe hands my friends might fall ; and, find-
INSUKKECTION IN SCOTLAND, 1J15. 79
ing no bodie who had ferved fo longe as myfelf, to recommend them to ;
the fame reafon which brought me out, which was the fervice of my
Countrie, and love to my friends, made me keep that command which
naturallie devolved upon me, till fome officer of diftin6lion and fervice had
joyned us; towhome I refolved to refigne it, and turn corporall or agitant,
to make him the eafier obeyed, and at fame time reproach the impudence
and emptinefs of thofe lords and others, who, tho' they had no influence,
were not fatiffied with being colonells, when they were not capable of being
corporalls, and whom it would be hard to find a ufe for, except that of
ruining their Countrie; of which capacitie their private management in
their domeftick affairs had given undoubted proofs, as well as the onlie
reafonable grounds of their conduct at that time, for, fince they were of-
goeing, they had a mind to leave their Countrie with eclat, which they could
not lived in but in miferie. Except fome few who may pleade ignorance,
or non compos, to whome I'm fure fo juft a plea will never be refufed,
it will be hard to perfuade the world that the confideration of having con-
fiderablie to loofe, wont, in many cafes, be a checque to prudent men, and
wont hinder them to act intirlie on their own judgement in things that
muft be of the lad confequence ; for he who thinks he has reafon to know
what he is doeing may take upon him, but to be ignorant and undertake
is a voluntar breaking of one's neck. Certain it is, that a good man in
fuch circumftances, who can't reafonablie imagine he knows any thing of
ane affair of that kind, fuppofeing he has nothing to loofe, if he has the lead
regarde for his Countrie, will be fo far from prefling himfelf into a great
rank, that he ought to look on the neceffitie of accepting of it as a great
miffortune; and, like that Spartan, who, after offering his fervice to his coun-
trie, when they were of picking out three hundred of the braveft of that
Republick to joyn the other Grecians for the defence of the Thermopyle,
and finding himfelf rejected, was overjoyed that three hundred braver men
than he were found in Lacedemon ; fuch at leaft, I fay, ought to been the
difpofition of a good Scotfman, who was confcious of his own ignorance and
incapacitie to command. But everie day teaches us to diftinguifh betuixt
fuch as are true lovers of their countrie, and thofe who make ufe of the
cant of difinterefted loyaltie onlie to deceave princes : it's to be prefumed
80 MEMOIRS OF THE
the laft will in end fucceed in banifhing the firft out of the world, and that
countrie will foon fervefor nothing but the being imployed,no matter how,
in gaining the friendfliip of princes. For my part, I can't help thinking fo
when I fee the greateft of Hero's, whofe exemple all ought to fet before them,
valueing himfelf the one day to one Prince, for felling his countrie to doe
him fervice, and recommending himfelf fufficientlie to another Prince next
day for willfullie ruineing it, under a pretext of ferveing him. When the
unluckie wretch who has no fuch plea to make to either, is thought ane
enemie to both, and muft defervedlie fuffer for it.
I know it's faid, by my Lord Mar's follouers, that it was my not being
advanced to one of the firft pods, occafions my makeing thofe refleilions,
as well as [to] differ from his Lordfhip of Mar ; being glade to have any
reafon believed for our disagreeing, except the true. To this I anfuer,
that I had influence on a greater number of gentlemen than any Lord
there, except Marifhall and Huntlie, and nothing inferiour to the firft ;
that I was fo far from courting thofe gentlemen to ruine themfelves, or
infnareing them by fpreading lyes to deceave them, as the few Lords
who had anie influence did, that the gentlemen courted me when I did
what I could to hinder them from being mad. 1 hey had all competitors
and rivalls in their commands, for Huntlie, who I don't name here as on
a footing with us, complained of Marshall's getting from him, by trick, a
part of his folloueing. Southefque had Strathmore to compeat with him for
the command of the gentlemen of Angus. My Lord Rollo 1 and Collonell
Hay, 2 who, fupported by my Lord Mar, becaufe his brother-in-law, brought
it tuice to a vote of the gentlemen of the Pearthfhire fquadrone which
of them mould command, and loft it as oftne, in fpite of Mar's influence.
Linlithgow would had as little to keep him in countenance as a great many
other Lords whofe names I need not mention, if Mar had not given him
the Royal Standard, 3 which brought him a command out of all forts of
1 Robert, fourth Lord Rollo. He died 1758.
2 The Honorable Colonel John Hay of Cromlix, third son of Thomas, seventh
Earl of Kinnoul, brother consequently to Mar's first wife.
8 It was carried by Edmonston of Newton, exiled for aiding and abetting
Graham of Inchbraco in the slaughter of John, Master of Rollo, 8th May 1691.
INSUKEECTION IN SCOTLAND, 1715. 81
people, and made up but a weak fquadrone at beft. In my command of
the Fife gentlemen I had no rivall, even tho' I made my court to Mar
firft and laft but very ill, by telling my opinion of him very plainlie ; nor was
it in his pouer to ftir up a rivall againft me, even tho' he gave a commiffion
of Collonell to Major Balfour, a gentleman under my command, tuo months
before any other publick commiffion was given, with no other deffigne, which
I knew all the while ; and even at laft I refufed his Lordfliip's commiffion of
Collonell, till I was prefled by my friends, who faid, it would be to command
the Fife fquadrone, faying, That my friends had allou'd me to command
them till then without Mar's order, and I had no doubt they'd continue
to doe fo, and whenever they wearied of it I ftiould be very eafie. Had
I deffigned any greater, my Lord Mar muft have complied with my impor-
tunitie or follie, as well as with theirs, and, I flatter myfelf, that none of
them would had any thing to fay againft it ; but I challenge any to fay I
ever afkt one. I muft take the freedom to tell thofe Lords, leaft they
fhould miftake me, or imagine its my own pride and vanitie that makes
me fay fo much of them, No ; it does not proceed from the good opinion
I have of myfelf, but the bad one I have of them.
While everie one was building caftles in the air, and makeing them-
felves great men, rnoft of our armes were good for nothing ; there was no
methode fallne on, nor was the leaft care takne to repair thofe old ruftie
brokne piceis, which, it feems, were to be carried about more for ornament
than ufe, tho' gunfmiths were not wanting ; but this was either becaufe
he who took upon him the command expecled no pouder from the begin
ning ; or becaufe, what was everie bodies bufinefs was no bodies.
The noife of the Duke of Berwick's landing did now decreafe daylie, as
if there were no more need of him, my Lord Mar being now fixt, and all
were as well fatiffied as if they had been in a folide lafting ftate of happie-
nefs ; in (hort, it would been a herefie to faid we wanted either pouder,
armes, officers, or men of head. The faults which proceed from want of
fenfe are incurable, for, fince ignorant people have not the leaft degree of
knouledge of themfelves, it would be ftrange to fee them find out what
they want, and much more to fee them find out a fpeedie remedie, or
correct them. Tuo things have oftne moved my admiration above all I
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have ever feen or heard in my life ; the firfl is, the trouble and pains thofe
people had been at, for near thirtie years, to contrive their 'own ruine ; the
feconde, how I, who knew them, and lookt on them with contempt from
my infancie, could, with open eyes, be led into the fame noofe with them.
Had I continued abroad, and not been tuo years at home, when I had
fufficient occafion to refrefh my memorie, I'd lookt on myfelf as one of the
word of men not to have pofted it from the furtheft corner of the earth to
fhare in the fate of my countrie ; but, after knowing their preparations, and
the leaders, and then to engage, or have the lead hand in it, I do own
deferves no lefs than hangeing. My Lord Mar's great and onlie bufinefs
was now to put Huntlie, Marifhall, and Seaforth, in mind of their promifes,
and prefs them, by his letters, full of lyes and great hopes, to joyn him
with all fpeed ; the fame care was takne of the Clans, as they then begun
to call them, Clan Ronald, Glengarie, ] Lochiell, 2 and Steuart of Apin ;
who got their orders to marche into Argylefhire, under the command of
Generall Gordone, to difarme the one half of the Duke of Argyle's follow
ing, and bring off the other, who, it was faid, were willing to joyn us.
Tho' none of all thofe were at that time ftirring, yea, fome did not move
for fome months afterwards, we were made believe, day after day, that
thofe who were to joyn us were at hand, and that the others were on their
marche back from Argylemire towards us, haveing fucceeded. Letters
likwife wrote, with great afliduitie, to all the countrie gentlemen about,
and emiflaries fent to bringe them in, out of fear that anie had been fo
luckie to efcape. I mail never forget what Mr Hope of Rankillo, one of
thofe of the Fife countie who was lafl of joyning us, faid to me and feverall
1 Alexander Macdonell, Baron of Glengary, called the Black. He made a great
figure in that stormy period, and carried the lloyal Standard at the Battle of
Killiecrankie. He died in 1724.
2 John Cameron of Lochiel, son of the renowned Sir Evan Dhu, of whom
tradition records such extraordinary [feats.] Sir Evan was still alive in the 1715,
but incapable, from his great age, of taking the field. Donald Cameron of Lochiel,
son of John, and grandson of Sir Evan, united all the accomplishments of a gentle
man and scholar with the courage and high spirit of a Highland Chief. He is
the hero of Thomas Campbell's poem entitled " Lochiel."
INSURRECTION IN SCOTLAND, 1715. 83
others, on his firfl accofting us, That he had come to augment the number
of criminalls, out of affection to his friends. Nor that he was not tuo
days amongft us when I obferved him of a different opinion, and his head
more turned than anie of us, fo infectious is a generall madnefs. In the
beginning Generall Hamilton gave out the orders, and feemed to doe all
things that belonged to the militarie ; but, by degrees, that pouer was
takne from him, and my Lord Mar took upon him the management of
moft things himfelf, with the affiftance and direction of Lieut-Coll. Clep-
han, a half-pay Major, who had joyned him in the Highlands. Mar had
found what influence the name of a Generall had in raifeing of people,
and, as fuch as he, who know their own merite, are jealous of everie bodie,
he did not know what confequence it might have if he allowed him to
ingrofs too much pouer, efpeciallie finding that he was fenfible he had been
as much cheated by him, if not more, than any other. On the other hand,
Clephan was a creature of his own, who, by his recommendation, was
advanced to be a Major in a younge regiment, and owed his very caracter
to him, I won't fay he was not more grateful to his benefactor that he was
on half-pay, tho' I mud fay the man is well enough, and I think the worfl
that can be faid of him is, that he owed his rife to one, who could not be a
good judge of fervice ; he had ferved a Liutennant in the firfl war, and
was made Major in Scotland, on the raifeing a new regiment, about the
middle of the laft war, where he continued with his regiment till nere the
end of the war ; and haveing fuch Collonells, who left all the care of the
regiment to him, it was there he got the caracter of a great officer amongft
countrie gentlemen, or thofe who knew nothing of their trade. When the
regiment came to Flanders, they were as much out of the way as any new
regiment that came from Brittain, and I don't remember they made more
than tuo campagnes, where I doubt that Clephan faw enough to qualifie
him for a Generall, tho' I can allow him to have learned the detaile of a
regiment. At fame time Mar could not hope, however pliable we were,
that the weakefl amongft us could believe him a Generall by Divine
infpiration ; and no bodie being oblidged to believe miracles, but in mat
ters of faith, to make the thing more conceavable and naturalle, Clephan
was cried up to the flues, and was always buzing in his ear, like Mahomet's
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pigeon, fo it was granted there wanted no more to make a confummate
Generall, but Mar's head and Clephan's pra6life. Nothing favoured us
fo much as that year's plentiefull crop, for nobodie remembered they
had ever feen fuch aboundance of corn in Scotland ; tho' at all times that
countrie we were in yeelds to very few any where for goodnefs of foile, yet
we could never contrive it to have provifions in (lore, even with the help
of a navigable river, which run thro' the very countrie we had our provi
fions from, and by which it could been brought to the gate of the toun ;
and yet we were always from hand to mouth, and oftne in want, and when
meale was got, could never fall on methods of backeing bread to ferve the
whole. The reafon of which was clear; it was foon found, that it was
needlefs for anie man to doe anie fort of dutie, or take the leaft care of
what they had undertakne, fo longe as it was eafie to gaine the approbation
of everie bodie, and the favour of the Generall, by authorifeing all his lyes ;
which, at firft, was the primum mobile, and now our onlie cement and
fupport ; which never any man was more induftrious in contriveing, and
never people were fonder of fpreading, to cheat their friends, and deceave
themfelves.
I then found, by experience, how much Cardinal Mazarine was in the
right, to fay, that a lye which lafted three days was of value, for that
is a fufficient time to confirm it on the fpot where it's hatcht ; it flyes in
that time by letters, and otherwife, into all corners, and comes back fome-
time after with new force to the fource ; and if a man, by oftne telling
of lyes, which nobodie believes, is at laft convinced of the truth of them
himfelf, how much more mud he believe them who is not let into the
fecret, and his doubts crufh't by thofe about him, and by their returning
upon him ratiefied, from all hands. It would be endlefs, as well as to no
purpofe, to defcend to the detaile of thofe lyes, and one muft have wrote
{hort hand, and been very attentive, and nothing elfe to doe or think of all
the while, to pretend to give ane account of the one halfe of them. Such
were the advantages of his Lordfhip of Mar's fertile brain, and his longe
praclice, and fuch the volubilitie of the tongues of thofe employed about
him, and fuch the ftupid difpofition and voracious appetite of others to
fuallow and difgeaft them. Sometimes we were favoured with repititions of
INSURRECTION IN SCOTLAND, 1715. 85
the former, with plaufible circumftances to ferve the prefent time, and to
refrefh our memories, that we might continue to build on them. But what,
I remember, was now moft in vogue, befides the inexpreffible number of
foot, and the many fquadrones of horfe Huntlie and Seaforth were bringing
us, all armed intinitelie better than what we were, Marifhall was bringing
up fix hundred horfe, well mounted, and a large boat's load of pouder,
which he had takne from the Whigs of Aberdeen, who were fending it to
Leith ; which, tho' chieflie calculated for our meridien, had its own weight
with Huntlie, Seaforth, and Sir Donald MacDonald, who were furtheft
north, and the Clans in the weft. But what was diredllie calculated for
them was new affurances of half of the troopes deferting the Duke of
Argyle, and fome of the Gray Dragoons 1 comeing in daylie ; for, tho'
not tuo hundred men, they were a greater terrour than all the others,
and his Lordfhip, for that reafon, was refolved they ftiould come firft over
to us ; and to encourage further, to get them out, our numbers were
reprefented no fmaller to them, in proportion, than theirs were to us ;
in a word, everie thing was faid according to exigencies. For my own
part, I was fo naufeated with them, I was glade not to hear them, or,
when I did, to forget them. Nor can I tell how anie bodie can believe
that we either were, or would be, fuch ftrangers to our own numbers, and
fpeak as ignorantlie of thofe who were to joyn us, as if we talkt of the
Sophie of Perfia, the Great Mogul, the Cham of Tartarie, or the Grand
Sultan. For that, one mud tranfport himfelf in imagination into Scotland,
and to act and think as we did then, muft adopt our fentiments, our
inclinations, and our ignorance, efpoufe our interefts, our quarrells, our
jealoufies, our fears, and our hopes, and, even then, fiction can't fcreu up
the imagination fo far as thefe different pafiions and affections did in
reallitie us.
1 The Dragoons, called the Scots Greys, for many years maintained a character
greatly superior to that of an ordinary regiment. They never gave a bounty exceed
ing a crown, and were recruited from a class of persons greatly superior to those
who usually enter the army, such as the sons of decent farmers and tradesmen, who
felt a vocation for the army. No ignominious punishment was ever inflicted, and a
criminal, who had merited such, was previously transferred to another regiment.
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If humane judgement makes fo little advances, when all its application
is bent on a flrickt fearche of the truth, what muft it be when it abandons
itfelf to its own weight, and does not act but by humour.
This has put me on reflecting on the cafe of mankind in generale, and
whoever will doe fo with me, will find that they are almoft all plounged into
fuch ftupidite, that if it does not intirelie extinguish their reafon it leaves
them fo little ufe of it, that it's furprifeing how a foule can be reduced into
fo brutifh a ftate. What does an Iroquen, a Negre, a Laplander, a Scots
Weftern Jflander, yea, a Highlandmen, think of? Is it not hunting, fifli-
ing, flealeing, plundering, and revengeing themfelves of their enemies ?
But, without goeing further to feek exemples of the ftupiditie of men, what
does the greateft part of work people think ? Of their work, of eateing,
drinking, fleeping, to get what's oweing them, and a fmall number of other
objects. They are almoft infenfible of all others ; and the cuflome they
have of turneing in that little circle, makes them incapable of conceaveing
any thing out of it. If you talk to them of honour, religion, or the rules of
moralite, either they don't underftand, or they forget in a moment that
which is faid to them, and returns the minute into that circle of grofs
objects to which they are accuftomed. If, by nature, they are very diftant
from the ftate of hearts, neverthelefs they differ very little from them,
according to the idea we have of them ; for the notion we conceave
of a beaft is, that it is ane animall which thinks, but thinks little, and
has nothing but confufed, grofs ideas, and onlie capable to conceave a fmall
number of objects. So we conceave a horfe to be ane animall who thinks
of eateing, drinking, fleeping, running, and returning to his ftable. I can't
tell if this idea is more properlie that of a horfe than that of a ftupid man,
and yet you need not add much to it to form that of a Highlandman.
Neverthelefs, the number of people who don't think at all, and have their
thoughts imployed onlie on the prefent neceflaries of life, is fo great, that
the number of thofe whofe judgement has more reach and penetration is
nothing in comparifon to them ; for in Chriflendom that number of ftupide
people comprehends almoft all the people of work and laboures, almoft all
the poor, and the greateft part of women of the louer rank ; all thofe think
of nothing through the courfe of their life but to fatiffie the neceflities of
INSURREQTION IN SCOTLAND, 1715. 8?
their bodies, ways and means to live, to fell, to buy ; and yet they form but
confufed enough thoughts of all thofe objects. But in the barbarous coun
tries it comprehends whole Nations, and all people, without diftindlion.
It's certaine that thofe who work, and all the poor people of the world,
think lefs than others, and work makes their foules more heavie ; riches,
on the other hand, gives leifure and freedom to men, and allows them to
converfe the one with the other, their imploying their fpirits by the obliga
tions they have of treating together about their private affairs rouzes and
awakes a little, and hinders that their foules (hould not fall into that
ftupiditie. This is the (late of mod of countrie gentlemen, or thofe of the
middle rank, and tho' the circle they move in be larger, yet they are ftill
clog'd by the commerce with thofe of the louer rank, and by continuell
habitudes with them, who are fo numerous, that they muft accommodate
themfelves to them. So, no fooner they goe out of that fphere to which
they are confined, than they, for want of principles, found on vulgar
errours, which oftne expofes or loofes them. But, if you'll join to wealth
a happy education, and ane earlie converfation with fuch as have feen the
one, by the one the foule gains more aclivitie, and by the other, inftead of
prejudices, formes juft ideas.
In end, to finifti the picture of human weaknefs, or the weaknefs of
our judgement, it muft likewife be confidered that however juft its
thoughts are, it is oftne carried off from that juftnefs as if with violence,
by the natural wildnefs of our imagination ; a hundred ufelefs ideas will
at one time or other come crofs to it, trouble it, and confound it, in fpite
of all ; and he is fo little mafter of himfelf, that he can't hinder him-
felf to relie on phantoms, in quitting objecls of the greateft importance.
Mayn't we, then, juftly call that ftate follie, even in thofe who pafs for the
wifeft. For follie compleat confifts in ane intire diforder of the imagination,
which comes from the livelienefs of the images which it prefents, fo that
the judgement can't diftinguifli the falfe from the true ; in the fame man
ner, the pouer that it hath to prefent thofe images to the judgement by
furprize, is the reafon of our falling into little follies everie day ; and to
make it compleat follie, it's but augmenting the heat of the braine fome
degrees, and rendring the images a little more livelie : fo, betwixt the wifeft
88 MEMOIRS OF THE
man on earth and the greateft fool, ther's but fome degrees of heate and
agitation of fpirits. And we are not onlie oblidged to acknouledge that
we are capable of great follies, but we muft own, that we find the follie
formed in us, without knouing what hinders the finifhing of the intire
overturning of our judgement. It will be eafier to make the application,
than make it relifh. If the fituations of countries, by want of commerce,
or, if the conditions of men, can have fo pouerful influences on their
fpirits, what could be expected from thofe in fo remote a corner of the
world as ours. I know this will appear new, to hear the Scots, who, to
doe them juftice, have pafled in Europe for fo many ages for a polite,
warlick, and wife people, clafled amongft Nations fo oppofite to that
caracter ; and yet I think it can't be denyed that our Highlandmen, who
made up by very far our greateft number, ever were thought polite,
learned, or warlike ; for, in all our wars with England, I don't remember
they had anie great lhare in them. They are active enough ; but its the
fame aelivite that they have in common with all fuch people as they, and
confifts onlie in the exercife of the bodie, acquired by their way of liveing
and fituation ; as to that of the mind, it appears onlie in a mean cunning,
which ftill turns in their own little circle.
Whoever will look back into the hiftories of all ages will find that the
polite Nations were the onlie who were capable of great feats of war.
Houever formidable the infinite numbers of barbariens were to the
Greciens, were they not allways routed by hanfulls of them ? But to
fay nothing of thefe effeminate Eaftern Nations, Did not a few Roman
legions, with difcipline, pafs over the bellies of all thofe favage Nations who
trufted moft to their own courage, and had much more to fear, from their
infidelitie, and fuddain fierce fallies, of which onlie all fuch people are capable
off, than from their arms in a pitched battle ? But, it may be faid, How
can ane imputation of that kind reach the whole ? If it is alloued, which I
think undeniable, that it's commerce with other Nations that polifhes and
inftrudls ; to have had that onlie more than a hundred years agoe, is the
fame at prefent with not to have had it at all ; or, to have it in a little
meafure, onlie differs from a little to none. Our arms had a reputation,
but the fame thing muft be faid of them ; and that we have not anie thing
INSURRECTION IN SCOTLAND, 1715. 89
of that kind to value ourfelves on thefe hundred years, fince we fell into
that Englifh fervitude, and loft our oun Kings ; and to imagine that the
grandfon, or the great-grandfon, of a fojer, muft be a fojer now of days, is
very ridiculous ; that is a trade that is not tranfmitted to pofleritie by tradi
tion, without the leaft exercife of it ; and if it could, or thefe old gentlemen
were alive, they'd find themfelves mightilie at a lofs. It's my opinion,
things in generall have changed very much fince that time, and men have
fubtilized in everie thing ; and, tho' what we fee to-day, in mod cafes, does
not referable what we faw fome years agoe, I believe it's in war that they
have moft refined in. And what commerce or correfpondence has our
countrie gentlemen had with anie of thofe Nations in Europe that have
been in war ? Is not this impudent, when we have had fo many corps
abroad ? That onlie ferves to prove that Scotfmen are as docile and
capable of improvement, as thofe of any Nation of Europe, which is not
called in queftion. We have, indeed, had them abroad ; but fo much the
worfe for us ; thefe regiments onlie ferved to draine us of our bed men, and
our men of fpirit ; and have they not always turned renegadoes, and been
imployed againft us. But fuppofe difcipline could be taught with as little
paine over a bottle, as fome think they can fight over a bottle, and any of
thofe gentlemen in fervice had miftakne himfelf fo far as to tell his friends
what was necefiarie, fuppofe armes and horfes, and fuch things that there's
no need of being a fojer to know, would they not conceaved a worfe
opinion of him then [if] he had been their declared ennemie, and in armes
againft them. Could they expect that any of thofe gentlemen afterwards
could have the leaft regarde to thofe people, in whome they found fuch
demonftrations of a ftupid ignorance, as well as a want of difpofition to be
informed ? I believe, out of ane antipathic they had to thofe who wore
red-coats, and becaufe they fought with armes, and order, and other
necefiaries, they were determined they'd fight without them. For my
part, I can't find out another reafon for it, except it be alloued to alledge
that thofe Lords, who were formerlie at their heads, not being fojers them
felves, and prudentlie confcious of their own wants, never defigneing to
hazard, thought it enough to keep up their caracter amongft the gentlemen
of their partie with big talking ; which, by the help of the old Jacobite
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officers, no lefs ignorant than the gentlemen, was authoritie fufficient,
that there was nothing wanting but the will to fet their countrie to rights,
and recover all, whenever they pleafed to take the trouble. It would be a
hard cenfure to fay all thofe leaders had the fame deffignes, which are
generallie as different as men's faces, or the paffions that rule them ; but
they all tended to the fame end, and forming in the whole that incorrigible
ignorance. Their fons, who were tainted with this education, which, meet
ing in them no greater genious to war than was in their fathers, tho' they
had many greater occafions to learn it, found it very much for their honour
to continue the fame cant, and, by a longe habit of recruiting with wine,
and fighting with bottles and glafies, imagined themfelves all Generalls,
and faved themfelves the trouble of going to Flanders to fight in that
damned caufe, which they'd have thought fo oppofite to their interefls ; as
if, by that, they mufl have degenerate, or there had been no armie in
Europe, but that under Englifh pay, or the King of France was to owe
them ane obligation for not ferveing againft him, for, in that cafe, he would
have been demolifht. Befides, I am apt to believe my Lord's mother
would have been difturbed after hearing of a battle, and with the thought
of his Lordfhip lying on flraw, and rather choofe to marrie him, and beget
younge drones.
If, by thefe maxims, thofe in Scotland turned their own heads, and have
not a little contributed to their countrie's ruine, thofe abroad have contri
buted no lefs both to it and the King's ; firft, by the Miniflers of St Ger-
mains' fingular addrefs to be always in bad terms with the Court of France;
next, by their own difagreements and divisions, which was generallie fol-
loued, by their different applications, to thofe at home ; as they affecled,
and never failed to produce animofities and jealoufies amongfl their own
friends, as if they had artfullie contrived it ; next, the fending all alonge
fuch ftrange apoftles to Scotland, inflead of men of credite, capable to
recYifie their errours and judgements, and lay before them the neceffarie
methods of ferveing the King and themfelves, the follouing of which they
ought to represented to them as abfolutelie neceflarie to recommend them to
his Majeflie. So far from that, thofe who were fent were fuch who neither
had difcretion or judgement, and lefs authoritie ; andoftne fuch as thofe of
INSURRECTION IN SCOTLAND, 1715. 91
greater prudence would not fee, and had orders to fay all things to all men,
and, in one word, to flatter everie one in his follie ; to tell them their
Mailer would fee them next year, and that they need not be at trouble
about any thing, for all would be done to their hands, which they found
was what pleafed befl. They got the caradlers from the lad they were with
of thofe they were to goe to, that, if poffible, they might give them fome
marks of the King's knouing them particularlie, and of his baveing them,
more than anie bodie, in his eye, and his dependance upon them; which
made them very vaine for a little time, till the mefTengers were gone, and
people begun to compare notes, that they found themfelves laught at, and
that the fame compliments were made to all the King knew, and all he did
not know, without diftinclion : And went back to St Germains, telling
the King might hazard when he pleafed, Scotland was readie ; and the
truth is, a great many ufed to tell them they defired no affiftance from
France, all they wanted was the King's prefence. One, who I faw, had
indeed brought tuentie thoufand crouns to difperfe amongfl the Highland-
men, as he faid, for buying of armes ; and, in cafe that foume had been
put to the right ufe, it was left to the management of my Lord Drum-
mond, I believe, becaufe there was not a man in Scotland who had fo
great a reputation of finding out the fecret of fquandering his oun fo idly
as his Lordfhip, without either he or anie bodie elfe knouing what had
become of it. If this monie had not the pretended effec~l of getting armes,
yet it had the ufuall effec"l of all the St Germain meffages; for, as Huntlie
told me, it was made ufe of by my Lord Drummond to buy off his and
other's vaffalls thro' the Highlands, to ferve the King, under Drummond's
banner, to create a jealoufie amongfl the whole, rather than his Lordfhip
of Drummond mould not appear the great man ; and his Lordfhip, to make
a gratefull return, and fhew how much he deferved that truft, allured his
Majeflie of his haveing tuo thoufand tuo hundred men at his fervice.
This in a lift, that a friend of mine faw, of the Highland Chiefs fending to
the King, where, after everie one had given in his oun numbers, Drum
mond had not much to pretend to. Being, by this means, the great man
in trufle, and the onlie man of bufinefs, to give further proofs of his zeale
and pouer, fent his valet-de-chamber, William Drummond Mackintofh, of
92 MEMOIRS OF THE
Barlome, 1 and Charles Forbes, at, different times, to negotiate with the
Court of St Germains, I believe, without confulting any bodie. Their
bufinefs was to bring over the King at any rate, as if all was readie.
To one who will confider feriouflie all this conduct of the Court of St
Germains, and particular-lie the pouer given to Drummond, whofe name
is fufficient to give a caracler to his Plenipo's, tho' their own did not, muft
acknouledge they deffigned tryfleing, and did thefe things onlie to exonour
themfelves of what they thought their dutie, with no other aime than
amufeing the King and us, being fatiffied of their being more refpected and
happier abroad than they could be at home, and, for what I know, thankfullie
rewarded by the Court of Engeland, for it's by appearances, and not by
profeffions, we are to judge ; it's impoffible, otherwife, that tuentie-eight
years' miffortunes fhould not made them wifer. Adding all thofe things
together, ther's nothing more certaine, that befides our ignorance in war,
occafion'd by our diftant fituation from thofe Nations in Europe who are
in ufe of arms, more than ordinarie accidents have concurred, and extra-
ordinarie pains have been takne to confound our reafon, by a longe habite
of wronge thinking ; which threw us into extravagances more dangerous
than any that can fpringe from paffions, and given us difpofitions of acting
with more pleafure, contrarie to our reafon, than others obey it, and
rendered us fo defpicable as to furnifli thofe of common fenfe fufficient
excufes to leave us to ourfelves, fince all efforts to difabufe multitudes are
in vaine, who, we finding not difpofed to enter into all our follies, ufed
badlie, and forced to run to the other extream. Tbefe, in my weak judge
ment, are the caufe of the diforder of our imagination, and of the degrees of
too much heat and agitation of fpirits, which ended in the intire overturning
of our reafon, and in doun-right madnefs. But to end this longe digreffion
of the caufes of it, to come back to the madnefs itfelf.
Mar, after comeing into Pearth, did nothing all this while but write;
and, as if all had depended on his writeing, nobodie moved in any one
1 Commonly called Brigadier M'lntosh. He had interest enough with his Chief,
Lachlan M'lntosh of that Ilk, to bring out that gentleman and his Clan, although
they were thought before to have held Revolution principles.
INSURRECTION IN SCOTLAND, 1715. 93
thing ; there was not a word fpoke of fortiefieing the town, nor the lead
care takne of fending for pouder to any place ; we did not want gunfmiths,
and yet none of them was imployed in mending our old armes. Whoever
fpoke of thofe things, which I did oftne, was giveing himfelf airs ; for we
lived very well, and, as longe as meat, drink, and monie was not wanting,
what was the need of anie more ; moft of us were goeing home everie day
for our diverfion, and to get a frefh fupplie of the readie. In that we
folloued flri6llie the rule of the gofpell, for we never thought of to-morrow.
If it efcaped any extravagant fellow to fay, that more troops were comeing
to joyn the Duke of Argyle, from England or Ireland, he was lookt on as
a vifionare ; or, if any feemed to think, that thefe few troops he had would
fight, there was no doubt he was a couard, and defpair'd of our fuccefs ;
which, I'm mure, they could not been fo pofitive of in their circumftances,
but by believing no bodie would fight againft them, which they faid confi-
dentlie ; but fo foon as men have nothing reafonable to truft to, they
feldom faile to pleafe themfelves with phantoms, and a drouning man
cautches hold of everie draw.
Of manie of thofe Lords and Chiefs of Clans who had firft engaged fo
franklie at Aboyne, few feemed as yet to remember their promife, except
Glengarie, who, it's hard to fay whither he has more of the bear, the
lyon, or the fox, in him, for he is at leaft as ruff and cunning as he's bold ;
finding his nighbours backward, to encourage them, got his men together,
and marched into the Braes of Glenorchie, where he continued eight days
before any bodie joyned him. Captain of Clanronald, and Sir John
M'Lean, were the nixt who raifed their men ; for Locheill and Stuart of
Apine would by no means marche into Argylefhire ; no more would thofe
who my Lord Bredalbaine had promifed, I believe, not being as yet deter
mined to rife, nor being willing to difoblidge the Duke of Argyle ; hou-
ever, they pretended they'd doe any thing but be imployed that way, and
continued at home ; while Generall Gordon marched on to execute his
orders. How little he did there, and how much time they loofed, being
fooled by my Lord Ifla, I fhall tell you in the proper place.
The Duke of Argyle, who had not as yet above fifeteen hundred of the
regular troops under his command, continued at Stirveling, without make-
94 MEMOIRS OF THE
ing anie mouvement ; and tho' a younge man, full of fire, a6led, in my
private opinion, the part of ane old wary Generall. The handfull of men
he had with him did not allow him to make any detachement to Pearth,
which, tho' he could have takne eafilie enough at firft, yet had no reafon
to think would be fo longe a time without fuccour ; and, fuppofeing he had
takne it, he could have fpared but a verie few to be left in guarnifon in
Pearth out of his fmall bodie in Stirveling, which pafs he was never to
defert ; and Pearth requireing a great guarnifone, he could fcarce doubt,
that whatever he left there were fo many loft men, fince he, nor no man,
could pofiiblie imagine we had made war without the lead provifion of
pouder and armes, or the leaft thing neceffarie. Befides, had he marched
towards it with his whole little bodie, he was not fure if the Highlandmen,
who are very quick marchers, being in motion round him, might not have
cut him off from Stirveling ; and, as Generall Gordon's marche towards
Argylefliire threatned Glafgow, fo it threatned Stirveling, had the Duke of
Argyle left it. Tho' this contributed to give our ignorant people courage,
being improven by thofe who defigned to take advantage of their weaknefs,
I lookt upon that conduct as the effect of the juft judgement made by his
Grace, who, knouing us to be ane undifciplined rabble, thought it advife-
able not to give us any pofiibilitie of being put into heart by the fuccefs of
ane action of any kind ; that he well knew the little experience of our
leader, and was not a ftranger to the diftruft that we muft had of him ;
that he had caufe to hope a fpirit of divifion would fpon fpring up amongft
us ; and that, perhaps, he thought it advifeable to give his troops, who, on
fuch occafions, are not always fo thoroughlie fixt in their dutie as in other
wars, time to fee the rafhnefs and diforder of the other fide, and of their
being thereby confirmed in a ftedfaft adherence to their leaders, and fuffi-
cientlie armed againft all the invitations and private practices of the enemie ;
and was the more convinced of this that I remember'd that once, amongft
the manie times I had the honour of waiteing of his Grace in Flanders, I
heard him fay, That if ever he commanded againft the Highlanders he
would never be at the trouble of follouing them into their hills, to run the
rifque of ruineing ane armie by fatigue, and giveing them any occafion of
advantages, when he could poft himfelf fo as to ftarve them, if they pro-
INSURRECTION IN SCOTLAND, 1715. 95
tended to keep together, or till, by their naturall incondancie, they fepa-
rated, after which every one would doe his bed to get terms, and put ane
end to a war of that kind, without drauing of blood. Upon thefe and the
like confiderations, I failed not to reprefent it as fuch, in order to let fome
unthinking people fee, they were not on fo fure a foot as fome would per-
fuade them.
It was about this time that we fent out our firft command to fieze the
armes at Bruntifland. But, before I goe further, I mud take leave to tell,
that ane old friend of mine and my familie's, with whome we had longe
dealing, being a merchant, called me out to the South Inch of Pearth, by
fix of the clock of a Sunday morning. I was furprifed to meet him there,
and was not longe of aflteing him his bufinefs. He told me, He had rid
the whole night to let me know that there was a fmall fhip in the harbour
of Bruntifland, loaded with armes and ammunition for the Earle of Suther
land. 1 I afkt him, If he knew any thing of the number ? He faid, They
were at lead three thoufand. It's eafie to judge I was tranfported with the
news, tho', at fame time, I doubted my friend, not that I believed he wanted
zeale for our caufe, but that I knew him to be one of thofe whofe imagina
tions are fo ftronge that they magnifie everie thing, and oftne makes a
mountain of a mole-hill ; and, for that reafon, not being altogether fo well
with my Lord Mar, was at a lofs how to behave in it. But, on fecond
thoughts, refolved to goe draight to him, and awake him, and tell him of
my information, and, at fame time, give him the caradler of the man, that he
himfelf might judge of it. I found him in bed, and told him my dorie, and,
at fame time, gave him the caracter of my friend. I remember I told him
with vehemence, and faid, That, by God, what armes we could not take
with us, we would leave in the Cadle of Bruntifland, with a good guarde.
He alkt me, If that Cadle was drong ? I affured him it was ; but that
it was good to be mure, and we'd carrie all off with us at firft that we could.
He faid, That was right ; but, at fame time, I told him, tho' I believed the
1 The Earl of Sutherland had received the King's commission to be Lieutenant
in the North Highlands, and these arms had been embarked at Leith, furnished
from Edinburgh Castle, to arm the Clans over whom he had influence. But the
skipper, being a native of Burntisland, had put in there to see his wife and family.
96
thing, yet I would not anfuer for its being true in every title ; for I was
afraid of his Lordfhip takeing advantage of the leaft of my miftakes. He
defired to fee my friend : I faid, He had refufed to come into town, nor could
I defire him. He prefied me to call him, for his bufinefs, firft and laft, was to
plounge every man who had the leaft friendfhip for us, and whoever offered
the leaft fervice to us was fure, in recompence, to be drawn in, fooner or
later ; I run out, and went ftraight to the Port, and found him, with fome
others got about him ; I took him afide, and told him Mar's defire. He
feemed at firft unwilling, nor did I prefs him ; but at laft put on a cloak,
and offered to goe ; I carried him ftreight to Mar's quarters. In our way
thither we met James Malcome, who, I fuppofe, Mar had fent for, being a
great Councellour ; after leading him in to Mar, I perceaved, by his Lord-
fliip's countenance, he wanted to be alone with him ; but the moment I
went out, he called in Malcome. What happned there I can't tell, onlie I
can judge that nothing of confequence was concerted. In a little time my
friend came out, as did Malcome, and went to Hardie's, a vintner's ; then,
becaufe the one half of the affair was to be a fecret to me, I was called for
when they were gone. He talkt to me, of the way of feizeing thofe armes.
I told him again, That if there was fo manie, I did not fee how we could
bring them all off at once for want of horfes ; but that it was eafie to leave
what we could not bringe alonge in the Caftle of Bruntifland, with a good
guarde. And if he would not truft the Caftle, there was another way to
take a (hare of them, which was by writeing to a fervant of my own, five
miles below Bruntifland, to fend tuo boats, who were knoun to be artfull
in cheating the Cuftome- House, and who'd carrie thofe armes about to
the Tay, in fpite of the divill, and would not faile to be at Bruntifland
the minute I defired, as the wind blew then. I went after that to Hardie's,
without anie conclufion ; and, a little after my friend went away, I was
fent for, by my Lord Mar, about eleven of the clock. He alkt me, How I
would bring off thofe armes, in cafe I were commanded ? I faid, I knew
no other way than that which I had told him alreadie ; onlie added, that
what armes were to be brought alonge, muft be done by the baggage-
horfe of the armie. Coll. Clephan, who was the onlie man flood by, faid,
It muft be done by the countrie horfe, which muft be called in. I told
INSURRECTION IN SCOTLAND, 1715. 97
him, He might as well advertice the Duke of Argyle, for that mud make
fuch a noife, it would alarme the whole countrie, and fet everie bodie
agoge in toun, and he knew fpies would goe ; befides we had loft alreadie
too much time to bringe in the countrie horfe, which was not done of a
fouddain, fo that the baggage-horfe of the armie was the beft ; and who
ever went, muft marche out by five in the evening, to make fure of the fhip
before fhe could get out of the harbour ; and, above all, the ports were to
be all fhut before four, to hinder intelligence, and before any bodie was
commanded, or the marche fpoke of. Mar faid, I was in the right ; and,
without faying more, I went to dine.
Ane hour after I was called for again, and ane order was given me, in
writeing. I was furprifed to find the order addreffed to Major Balfour
and me ; onlie I was named, John, Matter of Sinclair, firft, and he,
Collonell Harrie Balfour. Tho' that was the firft conjunct (fommand I
ever faw, I faid nothing; I knew he could not leave his little wafpifh
tricks, no more than a wafp can turn its poyfon into hunnie, or a bee its
hunnie into poyfon ; I underftood his deffigne perfaitlie well, and that
it was to force that gentleman into a competition with me, againft his oun
will, that, by that divifion, his Lordfhip might profite, or make me oun a
dependance on him, which I was not willing to doe in that cafe, by owe-
ing any influence I had in my countrie to him. I knew that gentleman
was one of the beft friends I had, and would not readilie differ with me ;
nor, as I was fituated, was it in Mar's pouer and his joyned, to difcredite
me with thofe gentlemen I had under my command, fo longe as I pleafed
to keep that command, and tho' I had not his Lordlhip's commiffion. I had
almoft forgot to tell, that he who brought the information had told it was
abfolutelie neceflarie we mould be at Bruntifland by tuelve of the clock at
night at furtheft, if we deffigned to fucceed, that being the time of full fea,
and the fhip being to faile that tide. I told my Lord Mar, We might run
fome rifque in the back-comeing, fince we were to pafs within ten miles
of Stirveling, both in goeing and comeing back, and that we might loofe fo
much time at Bruntifland as give the dragoons, which was the onlie thing
I had to fear, time to cut us off, fince we were not to be above fourfcore
horfe. He feemed angrie at that reafoning. I told him, It was good to
N
98 MEMOIRS OF THE
prevent what was very poffible to happne, for we did not know but the
Duke of Argyle might have intelligence, even from Pearth, in a few hours
after we were gone ; and that they had but ten miles to marche, and we
were fortie, back and fore, befides the time we might loofe in doeing our
bufinefs, and returning with loadned horfes. That it was true the Duke
of Argyle had not then a flronge bodie with him, but what he had con
fided in dragoons, and much fupernumerarie, yea, more than double to all
our horfe, and, at leaft, could run no rifk in fending them out, fince, tho'
we had foot, if they could not attack us, they could always make their
retreat fafe ; and put him in mind of a hundred foot being neceflarie to be
left in the Caftle of Bruntifland, to take care of thofe armes we left, in cafe
we could not bring all off. This he went into, againfl his will, and faid,
He'd fend five hundred foot after us, and pod Indernitie at Kinrofs.
Accordingly I fet out by five of the clock with fourfcore horfe. I went
out of a wronge gate, and, till it was nere dark, rid out of my road a little,
to amufe. I was not longe of finding Malcome there takeing upon him,
for which I gave him fuch a cheque, that he was like to gone back, but
Mar thought nothing could be done without him ; houever, I muft doe
him the juflice to fay, that, when I call'd for a guide, lie offered himfelf,
and did it very well ; for I ordered him to (hun all villages, which he did fo
well, that nobodie faw us, and who we met on the road, we carried alonge
with us. At laft, he who brought the information, met us three miles from
Bruntifland, and calling for me in the dark, took me afide, and told me
the fhip was gone out of the harbour. I fpoke to Major Balfour, and told
him of what my friend faid, but that he was in hopes, yea, feem'd fure, the
fhip was flill in the road, and continued our marche. I halted above a
mile from the toun, and call'd out fuch .as knew the toun beft, and gave
the command of them to Thomas Hepburn, in all tuelve men, who, after
polling tuo fentries on the heads of the harbour, to hinder all boats from
goeing out, I order'd to fecure the (kipper, if at home, being that toun's
man, and rid floulie after, till that was over, with no noife; which I found
done, on my comeing into toun. I found, likewife, my fervant there, with
a lad come from thofe boats formerlie mentioned, which I did not expect,
my Lord Mar haveing ordered them, without my knouledge, nor fpoke one
INSURRECTION IN SCOTLAND, 1715. 99
word of them in the orders given me ; houever, they were lying without
the harbour. We feized feverall fmall boats the minute we came into
toun ; and, after placeing a few fentries about the toun, which, by the by,
was no eafie tafk, fince nobody cared to Hand, we forced fome toun's
men to goe alonge with ours to bringe in the fhip, which was feized with
no difficultie ; but the wind being contrarie, it was hard enough to get the
fhip brought into the harbour. I, in the mean time, went out to the point
of the quay, with the younge man who came from the boats, to order thefe
boats to goe and help to pull in the fhip. He went before me, in the dark,
and both of us perceived ane armed boat feize them tuo boats ; he faid it
was the man-of-war's longe boat, and fo did I believe. On that I run
back to get our people to be filent, and let them land, at fame time run
about to get all together; but both was impoffible, for the few who flood on
the fhore made more noife than a thoufand men, and the others were
feparated in the toun, buffie drinking, contrarie to my exprefs orders at
firft comeing in. By this time Major Balfour had takne the alarme on the
adverticement I had given, and haveing got a few together, was goeing
ftraight doun the quay, when I intreated him to leave the management of
that part to me,and beg'd of him to get out the others, and went doun
with eight or nine armed, only with piftolls, for that was all the armes we
had, and refolved to lye fnug to obferve their motion, or, if any landed,
fieze them, which I did not expect they would doe, becaufe the noife of
our folks thro' the toun continued. While I was goeing nearer with my
fmall peloton, I met Thomas Hepburn, and found he had come afhore to
get help to bringe in the fhip, and that it was he, and thofe with him, who
had feized thefe boats, and that he had flay'd there fome time to oblidge
them, being large and well manned, to tow in the fhip, which was the way
I deffigned to employ them.
It's to be thought, that my fentrie not giveing the alarme, I was not
to fufpeft that to be ane enemie's boat; but not knouing who he was,
or if he had been pleafed to flay on his poft, I had no truft to give,
feeing the whole fo irregular. Nor was there fentries to be got to poft
about the toun, or, if any ported, would others relieve them, nor would
anie hold the few horfes of thofe who had gone to fieze the fhip, who
100 MEMOIRS OF THE
went a ftrouling thro' the toun, and loofed their bridles. It's not to be
conceaved how thofe people's tongues, and other unrulienefs, in goeing
into alehoufes, confounds at all times, but more at night, the unluckie
officer who has the command of them, for ther's no want of advifers, fome-
times tuentie fpeaking at once, and all equallie to the purpofe, but not one
to obey ; at fame time, I had the toun's men to flruggle with about getting
them to go aboard, and others to goe home, to avoide confufion ; but that
was incouraged by our own diforder. At lad, thofe boats brought in the
fhip by maine force, againfl the contrarie wind ; and thofe aboard of ours,
being feamen, did their dutie very well. I Hood in the water to the
middle of the leg, and, with my oun hands, receaved all the armes from
the Ihip's fide, and found, to my great grief, but three hundred, wanting
one ; we found a bag of flints and tuo little barrels of ball, and tuo or
three barrels of pouder, about a hundred pound each, and fome cartridge
boxes. But of the fiftie baggage horfes, for we had no more, none would
load, or, if they did, not above four firelocks ; after humblie beggeing the
favour of them fellous to put on more, to no purpofe, I gave them round,
without diftin6lion, a heartie drubbing, the mod perfuafive and convinceing
argument to thofe forte of men, and, with my oun hands, tyed on the
greateft part of them. We feized the armes of a big fhip which lay in the
harbour, which were about tuentie-five firelocks, and with them a barrel!
of pouder ; and, at fametime, the armes of the Toun Guarde, about
thirtie. A little before that I receaved ane account, that Inderie, with five
hundred Highlandmen, was come to Achtertoole, a place four miles from
Bruntifland. I fent orders to him to continue there, and keep his com
mand together. I got on horfeback betwixt three and four, and never
thought myfelf happier than when I got out of that toun, being faint and
fick with that confufion, and running up and doun working.
We had not marched far when fome of the command went off, without
leave, to pay their refpects to fome minifler who they had a mind to teaze ;
and, as thofe irregular folks generallie contrive it, they returned, before break
of day, with noife. Tho' I had ane avant guard e, hearing a noife on my left,
in the dark, 1 halted and formed ; fo great is the averfion of thofe people
to regularitie, that was not done without their raifoning ftrangelie about
INSURRECTION IN SCOTLAND, 1715. 101
it ; but thofe who have ferved know, that from time to time, on a marche,
ther's nothing more neceffarie to bringe a command together. Then I
marched on to Auchtertoole, where the Highlandmen had orders to halt.
I went into the village myfelf, without halting the horfe, and found onlie
about fortie men, and was fome time before I could find ane officer, for all
the others were fpread up and doun the countrie, plundering. I ordered
thofe to marche who I faw there, but they were fo far from obeying, that
they pretended they did not underftand me, and mod cockt their pieces, and
presented, to moot me, and fome lay doun on their bellies to take the better
aime. If I could have fpoke to them, I would have offer'd myfelf prifonner ;
had I offered to run away, I was a dead man ; but, by forceing myfelf to
look pleafed, and as a friend, I ftopt their furie, till ane officer came, who
underflood me. I defired him to order his men to marche, which he
did, but in vain. Then I told him, to inform them that I was to command
them, and tell them I would not waite of them with the horfe, and that the
Duke of Argyle was within three miles of them ; and, with that, took off
my hat, and bid them adieu, and gallopt off after the horfe. It's incredible
to believe how them fellous run and overtook the horfe, on their being
told that, and how foon they gathered from plundering on all hands ; for,
without makeing ufe of that ftratagem, they had ftaid and plundered the
countrie at their leifure, on the pretext of being fatigued. By this means
I keept them together for fome time, but afterwards difbanded again to
plunder.
It was needlefs to complain to thofe who commanded them, who faid, it
was not in their pouer to help it. So I made a halt at Kinnafkwood,
where I laid hold of the occafion of Indernitie's comeing from Kinrofs,
whence I defired him to joyn me on the marche; gave out it was the
enemie, and put the old ftratagem in execution, both to fee how the gen
tlemen would form, as well as the Highlandmen, and to bring them together
from plundering the countrie ; for they had again broke out. The gentle
men formed prettie well, but the Highlandmen would not by any means,
and run together in troops of nine or ten, without takeing the lead notice
of what was defired, except a very few ; but it had the laft effect, which
was the getting them affembled, and leave pillageing, which they did very
102 MEMOIRS OF THE
expeditioufly. After meeting Indernitie, with his five hundred, both his
men and the other detachement difperfed again. I propofed to him, being
one who had a follouing amongft them, and who abhorred that manner of
theirs as much as I, if he'd goe into it, to ftope, before we came to Pearth,
and fearch the whole, and return what they had takne to the poor people
of the countrie, who folloued us, with lamentable complaints ; but, on his
aflureing me they would not be treated fo, and, confidering their number,
they would deftroy himfelf and me, and the fourfcore horfe, rather than
fuffer that, I was forced to be pleafed, and let them doe as they would.
We got back to Pearth before five of the clock, and marched nere to
fourtie Scots miles in tuentie-four hours ; I can fay, for my part, without
either eating or drinking, or fitting doun, or fo much as haveing my head
in a houfe. All thefe particulars I have mentioned, tho' about a thing of
no confequence, to fheu the trouble one has with fuch tools, and how great
a miffortune it is to be concerned with them ; and how much their own
wilfull confufion puts it out of their pouer either to be belpfull to them-
felves or their caufe.
We found my Lord Mar a horfeback, on the South Inch, when we went
to make our report to him. Major Balfour, as he had reafon, complained
freelie, and in fliarp terms, of the Highlandmen's plundering the countrie,
and named particularlie Inderei's men, 1 which I obferved his Lordfliip
extreamlie chockt at ; and, foon after was told, that he had need to take
care of himfelf, for the Highlandmen would be upon him, which would [have]
happned, if it had not been takne away. So that I obferved, it was not
enough to have the countrie we were of plundered by thofe who pretended
to be our friends, and we difcredited by it, but we were not to fheu our
diflike of it, for fear of worfe ; and it feemed a greater crime to the generall
forces to reprefent it, than to the Highlandmen to commit it; for Mar
blamed, openlie. Major Balfour's freedom. What I faid was, That de-
tachements of different Clans was not to be fo eafilie managed as a whole
Clan, with their Chief at their head ; and, if his LordQiip defigned doeing
1 John Farquharson of Inverey, held his estate in Braemar off the Earl of Mar,
so that the misconduct of his men was a reflection on that nobleman, who was his
superior.
INSURRECTION IN SCOTLAND, 1715. 103
good with Highlandmen, that was the onlie way, which was a rule he fol-
loued ever after.
That very night, Mackintofh, with his men, came to Pearth, and Inder-
cale, 1 with tuo hundred Fercharfons alonge with him. This was the
gentleman to whofe houfe my Lord Mar had refuged in the beginning,
and keept him for a confiderable time, till, by brigueing in the nighbour-
hood, he made his own houfe too hot for him ; and, not being willing to
engage at that time, imagineing things not ripe enough for him to rifque,
left his houfe to his Lordfhip, without any ftruggle, when it was in his pouer
to [have] done him prejudice, for what I know, takne him by the neck,
and choofe to retire to Aberdeen, till, as he thought, he faw a probabilitie
of fuccefs, by the great numbers of thofe engaged ; and, being as well in
clined as any, came to us of himfelf. My Lord Mar was fo far from hold
ing him account of the civilities done him, and of his late moderation to his
Lordfhip, or his zeale to the caufe, as well then as when his Lordfhip was
ane enemie to it, that he thought he had got a favourable opportunie
of being revenged of him, and would doe, by being Generall, what he was
not capable of doeing as his landlord for a fmall part of the gentleman's
eftate. He ordered Indercale, with his tuo hundred men, to joyn Inderei,
with that hundred which my Lord and he had brought at firft from Brae
Mar ; and told him, defpoticklie, that he muft fubmit to Inderei, and be
under his command. The gentleman was not willing to give over his men
to anie bodie, but yet lefs to fubmit himfelf to one of his own name, who
was fo much his inferiour, That, as he faid, he never pretended to put on his
bonnet in his prefence till he defired him ; could not think of giveing over
his birthright, which his familie had ever fince that was a Clan. With the
fame moderation as formerlie, not to create difturbance, offered to let his
men joyn Inderei, but would not fubjecl; himfelf, and deflignedto ferveinray
Lord Marimall's fquadron, where his friends had prefented him with the com
mand of a troop. But, on Mar's being pofitive he mould have no command,
if he did not ferve under Inderei, the gentleman, feeing how far his Lord-
fhip's malice carried him, pluckt up a fpirit, and told, That while he, or one
of that tuo hundred men were alive, no man fhould command them but
1 Invercauld.
104 MEMOIRS OF THE
himfelf and bid his Lordfhip of Mar doe his worft. Upon which Mar
defifted, not finding it proper to purfue that further ; and Indercale and
his men continued with the Mackintofhes. Inderei remained Collonell to
the hundred Mar-men, who formed a regiment, it being the fafhion, hou-
ever fmall the follouings were, for every great Lord to have, at lead, one
battallion of his own fubjeils.
It was now thought the proper time to put the deffigned project of pafling
the Frith in execution. Generall Hamiltone haveing told my Lord Mar of
his communicateing that fecret to me, his Lordfhip was pleafed to fend for
me, and afkt, before Generall Hamilton and Mr Malcome, who were the
onlie prefent, What number of boats I thought could be got together on the
coafl, and in what places ? I faid, Mr Malcome, who lived in the midft of
thofe touns, could tell better than I what number there were ; all I could
tell him was, That what boats were of ufe were to be found from Wemyfs to
Creile, in the touns and villages all alonge that coafl; that there was a great
many of them, but could not tell their number. Malcome faid, Nor could
he. His Lordfliip afkt me, Who were the proper perfons to applie to for
information, &c., in cafe of the projects goeing on ? Who could be helpfull
in getting the boats together ? I faid, Hary Craufurd, Alexander Wil-
liamfon, haveing had longe commerce with thofe people, and men of pro-
jeft, were of all men the fitted, -provided they would take it in hand; but
I thought myfelf oblidged to tell his Lordfliip, that Hary Craufurd had fo
loofe a tongue that there was fome danger in trufling him, not that he did
not wifli us well, but that he never could keep his own fecret ; and yet I did
not lee how we could doe without him. 1 told him, Generall Hamilton's
fon-in-law, Mr Bethune, muft be helpful in his town of Kilrinnie ; and
named him tuo other gentlemen of difcretion, who would be of great ufe
further up the coaft, if they would medle in it, not being engaged with us ;
but bid him enquire of others, for his greater fatiffaction, and not take
people's caraclers entirelie on my word, for I might be miftakne. He faid,
He'd enquire no further, for Malcome had told him the fame, to a title.
Then he begun to fpeak of haveing all thofe boats fent up to Bruntifland,
where, on my haveing formerlie told him the caflle was ftronge, he had put
a guarrifone to keep our communication with the countie and coaft of Fife.
INSURRECTION IN SCOTLAND, 1715. 105
I told his Lordfhip, He was to confider that bringing all thofe boats together
to Bruntifland was a double mouvement, and that the men-of-war, who were
in ftation all over the Frith, would fee them, and bear up to them, as they
did to the leaft fmall boat alone; befides, I had feen ane order given to the
Cuftome-Houfe officers, who were all alonge the coaft, to inform them men-
of-war, of every thing done on land, and, if they did not, the Gouvernment
had friends enough to doe it : And mofl of thefe boats were laid up on drie
land in winter, and it would take fome time to get them to fea, with the
difficulties that thefe fellows would make, who are, of all people, the moft
daftardlie crew ; and, for what I knew, the boats wanted calking before
they could be ufed, their feams being open with lying drie. After that, to
bring them to Bruntifland, would be worfe to execute than the project
itfelf ; and, fuppofe they efcaped the men of-war in goeing there, alonge
the coaft ; which was to be feared they could not, being further, for moft of
the boats, than the croffing of the Frith ; it was impoffible, that from Leith
Road, where there was always at leaft one man-of war within little more
than a half hour's faileing from Bruntifland, they fhould not be difcover'd,
and foon blockt up in that harbour, by one fhip cafting anchor before it, and
put ane end to that project ; and, tho' one fhip was enough, fignalls at fea
are heard and underftood at great diftances, and could bringe thither the
others. Next, I fuppofed, tho' there were no men-of-war in the cafe, their
very goeing off from Bruntifland would have a bad effect, for, after haveing
alarm'd the Duke of Argyle with the firft mouvement of bringing the boats
there, it would give him time to take his precautions ; and befides, the being
alreadie on his guard, would be tuice as foon informed of the certaintie of
their goeing off from Bruntifland, as from duble the diftance, where moft
of the boats were adluallie then, and, at leaft, loofe the advantages which a
furprize on the Duke of Argyle might give, without which, at the bottom,
the thing itfelf was impracticable, becaufe of the men-of-war ; and if at all
to be done, was to be done at one jerk.
I had not better fortune, in this converfation, than I had on other
occafions, for he fnarled oftne at me, after his ordinarie manner, when
one does not approve of every thing he deffignes. Tho' (I was then
perfuaded, as I am ftill) that I was in the right, and had often thought
106 MEMOIRS OF THE
of it, from the time that Generall Hamilton had fpoke to me, and was
not yet fure that I was not to goe myfelf to command, becaufe of his
Lordftiip talkeing to me of it, never haveing heard more of it from
that time of Hamilton's fpeaking to this ; and, becaufe I did not afk it,
they gave out that I was not willing to goe ; no great charge, tho' it had
been true. I took freedom to afk his Lordfhip, Where he defigned they
fhould land on the other fide, in cafe he propofed fome advantage by
their goeing off from Bruntifland, which was not to be got from another
porte ? He faid, They were to land on the Lothien coaft, at any place to
which they found the wind faireft, and then, either marche to Haddintoun
or the Cittadell of Leith. I faid, They might doe the fame from the place
where the boats lay then ; but what he faid of Haddintoun and the
Citadell of Leith, put me in mind of what Generall Hamilton and I had
fpoke of flightlie, at his firit comeing to Pearth ; and that they had con
tented themfelves with the firfl names of places that came in head by
accident, without enquireing further, or determineing any thing, except the
fending over fo many men, I may fay, without a fixt view or defigne, as
appears by his Lordfhip's intercepted letters to Vifcount Kenmure and Mr
Forrefler. I, in the end, told his Lordfhip, That I was no failer, but I
doubted of the whole project ; and, upon Malcome's being pofitive, I faid,
That I believed his argueing for it, or mine againfl it, deferved no attention.
That my Lord had nothing to doe but to inform himfelf, by one who
underftood the fea, what would happne, in cafe the men-of-war difcover'd
them, which was the (late of the queftion. Mar faid, I was to goe, in a
day or tuo, on command to Fife, and fhould ftate it to Harrie Craufurd,
as I pleafed.
In that time he made Mackintofh, with his Clan, and the Fercharfon's,
my Lord Nairne, and Lord Charles Murray, with the Athole men, Earle
of Strathmore, with his regiment of Low Countriemen, and Logic Drum-
mond with my Lord Drummond's men, and his own, defilee by Kinrofs,
corp after corp, to Bruntifland, to the number of tuo thoufand tuo hundred.
When he had thus difpofed things, he called me, and gave me the follouing
orders under his hand and feale ; which I infert here, that the reader may
better judge how I obeyed them :
INSURRECTION IN SCOTLAND, 1715. 10?
INSTRUCTIONS FOR THE MASTER or SINCLAIR AND COLLONELL
HARRIE BALFOUR.
That you marcbe, with the detachement under your command, to
Couper in Fife, from thence to St Andrews, Craile, Killrinnie, Anftruther
Eafler, Anftruther Wefter, Pittenweem, Ely, Leven, Wemyfs, and Dyfert ;
whereupon you are to proclaime the King in all the touns aforefaid, and to
intimate to the Officers for the Cuftome and Excife, to be leveyed by them
in their refpeclive bounds, to afk immediate payment of both, conforme to
orders ; and, upon refufall, to bringe one or tuo of the Magiftrates alonge
with you as hoftages for the monie, and feize all the publick monie and
bonds belongeing to the revenew, in all the above-mentioned places ; and
when you come to the Wemyfs, if there be no other orders for you, then
you are to continue your marche ftraight to Pearth ; you are alfo to feize
all the armes and ammunition at the Wemyfs, Balgonie, Melvill, and every
where elfe you can have anie intelligence of them, and all the horfes of
difaffecled perfons ; for doeing whereof this (hall be your warrand. Given
at the camp of Pearth, this fifth of Oclober,
MAR.
P. S. You are to fend me ane exprefs from Creile, with ane account of
the boats I fpoke to you of.
After reading my orders, I told my Lord Mar, That for the firft tuo days'
marche into Fife, according to the route he had given me, there could be
no great danger from the Duke of Argyle ; but that, in my coming back
towards him alonge the coaft, it depended on him (haveing even then
above fix hundred dragoons, all his ftrength at that time confiding,
in a great meafure in his dragoons) to attack me ; nor did I fee, if he fent
out his dragoons that my Lord Mar had any force to oppofe them, for
Huntlie and Marifhall's horfe, and a good many more, in one word, not
the half of what we had afterwards, had then joynd us. He anfwered, He
had force enough to oppofe them, when he had Highlandmen ; and afkt
me, If Mackintolh was not cover enough at Bruntifland betwixt me and
Stirveling? I told him, that there was eighteen or tuentie longe miles
108 MEMOIRS OF THE
betuixt Pearth and Bruntifland, and, if the Duke of Argyle had a mind,
there was nothing to hinder him, in all that wide tract of an open countrie,
to make his dragoons pafs to me ; and that countie being almoft a peninfule,
by tuo great navigable rivers on the fouth and north, or rather tuo armes
of the fea, which come from the German Ocean on the eaft of the countie,
into which thofe rivers difcharge themfelves, I'd be takne in a hofe net,
fince there was no other way of getting back to him but by the Bridge of
lerne. He afkt me, If that fhould happne, how the dragoons could return,
fince he'd cut them off from Stirveling ? I anfuered, he might, provided
he had a fuperioritie of horfe ; but tho' the dragoons were within a mufket
(hot of his foot, they'd make a wheele and pafs at any place of that countrie
without his foot's being able to come nere them. All this while he was in
a paffion to fee any pretend to reafone with him, and told me he'd fend five
hundred men to Kinrofs, or order fome of thofe who were there in their way
to Bruntifland to halt at Kinrofs, being half-way betuixt that and Pearth. I
told him that would make it no worfe ; but what I'd truft moft to fhould
be the intelligence from thofe polls, provided my Lord would detache
fifteen horfe, or fome fuch number, the one half to Kinrofs and the other
to Bruntifland, to be fent out from thofe places on the roads towards
Stirveling, to bringe in intelligence ; which he faid he would ; and particu-
larlie delired him to give orders to take care of the Dumferling road, as one
of the ftreighteft and privateft ways they could come. Generall Hamiltone,
who flood by all the time without fpeakeing one word, faid, He wifht my
Lord would order fourtie horfe more to the fourfcore, and then he thought I
might be prettie fecure ; on which my Lord made faces to him, and appeared
angrie, fo he was flruck dumb, and I took leave. It needs be no furprize
to any to fee I reafon'd fo much with fuch a Generall, who I had obferved
from the beginning capable of doeing everie thing fo looflie ; and tho' his
foundation had been more folid, had no reafon to think he could know
more of that bufinefs than I, feeing Hamiltone laid afide, to whome, as ane
officer, I'd have yielded fooner tho' I had imagin'd him to be in the wronge,
becaufe whatever fuperioritie of judgement fome men have over other's, it's
almoft. a generale rule that everie man fpeaks or acts lefs or more reafonablie in
his own bufinefs, and when the wifeft goe out of it they act and fpeak like
INSURRECTION IN SCOTLAND, 1715. 109
fools, for want of the principles; and their felf fufficiencie and forwardnefs on
thofe occafions, tho' it may ferve to give a mob confidence in them, it has the
contrarie effect on thofe of common fenfe, by makeing them more and more
diffident. Befides, had any thing happned wronge, which, confidering all,
and the irregularitie of our people, was too much to be fear'd in cafe of
adlion, if I had been knockt on the head in that command I knew him
capable of throuing all upon me, for it was for the King's intereft that
everie bodie ftiould fuffer blame fooner than he; and the gentlemen would
find their account in it, becaufe they'd be fatiffied the blame did not fall on
them. I obferved, likwife, by thefe Inftrudlions, as he called them, the
continuance of his wonted favour, by his ftill fending my gouvernour alonge
with me, as if I had not been capable of commanding fourfcore men in ane
armie fuch as that, where I may fay there was not above five or fix that
deferred the name of officers in any flation, when I had oftne commanded
tuo hundred, and fometimes three, in the bed difciplined armie that ever was
in Europe. On the other hand, 1 was pleafed to have fo good a friend alonge
with me, who I could truft more to than to all the others, and faid nothing.
Before I left, his Lordfhip, after reading my orders, and feeing that article
of the publick monie, I told him that I was certainlie informed where Charles
Kraigengelt, the collector to the Excife, was to be tuo nights after that, in
goeing his rounds to receave his monie, and that he'd have five hundred
pounds with him, which I made no doubt of fecureing. His Lordfhip forbid
me to meddle with him. I knew his reafon was, that he was heir to his
Lordfhip's famous fteuart, Charles Kierie, who had affifted him to cheat his
creditours, and by whofe name his Lordfhip's eftate remains ftill covered ;
whofe right, haveing devolved on Mr Kraigengelt, ferves his Lordfhip for the
fame purpofe ; fo that reafon for engageing every other man in Scotland,
however ufelefs he was, or bringing them under the fufpicion of the
Gouvernmentto make them defperate, failed in the cafe of Mr Kraigengelt,
even tho' he had a fum of money with him. It was eafie to judge there
was no monie to be got of the Cuftome-Houfe officers, for all trade had
been flopt. Nor was I to goe the length of the Cuftome-Houfe, and if I
had, it would have been to no purpofe, they muft have hid all on the
Highlandmens being fo near them, which had put all that countrie in a
110 MEMOIRS OF THE
fright. Nor could the marcheing with fourfcore horfe, who muft give too
great alarme, and proclaitneing, lucceed in the fearche of armes in any toun
but the firft, for the others would foon put theirs underground, and their
Magiftrats would hide themfelves ; as to horfes it was the fame, for thefe
things can onlie be done by furprize and by fmall parties, after haveing
information. So it was evident to me that all that part of his Lordfhip's
orders was but a fham, nor could I perfuade myfelf he'd fend fourfcore
horfe along with me for what I had to fay to Harrie Craufurd about the
boats, fo it was eafie to judge his whole deligne was proclairaeing ; and
tho' it could not bringe him in one man more than had joyn'd, yet it was
reafonable at Couper, being the head toun of the countie, where all the
courts were held ; but what reafon he had to proclaime in fo many little
touns and villages I could not underftand, except it was to make me as
black as poffible to the Gouverment, by proclaimeing in as many places as
all the others together, and by that render me defperate ; the only way he
could fall on to cure my diffidence of his damnable defiignes, and make me
flick at nothing, judgeing of others defpair by his own, as if that could been
a fufficient reafon for me to be heartie in facrififing my countrie.
I was the more confirmed in this, when I heard he had ordered as many
as could be perfuaded to goe of the Fife countie, for that was then the way
of giveing out orders, thinking to fecure all by their being dipt alonge with
me ; and was intirelie convinced, in the end of our affair, when his Lord-
mip's favourites brag'd of it, that he had play'd me that trick, and made
ufe of it as ane argument for my goeing into their meafures. It's eafie to
believe that, haveing all thofe confiderations, I was not fond of that com
mand ; but I law he'd make a crime of my refufall, and, haveing no fmall
regarde to the gentlemen who were commanded, I obey'd, in hopes I might
be of ufe to them ; fince, I can fay, without vanitie, that there was no bodie
who had the lead notion of fervice who could take that freedom with them
which I could, or had that authoritie over them. So I begun with telling
them of the diforder of my laft command, and hoped they would not fall
into that fault, and fuore if they did, they'd oblidge me to tell them my
mind with greater freedom than I knew was proper to doe to gentlemen ;
but when they confidered that it was I and not they who was to be anfuer-
INSURRECTION IN SCOTLAND, 1715. Ill
able for all, I hoped they would not mifconftrucl my care, nor pretend to
reafon with me fo longe as I commanded ; that after I came back to
Pearth, they might call me to ane account if I injur'd anie bodie, and beg'd
of them not to think they were commanded for their diverfion.
I marched ftraight to Couper, where that night I proclaim'd the King,
haveing fent a fmall partie before me to feize the horfes of fome difaffected
people before my comeing mould alarme them ; but what was found was
not worth the takeing. After proclaimeing, I order'd that no man mould
light till I gave orders, and went myfelf to look to the flables to get the
horfes put all together, or as nere to one another as poflible, and not fpread
in the toun. But before I came back a great manie were alreadie gone, and
others goeing to difband, fo all the favour I afkt of them was to come and
keep guarde in the toun-houfe ; and to oblidge them to it, order'd all the
taverns to make readie what meat they could, and bringe it there ; but the
gentlemen were pleafed to intercept all, fo I was in the toun-houfe with a
very few, and was forc'd to ftand fentrie myfelf at the door, to keep the
form of a guard in a toun not at all well affected to us. Some of thofe
gentlemen whofe houfes were nere, went home, and took a friend alonge with
them ; for, even when it was not their turn to goe on command, or they were
not defired, as at that time, through the whole courfe of our affair, they made
it always their buffinefs to goe on thefe commands, near their homes, and by
that means were of no ufe to the fervice; yea, fome went that night home to
St Andrews, fix miles from that, contrarie to exprefs orders, and alarmed
all there : fo they expedled us, and hid their armes ; others got their wives
into toun. Some times the gentlemen came into the toun-houfe in a croude,
and after they had all fpoke at once, to give information of armes, went out ;
fome went and put their own propofals in execution ; others went out to doe
fo, but forgot to come back ; and, in a word, we got nothing but fome old
ruftie mu(kets, moft without locks. At laft, except a very few, all went to
bed, in fpite of what I could doe ; and on thofe occafions, thofe who ftay
have fo much fatigues put upon them by doeing the other's dutie, that
they are forced to decamp at laft. I muft fay a man muft know nothing of
the fervice to bear fuch diforder ; and I muft own I curft them till I was
fick, and told them that nothing would make them wife till they got a
112 MEMOIRS OF THE
ruffle, and pray'd God it might be a little one ; and in that cafe they'd be
the better for it, for I faw nothing elfe would doe, and at the fame time
affur'd them they'd meet with it.
I know fome wife men will fay that we were ten miles further from
the enemie then when we were at Pearth. It's true we were ; and it was
impoflible that we could have been attackt that night from Stirveling, but
it was known there was hidden armes in that toun and countrie ; and
houever couardlie thofe people are, it's eafie to cut the throats of thofe
who are afleep, or fteall their horfes, which, as things flood then, were of no
lefs value than their mafters, fince we wanted horfes more than men. And
was it any great fatigue for them to watch a part of the night and fleep the
reft in the toun-houfe, and doe the bufinefs regularlie they came about ?
and are people never to learn dutie, and pretend to deall with foldiers, and
run counter to every thing they doe, that experience and a longe well-con-
dudled war had taught 'em ? and when fojers are fo much on their guarde,
who have nothing to loofe but a miferable life, what muil gentlemen,
who have their countrie, their eftates, and all at flake, not to fpeak of their
honour, which by their way of talking would feem to goe a great length with
them ? And does not that happne fometimes in a moment which has not
happned in a hundred years ? And is it not certain that the intelligence of
their diforder from that toun, who would not faile to give it jufl to the
enemie, mufl encourage them to attack us fome night before we got back to
Pearth, or, at leafl, take the firfl opportunitie to doe fo at any other time ?
And how offten had they been foretold fo by officers who fufpedled they
would fome time play the fool ; to whom their threats, for that very reafon,
appear'd ridiculous, and ought they not rather to have given them the lye
by a contrarie behaviour, and a ftrift obfervance of their dutie ? I can tell
all thofe who pretend to deal in that trade, by the little experience I have
of it, that countenance is none of the leafl part of it, for with a good
appearance ther's often a great deal done ; and that ther's another maxim
which has been found of great ufe, that diffidence is the mother of
lecuritie. This way of talking, one would think, might have convinced
rationall creatures, but could have no effect on countrie gentlemen, and
the rather, for that my Lord Mar's plan was to make all eafie to the
INSURRECTION IN SCOTLAND, 1715. 113
gentlemen, and to humor them in everie thing they had a mind to,
for fear of difcourageing ; and he had always his creatures fent amongft
them to give a wrong turn behind one's back to everie thing of that
kind that was faid, efpeciallie by me; and to infinuate it was the
effects of fear that made any bodie fpeak fo, which, tho' they could
not perfuade the gentlemen of, yet biafd them to follow their own
inclination, which all men fall naturally into. But, in fpite of this, I was
refolved they fhould doe their dutie, or have as little reft as if they had ;
and for that reafon founded the trumpet before four of the clock in the
morning, and with a deffigne to furprize thofe of St Andrews before they
fhould take the alarme and hide their armes, not knowing that feveral
of ours had alreadie done it by goeing home the night before. After
comeing to Couper I had given out that I was to goe back to Pearth by
Dundee ; and, eroding the Tay, intirelie a different route from what I
defligned to take, as well to make thofe of the toun fend falfe intelligence
to the Duke of Argyle, who, in cafe he had a mind to attack us, would
look no more after us, as to take thofe of the countrie napping, before they
had put their horfes and armes or pouder out of the way ; and to make that
take the better, I ridd half a mile towards Dundee, and, falling in after into
the St Andrews road, got there by break of day, and took fome few horfes
on the road, or near to it.
So foon as we got there we proclaimed, and at the fame time fearched
all the fufpedled houfes for armes and horfes. We fucceeded as ill there
as at Couper, and got onlie a few broken ruftie mufkets. And, tho'
I had order'd expreflly that nobodie mould difmount, except thofe
order'd for the fearche of armes, before I knew where I was, a great many
were ftareing at me out of the windows : Had I defir'd anything of
them, which I did not doe myfelf, I fhould not have been uneafie ; and
then its eafie to judge what difficulties one has to get fuch people out of
a toun, fince ther's feldom on thefe occaffions any want of liquor, though
I will fay, that, generallie fpeaking, they kept fober enough. Houever,
haveing feverall touns to proclaim in, I thought it was a little too earlie to
refrefh there, for the King's health mufl be drunk in everie one of them,
otherwife the ceremonie was null and voide.
114 MEMOIRS OF THE
We marched from that to Creile ; and haveing a verball order to
fend a ftronge box of my Lord Mar's, then in the hands of Ladie
Lyon, with tuo of my detachement, flraight over by the ferrie of
Dundee ; thinking it of greater value than it was afterwards believed
to be, I fent fix men with it for fecuritie. This box I was formerly
to goe and efcorte when I was commanded for Bruntifland, and had
it inferted in my written orders to doe it, after doeing my bufinefs
there ; but on reprefenting it to his Lordfhip, that it would be hard to put
fo great a detachement to the trouble of goeing tuentie miles out of their
road, and neglecting the armes, if we happned to take them, and ruining
our horfes with fo great fatigue, when it could be done with ten horfe at
any time, he was pleafd to excufe me. By this it can be feen what notion
the Generall had of fervice.
We came to Creile before tuelve, and proclaimed the King that
moment; the few rudie armes of that poor honed toun were delivered
with no pain; and gave orders to light, and refrefh and feed our horfes,
but that none fliould be put up in dables. Thus far, I think, I
obeyed his Lordfhip of Mar's orders literallie. On the writeing of his
order, he imagined I mould flay that night in Creile ; and, on that fup-
pofition, defired me, in a poftcript to his written order, to fend him ane
exprefs from Creile about the boats, tho' he left it in my pouer to (lay that
night where I pleafed, both by his written orders and on my receaveing
them, at my comeing off, when I told him I would fhun quartering in
touns, it being impofiible otherwife to keep the gentlemen together. And
tho' he had not left it to myfelf, I mould have trufted more to my own
judgement in that affair than to his, and was dill more determined, after
what I faw at Couper, never to be another night in a toun, and had rather
chofen to ly anywhere, tuo or three miles from a toun, in the open fields,
where fourage was to be got, than bear the feeing of their diforder, or
allouing it ; which I then told them. For that reafon, I found the Abbey of
Pittenweem, which happned to be one of the places my order led me to,
was the fitteft place to take a night's quarter in ; and if anie orders fhould
be fent me by my Lord Mar, I knew well they mud find me, fince fuch a
detachement in that countrie mud always be heard of, efpeciallie haveing a
INSURRECTION IN SCOTLAND, 1715. 115
ftreight route through fo many touns. Before I marched from Creile I afkt
Hary Craufurd if he could get as many boats as could tranfport tuo
thoufand men over the Frith ; and how foon they could be got ; and how he
thought that project would fucceed, in cafe the men-of-war mould get the
lead hint, or fall in with them ? He faid, The project would doe, and he
did not doubt but as many boats could be got, but that it would take at
leaft three days to get all readie. He defired more time to think of it, and
faid he'd come that night to Pittenweem, where we were to be, and fpeak
further about it ; and not being then willing to be feen dealeing with us
without ane appearance of force, defired I mould threatne publicklie on the
ftreet to carrie him off prifoner with me, and let him goe on his word of
honour that he mould be that night at Pittenweem ; which I did.
I marched from that to Kilrinnie, Andruther Barter, Anftruther Wetter,
and Pittenweem ; and, after proclaimeing in all thofe royall burroughs, and
makeing fearch for armes and amunition, according to my intelligence in all
thofe places, I got nothing worth the nameing, except fome bars of lead,
which, being weightie, I left the one half in fafe hands to be fent for, and
took the other half alonge with me. That night I took up my quarters in
the Abbay of Pittenweem, which, being nere the toun, afforded us all we
wanted. Thofe under my command had no mind to goe to the Abbay,
faying that it was ane old ruinous place, and had no cover for horfes ; and
wanted, above all things, to quarter in the toun. I told them, I had made
ane oath never to quarter in a toun with them, and that I'd rather ly with
my briddle in my hand in the fields, than ly in a bed on fuch occafions ;
that tho' there was no cover for horfes, the high walls of the Abbaye-court
was fhelter enough ; and that for themfelves, there was cover enough in
Doctor Bruce's houfe, which made up one fide of the court, and they
might fend for what they wanted to the toun. With difficultie I got them
to obey ; and after tyeing their horfes alonge the walls the bed way they
could, I order'd no bodie to goe out of the Abbay without allouance, have-
ing firft of all planted fentries at all the gates to hinder them. I drew up
the gentlemen and fervants, divided them in three plotons, put officers over
each ploton, and chauked numbers on their breads, as they doe fojers on a
guarde, that I might know who refufed to doe their dutie ; order'd thofe
116 MEMOIRS OF THE
fentries I had pofled in all the avenues of the cloyfter to be alternatelie
relieved by each ploton, and fheu'd them their alarme pofts in cafe of a
furprize.
While I was doeing this, the wife and adlive Sir Heugh Paterfon could
fland it no longer. It feems, finding this method contrarie to Mar's plan
to whom he is brother-in-law, and for that reafon muft fhew himfelf a poli
tician, and always bufie doeing nothing told me that all that care I was
takeing did harm, and frightned the gentlemen. I knew very well that this
did not come from him, but was the maxime reigned then at Court ; and,
lookeing on him onlie as a repeater, caught at him, and bid him medle with
his own affairs, or with what he underftood, which would have been hard
upon him, and given him little to doe. By this time fome of the gentle
men defired to allou them to water their horfes out of the cloyfter, which I
did for a tryell. They went to toun, ftabled their horfes, ftript, and went
to bed. After that none were permitted to goe out on anie pretext. Some
aflct leave to goe fee fathers, mothers, brothers, and friends, which, had we
quarter'd in toun, had been done without leave, and carried others with
them ; all whom I refufed. This I mention, becaufe I remember the
people's names who did fo. There happned to be fome ftables, and thofe
I alloued any bodie to make ufe of who pleafed, fince I was refolved to put
no hardfliip on the lead of them which I did not fuffer myfelf.
I expected Hary Craufurd from Creile till it was late ; at laft got a letter of
excufe from him, telling me he could not come, but that he would doe his beft
to manage that affair I had intruded to him, and bring it to bear as foon as
poflible. I wanted one to fend to my Lord Mar with a letter, as he had
order'd me, that night ; but it being eleven of the clock, and everie bodie fo
fatigued, none would undertake it; and, in a cafe of that nature, there was no
trufling one who we could hire, and finding that affair was not fo nere being
put in execution as my Lord Mar imagin'd, I thought it no great matter to
delay it till next morning earlie, which I would not have done neither, had any
confented to goe. I went from time to time my little rounds, and vifited
the fentries. At laft, being overcome with noife, diforder, chagrine, and tuo
days and tuo nights fatigue and want of fleep, about one of the clock I laid
me down to fleep, and defired to be awaked in tuo hours. Collonell Balfour,
INSURRECTION IN SCOTLAND, 1715. 117
or rather Major, being better known by that name, haveing done fo alreadie,
as I had encouraged everie on[e] of the command [to] doe before and after
dutie, I recommended the care of all to Mr Fleming, who had been an officer.
So far, I think, I can anfuerfor my conduct, nor did I deviate from my written
orders. If my regular precautions brings me under the fufpicion of being
afraid, I believe all who knew fervice would have fallne under the fame
fenfure ; and, as I have faid before, nothing draws on a miffortune fo readilie
as the enemie's knowing that thofe they have to doe with are never on
their guarde ; nor can I conceave how ane honeft man, who is engaged in
a caufe, can fatiffy himfelf without advertifeing his friends of their certain
ruin, and putting them on methods to avoide it, by teacheing them their
dutie, which is not to be learned without both precept and example ; and
that night, when I had difficultie enough to keep them within the Abby, and
they were murmuring, 1 told them often that I was fure they would not be
longe without meeting with a rufle, which would be the onlie thing could cure
them of their follie, and wilht to God it might be a little one, and in that cafe
there would be no harm in it, and, on the contrarie, would doe them good.
I had not flept ane hour, when I receaved a letter from my Lord Mar,
which I fhall infert from his originall. It was addrefled to the Matter of
Sinclair and Collonell Hary Balfour :
SIR, The man-of-war being gone, I defire, upon fight hereof, that you'll
fend all the barks and boats that can poffiblie be had to Bruntifland, without
loofeinga moment of time, the troops of Bruntifland haveing orders to embarke
there; and 1 have order'd all the troops here to marche to-morrow morning to
wards Stirveling, which will make your joyning us again the more eafie.
Mr Ogilvie of Boyn came to me here laft night with my new commiffion,
and full powers, &c., too longe to repeat in a letter. I expect the King is
landed in Brittain by this time. You are to follow your Inftruclions,
except I fend you contrarie orders, which you fhall hear from me in time.
SIR,
Your moft obedient humble fervant,
MAR.
From the Camp at Pearth, the 7 of October.
118 MEMOIRS OF THE
Here I mud take leave to fay that his Lordfhip's intelligence about the
man-of-war was falfe, for there was one lying within lefs than a mile of the
fhore of Pittenweem, and oppofite to that cloyfter where I then was, and as
if ported there on defligne in the way that the boats were to goe to Brunt-
ifland, and I am of opinion there was another in the rade of Lieth ; but
his Lordfliip, haveing heard that whoever has a mind to be a great man
muft overlooke all difficulties, run into the belief of the firft intelligence
that fuited his defligne.
As to the lafl paragraph of his letter, it was all a downright willfull lye,
for he never had a commiflion before that which Boyn brought him
then. The King's landing was no lefs ; and Boyn oun'd he had not feen
the King in fix months before his comeing from France, and that he
knew nothing of him, onlie that commiffion was fent him to carrie over
to Scotland ; but that is naturall to his Lordfhip.
Nor can I here enough admire his Lordfhip's opiniatrete and igno
rance ; for, before I left Pearth, I thought I had put him off his defligne of
carrying the boats up to Bruntifland, by laying before him the incon
venience of tuo movements, yea, the impoflibilitie of fucceeding if he
attempted it that way ; and that, befides the alarmeing the whole men-
of-war before he could fet out the fecond time, tho' they efcapt at
firft, which was impofiible, (at that time one of the men-of-war being
direcllie in their way,) it was likwife, without that inconvenience, worfe
to execute than the tranfport itfelf, or crofling the Frith, fince they
could run over to any place of Lothien where the wind blew fairefl, eafier
than be determined to goe up the Frith to one port, and reallie a longer
voyage. It was no lefs to be admir'd that he thought all thofe boats were
to be got fo foon.
After receaveing my Lord Mar's letter, I wrote him an anfwer, giveing
an account of everie thing I had done in my march, and letting him
know that Mr Craufurd had aflured me that the tranfport was practicable,
and that he'd doe what he could to get them boats foon readie, but it was
not to be done in lefs than three days ; and that his Lordfhip's informa
tion about the men-of-war was wrong, for one had obferved us all the
way from Creile, and waited on us alonge the coafl, and was lying at anchor
INSURRECTION IN SCOTLAND, 1715. 119
within lefs than a mile of us. I difpatched him who brought me the letter
from Mar back to him with this anfuer about three of the clock, and told
his Lordftiip further, that I was to continue my route.
By feven of the clock I receaved a letter from Mackintofti of Bor-
lome, from Bruntifland, who now begun to be call'd Brigadeer Mackin
tofti. His letter affured me that a great bodie, of both foot and horfe,
of the enemie, was alreadie in Dumfermling, and that they were to march
towards him as foon as the moon rife, and for that reafon, mod earneftlie
defired I fliould joyn him with all poffible diligence. It was no fmall
furpife to me to find Mackintofti expect I was to receave orders from
him, who knew nothing of him further than that I was to receave intelli
gence from him, not haveing the lead verball or written order to obey or
take orders from him ; but how he could imagine that I, who he fuppofed
was at Creile, fince he directed his letter for me to that place, and tuentie
miles from him, could come to his relief before the enemie could march
four miles from Dumfermling to Bruntifland, is above my comprehenfion,
efpeciallie, fince they were to begin their march about the moon rifeing,
which was one of the clock, the very time he fent off his exprefs to me,
who I did not fee till feven. My being at Pittenweem, tuo miles nearer
him than Creile, did not much alter the circumftance, for it was fimply
impoflible that anie man of common fenfe could think that when the
enemie were to begin their march by the time he fent bis letter to me, that
he Ihould not be inverted before his exprefs could ride eighteen miles, and
I march with that detachment eighteen miles to his afiiftance, fince he
muft have been inverted long before I received his letter. In that cafe, it
would have been thought very odd that I, who had not then feventy horfe,
haveing fent fome off with the ftronge box and old armes, fhould marche
up againft thofe who had inverted or attackt, in a ftronge caftle, tuo
thoufand foot, which number Mackintofti had with him ; and had I been
in the caftle with him, on the certaintie of the ennemie's advanceing to
attack us, I had fent off, without hefitation, the horfe under my command,
whatever way I had difpofed of myfelf, for he could not but be very
much ftraitned in fo little a place with the great number he had, and
the gentlemen muft have been an embarras to him in the ftate he was
120 MEMOIRS OF THE
then in, for they muft. have onlie contributed to ftraiten him more ; and,
for want of carabines, could have been of no ufe to him in the defence of
a place.
I remember all this I told to Major Balfour and feverall gentlemen under
my command, when I fheu'd them Mackintofh.es letter at Pittenweem ; and
further added, that I would lay my life that the horfes the foot had there with
them were abandon'd in the toun, which afterwards I found was a true
conje&ure ; and, indeed, five hundred men were to[o] many for that place.
It's not improper to tell, that James Malcome's fervant brought the letter,
and I remember he had an Indien targe or fhield in his hand, which he was
carrying back to Logie Drummond ; and with him wrote back to Mack-
intofti of Borlome, telling him I had no orders to obey him ; and tho' I
had, if his intelligence was true, it would be impoflible to joyn him, fince I
believed he muft be attackt before his letter came to me ; nor, were I with
him, could thofe under my command be of any ufe to him.
Haveing thus reafon'd, I look'd over my written orders, and read the
letter I had receav'd from my Lord Mar that morning ; and, finding I had
no more to doe but to proclaim in Ely, Leven, and Wemyfs, three villages,
which I look'd on as a thing of no confequence, after haveing proclaimed
alreadie in feven royall burroghs in the fame countie, for in the latter part
of the orders he defires me to come ftraight from Wemyfs to Pearth, and
excufes me from goeing to Dyfert, 1 a royall burrough, where my father's
intereft lies, which was farther up the coaft, and out of my road a little ;
befides, he, by a verball order, excufed me, becaufe, as I pretended, if I
went there, I could not reach another quarter that night, which was con-
trarie to my refolution of quartering in a toun. Tho' that was one reafon
ftronge enough to me, yet I had another no lefs, and that was the fear of
thofe poor people of that toun's mewing more fondnefs of the thing on my
account than I thought was needfull ; fince it could doe no fervice, and I
Ihould have been loath to have been an inftrument in doeing them harm ;
which made him give orders to the Highlandmen from Bruntifland to
proclaim there, which they did. But, to be fhort, all that feem'd materiell
1 Dysart, with its castle and dependencies, was an ancient patrimony of the
Sinclairs, and is now the chief seat of the Earl of Rosslyn.
INSURRECTION IN SCOTLAND, 1715. 121
in my orders was to feize thirtie firelocks in the Wemyfs Houfe, for I knew
there was no more. As to the armes of Balgonie and Melvill Houfes,
belonging to the Earle of Leven, Major Balfour, and others of his nearefl
nighbours, allured me there were none.
All this while, I could not but give fome faith to Brigadeer Mackintolh
of Borlome's intelligence, fince he was fo pofitive that they were fo near
him, and of the time they were to begin their marche ; which circum-
ftance forced my belief, and that from a man who was faid to be a
foldier, and to whom my Lord Mar gave the truft of fo great a com
mand, and to whofe intelligence I was to truft from my firft fetting
out. And, indeed, I never doubted of the enemie's being at Dum-
fermling, but I told feverall of the command that Mackintofh was fo
ftrongly pofted the Duke of Argyle could doe nothing againft him without
cannon, and all his foot and dragoons, which were at that time (hort of
Mackintofh's number, and his dragoons being of no ufe to him there,
except difmounted, I could not fee how he'd either venture that, or the
leaveing Stirveling ; fo it appear'd nonfenfe to me. In the mean time, I
thought it more probable that it was a detachment of dragoons fent to
threfh my jackett, in goeing up the coaft, or to cut me of[f] from the Bridge
of lern, haveing no other pafiage back to Pearth. Houever, I got on horfe-
back, after eight, and haveing fent feveralls beft known in the countrie out
to reconnoitre on all the roads, I continued my voute four miles up the
coaft ; and finding no further intelligence, and thinking it, in my confcience,
the hight of madnefs to rifque a detachment of gentlemen for thirtie old
firelocks, for I had nothing elfe to doe, I changed my route nere Durie,
and marched northward, crofs the countrie, nere Melvill Houfe, where I
refolved to take up my quarters that night, haveing great accommodation,
and the houfe feeming prittie tenible, and place enough, if attackt, to put
our horfes in fecuritie ; at lead, the place of all that countrie fitted for our
purpofe, and from that I was to fend, next morning, ten of the command,
that I might leave nothing undone, to bringe the few armes out of Wemyfs,
and follow me to Pearth. But Major Balfour, to whom my Lord Mar
had given the conjunct command, tho' he did not pretend to determine me,
yet prefll hard, before the whole command, that, being onlie nine miles
Q
122 MEMOIRS OF THE
from Pearth, we (hould marche that night to it. And, I remember, he
made ufe of a maxime of fome Marechall of France, which was, That in
makeing a retreat, it ought to be made to purpofe ; to which I confented,
haveing no reafon to give why I fliould not. And, haveing day enough,
fed our horfes, and halted there above an hour, and march'd, as we did
all alonge, in order, and at leafure, the fhorteft way thro' the hills of the
north of Fife, and got to Pearth before it grew dark. I defign'd, when we
halted, to fearch the houfe of Melville for armes, but I was aflured, by thofe
who knew, that there was none.
When I changed my route, to marche northwards, Sir John Erfkine
fpoke to me about the boats. Being a creature of Mar's, his Lordfhip
had let him into the fecret, which I thought none there but I had
known. He afk'd me, What Harrie Craufurd's fentiment of it was?
I told him what had paffed. He faid, Craufurd's anfuer was not par
ticular, nor determin'd enough. I told him, I expected him, the night
before, at Pittenweem, according to his promife, and, he not comeing, I
could not detaine fourfcore horfe to waite on him, nor leave the command
of them to run on errands ; that the affair not being in fo great for-
wardnefs, Mar had time to fend any fingle man to adjuft all with him ;
or, if Sir John pleafd, he, himfelf, not being then far from Creile, might
return and doe it, fince Mar had let him into that fecret. He faid he was
willing, but it mould not be as he pleafd, but as I order'd ; which I did, and
he return'd. On our march, Sir Hugh Paterfone's changing of countenance,
and turning pale, and blabbering ftrange fluff, to cover what he was afraid
everie bodie faw. William Maxewell, and Brifbain, rid up to me, and bid
me look back to him. I had obferved the poor wretch, with compaffion,
before, and fpoke to them not to take notice ; and faid, That fuch things
happne fometimes to good men, and that, on another occafion, he might
doe well. But it was the more obferveable, that this was the man who
was uneafie at putting out fentries in Pittenweem, for fear, as he faid, of
difcourageing the gentlemen, and who gave himfelf airs on his getting to
Pearth, faying, That the care their officers took, proceeded more from
fomething elfe than caution.
I found all our armie draun up before the toun of Pearth, and it
INSURRECTION IN SCOTLAND, 1715. 123
was then my Lord Mar's firft and onlie commiffion was read, and that my
Lord Marifhall 1 had joyn'd them with the gentlemen of Aberdeenfhire and
thereabouts, for till then he had never been with the armie, and the many
hundreds he was to bring along with him, fo longe vaunted of, were not
then fourfcore, for fome few follou'd him afterwards ; but if the horfes of
the Fife, Pearth, and Stirveling (hire fquadrons were bad, thofe were a
great dale worfe. I rid up ftraight to my Lord Mar, and made him my
report. He afkt me, Why I did not goe to Mackintofh ? I told him, I
had no orders to obey Mackintofli, and tho' I had them, I was not fimple
enough to think I could have been with him in time, or have been of any
ufe had I been with him. He faid, it would have look'd bold. He afkt
me, Why I did not write to him ? I told him, I had. He afkt, With
whom ? I faid, Tho' I knew the man by fight, I had forgot his name, but
it was with the fame who had brought me his letter. He turned away,
and fpoke to fome other. That fcoundrell, to whome the letter was
intrufled, did not come to" Pearth for tuo days after, and returned me my
own letter. He was one Grahame, fon to a fteuard of Sir Thomas
Bruce's. 2 As to that part of my Lord Mar's order, concerning the
magiftrats of touns, I brought alonge one from Couper, the others either got
all out of the way, or were fo much our friends, that I thought fit to take
their words for it ; and for publick monie in the hands of Cuflome-houfe
officers, there was no fuch thing. Thus, I believe, I did my dutie ; and,
had I done otherwife, I am ftill of opinion I had deferved to have been
hanged; for what intelligence could I trufl to if I did not truft to Brigadeer
Mackintofh ? And was fuch a detachement of gentlemen to been thrown, in
the beginning of our affair, without any fhadow of reafon ? Would it not
have difcouraged thofe who had not joyned us from joyning? and would
not my Lord Mar have imputed the ruine of all to me ? Which he has
done fince, in a great meafure, on lefs grounds. When Major Balfour went
to my Lord Mar, his Lordfhip demanded of him, Why we did not goe to
Mackintofli ? And, on his anfuering as I did, Mar repeated the fame to
1 The last of this noble house, who became an exile with his brother, the Field-
Marshall, and ended his life the chosen friend of Frederick of Prussia.
2 Sir Thomas Bruce of Kinross.
124 MEMOIRS OF THE
him which he had faid to me, That it would have look'd bold. I own,
ingenuouflie, I did not know what to make of thefe words. Sometimes I
o
thought they could admit of no other meaning hut that .he'd have been
glade fo many had been loft, to give him a pretext for makeing his efcape;
but haveing then lefs reafon to be uneafie than in all that affair, I found
his aim was only to difcredit me. So, by this command, I was to have
been ruin'd on all hands, by putting me in the worft fituation of any with
regarde to the Gouvernment, and fullieing my caracler amongft thofe I
was engaged with.
Three days after, a friend of mine, the Laird of Orrok, who had
been in Bruntifland with Brigadeer Mackintosh, came to toun, and he, as
well as Robert Douglas, brought me Strathmore and Barafield's compli
ments, and told me they wifht heartilie for me to command them in place
of their Brigadeer, as did feverall others of the command ; for that
animal, who they begun then to find out to know nothing of the fervice,
was turned fo infupportable with his rank of Brigadeer, that in three or
four days' time they could not bear him. He faid, That night the Briga
deer received the alarm, he order'd all under arms, in the open air, and
went himfelf to bed ; which fhockt all thofe of diftinclion and qualitie
there, of which there was a great number very much fuperior to him ; and
that Strathmore raifed him, by telling him, it was more his dutie to be alert
than any bodies ; which Strathmore told me afterwards himfelf. Orrok
informed me further, that he was [prefent] in the room when the Brigadeer
receav'd a letter from Mar, which, after reading to himfelf, the Brigadeer
defired a great many to remove, but Barafield put Orrok into the chimnie,
and he and Strathmore flood before him till the letter was read ; and, if I
remember right, his Lordfhip was pleaf'd to accufe me of plain down
right couardice for not joyning Mackintosh. Had his Lorduhip called a
court-martial, and given me their cenfure or verdicT;, I, nor no man, could
have taken it ill ; and in thofe cafes, when a man has to fay for himfelf,
his honour is clear'd ; but to condemn me before I was judged, and
murther my reputation underhand, which, dureing the courfe of a toile-
fome life, I had fo carefully preferved, and the only reward I had
pretended, for fo much danger and fatigue, after that of rendring mvfelf
INSUKEECTION IN SCOTLAND, 1715. 125
capable to ferve my countrie, could only come from one who himfelf had
no reputation to loofe ; who, being alreadie fo black, could take no flain,
and to whom the good name of another was an eye-fore. I fay none
could have been capable of it but fuch a little creaping monfter, who, all
his life, had fubfifted by a criminall induftry, and who had never any thing
to value himfelf upon, but his being a burthen and a blemifh to his countrie.
Houever, that not being the time to take notice of it, I ftifled my refent-
ment, Mar being now a General!, as far as a commifiion could make him.
Tho' I am not, as yet, fully convinced it was a reall commiffion, for, tho' it
was read on the head of all the armie, none but his fpeciall friends faw it ;
it was faid, becaufe it put a conflraint upon him of takeing fuch a number
of Counfellours, without whom he was to doe nothing. But it was ftrange
that thofe who fent it, if it was reall, neither fent officers, pouder, nor
armes, in that (hip, which brought it, nor fo much as the lead account of the
King. It would appear it had been fent off in haft, and at the follicitation
of fome of Mar's truftees in England ; for we were never told of any goeing
from Scotland to France, till this time that Mar call'd together all the
noblemen and gentlemen then at Pearth, and propofed our figning a peti
tion to the Regent of France ; which was read to us, firft in Englifh, and
then in French. After hearing it read in both languages, Mar afkt of
thofe who underftood the French, If they thought the French tranfla-
tion was juft ? For his part, he faid, He did not underftand that lan
guage. No bodie makeing any anfuer, I faid, It was fo juft that I believed
the Englifh was tranflated from the French, which made his Lordfhip fnuff
a little, without faying one word ; for nothing could have led them into
fo many Gallicifmes as was in the Englifh, if it had not been a tranflation
from the French, nor was there any prefent with us capable of writeing fo
good French, or did he, who imagin'd himfelf the moft mafter of that lan
guage, read it with a tolerable accent. So, it was evident to me, it had
been fent to Ogilvie of Boyn from St Germains, to Rouen, and that he
had brought it alonge with him.
The deffigne of that paper was, informeing the Regent of our haveing
taken armes, with the intention of afferting the right of, and reftoreing
our naturall King to his throne ; and recovering our oun ancient rights and
12f> MEMOIRS OF THE
liberties. It put him in mind of the ancient alliances, and the long harmony
betuixt the French and Scots ; and prefum'd on the jullice of our caufe
to flatter ourfelves with his affiftance, and beg'd of him to fend us over our
King, in the name of the Noblemen, Barons, and Gentlemen, fubfcribers,
who were indeed very numerous, for everie bodie would figne, and wrote
doun their titles and defignations at length, to both the French and Englifh
copies, and, amongfl others, one Frebairn, a printer, which a gentleman of
rank and diftinclion of the Court of France aflured me he read at full length,
" Robert Frebairn, printer at Pearth," l as well as fome other who figned
" Writer to the Signet," which was not takne notice of, tho' the other was ;
and faid, it was admir'd how Mar alloued it, for it look't like mocking the
Regent, whom we addreft under the name of Noblemen, Barons, and
Gentlemen, or how the others fuffered it, becaufe it gave too much ground
to think we were all made up of fuch canaile, and mud neceflarlie take
off from the influence of fuch ane application ; nor did ever before
Noblemen and Barons, who pretended to be the States of a countrie,
afkeing the affiftance of a Souveraigne Prince, allow mechanicks or
workmen to fign with them ; but it had been the fame to Mar, had all the
cobblers of Pearth defir'd it, he had granted the favour. After this,
Mar difmiffed Collonell Hay, and Do6lor Abercrombie as Secretarie or
Gouvernour, to France, to carrie the petition to the Regent ; which he did
in a very private manner, of himfelf, without confulting with any bodie, and
they at fea before it was fpoke of ; when it was given out that they were gone
to bring the King, and troopes, and arms, and amunition from France.
The manner of fending away, and the choice of that ambaffadour for nego-
tiateing fuch weighty matters, occafion'd no little furprize to a great many,
and, amongfl others, to me, to find a weak young boy, who had lately come
from fchoole, and who, all know, never will have a capacity for anything,
imploy'd, without our confent, in an affair which fo much depended on,
and who was of a family that had always been our enemies, and had onlie
changed fides with Mar, to whom he was brother-in-law and creature,
appear'd every way fufpicious, as if Mar were trifling with the whole. For
what notion could the Court of France have of us, who, they might
1 This person was one of the printers to the Crown.
INSURRECTION IN SCOTLAND, 1715. 127
readilie fuppofe, fent them one of our fined gentlemen ; or, could Mar
think that fuch a procedure, after haveing cheated us fo longe with lyes,
muft not create a jealoufie, houever flupid we were ? Was it not reafon-
able, confidering his Lordfhip's cara6ler, and our being now fenfible that
till then we were impof'd upon by trufting him, and not haveing, after fo
long a time, heard one word of the King or the difpofition of France ; for
Boyn told us, he had come from Rouen, where he had heard nothing, and
rather put us in doubt that things were as unfavourable as it was poffible,
and for that reafon were kept a fecret from us ; fince it was not to be
thought that one who brought a commiffion, and had a fhip fent exprefs
with him, could be fo intirelie ignorant, or bring no other packet, but, on
the contrarie, brought us a form of a petition to the Regent, or at leaft
my Lord Mar propofed one after his comeing, to beg the Regent to fend
the King to us, as if, after all the great expectations we had entertained of
the Duke of Orleans, on Mar's affertions, he had made the King prifonner
fome where in France ; for that was the con(lru6tion put upon it when he
propofed that addrefs all of a fuddain to us, after expecting the King every
day, for tuo months and a half. But, after all this, the fending off one of
his own little creatures, without any bodie's confent, as if there were none
to be confider'd but himfelf, and as if we had no pretenfions to know the
fituation of our own affairs, argued the utmofl contempt of all engaged,
and augmented the jealoufie, fo juftlie conceived, that he was playing his
own game by thefe tools, betuixt the King and us, while we were ftill to be
keept in the dark.
Some days after my returneing to Pearth, Mackintofh was order'd to
leave Bruntifland, and march with thofe under his command to Creile,
Anftruthers, and all thofe touns where the boats lay, and to embarque
in thefe places, and faile ftraight over the Frith to whatever port the
wind blew faireft ; and left fome men in Bruntifland Caftle, as he was
commanded, to amufe the men-of-war who had been cannonadeing him
there for tuo days together, without doeing the leaft harm. Mr Craufurd,
and fome others, who were let into the fecret, haveing prepar'd the boats,
and made that affair prettie eafie. Houever, by fome mifmanagement of
Mackintoshes, there happned confufion amongft thofe he commanded, and,
128 MEMOIRS OF THE
as I have been told by Barafield, if it had not been for the brave young
Strathmore, the command would have mutienied, and, on fome difobliga-
tion receiv'd from the Brigadeer, who they now begunn to call "a baptized
brute," would not have gone with him. All I remember further was, that
my Lord Nairne 1 was faid to complain of him as much as any, for giveing
all pofitive orders not to imbarke till he had fent them word ; which he did
not doe till he had imbarqued himfelf, without confidering the diftances
he was from the others, who receiv'd no orders till eight of the clock at
night, and fome later, and the tide gone back, when, by that time, they
might have been landed on the other fide, or nere it, haveing loft fome
hours ; and being, as it was faid, fudled, fome he forgot intirely ; which was
the reafon given by Strathmore, Barafield, and others, of their being chafed
into the Ifland of Mey by the men-of-war, by whom they were kept there
eight days, with nere three hundred men, in a very miferable condition,
and of the tuo boats being taken in the pafiage of the Frith ; for there
was nothing more certain than their haveing all reached the other fide
before tide and wind changed, which brought doun the men-of-war upon
them next morning. And it was faid, I don't pretend to determine
how true, that this bad condu6l flopt the paflage of the other thoufand
men, or at lead of a great part of them, who were all at the fea fide
readie to imbarque.
Strathmore continued, with three hundred men, eight days in that Ifland,
dureing which time the men-of-war threatned often to land upon him with
their longe boats and great (loops, which they had brought from Leith ; but
Strathmore, and thofe with him, fo foon as they pretended to land, made a
good countenance, and drew up before them, and when the men-of-war, as
well as the floops, fired their cannon and patereras from a very fhort
diflance, they keept up their fire till they fliould land, and return'd their
civilities with huzzas. All this while the Highlandmen took all the fmall
provifions that were fent in the night time to Strathmore, tho' he took
care to give them as great an allouance as the circumflance would permit ;
in a word, they turned fo intolerable, that none could have bore them but
1 Lord William Murray, fourth son of the Duke of Athole, having married
Margaret, heiress of the first Lord Nairne, obtained that title.
INSURRECTION IN SCOTLAND, 1715. 129
himfelf, who had the greatnefs of foul to overlook it ; and tho' fome there,
on that ill-ufage of his from the Highlandmen, who at the fame time were
maltraiteing his own men, preft him to goe off in the night, which he could
often have done, he faid, determinately, He never would, till he faw an
opportunitie of bringeing off the whole, and would be the laft man who
would fet his foot in a boat ; and he kept his word, for he was the laft
who left the ifland. Here, I think, the fchool-boy, for he was not of age
to be called a man, gave our confummate hero a fair copie.
Mackintofh, and the others of that tranfport, landed fafely in different
places of Eaft Lothien, and after goeing about giddily, without knowing
what he was to doe, no more that thofe who fent him over ; haveing no
pofitive orders, and hearing nothing from thofe who he was told would
joyn him, and who, inftead of a body that could be of any ufe to him, were
only forty or fifty horfe, confiding of a few gentlemen, and thofe not got
together, fkulking where they beft could about the Borders. So, after
goeing to Haddintoun, one of the places Mar had named to him, he thought,
haveing nothing to doe, he might goe in his rambles to the Citadelle of
Leith, another place he had heard Mar mention. But his Grace of Argyle
haveing made a very quick march to deliver the toun of Edinbourgh out
of his hands, who were in a terrible confternation at the approach of eleven
hundred Highlandmen, for that was the number that pad the Frith ; what
ever his intentions were as to that place, he found himfelf oblidged to turn
his whole care to felf-prefervation, and imploy'd the little time he had in
getting provifions into the place, and barricadeing the breaches of that old
antiquated fortification, and placeing mips cannon on the mod advantageous
places of the rempert, and provideing himfelf with powder out of the (hips
and toun ; which was all done by the direction of one Major Nairne, ane
alerte younge fellow, who had been ane officer of the armie, and came over
to us tuo days before the paffage of the Frith, and went alonge in that
expedition out of friendfhip to my Lord Nairne. For the affair lookeing
ferious, the Brigadeer relaxed of that Highland pride, and left the manage
ment to that gentleman, which he had done to no man in Europe in the
plundering of a toun, and happie that time and place alloued him to profit
of Nairn's advice. The Duke of Argyle, who came late that night to
B
130 MEMOIRS OF THE
Edinbourgh, with three hundred dragoons, and five hundred foot, 1 marched
doun with them to Leith next morning, together with the countrie Militia ;
and faw things in fuch a pofture, that he judged they were not to be overrun,
as it was reported, differing from his volunteers, who talk't of nothing but
the immediate deftruclion of thofe Highlandmen ; knowing they were not to
(land the brunt, the very fame humour running amongft them as amongft
us, each trufting more to his nighbour than to himfelf.
I freelie own, that no man of the partie has fo bad ane opinion of High
landmen 2 as I ; and that what they are capable of doeing, in a plain field,
againft regular troops, depends on accident, or the irregularitie of the troops,
and that they never will be brought to attack anie who have the lead
cover, nor will the wit of man bring them to fland cannon, which has ane
aftonifhing influence over them ; but where they are inverted, and fee no
retreat, I am of opinion that none are capable to make a more vigorous
defence in a breach, for they fire as well as any, from under cover, againft
attackers, and in the melee, which mud happne in a ftorm, their fabres are
dangerous weapons ; and had his Grace of Argyle attackt the eleven hun
dred Highlandmen then, without further ceremonie, with his eight hundred
regular troopes, of which there was three hundred dragoons, whofe talents
doe not ly in fighting on foot, he might have had great caufe to repent that
familiaritie, and, at the fame time, have difcover'd of how little ufe his
Militia was to him. It's likely thefe, or the like confiderations, moved his
Grace to return to Edinbourgh to provide cannon to diflodge them, by
which method he'd foon fucceeded, but they gave him the flip the night
following, and retired to Seaton Houfe, feven miles from Leith. I was
prefent when Mar got the account of Mackintofhes landing fafe in Lothien,
for thofe who came from the coaft aflured it was fo, and that the men-of-
war had not fo much as difcovered them ; which elevated his Lordfliip
extreamlie, and made me fay to him, That all that could be faid of it was,
that it was a rafh projec~l, which, hitherto, had fucceeded well.
Mackintofh, after being invefted in the Citadell of Leith, or on the
1 More correctly, 200 regular infantry, and about 600 militia and volunteers.
2 His prejudices, as a regular soldier, certainly lead him to undervalue the High
landers too much, as was plainly proved in the subsequent Civil War of 1745.
INSURRECTION IN SCOTLAND, 1715. 131
approach of the enemie, had found means to fend tuo letters to my Lord
Mar. We, in the mean time, knowing nothing of this, were order'd to
march, by break of day next morning, and drew up without the toun, where
we continued three hours ; and, after James Keith, 1 brother to my Lord
Marifhall, had come alonge the line, at a full gallop, telling us of Sir
William Windham's furprifeing Briftoll, and Sir William Blacket, Berwick
and Newcaftle, which occafion'd great rejoyceing and huzzas to almoft all
who reallie believed it.
His Lordftiip of Mar came out about ten of the clock ; orders were
inftantlie fent alonge the line, that all Noblemen, Heads of Clans, and
Commanders of Corps, fliould repair that moment to a houfe in the
front ; which accordinglie being done, care was takne to put out all
others, and the doors fhut. My Lord, with a mod dejected counte
nance, and a fad voice, told us, He was forrie to give us the bad neus
of Mackintoflies being invefted in the Citadell of Leith, and that his
goeing there, contrarie to his Lordfhip's lad orders, would, in all appearance,
prove a fatall miftake to him ; and next read us tuo difmall letters, where
Mackintofh, appearing diflieartned, faid that a few hours would determine
his fate, in thefe words, but that he'd doe his beft ; tho' he mentioned the
preparations of cannon and bombs with terrour, which, he faid, would foon
doe his work. My Lord Mar faid, He gave him over for loft, and did not
fee that we could help him in the lead, except by makeing a feint towards
Stirveling, to bring the Duke of Argyle back, and even that appear'd to
him unneceffarie, believing him alreadie takne. I afkt his Lordfliip, What
pouder Mackintofh had ? believing it poffible for him to refift for fome time,
in cafe he had pouder ; but Mar, not knowing what pouder he had, fince
he had given him none with him, would not hear me, and made no anfuer.
In the mean time, Generall Hamilton faid, That makeing a feint towards
Stirveling might doe good, and could doe no harm, and, in all events, it
ought to be done. No bodie faying one worde, the marche was determin'd,
and we marched off the ground that moment to Auchterardoch.
I remember my fquadrone and Southefque's happneing to be drawn up that
1 Afterwards the celebrated Field Marshall Keith, killed at the Battle of Hoch-
kirchen.
132 MEMOIRS OF THE
day on the left, for as yet we had not agreed on our ranking or pofts, I fore-
faw, by the others marcheing off, that one of thofe tuo fquadrons would be
fent with the artillery and baggage over the Bridge of lerne, which was
fome miles about, and remembered of old that it was one of the moft
fatigueing commands of any, went and flood by the Generall Hamilton till
the order mould be given, not doubting but Alexander Maitland, Major to
my Lord Southefque's fquadrone and Major of Brigade, haveing been in the
firft war fometime a fojer, would put it on me, and fave his own fquadron;
which happned as I fufpecled ; for tho' I heard the Generall order South-
efque to marche, Maitland turned about and order'd me. I told them I
had forefeen it, and had been waiteing there exprefflie in cafe the Generall
had order'd me, to tell them, that if they would not allow me to be the
oldefl fquadron, which I pretended to juftlie, from the rank of the countie,
at lead I hoped they would have more modeftie than make me the youngeft;
and their fquadron haveing never as yet pretended to take the rank of
mine, tho' I could not fay but they might' have done it on as juft grounds
as any other, the tour of fatigue fell to them, as the Generall ha'd rightlie
order'd it; this onlie to (hew, that tho' we did not know much of difcipline,
yet we entered into the little chicane of the trade.
We cantoon'd that night at Auchterarduch, and about it, where we came
very late, which occafion'd great difficultie in getting quarters ; and march'd
next morning, and halted towards night at Arduch, and drew up there for
fome time, both foot and horfe, where it was believed we were to ly in the
fields 1 that night. But all of a fuddain, I received an order to follow the
other horfe, who begun to file off; we marched, at a great trot, in a heavie
rain, in the dark, and came to Dumblain betwixt eight and nine. There being
but one flreet in that country village, which was fo narrow that tuo horfes
were all that could (land or march in a front, and fix hundred horfe (for
Huntlie, befides a great many ftragglers, haveing now joyned us, we became
in a few days, and were at that time, as ftronge in horfe as ever after,) throng'd
us fo, that with the croude, and darknefs, in that narrow ftreet, we could
neither light, nor get to our quarters, in tuo hours' time, tho' the quarter-
mailers had all readie before our comeing ; and when they lighted, a great
1 This was in the middle of October, Old Style.
INSURRECTION IN SCOTLAND, 1715. 133
many thronged into the firft ftables they came to, without regarde to billets,
which occafion'd fome to be in the ftreets at midnight.
So foon as I lighted, which was after ten, I found my ftable poffeft, but
haveing endeavour' d, with very pathetique expreffions, to perfuade thofe
gentlemen that their occasioning a general confufion, as well as the injurie
done me, was no matter of jeaft, they thought fit to decamp and provide
for themfelves ; and after goeing a little about to fee how my friends were
accommodate, I was defir'd by my Lord Drummond to come to Drum-
mond of Bouhadie's houfe, where he had takne up his quarters. 1 I found
with him there Linlithgow, Southefque, Marifhall, Kilfeyth, and the Laird
of Keer. 2 I afltt his commands, in a refpeclfull manner as one muft
doe to their Generall. He faid, He had none ; but that he wanted to fee
me. I thought it my dutie to tell him the confufion I had left our people
in on the ftreets, and took occafion, at the fame time, to fay, That if the
leaft alarme happned, we muft be the unluckieft people on earth ; and that,
being fo crouded, if it took us tuo hours to difmount, when at our eafe, and
as yet not got into ftables, how long muft we be of mounting, if hurried by
an alarme, efpecially, fince, by what I had heard and feen, there was not a
ftable in the whole village which a horfe of any fize could enter without
takeing off the faddle ; and that all were in fuch confufion that the mafters
had given up their horfes, in the rain, to their fervants, and were both
crouding in at every open door; fo that the mafters did not know where
their fervants were, nor the fervants where their mafters were ; and, con-
fidering all that diforder, and our being fo crowded in fo narrow a place,
but [fix] miles from Stirveling, and that a great many, if not all the gentle
men, would goe to bed, and, to croun all, no fentries out, I lookt on that
night as the laft of our affair, fince it depended on the enemie to make it
fo, who muft be informed from the toun of our ftate ; for the toun's folks
were all of them Whigs. Drummond faid, That he expeeled Gordon of
Glenbucket, with three hundred of Huntlie's Highland foot, and he'd
1 Drummond of Bohaldie, alias M'Grigor, who had a great following in the
Clan Alpin.
2 Stirling of Kier, who, tried for his life for being in arms in 1707 at the Bridge
of Turk, again assumed them in 1715.
134 MEMOIRS OF THE
make them put out fentries ; and, for the gentlemen, he'd fend and order
them to goe to the great room, where the Bimop's Bibliotheque l was, and
fent one of his Aide-de-camps to order them there. I told him, He might doe
what he pleaf 'd ; but that I knew the nature of the gentlemen fo well, that
it would be to no purpofe ; that the place was fo crouded, their being there
would be to as little, for tho' they were on horfeback, in fo ftraitned a
place, fiftie foot would deftroy them all, for they'd run their heads againft one
another in the dark, and needed no other enemies but themfelves ; for I had
no notion, in that cafe, of their getting out of the village, far lefs of their
getting on horfeback. He aflct me, What I'd have him doe ? I anfuer'd,
I ftieu'd him his danger and our's, his orders would tell him the reft. He
faid, He had no orders, nor knew any thing of the horfes comeing away, till
he faw them marcheing off, and, fince he commanded the horfe, he thought
it his dutie to put himfelf at their head, and come alonge with them. Then,
I was afkt by fome other, What I thought was to be done in that cafe ? for
all there feem'd of one fentiment, and turned towards me. I faid, I was
divellifhlie at a lofs, for I had never feen the like cafe before; but yet,
haveing no orders, it was naturall for us to confult our own fafetie, fince
the whole depended on it, and that was to give orders to feed our horfes
well ; for, above all, they were to be takne care of, and after that draw out
of the toun, and then either halt there till he got orders from Mar, or
return, fince he had no orders to (lay, and confequently nothing to doe
there. He faid, He'd not return till he got orders. I faid, He might doe
as he thought fit, but if the enemie mould get betuixt us and home, he
might doe worfe, for if all were rightlie confider'd, they had a fuperioritie
of horfe, but that was what I fear'd leaft; the being furprifed in the toun
was all. My Lord Kilfeyth, 2 who was lying at the catch all this while,
alkt me, in laughing, Where was our home ? 3 I faid, My Lord Mar's camp,
at Arduch or Peartb, which was the fame roade. After that, the Laird of
1 A Library, contained in a house of some extent, founded by the Venerable
Bishop Leighton, for the use of the clergy of his See of Dumblane.
2 William, third Viscount of Kilsyth, attainted for the Rebellion. He died at
Rome in 1733.
3 Rather a home question at the time.
INSURRECTION IN SCOTLAND, 1715. 135
Keer faid, There was no fear, for he'd fend his friend, John Stirveling, on
whom he feem'd to have a more than ordinarie dependance, to the end of
the longe caufey which leads from the Bridge of Stirveling, and he'd (land
fentrie. I faid, It was impofiible he could doe that, in fuch weather, for a
whole night, after haveing fuffered fuch fatigue, and many accidents might
happne to a fingle man ; but, at the beft, if the enernie had a mind to
attack us, they'd follow him clofe at the heels, and by that we mould
neither have time to mount, or get out of the toun. They feem'd to relie
on the Laird of Keer, and he on his friend John Stirveling, which I have
oftne laught at fince, for this gentleman, Keer, haveing met his ladie
that morning of our battle, who came to the armie to fee him, fent her up
to the hills, to a place called Glenduchorn, 1 where he folloued her in great
heart, fo foon as th'e work begun ; and which made it fingular was, that it
was not near his own houfe, and therefore could not happen by accident,
but muft have been the effecl of forecaft and defign ; tho' it may be faid for
him, by thofe who judge charitablie of fuch things, that feeing folks bufie
about killing of men, out of a fpeciale love to the King and Countrie he
providentlie went oif to beget more, and recruite. But, as men are valued
according to their falling in to the common cant, or rather outdoing one
another in extravagancie, this man was reckon'd one of the King's beft
friends ; which was enough to give everie thing he faid then, as well as
afterwards, no fmall influence, and made it eafie to him to fpeak big, who
was to rifque nothing. Marimall 2 was the onlie of them who feem'd to
reafon ; for, faid he, The Duke of Argyle, who had gone to Leith, could
not be back till tuelve of the clock that night, and he knew his Grace's
temper fo well, that he was fure he had order'd Witham 3 not to ftir
in his abfence. I anfuer'd, It might very readilie be fo, but there was
no trading a thing of fuch confequence as King and Countrie's caufe,
our lives and honours, to a conjecture ; that all I afkt of them was
to put us in a condition either to fight or run away, but, as we were
1 The Duchroun is in the Forest of Glenartney. It is well known to sportsmen
as famous for moor game, me teste.
2 I should have supposed him as likely to do so as Sinclair himself.
3 General Witham or Whitham behaved but indifferently at Sheriffmuir.
136 MEMOIRS OF THE
fituated, we had neither in our power, and there needed not fiftie foot
to deflroy us all.
Drummond afkt me to flay fupper, which I did, to fee what he would
refolve : And, in the mean time, Glenbucket, who commanded the Highland
foot, and had marched very hard, came in, complaining griveouflie of his
men's being fatigued, and of all their pouder and armes being poyfon'd with
rain ; they were put under cover in the church and toun-houfe, and were
breaking the benches of the church to make fire, which, he told Drummond,
was impoffible for him to hinder. His Lordftiip order'd him to pofl a hundred
men on a bridge over a little rivulet, at the end of the toun which was neareft
Stirveling. He faid, He'd doe what he could ; but he did not believe the
fellows would goe there, and that, if they did, their arms were fo much out
of order they could not fire; and went about it. I aikt my Lord Drummond,
If the enemie could come to us no other way but over that bridge, and at
that end of the toun ? Keer anfuer'd, No, except they went about. So, it
being prefumed that they would never put themfelves to that trouble, I faid
no more to that point ; onlie took freedom to tell his Lordfliip further what
might happen to us, fuppofeing we were out of the toun, and that the
enemie, who he did not deny was ftronger in horfe then we, mould prefs
us hard, for I did not believe he would hazard fighting them, that even, in
the cafe of retireing before them, we fhould be at a lofs ; and that it was
the greateft tryell of regular troopes to make a retreat in good order. I
told him the way of makeing a retreat was, the one half of our fquadron
keeping a good firm countenance, and fronting towards the enemie, while
the other half were to gallop off, and halt at a good diftance behind them,
in fome proper ground, where they were to wheel and doe the fame ; and
that was to be done by turns, till we were in a place of fafetie : And that
he was not to expe6l any fuch thing of our people, who would not halt till
they had got to Arduch, eight miles from Dumblain, where Mar was, and
it would be a thoufand to one if fuch a deroute would not fend all our
Highlandmen to the hills, and God onlie knew if ever we could get them
back again ; and if the enemie purfued us to Pearth, our piftells, for we
had no other arms, would not defend it longe, if we pretended to defend
it at all. I beg'd of him not to mifunderftand me, for I did not tax the
INSURRECTION IN SCOTLAND, 1715. 137
gentlemen for want of courage, and that I'd much rather attack with them
than retreat with them. But he was to have fome regarde to their being
undifciplin'd, and to the enemie's ftrength, which lay in horfe ; nor did he
know when the Duke of Argyle had left Leith. But I was very eafie
about all that, provided he would draw us out of that narrow hole, and
put it in our pouer toac~l like honed men.
Marifhall and Drummond fpeaking foon after of goeing to bed, the
laft having defired Kilfeyth to goe to the Bibliothec, I went home to
my quarters, and told Hary Balfour, who I found there, what I had
faid to my Lord Drummond. He had been ane Officer and Major
to the Grey Dragoons in King William's war in Flanders, and had
not fo intirelie forgot his trade that his opinion was to be neglected by
fuch as we were, and was no lefs uneafie than I. He bid me goe
alonge with him to the Bibliothec. I faid, I'd fet me doun by the fire,
and would not ftir, whatever happned. But, prefiing me hard, he per-
fuaded me to goe with him, tho' I told him I'd certainelie fay fomething
difoblidgeing to thofe Lords. I went firft to the bridge where the High-
landmen were ported, and in place of a hundred men, there were onlie
thirtie. Tho' now midnight, a good many were yet ftrouleing about with
their horfes in their hands ; fome had got their horfes over on the other fide
of the bridge, without the guarde of Highlandmen, who, they not under-
ftanding, would neither allow them to pafs or repafs ; fome one had fallne,
on horfeback, over a precipice into the river, but that was little to the pur-
pofe. I came back to the Bibliothec, where I found Kilfeyth and Linlith-
gow. Hary Balfour, by this time, had told Hary Bruce of Clackmannan,
and old Major Graham, who had been officers in King James' armie, what
I had been faying to Drummond and the others. They, and John Cock-
burn, a man of very good fenfe, who had ferved the fame mafter with the
other tuo, came to me, and faid this might eafily be the laft night of our
affair ; none of them being pleafd with our management. I told them, in
Kilfeyth's hearing, every thing I had faid before to Drummond, and the
other Marifhalls, for they feem'd fo conlummated in their generallfhip, that
none of them imagin'd himfelf a lefs man than a Velt-Marifhall. They
agreed to what I faid, and found it hard my Lord Drummond would not
s
138 MEMOIRS OF THE
put it in our pouer either to fight or run away ; and afk't me, If I would
not goe with them to Drummond ? I told them, I'd fee the fool damned
firft, and that he was gone to bed ; that I was refolved to fit doun there,
and happen what alarm would, I'd not ftir. 1 They being impatient, went
to Drummond alonge with Hary Balfour, found him in bed, and came back
foon after, to tell me they had Drummond's allouance to me to doe as I
thought proper. Upon which Hary Bruce and I went together, raifed all
the gentlemen out of their beds, told them they'd find their fervants and
horfes a little without that end of the toun we came in at, ane hour after,
which was three of the clock ; went in to everie barn, byer, and flable, and
told the fervants the fame of their mafters, without the lead noife, (for they
could not been got together in the village,) and bid them make ufe of their
time in feeding their horfes heartilie ; and, in makeing that round, there
was neither poft nor fentrie, except at the bridge. I was refolved we fhould
rather die in the cold than be buried there alive, and loofe our lives and
honours in fuch confufion ; for the fetting fire to one houfe would have
bid fair to have deflroy'd us all, at lead we had done fo to one another.
I got on horfeback, with the firft feht to reconnoitre, or rather patroul,
[and] formed without the toun ; where we waited patientlie till after nine,
that my Lord Drummond had fleept out and drunk his tea. Then
he came out, mounted on his beft horfe, rid alonge our front, with all
his academic airs, went towards a hill to fee the enemie's camp, and
had not gone three hundred yards, when his horfe threw him, in our
view, which occafion'd laughter, to fee his Lordfliip crippling, and fol-
louing his horfe.
By this care, if I gained the friendfhip of the gentlemen, who were all
convinced how much I was right, yet it loofed me more and more that
of the Lords, who were angrie their knouledge was called in queftion, and
they not lookt on as infallible. We continued there till tuelve of the clock,
in the bittereft cold that I ever felt ; at laft his Lordfliip of Drummond,
haveing flieu'd all the refolution of a great Captain, as he thought, was
defigneing to marche back, when he reflected that he had forgot to pro-
1 In all this matter the Master shows himself much more ready to discover
errors than to correct them.
INSURRECTION IN SCOTLAND, 1715. 139
claime the King at Dumblaine, haveing had fo great matters to mind, and
returned to the toun, with a few gentlemen, and did it.
It was very obfervable, not onlie by Mar's manner, but by what he faid
on the opening of that Councill before we marched, that his Lordlhip
had no mind to ftir on that occafion from Pearth, where he had neftled;
for, in the few meetings that he alloued us, it was always his methode
to tell his fentiements firft, knouing there were fo manie who would
not find it their intereft to contradict him. Houever, Generall
Hamilton's propofal feeming to pleafe, it being once tabled openlie, his
Lordfhip, in cafe it might be afterwards objected to him that Mack-
intofhe's ruine was occafion'd by his not moveing, durft not hazard the
lofs of credit which might follou on it. I have been fince affured, from
very good hands, nor can it be denied, that Generall Hamilton made a
further flreatch after this, in the march, in a private Councill t of War, where
Drummond, Marimall, Linlithgow, and Kilfeyth were, what others were
prefent I can't tell, and prefTt it, that when the horfe went to Dumblain
the foot fhould marche up to the end of the longe caufey which leads to the
bridge of Stirveling, and take pod there before the Duke of Argyle's return;
which was vifiblie feen we could have done. He propofed by it the ftrike-
ing the terrour deeper, and a greater certaintie of Mackintofh's relief; next
thing was, that haveing once pofl on that caufey, which is no lefs a defille
then the bridge, but ane Englifti mile longe, he'd put it out of the Duke
of Argyle's pouer to come over to us, no more than we could goe to'him ;
and demonftrated, by the fituation of the ground, and the nearnefs of the
hills to that narrow caufey, that it was impoffible for him to come at us,
and he'd be tyed to the defence of the bridge ; while the Clans, who
were then at Dumbarton, or fuppofed by Mar to be there, and within
fourteen miles of Stirling, were to be order'd by Mar to march towards
Stirveling, along thofe ftrong grounds on the other fide of Forth, where,
befides the Clans being more numerous than his Grace of Argyle's whole
armie at that time, his dragoons could not act, tho' he left the defence of the
bridge to goe meet them ; which he durft not venture on, being oblidged
to leave no fmall poft of his little armie to defend the bridge againft us ;
nor durft he fo much as fend out a detachement while we were fo near,
140 MEMOIRS OF THE
and the Clans moveing up to him ; fo that Mackintofh might have joyned
the Clans without the lead hazard or paine ; and, if before fuperior to him,
how much mud they be then, and how his Grace mufl be embarafTd in
fuch a fituation; and what would happne, he left them to judge. Ane
other advantage ftill fprunge from this, which was, the cutting off of Evans'
Regiment of Dragoons from joyning, which they then knew was landed in
the weft of Scotland. This was fo clofelie brought home to Mar, that he
had not one word to fay againft it, but that of the want of provifions,
which he induftriouflie took care we fhould want, and Hamilton undertook
to furnifli, to his Lordfhip of Mar's conviction ; and it was agreed and
refolved upon, and with that deffigne the horfe marched on to Dumblain.
But no fooner they were gone than Mar ftopt fhort with the foot, and on
Hamiltone's defireing to purfue their defigne, Mar told him that Marifhall and
Linlithgow, who were now gone before with the horfe, fince their meeting,
had refufed to doe it, and for that reafon he'd flay at Arduch, and not goe
nearer. Hamilton durft purfue it no further then, or, if he had, durft
Marifhall or Linlithgow have denied- what Mar once faid, at that time of
day. They have been accufed of it fince ; and not being now altogether fo
great dependers upon him, they have given his Lordihip the lye. Mar, to
fave his honour, averrs Sir Heugh Paterfone faid fo to him, and has
recourfe to the honeft favourite ftratagem ; Mar being at a lofs, Sir Heugh
muft bear it; a very good ufe of a man on whom he has put ane idiot
humpbackt fifter. But fuppofe Marifhall, Linlithgow, and worthy Sir
Heugh, had all agreed to it, or a little, trickie, lying boy, and a flupid fool
and a fcoundrell, for tho' no more could be faid to the laft, that mufl be
own'd he is, for bearing the lye, fit perfons to determine the fate of a
countrie ; or had they either authoritie, or fo much as drie bread, but by
Mar's means, out of our pockets, or would not he [have] fent them pack
ing on any other occafion but where there was ane appearance of fighting ?
This difconcert was in a great meafure the occafion of our confufion at
Dumblain, but does not one bit excufe our negligence, our Generalls
being told of the foot's halting, and it was our bufinefs to take care of our-
felves ; betuixt the tuo we had great luck not to be loft.
Then we marched back, and cantoon'd in and about Auchterarduch,where
INSURRECTION IN SCOTLAND, 1715. 141
the foot joyn'd us from Arduch. How, in that wide cantoonment we miffed
the haveing many of our horfes and men takne, or cut off, I can't account
for; onlie that regular troops make but bad partizans, and, above all, the
Englifti, who have been lead ufed of anie to the petite guerre ; but what
is mod certain, that it was not oweing to our own management. Here I
muft fay, that in all our marches, we, I mean our Generalls, or thofe who
affumed that title, contributed not a little to our confufion, by beginning
their marches too late; and, confequentlie, comeing too late to our ground
or place where they defigned to cantoon ; fo, not knouing the ground,
or fituation of the place, we neither knew where or how to place fentries,
or, if attackt, where to applie for fupport, which is always avoided as much
as poffible by regular troops, even in relieving fmall pods ; for I myfelf
have feen when the one poft knew nothing of the other, by comeing late to
the ground where they took their poftes, and not fettling the parole and a
communication of fentries, neceffarie on many occafions, that the patrouilles
have fired on each other, everie command, in that cafe takeing care of them-
felves, and then it's a great accident if both commands don't goe together
by the ears ; but it was in vain to mention this to people void of care
and reaibn, and who never had either fentrie or patrouile, and were in no
manner of concern what happned, provided they commanded. For exemple,
would anie man on earth, who commanded fuch a number of troopes in
fuch a fituation as Dumblain, in the very nofe of the enemie, not to fay
gentlemen, of which there were a great many, everie way as good men as
Drummond, if not better, gone to bed, and leave everie thing in that diforder
which he did ? Efpeciallie one who never had feen any thing, who, when
he takes fuch a command upon him, is fuppofed to make up with vigi
lance what he wants of experience, and not rifque in the lead, by trufteing
to his own weaknefs, or indulgeing his lazienefs, what he, and all his race,
and thoufands like him, could never be capable to make reftitution of to
his Countrie ; but to take the command on that occafion, and goe to bed,
as if all there did not deferve the lead coniideration, and the whole below
his care, I mud own furpaffes my comprehenfion, and to be excufed
no way, but that it was not one farthing's matter whether he was afleep or
awake, which, I'm afraid, his Lorddiip has not the good fenfe to knou, but
142 MEMOIRS OF THE
had got that whim in his head that it was great and noble to be calm and
ferene, and fleep in the midft of dangers ; if that was it, 'there was nere
ane old woman in the village, or a child, or a bouer, who we alloued to
fleep, but did as much, and moft of ourfelves; and we muft not imagine
that heros of that kind are fo wanting in the world, but if found amongfl
regular troopes, where no manner of excufe is admitted for furprifes, fuch
heroes are always recompenfed by being hang'd.
While we were in our marche to Dumblain, Sir Robert Gordon had
been commanded towards Doun Caftle ; what the deffigne of fending
fiftie horfe that way was, I never underftood, for he had no orders
but to flay till further orders, which, had he obey'd, the Generall's
forgetting him, he had been there till the enemie had takne him, which
was inexcufable to treat gentlemen fo, who were each of them more
ignorant then another, and no bodie with them who ever bore the
name of a fojer. They frightned away the Militia from cutting the
Bridge of Doun, who retired into the caftle, and haveing ftaid a whole
day there from very earlie in the morning till nine of the clock at night,
after ten got into the little toun where we all were, without being chal
lenged by anie bodie. And here I muft tell a remark I made of that
regiment of three hundred Highland foot which was with us at Dumblain.
Being out at a forte of exercife, fome time before we marched from Pearth,
in makeing a generall falvo, they had but ten pieces that fired, which one
Gordon of Abergeldie took notice of as well as I.
We marched back next day to Pearth, where we foon heard of Mack-
intofhes makeing his retreate to Seatone Houfe ; Mar being mightilie
pleafed he had made this bold ftep, and given his arms fuch a repu
tation in the world, but let no occafion flip of fheuing how much he
was difpleafed with Mackintofh for not obeying his laft orders, as he
termed it, tho' he never told what his laft orders were ; but the matter
was to root out all fufpicion of being accefTarie to a thing that was
like to have fo bad a confequence, and if people did not believe him
infallible and a prodigie, they could believe him nothing at all. If I
may be alloued to aflert, by all that I heard from Mar, with whome
I had occaflon to fpeak on that fubje6l, and by what he had faid to
INSURRECTION IN SCOTLAND, 1715. 143
me, he had, nor could have, no determined view in it, and fo could give
no fixt or pofitive orders ; and if there was anie other place named to
Mackintofh, befides the tuo former, Leith and Haddintoun, it was the
Abbey of Holie Rood Houfe, which I have heard from fome of Mar's
intimate counfellours, where Mackintofh had been in much worfe circum-
ftances then at Leitb, for the Duke of Argyle comeing to Edinbourgh with
his detachement in a very fhort time after he could have been at the
Abbey, he had been fhut up that night ; and comeing there hungrie and
fatigued, had furrender'd next day, for the wretched fuburbs of Edinbourgh
could not have provided him fo fuddainlie with what was neceflkrie for a
thoufand men, as the fhip flores did at Leith; befides, the Edinbourgh
magazins, which are all there, of meale, wine, brandie, and everie thing
elfe, and the fhip's cannon and pouder, which he wanted intirelie, for we,
haveing fo little, gave him none alonge with him, nor was it to be found in
any other place ; and thefe fupplies made the Duke of Argyle pay him
more refpecl; then he would have done otherwife, and contributed moft
of any thing to his retreat.
To make good what I advance, that there was not the lead care
takne to fupplie them with any neceffarie before they went from us,
Strathmore, and Barafield, 1 his Liutennant-Collonell, told me, at Pearth,
that tho' their regiment was to go on that expedition, three hundred
of their men, which was by much the greatefl part, wanted flints. I
afkt them, Why they did not reprefent it to Mar or Generall Hamilton ?
They faid, They had done it to both, and both were deaf to it. I told
them, Were I to command, as it was once propofed, I would not receave
fuch men, and that it was better to have three hundred feuer, for the
moment they came to anie aclion, thefe men mufl run away, and, by
their exemple, carrie others with them, and could not faile to ruine the
whole, or mutinie ; for no man's fo flupid but knous the want of a flint ;
and, being Low Countrie men, they neither had fuords, or pretended to
make ufe of any, which was the mad excufe when it was complain'd the
Highlandmen wanted fire-arms ; and if Mar had no flints to give, why not
fend others in their place ? Houever, I told them I had a fmall parcell,
1 Walkinshaw of Barafield.
144 MEMOIRS OF THE
which I brought with me, out of which I'd give them three hundred ; and
being then on horfeback, to goe on that command to Creile and the other
touns, I told Barafield to get them from one of my fervants, at my
quarters ; but, not finding him, they marched to Bruntifland without them.
On my return I gave them to Robert Douglas, a Liutennant of that regi
ment, who carried them to Strathmore before his regiment imbarkt. Tho'
thefe things tended to certaine ruine, it was a crime of the deepeft dye
to take anie notice of them.
By Mar's intercepted letters to Vifcount Kenmure and Mr Forrefter,
fince printed, it's plaine Mar had no other aime, in fending that detache-
ment over the Frith, then ridding his hands of fo many men, for fear
we had oblidged him to marche, to pafs the Forth, fo foon as Huntlie
came up to us, haveing always threatned it before he joyn'd, and com-
plain'd that his not joyning was the onlie thing which hindered us ; but
when he was within three days' marche of us, Mar fets the other expedi
tion on foot, and fends off Mackintofh, with his detachement, to Brunt
ifland, and prefst it, right or wronge, with all the hurrie imagineable, as will
appear by his letter to me, for fear Huntlie, whofe vafTalls the Mackintofhes
are, fliould [have] enquired into the reafonablenefs of the expedition, and the
encouragement to it, and put a flop to the whole by not allouing them to
goe ; and, with the affiftance of all concerned, force Mar to take the other
courfe, with our whole armie, and marche to the foords of Forth, 1 when
the river was low and pafTable, and when the Clans were fo fituated as to
come and favour our pafiage, and, together, at leaft four times flronger
then the Duke of Argyle ; who, as yet, was not reinforced, and we as
ftronge as ever we could be afterwards, becaufe of our daylie defertion ;
for all that came with Seaforth was but fourteen hundred men, Sir Donald
Mackdonald's, which made the one half, included, who flay'd to waite on
Seaforth, by Mar's orders. Lochiele and Stueart of Apine had been with
the Clans, but for his Lordfliip's willfulnefs, in revengeing private quar-
rells on the Duke of Argyle, which keept back a thoufand. But we fhall
fuppofe that he had no hand in this, (tho' it's notorious it was fo,) and
1 Commonly called the Fords of Frew, near Aberfoil. Here Charles Edward
passed in 1745.
INSURRECTION IN SCOTLAND, 1715. 143
that his Lordfhip wanted the joyning of thefe tuentie-four hundred men.
Did not we loofe much more out of the whole then that number, by
defertion, before they joyned, not to count thofe who patted the Frith ?
And did we not fee that the Duke of Argyle mud foon be flrength-
ned ? Moil that we pretended to expe6l any friendfhip from, or who the
Gouvernment were mod afraid of, will, at that time, be found to have
been feized in England, and Mar was not ignorant of it ; nor was it
poffible he or any man, could expeft that after things were in a great
meafure clear'd up there, that King George would neglecl us, fo many of
his avoued ennemies, got together in arms, when the great bodie of the
troopes were in England doeing nothing.
Haveing thus given reafons for not fending over Mackintofh, let us con-
fider the invitations and motives Mar had for fending him, which will no
where appear better then in his own letters mention'd ; both which, con
cerning the matter in hand, I {hall infert here, in his own words :
To VISCOUNT KENMURE.
MY LORD, I longe extreamlie to hear from you, you may be fure, fince
I have not had the leaft accounts almoft of your motions fince I fent the
detachement over. I hope all is prittie right again ; but it was ane un-
luckie miftake of Brigadeer Mackintofh in marcheing from Haddintoun to
Leith. I cannot but fay tho', that it was odd your Lordfhip fent no orders
or intelligence to him, when you had reafon to expect that parties comeing
over every day. His retreat he made from Leith, and now from Seaton,
with the help of the mouvement I made from this, makes fome amends for
the miftake ; and I hope the partie of men with him will be of great ufe to
you and the caufe. I wifh you may find a way of fending the inclofed to
Mr Forrefler, which I leave open for your Lordfhip to read ; and I have
little further to fay to you then what you will find in it. I know fo little of
the fituation of your affairs, that I mufl leave to yourfelf what is fit for you
to doe, as will moft conduce for the fervice, and I know you will take good
advice. My humble fervice to all friends with you, particularlie Brigadeer
Mackintofh, Lord Nairne, Lord Charles Murray, and Mackintofh, who, I
T
146 MEMOIES OF THE
hoped, are joyned you longe ere nou ; and, indeed, they all deferve praife
for their gallant behaviour. I muft not forget Kinackin; 1 who, I hear,
fpoke fo refolutlie to the Duke of Argyle from the Citadell ; and I hope
Innercale, and all my men with him, are well, and their countriemen longe
to be at them ; which, I hope, they and we {hall foon. I have fent another
copie of the inclofed to Mr Forrefter by fea, fo it will be hard if none of
them come to his hands. I know your Lordftiip will endeavour to let me
hear from you as foon as poffible, which I longe impatientlie for ; I hope
you will find a way of fending it fafe. In one of my former, either to your
Lordfhip, or fomebodie to fheu you, I told that a part of the armie would
be about Dumbarton, but nou you would not relie on that ; for, till I hear
from Generall Gordon, I am uncertain if they hold that way. I have
fent your Lordftiip a copie of my new commiflion, which perhaps you have
not feen before. I have named the Generall Officers, and your Lordfhip
has the rank of a Brigadeer of the Horfe. I am told Earle Wintoun has
been very ufefull to our men we fent over. I fuppofe he is now with your
Lordfhip, and I beg you may make my compliments to his Lordftiip, and
I hope the King will foon thank him himfelf. I will trouble your Lordftiip
no further now ; but all fuccefs attend you, and may we foon have a merry
meeting. I am, with all refpecl,
MY LORD,
Your mod obedient and moft humble fervant,
MAR.
From the Camp at Pearth, October 21ft, 1715.
To MR FORRESTER, GENERALL or THE KING'S FORCES IN
NORTHUMBERLAND.
SIR, I wrote to you, of the feventeenth, from Auchterardice, which I
hope you got. I marched the fame night, the horfe to Dumblain, within
four miles of Stirveling, and the foot, fome miles fhort of that place. Next
morning, I had certain intelligence of the Duke of Argyle's returneing
1 An Highland gentleman, who bade the Duke of Argyle defiance from the
rampart of the Citadel at Leith.
INSURRECTION IN SCOTLAND, 1715. 147
from Edinbourgh, with moft of the troopes he had carried there, and was on
their marche towards Stirling. I alfo had accounts of Evans' regiment
landing in the weft of Scotland from Ireland, and [that they] were on their
way to Stirveling. I had come away from Pearth before the provifions were
readie to goe with us, and I found all the countrie about Stirling, where
we were to pafs Forth, was intirelie exhaufted by the enemy, fo that there
was nothing for us to fubfift on there. I had no account from Generall
Gordon, as I expecled, and the fooneft I could expecl him at the Heads of
Forth was tuo days after that, and I could not think of paffing Forth till I
was joyn'd by him. Under thofe difficulties, and haveing got one of the things
I defigned by my marche, the Duke of Argyle withdrawing from our friends
in Lothien, I thought fit to marche back to Auchterardice, which was a
better quarter, tho' not a good one neither. Next morning I got intelli
gence of the Duke of Argyle's being come to Stirling the night before,
and that he had fent exprefs upon exprefs to Evans' dragoons to haften
up. I had a letter alfo that morning from Generall Gordon, telling me that
fome things had keept him longer than he expecled ; that it would be
that day e'er he could be at Inverary, and that he could not poffiblie joyn
me this week. Upon this I thought it better to return here, which is a
good quarter, and waite his comeing up, and the Lord Seaforth's, than con
tinue at Auchterardice, fince it would not a bit retarde my paffing the
Forth when I could be in a condition to doe it, and in the mean time I
could be getting provifions to carrie alonge with me in my marche, which,
as I have told, are abfolutlie neceflarie about the Heads of Forth ; fo I come
home laft night. 1 very much regrate my being oblidged to this, for many
reafons, particular-lie becaufe of its keeping me fo much the longer from
joyning you ; but you eafilie fee it was not in my pouer to help it. Hou-
ever, I hope my (lay here fhall be very fhort, and you may depend upon
its being no longer than it necefiarlie muft. The paflage over the Forth is
now fo extream difficult, that it's fcarce poffible to fend any letters that
way ; and within thefe tuo days there was tuo boats comeing over with
letters to me, and were fo hard purfued that they were oblidged to throw the
letters into the fea ; fo that I know very little of our friends of that fide,
and lefs of you, which is no fmall lofs to me. I heard to-day, by word of
148 MEMOIRS OF THE
mouth, that the detachement I fent over are marched, and joyn'd our
friends in the fouth of Scotland, fo I hope they may be ufefull ; but I hope
you know more of them than I doe. I have now write to Lord Ken-
mure, but it is ten to one if it comes to his hands. 1 know not what
he is doeing where he is, or what way he intends to difpofe of his people ;
whether he is to marche into England, or towards Stirling, to waite
my paffing Forth ; and in the ignorance I am of your affairs be-fouth
the river, I fcarce know what to advife him. If you be in need of his
affiftance in England, I doubt not but you have called him there, but if not,
certainlie his being in the rear of the enemie when I pafs Forth, or, now
that the Duke of Argyle is reinforced, mould he marche towards me
before I am, it would be of great fervice ; I am forced, in a great meafure,
to leave it to himfelf to doe as he finds moft expedient. I am afraid the
Duke of Ormond is not as yet come to England, elfe I mould have the
certaintie of it, one way or other, before now. I cannot conceive what
detains him, nor the King, from comeing here. Houever, I am fure it
is none of their fault ; and I hope they will both furprife us agreeablie
very foon. I believe I told you, in my laft, of the Lord Strathmore and
tuo hundred of the detachement that was goeing over Forth, and drove in
to the Ifland of May by three men-of-war, being got fafe afhore on this fide,
and are now joyn'd us again ; there were but tuo of all the boats takne,
and I hear fome of the men that were in them [who] were made prifoners
in Leith, were relieved by our men when they came there, but that their
officers were fent to Edinbourgh Caftle ; fo I want fome reprifalls for
them, which I hope to have e'er longe. Tho' Mackintom Brigadeer's mif-
take, in goeing to Leith, was like to be unluckie to us and them, yet it has
given the Duke of Argyle no little trouble, and our marche oblidgeing
him to let them flip, has, I'm apt to believe, vext him. I beg you will
find fome way to let me hear from you. Ever fince my detachement were
in Fife, all the men-of-war that cruifed on the north coafl, betuixt Peter-
head and the Frith, have been in the Frith, and I believe will continue
there, to prevent my fending more over that way ; fo that all that coaft is
clear, which, I wilh to God, the King knew, and you may eafilie fend
a boat here, anywhere, with letters from England. I hear there is one of
INSURRECTION IN SCOTLAND, 1715. 149
the regiments of foot come from Ireland to Stirling. When you write to
rne, if by fea, pray fend me fome newfpapers, that I may know what the
world is adoeing, for we know little of it here thefe eight days. Succefs
attend you ; and I am, with all truth and efteem,
SIR,
Your moft obedient humble fervant,
MAR.I
From the Camp at Pearth, October 21ft, 1715.
In the beginning of his letter to Kenmure he complains firft of Mack
intofh makeing a miftake, without telling what he ought to have done ; and
yet he is angrie with himfelf, with that Ihort, " cannot but fay tho'," that it
was odd he fent no orders or intelligence to Mackintofh, and, without deter
mining anything, lays the blame on both, fixes on nothing. For all he could
have told Mackintosh was, that one who was Vifcount of Kenmure was fkulk-
ing at that time in the hills and by-corners, and that there were about
fourtie others in the fame condition ; and all Kenmure could know of
Mackintofh was, that Mar, to get him and the other fourtie to leave their
homes, and take armes, had promifed to fend over a detachement to them,
but how he was to doe it, did not know himfelf, as appears by his reafon-
ing, and method of fending them, onlie a feu days before they went over ;
nor does he tell him, he had fent one before to advertife him of their
coming, for that he would not [have] omitted, who was fo far from thinking
of a command, that he was takne up in hideing ; and how he could expect
Kenmure could give orders to a Brigadeer, commanding a thoufand men,
in that ftate he was in, I can't tell, fince, in this letter, dated eight days
after the paflage, he tells him, for neus, that he had given his Lordfhip the
rank of a Brigadeer of the Horfe. Then he onlie hopes, after accufeing,
1 The criticism which the Master of Sinclair makes on Mar's Despatches is
severely satirical, but, it must be owned, can scarce put a more unfavourable coun
tenance on the vacillating and uncertain movements of Mar than we are apt to
gather from his own letters, in which he appears totally uncertain as to the move
ments of the enemy and of his own confederates, and by no means decided upon
his own.
150 MEMOIRS OF THE
that the partie of men with M ackintofh will be of great ufe to him and the
caufe. It was no lefs eafie for Mar to hope without fending over any,
and, with better reafon, might have hoped that they nor the caufe had not
wanted them, fince he fent them with no view, as he foon after plainlie owns,
by faying, " I know fo little of the fituation of your affairs that I muft leave
to yourfelf what is fit for you to doe, as will mod conduce for the fervice ;"
and, in a manner, regrates the neceffitie of leaveing it to him, by faying he
mud, which his imperious nature would not allow him to doe if he knew how
to doe otherwife ; efpeciallie fince, next fentence, he fuppofes Kenmure as
ignorant as himfelf, or rather is pofitive of it, by knowing " he'll take good
advice," and does not tell him whofe advice he is to take ; nor will he have
him truft to himfelf, and leaves it there. Can there be any thing on earth
fo loofe, or is it to be thought that, if Kenmure had a(kt them, he had
not told his reafons for doeing fo, and what he was to make of them, which
is to be thought was concerted and refolved on before they run that great
rifque in the paffage, or before they went to a place where neither he who
fent them, nor he who was to receave them, knouing how to difpofe of
them, they muft be intirelie loft to us.
The reft of his letter is frivolous, and has no meaning, but the paying
his court to the gentlemen there, and particularlie Brigadeer Mackintolh,
who he diftinguiflies by giveing him the firft place, except where he for
bids my Lord Kenmure to relie on Generall Gordon's being with the
Clans at Dumbarton, who he himfelf had order'd to take another route,
but is not frank enough to own it here, for he took fpeciale care to change
that projecl before it could come to the execution.
He introduces himfelf to Generall Forrefter in this of the 21, by telling
him he had fent him one of the feventeenth, which, by Vifcount Ken-
mure's letter is the fame with this, which fheus it to be his laft orders,
after fome days due reflection. He tells him that the horfe marched to
Dumblain, within four miles of Stirling ; but does not tell him how far he
keept aloof from it with the foot ; he amufes him with the earlie intelli
gence he had of the Duke of Argyle's returning, and Evans' regiment's
being on it's marche to Stirling ; informes him of his want of provisions
alonge with him, without letting him know it was his own fault ; for, tho'
INSURRECTION IN SCOTLAND, 1715. 151
he might not have forefeen the fuddain marche on Mackintofh[es] account,
yet he forefaw Huntlie's comeing to joyn us, on whofe comeing he had
always promifed to marche, and by the fevere reflections he and his
partizans made againfi, Huntley for his not comeing fooner, and, for that
very reafon, of retardeing our march, he can't complain he did not give
him time enough to provide. His faying he " found the countrie about
Stirling, where we were to pafs Forth, was intirelie exhaufted by the
ennemie, fo that there was nothing for us to fubfift on there," is onlie one
of his Lordfhip's oun fhifts, and, in plain Scots, a damned lye, for there
was great plentie of corn and fourage everie where, and particularlie at
Dumblain, which was all he had to expect there. Certainlie his Lordfhip,
who has got fuch a trick of hopeing when he is at a lofs, did not hope the
ennemie would lay magazins of meale in his way, nor had we ever hopes
of fourage or any other thing in that barren countrie where we were to
pafs Forth, or the Heads of Forth, which he fpeaks of a little after, and
does not here diftinguifh from the countrie about Stirling ; nor does he
tell that Generall Hamilton undertook to make up all thefe wants, yea,
convinced himfelf it was to be done. " He had no accounts from Generall
Gordon, as he expected, and the fooneft he could expect him at the Heads
of Forth was tuo days after that ;" he means tuo days after that night we
were at Dumblain, which was no longe time for us to waite. It's wonder-
full his Lordfliip did not make that excufe in his Councill of War ; but he
inftantlie gives the true one, " that he could not think of paffing Forth till
joyned by him." If in fuch intire want of fourage and provifions, it's odd
how he could think of it at all, and needed not given this laft ; but truth
will break out in fpite of the divill ; nor could he think of pafling a longe
time after, when he was joyned by Gordon and the Clans, and Lochiell
and Apine, tuo Clans more. Under thofe difficulties, the want of fourage
and provifions, and which was the trued and greateft of all, the want of
heart, the firft was in fome meafure true, and occafion'd by himfelf, and
the other naturall, and would always fubfift. As to what he fays of that
one thing defigned by his marche, the whole Councill of War faw he did
not defiigne marching at all. " Auchterardice was a better quarter than
Dumblain," fo did his Lordfhip think Arduch was, when he halted there,
152 MEMOIRS OF THE
and either was better than a poft at the end of the longe caufey of Stirling,
but yet none fo good a quarter as Pearth, which was ftill further from the
ennemie. " The exprefs upon exprefs for Evans' regiment " was but a bad
figne, as if the Duke of Argyle defigned attacking him. He feems to juftifie
his returne by this, and a later information from General Gordon, by his
being delayed longer then he thought, which, if true, Gordon himfelf did
not expecl ; and by faying Gordon could not joyn him that week, fheus
clearlie that Mar alter'd his whole plan at that time, or rather before, fince
the Clans were no more to come by Dumbarton, or doun the other fide of
Forth, which was a great third of his marche out of his way, fince he
was to joyn him fo foon. He muft have fent him a contrarie order before
he left Pearth, without General! Hamilton or any body's knouledge ; for
he could not, in three days' time, had ane anfuer of any exprefs fent to
Gordon, who was to be next day at Inverara, and if fo, Generall Hamilton
founded very wronge in fuppofeing the Clans to be at Dumbarton, or fo
much as to come by it ; which his Lordfhip had no mind to tell him, and
keept him in ignorance of, as he inclines to doe to Kenmure in his letter,
to whom it was very materiel! to know the certaintie of their motion. But
Mr Forrefler is a (Iranger to the whole ftorie, and there was no harm in
being free with him. " He returns to his quarter at Pearth to waite
Gordon's comeing up, and the Lord Seaforth's." Being no more fatiffied
to marche on the Clans joyning, which he is afraid will be too foon, he
takes up, all of a fuddain, the pretext of waiteing on Lord Seaforth, to fpin
out the time ; might he not [have] faid fo at firft, when he could not think
of paffing Forth till the Clans had joyned. " In the mean time he was to get
provifions readie, which, as he was told, were abfolutlie neceffarie." It was
very much for his Lordfhip's purpofe that Mr Forrefter fhould think fo,
and that he was necefiitated at that time to returne for want of provifions,
tho' very wonderfull that his Lordfhip had not forefeen it, and yet more,
that he never rectified that want, nor provided againft it : But after the
Clans joyning, and all that longe (lay for Seaforth, did not we again
marche without provifions ; which, tho' he had not own'd in his printed
account of his battle, all mankind faw ; and then, indeed, we were in a
worfe fituation, for the ennemie by that time had takne care not to leave
INSURRECTION IN SCOTLAND, 1715. 153
us draw, where both ftraw and corn were in plentie before. So he came
home, regrates his being oblidged to it, for many reafons, particularlie the
not haveing the pleafure of feeing Mr Forrefter, and fuppofes he had per-
fuaded him it was not in his pouer to help it ; no great difficultie, to give
one what reafons he pleafed, who knew nothing of the leaft fact or cir-
cumftance he told him. He hopes again, that his ftay wont be longe ;
his hopes are never to be underftood otherwise but that he knows, or fears
the contrarie of what he hopes ; wittnefs in his letter to Kenmure, where
he hopes he'll find a fafe way of fending over letters, and yet, in this to
Forrefter, the paflage of the Forth is extream difficult, and fcarce poffible.
He had heard our detachement had joyned our friends in the fouth, fo he
hopes they may be ufefull, and the very next fentence, hopes he knous
more of them than he does himfelf ; which, if there be any underftanding
his dialect without a diclionarie of his oun makeing, is to be interpreted by
reconciling one part of his letters to the other, and giveing it the genuine
meaning, that he fears they wont be ufefull, and fears Forrefter knous no
more about them, or how to difpofe of them, than he ; which is very naturall,
haveing changed his own plan, by giveing the Clans another route. But
it's hard neither Mar, Kenmure, nor Forrefter did, after running fo great
a rifque in paffing, and, in the ignorance he is in, he fcarce knous how to
advife them, nor does he fo much as know where they are, or where they
defligne to goe. Ther's nothing furer than that they were a dead weight
upon him while with him, and knew as little, or rather lefs, what to
doe with them before he fent them over ; for how could he otherwife
have imbarkt them in that uncertainty that he fo often confefles ?
" Whether he is to marche into England, or towards Stirling, to waite my
paffing the Forth." He tells Kenmure, in his letter, in which this is
enclofed, that he is not to rely on the fupport of the Clans at Dumbarton;
and has alreadie told Forrefter, indire6llie, that they are to joyn him
direcllie, and that the paflage of the Forth depends on other circumftances,
which, tho' in the main very uncertain, yet he knew was of a very diftant
view ; and how Kenmure could be fuppofed to goe toward Stirling, to
waite, as if at his eafe, his Lordfhip of Mar's paflage, could enter in no
man's head but Mar's. Then he gives Kenmure and the Scots a fhy
u
154 MEMOIRS OF THE
recommendation to Generall Forrefter, if he needs them. He mufl have
been in very extraordinarie circumftances not to need them, efpeciallie
fince they'd fall on ways to maintain themfelves, without putting Mr
Forrefter to charge ; or Mar mufl have fuppofed the Englifh were not to
take arms, and, in that cafe, we have been often told a thoufand or tuelve
hundred men were too few to conquer England.
But, if not, and that the Generall Forrefter will not receive them, for
fear his cattle fhould turn a drug, he tells him he knows a ufe for them,
and affumes the air of the Generall, and when he can doe no better with
them, determines, pofitivelie, that they'l certainlie be ufefull to him in the
rear of the enemie when he pafles the Forth, nou that the Duke of Argyle
is reinforced before I am. If he means they'll certainlie be ufefull at the
pafiage of the Forth, and onlie then, which was never to happen, it's
the fame as if he faid, Certainlie they never would be ufefull or fervice-
able. To pleafe his Lordfhip, let us marche Kenmure up to the rear of
the Duke of Argyle, (fince that unluckie gentleman was to command,)
for that's a way of fpeaking that fmells of the Generall, and takes with
folkes extreamlie, could Mar think that my Lord Kenmure with the
hundred horfe, joyning Mackintofh, could make him forget the fcurvie
trick the Duke of Argyle had like to play'd him, by ftreaching out
his arm the length of Leith, no lefs then tuentie miles from him ?
and which made it the more intolerable, that it was all of a fuddain,
without giveing him or Mar timely notice. It's to be thought the
reflecting on that would have taught my Lord Mar it was not con
venient, being much nearer the ennemie, fince there was no place '
comparable to the Citadell of Leith betuixt that and Stirling ; and if he
could not ftand him then in that poft, at tuentie miles diftance, with
that fmall detachement he could fpare from his great bodie, how can he
goe full butt up to his rear when he is reinforced with a regiment of
dragoons, and another of foot, which he ouns in this letter, and when the
Clans are not to goe to the other fide Forth, and be a check to him ? But,
fays his Lordfhip of Mar's friends, when the armie from Pearth marched up
to the front of the ennemie, what was to hinder Kenmure to attack their rear?
That's a rare chimere, as if it were poffible for people at fuch a diftance,
INSURRECTION IN SCOTLAND, 1715. 155
and labouring under fuch invincible difficulties of keeping correfpondence,
to attack the Duke of Argyle both in the fame minute ; and without that,
it was not to be done, for a feu minutes would determin'd the fate of a fmall
command, compofed of fuch troopes, if ever caught within reach, in Rafe
Campagne. That the difficultie of correfpondence was fo great, appears
through both the letters. Can it be faid, that by owning this difficultie, he does
not make his onlie certaintie, or the onlie thing he is pofitive of, a very great
uncertaintie, and that he does not contradickt himfelf materiallie. He
is forced, in a great meafure, to leave it to Kenmure- to doe as he thinks
mod expedient. Could any indifferent man, who had been ane intire ftranger
as well to our circumftances as to theirs, have wrote a more idle letter on
fuch ane occafion ? He knous nothing of them ; Kenmure knous nothing
of them ; Mr Forrefter he is not fure will receave them. Could he have
fent over as many Highland bullocks on lefs grounds ? I queftion, if they
had been his own, if he'd done it on fo little, without any expectation of
a market ; but now that he finds he has mift his market, or rather, that
there never was anie, he is forced to leave them to Kenmure, either to
graze them or fell them, who he ftill fuppofes no good market-man, and
directs him to take good advice. He feems very keen about reprifealls
for the officers that were takne, and he hopes he'll have ere longe ; no
good omen for them at that time, and no fmall certaintie of their being
hanged. Is delighted with the trouble and vexation given to the Duke of
Argyle ; but fays nothing of the faces he made in reading Mackintofh[es]
letters to us in our meeting ; and, in end, bams Mr Forrefter with the
King's comeing, when he knew nothing of the matter himfelf.
No man can paint Mar fo naturallie and fo crooked as he does himfelf in
thefe tuo letters, tho' it will be hard to find out either the Generall or the
Secretarie of State in them. 1 am worfe pleafed with his mother then ever ;
(he mufl have been a horrid woman, and never fent fo hopefull a youth to
fchoole, fince, by all the advantages he has had by being a Minifter, it has
not been in his pouer to acquire a better ftile, to put, at leaft, fome fairer face
on his lyes and knaveries. Surelie his militarie gouvernour, Clephan, and
fecretarie Paterfone, had they fet their heads together, could have made
more of it than this ; and what did we maintain thofe for ? But it's a
156 MEMOIRS OF THE
fafe, and a good maxim, to have more penfioners than fecretaries or people
in trufl ; the laft might doe mifchief, and the others, if they can't be fervice-
able, have it not in their pouer to doe harm ; and, by that rule, it would
been too much for any one man to known one third of the affair. Hou
unwillinglie does he wringe out fome fmall part of the truth, and gives it
a falfe colour, or cloudes it intirelie, either before or after he has told it,
and to thofe to whome it was fo much the intereft of the caufe he fhould
fpeak plain, that, fince he could not judge himfelf of their fituation, he
ought, at lead, to tell them what he knew of ours, to open their vieus; but,
fo far to the contrarie, leaves them, as much as he can, to grope in the
dark, huddles all up from them, and onlie tells them hou much he is at a
lofs hou to dire6l them ; and, by his way of writeing to them, and of them,
fuppofes not one man of the whole capable of confulting with, otherwife
he'd recommended fome of them to Kenmure, who, he feems to know,
wanted good advice, for he muft know bed what men he fent him.
Thefe confufed hints occafioning their leaders greater confufion, no
wonder if, by {hewing themfelves fo irrefolute and undetermined in their
marches, the common fellous were foon infected, and that, with want
of pay, made three hundred of their bed men leave them at one time.
It's, I think, prittie maniefeil, by everie fentence of Mar's oun letters,
that this was all done without the lead fixt defigne he had of em-
ployeing them before he fent them, fince, after they had been fome
time over, he was fo much to feek ; but to a (hip that defignes to no
port, all winds are the fame. As to the condition he fent them over
in, he had no (haddow of reafon to promife himfelf fervice from thofe
fo badlie armed, and without pouder, and under the command of one
who had no pretenfions to know any thing of fervice, I mean his Briga-
deer Mackintofli, who the world had no better opinion of at that time
than they have at prefent, and who had nothing to recommend him but
that his Chief, the Laird of Mackintofli, who all lookt on to be a very
weak man, imagin'd him wifer than himfelf, and delivered himfelf and
Clan up to his difpofale ; all which, if confider'd, and that this Brigadeer
had not credite for thirtie pounds in the countrie, (witnefs the draites he
was put to when Drummond fent him Plenipo to France,) it will look odd
INSURRECTION IN SCOTLAND, 1J15. 157
how fo many Lords and Gentlemen trufted themfelves to him, or that Mar
had the face to choofe him for fuch a command. One thing I remember
was boldlie averr'd at Pearth, that tho' he carried out of Fife three thou-
fand pound with him for the payment of the troopes, he was not many
days over when he wanted monie, tho' he had no extraordinarie charge,
and, to my certain knouledge, gave nothing to the boats for the tranfport ;
all which was fufpe6led before, and gave thofe who took the trouble to
think but a very bad augur of fuccefs. The feparateing of force is at all
times very dangerous, and never to be done but on the folideft of grounds.
This feparation had every way bad confequences ; for by it tuo thoufand
men were loft to us. Of the tuentie-five hundred who were defigned to
pafs, eleven hundred got over, and a thoufand were fo frightned with the
terrour of the fea and the expedition, that they deferted to their hills.
Thofe who had undertakne to provide the boats, not haveing got time
enough to doe it, Mar's impatience not allouing the leaft delay ; nor was
Mackintofh, by the methode he took of embarking, free from blame. But,
to recapitulate what I have alreadie faid : Huntlie having joyned us, before
they imbarkt, with fourteen hundred foot and a hundred and fixtie horfe,
which, with above four thoufand we had before, made us at leaft betuixt
the five and fix thoufand foot, if not fix thoufand good, and with feverall
ftraglers, who joyned us at that time, about fix hundred horfe. The
Duke of Argyle haveing got no reinforcement, and about fifteen hun
dred, one would have thought there was no further ceremonie to be ufed
in pafiing the Forth in a bodie, the rivers being ftill low, and before the
Duke of Argyle's reinforcement joyned him. The Clans being then in
Argvlefhire, or at leaft higher then the fource of Forth, had but to marche
down the fouth fide of the river, keeping the ftronge grounds, and pofted
themfelves fo as to favour our paflage of the Fords, that his Grace of
Argyle, who was even inferiour to them in number, would not adventur'd
to attack them, confidering his force lay in dragoons, who could not be
ferviceable to him in hills. And had his Lordfhip of Mar not opiniatred
the Clans goeing in to Argylefhire, on as little grounds as he did the
pafiage of the Frith, the Clans, under Generall Gordon, had been at leaft
three thoufand men ; for Lochiell and Apin would not joyn in the expedi-
158 MEMOIRS OF THE
tion againft Argylefliire, who are alloued to bring out a thoufand men, and
thofe who marched there were knoun to be tuo thoufand four hundred,
allouing Captain Clanronnald, Glengarie, and Sir John Maclean, to bring
each no more then feven hundred, befides the three hundred of Bredal-
bine's, who went alonge with them. Can any thing be more evident, that
if we had not detach'd over the Frith, we were fo far from haveing reafon
to fear what Mar infmuates in his letter, the Duke of Argyle's attacking
us, that he could not, in all humane probabilitie, hindred our paflage of the
Forth, and muft have decamped, except God Almightie had determined
otherwife, or our great Generall, out of prepenced malice and couardice, I
don't fee what we had to hinder us ; nor doe I think, after the rivers
fuelled, and the Duke of Argyle was reinforced, it was ever poffible
afterwards, to fay nothing of our men's deferting daylie, and our fpirits
laggeing, by feeing, more and more every day, into our oun confufion,
and the fallacie of Mar's promifes.
Haveing now deliver'd thefe letters, with Mar's laft orders, to
Kenmure and Forrefter, and given the true (late of our affairs, I (hall
leave them to their oun good management, and return to Pearth,
where the Marquife of Huntlie had joyned us the ninth of October,
the very day after Marifliall came to us. It was very obfervable, in
his cafe, how the tongues of a great many honeft, well meaning, men,
can be turned loofe upon ane innocent man, without either their knou-
ing for what, or the man's deferveing it, or, at lead, lefs then others
who are more evidentlie guiltie of the fame crime they pretend to accufe
him of, and, by any defigneing man's puting a band, devoted to his intereft,
upon it, to begin the cry, the others take it up, run away with it without
confideration, before innocence is aware, or on its guarde, and often
through that, innocent man flab themfelves to the heart, without its being
poffible to open their eyes while the heat lades, or till it's too late. Tho'
my Lord Huntlie was at tuice the diftance from us that Marifhall was, and
had about fourteen or fifteen hundred men to bring up, and tuo fquadrons
of horfe, a great many at fourtie miles diftance from him, and fpread in the
hills, yet, from the beginning, there was nothing heard but complaints of
Huntlie for not being there alreadie ; and Mar, to my hearing, yea, everie
INSURRECTION IN SCOTLAND, 1715. 159
bodie, and I myfelf, without knouing him, faying the bittereft things
againft him that our imaginations could frame, and all that for his not
comeing fooner ; for a month before he came he was in the fame cafe, and
would no more be forgiven it than when he came : while Marifhall, who
was within half the diftance to us, and brought not fourfcore horfemen to
joyn us, was in the fame fault, or rather a much greater, by his fituation ;
and haveing fo little to doe, was cry'd up to the fkyes as the braveft,
forwardeft, and mod accomplifht gentleman on earth. The reafon was
plain, tho' what would have made another valued did Huntlie harm :
Mar was affraid of Huntly's influence, being confcious to himfelf of his
oun littlenefs, and that Huntlie had given Mar a proof he had more
credite with Mar's feu-vaflalls then Mar had himfelf, by makeing one of
them follow him, when all had refufed ; fo could not bear the thoughts
of his pouer being precarious, or depending on Huntley, ruined him earlie
in the opinion of all thofe in Pearth, and made way for carrieing off his
oun vaflalls from him, in cafe he fheu'd the lead uneafienefs at that bad
treatment, and more, which he'd take care to give him, by conftrudling all
ane averfion or diflike to the caufe ; and, if a miffortune happned, which he
faw certain, prepare the whole to joyn with in loading Huntlie with all; and
turn their rage againft him and others, who he treated the fame, for not
depending intirelie on him, and chimeing with him in the deftruclion of
their countrie, and, in the mean time, draw his own neck out of the collar.
He, on the other hand, had no jealoufle of Marifhall, who was younge,
and had nothing to loofe ; he lookt upon him as one who had the fame
intereft in the affair with himfelf; and not of that extraordinarie influence
neither, for of that fmall number of horfe he brought up with him, all
were independent gentlemen, and many had more to loofe than himfelf;
and a great part were follouers of Huntlie, who he engadged to goe alonge
with him by letters from Mar, who had now got confiderable credite by
being the great man at Pearth ; and by his own little tricks and traduceing
of Huntlie, which no younge man can be more capable of, and fitted him
to be ane admirable apprentice to Mar, and with that good difpofition,
and his not being able to fubfift himfelf, render'd him very fouple; for,
except he had receaved the publick monie at Mar's difcretion, and that
160 MEMOIRS OF THE
from the beginning, he could not flood his oun ground, far lefs had influ
ence on others. They were not contented with what had been done to
Huntlie before joyning ; but foon made him and thofe with him, the jeaft
of the armie. The truth is, he laid himfelf a little open to them who were
fo inclined to make ufe of everie thing againft him, by bringing up a troop
of fourtie or fiftie great lubbertlie fellous, in bonnets, without boots, or any
fuch thing, and fcarce bridles, mounted on longe-tailed little horfes, lefs
then the men, who were by much the greateft animalls of the tuo, without
piftells, with great ruftie mufquets, tyed on their backs with rope; and thofe
he called light horfe. I muft oun, the grotefque figure thofe made moved
everie bodie's laughter, and foon got the other hundred and fixtie horfe
he brought alonge with him the fame name of light horfe, tho' they did not
deferve it more then thofe who came with Marifliall, who were almoft all
Galloways, as well as thofe who came with Huntlie. Severalls of thofe
who came up with him, and did not intirelie depend on him, were, on the
account of thofe jeafts, on the point of leaveing his fquadrons, and joyning
others, not being able to ftand patientlie that generall reflection.
All thofe things being improven to the advantage, by Marifhall and Mar,
he was not onlie difcredited in the fight of thofe who, tho' not his depend
ents, had otherwife all the refpect for him due to one of his weight and
rank, but even in the fight of his oun vaflalls and tennants ; tho' it's certaine
at that time Kuntley gave no occafion for it, and declared he'd take no
command, not fo much as of his oun people, who he order'd to roule
in dutie as others did ; tho' it was not to be expected he could intirelie
tranffer his intereft or follouing, and far lefs to thofe who aim'd at makeing
him ridiculous, and wrefting it from him. Houever, that was not enough,
right or wronge he muft be pinioned ; it feems they thought no more
meafures needed be keept, when they attackt him by endeavouring to
carrie off bis Highland tennants, who are ftill more fubject to him then his
vaflalls. For Marifliall, foon after Huntlie's being in Pearth, fet about
gaining the MacFierfons, 1 took occafion of fome difference betuixt Huntley
1 A numerous Clan, who, inhabiting the Lordship of Badenoch, were Huntlie's
vassals. Being a fierce, mutinous sort of people, they had many differences with
their feudal Chiefs, who quartered Gordon of Glenbucket upon them to maintain his
INSURRECTION IN SCOTLAND, 1715. 161
and them about fome private right, in which all faid Huntley did them no
injuftice ; and gave them a very pleafant reafon for acknouledgeing him
their leader and chief, by telling them, that the MacFierfons were the Clan
Cattan of old, and his name being Keith, he was their true chief ; tho' no
bodie can prove by hiftorie that ever MarifhalPs familie had a Highland
follouing, but that was nothing ; the whole being then unhinged, everie
one drew to himfelf ; and a ftrain'd derivation was pretext enough to thofe
who had nothing but their oun intereft to confult ; feeing all ruin'd, thought
onlie of their oun honour, before they left the countrie, that at lead the
name of the pouer they had might give them a greater lufter abroad.
But this took with a very few of the MacFierfons, and onlie fuch who
were not regarded by that Clan ; and, no fooner Huntlie was told of it,
then he quaftit it without the leaft trouble to himfelf, or takeing any notice
of it, and James Keith, MarifhalPs brother, [was] baulkt of the regiment
of MacFierfons, which Mar defigned him, who had folloued Huntley's
anceftours for many hundred years. I never thought of that claime
Marifhall hade to the MacFierfons, but it put me in mind of the etimo-
logie of the word.laquais, made by a French grammerien from the Latin
Verna, rediculed by Boileau :
" Laquais vienne de Verna sans doubte,
Mais il a bien change sur la route."
Huntley not feeming to feel this, and a good dale more, which I have
forgot, they ventur'd on putting further upon him, and once imploy'd my-
felf as ane inftrument. Amongft thofe horfe who folloued him, there were
a great many gentlemen of the poorer forte, his feuers and vaflalls, who
reallie could not fubfift themfelves and horses ; he reprefented the thing to
Mar, and defir'd him to take it under his confideration. Mar, in the mean
time, by the advice, I fuppofe, of Thomas Bruce, for it was he who came
to me, drew up a petition in the name of fome gentlemen of my fquadrone,
without particularifeing any, who, he pretended, could not fubfift them-
rights. In doing so he incurred the displeasure of the Clan, and several of them
attempted to assassinate him, and wounded him cruelly in the face with their dirks.
He got to his sword, however, and beat them off, but carried the scars to his
grave. See Hurt's Letters from the North of Scotland.
x
162 MEMOIRS OF THE
felves, defireing onlie a groat each day, which they undertook to live on.
Thomas Bruce brought it to me to figne, to make it more'authentick, as
the commanding officer; at firft fight I was chokt, and could not underftand
the meaning of it, and faid, I thank God there was none under my com
mand in that neceffitie, or in the leaft defired it. For if there were any in
want, we took care to provide them without their afking it, knouing one
another's circumftances very well ; which was reallie true, for the gentle
men fupplied the feu of that kind that we had, by taxeing themfelves and
me privatelie, and tho' I have often defired them not to fpare me, I mud
doe them the juflice to fay they did it too much. Mr Bruce, feeing I did
not jump at getting a little monie to difpofe of, for we could taken for
feveralls, and given it to one, told me the true matter of facl, that Huntlie
had been afking for a number of his, and they did not knou but he might
afk exorbitance, and that they could not fall on another way to moderate
his demands. I alkt him, Had his Lordfhip fixt upon any fettled day's
pay ? He faid, No ; but they fear'd his makeing it high, and, in that cafe,
we'd all blow up in a minute, and everie bodie would afk, and there would
be nothing left to pay the foot, and that there was nothing I could do fo
much for the fervice. So I was tongue padded into figneing. Before
Huntlie propofed any thing, they put that paper into his hand ; upon
which his Lordfhip was pleafed to fpeak to me, and wondered at the im-
pofiibilitie of fubfifling man and horfe on a groat, efpeciallie fuch as were
called gentlemen. Tho' this was amongfl the firft times I had the honour
of fpeaking with his Lordfhip, who had been reprefented to me as ane
unreafonable man, whom nothing could fatiffie, I was at a lofs what to fay,
but, on fecond thoughts, told him, I took that to be meant for fubfifling
their horfes. Upon this the demand fell, and Huntley fubfifted them out
of his oun pocket for fome time. All this while Marifhall and his Liuten-
nant-Collonell, and, in a word, all who were Mar's favourites, or who they
recommended, were not getting pay onlie, but foums of monie, witnefs
five hundred pound at one time to Marifhall ; and, while they were play
ing honefl men againfl one another, they were carraufing and running
away with their fpoile, when ferviceable men were difcouraged, and
ftarveing out of modeftie. But thofe who did not err on that fide, were
INSURBECTION IN SCOTLAND, 1715. 163
not fatiffied with what they got, but mufl let us know that we, who pay'd
the taxes, and fubfifted ourfelves, were but little fellous and coxcombs.
To pleafe Marifhall, foon after he came to Pearth, another project was fet
on foot to give him fome extraordinarie command, for what he brought
with him did not diftinguifh him enough, fo it was propofed that tuo
fquadrons fhould be pickt out of the feven, for that was now our number ;
Huntlie tuo, Marifhall, Linlithgow, Rollo, Southefque, and I, had each of
us one. The one was to carrie the Royall ftandard, and the other, a
fquadron of grenadeers, to marche on the front of the other. We were
not longe of difcovering both of them were to be given to Marifhall, for he
did not like his oun by no means ; their horfes were not fo good as thofe of
the more fouthern counties. This was the old projecl in the beginning,
in favour of Linlithgow, who was now to be kickt out, and footh'd, which
they'd find no great difficultie in doeing, revived in favour of Marifhall, but
ftill more impudent and grofler ; and to break all bands and focieties
of friendfhip, or vafiallage, fuch as many of Huntley's were, and, by that
jumble, make all depend on Mar and his favourites. Generall Hamilton
propofed it to me as a thing extreamlie ufefull, and would be handfome.
I faid, I wonder'd at people's not contenting themfelves with their oun,
nor could I fee what pretence one had to afk that of another ; could any
think that if I had choice men and horfes in my fquadron, that I could
imagine them any where better difpofed of than under my command, con-
fidering the officers we had, and if any fele6l number of men were to be
called out, I thought I had the befl right to command them. But that I had
given my opinion of it, in the cafe of Linlithgow, and was content with
what I had, and wifht others would be fo, for, they might depend on it
they fhould not get one man from me ; and without doeing good to them
felves, might breed ill blood. Marifhall was fo modeft as not to fay one
word, as I think he had reafon ; for a man mud firft be perfuaded of his
oun infufficiencie, and of the others fuperioritie, before a point of that kind
can be yeelded. But they thought they'd had us fo longe in hands, that
with cajoleing one, and banging the other with lying tongues, that we were
now tame, and could be moulded into any fhape they pleafed. For my
part, I can't get over it, that thofe who were fo bufie brigueing and fapping,
164 MEMOIRS OF THE
came out on any other defligne but that of makeing themfelves fine gentle
men, and mud have fplit and ruin'd us, if we had been in better condition
then we reallie were, befides the dead weight they were upon us, by
fquandring of our monie. About the time of the paffage of the Frith, the
defertion of the thoufand men from the fea fide, of thofe who were defigned
to pafs, was not the onlie, for the hundred Mar men, under the command
of Inderei, begun to doe the fame at Peart h, and all deferted ; which, as
Gordon of Abergeldie, a gentleman of that countrie, faid to me, was
occafion'd by Mar's vindictive refentment againfl their Chief, Indercale, by
not allouing them to joyn him, and thofe of their Clan he brought with him ;
and, finding them gone over fea, loft heart to the caufe ; for, as he faid, tho'
Inderei was married to his oun niece, 1 and was his friend, he was forced to
oun they had no regarde for him, in refpe6l of their Chief. This difeafe foon
infe&ed the others, like a plague, as it always happens, and a good many
out of all corps and clans follou'd their exemple, being foon wearied.
Mr Malcome of Grange, at that time brought up my Lord Balcarres, 2
his old friend, who was refolved to be very cautious, till Malcome aflured
him the game was fure, and that it was not poffible it could faile ; I think
one inftance of the blacked ingratitude to a gentleman who was too old to
doe us fervice with his perfon, and was to have no fhare of the confulting
part, and to one who had maintain'd him abroad for feverall years ; but, to
make fome forte of reparation, he put my Lord Mar upon makeing his fon
a Captain in my fquadron, and Malcome propofed it to me. I was fatiffied
that Mar fhould give him a commiffion, but that he could not get a com-
panie ; becaufe, by former orders, all the fquadrons in Pearth were divided
into three companies, and we had chofen officers for them alreadie. He
faide, Mine might admit of four, as well as the others of three, fince it was
the flrongeft there. I faid, I did not fee the need of that ; and another
1 John Farquharson of Inverey, was married to Margaret Gordon, daughter of
Gordon of Abergeldie.
2 Colin, third Earl of Balcarres, a staunch Jacobite, and author of "A Letter on
the Aifairs of Scotland at and succeeding the Revolution," which is often quoted.
Though now an old man, he was imprudent enough to join the Insurgents, and only
escaped by the friendship and patronage of the Duke of Marlborough.
INSURRECTION IN SCOTLAND, 1715. 165
companie requir'd fo many more officers, and that would weakne us of fo
many dutie men ; for at that time we were haraffed enough with guards,
and pickets, and other commands. He took me up ftiort, and told, If I
would not, I'd fee him carrie off the greateft part of my fquadron. I
anfuer'd him, He was ane impertinent lying brute, and always medleing in
what was not his bufienefs ; and, fince he faid fo, that gentleman mould
not have a troop in my fquadron, tho' I had as great a value for him as
Malcome could have ; and I did not believe that Mar, and he, and all the
emiffaries put together, had influence to doe me harm with thofe gentle
men I commanded ; for, if they did not think it as much their honour to
be under my command as I could think it mine to command them, they
might choofe whom they pleaf 'd ; but if I did, I'd turn out Malcome out
of my fquadrone, and all his fcabbie name. I thought I had faid enough,
but fome others prefent of my friends faid a good dale more to him ; never-
thelefs he went of brigueing underhand to try pulfes ; but, finding it
impracticable, had recourfe to Mar, and told what I faid, makeing a
griveous complaint. Mar fent to me, and alkt me, Why I would not com-
plie with giveing Mr Lindfay a companie ? I gave him the fame reafons
I had done before to Malcome. He preffed me, not with the air of a
Generall, but Hill with ane affectation of authoritie. I refufed abfolutelie,
and faid, Becaufe he had fent that fool Malcome to me with fuch a meffage,
who durft not fpoke fo without his Lordlhip's fupport or orders, and that
I had faid, it mould be put to the tryell. Mar faid, Malcome had done
the King more fervice than any man in Pearth. I anfuer'd, I could not
conceave what fervice he was capable of but lying, and if that was
fervice, he had done enough of it, nor would I allow any bodie to meddle
more in my affairs than they did with others ; and I left him.
Sometime after, my Lord Balcarres fpoke to me, and blamed Malcome,
and I did it, but not before I had convinced Mar that it was not to be
done without my allouance, or till I thought fit. Major Balfour, not
anfuering their expectation, in being made a handell againft me, they
thought proper to make ufe of fome other, and try what influence their
detraction had, and how much ground they had gained upon me, which
did not fucceed to their mind.
166 MEMOIRS OF THE
We were not long returned to Pearth from Dumblain when another
expedition to Fife was fet on foot ; but how to find one to command was
the difficultie, for they had no choice, except they had takne Collonell
Orchard. But he was ane officer, and had ferved his whole life in regular
fervice, and might acquit himfelf no better then I had done, by keeping
order which intimidated gentlemen, who were never to be improved for
that reafon, or ever alloued to think they were to doe any thing more then
goeing in a confufed bodie from one toun to another to take their diver-
fion. Their bufinefs was to levie the cefs of Dumfermling, a Whiggifh
toun ; and neither that toun or the countrie about, which was nearer the
ennemie, would pay, being fupported by the ennemie. Generall Hamilton
made the difpofition. The firft day's marche was to Kinrofs, a place where
we'd alreadie had feverall commands, which had gone quite different routes,
fo that gave him reafon to think the Duke of Argyle would not be alarmed
with the firft days' marche. From that they were to marche in the night,
or very earlie before day ; the furtheft places they defigned to goe to not
being above eight miles from that, fo that their bufienefs would be a-doeing
or done before the Duke of Argyle could be adverticed, and they, in their
marche to Bruntifland, a place of fafetie, or in their marche home, when he'd
think no more of them ; and muft have done their work better either by
getting hoftages or cattle in place of the cefs, by furprifeing thofe who re-
fufed to pay.
This difpofition did not pleafe Mar, who had a ftrong inclination, when
in his warm fnug room at Pearth, to doe very bold things ; who, if he
had been as bold in the field as he was at home, and weighed everie
thing as cautiouflie at home as he did in the field, and at a diftance as he
did when prefent, might have come nearer to the caracler of the great
Generall he fo much affecled. So, without the leaft regarde to Generall
Hamilton's difpofition, he and T^omj^Bra.^ fon to my Lord Kincardine,
contrived a difpofition of their own. This gentleman was formerlie Mufter-
Comifiarie in King William and Queen Anna's reignes, and at this time no
fmall favourite of Mar's. Being ufed to bufienefs, he had more intrigue
and addrefs than mod of our folks, fupported with a plaufible way of
fpeakeing ; and knouing Mar, with whome he had been longe acquainted,
INSURRECTION IN SCOTLAND, 1715. 167
and who on other occafions had imploy'd him, not capable of bearing
controule, or fo much as to be argued with in any thing he propofed, Mr
Bruce, not being to rifque his own life at any time, did not onlie aflent in
everie thing to Mar, but would rather outdoe him, and carrie it further ;
which he did, till the affair turned ferious ; for he gallopt off that morning
of our battle of Dumblain, fome hours before we marched to the ennemie,
and never was heard of till he appear'd in Bruffells fome months after all
was over. And tho' he was one of thofe who was mod inftrumentall, and
imploy'd to engage everie bodie, he had propofed to himfelf to run no
rifque, and by being the firft man who fued for a pardon, a certaintie of
getting it ; which he did the day after he got home, which was the day
follouing our battle ; but Mar and he being fo very well acquainted, while
he ftay'd, he got the better of all his favourites. Hamilton's advice in the
matter was onlie takne to convince him, and all thofe who pretended to
any forte of rule, that they were fools, and that tuo men could be found
who laught at all rule ; and, if they fucceeded, which might have happned
for once, tho' they muft have pay'd it dear fooner or later, they pleafed
themfelves with carrieing the vogue, efpeciallie Mar, to whome that honour
was to redound, by compareing his difpofition with Hamilton's, and that
the fuccefs and boldnefs of his would foon get him the generall approba
tion : for Hamilton had been of late uneafie to him, by propofeing things
that did not agree with his Lordfliip of Mar's conflitution, and he'd let
him and the world fee that on other occafions he was capable of doeing as
bold things as he could pretend to, without him, or any of that kidney.
Thomas Grahame, who had acquired the title of Major, in the hills,
under my Lord Dundee, in the fame manner as moft of our commiflions
were given of late for want of officers, was named to command fourfcore
horfe, and three hundred Highland foot ; they were order'd to march to
Dumfermling, which is fourteen miles from Pearth, but not to goe the
direct road, for they were to marche by Dinnen, to pafs under the nofe of
the Duke of Argyle's guarnifone at Caftell Campbell, fix ftiort miles from
Stireling, where he had put fome countrie militia ; and, after makeing fo
great a detour to infult them, by marcheing in their fight, Major Graham
was, with his command, to return to Dumfermling, where he was to raife
108 MEMOIRS OF THE
the cefs, and from that to detache nine horfe to Culros, and fome fuch
number to Saline, towards Stirling; and all this detaile by Mar and
Thomas Bruce direction, who, if they did not know that countrie about
their own houfes, knew nothing. The gentleman who was to command the
nine horfe to Culrofs was Beatfone of Killrie, one of my friends ; had he
gone, he faid himfelf, with thrice that number, Black John Erflune, who was
lying in waite, would have pay'd him the cefs in a coine which would not
been, of great ufe to us, haveing tuo hundred armed men, all Cameronians,
readie to receave him, which we all knew. Gordon of Glenbucket, who
commanded the three hundred foot, tho' a Collonell, was to be under
Major Grahame's command ; and James Malcome, without whome nothing
was to be done, was fent alonge to mannage the whole, haveing been a
warriour at Gillicrankie.
They no fooner came to Dumfermling then all the gentlemen of the
horfe feperated into alehoufes and taverns, and after[wards] moft went
to bed. Glenbucket put the foot into the Abbey, a place ftronglie
iituated, and took up his oun quarters in the toun, and placed a fentrie
at his door. Major Grahame placed one fentrie at a bridge, a little with
out that end of the toun which leads to Stirling ; for, as we had fup-
pofed when at Dumblain, the ennemie would come no other way but the
llreight road. Major Grahame and James Malcome fet themfelves doun
to take a heartie bottle : when it was turning late, Gordon of Buckie, a
kinfman of Huntley's, Seaton of Lathrie, and Beatfone of Killrie, who
had more thought and judgment than the others, went and found out
Major Grahame, and told, by all they had heard or could judge, it would
be proper to put out more fentries, and take fome other precautions. He
anfuer'd them, Mr Malcome and his nephew Robert, who were prefent,
knew the countrie better then either they or he did, and had affured him
there was no danger ; he drunk on, and they returned.
All this while, Collonell Cathcart 1 was lying without the toun, with
tuo hundred dragoons, and had his fpies goeing out and in, giveing him
exact information of everie thing, and, finding all to his wifh, difmounted
fome dragoons, and fent them into the toun one way, and a captain
1 The Honourable Charles Cathcart, afterwards eighth Lord Cathcart.
INSURRECTION IN SCOTLAND, 1715. 169
with [blank in MS.] on horfeback another way. They killed the poor
folitarie horfe fentrie on the bridge, after difchargeing his piftolls ; and,
in a word, were in the middle of the toun before anie bodie knew of
them ; killed Forbes, a captain of the Highland foot, who fired both his
fide-piftolls and drew his fuord amongft the middle of them ; did the fame
by Glenbucket's fentrie, who did his dutie, and fired. They took
eighteen gentlemen prifoners, of thofe who were mod alerte and run
out to the itreets, and very luckie their lofs was not greater. The foot in
the Abbey were furprifed at the alarme, and keept within, not doubting
that the number of the ennemie was greater in toun than they reallie were,
and expected to be attackt themfelves, which never failes to happen in the
dark, except the difpofition of the troopes be good, and everie thing well
concerted ; and confufion will happen fometimes even amongft regular
troopes, let the moft vigilant officer doe his bed ; but to imagine a fentrie
can give timeous warning to thofe who are ftript and in bed, or fpread in
different corners of a toun, is not to have common fenfe, or to think that
the defigne of a fentrie can be any other but that of alarmeing a guard
lying on their arms. So far of the ftorie all agreed to.
No wonder if, after this ruffle, everie one run a different way ; fome left
their horfes flicking in dunghills, in the ftreets ; and others, when their
horfes fell in anie narrow lane, with juftling, or makeing too great haft to
get away, left them on the fpot, and came to Pearth on countrie horfes,
and faid they had their horfes fhot under them ; others run to Brunt-
ifland, fome to different places of the countrie, fome got under beds, others
up to garrets, and moft of this when the ennemie was gone ; who, knowing
of the Highlandmen's being in the Abbey, did not ftay to dalley in toun,
and beat their retreat very quicklie after their comeing in, for they feifed
nobodie in houfes. The foot had no longer patience there, and went off
in order, next day, to Bruntifland. I was ftanding by Mar when all this
was told him ; and, hearing him fay, That it was a fhame to fee fo many
run away from tuo hundred of the ennemie ; I faid, without hefitation, It
was what I expected, and had often foretold ; and I could not fee any
reafon to be furprifed at it, for I never had been one night out with them
that the fourth part of their number could not have cut all their throats,
Y
170 MEMOIRS OF THE
without loofeing one man, becaufe of their oun diforder. His Lordftiip
turned upon me with a fpitefull air, and, giveing his head a tofs, faid, I
hope not, Mr Sinclair; and run out of the circle, in great dudgeon, into his
room, and called me into him. 1 He faid, He wonder'd to fee me take fo
much pains to difcourage our folks. I anfuer'd, What I had faid did
not tend to difcourage, but to (hew them where their fault lay ; that I had
foretold this many a time when with them, and had been traduced for it,
as it had been a crime. Being at a lofs, as he often is, when in paffion,
he had the impudence to fay, I never had been with them. I beg'd
his pardon, and faid, No other had but I ; and would he have them
taught onlie by their dear bought experience, and haveing their throats
cut? and then have the pleafure of blameing them, and reflecting on
them ; for my part, I told him I did not underftand him. He faid, That
was imprudent. I faid, It might be what he pleafed, but I took it to be
my dutie, and would continue to doe fo ; and with that I left him, not one
bit better pleafed with the Generall than he was with me ; but what galled
him moft was, my telling what pad to the croud in the next room. I
did not know at this time that the whole was his Lordfhip's oun ingenuitie
that this was oweing to, and that he was baulkt of his great expectation, a
favourable article in a Gazet, which, of all things, he coveted ; and that
clear demonftration he wanted to give us, at Pearth, of his addrefs and
courage, by (hewing, from Generall Hamilton dounwards, all amongft us
who had ferved were fcoundrells, and knew nothing; which, by humouring
the diforderlie way that fo much pleaf d the gentlemen, he thought was
no difficult matter, if he had once got fafe thorough with it. He was
the more vext at the miffortune, that he knew I had foretold it fo often ;
which was one of the great crimes he and his favourites had to lay to my
charge, and would eflablifh my credite, and make thofe concern'd with us
give more attention to what I faid at any other time; and, at fame time,
reflect upon him for the choice of fuch a commanding officer, who could
have nobodie's approbation but Linlithgow's, who I heard take upon him
to fay, that Major Grahame was one of the befl horfe officers in Europe,
1 It is easy to see that the language held by the Master was more used to spite
Mar than to serve the cause in which both were engaged.
INSURRECTION IN SCOTLAND, 1715. Ifl
tho' the poor man had never ferved but in King Jamefes armie before the
Revolution, and fome fmall time a guarde-de-corp in France.
When Major Grahame came back he was very well receaved by Mar, who
was never to be found in a fault, and was not to difaprove of his oun choice.
He pretended to lay the blame on the gentlemen, who, he faid, refufed
goeing into the Abbey ; they all agreed he never order'd them. I am apt
to believe the fault was of both fides. But the Major, finding himfelf not
obey'd, ought to have given good exemple, and gone into the Abbey him
felf, with his horfes, fince the greateft part of his command was there, and,
in that cafe, he'd had more to [have] faid for himfelf. Certain it is, that one
Chamers, a Scots Dutch Enfigne, who was their Quartermafter, defigned
the Abbey for them, and there was cover fufficient both for the gentlemen
and their horfes, and the Highlandmen. But was it to be thought that a
commander of that kind durft hazard Mar's difpleafure, or the lofs of his
friendfhip, and gain a bad caracter by it, fuppofeing he had knoun better ;
when, on the other hand, he loft but a feu gentlemen by doeing a thing
which looked bold ; and no great matter, if he had Mar's protection, what
others could fay or doe. Another great overfight he committed, was not
haveing the leaft guarde, either in any place of the toun, or in the toun-houfe,
which was ftill the more neceflarie, fince his whole command was not in the
Abbey. Had he takne both thefe neceflarie precautions, the dragoons had
patted their time but badlie, or rather, would never enter'd the toun ; nor
could he ever anfuer what Gordon of Buckie, Lathrice, and Killrie, told him,
when over his bottle. Houever it was, I'm fure that in any other fervice he
had been hanged. Mar had his whim, as it was juft ; and the worft of it was,
but thofe who were taken being hanged in ane attempt to force a caracter
to Mar, that he might, at his convenience, and with his eafe, difpofe of the
whole the fame way. Mod of other Generalls doe their militarie execu
tions with fmall parties, Mar was to doe his with found of trumpet, and, as
it were, ane invitation to hinder him, and challenge the ennemie to attack
our command in their beds ; for the Duke of Argyle being informed, in a
very little time after their pafiing by Caftell Cambell, fent out the dragoons
to obferve them.
The very night which this happned, I fupped at Generall Hamilton's
172 MEMOIRS OF THE
lodgeing, with him, my Lord Balcarres, and his fon, Mr Lindfey, and
about one of the clock in the morning, the difcourfe rduleing on out
commands, I faid, I knew our gentlemen's way of doeing, and I was
in pain for them, and faid, Let it never happen to my Lord Mar to
let thofe people ly a night near the ennemie, for they'll certainlie have
their throats cut. This Balcarres remember'd when I faw him laft.
Hamilton, who was then picqued, faid, He did not concern himfelf
much for Mar, and Thomas Bruce did all without him. That night he
gave us to underftand that Mar had not brought fo much as a fpoon or a
napkin of his oun from England with him, and was ferveing himfelf with
his; and that he had loft his bed opportunitie of doeing fervice in the
beginning, by not haveing fome feu hundreds of pounds to deftribute
amongft the Highland Chiefs, on his firft goeing there, which would have
brought them out fooner then all the ftories he could tell them, or what
his rethorick was capable of; and that, before he came from London, he
had made him believe he had vaft foumes lodged alreadie in the hands of
fome merchants in Scotland, and tuo thoufand pounds alonge with him in
his ftronge box, of all which there was not one pennie to be feen : for Mar
had left the ftronge box with my Ladie Lyon, near to where he landed ; and
tho' he had talkt a great dale of it, did not fend for it till of late, when we
had fo much in our treafurie, by ceding the countrie, that tuo thoufand
pound was of no odds to us. This is the ftronge box, formerlie mention'd,
which I fent his Lordfhip from Fife, which, before that, his Lordftiip's oun
friends gave out there was tuo thoufand pounds in. It will be found that
the tuo thoufand pounds were given him at London for the fervice, and
was none of his Lordftiip's ; but whether he brought the monie alonge with
him or not, feu can tell ; if he did, he left it in a place of fafetie when he
went to the Highlands, and, it feems, difpair'd of his fuccefs, and would
not rifque it, thinking it would be of ufe to bimfelf afterwards, tho' the pre
text of getting it was that of gaining the Highland Chiefs at firft ; for fure
that fmall foume was not defigned for our fubfiftance. I am unwilling to
think he, who did not hazard a fork or a fpoon, brought that foume alonge
with him, for even after his being at Pearth, and a coniiderable bodie got
together, when the foot mutinied for want of pay, before we could get the
INSURRECTION IN SCOTLAND, 1715. 173
taxes raifed, it is to be thought he'd fent for it, rather than by occasioning
fo great a difcouragement, when the affair was fo far gone, run the hazard
of ruining all, which, if Panmure and Southefque had not fuddainlie put a
ftop to, by giveing each five hundred pound, muft have befallen us ; and at
that time, as at all other times, there was no danger in bringeing it up fafe
in a feu hours ; but his bringeing it up, or pretending to doe fo, when we
were in our greateft plentie, looks to me very fufpicious, as if he had
chofen the time of doeing it when none could be capable of judgeing
whither it was throun in to our mafs or not. Thefe reafons made me believe
that the tuo thoufand pound was left in England for his Lordfhip's oun
ufe, and if he made this grimace with his ftronge box, and fpoke of it, it
was becaufe thofe who gave it to him would not faile to tell it, and he had
no other way of keeping it to himfelf, and faveing his credite, and account
ing to them by his difpofeing of it in the fervice ; for it was no fooner
brought to Pearth then the whole ftorie of it duindled, which would not
have paffed in fuch filence if the Treafurer had got it, and at that time
would have been called his oun free gift, and he valued for ane acl of fo
great generofitie, out of a difinterefted zeale ; but to my certain knouledge the
Treafurer receav'd none of it. I know, likewife, that feveralls of thofe who
are not now in circumftances to own themfelves his ennemies, accufe him
not onlie of this thift, but, it's faid, can give very clear evidences of a great
dale more. The reader may judge as he pleafes ; for my part, I need no
ftronger preemptions to perfuade me that Mar ever was and ever will be
Mar ; that is, in plain Scots, that a fon of a whore, who from his cradle
had it in him to be a thief, will be fo while he breathes ; and, according to
our proverb, there's no takeing out of the flefh what's bred in the bone.
It was after the affair of Dumfermling that I turned a greater favourite
then ever of the generallitie of the gentlemen at Pearth ; and all of them
remember'd what I had fo often prophefied, and own'd hou much I had
been in the right to take the care I did on out commands, and then more
than ever faw the danger they had been in at Dumblain ; in a word, the
very women in the ftreets told me that had I been at Dumfermling that
miffortune would not happned. But to blot out this miffortune, Mar
forged letters from Stirling, giveing account of a great many wounded
174 MEMOIRS OF THE
dragoons being brought back there, as well as wounded hoffes, and that
Ibme had dyed in their returning back, and that others had been killed in
the toun, who the ennemie carried away with them, that we might not
know what lofs they had fuftained, and all buried privatelie in the cole-
pits, to the number of eleven. This was confirmed by different letters, fo
it was not doubted of, even by thofe who were at Dumfermling ; for he
who was under a bed, or in a garret, did not know but he that was running
away was killing dragoons, and he who run away did not know but thofe
under the beds were doeing the fame ; and their commanding officer, Major
Graham, and the generall director, Malcome, were longe enough out of the
way to have killed a hundred, for it was far in the day before they could
be found. There was nothing more ridicoulous than to fee the whole
pleafed with finding out the knack of killing of men without being at the
trouble of it. Thus the dragoons were mauled without their feeling of it,
or without any man's haveing it to fay that he dreu a fuord or fired a
piftoll ; and it was afferted, in the letters, that they had payed fo dear for
it, they'd not make another attempt of that kind ; this was to hinder the
onlie good effect of this miffortune, and for fear it fliould make people
wifer and more cautious on command another time.
No bodie talkt nou of affiftance from France, or of any other want but
the King, and from the beginning, or at that time, not the leaft care takne to
fend to buy pouder or armes in Hamburgh, Lubeck, Bremen, Holland, Nor
way, Gottemburgh, or Dunkirk, tho' we had fmall mips enough to fend any
where, fince France was out of head ; and we had not yet had the leaft
account of the King, as if he and all about him had been dead. Mar, on
the other hand, had fent of [f] Sir John Erikine, 1 a near relation of his, and
one of his creatures, to France ; haveing heard of people's grumbling at
his fending off Collonell Hay without communicateing it to any bodie, had
fent this laft in a more private manner, for he was ten days gone before any
bodie knew of it, for fear we had demanded the fatiffaclion of choifeing
one whofe report we all could truft. The choice of this mefienger could
not be more agreeable to us than his former ; no man haveing been of a
more oppofite principle to us all his life then this had been, and tho' it
1 Of Alva, an Advocate, and a Member of the Union Parliament.
INSURRECTION IN SCOTLAND, 1715. 175
were hard to blame him for haveing a great hand in the Union, becaufe his
capacitie nor influence was not great, yet he gave his vote to each article of
it ; for it's not his way to hefitate on thofe occafions, nor dare the boldeft of
thofe who promoted it fay he bellou'd fo loude in that caufe as Sir John
Erfkine, or expofed himfelf more with grateing the ears of the Parliement
with noife and nonfenfe, or maintain'd fo longe that the Union was a good
thing. For, when the moft devoted to the Court had given up the defence
of it, he moft impudentlie flood to it, and, to my certain knouledge, was of
that opinion not one year before, and, for what I know, and have reafon
to think, continued fo till the very day of his joyning his friend Mar ; for
by that time he had loft all expectation of doeing his work with the Whigs,
both parties of that fet being offended at him for his too great levitie, and
his endeavouring to make up his want of fufficiencie by goeing betuixt
them ; nor had he ever been conftant in any thing but being our and his
countrie's ennemie. So it may be faid, that his Chief was turned out by
the Whigs for being fo intolerable a knave, and he throun out of expecta
tion for being fo intolerable a fool, for he did not want fo ftronge ane
inclination to the other as not to been willing to doe them any fort of
fervice, had they found the capacitie in him.
" Olim truncus erat ficulnus, inutile lignum ;
Cum faber, incertus fcamnum faceretne Priapum,
Maluit efle deum." Horat. Sat.
This gentleman is my brother-in-law, 1 and I ought to know him, nor
can I accufe myfelf of ever haveing fpared him, abfent or prefent, in my
life, or dureing the time of his changes did I ever change my fentiments of
him ; but not to doe him injuftice, I muft fay, that his darling paflion of
being fond of defperate projects, was, I believe, none of his leaft motives :
the force of his imagination hinders the flreacheing the vieus of his fpirit
to make a juft judgement of any thing, which depends on the compareing
different reafons. He fills his head fo much with one, that he gives no
entrie to all the others, which refembles him properlie to thofe who are too
1 Sir John Erskine of Alva married the Honourable Catherine Sinclair, sister of
the Master.
176 MEMOIRS OF THE
near the objects, and fees nothing but what is precifelie before them. By
that reafon, it muft be, that he imagins he can put a thing' in execution
fooner then one who has thrice his fenfe can conceave it ; nor has all the
different experiments faileing, that he ever tryed in his life, convinced him
one bit of his oun infufficiencie. He has flill the miffortune to imagine
he's born to be a great man, and, when all failes, nothing but want of
wings can hinder him from undertaking the Voyage of the Moon.
But it was in vaine for any bodie to fay any thing, or reflect on this, for
my Lord Mar, who was firfl onlie a meffenger of good tideings, next a
Generall of his oun makeing by the help of children, fools, and bankrupts,
after that a Generall by authorise which did not know him, was now a
moft fouveraigne and arbitrarie Prince by the force of our monie, upon no
fmall part of us, and great hopes given by his promifeing to take care of
others, and, when neither of thofe did, he fucceeded by his addrefs in
detracting, his greateft talent and conftant refuge ; for which ufe he made
up a pack of deep-mouthed hounds, compofed of penfionarie Lords, aide-
de-camps (of which never Generall had fo manie), bankrupts, and a vaft
number of others, of all fortes and fizes. Their common chace was
Huntlie, who was not eafilie run doun, and ferved to keep them in wind,
except fome frefh game flarted, and with thofe he fet all the curs in toun
of barking, who, tho' they knew nothing of the game, folloued the pack,
and pleafd themfelves with opening, as well as the bed bred hound. There
was nobodie, on all thofe occafions, fo often at a lofs as Sir Heugh Pater-
fone, for, tho' a finger-fed dog, and a favourite, and keen enough, yet was
of a mongrel kind, and had no nofe, and all the lafhing could be given him
did not cure him of running the counter and babling. So, being now ufed
to the fervitude, and the one frightned by the exemple of the other, no
publick notice was to be takne, and very little private, of what Mar did ; a
common jealoufie haveing fprung up amongft the whole, and no man
trufted his fentiments to another, for everie bodie faw where it tended, and
was to be a favourite at the expence of his friend, fince he could not doe
better. Mar's intereft being all that was to be cared for, it was very
allouable for him to make ufe of his oun friends; for, certainlie, if the
intereft of the Countrie had been in view, we would not made fo intire a
INSUEEECTION IN SCOTLAND, 1715. 177
furrender of ourfelves to thofe we caught in the flagrant fact of felling their
Countrie, and whome we unanimouflie had all alonge called Villains, nor
could anfuer to our own confciences (if there be fuch a thing left) and our
Countrie for the doeing fo. Or, if all that was lham, and nothing of it in
the cafe, we were like men of prudence, if not like men of honeftie, to look
to ourfelves, and confider, that thofe haveing been our avoued enemies all
their lives, had not been fo but for their intereft ; for it would be flill a
worfe conftruction to put it on the foot of willfull malice ; and if fo, it was
that great god their interefts haveing changed which brought them to us,
and in purfueing that, they'd as quicklie change again, and either fell us
for it, or doe what was equall, tryfle with us. Nor could Mar's hazarding
fo much, in makeing fo odious choifes, have any other intention then not
letting the King know in what condition we were in ; nor us what we had
to expect or truft to, after his being fenfible of our haveing found him out
in millions of lyes, and never haveing faid one true word fince his comeing
amongft us, to give us the lead grounds of encouragement to cheat our
felves, or to hope that all that went to the King through his Lordfhip of
Mar's canale, or came to us from him through the fame, muft not be
tainted by the minerale it part through, the nature of which we knew fuch,
without analifeing it, that it rnuft ftink more than it had paft through a
common fewer. But if the Tories and Jacobites are willing to excufe
this ; to own that they were neither capable to confult, or be at all imploy'd
in their own affairs, and, for that reafon, all was to be put in the hands of
the dregs and refufe of the Whigs which they had fent us, while them-
felves were to be coopt up in a pound fold in Pearth, in as great ignorance
and unadlion as they had been all horn'd beafts ; they muft acknouledge
with me they are a fad crew, and good for nothing but being bubled by
the firft who comes, or fold like fo many fheep or oxen. Tho' it's impof-
fible to comprehend that all wanted brains equallie, and of fuch a number
of men fome did not confult their oun interefts, a talent generallie given
in fome degree by nature to the weakeft of people ; therfor, on a ftrickt
enquirie it will be found, a considerable number of thofe who had influence
happned to be children, and thofe who, generallie fpeaking, had any (hare
of fenfe, or knouledge of the world, were bankrupts, and eafilie bought off
z
178 MEMOIRS OF THE
by Mar, to lead the others into the noofe, like fo many decoy ducks:
And had it not been our monie, the condefcenfion amongft men of
equall rank, or intirelie independant, would not been fo great as to make
them neglect the very curiofitie of knowing to the bottom what they
had to depend on, after being imbarkt in any indifferent caufe, for
they themfelves did not truft him, but being pay'd for that paffive humor,
and haveing no eftates to loofe, were indifferent about it, being affured
that was the way to deferve fomething elfwhere, and knouing they
could not be more at home then when abroad, haveing no countrie to
loofe neither.
Mar, in the beginning of our affair, before his own commiffion came, had
takne upon him to make fome of thofe who were not the moft diftinguifht
men amongft us Collonells, and others of lefs note Liutennant-Collonells
and Majors. The defign of that was to gain them to him, as if he had under-
takne to raife and fupport them out of friendfhip, and the value he had of
their merite againft all young and idle pretenders of greater intereft or titles ;
but they were defired to,keep the fecret, becaufe it would breed a jealoufie
if it came to be known they had got the elder commiffions, and intreated
them to allow thofe of intereft to take upon them and doe as they pleaf'd ;
in the mean time it could be no prejudice to them, for, when it fhould be
proper to declare it, they'd always be prefer'd, by takeing their rank from
their commiffions of a prior date. Thefe fools, who never had been fojers,
and but fmall pretenfions to any rank, took it for the greateft mark of
favour the preference he gave them, for they never expected a Court
fo favourable, and conceaved great expectations, run about and lyed for
him, and did every thing he had a mind, fince all tended to their advance
ment, and believed they were working for themfelves. After this, he
difcovers his intention of giveing out more commiffions to fome of his
favourite Lords, who he thought fitteft for his purpofe, and about the time
of his commiffions comeing, makes Kilfeyth and Marifhall Major-Generalls :
This fet all the others agoge ; and everie bodie who had either a follouing,
or a title of Lord without a follouing, run upon him for commiffions ; which
he wanted they ihould doe, that he might have ane opportunitie of oblidge-
ing them all, and, at fame time, diftinguifhing thofe by greateft commiffions
INSURRECTION IN SCOTLAND, 1715. 179
who he wanted to make ufe of ; thofe who were mod reasonable he could
eafilie fatiffie with that of a Collonell, for tho' they deferved better, it was
for the good of the fervice to give them no more at that time, and he knew
that was not the defigne of their comeing out, bid them leave the reft to
him, he'd take care they fhould not be wronged, and make it up to them
fooner or later. This he did to people who he onlie wanted to pleafe, but
thofe who were bankrupts, who, for reafons knoun to himfelf, from the
beginning he had a mind to oblidge, he made Brigadeers at once ; fuch as
Ogilvie of Boyn, who came with his commiffion from France, who had not
one fur of ground, and had left the countrie many years for debt, and had
not one man to follow him, and never had ferved, who he made a Briga-
deer of the foot ; and he made it almoft a generall rule, except fome of his
very particular friends, no bodie was firft and laft advanced to any diftin-
guifht pofl but bankrupts ; nor did he give out any of thofe commiffions to
thofe people except Marifliall and Kilfeyth, till he had fatiffied all the
others with being Collonells.
There was indeed a neceffitie of giveing thofe of follouing comiffions,
for, tho' not officers, there was no other way of bringing them into a form
and fubordination ; (a comiffion putting them under the obligation of obey
ing ;) and no Clan being willing to loofe their name, and join immediatelie
under another Chief, every Chief pretending to ane equallitie, they could not
well have lefs than that of Collonell. As to thofe of the horfe, who led
fquadrons, they might very well been contented with Captain's commiffions,
or, if it was thought more orderlie or regular to form each fquadron into
three companies, the caracter of Collonell was not defpicable, when gentle
men as good as themfelves, and of much better eftates, were troopers.
But the improveing that neceffitie of haveing fome who bore the rank of
officers, tho' none could pretend a capacitie for the loueft poft, to that of
Generall of the horfe, and Major- Generalls, was very ftrange ; for certainlie
thofe who were not capable to command a regiment, or a fquadron, or a
company, could have no pretenfions to be Generalls, and far lefs thofe of
no greater capacitie, who had none of thofe to command, fince all the
claim they had to any command was founded on our miffortune, and
becaufe there was no others, everie one was to doe the beft he could with
180 MEMOIRS OF THE
thofe who folloued him. Haveing thofe tuo Major-Generalls of horfe, he
could not, out of fhame, but make the Marquife of Tullibardine Major-
Generall of the foot, haveing done him more fervice from the beginning
than any bodie there, and flill the mod confiderable after Huntlie ; fo it was
his intereft to force that commiffion upon him, which he was too modeft
to aik. As to the other commiffions of the horfe, Linlithgow, Southefque,
Hollo, and I, were made Collonells ; for he had made Hary Balfour, who
ferv'd as Liutennant-Collonell under my command, and Collonell Hay, his
brother-in-law, who ferved in the fame flation under Hollo, Collonells in his
firft promotion ; fo that I, who, of all thofe who had fquadrons, was the
onlie [one] who had ferved, was made the youngeft officer of the whole, tho'
I was the firft who came with any number of horfe to Pearth. But, indeed,
I believe the fault was my oun, for I had all alonge faid that I needed not
my Lord Mar's commiffion to command the Fife gentlemen, and that
being the hight of my ambition, I wanted no commiffion from him, nor did
I ever afk anie, and would fcarfe accept of it when it was fent me, till I
reflected that it was irregular to refufe it.
But fome imagineing juftice was not done their merite, promotions
did not flop there; Marifliall's claime to advancement being, that he
was a year a Collonell of the Horfe Granadeers, at London, in the lafl
of Queen Ann's reigne, and Kilfeyth's, that he was Liutennant-Collonell
before the Revolution. Linlithgow, who had as great a mind to be a
Generall as any, had wit enough to reflect that Mar had made himfelf
Generalliffimo, and Drummond Generall of the horfe, by plain lying;
he pretended he had a commiffion of Collonell from King James of eight
years date, and, by virtue of that, muft be ane elder Major- Generall
then Marifhall or Kilfeyth; and tho' he had continued Collonell till
now, was very ill fatiffied ; Mar would not ftood to pleaf'd him at any
bodie's expence but Marifhall and Kilfeyth's, who were to be his prin
cipal tools, and durft not venture at once to make too many promo
tions of that kind till he faw how thefe took ; and feeing Rollo and I
eafie, he compounded the matter with him, and made him a Brigadeer,
and at fame time my Lord Southefque, who, I muft doe the juftice to
fay, did not defire it, and told me he was in doubt to accept, but that
INSURRECTION IN SCOTLAND, 1715. 181
Pourie Fothringam advifed him to it, and faying, there was no harm in
takeing; who Mar had fent to him, as I believe, that he might fix the
greater obligation on him ; for Mar, next to his generall rule of takeing
care of bankrupts, was a great admirer of ignorance and fimplicitie.
Here I muft give way to my oun vanitie, to fay that many of the gentle
men were furprifed I was not advanced. I told them I had not defired it,
and had had alreadie as much honour as I wifht for, and as great a com
mand as I thought I was capable of. Then, I have been aikt, If I thought
fo, how came Linlithgow, Southefque, and others, to be capable ? I faid,
They were befl judges of that themfelves ; and indeed, they were as
capable of it as of any other thing. This lafl advancement happning
a little after the ruffle at Dumfermling, I don't know what fpirit
moved my Lord Huntlie's tuo fquadrons particular-lie, to goe to him,
and tell him they'd be commanded by no bodie but I ; for the lofs of
Dumfermling falling heavieft on them, they had a mind for the future to
have one to command them who they thought they could trull. Huntlie
was fatiffied with the propofall, and faid he'd fpeak to me; and this was
done when I had little or no acquaintance of Huntlie, and had never
made him fo much as a vifite, and none at all amongft the gentlemen.
His Lordfhip bid Iruine of Drum, who he made afterwards Collonell to
one of his fquadrons, tell me he wanted to fee me. I went to Scone alonge
with Drum, where Huntlie furprifed me with the propofale. I thankt his
Lordfhip and the gentlemen for the good opinion they had of me, but told
him that I had enough to doe alreadie, and more under my command then
I could well manage, and wifht he would give the command of his tuo
fquadrons to fome other ; and faid, There were idle Lords enough who
would be glade of a lefs command, to keep them in countenance. He
anfuer'd, That neither he nor his friends would be contented with thofe,
for were there no more in it but fuch leaders, they had ignorant folks
enough amongft themfelves. I owned to him, ingenuouflie, that I did not
underfland the horfe fervice, for I had ferved amongft the foot, and that if
I was amongft them now, it was not out of choice, but becaufe I did not
know how to difpofe of myfelf otherwife, for I could not propofe to be of
any ufe amongft the Highlandmen, whofe language I did not underfland,
182 MEMOIRS OF THE
or, if I did, who were fo favage that it was impoffible for any man to bringe
them to difcipline ; and, haveing fpoke fo in the beginning to Strathmore,
who offered to make me his Liutennant-Collonell of Low-countrie foot, I
was within amb's ace of accepting of it, and leaving the more honourable
command to take that in which I thought I could be more ferviceable to
my countrie ; but, finding that everie bodie was drauing to himfelf, and
the worthlefeft formed the greateft pretenfions, it being then their harveft, I
had continu'd where my lot had throun me, lead fuch mould takne advan
tage of it. (Of this communeing of Strathmore's and mine Barafield is a
living witnefs, who accepted of that poft on my refufale.) At laft, Huntlie
told me, he'd take no denyell, and the gentlemen of his tuo fquadrons
would not be fatiffied if I was not made a Brigadeer, for they were fcan-
dalized at the makeing thofe fuperiour officers who were not capable to
command ten men, and keep thofe under who knew fervice. Then, I faid,
I had put on a ftronge resolution not to be a Brigadeer, or further advanced,
nor could he think that if any bufienefs happened I could quit my Fife
friends. He faid, He'd make it fo that his friends and mine (hould be
always together, and my consenting to it on that foot would be ane obliga
tion done him, and that I mud goe with him next day to Mar, which I at
laft confented to, rather then difoblidge him. He called me next morning,
and we went together to Mar ; and he told him that his friends and he
would have Mr Sinclair to command them, and no other, on any out com
mand, or at any time ; and fince he had a mind to put Collonells on his
tuo fquadrons, for that reafon it was proper I mould be made a Brigadeer,
fince 1 was to have within a very few of the one-half of the horfe of the
armie under my command. Mar came up to me with a forc'd fmile, and
afkt, If I defir'd it ? I anfuer'd, Not I ; no more than that of Collonell,
which was fent me, but the Marquife of Huntly had been prefling me to
it, fince I was to command his people, who were to have Collonells of
their oun over each fquadron, to put them on a foot with the others, and
he thought that title would make them more fubordinate ; but, for my
part, I did not court it. Mar faid, Had he knoun I had defir'd it, he had
done it ere nou. I anfuer'd, I did not doubt of it, nor did I defire it then ;
and in demonftration of it, I never took out my commifiion, tho' that night
INSURRECTION IN SCOTLAND, 1715. 183
I was declar'd fo in orders. But to fhew his Lordfhip of Mar's good will,
he put the Vifcount of Kingftoun 1 before me, who had been with us from
the beginning, without any notice being takne of him, or the leaft eom-
mjffion, till then ; and, tho' he had no influence, yet had a jufter title than
any of them to a commiflion, haveing ferved in Catalonia. The onlie
pleafure I had in this was the fatifiaclion of mortiefieing the Lords, who,
after the expofeing themfelves with the vanitie of being Generalls and
Brigadeers, had amongft them all but four fquadrons to command, when I
had three ; and I was not afraid they'd have the impudence or courage to
come and give me orders at any time, their follie haveing now raifed my
fpleen a little. For, tho' I'd had no other reafon, advancement was to me
a jeaft, knouing very well hou all would goe ; and had I inclined before
that, without lying or makeing court to Mar, I could formed as ftronge,
and, in my opinion, ftronger pretenfions as any, for if it went by haveing
influence on fo many gentlemen, I had as good a title to it as any there,
not to fay better then mofl ; if by familie, I'm apt to believe that by that
reafon they dare fay I had any lefs title, and it can't be denyed I had
more fervice, otherwife I mud have fpent my time but very ill. Nor can
I believe the Lords flatter themfelves they were preferred to anie bodie for
their longe heads or prudence. Houever, Mar gain'd his aime by this
management ; and by his publick and private commiflions, fome of which
were and are daylie appearing, made fuch a jumble, and created fuch
jealoufies amongft friends and follouings, that it contributed not a little to
the playing his game.
I found Huntley's people in greater confufion then any of the others,
and at that time did not know who to obey as their officers, and I fpoke
to his Lordfhip, who knew them, to nominate thofe he thought proper
to be captains and other officers, that they might be divided in troops,
and doe their fervice with the others as regularlie as it was poflible for
them ; but to no purpofe. Here I don't pretend to excufe my friend, my
Lord Huntlie ; for, either out of fear of difoblidgeing fome, by advance-
ing others, which would give Mar a handle to work in upon him, as he
1 James Seaton, Viscount of Kingston, afterwards attainted. He had been an
Ensign in the Scots Fusiliers in Queen Anne's time.
184 MEMOIES OF THE
and Marifhall had attempted with his foot, or out of a fpirit of delaying,
he contributed not a little to their diforder.
A ftorie was induftriouflie fpread in Pearth that the Duke of Argyle ufed
our gentlemen barbarouflie who were takne in Dumfermling, that Mar
might have ane opportunitie of (hewing himfelf a brave fellow, and fpeakeing
big, and threatning he would ufe the firft of the ennemie he caught no
better, and of writeing a letter to 
