Full text of "The Memoirs Of James II"

JAMES II

MAIN

OF JAMES II

His Campaigns as Duke of York:
1652-1660

Translated by A. Lytton Sells from the Bouillon
manuscript, edited and collated with the' Clarke
edition. With an introduction by Sir Arthur
Bryant.

One of the most important literary-historical
finds of the twentieth century, this authentic
version of the long-missing memoirs of King
James II of England was discovered accidentally
in 1954 in a chateau in southern France. Since
1696, when King James personally presented
the manuscript to the Cardinal de Bouillon,
nephew of the Marshal of Turenne, it had
been in the possession of the Turenne family,
escaping the notice of scholars and historians.

There is no other example of such a royal
manuscript in any country or language. Al
though fragments of the memoirs have survived
in a number of versions some of them of a
questionable authenticity the only other com
plete and accurate copies were destroyed at the
time of the French Revolution. The present
volume, therefore, makes available for the first
time highly important and hitherto unpublished
material on the Stuart period, particularly some
accounts of the negotiations for the restoration
of Charles II to the throne of England.

In Marlborough: His Life and Times Winston
Churchill points out that historians have had to
rely exclusively upon the partisan writings of
the Jacobites at St. Germain for their accounts
of the English Revolution, and not on King
James's Memoirs written at the time 5 which
priceless document he feared had been 'lost for
ever.'

Continued on the back flap) $6.95

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THE MEMOIRS OF JAMES II
1652-1660

Reproduced by gracious permission of Her Majesty The Quern

THE DUKE OF YORK AS A SOLDIER

The Memoirs of

JAMES II

His CAMPAIGNS AS DUKE OF YORK

16521660

Translated by

A. LYTTON SELLS

from the 'Bouillon ^Manuscript

Sdited and collated with the Qlarke edition

With an Introduction by
Sir Arthur Bryant

1962

INDIANA UNIVERSITY PRESS
BLOOMINGTON

Campagnes Tirees mot pour mot des memoires dt
Jacques Stuart Pour Lors Due d'Torck, et depuis Roy
d'Anghterre Jacques Second: depuis 1652 inelusive-
1660

1962 by Indiana University
Introduction by SirArthur Bryant, 1962

Preface by Percy Muir and David Randall
1962

Library of Congress Catalog Card Number: 62-8916
Printed in Great Britain

CONTENTS

Introduction, King James II by Sir Arthur Bryant -page I

Preface by Percy Muir and David Randall 1 3

Translator's Introduction by A. Lytton Sells 2 5

THE MILITARY MEMOIRSOFTHEDUKEOFYORK

The Campaigns of James Stuart 5 1

Preface by the Cardinal de Bouillon, 1715 52

Certificate from the Administrators of the Scottish College

in Paris, 1734 54

Memoirs of the Duke of York:

Book I Of the Civil Wars in France

1652 57

1 653 The Duke of York's Second Campaign under

M. de Turenne 128

Book II Of the Wars in Flanders

1 654 The Duke of York's Third Campaign

in France 156

1655 The Duke's Fourth and Last Campaign

in France 200

1656 218

1 657 The Duke's Fifth Campaign, and the First

He Served in the Spanish Army 226

1658 248

1659 281

1660 290

Index 293

BE! CUD.) PUBLIC LIBRM

ILLUSTRATIONS

PLATES
Frontispiece The Duke of York as a soldier

1 Title page of the Bouillon Manuscript facing page 88

2 Preface by the Cardinal de Bouillon 89

3 Certificate from the Administrators of the Scottish
College 120

4 Vicomte de Turenne 1 2 1

5 Vicomte de Turenne, aged ten, at Sedan 1 84

6 Louis de Bourbon, Prince de Conde 185

7 Vicomte de Schomberg 216

8 The Duke and Duchess of York and the Princesses

Mary and Anne 217

FIGURES

1. Map of the Battle of Porte St. Antoine, July i, 1652 87

2 . Raising of the Siege of Arras, August 25,1654 176

3. The Siege of Valenciennes, July 16, 1656 220

4. The Battle of the Dunes, June 14, 1658 261

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

The frontispiece is taken from a portrait by an unknown artist of James II when
Duke of York which was almost certainly painted in Flanders in the late 16505. It
is in the royal collection and is reproduced by gracious permission of Her Majesty
the Queen. Plates i, 2 and 3 are from the Bouillon Manuscript of the Memoirs in
the Lilly Library, Indiana University. Plates 4 and 5 are from A. M. Ramsay's
Histoire du Ficomte de Turenne (Paris, 1735). Plate 6 is from an engraving in the
British Museum and is reproduced by permission of the Trustees. Plate 7 is from
a painting by Wissing and is reproduced by kind permission of Earl Spencer. Plate
8 is from a painting by Lely in the royal collection and is reproduced by gracious
permission of Her Majesty the Queen.

Figures i, 2, 3 and 4 are from Ramsay's Histoire du Ficomtc de Turenne (Paris,

1735)*

INTRODUCTION

SIR ARTHUR BRYANT

JAMES the Second of England and the Seventh of Scotland
was neither a great man nor a great king. But he was a prince
of firm integrity, strong religious faith, a loyal master and
friend perhaps,, in the light of his own interests, too loyal a friend
and, within the limits imposed by his royal birth and calling, a fine
administrator, especially in naval and military matters in which
from his earliest years he had had much experience. With the help
of his lieutenant, Samuel Pepys, he did more personally for the
Royal Navy than any other English Sovereign, past or future.
And that was no small service to his country, even if it was his
only one. With his ancestor, Edward III, he shared, too, the
unique privilege for a King of England of commanding her Fleet
in action. He not only took part, like King George VI and the
Duke of Edinburgh, in one of the major battles of British sea
history, but he directed it victoriously as Commander-in-Chief.
Not only did he command Britain's Fleet in action and preside
over her Admiralty for many years. At one time, as a very young
man, he temporarily commanded the French army in the field
while acting as deputy for the great Turenne. Later, though also
for a very brief period and as a deputy, he commanded the Spanish
army in the Netherlands. Many years afterwards, when King of
England, he commanded the English Army in the abortive and,
for him, disastrous campaign of 1688. He also commanded the
Irish Army before the battle of the Boyne. This must surely be a
record of command, however checkered, for any Sovereign. James,
too, was the last Roman Catholic to reign in England. And he has
yet another claim to fame : that the greatest city of the modern
world, New York, was re-christened after him and bears his name.

James was born on October i4th, 1633, s ^ x months after the
Fleet Street tailor's son, Samuel Pepys, who was one day to help

INTRODUCTION

him establish England's Navy on a new model. Unlike his elder
brother,, Charles, who was dark and took after his Medici mater
nal forbears, James was fairish with a long lantern jaw and a rather
stolid, phlegmatic temperament, inherited possibly from his
father's mother, who was a Danish princess. The second son of
Charles I by his French Queen, Henrietta Maria, his birth was
proclaimed by the heralds with the usual pomp appertaining to a
1 7th century Prince of the Blood :

Almighty God of his infinite grace and goodness preserve and blesse with
long life in health, honor and all happiness the most high, mighty and
excellent Prince James Duke of York, second sonne to the most high, most
mighty and most excellent Prince Charles, by the grace of God King of
England, Scotland, France and Ireland, Defender of the Faith.

He was christened by Archbishop Laud the arch-champion of
the Anglican Church of which his father was Head -and his god
parents were two of the leading figures of contemporary European
Protestantism: his aunt, the exiled Queen of Bohemia the one
time 'Queen of Hearts', in honour of whose wedding festivities
Shakespeare's Tempest had been played seventeen years before -
and the Prince of Orange, grandson of the man who had defied
the might of Spain and the Counter-Reformation during the
reign of Elizabeth and whose grandson, half a century later, was
to invade James's kingdom and assume his vacant throne as the
saviour of English Protestantism.

James's earliest years were spent in the atmosphere of a bril
liant royal Court, mainly at the palaces of Hampton Court, Rich
mond and Greenwich. At the age of five, according to the
customary protocol of his age, he was appointed Lord-Admiral of
England. Three years later, while he was still only a child, the
stately and ceremonious world in which his earliest impressions
were formed crumbled around him, as the pent-up anger of his
father's Puritan and libertarian subjects boiled over against the
authoritarianism of his Government and Laud's high-handed
episcopal church discipline. The boy heard the London mob
howling for Stafford's blood, listened with horror to the reports
that daily reached Whitehall of the doings of 'the mighty terrible
Parliament' that was seeking to wrest power from the Crown and

INTRODUCTION

substitute the rule of contumacious lords, country squires and
lawyers, and learnt with tears of his father's surrender and be
trayal of his faithful servant -an act which he ever afterwards
regarded as a fatal parental weakness. Soon afterwards, in the
depth of winter, he was forced to fly from London with his
parents to Hampton Court. A few months later, after various
vicissitudes, he joined his father at York where he was, rather for
lornly, invested with the Garter. He was an eyewitness that sum
mer of the defiance of the Governor of Hull to the royal summons
another consequence, he always afterwards believed, of a lack of
resolution in the monarchical councils -and was present when the
Royal Standard was raised at Nottingham against the Parlia
mentary leaders who, with the support of the Puritan faction in
the country, were now openly defying the Crown.

A week after his ninth birthday, James experienced his first
battle. Together with his elder brother Charles, throughout a long
October day, he watched his father fighting for his throne against
Lord Essex's army in the Warwickshire meadows below Edge-
hill. According to Aubrey, whose evidence is uncorroborated, the
two princes were in the charge of one of the royal physicians, the
famous William Harvey -discoverer of the circulation of the
blood -who, also according to Aubrey, spent most of the day
under a hedge reading a book and oblivious of his charges. For
the next three years James lived in an armed city the Oxford of
Prince Rupert and the Cavaliers, given over, in G. M. Trevelyan's
words, 'to the use of a Court whose days of royalty were num
bered, its walks and quadrangles filled, as the end came near, with
men and women learning to accept sorrow as their lot through
life, the ambitious abandoning hope of power, the wealthy harden
ing themselves to embrace poverty, those who loved England pre
paring to sail for foreign shores and lovers to be parted for ever'.
It was James's fate, as a boy, to endure that agony to the end, for
he remained at Oxford until its hopeless surrender and long after
his mother, his father and his elder brother had all left the doomed

city.

After the King's defeat at Naseby and the fall of Oxford the
young Duke's lot was a very sad one. For the next two years he
was a prisoner, with his younger brother, Henry, and his little
sister, Elizabeth, in the old palace of St. James's. Here he waited

INTRODUCTION

while his captors, the Puritan army of Fairfax and Cromwell and
the Presbyterian Parliament at Westminster, quarrelled with one
another for the control of the kingdom they had wrested from his
father. His mother was in exile in France, the King a prisoner,
first at Hampton Court and later at Carisbrooke in the Isle of
Wight. But in the spring of 1648, on the eve of the second Civil
War, James, in obedience to a secret message from his father, suc
ceeded in escaping to Holland. With the help of a Royalist
colonel, his sister's maid, and a barber, the fourteen-year-old lad
slipped out of the palace through a garden door into St. James's
Park, disguised himself in cloak and perriwig and took a coach to
one of the lanes leading to the river where a waiting wherry bore
him to a secret rendezvous near London Bridge. Here he changed
into girl's clothes and took passage on a barge to Gravesend where
a ship was about to sail for Holland. But going down the Thames
the master of the barge, who knew nothing of his passenger's
identity, surprised him tying up his garter 'in so unwomanish a
manner" that his suspicions were aroused. James was only able
to continue his journey by instantaneously making a clean breast
of the matter. Fortunately the barge-owner was loyalist enough to
be prepared to risk his neck for the young prince, and James
reached Gravesend in safety. Hence he sailed at daybreak for
Holland and, after escaping shipwreck on the Middleburgh sand
banks and capture by a Parliamentary frigate, landed on the conti
nent. He was to remain on it, an exile, for the next twelve years.

After nine months at the Hague at the Court of his eldest
sister, Mary, who was married to Prince William of Orange, the
young Duke joined his mother at Paris where she was living in
straitened circumstances in the Louvre. Her sister-in-law, the
French Queen Regent, and her nephew, the boy king, Louis XIV,
has just been driven from the capital by rebellious nobles and the
Paris mob, and it looked at that moment as though the French
Crown was going to go the way of the English. A few days after
James's arrival at the Louvre, the dreadful news arrived of King
Charles's death on the scaffold at Whitehall. To the young prince
and his family and to the English and Scottish exiles who sur
rounded them it seemed as if the very foundations of the earth had
been shaken. 'This sad and execrable murder of our blessed
master', wrote one of them, 'hath so disordered me that I shall

INTRODUCTION

hardly ever recover true quiet of mind. My soul abhors the
thought of it of which no age ever heard the like. Yet, through all
distractions, I must force myself to action when it may conduce
to avenge the blood of that royal and glorious martyr upon those
base inhuman murderers.'

Such was the school of adversity, exile and longing for revenge
in which James grew to manhood. It was to prove, for the next
decade, a school also of chronic poverty. 'Nothing/ the young
Duke wrote on the first page of these memoirs, 'was so rare as
money/ The leading figure among the exiles who formed the
shadow court of Charles II in Paris, Edward Hyde, his Chan
cellor, confessed that his young master owed for all he had eaten
for months :

I am not acquainted with one servant of his who hath a pistole in his
pocket. Five or six of us eat together one meal a day for a pistole a week but
all of us owe for God knows how many weeks to the poor woman that feeds
us I do not now know that any man is yet dead for want of bread, which
really I wonder at.

For James there was only one resort: to earn his living by his
sword. After a short interlude in Jersey, the last dominion to
remain loyal to the fallen Crown of England, and a further visit to
Holland to see his widowed sister's new-born child the infant
William of Orange who one day was to supplant him on the
Throne the Duke at the age of eighteen took service in the
French royal army. For the next four years he kept himself as a
soldier of fortune. They were the most formative years of his life
and, in some ways, the happiest.

This was the period covered by the main and most detailed part
of the memoirs printed in this volume. James had the good for
tune to be apprenticed to one of the great captains of all time, and
one of the noblest of men, the great Henri, Vicomte de Turenne,
Marshal of France, who commanded the royal armies in the Civil
Wars of the Fronde against the brilliant rebel soldier, the Prince
of Conde, and the Spanish invaders of his divided country. The
two men the forty-one year old Marshal and the young volunteer
whose father had perished on the scaffold became firm friends,
and to his dying day, as the Cardinal de Bouillon's preface to the

INTRODUCTION

manuscript shows, James held the memory of Turenne in affec
tionate honour.

It was a regard and affection which Turenne fully reciprocated.
For James proved an excellent lieutenant -brave, enduring, eager
to learn and amenable to discipline. Phlegmatic, except when his
deepest emotions were aroused, with a passion for order and
routine, yet bold and, within his unimaginative limits, resourceful,
James had many of the basic qualities of the good soldier. With
all his faults, the code of honour he learnt in the profession of
arms was to give dignity to his character and invest with a touch
of nobility the many humiliations and vicissitudes of his checkered
life.

James's experiences during the wars of the Fronde and the
campaigns in northern France against the invading Spanish
armies were not dissimilar to those of thousands of young English
men who fought over the same ground in the First World War of
the twentieth century. The names encountered in the record of his
marches, sieges and battles are those with which men of my own
generation became familiar in the years 1914-1918.

There was on the right a brook which comes from Roiset and falls into
the Somme a little above Peronne. There was in front a little valley and on
the side of the brook a water course which the cavalry could not pass without
great difficulty; the nearest village was called Tincour or Buires.

The young Duke was a modest and straightforward recorder of
the campaigns in which he served; his journal is 'crew cut' and
almost entirely free of emotion. Yet, between the lines, a soldier
can recognise the authenticity of his experience. Witness his
account of the march across the Champagne plain in the Decem
ber of 1652.

The troops had to be quartered in the villages as the rigours of winter
made it impossible to camp. The day they came to Sommyeur the frost
was so very sharp that all the horsemen were forced to march on foot to
keep warm; thirty or forty soldiers perished the same day through the
extremity of cold; for, so soon as any of them who were not warmly
clothed sat down for ease, the frost pierced them and they were never able
to raise (sic) again. The Duke of York saw several frozen to death and a
much greater number would have perished but for the care taken by the
6

INTRODUCTION

officers to put on horseback those whom they saw ready to succumb and
carried them to the first villages where they saved several of them by giving
them brandy and other kinds of liquor. What made this frost keener and
more penetrating was that they were then marching over the vast plains of
Champagne, where there was no shelter against the piercing north-east
wind which was blowing directly in their faces.

Or of a struggle with mud, which will bring back many memories
to veterans of both the first and second German Wars.

As befits a soldier James says little in his Memoirs of his per
sonal part in these transactions. But the trust reposed in him by
Turenne and his speedy promotion, as well as the testimony of
those who served with him, shows how well he acquitted himself.
Writing of his conduct in action against the Dutch fleet fourteen
years later, his secretary, Sir William Coventry, described him as
being 'more himself and more of judgment ... in the middle of a
desperate service, that at other times . . . and though he is a man
naturally martial to the hottest degree, yet a man that never in his
life talks one word of himself or service of his own, but only that
he saw such or such a thing'. Had he fallen in action at the Battle
of Lowestoft or in these early campaigns in Champagne and
Picardy he might have gone down to history as one of the noblest
and bravest of British princes.

In 1656, to his intense chagrin, the Duke was forced to resign
his commission in the French Army. A treaty negotiated between
Commonwealth England and France made it a condition of peace
between the two countries that he should do so. His brother, the
King, after a brief sojourn in Germany, found a refuge in the
Spanish Netherlands, and James, recalled to his side, served for a
time with the Spanish armies against his old comrade in arms,
Turenne. While so engaged he was present at the Battle of the
Dunes and left us a laconic, but moving, account of the dogged

INTRODUCTION

courage of Cromwell's Ironsides serving, 'at push of pike', with
the French. 'Not so much as one single man of them ask'd quarter,
or threw down his armes, but every one defended himself to the
last; so that we ran as great danger by the butt end of their mus
kets as by the volley which they had given us.' More than thirty
years later, watching the English seamen he had once com
manded destroying his last hopes of recovering his kingdom as
they boarded the French warships off La Hogue, the exiled James
paid a similar tribute to the martial qualities of his countrymen :
'None but my brave English could do so brave an action/

The rest of James's story is familiar enough. In May 1660 he
returned with his brother to England as Heir Presumptive to the
Throne -a position he was to hold until his accession a quarter of a
century later. Yet even amid the rejoicings of the Restoration,
with the nation beside itself at the sudden recovery of its ancient
Crown, Parliament and Laws, the Duke found himself in trouble.
For the daughter of the Lord Chancellor, to whom in exile he had
given a secret promise of marriage, proved in child by him, and he
was faced by the dilemma of either disgracing the family of his
brother's chief Minister or of contracting a match which was
bound, by the standards of the age, to outrage the country. In the
upshot, with the King's support but to the fury of his mother and
sister, James married Anne Hyde and publicly acknowledged her
as his wife. The mesalliance^ as it seemed at the time the start of
which is referred to in these memoirs gave England two future
Sovereigns, Mary II and Anne.

During the next decade the only prolonged period in James's
life when he was free from major trouble the young Duke, as
Lord High Admiral, directed the country's naval affairs and com
manded her fleet in two great naval engagements against the
Dutch, Pepys, who as an official of the Navy Board was under
going a similar sea-change, describes in his diary James's trans
formation from a rather idle young prince, spoilt by an over-
sudden accession of good fortune-'applying himself but little to
the affairs of the country and attending to nothing but his plea
sures'into a painstaking administrator, 'concerned to mend
things in the Navy himself and not leave it to other people' and
who 'do follow and understand business very well and is mightily

INTRODUCTION

improved thereby'. For a short period at the beginning of the first
Dutch war James was, indeed, the hero of the nation. And his
vigour and presence of mind during the Fire of London enhanced
the reputation he had won in battle.

Yet within a dozen years of the Restoration James had made
himself the most distrusted man in the country. By publicly em
bracing the Roman Catholic faith he committed what seemed the
greatest of all political blunders in an age when to the ordinary
Englishman Catholicism, or Popery as it was called, was as hated
and feared as Fascism today. The King -who himself had Catho
lic leanings but was too wise to admit them -did his best to per
suade James to keep his religious convictions to himself but, part
ly out of honesty and partly out of affection for his wife, who had
been received into the Catholic Church before her death in 1671,
James insisted on blazoning the matter out. As a result he was
forced to resign the Admiralty after an alarmed Parliament had
brought in a Test Act requiring attendance at Anglican Com
munion as a pre-requisite to the holding of every high office in the
State. What was worse, his open change of religion made the
nation suspect, not without truth, that there was a secret design on
the part of the King and Court to restore England to the Catholic
fold. During the years following his enforced retirement, James
was faced by a growing national movement -fostered and led by
the great Protestant or 'Whig' Parliamentarian, Lord Shaftes-
bury to exclude him from the succession to the Throne and
legitimise the King's bastard, the young Duke of Monmouth, in
his place. For a time he was forced, at his brother's command, to
leave the country and live in exile, first in Brussels, and then, as
Viceroy and High Commissioner, in Scotland. During this
period, while the false accusations of Titus Gates agitated and
terrorised the country, even the life of the Catholic Heir Presump
tive would have been in danger had he remained in London.
Saved by his brother's consummate political skill an adroitness
that James despised, never understood and regarded as weakness
-he was recalled in 1682 on the rising crest of an astonishing
loyal reaction against the excesses of the Whig extremists. Follow
ing an escape from drowning by shipwreck off the Yorkshire coast,
the Duke was hailed on his return by the London mob who
earlier had been ready to hound him to death with the refrain,

INTRODUCTION

The glory of the British line.
Old Jimmy's come again!

Two years later, in February 16855 Charles died and James
succeeded to the Throne. In little more than three years, by his
tactlessness, his inability to compromise or judge of human motive
and character, and by the rigidity with which he upheld and
sought to extend the rights of his unpopular co-religionists,
James II threw away all the advantages won by his brother's poli
tical strategy. Acclaimed by the ruling Anglican High Tory
Party as the uncompromising son of the martyred King who had
died for the Church of England and as the champion of monarchi
cal legitimism and Divine Right, he persisted in outraging their
strongest beliefs and prejudices by suspending the laws in order
to grant office to Roman Catholics and Dissenters, by governing
without a Parliament since no Parliament would endorse his
policy and by maintaining a standing army, partly recruited from
Irish Papists and destined, it was believed (though probably un
justly) to enslave the nation. When in the summer of 1688 a son
was unexpectedly born to his Catholic Queen, Mary of Modena
whom he had married fifteen years before abandoning the hope
that their dilemma was only temporary and putting their religion
before their loyalty, his disillusioned Tory supporters joined with
their Whig opponents in secretly inviting the King's Protestant
son-in-law, William of Orange, to invade England with a Dutch
fleet and army to save the religion and laws of the country. This,
with the support of the majority of the English people, William
did, landing at Torbay as 'Liberator' in November 1688.

Betrayed by those whom he most trusted, including his daugh
ters, Mary of Orange and Anne, and the leading officers of his
Army, James lost his head and, for once, his courage, and, after
five weeks of uncertainty, retreat and confusion, attempted to fly
the country. He thereby gave those who wished, not merely to
restrain, but to dethrone him, the chance to declare the throne
vacant. A second attempt to escape-encouraged by William-
proved successful, and at three o'clock on the morning of Christ
mas Day 1688 the hapless King landed in France, once more a
fugitive, never to return to England.

Henceforward until his death James was the pensioner of his
10

INTRODUCTION

cousin, Louis XIV,, in whose armies he had fought forty years
before and who had now become Britain's declared enemy and,
with his vast armed hosts and dreams of 'universal monarchy', a
threat to the liberties of all Europe. With Louis's help James
landed in Ireland in the spring of 1689 in an attempt to recover
his throne which, in his absence, had been conferred by Parlia
ment jointly on William and Mary. Hailed by the Catholic Irish
as a saviour, he remained there till July of the following year
when his Franco-Irish army was routed by William at the Battle
oftheBoyne.

For the remainder of his life James lived in retirement at St.
Germain, increasingly given over to religious devotion and medi
tation. He died on September lyth, 1701, a few months before
the Protestant nephew and son-in-law who had supplanted him on
the throne. To Catholics, as well as to a little group of loyal English
Tories who refused to acknowledge his successor, he seemed a
martyr who had given up everything for his faith and the prin
ciples of monarchical right which he had so stubbornly refused to
compromise.

PREFACE

^ I A HE announcement in 1951 that Charles Scribner's Sons, of
JL New York, with whom I was associated for many years as
Rare Book expert, had acquired the most legendary' Shuckburg
copy of the Gutenberg Bible from a member of the British Royal
Family aroused interest in other than bibliographical circles.
Press associations carried the story, articles were written, inter
views given, and offers of 'family treasures' swelled to full flood
from all continents. As a result of this publicity, a young French
girl in New York telephoned to inquire about the value of some
first editions of Robert Browning, Lord Tennyson, and Walter
Savage Landor.

The first book examined, the Browning, was inscribed by the
author to Walter Savage Landor, as was the Tennyson volume.
The books by Landor were his own copies, annotated throughout
in his waspish style and of considerable bibliographical interest
They were purchased upon mutually satisfactory terms and
promptly found suitable homes.

One's first reaction to material of this kind is naturally: 'Where
did it come from?' and 'Is there any more of it to be had? 7 The
answers were that they came from the family library in France,
which was a large one, and that other similar material might be
there, that these particular books had been brought to America as
they seemed the most likely to be saleable here, and that Made
moiselle was descended from Walter Savage Landor, which satis
factorily explained their provenance. This was exciting, of course,
but it developed that the library was in a somewhat inaccessible
spot, the castle was closed, and there was no one locally capable of
making even the briefest kind of inventory.

In 1 954 I made arrangements to go to England and the conti
nent on a rare-book hunting expedition, and my companion on the
trip to France was to be Percy Muir, of the firm of Elkin Mathews,
a long-time friend whose knowledge of French booksellers, French
books, and, in short, France is encyclopedic. The forthcoming
trip recalled the memory of the Landor library and, after some in-

PREFACE

vestigation, I found that the daughter was now living in Paris.
Arrangements were made at last to visit the castle in the Midi,
where Mademoiselle's mother was now in residence.

The castle is very old and had somehow -probably from its iso
lated position far off the traditional invasion routes -escaped the
desolation of the wars that had devastated other parts of France in
past ages and in our own day. Among its proud traditions, and
they are many, is the fact that Richard Lion-Heart had visited it.
The library and many other rooms contained-on the walls, in
closets and cupboards-important and interesting documents asso
ciated with the castle's long history, but most were connected with
the family's history and were understandably not to be parted
with under any circumstances.

Only one book of real value, the rare first edition of Henry D.
Thoreau's first book A Week on the Concord and Merrimac Rivers
(Cambridge, Massachusetts, 1849), in fine condition and in
scribed by Thoreau to Landor, turned up and it was discovered by
Muir. This book the Countess parted with reluctantly, obviously
disappointed that nothing of importance (aside from the French
works with which she would not part) had come to light.

Two evenings before our departure I went prying around some
of the old closets, partly to see if something had not been over
looked and partly to prove to Muir that I was as good a needle-in-
a-haystack hunter as he. On top of a large pile of seventeenth- and
eighteenth-century books and documents, I chanced to pick up
the manuscript of the present volume. Had it been at the bottom,
I would never have reached for it. Opening the manuscript in the
middle, I was certain that, being in French, it was another docu
ment with which the family would not part; but something made
me glance at the title page. This, I thought, requires considera
tion, and retiring to my rooms I meditated on it, skimming
through it with my faulty French.

The book, 145 folio pages, written on both sides, was bound in
eighteenth-century blind-tooled calf without lettering. The title
page read in part: 'Campagnes Tirees mot pour mot des memoirs
de Jacques Stuart Pour lors Due d'Yorck, et depuis Roy d'Angle-
terre Jacques Second. . / Bound in were four folio leaves, written
on both sides, headed "Preface du Cardinal de Bouillon', and an
attestation with seal, dated 1734, and signed by five members of

PREFACE

the Scots College of the University of Paris. There was a book
plate of Turenne Aynac and the name 'M[arqu]is de Turenne
d'Aynac' written on the flyleaf.

It was obvious what it was, but I was hazy as to its true impor
tance. Though not particularly well-informed about this period, I
was familiar with Winston Churchill's Marlborough. I recalled
his vivid chapter on James IPs memoirs, the romantic tale of
the attempt to smuggle them from France to England during
the French Revolution, their destruction at St. Omer, and
the subsequent controversies over the authenticity of various
texts.

The next morning, with Muir translating, we discovered that
the preface was written by Emmanuel-Theodose de la Tour
d'Auvergne, Cardinal de Bouillon, nephew of Henri de la Tour
d'Auvergne, Vicomte de Turenne, the famous French Marshal. In
1695, when the Cardinal had met King James II, then in exile at
St. Germain-en-Laye, the King had told the nephew of his experi
ences as a young man serving in the French Army under Marshal
Turenne. Since most of this information was unknown to the
Cardinal, he requested the King to set down a record. The King
replied that he had already written memoirs of his early years,
that he would extract from these all references to the Marshal
together with his experiences in the Low Countries down to the
Peace of the Pyrenees and the Restoration of his brother Charles
II to the throne of England, and that he would have them trans
lated into French for presentation to the Cardinal.

On January 27, 1696, James sent for the Cardinal and pre
sented him with this manuscript, with the injunction that it was to
be shown to no one during the King's lifetime. This injunction
was faithfully observed by the Cardinal, not only during the life of
the King, but during his own lifetime also. Not until 1715, the
year of his death, did he write the preface, giving its history and
adding his intention to bequeath it to the next in seniority in the
family of Turenne, with the hope that it would remain in the
possession of the senior member of his family from generation to
generation in perpetuity.

His heir was his nephew, Henri-Oswald de la Tour d'Auvergne,
Comte de Turenne, who inherited from the Cardinal not only this
manuscript but the whole of his very considerable library. The

PREFACE

library was eventually dispersed, but the manuscript remained
with the family.

Although King James had promised the Cardinal a translation
of only those parts of the memoirs that would be of interest to him,
it became apparent from the certificate of authentication that the
manuscript is a remarkably faithful version of the English original.

This certificate of authentication, bound between the Cardinal's
preface and the body of the manuscript, was prepared for and
given to the Cardinal's nephew. It is signed by five officials of the
Scots College of the University of Paris, where the papers of
James II had been deposited by his order. The most important of
the signers is Louis Inesse, who used the French form of his name,
originally Lewis Innes. He had succeeded Robert Barclay as
principal of the Scots College in 1682 and devoted himself to the
preservation and arrangement of the records in the college library.
He was one of the five men who acted as James II's Cabinet at St.
Germain after the King's return from Ireland in 1690.

The certificate reads :

These Memoirs of the late King James II of Great Britain conform to
the original English Memoirs written in H.M.'s own hand which, in
accordance with a Minute signed by his hand, are preserved in our said
college. And we, the aforesaid, certify further that the present Manuscript,
revised and corrected by the said King James, translated by his order, given
by his hand to the late Cardinal de Bouillon on January 27, 1696, and
written in the hand of Dempster, one of the Secretaries of his said Majesty,
conforms in feet, circumstances, reflections, and generally in every way (the
turn of style and method of relation excepted) to a second translation of the
same English Memoirs, made by order of the late Queen of Great Britain,
signed in her hand, sealed with her Seal bearing her arms, countersigned by
my Lord Caryl Secretaire d'Etat on November 14, 1704, and given on
January 15, 17053 by the said Louis Inesse to S.A.R. the Cardinal de
Bouillon, to be used in the Histoire du Vicomte de Turenne. . . .*

This was a discovery indeed, but what could be done with it? I
thought from the first that the family could be persuaded to part
with the manuscript if I advanced the theory that it had very little

* See the Bibliographical Note, pp. 19, 20, 22 below, for a discussion of this
second manuscript.

PREFACE

French interest, since it was merely the translated memoirs of an
Englishman who later became King. But we were leaving the next
morning and how to persuade the owners and arrange the innu
merable details (assuming they were willing to part with the
manuscript) was a puzzle.

The problem was solved in the simplest manner. I returned to
London and left Percy Muir to attend to the details. His account
follows.

Randall's discovery of the James II manuscript, coming after
our experience in purchasing the Thoreau book, was not dis
cussed at once with the Countess. I was convinced that it would be
wise to await a psychological moment at which to broach the
subject.

The moment arose soon after a late supper on our last evening
at the chateau, when the Countess announced that we must in
spect the countryside by moonlight from the battlements. We
climbed a spiral staircase in one of the towers, and as we emerged
into a kind of loft under the roof we found the floor covered with
an amazing variety of receptacles. There were buckets, baths,
chamberpots even a bedpan or two. Our hostess explained that
this was a precaution against a repetition of the experience during
the previous year's rainy season, when water had streamed through
the roof and brought down ceilings. She reminded us of the water-
stained walls in the rooms below, which were indicative of the
intensity of the flood.

As we emerged onto the roof, the Countess pointed out that all
the lead was porous and needed replacing. She had had an esti
mate for renewing it, but it was a sum entirely beyond her means
to provide.

'And you had hoped, perhaps,' I suggested, 'that Landor's
books might provide for the possibility.'

'Yes!' she said. 'But you have removed that foolish idea from
my head. I am sure your valuation is an honest and accurate one.
But the money would go nowhere. Perhaps you will still find some
thing, somewhere in the house, that will keep a roof over my
head.'

'We have,' I said. And at three o'clock in the morning, on that
moonlit roof, I told her what we had found. I was not surprised

PREFACE

to learn that she had no idea of the existence of the document ; and
its nature had to be described to her in detail. She wanted to see it
at once and we went down to examine it. She was quite indefati
gable and would have sat up the rest of the night poring over it
and discussing it. I finally succeeded in persuading her to retire to
her bedroom with the manuscript, and we were able to sleep for a
few hours.

The next morning Randall announced that his schedule re
quired that he return to London immediately, so that., while I was
able to stay, he was forced to leave with the great purchase still un
completed. The Countess was torn between reluctance to part
with a family document and anxiety about the roof. She had de
cided that her daughter must be consulted about the manuscript.
It was a part of her inheritance and she must make the decision.

"But without a proper roof/ I said, 'neither this manuscript nor
anything else in the chateau may be worth inheriting.'

'Of course, you are right/ she answered. 'You will see her in
Paris on your return there. She is a very sensible girl. She will see
the point. But if she says I am not to sell I shall be glad.'

I had to leave without a decision and without the manuscript,
although we did agree to abide by the daughter's future decision.
A further condition was made. If we did buy the manuscript, a
complete facsimile in a copy of its original eighteenth-century
binding was to be made and given to the Countess at our expense.

Since the daughter did approve the purchase, there was a
second journey to the chateau, when I did acquire the manuscript.
For the conclusion of the story, we must return to Randall's part
of this preface :

The delivery of the manuscript to America occurred just prior
to my leaving Scribner's to become Librarian of the remarkable
collection of rare books and manuscripts which Mr. J. K. Lilly,
Jr., of Indianapolis, had given to Indiana University. It became
my first major addition to that collection.

The best and most exhaustive account of King James's Memoirs
is in Winston Churchill's Marlborough.* In it he published for the
first time a letter from Thomas Inesse, brother of Louis Inesse,

* George G. Harrap, London, and Charles Scribner's Sons, New York.

PREFACE

and his successor as Principal of the Scots College, to James
Edgar, secretary to the Old Pretender, dated Paris, October 17,
1740.

There were, it appears, four manuscripts of the Memoirs, two
in English and two in French, which may be described as follows :

(i) The original English manuscript written in the hand of
King James himself and (2) an English transcription thereof.
These are referred to by Thomas Inesse in this way:

Now the Orig. Memoires having been at first all written upon paper of
different Seizes such as his late Maty had about him or at hand during his
Campagnes or in the different parts he happened to be; were in no kind of
order till by his late Maties directions, my Brother arranged them and
caused bind them up in three vols with references to mark the suitte
[sequence]. Besides this, they are in some places by length of time and bad
ink become almost illegible so that M. Carte sometimes not a little puzzled
to make them out: To remedy this I thought properr to communicate to
him a fair copy we have of these Memoires ending, as the Orgls do, at the
Restoration in 3 vols in 4, upon the first Volume of which is die following
notte in my Brothers hand . . . [transcribed in 3 volumes in 4 from the King's
Original Memoires by M. Dryden the famous Poet, 1 in the year 1686, and
afterwards revised by his Majesty, and in Severall places corrected in his
own hand].

There are besides some other Markes upon this copy of Mr. Dryden by
which it would appear that A.D. 1686 when it was making ready for the
Press and probably it had been published, if the unhappy Revolution had not
soon after fallen out.

' . . . The chief differences between this Copy and the Original consist
in this that whereas in the Origl Memoires H.M. speaks always of himself
in the third person 2 ... in this copy of M. Dryden he is made always to
speak in the first person. . . .'

(3) The present French version and (4), as detailed in the Certi
ficate of Attestation, a second French translation made after the
King's death for his widow, Mary of Modena.

Churchill's account disposes of many previously accepted
inaccuracies, for example, the highly misleading account in the

1 Assumed to be Charles Dryden, the poet's son.

2 A study of the copy of James IPs Memoirs published by J. S. Clarke in 1816
leads one to doubt this statement (Editor).

PREFACE

bibliographical notes to A. W. Ward's article in the Dictionary of
National Biography. This article sets down and summarizes ^as
fact many views or statements which are challenged by Churchill.
It is suggested, for example, that James II either wrote or super
vised the preparation of the Memoirs down to the year 1678.
Churchill argues that the only Memoirs written by the King were
those contained in the present manuscript which ends with the
Restoration of Charles IL 3

Churchill discusses the fate of the original English Memoirs,

* There is no doubt about the existence of the Memoirs nor where they
lay during the whole of the eighteenth century. On the outbreak of the
French Revolution the Scots College tried by various channels to send these
historical treasures to England for safety. In 1793 it is believed that a
Monsieur Charpentier finally undertook the task. He was arrested at
Saint-Omer, and his wife, fearing lest the Royal Arms of hostile England
on the bindings might be compromising, first buried the volumes in the
garden of her house, and later dug them up and burned them. Thus ended
the travels of the Memoirs, the only original memoirs " writ in the King's
own hand ",'

It is not clear from Churchill's account whether the second
English transcription (2, above) and the last French translation
(4, above) were also destroyed in like manner. It seems most
likely that they were. In any event they have never been recovered
and were not at the Scots College in Paris when Charles James Fox
visited there in 1 802.

Now arises the question of the printing of the various manu
scripts. During the eighteenth century some access was had to
James's Memoirs and other papers deposited in the Scots College
and several works, a 'Life', etc., were written from them. First,
the English. Ward, in DJV.5., states categorically: 'Of the
materials used by the compilers [of the Life of James II"] genuine
remains exist in the extracts made from the Memoirs by Carte -as
well as in those by Macpherson.

These references are to three different sources :

3 Evidence has now come to light to suggest that James continued to write
memoirs, though not perhaps continuous!/, after 1660 and even into the 1 680*3
(Editor).

PREFACE

(1) The Life of James II collected out of Memoirs writ in his own
hand. By James Clarke. 1 8 1 6.

(2) The Life of the Duke of Ormonde. By Thomas Carte. 1736.

(3) Original Papers containing the secret history of Great Britain
from the Restoration to the accession of the House of Hanover. By

James Macpherson. 1775.

James Macpherson is best known for his equivocal fostering of
the poems of 'Ossian', an association which is hardly a recom
mendation in an historian. Churchill disposes of his claim to
authority summarily and effectively. His labours are 'irrelevant
and redundant' and may be allowed *to pass without further com
ment from the account'.

Churchill also clears up the confusion about the Memoirs and
a 'Life'. About 1707 James IPs son, the Old Pretender, caused a
detailed biography of his father to be compiled by a Jacobite
gentleman named Dicconson, which was deposited at the Scots
College for many years. A copy of his manuscript was acquired by
an English Benedictine community in Italy. It was purchased
during the Napoleonic Wars by the Prince of Wales, afterwards
George IV, who had it edited by the Rev. James Clarke, his his
toriographer, and printed in 1816. This is source-reference (i)
above.

Carte's claim to have quoted or copied any considerable portion
of the original Memoirs is disposed of by the letter from Thomas
Inesse, quoted above. Inesse had made available to Carte the re
written version made by Dryden in 1686, and it was from this
version that Carte's extracts were made.

From this bibliographical material, several interesting points
emerge. First, it is clear that at no time has the original English
manuscript been printed, only the passages quoted or condensed
by Dicconson have survived. Secondly, at no time when printing
of the Memoirs was feasible were they in a fit state to be printed,
because of their haphazard compilation and their illegibility.
Finally, and most important of all for our present purpose, the
only redaction of the Memoirs, made under the King's personal
supervision, known to have survived in any form is the present
manuscript.

Admittedly the King supervised the Dryden version; but
Inesse expressly mentions 'the differences in it from the Original*

PREFACE

and specifies for example, that Dryden's version was written in
the first person throughout, 4 whereas the original was in the third
person, thereby disposing of any possible notion that this might
be a translation of Dryden's version, rather than the original.

The reference to a second French translation in the certificate
from the Scots College which accompanies the present manuscript
is confusing. Two dates are mentioned in connection with it,
1704, when it was sealed by 'My Lord Caryl', Secretary of State,
and 1705, when it was said to have been given by Louis Inesse to
the Cardinal de Bouillon to be used in the Histoire du Vicomte
Turenne.

These dates are not without interest and significance. In 1701,
after the death of James II, John Caryll was appointed as one of
the Old Pretender's Secretaries of State and created Baron. And
that same year he wrote to James IFs widow, Mary of Modena,
that he was engaged with the King's Memoirs. There can be little
doubt that this refers to the commissioning of the second French
translation, and the affixing of his seal to it in 1 704 probably
signifies its completion.

There remains the mystery of why it should have been en
trusted to the Cardinal in 1 705, when he had been given his own
manuscript of the Memoirs nine years before. The probable ex
planation is that the second manuscript was lent to him for pur
poses of collation and comparison before the printing of the
Histoire was undertaken. Whatever may have been the Cardinal's
intentions it was not he, but his nephew, who supervised the pub
lication of the Histoire du Vicomte de Turenne^ in which the known
documents relating to the life of Marshal Turenne were printed.
By 1705 the Cardinal was in serious political difficulties; in 1710
he was exiled. The Histoire^ published in 1735, included a section
entitled *Les Memoires du Due d'Yorck, depuis Jacques II. Roi
de la Grande-Bretagne/ which is based on the present manuscript.

There are numerous omissions, however, sometimes marked by
a row of dots, sometimes not. Generally speaking the printed text
is confined to the description of Turenne's campaigns in France
and the Low Countries. But the narration of events at the time
that James changed sides at the order of his brother Charles and

4 This seems extraordinary, if we are to suppose that the original Memoirs were in
the third person. But Thomas Inesse's testimony is suspect (Editor).

PREFACE

joined his erstwhile enemies, the Spaniards, against Turenne is
suppressed. The most important omissions in the Histoires text
are the detailed and interesting accounts toward the end of the
Memoirs portraying the negotiations for and ending with the
Restoration of Charles II. The Histoire ends James's Memoirs in
1658.

Therefore it is clear that these Memoirs have never been
printed in their entirety or verbatim. Their discovery makes it
possible for the first time to check the accuracy of Dicconson,
Carte, Macpherson, and all those scholars and historians who have
relied upon them.

Takeley, Bishop's Stortjord Percy Muir

and
Bloomington^ Indiana David A. Randall

TRANSLATOR'S INTRODUCTION

IN the foregoing pages, Mr. David Randall has reconstructed
the history of the various manuscripts and printed works that
contain records of the life of James II. The present writer's task
has been not simply to translate those portions of the French
manuscript, Campagnes . . . de Jacques Stuart^ which are of value
or importance to history, but also, by comparing the text it con
tains with those contained in the Histoire du Vicomte de Turenne
(i 735) and in The Life of James // (i 8 16), to assess the relative
value of these works and also, by comparison and analysis, to pro
pose tentative conclusions regarding the text of the autograph
memoirs of James II.

If then we leave aside those works which are of inferior value,
such as Macpherson's Original Papers (1775); or which h- ave
disappeared and perhaps been destroyed, such as Charles Dry-
den's revision of James's memoirs, and the second translation of
the military memoirs to which the heads of the Scottish College
allude in the certificate preceding our manuscript-if we leave
these aside, we have four documents to consider :

I. James's autograph memoirs (in English).

II. The French MS. entitled Campagnes. . . .

III. (a) The Memoires du Due d' Torch printed by A. IVL Ramsay
as an appendix to Vol. II of his Histoire du Vicomte de Turenne
(Paris, 1735).

() The English translation of the above (London, 1735).

IV. The Life of James II collected out of Memoirs writ of his own
hand. Edited by the Rev. J. S. Clarke (London, 18 16).

I. JAMES'S AUTOGRAPH MEMOIRS. On the testimony of
Thomas Innes, Vice-Principal of the College des Ecossais in Paris,
testimony conveyed in a letter of 1740 to the secretary of James
Francis Edward Stuart, 1 it has been supposed that these memoirs
related the story of his life down to the Restoration in 1660, and
that they were written in the third person. They were preserved
1 The so-called 'Old Pretender*.

TRANSLATOR'S INTRODUCTION

for many years at the above college, but were destroyed about
1793 during the Revolution. Andrew Michael Ramsay speaks of
them in the 'Avertissement' he placed at the beginning of his
Histoire du Vicomte de Turenne* where he lists the original sources
to which he has had recourse. Of these the third is James's
memoirs :

Les Memoires du Due d'Yorck, depuis Jacques II. Roi de la Grande
Bretagne, qui servit quatre ans avec le Vicomte pendant les guerres
civiles, & deux ans avec le Prince de Conde dans Parmee Espagnole: Tun &
Pautre de ces deux grands Capitaines admirerent toujours la valeur & la
capacite du due d'Yorck. Le Prince Anglois ecrivoit dans sa langue le soir
ou le lendemain de chaque action, ce qui s'etoit passe sous ses yeux, & le
communiquoit ensuite au General. Le manuscrit original a ete depose au
College des Ecossois a Paris. En 1696. ce Prince devenu Roi d'Angleterre, 3
fit faire une Traduction Fran^oise de tout ce qui regardoit le Vicomte de
Turenne, & la donna au feu Cardinal de Bouillon: 4 huit ans apres, la Reine
sa femme envoya au mme Cardinal une autre Traduction des memes
Memoires, signee de sa main, scellee de son grand Sceau & contresignee par
Mylord Caryll, Secretaire d'Etat. 5

It emerges from the above that, in Ramsay's belief, the military
part of the memoirs, that is, the part that covered the years 1652
to 1658 inclusive, had been composed as a day-to-day journal.
This would not apply to the period prior to 1 652, nor to the some
times lengthy passages that describe diplomatic movements and
court intrigues. The latter, by the way, are partly omitted or
abbreviated in the French translation. One cannot but wonder
whether a day-to-day journal would have been written in the third
person. It is not clear, from Ramsay's statement, that he had con
sulted the original memoirs ; what he unquestionably utilised was
our manuscript translation.

II. 'CAMPAGNES . . . DE JACQUES STUART/ This MS., en
tirely in French, contains 290 folio pages of narrative (145 sheets
written on both sides), with an entry for each year from 1652 to

2 Paris, 1735,2 vols. in folio. Vol. I (the introductoiy matter is not paginated. The
pages in question would be z xi).

3 He had not been king de facto after 1688.

4 This is our MS.

5 This has disappeared.

TRANSLATOR'S INTRODUCTION

1659-60 inclusive.* The entry for 1652 is very long (85 pages);
that for 1659 (which includes 1660) very short (14 pages). There
are nine pages of preliminary matter: the Cardinal's preface
(8 pages) and the Certificate from the College des Ecossais (i
page). The narrative of the Campagnes is in the third person
throughout. The certificate affirms that the text of Campagnes is
conformable ('conforme') to the late king's autograph memoirs.
It is certain that the translation was made under James's direction
and supervision and it is not impossible that he dictated it himself,
translating from his own memoirs, while Dempster took it down.
James was no writerhis letters are often very obscureand the
literary deficiencies which are here and there apparent in the
French MS., so that it is not always at once clear whom 'he' or
'they' refer to, and which 'armee', the French or the Spanish, is in
question, are in keeping with what we know of his way of writing.
One can be sure that he read or reread, and corrected, the MS.
because a few of the corrections are in a hand different from, and
inferior to, that of the MS. as a whole. I think also that a few
remarks or statements, such as the pious moralising, a propos of
the Frondeurs, on the just doom that befalls rebels (MS. p. 47)
and the record of James's first meeting with Anne Hyde (MS.
pp. 195196) were inserted when the translation was made, and
were not in the original memoirs. They are certainly not in the
Life (ed. Clarke). But these considerations go to establish the
authenticity of the MS., if indeed further evidence of this were
needed.

IV. I turn next, for convenience, to The Life of James II
collected out of Memoirs writ of his own hand. This work can with
some certainty be ascribed to a C M. Dicconson' 6 who was en
trusted with the task by James's son and heir, Prince James
Francis Edward. His identity is still not widely known, although
it was brought to light by Mr. Malcolm Hay 7 as recently as

* James used New Style dates throughout his MS.

6 According to the statement of Thomas Innes in the letter of 1740 referred to
above. Sir Winston Churchill, who quotes this letter in vol. I of Marlborough, his
Life and Times (London, 1933) takes the same view, and he regards the last part of
the Life as an unreliable document (see vol. I, 356, 357, 363, 364).

7 M. V. Hay, Winston Churchill and J ames II (London, 1934), pp. 9-10.

TRANSLATOR'S INTRODUCTION

1934. William Dicconson (1655-1743) was the eldest son of
Hugh Dicconson, of Wrightington Hall in Lancashire. 8 As a
Catholic and Royalist he was devoted to the Stuart cause and he
served as treasurer to the exiled Court at Saint-Germain. He was
a layman and should not be confused with his younger brother
Edward, 9 who in later years was Vicar Apostolic for the northern
district of England. When William Dicconson came to edit the
memoirs and other records of the life of James II, he certainly
wrote from a Jacobite standpoint, and he can scarcely be expected
to have spoken impartially about the adversaries of the House of
Stuart and particularly about John Churchill. That he handled
those records which concerned the Restoration, and especially the
critical years after about 1671, in such a way as to present James
in the most favourable light, seems more than probable. But for
the period of James's soldiering in France, he would have fewer
motives for omitting any important circumstance, and here at
least I have discovered no evidence to suggest that he falsified
James's own memoirs.

However that may be, the MS. Life of James //which he pre
pared, or a copy of it, subsequently came into the hands of the
English Benedictines in Italy. From them it was acquired by the
future George IV and was printed in two folio volumes by the
Rev. J. S. Clarke in 1 8 1 6. Now it is generally supposed, again on
the testimony of Thomas Innes, that James's own memoirs ceased
with the Restoration, that is, at the same point as the French MS.
Campagnes. It would follow that by far the greater part of the Life
(Vol. I, 385750 and all Vol. II) is the work of secretaries or
others. I have reason to believe, on the contrary, that James con
tinued to record his doings. The question is important for the
historian of the reigns of Charles II, James II, and William and
Mary; but it is of no moment for a study of James's campaigns in
France.

For this earlier period (1652-1659) and for his still earlier life,
he certainly left memoirs. Although they have been lost, we can

8 J. Gillow, Bibliographical Dictionary of the English Catholics (London, 1855),
vol. II, 60-62. Cited by Hay.

9 Edward Dicconson (1670-1752) was the third son of Hugh. He was educated
at the English College at Douai, where he subsequently held professorships of Syntax,
Poetry, and Philosophy, and of which he was Vice-President in 1713-14. He was
later sent to Rome as agent of the secular clergy of England (D JO.) .

TRANSLATOR'S INTRODUCTION

infer certain things about them by analysing the corresponding
portions in the Life and in the Campagnesi by comparing the Life
and the Campagnes^ and by taking account of the testimony con
tained in the Certificate from the Scottish College (1734) and in a
letter from Thomas Innes to the secretary of Prince James
Francis Edward (1740). Of this, more later.

To return to J. S. Clarke's edition: this ostensibly includes a
copy of James's autograph memoirs, probably edited and narrated
partly in the third, partly in the first person. For the years prior to
1 652 the narrative is in the third person ; but for the years covered
by the French MS. an unusual procedure has been adopted by the
copyist or editor (presumably Dicconson). Sometimes the narra
tive is in the third person; but at other times the editor writes, for
example, as follows: 'Of this Campagne his R. Highness gives
the following Account in the Memoires written in his own hand'
(Clarke, Vol. I, 159); and the section that follows is in the first
person. Here is the arrangement: 1652: third person; 1653,
1654, 1655: first person; 1656 : third person; 1657 (a) Introduc
tory portion (Clarke I, 288-296): third person; (b) narrative of
the campaign (pp. 297-329): first person; 1658: first person;
16^9-60: third person. In all the instances of first person narra
tive, on pp. 159 (for 1653), 192 (for 1654), 244 (for 1655), and
296 (for 1657 and 1658), the editor states that the account is
from James's own memoirs, and there seems no reason to suppose
that he is not copying them textually. As regards the other years,
namely 1652, 1656, introduction to 1657, and 1659-60, he is
frankly editing the memoirs, at any rate to the extent of putting
them into the third person. Thus, a study of the Clarke edition,
which is invaluable for this and other reasons, has come near to
convincing me that the original memoirs were in the first person
throughout. One must here mention another document, which has
also been lost: a version of the original memoirs which is said to
have been made by 'Dryden' (presumably Charles Dryden, son of
the dramatist) and which is described as an improvement on
them. Now in the letter of 1740, referred to above, Thomas Innes
says there were differences between the original version and Dry-
den's, although James supervised the latter. One may assume that
the differences were mainly literary. Innes further states that Dry-
den's version was in the first person, while the original was in the

TRANSLATOR'S INTRODUCTION

third. This last statement is extraordinary. The text published by
Clarke casts the greatest doubt on it; one would be astonished in
deed if James, after writing his own memoirs in the third person,
employed Dryden to rewrite them in the first. May we not assume
that Innes had confused in his memory the original memoirs with
the Life as edited by Dicconson?

Finally, I see no reason to regard this version of Dicconson's,
which was to be published by Clarke, as containing anything but
an honest edition, sometimes a copy, sometimes an arrangement,
of James's own memoirs down to i66o. 9a Where the editor inter
polates a remark of his own, the thing is fairly clear. As, however,
we have no absolute proof of the above, we cannot be certain of its
authenticity, still less of its reliability. For my own part, I believe
it to be authentic as regards the sections that are in the first person.

With the MS. we are on firm ground. We can now compare it
with the Life. The entries in the MS. for the years 1652, 1653,
1654, 1655, and 1658 do not differ materially from the corres
ponding sections in the Clarke edition. The entries for 1656 are
similar for the first few pages (MS. pp. 195-1 99 = Clarke, I,
267-27 1), except that in the MS. James has inserted, at the top of
p. 196, an account of his first meeting with Anne Hyde. This
took place in February 1656, between Peronne and Cambrai, and
is nowhere else recorded. The account of Dr. Frazer's mission, on
p. 271 of Clarke, is followed by a narrative of court intrigues (pp.
271-275) which is omitted in the MS., as is a part of pp. 276-
277. The encounter with Lockhart at Clermont is in both texts.

There next follow in Clarke, still under the heading 1656,
several pages about James's doings in the Netherlands and Lord
Bristol's machinations (pp. 279-287). Under 1657 we have a
further account of James, now in Holland, of the efforts to make
him join the Spanish army, and a good deal more about Lord
Bristol (pp. 289-299). These parts (pp. 279-287, and 287-299)
are omitted from the MS., where the account of the campaign of
1657 (beginning on MS. p. 202) corresponds with the passage
beginning on p. 299 of Clarke. Thus some 25 pages which were

9a And also of memoirs, possibly not complete, which lie wrote for many years
after 1660, and probably until 1684. See his remarks to the Cardinal (p. 52 below):
'even confiding to me that, as he had already written pretty exactly year by year in
English the memoirs of his own life, he would. . . .'

presumably in the original memoirs, and were mainly of personal
and diplomatic interest, do not figure in the MS. Apart from this,
the entries in the two works for 1657 are similar. The story of
how, during the siege of Mardyck, the French officers identified
James by reason of the greyhound they had previously seen with
him in France, is in both narratives; likewise the fraternising be
tween the officers and the interview with Reynolds who, accord
ing to James, hinted that he might one day render him service
(MS. pp. 229-230: Clarke, p. 327). James appears later to have
had doubts about this, because in the MS. he interpolated the
following remark: 'On ne scait point quelle intention Reynold
(sic) pouvoit avoir.' We do not know, either; and we also have
doubts. 10 The entries for 1658 are virtually identical and those for
1659 and the early months of 1660 are very similar. The narra
tive in the MS. is slightly abbreviated in one or two places (for
1659-60) and no attempt is made to translate 'the Select Knott'
which is simply described as a 'conjuration' (MS. p. 279: Clarke

P-370-

Such are the main differences between the MS. and the text

printed by Clarke; these, and minor differences, are indicated in
footnotes to the translation.

Ill (a). The Memoires du Luc d'Torck published by Andrew
Michael Ramsay among the 'pieces justificatives' at the end of
Vol. II of his Histoire du Ficomte de Turenne (Paris, 1735, ^ty 11
were obviously transcribed from the MS. now at Indiana Univer
sity. This MS. must have belonged to the then Due de Bouillon,
and we know for a certainty that Ramsay had been for the past
three or four years intendant and tutor to the Duke's son, the
little Vicomte de Turenne. The whole work is dedicated to this
little boy, and is designed to inspire him to emulate the virtues of
his great-uncle (or rather, great-great-uncle).

The Cardinal's preface is here (p. ii) and the certificate from the
College des Ecossais (p. cl). The text as a whole has been care
fully copied, the paragraphs slightly modified; but a large number
of passages, some of them substantial, have been omitted, and
although omissions are often indicated by a row of dots, they are

10 See Maurice Ashley, CromwelFs Generals. London, 1954, pp. 190, 234.

11 But this is a pagination relevant only to this 'piece',

3 1

TRANSLATOR'S INTRODUCTION

not always so indicated, as for example on p. cxlviii (relating to
1659 but placed under the heading of 1658) where seven pages
(pp. 277-284) of our MS. are simply passed over, the 'loose ends'
being joined by a few words of paraphrase. Some of these omis
sions are trifling, others fairly important. Here is a summary : 12

1654. MS. p. 1 1 8 : there are a few minor omissions in Ramsay, p. Ixxv.
MS. p. 123 line 9 to p. 124 line 5 are omitted in Ramsay p. Ixxviii.
MS. p. 1 40 line 5 to p. 141 line 25 are omitted in Ramsay p. Ixxxvii.
MS. p. 163 line 21 to p. 164 line 4 are omitted in Ramsay p. xcix.

1655. MS. p. 181 line 14 to the bottom of the page (line 29) are omitted
in Ramsay p. cviii.

MS. p. 195 (relating to 1656). The opening lines (iio) are
omitted in Ramsay, p. cxv (How Mazarin and the Queen explained
to James the difficulty arising out of the treaty with Cromwell).

1656. MS. p. 195 line 28 to p. 196 line 6. This passage, which describes
James's first meeting with Mistress Hyde, is omitted in Ramsay
p. cxv.

MS. p. 196 line 25 to p. 198 line 9 are omitted in Ramsay p. cxvi.
MS. p. 199 line 18 to end of p. 121 are omitted in Ramsay (this
includes the encounter with Lockhart).

1657. MS. p. 212 line 14 to bottom of page (16 lines) are omitted in
Ramsay p. cxxii. Ramsay slightly rewords the first four lines of
p. 213.

MS. p. 219 line 28 (at bottom), all pages 220 and 221 to p. 222
line 17 are omitted in Ramsay p. cxxvi.

MS. p. 228 from line 7, all p. 229 and to p. 230 line 23 (the
anecdote about Reynolds), are omitted in Ramsay p. cxxix.

1658. MS. pp. 232-236 inclusive and to p. 237 line 5 (Lord Bristol's plan
for the invasion of England and advice to James regarding his
policy towards the Spaniards). All this is omitted by Ramsay,
middle of p. cxxix. R. resumes at MS. p. 237, line 7.

1659. MS. P- 2 77 line n to p. 284 line 16 (Hopes of a Royalist
insurrection in England; disappointment; Charles IPs journey
to the Spanish frontier). These portions, about 7 pages, are
omitted in Ramsay p. cxlviii, where we read: 'Tous ces projets
echouerent. Le Roi Charles alia incognito en Espagne, ou Ton
travailloit a la Paix des Pyrnnees (sic). Le Due d'Yorck se retira
a Boulogne sur mer.' And from this point the MS. is reproduced.

12 See also the accompanying Concordance.

TRANSLATOR'S INTRODUCTION

CONCORDANCE FOR THE
CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK

Year

MS.
Campagnes

Ramsay, Histoire
de Turenne. Vol.

Eng. trans. History
of Turenne Vol. II

Life, ed. J.
S. Clarke (1816)

(1696)

ii (i 735 )

(*735)

Vol. I

1652

pp. 1-85

pp. iii-lvii

pp. 343-4<H

pp. 54-157

(events in

(events in 1653

1653 begin

begin on p. Iv)

on p. 81)

i653

87-115

Ivm-lxxiii

404-426

159-191

1654

116172

Ixxiv-ciii

427-461

192-244

("1653** is printed

in error at the head

of certain pages.)

1655

173-194

ciii-cxv

461-475

245-266

1656

195-201

cxv-cxvi

475-477

267-287

(A great deal

(A full account,

omitted, including

containing ma

the meeting with

terial not in the

Anne Hyde and

MS., but not the

the encounter

meeting with

with Lockhart.)

Anne Hyde.)

1657

202231

cxvi-cxxix

477-492

288-329"

(A fuller account

than in the MS.)

1658

232276

cxxix-cxlviii

492-513

330-368

(On p. cxxxv

Conde's remark to

the Duke of

Gloucester is

altered and

"improved.")

1659

277-290

cxlviii-cl

514-516

369-380

(and

The entry

Beginning on

1660)

for 1660

p. cxlviii, 7 pages

begins on

of the MS. (277-

p. 289.

284) are omitted

and all this part

is headed 1658,

although it really

belongs to 1659.

Pp. 288-290 of the

MS. are omitted.

Nothing for 1660

[1660] 381-382

TRANSLATOR'S INTRODUCTION
MS. p. 286 lines 3 to 12 (choice of an English port at which to
land). Omitted in Ramsay, p. cxlix.

MS. p. 286, last line, and all of pp. 288, 289, and 290 are omitted
by Ramsay, who concludes his edition of James's memoirs at the
point where Turenne advises James to take patience and wait,
gives him 300 pistoles and a passport (MS. p. 287, Ramsay
pp. cxlix, cl). In brief, the offer to James of a naval command under
the Spaniards, his preparation to go to Spain, and finally the events
leading up to the Restoration do not figure in Ramsay.

To sum up: Ramsay generally leaves out of his edition all
passages not of military interest; passages that concern James's
private life or encounters with compatriots ; and those that relate
to Bristol's intrigues. His edition is therefore less valuable than
our MS. and of course much less compendious than the Life
(ed. Clarke). It has, however, been valuable as an historical source
and was used for this purpose by the editor of Turenne's Memoires
and by others. In transcribing the MS. Ramsay took a liberty in
two instances. At the top of p. 6 where James says that in the
spring of 1652 the Spanish army crossed the Seine at Mantes
with a view to joining the Princes' army *qui estoit alors assemble
aux environs de . . .', he left the place a blank. Ramsay inserted
'Montargis', which may be correct. The other instance seems to
have hitherto escaped everyone's notice, perhaps because it con
cerned the critical hour preceding the battle of the Dunes (1658)
and because Ramsay's text has been considered authentic as in
deed it seems to be in other respects. On the evening prior to the
battle Conde had warned the Spanish generals that Turenne and
the English would certainly fight them. The Spaniards remained
slightly incredulous. About 5 a.m. next morning the Anglo-
French army was seen to be advancing. Cond who, all along, had
been aware of the extreme peril of the situation, was now on horse
back near Prince James and Prince Henry. James writes (MS.
pp. 249-250): *. . , et voiant le Due de Glocester [Henry], il
[Conde] luy demanda s'il s'estoit jamais trouv6 une battaille. II
respondit que non et le Prince luy dit dans une demie heure vous
en verrez une.' This was so evident that one wonders whether
Conde did not really say something better. Ramsay seems to have
thought so, because he boldly altered it (one wonders on what

TRANSLATOR'S INTRODUCTION

authority) so that on p. cxxxv of his edition we read: '& le Prince
lui dit: dans une demle heure vous verrez comment nous en perdrons
uneS (The italics are Ramsay's.) This is much better, and there is
little doubt that it is what Conde was thinking-, but it is not in the
MS., or in Clarke. Some of the best historians have gleefully
seized on it and perpetuated it; and it has come as a shock to the
present writer to discover that, if Ramsay had any authority for
taking such a liberty with James's MS. -for, in other words, so
brilliantly improving upon history-he does not cite it. But he
lived in an age of wits.

Ill (b). The contemporary English translation of Ramsay's
Histoire de Turenne is the work of a man well conversant with
French and master of an English style that is concise, vigorous,
masculine. I doubt whether it could be equalled today, and I see
no mistake in it, except possibly in the rendering in one place of
the difficult word 'insuite'. The translator knew that 'insulter' not
only meant 'to insult' in the modern sense, but 'to deliver a physi
cal attack', 'to assault'. Thus, he translates the phrase: 'dans le
dessein d'insulter un ouvrage avance . . .' (MS. p. 20, Ramsay, p.
xiv) by: 'with a view to batter an advanced work' (English version,
p. 356). In the place where the members of the English court, then
lodged in the Louvre, dared not even look out of the windows, 'de
peur de s'attirer quelque insulte, ou au moins quelques injures',
on account of the animosity of the Parisians (MS. p. 33, Ramsay
p. 23), the translation reads: 'for fear of some insult, or at least
some abusive language' (p. 366). The word 'insult' could still
mean 'to leap upon' (cf. the sense in Latin), and this meaning,
which is very near that of the French text, is given by Dr. Johnson
in his Dictionary (1783).

The passage about Anne Hyde is of course absent from the
English translation, and the probably apocryphal remark that
Ramsay attributed to Conde is naturally and in good faith repro
duced on p. 499 : 'in half an hour's time you will see how we shall
lose one [a battle].' The translator made one slip in connection
with the movements of the French and English to blockade
Dunkirk. The French having invested the place by land, the
Spaniards could not relieve it from the sea, 'parce que', as we read
in the MS., p. 241, and in Ramsay, p. cxxxi, 'la flotte Angloise

TRANSLATOR'S INTRODUCTION

commandee par le General Montaigu, fermoit Tentree du port'.
The English version (p. 494) reads 'General Montaigne', a
curious error. Sir Edward Montagu, a very prominent man, had
been joint-commander of the Commonwealth navy since 1^655.
Less than two years after the siege of Dunkirk, he was to bring a
fleet over to Holland to transport Charles II and the Royal family
to Dover. Charles created him Earl of Sandwich. It was through
him that Samuel Pepys, who was his cousin, became Secretary to
the Navy Board.

In view of the consideration that, as the above analysis has
shown, the greater part of the French manuscript appears to be a
close translation of a text identical with the text printed by Clarke
always allowing for occasional paraphrase, abbreviation, and
omission -it has been thought impracticable to translate the whole
of it back into English. The gain to scholarship would have been
negligible. It was therefore decided to translate the entry for 1 652,
which is the longest, while keeping an eye on the corresponding
pages in the Life and inserting in square brackets those passages
from the Life of which the French text is a literal translation. For
the years 1656 and 1657 the differences were sufficiently marked
to justify a complete retranslation. While it would have been vain
to attempt an absolute reconstruction, the translator has tried to
use language not too far remote from what the original must have
been.

The entries for the other years have been reprinted from the
Clarke edition ; so that the reader now has before him a complete
English version of James's military memoirs, a version based on
the Bouillon MS. 5 which is the only record of the period that we
can regard as authentic.

James writes plainly and conscientiously, though without
much distinction. His comments are of the driest; he has none of
the good-natured and cynical wit of his elder brother. What a
relief to turn from his pages to the shrewd and brilliant memoirs
of Mademoiselle de Montpensier, and Retz, and Bussy-Rabutin,
or to the random and vivid jottings of Aubrey, or to the sparkling
diary of the incomparable Pepys! But this is to compare James
with some of the most brilliant prosateurs who have ever lived.
One is reminded, in reading him, of a witty Frenchman's descrip-

TRANSLATOR'S INTRODUCTION

tion of Simonides' dilemma when he was asked to compose an
epigram on a great athlete: 'II trouvait son sujet plein de details
tout nus.' James's 'campaigns' are indeed full of details innocent
of adornment. Add to this a complete lack of verve in the syntax,
and it requires much self-denial to leave his language alone : that
is, to put it back into the kind of English he habitually wrote. Of
style, he had nothing; and this is why he conveys so little sensation
of reality. If the spirit of the time ever breathes in these pages, it
is only on rare occasions when he relates an anecdote or speaks of
the 'civilities' that were exchanged between officers of opposing
armies. One would never guess, from James's record, that life in
those days was extraordinarily varied, picturesque, and enter
taining, that men and women spoke and acted with a license, an
insouciance^ almost unknown today. The human spirit was still, to
use modern jargon, 'uninhibited'. War was occasionally far more
amusing than we should gather from James's memoirs, but it was
usually far more terrible, too. Yet all this is plain enough from
other records, and these we must consult if we are to see James's
memoirs in their true focus and draw a picture of the age in which
he lived.

To turn the leaves of the old records, to compare and collate
them, is neither dull nor tedious. These men and women were like
ourselves, or rather like our great con temporaries -creatures ani
mated by hope or fear, by ambition or love of money, by love of
glory or love of God. If they were not cast in a bigger mould than
the men of today, they were apparently less cramped by timidity
and convention.

Take the Cardinal de Bouillon, for whom and for the sake of
whose family James arranged for his memoirs to be translated. To
read the Cardinal's preface, one would take him for a timid, even
subservient and conventional ecclesiastic. On the contrary, he had
been haughty, imprudent, and ambitious, and he was still, at the
age of fifty-two (he had been born in 1644), one of the most inde
pendent-minded and rebellious spirits of the age. But it is appro
priate that at this point we should say something about his fore
bears and relations, something about a troubled career which, in
the years that followed, was to agitate the French court and the
court of Rome even more than it had agitated them in the
past.

TRANSLATOR'S INTRODUCTION

The family of La Tour d'Auvergne, which had possessed a
fief in the Limousin (whence the name of Turenne), had risen to
greatness in the sixteenth century, partly by their alliance with the
house of Montmorency, still more by the marriage in 1594 of
Henri de la Tour d'Auvergne, Vicomte de Turenne (i 555-1 623),
with Charlotte de la Marck. Charlotte was the last survivor and
heiress of those semi-independent princes who had been rulers of
the Ardennes. 13 It was through this marriage that the Vicomte
became Due de Bouillon and Prince de Sedan, master of these
great fortresses and of a principality which the Papacy was^later to
recognise as sovereign. He was a Calvinist, a companion-in-arms
of Henri IV, and a Marshal of France. When Henri IV turned
Catholic, the Duke remained faithful to the reformed religion. He
was recognised in later years as head of the Huguenot party and,
by his foundation of a Protestant Academy at Sedan, as 'pere et
protecteur des lettres'.

By his wife, Elisabeth of Nassau, a daughter of William of
Orange, he had two sons: Frederic-Maurice, Due de Bouillon
(1605-1652), and Henri, Vicomte de Turenne (1611-1675).
Both were brought up as Calvinists. In 1623, at the age of four
teen, Frederic-Maurice succeeded his father as Duke. He learned
the profession of arms from his uncle, Prince Maurice, in Hol
land; he then entered the French sendee, was promoted to the
rank of Lieutenant-General in 1 642 and appointed to command
the French forces in Italy. But, being implicated in the conspiracy
of Cinq-Mars, he was arrested by order of Richelieu and would
probably have shared the fate of the others, if his wife a woman of
character and resolution -had not at once threatened to hand over
Sedan to the Spaniards unless her husband were pardoned. To
avert what would have been a catastrophe, the Cardinal released
the Duke (1644); but, as usually happened, the former Von in
the exchange*. Bouillon abjured the Protestant faith, was received
with open arms in Rome and placed in command of the Papal
army. But Richelieu remained master in France.

The Vicomte de Turenne had in the meantime risen rapidly in
the French service. He had fought in the Rhineland and Italy; to
wards 1639 he was a general officer and in 1643 Marshal of

13 The personality of William de la Marck, 'wild boar of the Ardennes, 5 will be
familiar to readers viQuentin Durward.

TRANSLATOR'S INTRODUCTION

France. Between 1643 anc * 1648, Turenne and the Due cTEng-
hien (Conde) were joint-commanders in Germany. Turenne was
victorious at Nordlingen in 1645, at Zusmarhausen in 1648. But
in 1 649 his elder brother came back from Italy (Richelieu being
dead) and joined the Fronde in opposition to Mazarin. Turenne
also joined the Fronde.

For several years the possession of Sedan was in dispute between
the French government and the Turenne family. The government
seized it in the end, and in 1650, when Duke Frederic-Maurice
submitted to Mazarin, he was given titles and extensive posses
sions, including the Duchy of Albret, by way of compensation. He
was soon to become a trusted counsellor of the Court; but he died
in 1652.

He left two sons : Godefroid-Maurice, sometimes called Gode-
froy-Marie (1641-1721), and Emmanuel-Theodose (1644-
1715). Towards 1678 Louis XIV reinstated Godefroid-Maurice
in the title and possession of the Duchy of Bouillon. This duke had
a son, Emmanuel-Theodose (1667-1730), who became Grand
Chambellan du Roi and Governor of Auvergne. This Emmanuel-
Theodose was therefore a nephew of the Cardinal, and our MS.
must have passed into his possession in 1715. He had a son,
Charles-Godefroid (1706-1772), and the latter had a son, Gode-
froid-Charles-Henri, who must have been born about 1726 or
1 727 and who died without issue in 1 79 1. It was for this, the last
of the Dukes of Bouillon, as a little boy, that the Chevalier de
Ramsay composed the Histoire de Turenne.

We may now return to the Cardinal. Born on 24 August 1 644
he was brought up as a Catholic and embarked, while still young,
on an ecclesiastical career. The 'abbe Due d' Albret', son of a
Prince and nephew of a Marshal of France, might look to the
most brilliant future. In 1658 he was a canon of Liege; in 1667
docteur en Sorbonne. Thanks to the influence of his uncle,
Turenne, he now became chaplain to Louis XIV, and received the
Cardinal's hat. But in the years that followed, he was handicapped
by the haughtiness of his character and the imprudence of his con
duct. He found occasion to ask, on behalf of a nephew, for part of
the county of Auvergne which had been assigned to the Duke of
Orleans. The request was refused, and the Cardinal made no
egret of his vexation, He did not realise that Louvois was a poten-

TRANSLATOR'S INTRODUCTION

tial, if not actual enemy, and he had not learned that a wise man
should never, even in a private and confidential letter, express
views that may give offence in high quarters. The Cardinal wrote
a letter in which he attacked the government and criticised Louis'
conduct; the minister intercepted it; and the punishment was
exile.

Emmanuel-Thfodose was not deprived of his benefices; but he
had lost the chaplaincy and the road to further advancement was
closed. When in 1 694 he had hopes of becoming Prince-Bishop of
Liege, Louvois prevented his elevation to the see. What exactly
was the Cardinal's theological position is hard to determine; but it
seems to have been independent. The religious situation in France
was, moreover, quite different from the situation in Spain, and
even from the conditions prevailing in Italy, where there was more
tolerance than in France and much more than in Spain. The Galli-
can Church was marked by certain national traits and, while fairly
respectful of Rome, presented some of the features of a national
church. Louis XIV had recently acted in defiance of the Papacy:
Innocent XI knew, and said, that one does not win souls by vio
lence. Then, too, there were dissident elements among French
Catholics. The Jansenist group was learned, saintly, and in
fluential. The king might destroy Port-Royal-des-Champs,
but he could not destroy its adherents. And he had not as he
hoped-crushed this heresy before another began to raise its
head.

This was the Quietist movement. It too was learned and saintly,
and it was supported by a great prince of the Church, Frangois de
la Mothe-Fenelon, Archbishop of Cambrai. Bossuet, who was
spokesman of the Gallican party, attempted to rebut Fenelon; the
King and the Court also opposed the Archbishop; and in 1697 or
early 1698 the Cardinal de Bouillon, who had now been taken
back into favour, was sent to Rome as the government's emissary.
The credit he enjoyed at the Papal court may have had
something to do with the king's choice of him: he had been
bishop of Albano since 1689 and was now sub-dean of the
College of Cardinals. His orders were to defend the Gallican
position and press for the condemnation of Fenelon ; but he was
a great friend of the Archbishop and in the event, instead of
attacking him, he appears surreptitiously to have worked in his

TRANSLATOR'S INTRODUCTION

favour. 14 He failed^ it is true, to prevent the condemnation of the
Quietists, 15 but this apparently did him no harm in Rome. He
had become Bishop of Ostia in December 1698, and was now
Dean of the Sacred College.

In Paris it was another story; and one can understand the con
sternation his procedure had provoked there. He was ordered to
return, but now demurred to obeying. As Dean of the College his
duties, he alleged, required his remaining in Rome. Paris took a
different view; and when Louis ordered the seizure of his bene
fices, the Cardinal felt obliged to comply. He was exiled to his
abbey at Tournus. Bat by this time, it may be supposed, the high
handed policy of Louis XIV had alienated a man who, whatever
his faults of character, had inherited from his ancestors a sense of
personal dignity and a great spirit of independence. He began to
correspond with foreign powers and in 1710 took refuge in
Flanders and wrote a personal letter to the king. The Parlement
de Paris immediately ordered his arrest, and his estates were
sequestrated. For some time he appears to have wandered abroad;
but Clement XI interceded for him and obtained the restitution of
his revenues, the Cardinal being permitted to go into retirement
in Rome. He was now an old man and in no condition to give
further trouble.

It was in Rome on 16 February 1715 (I infer he had recently
arrived) that he found the MS. translation of the Duke of York's
military memoirs a MS. he had thought he would never see
again. It was a document that bore witness to the greatness of his

14 Alfred Rebelliau, one of the great authorities on the religious history of the age,
points out that Bouillon was 'tres mecontent du Roi' as well as 'fier et independant 5 ;
also that he was in close relations with the Italian Jesuits who were freer than the
French to support Fenelon (see Lavisse, Histoire de France, VIII, Part I, 307-308).

15 Innocent XII had appointed a committee often Cardinals to examine the ques
tion whether Fenelon's Explication des Maximes des Saints (1697) should be con
demned or not. They discussed the problem at length and when at last the matter
came to a vote, five were for and five against. The Pope, greatly embarrassed, opined
that 'the Archbishop of Cambrai has sinned through excessive love of God, the Bishop
of Meaux [Bossuet] has sinned through lack of love of his neighbour'. Rome was
clearly then in favour of Fenelon; but Louis wrote urgently and imperiously to the
effect that Fenelon must be condemned. The question was therefore re-examined,
and after several weeks a brief (not a bull) was promulgated in which his Holiness
censured the book, but did not call it heretical and did not name F&ielon; moreover
the brief was drafted by the Cardinals who were favourable to Fenelon (P. Janet,
Ftnelon, Paris, 1 892, pp. 97-98).

TRANSLATOR'S INTRODUCTION

uncle-and of the princely house to which he belonged. Rapidly,
anxiously, and in a large hand that becomes almost illegible in the
last few lines, he wrote a preface explaining the circumstances in
which the translation had been made for him. A fortnight later,
on 2 March 1715, he passed away.

The reader may be surprised at the terms of reverence in which
he speaks of James. Was he ignorant of the late king's character,
of his incontinence and ineptitude, and of the low opinion the
French had formed of him? It is hard to suppose so. What seems
likely is that he had respected in James, on the one hand the
gallantry of his behaviour in the French army and on the other
'the divinity that doth hedge a king'. In the seventeenth century
the doctrine of divine right had a serious meaning and a certain
validity. It strengthened, in times of disorder, the principle of
legitimacy in government and offered some guarantee against
anarchy. A king reigns, even if he does not govern, by the grace
of God. Those who clung to this doctrine were wiser than they
perhaps realised. Thanks largely to it, the era of violence was still
hidden in the future.

It would be interesting to learn whether, in the course of his
sojourn in Flanders (1710-?), the Cardinal de Bouillon had
ever met the future Chevalier de Ramsay; whether, even, it was
through the Cardinal that Ramsay entered the service of the Due
de Bouillon. A common association with Fenelon lends point to
the question-one dare hardly say the conjecture.

Andrew Michael Ramsay 16 (1686-1743), some of whose an
cestors may have been gentlefolk, 17 was a graduate of Edinburgh
University. In 1706, when about twenty years of age, he was with
the British army in the Netherlands and here -possibly in Holland
-in a milieu where a free, mystical speculation in matters religious
was rife, he began to find himself detached from the Protestant
orthodoxy of his childhood. Aware, at least, of serious difficulties,

16 See A. Cherel, Un Aventurier religteux au X7IIP siech: Andrt-Michd 'Ramsay,
Paris, 1926.

17 In the Histoire de Pension, he is described as 'chevalier baronnet en Ecosse, issu
d'une ancienne famille de ce royaume' ((Euvres completes de f^nelon^ Paris, 1852,
vol. X [second part], p. 205).

TRANSLATOR'S INTRODUCTION

he corresponded with theologians in different countries; and
finally went over to the Catholic church. 18 He visited Fenelon at
Cambrai in 1 7095 had with him many conversations which he has
recorded, and became his literary confidant. It may have been
through this connection that Ramsay afterwards entered the
family of La Tour d'Auvergne as a tutor and was made a knight
of the Order of Saint-Lazare. In 1 724 he went to Rome as tutor
to Prince Charles Edward (the 'Young Pretender') and Prince
Henry, the future Cardinal of York. His subsequent resignation
of this post can be ascribed to the lack of harmony in the family and
the intrigues that were current in the Stuart entourage. But
Ramsay continued to benefit from his association with Fenelon, 19
and the great name of the Archbishop continued to 'protect' 20 his
protege long after the former had been laid to rest. It was this
that certainly facilitated his visit to Great Britain in 1730, a visit
expressly permitted by George IL Fenelon in fact enjoyed im
mense prestige in Protestant circles as well as in Catholic. Ram
say was elected a Fellow of the Royal Society, while Oxford con
ferred on him the degree of LL.D. honoris causal

Returning to France after these triumphs, Ramsay was ap
pointed tutor to the Vicomte de Turenne, Godefroid-Charles-
Henri, son of the Due de Bouillon. The Vicomte was still very
young, probably not more than five when Ramsay became his
governor (c. 1731). Writing towards the beginning of 1735 ^ e
urges his pupil : 'Hatez-vous de sortir de PEnfance, & montrez de
bonne heure que vous serez un jour digne des Heros dont le sang
coule dans vos veines'- words that could scarcely have been ad
dressed to a boy over nine or ten years of age. It was on behalf of
his patrons that Ramsay had collected or consulted all the docu
ments he could find relative to the life of the great Marshal. The
outcome was a magnificent work of scholarship, the first volume
containing a biography of Turenne (pp. 1-597)5 while in the
second Ramsay printed Turenne's own Memoires (pp. iii-

18 Ibid.* pp. 205-206, but see H. G. Martin, Fenelon en Hollande, Amsterdam,
1928, p. 140.

19 He had published a Fie de Fenelon in 1 7 2 3 .

20 Histoire de Flnelon, ed. cited, p. 206.

21 There was some opposition which, however, Dr. King overcame when, leading
Ramsay forward, he declared: 'quod instar omnium est, Fenelonii magni archi-
praesulis Cameracensis alumnum praesento vobis.'

TRANSLATOR'S INTRODUCTION

clxxxvii) ; the Relation de la Campagne de Frilourg, by the Marquis
de la Moussaye (pp. clxxxviii-ccix), and various 'Pieces justifica-
tives', which include a selection of letters, Flechier's Oraison
funebre, and the military memoirs of the Duke of York. This work,
which Ramsay dedicated to his young pupil, appeared in Paris,
"Chez la Veuve Mazieres & J. B. Gamier, Imprimeurs et
Libraires de la Reine, rue Saint- Jacques, a la Providence'. It was
immediately, as we have seen, translated into English and pub
lished in London. 22 It has been only through this book and its
French original that scholars have hitherto had knowledge of the
Campagnes de Jacques Stuart (our MS.), and that only in a form
that is truncated and in one place inaccurate. Not that this remark
should be taken as disparaging to the distinguished author of the
Histoire de Turenne. Ramsay was justly admired for the import
ance of his works and the excellence of his prose style. For the
rest, he was fairly typical of his age : a friend of Louis Racine and
Jean Baptiste Rousseau, a deist in Catholic clothing, and also a
freemason. 23

Of his pupil less seems to be known. He succeeded his father in
the Dukedom in 1772 and died in 1791. With him expired the
senior branch of the family. The Duchy of Bouillon had mean
while become part of the French domain. The question of how to
dispose of it came up in the peace negotiations of 1814 and 1815.
At this moment a claimant to the Duchy appeared in the person of
Philippe d'Auvergne, who appears to have been the cousin and
adopted son of Ramsay's pupil. He was an officer in the British
navy; but whether he had been a Royalist refugee in England or
(which seems more likely) was descended from the junior branch
of the family who came from Jersey and were British subjects, 24
I have not been able to discover. The population of the Duchy

22 'Printed by James Bettenham: and sold by A. Bettesworth and C. Hitch at the
Red-Lion in Pater-noster Row; and T. Woodward at the Half Moon in Fleet Street.
MDCCXXXV.*

23 He died at Saint-Germain-en-Laye in 1743.

24 This family derived from Edward d'Auvergne (1660-1737), who claimed
descent from a junior member of the Bouillon family, probably back in the i6th cen
tury. This Edward d'Auvergne (M.A, Oxford) was chaplain to the Scots Guards; he
went through the campaigns in Flanders between 1691 and 1698, and chronicled
them in seven volumes. In 1701 he became rector of a parish in Essex and in 1729
married a daughter of Philip le Geyt, of Jersey. Their son, Philip d'Auvergne, had a
large family, one of whom, a midshipman in the navy, died at Spithead in 1782. It

TRANSLATOR'S INTRODUCTION

fully accepted his claim, and Louis XVIII supported it; but the
Congress of Vienna assigned the Duchy to the Netherlands.

The period of James's life covered by our manuscript Is par
ticularly rich in memoirs and correspondence, much of which we
owe to the principal actors in the drama. Turenne enables us to
appreciate the intellectual character of tactics and strategy. He is
no writer, and his language is often clumsy, though his brevity
has its advantages. He is not vainglorious, and is never consciously
unjust to his great adversary; but he sometimes passes over or
ignores the exploits of his generals (Memoires du Marechal de
Turenne^ ed. Paul Marichal, Paris, Laurens, 1914).

Jacques de Chastenet, Marquis de Puysegur, is one of the most
reliable memorialists of the age. He is far more of a writer than
Turenne and his pages are often brightened by a quiet sense of
humour (Memoires, ed. Tamizey de Larroque, 2 vols., Paris,
1883).

Roger de Rabutin, Comte de Bussy, gives a clear and business
like account of the operations in which he was engaged. He
systematically records the dates which are so often missing in
Turenne's memoirs, and thus enables us to check the dates given
by James, Puysegur, and Montglas. His occasional outbursts of
levity should not deceive one as to the solid historical value of his
narrative. It seems evident that he kept a day-to-day diary. His
faults of character were grave and the many people whom he
offended saw to it that he received the minimum of recognition
for his services. But the virtues, the wit, and even the peccadilloes
which amused his amiable cousin, Madame de Sevigne, have also
endeared him to posterity (Memoires de Roger de Rabutin, ed.
Ludovic Lalanne, 2 vols., Paris, 1857).

For the Prince de Conde, whose career stands in a class apart,
the documentation is immense : his personal correspondence with
Lenet and others, in the Conde archives at Chantilly and in the
Bibliotheque Nationale; La Moussaye's Relation*, Woerden's
Biographie\ Desormeaux' Histoire de Louis de Bourbon; Le Pere
Bergier's Actions memorables, etc. ; and vols. IV, V, and VI of the
Due d'Aumale's Histoire des Princes de Conde (Paris, 1889-96).

seems not unlikely that the Philippe d'Auvergne, who was an adopted son of the last
Due de Bouillon, was a child of the Philip d'Auvergne just mentioned.

TRANSLATOR'S INTRODUCTION

The best recent works are by the Honourable Eveline Godley,
The Great Conde (London, 1915)? an admirable biography; and
by Georges Mongredien, Le Grand Conde (Paris, 1959).

The Memoires of Francois VI, Due de la Rochefoucauld, one of
the great writers of France, cover the period 1624-1652, and
only the last year or two of them really concern us (ed. Gilbert and
Gourdault, in vol. II of the (Euvres completes, Paris, 1 874).

The Memoires of the Cardinal de Retz are invaluable for the
political history of France from about 1638 (although they begin
earlier) to 1653. His 'Remontrance au Roi', written late in 1657
to protest against the handing over of Mardyck to the English,
reveals for all its one-sidedness extraordinary political prescience.
As an observer of men and affairs he is shrewd and penetrating,
and he is a wonderful portraitist (see (Euvres completes, ed.
Feillet, Gourdault, and Chantelauze; also ed. Allem and Thomas,

Paris, 1955).

Anne-Marie-Louise d'Orleans, 'la Grande Mademoiselle',
wrote what is virtually an autobiography, rich in observations on
the social and political life of her times. It is less informative re
garding the war, except for the year 1652 when she alone, in the
affair at the Porte Saint-Antoine, saved Conde's army from
destruction. (Memoires, ed. Cheruel, 4 vols., 1891. See Arvede
Barine, La Jeunesse de la Grande Mademoiselle, Paris, 1909, and
Philippe Amiguet, La Grande Mademoiselle et son siecle, Paris,

There are of course many other sources : the military memoirs
of Montglas, La Tremoille, and Tavannes; the civilian memoirs
of Omer Talon, Conrart, and others; the correspondence of
Turenne, Mazarin, and Cond6; the official Gazette \ La Mes-
nardiert's Relations guerrieres, etc., etc.

For the nature and principles of war as conducted in the cam
paigns described by the Duke of York, see Commandant Julien
Brosse's commentary which is published in Marichal's edition of
the Memoires de Turenne (1914), vol. II, xxvii-xxxiv. The pri
mary object of a commander was not to destroy the enemy's forces
but to wear him down by a process of attrition. Hence there were
few decisive victories. The main purpose was to secure possession
of fortified towns in hostile territory. These enabled one not only
to live off the country but to deprive the enemy of food and forage,

TRANSLATOR'S INTRODUCTION

exhaust his supplies, and thus after a few years compel him to sign
peace. We therefore find that sieges play a more conspicuous part
than pitched battles. If in 1658 Turenne decided to offer battle to
the Spaniards, this was because the exigencies of the political
situation, and the massive reinforcements he had received from
England, rendered the move advisable. The result was an over
whelming victory; and if it did not actually end the war, it brought
the end within sight.

It is a pleasure to acknowledge the support and assistance I
have received in preparing this edition. My wife first pointed out
to me the interest and importance of the manuscript which Mr.
Randall had discovered ; and the Director and the Faculty Com
mittee of the Indiana University Press did me the honour of en
trusting me with the work. In handling the long entry for 1652 I
received most helpful secretarial assistance from Mr. Stanley
Gray; while for the rest, and indeed a large part, of the secretarial
work, I have been indebted to Mrs. Gray and Mrs. Margaret
Lauer, both of whom took a personal interest in a project which
has been necessarily complex. My sincere thanks go also to Pro
fessor Leo Solt for comparing the French manuscript with the
English translation of Ramsay's Vie de Turenne^ to Sir Arthur
Bryant for the introduction which he has so kindly contributed ;
and to the staff of the Indiana University Press for their encour
agement and advice.

Bloomington, Indiana A.L.S.

January 1961

THE MILITARY MEMOIRS OF
THE DUKE OF YORK

Extracted word for word from the
memoirs of James Stuart Then "Duke of Tork,

and since

J^ing of England*, James Second:

from 1652 inclusively till 1660, the year

in which "The ^ing of England Charles Second

his brother was re-established
On the throne of Qreat ^Britain:

These ^Memoirs
written by Him self in English, and Translated

into French in his presence,
The Translation (Corrected by Him self,,
were given by the very hand of this sacred
at St Qermain en Laye the 2jth of January,

to
Smmanuel Theodose de la Tour d y ^uvergne y

Cardinal de 'Bouillon 3^ephew of

Henry de la Tour d'zAuvergne, Vicomte de Turenne,

of whom His ^Majesty speaks so honourably in the

whole course of these nine years, and especially

in the course of the (Campaigns which this

great ''Prince waged under the Vicomte de Turenne

in i6j2> 16) '$, i6f4, *6jJ> who even did him the

honour until he was made Lieutenant Qeneral

in 16^4,

of having no other quarters^ or lodging,
than those which were assigned for the (general

Treface of the C ar dinal "Bouillon

King of England James II having done me the honour
of relating to me, in the year 1695, several particulars, and a
few considerable actions in the life of the late Monsieur de
Turenne, my uncle, which were unknown to me, not being re
ported in the memoirs I have of him, written in his own hand:
I took confidence to testify to this Prince that I was very sorry my
profound respect for him did not permit me to beg him very
humbly to be kind enough, by the friendship he retained for the
late Monsieur de Turenne, to set down in writing, at the hours
that would be least inconvenient to him, the particulars and
actions of which I had no knowledge; and I added that I should 1
take the liberty of asking this favour of any one but his Majesty,
whom I must respect even more than the memory of the late Mon
sieur de Turenne which I had regarded until that moment as the
thing that was most dear to me in the world. Whereupon his
Majesty, by a quite particular act of a goodness and generosity
without equal, told me that he would do me this favour with joy,
as soon as it should be possible, even confiding to me that, as he
had already written pretty exactly year by year in English the
memoirs of his own life, he would extract and put into French all
that concerned the campaigns in which he had served in the
French Army commanded by Monsieur de Turenne and those in
which he had next served in the Spanish Army, in the Nether
lands, until the declaration of the Peace of the Pyrenees and the
re-establishment of King Charles II his brother on the throne of
Great Britain. I was agreeably surprised on the twenty-seventh of
the month of January of the following year, 1696, when having
gone to St. Germain-en-Laye to pay my respects to this great and
sacred King, he led me into his cabinet where he told me he had
brought me, in order to keep the promise he had made the pre-

* This preface is found at the beginning of the Duke of York's Memoirs, and it is
written in the Cardinal de Bouillon's own hand.

1 . . . , et je lui adjouta7 que je prendrais la liberte de demander cette faveur a tout
autre qu'a sa Mte, que je devois encore plus respecter, etc.' He was not venturing to
ask, but only to hint that he would like to ask.

PREFACE OF THE CARDINAL BOUILLON

vious year, and at the same time put into my hands the present
book, in which he assured me he had collected all that he had ob
served in his Memoirs regarding the late Monsieur de Turenne
from the year 1652 inclusively to 1660; and that he made me a
gift of it, as much in respect to the memory of the late Monsieur de
Turenne which he told me must, all his life, be very dear and very
precious to him, because he regarded him as the greatest and most
perfect man he had ever known and the best friend he had ever
had ; 2 as in respect to the friendship with which he honoured me
in particular, charging me in the meanwhile never, during his life
time, to permit anyone to read these memoirs. 3 After rendering
his Majesty very humble thanks 4 for this benefit, I promised to
execute what he had just ordered me, and I have very faithfully
observed it as long as he lived. This gift from the hand of so great
a King appears to me so considerable and so honourable for the
memory of the late Monsieur de Turenne and for the whole of
our house, that from that day, as I had the honour to tell his
Majesty on receiving from him this precious gift, I made the
resolution to bequeath 5 it one day in perpetuity to the eldest son
of our house : and this is what I do today, being at Rome the six
teenth of the month of February of the year one thousand seven
hundred and fifteen, having by an act 6 of Divine Providence once
more found this precious book which I believed I should never see
again. 7

Le Cardinal de Bouillon, Den du Sre colge. 8

2 This passage strikingly confirms the affection and admiration which James else
where expresses for Turenne.

3 *. . . me recommandant cependant de ne donner jamais a qui que ce soit, durant
son vivant la lecture de ces memoires.'

4 de tres humbles actions de graces' strictly, 'thanksgiving', a term appropriate to
the person of a sacred Majesty.

5 'le substituer', in the legal sense, to bequeath or entail.

6 f par un effet de la Providence Divine.* (Cf. above fi par un effet tout particulier
d'une bonte . . . etc.'.) Effet' was commonly used in die sense of 'act' in the iyth
century. Corneille has: c Les effets de Cesar valent bien ses paroles' (Pompee, Act
V, v. 1 50).

7 This suggests that he had left the book in some lodging or with a friend in Rome
and that, being aware of his approaching end, had feared he would not see it again.
He however found it in time to bequeath it to his family; and his death took pkce on
2, March, that is, a fortnight after he had written these words.

8 The signature is hard to read, except for the words 'Bouillon' and 'Den du Sre
colge' ='Doyen du Sacre College.' He had been Dean of the College of Cardinals
since December 1698.

(Certificate from the ^Administrators
of the Scottish C^ e g e f

WE the undersigned, Priests and Administrators of the
Scottish College in the University of Paris, to wit, Louis
Inesse,, formerly first Chaplain to the late Queen of Great Britain
and former Principal of the College, Charles Whytford, Principal,
Thomas Inesse, Vice-Principal, George Inesse, Procurator and
Alexander Smith, Prefect of Studies in the same College, certify
to all those whom it may concern that the accompanying Memoirs
of the late King James II of Great Britain are conformable to the
original English Memoirs, written by the hand of his Majesty
and preserved, by virtue of a certificate signed by his hand, in the
Archives of our College. And we, the above named, certify more
over that the accompanying manuscript, revised and corrected by
the above named King James, translated by his order, given by his
hand to his late Highness and Eminence the Cardinal de Bouillon,
on the twenty-seventh of the month of January, 1696, and written
by the hand of Mr. Dempster, one of His Majesty's secretaries, is
conformable for the facts, details, circumstances, reflections and
generally everything, except for the style only and the order of the
relation, to a second translation of the same original English
Memoirs made by the order of the late Queen of Great Britain,
signed by her hand, sealed with the Seal of her arms, counter
signed by My Lord Caryll, Secretary of State, on the fourteenth of
November, 1704, and given on the fifteenth of January, 1705, by
the above named Louis Inesse to his Highness and Excellence the
Cardinal de Bouillon to serve for the history of the Vicomte de
Turenne. In testimony whereof we have signed these presents and
have affixed thereto the Seal of the College. Done in Paris this
twenty-fourth of December, One Thousand Seven Hundred and
Thirty Four.

L. Inesse Qeo: Inesse

Ch: Whytjord *Al: Smith
Inesse

MEMOIRS

OF THE

DUKE OF YORK

BOOK I

Of The Civil Wars In France

THE Duke of York was in France in 1652 with the Queen
his mother, when the return of Cardinal Mazarin had made
it impossible for that Minister's enemies to reconcile themselves
with the Court. The Duke judged that the flames of war would be
rekindled with great violence ; and being very desirous of making
himself fit one day to serve the King his brother in a useful capa
city, he resolved that, if he could obtain his and the Queen's per
mission, he would go on campaign as a volunteer in the King of
France's army. 1 Sir [John] Berkley was the only person who did
not oppose this design when it was first proposed ; but by dint of
the Duke's insisting, consent was given. However, there remained
a much greater difficulty to overcome than the first. Nothing was
so rare as money. The French Court was then at Angers, and in
very great straits, so much so that, but for the help of three hun
dred pistoles that were lent him by a Gascon gentleman named
Gautier who had served in England, he would have found it im
possible to go on campaign. With this small sum his equipage was

* The entry for 1652 lias been translated in extenso from the Bouillon manuscript.
I have placed between square brackets the passages where the test of the French MS.
is a literal translation of the original English text as reproduced in the Life (ed.
Clarke): these passages, in brackets, are taken from the Life. It seems clear, however,
that both the MS. and the text of the Life are based on the same original, and that the
French MS. is a somewhat abbreviated version-as I indicate in footnotes.

1 In place of this sentence, the Life (I, 54) reads: 'This being considered by the
Duke who was very desirous to improve himself that he might one day be fitt to serve
in the French King's Army as a volunteer, And tho when he made . . .'-which makes
no sense, as J. S. Clarke saw. He appended the following note: 'Here some words
appear to have been omitted by the Secretary, who probably intended to have
written: "That he might one day be fitt to command, he resolved to serve," & C.-
Editor.' A sound emendation. The French text shows what these words were. This
supports the view that the MS. Campagnes were either translated directly from
James's own memoirs, or dictated by him to a secretary.

c 57

CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1652

got ready. The King his brother gave him a set of six horses which
the Lord Crofts had brought from Poland. They were too small
for the coach, but served to mount two or three footmen and as
many grooms. Two mules were hired to carry the camp bed and
his small baggage to the army. The Duke was to be accompanied
only by Sir [John] Berkley and Colonel Woerden, and he had no
led horse, to change mounts in case of need.

These few preparations were easily made with the secrecy that
was needed in order not to be stopped, as he would have run the
risk, if his intention of going to the King's army had been dis
covered; besides which he could not fittingly take leave of the
Duke of Orleans, his uncle, in order to go and serve in the party
opposed to his. To avoid this inconvenience the Duke went with
the King his brother to Saint-Germain-en-Laye under pretext of
hunting, and after staying there two or three days he set out on the
2 ist of April to go and join the army.

He passed through the Faubourg St. Antoine and could go no
further than Charenton the first night. The next day he travelled
to Corbeil. On arriving in the suburbs he found a few companies
of the regiment of Guards against whom the inhabitants of the
town had closed the gates in the resolution of not letting them
enter. Being very uncertain whether he would be received him
self, he risked presenting himself; they made many difficulties,
but he used persuasive words and they permitted him to enter on
foot on condition that he should leave his horses in the suburb.
Then, having represented to the magistrates the dangers to which
they were exposing themselves by continuing to refuse admission
to the King's troops, they at last let themselves be persuaded,
although it was clear that if they had persisted, the Court, which
was then at Melun, would have had great difficulty in taking
possession of the place, both because of its strong situation and its
nearness to Paris; [and had not the King by this unexpected
means gott possession of that Town, it had much prejudiced his
affairs, as on the contrary it prov'd afterwards a very advan
tageous post, and was very usefull to him on Severall occasions].

As soon as the Court was informed that its troops had entered
Corbeil, the Court left Melun to go there. The Duke of York had
remained to await it and its arrival procured him a little assistance
in money, of which he had great need, as on arrival in that town

1652 ACTION AT BLNEAU

he had not twenty pistoles remaining for himself and his retinue.
His equipage was increased by one horse and two mules. He left
the same evening for Chatres with several volunteers from the
Court who accompanied him; [and there he found the Army,
which arriued at that Town but some few hours before him].

But before beginning to relate [the actions of] this Campaign
and of those that followed, it is necessary to go back some years
to explain the state of affairs [as they then stood In France],

[The Crown was reduced to a most deplorable condition in the
beginning of this year; Few there were who preserved their
loyalty to the King, and even they whose interest] should have
attached them to the safety of the State, [were the chief instru
ments] of those troubles which distracted It; [grounding them
selves on that common and plausible pretence which has occa-
sion'd So many Rebellions in all ages, namely. The removing
evill Counsellors from about the person of the King; to make
which Argument the more popular, they farther urged, how great
a disreputation it was to France to be govern'd by a Stranger;
when so many Princes of the blood were both more capable, and
more proper to undertake the Ministry] than the Cardinal. These
Princes were at the head of the malcontents and were followed by
the greater part of the lords and the most qualified persons in the
kingdom ; the most considerable towns and the greater number of
the Parlements had declared for them ; and although the Due de
Longueville had not openly taken sides it was well known that
with the whole of Normandy he inclined to the party of the Prin
ces, and that he only affected neutrality in order without peril to
take sides with the stronger party. Whatever overtures were
made him from the King's side, he always found excuses to elude
them and to dispense himself from receiving the King in Rouen,
when none of the most considerable towns would open its gates to
him, and when the smallest, as witness the affair of Corbeil, fol
lowed the same example, so generally was the poison spread
through the whole kingdom.

The Spaniards, who were always eager to profit by the dis
orders in France, neglected nothing in order to foment them in
the hope of regaining in a short time from the French Crown the
places which had been taken from them and which had cost so
many years, so much toil, and blood and money. It even seems

CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1652

very likely that they had vaster designs ; that they flattered them
selves on entirely overwhelming that monarchy, or at least on
weakening it to such a point that it would be incapable of attack
ing them for a long time. But they took the wrong measures, and
their precautions, which were always excessive, caused them to
fail in both objects.

[The affaires of France being in this posture, the Spaniards
besides their large promises and making distribution of mony to
severall of the cheif Malcontents, sent some Troopes from Flan
ders into France under the conduct of the Duke of Nemours, to
strengthen the Army of the Princes; he having been sent purposly
to Brussels to demand their assistance. This Army of Spaniards
which he led, entered France in the beginning of the spring; their
numbers were about seven thousand men in horse and foot, and
they pass'd the Seine at Mantes ; of which place the Duke de
Sully was then Governour], who could, if he wished to refuse
them passage, have greatly retarded their junction with the
Princes' Army which was then assembled near [Montargis]. 2

After this junction, and the taking of Angers by the King's
troops, nothing important happened until the affair at Bleneau,
except that Monsieur de Turenne, whom these memoirs parti
cularly concern, anticipated the enemy's intention of possessing
themselves of Gerveau. They had already seized a bridgehead
and would have lost no time in taking possession of the place,
which was only defended by a gate and a very small number of
soldiers, if Monsieur de Turenne had not by chance arrived with
enough troops to prevent the execution of this plan, the success of
which they would have found very advantageous. They were ob
liged to retire with some loss, the most considerable of which was
that of Sirot, a Lieutenant-General, and one of their best officers.
The Court then went to Gien, where the army passed the Loire
and took up its quarters near Bleneau. The Princes' army ad
vanced to Lorris. In the meantime, the Prince de Cond6 3 had

2 There is a blank here in the MS. (p. 6) and also in the Life (p. 58). Ramsay,
probably on good authority, supplies 'Montargis' (Mtmoires du Due d'Torck, p. v,
in Histoirc du Ficomte de Turenne^ Paris, 1735, v l- J-D-

3 Louis II de Bourbon (1621-1686), a prince of the Blood Royal and one of the
most brilliant commanders of the age. After serving his apprenticeship as a soldier in
1640 and 1641, he in May 1643 defeated a supposedly invincible Spanish army at
Rocroi. In 1644 and 1645 he co-operated with Turenne in Germany, where they

1652 ACTION AT BLfiNEAU

secretly started from Guyenne, where his affairs were in a bad
state, to come to Paris where his presence was more necessary. On
this dangerous journey he was accompanied only by four or five
persons. Scarcely had he arrived than he was obliged to set out
again and place himself at the head of the Princes' army; and
having been apprised of the way in which the King's troops were
posted, he resolved to attack them in their quarters, which they
had been forced to extend widely for the purpose of obtaining
forage. Monsieur de Turenne had his quarters at Briare and Mar
shal d'Hocquincourt's 4 were at Bleneau. The latter, having had
warning that the Princes' army was marching against him, ordered

overcame a Bavarian and Imperialist army at Freiburg and won an overwhelming
victory at Nordlingen. In 1648, after a campaign in Catalonia, Conde was again vic
torious at Lens. During the troubles of the Fronde his overbearing manner at Court
led the Queen Mother and Mazarin in 1650 to have him arrested. Released in 1651,
he went into open rebellion and threw in his lot with the Spaniards. In the years that
followed, the latter owed much of their success to his genius. He was however rarely
given a free hand and, being matched against Turenne, was unable to win any such
brilliant successes as marked his earlier and later campaigns. He was moreover handi
capped not only by the behaviour of the Spanish generals who were hidebound by
convention and by the preposterous habit of taking a siesta every afternoon, even in
the presence of the enemy, but also by the fact that he himself was subject to attacks
of intermittent fever. In 1657 he was completely prostrated and at one moment his
life was despaired of. Yet the manner in which he struggled to remain on his feet, and
wrote letter after letter to the Spanish generals to urge them to pay his troops and
make adequate provision for them, inspires the highest opinion of his heroism. His
fortunes were at their lowest ebb, yet no one was more universally admired.

By the terms of the Treaty of the Pyrenees (1660) Conde was pardoned by Louis
XIV and restored to possession of his estates. He was able to recondition and inhabit
Chantilly; and here he entertained a number of the great writers and theologians of
France. But he lived mainly for war. In 1672 he and Turenne led the French armies
against the Dutch, and in 1 674 he defeated the Prince of Orange at Seneffe, Turenne
was at this time in command of the army in Alsace, where he was matched against
Montecucculi, the Emperor's most brilliant general. Fortune favoured now one side
now the other; but in the winter of 1674 75 Turenne drove Montecucculi back into
Baden, followed him, and defeated him at Salzbach in July. He was himself killed in
the battle; and so great was the consternation that the Imperialists would probably
have been able to invade France if Conde had not been brought from the north to
replace Turenne and if he had not succeeded in retrieving the situation.
The remaining years of his life were spent mostly at Chantilly,
4 Charles de Monchy, marquis d'Hocquincourt, came of a Picard family. Born in
1599, he had served in Italy, Roussillon, and Germany. He had just (1651) been
made a Marshal of France. His character was impulsive. Once, during the Fronde,
he suggested to the Queen that they should have Conde killed in the street. 'II avoit
fort peu d'esprit,' according to Bussy-Rabutin: very brave, but not a good general. He
was a connoisseur of women and horses, especially the latter: circumstances which,
together with his slow, sententious manner, made him a butt for ridicule.

CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1652

his troops in case of alarm to march to the rendezvous which he
had fixed for them between his quarters and Monsieur de
Turenne's. He at the same time sent advance guards towards the
enemy, and posted Dragoons at the place by which in all likelihood
they would come. Monsieur de Turenne, having also been
informed of this plan, went himself to meet and warn Monsieur
d 5 Hocquincourt 3 who was the more exposed.

The Dragoons on whom he had depended and who, he thought,
could stop the enemy on the way, supported him as badly as his
own opinion of them had been good, for, whether out of cowardice
or treachery, they were no sooner attacked than they abandoned
their post. Monsieur le Prince, pursuing his advantage, fell upon
the quarters of Monsieur d'Hocquincourt, who did not resist long
and was driven out, 5 but with little loss on either side. The beaten
troops escaped under cover of night and lost all their baggage ;
and their terror was so great that they forgot the rendezvous
which had been given them. Night prevented the enemy from
pursuing them. But the enemy knew that Monsieur de Turenne
was near and they counted on beating him as soon as it was day, if
he did not retire. And indeed both he and the whole kingdom
were in the greatest peril. If this little army had been routed, the
King and the whole Court would have had difficulty in not falling
into the hands of the Princes, and everything was to be feared at
a time when the ambition of a few great lords knew no bounds.

As soon as Monsieur de Turenne was advised of the enemy's
approach, he came out of his quarters and marched to the ren
dezvous ; at the same time sending out small parties which very
soon informed him that Monsieur d'Hocquincourt's quarters had
been beaten up. The night was so dark that he could not know
what position he had taken up. It was dangerous to advance, the
enemy being so near, and retreat was no less hazardous, because
he was insufficiently acquainted with the country. He was afraid
of intimidating his troops and throwing them into confusion. He
decided to remain where he was, in the hope of giving those of his
men who were scattered time to rejoin him. When at early dawn

6 c et fut force,' i.e., worsted and driven out. The Life (I, 60) has: 'the Enemy . . .
beat them up.' The term was then used commonly in this sense. Cf. Lovelace, 'The
Falcon': 'The dogs have beat his quarters up,' meaning that they have started a heron
and forced him to take wing.

1652 ACTION AT BLfiNEAU

he caught sight of the enemy, he observed very joyfully that he
could occupy a most advantageous position, where they could only
attack him by passing through a very narrow defile.

Behind this defile he drew up his little army in battle order,
having a wood on one flank and a large pond on the other. Some
of the officers suggested that he should post small parties of in
fantry along the wood, so as better to defend the pass. He did not
follow this advice because, as he afterwards told the Duke of
York, the enemy's infantry was half as numerous again as his own,
and they would have had no great difficulty in driving his men
from the wood. This would force him to go to their help and have
involved him so deeply that he would have been unable to avoid
having his whole army defeated. He thought it better to leave the
wood unoccupied and he drew back more than a musket shot be
tween the wood and the defile, and in this position awaited the
enemy w r ho, seeing him take measures that were so sound, durst
not attack him. Both sides remained in battle order, contenting
themselves with watching each other and firing with their cannon ;
until Monsieur de Turenne making as if to withdraw, the enemy
thought this a good opportunity for attacking him and marched
in battle order to the defile. Fifteen or twenty squadrons had
already passed through, when Monsieur de Turenne suddenly
turned round, marched upon them and forced them to retreat in a
disorder and haste that were the greater because they had no other
choice if they were to avoid being entirely cut to pieces ; and as
most of their army had advanced near to the defile, the King's
army now took up its former position and with its cannon wrought
terrible execution upon the enemy who were crowded together,
one upon the other. This cannonade went on for the rest of the day.

Towards evening [the troopes of Mareschall d'Hocquincourt
came up and joyn'd with Monsr. de Turenne, while they were yet
in presence of the Enemy, so that the party was not now so un-
equall as before]. It is not known which withdrew first. However
that may be, it is certain that by his conduct and firmness on this
important occasion Monsieur de Turenne saved the State; for,
had this little army been defeated, it had no other resource and
would at least have suffered shocks from which it could scarcely
have recovered.

[After this action the Prince of Cond left the Army and went to

CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1652

Paris, where he was received with great applause; his party mag
nifying the advantage he had got, above what really it was. But in
the mean time his absence from his Army prov'd very prejudicial]
to the interests of the Cabal ; [for there was no Commander left in
cheif: Monsr. de Tavannes 6 commanding the Princes' troopes,
Monsr. de Valon 7 those of the Duke of Orleans, and Monsr. de
Clinchamp 8 ] the Spaniards. Although all three were men of
courage and capacity, none of them -had enough brains to lead an
army; and so it turned out as it always does when there is no
recognised General whom all the troops obey. Although they had
a common interest, their views were different and jealousy ruined
everything. Monsieur de Turenne was too skilful not to profit
from this lack of understanding between them: [for notwith
standing that they lay not far distant from one another, he amus'd 9
them so, that by taking great and well order'd marches (The
Court moving at the same time) he gave them the slip, and got
betwixt them and Paris ; and though he was to take a great com
pass, and as it were to march round them, yet his diligence was
such, that he arrived at] Chatres 10 [on the I4th of Aprill, when
they were got no farther then Etampes: and hereby gave an op
portunity to the Court of getting to Paris], as had been resolved.
The most important members of the King's party in that city and
even the Cardinal de Retz favoured that course. But whether the
Court was lacking in resolution or whether the artifices of Car
dinal Mazarin's enemies, who wanted to frighten him, prevailed,
the Court remained at Melun and came to Corbeil about the same
time that Monsieur de Turenne arrived with the army at Chatres,
where the Duke of York joined him.

6 Jacques de Sauls, Comte de Tavannes (1620-1683) had been one of Conde's
friends at the 'Academic Royale' in 1636. Here they had studied fencing, horseman
ship, general history, military science, and political conditions in modern Europe. The
Academy, in short, provided a training both for war and diplomacy. He had been
with Conde in the campaign that culminated at Rocroi (i 643), and in that which cul
minated at Nordlingen ( 1 64 5) .

7 Fran9ois de la Baume, Comte de Valon, was, with Tavannes and Clinchamp, to
be one of Conde's Lieutenant-Generals at the battle of the Faubourg Saint-Antoine.

8 Bernardin de Bourgueville, Baron de Clinchamp, was one of e The Lorrainers'.
He had served under the Archduke Leopold in 1648, the campaign in which the
Archduke was defeated by Conde at Lens.

9 Beguiled.

10 Not Chartres, as in the Life.

1652 ATTACK ON THE SUBURB OF ETAMPES

A few days passed without anything important happening. The
parties that were sent out towards Etampes often brought in
horses which they took at forage and prisoners who reported that
the whole of the enemy's army was quartered in the city and the
suburb.

Mademoiselle 11 sent a trumpet to Monsieur de Turenne ask
ing for a passport to go to Paris. She was coming from Orleans,
[which Town by her presence and credit there, she had caus'd to
declare for the Princes], and could not return to Paris without
passing through both armies. Monsieur de Turenne made some
difficulties about granting the passport without permission from
the Court, to which he dispatched an express messenger; [but,
before his return, having consider'd that probably he might make
some advantage of her request, and knowing on what day she
would be at Etampes], he sent the passport. [Having understood
by his partys, that the Enemy had not been out at forage for two
or three days], [he conjectur'd that on that day, which was the
3d of May, Madmoiselle would see the Army, and that on the
next she wou'd go away for Paris, so that he reckoned they would
not go out to forage till the 4th; that the forage having been so
long deferr'd would be great;] that, as most of the General Offi
cers would not fail to accompany Mademoiselle a part of the way,
this forage would not be carried out with great precaution : [So
that weighing all these Circumstances, he and Monsieur d'Hoc-
quincourt resolved to march away all night with the whole Army,
leaving only an hundred horse and a small regiment of foot to
guard the bagage, which was left at Chatres.] In an hour's time
the whole army was in movement; it began to march at eight in
the evening in great silence and good order. The design was to
take up a position between the enemy's army and Orleans so as to
cut off the foragers whom it was thought to find in the country in
that direction.

They passed the defiles before sunrise. Monsieur d'Hocquin-
court was leading the van as it was his turn. They had to make a
little circuit in order to get between Etampes and Orleans, and
the army, on arrival, was beginning to draw up in battle order,
when scouts who had been sent out in advance reported that,

11 Anne-Marie-Louise d'Orleans, demoiselle de Montpensier (1627-1693),
daughter of Monsieur, the King's uncle.

CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1652

instead of being at forage, the enemy's army was in battle order a
league distant, in a plain above Etampes. It was immediately
decided to march against them with the intention of fighting; but
as soon as the enemy perceived the King's army on the heights,
their advance having been hitherto unknown, they began to with
draw into the town. The cavalry were sent forward at full trot in
the hope of charging their rear guard before it could get under
cover, and the infantry and cannon were ordered to follow with all
possible diligence.

Instead of having gone to forage that day, as had been ex
pected, the enemy had brought out their army in order to show it
to Mademoiselle, who was to leave in the morning. When their
Generals saw the King's army, they asked for her advice. She
replied that they had to follow the orders of Monsieur, the Duke
of Orleans, and of the Prince de Conde, and immediately set out
on her journey. [They drew back into the Town and Suburbs
with so much expedition, that before the two Mareschalls Tu~
renne and Hocquincourt had gain'd the heigth above the City,
all the troopes of the Enemy were already in security.] In view of
this hasty retreat, it was now decided to attack the suburbs, and
orders were sent to the infantry to prepare for this while march
ing, and to form detachments.

Etampes is situated in a hollow; a little river flows under the
walls and falls into the Seine at Corbeil. [All that side of the Town
and suburbs, which is on the right hand as you come from
Chatres], is commanded by a low height, and, from the top of a
very high round tower, 12 the whole plain can be discovered. [The
Town-wall is flank'd with small round towers, not cannon proof,
and incompass'd only with a dry ditch on the side towards
Chatres]. The suburb towards Orleans is covered by the river and
by a stream which join at the Porte d'Orl6ans 5 by which gate
alone the town has communication with the suburb. In that quar
ter the enemy had nine regiments of infantry, among others those
of Conde, of Conti and of Burgundy, the auxiliary troops from the
Netherlands, namely those of Berlo, Pleure, Vange, La Motte, 13
Pelnitz, etc., and about five hundred horse. They had entrenched

12 This tower was in the town, a fact that appears later.

13 The Life (I, 66) reads 'Vange la Motte.' Vange and La Motte were really
separate persons.

1652 ATTACK OX THE SUBURB OF ETAMPES

themselves, being protected by the stream, which covered all one
side except for a small space near the gate where they had raised a
line of earthworks. [As soon as the King's foot came up, they fell
on Immediately, scarse staying till their canon had fir'd two or
three shott at the Enemys retrenchments, which was rather done
to let them see they had cannon, then for any execution they ex
pected from them. Monsieur d'Hocquincourt's foot had the right
hand, so that their attack was made where the brooke was]. They
marched to the edge of the brook under fire of the enemy; but the
officers having sounded it with their pikes and found it deeper
than was supposed, they retired in good order and marched a
little higher up towards the mill.

Monsieur de Turenne ordered Monsieur de Gadagne, 14
Lieutenant-Colonel of the Regiment de la Marine, to attack that
side of the town on the left which, being defended only by a line
of trenches, was carried without much resistance. [This was the
only part that was ill maintain'd and yet was the place of the
greatest consequence, for by losing It] the enemy had no more
communication between the town and the suburb. Gadagne's
soldiers immediately afterwards raised barricades across the street
opposite the gate. [At the same time Monsr. de Turenne enter'd at
this place all his foot, which instantly made way also for the horse ;
at the head of which Mareschall d'Hocquincourt came In, but
with such eager hast, that he forgott to give order to the rest of his
wing what they should next perform, so that they were all follow
ing him into the suburb, which being perceiv'd by Monsieur de
Turenne, he came up to them, and stopt them all but two or three
of the former squadrons,] which had already entered [and order'd
them to draw off to the top of the hill where all his own horse were
posted, because more then enow were already enter'd to second
the foot] ; and had a greater number entered, the enemy who were
in the town would have been able to take advantage of it by com
ing out through the other gate and falling upon the cavalry which
was outside, for without counting their troops in the suburb, they
had in the town as many cavalry and infantry as there were in the
whole of the King's army.

14 Charles-Felix de Gallean, Comte de Gadagne (1620-1700), was a Provencal.
He led the French infantry with great success at the battle of the Dunes (1658). His
lordship, in the Vaucluse, was raised to the rank of a Duchy in 1 669. In 1 67 5 he toot
service under the Venetian Republic.

CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1652

[In the mean time the regiment of Picardy and the rest of
Monsr. de Hocquincourts foot] passed the brook at the mill and
vigorously attacked the enemy, who defended themselves with
equal vigour and, even after being forced back, resisted bravely
from wall to wall and from post to post. In another quarter
Monsieur de Turenne's infantry having [secured the traverse
against the Town, turn'd immediatly to the right hand, and fell on
the flanks of] the Regiment of Burgundy which was defending the
line. They had made breaches in it so that six men could pass
abreast when marching along this line. Here the enemy's resist
ance was so vigorous that they drove back the attackers from the
walls they had gained and chased them so far and put them into so
great a disorder that, but for the Regiment de Turenne which
stopped their impetuosity and gave the others time to rally, there
was risk of losing all the advantage which had just been won. But
the enemy's efforts having now been arrested, they were once
again driven back from wall to wall until the last was reached.
Here they recovered strength and for a second time repelled the
attackers in a near-by enclosure, and wrought great carnage.

They had been pursued this last time too hotly and in so little
order that riders and foot soldiers were mingled pell mell. [The
Enemy did not pursue their advantage, contenting themselves to
have made good their last wall, whilst the King's men rallyd be
hind the covert of the next, so that there was the space of an in-
closure between the two partys]. They contented themselves for a
time with firing briskly at each other. The Duke of York who was
present at this hot attack saw an officer of the enemy named Du
Mont, a major of Conde's, undertake an action which, had he
been supported, might have stopped the course of victory. He
came out, pike in hand, and advancing twenty paces, which was
the breadth of the enclosure, exposed himself to the full fire of the
attackers ; [but not being follow'd by any of his men, was con
straint to return.] He repeated this dangerous manoeuvre three
times, without receiving the least wound. This act inspired emu
lation in the King's troops. It was dangerous to go straight to the
breach or opening, which was defended by so many brave men.
But an officer whose name has been forgotten went out from the
opening in the wall on the attackers' side and, in full view of the
enemy, advanced against the breach they were defending. He

1652 ATTACK OX THE SUBURB OF ETAMPES

was followed by as many of his men as could get cover from the
fire. The enclosure, as already observed, was narrow and there
was only one wall between the two parties, A singular kind of
battle was fought there. The wall being composed of great stones,
the men heaved 15 them at each other, and the wall was diminishing
notably when the King's troops, seeing a small height from which
they could attack the enemy from the rear, fired on them to such
good purpose that, finding themselves attacked both on the flank
and in front, and the place being now untenable, they abandoned
their last wall. They retired into a neighbouring Church where
the Regiment of Picardy had also driven those it had attacked.
They could not defend themselves and asked for quarter, which
was granted them. Their cavalry crossed the brook and escaped,
after losing the Baron de Briole w r ho was in command and the
Comte de Furstemberg, both of whom were killed.

While fighting was going on in the suburb, the enemy in the
town made sorties to force the barricade and pressed the King's
troops so vigorously that, had not Monsieur de Turenne himself
advanced with a squadron of cavalry to within a pistol's shot of the
town, to support his men, the barricade would have run great
risk of being carried. Everything depended on this position ; its
loss would have entailed the utter defeat of the troops which were
then fighting in the suburb. But the very timely support which
Monsieur de Turenne brought them, the munitions he distributed
and the firmness of Monsieur de Gadagne rendered the enemy's
efforts quite useless. They made two more sorties, which were
beaten back with loss.

Of the nine regiments of infantry which the enemy had in that
suburb, scarcely a man escaped. Nine hundred were killed and
1 700 taken prisoner. 16 The principal officers captured were Briole,
Marechal de Camp, Montal who commanded Conde's regiment,
Du Mont or Damon, a major in the same regiment, whom the
Duke of York recognised as the same man who had distinguished
himself with such bravery at the attack on the last wall ; Baron de
Berlo, Marechal de Bataille, Vange, Pleur, La Motte. The King's

16 'On se les rouloit les uns sur les autres/ But they could scarcely have rolled them
at each other.

16 The test of the Life is less specific. 'They kill'd above a thousand of the Enemy
upon the place, and took a considerable number of prisoners.'

CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1652

army lost at least five hundred men, but no one of special note.
The young Comte de Quince had a musket ball through his body
and Comte Carlo de Broglio 17 one in the arm ; but both recovered. 18

This action was as bold as it was fortunate. The Generals would
not have undertaken it, had they known the weakness of their
infantry which did not amount to two thousand men, whereas it
should have been at least 5000. The march having taken place
suddenly and in darkness, the soldiers engaged in skirmishing
could only join the army when the attack was over. The enemy
had 3000 foot in the town and a similar number in the suburb,
not counting the cavalry: but the disorder among them which
was observed [when the King's forces] reached the high ground
[which overlooks the suburbs], 19 the confusion in which they
withdrew, and the absence of concerted action which is generally
the trouble under a divided command, 20 probably decided the
Generals to attack them.

Had the enemy been as watchful for the mistakes made by the
King's army, they might have taken advantage of the opportunity
to defeat it when it was withdrawing. Monsieur d'Hocquincourt
did not trouble to find out whether Monsieur de Turenne was
following him with the rear guard, which it took him a long time
to reassemble, as a great number of the soldiers were amusing
themselves by pillaging the suburb. Monsieur d'Hocquincourt,
however, marched with the van straight to Etrechy and made no
halt. The enemy, by coming out of the Porte de Paris, might have

17 'Carlo de Brole.' This was Francois-Marie, Comte de Broglie. He later came
over to the King's side and fought under Turenne. He was Governor of La Bassee in
1654.

18 At this point in the Life (I, 71-72), the person who made a copy of James's
memoirs, inserted the following paragraph, which does not of course appear in the
French manuscript:

'By the exact account which the Duke gives in his Memoires written in his own
hand of every particular circumstance of this great Action, it may be observed that his
Royall Highness (tho he never mentions his own danger) was present in the places
where the Service was hottest, which demons trably appears by his remembring
Monsr. Dumont when he was taken prisoner, to be the same person whom he had
seen performing that bold action above mention'd at the last wall in the suburbs of
Etampes.'

19 'le d&ordre qu'on remarqua parmy eux en arrivant sur la hauteur,' which is not
perhaps very clear. I have supplemented the text at this point by insertions from the
Life (1, 72) which is fuller and clearer.

20 The Life is here far more detailed and explanatory.

1652 THE SIEGE OF ETAMPES

got between the two forces and beaten them both. But they con
tented themselves with attacking the rear as it was retiring near
the barricade and pressed it so hard that Monsieur de Turenne 21
[was forced to advance with som horse to disingage] it. [When
they had gain'd the top of the hill, My Lord Berkley] [told
Monsr. de Turenne, that the Van was march'd away; to which he
reply'd, shrugging up his shoulders, that it was now too late to
remedy it]. The danger was so much greater as the army was em
barrassed with the prisoners they were taking away. They
marched with all possible diligence and their fear ceased only on
arrival at Etrechy. The next day the whole army returned to
Chatres.

This success greatly improved the outlook for the King and
revived the courage of the Cardinal who sent orders to Monsieur
de Turenne to blockade the enemy in Etampes, where they were
beginning to be short of forage. Before everything was ready, and
as the forage round Chatres was all consumed, the army had to
march to Palaiseau, where it remained until the 26th, when it
went and camped near Etrechy and the next day advanced to
within a league of Etampes. Then, on the ridge of the hill and
within musket shot of the town, they began work on a line of con-
travallation. As soon as the enemy perceived it, they made fre
quent sorties to interrupt the work. [At one of which attempts
they cutt off above a hundred of the King's workmen, before the
guard could get a horseback, but then they were very vigorously
repulsed by the Marquis de Richelieu 22 who commanded the
guard]. The next day the lines were nearly finished. They could
not but be.poor ones, on account of the soil which was very stony
and the lack of tools to work with, and of wood, of which there
was none at all in the vicinity. The infantry were lodged in the
ruins of the suburb, which had been burned down by the enemy
when they knew that the army was returning to attack them. The
[Royall] army was camped within less than a cannon shot of the
town, but this did not trouble it because the town lies in a hollow.
However, from the top of the very high tower which has already
been spoken of, [the Enemy could discern with ease all that was

21 'The Duke being with him' (Life, 1,73).

22 J.-B.-A. de Vignerot du Plessis, marquis de Richelieu. He commanded the
cavaky reserve at Dunkirk in 1 6 5 8.

CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1652

doing in the Camp, which was of great advantage to them]. A
bridge was thrown over the river to prevent their going for forage
and preparations were in hand to make several others which
would have confined them and starved them out in a short time,
when the Due de Lorraine 23 came and upset all these measures.

[This Prince had given the Cardinal! such assurances of his
being in his interests, that he had sent orders to the Mareschall de
la Ferte^then Governour of Lorraine to permitt the Duke to joyn
togather his divided troopes ; which he had no sooner got into a
body, but he march'd immediatly into France, and declared for
the Princes, having had an underhand correspondence with them
during all the time that he was treating with the Cardinall].

This setback obliged Monsieur de Turenne to change his plan
and to attack Etampes with all his strength, foreseeing that, if he
did not take it promptly, the Due de Lorraine would come to its
aid. Considering this, the army worked with all possible diligence
to raise batteries ; [some upon the Line, and others in the bottom,
close to the Orleans-Gate], They fired on this and at the same time
on the wall between the gate and the high tower with the intention
of making a surprise attack 25 on an outwork 26 that the enemy had
established a little nearer the gate than the tower. On the night of
the * * * to the * * * 27 Monsieur de Gadagne with a thousand men
attacked the place, and [after some dispute he master 'd it and
lodged upon it without any considerable loss, tho it was distant
from the wall of the Town but pistoll-shott]. Cavalry had been
sent out of the camp and placed between the town and the lines on
the side of the hill. To prevent Monsieur de Gadagne from being
surprised in the rear, it was brought back at early dawn ; but as

23 Charles IV, due de Lorraine (16041675). Deprived of his territories by Riche
lieu, he had raised a private army which was very efficient, and taken service under
the Emperor. He was a man of indifferent character. La Fert compelled him in 1663
to come to terms with Louis XIV.

24 Henry, due de la Ferte-Saint-Nectaire (1600-1681). He had taken part in the
war against the Huguenots (1627-1629), and fought later in Flanders. Commanded
the left wing in Conde's great victory at Rocroi. Lieu tenant-General 1643, Marshal
of France 1651. Loyal to the Court but not a very good general.

25 'dans le dessein d'insulter un ouvrage avance . . .' Richelet defines 'insulter' as
'attaquer par un coup de main, en parlant d'une place de guerre et de fortifications*.
It retained the sense of Latin 'insultare 5 .

26 This outwork was 'une grande demi-lune'. (See Turenne, Mtmoires, ed. Mari-
chal, Paris, 1909, 1, 193194).

27 Blanks in the manuscript.

1652 THE SIEGE OF ETAMPES

soon as the sun was up, the enemy sallied out along the ditch to
attack the outwork in the rear while from the town they attacked
in front; and although Monsieur de Gadagne did all that could be
expected of a good officer, he was driven off and only with great
difficulty made good his retreat along the ditch towards a barri
cade which he had raised in front of the Porte d'Orleans. He was
believed lost because he did not at once return with his men, and
indeed he only escaped by great good fortune, having become en
gaged in the midst of the enemy's cavalry, with only two or three
sergeants and as many musketeers who did not abandon him and
who, very bravely, helped him to free himself. He [came off un
hurt, th5 he had above twenty thrusts of swords, and some of
pikes in his buff coat], the quality of which preserved him. Mon
sieur de Turenne had gone to the camp when all this happened,
having been all night in the lines. As soon as he heard the alarm
he sent forward all the infantry in his quarter and, his regiment
arriving the first, [he commanded them to regain the outwork].
He immediately marched within sight of both armies; and with
out the slightest diversion being made or a single cannon fired to
support the attack, he advanced, preceded only by a few soldiers
from among those who had been driven from the outwork. But a
captain of Picardy, who was leading them, having been killed,
they fled and carried with them the part of the musketeers on the
left wing of the regiment. This accident was not enough to dis
courage him. The captains took the colours in their hands and
went at the head of their men without firing a shot until they
reached the foot of the outwork, which was crowded with as many
of the enemy as it could contain. Then the attackers opened fire
with all their musketeers and, having advanced to a pike's length,
they charged the enemy so bravely and resolutely that they carried
the outwork and lodged themselves in it. They lost only one cap
tain of their regiment, one or two subaltern officers and a few sol
diers, although for a long time they had been under the fire of the
enemy whom nothing prevented from taking good aim since,
during the whole of this action, not a single cannon or musket-
shot was fired from the side of the King's army; and as the soil was
dry, one could, from the lines, see the dust which the balls, which
were falling like hail, raised under the feet of the attackers.

All those who witnessed this action confessed that they had

CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1652

never seen a bolder or livelier one. Monsieur de Turenne himself
and the most experienced officers thought that it would have been
impossible to push bravery so far, if the colours had not con
tinually been carried before the soldiers 7 eyes ; and it was partly
this which decided the regiments to obtain new ones, as the old
corps and also the others had hitherto affected the ill-advised glory
of having their colours so tattered that generally only the staff
remained. The Regiment of Turenne was the only one which then
had fairly complete colours, not excepting the French Guards, for
there were no Swiss in that army.

After this action it seemed as though the army would have rest
for the remainder of the day. But the enemy, remembering the
ease with which they had recovered the outwork in the morning,
and considering its importance, resolved to attack it again and at
the same time to storm the lines. About three o'clock in the after
noon they sallied out with twenty squadrons and five battalions.
Monsieur de Turenne, who was fortunately in the lines, com
manded the troops to march to their posts and sent orders to all
the infantry in the camp to come and join him. Meanwhile, to
gain time, he sent out from the lines three squadrons under the
Comte de Renel, to charge the first body of the enemy that was
approaching. This he did with great firmness until, being unable
to bear up against such uneven odds, he was pushed right back
into the lines. The ditch was so shallow that the enemy's horse
men, who could not enter by the avenue, jumped over it, and very
few horses fell in. The Comte de Schomberg, 28 who was then only

28 Armand-Frederic, Vicomte de Schomberg (16081690), was the son of Johann
Meinhardt von Schomberg, Grand Marshal of the Palatinate. His mother was
English. The ancestral estates had been lost as a consequence of the Elector Frederick's
idventure in Bohemia, and the young Schomberg grew up as an exile in Holland. He
fought in the French army at Nordlingen, and later, after the death of the Stadtholder
William II, he and his family emigrated to France. In 1652 he purchased a company
in the Gardes Ecossaises, and in July 1653 was made a Lieu tenant-General. He con
tinued to serve under Turenne with the greatest distinction, particularly at the mo
ment of the setback at Valenciennes and the difficult retreat to Le Quenoi (1656). In
r 66 r he went to Portugal to reorganise the Portuguese army, and lead it in the war
igainst Spain; and in the course of brilliant operations he assured the independence of
Portugal.

Louis XIV conferred a dukedom upon him and made him a Marshal of France,
md he took part in the campaigns of 1677 and 1 678 in Flanders.

Owing, however, to the persecution of his co-religionists -for Schomberg was a
ifelong Calvinist-he decided to leave France. How he organised the Huguenot

1652 THE SIEGE OF ETAMPES

a volunteer, was wounded in the right arm as he was standing his
ground in the avenue, for which there was no barrier, because not
enough wood had been found in the country to make one. At the
time when he sent out the Comte de Rene!, Monsieur de Turenne
himself had advanced with the two squadrons he still had towards
the avenue, as he believed the enemy would make his principal
attack there. Things were now in a very sad state. No troops were
coming up to help, the enemy was approaching with three bat
talions' and several squadrons, of which some were only a pistol
shot away, waiting for the infantry which was only a half musket
shot distant. To defend the lines there only remained two squad
rons of cavalry and a few sentinels at intervals, who instead of im
peding the enemy, displayed great weakness. There were no can
noneers in the batteries, no hope of any considerable reinforce
ment of infantry that might arrive in time, at a moment of such
urgent necessity, most of the foot having been sent to the Orleans-
suburb on account of the morning's action. An attack was believed
so imminent that the Duke of York who was on an ambling horse 29
did not think he had time to change his mount, although a war
horse had been brought for him, or to put on armour. This they
put on him while he was still mounted. There arrived at the same
moment two hundred musketeers of the Regiment of Guards,
which was all that could be collected in the camp. Monsieur de
Turenne recommended them not to amuse themselves by firing
all together but [to take good aime, which accordingly they did,
and to so good purpose that it was beleev'd never so small a body
of men did so great execution]. At the first volley they shot down
so many officers and horsemen and so thinned out the ranks of the
three squadrons that the latter thought well to withdraw. They
next fired on the infantry, which was still advancing; but, for
tunately, as they advanced they found a low ridge that covered
them up to their heads, and this shelter seemed to them so agree
able that neither exhortations, nor blows, nor threats were able to
make them go further. They were content to keep up a heavy fire
upon the Lines, until the Cavalry from the other quarters came up
regiments in Holland; how he accompanied William III to London in 1688; how in
1689 he was appointed commander-in-chief of the English army, led the operations
in Ireland, and was killed at the crossing of the Boyne-all this is well-known to
historians.
'a pad' (Life, I, 79).

CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1652

to relieve the Lines, and the enemy then thought of retiring.

The enemy were no more fortunate in their attack on the out
work, for, as they had further to go, the men defending it had
time to prepare to receive them. [Monsr. de Tracy, 30 who com
manded the German horse which were in the seruice of the King
of France], having been warned in his quarter of what was hap
pening, [thought it better to go between the line and the Town ;]
[he met those of the Enemy who were going to attack the out
work: and tho he had but four squadrons with him, and conse
quently was much outnumbered by them, yet he charg'd them
so vigorously that he put them to a stand, which gave time to more
troopes to come up to his assistance, commanded by the Marquis
de Richelieu]. With the help of this reinforcement, the enemy were
charged a second time and forced to draw back in great disorder,
but as they were near the town it would have been dangerous to
push them further. As most of the King's troops were now arriv
ing in the Lines, while the enemy were retiring, several officers
urged Monsieur de Turenne to pursue them ; to which he replied
that as they were too near their own walls, one could do them no
great damage and also one would be exposed to the danger of
losing too many men and being forced to retire in disorder.

The enemy were so roughly handled in this engagement, in
which they lost great numbers of men and more than 60 officers,
that they had no stomach to commit themselves further. They
were hard pressed at the Porte d'Orl&ns and from the outwork
that had been captured, and the miner was already lodged in the
wall when it was learned that Monsieur de Lorraine was march
ing with all possible diligence towards Paris and that a bridge of
boats was being made ready for him a little above Charenton.

This news obliged Monsieur de Turenne to raise the siege, in
order to avoid the risk of being caught between two of the enemy's
armies. His men first withdrew the cannon from the batteries
nearest the town. But they were so ill-furnished with teams, that,
although the Court had sent all the coach-horses that were there,
even those of the King and Queen, it was only possible to move
half the artillery on the day before the army broke camp, and they

30 Alexandra de Prouville, marquis de Tracy, had been marechal-de-camp. He had
been one of the negotiators for the Treaty of Ulm. Was also serving under Turenne
in 1654.

7 6

1652 THE SIEGE OF ETAMPES

had to wait for the return of the horses to take away the other half.
On the 7th of June, the army being in battle order, they began
to withdraw the troops that were in the outwork. Monsieur de
Navailles, 31 who commanded them, retreated in good order,
although the enemy was pressing him vigorously. Then the army
began to march after setting fire to the huts. While the first line
was halting, the second advanced about five hundred steps, after
which it turned about and faced the town. Then the first line
moved off and marched in halt step until it had gained a distance
five hundred steps beyond. It then halted and turned round to
face the enemy, as had the second line which now began the same
movement. In this way the army withdrew for the space of a
league, and it was a very fine sight. The enemy followed the first
line in its first movement, skirmishing in great numbers, but after
that they undertook nothing that could give anxiety. Having
arrived at Etrechy, the army remained two or three days, then
went to camp at Ytterville, and from there to Ballincour, where
Monsieur de Turenne learned that the Due de Lorraine had
arrived at Villeneuve-Saint-Georges. He marched promptly with
the intention of attacking him before he could be joined by the
enemy who had been left in Etampes. On the I4th the army
passed the Seine at Corbeil and made such speed that it surprised
the enemy when he least expected it. It was about two o'clock in
the afternoon when they came face to face, but the army could not
fight because there was a brook between them which, coming
from Brie, falls into the Seine. They marched upstream without
losing any time until they found a crossing. The army marched
all night and, leaving the forests on the left, the van reached
Grosbois at dawn. Beaujeu, who was the Cardinal's emissary to
the Due de Lorraine, came with d'Agecourt, captain of that
Prince's Guards, to find Monsieur de Turenne and make pro
posals. The principal and most urgent proposal was that Turenne
should not advance. But he did not let himself be surprised by the
Duke's artifices. He continued his march and, learning that the
King of England had reached the Duke's army the same night to

31 Philippe de Montaut de Benac, Due de Navailles (1619-1684). He was at this
time a Lieutenant-General and cavalry leader. Continued to serve under Turenne,
notably in the sieges of Sahte-Men6hould and Valenciennes. Served under Coade at
SenefF (1674). Marshal of France, 1675.

CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1652

assist in the negotiations that were on foot between the Duke and
the Cardinal, he asked the Duke of York to go and meet the King.
This he accepted the more willingly as the King his brother had
sent him word that he would be very glad to speak with him and
that he had Monsieur de Lorraine's parole for his safe return.

The reason for the King of England's coming to the Due de
Lorraine's army was the request which the Duke 32 had made to his
Majesty to mediate between him and the Court of France, to be
the guarantor of the treaty which was on the point of being made.
For this purpose he wished the King to do him the honour of
coming to his army so that, when the affair was concluded, he
could take him to the Court which was at Melun. The King had
been in Paris when he received Monsieur de Lorraine's letter
making these proposals. He immediately went and communi
cated them to the Queen his mother, who was at Chaillot.

As she knew that this Duke rarely acted in good faith, she did
not think that the King should be his cautioner. But his great
desire to contribute to an affair which might be so advantageous
to the Court overrode all other considerations in his mind. He set
off instantly, taking in his coach Lords Rochester, Jermyn, and
Crofts. On arriving at Charenton, he heard that the two armies
were face to face, and it is believed that he found there an express
from the Duke asking him to make haste. On reaching Villeneuve-
Saint-Georges, he found the Due de Lorraine much perplexed
and disquieted by the importunate vicinity of Monsieur de
Turenne. It was then that Monsieur de Beaujeu and the Captain
of the Guards were sent with proposals. [But it not being yet
certain what might be the issue of the Treaty], Monsieur de Lor
raine prepared to fight. He posted himself [with all the advan
tages which the ground affoorded him;] [working very hard all
night on five redouts with which he cover'd his front.] [His Army
consisted of about 5000 horse and 3000 foot, with a small train of
Artillery] ; [he placed the greatest part of his foot in those redouts
above mention'd, keeping one great battalion for a reserve behind
the midlemost redout, having most of his canon placed upon a
height by the gallows just above the Town ; his horse was drawen
up in two lines behind the redouts, his right hand was cover'd by
a great wood, and his left by the Town]. He could not be attacked
32 i.e., the Due de Lorraine.

1652 THE TREATY WITH THE DUKE OF LORRAINE

on this side because there was a very steep hill. He had shown
great experience and skill in choosing this position. Thus posted
he awaited the fight or the conclusion of the treaty.

On arriving at Villeneuve-Saint-Georges, the Duke of York
went to find the King his brother, who told him what had brought
him there [and then desir'd him to use his best endeavours that
the Treaty might succeed] in such a way that he might come off
with honour from so ticklish an affair; he was in fact much em
barrassed as to the attitude he should adopt in case the two armies
came to blows. It was not befitting him, on the eve of a battle, [to
withdraw without having his share in the honour of it]. 33 The Due
de Lorraine had invited him to help him to make his treaty with
France ; he was also under special obligations to him ; he was now
in his camp and had lodged for a night in his quarters. [On the
other side, he was at that very time under the protection of the
King of France, and,] [in his Country], [He had a pension from
him, which in that juncture was the only visible support he had :
But the consideration which pressed him most was, that in fighting
for the Duke of Lorraine, he manifestly appeared in the quarrell of
Rebells against their Lawfull Soveraign] ; for that very reason he
only remained in the camp with great repugnance, well knowing
what a bad impression this would create in the public mind. How
ever, he did not see how he could honourably withdraw. In this
state of perplexity he asked the Duke of York what propositions
he was bringing. The latter told him in a few words that Mon
sieur de Turenne required Monsieur de Lorraine immediately to
cease working on the bridge which he was having built over the
Seine ; to engage to leave French territory within fifteen days, and
at the same time to give his word never again to furnish any help
to the Princes: that, with regard to the first article, Monsieur de
Varenne, who had come expressly with him, had orders to see to
the execution of it himself and that, without this preliminary,
Monsieur de Turenne would hear of no other proposals. The
King, knowing what engagements Monsieur de Lorraine had
with the Princes, answered that he greatly feared that the Duke

33 The Life (I, 86) adds at this point: 'but which side he was to take, was a matter
of no slight consideration/ It is hard to suppose that a cynical realist like Charles II
could have been troubled by any such dilemma; also, one sees no evidence to suggest
that either party expected him to fight.

CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1652

would never sign such hard conditions. The Duke of York replied
that Monsieur de Turenne would certainly not relinquish his
terms. 34 Monsieur de Lorraine came into the room at that
moment. The Duke of York immediately presented him the draft
of the treaty. He received it with the mocking air which was usual
with him but which was a little forced on this occasion. He at once
agreed to the first article and sent an officer with Monsieur de
Varenne to stop the work on the bridge; but as for the other
articles he protested that nothing could oblige him to submit to
such shameful conditions. The Duke of York asked whether he
wished him to take back this reply; he replied that he could give
no other, and, imagining that this young Prince's hands were
itching and that he felt more inclination for a battle than for an
agreement, he asked the King to send Lord Jermyn with him in
order to try and obtain from Monsieur de Turenne terms that
were more endurable.

In the meanwhile Monsieur de Turenne was losing no time,
but advancing with so much diligence that the Duke of York and
Lord Jermyn found his army still marching in battle order, only
a league distant from the Lorrainers. The Duke reported Mon
sieur de Lorraine's reply and Lord Jermyn omitted nothing that
he thought might persuade Turenne to desist from what appeared
too severe in his proposals, but the Marshal would abate nothing,
and Jermyn returned to let the Due de Lorraine know the result
of his negotiations. He had urged the Duke of York to return
with him, in the hope that he would gain time and that Monsieur
de Turenne would not attack until he had come back with a final
answer. But the Duke of York absolutely refused. He was sure
that the Marshal was incapable of wasting his time because he
knew that the army from Etampes was following him so closely
that at any moment it might appear on the other side of the
river. So he did not doubt that the French army and the Lor
rainers would be fighting before he could return. He added with a
smile that his own presence would not make the Due de Lorraine
conclude the affair any sooner and that Monsieur de Turenne's
approach would much rather decide him on coming to terms.

34 1 . . . que Mr. de Turenne n'en demordroit assur&nent pas' 'would not loosen
his grip/ strictly 'would not get his teeth out of it'; but the metaphor was probably a
well-worn one.

1652 THE TREATY WITH THE DUKE OF LORRAINE

Lord Jermyn set out and the Army, which continued to march,
was not further than a cannon shot from the enemy, [when the
King him-self came to Monsieur de Turenne to make the last
attempt on his resolution but M. de Turenne begg'd his pardon
for insisting still on the same conditions which he had sent, and
added, that he knew his Maty had so much concernment for his
King, as not to press him on any change of his proposalls],

[The Armys were then so very near that every moment of time
was precious, and therfore the King desired Monsr. de Turenne
that he would send for the last time to the Duke of Lorraine; to
which he consented, and Monsr. de Gadagne was commission'd]
to take him the terms in writing and tell him that he would have
to sign or fight. He found Monsieur de Lorraine on the hill near
the gallows where he had set up batteries. On reading the paper
that was presented to him, Monsieur de Lorraine [calPd out to the
cannoneers to fire]. But it appeared that they had previously been
forbidden to obey. Monsieur de Gadagne told him clearly that
they durst not and repeated what he had said at the outset, [that
he must either sign, or expect instantly to be attacked. Wherupon
Monsr. de Lorraine sign'd the Treaty, and Mr. de Gadagne
brought it back]. [So soon as Monsr. de Turenne received it, he
commanded his Army to make a halt, and sent to demand host
ages] and also that the Duke should march off his troops. The
latter gave Monsieur de Ligneville and Monsieur d'Agecourt, the
Captain of his Guards, as pledges for the execution of the Treaty,
[who were to be returned so soon as Monsr. de Vaubecourt], who
had orders to follow the Lorrainers, [should send word that he
was out of the French Dominions].

After the ratification of the treaty, the King of England came to
see Monsieur de Turenne's army; he then went to take leave of
the Due de Lorraine, and returned to Paris. Scarcely had he left
when the two Generals had a meeting; but after exchanging a few
cold compliments they separated. Monsieur de Lorraine imme
diately set his army in motion, while Monsieur de Turenne's
remained in battle order. In full view, the Lorrainers entered a
long and very narrow defile where they were at the discretion of
the French. But Monsieur de Turenne was a more religious ob
server of his word than Monsieur de Lorraine, whose troops
were no sooner in the defile than the Princes' army appeared on

CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1652

the other side of the Seine; but, having been informed of what had
just happened, this army marched off to Paris.

Monsieur de Turenne remained a few days at Villeneuve-Saint-
Georges [and departing thence the 2 1 of June, by small marches
he came to Lagny, and there past the Marne on the ist of July 35 ],
and camped at la Chevrette, a league distant from Saint-Denis
where the Court was. Marshal de La Ferte had joined the Army
at Garges with three or four regiments of cavalry and two of
infantry, one of which was his and the other Wall's; 36 he had
brought these troops from Lorraine.

The Due de Beaufort, 37 a great favourite of the populace in
Paris, had come with five hundred Parisians on horseback to join
Monsieur de Lorraine at Villeneuve-Saint-Georges. They were
permitted by the treaty to withdraw, but as no mention was made
of their general, [he doubted of his own security], and not wishing

35 James's memory is at fault here. The treaty had been signed on 16 June, and
Turenne probably left Villeneuve-St.-G. on the lyth and had crossed the Marne by
the 1 8th. Lagny is barely sixteen miles from Villeneuve-St.-G. Moreover i July was
the date of the battle of the Porte Saint-Antoine (Turenne, Memoires, I, 200-201
and notes).

38 This was the 'Regiment de Wall-Irlandais', composed of Irish mercenaries
commanded by Robert Wall. It had come into prominence when fighting on the
right wing of the French army at Nordlingen in 1645 (see Hon. E. Godley, The
Great Conde, London, 1915, p. 132).

Henri de Senneterre, marquis (later marechal-duc) de la Ferte (16001681) had
previously served under Conde at Rocroi (1643) and Lens (1648). He seems to have
been, not unnaturally, averse to taking advice from colleagues junior in years or
rank; this weakness was to lead to his being taken prisoner at Valenciennes in 1656,
A brave and loyal officer, but apparently deficient in alertness and imagination.

37 Francois de Vendome, due de Beaufort (1616-1669), a grandson of Henri IV
and Gabrielle d'Estrees. He figures prominently in the memoirs of Retz, who makes
no secret of his disdain for

Monsieur de Beaufort
Ce Due si grand, si haut, si fort,

Et de prestance si blondine,

as Loret describes him. He had fought well at Hesdin and Arras (1642) and in 1643
dominated the Queen's council. But his influence derived from his good looks and his
enormous popularity with the market women of Paris whose language he spoke per-
fecdy-an unusual accomplishment among Henry IV's descendants (Retz). He was
known as le roi des Halles', and his self-assurance led to his party's being called *La
Cabale des Impor tents'. But he had no political sense. 'In conversation,' says Miss
Godley, 'he showed a reassuring slowness of intellect' (The Great Conde', p. 78), and
before long his behaviour scandalised the Queen. Mazarin, who supplanted him, im
prisoned him in the fortress at Vincennes. He escaped in 1648 and joined the
Spaniards -hence the part he was now playing in the Fronde.

1652 BATTLE OF THE FAUBOURG SAIXT-ANTOINE

to make trial of Monsieur de Turenne's generosity, he took a
trumpet with him, passed the Seine and rode to Paris where, to
irritate the people against the King of England, he spread the
malicious rumour that the Due de Lorraine had signed the treaty
on the King's persuasion. If his Majesty had a hand in it, as it was
his interest to have, he was not the original cause of it, because
Monsieur de Lorraine had urged him to come and help in its
conclusion. The report however made such an impression on the
multitude that neither the King nor the Queen nor any English
man of their Court dared to leave the Louvre for several days, or
even to look out of the windows for fear of provoking some assault 38
or at least some insults; and the people's animosity increased to
such a point that their Majesties were compelled to leave the city
in secret and to retire to Saint-Germain until it was appeased.

After failing to join up with the Lorrainers, the Princes' army
could no longer hold the field against the King's, so it went to
camp near Saint-Cloud behind the Seine. Monsieur de Turenne,
having no other enemies on his hands, decided to attack them
openly, and began work on a bridge of boats on the same day that
he arrived at La Chevrette. As the Seine there is very wide he
needed time to make the bridge, [and least the Enemy should in
terrupt the work, the two regiments of la Ferte's foot were com
manded over into an Island, at the point of which it was intended
to pass the Army] over the river. The enemy durst undertake
nothing. The King's army had the advantage of the ground
which was higher than on the other side. The enemy opposed
neither the building of the bridge nor the passage. It is true that
they at first made some movement as if they intended to do so :
they lodged about a hundred soldiers behind a little ridge and ad
vanced a few squadrons to support them, but these were quickly
driven off by the cannon. The soldiers, thinking themselves safe,
remained in their post and fired upon the workmen. La Fuitte, a
Major in La Ferte's cavalry regiment, found a place which was not
deep and having swum across with fifty horsemen, intercepted the
retreat of the hundred foot soldiers, cut most of them to pieces,

38 *. . . de peur des'attirer quelqu* insulte on au moins quelques injures.* Furetiere
(Dictionnaire universe!, 1690} defines c insulte' as 'assaut qu'on donne a une place
brasquement et idecouverf and gives as example, 'Valenciennes a ete prise d^ insulte/
C 'insulter un ouvrage* above.

CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1652

embarked the remainder whom he had taken prisoner in a boat,
and swam back without losing a single man before the enemy's
squadrons, whom the cannon had driven off to a good distance,
could come to the help of their people. After this enterprise the
enemy did not think fit to make others, and to discourage any
such desire a reinforcement of foot with a few fieldpieces was sent
over onto the island.

Monsieur le Prince despaired of being able to prevent the pas
sage of the King's army, whose bridge might probably be finished
the next day. He therefore resolved to march to Charenton and
take up a position behind the Marne. While his horse were pass
ing over the bridge at Saint-Cloud, his foot passed over a bridge of
boats which he had had made so as to proceed more quickly. He
marched through the Bois de Boulogne, but on his arrival at the
Porte de la Conference, 39 the Parisians refused him entry, and he
was obliged to march round the city, as he had intended if he were
not allowed to go through.

Monsieur de Turenne had been promptly informed of all
things by a messenger whom the King's friends sent from Paris
and whom they let down in a basket over the walls because the
gates were closed. He set the King's army in motion and went to
find the Cardinal at Saint Denis, with whom it was decided that
the army should continue to march with all possible diligence and
attack Monsieur le Prince before he could reach Charenton. It
was not thought fitting to wait for the cannon or for Monsieur de
la Ferte's infantry who were in the island, as the least delay might
make them lose so good an opportunity. On reaching La Chapelle
[they perceived the Rear Guard of the Enemy], Monsieur de Tu
renne advanced to reconnoitre, [and finding that to favour their
retreat, they had to put] some infantry [into certain wind mills,
and other litle houses which were at the entry of the fauxbourg
St. Denis], he advanced musketeers who drove them out in a
moment, [and made way for the King's horse to charge their Rear
guard in the very street of the fauxbourg. The Enemy] at first
defended themselves [with resolution enough, but at length were
routed]. Most of the officers were killed or taken prisoner, among
others Des Marais, Marshal de Camp, who had received some
wounds, and the Comte de Choiseuil, captain of cavalry. The losses
"On 30 June.

1652 BATTLE OF THE FAUBOURG SAINT-ANTOINE

in the King's army were so slight that the only one worthy of
mention was Lisbourg, Lieutenant-Colonel of Streff, who had a
musket ball through his body.

After the success of this first attack the King's men pressed the
enemy so vigorously that, on reaching the remainder of their rear
guard, which numbered 200 or 300 horse near the Hdpital de
Saint-Louis, they cut the greater number of them to pieces [before
they could reach the body of their Army, which was then retiring
into the fauxbourg St. Antoine]. The Prince de Condd was ob
liged to make this move as, in view of the vigour with which he
was being pressed, he saw no likelihood of being able to reach
Charenton. He was fortunate indeed in this extremity to find some
good entrenchments in the faubourg : these had been dug by the
inhabitants for their own security during the Civil War. But for
this his army [had infallibly been lost]. He had only just time to
post his men, so closely was he followed by the King's troops,
whose ardour was only arrested by the barricades that were already
there; and as the infantry had not yet arrived, the enemy had
leisure to draw up in battle order in the Grande Rue. 40

In the meantime the King, the Cardinal, and the whole Court
arrived on the heights of Charonne, whence as from an amphi
theatre they were spectators of what followed this scene of carnage.
As soon as they saw that the infantry had arrived they sent orders
to Monsieur de Turenne to attack, though neither Monsieur de
la Ferte's infantry nor the cannon had come up, and though the
army lacked all the tools needed to destroy the walls, fill in the
trenches and break down the barricades. It was in vain that Mon
sieur de Turenne begged them to be patient, pointing out that the
enemy could not escape him if the Parisians, regarding whom one
felt assured, did not open their gates; that the time needed to have
the cannon would not give the Prince de Cond6 enough leisure to
fortify himself farther; that by attacking without the necessary
tools there was the risk of receiving a check which would cause
the enterprise to miscarry, for otherwise it could not fail as soon as
they had received the cannon, the pick-axes and other tools for

40 James's memoirs call this 'the Great Street 5 . From the market place, which was
just outside tlie Porte Saint-Antoine, tlie Grande Rue ran straight east and out into
the country. The Rue de Charonne ran northeast, and the Rue de Charenton south
east, past the Jardin de Rambouillet.

CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1652

moving the earth, which could not be delayed much longer. But
the impatience of the Court overbore all these reasons. Even Mon
sieur de Bouillon, 41 who had but recently made his peace with the
Cardinal, urged Monsieur de Turenne his brother more than any
one. He felt it was better blindly to follow the orders of the Court
than to risk being censured by certain courtiers who might put
into the King's mind the suspicion that the Marshal wished to
spare the Prince, however irreconcilable at bottom they might be
after what had happened. Monsieur de Turenne was not yet well
enough established in the King's mind and in that reputation for
probity which he afterwards acquired, to dare to refuse obedience
to orders which were not to his taste ; and he did not yet trust his
own capacity and experience as much as he was to do later on
several occasions.

The French Guards and the Regiment de la Marine, supported
by the King's Gendarmes and Light Horse on the extreme right,
attacked the barricade of the street which led to the Grande Rue
of the faubourg where the market is. Success rewarded the bravery
of the attackers. Although the walls were lined to right and left
with defenders and the houses full of soldiers, the King's men
carried the barricade and were driving the enemy from house to
house when the imprudent ambition of the Marquis de Saint-
Maigrin, 42 who commanded the Gendarmes and the Light Horse,
lost the benefit of this first advantage. He wanted to share the
glory of the infantry, and fearing that he would win none,
[press'd on with great precipitation through the midst of the foot,
in that strait passage of the street], without giving them time [to
finish their work of dislodging the Enemy], [but still pursuing
those who fled even almost to the market place]. Monsieur le
Prince, who was here in person, [observing the fault committed by
the King's horse], placed himself at the head of twenty-five offi
cers or volunteers who were near him and charged them so vio-

41 Frederic-Maurice de la Tour d'Auvergne, Prince de Sedan (1605-1652), a
Catholic, was one of tKe great feudal lords. He had declared openly for the Princes
in 1650, and as he was the head of the family, his adherence to the Fronde probably
accounts for Turenne's defection from the Court party about the same time. Em-
manuel-Thodose, the future Cardinal de Bouillon (1644 171 5) for whom James II
caused the translation of his memoirs to be made, was one of his children.

42 Jacques d'Estuert de Caussade, marquis de Saint-Maigrin. He was buried at
Saint-Denis.

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CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1652

lently that they were thrown into disorder, fell back upon the in
fantry and were exposed to all the fire that the enemy directed
from the windows. Those of the King's troops who had got into
the first houses saw this disorder and abandoned them ; and the
enemy, regaining courage, pursued the King's men as far as the
first barricade. It was only the presence of Monsieur de Turenne
that prevented this from being retaken as all the others had been.

Saint-Maigrin was not the only one who paid for his temerity
with his life; the Marquis de Nantouillet and several men of
quality were also killed upon the spot, and many others [dyd of
their wounds afterwards, amongst whom was Monsr. de Man-
chini 43 the Cardinal's nephew], a man of great promise, [and
Fouillou ensigne of the Queen's guards]. The two infantry regi
ments had been so roughly handled that [all that could be expected
from them] was that they should hold the first barricade, which
they had taken.

Turenne's infantry regiment was employed in attacking some
houses and gardens which the enemy occupied on the left. The
two regiments of Uxelles and Carignan which made up only one
battalion assaulted a garden wall that abutted on the Grande Rue,
a little further off, still on the left; and on the extreme left the rest
of the infantry, commanded by Monsieur de Navailles and con
sisting of the regiments of Picardy, Plessis-Praslin, 44 Douglas and
Belle Cense, attacked a barricade which was down towards the
river near the garden of Rambouillet. 45

The enemy were first driven from several posts by the regiment
of Turenne, but the failure of the right prevented it from pushing
further and it was satisfied with holding what it had won. A
squadron composed of the regiments of Clere and Richelieu

43 Paul Manciinl (1638-1652). There had been a question of marrying him to
Mile de Retz in order to reconcile Gondi (Retz) with the Cardinal. Retz, who hated
Mazarin, says that Paul Mancini 'had courage and merit*. He was only fourteen when
he was killed.

44 This appears to have been the regiment belonging to Cesar de Choiseul, Comte
du Plessis-Praslin (1599-1675). He had been a Marshal of France since 1645.
Whether he was the same person as the 'Comte de Choiseuil, captain of cavalry' who
had been captured an hour or two earlier, I do not know. The captain may have been
his son.

45 This record of Navailles' movements is, in the Life (I, 99-100), separated by
nearly two pages from the preceding narrative; and the whole narrative is more con
densed in the French manuscript than in the Life.

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1652 BATTLE OF THE FAUBOURG SAINT-ANTOINE

which was to have supported it, was surprised by a hail of mus
ketry fire from the enemy who, from a near-by wall, took it in the
flank and killed a great many. The squadron was thrown into dis
order and fled, but the officers, running after the fugitives, stopped
them and immediately brought them back to their posts in good
order. Here during the rest of the action they conducted them
selves with extreme bravery, and this was all the more extra
ordinary since it very rarely happens that troops who have once
been seized with fear cut a good figure for the rest of the day. This
squadron was so roughly handled that there was not a captain who
was not killed or wounded ; of the regiment of Richelieu the only
one remaining alive was La Loge, a Captain-Lieutenant, who had
a musket ball through his body, from which he recovered.

The regiments of Uxelles and Carignan attacked on their side
about the same time as the other attacks were being made. The
two Lieutenant-Colonels were killed at once, but this did not
prevent the men from advancing straight to the wall despite the
heavy fire that was opened on them. They placed themselves be
tween the holes through which the enemy were firing. The fight
ing here was rather like the fighting behind the last wall in the
suburb gardens of Etampes. As the muskets could do no great
execution, the men heaved stones at each other, fired pistols and
thrust their swords through the holes; but the lack of tools for
demolishing the wall explains why the action did not go on for
long. Meanwhile the cavalry which was supporting this attack
stood facing the Grande Rue out of musket shot, to prevent the
enemy's sallying from the barricade which they had in order to
charge the infantry who were attacking the wall. It was not
thought fitting to undertake anything against this barricade be
cause it was defended by the neighbouring houses which the
enemy occupied. It was difficult and in fact useless to take it until
these troops had first been driven out.

Monsieur de Navailles on his side carried the barricade op
posed to him. He met with no great resistance and dislodged the
enemy from the houses in the neighbourhood. He had at first
been content to maintain his position without pushing further, be
cause he had found that the enemy had posted some of their
cavalry in a rather large open place opposite and that behind him
there were gardens and houses defended by infantry. The enemy

D 89

CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1652

also judged that it would be rash to attack the King's troops and
decided to retire behind the houses and gardens occupied by their
foot. But Monsieur d'Eclinvilliers, Marechal de Camp, took their
retreat for a flight and rode in pursuit of them with the cavalry he
commanded, through the barricade that had been won. At the
same time the enemy turned about and, knowing that only two
horsemen could attack them at a time, they charged him before he
could form up his squadron and when only half of his men had
passed through. They beat him, made him prisoner, killed several
officers and horsemen and, after pursuing the rest as far as the bar
ricade, retired at a round trot under a fairly heavy fire from the
King's troops who had taken possession of the houses.

The cannon and Monsieur de la Ferte's infantry came up
about the same time. The two regiments were immediately
ordered to relieve the French Guards and the Marine regiment
which had been so roughly handled, and to hold the posts which
had been won on that side. The cannon, six fieldpieces in all, were
dragged to the windmills which were a little less than a musket
shot distant from the entrance to the Grande Rue ; and they began
to fire very successfully on the soldiers and baggage with which it
was crowded and which disappeared in an instant; then they
battered [the houses which commanded the passage to the Barri
cade]. As these were lightly built, every shot went through ; never
theless the enemy stood their ground so obstinately that they could
not then be dislodged and they kept up a heavy fire from the win
dows and holes that the cannon had pierced.

During this cannonade, a great rattle of musketry was suddenly
heard coming from the attack commanded by Monsieur de
Navailles. Monsieur de Turenne rode there but the action was
over before he could arrive. Never was there a more eager or vio
lent one for the time it lasted. See how it had arisen.

Monsieur de Beaufort had [been almost all the morning in
harangueing of the people of Paris, and endeavouring to perswad
them to open their gates to the Prince of Conde and his troopes].
His eloquence had been useless; he came out and, on reaching the
faubourg, he could not listen to what had happened the heat of
the action in which Saint-Maigrin had been killed, the bravery
with which Monsieur le Prince and the men of quality who accom
panied him had distinguished themselves without being filled

1652 BATTLE OF THE FAUBOURG SAINT-ANTOINE

with noble emulation, [and resolv'd on doing something as re
markable. He therfore propos'd to Monsr. de Nemours 46 (with
whom he had a quarell then depending) that they shou'd en
deavour to regain the Barricade gain'd by Mr. de Navailles, as an
action of the greatest importance to their party]. Monsieur de
Nemours accepted the proposal and they immediately set about
executing it. All the men of quality who were still able to fight
followed them. [These two then putting themselves at the head of
a good body of foot march'd on with great resolution and bravery
to attack the Barricade]. The Regiment of Picardy was posted be
hind it. There was a house on each side of the passage by which
the enemy had to come; the Regiment of Du Plessis-Praslin was in
one house and Douglas's in the other. Between these two fires
which were violent and continual they none the less made their
way with great intrepidity and courage, not stopping until they
had reached the barricade. But [there they found so vigourous a
resistance, that it was impossible for them to master it; they were
beaten off with considerable loss]. [Monsr. de Nemours was
wounded in severall places, and one of his fingers shott from his
hand as it was upon the Barricade, Monsr. de la Rochefoucault
was shott in at the corner of one eye, the bullet coming out under
the other, so that he was in danger of loosing both 47 ] ; Monsieur de
Guitaut 48 had a musket ball in his body and there were several
other men of quality wounded or killed, though their names have
been forgotten. Monsieur de Flamarin 49 was one of the latter and

46 Charles-Amedee de Savoie (16221652) had succeeded his brother, Louis de
Savoie, as Due de Nemours in 1641. He had married Elisabeth de Vendome,
Beaufort's sister, but he did not get on with his brother-in-law, for whom he seems to
have entertained an excessive dislike,

47 Mile, de Montpensier describes this in some detail. See Mlmoires de Made
moiselle de Montpensier yfille de Gastan d'Qrltans in Nouvelle Collection des Memmres
pourserviraFHistotre de France (Paris, 1838), IV, 32-37, 83, 85.

48 Guillaume de Peycheperou, known as *le petit Guitauf , to distinguish him from
the Comte de Comminges-Guitaut (*le vieux Guitaut*) who was Captain of the
Queen's Guards. *Le petit Guitaut* was one of Conde's adherents and with Boutte-
ville and Coligny fought under him at the battle of the Dunes. Louis subsequently
pardoned him and invested him, at the same time (i 662) as Conde\ with the Order of
the Holy Ghost.

49 Antoine-Agesikn de Grossolles, marquis de Fkmmarans. He appears to have
been attached to Monsieur and dependent on the Abbe de la Riviere; in 1 649 he had
been acting as intermediary between La Riviere and La Rochefoucauld. Retz, who
gives these details, mentions him about eight times in his M&noires (ed. Alem et
Thomas, Paris, 1954 19^-195 &)*

CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1652

his adventure was too remarkable to be forgotten. Fortune-tellers
had predicted that he would die with a rope round his neck, a
thing contrary to custom in France, where gentlemen condemned
to death are beheaded. But he had the misfortune to fulfil the
prophecy, if one can so describe the ridiculous stories put out by
such people; although indeed God may sometimes make use of
them in order to punish these kinds of curiosity which are always
criminal. 50 This gentleman had fallen under a musket ball and had
been left for dead near one of the houses that the King's troops
were occupying. The soldiers, judging from the richness of his
clothes that his purse was proportionately well garnished, were
very desirous of going to strip him, but the enemy, who were in
the near-by houses, not permitting them to do this without too
much peril, they bethought them of fastening a rope to the end of
a pike; and making a running knot, they passed it round his head
[and so drag'd him into the house then just expiring].

Monsieur de Turenne found on arrival that the enemy had
been repulsed and that the post was in good condition. He re
turned to the battery by the windmills in spite of the fire which the
enemy still directed on him from the houses to the left of the
barricade. His men however discovered a place not guarded, by
which these houses could be attacked from the rear. As all the in
fantry were employed in the main attack, Monsieur de Turenne
made the horsemen alight, and they delivered such a timely and
valiant assault on the houses that, of more than a hundred of the
enemy who had so long defended them, not one was not killed or
taken.

[Just when the King's horsemen began this attack, the two
Regiments] of Uxelles 51 and Carignan 52 which had continued to
fight by the garden walls in so strange a manner [began to get the
mastery of some of those holes which the Enemy had defended
with so much obstinacy]. [They had now made them wider] with
no help but that of their hands which had had to supply the lack of
levers and other tools. Whereupon the enemy, judging that the

50 This last remark appears to be an afterthought, as it does not figure in the Life.

51 Louis-Chalon du Ble, marquis d'Huxelles. He appears to have been one of La
Ferte's officers. At the siege of Valenciennes in 1654 the good work he carried out at
Turenne's bidding was undone by La Ferte-who was to suffer in consequence.

52 Thomas-Francois de Savoie, Prince de Carignan (i 596-1656), son of the Duke
of Savoy and grandfather of Marlborough's colleague, Prince Eugene.

1652 BATTLE OF THE FAUBOURG SAINT-ANTOINE

King's men intended to force the position through these openings,
[abandoned the whole wall th5 they had a squadron of horse to
second them in the garden]. The attackers, seeing this, [plyd
them so hard, that the horse following the example of the foot be
gan to run] ; but having only a very narrow space through which
to retreat, and every man striving with the others to escape the
first, they blocked up the passage and for some time remained in a
confused mass of horse and foot. A heavy fire was directed upon
them, the wall was beaten down, they suffered great losses. As to
those who were posted at the great barricade at the entrance to the
Grande Rue, they were surprised at the same time to see that the
gardens on their left had been taken, and as they were being fired
on from the houses on their right, they took fright and abandoned
the barricade which the King's troops now occupied.

It was not thought fitting to pursue them at once, [for it was
then resolved to make a generall attack on all sides. In order to
which all necessary preparations were making]. The troops were
given time to breathe and to recover a little from the fatigue of so
much fighting which the stifling heat that prevailed that day ren
dered in every respect more heated.

All was now disposed in good order, and, at the signal of three
cannon shots, the attack began. Monsieur de la Ferte commanded
the right and Monsieur de Turenne the left. The latter, advancing
with a big body of horse and foot, had resolved to march a little to
the left in the direction of the Bastille and to attack a place where
he hoped not to find strong barricades. But as he was about to
attack, the Bastille opened fire on the King's troops to the great
amazement of those who had flattered themselves that Paris would
remain neutral and would give no shelter to the enemy. It was al
ready suspected and immediately after found to be true, that the
Parisians had opened their gates to the Princes ; [for when their
Barricades were attacked, they made no countenance of defending
them, but only retreated in good order from their Severall posts,
leaving only some few men at each of them]. The latter abandoned
them as the King's men advanced, and followed their own people
into the city. The remnant were pursued up to the gates; and the
Generals, seeing nothing more to be done, decided to return to La
Chevrette where they had left their baggage, and to rest their
troops and carry up the wounded.

CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1652

One cannot say exactly how many men were lost in this action,
but it is believed that in addition to the wounded, who were in
great numbers, from eight to nine hundred men were killed. Apart
from the persons of quality already mentioned, several others were
killed or wounded whose names have been forgotten. 53 Comte
d'Estrees, marechal de camp, Pertuys, Lieutenant in Monsieur de
Turenne's Guards, Colonel Woerden, a Gentlemen of the Duke of
York's, Lisbourg, Lieutenant-Colonel of Streff, the Chevalier de
Neuville and many others recovered from their wounds. 54

It has been calculated that more than a thousand of the enemy
were killed on the spot, [amongst whom were great numbers of
Officers and men of quality] : of the latter, apart from Monsieur
le Prince, the Due de Beaufort, and the Prince de Tarante, 55 not
one was not killed or wounded.

The Prince de Conde had never better fulfilled the duties of a
great captain and dauntless soldier than on this occasion, never
had he exposed himself to such great perils, [And truely it was his
only vigour which preserved his Army from utter ruine in the very
beginning of it]. He afterwards admitted to the Duke of York
that he had never been in danger for so long. But what added
lustre to his glory was that he had to deal with Monsieur de
Turenne who, everyone agrees, was the greatest captain of his age
and who can justly be compared with the most famous who pre
ceded him.

What decided the Parisians on refusing entrance to Monsieur
le Prince's troops when they presented themselves at the Porte de
La Conference, were the following reasons, which the King's loyal
subjects propagated all over the city: [That tho they were indeed
against the Cardinal, and wish'd his ruine, yet it was unworthy] of

58 In place of these two sentences, the Life simply states that about 800 or 900
Royalists were killed. But it then mentions Mancini, Fouillou and M. de Mespas, 'an
old Mareschall de Camp', as having died later of their wounds.

54 These details are also in the Life (I, 106) which, however, adds the following:
'Monsieur de Turenne himself was very much expos'd that day, and so was conse
quently his R. Highness the Duke who accompanied this great Generall all along,
and hazarded his person where ever he was.*

55 Henri-Charles de la Tr&noille, prince de Tarante and, kter, Due de k Trdmollle
(1621-1672). A great friend of Conde*, for whom he was to deputise during the
Prince's illness at the siege of Rocroi in 1 653 . The Archduke Leopold made things so
difficult on that occasion that La Tr&nollle resigned from his post, though he re
mained on good terms with Conde*.

i6$2 BATTLE OF THE FAUBOURG SAINT-ANTOINE

their pride in being good Frenchmen [to suffer an Army, partly
composed of Spanish troopes] [to enter within their walls]; that it
would be an odious spectacle which might well excite dangerous
sedition among the people if the Crosses of Burgundy which were
usually seen only in Notre Dame were carried in triumph through
the midst of their city; [That it would look as if they had already
submitted to the Spanish Yoke] if they should see every where
only the red scarves which would recall the shameful memory of
having endured them during the rebellion that had been disguised
under the specious name of a Holy League; 56 that in short it was
contrary to the interests of the capital to receive an army under
any pretext whatever.

When the fighting began in the Faubourg Saint-Antoine,
Monsieur de Beaufort's harangues met with no success. Mon
sieur le Due cTOrleans, believing that all was lost, had shut him
self up in his palace and was remaining behind his gardens, his
coaches being ready to take him to Orleans. But Mademoiselle, 57
full of courage and resolution, considered that the defeat of
Monsieur le Prince would involve the whole party in ruin. She
went to the Hdtel de Ville and spoke so vigorously to the Magis
trates that her reasons, joined to the clamour and threats of the
populace who had followed her, wrested from Marshal dePHdpital 58

56 The Catholic League in the time of Henri III and Henri IV had resisted the
Crown which was then supported by the Tolitiques* and the Huguenots.

57 Mademoiselle de Montpensier, whose memoirs gives the fullest and best account
of what was taking pkce that day in Paris.

Anne-Marie-Louise d'Orleans (1627-1693), the elder daughter^ of Gaston
d'Orleans, brother of Louis XIII, was a conspicuously romantic figure in an age of
warlike princesses and intriguing amazons. Charles II, after his escape from the battle
ofWorcester, had paid court to her without success. She really wanted to marry Louis
XIV, who however disapproved of her. For her exploits in 1 6 5 2 she was punished by
five years of 'exile 5 in her chateau on the Loing; but after this was allowed^ to return
to the Luxembourg, where her literary salon became the most distinguished and
influential in Park. In 1670 she fell in love with the so-called Due de Lauzun, 'one
of the smallest men God ever made,' and yet a man who carried himself with in
credible 'hauteur'. The King gave his assent to the marriage, then withdrew it, and
then had Lauzun incarcerated in the fortress at Pinerolo. It was believed that he and
Mademoiselle de Montpensier had been secretly married. Lauzun was released after
ten years, but he and Anne-Marie-Louise did not get on together and they parted in
1684. (See Philippe Amigaet, La Grande Mademoiselle et son sihle, Pars, 1957)-

58 Francois du Hallier, comte de Rosnay (1583-1 660). An old and trusted, though
not a brilliant, officer. He had been, though already a Marshal of France, Condi's
Lieutenant-Genera! in the campaign of 1643, and had been severely wounded at
Rocroi, a battle in which die carnage was great on both sides.

CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1652

and the Provost of the Merchants 59 an order to the bourgeois
guard at the Porte Saint-Antoine to open it and let Monsieur le
Prince's army enter the city. She carried this order herself and
saw it executed; she then went into the Bastille and had the can
non fired on the King's troops. In this way her courage saved the
Prince de Conde and his army. Two days after this affair a great
disorder broke out in Paris. It was on the occasion of a solemn
council that was held in the H&tel de Ville to have the Due d'Or-
leans declared Lieutenant-Gen eral of the Kingdom, to effect a
union which should be indissoluble until the Cardinal was ban
ished from France, to appoint the Due de Beaufort in place of
Marshal de TH6pital as Governor of Paris, and to depose Le
Fevre from the post of Provost of the Merchants and give it to
Broussel. 60

But what they thought would establish their faction was one of
the principal causes of its ruin. There suddenly arose an emotion
so violent that it nearly exterminated the assembly. A multitude
composed of every sort and condition of persons burst impetuously
into the Place de Greve, crying out that they wanted the business
terminated according to the Prince de Conde's wishes and all Car
dinal Mazarin's partisans killed. But as they saw that little regard
was paid to their request, they set about forcing the Hdtel de
Ville; and Marshal de I'H&pital, seconded by a few resolute men,
having forbidden them to enter, the populace set fire to the doors.
The fire quickly spread. The mob then shot at all those who ap
peared at the windows and killed several of them. Others, being
less apprehensive of the popular fury than of the flames with which
they were threatened, abandoned themselves to the mercy of the
mob and were pitilessly massacred without distinction of party.
The populace confused Frondeurs and Royalists, and by a fitting
judgment of God there perished many more of the former than of
the latter. 61 All those who have been suspected of provoking this
sedition have denied it and thrown the blame on each other; and
although the Prince de Conde has always maintained that he had

59 Antoine Le Fvre.

fto Pierre Broussel, Dean of the Counsellors in the Grand' Chambre, and one of the
most influential members of the Parlement.

61 This remark is not in the Life. I suspect it occurred to James in 1695 when he
was dictating and probably translating his Memoirs (with slight alterations) to the
secretary who was taking them down.

1652 THE SPANIARDS AT CHAUNY

no hand in it, the hatred it inspired fell upon him and his parti
sans ; no one thought Monsieur le Due d'Orl^ans capable of hav
ing had any share in it. This disorder was followed by another
accident which was also very prejudicial to the Fronde. The Due de
Nemours was killed in a duel by the Due de Beaufort, for the ties
of blood 62 had not sufficed to appease the mortal hatred they had
borne each other for so long.

While these tragic scenes were being enacted in the centre of
the kingdom, the Spaniards took the opportunity of recovering in
a short time several towns they had lost in previous years. They
took the field early, and not finding any troops able to arrest their
progress, they advanced without much difficulty.

The Court, which remained some time at Saint-Denis, was
exceedingly alarmed on hearing that the Archduke 63 at the solici
tation of the Princes was preparing to march into France at the
beginning of July with an army of more than twenty-five thousand
men. After deliberating for some time on this pressing danger it
was decided towards the i ^th of July that the Court and the Army,
which was too weak to resist such considerable forces, should
march in two days and retire to Lyons. The Duke of York and
Monsieur de Turenne came to Saint-Denis on the same day [that
this resolution had been taken in Councill]. Before going to the
Court they went to see the Due de Bouillon in order to learn from
him what had been decided. He told Monsieur de Turenne it was
his opinion that the Court could seek safety nowhere but in Lyons;
that the reasons which had brought about this decision were that
there was no other city where the King could be in safety, since it

62 They "were brothers-in-law. Every effort iiad been made to reconcile them and
Beaufort would have agreed to a reconciliation, but Nemours appears to have been
unwilling. The wounds Nemours had received in the battle kept him quiet for a time,
but on 29 July he sent an implacable challenge to Beaufort, who was compelled to
meet him. Conde, hearing of the affair, made all haste to the spot, but arrived just too
late. As Nemours was still weak, they had fought with pistols. Beaufort had protested
to the last moment, but when Nemours rushed furiously upon him, he fired- appa
rently in sel<lefence-and shot Nemours dead. Beaufort was overcome with horror,
and so apparently was Conde who, 'looking more dead than alive,' immediately went
to offer his condolences to Nemours* young widow (Godley, The Gnat Condi*
398-400).

^Leopold, Archduke of Austria and son of Ferdinand II. He was Viceroy and
comniander-in-chief in the Spanish Netherlands between 1647 and 1656. Cond was
to find frim a rather trying ally, though less so than his successor, Don Juan*

CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1652

was the only great city that would receive them ; M that they were
not in a condition to resist the Spanish army which was marching
into France, and there was a danger that the Court and the Army
would be trapped between the Spaniards and Paris ; [That so long
as the person of the King was safe] there was every hope, but there
was everything to fear [if he shou'd once fall into the hands of the
Spaniards, or the Princes] ; and that Lyons was the one place in
France from which one could best make head against the enemy,
since the whole region was devoted to the King's interest.

Monsieur de Turenne, on the contrary, considered this the
most dangerous expedient of all. He said that the Court's with
drawing would infallibly mean the loss of all the frontier towns in
Picardy, Champagne, and Lorraine, which were held for the King;
that seeing themselves abandoned each one would think only of
coming to terms with the Spaniards or the Princes; that the
Spaniards and the Princes would have leisure to get from this all
the advantage they pleased; that there was great danger of such a
situation's inspiring in people's minds the thought of dividing
France, or at least that part of it which they would be in possession
of; that after the Princes were established in that quarter, their
reputation increasing with their forces, the Court would lose both
and would be on the verge of being entirely driven from the
kingdom. After advancing several other reasons, he concluded
that the surest and most prudent decision was for the King to
retire to Pontoise with the Guard that usually accompanied him
and which would suffice for the purpose. The position was easy to
defend against any enterprise of the Parisians who would probably
not push things to such a point, because there was a certain de
cency in their behaviour which still showed a kind of respect. He
said that the Court being thus secured, [he with the Army wou'd
advance towards Compiegne to observe the motion of the Spani
ard, and hop'd by the favour of that Town and the Rivers which
were near it] at least to delay their progress if he did not stop them
altogether. He added that he was sure the Spaniards, who were
naturally suspicious and subject to taking exaggerated precau
tions, when they saw him advancing upon them would not fail
with the ordinary refinements of their prudence to imagine there
was some mystery in his move arid to believe that he would not

64 Rouen had refused*

9 8

1652 THE SPANIARDS AT CHAUNY

dare risk It [without good grounds] ; finally that their opinion of
the French temperament would make them fear that the Princes
might be negotiating some secret treaty of which they would be
the victims.

Monsieur de Turenne easily brought round his brother to his
point of view. They went together to the Cardinal who, after
weighing and considering the solidity of their argument, also
agreed. The journey to Lyons was abandoned [And on the 1 7th of
July the Court mov'd to Pontoise], The Army marched in three
days to Compiegne and camped under the walls. The Spanish
army had advanced as far as Chauny where the Due d'Elbeuf very
unfortunately let himself be caught [with seven or eight hundred
horse, which he gathered out of his government of Picardy] ; so
that when on the enemy's approach he thought he could withdraw,
they cut off his escape and, the place being weak, he was obliged
to capitulate after two days of siege on condition that his horse
men should march out on foot and should leave their horses for the
Spaniards.

Monsieur de Turenne had wisely foreseen that his own move
would stop the enemy. [After they had taken Chauny, they did
not so much as put a garrison into it, nor lay Seige to any other
Town in those quarters, where no opposition could haue been
made], and contented themselves with eating up the country. It
was believed they thought it much more to their interest to recover
the places they had lost in Flanders than to make any conquests so
far into France. They considered that the Princes would be strong
enough with the help they could send them to make head against
the King, whereas if they gave the Princes means of overwhelming
him, the King would be compelled to place himself in the Princes*
hands or in those of the Rebels, which, by uniting the forces of
both parties, would oblige the Spaniards to loose their hold and to
restore everything they might have conquered, which would be
too far from the Low Countries to be succoured. They were
afraid of taking the shadow for the substance. If these were not
their views their conduct at least gave ground for supposing so.
They returned to Flanders, took several towns and left the Due
de Lorraine on the frontier with his troops and a detachment of
their own commanded by the Duke of Wirtemberg to be near
enough to help the Princes when it should be judged fitting*

CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1652

As soon as the Spaniards had returned to their territory, Mon
sieur de Turenne came back to the neighbourhood of Paris, The
army of the Princes was camping under the walls; it was not strong
enough to risk a battle and it feared that if it went away, the King's
party which was daily increasing in strength, might soon prevail.
The Parisians' animosity was cooling down and they were begin
ning to open their eyes and recognise that they had been misled.
But what contributed most to bring them back to the path of duty
was the Cardinal's leaving the kingdom. He had made ready for
this retreat on arriving at Pontoise, as he judged it necessary for
the King's interest and for his own. By this means he removed all
pretext for rebellion. His re-establishment was certain if his
Majesty's affairs were once again in the ascendant. He counted
also on the Queen's firmness, which nothing could shake. He
knew how everyone was persuaded that her word was inviolable.
Never had princess shown more greatness of soul and more con
stancy, and such was her resolution in moments of greatest peril
that history does not record any more heroic. It was nevertheless
believed [that the Cardinal had run a great hazard of not being
recalled, if Monsr. de Bouillon had liv'd longer]. His great capa
city, joined to that of Monsieur de Turenne who was at the head
of the army, might have paved the way to the Ministry. It is not
certain that they had this design but it is sure that they alone were
capable of bearing the weight of office in so difficult a conjunc
ture. [However it were, the death of the Duke of Bouillon put an
end both to those discourses, and to the apprehension] or the
hope 65 of such a change.

The King's army arrived at Thillay a league distant from
Gonesse towards the beginning of August and remained there
until the end of the month. Monsieur de Turenne considered this
an advantageous post for observing the Princes' army which was
still near Paris and to prevent their being joined by the help which
the Spaniards might send. He was at last advised that the Due de
Lorraine was returning a second time with his troops and with the
Spanish detachment under the command of the Duke of Wirtem-
berg, and that he had taken the road through Champagne and
Brie in order to join the Princes' army. Monsieur de Turenne at

65 'on Tesp^rance'-an afterthought, which is inserted above the line in the manu
script.

IOO

1652 TURENNE AT VILLENEUVE-SAINT-GEORGES

once marched towards the Marne and, having learned on the way
that the Lorrainers were advancing, his army passed the river at
Lagny and advanced to the little village of Saint-Germain near
Cressy-en-Brie. Monsieur de Turenne there received an order
from the Court to remain until further instruction and to under
take nothing against Monsieur de Lorraine unless the latter under
took to march towards Paris and broke camp from where he was;
in that case the Marshal was to do his best to prevent his joining
the Princes. The reason for this order was that the Court was nego
tiating with Monsieur de Lorraine, who had sent his secretary for
the purpose and had at the same time promised that he would
remain where he was and would not advance until terms were
agreed upon or the negotiations broken off. He was hoping to
beguile the Court, to deceive it by his artifices and to find the
opportunity [either to get into Paris, or to meet the Princes in his
way to it, without hazarding a battell]. Monsieur de Turenne,
who knew him better than did the Court, did not, like the Court,
fall into the trap. Monsieur de Lorraine's secretary who was on
his way to report to his master on the state of the negotiations,
himself brought the order in question ; but Monsieur de Turenne
told him [That the promises of Monsieur de Lorraine, and just
nothing, were the same thing to him]. And in fact to prove his
good opinion of those promises, [he resolved to march the very
next day, which was the 5th of September, to Brie-Comte-Robert]
so as to be in a position to intercept him in the event of his wanting
to march, as the Marshal thought he would, and that, following
his custom, he would break his word. The Marshal told the Duke
of York in confidence [That tho his orders from Court were posi
tive not to leave his post, yet being morally certain that the Duke
of Lorraine intended to deceive them, and knowing that it was for
his Master's interests that he shou'd march, he thought it better
to venture his head by disobeying] than to give Monsieur de Lor
raine the chance of reaching his goal and duping him. The army
broke camp in the morning and the Quartermasters on arriving at
Brie-Comte-Robert found the enemy's Quartermasters who were
coming to pitch camp, as their army was already on the march and
intending to camp there the same night. The former returned at
once to advise Monsieur de Turenne who, with the van of the
army, had passed through a defile. He immediately sent to warn

CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1652

Monsieur de la Ferte, who was bringing up the rear guard, with
the request that he should come and meet him to consult together
as to what was to be done ; and as he did not come quickly enough,
Monsieur de Turenne went to meet him and found him at the
defile. They decided, instead of going to Brie-Comte-Robert, to
march straight to Villeneuve-Saint-Georges. Monsieur de Turenne
went in advance with all his cavalry, ordered the infantry and the
cannon to follow him with all diligence and asked Monsieur de la
Fert to do the same. He rightly feared that [the Duke of Lor
raine, who knew as well as himself the advantages of that post,
shou'd get there before him] and he did not doubt that the latter's
Quartermasters, warning him of their meeting with his own,
would decide him on taking the same course. His conjecture
proved to be sound. Whatever haste he made, the Duke's van
arrived before his at Villeneuve-Saint-Georges, and he 66 [thought
himself so secure of that post, that he wrote a letter to the Prince
of C0nd&> and dated it from thence], to inform him that he had
taken possession of it. The Duke of York heard of this afterwards
from the officer who had carried the letter, for the Duke was with
Monsieur de Turenne when a party which had made this officer
prisoner brought him into Villeneuve-Saint-Georges; and the
man was so surprised at finding the King's army there that he
eoeld not understand how it was possible.

Although the Lorrainers had gained the lead and were masters
of the town and although a part of their troops had passed the
Yerr5 Monsieur de Turenne, arriving with his van on the heights
which command the town and the rivers, drove them off and
seized the bridge. Their anny was already so near the other side
of this Etde stream that its cannon fired on the first squadrons of
die King's troops when they arrived on the hilltop but the advan
tage of being OB faigfe ground served the King's men better than
aay" speed they ihad made. Monsieur de la Ferte arrived in the
ewmmg with tfae rest of the army, and the enemy having failed to
seize Ais fxwtioa , retire4 & league higher up the stream over
against the GMteau cTAfeJoa, where Monsieur le Prince joined
them a few days iater> having passed over his troops [in two or
three lajtge boats wMeh be found accidentally on the River],

It was tke that the ene&yy.b&ng stronger by a half than Mon-

I O2

1652 TURENNE AT VILLENEUVE-SAINT-GEORGES

sieur de Turenne, counted on a certain victory: they held him as it
were in a cul-de-sac between the Seine and the Yerre, whence
they did not think he could escape them. They knew that he had
only four or five days' supply of bread at most in his waggons; he
had no forage and could get none from anywhere, as all the sur
rounding country was devastated ; and they hoped to finish the war
without striking a blow. But the very night he had arrived at
Villeneuve-Saint-Georges Monsieur de Turenne had had the
good fortune to stop twenty-four or twenty-five boats, which
proved the salvation of the army, because they served to make
bridges over the Seine.

No time was lost, The first bridge was finished In two or three
days ; defences were built on the other side of the Seine to cover it,
and the second bridge was finished a few days later. The difficul
ties appeared insurmountable and yet they were overcome. At first
there was neither wood nor money; but the enterprise of the artil
lery officers and the liberality of the gamesters supplied the lack
of both. The latter lent three hundred pistoles, a small enough
sum, though even the Paymaster could not provide as much; the
former demolished houses In the town and took the beams and
planks from them. The communications that were thus established
with the other side of the Seine provided forage for the cavalry
which had been without any from the first days. In order to put
itself In a better position to maintain this post, the army entrenched
itself towards Limay, which was the only quarter from which the
enemy could attack It. It was covered by a wood on the right, it
had the Seine on the left and the Yerre protected its rear. Thus
having to protect only its front, which was over against Limay
and Grosbois, it had only to build lines between the five redoubts
which the Due de Lorraine had raised there and which were still
intact.

While the men were digging the trenches and building the
bridges, the enemy's army broke camp after putting a garrison In
Ablon, and marched towards Brie with the intention of passing
the Yerre and completely surrounding the King's army. When
the enemy made this move Monsieur de Turenne thought It well
to attack the Chateau d' Ablon in order to assure communication
by water with Corbeil, a town from which he hoped to get every
kind of provisions. [In order to this design, Motisr. de Rmae-

103

CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1652

villc was commanded out with a party of horse and foot, and two
pieces of ordinance]. But before he had reached the chateau Mon
sieur de Turenne s who had seen him pass over the bridge, was
warned that some squadrons of the enemy had been observed be
tween the wood and Limay. He immediately ordered Renneville
to return to the camp and he himself went to the hilltop to recon
noitre the enemy, believing at first that they were marching upon
him. On arriving [he saw their foot beginning to appear; and that
he might be inabied to make a true judgment, whither or no they
intended immediatiy to attack him], he and the Duke of York put
themselves among the skirmishers who drove off the enemy's
skirmishers and enabled him to observe their movements more
closely. [Mr. de Turenne who saw not clearly at a distance, would
not trust his own eyesight, he therefore desired the Duke to ob
serve] what they were doing. The Duke was the first to advise him
that they were entrenching themselves, which having been con
firmed by several other witnesses, he returned to the camp well
satisfied that the enemy were not going to attack his lines which
indeed were not yet quite finished. He made his men work unre
mittingly on the trenches and put up palisades, and this having
been completed in six hours, it was judged fitting to open the re
doubts on the rear side because, from the way in which the Lor-
rainers had built them, it would have been difficult to recover
them if the enemy had once taken possession.

At the same time as the Prince de Conde marched to Limay,
the Due de Lorraine advanced further up the Yerre between Brie
and the King's army. The enemy thought they had the latter
Mocked, so that it could not quickly escape them ; and they did not
doubt that they would either starve it out or reduce it to under-
fmkmg some desperate action. After Monsieur le Prince had
iaisJied his trenches which were very deep and within a cannon
sh0t of Monsieur de Turenne's, his principal care was to build a
bridge of boats a league below the Marshal's in order to interrupt
Ms foragers and prevent his communicating with Corbeil on the
far side of the Seine; at the same time Monsieur de Lorraine had
parties continually otit in the country to prevent communications
oo the Brie side of the river^ But before the enemy's bridge was
finished, the King's troop captured the Chateau cfAblon, which
rendered useless all the e&emy's precautions and assured com-
104

1652 TURENNE AT VILLENEUVE-SAINT-GEORGES

munication by water with Corbeil. They also brought in a good
supply of forage which they had found some way off, between
Juvisy and Paris.

The enemy's bridge being finished, the foragers were only able
to go out with large escorts of infantry and cavalry, which was the
more difficult as they had to go so far that they could not return
the same day. But the Generals at last thought of an expedient
that was both easier and less hazardous. Two hundred horse 67
which had come to Corbeil after the taking of Montrond e8 were
ordered to remain there. From this force little parties were de
tached every day 68 to go roaming downstream on both sides of the
Seine. They met parties from the camp who were doing the same
thing as they went upstream. After communicating what they had
discovered, each party would return to its own post, and when the
men from the Marshal's camp reported that there was no danger,
the foragers were sent out; they would then push beyond Corbeil
and pass the river Essonne, after which they foraged at their ease,
let their horses browse at night, then came back to the town and
returned to the camp on one side of the Seine or the other, accord
ing as they were advised that there was no danger.

This method was pursued with such system and good fortune
that no accident befell any of the convoys, and one can truly say
that the French Monarchy was reduced to such an extremity that
its salvation depended on each of these convoys; the loss of a single
one might have caused the loss of the whole army.

During this blockade little parties of the King's army pushed
their forays very far in the direction of Orleans and sometimes
went up to the gates of Paris, which greatly incommoded that

67 The Life says 300. Turenne (I, 216) gives a clearer account. He had sent
Vaubecourt (Nicolas d'Haussonville, comte de Vaubecourt) with troops from the
main army to join the cavalry from Montrond, and this made up a force of abont
2000 men to hold Corbeil.

68 The was one of Conde's castles and is in Berry. Conde had spent part of his
childhood here. It was here that, in September 1 65 1 in response to the urgings of his
sister, of La Rochefoucauld, of Nemours and others, Conde had agreed, apparently
against his better judgment, to make war on the Court. As early as February 1652 the
Royalists had prepared to besiege it. The siege operations were left in the hands of
*M, de Palluau* (Philippe de Clairambault, comte de Palluau), and the fortress had
apparently surrendered in August. Bussy-Rabutin had distinguished himself during
this siege.

m Between c. 8 and 20 September 1652 (Turenne, I, 217, note i).

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CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1652

great city whose commerce was interrupted on this side while on
the other side the Princes' troops pillaged it as much. For some
time the Parisians endured these importunities with a good deal of
patience; the Prince de Cond6 was promising to rid them of the
trouble before long and to end the war by forcing Monsieur de
Turenne and his troops to submit. But when the results did not
answer to the hopes with which they were daily entertained, they
inclined more than ever to the side of the Court and returned to
sentiments more in harmony with their duty. They reflected
seriously on the blindness with which they had allowed themselves
[to be devoured by Strangers, with no prospect of benefit accruing
to their City or of advantage to the French Nation, but that they
were only to be made the stalking horses of some ambitious
spirits], whose only object was to engage them in their design of
usurping the royal authority,

The partisans of the Court took advantage of this better frame
of mind and skilfully fomented [the misunderstandings which
began to kindle betwixt the Parisians and the Princes]. The Car
dinal de Retz 79 omitted nothing on his side that could increase
them. People still remembered the massacre at the Hdtel de Ville
and several other outbreaks which revealed the inclination of the
populace. The firebrands who had so often set them in movement
against the King's interest lost all credit, and this revived the cour
age of his faithful subjects who now showed the others the abyss
into which the Princes* ambition would hurl them.

As the Generals* prudence had assured forage for the King's
army and as the entrenchments were such that it would have been
dangerous for the enemy to try to force them, [there happened]
dbriiig the blockade only [frequent Skirmishes, which were not to
foe molded on either side by reason of the nearness of the Lines]
.Uftfee two armies. There was among others a considerable skir-
ip^^ wMA aeartf engaged the armies in spite of their Generals.
;1|ils l|i Bi^ i ' l 4 r ki6aas IkavtBg come to see the Princes* army, the
who lad accompanied him wanted to show
A^|^ i a^ 1 c^^ oat of tie 'lines to fire their pistols at the
' l sm>tb&eL coaming ib great numbers and

Tfee terse welre sMrmishing in the plain

Reto 'apt* ivdM^/ijitefiG^ fte"S5% to! 'Qeen-Motf].er at Complteie

^" r ^

1652 TURENNE AT VILLENEUVE-SAINT-GEORGES

and the foot soldiers were doing the same thing in the vineyards
which stretched from the bottom of the slope to the top of the hill.
The affair grew so serious and the volunteers on both sides came
so near each other [that Monsr. de Turenne was forced to send
out Mr. le Marquis de Richelieu 71 with severall small bodies of
horse] [to disengage them; which the Prince observing, did the
like on his side]. There w r ere several killed or wounded in both
armies. A captain of the Regiment of Douglas named Tiry, who
was captured, escaped a few days later and brought Monsieur de
Turenne the news that the Prince de Cond had fallen sick and
had been taken to Paris ; and that the [leaders of the Faction were
still endeavouring to keep up the hearts] of that party by en
couraging the hope that the King's army was lost. If they thought
so they were grossly deceiving themselves, [for the longer the
Army stayd at Villeneuve St. Georges, the better they were
supplyd, being furnish'd very plentifully] from Corbeil.

Meanwhile a very notable action was performed by Le Sieur
Seguin, Captain of Horse in the Regiment of Beaunaux. 72 He often
led out parties. He had gone out this time with a hundred men
[and having put himself in ambush to fall on the foragers of the
Enemy], he let them arrive and set about their work. He then
came out to capture them when, discovering a squadron on a hill
nearby, he went to charge it, thinking it was the only escort they
had. But on approaching he found four other squadrons. He
immediately made up his mind and told his men in a few words
that [It was now too late to think of a retreat, and that they must
instantly resolve to work out their safety with their swords]. He
divided them into five small bodies each in two ranks [and they
attack'd the Enemy so vigourously that they routed them, killing
sixty on the place] [and taking fifty prisoners]. Thus, despite a
great inequality in numbers, he defeated the old Regiment of
Wirtemberg whose Major and two Captains were among those
captured.

[The Court was all this while either at Pontoise, or at St. Ger
main's, and maintained their intelligence at Paris], from which
place they were well informed of what was happening and of the

71 Jean-Baptiste-Amador de Vig^aerot du Plessk, not to be confused witii Armand-
Jean dn Flessk, due de RickeHea.

is am error Jbc i Beanveaa > .

107

CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1652

discontent of the Parisians with the Princes for keeping up the
war at their gates; and negotiations being now well on foot, the
Court went to ask the two Generals [to know whither (sic) they
thought it possible for them to bring off the Army from their post]
without risking anything and to find means of rejoining the King
in order to promote the treaty which was being discussed with the
Parisians.

Preparations were at once set on foot for breaking camp.
Twelve bridges were built over the little stream [under pretence
that they were for the conveniency of the foragers] and orders
were sent to the troops at Corbeil [to make some redouts upon a
higth before that Town] so that the enemy might be still better
persuaded that the only object was to assure the foragers on every
side. [When both these commandes were executed on the 4th of
October, an hour before Sun sett], all the troops were ordered to
prepare to march. As soon as it was night the baggage was passed
over towards Corbeil in great silence by the lowest path along the
Seine, Cavalry and dragoons were placed at the head of the
column with orders that on arriving near the town they were to
draw up in battle order on the hill behind the redoubts.

[So soon as the baggage had past the bridges] [the troopes in
their order began to march; but neither the Guards or Centrys
were drawn from the Line, till the whole Army was past over] the
little stream. Then the bridges were broken to prevent the enemy
from using them and following the King's army, if they should dis
cover it was retreating. [But they were so far from suspecting]
this, [that they had designed that very night to have storm'd] the
iiert day [the Regiment of Nettencour] which was with a guard of
forty horse in the defence work that covered the two bridgeheads
on the other side of the Seine.

In order better to succeed in this, the enemy had prepared
great foals of wood which they allowed to drift down the middle
of the river from a league further up so that the shock of the tim-
bor against the bridges might carry them away. The plan suc
ceeded; and when the regiment of Nettencour wanted to pass
over, as it had been ordered* it found the bridges broken. Mon
sieur de Tureane, being advised of this, ordered the regiment to
proceed to Corbeil along the river bank, as he did not judge fit to
delay the march of his troops on account of this mishap. The
108

1652 THE KING'S ARMY WITHDRAWN

regiment succeeded in passing over at Corbeil and joining the
army. On the next day somewhat before dawn, the enemy who
had gone to attack the defence work were much surprised at
finding it abandoned, but they were still more so at no longer see
ing the King's army; and they were the first to advise their Gener
als of the circumstance. But it was now too late, and even had they
known earlier, they could not have done much harm, because
after the army had marched a little more than a league, the ground
became so favourable that it had nothing more to fear. It was
covered on one side by the Seine and on the other by the ForSt de
Sennart; the space between was not so wide that the army could
not fill it, so that the enemy could neither overtake nor attack it in
flank; and the nearer one approached Corbeil the narrower the
ground became. The whole army reached Corbeil before sunrise.
Although the troops were to remain only one night in order to
rest, trenches were dug and palisades set up to prevent their being
taken by surprise should the enemy feel any wish to fight. The
next morning, being the 6th, the army marched to Chaulmes and
arrived in the evening [with intention to pass the Marne at
Meaux] and then to join the Court either at Pontolse or at Saint-
Germain. That day was difficult and dangerous. The enemy might
have attacked the army If they had wished. [The Army march'd so
orderly, that In a quarter of an hour they might all haue been
drawn up In] battle order. The van advanced in two columns, the
first squadron at the head of the left-hand column being the first
of the first line, and the squadron at the head of the right-hand
column being the first of the second line, following the regular
order. They observed the regular distances as if they had been
ready to fight. The Infantry followed the cavalry in the same order;
[the first line of foot marching after the first of horse, and the
second after the same manner; the Gens d'armes marching in
their usuall place] [betwixt the two lines of foot, and the other
wing of horse followed the foot in the same method: so that],
should the enemy appear, the whole army was ready to receive
him by taming to the left.

[The Train of Artillery, with the quessons, 73 march'd on the
right hand of the foot, and the baggage on the right hand of
them]. As the enemy had undertaken nothing that day, the King's
73 That is? cats^mT^maSy ammnnitioii waggons.

109

CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1652

army marched with less constraint to Presle, to Tournan and
Quince, and [on the i ith they pass'd the Marne neer Meaux, and
incamped the same night at] Retz [from whence they marched to
Mont 1'Eueque, 74 then to Courteuil, where they had the River
which runs by that place to cover them]. This retreat, which
greatly surprised the enemy, completely ruined their credit with
the Parisians who were tired of enduring the burden of a war that
overwhelmed them. They more and more wished to see it ended
by the return of the King, whose friends now took advantage of
this favourable conjuncture. [The Prince of Conde, and Duke of
Lorraine, found it was not their intrest to stay any longer] in the
neighbourhood of Paris, because a longer stay would finally lose
them the few friends they still had there and whom they could
only keep by going away. Winter, besides, was coming on and the
country was so ruined that it would have been nearly impossible
to find subsistance for their troops. [For these and perhaps some
other unknown reasons,] the Princes [were forced to a resolution
of leaving Paris, and found there was no other expedient but to
winter their Armys in Champagne and Lorraine; the Spanish
Army being to joine them at Rhetel, and to assist them in taking
such places in those Countries, as wou'd secure them in their
quarters. As for the Duke of Orleans and his daughter Mad-
moiselle, it was] decided [that they shou'd remain still at Paris, to
use their intrest and endeavours to hinder that Town from receiv
ing the King], All these resolutions were immediately put into
execution, for the King's army being, towards the I4th of Octo
ber, still only at Courteuil near Senlis, the enemy's army passed
near by them on the road to Champagne.

The Court then believed it was to its interest to return to Paris,
and Monsieur de Turenne went to Saint-Germain expressly to
decide it on this course. He pointed out the necessity of it and
said that, the opportunity being favourable, they should take
advantage of it and not give the Parisians time to recover from the
disgust which they had conceived for the Princes and which their
absence and the removal of their troops might dissipate. [To
strengthen this advice, he made it manifest. That if the King
possessed not himself of Paris, there was no possibility of procur
ing winter-quarters for their troopes] ; that, without that, they

74 Mont FEveque,
110

1652 THE KING ENTERS PARIS

would not be in a position, in the following year's campaign, to
make head against the enemy's forces which would be very
numerous; [for shou'd Paris refuse to admitt the King, the rest of
the great places wou'd] [follow their example] ; finally, [To con
clude, he affirm'd that all depended on the good or ill Success of
that affaire. These reasons, which are but lightly touched here],
appeared so strong to the Council that they were approved. The
Court left Saint-Germain, but on its reaching the Bois de Bou
logne by the bridge at Saint-Cloud, the others being broken,
there came persons from Paris who addressed certain members of
the Council and argued that the enterprise was dangerous and
that there was temerity in thus risking the King's person. These
gentlemen took alarm and went to the Queen's coach, in which
the King was riding, in order to dissuade their Majesties from
going further. The coach stopped and Monsieur de Turenne and
the rest of the Council were called to deliberate on what was to be
done. They [were all of opinion. That their Maties shou'd return
to St. Germains]. Only Monsieur de Turenne [persisted in the
former resolution, urging all the arguments which had perswaded
that opinion], [Adding], that after the step which had just been
taken, to go back [would now be both prejudiciall to the King's
affaires] and to his honour, [as shewing a manifest want of resolu
tion] which would expose the Court to scorn, [dishearten their
Freinds, and encourage their Enemies]. He said that everything
was to be feared from a change which would display so much
timidity and [That he look'd on those persons who brought this
advice, either as covert Enemies to the King by endeavouring to
hinder his coming into Paris, or at least as men of weak judg
ments] whose sentiments ought not to be followed.

The Queen, who was difficult to frighten and whose courage
was dauntless, followed Monsieur de Turenne's opinion against
the views of the rest of the Council. She said that on so important
an occasion it was better to expose herself and her son to the dan
gers they might incur than to lose their reputation by an action as
shameful as their return would be; for this would entirely ruin
their affairs and they could never hope to re-enter Paris if they
lost this opportunity. It was decided to go forward. The King ad
vanced at the head of his Guard and entered the city by the Porte
Saint-Honor^; and instead of the opposition with the fear of which

CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OP YORK 1652

they had tried to frighten him, he was greeted everywhere with
acclamations of popular joy and was accompanied to the Louvre
by a crowd of people who kept crying out: 'Vive le Roi'. [The
Duke of Orleans, as the King enter'd at one end of the City, went
out at the other] and Mademoiselle, who had remained in her
apartment in the Tuileries, was ordered to leave Paris, and
obeyed. [Monsr. de Turenne returned] immediately [to the Army,
and about the end of the month began his march after the Enemy,
who] [had possest themselves of Chateau-Porcien, and Rhetel
upon the Aysne], where they found little resistance. [From thence
they went to St Menehou] which defended itself well [tho forced
at last to surrender on composition]. 75 [Besides the ordinary gar
rison that was in it, there were but four Companies of the Duke's
Regiment, which got into it before it was invested].

When the Princes' army left the neighbourhood of Paris, [the
two foot Regiments of la Ferte and York, with some horse of la
Ferte's troopes, were sent away in all hast, with orders to put
themselves into St Menehou, and the places of Barois], The
Marshal 76 [himself went also to Nancy, to secure his government
of Lorraine in the best manner he was able, suspecting that the
Enemy's design would be to take up their winter-quarter in those
parts, as accordingly it came to pass].

The King's army now marching into Champagne, camped on
the 2nd of November at Balieux [where they were oblig'd to stop
a whole day; because the Soldiers in coming thether found so
great a quantity of new wine] and got so generally drunk that there
[came not enough up to the quarter, to make the ordinary guard]
for the General and the Duke of York. After they were got to
gether they marched on the 4th to [Dizi neer Epernay, where they
passed the Marne on the -jth of November, to keep that River
betwixt them and the Enemy, who were then about Rhetel],
where [the Count de Fuenseldagne 77 had joyn'd them with a con-

754 fut enfin force de se rendre a composition' (MS., p. 65). St. Menehou is, of
course, Sainte-Menehould.

76 That is, La Ferte.

77 Luis-Perez de Vivero, conde de Fuensaldana, soldier and diplomat. He had
been the Archduke Leopold's general from as early as 1 648, and had led the Spanish
cavalry at the battle of Lens. The Baron de Woerden describes him as un homme
d'une extreme probite, froid, pas communicatif, mais dont Tamme*, une fois donnee,
ne se dementait pas' (cited by Miss Godley, p. 41 5). He was to be a thorn in Conde's

112

1652 THE SIEGE OF BAR-LE-DUC

siderable part of the Spanish Army]. This obliged Monsieur de
Turenne to keep always at a reasonable distance and behind some
river or some defile so as not to run the risk of being surprised.
On the 6th the army marched to Chaype [and after they had stayd
there three or four days, they] repassed the Marne [and quarter'd
at Vitry-le-Brusle]. On the i6th they marched to Vitry-le-Fran-
<jois, [still governing their motion according to that of the
Enemy].

While the King's army was camping in these different places,
Sainte-Menehould was taken about the I3th of November. The
enemy there disbanded the troops of the Due d'Orleans who were
in their army and allowed them [to return into France, on condi
tion they shou'd not serve] the King [during the rest of the Cam-
pagne] or in any other on that side of the country. [Wherupon
they went immediatly to quarters appointed for them in Picardy,
and were the next year sent to serve in the Armys on the other
fronteers of France], The enemy then went to besiege Bar-le-Duc.
Monsieur de la Ferte had sent to command one named Roussil-
lon [with such a garrison as was sufficient to haue defended it a
longer time then he did]. He was nevertheless vain enough to
refuse a reinforcement of 500 men which Monsieur de Turenne
had sent to Saint-Dizier during the siege of Sainte-Menehould
[with orders to march for Barleduc, in case the Governour should
haue occasion for them]. He thanked [Monsr, de Turenne for his
care of him, assur'd him with all, that he was well prepar'd to re
ceive the Enemy whensoever they shou'd dare to approach him],
He repeated this when he was invested and promised [that he
wou'd give a good account of the place]. [It was on the i8th,
when this news came to Mr. de Turenne, when he was at Vitry le
Francis]. He at once broke camp to go and help him with all
possible diligence, [and that the Enemy might have no intelli
gence of his approache, he repassed the Marne at Vitry], and
skirting the river which was on his left, [by break of day came to
St. Dizier]. He halted there for six hours to rest his troops, [but
lust as he was preparing to march again, he received intelligence

side. He and Conde in fact disliked each other from the outset, Conde later com
plained so bitterly of him in correspondence with Madrid that in 1656 Fuensaldagna
was sent as viceroy to Milan, while Caracena, the governor of Milan, was appointed
commander in the Netherlands.

CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1652

that both the Town and Castle were surrendered to the Enemy] ;
and this stopped the army's advancing. ^

This news was the more disagreeable as it spoiled the design
[not only of succuring the place, but also of defeating the Enemy]
or [of puting them to so hasty a retreat, that] at least [they must]
[haue lost their baggage and their canon]. Never had enterprise
been more judiciously concerted, [for tho the Royall Army was
much inferiour to the Enemys in number, yet the ground was] so
advantageous on the side from which the army was marching on
them, that it ran no risk, the country being covered with woods^

Monsieur de Turenne had 6000 well disciplined infantry, [his
Army having been reinforced both with horse and infantry] which
had been taken [from the garrisons of Artois and Picardy and other
places, which could well spare them when the Enemy was de
parted out of France]. [By the favour of these] [woods and sud-
dainess of the march] the Army had fallen on the enemy when they
least expected it; [they cou'd haue received no considerable bene
fit by their intelligence: for such is the Situation of the place, and
such the disadvantage of the post for those who attack the Town,
against] an Army [who comes to releive it], that their entrench
ments are useless and cannot be defended. [The woods extend in
length within a league of the Town, and from the woods to the
Castle lyes a spacious plaine]. The castle stands on the level of the
plain, and the upper town is [upon the brink of a descent which
leads to the lower Town]. In the bottom, which is narrow and be
tween two hills, flows a little brook, [and the ascent on each side is
steep and troublesome], so that the King's troops would only
have had to fight against the enemy who were on their side of the
brook and who would have passed their time very ill between the
army which would have attacked them and the castle, and between
the wood and the castle, and they could only have retreated in so
much confusion that they would have fallen over one another.
When Monsieur de Turenne had formed this design, he thought
he would find the whole of the enemy's army together; he was not
aware, as he learned afterwards, that Fuensaldagna had retired
with the greater part of his troops ; for the Spanish general did not
know that the King's army was as strong as it was, and he thought
that the Prince de Conde and the Due de Lorraine [were suffi
cient to take in all the Barois, and there to make good their winter

114

1652 THE SIEGE OF BAR-LE-DUC

quarters]. Thus a great success was missed by the indiscretion of
Monsieur de Roussillon who had so little brains that he allowed
[the four best Companies of his garrison] to be taken [in the lower
Town], although it was defended by a fairly good wall and sur
rounded by a ditch full of water. He could at least have held out
until a breach had been made ; but the enemy, having taken pos
session of it on the day they arrived before the place and not think
ing fit to attack on that side, [the next day raised a battery upon
the Plaine against the Castle; and their guns no sooner playd]
than the Governor, without even waiting for them to make a
breach, agreed to leave the place the next day.

At this siege [the Duke of Lorraine lost Mr. Fouge a Lieuten
ant General!, and the best Officer in his Army; he was kill'd the
neight after they had taken the lower Town]. [Being at supper
with the Prince of Conde], [in one of the next houses to the upper
Town, and making a debauch, he grew so drunk, that he ran out]
in a fit of bravado [at a back door with a napekin on his head, to be
discern J d the better], [and to provoke the Enemy to shoot at him.
The Cheualier de Guise and the Prince of Conde himself ran out
after him to bring him back ; but before they could hale him in, he
receiv'd a shott which kill'd him]. The prompt taking of Bar-le-
Duc [gave time to the Enemy to make themselves master of
Ligny, Voy, and Commercy, because Mr. de Turenne being ig
norant of Mr. de Fuensaldagne's departure durst not come too
near them, for which reason he stayd two or three days at St
Dizier], during which time they made new progress, and these
three places, having only weak garrisons offered little or no resist
ance.

[From St Dizier the Royall Army advanced] [to Stinville,
where there came up to them a considerable recruit] [composed of
the Duke of Longueville's Regiment of horse, 78 which consisted
of three hundred, and that of his foot which were about twelve
hundred, with them came also the Earle of Bristol's 79 Regiment of

78 Not presumably commanded by the Duke, who had been one of the Frondeurs.
Henri d' Orleans, due de Longueville, was the husband of the famous Anne-Genevieve
de Bourbon, Conde's sister.

79 George Digby. He apparently disliked the Duke of York and in 1657, when
Charles II forced his brother to take service with the Spaniards, Bristol intrigued
against the Duke. He subsequently turned Catholic, and it was he who, in 1662,
moved to impeach Clarendon, a move which fortunately came to nothing.

CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1652

horse and Company of ordinance; and tho they were all but new
rals r d souldiers, excepting the company of ordinance, so that no
great service cou'd be expected from them, yet their number did
good, because they gave reputation. At this Town of Stinville,
Monsr. de Turenne had the first intelligence that the Count of
Fuensaldagne was gone] [and upon this notice which was given
on the 25th,] he resolved to give battle to the enemy, [or in case
they avoided it,] to oblige them to leave the winter-quarters in
which they thought themselves so well established that they had
already shared them out. The event will show how greatly they
had been deceived, [for upon M. de Turenne's advancing to them
the next day, they were so far from being able to compass their
designs, that they durst not] make head against Monsieur de
Turenne. They suddenly broke camp, passing the Meuse at Voy,
where Monsieur le Prince was advised that the King's army was
marching upon him, and [leaving the River on their left hand, they
made what hast they could towards Luxembourg, and Mr. de
Turenne follow'd them so close, that for the most part he came
about noon to the place where they had quartered the night before].
He kept their spurs busy 80 [till he came to St Michel on the 3oth
on the forenoon]. He did not think fit [to follow them any further,
they being so near the shelter of their own Country that they were
out of danger].

Monsieur de Turenne now only thought of [finding out means
to refresh his Army, especially the foot, which were exceedingly
harass'd with the great and painfull marches they had taken, and]
were lacking bread. The enemy who had been constantly fol
lowed, had eaten up the country everywhere. The waggons were
empty, [it being actually impossible for the Commissary of the
Victualls to provide bread for them.] Monsieur de Turenne sent
to ask the inhabitants of Saint-Mihiel for bread, [but they making
a difficulty of obeying him, and pretending they could not furnish]
a great enough [quantity in one day], he found himself obliged, in
order not to let his army die of hunger, to send all his foot, gen
darmes, and cannon into the town, [quartering the horse in the
neighbouring Villages. The Army's stay in this was very short,
however it serv'd to refresh the soldiers]. But Monsieur de la

80 'On leur chaussa ainsy les eperons jusqu au 30 qu'on arriva le matin a St
Mite? (MS., p. 70).

116

1652 DISCORD BETWEEN LA FERTfi AND TURENNE

Ferte being informed of it, himself came from Nancy which was
only ten or twelve leagues distant, [to desire Monsr. de Turenne
to leave the Town, being] so much [offended at his quartering
there] that he did not pardon him for a long time, and this discord
was afterwards very prejudicial to the King's affairs. Monsieur de
Turenne's army had to leave the day after the arrival of Marshal
de la Ferte, whose anger increasing when the inhabitants com
plained to him about some of the soldiers, he followed the troops*
march with his Guards, at the head of whom he charged the
loiterers as if they had been enemies. He continued this behaviour
as far as [the quarters of the Gendarmes who were not yet march'd
out, nor wholly drawn together], [One of the Earle of Bristol's
troope whose name was Manwaring] and who did not know him,
seeing the violence with which he was laying about him, thought
that these were the enemy, [and sett his pistoll to his brest which
fortunatly for both miss'd firing]. One poor Gendarme was
wounded with five or six sabre cuts and thrown down, but he
recovered. Barkley, a cornet in the same company, got off more
lightly; [for hearing the noise which was made by the Mareschall],
he as well as Manwaring thought that the enemy had entered the
town and advanced to the corner of the street, pistol in hand, but
recognising the Marshal he at once lowered it and saluted him,
and as the Marshal knew him he got off more lightly than the
Gendarme.

[The Army quarter'd that night at a Village calFd Villotte, and
the next day march'd to Trouville which lyes betwixt Barr and
Ligny: And. that evening M. de Turenne sent a party of horse
and foot with canon and all things necessary to attack] this latter
place. They first set up the battery at less than a half musket shot
from the walls and dug trenches to right and left to put the infan
try under cover and made [an epaulement or blind for the horse],
[All this was perfected before Sun-rise the next morning, and
then the battery began to play], A fair breach was opened before
nightfall ; but the difficulty was to pass the ditch which was full of
water, deep [and withall so brode that the ruines of the wall had
not fill'd it up]. They none the less assaulted the place and [by the
help of plancks and ladders and long] beams, [they passed the
ditch] [and came up to the breach] which the enemy at once
abandoned, and retired into the castle which was stronger. The

117

CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1652

next day Monsieur de Turenne marched with his troops to Bar-le-
Duc, leaving Monsieur de la Ferte with his troops to besiege the
castle of Ligny.

On the night they arrived at Bar they set up [a battery against
the lower Town,] [under the shelter of some houses which were
almost upon the edge of the ditch, there being but a narrow way
betwixt them and it. By morning their guns began to play, and
though they were but few, and very small], [two of them being
twelve pounders, one eight, and the other two but Six], 81 as these
cannon were reinforced and could be given a double charge,
[Monsr. de Champfort lieutenant of the ordnance, playd them
so warmly, that by Sun-set they had open'd a faire breach].

[The Regiment of Picardy] [was to storme it] under the orders
of Monsieur du Tot, 82 the oldest Lieutenant-General in France
and the only one in this army. The breach was against the gate on
the right as you enter, the gate being flanked only by two small
round towers. It was preferred to attack this place rather than
another, to avoid the trouble of filling in the ditch and because it
would have been necessary to make a bigger breach elsewhere,
[which would haue taken up more time then they were willing to
spare]; whereas at this point it was easy to pass the ditch by the
regular bridge and to jump down by the drawbridge of the wicket
gate, [from whence they went under covert of the wall to mount
the breach, which was not far distant],

[All things being thus prepared], [Mr. de Turenne caus'd the
battery to give two or three rounds upon the] Gate-Tower, which
alone defended the breach, [that by shattering it, the men might
haue the easier work]. Monsieur du Tot, who had orders to open
the attack, [in stead of ordering the Commanded men to fall on
first, and staying himself with the body], had, as his custom was,
drunk a little too much for a commander. He followed the ser
geant who was leading the attack and when jumping down from
the little wicket gate, he was killed by a musket ball. This place
was fatal to drunkards; but the Duke of York renders this justice
to the nation that he affirms poor Monsieur du Tot was the only

81 These figures refer of course to the weight of the cannon balls,

82 Charles-Henri du Tot had served under Turenne in Germany as mar&hal-de-
camp. Turenne, who speaks of him both in his Mlmoires and his Corresfondancc (Vol.
I, ed. Marichal) seems to have reposed great confidence in him.

118

1652 THE SIEGE OF BAR-LE-DUC

French officer whom he ever saw drunk in the armies. This acci
dent caused no delay. The attackers passed through the wicket in
single file and coming to the breach, in spite of the fire of the
enemy whom the cannon could not dislodge from the Gate-Tower,
they not only carried the breach, [but drove the Enemy from the
Barricades which they had made behind it, and the streets, forcing
them backward into the upper Town].

[There happen'd an accident to the Governour whose name was
Despiller, which very much facilitated the taking of the lower
Town]. Not believing that the assault would be delivered that
evening, he had remained in the upper town, but the noise of the
attack had obliged him to come down and to bring two hundred
men to reinforce those who were defending the post. [In riding
down, his horse fell with him, and so bruis'd his leg that he was
forced to be carryd back into the upper Town]. Not many men
were lost in this assault. [Besides Mr. du Tott no man of quality
was kill'd, excepting only the Marquis d'Angeau a Volonteer],
[Monsr. Poliac the first Captain of Picardy, who commanded that
Regiment, the Major Officers being absent,] had a musket ball in
the shoulder, and Godonviller, Captain in the same regiment, re
ceived one in the belly. [Both recover'd].

Cardinal Mazarin reached the camp that day, bringing with
him a reinforcement of troops which [had been drawn together
from divers places, and were commanded by the Duke d'Elbeuf, 83
and the Mareschall d'Aumont 84 ]. The Cardinal saw the lower
town taken. This success was of little help for the taking of the
upper town and the castle. These were attacked only in order to
provide lodging for the infantry, the season being too severe for
camping. The army found there an abundance of wine and bread
which it greatly needed. [As for the horse they were conveniently
quartered at the] surrounding villages fairly near the town.

Although the frost was hard, the Prince de Conde resolved to
try to succour the place. The army was warned of his march in
good time and [it was resolved by the Cardinal and the Generalls,
that Monsr. de Turenne and the Mareschall de la Ferte should

83 Charles de Lorraine, due d'Elbeuf.

84 Antoine d'Aumont. He played a more important part in the war from about
1654 onwards, during the operations in Flanders. He was then a Marshal of France
and governor of the Boulonnais.

119

CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1652

take the greatest part of the horse,] about three thousand foot and
six fieldpieces [and march towards the Enemy]; and Uizt the
Cardinal should follow at some distance, while Messieurs d El-
beuf and d'Aumont with the rest of the troops should continue the

siege. f

It was learned [that the Enemy was coming by the way of
Vaubecourt a bourg, about five leagues from Barleduc]. The
King's army [marched towards them, Monsieur de Turenne
having the van, and advanced as far as Condit] [which is but a
league and a, half short of Vaubecourt* where just as the foremost
troopes were come into their quarter, they had notice by a party of
theirs] which [brought prisoners along with them, that the Prince
of Conde was newly march'd into Vaubecourt,^ intending to
quarter there that night, and having no intelligence of the
Royalists being so near him]. [Monsieur Turenne sent imme-
diatly to the Mareschall de la Ferte to give him notice of this, and
withall to signify his opinion; which was, That they ought pre
sently to march and fall upon] the enemy, [whom they should
certainly find in great disorder, the quarter being plentifully
stor'd with wine and all manner of provision, which would render
it more difficult for their Commander to draw his men together,
and cause them] to [get to horse; for their surprise would be so
great] on finding themselves attacked, at a time when they thought
the King's army was so far off, that one would win an easy victory.
[But the Mareschall de la Ferte instead of consenting to this pro
position, came himself to Monsieur de Turenne, and told him, He
thought it no ways proper for them to attempt any thing of so
great concernment, without the participation of the Cardinal who
was] not far away; [and therfore advis'd that he shou'd first be
made acquainted with it, and his directions receiv'd, before they
undertook the Enterprize. Monsr. de Turenne, tho very unwil
lingly, was constraint to yeeld to this opinion; upon which they
dispatch'd a Messenger to inform the Cardinal by word of mouth,]
of the great opportunity which was offered. [He returned the
bearer in all hast to give his approbation : But th5 the Cardinal was
only distant about a league or two at most], [the opportunity was
overslip'd; for just as the Army was setting forward, another party
of the Royalists brought word, that the Prince of Conde already
was dislodg'd, as they beleev'd, because the Bourg was all on

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OF THE SCOTTISH COLLEGE

4. VlCOMTE DE TURENNE

1652 THE SIEGE OF BAR-LE-DUC

fire], and that their vanguard was no longer in sight. On advanc
ing, the army recognised that Vaubecourt was indeed in flames,
and another party confirmed the report that the enemy were re
tiring in extreme haste. Whereupon Monsieur de Turenne re
traced his steps to bring the troops back to their quarters, [not
thinking it expedient to go further], [The next day they were in-
form'd by some inhabitants of Vaubecourt that] the Prince de
Conde, having been informed of Monsieur de Turenne's ap
proach, had his men sound the call to arms and to horse, and that,
[seeing his men not over hasty to leave] such good shelter, he had
caused a fire to be started at each corner of the bourg in order to
make them move out more promptly. His so fortunately escaping
this danger made him more circumspect afterwards. [He thought
it not convenient for him to stay any longer in those parts], seeing
that the King's army was numerous enough to continue two sieges
at once, and at the same time to come with half their troops to meet
him.

He was indebted to Monsieur de la Ferte for having escaped
from so awkward a position, [for had not he oppos'd the Counsell
of the Mareschall de Turenne, the Prince had certainly been sur
prised] and beaten. [Neither did Monsr. de la Fert6 want either
judgment or] experience to recognise that the opportunity was
excellent; but since the affair at Saint-Mihiel, [his spleen was
such] [that he regarded not what prejudice he did to his Masters
sendee], if only he could deprive Monsieur de Turenne of the
honour of having executed so important an enterprise. [Vh-
doubtedly it was] to frustrate this [that he propos'd the sending to
the Cardinal, that at least], if the affair succeeded, it might be said
that the enemy had been attacked by his orders, and one ventures
to say that any other than Monsieur de la Ferte who had [com
mitted such a fault] [had payd deerly], [But he was so consider
able] by his troops, his Government, and his credit that the Car
dinal thought it necessary to dissimulate.

When it was known that the enemy had quite departed from
the Country, [M. de la Fert with the greatest part of the foot
and some of the horse return'd to Bar] and Monsieur de Turenne
put the rest in quarters at Contrisson, Ruvigny-aux-Vaches, and
other villages which were only four leagues from Bar. [As for the
Cardinal, he was quartered at a Village call'd Faine] a league from

E 121

CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1652

the town, [where he continued during all the Seige, which lasted
not long after the Prince of Conde was retreated]. Yet the be
siegers 85 (sic) [suffered two breaches to be made before they]
spoke [of surrender]. At the first which was thought vulnerable, 86
the soldiers on mounting to the assault found that there was on the
other side a drop of a pike's depth which could not be jumped but
[which was not discernable from without]. The army was obliged
to set up a new battery against the castle where, Jwhen they had
made a considerable breach], the besieged capitulated, surren
dered [both the upper Town and the Castle] and remained pri
soners of war. This happened towards the i5th of December.
From the fact that the first breach we have spoken of was useless,
one may draw a lesson which governors of towns may turn to ad
vantage in defending them. Art may do what the nature of the
ground did here. [For if a wall be reasonably strong and has a
sound foundation], one may dig behind the place where a breach
has been made a very deep and steep ditch [so as to render the
breach as fruitless to the Assailants].

[In this Town of Barleduc amongst the other troop es which
were left in it by M. de Lorraine, there was an Irish Regiment of
foot, who seeing themselves prisoners of warr, and like to con
tinue long in that condition, their Collonel dying the same day on
which the Town was deliver'd up, and the Lieutenant Collonel
having made his escape, sent to offer their seruice to the Duke, in
case] the Duke of York [could obtain their liberty from the Car
dinal; which being] [granted by him, that Regiment consisting in
ten Companies with all their Officers were incorporated in the
Duke's]. The Duke was at Ligny and they were sent there.

[And now that Bar was taken, the Mareschall de la Ferte's men]
marched to Ligny to [hasten the taking of the Castle, where no
considerable attempt had yet been made while the other Seige
continued]. They began to batter the wall, but before the breach
was large enough, as there was shortage of cannon balls, the be
sieged fortified the upper part with a strong palisade; whereupon
Monsieur de la Fert [fasten'd a Miner on to the same place],
where the ruins of the wall favoured a lodgement. In a short time

85 *les assiegeans,' which is an obvious slip. The translator should have written 'les
assizes'.

86 'insultable. 9

122

1652 THE SIEGE OF THE CASTLE OF LIGNY

the mine was ready to be fired. The regiments of York and Doug
las were commanded to attack as soon as it should have produced
its effect, and the regiment of La Ferte had orders to support
them. The Comte d'Etres, 87 who was commanding the attack,
sent the men forward without waiting for the smoke to clear,
when they could see the effect of the mine. 88 They passed the
ditch on the ice, the ditch being very wide, [but when they came
to the breach they perceived], although too late, that the mine
[had only carryd away the outward part of the Wall as far as
where the Enemy had plac'd their pallisadej. As there was no
means of advancing, the troops were ordered back, but to make
matters worse, the [yce broke under them, and most of them fell
into the] water of the ditch, which gave leisure to the besieged to
open a heavy fire upon them. [Thus for want of a litle patience to
see what effect the Mine had wrought, the Regiment of York lost
four Captains, some Lieutenants and Enseigns, and about a
hundred men], [and the Regimt of Douglas two Captains and
neer fifty private Soldiers], not counting the wounded.

That night the miner was fixed for a second time and the next
day being the 22nd, the castle capitulated, surrendering on the
same conditions as Bar-le-Duc.

The Cardinal, whose appetite had grown with these successes, 89
desired to push them further and to conclude the campaign with
the taking of Sainte-Mcnehould. After leaving good garrisons in
Ligny and Bar-le-Duc and repairing the breaches as much as the
season would allow, the army left Contrisson on the 2yth and
arrived next day at Sommieure where it remained until the 3Oth.
During this march the troops had to be quartered in the villages
as the rigours of winter made it impossible to camp. [The day
they came to Sommyeur] [the frost was so very sharp, that all the
horsemen were forced] to [march on foot] to keep warm; [thirty or
forty soldiers] perished the same day [throw the extreamity of
cold; for so soon as any of them who were not warmly cloth' d]
[sat down for ease, the frost pierced them, and they were never
able to raise (sic) again]. The Duke of York saw several frozen to

87 Possibly Franois-Annibal d'Estrdes, marquis de Coeuvies, a son of the Marechal
d'Estrees.

88 This may have been due to La Ferte's impatience.

89 'que ces succes avoient mis en gout.'

123

CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1652

death and a much greater number would have perished but for the
care taken by the officers to put on horseback those whom they
saw ready to succumb and to carry them to the first villages where
they saved several of them by giving them brandy and other kinds
of liquor. What made this frost keener and more penetrating was
that [they were then marching over the] vast plains of Cham
pagne, where there was no shelter against the [peircing north East
wind] which was [blowing directly in their faces]. It was this also
which prevented the siege of Sainte-Menehould. Monsieur de
Turenne represented to the Cardinal the difficulties of undertak
ing this in such cruel weather; he said that one could not, as at
Bar or Ligny, find shelter for the infantry or forage in the neigh
borhood for the cavalry, since there were no suburbs and the
country had been eaten up by the enemy. He added that as the
place was strong and defended by a large garrison, it would be
necessary to lay formal siege to it and that instead of ending the
campaign gloriously [they should hazard the] complete [ruine of
the Army and be forced to raise the Seige dishonourably].

The Cardinal yielded at last to such good reasons. The army
then marched towards Rethel by way of Menaucour and Grivy,
[and on the first of January, 1 653, quarter'd at Attigny, which is
scituated on the River Aisne]. They passed the river next day and
came to Saux-aux-Bois. The siege of Rethel was found almost as
difficult an undertaking as that of Sainte-Menehould, and this
decided them to attack Chateau-Porcien two leagues further down,
because they found there the same facilities as at the siege of Bar-
le-Duc; only the castle was defensible, and the town, which they
counted on seizing at once, could contain and shelter enough
troops to lay siege to the castle.

Monsieur de Turenne arrived on the 6th of January at Soin,
where he quartered the greater part of his horse and a part of his
foot in the town and the surrounding villages. It is only a league
and a half from there to Chateau-Porcien and it was [the more
proper place for hindering any succours from being put into that
Town : The Care of advancing the Seige was repos'd on Monsieur
d'Elbeuf and M. d'Aumont], Marshal de la Ferte established
quarters for his horse at * * * 90 in order also to prevent any suc
cour being given ; and the Cardinal lodged at Balhan.

90 There is also a blank in the Life (I, r 54).
124

1652 THE SURRENDER OF CHATEAU-PORCIEN

[Wee shall not relate the particulars of this Seige where the
Duke was not constantly present, only what passed in the out
quarters], where the duty was hard because of the approach of the
Prince de Conde, who came to try to raise the siege.

To prevent his doing this [all the horse that were quarter'd in
the Villages about Soin] were ordered [to march thither every
evening, and continue there all night, returning after Sun rise to
their own quarters : The same method was duly observed by all the
Mareschall de la Ferte's horse] ; and these fatiguing manoeuvres
lasted as long as the siege, which was fortunately not very long.
The town having been taken first, they did not delay in fixing the
miner to the castle. When the miner was ready, [the Governour
who was calPd Dubuisson capitulated to yield in four days, if
during that time he was not releeved], [The Enemy having notice
of this Treaty came as far as Chaumont to try] [to succour it]. It
was thought on the last day that they [would have come to an en
gagement]. Parties brought word that the enemy were marching
to attack the King's troops. [They were drawn up in battell in the
plain above the Castle], [in the passage of the Enemy], They re
mained there until noon when it was learned that the enemy had
retired. [An hour afterwards the Castle was delivered up accord
ing to the agreement], the terms of which, owing to the rigours of
the season, were more honourable for the garrison than they would
have been at another time of the year. The garrison marched out
with arms and baggage. It was this weather that made the Generals
desire to take the place on any terms, the whole army being extra
ordinarily fatigued and the surrounding country ruined. The foot
suffered more than the rest and could not be supplied regularly
with bread. The Commissary of Victuals had not been able to
establish stores in [any of the neighbouring Towns] and [the
Soldiers were forced to eat horse flesh] and other wretched food,
and especially [the Stalks of Cabbages, which they call'd the
Cardinal's bread].

However, when they thought they were going into winter-
quarters, after passing the Aisne on the I3th and having been
quartered at Poilcour and in the neighbouring villages, and then
at Pouilly between Rheims and Fismes where they stayed two or
three days, the Cardinal ordered the army [to march back over
the Aisne, which they pass'd on the 2Oth at Pont-i-Vere, to retake

125

CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1652

Vervins] which [had been Mastered and garrisoned by the Spani
ards In the foregoing summer. Tho this place was incapable of
maintaining a Seige], [yet it was a good quarter, and would haue
given much trouble to the neighbouring Countries; for which
reason the Cardinal was desirous that the King's troopes should
not end the Campagne before they had master'd it].

Never did soldiers or even officers march on an enterprise with
more repugnance and murmuring. After enduring all the rigours
of the frost, it was only with great impatience that they could
endure the fatigue caused by the thaw in a hilly country where the
clay made the roads impracticable, particularly between Pont-a-
Vere and Laon, where the baggage nearly remained in the mud.
And although after surmounting these difficulties they came into
a more open country, the continuation of the thaw made the roads
equally bad everywhere. This march ruined the greater part of the
equipment and caused the loss of much baggage and many horses.

On the a^th they arrived at Vaupe or Voirpaix, 91 a league from
Vervins. The Duke of York who followed Monsieur de Turenne
everywhere had gone with him to reconnoitre the place, and hav
ing advanced very near with another gentleman, [the better to
make their observations], he mistook a small party of horse from
Vervins for men of the King's army, and only recognised his error
when the enemy had come within pistol shot. They fired at the
moment when he was going to ride in among them. But their
haste gave him and the gentleman with him time to escape.

[The next day about a thousand foot, and two hundred horse,
were commanded] [to begin the attack of the Town, the garrison
of which consisted] of nine hundred men, six hundred being foot
and three hundred horse; Monsieur de Bassecourt, a Colonel and
a brave man, was Governour. [The first night the Souldiers lodg'd
themselves under the Shelter of some outhouses and gardens close
by the Town wall, and the next night made a battery], which ob
liged the enemy to capitulate on condition of marching out of the
place with arms and baggage.

[The Army receiv'd litle or no loss at this] small [Seige, yet tho
it cost so litle time], there was continual murmuring because, after
the taking of Chateau-Porcien, the troops had not been sent
straight into winter-quarters; and as the enemy following his

91 This alternative is not in the Life.
126

1652 WINTER QUARTERS

custom proffered insults against the Cardinal from the walls of
Vervins, [the Souldiers in stead of replying in his defence, only
Said, Arnen^ to all their curses].

[The 28th] [in the morning Mr. de Turenne went and saw
Bassecourt march out with his Souldiers, and having taken pos
session of the place, he march'd back with his Army to] Cressy-
sur-Saare, [and from thence to Laon,] whence [all the troopes
were sent into their severall winter-quarters] ; [the Cardinal, and
all the Generalls and persons of quality went for Paris, where they
arrived on the 3d of February],

[In this manner ended that long Campagne], during which
Monsieur de Turenne acquired immortal fame through saving
the monarchy several times by his counsel, his conduct, and his
valour.

127

THE DUKE OF YORK'S

SECOND CAMPAIGN
UNDER M. DE TURENNE

IN this year, 1653, his Royall Highness made his Second Cam
pagne, in the company and under the conduct of Monsieur de
Turenne, the greatest Captain of this and perhaps of any age, who
was not a little delighted in having so illustrious a person for his
Schollar in the discipline of warn Of this Campagne his R. High
ness gives the following Account in his Memoires written in his
own hand.*

The Campagne of this year began but late on either side, which
could not be otherwise considering how long it was before the
last ended. Yet the wee went last out of the feild and many of our
troopes had taken up their winter-quarters in Poitou, Anjou, la
Marche, and other remote Provinces, Our Army was notwith
standing in Champagne by the latter end of June; with so much

* This paragraph (Life* ed. Ckrke, 1, 1 59) appears at the head of the entry for the
Campaign of 1653. It is obviously a prefatory statement by the person, presumably
William Dicconson, who edited or copied James's original memoirs, an edition or
copy which was afterwards printed by J. S. Ckrke. The statement strongly suggests,
though it does not absolutely prove, that what follows is an authentic copy of the
original Memoirs. The same applies to the entries, in the Ckrke edition, for 1654,
1655; the narrative of the Campaigns of 1657 and 1658; but not to 1656, the pre
fatory portion of 1657, or the entry for 1659-1660.

The entry for 1653 in the Ckrke edition, immediately following the prefatory
statement, corresponds so closely with the test of the French MS. (pp. 87-1 1 5) that
a translation of the ktter into English would appear to be no more than a retransk-
tion. I therefore reprint the text of the Life (Vol. 1, 159-191). One difference must
of course be noticed. In the text here reprinted the narrative is in the first person, a
fact which has convinced me that the whole of James's original Memoirs was so
written. The French MS. on the other hand is in die third person throughout.

The words in italics and brackets were inserted by Ckrke to correct what he pre
sumed to be errors, and, occasionally, to fill a gap in the MS. I have left them as they
are. The footnotes are mine (Editor).

128

1653 THE SIEGE OF RETHEL

diligence, that wee beseiged Rethel before the Spanish Army was
gott together out of their winter-quarters. This place was of great
consequence, being situated upon the River Aisne, and being an
inlet into Champagne, of which it is a member; so that partys
from thence might make incursions almost to the gates of Paris,
and raise contributions even in its neighbourhood. It was taken
about nine months before by the Prince of Conde, and put into
the hands of the Spaniards upon his conjunction with them.

It seems a little strange that a place of this consequence, and
which in all probability would be the first attempt of the French to
retake, should be no better provided with sufficient numbers of
men for its defence ; for tho the Marquis of Persan a very good
officer was Governour of it, yet Monsr. de Turenne without stay
ing to make a Line of Circumvalation, storm'd the outworks the
first night, and carryd them without any extraordinary loss of
men. One cheif reason why the outworks were so easily gain'd was,
that tho they had a good ditch and were high enough, yet being
only of earth, and having no palissades, but upon the parapett, the
French were the more encouraged to venture on them ; for when
the Soldiers had once got up to them, their advantage was equall
to that of the Enemys within, so that the greatest number must
consequently carry it.

This success did so hearten our men, and discourage theirs,
that the Town itself whose best strength consisted in the out
works, was quickly forced to capitulate; for wee brought our
battery so near by the advantage of the outworks, that wee made
In a short time two sufficient breaches, at each attack one, in the
wall which was none of the strongest. This oblig'd the beseiged to
parly on the 8th of July, and the next day to surrender the Town
upon termes of marching away with their armes and baggage to
their nearest garrison. The Articles being performed, our Army
stayd a day or two to repair the breaches ; and having provided the
place with all things necessary, and left in it a sufficient garrison,
wee march'd away towards Guise, having been informed that
the Enemy had appointed their generall Rendezvous near that
place.

But in our march thither, when wee lay incamped by a Village
call'd Noircour, Intelligence came from the Governour of Rocroy,
that part of their Army, which was marching to the Rendezvous,

129

CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1653

was quartered in several! Villages about Chimay, Trelon, and
Glajon, on the other side of the great woods of the forest of Ar
dennes, which were extended down that way; upon which infor
mation, our Generalls resolv'd to march with all their troopes and
some few feild pieces, leaving only five or six hundred men to
guard the baggage, and to pass these large woods in hopes of sur
prising the Enemy in their quarters before they could haue notice
of our march. It happened to be Monsr. de Turenne's turn to lead
the Van, who us'd all possible expedition, but after having pass'd
by a certain Abbey call'd Bussilly, and got with the Van as far as
Anort, 1 (Nost) which is almost on the farthest side of the woods,
wee had intelligence by a small party which brought in some pri
soners, that they had been advertised of our coming; so that seeing
our design to be discover'd, wee march'd back by the same way
wee came, and joyn'd our baggage on the I4th where wee had left
it at Noircour, after wee had been three days abroad in this expe
dition; and from thence wee march'd to Haris on the i yth, and so
to S. Algis, where the King of France, and Cardinal Mazarin
came to us.

On the 25th wee went and camp'd at Ribemont, and in the
mean time the Spanish Army consisting at least of thirty thousand
men, assembled on the fronteers near Tarbre de Guise, and with
proportionable train of Artillery and provisions of Victualls, began
their march to enter France; of which the King being informed, it
was debated in Councill before him and the Cardinal what was
fittest for him to do, having so strong an Enemy to encounter,
and our Army in the whole not amounting to above six thousand
foot, and being scarce ten thousand horse. Some were of opinion
that all our foot, excepting only a thousand commanded musket-
teers, should be cast into the fronteer Towns, with some few horse
to accompany them; and that with this small proportion of Infan
try and the body of our horse, wee should keep near the Enemy's
Army to incommode and harass them, as much as wee were able,
by falling on their foragers and cutting off their Convoy's, in
order to hinder them from attacking any of our Towns.

Others were of opinion that wee should not separate our Army,
but endeavour with the whole body of it to defend the passage of
the Rivers in case the Enemy should advance into the Country,

1 'Anort' in the MS. (p. 89).
130

1653 TURENNE'S COUNSEL PREVAILS

thinking it to be of dangerous consequence (since Bordeaux still
held out) if wee should permitt them a free inrode towards Paris,
which was lately reduced to the King's obedience.

But Monsieur de Turenne was of a quite different opinion from
the two former; For, said he, should wee divide our Army, and
put most of our foot and some horse into the Garrisons, wee
should leave ourselves so inconsiderable, that the Enemy would
easily drive the remaining small body of our forces into what part
of the Country they should please; after which they would haue
their choice of beseiging any of our Towns, by falling back upon
them, and haue leisure enough to entrench themselves before wee
could joyn together our Separated forces: besides which they
would then be so far advanced in their work, that it would not be
adviseable for us to sitt down before any of their places, for before
wee could haue made any considerable progress in a Seige, they
would haue taken a Town, and bee upon us; So that wee should
be sure, according to that method, to haue lost one of our places,
without Mastering one of theirs, tho of less importance. On the
other side, tho wee kept our whole Army in a body, and lay
behind our Rivers, with an intention of hindering the Enemys
from passing over and advancing into our Country, wee should
faile of what wee proposed to ourselves by that undertaking; for
knowing them to outnumber us very much in foot, it would be
very difficult for us to maintain any pass against them ; and besides
it would not only be a very great discouragement to our Soldiers
to be forced from their posts, but the consequence would also be
very dangerous from the effects it might haue at Paris and in the
Countries: So that considering the whole matter, he w-as of
opinion, That wee should keep our Army intire and with it ob
serve the motion of the Enemys, keeping as closs to them as con
veniently wee could, either behind or on one side of them, without
exposing ourselves so far as to be forced to an Ingagement when
wee found it not for our advantage; by observing which method
he hoped to (be) able to hinder them from beseiging any place of
consequence, in doing of which they must be obliged to separate
their Army, which they would hardly adventure to do, whilst
wee were attending them so near, that before they could haue
intrenched themselves and made their bridges of communi
cation, wee should haue the opportunity of falling on which part

CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1653

of them wee pleas'd; And besides he beleev'd not, that the7 would
advance farr into the Country, seeing that if they did, wee should
be able to hinder any Convoys from coming to them, without
which they could not possibly subsist, or continue long in the
heart of the French Dominions.

These and other reasons offered by Monsr. de Turenne prevail'd
upon the Cardinal, and consequently upon the King and Council! ;
so that orders being given, and measures accordingly taken for
carrying on the Campagne, the Court retired from the Army.

In the mean time the Enemy having drawn all their forces into
a body, began their march into the French Dominions betwixt the
Rivers of Somme and Oyse; and incamped at Fonsomme and
Fervaques, from whence they marched onwards on the first of
August, and pass'd within sight of us the same day, continuing
their march towards Ham, having the Somme on their right hand,
and camp'd about St Simon and Clastres, where they imployd a
whole day in passing the defiles: In the mean time upon their
approche, wee put ourselves on battell, and seeing they came not
to us, but continued their march, wee march'd the same day down
along the River by which wee lay to a Village call'd Chery-Maiot,
not farr from la Fere; where wee imployd all the next day in
making bridges for our foot, and passages for our horse, intending
to pass that River in case the Enemy pursued their march any
further into the Country, of which wee had notice the next morn
ing by our partys: But yet Monsieur de Turenne, unwilling to ex
pose himself by marching over till he were more certain of the way
they took, went over himself at break of day with about a thousand
horse, and finding that the intelligence which his partys had
brought him was altogether true, he sent back his orders for the
Army to come over to him, which being performed wee march'd
down the River, and camp'd on the third of August at Fargnier,
having the woods to cover us from the Enemy, which were of as
great security to us as a River; and receiving intelligence that they
were advanced as far as Roye, which they took and plundered (it
being only defended by the Townsmen, who tho they had no
troopes amonst them yet suffered batteries to be rais'd which playd
upon them before they would surrender) wee came on the jth to
Noyon, and hearing there that Roye was taken, wee advanced on
the 9th to Magny ; which tho on the other side of the woods was

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1653 THE TWO ARMIES AT MONT ST QUENTIN

yet so fast a Country, that wee were in no manner of danger, and
besides it was not our design to keep too far distance from the
Enemy.

From thence Monsr. de Schomberg was sent with the Gen
darmes, which consisted of about two hundred and fifty horse and
a hundred foot, to cast himself into Corbie; and at the same time
about three hundred foot were sent into Perofie, which were the
only troopes wee ever put into any place from the Army, and
having notice that they were drawing down towards the Somme,
not far from Corbie, wee posted ourselves at Epperville closs by
Ham on the loth of August.

Wee were no sooner arriv'd there, but wee received intelligence
that the Count of Megen, with about three thousand men, was to
march out of Cambray the next day, to convoy great store of pro
visions and all things necessary for a Seige, with great numbers of
Pioneers, and all sorts of ammunition, and that he was to march
with them to the River of Somme betwixt Peronne and Corbie,
where, after they had mett him, new measures were to be taken :
On this advertissemen t wee took our march passing over the Somme
at Ham, and setting out a little before Sun sett, with an intention
to fall on that Convoy, which wee hop'd to find on the plaine about
Bapaume; And to make the greater Expedition, wee march'd
away with all our horse, leaving only some few behind, to come
along with the foot, artillery and baggage, which had order to
follow with all imaginable diligence. Being come to Peronne by
break of day, with our horse, wee took out from thence all the foot
which had been sent thither from the Army, and all the garrison
could spare beside, and continued our march towards Bapaume :
Being come within two or three leagues of that place, wee halted
to refresh our horses, and sent our partys towards Cambray, to
give us notice of the motion of the Convoy: By noon they brought
us intelligence, that the Enemy had begun their march out of
Cambray, but being advertized of our coming were return'd into
the Town : having received this information, and withall, that the
Enemy's Army was come to the Somme near Bray, wee march'd
back and met our foot, Artillery and baggage on the nth that
night at Manancourt, a Village which ly's at the head of a litle
brook, that runs from thence by Mont St Quentin and so into the
Somme, not far from Peronne.

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CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1653

There wee camp'd that night, and having notice the next morn
ing, that the Enemy was making bridges over the River where
they lay, it was thought expedient for us to retire, the same day, a
litle back to Allayne another Village on the same brook, near
Mont St Quentin ; having notwithstanding resolved in case they
should pass the Somme, that wee should post ourselves some what
above Manancourt, in a place which both our Mareshalls had
view'd and determin'd there to draw up our Army in battell, upon
the first notice wee should haue of their approche to us. But tho
this was resolved by both our Generalls together, it was alter'd by
one, without staying to hear from the other, on the next morning
being the I3th: For Mr. de Turenne according to his usuall
custome going out of his quarters by Sun rise, with some few in
his Company, first went to visite our horse guard, which was on
the other side of the brook; And from thence seeing nothing, nor
hearing any news of any of our partys, which he had sent out the
night before to bring him notice of the Enemys motion, he went
to Peronne to send partys along the Somme, on the other side, to
try if they cou'd discover any thing of the Spaniards' march; Not
beleeving it possible that they cou'd be coming to us, but that
either from Bapaume or by some of our own partys wee should
haue been advertized: Yet it happened otherwise, for the Enemy
march'd with so much diligence, that their Van was past Bapaume
before break of day; so that neither our partys which were driven
in there, nor any from the Town cou'd give us notice, the Spani
ards being gotten betwixt us and them; and the first intelligence
wee had of them was by Mr. de la Perth's horse guards, which
were at the head of the litle brook : And he took the allarm so hott,
that in stead of marching up to possess the ground, which was re
solved on the day before, he having the left wing and being nearest
it, march'd back towards Peronne, passing through our right
wing; which following the orders they had received the day be
fore, was beginning to march towards the fore appointed place
where they were to be drawn up in battelL

In this disorder wee were when Mareshall de Turenne came
back from Peronne, and finding that already M. de la Fert6 with
the left wing was beginning to draw up on Mont St Quentin, he
went to his own troopes, which were to compose the right wing
and joyn'd them with the left; it being then too late to possess our-

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1653 THE TWO ARMIES AT MONT ST gUENTIN

Selves of the former ground, because the Enemys Van was already
very near it.

There he resolv'd to expect the Enemy, who came on with
great joy, as knowing the advantage they had over us, both in
numbers and by getting us into a plaine feild, where wee could
neither retreat from them, nor avoid fighting, if they pleas'd to
ingage us ; And indeed I beleeve that if wee had not changed our
ground wee should certainly haue been beaten: for, besides that
they were much Superiour to us in number, as wee were then
drawn up, the ground was such, that wee shou'd not haue been
able to haue done any thing; because tho our order of battell was
very good according to the new method, and that our second Line
was placed at a convenient distance behind the first, and a reserve
of twelve Squadrons of horse, with two battailons of foot behind
that again, and our left wing placed upon Mont St Quentin, yet
our right was in evident danger of being routed, for our utmost
Squadron on that hand reached within pistoll shott to the bottome
of a litle hill, to which the Enemy were marching, and from thence
they could haue galPd us in the flanck, and playd upon us both
with their cannon and Musketteers, before they came down to
charg us : so that, as I sayd, wee had manifestly been beaten, with
out being able to haue fought, it being then too late to haue chang'd
our posture: And indeed not only M. de Turenne, but all of us
who were on the right wing plainely saw it; neither could I say
that ever in my life I perceiv'd so much confusion, and such signs
of being beaten, as were visible in the face of the Soldiers. Mon
sieur de Turenne no sooner had observed it, but he gallop'd away
to Mr. de la Ferte on the left wing to give him notice; and withall
to assure him, That if wee continued in that posture wee should in
fallibly be routed; that therfore he was resolved to march up the
hill, towards the Enemy, seeing wee could not be in a more dis
advantageous position than now wee were; neither was there any
other way remaining to encourage our Soldiers : Having told him
this, and desired him to follow us, he returned speedily to our
wing, and march'd up the hill immediatly at our head.

He was no sooner arriv'd there with the first Squadrons, but he
sent Monsr. de Varennes (an old experienced Officer) who had
been Captain of his guards in all his German warrs, and in whom
he had great confidence, to go before and view the ground over

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CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1653

which wee were to pass : Wee had not march'd above a mile, when
he came back to his General!, and let him know, that if he would
come along with him, he would shew him such a post as he was
sure would be of great advantage, and that it was not farr distant.
Mr. de Turenne accordingly went before to observe it, and found
it to his great satisfaction such a one as would wholy secure us
from the Enemy: for in our right hand wee had the brook, which
comes from Roiset, and afterwards falls into the Somme a litle
above Peronne; and on our left a hill so inaccessible and steep, that
neither horse nor man cou'd climb it; and the distance betwixt
both was no more, then that twenty or thirty Squadrons cou'd pos
sibly be drawn up in it. Before us there was a litle Valley, and on
that part of it which lay nearest to the brook was a Ravine or small
Gully, which wou'd haue been very difficult for any to haue pass'd,
and horse especially.

This was the post where wee drew up and where wee were no
sooner posted, but the whole countenance of the Army was
changed, and our men had their accustom'd cheerfulness in their
faces, so that I am confident, had the Enemy attack' d us in that
place, wee shou'd haue beaten them : For tho their numbers almost
doubled ours, yet our troopes being very good, and well posted,
wee had a great advantage ; And that wee might make it yet more
secure for us and more difficult for them, when they shou'd en
deavour to approche us, wee immediatly fell on making five
Redans, open behind, and each of them capable of containing an
hundred musketteers; between which wee placed our canon
which were about thirty, so that the Enemy must haue endured
the fire of all these, before he cou'd so much as see our troopes
which stood behind, and then received a charge either of horse or
foot, which was in our choice: After all this, the ground was so
very narrow, that the Army under Monsr. de Turenne's command
(being the right wing and half the foot) was constraint to be drawn
up in four or five lines, behind each other. As for Mr. de la Ferte,
he drew up with his troopes, which consisted of the left wing and
the other half of the foot, all along the top of the Steep hill I have
already mentioned, which cover'd our left hand and fronted that
way. So that in case wee had been attacked by the front, he cou'd
easily haue drawn his men to haue seconded us of the right wing.

It was, as I remember, betwixt two and three of the clock in the

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1653 THE TWO ARMIES AT MONT ST gUENTIN

afternoon when wee drew up with our first Squadron in this post,
when wee saw the whole Spanish Army march in battell to us, and
coming about the end of the wood directly in our faces. This wood
ran from within muskett shott of our Redans, all along upon the
very height and browes of the steep hill which wee had on our left
hand, which also happened to straighten the ground by which they
were to approche us : In this manner they came on, thinking to
haue fallen on us immediatly ; but being come within a mile and a
half of us, or near that distance, they made a halt, wherupon most
of their foot went down to the River to quench their thirst, being
sufficiently tir'd with their long march, and almost chok'd for
want of water, having met with none since they parted from the
Somme, till they arrived at this place; So that it was absolutely
necessary for their Officers to give way, that they should drink and
refresh themselves.

The Prince of Conde, as I have been since inform'd, would
haue fallen upon us that evening, the I3th of August, but the
Count de Fuenseldagne oppos'd it, representing to him the weari
ness of their men, especially their foot, who after so tedious a
march through a dry Country, and in so hott a Season, were not
reasonably to be put on further duty till the next morning; besides
which, it would be very difficult and almost impracticable to draw
them from the River-side that evening; that so small a delay could
not prejudice the Enterprise because they had us in their power,
so that wee could not possibly get from them; but in the mean
time their Soldiers would recover their Spirits and Strength by a
good night's rest, and then they had the day before them: As for
us at so short a warning wee could not do much for the further
securing of ourselves ; but that they might haue the remainder of
the evening to view the posture in which wee lay, and to observe
the ground over which they were to pass to us.

These arguments so prevailed with the Prince, that the thought
of doing any thing farther that day was layd aside; and they
camped in battaill where they lay. Next morning when he and the
rest of their Generall Officers had view'd and consider'd the
ground, finding the great advantages wee had by reason of our
post, they gave over the intention of attacking us in that place;
and so the two Armys continued in presence of each other, during
three or four days: in all which time there happen'd no consider-

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CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1653

able action, but almost perpetuall skirmishes. Yet there fell out
one thing, which tho of no great concernment might deserve to be
mention'd.

There was a Lieutenant of horse in the Regiment Royall whose
name was Bellechassaigne, a great goer out on partys, who was
desirous to try if he could take some considerable Officer from the
very Camp of the Enemy; having this in his head, he askt leave of
Monsr. de Turenne to go out with a small party, which being
granted him, he chose about fifteen good men to follow him, and
with them put himself into the wood which I have mention'd,
which reach'd from our Redans to the Enemy's Camp. Being
there he order'd his Soldiers to disperse themselves, and under
covert of the wood and favour of the night, one by one to get into
the Camp, where they were to rejoyne again about midnight, at
such a place as was a very remarkable (one) in their Camp, and
was seen from ours; where being met, they should receiue In
structions what to do: having given them this order, they all
separated from each other, got safely amongst the Enemies, and
assembled at the time and place appointed; from thence they went
in a body to the Tent of one of the Prince of Cond6's Major Gen-
eralls, or Mareshalls de Camp. This Officer's name was Monsr. de
Ravenel, whom they intended to take out of his bed, and carry
away with them; his Tent standing most conveniently for their
business, and having no guard before it, which was the reason
why they chose him out; all those of a Superiour quality having
foot guards at the entrance of their Tents. Some of them therfore
alighting from their horses went directly in, and had already seiz'd
on two or three of his Servants without noise; when just as they
were going to haue taken him, one of the prisoners slipp'd out of
their hands, and gave the alarm, which forced Bellechassaigne to
leave Ravenel and make what hast he could possibly to Save him
self, which he did and brought along with him a horse or two, and
as many of those whom he had first secured. He might haue kill'd
Ravenel himself, but in those Countries they make not Warr so
brutally, for I never knew any unhuman act committed either by
French or Spaniards all the time I serv'd amongst them.

But to proceed : After the Enemy had stayd three or four days
facing us, on the i6th of August about break of day wee heard
them sound to horse and beat the march for the foot; and by that

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1653 THE TWO ARMIES AT MONT ST QUENTIN

time It was break of day, wee saw them begin to march: Vpon
which wee stood immediatly to our armes, and Monsr. de Tu-
renne himself with two Squadrons of our horse guards went up
towards their Camp, the better to observe which way they bent
their march, that therby he might make some kind of conjecture
what place they intended to beseige. When he was come about
halfway distance betwixt our Camp and theirs, he left behind him
one of the Squadrons and advanced with the other, yet somewhat
farther and then stayd with it; sending me, with Monsr. de Castel-
nau 2 and about twelve more, all Officers or Volonteers who were
excellently hors'd, to go on as far as conveniently wee cou'd, with
order not to engage, but to come off in case wee should be push'd.
Accordingly wee went up into the very Camp of the Enemys, and
as far as the hutts of the foot, when the Reer of their Cavalry were
not yet gotten out of the Camp. There wee made a stand and had a
perfect view of their whole Army, after which wee went within
pistoll shott of their last Squadrons, not offering to disturb them,
nor they us : Thus when wee had satisfy d ourselves with looking,
and saw plainly they bent towards St Quentin, wee returned to
Mr. de Turenne, who straight going back to his own Camp, dis-
patch'd away Mr. de Beaujeu one of our Lieutenant Generalls,
with twelve hundred horse and six hundred foot, to cast himself
either into Guise, which place he beleeved the Enemy intended to
beseige, or into any other place before which they should offer to
ly down. And Beaujeu made such expedition, that he got into
Guise just as their first horse appear'd to invest that Town : which
when the Enemy perceived, and withall the great diligence which
our whole Army had us'd for the same intent, they layd aside the

2 Jacques de Mauvissiere, marquis de Castelnau, was a grandson of the famous
Mauvissiere who had served for some ten years as ambassador in London during the
reign of Elizabeth I. His Mimoires are a valuable source for the history of the kter
Valois. Jacques, marquis de Castelnau (1620-1658) had entered the army at the age
of fifteen and taken part in many battles. Captured and imprisoned at Cambrai in
1637, he had escaped and later distinguished himself at Nordlingen (1645). He was
at this time a Lieutenant-General. James criticises his behaviour on two occasions,
particularly when Conde was covering the retreat of the Spanish army across the
Scheldt in August 1655, and Castelnau failed to interfere seriously with him. On the
other hand he was a model of loyalty and chivalry, and very popular in the army. In
1658 he inspired enthusiasm and confidence in the English troops, and his great
cavalry operation at the battle of the Dunes played a decisive part in Turenne's vic
tory. He was killed shortly afterwards and was posthumously promoted a Marshal of
France.

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CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1653

thoughts of that Enterprise ; and after having stayd some few days
in that neighbourhood, march'd back, and incamped at Caulaln-
court, within a league of the Abbey of Vermand, upon the same
brook, about two leagues from St Quentin, it being so far on the
way from thence to Peronne,

As for our Army, so soon as Mr. de Beaujeu was detach' d, wee
march'd also, causing our baggage to pass the River before us
through Peronne, which was the only Pass therabouts. When
they were gott over, wee began to march through the Town with
the whole Army; when wee saw the Enemy at such a distance
from us, that there was no farther danger of their marching back
to fall upon our Reer, before wee cou'd get on the other side of the
River. And tho that Town be very long, and that there is one
bridge only over the Somme; yet by that time it grew dark, Mr. de
Turenne with the Van got as far as Golancourt, which is within a
league wide of Ham. 'Tis true the Reer cam not up till the next
morning, but however it had the same effect with the Enemy as if
they had been there in a body, for their partys who saw us cross
the River gave them an account of our being there ; So that as I
observed, not only the march of Beaujeu, but also our diligence,
hinder'd the Enemy from beseiging Guise: And, as I remember,
Mr. de Turenne answered some about him, who were represent
ing to him that it was impossible for half our Army to come up
that night, considering the length of his intended march and the
expedition he used in marching. That what they objected was
very true; notwithstanding which if he could but reach his quar
ter with the Van that night it would produce the Same effect, as if
the whole Army were in presence; because that wee being cover'd
by the Somme, their partys could give no other account of us, but
by the fires which they observed; and seeing them in great num
bers they would return with a false intelligence, that wee were ad
vanced so far. And certainly not only in this particular, but gener
ally in all others, never did any Generall take better measures in
his marches, or guess'd more probably at the designs of the Enemy
then he.

The next morning when the troopes were all come up, and that
he was advertis'd from Guise that the Spaniards were at a loss,
having miss'd their purpose, wee thought it expedient to continue
where wee were without advancing any farther, as being well

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1653 UNSKILFULNESS OF CASTELNAU

warn'd by our late Escape ; So that the Enemy coming to Caulin-
court, wee remained at Golancourt to observe their motions.

While wee lay in that quarter Mr. de Turenne having notice
from his partys, the Enemys foragers were accustomed to pass the
brook behind which they lay and come up towards Ham, having
with them only a small Convoy, orderd Mr. de Castelnau to take a
thousand horse, and to try his fortune on them, in case they came
abroad to forage next day : In the evening the ten Squadrons were
commanded out, and as soon as it was dark Mr. de Castelnau
march'd with them to Ham; where having drawn them up, in
stead of passing through the Town, as he ought to have done while
the darknes continu'd, he stayd on the outside till break of day;
then going through the Town himself, he sent out two partys, to
see if those foragers were abroad, leaving still his body on the
other side of Ham; and when at last his partys had brought him
intelligence that the Enemys were at forage, he sent for all his
horse to come over to him, which indeed they did, but by that
time wee had traversed the length of the Town, and were begin
ning to march towards the Enemy, wee saw they were almost all
gone back into their Camp, having taken the alarm at the partys
which were sent out to discover them, So that wee tooke not above
twenty or thirty at most of all their men, tho wee detach'd some
after them, who glean'd up to the number I haue mentioned.

Thus what Mr. de Turenne had so well design'd, was wholy
frustrated by the unskillfulness of him who commanded us : for
tho he was perfectly stout, and was besides a good foot Officer,
who understood very well how to carry on a breach, yet he was
very ignorant in commanding horse, which he not only shew'd on
this occasion, but by what he did afterwards ; so that many men
were of opinion, that what he knew was rather gain'd from the ex
perience of a long practice amongst the foot, then by any naturall
talents beyond other men: But the whole management of this
Action was only a chaine of the greatest faults in conduct; for
after that which he had already committed, in stead of returning
back immediatly into our Camp (which was his duty (when) he
had fayl'd of his Enterprise) he march'd on directly towards that
of the Enemy, over a bare plaine, till wee came within half a league
of it, and there halted, staying there I am certain above an hour,
which was the greatest madness imaginable; for by it wee were ex-

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pos'd 7 and that unavoidably, to be routed in case they had come
upon us, as in reason they ought to haue done, and there was
scarcely an Officer, or even privat Soldier there, who did not plain
ly see it and apprehend the consequence; for the Enemy could see
at least a league and a half behind us, the Country being very bare
and open, and that wee had none to second us, and cou'd count
our numbers to a man ; and alltho they were to pass the brook,
behind which they lay, yet that was so just under the command of
their whole Camp, that wee cou'd not haue hindered their coming
to us. Having stood thus, as long a time as I have mention' d, look
ing on the Enemy to no manner of purpose, he drew us off, and
then left an ambuscade for the Enemy of about a hundred horse in
a small Village, as wee march'd away, which was as foolish as all
the rest; for the Enemy were too cautious to permitt any of their
men to pass the brook afterwards.

In the mean time Monsr. de Turenne being concerned for us,
because wee had Stayd out so long, and fearing wee might be
prest in coming off, came himself from the Camp with four or five
Squadrons of horse, and three or four hundred foot, passing over
the River through the Town and advancing a litle way from
thence; placing his men So, that they might make a retreat for us,
in case wee had been pushed or forced to a hasty retreat. He had
not long been there when to his great comfort he saw us coming
back, and not in that manner which he apprehended.

After this wee continued in the same quarters till the first of
September, and then the Enemie first decamping from Caulin-
court, began their march towards Rocroy in order to beseige it.
Into which place it was impossible for us to cast any man, the wee
knew the garrison was weak, and that wee had notice of the
Enemies march that way. For the Enemy when they went from
Caulincourt, immediatly sent off a considerable body of horse to
invest it, and to hinder any succours from being put into it ; and
the Situation of the Town is such, that standing in a litle plain en-
viron'd with woods, whoever is first posted there can easily forbid
any passage to it. Therfore tho wee endeavoured to reinforce that
place, wee were never able to effect it.

So soon as wee had information of their march that way, wee
began ours, and passing the Oyse by la Fere continued in our
march straight to Mousson, Leaving Laon on our right hand, and
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1653 THE SIEGE OF MOUSSON

quartered at Espe; from thence to Conde sur Aysne, which is not
far from Chateau-Porcien, and so to la Chesne, and to Remilly
which is within a league or two of Mousson: And the next day
being the roth of September wee passed the River below that
place, and took up our severall quarters, Mr. de Turenne below
the Town and Mr. de la Ferte above it. Mr. de Turenne's horse
were upon one Line stretching from the neighbourhood of the
River to the top of the hill, somewhat more then canon short from
the Town; As for himself, he with his foot and Gendarmes,
camp'd in a litle Valley about half canon short from the place; and
finding yet another valley, which was narrower, and somewhat
nearer the Town, he there quarter'd the Regiment of York, and
that of Guyenne: and the same night, without farther delay, fell to
opening the Trenches from the place where these two Regiments
were quarter'd. At this time also Monsieur de la Ferte began his
approches, but quarter'd not so near, himself or his Soldiers, as
wee had done. But before I proceed further, it will be necessary
for me to give a short description of the place.

Mousson stands upon the Meuse, about midway betwixt
Stenay and Sedan; over the River it has a bridge which was
cover'd by a hornwork: The Town is fortifyd with a good old
wall, well flanck'd with round towers, some of which especially
one towards the hill was very large; it had also a very good dry
ditch with a strong pallisade in the midst of it and in most parts of
it. The out parts of the ditch are faced with stone, which is no
small strengthning to a place; and because that side of the Town
which is farthest from the River is somewhat commanded by a hill
at the foot of which it stands, they had made an Envelope of an
half bastion, and three or four whole bastions to cover it: And on
both sides down to the River, severall half moons with other out
works. As for the garrison of Mousson, it consisted as near as I
can guess in fifteen hundred foot and betwixt two and three hun
dred horse; the Governour was call'd Wolfe, an old German Col-
lonell. That which occasioned this garrison to be made So strong,
was, that the Enemy when they designed to beseige Rocroy, had
sent away the Count de Briol with a body of men, with which he
was order *d to secure this place, Stenay, Clermont, and St Mene-
hou; not doubting but wee should sit down before one of them, so
soon as they began with Rocroy. Briol upon our marching that

CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1653

way. Satisfied himself with putting into Mousson so many men as
made up the number I have mention'd, keeping the rest in re
serve, to provide for the other places, which belong'd to the Prince
of Conde whose officer he was.

Having given this account of the place and the strength within
it, I proceed to the Relation of the Seige. The first night of our
being before the Town, as I sayd, wee began our approches, and
carryd them on a considerable way: Wee also rais'd a battery of
five or six guns, which was performed with litle loss by the Regi
ment of Picardy the first of the old Regiments, it being the cus-
tome of the French Army that the first Regiment has allways the
honour to break ground first in all Seiges, how many soever are
made in the Campagne. The next night the Regiments of La
Feuillade and Guyenne had the guard of the Trenches, and made
a very good advance without any considerable loss. At the same
time a Regiment of foot, which was quartered in some houses near
the bridge, had orders to storme the horn-work before it, which
they performed and carryd it with litle or no loss, the Enemy not
thinking convenient to dispute it, but drawing off into the Town
as our men advanced. The third night the Regiment of Turenne
took their turn, and carryd on the Trench so near, that the next
night the Regiments of York and Palleau brought it to the very
edge of the ditch belonging to the outworks ; and the same night
fasten'd a Miner in the face of the half bastion of the Envelope I
have already mentioned, having broken the pallisades which were
in the ditch, to make his passage thither* He continued working
till the afternoon; about the beginning of which he call'd out to
our Soldiers which were in the head of the Trench, That he wanted
drink and candles, and till he were supplyd with them he must
cease from working: Upon which a Sergeant of York was ordered
to carry him what he wanted, and that his passage might be more
secure, all the men in the Trench were commanded to stand to
their Armes, and those who were at the head of it, to give a Voly,
when the Sergeant was ready to take his run to the Miner; and
they and the rest to continue firing till they were sure he was in
safety: This was accordingly perform'd, and he pass'd through
the ditch to the Miner without having one shott made at him.

That night the Regiment of Picardy had again the guard of
the Trenches; and the next day as I was going to the head of the
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1653 THE SIEGE OF MOUSSON

approches, accompanyd by Monsr. d'Humieres, Monsr. de
Crequi 3 and somme others^ while wee stayd a little time in the first
battery a great shott came from the Town, which pass'd through
three barrells of powder 3 without firing them, which had it done,
all who were in the battery had inevitably been blown up : But the
danger came so suddainly and was so soon over, that none of us
had time to be concerned for it.

The next day came up a battallion of the Regiment of Guardes,
consisting of above six hundred men in ten Companies, and com
manded by Monsr. de Vautourneu ; and according to their privi
lege had the guard of the Trenches the same night, relieving the
Regiment of Picardy: And when Monsr. de Castelnau, the only
Lieut Generall then in the Army, came according to his usuall
custom into the Trenches, to command there, they absolutely re-
fus'd obedience to him, pretending they were not to obey any man
but the Generall himself: of which Monsr. de Turenne being in
form 5 d, he went thether to accommodate the business, but finding
Vautourneu very obstinat and positiue in that point, he desired Mr.
de Castelnau to retire into his tent, and repose himself that night,
because he had taken so much paines and so litle rest the night
before; adding. That he himself would do his office for him, and
watch in the Trenches: Castelnau obeyd and went away, and
Monsr. de Turenne did, as he had Sayd, there being indeed a
necessity incumbent on him So to do, for any farther dispute in
that matter which he was also unwilling to decide : But he imme-
diatly dispatched a Messenger to Court, to informe them of it,
who sent a positiue order to the Guardes, That they should obey
the Lieut Generall. This command came back before it was their
turn to mount the Trenches the second time, after which the dis
pute was no more revived. But yet it prov'd of advantage to the
seruice, for the Guardes thought themselves obliged in honour to

a Frangois, chevalier de Crequy (1625-1687) was a younger brother of Charles,
due de Crequy. He had already fought in the Thirty Years War. He appears to have
been conceited and perhaps rather selfish. Bussy-Rabutin, who was jealous of him
and not without reason-criticises his behaviour at the battle of the Dunes. His pro
motion as a Marshal of France in 1668 is said to have turned his head, so much so
that he refused to serve under Turenne. This led to a temporary disgrace. He had
however become an excellent strategist and the only French general whose abilities
could compare with Schomberg's. In 1679 he marched into Germany, defeated the
Elector of Brandenburg at Minden and compelled him to sign a peace treaty.

CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1653

make a very great advance that night; which they perform'd,
being both encouraged by the presence of the Generall and by the
prudence of his directions ; for they did not only make a blind all
along the bottom of the ditch of the Envelope, by the help of the
pallisado's which were in it, which went directly upon the great
Tower, but also made a lodgement along from the place where the
ditch of the Envelope joyn'd with that of the Town to a half moon,
which was on their right hand and which also was abandon'd by
the Enemy, from whence wee designed to get down into the Town
ditch and there to lodge our Miner.

Thus far wee had advanced very speedily, but when wee came
to make our descent into the ditch of the Town, wee found more
difficulty then wee expected; for the next night endeavouring to
continue at the same rate wee had begun, by making a lodgement
against the pallisado's which were in the midst of the ditch, th5
wee carryd on that work with great vigour, yet when it was almost
perfected, the Enemy beat our men out of it, by throwing down
great store of hand granades, fireworkes, and fire it self, so that
it was impossible to continue longer there, and make good our
undertaking; yet (we) were not discouraged by the unsuccessful-
ness of this first attempt, but for two nights following very ob-
stinatly pursued the design of lodging ourselves, but all to no pur
pose: for tho wee finished our work, yet the Enemy burnt us out,
by throwing down upon us such vast quantities of fireworks, and
combustible matter, that they ruin'd our work.

This made us cast about to go on some other way with more
security; and therefore the next day, wee endeavour 'd to make our
descent into the ditch, by cutting a trench from the top of it,
where wee lodged, and so sloping along the side : but wee also
faiTd of effecting this; for, besides that the Enemy had a low
flanck, in which was only one small piece of ordnance, which lay
so much under our battery that wee could not bear upon it, or dis
mount it, and that when wee descended into the ditch, it playd
levell on us, wee also found (when wee had got down halfway) the
wall I formerly mention'd, which of itself would haue stopt us;
tho the great gun had not gaulPd us from the flancker. So soon as
it was day that single peice destroyd all the blinds wee had been
making; After which wee were constrained to haue recours to the
old method of sinking a well, out of the lodgement wee had in the
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1653 THE SIEGE OF MOUSSON

ditch of the half moon, and so that way to go in to the bottom of
the ditch: Wee fell in hand with it as "fast as possibly wee cou'd,
and also endeavoured to fasten our Miner to the Town-wall by the
means of Madriers, which are planckes nine inches thick at
least, cover'd with tinn or raw hides, or both, the better to resiste
the force of fire; Those they carryd, and set up against the wall
under which the Miner fell to work; having barrells fill'd with
earth on each side of him for his security from the small shott of
the flancker, as the Madriers were to preserve him from the hand
granado's, stones, and fire, which they threw incessantly upon him
with great violence, tho without effect: So that they were con
vinced that unless they cou'd invent some other means of dislodg
ing him, he would soon haue gott so far into the Wall, that there
would be no farther hope for them; finding also that tho it was a
dry ditch, wee had made so great lodgements all along the edge of
it, that they could do nothing by a sally, they invented another
way that was more secure, which was by hanging a bomb or great
granado down by a chaine and closs to the side of the Madriers,
which firing blew them all away, and then they threw over so
much combustible matter, as burnt the Miner in his hole. The
Miner at the other attacke had no better success, for Monsr. de la
Ferte having the same desire to make a quick dispatch fastened a
Miner to the body of the place before he had made a lodgment
under the Wall, so that the Enemy having found him, immedi-
atly smother 'd him with smoke, he being already so far enter 'd
that the fire cou'd not reach him, but as I sayd, the smoke stiffled
him.

During the time of this whole Seige, wee were much troubled
and hindered by perpetuall raines and stormes so violent, that they
very often blew away our blinds, and wash'd down some part of
our Trenches which for the most part were fill'd with water, the
Sky being seldom clear for above three hours togather: and that
which makes me remember this the more particularly, was, that
one morning very early, going down with some others to the ap-
proches, when wee came into the ditch of the Envelope, which
went straight upon the great Tower, and was our only way to the
lodgement, where wee were working att the well I have already
mentioned, wee kept closs to the pallissado, where the blind should
have been, and tho nothing but the very beginning of it was left

147

CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1653

standing, all the rest being blown down, yet all of us were so busily
imployd in piking out our way (the ditch being full of dirt and
water) that not one single man tooke notice that the blind was
ruin'd, and consequently wee (were) in open view, till wee were
gotten half our way, and then, one of the company who observ'd it
first, propos'd that wee should return ; to which I well remember I
would not consent, urging, That since wee were now so far on
ward, the danger was equall in going forward or in returning: so
wee continu'd going on to the head of the attacke as wee first
intended; but in all the way while wee were thus exposed, there
was not one shott made at us, at which wee wonder'd; but after
wards when the Town was surrender'd, the Governour inform'd
us of the reason. That he himself happening to be upon the wall at
that very time, and knowing me by my Starr, had forbid his men
to fire upon the Company, which is a respect very usuall beyond
Sea. But he had not the same consideration for those afterwards,
who were commanded to repair the blind; for I hauing given no
tice to the Officer who was in the Trenches, of its condition, he
gave order to haue it mended, and severall of those who were em-
ployd in that work were slayn, and others hurt.

About the same time, when wee began to sink our Well in the
ditch of the half moon, wee also lodged a Miner at the foot of the
great Tower, under shelter of the Madriers, who had better for
tune then the former, and work'd into the wall; when he was gott
within as far as he design'd, but not yet begun to make his cham
bers, he sent out word to Mr. de Turenne, that he heard the
Enemy at work in a Countermine, and that as near as he could
guess, they would be upon him in some few hours, long before he
could finish his undertaking; Upon which, he gave immediat
orders to put some barrells of powder in the hole he had already
made, and then to stop it as firmly as they could, intending by this
only to ruine the Enemies Countermine and Miners, well know
ing it could not bring down the Tower : his orders were speedily
put in execution, and because the powder must needs blow back
wards, he withdrew his men from such parts of the approches as
were neighbouring to it, or in danger of any hurt from it, and him
self and severall others went and stood in the first battery, which
was distant from the Tower about half muskett Shott; under this
shelter he expected the effect : when fire was given, it produced all

148

!6 53 THE SIEGE OF MOUSSON

that wee designed, for it only enlarged the hole which our Miner
had made, and as wee learn'd afterwards kill'd those of the Enemy,
throwing to a far distance severall great stones with as much vio
lence as if they had been shott out of a canon, some of which hitt
the battery behind which wee stood, and others wee saw fly much
farther, So soon as the blow was over, Monsr. de Turenne, having
seen what it perform'd, sent back the Miner into the hole, which
was now widen'd, and sent along with him a Sergeant, and six
men to guard him who might easily be lodged in it, with all
Security from the Shott of the Enemy.

This which concerned the firing of the Mine pass'd all in the
day time; when it was night wee thought it convenient to open the
Well which wee had sunk, and which was now as low as the bot
tom of the Town ditch, for it would haue taken a longer time,
then wee cou'd spare, to go all the way under ground as far as to
the wall, and being already sunck so low were secured both from
great and small shott, and had nothing farther to apprehende in
our opinions but hand granado's, fire works, and fire it self: But
wee had no sooner open'd it, then the Enemy discovering it, by
the light of the fires which they had made, roull'd from off the
walls a Bomb, or Mortar-Granado, by the means of two strong
pieces of timber fasten'd together; the Bomb lighted full into the
mouth of the Well, and kill'd four or five of our men who were
working within it, and withall, so terribly shook the lodgment just
above it, where Mr. de Turenne, myself, some Officers, and many
volonteers were then standing, that wee all beleev'd at that mo
ment it would haue been shatter'd to peices: yet it stood; but it
was above a quarter of an hour before any could go down to work
again by reason of the smoke and dust; And then, tho the Enemy
continually plyd that place with hand-granado's, fire, and^ fire
works, and now and then a Bomb (none of which last happened to
be So justly directed as the first) yet wee carryd on our Trench as
far as the palisado's which were in the midst of the ditch; but by
reason of that storme of fire works which the Enemy without ceas
ing powr'd upon us, wee were obliged to cover it again with
planks, fascines and earth upon them, for the security of our men.
When wee were advanced as far as the palisado's, wee were
forced again to drive under ground, the Enemy still heaving over
vast quantities of wood and combustible matter, and wee being

149

CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1653

then so very near the wall, that it was impossible to go forward any
other way.

Advancing in this manner wee fastened our Miner at length to
the body of the place; wee lost that night a considerable number of
our men. La Feuillade had his head broken with a hand-granado,
Mr. d'Humieres had likewise a blow on the side of his, with a
small shott, which first came through the lodgment, and then
after glancing from his head, pass'd through the leg of a pioneer,
and lastly strook the toe of my boot, without doing me any harm.
Mr. de Turenne continu'd on the place all night, with out whose
presence I am confident the work had not been done.

At the same time Mr. de la Ferte was so far advanced in his
attacke, that his Mine was ready to spring next day, it was accord
ingly sprung after dinner: M. de Turenne with severall of his
Officers and Volonteers went to see what effect it would produce,
but went not down into those Trenches, his coming being only
out of curiosity. The Mine was made in the angle of a Tower and
the wall, and was so order'd as to blow up not only the Angle, but
also that part of the Tower and Wall which was nearest to it:
when it was fired and the smoke gone off, wee saw it had only done
its intended work upon the Wall, and very angle, but that the
Tower was yet standing; only there was a great crack quite
through it: but immediatly after the firing of the six guns upon
the edge of the ditch, all togather, that part of the Tower came
also down to our great satisfaction.

I have been told by some who were then in the battery with
Monsr. de la Fert<, when this happened, that when he perceiv'd
that part of the Tower next the Angle came not down with the
other, he was in great rage against the Cheualier de Clerville, an
Engeneer, who had the care of carryng on the Mine, threatning
him furiously for his negligence and ignorance : At which the poor
man much frightened, and fearing som severe usage from the Mare-
shall, but withall observing that the part which was yet standing
shook, desir'd that the six guns which were in the battery might
all be levell'd at that part of the Tower and fir'd at it all togather,
which he said would probably bring it down : This being immedi
atly done had its desired effect, and he escap'd a cudgelling. 4

4 This paragraph, is paraphrased in the French MS. (p. 1 1 i), and the order of the
sentences somewhat altered, and not improved.

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1653 METHODS OF CARRYING ON A SIEGE

The breach that was made by it was very faire, so that our men
the same night made a lodgment on it, which being performed
and our two Mines on the other side of the Town in readiness to
spring, the Governour thought it now high time to begin a Treaty
for the surrendring up of the place; and the next morning beat a
parlee, at the same time sending out Officers to treat. The articles
were soon adjusted, which were that he should march out next
day with armes and baggage, and be conveyd as far as Montmedy
a neighbouring garrison of the Spaniards.

Thus, wee master' d the Town of Mousson in the space of
seventeen days from the opening of the Trenches 3 without the loss
of many men, or of any considerable Officer, or Volonteer of
quality, excepting the Vidame de Laon, a nephew of Monsr. de
Turenne, and second Son to the Count de Roussy, who was shott
dead in the Trenches, as one evening he was going down to the
head of them betwixt Mr. d'Humieres, and Mr. de Schomberg.
The greatest loss wee had was in our horses, of which very many
dyd by reason of the ill weather and clay ground on which they
were camp'd.

But here I think it will not be amiss if I make a short digression
to give account of some of their methods in France for the carry
ing on a Seige, 5 and of the extraordinary care and pains which the
Generall Officers usually take on such occasions, to which I
cheifly attribute their speedy taking in of Townes : They trust to
no body but themselves to view, and make their observations; Mr.
de Turenne went in person to view all the ground about Mousson,
taking with him Mr. de Castelnau, when, as in another Army, I
have seen the Generalls trust a Sergent de bataille or some in
ferior Officer to do it, so that they were wholy guided, and in a
manner govern'd by their (the) eyes and advice of other men : but
Monsr. de Turenne made use of his own judgment, where he
thought it most proper to break ground, and which way to run the
Trenches; when night came, he himself was present at the open
ing of them, and continued there allmost till break of day : Besides
it was his constant method, during this whole Seige to go into the
Trenches both morning and evening, In the morning to see if the
work was well perform'd, at evening to resolve what would be the

5 The observations that follow are made more rapidly, and with less of preamble,
in the French MS. (p. 1 1 2).

'5*

CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1653

work that night, having in his company the Lieut Genl : and some
of the cheif Officers who that night were to command in the
Trenches, to instruct them himself what he expected to be done.
Again after supper he went to see them begin their work, and
would continue with them more or less, as he found it necessary
for the carrying on of the present design.

While he was once in the Trenches, during this Seige, I remem
ber an odd accident, which happen'd when I was present and
which I will relate, tho besides my present purpose : A Captain of
the Regiment of Guyenne, being newly come to the Army, and
that Regiment being then on duty on the Trenches, he approch'd
Monsr. de Turenne to salute him; It happen'd, that, at the same
time he was bowing down his head, a small shott from the Town
struck him in the skull, and layd him dead at the Generall's feet:
at which unhappy chance, some who were present made this un
seasonable raillery. That if the Captain had been better bred, he
had escaped the bullett, which only hitt him there, for not bowing
low enough to his Generall.

But to proceed : the Commander in cheif, is not only thus dili
gent, but all the inferiour Officers are obliged to be as carefull in
their severall stations : particularly in all the time of this present
Seige, in our side of the attack wee had not so much as one single
Ingeneer, nor did I ever observe them to be made use of at any
other place, but only as overseers of the work, most of the Officers
understanding very well how to carry on a Trench, and to make a
lodgement* As for the Mines, they haue a Captain of Miners who
has a care of carrying them on, when the Generall has resolved
where they shall be.

And not only from my own observations, but by what I have
learn'd from others who haue had more experience and seen more
seruice then myself, I find and am settled in my opinion, That no
Generall ought wholly to confide in any Ingeneer for the carrying
on of a Trench, it being not reasonable to beleeve, that one who is
to be allways there, will hazard or expose himself as far as Officers,
who are to take their turns, and who are push'd on by emulation
of each other to make dispatch, and carry on the seruice with all
diligence: And besides it gives more opportunity to Officers to
understand that work, then otherwise they would haue; which
appears most plainly by the Army of the Hollanders, for there,
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1653 THE SURRENDER OF MOUSSON

where all was resolv'd on by their Generall 6 upon consultation
with the Ingeneers and the overseers, few Officers ever arrived at
any knowledge in carrying on the Trenches, their imployment
being only to guard them, and the workmen, and command their
Soldiers to fire ? they not being answerable for the advancing of the
work: so that unless an Officer were naturaly industrious to learn
and applyd himself to it, he received but small improvement. But
what I have said concerning the carrying on of their approches in
Holland, I confess I have not spoken of my own knowledge, but
only from hear-say of persons, whose judgment and integrity I
suppose I may reasonably trust: yet this I can affirm, that I have
known very few of whatsoever Nation who were much the better
for what they had learn'd in that Country; th5 1 haue known many
good Officers who haue serv'd there, yet they gain'd their experi
ence els where.

At this Seige was made no line of Circumvallation ; for besides
that wee were affraid in case wee had gone about it, so much time
would haue been taken up, that the Enemy would haue compass'd
their business, and gain'd Rocroy, before wee could haue taken
Mousson (and then our Lines would haue signified litle to us) the
Situation of the place was such by reason of the River Chiers,
which cover'd us on the Luxembourg side, and then runs into the
Meuse betwixt us and Sedan, that it was in stead of a line to us to
hinder smaller succours from being put into the Town ; wee having
small advanced guards upon all the passes of that River, so that
nothing could come that way without being discovered, and that
time enough to be prevented. On the other side the Enemy was so
thorowly imployd at their Seige of Rocroy, that they could not
think of endeavouring to releeve Mousson.

On the same day when the Town was surrendered, which was
the 27th of September, wee march'd to Amblemont in our way
towards Rocroy with intention to try what could be done in order
to the releif of it ; but when wee were come as far as Varnicour, wee
heard of its being delivered up.

After these two Seiges, there happen'd litle of Action betwixt
either Armys during the remainder of the Campagne; for besides

6 In the French MS. (p. 113) James ascribes this habit to le feu Prince d'Orange',
and what Mows (eight or nine lines) is a very brief summary of what he says in the
Life.

CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1653

that the Season of the year was too far spent to undertake any con
siderable Seige, the Spanish Army had suffered much more at
Rocroy, then wee at Mousson, and their numbers were so dimi-
nish'd, that out of that consideration, and our keeping so closs to
them, therby to prevent our frustating any new undertaking, they
durst attempt no more that year; but imployd their time in
marches and countermarches, on the other side of the Somme,
eating up all the forage of the fronteers, as wee did on this side of
the same River in observing all their motions.

But while wee thus continued to hold them in play on that Side
of the Country, the Court having got together some troopes, be
sides the guards of horse and foot, which are constantly attending
on it, and some which were detach'd to them from the Army, un
dertook the Seige of St Menehou, which at first was carryd on by
three Lieutt Genlls; Monsr. de Navaille commanding the troopes
belonging to the Court, Mr. de Castelnau those which were sent
from Monsr. de Turenne, and Monsr. d'Vxelles such as had been
spar'd out of Monsr. de la Ferte's troopes. And tho two of these
three above nam'd were as able Officers for all Sorts of Duty as
any others in the Kingdom of France, and tho Mr. de Castelnau
tho not so proper for feil Seruice understood the business of a
Seige as well as any man, yet these three being all in equall com
mand, manag'd the main affaire so ill, and went so slowly on with
it, that the Cardinal was forced to send the Mareshall de Plessis-
Praslin to take the supreme command upon him, after which the
Seige advanced with more Success.

Some days after the begining of this Seige, M. de la Ferte with
the greatest part of his horse came and quartered about * * * 7 to
hinder any releif from coming into the place, because the Duke of
Lorraine was marching down that way with his Army. In the
mean time M. de Turenne was quartered with his forces behind
the Somme betwixt Roye and Corbie; from which place seeing
litle probability of action there, I ask'd leave of Mr. de Turenne
to go to the Seige of St Menehou; and being obliged to take
Chalons sur Marne in my way thither, at which place the Court
then resided, I was stayd so long on one pretence or other in that

7 There is a blank here in the Life (I, 190). The MS. Campagnes avoids the diffi
culty by merely saying that La Ferte marched to prevent the Due de Lorraine from
bringing help to Sainte-M^n6hould (p. 115).

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1653 THE SURRENDER OF SAINTE-MfiN&HOULD

Town, some times for want of Convoy, another while, upon the
news of the King's removal within a day or two, so that they could
not spare any; that notwithstanding my continuall pressing to be
gone, the Town of St Menehou sent out to treat of a surrender the
same day I waited on the King of France to the Castle of Ham,
which is within two leagues of St Menehou: so that I miss'd the
seeing of that Seige, and went the next day with his Maty to view
the approches, and the breach which had been made in the body
of the place, before they came to Articles of Capitulation. 8

8 ... 'avant qu'elle [la pkce] battit la Chamade' (MS. Campagncs, p. 115) -a
more picturesque expression for 'to sound a parley'. The Life (I, 191) has an addi
tional paragraph as follows:

'Thus ends the Relation given of this Campagne by his Royall Highness, who upon
the removall of the French Court, return'd likewise to Paris where he arrived the
beginning of Xber, and there spent the ensuing winter: towards the end of which, the
King his Brother took his resolution of leaving France by reason of the Treaty of
Amity then of foot between that Crown and Oliver Cromwell newly made Pro
tector; For Cardinal Mazarin thought it at that time necessary for the preservation of
the French Monarchy, to keep fair with that Vsurper. The Duke attended his
Brother on his way towards Germany as fir as Chantilly, where they took leave of
each other, in hopes of a more happy meeting thereafter.'

155

BOOK II

Of The Wars In Flanders

THE DUKE OF YORK'S
THIRD CAMPAIGN IN FRANCE

THIS Year the French Army under the Command of Monsr.
de Turenne, and the Mareshall de la Ferte, was not as
sembled soon enough to prevent the Spaniards from beseiging
Arras, On the third of July they satt down before it, with an Army
consisting of thirty thousand men well furnish'd with all things
necessary for so great an Enterprise. One thing which induced
them to undertake that Seige, was their being advertis'd of the
weaknes of the Garrison, which was not So strong as it ought to
haue been, tho not so weak as to oblige the Governour to quit any
of his outworkes which were very great. Our Generalls being sen
sible of this defect, sent away about a thousand horse in three
bodies, one commanded by the Chevalier of Crequi, another by
Monsr. de St Lieu, and the third by the Baron of Equan court. St
Lieu got into the Town with about two hundred horse, the first
or second night after the Town was invested, through the Prince
Conde's quarter; The Baron d'Equan court two nights after him
with three hundred horse through the Lorraine's quarter, and the
Chevalier de Crequi forced his passage into the Town some days

* 'Of the Campagne here ensuing Ms Royall Highness gives the following account
in his Memoires 5 (Life) ed. Clarke, I, 192). I here reprint the tezt of the Clarke
edition (pp. 192-243) for the same reason as applied to the entry for 1653. See
above, p. 128.

The entry in the French MS. (p. 116) is headed:
Memoires du due d'York
Liv. II

des Guerres en Fkndres
An 1654.

156

1654 THE SIEGE OF ARRAS

after both, through the Spanish quarter before the Line was
finished. This was all the succour could be spar'd from the French
Army. As for foot, wee durst not venture to send any, it being so
plaine a Country about the Town, that they might haue been
easily discovered and defeated when once the Enemy had taken up
their quarters before the Place.

Another reason why they lay down before Arras was, that wee
had beseiged Stenay ; which place they hop'd would haue endur'd
so long, and taken up so many Troopes, that they might have
compassed their design before wee could haue ended our Seige, or
at least as soon ; and that, during this, our Army would not be of
strength enough to undertake any thing upon them which indeed
was not ill conjectur'd : for wee were (so) very weak that wee stirr'd
not from about Peronne to approche their Lines till about the 1 6th
of July, when wee heard they were near finish'd, for fear of ingag-
ing ourselves so near a great Army, in a Country so bare and
open,

I joyn'd the Army by Peronne before they march'd, being to
Serve that year in quality of one of the Lieutenant Generalls, under
Monsr. de Turenne, and tooke my day according to the date of
my Commission as the youngest who serv'd in that Army. About
the 1 6th, as I have sayd, wee began our march towards Arras, and
camp'd at a Village call'd Sains, near Sauchy-Cauchy which lys
betwixt Cambray and Arras about five leagues distant from the
last of these places ; The next day wee continued our march to
Mouchy-le-Preux, 1 Mr. de Turenne taking that compass about
the Country to cover himself by some brookes, that in case the
Enemy should draw out upon him, he might be able to avoide
fighting, And he was so cautious the day before he came to
Mouchy-le-Preux, that when he arrived at a brooke which was
half a league short of the foremention'd place, he there drew up
his Army in battell, and afterwards passed over himself with some
horse and dragoons to view the ground where he intended to in-
campe, and gave not orders for the Army to come over to him till
the evening, but stayd upon the place to see if the Enemy had any
intentions of drawing out against him ; resolving that in case they
should that day haue attempted any thing, our Army should not

1 f Mouchy-le-Preux' is the spelling in the Clarke edition, here reproduced. It
should be Monchy-le-Preux.

CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1654

haue gone over: When evening came, and the Enemy appeared
not, wee passed the brooke, but it was then so late that nothing
could be attempted by them in all lykelyhood for that night.

Our Troopes no sooner were camp'd, but they fell to work
about our Line, every Regiment both of horse and foot labouring
at it on that part which lay before them; and this they perform'd
with So much diligence, that next day they were in some toller-
able posture of defence; but when once it was finished wee
thought ourselves absolutely secure, it being a very advantageous
post, and not of too great a front, for the Army wee had then ; The
brooke which I have already mention'd covering our left wing, as
the Scarpe did our right: so that if the Enemy had drawn out to
engage us there, when we first put ourselves in battell in that post
of Mouchy-le-Preux, or before our Lines were finished, wee should
haue had faire play for it, notwithstanding they were so much
stronger, because they could not outfront us nor fall into our
flankes ; And wee had so good an opinion of our own courage, as
never to be unwilling to venture an Engagement with them where
they could not outwing us.

I have heard since when I was in Flanders and elswhere, many
taxing the Spaniards for not coming out against us the first day of
our being in that post, or as wee came to possess ourselves thereof;
and some report that the Prince of Conde proposed it to the
Spaniards: But I can not affirme this, neither will I take it upon
myself to censure them for not doing it, because I have not heard
their reasons for this omission, though they may be easily con-
jectur'd. But whither they had it under their consideration or not,
wee took our precautions in coming thither, as if wee believ'd
they would make some attempt on us; and, being once posted,
wee lost no time to intrench ourselves : for certainly that post of
Mouchy was very strong, because that not only both our flancks
were cover'd, as I have alread said, but also our Line ran along
upon a heigth from Mouchy which was in the midst, and both
overlooked and commanded on either side down to the brooke and
River of Scarpe; So that had the Enemy advanced upon us in the
day time, our canon, which for the most part were planted on that
height of Mouchy, would haue gall'd them terribly, after which
wee had still the advantage of the ground.

Monsieur de Turenne's own quarter was at this place of
158

1654 THE SIEGE OF ARRAS

Mouchy, having with him the greatest number of his foot, his
horse were incamp'd on two Lines, which reached to the brooke,
together with the rest of his foot; Monsr. de la Ferte had his quar
ter at the right hand of all our Line down by the side of the River
Scarpe, at a Village called Peule. One part of his foot were in-
camped by him, the other part at Mouchy, and his horse also upon
two Lines betwixt Mouchy and his quarter : Our reserue was in
its proper place just behind Mr. de Turenne's quarter, which was
in the midst. Thus our Incampment was in order of battell, only
wee had some foot at each extremity of our Lines, and in the midst
of our wings of horse, that our Line might be the better defended.
When wee were thus posted, and our Line finished, wee sent
out considerable partys of horse, almost every night, to hinder any
Convoys from coming into the Enemie's Camp; and notwith
standing that they sate down before Arras as well appointed with
all things necessary, as was usuall for Armys at that time, yet so
great a body of men as they were within their Lines was of neces
sity to haue some communication with their own Country; and
whether it was, that they were really in want of powder, or that it
was only out of precaution, from almost the first days of our being
in their neighbourhood, they sent out partys of horse to supply
them with it, which went to Douay, Cambray, and other places of
theirs, and some of their Garrisons sent to them, each trooper
carrying a bag of fifty pound weight of powder behind his horse:
These partys they kept continually going, scarsely intermitting
any night, and tho wee had partys very often abroad to intercept
them, it was never our fortune to surprise any of them, the Coun
try being so very open, that unless by accident they should fall
into the midst of our partys, they could not be intercepted : Yet
wee seldom sent out less then a thousand or twelve hundred horse
under the command of some Lieutenant Generall, who march' d
out of the Camp in the evening. They who were sent abroad out
(of) Monsr. de Turenne's Army, posting themselves betwixt the
Camp and Bapaume in some Valley or other place where they
could not be easily discovered, till they came out against the
Enemy, having small outguards round about them to give notice
of any thing that passed and, besides them, Gentry's every way
that they might not be surpriz'd; and Mr. de la Ferte did the like
on his Side, his party's advancing betwixt the Camp and Lens.

159

CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1654

But though neither ours, nor his could meet with any of these
powder-carriers, yet by an accident hapening amongst themselves,
one of their Convoyes chanced to miscarry; For one night as wee
"were with Mr. de Turenne, visiting the guards, wee perceived a
great blaze of fire, quick and violent like that of the blowing up of
gunpowder; and it seem'd to us, as if it had been at the quarter of
Monsr. de la Ferte : But as (we) went down that way to inquire of
it, our Sentinels who were upon the heigth of Mouchy, inform'd
us, that they had likewise seen it, and that it was not where wee
had imagined, but on the plaine farr beyond those quarters to
wards Lens, which caus'd us to wonder the more what it might be.
The next morning wee were fully Satisfied concerning it, that an
entire Regiment of horse, consisting of Six score, going from
Douay to the Enemie's Camp, all of them Officers as well as
Souldiers having behind them a bagg of powder, besides about
fourscore horses laden with hand grenades, which were led by
Countrymen on foot, had been all blown up, but by what accident,
none of those who were brought prisoners into the Camp could
tell. Indeed it was a very dismall object, to behold a great number
of poor men, who were brought into our Camp with their faces
disfigur'd and their bodies burnt by powder, so that few of them
recover 7 d> their Companions having been all kill'd outright.
These prisoners were brought in by some of our partys who were
out on that side of the Country, who seeing the flash at a great dis
tance, rode up to the place to gaine a more clear knowledge of the
matter; they also brought along with them some few scorch'd
horses, and a paire of kittle drums which belong' d to that Regi
ment, and all the men who had any life remaining in them. I
happen 'd since, when I was in Flanders, to talke with a Lieutenant
of horse who was the only man that could give an account, how
that accident befell them; for seeing his face had been burnt, I
casually ask'd him how he came by that misfortune? He answer'd
me, that it was by the blowing up of powder at such a time near
Arras; and upon my examining him concerning the particulars of
it, he told me, That happening to be in the Rear of the whole
Regiment, he saw one of the Troopers with a pipe of tobacco
lighted in his mouth; wherupon he rode up to him, and taking it
gently from him, threw it away after which he beat him with his
sword: The Soldier being drunke, pull'd out his pistol, and pre-
160

1654 THE SIEGE OF ARRAS

sen ted it to his breast; upon which the Lieutenant threw himself
from his horse apprehending what might happen, and the Trooper
at the same instant firing at him, it lighted on the bag behind the
sd Lieutenant's horse, which taking fire, blew it up, and so, from
one successiuely to the other who was next, it spred through the
whole Regiment: he being on the ground escap'd best cheape,
having only his face, his hands, and some parts of his bod
scorched.

This accident was So very remarkable, that I could not but
mention it, especially because it was the only party of the Enemy
which miscarryd, or which indeed wee mett with excepting twice ;
one which was rencountred by the Marquess de Richelieu com
manded by the Comte de Lorge, but there the advantage was not
on our side, for the Comte resolutely forc'd his way through the
Marquess's men, beat them, and took three or four of his Cap
tains, loosing only twelve horses laden with powder, and getting
safe with the rest into the Lines of their own Camp. The other was
yet of worse consequence to us, by the considerable loss wee Sus-
tain'd in the person of Monsr. de Beaujeu, the Lieut Genii who
commanded our party: he being sent out by Mr. de Turenne with
a body of eight hunderd horse, and having notice of a Convoy
which was to come into the Enemy's Lines by the way of * * * 2
immediatly taking that way about break of day he mett a party of
the Enemy commanded by Mr. Druot (Drooi) a Colonell coming
from the Enemies Camp; the numbers of both sides were in a
manner equall, but the Enemy had no advertisement of our being
there; yet it so happened that most of our men were at that time
dismounted from their horses, expecting intelligence of the Sup
posed party which came the other way, which made it easy for
Droots men to overrun as they did the two first Squadrons, before
they could mount; And as for Beaujeu, his misfortune was such,
that as he was going to put the next Squadron in order, he was
slayn, and that body also beaten: So that if the Regiment of
Beauuau (Beauveau) had not made a stand, and put a stop to the
Violence of the Enemy, by beating their first Squadron which had
done all this execution, Our whole party had been absolutly de
feated. But this advantage gave leasure to the rest of our men to
put themselves in order, and to receive a charge from the Enemy,
2 There is also a blank in the MS. (p. 122).

161

CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1654

which was not very vigorous, Droot having been hurt in the for
mer by the Regiment de Beauveau ; so that there was no great mis-
cheif done at that bout on either side, they only disordering each
other: wherupon the Enemy, not knowing the certain number of
our men, and fearing they might be stronger then indeed they
were, judg'd it convenient for them to march away, and our
Soldiers having lost their Commander were enough content to es
cape as they did, and thought not of following them ; so that in this
action, it might be said that both were beaten: As for the number

' O

of the Slayn and prisoners on either side, it was very inconsider
able excepting the loss of our Lieut. General!,

For my own particular I was once a broad in my turn, with
about a thousand horse, and being posted in a litle Valley with my
party, my Centryes being out every side, a party of the Enemy
consisting of an hundrd horse coming from their Camp to go for
Cambray, surprised a Corporall and two Centryes, just as he was
about to releive them; who being ask'd by those who had made
them prisoners, what our numbers were? The Corporall answer'd,
About a hunderd, and that most of us were dismounted, feeding
our horses : which they beleeving came furiously down upon us at
a great gallop their trumpett sounding the charge before them ;
but when they were with in pistoll-shott of us, perceiving their mis
take, and that in stead of a small party, and those off their horses,
they were to deal with severall Squadrons all on horseback, they
retired faster then they had come on : Which I observing, was a
moment in doubt what I should do, imagining at first they would
never haue advanced with so much fury, if they had not been well
seconded; but immediatly weighing with how much precipitation
they ran off, I concluded their number to be no more then what I
saw, wherupon I ordered the Squadron upon the head of which I
was, to disband after them, myself with the rest riding softly
after: but they made such hast, that our Soldiers could not over
take them; yet they escap'd not, for they fell into the hands of
another party of ours, which took them every man. The same
morning also, another party of theirs was taken by me; for as I
was marching back towards the Camp, a small detachment of
mine brought me word, that they had discovered about a hundred
horse of the Enemy, putting themselves in ambuscade a litle be
fore day in a neighbouring Village: upon which intelligence I

162

1654 THE SIEGE OF ARRAS

marched with my whole party as near the Village as I could, with
out being seen by them, sending a small number of my men to
draw them out of their ambuscade; with order, that when the
Enemy came out to charge them, they shou'd retire to the main
body. This they performed so dexterously, that the Enemy were
closse upon us before they perceived us, So that none of them
escap'd from being taken.

While these things pass'd without the Camps, the Enemy be
fore Arras having finished their Line on the I4th August open'd
their Trenches the same night, following the Seige with all man
ner of diligence, and pressing the Town so very hard, that tho
Monsr. de Mondejeu who was Governour, performed all the parts
of an expert Commander, and was assisted by Monsr. de St Lieu,
the Cheualier de Crequi and the Baron d'Equancourt, with all
imaginable gallantry; yet the Spaniard gained ground upon him
every day, and by the * * * 3 of August had made themselves mas
ters of the corne de Guiche, and not only of the outward but of the
inward also, as may be seen by the plan of it; continuing to push
on their work with vigour, notwithstanding the resistance which
they found. This obliged the Governour to send out severall Mes
sengers to our Generalls, some of which came safely into our Camp
to inform us of the condition of the place.

One of these Messengers having swallow' d the Note he
brought, wrapt up in lead (that in case he had been taken and
searched it might not haue been found about him) and coming at
a time when the Generalls were very impatient to hear from the
Town, the Messenger was not able to voyd the paper in above 24
houres, though severall purges were given him to bring it out of
his body: This gave them great anxiety, and particularly Monsr.
de la Fert cryd out with a great passion, Ilfaut eventrer le coquinl
'the rascall must haue his belly ript up', since he will not voyd it:
This put the fellow into such a fright, that being then just at the
door of the Tente, the peice of lead came immediatly from him;
and by the account it brought, made us defer attacking the Lines
of the Enemy before the Stenay troopes were come up to us, the
Town not being so prest as wee had reason to beleeve it was by
some letters wee had intercepted from the Enemy's Camp to some
in Flanders, wherin they confidently affirm'd they should be masters
3 There is a similar blank in the MS. (p. 1 24).

163

CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1654

of the Town by St Laurence's day at furthest; which with the news
wee had from the Army before Stenay, that the Seige there did not
advance so fast as wee expected, and so no liklyhood of having
those troopes before that day, had made our Generalls resolve not
to stay for them, and forthwith to attacke the Lines, ordering
every Squadron of horse and battalion of foot to provide them
selves with such a number of fascines and hurdles within two days.
The reason of this provision was, because the Enemy had made
without the utmost ditch of their Line, about six rowes of holes,
of a foot and a half or two foot diameter, and three foot in depth,
that our horse might not be able to pass to the edge of the out
ditch, and with the help of these hurdles wee hop'd to get over
them: But as I have already Said, those apprehensions were all
blown over by the Note which the Messenger had brought them,
and by the good news which arriv'd the next day from before
Stenay, which imported that it would soon be taken; They
thought it reasonable therfore to attend the coming of those
troopes, and in the mean time wee continued our preparations for
attacking the Lines when it should be judg'd fitt.

About the * * * 4 of August wee had notice from Mr. d'Hoc-
quincourt, to whom the Court had newly given the Command of
the troopes that had been before Stenay (for it was not he but Mr.
Faber Governour of Sedan who had commanded them before
when they took Stenay) that he was within * * * 5 days march of
the French Army, and desir'd to know whither he should come
up and joine us, or incampe at some other place; to which they
returned this answer, That Monsr. de Turenne wou'd meet him
with fifteen squadrons of horse at * * * and that if Mr. d'Hoc-
quincourt would come thither before and bring with him all his
horse, they too would go together, and view a post upon the brook
(de Crinchon) 1 near Riuiere ; where they beleeved would be found a
convenient place for him to campe, and where by intrenching him
self a litle, he might be secure from any attempt which the Enemy
could make on him.

Accordingly Monsr. de Turenne and the other, mett at the

4 There is also a blank in the MS. (p. 1 26).

5 This part of the sentence is omitted in the MS.

6 *a un certain endroit' in the MS.

7 Not in the MS.

164

i6$4 THE SIEGE OF ARRAS

place appointed on the lyth of August: But instead of going as
they had resolved, to view that post, having immediatly received
notice of a great Convoy coming to the Enemy from St Omer and
Aire, by the way of St Paul, under the command of Mr. de Boutte-
ville, they march'd away on the instant with their horse, and left
word for Mr. d'Hocquincourt's foot, canon, and baggage which
was then about Bapaume, to make what expedition they could
after them to St Paul ; taking their way by Buquoy, and so along
by the woods, to cover them as much as they could possibly, be
cause they had no horse to guard them. In the mean time, wee
with the Cavalry were come as far as St Paul, where wee had in
telligence that the Convoy having had notice of our coming that
way, was return'd to Ayre, for which reason wee went no farther
after them: But finding the enemy had possessed themselves of
that Town, and had left four or five hundred dismounted troopes
in it for its defence, it was thought fitt by our two Generalls to
stay where wee were till our foot came up, and then to attack it, it
being a very considerable post which had been of great seruice to
the Enemy; for most of their Convoys had come Safely to them by
that way, and it was their usuall resting place betwixt their garri
sons on that side of the Country and their Camp, so that it was
necessary for us to take it from them. It cost us litle time and
labour, for as soon as our foot and cannon were come up which
was on the i8th when our Batterys were made, they capitulated,
and, as I remember, were made prisoners of warr.

This being performed, the next day wee marched back towards
the Lines and quartered at Aubigny, where, coming early to our
quarters, Monsr. de Turenne according to his custome took with
him a Squadron or two of horse and went on towards the Enemies
Lines; and when he was come near an old Roman Camp, which
was call'd by the Country-men Coesar's Camp, 8 where the Scarpe
and a litle brook joyne together, he found the Enemy had there an
advanced guard of horse, which "upon our coming towards them
retir'd to the other side of the brook; by which means Monsr. de
Turenne had the leisure to view that post which was not distant
from the Line of the Enemy above twice cannon shott.

And he found it so proper for his turn, that he propos'd it to
Monsr. d'Hocquincourt, as a much securer and better post to all
* 'Camp de C&ar.'

I6 5

CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1654

intents, then that of Riuiere: Wherupon the next day being the
20th wee march'd thether, and to render it yet more secure,
Monsr. d'Hocquincourt ordered his men to make a Line from the
River to the brook; and finding that the Enemy had put five hun-
derd men into the Abbey of Mount St Eloy, which was but just
on the other side of the River, he resolved to attack it the next day
notwithstanding its neighbourhood to the Enemies Lines; that by
possessing it he might the better keep them in.

Being thus resolved, the next morning early he passed the River,
which is there but very small, and drew up all those troopes in
battell betwixt the Abbey and the Line, excepting such of the foot
as were commanded to attack the place: At first the Enemy made
shew as if they intended to mentain the Outwall, but upon the ad
vancing of our foot they quitted it, and retir'd into the Abbey it
self which had a good old wall about it, flancked with round
Towers. So soon as wee were masters of the Outwall, wee made
Embraseurs through it for our canon, and began to batter the
wall of the Abbey; But finding that our canon could not do much
at so great a distance, wee rais'd a slight battery, which was in
deed no more then a blind within the Outwall, and brought the-
ther our great guns, where in four hours they began to make a
breach, and while the canon perform'd their part, the foot did
theirs also: for having got by the shelter of some walks, and litle
garden-walls within pistoll-shott of the foot of the main-wall, they
fastened a Miner to it by the help of Madriers, and just as the
Miner was ready to go on with those who were to carry the plancks
to secure him, our foot which were cover'd by the garden-walls
drew out from behind them, and stood firing as fast as they were
able, for half a quarter of an hour together, at the Enemys loop
holes, that the Miner might lodge himself with more safety;
which being done they drew back behind the walls again. They
were the French and Suisse Guards who perform'd this, and not
withstanding they approched so very near, and were seen from
head to foot when they drew out, yet they lost very few men in the
Action. At the same time the Regiment de la Marine found the
means of lodging themselves, by the favour of a litle banck close
to the Tower which wee were battering: so that those within the
Abbey thought it was now high time for them to capitulate, which
they did, yeelding up the Abbey and themselves prisoners of warr.

166

1654 THE SIEGE OF ARRAS

This being done. Monsieur d'Hocquincourt drew back over
the brook to Coesar's Camp, and Monsr. de Turenne march'd
away from thence, with his fifteen Squadrons of horse and two
Troopes of Dragoons, to his own Camp. In his way thether he re
solved to take a view of the Enemies Line on that Side, and in
order to it, march'd down from Mont St Eloy, straight upon them,
till he came within half canon shott of them, and so keeping still
the same distance from their Line, continued his march round that
part of it which was on that side of the River Scarpe, till he had
fully view'd it. During all this time the cannon shott from the
Line playd hard upon us, and not without doing execution, there
being not any of the Squadrons that escap'd without the loss of
two or three men at least, and many of them lost more, besides
horses, which caus'd some of the old horse Officers to murmure
that they should be expos'd in that manner, as they then thought,
to no purpose. And this was the only time while I serv'd in the
French Army, that I ever knew Monsr. de Turenne blam'd for
hazarding his men unnecessarily. But the same Officers acknow
ledge they were in the wrong for taxing their Generall, after wee
had forced those Lines which they came then to obserue; for then
the reason was evident why he exposed not only his men, but his
own person to that danger, it being at that very time, that he chose
the place where he resolved to attack the Line. And indeed had he
not gone so near with his whole body, the Enemys horse guards
would not haue retired as they did within their Line ; and then he
could not haue view'd it so exactly, for wee approched so near with
some few loose horse, that Mr. Jermyn's (Lord Germainf horse
was kilFd under him with a small shott from the Line, which
peirced him through and gave his master a terrible blow on the
leg afterwards.

Thus Monsr. de Turenne by passing so near them, had the op
portunity of viewing most exactly the strength of each quarter of
the Enemy, all their troopes standing to their armes as wee
marched along by them. He observed the quarter of Don Fer
nando de Solis to be the weakest, not only in men, but in the forti
fication of it; for which reason he resolv'd to make his strongest
impression there. Some of our Officers as wee were marching

9 The MS. Campagnts (p. 130) lias 'Mr. Germain*, but the reference is probably
to Jennyn.

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CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1654

down towards the Lines from Mont St Eloy, were bold enough to
represent to Monsr. de Turenne, the extreme hazard which he
ran by going so near the Enemy in so open a Country, who (where]
they could tell every man wee had, and therby knowing our
force, might draw out and defeat us without any danger to them
selves; which he freely acknowledg'd they might do, and that
were it on the Prince Conde's side as it was on the Spaniards, he
would not haue made the Venture: but having serv'd amongst the
Spaniards, he well knew their methods of proceeding, And he was
certain, that upon our first approche towards their Lines, Don
Fernando de Solis would not dare to do any thing of himself,
without sending first to the Count of Fuensaldagne who was
Governador de las Armas; and the Count would either go himself
or send to advertise the Archduke of it: after which they would
send to the Prince of Conde, whose quarter was quite on the other
side, and give him notice, at the same time desiring him to come
to the Archduke's quarter where they were, to haue a Junto to
consider what must be done on that occasion; And while this con
sultation which must pass through so many formes was making,
wee should haue leisure to view their Lines, and afterwards to pass
by them without running any other hazard then that of their canon
from their Lines. It happen'd just as he had foretold it would, and
all those very Formalities were actually observed by the Spani
ards, as the Prince of Conde himself told me afterwards in Flan
ders ; but by that time they had resolved at their Junto to fall upon
us, wee were wholly out of their danger and gotten in to our Camp.
Monsieur de Turenne having taken this view, it was now time
for us to put some thing in execution in order to releeve the Town;
for by a letter from the Governour, our Generalls had notice that
he had very litle pouder left, so that unless he were speedily suc-
cour'd he must be forced to capitulate* This hastened our resolu
tion of attacking their Lines ; which had never been attempted but
by the means of Monsr. de Turenne, who considered nothing but
the public good, and the carrying of the King's Seruice; most of
the other Generall Officers having by-ends and interests of their
own, which made them declare openly against the taking of such a
resolution, and oppose it with all the arguments they could in
vent. For Mr. de la Fert, he was unwilling to run the hazard of
losing so many of his Soldiers, as in all probability must be kill'd

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1654 PLANS FOR THE RELIEF OF ARRAS

in the attempt; for being of so much consideration at Court by
reason of his troopes, he was unwilling they should be lessened.
Monsr. d'Hocquincourt was Governour of Perone 5 which if
Arras was once taken, would then more fronteer then it was be-
fore> and a considerable part of the contributions belonging to
that place, would fall to him : The same reason prevail'd with Mr.
de Navailles Governour of Bapaume, and with Monsr. de Bar
Governour of Dourlans, both of the Lieutenant Generalls; and
most of the rest, excepting only myself and the Count de Broglio
looking on it as a desperate peice of sendee, gave their opinions
against the attack; for by weaving the attempt they secur'd their
persons, and if the attempt were made and succeeded not, they
might be able to say, it was undertaken contrary to their judg
ment: And this is not sayd as my bare conjecture, but was very
apparent; for Monsr. d'Hocquincourt and his Officers propos'd
to make a tentative, as they calFd it, or an offer, without pushing
for the Saving of our honours, judging it impossible to effect the
Enterprise. M. de la Ferte even after it was resolved on, a day or
two before the attack, sent his Trumpett to Monsr. de Turenne,
hoping by the Relation he should give, to fright him from attempt
ing it, which appear'd by the manner of his coming; for he came
in to Monsr. de Turenne's Tent as he sat at Supper with severall
Officers, and told him, he was sent by his Master to give him an
account of what he had seen in the Enemies Lines, he being newly
come from thence, and adding, that he was bound in conscience to
give him a true relation of it. He then told him, That they had
made their Lines extraordinarly strong, having inlarged their
ditch and raised their Line; that their out ditch was very difficult
to pass, and that without it there were severall ranks of holes, with
stakes betwixt every hole, and that their Lines were well furnish'd
with Souldiers to defend them. Upon this Monsr. de Turenne
grew angry, and commanded him to be gone, telling him withall,
That were it not for the respect he bore his Master, he would
haue layd him by the heels for talking in that manner: For indeed
this discourse being made in a publick place, might haue been of
ill consequence to discourage all who heard it, had they not
guessed he had been ordered by Monsr. de la Fert6 to give this
tragicall account.

But Monsr. de Turenne's judgment was too well settled, to give

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way of his artifices. So that in stead of suffering his own reason to
be shaken by them, he made the falsness of their arguments
appear. As for the tentative, he convinced those who upheld it,
that they (were) under a manifest mistake, for in stead of saving
their reputation it would haue a quite contrary effect; because by
making a faint (feinf) attempt, without pursuing it, everyone
would see they intended nothing more, so that they should haue
the disrepute of Sacrifising two or three hundred men to no pur
pose: And then as to the probability of our succez in attacking the
Line, he said, Wee should fall on with no less then fifteen bat-
tallions upon one front, that some of these would find none to
oppose them or at worst only some scatter'd men ; That those who
found no form'd body to make resistance, would doubtless fix
themselves on the Line where they fell on, and that consequently
all the rest of our foot coming to that place, if they could not force
their way where they attack'd, must by being masters of the fire,
beat off the Enemy and make an entrance for the horse; That by
attacking them in the night, one quarter durst not come to the
assistance of the other, for that by reason of the false attacks, each
fearing for himself, would not dare to forsake his Station, and help
his Neighbour till break of day, and before that time wee should
haue forced our passage through their Lines; That what he most
apprehended was some disorder or accident in our march thether,
for he was very confident, that were wee once ready drawn up,
where wee intended our attack, wee should be able to force our
way; And to strengthen these his reasons, the Court was abso
lutely for the attempt, so that infine it was resolv'd on, notwith
standing all the trickes and reluctance of those who oppos'd it.

The time appointed was the Eve of St Lewis his day, being
the night of the 24th of August; and tho none in the Army be
sides the three Generalls knew the certain time, yet the whole
Army had orders to prepare for it, and to provide themselves of
fascines and hurdles and all other necessaries for such an under
taking; neither were they obliged only to make these prepara
tions, but those which were full as necessary, which were publick
prayers at the head of each Battalion and Squadron for severall
days before, and as many as could, confessed, and received the
blessed Sacrament: So that I am confident no Army ever show'd
more markes of true deuotion then ours at that time. And now

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1654 PREPARATIONS FOR THE RELIEF OF ARRAS

that the night for the attack drew near, Monsr. de Turenne did on
all occasions discourse with the Officers concerning the mafiere of
it, and what resistance wee were like to find, instructing them how
co behave themselves according to the Severall occasions which
might arise, and accidents which might happen: But above all
things he recommended to them the care of keeping their Men in
perfect order when they were once with in the Lines, and to be
very cautious that they advanced not too fast, after they were
gotten in ; for then was the criticall time of care and discipline,
there being more danger of being beaten out, then there was
hazard in entring, for it was to be expected that all the forces of
the other quarters would come powring in upon us : and that wee
shou'd not think of going straight forward to the Town, but shou'd
march along the Line and clear that before us, and beat the Enemy
before wee thought of marching to our freinds. These kind of dis
courses he had every day with his Officers, as occasion was pre
sented, in common talk, and more especially with the Generall
Officers. And I am apt to beleeve that from this manner of con
versation, historians haue made speeches for many Generalls who
never made any to their Armys when they were upon the point of
giving battell; for such ordinary discourses as I have mentioned,
appear to me to be much more usefull then set fonnall speeches,
which can not be heard but by very few, in an open field, where
they are commonly feign'd by writers to haue been spoken:
whereas by familiar conversation with Several Officers, the
Generall do's not only instruct them much better, and at more
leisure, but is ready at the same time to answer any of their objec
tions, and to clear any doubt which may arase. I know not whither
any of the two other Generalls did the same, but I am a witness
that it was done by Monsieur de Turenne.

And now all things being fully prepared for the attack, all the
men of quality at Court, who were of age to draw a sword, came
from thence into our Army to haue their share both of the honour
and the danger of so great an undertaking. And some of them
happening to dine with Monsr. de Turenne, and myself, at the
Marquess d'Humieres his tent, about two days before the attack,
after diner had a desire to see the Enemie's Lines. Monsr. de
Turenne therfore gott on horseback with all those who had din'd
together, and went out of our Line towards one of our out horse-

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guards. Just as wee came out wee saw a small party of ours pur
suing a party of the Enemies, which had fallen on our foragers,
who were then returning to our Camp. Monsr. de Turenne ob
serving this, commanded us who were with him, to try if wee
could get betwixt them and their Line, and cutt off their way, at
the same time ordering the horse guards to second us. But tho
wee were well hors'd, the Enemy got to their guard before wee
could joine them, and upon our advancing up towards the Enemy,
they drew into their Line, and left some few foot, which were
making fascines in a litle wood which was about half cannon shott
from their Line, to our mercy; and these wee made prisoners: and
here Monsr. de Turenne took this opportunity of Viewing that
part of their Lines, which he had not seen before.

But he continued not long there, for they plyd us very hard
with their canon, and wee saw them getting in horse back as fast
as they could, So that it was evident they would come out upon us,
it being the Pee of Conde's quarter: Therfore wee drew off and
went towards a Castle call'd Neufville S. Vat which was not above
a league distant, in which wee had foot, and as wee were descend
ing from the high ground on which wee were, wee saw about a
league from us the Convoy of our foragers, consisting of twelve
Squadrons of horse commanded by Monsr. de Plslebonne, a
Lieut Genl, marching home to our Camp.

At the same time Seeing the Enemys horse beginning to draw
our of their Lines, Monsr. de Turenne alter'd his course a litle,
and march'd towards Monsr. de Plslebonne, sending before and
ordering him to come up to us with all speed: Having hopes that
in case the Enemy should follow us, wee should be able to do
somewhat on them. By this time our number was increased, so
that besides the Squadron of guards, which was with us, wee were
about sixty or seventy officers and volonteers: But the Enemy
followed us no further then the top of the hill which was within
canon shott of their Lines, and thether came the Pee of Conde
himself with about fourteen Squadrons of horse. When Monsr. de
Turenne saw they followed us no farther, he sent word again to
Monsr. PIslebonne that he should continue on his march to our
Camp ; and sent back the Squadron of the guards to their post,
himself going with the Officers towards the Castle I have already
mention'd.
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1654 RAISING THE SIEGE OF ARRAS

But he had not gone fair, when some few scatter'd men came
from the heigth, where the Pee of Conde was in person, and en-
deavour'd to gain the top of another rising ground up which wee
were marching, to discover what strength there was behind us ;
which being observ'd by Monsr. de Turenne, he was not willing
they should get above us, and by that means discern that wee had
none to second us, and for that reason commanded out half a
score volonteers to hinder their design ; of which number were
Mr. Jermyn, Mr. Charles Berkley, Briscara, Trigomar, and
others, whose names I do not remember. At the same time wee
drew up in a body upon the top of the hill, and faced towards the
Enemy: But our young Volonteers were not Satisfied with per
forming only what was order'd them, but followed these loose men
farther then in reason they ought to haue done, that is, even to
(the} bottome, which was betwixt us and the Enemys bodys of
horse; which the Pee of Conde seeing, commanded one of his
Squadrons of horse, namely the Regiment d'Estrees with the
Duke of Wirtemberg at their head, to come down at full speed
upon our young men, and endeavour to cutt off the way of their
return. This obliged Monsr. de Turenne to order us with our
small body to meet and charge them, thereby, to disingage our
friends ; And then again he sent for Monsr. de 1'Islebonne and the
Squadron of guards to Second us.

It was all wee could do to save our Volonteers, but in preserving
them wee ingaged ourselves by charging the Duke of Wirtem
berg, and thoug our body was not neer so strong as his, wee
routed him, and pursued him down into a litle meadow, which lay
in the bottom; from thence wee followed him up a litle balk,
where his men turn'd upon us, and gave us a volley of their Cara-
bins, which gave a litle Stop to us by their knocking down severall
of our men and horses. This being observed by the Enemy re-
new'd their courage, and they charg'd down upon us the Second
time with so much vigour, that they forced us back, pressed upon
us, and made us begin to turn our backs. But at the same time the
Squadron of guards, who as they were going to their post had
seen the beginning of the skirmish, came into our releif, and just
as they came up to us, myself and Monsr. de Joyeuse turn'd and
put ourselves at their head, leading them up to charge the Enemy
in the flanck : but at the instand when wee were puting this in exe-

CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1654

cution, the whole Squadron ran and left us two ingaged, non stay-
Ing with us but two or three of our Servants.

Almost at the same point of time Monsr. d'Arcy a gentleman
of quality had his horse kill'd under him, and wee endeavoured to
get him off; I call'd to him to get off, but he seeing a loose horse
which had lost his rider, would needs catch him, and stayd so long
in endeavouring it, that though I and Monsr. de Joyeuse did all
wee could to lay hold of him and gett him off, wee were not able to
performe it; and indeed wee endeavour'd it So long, and ingaged
ourselves so far, that wee were both in danger of being taken, and
had much ado to escape ourselves. As for Monsr. de Joyeuse he
had the misfortune to receive a shott through the Arme, of which
afterwards he dy'd, but I got off without any harme. Mr. Jermyn
was like to haue been taken in endeavouring to save one Beaure
gard, whose horse being also kill'd, he help'd him up behind him,
but the horse would not carry double, and bounding threw him
off; Therupon Jermyn advis'd him to lay hold on his stirrup, by
which means he brought him a litle way from the Enemy, till at
length being press'd by them, he was forced to quit him, and then
Beauregard was made prisoner. Mr. Berkley help'd to get off
Monsr. de Castelneau, whose horse was shott in five places, so
that he was hardly able to bear him from the Enemy; which Berk
ley seeing, dismounted, and lent the other his own horse, after
which he gott upon another on which (one of] Monsr. de Castel-
neau's pages was mounted, and with much difficulty escaped.

The Enemy had the chase of us for almost a mile, and had pur
sued us farther, had not Monsr. de Plslebonne with his twelve
Squadrons come to our relief; but seeing him they retir'd time
enough for their own safety, without being oblidg'd to run for it.
Besides d'Arcy and Beauregard, there were some others taken, and
almost all the pages who were there with their Master's cloakes.
Very few were kill'd and not many hurt; yet it vex'd Monsr. de
Turenne to haue received that litle affront in person, and made
him desirous to haue some kind of revenge, and he hop'd to haue
had it that very night; for having received intelligence that the
Enemy were accustom'd to come out of their Lines and forage in
the night, he resolved to fall upon them.

And to that purpose so soon as it was dark, he march'd out of
his Camp in person with all his horse then in his Camp with him.

1654 RAISING THE SIEGE OF ARRAS

which were about fourty Squadrons, and took along with him
three or four Lieut Generalls, amongst whom he divided them,
himself marching at the head of all : But whither the intelligence
were false, or that they, having notice of our design, were gone off
before wee could reach the place where wee were informed they
us'd to forage when wee came thether wee found no body; so
that having miss'd of our expectations, Monsr. de Turenne made
the Van of that which was the Rear, and march'd back, as he
thought, towards his Camp, The night happened to be exceeding
dark, and our guides mistaking their way, in stead of leading us to
their Camp brought us to the Lines of the Enemy.

It was the Prince of Conde's quarter which they mistook for
ours; and upon the Gentry's asking who went there? they were
answer'd Turenne; he repeated the question, and demanded
farther if it was not Lorraine they meant? but they answer'd again
that it was Turenne, upon which he fir'd at them; Then some of
our men who continued still in their errour, cryd out to him not to
fire, for Mr. de Turenne was there in person : This obliged the
Enemy to fire some few small shott at us, and one great gun, which
absolutely undeceived us, but withall put us into the greatest dis
order imaginable, causing such a panique fear in our common
men, that I was confident, if that moment fourty horse had come
out upon us, wee had been defeated. The cheif, or rather the only
cause of the first disorder was the darkness of the night, our
Squadrons being therby obliged to march so close to one another,
for fear of loosing the File, that upon the sudden stop which was
made by the first Squadron when the Gentry fir'd, those behind
came shouldring one upon another and broke their order; But
upon their firing afterwards from the Line, the formost giving a
litle back and altering their course immediatly to wheel about to
wards their own Camp, the confusion was so great, that of ten
Squadrons which ought to haue been behind mine, there was not
one at our marching back, So that I happened to haue the Reer in
coming oflf; but the hurry was soon over, for wee all gott safe
into our Lines, as also those Squadrons which had lost their way,

This happen'd, as I said, about a day or two before wee attack' d
the Lines, And now our fascines and hurdles and other necessarys
for such an attempt, being fully provided, our Generalls resolv'd
to attack the quarter of Don Fernando Solis with their whole

[76

1654 RAISING THE SIEGE OF ARRAS

forces, as being the weakest in all respects, and farthest distant
from the Prince of Conde : This quarter began on the north side of
the River above the Town, and joyn'd to that of the Count of
Fuensaldagne. To favour this undertaking, three false attacks
were order'd to be made on the other parts of the Line; the time
appointed, an houre before day on the 25th of August.

In performance of this resolution, Monsr. de Turenne and
Monsr. de la Ferte with their two Armys began with the Van of
their troopes to pass over the Scarpe out of Monsr. de la Ferte's
quarters, about Sun sett. It was Monsr. de Turenne's turn that
day to lead, and they had a great march to come to the place ap
pointed for the attack; but it was so well order'd that there hap-
pen'd no confusion in the way, there being very many bridges
over the Scarpe made, and such care taken, that no ill accident
arrived to them in their march. Every man knew his own business.
The first line of the foot pass'd over the bridge, which was on the
left hand of all the others, and nearest to the Enemies Line. On
the next bridge to that on the right hand of them, the horse pass'd
over which were to second them. On the third, the Reserve of
horse and foot : On the next to it, the Traine of Artillery, with all
that belong to it; so that with only faceing to the left wee were in
battalia, and in a readiness to falle on; every battalion having their
Pioneers, and commanded men, ready at the head of them, and
each Trooper carrying two fascines a horseback before him, to
deliver to the Foot when they should haue occasion for them. As
for our baggage it was order'd to be in a readiness, but not to
stirr out of the Camp till it was broad daylight, because no
guard was left with it; but afterwards to come to us as they
could.

This was the order of our march, which was perform'd with
such conduct and exactness, that wee came just at the houre ap
pointed, to the place where wee were to meet M. d'Hocquincourt
with his troopes. In all this way wee halted but once, and that but
for a very litle time, without hauing given the least allarme to the
Enemy in the march ; though for the greatest part of the way, had
not our musketeers observ'd their orders very carefully in hiding
their metches, the Enemy from their Lines must needs haue dis-
cover'd them. I remember that once that night, out of curiosity to
see how they observ'd their orders, I went without our Foot at a

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CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1654

Htle distance from them, and could not so much as perceive one
lighted match.

And here it will not be amiss to mention our order of battell,
and how our Generall Officers were disposed, but I shall only be
very particular in those who belonged to Monsr. de Turenne: He
divided his eight Lieut Generalls equally betwixt the horse and
foot, four to each. To the first Line of foot composed of five bat
talions he appointed three, The Count de Broglio commanded
Picardy and the Suisse which were the two right hand battalions:
Monsr. de Castelneau those of Plessis and Turenne which were
on the left hand, and M. du Passage that of la Feuillade which
was in the midst. To command the horse which seconded these,
consisting of about twenty-four Squadrons, he appointed also
three: Mr de Barr had the charge of those on the right hand be
hind Mr de Broglio, Myself on the left hand behind Monsr. de
Castelneau, and Monsr. d'Eclinvillers in the midst. The reserue
of foot consisting of three battalions was commanded by Monsr.
de Roncherolles, and that of horse by Monsr. de Tlslebonne who
had under him eight Squadrons: This was Monsr. de Turenne's
order of battell for that occasion.

Monsieur de la Ferte who drew up on his left hand, had one
only line of foot consisting of six battalions, two lines of horse
behind them, and a reserue of horse; Monsr. d'Hocquincourt who
was placed on the right hand, had first four battalions of foot, then
a line of horse, and behind them a second line of foot of four bat
talions more, with some horse on their wings, and a small reserue
of horse not exceeding three or four Squadrons. Wee also had
three false attacks; the first, of Monsr. de Turenne's troopes com-
pos'd of two battalions of foot, being York and Dillon, and six
Squadrons of horse, all commanded by Monsr. de Tracy who had
orders to get as neer as he cou'd without being discovered to the
Prince of Conde's quarters ; but not to fall on, till he heard the
attack begun on the other side by us, and then to march directly
to the Barrier of that quarter which he had been shewn some days
before, and through it to endeavour to force his passage into the
Town. The false attack from Monsr. de la Ferte's troopes was
commanded by Mr. de la Guillottiere, who was to fall upon the
Count de Fuensaldagne's quarter with two battalions, six Squad
rons, two troopes of Dragoons, and two great guns. The false

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i6$4 RAISING THE SIEGE OF ARRAS

attack of Monsieur d'Hocquincourt was not considerable, being
only of four Squadrons, and some ropes with metches ty'd to
them, commanded by Mr. de St Jean, who was to make his on
Prince Francis of Lorraine's quarter. These were the orders of the
Several! Armies for the attack of the whole Line.

And now Monsr de Turenne being come to the place appointed,
found Mr d'Hocquincourt already there in person, but without
his troopes which were not yet come up, tho they had but a very
litle march to make. Hocquincourt said, his men were just com
ing, and would immediatly be upon the place, till which time he
desir'd the attack might be deferred. But Monsr. de Turenne an-
swer'd, That he could not possibly delay it, being now so neer the
Line, that the Enemy would soon discover him, that therfore he
desir'd him to make what hast he could to fall on after him: And
his own troopes being by this time in order, he led them on him
self (on) horseback to attack the Line.

Wee had in our march thether a very still faire night, besides
the benefit of the moon, which sett as favorably for us as wee
could desire, that is, just as wee came to the place appointed. As
the moon went down, it began to blow very fresh and grew ex
ceeding dark, in so much that the Enemy could neither see nor
hear us, as otherwise they might; and they were the more sur
prised when the first news they had of us, was to find us within
half canon shott of them. I remember not to haue seen a finer sight
of the nature, then was that of our foot when they were once in
battell, and began to march towards the Lines ; for then discover
ing at once their lighted metches, they made a glorious shew,
which appear'd the more by reason of the wind, which kindled
them and made them blaze throw the darkness of the night; for
the breeze keeping the coal of their metches very clear, whenso
ever any of the Musketeers (happened^) to shog against each other, 10
the metches struck fire, so that the sparkles were carryd about by
the wind to increase the light.

Wee were no sooner discovered by the Enemy then they fir'd
three cannon at us, and either made fires or sett up lights along
the Line: Our foot then lost no time in falling on; but had not the
vigour of the Officers who led them, and the horse by keeping so

10 ' . . et les soldats qui marclioient serrez venans a s'entrechoquer, . . .* (MS. p.

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CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1654

close to their rear, obliged the common men to do their duty, they
had not perform'd it as they ought 3 nor as I allways till that time
had observed them to do, for I never knew them to go on^so un
willingly as then; which notwithstanding, they stopt not till they
came to the Line itself, where the resistance they found was not So
great as they suspected; for in a very litle time all our five bat
talions made themselves masters of that part of it which they at
tacked; and then they who were appointed for that worke, began
to make passages for the horse to enter, and every Squadron of
horse went up to the very holes which I have mention'd and then
threw down their fascines, which the foot immediatly took up and
help'd to fill up both the ditches. This being perform'd the horse
wheel'd off, and drew up about thiry yards behind, expecting till
passage should be made for them.

While this was doing, one came to the left hand of the attack
where I was at the head of the horse, and whisper ? d to me that M.
de Turenne was hurt, and that matters went no well on the right
hand: Upon which intelligence to incourage the foot, and to let
them understand how near wee were to them, I commanded the
kettle drums to beat, and the trumpets of the Squadron of horse
at the head of which I was to sound, which being heard by all our
other horse, they did the like. This incouraged our foot suffi
ciently, but was of some prejudice to my own Squadron, and to
that which was next it, for from a Redan on my left hand the
Enemy by the beat of the kettle drums and sound of the trumpetts
found where wee were, and plyd us with their shott. The Kettle
drum was soon silenced, he being the first man who was killed of
that Squadron where I was.

This happened just as Monsr. de la Fert6 was beginning his at
tack, he having not put his men so soon in order as Mr. de Tu
renne had: But he either had not so good fortune, or found more
resistance then our foot; for th5 his Officers led up their men with
good resolution into the very ditch, yet they were not able to
master the Line, but were beaten off, and came running away to
shelter themselves amongst the horse which I commanded. The
disorder was very great, the Officers complaining aloud, that they
had been abandon'd by their Soldiers, and the Soldiers crying out,
that they had followed their Officers, who had not behav'd them
selves as became them: which part had justice on their side I know

180

1654 RAISING THE SIEGE OF ARRAS

not, but beaten off they were, and the horse far'd the worse for
their ill success; for the Enemy seeing their lighted metches,
plac'd their small shott amongst them with much more certainty
then they could before.

By this time the Foot of our attack had made passages for our
horse to enter, and Monsr. de Turenne's Regiment of Foot had
found a Barriere which they open'd, and therby sav'd themselves
the farther trouble of making a passage: Upon notice of which,
Monsr. de Turenne order'd Mr. d'Eclinvillers to enter the first
with four Squadrons of horse, and to be seconded by me; accord
ingly he enter'd the Lines with his three first Squadrons, but as
the fourth was going in, they who had beaten off la Fertes Foot
came along the Line to this Barriere, and finding only this Squad
ron of horse entring there, (the foot which had first mastered this
Barriere having drawen off from thence, and advanced farther
within the Line somewhat more on the right hand, as not thinking
it necessary for them to stay and maintain that post when once the
horse was enterd) powr'd into them a volly of small-shott, and
threw severall hand granados in amongst them ; with which the
Collonel who commanded that Squadron, one Bodervitz a Ger
man, being shott from his horse tho not slaine, and his Major also
much wounded, they were beaten off and the Enemy shutt that
Barriere upon us.

Seeing therfore I could not enter there, I went along the Line
on the right hand till I found another passage, by which I enter'd
at the head of Mr. de Turenne's own Regiment of horse, which
on that occasion made but two Squadrons ; and finding the Enemys
hutts on fire, which proved of great advantage to us (and As I
heard afterwards was first thought upon by one Bout-de-bois
Lieut. Colll. to la Feuillade) I advanced farther to see if any of the
Enemy were yet drawn up behind them, and notwithstanding that
some of their horse were still continuing there, it was so dark, that
with the two first Squadrons I pass'd betwixt them without either
seeing them, or being discovered by them; But the third, which
was the Regiment d'Espence 11 (de Beauveau) lighted on them,
beat them, and took the Marquis de Confians prisoner, who com
manded the Regiment wch they defeated. By this time the day
began to break, and I still advancing, came to the Countervalla-

u <TEspange (MS. p. 148).

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CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1654

, where finding no passage in it * * ** ; [yet I found none, till I
came to the River above the Town which divided the Lorraine
quarter from that of Don Fernando de Soils]. And seeing that
none of ours had yet pass'd over into the Lorraine quarter, I altered
my resolution and thought it proper for me to go over the bridges

into it. .

This I undertook with the Regt. of Turenne only, which made
but two Squadrons, the rest of the horse which should haue^fol-
low'd me having lost their way, and advanced as far as Prince
Francis of Lorraine's Tent without finding any opposition. But
being there, I saw four or five Squadrons of the Enemy drawn up,
about the distance of muskett-shott from me upon another litle
heigth. Wherupon I thought it best to halt a litle, till more horse
came up to me, and drew up both my Squadrons upon one front,
which just fill'd up the distance betwixt the Line and the Tents;
after which I sent away three or four persons severally to bring the
horse I wanted. While I was there expecting them, the Duke of
Buckingham came up to me, and ask'd me, Why I would not pur
sue the Victory, and charge those which were before me? To
which I answer, That I had no mind to receive an affront, and
expose my self to a certain defeat, what I saw of the Enemy already
being twice our number, besides what part of them might be be
hind the heigth on which they were ; That should wee advance and
be beaten, the Enemy might make himself master of the bridges
which wee had pass'd, and break them down, by which means
they wou'd both save themselves and the baggage of that quarter;
That if they came up and charg'd me where I then was, I should
at least ingage them on equall termes, because they could not out-
flanck me, besides which I had here the advantage of the ground;
In short, that I expected more horse every moment, which being
come I would then go and charge them. Thus resolved I continued
there, and would not give way to his importunitys.

The Enemy and wee stood looking on each other for some time,

12 There is a gap Here in the text printed by Clarke (I, 222). The French MS.
however (p. 198) supplies the missing words: 'On ne trouvant point de passage vers
k ville II [i.e., James] k costoia, Paiant toujours a sa gauche et n'en rencontra^ point
qu'en arrivant a k riviere au-dessus de la ville qui separoit le quartier de Loraine de

celui de Fernando de Solis ' Ckrke, who notes this omission quotes the above

passage from the text printed by Ramsay. This is the same as in the MS. (p. 198),
although Ramsay modernised the spelling.

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RAISING THE SIEGE OF ARRAS

no horse coming to me; but, in mean time, some scattered men of
ours fell to plunder Prince Francis his Tent, where besides his
plate, there was a month's pay for his Army in ready mony, which
had like to haue occasioned our paying dear for it; for our horse
men hearing the noise which those plunderers made in taking it,
in spight of their Officer's commands and threatnings, quitted
their ranks one after another, and fell to ransack the Tent for their
share of the booty; so that at last there were none left with me but
Officers, and the twelve Cornetts; which being in full sight of the
Enemy, I expected every moment to be charg'd and beaten:
Being in this perplexity and hearing no news of those severall
persons whom I had sent for horse, I thought it expedient to go
myself and fetch them, and recommending to Monsr. de Mon-
taulieu the Lieut Colll to make good that heigth till my return, I
rode back, and found the Second Squadron of Villequier on the
other side of the bridge going towards the Town, which I stop'd,
and putting myself at their head, march'd over again: But scarce
had the rear of the Squadron past the bridge, and the head being
gott off from a small causwey begun to draw up into order again,
when those horse which I had left to face the Enemy came run
ning down the hill upon me in great disorder; At this the Squad
ron which I brought with me took such a fright that they also ran
and left me, it being impossible to stop them. Wherupon I re-
passed the bridge, having seen four Squadrons on the other side
of it, intending with them to come over again into the Lorraine
quarter: But before I could bring them to the bridge, the Mare-
shall d'Hocquincourt with all his horse, and severall Squadrons of
the other two Armies were come thether, and began to pass.

Seeing this, I thought there were horse enough that way, and
so in stead of following them, I march'd directly the other way,
betwixt the Countervallation and the Town, towards the Count de
Fuensaldagne's quarter with my four Squadrons, two of which
were Gendarmes commanded by Monsr. de Schomberg, the other
two the Regiment de Gesvres, under Monsr. de Querneux. Being
come with these upon a heigth from whence I could take a large
view of all about me, I saw upon another heigth before me, be
twixt the two Lines, severall Squadrons of horse drawn up facing
towards the place wee enter'd. At first thought they were the
Enemy; but seeing one of the Squadrons in red coats, I alter'd my

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CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1654

opinion, and beleeved them to be our horse, taking that particular
Squadron to be either the King's Chevaux-Legers, or his Gen
darmes, their coats being of that coulour : Upon which conjecture
I marched towards them to joyn my Body to theirs, because by ob
serving their posture I knew they were facing an Enemy; but
what that Enemy was I could not discern, a higher ground being
interpos'd on my left hand which hinder'd my sight.

But by that time I was gott to the bottom of the hill and was be
ginning to march up, an Officer came to me from Monsr. de
Turenne, with orders to come immediatly to him, and told me,
that those whom he had taken for friends were enemys, and that
Monsr. de Turenne was on the heigth over against them, who
was in great want of troopes: Being thus inform'd I march'd back
to joyn him, and came very opportunely with my four Squadrons,
he having at that time about him only three Squadrons, and one
Battalion which was rather for shew then of any use, it being com-
pos'd of men and Officers rallyd together, who had been broken
either by the Enemy, or by plundring.

And here it will be proper to give an account how Monsr. de
Turenne came thether, and how he happened to be in the posture
in which I found him. The Reader is then to understand, that
Monsr. de la Ferte being repulsed at his own attack, enter'd the
Line where wee had gone in before him : Being once there, he was
desirous of doing something extraordinary; and putting himself
at the head of ten or twelve Squadrons of horse, some of which
were his own and some belonging to Mr. de Turenne, it being
now brode day light, he advanced along betwixt the two Lines
towards the Count de Fuensaldagne's quarter; and at the same
time, some of the Foot of both their Armies advanced also,
amongst whom was the Battalion of the French Guards belonging
to M. de la Ferte's Army, but these last came up in a disorderly
manner along the line of Countervallation. Some horse of the
Enemy were drawn up, and yet standing on a heigth: These being
seen by Monsr. de la Fer.te, he march'd down the hill where he
then was to charge them. But just before he ingag'd them, Mon
sieur de Turenne came up to the place from whence la Ferte was
newly gone, and was much troubled to see him go on in that man
ner; he would willingly haue stopt him, but he came too late: so
that all he could do was to stay two Squadrons which were follow-

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6. Lours DE BOURBON, PRINCE DE CONDE

1654 RAISING THE SIEGE OF ARRAS

ing him, to draw them up upon the heigth, and to rally the bat
talion I have already mentioned ; telling those that were about him.
That he fear'd they should presently see la Ferte rowted; after
which he himself should be hard put to it, to maintain that hill on
which he was. As he said, so it happened, for M. de la Ferte was
sufficiently beaten ; and at the same time when they charg'd him,
they sent some horse to fall upon our foot which were without the
Countervallation, and cutt most of them in pieces, taking, as I
remember, severall Officers of the Guards, but not offering to
follow their advantage, or to advance up the hill where Mr. de
Turenne was drawn up; but in stead of doing so, withdrew to the
heigth from whence they came when they charg'd Monsr. de la
Ferte.

In this posture I found affaires when I joyn'd Mr. de Turenne,
who immediatly commanded me to draw within the two Lines,
and draw up my Squadrons on the left hand of those who were
already there: He then inform'd me of what had happen'd there,
and that he apprehended, if the Enemy could gett together any
foot, they would advance upon us and give us work enough to
defend ourselves, there being no relying on those whom wee had
there with us. After this, he enquired of me where I had been, and
what was become of his Regiment of horse, and I gave him an
account of all that had happen'd to me, and others, where I had
been.

By this time some of our canon, I think seaven, were got into
the Line, and came to us, to our great Satisfaction, with some few
other Squadrons of horse; and our canon began to play upon the
Enemy's horse, doing great execution amongst them. But not
withstanding this, Monsr. de Turenne was not without some
apprehentions of what might happen, as doubting that the Enemy
might advance upon us with foot; for seeing how ill our horse
maintain'd their order, and that almost all our four (foot) were in
confusion by their plundring, so that no body of our men was left
in order, but that which was about himself, it was with no small
reason that he fear'd some ill revolution in our success, in case he
should be worsted where he was : But he continued not long in this
apprehension, after our great guns began to play; for whether it
was that they made the Enemies post too hott for them, or that for
other reason they thought it not expedient for them to stay any

G 185

CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1654

longer there, about half an hour after the first gun was fir'd
against them, they began to draw off. Once wee perceived some of
their foot appearing, but immediatly they drew out of sight again ;
and this happened some what before their horse drew off.

I have since been informed by some who were then with the
Prince of Cond6 (for it was he who was there and perform'd all
that was considerable on the Enemys side) That he intended, if he
could haue got two battalions of foot up to him, to haue come and
charged as M. de Turenne beleeved he would; and that once he
had gathered that number, which were those whom wee saw
appear, yet so soon as they came within rach of our cannon, they
wou'd not be perswaded to advance one foot farther, but shog'd
off.

And here 'tis admirable to consider, that these two great men,
without being any other way advertised of each others being there,
yet found it out on both sides by their mutuall conduct; Monsr.
de Turenne positively affirming that the Pee of Conde was on the
other hill, and that otherwise he would haue press'd those troopes
more then now he would adventure to do ; and the Prince of Conde
saying the like of Monsr. de Turenne, adding farther, That if any
one besides him had been there, he would certainly haue charg'd
him.

This very consideration made Monsr. de Turenne, when the
Prince drew off, not to follow him or endeavour to press upon his
Rear; being satisfied with what already was perform'd, and un
willing to trust fortune with any thing farther, when the main of
his design was already accomplished.

But Monsr. de Bellefonds, with some of the horse belonging to
the Town, was not so cautious ; for endeavouring to do somewhat
on the Prince's Rear as he passed the River into the Archduke's
quarter, he was received so warmly that he was beaten off with
loss : After which the Prince went over at his ease, for the rest of
our troopes took warning by the success of their fellows, and ven-
tur'd not again to charge him; and when he had pass'd through
our old Camp, he began to rally his scatter'd men beyond the
brook, and march'd away for Cambray. As for the Archduke
(and) the Count de Fuensaldagne, they went to Douay with not
above a Squadron or two in their company, and pass'd through
our baggage, where the Archduke was known by some of Monsr.
186

1654 RAISING THE SIEGE OF ARRAS

de Turenne's Servants; and had one Squadron of our horse been
there, they might probably haue taken him.

Tis now reasonable I should give some account of what was
done by Mr. d'Hocquincourt. I have already mentioned in the be
ginning of this Relation, that, when Monsr. de Turenne fell on,
he was not in a rediness with his troopes, and as I have been since
informed by some of his Officers, it was break of day before he
began his attack. He storm'd the Line on the right hand of the
place where wee enter'd, and found litle or no resistance ; So that
the greatest Imployment of his foot was to make a passage for his
horse, at the head of which enter'd the Mareshall himself, and
came directly to the bridge, over which he pass'd into the Lor
raine quarter, after I had been there and was gone out of it. And
along with him went most of the horse belonging to the other two
Armys. He met no opposition till he came to the brook which
divided the Lorraine from the Pee of Condes quarter, where he
found Mr. de Marsin drawn up on the other side with severall
Squadrons of horse, which stopt him there a considerable time;
the Army having some few foot, or some Troopers with their
Carabins who maintained that passage so long, that most of the
foot in that quarter had leisure to get off: and when some of our
horse coming out of the Town upon him, obliged him to draw off,
he made his retreat in so orderly a manner, that he march'd out of
the Line without being broken, making use of his foot or Troopers
who stood in stead of them, as he had done formerly at the brook:
For as he drew out of the Line he placed them behind it, from
whence they fir'd upon our horse, who not being so well order'd
nor led on as they ought to haue been, were kept at a distance by
the fire they made; so that under their favour Mr. de Marsin gott
out of the Line, and So march'd off in excellent order, till he
joyn'd the Prince of Conde at the same time when he was rallying
his men as I have related.

Much about this time, when Monsr. de Marsin was making
his retreat out of the Line, Mr, de Mondejeu Governour of Arras
being come out of the Town, some (of) the old horse Officers see
ing him, desir'd he would put them into better order, because
neither M. d'Hocquincourt nor any of the Generall Officers there
present, had perform'd that part of their duty as they ought : But
he absolutely refused it, saying, he came only there as a Volonteer,

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CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1654

and thought it very unreasonable for him to pretend to share in
any part of the honour of that day with them : that the ordering of
their men belong[ed] wholly to them: and as for himself, that he
had gain'd sufficient reputation in the defence he had made, and
was now come out with no other intention then to serue those who
had so bravely releeved him.

It remains now that I relate what happened in our false attacks.
As for those of M. de la Ferte, and M. d'Hocquincourt, they fol
low 7 d their orders punctually, and no considerable accident befell
them, but that the first had the best part of the plunder belonging
to the Count of Fuensaldagnes quarter, which was the place ap
pointed them for their false attack: But Monsr. de Turenne's had
not so good fortune, M. de Tracy who commanded them, and
who follow'd also very punctually his orders, having had a much
different adventure: For being commanded to march without the
least noise into a bottom which was within canon-shott of the
Enemies line, and there to ly closs, without falling on, till some
time after wee had begun our attack, which wee supposd that of
necessity he must haue heard, it happend quite otherwise; because
the wind proving contrary, and with all blowing fresh when wee
began to storme the Line, he heard nothing of it. At last the day
breaking, and no noise coming to him, he and all his men were
verily perswaded that some accident had hindered our attack:
however he resolved to stay in his post somewhat longer, and there
he continued till he saw some horse coming out of the Line which
he conjectured to be such as were sent abroad to make discoverys ;
and presently after them a Squadron or two which he took to be
the horse-guard coming to their accustom'd post, but seeing more
still coming out, he concluded it was to fall on him as having dis-
cover'd where he lay. Vpon which he orderd his two Battalions of
foot, to Save themselves by marching to the Castle of Neufville
vitas, which was close by them ; and himself with the horse took
their way towards Bapaume. He had march'd a good part of his
way thether, before he was sensible of his mistake, but the foot
whom he left at the Castle were sooner undeceived, for most of the
Lorraine horse and many out of the Pee of Conde's quarter drew
off that way, it being their nearest passage to Cambray ; which our
foot seeing, they commanded out the Aide-Majors of each Regimt
with fifty men apeece, to skirmish with them as they past by. This
188

1654 CASUALTIES AT ARRAS

they performed, but at length they advanced so far, that some of
the Enemies horse gott in amongst them, and kill'd every man of
that party.

I will not take upon me to give an exact account of what num
bers were slain on either side in this memorable action; But by
what I saw myself of the bodies lying on the place, as well freinds
as foes, I could not guesse them to be above four hundred. Wee
had never a Generall Officer amongst that number, and I remem
ber but one Collonell, M. de Puymarais, Colll of horse, a brave
young gentleman, Son to Monsr, de Barr, one of our Lieut Genls,
but very few Captains. It fell so heavy upon none as upon that
Squadron of Eclinvilliers who had behav'd themselves so ill a day
or two before, where Monsr. de la Ferte led up to charge when he
was beaten : They were it seemes desirous to recover the reputa
tion they had lost, and therfore charg'd so home, that the rest
giving ground sooner then they, they were beaten worse, and I
was inform'd most of their Officers kill'd upon the place.

The number of our wounded men was not considerable:
Monsr. de Turenne had a bruise, besides a shott upon his armes,
and his horse shott under him. Monsr. de la Ferte had his horse
kill'd. But of all our Genl Officers I remember not any hurt, ex
cepting the Count de Broglio who was shott through the thigh;
and of inferiour Officers the number was not great. The Volon-
teers all escap'd well, excepting those who were with Mr.
d'Humieres, who received so home a charge from one of the
Enemies Squadrons, that the Marquis de Breuaute et la Clotte,
two of them, were so desperatly wounded that they dyd after
wards. Biscara and others of them were much hurt, as also the
Cheualier de St G6 and severall Officers of his Regiment.

On the Enemies' side the General Officers escap'd well, for I
remember not to haue heard that any of them were hurt or taken,
excepting the Baron de Briolle, one of the Pee of Conde's Mare-
shalls de Camp, who was a very brave old gentleman; and who,
tho he had the misfortune to be taken and wounded in fighting
against his King, yet some days before he dyd of his hurts which
he then received, show'd he was no Rebell in his heart, however
accidentally he had been one: for Sending for his Son who had
been made prisoner with him, he told him some houres before his
death, by what inducements and in what manner he had been

189

CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1654

drawn into rebellion ; after which he commanded him on his bless*
ing, never to be seduced again, on what pretence soever, to take up
armes against his Soveraign. Vpon which admonition of a dying
Father the young man so heartily repented, that he prov'd him
self both a loyall Subject, and a dutifull Son : Vpon which account
he was sett free,

I can not be exact in the number of the prisoners : but it was
comonly reported that they were about three thousand. And I am
apt to beleeve the account was true, for fifteen hundred of the Lor
raine foot were all taken together in an envelope which was in
their quarter. Wee found about sixty three brass cannon of all
sorts within the Line, and all things proportionable for so great a
Train. As for their baggage, they lost it all, amongst which our
Soldiers found good plunder, the General Officers in those Coun-
trys being all serv'd in plate, and every one obliged to haue a con
siderable quantity of baggage, because it was impossible to sub
sist without it in such Armies : And to shew in what Vast propor
tion they use to be furnished, some few days after this, when our
Army passed over the Escaut below Cambray, it was commonly
reported by some who pretended to haue reckoned the number,
that wee had above seaven thousand waggons and carts attending
us, our Army at that time not consisting of many more then
twenty thousand men ; tho when wee were all together at forceing
of the Lines, wee were about fourteen thousand foot, eleven
thousand horse, and four hundred Dragoons.

The day after wee had thus releeved our Town, I was sent with
two thousand horse to Perone where the Court then was, to con
voy it to Arras, where they continued for some few days ; During
which time our Army camp'd within the Lines of the Enemy, our
men making use of their hutts, and finding their quarters so well
furnish'd with forage, that wee never sent out for any, while wee
stayd upon the place.

On the last of August wee march'd towards Cambray and
camp'd at Sauchy-Cauchy, and at the same time the Court re-
turn'd to Peronne. On the 3d of September wee march' d to Thun 13
St Martin, which stands on the Escaut, and there pass'd it on
bridges which wee made, advancing the next day as far as Saulsoy,
which is the midway betwixt Cambray and Valenciennes ; And the

13 Tlmyn St. Martin (MS., p. 162).
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1654 THE SURRENDER OF QUESNOY

next day they came to Kircurayn, 14 (Kievraiii) which is two good
leagues short of St Guilain. The 6th wee fell back upon Quesnoy,
a Town situate between Valenciennes and Landrecies; in which
place tho there was a Governour, yet he had no considerable garri
son. The Town of itself was not Strong, the outworks having been
demolish'd after the Spanish fashion, which is only enough to
hinder them from being defended, but with all so litle slighted,
that they may be repair'd with ease, and put into as good condition
as before. This place was surrendered to us, the day after wee came
before it. It was no sooner in our hands but wee employd our
selves in repairing the old out-works, and raising new where they
were wanting.

Some few days after, leaving a strong garrison in Quesnoy wee
march'd to Bavay, and so to Binche on the 1 1 th. The Town last
mention'd lyes two or three leagues wide of Mons, and is of equall
distance with Mons from Brussels. Binche was deliver'd to us on
the same day wee came before it. Here wee stayd till the 22, only
to eat up the Enemies* Country, and give leisure to our men in
Quesnoy to fortify themselves.

During this march Monsr. de Turenne, who was then our
Sole Generall, the other two Mareshalls having left the Army
when wee left Arras, gave more employment to the Lieut. Gener-
alls, then they were used to haue: for before this time none but he
whose turn it was, had any thing in particular to do, more then to
attend the Generall ; but he now order'd, that as he whose day it
was, march'd at the head of the horse which had the Van, so also
he who had been releeved, should march at the head of the Foot,
and he who went out before him, at the head of the other wing of
horse which had the Reer; so that every day there were three
Lieutenant Generalls on duty. And he found so great ease and
benefit by this new order, that during all the time I continued
afterwards in the French Seruice, he kept it up. And he further
directed them, that whensoever they came to any brook or defile,
they should not stay till those before them were passed over, but
make a passage for themselves, on the one hand, or on the other,
keeping still the Van betwixt them, and that side on which the
Enemy might come: by which means he was inabled to make
greater marches; for generally after this, observing the method
14 Keurain (MS., p. 162),

191

CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1654

above mentioned, wee pass'd over the defiles at once in three
places.

In the time of this march the Enemys Cravats 15 were very busy
about us, so that it was not safe for any man to straggle, thd never
so litle, from the body of the Army. And sometimes they would
get up by two or three in a Company into our Army, and when
they found their opportunity, take some or other, and carry him
away: One of them was once so bold, as to put himself into the
rancks of the first Squadron of the Reer of horse, at the head of
which I march'd. I remember that immediatly after I had pass'd a
defile, and through some bushes, which were on the other side of
it, hearing a noise in the Squadron behind me, I turn'd about to
ask the reason of it; when some of my Soldiers brought before me
a Cravat, who had placed himself in the midmost ranck of that
Squadron, as if he had been a Trooper belonging to the Regiment,
and was so unfortunate to put himself the very next man to one,
whom he had taken some few days before, being also at that very
time mounted on the horse which he had then taken from him:
But he was soon discovered by the Trooper, who therupon calld
out aloud, This is he who tooke me prisoner some days since, and
this is my horse on which he rides. He layd hold on him immedi
atly and brought him to me. The fellow confessed, that himself
and some others of his Camarades, the Cravats, had put them
selves in ambuscade behind those bushes which I had newly
pass'd, and had resolved to disperse and mingle with the Army:
That had it not been his misfortune so to haue placed himself as to
be discover'd, he was confident that before night he had taken a
prisoner, instead of being one himself.

In this our march I know it was wonder'd at by some, that so
considerable and victorious an Army as ours then was, should un
dertake no Seige of consequence that Year; But if they had con
sider 'd, how far the season of a Campagne was then declin'd, and

15 From the French 'cravate', a Croat or Croatian. They were Croatian mer
cenaries, light-armed cavalry in this instance and probably as a rule. The first example
of the use of the word In English, cited in the Oxford English Dictionary, is from the
London Gazette, No. 3903/2 (1703): 'Monsieur de Quiche, Colonel- General of the
Regiments of Horse called the Cravates.' Defoe (Memoirs of a Cavalier, 1721) spells
the word 'Crabats 5 . The article of neckwear known as a Cravat was first adopted in
France f in imitation of the linen scarf worn round their necks by the Croatian mer
cenaries', says the O.E.D.

192

1654 THE IMPORTANCE OF gUESNOY

that wee were not furnish'd with provisions of any sorte for a great
undertaking, they could not haue thought it strange, that wee con
tented ourselves with taking of Quesnoy; for tho that Town of
itself was not very considerable, yet It was of great advantage to
us for the carrying on of our designs in the next Campagne : for
Monsr. de Turenne, even thus early, had contrived the business
of the next year. And tho it was a bold undertaking to make good
that place, seated as it was in the very midst of the Spanish garri
sons, yet our fortifying it, renderd his designs for the ensuing year
more easy to be compass'd, and in particular the taking of Landre-
cies, of which I shall say more in its proper place: So that in reality
the taking and making good this Town, was of more consequence
to us, then any other Town which wee could haue master 'd at that
Season of the year.

While wee stay'd at Binche, the Enemy drew together their
baffled Army at Mons, sheltering themselves under favour of the
Town, and endeavouring by their partys to molest our foragers.
But such was the vigilance and conduct of our Generall, that they
did us title harm; tho their Cravats were still plying about us, and
laying many ambuscades with small success: Yet one day I re
member, they miss'd but narrowly of taking an advanced guard,
with Mr. d'Humieres, and severall Officers of the guard in my
company. Being come up to that post, wee saw a party of the
Enemys horse about our own number, coming out from a wood,
which was on our left hand, towards us ; but when they were at the
distance of half canon-shott, they turn'd off again as if they were
affraid of being follow' d : wherupon some of the Officers proposed
to me, that I should pursue, and push them; Monsr. d'Humieres
and some few with him, who were somewhat advanced before the
rest, began immediatly to gallop after them; which been (being)
seen by those about me, they spurr'd on eagerly, and left me,
without receiving my answer whether or not I would approve it.
At this I put on my horse to his full speed, and got to the head of
the formost: It was all I could do to stop their rashness, and they
grumbled sufficiently, that I had hinder'd them from taking the
whole party, But I told them, I was as morally certain as I could
be of any thing, that by stopping them I had preserv'd them from
some ambuscade, and that I could not beleeve the Enemy would
haue come so near us, but out of design to decoy us into some in-

193

CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1654

conveniency. My opinion prov'd true, for no sooner had I stop'd
my men, but the Enemy turn'd about and fac'd us, offering to
draw us on by skirmishing ; But when they saw that they could in
veigle us no farther, they march'd away towards Mons: Imme-
diatly after which I saw two hundred horse go off, which had hidd
themselves in a litle bottom behind a wood not far distant, and
thether it was that the first party had designed to haue drawn us.
Upon which discovery both Monsr. d'Humieres, and the rest of
the Officers thank'd me for preventing their pursuite: for had
they gone forward, in all probability most of them must haue been
taken, because our main-guard, which was posted on the other
side of the brook, could not haue releeved them time enough; the
defile over the brook and afterwards through the Village, on the
other side of which the advanced guard was placed, being so great,
that the Action had been past, before their friends could haue
come up to their assistance.

After wee had stayd at Binche about ten days, and eaten up all
the forage of the neighbouring Country, Monsr. de Turenne
thought it was now high time for him, to draw back towards
Quesnoy, before the falling of the rains which would haue made
the ways troublesome for our canon, and so vast a quantity of bag
gage as wee had then in our Army.

Having taken this resolution he chose to return by the way of
Maubeuge, because the Country betwixt that place and Binche
was more open and had fewer defiles then the direct way to Bavay.
And besides this consideration he had another full as prevalent,
which was, that the Spanish Army lay then at Mons ; so that in
case he should haue taken his march by them, he must haue had
no less an Enemy then the Prince of Cond6 in his way, before
whom there was no making a false step ; and wee could not but
expect to haue him on our wings, in our drawing off, and watching
all opportunitys of the least advantage which should be offer'd to
him.

Monsr. de Turenne therfore to avoid an affront on his first
days march, which was the 22d of September, sent off all the bag
gage at break of day, with about six or eight Squadrons of horse,
and M. de la Fert^'s Dragoons, which march'd at their head, or
on their flancks, as occasion offer'd. They were no sooner in their
way, but he follow'd the Reer of them with his Van, and that he

194

r<554 TURENNE'S ORDER OF MARCH

might be the less expos'd to any attempt, he march'd in a closer
order then he formerly had used, as by the draught of It may more
easily be seen. Here the draught * * * 16

Yet he so managed it, that he could suddainly put himself into his
ordinary forme of battell, and that without the least confusion; for
upon the right hand of all march'd the first Line of that wing
which had the Van that day, upon their left hand half of the first
Line of foot; Again on their left hand the second Line of horse of
that wing which had the Van; and on their left hand, the other
half of the first Line of foot: And so after the same manner on their
left hand, the other wing of horse, and the second Line of foot;
and on the left hand of all, the reserue of horse; so that wee march'd
with four Battalions and five Squadrons of horse afront, Each file
consisting of* * * Battalions and * * * 17 Squadrons. In this order
wee march'd with our greatest cannon in the Van, and some few
small pieces in the Reer, and as wee came to any pass or defile, the
Reer faced about with their feild pieces, while the Van past over;
which when they had done, then they drew up on the other side,
and faced about also, leaving sufficient space for the rest of those
who were to follow them, to draw up after they had pass'd: In
this maner they continued, till all were come over to them, and
then the whole body began to march again.

By that time wee had march'd above a league, wee discover'd
about fourty Squadrons of the Enemies horse coming towards us
on our right hand : The main-body of them came not within can-
non-shott of us, keeping still a narow brook betwixt us and them,
and only sending over it their Cravats, with a Squadron or two of
horse to second them. The Cravats came so very near us, that
severall of our Foot just stepping out of their rancks, fir'd on them
betwixt the Intervals of the horse, which having done, they re-
turn'd into their order. Thus they march'd along by us, skirmish
ing, and wee never making any stop for them. They follow'd us
till they came to a pass not far distant from Maubeuge, expecting
still to find an opportunity of doing some execution on us. But

16 James had probably intended here to insert a sketch, showing how the troops
marched. The translator began by writing 'comme on pent le voir par le plan*, then
deleted these words in the MS. (p. 167) and went ahead as below.

17 There are similar blanks in the MS. (pp. 167, 168).

CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1654

our Generall was so carefull, and order'd his march with so much
caution, that tho the Prince of Conde himself was at the head of
those Squadrons, he was never able to fasten one charge upon us,
or to put any of our horse into the least disorder; neither indeed
were they in any liklyhood of doing it, unless it were once, and
that was at the pass I mention'd near Maubeuge. Att that place
they press'd a litle on our last troopes in their going over; but
seeing our men turn'd so readily upon them, and in so good order,
they thought it not expedient to charge them, but after having
thus tasted them, suffer'd them to draw off quietly: By this time
they found it was to no purpose to follow us any farther, for they
durst not adventure to pass the defile after us, for fear of exposing
themselves too much, and therfore march'd back towards their
own Camp, while wee continued our way to Maubeuge.

It was dark night before wee got thether, and th5 our Camp was
mark'd out to us betwixt the woods and the Town, yet what
through the darknes, and what by confusion in which wee found
our baggage, and more them (than) both by the straightness of the
ground betwixt the Town and woods, none of our troopes could
find out their appointed quarters; so that they fell into a very
great disorder, and were so intangled amongst the baggage, that
Monsr. de Turenne could not possibly disengage them, or bring
them into order. At last finding there was no remedy for the con
fusion, he got together two or three battalions of foot, and plac r d
them without all our baggage, in that side on which the Enemy
might possibly haue come. He stayd with them all night in per
son, and so soon as it was broad day light drew up the Army again
into good order, and that day being the 23d of September wee
march'd to Bavay.

In our going thether, the whole Regiment of the Enemies Cra
vats pursu'd a small party of ours to the very Van of the Army,
and came so near us, before they were aware of it, that all of them
were in danger of being taken: for our first two Squadrons dis
banded after them, and follow'd them so close, that they had no
other way for their Escape then to gain the shelter of the woods;
many of them being forced to quitt their horses for their own pre-
seruation : And truly, I beleeve, they lost more men and horses on
that occasion, then ever at any time before or since.

At our arrivall at Bavay wee demolisht the walls of that litle
196

1654 CONVOYS IN DANGER

Town, the inhabitants wherof had abandon'd it the first time wee
camp'd by it. It had four Roman ways mett in it, and being not
above three or four leagues from Quesnoy, it might haue been
very troublesome to that garrison, and disturbed them in raising
their contributions, if the Enemy had put any troopes in it during
the winter.

From Bavay wee march'd the next day to Baudignies, and
camp'd close by the Quesnoy. There wee stayd till the 28th, and
then march'd to Chateau Cambresis, after wee had consumed the
forage therabouts. During the time of our abode there, the workes
of the Quesnoy were so far advanced, and the place so well fur-
nish'd with all kinds of stores and other necessaries, that the win
ter now coming on apace, it would haue prov'd too difficult a
peice of work for the Enemy to undertake, after wee were drawn
off into our winter quarters.

While wee continued at Chateau en Cambresis, one of our Con
voys of forage was like to haue been defeated, and was so near it,
that the Count de Renel, a Collonel who commanded it, was made
prisoner at the first charge, in leading up the foremost Squadrons
which were broken by the Enemy; and had not the remaining
horse, which were of the old Regiments, as namely, la Valette,
Grammont, and others, after that, done their part with great
bravery, they had been cutt off intirely and all our foragers ex-
pos'd: But notwithstanding that they saw their Commander
taken, and their first Squadrons routed, they advanced upon the
Enemy and forced them to draw off, without any further attempt;
after which they march'd away with the foragers to our Camp,
without having lost any of them. The Party of the Enemy which
made this onsett, came from Cambray, and, as I was inform' d,
consisted of eight Squadrons of horse, ours were about the same
number; and had the Enemy improved their first advantage, they
must certainly haue beaten the whole party, and taken as many of
our foragers as they could haue driven away with them.

This adventure obliged Mr. de Turenne to be more cautious
afterwards in his forages, and to send out Stronger Convoys with
them. Two or three days after this accident, when they went
abroad again, he himself went along with them to the same place
where the Count de Renel had been taken, but with a much
stronger Convoy; for he took with him above twenty Squadrons of

197

CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1654

horse, two Battalions of foot, and about four feild peices, suppos
ing the Enemy would now come stronger out upon our foragers
then formerly, and he was not deceived in his conjecture : for some
time after he had posted his troopes for the best security of his
foragers, wee saw about six Squadrons of the Enemy coming out
of a wood which was close by us, and where they had been in am
buscade. They cam on at a round gallop, as if they would haue
fallen on two or three Squadrons of our Gendarmes, who were
drawn up in a litle bottom betwixt the wood, and a Village where
many of our foragers were at that time loading their horses : On
one side of this Village was Monsr. de Turenne himself with the
greatest part of the horse, and one battalion of foot; but, there
being a small pass betwixt us and the place where the Gendarmes
were posted, which were commanded by Monsr. de Schomberg,
had the Enemy push'd on vigourously, they might haue routed
him, before wee could haue come to his releif : he therefore, con
sidering the danger in which he was, found there was no way of
saving himself, but only by a bold action; and accordingly ad
vanced towards the Enemy, who seeing him come up to charge
them, and not being able to discern what was in the bottom from
whence he came, in all probability imagined he had more behind
to second him, for immediatly they withdrew into the wood again :
he was very glad of their retreat, as he had reason, and stopt short
upon the litle higth where he then was, without offering to follow
them, because he was not strong enough, besides he knew not
what other troopes they might haue, either within the wood or
behind it. There he stayd, more horse being sent from us to
strengthen him, till our foragers were all loaded, and that wee
began to draw off; which wee did without seeing any other Enemy
appear.

Even after this wee sent such strong Convoys with our Fora
gers, that for the rest of the Campagne the Enemy made not any
attempt upon them: And wee were full as carefull of the Convoys
which wee sent to the Quesnoy with provisions, for all of them
were so well guarded, that the Spaniards thought it not for their
advantage to sett upon them.

The last that went thether while wee stayd at Chateau en Cam-
bresis, was commanded by me, after which wee march'd into
forage-quarters, and spent some weeks upon the fronteers. There

198

1654 WINTER QUARTERS

wee took two Castles, one call'd d'Anvillers, and the other Giron-
delle not far from Rocroy, which wee demolished : And then it was
time for us to march into our winter quarters, the cold season be
ing so far advanced that it was become too late that year for the
Enemy to attempt anything upon the Quesnoy, 18

18 The entry in Campagnes (p. 172) stops at this point. In the Life (I, 243-244)
there are two additional paragraphs as follows:

'The Campagne of 1654 being thus ended, His Royall Highness repair'd as
formerly to the French Court at Paris, where he arrived about the middle of Decem
ber, and there spent the remaining part of the winter; Towards the end of which his
brother the Duke of Gloucester took his leave of him, the King his brother having
sent My Lord of Ormonde on purpose to bring him to him at Colen.

*The summer following his Royal Highness went to make his fourth and last Cam
pagne in France, of which he gives the following account in his Memoires.'

This is followed by the entry for 1655, which I reprint below.

The reader will at once notice the contrast between the regular syntax and correct
orthography of this passage, which comes presumably from the pen of William Dic-
conson, and the rambling, irregular syntax and fantastic spelling (incorrect even in an
age when orthography was not yet fixed) of the passages in the first person which have
been copied from James's own memoirs copied with, as I presume, an accuracy as
unsparing as it is no doubt faithful.

199

THE DUKE'S FOURTH AND LAST
CAMPAIGN IN FRANCE

THIS Campagne of 1655 began with putting in execution
what was design'd the year before, when wee took and forti
fied Quesnoy ; for wee open'd it with the Siege of Landrecies, and
then our Army found the benefit of having that place to freind. 1
For immediatly after they sat down before Landrecies, the Enemy
came and posted themselves betwixt that Town and Guise, there
by to hinder all communication betwixt our Army and our own
Country; so that had not this been timely foreseen, and their de
sign frustrated by our laying up a magazine of all necessarys in
Quesnoy, sufficient for the carrying on of that Seige, Monsn de
Turenne must haue been put to great extremities ; Wheras he was
now so much before hand with the Spaniards, that the post which
they had taken up, was of small advantage to them, and no man
ner of hindrance to the French in pursuance of their Seige, con
voys passing every day with great ease and security from Quesnoy
to the Camp: So that no other inconvenience followed from the
Enemies being posted near Guise, then that it hindered some
Officers and Volonteers from getting into the Army, while the
Seige lasted, whose affaires had hinder'd them from marching
with it, when it came before the Town.

Of this number I was one ; for which reason I shall not give a
particular description of that Seige: Most of us who came short,
and could not joyn our Army time enough, were either at Guise or
la Fere while this Seige continued; I was myself at the last of these
places, expecting the opportunity of some Convoy to favour my

* Reprinted from the Life, ed. Clarke, I, 245-264, for the reason indicated in
connection with the entries for 1653 and 1654 above. I have not however repro
duced the last three paragraphs (pp. 264-266), because these are summarised in the
first paragraph for 1656 in the French MS.

1 More concise in the MS. Campagnes (p. 173).
2OO

1655 THE SIEGE OF LANDRECIES

desire of being present at the Seige ; but the Spanish Army was so
posted in our neighbourhood, that the passage was render'd too
difficult for any of us to attempt. Monsr. de la Feuillade, with two
or three officers and a small party of horse, ventur'd to haue pass'd,
but they were mett by the Enemy and beaten, la Feuillade him
self being taken and desperatly wounded. This ill success of his,
so far discourag'd all of us, that wee layd aside the thought of it;
so that till the Enemy drew off, which was a day or two before the
surrender of the Town, wee came not to our Army.

This Seige was a very favourable one to our Soldiers; those of
the Town contenting themselves with a bare defence, according
to the ordinary formes, and not making any vigourous Sallys
during the whole time it lasted; so that wee lost as few men, as
could possibly be expected, in the mastering of such a place, and
no officer of note but Monsr. de Tracy, who had the Command of
all the German horse, as being the eldest Collonel of them. The
Garrison held out only, till a breach was made by a Mine in the
face of one of their Bastions, and a lodgment made upon it, after
which they capitulated and Surrendered.

After the Town was deliver'd up to us, our Army stayd by it
some days to repair the breaches and outworks, and to slight our
Line of Circumvallation ; and the Enemy drew back into their
own Country betwixt Mons and Valenciennes behind the Rivers,
not thinking themselves strong enough, as indeed they were not,
to hazard a battell with us on equall termes ; So that their business
was to attend our motions, and endeavour to hinder our under
taking any other considerable Seige*

And now by that time wee were in a readiness to march, the
King and the Cardinal came to the Army, and wee march'd down
along by the Sambre, as far as la Bussiere, which is within a league
of Thuyn, a small Town belonging to the Pays de Liege. Having
spent some time in this march, and stayd a day or two at la Bus-
siere, wee march'd back, and passing by Avgnes invested la
Capelle; and tho wee camp'd within a league or two of it with our
whole Army, yet on better consideration wee did not beseige it, as
not judging it a place of so great importance, that our Army
should lose so much time as was necessary to reduce it. And ther-
fore leaving it, wee pass'd the Sambre, advancing into Haynault
as far as Bavay on the 1 1 of August. The Town I last mention'd

201

CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1655

is betwixt Quesnoy and Mons ; and our intentions were to advance
yet farther into the Enemie's Country, and to pass the Haisne, a
litle River which coining from Mons, takes its course by St Guis-
lain, and falls into the Schald 2 at Conde: But sending to view the
passages upon it, wee found that the Enemy had fortifyd the
River from St Guislain as far as Conde, with a very strong Brest-
work and Redouts, with platformes ready made in them at the
distance of every three or four hundred paces ; which together
with the difficulty of approaching the River itself, by reason of the
lowness of the Country, which was full of ditches, and there being
no way to come to the River but along narrow dikes, made the
passage very hard to be forced. Which notwithstanding, in a con
sultation that was held in the King's presence, where were assist
ing the Cardinal and the two Generalls, Mr. de Turenne and Mr.
de la Ferte, together with the Mareshalls de Villeroy, de Gram-
mont, du Plessis, and myself, it was once upon the point of being
resolved, that wee should attempt to force our passage au Pont de
Haisne; And had it not been for Mr. de Turenne, that opinion
had taken place: for the Cardinal hauing propos'd it as an under
taking which would be of high reputation in the world, if wee
could make a way over a River in the face of a formidable Army,
he was seconded and his advice confirm'd by most who were there
present, whither out of complaisance, or by the force of his rea
sons, 3 I shall not pretend to judge; but resolv'd on, it had been,
had not Mr. de Turenne oppos'd it, by representing the great
difficulties which would be found in that attempt.

For, said he, Besides that the whole River is strongly fortifyed
all along, there is no approaching it but by the side of a Dike, by
reason that all the ground of our side is full of ditches, so that the
Enemy would haue a double advantage over us ; and tho at last, I
beleeve, wee may force our passage, wee should unavoidably loose
many men in compassing our design : he added, That it was not

2 The Scheldt. James elsewhere calls it by its French name of Escaut. This descrip
tion of the Haine is omitted in the MS. Campagnes (p. 175).

3 James or his translator ascribes this, not to Mazarin's arguments, but to
Turenne's. Thus the text of the MS. Camfagnes reads (p. 176): 'Mais les sentiments
de Mr. de Turenne qui etoit contre cette entreprise, prevalut, soit par la complaisance
qu'on eut pour luy, soit par la force de ses raisonnements. II en fit voir les difficultez.
. . . ' It seems more likely that the text of the Life (I, 247-248) gives the accurate
account, and that in this Council it was Mazarin's opinion which so far impressed the
others that it nearly prevailed.

202

1655 TURENXE PREVAILS IN COUNCIL

this consideration alone, which mov'd him to disuade that under
taking, but the beleef he had, that the thing wee aim'd at, might be
effected without running So great a hazard, or venturing the lives
of so many Soldiers ; That instead of our endeavouring to force a
passage there, wee should rather march, and pass the Escaut
somewhat below Bouchain, and then passing by Valenciennes and
leaving it on our right hand, should march to Conde, and there
pass the Escaut again; That in so doing, wee should take the
Enemy on the fianck, and therby render that great intrenchment
of no effect to them.

With these and other arguments he convinced the Cardinal,
and all those of the Councill who had abetted his opinion : And
in pursuance of M. de Turenne's proposal!, wee march'd imme-
diatly from Bavay towards Bouchain, upon notice of which the
Enemy march'd also toward Valenciennes, and posted themselves
very advantageously, having their Right cover'd by the woods of
St Amand, and their left by the Town, and the old Line ready
made to their hands, upon Mont Azin, from the woods to the
Town; and instead of endeavouring to hinder our passing the
River, they fell on repairing the old Line, which by the next
morning was put into very good defence; which whilst they were
a doing, wee past the River on our bridges of boates, and by eight
next morning, being the I4th, pass'd over our whole Army, leav
ing some few troopes behind to secure our baggage from the
garrison of Bouchain.

I have been since inform'd by some of the Enemys own Offi
cers, who were then upon the place, that they came thither with an
intention of making good that post, for upon the proposall of that
march, the Prince of Conde oppos'd it, unless they would abso
lutely resolve to maintain it when they were once there; telling
them plainly, That he would not stirr a step, unless the Spaniards
would ingage their promise to do this: They gave him all the
assurances he could desire : Yet he foretold them, that in that post,
wee should certainly come upon them, and then it would be too
late to think of retiring, by which they would expose their whole
Army to be beaten, But whatever arguments he urg'd were not
sufficient to divert them, for march they would; but at the same
time they confirmed their promise to him, of making good that
Post: So wee found them there.

203

CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1655

And now our Partys having brought us word how they were
posted, as soon as wee could put our troopes in battell, wee
march'd towards them; and being come within a league of them,
seeing they were well intrenched on that advantageous post, wee
halted till our canon and ammunition, which were somewhat be
hind, could come up to us. During this our stay, Monsieur de
Turenne went with a Squadron or two, to view their Line, ad
vancing till he came within cannon shott, and then they fir'd at
him with their great guns; which confirmed him in the beleef,
that they would maintain their post : upon which he commanded
Mr. de Castelnau with his Camp-Volant, which consisted (of)
about twelve Squadrons and two or three Battalions, to march, and
post himself on the Enemys right hand on the high way which
comes from St Amand ; that at the same time wee should attack
their front, he might see what could be done upon their flanck.

No sooner was Castlenau gott thether, but he perceived the
Enemy was drawing off towards Conde, of which (he] immediatly
advertised M. de Turenne; who order'd him to press upon their
Reer, and by that means retard, if possibly he could, their march,
till he could come up himself with the body of the Army : and till
wee receiv'd that advice which wee had from Mr. de Castelnau,
wee perceived nothing of the Enemys retreat; neither indeed
could wee by reason of the ground; their Line being, as I have
said before, upon a heigth, so that wee could only discover such
troopes as they would shew us.

It seems that so soon as the Arch Duke, and the Count de
Fuensaldagne were inform'd that our whole Army was past the
River, and that they saw us marching up towards them, they re
pented themselves of being So far ingaged ; and, as the Prince of
Conde had foretold them, resolv'd to march back to Conde, and
there to pass the River. This resolution they took without con
sulting him, so that the first notice he had of it, was by an Adju
tant, who brought him word, that the Arch Duke was marching
away, and desir'd him to bring up the Reer, and make good the
retreat, tho it was the turn of the Spaniards to haue done it: And
that they might haue as litle disorder as they could, they sent their
great canon into Valenciennes, and only carryed off with them
their small feild peeces.

Had Monsr. de Castelnau done his part as he ought according
204

1655 T HE PRINCE OF CONBfi ESCAPES DEFEAT

to his orders, and also as he might, the Prince of Cond& would
haue been reduced to great extremitys: Tis true he fail'd not in
point of courage, but meerly in conduct, for he was so hasty that
coming to the Pont de Beuerage (where runs a brook which
coming from the woods falls into the Escaut on the other side of
Valenciennes, where Monsr, de Marsin was posted with severall
Squadrons and some Dragoons) he would not stay for his foot,
but endeavour 'd with his horse alone to haue forced the pass upon
him, and charg'd over the bridge twice or thrice, tho he was still
beaten with some losse, and at last was forced to Stay till his foot
were advanced to him; who were longer in coming up then they
needed to haue been, by reason that all his horse were gott before
them into the way. But so soon as the Enemy discover'd his foot
advancing, they immediatly drew off, and left the bridge free for
him to pass over, which he did. And by this time, Monsr. de
Turenne was come up with his Van, to the Reer of Mr. de Castel-
nau's troopes, and sent severall Messengers to him with orders,
that he should press the Enemy as much as possibly he could,
therby to hinder their march, that he might come up with them in
their retreat: But Castelnau performed not what was expected of
him, suffering himself to be overreach'd by some of the Prince his
Officers, who bringing up the Reer of their Army and seeing M.
de Castelnau advance before his troopes, ask'd to speak with him
upon parole ; To which he consenting, because they were of old
acquaintance, he ordered his men at the same time to halt a litle,
while they were passing their compliments: Mean while the
Prince of Conde commanded his men to make what hast they
could, to secure themselves by getting off; and so amused 4 our
Lieut Genii, 5 till a man whom they had left on the top of a rising
ground, which was behind them, made a signe to them, and then
they took their leave immediatly of Castelnau, and gallop'd after
their troopes : By this means they gain'd so much time, that they
pass'd the River, before our men could come up with them again.
Soon after this, Monsr. de Turenne arrived at the place where
Castelnau had drawn up his men, within canon-shott of the River,
and saw the Enemys Army drawn up on the other Side of the

4 i.e., beguiled.

5 'et Castelnau fiit pris pour duppe' (MS. Campagnes, p. 179). James is rather
more severe in the French MS. than in what we presume to be his own Memoirs.

205

CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1655

River by Cond6: And then Monsr. de Castelnau gave Monsr. de
Turenne an account of what had past, and added. That the last
Squadron of the Enemys horse were forced to swimm the River to
Save themselves: This mistake of his caused some Sharpnesse
more then ordinary between the Prince and Monsr. de Turenne,
by an accident which happened some days after as the Reader will
find in the following account.

The Enemy had no Sooner past over the River, but they broke
the bridges, so that they were in a further danger, and, as I re
member, march'd the same afternoon for Tournay. Wee quar-
ter'd that night at Frane, closs by Conde, and the next morning
fell to making our bridges over the River, about a league below
the Town; intending so soon as they should be finished to attack
that place. At first it was resolved that only Mr. de Castelnau and
Mr. d'Vxelles, with the troopes which they commanded, should
be employd to take the Town, while the two Mareshalls, with the
rest of the Army, should cover them from any attempt from the
Army of the Spaniards. And so they began to make their ap
proaches to the Town; But the very first night they found so
vigourous a resistance from the Defendants, whose workes indeed
were very slight, but lin'd with great numbers of men within
them, that it was found too hard a taske for them alone to under
take,

Of this the two Mareshalls being advertis'd, they came them
selves, and carryd on one of the attaques, leaving the other to the
conduct of the two foremen tion'd Lieutenant Generalls. And here
wee found a very favourable shelter, from the houses of a small
fauxbourg which was before the gate: for tho the Enemy had
burnt it, yet not haueing time to pluck down the walls, it proved
beneficial to us; for from thence wee began our Trenches, which
was but litle above half musket shott from the Town. The first
night of their being open'd at our attack, they were mounted by
a Battalion of the Guards commanded by Vautourneux, the eldest
Captain of these ten Companies; and at the Lieutenant GeneralFs
attack was the Regiment of* * *. 6

That night wee made a very good (attacK) at both places ; yet
wee lost betwixt three or four hundred men at those two attacks,
of which number were Severall Officers. At our approche wee lost

8 There is a similar bknk in the MS. Campagnes (p. 1 8 1).
206

1655 THE SIEGE OF CONDfi

Monsr. de Vautourneux, who seeing one Captain LLloyd (a
Welshman and an Engeneer, who had been bred up under the
Prince of Orange and was a stout colerick man) 7 coming back
from the Trenches after he had performed his duty, traced out the
work, and sett the workmen upon their imployment, ask'd him,
why he returned so soon? Saying withall, That he was certain he
could haue not performed all he had to do in so short a time ; after
which he let fall some words, as if he doubted of his courage : At
which the Engeneer was so incensed, that it made his Welsh blood
boyle with him; So that he told Vautourneux, That if he pleas'd to
go and look upon what he had trac'd out, he should find he had
not been wanting in any part of his duty. Vpon this they both
went together to view it, and the shott from the Enemy flew so
fast, that Vautourneux was kill'd before he could get to the head
of the workmen, and Captain LLloyd shott through the head.

The next night a Battalion of Suisses had the guard of the
Trenches at one attack, and the Regiment de * * * at the other,
both which attacks carryd on their Trenches within pistoll shott
of the Town : that night wee lost at least as many men as the
former. The third night, an other Battalion of the frech Guards re-
leeved the Suisses at our attack, and the regiment de * * * 8 at the
Lieut GeneralPs. That night at our attack, there happen'd a very
great mistake, which caus'd the loss of many men : It was the turn
of Monsr. de la Ferte to be in the Trenches, who coming in the
Evening to take a view of what had been perform'd there, and to
resolve what was to be farther done, supposed that he was now
neer enough to endeavour to make a lodgment against the palli-
sades, which both he and all the Officers concluded to be without
the ditch on the very edge of it; And accordingly, he order'd his
men to lodge themselves at the foot of them, which so soon as it
was dark, they attempted to haue done : but when they came to
the ditch, they found the pallisades were not before it, but upon
the barme, which, notwithstanding, they pass'd the ditch which
was but shallow, and not broad, in obedience to their orders, and
endeavour'd to haue lodged themselves at the foot of the pallisades
upon the barme, which they disputed so long, that they lost a con
siderable number both of Soldiers and Officers; and at last were

7 *a stout colerick man'-not translated in the French. MS. (p. 1 8 1).

8 There are similar blanks in the MS. Campagxes (p. 182).

207

CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1655

constraint to draw off, and content themselves only with carrying
on their Trench to the edge of the ditch. And here it is not to be
wonder'd at, that this mistake was made; for the ditch, as I said,
being narrow, and it being generally the Custom, that the palli-
sades were placed without it, they took it for granted, that so they
were: to which I might add, that it was exceeding difficult to the
eye to distinguish att a distance, where they were sett.

The next day the Count de Henning Governour of the place
sent out to treat, and made his conditions to march forth with his
armes and baggage on the day following, which was the i gth of
August. He accordingly performed his Articles, and came out
with upwards of two thousand foot, and some few horse.

While wee lay before this place, Monsr. de Bussy-Rabutin, 9
Mestre de Camp de la Caualerie, being sent out with seven or
eight Squadrons of horse to convey and guard our foragers, while
they were about their work on the other side of the Escaut, be
twixt St Crepin and Valenciennes, having plac'd his troopes be
fore the Villages in which our men were foraging, and towards the
Evening, when our foragers had almost ended their work, and
were most of them gone home loaden, seeing two Squadrons of
the Enemies horse appear in the plaine betwixt him and Valen
ciennes, he was desirous to fall upon them ; being also prest to it
by Severall Volonteers and persons of quality who happened to be
with him, amongst which were the Prince de Marsillac and the
Count de Guiche: He therfore march'd to them with all his horse;
Vpon which they drew off at a round rate, and he followed them :
But when he was almost got up to them, they faced about on the
suddain, and at the same time twelve or fourteen Squadrons came
out of a litle bottom, where they had been all that time in Ambus
cade, which so much surpris'd both him and all his company, that
at first they knew not what resolution they should take; and at
length when he was going to haue charged them, he hauing then
no other choice to make, as he had order'd matters, but either to
charge there, or to retire back and make good a dfil6 that was
behind them, he was determin'd by the men themselves; who

9 See the Mf moires de Bussy-Rabutin, ed. L. Lalanne, I, 43 5 et passim. Bussy's
memoirs throw valuable light on the campaign of 1657 (see, e.g., II, 28-29, 3&> 39>
43, 46, 47) and especially the campaign of 1658 and the battle of the Dunes (II,
53> 58-5
208

1655 TURENNE AND CONDfi EXCHANGE LETTERS

without waiting for his command, chose the latter, which they had
reason enough to do, seeing themselves so far outnomber'd by the
Enemy, so they faced about, and made the best of their way to the
defile, crying out, as they broke and ran, Au defilel meaning they
would rally at the pass, and they were as good as their words ; for
so soon as they were come thether, they rallyd very well, and the
Enemy being Satisfied with what they had taken in the poursuit,
press'd them no farther. These Regiments that did this, were of
the best of our Army, and most of them old Troopers as well as
Officers, and had they not done that they did, the loss had been
much more considerable.

In this rencounter wee lost above a hundred horsemen, and a
Cornett or two of the Regiment Royall, who happening to be
taken by some of the Prince of Conde's troopes, he sent them back
to the King by one of his own Trumpeters ; but his Maty refused
to accept of them, and so those troopes of the Regiment which had
lost them, march'd without any during the rest of the Campagne.

There happen'd also about that time an accident, which caused
a worse understanding betwixt the Prince of Conde and Monsr.
de Turenne, then is usuall betwixt persons of their quality com
manding against one another: 10 For a letter which the Mareshall
had written to the Cardinal being intercepted, wherin he gave his
Eminence an account of what had past in the retreat, when the
Spaniards quitted their post neer Valenciennes ; The Prince, into
whose hands it fell, after hauing read it, sent a Trumpeter, with a
letter to Monsr, de Turenne, which was full of very Sharp and res-
senting expressions, some of which were to this purpose, That had
he not known M. de Turenne's own handwriting, he should haue
thought, that the account which was given to the Cardinal in that
paper, had rather been written by some Gazettier, then a Generall;
and clos'd his letter with these words. That had Monsr. de Tu
renne been at the head of his Army, as himself was at the Reer of
his, he would haue seen the contrary of what he writt, none of his
horse being forced to swim the River to Save themselves in their
Retreat. Monsr. de Turenne grew very angry at the reading of
this letter, and told the Trumpeter, That it concerned him to haue

10 This little preamble is omitted in the MS. Campagnts (p. 1 84), where we read
simply that c lt was about this time that a letter which Mr. de Turenne had written.

209

CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1655

a care, how he brought any papers of that nature; and warn'd him
of it, That if he committed the same fault again, neither his
character nor his Livery should protect him ; but that for this time
he was contented to let him go, though he had well deserv'd to be
punish'd for bringing so injurious a paper. The Prince was not
long ignorant, that Monsr. de Turenne had written nothing but
what had been told him by Monsr. de Castelnau, and therfore was
sorry that he had written so angry and offensive a letter; yet, till
the conclusion of the Warr, they were never heartily reconciled; I
mean, they liv'd not with that Civility towards each other, as men
of their quality and posts are accustom'd to do in those parts.

And now Conde being taken, and wee hauing left a sufficient
garrison within it, our Army march'd on the next day which was
the 2oth of August to St Guislain, and beseig'd it, Monsr. de
Turenne having his quarter at a Village called Hornu, and Mr. de
la Ferte his, on the other side of the River. At this place the King
of France and the Cardinal came to the Army, and were quarter'd
at the Castle of Bossut, a litle below the Town, on the same River.
This Town is very strongly situated, standing very low, and the
River of Haisne running through it; so that they can drown at
their pleasure most of the ground about it, as now they had, for
which reason wee found difficulty enough in the carrying on our
Trenches : 'Twas also very hard to make a line of Circumvallation,
because bridges of communication could not be made without
great trouble: So that at the best, notwithstanding all our en
deavours, our Trenches were full of water, especially when wee
came neer, and our approches might more reasonably be calPd
blinds of fascines, then any thing else; because the water being
even with the ground, wee could neither sink ourselves, nor make
use of that earth to cover us. Yet surmounting all these difficulties,
wee carry'd the Town in the space of three days, after wee had
broken ground.

When wee came first to our quarters at Hornu, (Horn) it was
exceeding dark; so that, tho severall of our Generall Officers had
houses mark'd out for their reception which were within lesse then
canon-shott of the Town, they knew it not, till next morning,
when they were waken'd with the thundering of the great Guns
from the Town ; and the houses being all paper buildings, they
were soon dislodged, as in particular Monsr. de Passage, with

210

1655 $T GUISLAIN CAPITULATES

others, who were all obliged to seek their quarters out of gune
shott. I onely made bold to stay in mine, which indeed being litle
more then muskett-shott from the Town, they neglected it so
much as not to shoot at it, as supposing that nobody would stay in
it; so that I remained there in great security during the time the
Seige lasted.

At this place the French Guards according to custome, had the
guard of the Trenches the first night; it being an indisputed right
in those Countrys, that how many Seiges soever, th5 of very short
continuance shall happen in a Campagne, the eldest Regiment has
allways the honour of first breaking ground. There happen'd a
dispute that night betwixt Mr. de Montpezat the eldest Lieut
Generall, and the Grand Maistre de PArtillerie, occasion'd by the
first mention'd sending his orders to the latter, to furnish him
with some necessarys which he wanted for carrying on the Tren
ches, the first night they were open'd; which the other refused to
obey, pretending he ought to receive no orders but from the Gen-
erall himself: Of which Mr. de Montpezat complaining the next
day, the dispute was decided in favour of the Lieut Generalls, that
the Grand Maistre was obliged to receive orders from any of them :
Upon which result, for so long time as he continued in the Army,
he officiated no more as Grand Maistre, but had a Comission,
granted him for Lieut Generall and served only in that capacity.

Wee lost no many Soldiers at this Seige, nor do I remember
that any Officer of note was kill'd; only the Cheualier de Crequi
and Monsr. de Varennes were wounded, besides some other
Officers, as Monsr. de Chavigny Aide Major to the Regiment of
Guards, and since Pere de 1'Oratoire; The Cheualier de Crequi
was wounded at Monsr. de la Fert6s attack, and dangerously hurt
in the head, of which notwithstanding he afterwards recovered,
and Monsr. de Varenne was shott in the thigh at their attack as
he was talking with me.

In three nights wee carryd on our approches to the edge of the
ditch, and the next day, the Governour Don Pedro Savali sent out
to capitulate, and march'd out of the Town the next day following
which was the 25th.

While wee were busied at this Seige, the Enemy divided their
Army; the Arch Duke and Count de Fuensaldagne with most of
the Spanish foot and some horse, were at Notre-Dame-de-Halle,

211

CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1655

The Pee of Conde with the greatest part of his at Tournay, the
Lorrainers at Ath, and the Prince of Ligny 11 with about four or
five thousand men at Mons.

And now the year was so far spent, that it was not thought ex
pedient for us to undertake any other Seige, So that wee spent
severall days in the same quarters where wee were when wee Satt
down before St Guislain, from which place the Court departed,
some few days after it was taken. During the time of our abode
there, wee work hard both at that Town and Conde, adding new
fortifications to them, but our cheifest care was to secure our
Foragers, and to eat up the Country round about those garrisons ;
that by so doing wee might make it impracticable for the Enemy
to beseige them in the winter. And to that intent wee continued in
our Camp by St Guislain, till our men had quite made an end of
the Forage thereabout, and wee took care allways to send out
strong Convoys with our foragers, to prevent their being beaten
or taken by the Spaniards. Sometimes Monsr. de Turenne him
self went out with them; and when he did not, there was allways a
Lieut Generall at the head of those partys, which had never less
during our abode in that place then two thousand men to guard
them.

Having taken these precautions, wee never received any affront
or considerable loss in our Forage: yet notwithstanding all the
care which could be taken, some small partys of the Enemys
would be still abroad, and glean up here and there a man or two ;
it being impossible to restrain our Vedettes from running out be
yond our Guards, where commonly they were surpriz'd ; And of
all the Enemies' horse, none did us so much mischeif as their
Cravats, 12 who in litle partys would be perpetually upon our
Foragers : but to prevent their designs as much as possibly wee
could, Monsr. de Turenne order 'd, That every Squadron of horse
should send along with their Foragers, three or four Officers well
mounted, so that when any of these Cravats fell upon their fellows,
they might joyn twenty or thirty of them together, which were
enough to beat off one of those straggling partys : By this means
our Foragers were better protected then before, and many of the
Cravats taken.

11 THe Prince de Ligne.

12 See above, for the year 1654, p. 192.

212

i6$5 THE DUKE'S CONVOY TO CHIEVRES

The last Forage wee made while wee stayd in that quarter, was
the greatest of any, and of the most danger, being to go as far as
Chievres and the Abbey of Cambron ; the first of which places is
but the distance of a large league from Ath. This Convoy was
commanded by men (me), and being to march so great a distance
from their Camp into the midst of those places where the Enemies
troopes were quartered, I had five Battalions and fourty Squadrons
with two pieces of canon along with me. And as I gave a particular
account of one considerable Forage which was made in the fore
going year, I shall do the same of this. 13

Having considered that I was to be ingaged so far in the
Enemys Country, I thought it necessary to take what precau
tions I could, and to that purpose before day I sent a party of horse
to a great wood, through which I was of necessity to pass, to stopp
all the Foragers there, and to permitt none of them to go on be
yond those limits, till I cam thither myself with the Troopes I
commanded. This being perform'd according to my order, I
march'd through the wood, and drew out upon the plaine before
any one Forager was there. In the wood I left a Battalion, that
from Mons, partys of foot might not intercept them when they
returned loaden. Then I gaue my orders, that the Foragers should
not presume to disband, or march faster then the Convoy; but go
along with me upon the same front on each hand of the Squad
rons. In this manner I march'd till I came almost within a league
of Chievres; and it was an extraordinary sight to see about ten
thousand Foragers, most of them with scythes in their hands,
with the Officers before them marching as they did, the front of
them being almost half a mile in breadth: But when they came
within sight of that part of the Country, which had not been
already forag'd, it was altogether impossible either for me or their
particular Officers to keep them in order any longer, or to hinder
them from disbanding, and making what hast they could to
forage. Which when I observ'd, I left the remainder of my foot,
and some horse together with the canon, upon the heigth where I
was, near a Village; and myself with the greatest part of the re
maining horse, march'd at a round trott after the Foragers, and
when they were fallen to their work, I placed myself before them
betwixt Chievres and Brugelet, by that means to cover them from
18 Sentence omitted in the MS. Campagnts (p. 1 89).

213

CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1655

those in Ath. At the same time sending the Count de Grandpre
with the rest of the horse the other way, ordering him to draw up
by a Village calPd Leuse, therby to Secure our Foragers from any
partys which might come out from Mons.

And upon this occasion I cannot forbear to mention the great
order and justice which was observ'd amongst Foragers; for he
who first enters into a Feild of Corne or Meadow, keepes posses
sion, and none will offer to come within such a distance of him,
and not to leave him sufficient forage to load his horse: And who
soever gets first into a Barne, or on a Hay-mowe, no man offers
to disturb him, or to size on any thing, till he has provided for
himself; so that First come first serv'd.

About noon I had an alarme, but it prov'd to be only Monsr. de
Rochepair, 14 who had been abroad with a party of about a thous
and horse, and was returning to the Camp, without having done
any thing : I desir J d him to stay with me, not knowing what use
wee might haue of more men : And now hauing continued there
till all the Foragers had loaden, and were gone, I march'd back to
the Camp after them, loosing only half a score, who had past over
the brook by Cambron contrary to order, and were taken by a
small party of the Enemy. I have since been told by the Prince de
Ligne, and other Officers of the Spanish Army, That they had in
tended that day to haue fallen on our Foragers, and had appointed
a Rendezvous for most of their horse from Tournay, Mons, and
Ath, (and} haue met for that design; but that when I march'd out
with out Foragers, there was so great a noise in our Camp, that
some of the Prince de Ligne's small partys brought him intelli
gence to Mons, that our whole Army was on its march : wherupon
he sent immediate notice of it to the Rendezvous, and they all
march'd back into their severall quarters, apprehending to meet
with the Van (of) our Army: Thus in all appearance by this mis
take, that Forage escap'd a great danger; for it would haue been
very difficult to haue gott off in safety, when so great a body of
horse should haue fallen on them.

Some days after this, all the Country about us being now quite
eaten up, wee past the River, and Camp at Outrage 15 on the I4th
of September, and on the 1 9th wee march'd to Leuse a Bourg in

14 'Rocheperre' (MS. Campagnes, p. 190).

15 'Hauterage' (MS. Campagnes, p. 291).

2I 4

1655 MARCH OF THE FRENCH ARMY

the midway betwixt Tournay and Ath, where wee rested for some
days, till wee had also eaten up most of the Forage in those parts.
During our stay there, wee took in the Castle of Briffeil, in which
the Enemy had a garrison, who would not deliver it up till they
saw our canon in battery against them.

Having stayd as long as it was convenient in that quarter, wee
began to think it necessary for us to go out of the Enemys Coun
try; and on the 26th of September, wee march' d to Pommereuil
near Pont de Haisne. The next day wee passed over that River,
and camped at Angre upon the Hosneau (Anirt sur rHaisneattf-*
about a league from Keuvrain up that brook. This quarter and all
adjoining to it, had been so consumed, that the very first night of
our coming thether, our Foragers were forc'd to go out two
leagues for nothing but for straw. So that had any one proposed to
haue stayd there, about three or four days, it would haue been
judged impracticable. Notwithstanding which Monsr. de Tu-
renne maintain'd us there without want above a fortnight; which
was impossible to haue done, had he not ordered us to provide
ourselves with corn when wee went from Leuse: at which time
our waggons were not only as full as they could hold, but every
Trooper carryd a sack of corn behind him, the day wee came
thether, which enabled us to subsist so long as wee did in that
leane quarter; where there was so litle Forage in the neighbour
hood, that I do not remember wee sent out above thrice while wee
continued there.

At this place also I commanded the last Forage which wee
made, and was forced to go almost as far as Bouchain before any
thing could be found, most of our men coming loaden only with
Straw, The occasion of our long stay in that place, was to furnish
the two Towns which wee had newly taken with all manner of
Stores and necessary provisions, and for finishing of some works
which were absolutely needfull for their Safety.

When this was done, about the I ith of October wee march'd
to Barlaimont, and on the 22d to the Abbey of Marolles; where
wee thought wee should haue continued for some time: but hav
ing received intelligence that some troopes of the Enemy were
drawing down that way, wee thought it expedient for us to remove
from thence to a place called Vandegies-au-bois, where our Gener-

18 Angri sur le Hainaut (MS. Camfagttes, p. 291).

215

CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1655

all received orders to march towards la Fere ; the Court being then
just advertis'd, that the Mareshall d'Hocquincourt was making a
Treaty with the Prince of Conde, to deliver up to him Ham and
Peronne 3 of both which places he was Governour. In pursuance
of which order Monsr. de Turenne came with the Army on the
4th of Nouember to Mouy, a Village upon the River of Oyse,
about two leagues above la Fere ; where so soon as he arriued, he
received a letter from the Cardinal to leave the Army there, and
come himself to Compiegne where the Court then was, that they
might consult together, what resolution was to be taken, in case
the Mareshall d'Hocquincourt should not hearken to the offers
which were made him from the King, and receive the Enemy into
those two so considerable places, upon the River of Somme. 17

Accordingly he went thether leaving the Army under my com
mand, who was then the only Lieut Generall remaining with it, all
the others having had leave given them before to go away, when
they askt it, there being no probability of Action. By this accident
I came to haue the command of the Army committed to me, at the
very time when the Peace betwixt France and Cromwell was con
cluded and actually publish'd, and by which Treaty, I was by
name to be banish'd France. The Army stayd at Mouy during
some days, and there I received orders to march with it to Mon-
decour on the loth of Nouember. That Town is betwixt Noyon
and Chauny, and there I stayd till Monsr. de Turenne return'd to
the Army, which was about the I4th, when the affaire concerning
Mr. d'Hocquincourt was wholy accommodated, and the Court
was secur'd not to lose those two places. After which I obtain'd
leave from Monsr. de Turenne to go to the Court, the Army being

17 Condi's friend Madame de ChatiHon had great influence with Marshal
D'Hocquincourt. The latter installed himself in Peronne where he could conveni
ently receive overtures from both sides. Mazarin suggested that Turenne should
move his army near to Peronne; but Turenne pointed out the risk of forcing D'Hoc
quincourt to 'some extreme resolution'. Should these invaluable fortresses fall into
Spanish hands, the war might again turn into a civil war and the situation once more
become desperate. D'Hocquincourt was asking for twenty thousand crowns. Give
him fifty thousand rather than temporise, was Turenne's advice. Once Conde and the
Spaniards are in Pdronne, it will cost you more than twenty million, if not the loss of
the kingdom. This was sound advice. Conde" and the Spaniards were hovering within
a few hours of Peronne. And when Mazarin offered D'Hocquincourt the sum he had
asked for on condition that he should resign the governorship of PeYonne and one or
two other places to his son, whom the Court considered reliable, he came to terms,
and the enemy withdrew into Flanders.

216

7. VlCOMTE DE SCHOMBERG

z
z

c/2
to

o
p

w
a
H

1655 WINTER QUARTERS

at that time just ready to go into their winter-quarters, and no
likelyhood of any more action that Year; for as long as there was
any, I thought myself obliged in honour not to quitt the Army,
tho I knew the Treaty betwixt the Crown of France and Crom
well, by Vertue of which I was presently to leave the Country, was
already sign'd on both sides.

UNTIL the conclusion of the treaty with Monsieur d'Hoc-
quincourtj the Campaign of 1655 could not be considered
finished; so the Duke of York did not think he could leave the
French Army with honour while there might still arise some ac
tion, although he knew that the treaty between France and Crom
well was signed, whereby he was banished from the Kingdom.
The Queen Mother of France as well as the Cardinal explained
the reasons for this to the Prince on his arrival at Compiegne, and
how they had been obliged to yield to a necessity so contrary to
their inclination. And when the Court was returned to Paris, they
not only expressed the desire they had to retain him in the service,
but assured him that, if Cromwell would not consent to the pro
positions they had made to him in this matter, his pension would
still be paid him in what ever place he might retire to, provided
that he did not serve against France. He then accepted the offer
that was made him to serve in Italy as Captain-General under the
Duke of Modena, Generalissimo of the troops of France and
Savoy in Piedmont. He had a strong inclination to get more and
more experience in arms, and the tender love which his aunt the
Duchess of Savoy had shown him on every occasion, caused him
to embrace this decision with the more pleasure because he felt
much gratitude for her kindness and because she ardently desired
to have him near her. 1

* The entry for 1656 lias been translated tel qud from the French MS. It is
slightly different from, and substantially shorter than, the corresponding entry in the
Life. If we assume that both are based on the same original, it is clear that the person
who made the French translation added one passage (as indicated below), but
abbreviated or paraphrased the rest, passing over a few lines here and there, and
omitting at the end nearly nine pages which figure in the Life.

1 This first paragraph summarises very quickly the three paragraphs which con
clude the entry in the Life (pp. 264-266) for 1655. Two points omitted in the
French MS. are (i) that James affirms that Mazarin 'had been a very ill Minister, if
he had not made that Treaty with Cromwell in such a juncture of affairs' (p. 265);
and (ii) in reply to Mazarin's representations, Cromwell 'consented to my Stay in
France, and to my serving in any of their Arrays, excepting only that of Flanders' (p.
266).

218

1656 THE DUKE MEETS ANNE HYDE

At the beginning of February the Princess of Orange came to
Paris to see the Queen her Mother. The Duke of York went to
meet her between Peronne and Cambrai. It was there that the
Prince for the first time saw Mistress Hyde, maid of honour to
the Princess his sister, and whom he afterwards married. 2 The
French Court came out of Paris with great civility to receive this
Princess and carried her to the Palais Royal where they left her
with the Queen her Mother.

A few days after this 3 on the arrival of the news that the King of
England had gone from Cologne into Flanders^ 3 all the Irish
Colonels who had served in the French armies under Monsieur de
Turenne and Monsieur de la Ferte, hearing of it, wrote to the
Duke of York to assure him that they were ready to perform, as
good subjects and men of honour, whatever he should appoint
them. 4 He thanked them and recommended them by no means to
suffer their soldiers to pass into Flanders piecemeal or in small
parties, although the Spaniards might invite them, on the occasion
of the King's having retired into their country; and that they
should keep their Regiments together, as much for the service of
his Majesty when there should be need of them, as for their own
advantage; besides that their soldiers could not disperse them
selves, as long as he was serving in France, without doing great
prejudice to his private affairs, and that when it should be time to
make use of their offers, he would advise them of it. 5

One of the Colonels named Richard Gray 6 deserves that men
tion should be made of the handsome manner in which he quitted
the service of the Spaniards after having been obliged so to do as
much by their ill care as by his own duty. He had served King

2 This circumstance has been hitherto unknown. The sentence does not occur in
the printed Life (ed. Clarke) where the first mention of 'Mrs. Hyde' and the Duke's
marriage occurs in the section immediately following the Restoration (I, 387).

8 '.. . it being reported that the King of Engknd was to go from Colen into Flan
ders' (Life, The Third Part, I, 267).

4 The Life (p. 267) says the same in other words.

6 The account in the Life (pp. 267-268) is substantially the same, but the order of
phrases is different.

'And here his R.H. takes particular notice in his Memoires of the ^handsome
carriage of one of those Colonells, when he quitted the Service of the Spaniards. This
gentleman by name Col: Richard Grace, after having serv'd the kte King Charles the

ist ' (Lift, p. 268). The MS. shows that 'Grace' had originally been written, and

then boldly corrected to 'Gray'-evidently by James's order.

219

22O

1656 COLONEL RICHARD GRAY

Charles the ist in England until the capture of Oxford, and had
sustained the cause of Charles the 2nd in Ireland as long as his
party had been in arms in that Kingdom. When the war was over
the Rebels had permitted him to take over a Regiment of his
nation into Spain. He had concluded an honourable and advan
tageous capitulation with the Spaniards, but when his troops were
disembarked to the number of twelve hundred men, it was so ill
observed, and he himself so ill used, that he lost the half of his men
before he could arrive in Catalonia. He nevertheless served in the
Campaign with much valour; 7 but having been placed in garrison
in an important fortress on the frontier, on learning that the King
his Master had retired into France 8 and that the Duke of York
was serving in the [French] Armies, he resolved to quit Spain,
where he had no reason to hope for better treatment than in the
past; but he did not think that, they having broken their word
with him, he was for that reason freed from the obligation of be
having toward them as a gallant man and as became a gentleman. 9
He sent to propose to Monsieur d'Hocquincourt 10 that he should
receive his Regiment on the same footing as the other Regiments
of his nation that were serving in France, and on condition that he
might afterwards go to serve his King wherever the King's affairs
should require it. The offer was accepted, and he was earnestly de
sired at the same time to deliver up his castle. But he refused. He
agreed only that the Marshal should send Cavalry on a certain
day to a certain spot, to meet the Regiment. He then sent to the
nearest Spanish garrison to give them notice that they should dis
patch two hundred men to whom he would deliver up the Castle
when he marched out of it; but that they should have care not to
send a greater number which might cause him to suspect trea
chery; because then he would not deem it treachery to deliver the
Castle to the French when he should be obliged to do so for his

7 ^Notwithstanding which bad treatment, he serv'd in the Spanish Army with good
reputation, till the end of the Campagne.' (Life, p. 268).

8 Here the Life adds: 'where he was honourably treated.'

9 The differences between the French MS. and the text printed in the Life are
here very slight.

10 'To which purpose he sent to the Mareshall d'Hocquincourt, who at that time
commanded the French Army in Catalonia, to let him know, that on such a day,
which was mention'd by him, he would march off with his Regiment on these condi
tions, that . . / (as in MS.). The Life is dearer and more circumstantial at this point.

221

CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1656

own security and his regiment's. The evacuation was completed in
good faith. He marched out of one gate, while the two hundred
Spaniards entered by another; and he found the French horse at
the rendezvous which had been fixed.

When it was known 11 that the King of England was not only in
Flanders, but that he had signed a Treaty with Spain, all men be
lieved that the Duke of York would also withdraw there. This
Prince, who was used to speaking in confidence of his affairs with
Monsieur de Turenne, was advised by him to write to the King
his brother and offer to his consideration, that having served in
France and received his education there, having moreover con
tracted friendship with the most considerable persons at the Court
and in the Armies whose interest might one day be usefully em
ployed for the advantage of his Majesty, he believed it would be
to his interest to permit him to remain in France; whereas by
quitting it, he ran great hazard of losing both his friends and the
interest he had there. He believed he could render no great service
in Flanders where it was enough for the Spaniards that his Majesty
and the Duke of Gloucester were there. Besides this, there had
been no mention made of him in the Treaty, and the Spaniards
had not shown that they desired him to join them. 12 If they
should happen later to ask for this, his Majesty could secretly
consent to his remaining in France, while appearing vexed
with him for his apparent disobedience; which would satisfy
the Spaniards; and this connivance would be known only to
the person who should carry the proposition and bring back the
consent. 13

The Duke of York was much pleased with this advice, he com
municated it to the Queen his Mother who also approved it, and
he resolved to send. Charles Berkeley to make the proposition to
the King. But at the moment when Berkeley was going to set out,

11 The new paragraph, in the Life begins: 'But to returne where wee left. After
this address, which was made to the Duke from the Irish Collonels, there came
certain news, That the King was in Flanders and that he had concluded a Treaty

with the Spaniards ' The narrative that follows differs somewhat from that in the

MS. and is a little fuller.

12 . . . *et qu'ils n'avaient point t&noigne souhaitter qu'il rut de la partie' (MS.).
The narrative in the Life (p. 270) expresses a more marked vexation with the negli
gence and disdain displayed by the Spaniards on this occasion.

13 This concludes the details of the scheme which Turenne proposed.

222

1656 THE DUKE AT COMPIfcGNE

he unfortunately broke his leg, which obliged the Prince to make
use of Doctor Frazer who was about to leave and join his Majesty.
The latter acquitted himself very faithfully of this commission ;
but the King, far from consenting to the Duke's request, imme
diately sent him an absolute order to come and join him in Flan
ders with all possible diligence. He at once obeyed, and the French
Court consented. 14

When this Prince arrived at Compiegne at the beginning of
September to take leave of the Court, there befell an accident
which would have greatly embarrassed him in any other country.
The Marquess of Ormond had been dispatched by the King of
England, at the request of the Spaniards, to the blockade of
Conde, which was to surrender in a few days. He sent in an order
in the name of his Majesty to Muskerry who had an Irish Regi
ment in garrison in that place, and to the Chevalier Darcy, Lieu
tenant-Colonel of the Duke of York's Regiment, to quit the ser
vice of France by marching out of the town and to come and join
him in Flanders. Muskerry answered that he had all the feelings
of respect and obedience which a good subject must have for the
King; but he did not think he could with honour quit the Service
of France in which he had engaged, until he had previously ob
tained a passport, which he would ask for as soon as he should
have joined the army. This behaviour 15 of the Marquess caused
great displeasure at the French Court; but it did not hinder the
Duke's being received there with much civility and being assured
that his pension would still be paid, in case he did not actually
serve against France. 16

14 The text here is marked!/ different from the longer passage in Life (p. 271). At
this point, however, the text of the MS. as translated here, omits four pages which
appear in the Life (bottom of p. 271 to lower part of p. 275) presumably because
these relate to intrigues at the English court. The text of the MS. immediately follow
ing this point rejoins the text of the Life at p, 275.

15 'Ce procede du Marquis deplut beaucoup a k Cour de France, mais il n'empescha
point que le Due n'y fut receu avec beaucoup de civilite. . . .' The reference is to
Ormonde. ?

15 Here follows in the Life (I, 276-277) a paragraph which describes the Duke s
doings in Paris, and the letters awaiting him from Charles II requiring him to leave
Sir John Berkeley in Paris. He saw that the design was to remove Berkeley from his
service and impose on him Sir John Ratcliffe, 'an absolute creature of those who
were most inward with his Majesty. But this their project did not take,' because
the Duke obeyed the King by going to Flanders, although he took Berkeley with
him.

223

CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1656

This Prince, having sent his Equipage 17 and servants before
him, set out from Paris on the roth of September and lay the first
night at Verneuil with Monsieur de Metz. The next day he pro
ceeded in his carriage to Clermont in order to take the post there
and go the same day to join his Equipage which had orders to
await him at Abbeville.

On his arriving at the gates of Clermont, one of his servants
whom he had sent before to hold the horses ready, came to tell him
that Lockart, Cromwell's ambassador, was there and was lodging
at the Post House, 18 which was the best in the town; whereupon
he gave this man orders to have his horses brought to the door of
the Post House. The Prince on arriving had his coach stop, took
out his boots, got on horseback in the street and immediately
continued on his way. There was equal surprise on both sides.
Lockart feared the consequences. He knew that the Duke of York
was as well liked by the people as he was held in consideration by
all persons of quality in the Kingdom, and that the English of
Lockart's party were equally hated by all men ; these reflections
alarmed him; he caused his horses to be saddled, assembled his
men in the inn, and made them stand on guard with their swords
and pistols. He himself stood at a window of the room which
looked out on the street above the gate, having beside him the
principal men of his retinue who like him were uncovered; 'tis
probable that he stood thus to avoid taking off his hat and not be
blamed for remaining covered. His footmen stood in the Court at
the bottom of the stairs. Now the coach having stopped directly

17 'Ce Prince aiant fait prendre les devants a ses Equipages, partit de Paris. . . .*
Furetiere (Dictionnaire, 1690) defines this word as 'Provision de tout ce qui est
n^cessaire pour voyager ou s'entretenir honorablement, soit de valets, chevaux,
carrosses, habits, armes, etc'. It therefore meant his carriage, attendants, baggage, and
probably weapons.

18 Thotellerie de la poste. 5

Sir William Lockhart was a Scottish gentleman who, as a boy, had sought his for
tune on the Continent and distinguished himself in the French army. During the
Civil War in England he had fought for the King, who knighted him. At the time of
Charles IPs adventure in Scotland he offered to accompany Charles as a volunteer in
the expedition which was to end at Worcester; but Charles appears to have ignored
his offer. He later came to terms with Cromwell and entered his service. His mission
as ambassador to France and subsequently as commander of the English expeditionary
force was highly successful. After the Restoration he retired to Scotland; but in 1674
Charles II sent him as envoy to Brandenburg and later appointed him as ambassador
in Paris.

224

1656 THE DUKE AND CROMWELL'S AMBASSADOR

at the gate facing the window, the Prince saw him, and before he
could get on horseback, all the people having eagerly run up to
see him, the least word from him would have made them fall on
the ambassador. Lockart was afraid but his fear lasted no long
time and the Prince's departure reassured him. 19

What the Court had done in civility to the Duke of York to
avoid any accident was like to have caused a very painful one. 20
Lockart had been sent from Compiegne to Clermont to avoid his
encountering the Prince, who had remained a few days in Paris
but much fewer then the Court had supposed, after he had taken
leave of them. His diligence in setting out was the reason for his
finding Lockart still at Clermont. He was received with much
civility in every town he passed through, 21 and arriving at Grave-
lines which was the first place belonging to the Spaniards, he was
there met by the Marquess of Ormond on the orders of the King
his brother; and his Majesty who was then at Bruges came to
Furne to receive him. 22

1S The account of this episode in the Life is similar but longer and more detailed.
Tlie French text is a more concise paraphrase of it.

20 ... 'pensa en causer un [accident] fort fascheus,' that is, nearly caused a very
awkward 'incident'.

21 The Life (p. 278) specifies Montreuii, Boulogne, and Calais.

22 This paragraph concludes the entry for 1656. It is written by the same scribe
but in a smaller hand than the rest of the section in the MS., and was perhaps added
somewhat later. The Life now gives a detailed account (nearly nine folio pages,
pp. 279287) of the pressure that was brought to bear on the Duke to get rid of his
trusted followers, Sir John Berkeley, Harry Berkeley (his master of the Horse), and
Henry Jennyn; to bring Sir James Darcey and his regiment from Paris into Flanders;
and to compel him and the Duke to enter the Spanish service. This intrigue was the
work of a faction then uppermost in Charles's councils; its leaders appear to have been
Sir Henry Bennet (afterwards Lord Arlington), Sir John Ratcliffe, and the Earl of
Bristol; Henry Killigrew was associated with it. Lord Jennyn, who with Henry
Jennyn was strongly pro-French, wrote from Paris urging the Duke not to take ser
vice with Spain, as he had lived so long in France, had been treated with great kind
ness, and was in receipt of a pension. James felt nevertheless that he might with
honour agree to the King's wishes and serve with the Spaniards. But when, on Christ
mas eve, he learned that the Spaniards proposed to administer an oath to everyone
who came over to their side (which would mean that his own junior officers would be
pledged to the King of Spain and not to the Duke); when Lord Bristol attempted
further to damage Sir John Berkeley's credit; and when, finally, to add to his indigna
tion, Charles compelled him to send Sir John away in this juncture James deter
mined to have no more to do with the Spanish proposal, but to withdraw into
Holland which he did.

225

THE DUKE'S FIFTH CAMPAIGN,

AND THE FIRST HE SERVED IN

THE SPANISH ARMY

THE beginning of this Campaign was very glorious for the
Prince de Oonde, While he was reviewing his cavalry at La
Bussiere on the Sambre, whence they were to go to the general
rendezvous of the army, he was advised that Monsieur de Tu-
renne and Monsieur de la Ferte had besieged Cambrai, which he
knew had only a weak garrison. He immediately, and without
hesitating, marched in order to try to relieve it before the French
could be informed of his march and had perfected their lines. He
took his measures so as to arrive at night; and although the French

* This entry for 1657 Las, like the entries for 1652 and 1656, been translated from
the French MS. The Life here contains a section of 8 pages (pp. 288-296) which do
not figure in the Campagnes. In this section of the Life, the Duke makes his way
secretly into Holland and is about to embark in a French ship with the intention of
returning to France when he is dissuaded by Charles Berkeley who points out that an
English warship, exercising the right of search, may intercept him. He therefore pro
ceeds to Utrecht, still hoping to rejoin the French, However, on receiving from
Charles II promises of more satisfactory treatment, he returns to Bruges and it is now
understood that he will serve with the Spaniards under Don Juan and the Marquess
of Caracena. He dismisses Sir Henry Bennet and Harry KilHgrew from his service,
while Lord Bristol, another of his enemies, falls into temporary disgrace.

The nest section, which is devoted to 'The Duke's Fifth Campagne, and the first
he serv'd in the Spanish Army' (Life, pp. 297-329) opens with four paragraphs
which likewise do not appear in the MS. Campagnes. These describe Charles IPs and
James's efforts to raise six regiments of foot, drawn from the English, Scots, and Irish
then in France, to serve with the Spaniards. Over 2000 men are raised and the num
ber would have been doubled but for Spanish jealousy and discouragement. The Duke
nevertheless, being now in Brussels, wins the good will of Don Juan and the Spanish
ministers, and takes the field at the head of the British regiments. The account in the
MS. Campagnes is resumed at this point.

Here, and throughout this section of the Life, and also in the section for 1658, the
narrative is in the first person; and this suggests that this part of the Life is a literal
copy, as it purports to be, of James's autograph memoirs.

226

i6 5 7 RAISING THE SIEGE OF CAMBRAI

were on horseback and in good order, he forced a passage through
the two lines of cavalry which stood in his way and which could
not hinder so considerable a body of troops, whose only business
was to reach the town ; which was performed with very little loss.
He arrived at the Counterscarp ; and the Count de Salazar, gover
nor of the place, so little expected this succour that the Prince de
Conde was a long time at the palisade before they opened the gate
for him. This surprise was the more agreeable to him [Salazar],
because he was no great soldier, the garrison was weak, and if he
had not been relieved at that time, he was going to abandon the
town and defend the citadel. The place was ordinarily well pro
vided with men, and the reason why it was not then well provided
was that the Spaniards believed Cromwell was sending six thous
and of his troops to join the French and that they were designing
to attack some maritime town of the Spaniards. So they fortified
all their garrisons on that side; and the Cardinal, having been in
formed that the garrison of Cambrai was weak, thought this a more
favourable opportunity for taking it as he had for long greatly
desired to become its Bishop and Prince ; x and truly, had not the
Prince de Conde been extremely prompt and suddenly and by
chance decided to succour it, the town had been taken. For if he
had been in Brussels when the Spaniards were warned of the
siege, the French would have completed their lines before the
Spaniards could have deliberated and resolved on the means of
relieving the place. 2

Monsieur de Turenne who had counted on the usual slowness
and gravity of the Spaniards was exceedingly surprised at the
Prince de Conde's promptitude, and having learned from some
prisoners the number and quality of the troops that had entered
the town, he judged it appropriate to raise the siege and give ad
vice of this to the Court. The Prince de Conde, having left a
sufficient garrison [in Cambrai], returned to Brussels and sent the
rest of his troops to the general rendezvous which was near Mons.

This ill success [of Turenne's] disconcerted the measures that

1 ... *crut 1'occasion d'autant plus favorable pour la prendre qu'il avoit de longue
main une forte passion d'en devenir FEveque et le Prince.' The passage in Life is
milder and slightly more amusing: 'which he had more desire to take than any other,
having, as I have been inform'd, a kind of longing to be made Prince and Bishop of
it' (p. 300).

2 The narrative in Life is more detailed and elaborate.

227

CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1657

the French had taken for this campaign. They abandoned the
design of undertaking any other considerable siege; they divided
their army; Monsieur de la Ferte with one part went to attack
Montmedy, and Monsieur de Turenne with the other marched
towards the sea to join the English infantry that had disembarked,
after which he returned the same way to watch the movements of
the Spaniards. These, on the igth of June, left the neighbourhood
of Mons to go and camp on the Sambre a little above Thuin. On
the 22nd the army passed the river, the next day it camped near
Philippeville as if with the design of relieving Montmedy. Mon
sieur de Turenne made haste to get there before them; but the
real design was to beguile and deceive him, 3 and fall upon Calais
which it was hoped to carry in a few hours, at a point that was
known to be weak. The Spaniards had been meditating this design
even before the departure of the Archduke, who had sent engi
neers in disguise to reconnoitre the weaknesses of the place. They
had not yet been able to find an opportunity of attacking it. They
thought at last they would succeed and had taken measures so
sound that it seemed the enterprise could not fail. It was conducted
in such secrecy that the enemy had not the least suspicion of it
The Spaniards, on quitting Mons, had left a body of cavalry
behind, which with the infantry that could be drawn from the
neighbouring garrisons was enough to begin the undertaking.

After leading Monsieur de Turenne to advance towards Mont
medy, the Spanish army suddenly turned back and began to
march towards Calais on the 26th. Don Juan, 4 the Prince de
Cond, and Caracena went in advance with the cavalry by the
shortest way and left the Duke of York and Marsin with the in
fantry to follow with all diligence; the baggage and cannon were
marching more in advance. The Prince de Ligne 5 had been chosen
to execute this enterprise and, that he might have the principal
conduct of it, he was sent a day's march in front of the army to put

3 'Mr de Turenne se liasta de gagner les devants; le dessein estoit de 1'amuser et de
luy donner le change, en tombant sur Calais, . . .'

4 Don Juan was a son of Philip IV and the actress Maria Calder6n. He had fought
bravely in his early campaigns and his father, who had appointed him in 1656 as
viceroy of the Netherlands, seems to have thought he might emulate the achieve
ments of his sixteenth-century namesake. He was to distinguish himself mainly for his
self-assurance and his siestas.

5 The Life has 'The Prince de Ligny', which is an error.

228

1657 FUTILE MARCH TO CALAIS

himself at the head of the troops which had been left behind for
this purpose. The Duke of York marched the first night to Tilly
with the infantry; on the 27th he reached the suburbs of Mons; on
the 28th Bruelles (?); 6 on the 29th, having passed the Scheldt at
Tournai, he camped at Bouvines. 7 On the 3ist he marched under
the walls of Lille, passed the Lys at Armentieres, and camped at
Nieukerke. 8 The next day, ist of July, he arrived at Hazebrouk
and on the 2nd at Arques, a league distant from St. Omer, where,
on arriving, he proposed to reach Calais before nightfall. But he
received a letter from Don Juan who sent him word that the
enterprise had failed and ordered him to remain at Arques until he
received further instructions.

The Prince de Ligne had marched from Gravelines as soon as
it was night to execute the design at low tide by seizing that part
of the town which was outside the walls and adjoining the quay,
after which one could make oneself master of the town in twelve
hours. But he arrived half an hour too late; the water was so high
that it was impossible to pass through, and he was obliged to draw
off having done nothing but give a sudden alarm to the town and
show the governor where the weakest point was, which the gover
nor then took pains to fortify and so deprive the Spaniards of any
hope of being able to surprise the place.

This long march having produced no other effect, the cavalry
and infantry joined up at Quiernes, a league from Ayre, on the
4th of July and the cannon and baggage arrived a day or two later.
The army marched on the 6th to Bourech near Lillers, remained
there a few days and went and camped towards the I2th at
Brouai ; the next day at Lens, then at Roeux on the Scarpe, and on
the i ^th at Sauchy-Cauchy between Arras and Cambrai, and after
camping there until the 2ist it marched to Marcoing.

While time was being lost in making so many useless marches,
Monsieur de la Fert continued the Siege of Montmedy, which
offered more resistance than he had expected, the place being

ft The MS. lias 'Briffeuille' crossed out and replaced in another hand (probably
James's) by 'Bruelles'. Ramsay, Histotre de Turenne, II, cxviii, gives 'Bruxelles', and
this is almost certainly correct.

7 The MS. has: 'II vint camper a pont a Tresin.' 'Tresin* has been crossed out and
replaced by 'Bouvines'. I take 'Bouvines 5 (not of course Pont-^-Bouvines) as the
correct reading.

8 Neuve-Chapelle.

229

CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1657

strong and defended by a good garrison. Monsieur de Turenne
for his part was watching the Spaniards' movements without how
ever going far from the beleaguered town, in order to prevent any
relief from being thrown into it. The [Spanish] army having
broken camp at Marcoing on the 27th marched to Ferracques, on
the 29th to Origny where it only stayed one day and then went to
camp at Eglancour until the 8th of August, when it marched to
Feron ; the next day to Macon near Chimai, and on the i oth to
Amblain a league away from Mariembourg, where news came of
the taking of Montmedy, which had defended itself so bravely
and obstinately that it surrendered only after the enemy had
lodged themselves in a bastion and set up a battery of six cannon
there. It was learned at the same time that Monsieur de Turenne
was marching into Flanders to undertake some siege. The
[Spanish] army had to set off again on the I4th and did not stop
until the 2 oth when it reached Calonne on the Lys, a league dis
tant from St. Venant, which Monsieur de Turenne had laid siege
to and where the lines were already so far advanced 9 that this con
sideration and the disposition of the forces did not allow the Spani
ards to attempt to relieve the place. They simply thought how
they might cut off the enemy's provisions and prevent the passage
of a convoy of four or five hundred waggons which it was known
was to march next day from Bethune to the French army. It was
judged fitting for this purpose to break camp and take up a posi
tion at Montbernanson by which place it was absolutely necessary
they should pass. The country across which the army was to
march being covered [with enclosures] and intersected with
hedges and ditches, workmen were commanded to march at the
head of each regiment with spades and axes 10 to clear a way for
them, so that the army could take up battle-order in the plain
which was only a cannon's shot from the enemy. The army was

9 The Spaniards were mistaken. Turenne had been able to do very little up to this
time (Turenne, II, 80).

10 *Le pays par ou on devoit marcher estant fort couvert et entrecouppe de hayes
et de fosses, on commanda des travailleurs pour marcher avec des beches et des
haches a la teste de chaque Regiment. . . .' The narrative in the Life is more wordy
and less circumstantial. 'And because the place where wee then lay, as well as the
formost part of the ground, over which wee were to march the following day, was an
inclos'd Country, wee had commanded men appointed to march with tooles at the
head of each Regiment ' (p. 305).

230

1657 MARCH OF THE SPANISH ARMY

ready to break camp at dawn, and yet it only marched towards
noon. The reason for this delay is all the more difficult to imagine
because the success of the design depended on diligence. There
was no neglect in warning Don Juan of this ; the Duke of York
advised him that the least delay would give the convoy an oppor
tunity of entering the lines. But, despite everything that could be
said, the army did not move until towards noon. u The Prince de
Ligne, General of the Cavalry, was at the head of the right wing,
the Prince de Conde at the left, and the Duke of York, whom Don
Juan had desired to perform that day the office of Mestre de Camp
General, was at the head of the infantry. Don Juan and the Mar
quess of Caracena marched before with their three companies of
Guards, until, on arriving near the plain, they wished to take their
siesta, 12 according to their custom.

The army could only move slowly in a country so enclosed.
Nevertheless the Duke of York had but one enclosure to cross in
order to arrive on the plain with the infantry, when he saw the
enemy's convoy which, descending from Montbernanson, was
marching with all diligence to reach the lines. The Duke, then,
having passed the last hedge put his infantry in order of battle ;
and seeing that the Prince de Ligne was also on the plain with
four or five squadrons, he sent to warn him of the convoy's ap
proach, and that he had only to go forward and capture it all, the
enemy having but three squadrons as escort. The Prince replied
that he could see the thing as well as the Duke could, that nothing
was easier than to seize the convoy, but that he durst not attack it
without orders from Don Juan or the Marquess of Caracena. The
Duke then went himself to find the Prince de Ligne and begged
him not to lose so fair an opportunity by being too scrupulous;
but he replied that he knew not how far Spanish severity would
go ; that by attacking without orders, it might cost him his head ;
especially if he did not succeed or if he should happen to receive
the least reverse. The Duke replied that there was no ill success to
be feared; that Monsieur de Turenne might indeed send out some

11 The narrative in the Life is rather more amusing at this point: 'I am sure, some
were not wanting to put Don Juan in mind of it, and myself for one; but wee
began our march never the sooner for that advice* (p. 306).

12 Cf. Life, p. 306: *. . . till they came within one Gloss of the plaine, and there
according to their usuall custom took their Siesta (or afternoon's Sleep).'

231

CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1657

cavalry, but that he would not venture to send his infantry out of
the lines. He added that if the Spaniards should happen to trouble
him about this action, he consented to take all the blame of it on
himself, and that the Prince might justly excuse himself on the
ground of having done it only in obedience to the Duke since the
latter was that day acting as Mestre de Camp General. But all
these reasons availed nothing with the Prince de Ligne. The op
portunity was lost. The convoy which recognised the danger re
doubled its diligence; and when most of the waggons had entered
within the lines, the three [Spanish] companies of Guards came to
join the Prince de Ligne with orders to attack the convoy. He
took with him only his own company of Guards. The Duke of
York sent his. But the first four companies, which were led by the
Count de Colmanar, Caracena's nephew, a young man without
experience, marched forward so hastily and in such disorder that
if the enemy's three squadrons had wished to dispute the ground,
they would have beaten them. Berkeley, Captain of the Duke's
Guards, seeing their bad manoeuvre, followed them in good order
and was of great help to them; for the three French squadrons
having been forced to hasten on, the Spaniards pursued them as
imprudently as they had previously advanced against them, and
engaged them pell mell even inside the lines, for the enemy had
not had time to shut the barrier; but they came out more quickly
than they had gone in and fled without stopping until they had
got behind Berkeley's company which had advanced to within a
musket shot of the lines. There they rallied, but became so prudent
and phlegmatic that, without taking pride in keeping the post of
honour which belonged to them, they left Berkeley the honour of
forming the rear guard, and in this order they returned to join the
army; this they found drawn up in order of battle on the plain,
within a cannon's shot of the enemy; where, after remaining some
time, it drew back a little to the rear and camped on Montbernan-
son.

The enemy did not lose a single waggon of their convoy. They
had some few men killed, wounded or made prisoner. The Mar
quis de Renty, a man of quality, and Tiernen or Quiernen who
commanded the Regiment de Gesures, died of their wounds.

The next day 13 the Duke of York had a conversation on parole
13 The Life says 'the same evening'.
232

1657 THE SPANISH COUNCIL OF WAR

with the Marquis d'Humieres and some other French officers who
came out of their lines on purpose to find an opportunity of talking
with the Duke. He had with him an officer named Tourville, who
commanded one of the Prince de Conde's cavalry regiments. This
officer was to have the guard with a Spanish regiment on the fol
lowing day, at the foot of the heights that were within a cannon's
shot of the [French] lines. He knew that the French would not
fail to fire on them at daybreak ; and so he asked someone of his
acquaintance, who were the Artillery officers in the French army.
This man named them; whereupon Tourville asked him to pre
sent his compliments to one of them who was a personal friend,
and to desire him to point his cannon at the Spaniards who were
to be on his right and to be good enough to spare the left where he
himself would be. The thing was carried out as requested. The
Spaniards were regaled with quite peculiar distinction ; they lost
several men and horses before they were given orders to retire,
and not a single shot was fired on Tourville's squadron.

The Duke of York has since learned that Reynolds who com
manded the English troops Cromwell had sent to France, had
been informed of the arrival of the Spanish army at Calonne, and
so had asked Monsieur de Turenne if he would simply give him
two thousand horse to support his six thousand English foot, to
go and attack them there ; hoping that the bravery of his infantry,
who were accustomed to fighting in a country of hedges, would
supply their want of numbers; but the General refused his con
sent, judging the thing impracticable and that it was unfitting to
hasard these troops in an enterprise so rash.

After failing to capture the convoy, and considering that the
enemy were too strong to allow of any hope of forcing their lines,
the Spaniards deliberated 14 on what was to be done to oblige them
to raise the siege, or what place could be attacked and taken be
fore the enemy had achieved their design. The matter was decided
at a Council of War which was held on the day following that of
the arrival at Montbernanson. It was resolved to go and besiege
Ardres; but the execution of this plan was delayed until the 2^th

14 'On delibera . . .' Campagnes contains a superabundance of 'on', 'il' and 'ils*,
where a more precise indication is often desirable. The text of the Life is better in this
respect. In the present instance, e.g., the Life has 'wee consider'd what course wee
should take to oblige the Enemy, . . .' I have not scrupled on occasion to insert 'the
Spaniards' or 'the French 5 as the case may be.

233

CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1657

for fear lest the enemy, not having yet opened their trenches, might
leave their present enterprise and come and engage Don Juan in
battle against his will. This delay, the reason for which was poor,
proved very prejudicial. Monsieur de Turenne lost no time; he
opened his trenches the same night as the Spanish army arrived at
Montbernanson. The Spaniards left on the 25th in the morning
and arrived in front of Ardres before noon on the 2yth. They
first made haste to establish their quarters so as to prevent any
help entering the place where it was known that there were no
more than three hundred foot; but that day and night were lost in
working at a circumvallation, which in everyone's judgment was
very useless; whereas if they had attacked the place that night,
they would probably have carried it.

The Spaniards are accustomed to flattering themselves easily on
the success of their enterprises. The Marquess of Caracena's trum
peter coming from the French army before St. Venant, reported
that the place was not as hard pressed as was supposed; whence
the Marquess concluded that it was unnecessary to make as much
haste as he was being urged, in besieging Ardres. But there ar
rived at the same time and with the same trumpeter a footman of
the Duke of York's who had been several days in the enemy's
camp and who assured the Spaniards that that very day or that
night at latest, the place would be taken. Don Juan and the Mar
quess refused to believe it and judged the thing impossible.

This presumption and the negligence which had made them
lose the opportunity of capturing the convoy that passed under
their noses, exceedingly surprised the Duke of York who was not
yet accustomed to Spanish formalities. 15 And this invites one to a
digression which may come in here very appropriately, so as to
cause less surprise at the faults they have been already seen com
mitting and of those that will follow. Don Juan observed on Cam
paign the same forms of gravity and reserve 16 as if he had been in

15 Here follows in the Life (I, 311) a passage which. James omitted from the
Campagnes:

'And I remember, that complaining to the Prince of Conde of the first of these
errours, the night after the Convoy was gotten into the Enemys Line, I was answer'd
by him, That he well saw I was Stranger to the proceedings of that Spanish Army,
but that I was to prepare myself to see more and grosser faults committed by them,
before the end of that Campagne; And so it prov'd, as the Reader will have occasion
to observe.'

16 The Life has 'gravity and retirdness', which perhaps conveys the nuance better.

234

1657 EON JUAN AND THE MARQUESS OF CARACENA

Brussels. He was everywhere equally difficult of access. He and
also the Marquess of Caracena, as has already been observed,
were asleep very near the plain when the convoy was passing.
Their servants who saw it coming down the hill, as did the rest of
the army, never durst awaken them to warn them of it. But what
is still more surprising is that Don Juan and the Marquess, who
both had much good sense and wit and bravery, could be attached
to formalities which they well knew to be prejudicial to their
master's service and their own reputation.

The Marquess was a very good officer, had served for a long
time, had passed through all the degrees 17 and owed his fortune to
his merit; and had not Don Juan had, so to speak, the misfortune
of being brought up as a Son of Spain, he was endued with quali
ties which could have made him a great man. But their scrupulous
formalities ruined everything. When the army was on the march,
they never rode at the head of it, except when in presence of the
enemy. When half the troops were still out of camp, they would
get on horseback and ride at the head of their three companies of
Guards straight to the quarters which had been marked out for
them, without troubling about the army, or taking pains to recon
noitre the situation of the ground or to know where the generals
had their quarters ; so, in case of an alarm or on the approach of
the enemy, they knew nothing of the Camp, nor where the main
guard was, nor the advance guards. Don Juan was most often
accustomed, on arriving at his quarters, to go to bed. He supped
there and did not rise until the morning. When the army was not
marching he seldom went out or got on horseback, 18

But to return to the siege of Ardres. On the 28th a Council of
War was held in the Marquess of Caracena's quarters to resolve
on what side the place should be attacked. When the generals
were assembled they were all taken to the top of a tower that was
there and were asked to reconnoitre the place with optic glasses; 19
and without any closer examination it was resolved that the Spani
ards should attack a half moon between two bastions ; that the

17 'avoit . . . pass par tons les degrez.' The Life has 'pass'd through all the degrees',
i.e., risen from the lowest commissioned rank.

18 In the MS. Camfagnes the whole of this digression is marked with a line in the
margin. In the Life, the following remark is added: 'so that the Major Generalls, in
effect, did all the office of the Generalls.'

19 'lunettes d'approche,' i.e., telescopes. The Life (p. 3 1 2) has 'perspective glasses'.

235

CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1657

Duke of York should attack the bastion on the right, and the
Prince de Conde that on the left; and that, so as to lose no time,
they should take measures to attach the miner to the body of the
place that same night.

The Duke of York and the Prince de Conde, not being satisfied
with having seen the place from the top of the tower, went to re
connoitre it more closely. Don Juan and the Marquess did not go
in person to reconnoitre where they were to attack, they only sent
a Major de battaille 20 to bring them an account of it; it not being
the custom of the Spanish generals to expose themselves on such
occasions. All things being now ready, the army opened the attack
as soon as it was night, on a signal from Don Juan's quarters. The
besieged had no men to defend the approaches, and so the troops
advanced to the edge of the ditch, where they secured a lodgment
before attempting to attach the miner. For the Duke of York's
attack his own regiment was employed; Lord Muskerry who
commanded it had a captain and a few soldiers from other bat
talions to strengthen him. The Duke took care to send him fas
cines and everything that he needed, and then went to visit the
operations with the Duke of Gloucester. He found that Muskerry
had ordered everything as it should be, that he had almost finished
his lodgment at the edge of the ditch, facing the point of the
bastion, and that he had already lodged the body of the battalion
in the ditch of the ravelin which covered the point of the bastion.
The Duke thought it was now time to attach the miner; but per
ceiving by moonlight that there was water in the bottom of the
ditch, he sent a sergeant to sound it ; who reported that the water
was not deep enough to prevent the passage of the miners. He
sent them down into the ditch with a sergeant and a few soldiers
to carry the madriers 21 by means of which they were to lodge them
selves. Day now beginning to dawn, the Duke of York and the
Duke of Gloucester withdrew and returned to their quarters. No
details will be given of the other attacks ; one may simply say that
as they had had the same success and attached their miners, it was
not doubted but that the place would surrender in less than
twenty-four hours. Word was taken to Don Juan and the Mar
quess of Caracena who were in their coach behind their attacking

20 I retain this expression which is used also in the English text of the Life.

21 Large planks. The French word 'MadrierV is used in the Life (I, 3 14).

236

1657 WITHDRAWAL FROM ARDRES

positions and out of cannon shot of the enemy, that the Prince de
Conde and the Duke of York had been to visit the operations of
their own men. Don Juan replied; No hazen bien, which means,
They act not wisely.

In the morning a little after sunrise, there came news that St.
Venant was taken and that Monsieur de Turenne was advancing
to relieve Ardres. A Junta was immediately assembled and it was
at once resolved to raise the siege. The difficulty was to withdraw
the troops from the attacking positions ; there had been no time to
make siege works and trenches for communication ; so they could
only draw back in the open. The operation began by bringing
back the miners, which was done in the Duke's position 22 by the
care of Lord Muskerry. Before communicating to the officers who
were with him anything of the orders he had received, he [Mus
kerry] sent word to the miners to return as best they could and
that, to cover their retreat, he would have his men open heavy fire
on the besieged. He caused his soldiers to believe he was with
drawing them because he had been warned that that place was
countermined ; and the miners, under cover of heavy fire from the
musketry, reached the lodgment without mishap. He then told
his men about the order he had received, and commanded them to
retire, when he should give the word, with all possible diligence to
a place he showed them, out of musket shot, where they were to
rally. The Duke of York on his side ordered a lieutenant with
thirty horsemen 23 to approach the place as near as possible without
exposing himself until he saw the soldiers returning from the
attacking position, and then to gallop among them in order to
bring away any officers or men who might fall wounded. The Duke
followed them to see his orders executed and found that while
his soldiers were drawing back from the attack, the lieutenant
and his horsemen were stationed quietly behind a hedge within
musket shot of the town. The Duke galloped up to the lieutenant
to repeat the order he had given ; the other obeyed and to make
amends for his neglect rode to the edge of the ditch ; and although
the besieged opened heavy fire, no officers except Captain Knight 24

22 'a 1'attaque du Due/ i.e., in the position which his attacking troops had occupied.

23 'trente Maistres.' Certainty mounted men, probabty not N.C.O.S.

24 The Life reads: 'Captain Kinf ', for which the editor suggests 'Keith'. The MS.
has 'Knight', the/ having been inserted in dark ink as a correction. The rest of this
paragraph, differs markedly from the corresponding passage in the Life.

237

CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1657

and but a few soldiers were wounded, and none died, which was as
fortunate as it was extraordinary. A few miners were lost from the
other attacks. After the troops had everywhere drawn back with
very little loss, the baggage train was sent towards Gravelines and
the whole army followed. This march was extremely painful. On
arriving at the edge of the lowlands, they were obliged to halt until
the cannon and baggage were on the dike or causeway which leads
from Polincour to Gravelines and which the heavy rains had made
almost impassable. The rain that continued without ceasing, the
tempest^ the darkness of the night, the road heavy with mud and
the frequent halts they had to make, distressed the troops and
threw them into so great a disorder that it was impossible for the
officers to prevent their breaking ranks and seeking cover where
they could. In the morning there were not ten men together in any
one regiment; all that could be done was to reassemble them next
day. On the 3oth the army camped at Broukerke. The French
army had its share of bad weather on the night it marched across
the plain from St. Omer to Ardres, when the Spanish army raised
the siege.

On the 3 ist the Spanish army passed the Colme, and the troops
were quartered at Drinkam and in the surrounding villages, to
recover a little from their great fatigue. The country was so en
closed that it would have been very difficult to camp in battle
order; but the enemy was so far off that there was no risk. On the
2nd of September the army marched towards Mont Cassel and,
the troops having been quartered in the neighbouring villages,
they remained until the yth. Then, having learned that Monsieur
de Turenne was near La Motte-aux-Bois, the army marched to 25
Wormhout, where they had news on the 1 2th that the French had
taken La Motte-aux-Bois and were approaching now for the
second time. The Spaniards therefore repassed the Colme next
day with the resolution of defending the passage of that river and
camped along its banks. They were posted from the Fort of Linck
nearly as far as Likere; the Duke of York's line extended from the
place where the Spanish quarters ended to as far as Bergue sur
Vinox, 26 and the Prince de Condi's as far as Bergue itself. All the
bridges were broken and earthworks were raised behind the fords

25 Not 'from 5 , as the Life says.

26 And not 'bergue, St. Vinos' as in the Life.

238

1657 THE SIEGE OF MARDYCK

until the i yth, when it was learned that Monsieur de Turenne was
advancing to take them on the flank, he having passed the Colme
above Linck. Most of the native Spanish regiments with some
cavalry were at once detached to occupy Gravelines. The three
Italian regiments commanded by Don Tito del Prato were sent to
the fort of Mardyck; and the rest of the army drew back behind
the canal that runs from Bergue to Dunkirk; the Prince de Conde
having his quarters at Bergue, Don Juan at Dunkirk, and the
Duke of York at Coukerk; 27 and cannon were planted all along
the canal where they found batteries all ready.

A day or two after the Spaniards had left the Colme, the French
arrived before Mardyck and laid siege to it. This was partly in
fulfilment of the treaty with Cromwell by which they pledged
themselves to put into his hands some maritime town in Flanders,
and Mardyck was the only one they could attack so late in the
season ; because great care had been taken to provide Gravelines
and Dunkirk with everything necessary for a long and vigorous
defence. 28

The Duke of York, who was intending to observe the enemy
when they arrived before Mardyck, took with him the Horse
Guards who were outside the gates of Dunkirk and advancing to
within cannon shot of the city, 29 he left the Guards behind to se
cure his retreat in case he should be pursued. He then, with fifteen
officers and other men well mounted, rode up so near to the French
army that some officers of the Regiment of Picardy, which was on
the march, advanced some way and fired on him with the fusils 30
they were carrying when on horseback. When they reached the
quarter which had been assigned them 31 and the soldiers began to
build their huts, these officers and several from other regiments
rode out again to drive back the Duke ; but some of them who
came nearer this Prince recognised a big greyhound they had
seen with him in France and asked if the Duke of York was there.
When they were told that he was, they cried out Sur parole, desir
ing to speak with him. He then stopped, and found among them
several persons of the first quality who were all of old acquaint-

27 Probably Oudekerke.

28 This part in the Life is verbose and repetitive.

29 Obviously Mardyck, and not, as in the Life (p. 3 1 8), Dunkirk.

30 The word used in the Life.

31 The position which this French regiment was to occupy in the siege of Mardyck.

239

CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1657

ance. They alighted from their horses; the Prince did the same;
and they conversed together for nearly an hour until Monsieur de
Turenne ordered them to come back. There were quite two or
three hundred officers : the Marquis d'Humieres, the Comte de
Guiche, Castelnau, indeed most of the persons of quality and
notable officers in the French army. The Duke of York had no
more than twenty persons with him, among whom was a Spanish
officer of horse who, seeing him turn back when he heard himself
named, was surprised and asked what he intended to do. The
Duke ordered him to remain beside him, and said that no one had
anything to fear. This episode is related particularly that it may
be observed what civility is used in that country even between
enemies or persons of opposed parties, and that the Duke, al
though in the service of Spain, had no fewer friends in the French
army. Some English who were present at this conversation wished
to follow the same example, and they fared ill for it as will be seen
hereafter. The Duke of York does not positively know whether
the Spaniards took umbrage at these courtesies ; but at the end of
the campaign Monsieur de Marsin advised him, personally, to
abstain from them henceforth. He told him that the Spanish
character is suspicious and circumspect; and that, although they
gave no sign of it, they might not be at all satisfied. The Duke of
York replied that if his behaviour aroused their disquiet, they
were much in the wrong; that they had been unable to observe in
his conduct during the whole campaign anything but great
fidelity and application in their service; that he would always con
tinue in the same way, and that in the event of a fight he would
attack anyone of his acquaintance in the same way as even the
most zealous Spaniard might do. But, he added, as for conversing
when opportunity offered with persons who had served so long
with him, he thought he could give himself this satisfaction with
out being of prejudice to the Spaniards; and that, to show them
that he had no other intention than of following the customs of or
dinary civility, he had not suffered any of the Prince de Condi's
officers to be with him on such occasions, because he did not think
it reasonable that they should be there and that the Spaniards
might justly think ill of it. The Duke always after that observed
the same circumspection when he wished the officers of the French
army to enter into conversation with him.
240

1657 THE SIEGE OF MARDYCK

On arriving before Mardyck the French set to work immediate
ly on their lines on the Dunkirk side and on the approaches to the
fort. The forage in the neighbourhood having been eaten up, they
were obliged next morning to go and look for some on three great
farms which were at only a half cannon shot from the Spanish
trenches: these had been preserved through the influence their
owners 32 had with some officers of the Spanish army. There was
even a regular guard 33 to prevent anyone's touching them. The
commander of this guard, when he saw the French approaching
with horse and foot, could not but judge for what purpose they
were coming. But, following the laudable custom of the Spaniards,
he drew back without daring to set fire to the farms, because he
had received no order to do so.

The cannon in the Spanish lines opened fire when the vanguard
of the enemy approached. The Duke of York, whose quarters
were only half a mile from there, galloped up and found that the
French were already working to get cover and entrench them
selves 34 so as to defend themselves in case of attack. Meeting the
Prince de Ligne who was that day filling the office of Mestre de
Camp General, the Duke asked him what he intended to do and
whether he wished to let the enemy forage quietly in front of his
eyes. The Prince replied in his usual way, that without the orders
of the Marquess of Caracena or of Don Juan, he durst undertake
nothing. Thereupon the Duke answered that before they could
arrive, the French would be entrenched and it would no longer be
possible to dislodge them or to burn the forage. The other res
ponded that that was true, but he would undertake nothing with
out positive orders. The Duke told him that he was himself going
to attack the enemy with his own troops and asked the Prince only
to draw up his infantry along the line. But the other replied that,
the bridge being in the Spanish quarter, he could not permit him
to pass that way, because if there was anything to be done it was
for the Spaniards to do it. Thus all these proposals served no pur
pose, and while orders were awaited from Dunkirk, the French
foraged without being disturbed by anything but the cannon

32 They were relatives of the Spanish officers (Life, p. 320).

33 A horse guard of about 100 men (Life, p. 320).

34 The Life says they 'were beginning to lodge themselves at the farme houses, and
preparing for their own security . . .' (p. 321).

241

CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1657

which kept firing on them. The noise brought the Prince de
Conde from Bergues. The Duke of York at once informed him of
what had passed between himself and the Prince de Ligne. The
Prince de Conde was not at all surprised, and assured the Duke
that when he had served with the Spaniards as long as he, the
Prince, had, he would get accustomed to seeing them commit
many great faults without being astonished. The enemy having
foraged as long as they pleased drew back, leaving behind them
about one hundred horses that the cannon had killed. It is not
known how many men they lost, but no dead bodies were found,
whether because they had taken them away or because they had
buried them on the spot in some place which could not be discovered.

Two or three days later the fort of Mardyck surrendered, and,
in accordance with the treaty with Cromwell, it was put next day
into the hands of Reynolds; and shortly afterwards the French,
having repaired the breaches and filled in the trenches, marched
back to quarters in their own country for rest and forage. The
Spanish army continued in camp where they were, and it was an
nounced that they would retake Mardyck. The sickness caused by
the unhealthful air was so general that, except for the native-born
Spaniards, few officers and soldiers escaped fevers 35 and more than
half were at one and the same time incapable of doing duty. The
troops commanded by the Duke of York suffered the worst; he
himself was almost the only person among the officers or volun
teers of quality, or the members of his household, who was not
attacked. The Duke of Gloucester left the army, sick; and the
Prince de Conde was hold en with such a fever that the doctors
feared for his life. Soon after this the King of England came to
Dunkirk to solicit Don Juan concerning some private business
and to remind him of some promises which he had made his
Majesty in relation to England.

The English in Mardyck started repairing the old fortifica
tions round that fortress, work which was all the more easy as the
ditches had not been filled in and only a small part of the parapet
had been levelled. Don Juan being warned of this resolved to
march there one night with the whole army in order to destroy in a
single day 36 the defence works which they had been building for a

35 '. . . few . . ., excepting only the natural! Spaniards escap'd agues* (Life).
86 en un jour.' Apparently an oversight. The Life has 'in the space of a night'.

242

1657 THE SPANISH ATTACK MARDYCK

month. This was more out of ostentation and to make his men be
lieve that he designed to retake the fort, than from any hope of
success.

The day having been appointed for this expedition, he marched
out of Dunkirk at the head of the army and accompanied by the
King of England. The darkness was so great that they had to
proceed by torchlight; which when the enemy perceived, they
thought the Spaniards were going to storm the place or at the least
lay siege to it, and they prepared to defend themselves by lighting
torches round the fort. When the army arrived within rather less
than cannon shot, they extinguished their torches. His Majesty,
Don Juan, and the Marquess of Caracena then halted with the
cavalry, while the infantry was advancing. The Spaniards, com
manded by * * * 37 Mar6chal de Bataille, marched to that part of
the outworks that looked towards Dunkirk; the Comte de Marsin
with the Prince de Condi's foot, to the part that looks towards
Gravelines ; and the Duke of York, at the head of his troops, posted
himself between the two. When they approached the fort, the
enemy kept up a continual fire of cannon and musketry, and the
little frigates that were in the canal 38 did not cease firing either.
The infantry suffered very little because they got straight into the
shelter of the old outworks; but the balls which passed over their
heads fell among the cavalry and killed men and horses. His
Majesty having gone forward to see what the infantry were doing,
the Duke of Ormond who was with him had his horse killed under
him by a cannon shot. Each corps, on arriving at its position, sent
its workmen forward with soldiers to support them; but the ditch
was too deep in the Duke of York's position and he was obliged to
send them round to where the Spaniards were to attack. In the mean
time he had the ditch filled with fascines 39 and caused a passage over
to be made so that he could support them if the enemy made a sortie.
While the workmen were beginning to raze the fortifications, 40 the
soldiers who had been detached in support kept up a continual
fire on the enemy, and continued to do this until early dawn when,

37 There is also a blank in the Life (p. 323).

38 This *fosse', presumably a canal running inland from the sea, was called *the
Splinter' (Life, p. 323).

39 The military term: they were bundles of faggots.

40 'applanir les ouvrages.'

243

CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1657

the outworks being razed, the army drew off in good order and
arrived at Dunkirk when it was beginning to be broad daylight.
The enemy were surely more surprised by the retreat than the
attack, and they so little expected the Spaniards to retire so soon
that they were still firing when the troops had been gone a good
half-hour. There were not more than twenty horsemen, a captain
of Gloucester's regiment and three or four soldiers killed; there
were eight or ten wounded. The English in the fort, as was learned
since, had only one man killed. And they believed so firmly that
they would be besieged that they dispatched a messenger to Mon
sieur de Turenne to warn him of it. He assembled his troops who
were in forage quarters and began to march to their help ; but, on
being advised that the Spaniards had drawn off, he returned to his
quarters.

A few days after this an attempt was made to seize the English
frigates which were lying in the canal. The first design had been
to burn them, 41 but this being judged too difficult, it was resolved
to try and surprise the two larger ones, the 'Rose' and the 'True
Love', which mounted six or eight cannon each. For this action
twelve shallops were armed and sent out in very calm weather.
Don Juan warned the King and the Duke of York and they went
along the shore accompanied by all the persons of quality and the
principal officers to see what success the enterprise would meet
with. There was a kind of mist. When they came over against the
frigates, an English seaman was heard calling out: 'What ship's
boat is that?'; and on no one's replying, this man, seeing another
shallop that was going to board the frigate, raised the alarm and
fired a cannon shot which broke the leg of one of the rowers. This
accident and a few musket balls that were fired at the same time
terrified the shallops which drew off shamefully without attempt
ing anything further.

Since Reynolds had seen the civilities which the French took
pleasure in showing the Duke of York when they found an oppor
tunity of speaking with him, he also desired to have one; and hav
ing, for this purpose, roamed several times in the direction where
he knew the English were accustomed to ride when they came out
of the town 42 on horseback, he one day sent for Lord Newbourgh

41 By means of fire-ships. The Life explains why this plan was impracticable (p. 325).

42 Presumably Dunkirk.

244

1657 THE DUKE MEETS CROMWELL'S GENERAL

and Colonel Richard Talbot. The former had by chance received
great civilities from Reynolds on several occasions in England,
and Talbot was under obligation to him for having saved his life
in Ireland. This caused them willingly to enter into parley with
him. After some discourse he asked them if the Duke of York did
not come sometimes to take the air that way; and on their replying
that he came fairly often, he said that if the Duke was willing that
Reynolds should have the honour of speaking with him, as he did
with them, that would give him great pleasure. They promised to
propose this to the Duke and said they thought he would make no
difficulty. On their return they informed the King and the Duke,
who riding out that way more often than they had been accus
tomed to. Lord Newbourgh asked his Majesty's permission to go
and speak to Reynolds. This being granted, he asked George
Hamilton to accompany him, and riding up to the mounted sentry
of the Mardyck garrison, told him to have his General advised that
he desired to speak with him. Reynolds came at once, having with
him only a gentleman named Mr. Crew, and first asked Lord
Newbourgh who were the men he could see some way off against
a dune. The other only named the Duke of York, whereupon Rey
nolds asked, 'Can I not then go and speak to him?' Newbourgh
sent Mr. Hamilton to the King and the Duke to inform them of
what Reynolds desired. His Majesty ordered the Duke to go. He
took with him only Hamilton and Berkeley the Captain of his
Guards. As soon as Reynolds saw him advancing he came to meet
him, and was going to alight to salute him [on foot] ; but Crew
dissuaded him. Except for that, he conducted himself with much
civility and respect. He began to discourse with great compli
ments, addressed the Duke as Highness and prayed him not to
regard him as sent by Cromwell but as being in the service of
France ; adding that he was as much disposed as any Frenchman
to render him the respect that was his due. The Duke replied as
civilly as he could, considering him a man who might one day be
very useful. It even appeared to him that Reynolds had something
to say that he did not wish Crew to hear; but as Crew was too
close, he used obscure expressions which showed that he hoped to
be able one day to render service to the Duke. The conversation
lasted nearly a half hour and they separated well satisfied on both
sides. It is not known what intentions Reynolds may have had ; but

245

CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK

this interview and other civilities which he showed the King and
the Duke cost him dear. He forbade the frigates to fire when either
of them was riding by the sea; he sent presents of wine to Lord
Newbo-urgh asking him to dispose of it to those of whom New-
bourgh knew he felt much respect. Some officers who were serv
ing under him took umbrage at this; Cromwell was advertised of
it; and a Colonel named White chartered a vessel expressly to go
and accuse him. Reynolds being informed of it embarked on the
same vessel to justify himself. But a shipwreck settled their differ
ence. 43 The negligence of the ship's master was cause of it. A fri
gate warned him by several cannon shots that if he did not change
course he would be stranded on the sand-banks called the Good
wins ; but whether because he scorned the signal or did not hear it,
he ran on to the bank and not a man was saved.

It has been known since then that Cromwell had been so much
offended by what Reynolds had done that he was resolved to order
him to England and to deprive him of his command, 44 if he did not
clear himself of suspicion by offering good reasons; but the acci
dent that befell him finished everything. A certain Colonel^ Lock-
hart, a Scotsman who had married a relation of Cromwell's, suc
ceeded to Reynolds' command.

The King, having finished what he had to do with Don Juan
and the Marquess of Caracena, went to Bruges and then to Ghent
and Brussels. The Duke of York remained at Dunkirk in com
mand of the army. The Spaniards had been still keeping the popu
lation in the hope that they would retake Mardyck, with a view
more easily to obtaining a large subsidy from the Province of
Flanders; and to make this appear more likely, great magazines

43 'rnais un NaufFrage les mit d'accord'-a cynical remark (not in the Life) which
reminds one of La Fontaine's cat who when acting as judge of two small animals,
'. . . mit les plaideurs d'accord en croquant 1'un et 1'autre.'

^James's interpretation of this episode must be regarded as extremely doubtful.
John Reynolds was a Cambridgeshire man, who had made his reputation as an ex
cellent officer in Ireland and had been knighted by Cromwell, prior to being sent to
France as commander of the forces that were assisting Turenne. He had married
Elisabeth Russell, a sister-in-law of Henry Cromwell; and thus, like others of Crom
well's generals, including Sir William Lockhart, he had become closely associated
with the Protector's family. These circumstances make it very unlikely that he was
disloyal. It seems certain that he exchanged 'civilities' with James, which the latter
probably misunderstood. It is true, of course, that he died at sea soon after the inter
views described. Apart from this, James's account of the affair is to be treated with
scepticism.

246

1657 WINTER QUARTERS

were established of fascines and gabions 45 and all things necessary
for a siege. Nevertheless the order was given to send the troops
into winter quarters on New Year's Day ; and the Duke who had
remained all that time at Dunkirk, returned to Brussels a few
days after Don Juan and the Marquess of Caracena had arrived
there.

46 From the Italian 'gabbione'. They were wicker baskets full of earth.

247

EING now come to Bruxelles in the beginning of January,
1658, I made no long stay in that City; for so soon as I had
dispatched my small affaires, I went to my sister who was at
Breda, where my Brother the Duke of Glocester had been already
for some time to recover of his ague, which at my arriuall had just
left him. After I had remain'd there till the midle of February, wee
went all three together to Antwerp there to meet his Majesty.

While wee resided in that place, there were strong reports of
something to be undertaken in England; and that all things were
in such a readiness, that at the breaking of the frost, when the Six
flutes 1 which were brought in Holland could come to Ostend,
Soldiers should be put immediately on boord them, who together
with some men of war, which lay ready there and at Dunkirk, were
to be landed in some part of England, where it was also said wee
had intelligence offerees which would joyn ours at their arrivall:
But at the same time there were others who were so far from giving
credit to those rumours, that they were of opinion nothing could
be done: for looking more deeply into the matter they saw^that
both the King and the Spaniards, by these reports, aim'd on either
side to excuse themselves for non performance of the Treaty made
betwixt them; tho 'tis true the Spaniards by not performing their
part, render'd it impossible for the King to comply with his en
gagements, at least to do what otherwise he might haue done.

And now while this discourse was at the hottest, the Earle of
Bristoll having almost quite lost himself with the Spanish Mini
sters, was endeavouring his uttmost to ingratiate himself with the
Prince of Conde; who at that time also, had neither any great
esteem nor kindness for him. Being full of his design, he came one
day to me in the Princesse's chamber, and began a discourse with

* Reprinted from the Life, I, 330-368. The MS. Compares is an almost word-
for-word translation of this section.

1 Flute. From French 'flute'; cf. Dutch 'fluit'. It was a warship used as a troop
carrier. The CLE.D. cites the London Gazette, No. 77/2 (1666): 'Two Men of War
. . . with three Flutes of 1 8 or 20 Guns.'

248

1658 THE DUKE AT ANTWERP

me concerning the busines of England : After a long conversation
with me upon that subject, he sayd, That tho he doubted not but
our designs there would meet with the desired success, yet he (//)
would not be amiss to think before hand, what wee should do in
case of a miscarriage; and that one of the things which he thought
most necessary to be look'd after (which also more immediatly
concern'd me) was to consider of some meanes to preserve the
troopes which wee had already, and to increase their numbers by
all the meanes wee could imagine ; which if done, would render me
more considerable with the Spaniard, besides the common advan
tage which would redound to the Royall party; That for the present
he had nothing to propose towards the compassing of this design,
but desir'd me to take it seriously into my thoughts, and he would
also do the like; and that in case I would permitt him, he will
speak with me again, when he had any thing in a readiness to
offer: Thus wee parted, and he spoke no more to me upon that
Subject during two or three days.

In the mean time this discourse had given me a very hott
allarm, not doubting that I should haue some extraordinary pro
position made to me, which would not be to my advantage: and
that consideration put me upon ghessing of what nature it might
be: It happened as I was rowling over these things in my imagina
tion, one of my Servants told me of a discourse, which an Officer
belonging to the Prince of Conde had held with him some days
before; by the relation of which, I immediatly ghess'd what would
be propos'd to me, and accordingly gave my Sister the knowledge
of it; advising with her, what answer I should make when it
should be ofFer'd to me.

A day or two after this, the Earle of Bristoll came again to me,
and after another eloquent preambule, and a protestation that
what he was going to propose to me was not only for his Maties
Service, but for my particular advantage; in short his proposition
was, That his Maty should joyn his troopes to those of the Princd
of Gond, by which means they would be So considerable, that the
Spaniards must be forced by necessity to comply with the pro
mises, which they had made to the King for the recruiting of his
forces, which it was apparent they had no inclination to do, having
no great care or consideration of those which he already had;
That as to what concern'd the command which I should haue,

i 249

CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1658

there might be care taken to accommodate it, the Prince of Conde
being very easy to live withall, and having a great esteem of me.

He us'd these and many other arguments to perswade me to be
of his opinion: To which I answer'd, That it was a busines of
great importance, and ought to be Seriously weigh'd, before any
resolution could be taken in it; that accordingly I would consider
of it, and speak with him again. I say no more to him at that time,
that he might not perceive the dislike I had of it. When he was
gone, I not a litle troubled how to govern myself in this affaire ; for
I saw very well it was a snare layd for me: If I should haue ap-
prov'd the proposition, I had certainly lost my self with the
Spaniards, who would haue taken it very ill, that I should haue put
them upon the hardship of refusing any thing to the Prince of
Conde, who was then So Strong, and So necessary to them; and I
my self could not but be unwilling to consent to a thing, which
would haue been prejudiciable to my reputation: for tho I had
serv'd in Severall capacities under Monsr. de Turenne, I did not
think that after having served so long, and commanded the King
my Brother's forces the year before, it became me to come under
any other person. On the other side, if I had openly discovered any
aversion to it, I should haue exposed my self to the ill offices,
which might haue been done me with his Maty upon that account;
by their representing to him, that for a punctilio of my own, I was
willing to obstruct what was intended for his Seruice, and also I
should haue had the Prince of Conde my Enemy: all which con
siderations, together with the confidence I had that the Spaniards
would never consent to such a proposition, whensoever it should
be made to them, strengthen'd me in the resolution of appearing
wholly passive in the matter, so as neither to put it forward nor
obstruct it. 2

Some time after this his Maty went to Bruxelles, and I with my
Sister return'd to Breda, where having stayd with her three or four
[days], I went back to Bruxelles to waite on the King: So Soon as
I was return'd, they began again to talk with me concerning that
affaire; And one day particularly, the King call'd me and My
Lord Bristoll into the Chancellor's closett, where the matter was

2 These four paragraphs, describing Lord Bristol's machinations and James's em
barrassment, are translated very closely and even literally in the MS. Camfagnes (pp.
232-235).

250

!6 5 8 THE DUKE AT BRUSSELS

debated; And I who since my return thither, was more then ever
confirm'd in my opinion, that the Spaniards wou'd never be in
duced to suffer it: Accordingly I spoke but litle, and at length it
was concluded amongst them, that the Earle of Bristoll should
conferr with the Lord Barklay (Berkley), how to propose it to the
Spaniards, and after what manner the whole affaire was to be con
ducted. In order to this, they two had a meeting once about it, and
no more; for by this time My Lord Bristoll began to see, that it
was a matter not to be effected: because the Prince of Cond6,
having considered that it would give great umbrage to the Spani
ards, and withall finding that it could not possibly be compass'd,
went himself to Don John, and acquainted him with the proposi
tion which the Earle of Bristoll had made to him, at the same time
shewing his own dislike to it. That Conversation made an end of
the whole affaire, and of the Small remaining credit of My Lord
Bristoll with Don John and the Spanish Ministers : But on the
other side, gave them a very good impression of me; for inquiring
into the bottom of it, they easily found the great aversion I had to
it: But as it prov'd of advantage to me in relation to the Spaniards,
so he (it) did me harm with the Prince of Conde, who ever after
wards quite alter'd his way of living with me; and on the contrary
liv'd much better then he had done the year before with all those,
whom he knew to be no freinds to me and to my concernments.

In the begining of the spring, as soon as the frost was broken,
the Six flutes above mention'd were taken by the English, be
twixt Holland and Ostend; and so a conclusion was put to all the
discourse of attempting any thing in England for that year.

All our thoughts at Bruxelles were now taken up with our pre
parations for the ensuing Campagne; and, as the time of action
was approching, the Spaniards applyd their greatest care in pro
viding for those places, which they judg'd were in greatest danger
of being beseiged by the French Army: for all our Intelligence
agreed, that this year the Enemy would undertake some consider
able Seige. The thought of this gave great perplexity to the
Spaniards; for not having a body of foot sufficient to man^ their
important fronteer towns, as they ought to haue been furnish'd,
they were forced to leave some of them very slightly guarded.

His Maty press'd them very much to recruit Dunkirk with a

251

CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1658

strong garrison, letting them know, that he was assur'd by his
letters from England, and by others which he had found means to
intercept from thence. That the first thing the French would un
dertake would be to beseige that Town, they being press'd to it by
Cromwell ; and that accordingly both in France and England all
things were preparing for it: And this was not only once said to
them, but repeated every week, as the letters which were sent from
England still confirm'd it: But all these advertisements wrought
no effect upon the Spanish Councells ; they giving litle credit to
them, as being perswaded that the intelligence was false, and that
such reports were contrived artificially by the Enemy, to oblige
them to leave Cambray, or some other of their inland Towns, un
provided of defence; what had happen'd the year before, at the
place last mentioned, had rais'd such apprehensions in them as out-
weigh'd all the reasons which had been given them by the King :
And besides, they beleev'd, the Cardinal had still a longing to that
Town, so that neither his Treaty with Cromwell, or any other con
sideration, would hinder him from undertaking that Seige, unless
it were so well provided for, and secured against him, as to render
it too difficult a peice of work: With these and other reasons,
rather plausible then strong, they flatter'd themselves into a be-
leef, that Dunkirk was not in any danger of being attacked that
year. Wherupon they did not only leave it very slenderly guarded,
but also without furnishing it with such a proportion of ammuni
tion as was requisit; at the same time disposing most of their foot
into the Towns of Artois, as Ayre and St Omer, and into the fron-
teer places of Haynault, and reinforcing the garrison of Cambray
with a considerable body of horse and foot; but as for Dunkirk,
they added nothing to the ordinary garrison. Neither was this all,
for they neglected the finishing of two Forts of four bastions each,
which they had begun upon the Canal betwixt that and Bergue,
which if they had once perfected and man'd, would haue render'd
the Seige of Dunkirk a much more difficult peice of work; for the
Enemy must of necessity haue mastered one of these two Forts,
before they could haue begun a formall Seige.

I cannot forbear upon this occasion, to make this remarque,
araising from what I have observ'd when I was either in the French
or Spanish Army; That of all the Fortifications of this nature, or
Intrenchments for the defence of Rivers, I never Saw any which
252

1658 THE SIEGE OF DUNKIRK

the Spaniards made, that were of great advantage to them ; for
either they were not finished time enough to defend them, or were
rendered useless by the French marching about, and falling into
their flanque, as I have already mention'd in the year 1655, when
Monsr. de Turenne endeavoured not to force the great retrench
ment which they had made all along the River betwixt Conde and
St Guislain, but fetching a compass about, went to Cond6 and
tooke it, therby making frustrate all the great labour they had
taken. And indeed 'tis very difficult in such Countrys to make any
works which will prove of use ; for an Army which is once Master
of the feild, will with a litle time and patience find the means,
either of forceing their passage over such a work or river, or, by
marching about, get into the Enemies Country some other way:
So that in my opinion, tho it may be necessary on some occasions
to make them, yet a Generall never ought to rely upon them.

The French, according to their custom, drew first into the feild
this year ; and in their way to Dunkirk, at Cassel, took prisoners of
warr the Duke of Glocester's Regiment of foot, which consisted
of four hundred men ; they having been very unadvisably sent
thither by Monsr. de Bascourt a Mareshall de battaille, under
whose command were all the Troopes which acted on that side of
the Country, it being a place not possibly to be defended : And at
the same time he sent my Regiment of about five hundred men,
with some other small foot Regiments which were quarter'd at
Hondescote, with some few horse, into St Omer, thinking the
French would haue sate down before it. But when, by their pass
ing by him, he saw their design was upon Dunkirk, he en-
deavour'd, tho too late, to haue cast some men into it; and only
made a shift to get in himself with some few horse. Much about
the same time the Marquis de Leyde (Leede) Governour of that
Town, gott in also with great difficulty, he being at Bruxelles
soliciting for supplys of men and ammunition, when the first in
telligence arrived, that the French were marching thither: At
which time, and no sooner, they order'd all the troopes, which
were in Nieuport, Dixmuyde, and Furnes, (of which they were
jealous tho without reason, because they were all English, Scots,
and Irish) to march for Dunkirk, (reserving) only the King's Regi
ment of foot, which was upwards of four hundred, and then lay at
Dixmuyde; but these also came too late, the Town being block' d

CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1658

up already. So that the Marquis de Leyde found himself beseiged
in a place, the main strength of which consisted in the outworks,
which were very large, all of earth, and very easy to be approched.
To all this great extent of ground which was to defend, his garri
son was no ways answerable, for it consisted but of a thousand
foot, and eight hundred horse, and his provisions of pouder and
other necessarys were very scanty, even with reference to the Small
number of his men.

The certain intelligence of this Seige being come to Bruxelles
about the end of May, gave no small trouble to the Spaniards,
especially when they saw all hopes of putting succours into the
place by Sea were wholly vanished, by reason that the English
Navy under the command of Generall Montague was now come
before it; So that the only prospect which they had of releeving it,
was by the Army; And therfore it was immediatly resolved in a
Councell of Warr, (where were present all the Generall Officers)
that the Army should draw together at Ypres with all imaginable
hast; pursuant to which, the orders were immediatly dispatch'd
for all their troopes to meet at the Rendezvous appointed.

Accordingly on the yth of June all the Army and the Generall
Officers were there. At their first meeting they resolv'd to march
to Furnes, and on the 9th they camp by Nieuport; On the next
day betwixt Odekerk and Furnes, whither came to us the Mare-
shall d'Hocquincourt, who was lately come out from France by
way of Hdin a Town in Artois, of great importance, upon the
River of Canche; which upon the death of the Governour, by
means of the Lieutenant du Roy and his Brother in law, revolted
from the obedience of the King their Master, and call'd the Spani
ards to their assistance, with whom they finally agreed to deliver
the Town up to them, in consideration of a Summ of mony ; and
accordingly having received it, the Spaniards were put into posses
sion of the place.

As for the said Mareshall, he had all along maintained a secret
correspondence with the Lieut du Roy, as having designs at the
same time of flying out into Rebellion, and of alluring most of the
Noblesse, and Commonalty of the Vexin, and lower parts of Nor
mandy, to haue joyn'd with him: But his contrivance being dis-
cover'd before he was fully in a readiness to put it in execution (a
fate which for the most part attends such undertakings) he was
254

1658 A COUNCIL OF WAR

forced to consult his own safety, by flying as speedily as he could.
Notwithstanding which it was beleeved by many, that had not this
instant Campagne prov'd So very unsuccessful! to the Spaniards,
some disturbance would haue followed in those parts. 3

To return again to our main business. 4 On the i ith it was re
solved in a Councell of Warr, at which were present Don John,
the Prince of Conde, the Marquis de Caracena, the Mareshall
d'Hocquincourt and the Pee de Ligny (Don Estevan Gamarra
and myself being accidently not there) That on the I3th, wee
should march with the whole Army as near as wee could conveni
ently to the lines of the Enemy, amongst the Sand-hills, and there
incamp ; that by placing our selves so closs to them, wee might be
in a readiness to attack them, when wee saw our proper time; and
that on the I2th, the day before our appointed march, all the
Generall Officers should go with two thousand commanded foot
and four thousand horse, to view the place where they would
camp, and themselves pitch upon it.

But before I proceed any further, I shall give a more particular
account of what passed at this Councell ; because that most of those
who were present at it, haue since endeavor'd to clear themselves,
either from giving that advice which I have mentioned, or even of
consenting to the resolution which was then taken. And this Rela
tion which I am now giving, I had from one of those who was
assisting in it, and was desirous amongst the rest to clear himself
from the imputation of giving that advice, or consenting to it.

So Soon as the persons whom I have already named were sett in
Councell, Don John informed them of the cause of their meeting,
That it was to consult on the most proper method of releeving
Dunkirk: He let them know the present condition of the place,
which was such as required a speedy succour ; and after having in-
larg'd upon these heads, he proposed to them that the Army should
march to Zudcote, and camping there amongst the Sand-hills, as
near as they could to the Enemies Lines, should watch their op
portunity of attacking them. After this proposition there was a
long silence, and no one arising to oppose it, he said, Since I see
you all approve of what I haue proposed, let us now consider after

3 The MS. Campagnes continues to follow the above text very closely.

4 Tour revenir aux mouvemens de I'arme'e d'Espagne' (Campagnes, p. 242), be
cause the narrative in the French MS. is in the third person.

CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1658

what maner, and what time, wee shall march thither: Vpon which
it was resolv'd, that they should all go the day following to view
the ground for incampment, and observe the Line of the beseigers.

I shall not take upon me to accuse or excuse any who were then
present at this hasty resolution ; tho I have read a Relation which
was printed and published by a freind of the Marquis de Cara-
cena, wherin the Author endeavour'd to lay the whole weight of
that resolution on Don John ; and I have also read the answer to it,
where-in Don John was justified, and it was made to appear, that
in case the Marquis had so been pleas'd, he might easily haue in-
der'd that march, by only declaring himself against it, he having
practised that very way in things of far less consequence then this ;
for his power was such, that he had but to Say he thought it not
for the King's seruice to put in execution such a resolution, and
Don John must acquiesce in it : in Spanish it is more strongly ex-
prest, No sera de servicio del Rey ; and this power he made use of
the year before at la Cappelle.

But resolv'd it was; and in pursuance of it, wee 5 went on the
1 2th, with our four thousand horse, and the commanded foot,
with intent to view the Enemies Line, and chuse the place for
our incampment. Being advanced as far as Zudcote, wee halted
there, and first made choice of our ground to lodge the Army,
before wee went nearer to discover the Enemy : This was done by
the Marquis of Caracena, Don Estevan de Gamarra, and my
self, who taking some horse along with us, went a cross the Sand
hills, till wee came to the Strand. In the mean time Monsr. de
Boutteville was gone with our Cravatts along the hight way be
twixt the Sand-hills, and the meadow ground, advancing towards
the Enemies horse guard so far, that he began to Skirmish with
them, and forced them to give back a litle ; by which means he had
the opportunity of coming within a convenient distance of their
Lines, and viewing them.

As he was returning to give the Generalls an account of what he
had observed, he met the Mareshall d'Hocquincourt, who earnest
ly desir'd him to turn once more, Saying he would charge the
Enemies horse guards; and notwithstanding that Monsr. de
Boutteville us'd many arguments to disswade him (as having

5 'Les Generaux rurent envoyez le 12 ... avec 4000 chevaux . . .' (MS. Cam-
pagnes, p. 244).

256

1658 THE DEATH OF MARSHAL d'HOCQUINCOURT

already done what he intended, and brought back a prisoner or
two with him, which he had taken amongst the Sand-hills) yet the
Mareshall continued obstinate, and over-perswaded him to go
back, by which he did not only ingage himself, but almost all the
reste of the Generall Officers at a great distance from their troopes:
for the Prince of Conde Seeing him go that way, walk'd after him,
and Don John, hearing the Prince was gone on towards the Line,
did the like : and last of all, I, having observ'd all that could be
Seen where the Marquis and I had been together, and coming that
way, where I heard that those whom I haue already mention J d
were gone before, put on at a large gallop after them, and came up
to them just as Monsr. d'Hocquincourt had forced the Enemies
horse guards to retire. In performing which, Henry Jermyn on
our side, and the Marquis de Blanquefort, at present Earle of
Feversham nephew to Monsr. de Turenne, on the other, were
both of them shott through the thigh.

The Mareshall d'Hocquincourt was now come within muskett
shott of a redoubt, which the Enemy had advanced upon a
heigth, somewhat before their Lines ; when at the very moment
that I came up to him, he received a shott in the belly from the
Sd Reboudt, of which presently after he dyd: Vpon this wee drew
off, the Enemy at the same time beginning to advance upon us ;
and the Prince of Conde with his people, being very busy in
taking the papers out of the MareshalPs pockets, not knowing
whither they shoull be able to bring off his body, a Gentleman who
belonged to the sd Mareshall came to me, and desir'd me to face
about, to give them the leysure of bearing off his Master's corps;
which at his request I did, and so with some difficulty the body
was brought away. But had the Enemy press'd hard upon us, wee
had not only been forced to haue left it behind, but all the Gener
all Officers there present had run the hazard of being made pri
soners, they having no other horse with them besides Cravatts,
who were not capable of sustaining a vigourous charge, and being
distant from their own troopes above a mile. But at length when
all was over, up came the Marquis de Caracena with three troopes
of Guards to our assistance, who chid us all for having expos'd our
selves as wee had done.

After this wee returned to the body of our Army, but so dis-
order'd by the fatall accident which had happen'd to the Mareshall

257

CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1658

d'Hocquincourt, that wee march'd back to our Camp by Furnes,
without viewing any part of the Enemies Line or taking any other
consultation about our going thither. The day following wee re-
mov'd to the place which wee had chosen for our encampment;
having our right to the Sea, and our left to the Canal of Furnes.
Wee lay with our foot upon one Line before our horse, which
reach'd from the Sand-hills next the Sea, as far as the ditches,
which are nearest to the foremention'd Canal: our horse were on
two Lines behind our foot, and as for our baggage, wee left it
behind at Furnes; for our traine of artillery, by good fortune, it
was not yet come to the Army: so that wee had neither cannon nor
tooles, nor hardly powder enough for our foot; without all which
necessarys wee came and camp'd within less then twice cannon
shott of the Enemies Line.

Wee came thither with the Van of our Army about eleven of
the clock in the forenoon. And, as I haue been since inform'd, it
was evening before Monsr, de Turenne could be drawn to be-
leeve, that wee were there with our whole Army, or that wee came
with a design of camping in that place : But about that time a
prisoner was brought, who assured him of both. Wherupon, with
out consulting one moment with any person, he immediatly took
the resolution of marching to us the next morning, and fighting us.

Accordingly he gave out orders for all his troopes to be in a
readiness at that time: And sent for the English, that were quar
ter* d at Mar dyke* to march up to him; which they immediatly
obeyd, and march'd all night, having a great compass to take, and
were by day-break at his quarter : But while the French were pre
paring to come out upon us, the next morning, wee took no mea
sures in our Army as if any Enemy were to be expected; for when
the orders were given in our Camp at night, there was no prohi
bition made to our horse of going out to forage, till the pleasure
of the Generall should be further known, as is usuall in the like
cases : But they were permitted to go abroad, as if no Enemy had
been near us. And that it may be seen, how litle some of our
Generall Officers beleev'd the French had any such intention (or
at least would haue it thought that they so beleev'd) happening
myself to be at supper that night with the Marquis de Caracena,
and the Company falling into discourse on the Subject of our
6 'qui estoient vers Mardick' (MS. Campagnes, p. 247).

258

1658 THE DUKE PREDICTS A BATTLE

coming thither, and what the French might probably attempt
against us, I said. That for my own particular I lik'd not our being
there upon such termes as wee were then, having no Lines nor
any thing to cover us from the Enemy ; and that it was my opinion,
if they fell not upon us that very night, I was very confident they
would give us battaill the next morning : To which both the Mar
quis and Don Estevan de Gamarra answered, that it was what they
desir'd : To which I reply'd, That I knew Monsr. de Turenne So
well, as to assure them they should haue that Satisfaction.

The next morning about five of the clock, our horse guard
brought us intelligence, that they saw some horse drawing out of
the Enemies Lines, which they suppos'd came with design to beat
them in ; upon which our whole Army tooke the alarme, and stood
to their armes, and the Generalls went out to discover what the
Enemy was doing. I was the first who came to our horse guard,
and going as far as the outmost Sentrys, I plainly saw that their
whole Army was coming out of their Lines ; Their horse, with
four small feild peices, advancing along the high way betwixt the
Sand-hills, and the meadow grounds, and the French foot draw
ing out on their left hand, having thrown down some peices of
their Line that they might march out at least a Battailion a front;
and farther on their left hand, which was nearer to the Sea, the
English were drawing out, whom I easily knew by their redcoats :
Of all which having taken a distant view, I went back to give an
account of it, and before I reach'd our Camp, I mett with Don
John, who asking me, what were the intentions of the French? I
answer'd him, That they were drawing out to give us battell ; which
he seeming not to beleeve, said, their design was only to drive in
our horse guards. I replyd, That it was not the custom of the
French to march out with such a body of foot, as I had seen, com-
pos'd of the French and Suisse Guards, the Regiments of Picardy
and Turenne, all which I knew by their colours, as well as the
English by their redcoats, and with so great a body of horse as
those I had observed with their canon before them, with a bare in
tention of forcing in our horse guards.

Before I could add any other arguments for the confirmation of
my opinion, or Don John had the leysure of replying, the Prince
of Cond6 came up to us, who had also been at one of our horse
guards, and gave the same account which I had done; and seeing

259

CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1658

the Duke of Glocester there, he ask'd him, If he had ever seen a
Battell? who telling him, he had not; the Prince assured him, that
within half an houre he should behold one: 7 And now, there being
no farther room to doubt of the Enemies intention, all the Gener-
all Officers parted from each other, and went to their respective
posts; with resolution to attend the coming of the French, and to
fight them where wee were, having the advantage of the ground,
which wee must haue lost had wee advanced towards them,

Our Army was drawn up after this following manner: Our
Foot, which were about six thousand, were divided into fifteen
Battalions, and were all upon one Line, excepting two of them ;
They reach'd from a high Sand hill into the meedows adjoyning
the Canal of Furnes : The naturall Spaniards had the right hand
of all, who consisted of four Regiments ; Don Caspar Boniface his
Regiment was plac'd upon the high Sand hill, nearest to the
Strand; Behind which was that of Francisco de Meneses, facing
towards the Sea, to be in a posture of opposing any which should
offer to fall into their flanck: On the left hand of the first which I
have mentiond, was that of Don Diego de Goni, commanded by
Don Antonio de Cordoua, on whose left hand was placed the Mar
quis de Seralvo at the head of his Regiment; next to whom were
the King's and the Lord Bristoll's Regiments, both which made
up one Battalion alone, and was commanded by the Lord Mus-
kerry; And for a reserve behind those two Battalions, Coll:
Richard Grace with the Lord Newbourgh's Regiment, 8 making
likewise one Battalion. On the left hand of the Regiment of York,
were three Walloon Battalions, after them one of Germans, com
posed of four Regiments ; Next to which upon the last Sand hill,
towards the Canal of Furnes, was plac'd Guitaud's Regiment of
Germans, being the first of the Prince of Conde's foot: The rest
of them, which were three Battalions, were drawn up betwixt the
Sand-hills and the Canal, by the high-way side and in the meedows.

On the Sand hills, where our Foot was drawn up in this order,
wee had a great advantage of the Enemy, there running a ridge
from one side to the other, upon which they were posted ; so that

7 This is the passage which Ramsay 'improved 7 so wittily (see Translator's Intro
duction, p. 35).

8 'II y avoit derriere ces deux Battaillons Les Regimens de Richard Grace et du
Lord Willoughby qui ne faisoient qu'un bataillon qui servoit de reserve' (MS.
Gampagnes, p. 251). 'Willoughby' may be the correct reading here.

260

26l

CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1658

the Enemy must be constrained to charge us up the hill, which
every one knows is a greater disadvantage on the Sand, where the
footing is loose, then on firm ordinary ground. As for our Horse
(which should haue been eight thousand tho at that time they were
scarcely half so strong, the greatest part of them being gone out to
forrage and not returning till after wee were beaten) the Spanish
Horse were drawn up in two Lines behind our Foot, amongst the
Sand hills; The Prince of Conde's in more Lines behind his Foot,
betwixt the Sand hills and the meadow-grounds; in many places
there being not room for above three or four Squadrons a front:
so that I am not absolutly certain, in what number of Lines they
were drawn up.

In this order wee stood expecting the Enemy, whose Army,
according to my best remembrance, were marshall'd in the man
ner following. Their Foot were drawn up in two Lines of seven
Battalions each : The first Line was commanded by a Lieut Gener-
all Monsr. de Guadagne, and composed of one Battalion of the
French Guards which had the right hand, and march'd along
under the Sand hills by the high way side; Next to which was one
Battalion of the Suisse Guards, which went along by the top of the
Sand hills, next the high way; On whose left hand was the Regi
ment of Picardy makin one Battalion; and then on the same front
that of Turenne, which was the last of the French Battalions on
the first Line; on whose left hand were three of the English Regi
ments, each of which made a Battalion, the last of them reaching
as far as the Sand hills next the Sea: And before each Battalion of
this first Line, they had commanded Musketeers 9 (which was the
only time that ever I knew forlorne hopes us'd beyond the Seas in
any battell) But as Monsieur de Turenne advanced, seeing wee
had some foot in the meadows, he took the right hand Battalion of
the second Line, and made it march on the right hand of his Horse
in the meadows; this Battalion was commanded by Monsr. de
Montgomery one of his Nephews. As for their second Line of
Foot, it consisted of the same number of Battalions, three of which
were English, and the rest French. 10

9 4 les Enfans perdus' (MS, Camfagnes, p. 252), the 'technical' name given to this
kind of musketeers in France.

10 The last two sentences (after 'commanded Musketeers', i.e., 'enfants perdus* or
'forlorne hopes') do not appear in the MS. Camfagnes (p. 252).

262

1658 THE BATTLE OF THE DUNES

For their Horse, they had about five or six Squadrons betwixt
their two Lines of foot; and their right wing came along the high
way, just beneath the Sand hills, commanded by the Marquis de
Crequi, a Lieut Generall, having as many Squadrons a front as the
ground would bear, which in divers places was not above three or
four; before whom march'd four feild peices. Their left wing
commanded by Monsr. de Castelnau a Lieut Generall, came along
the Strand, with feild peices attending them; and severall of the
English small Fregatts having the advantage of the tyde of flood,
stood in as near the shore as possibly they could see amongst the
Sand hills. This was the order of the French Army: And in this
manner they advanced upon us, while wee only stood our ground,
and expected them.

The first who engaged us were the English led up by Major
Generall Morgan ; their Generall Lockart (for what reason I know
not) being with Monsr. de Castelneau at the head of their left
wing. But immediatly before their falling on, Don John sent me,
and desired me to go to our right hand, and take a particular care
of that part, where he saw the Englis were advancing; Which I
did, taking no troopes along with me from the middle of the Line,
where I then was, excepting only my own Troope of Guards, and
a hundred commanded men, with two Captains, and Officers pro
portionable out of my next Battalion, to reinforce the naturall
Spaniards. Which Foot I joyn'd to Boniface, where I judged they
would make their greatest effort, and which was (of) the greatest
importance to be maintained, it being the highest of the Sand hills
on that side, and advanced somewhat farther then any of the rest
which were thereabout, commanding also those which were
nearest to it.

This was all I had leisure to do, before the English attack'd us;
who came on with great eagerness and courage: But their heat
was such, that they outmarched the French, so that had the oppor
tunity been taken, they might haue paid deer for their rash
bravery, But they, whose busines it was to haue taken that advan
tage, either tooke no notice of it, or had some other reason, un
known to me, why they sent not some Horse to fall into their
flanques ; Whatsoever the occasion was, the opportunity was let
slipp, and the English came up without the least disturbance to
make their charge.

263

CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 165*

Boniface, as I haue already said, was posted on the highest Sand
hill, which was somewhat advanced before any of the others, so
that the batteli began there. It was Lockart's own Regiment
which charged those Spaniards, and was commanded by Lieut.
Coll. Fenwick; who so soon as he came to the bottom of the hill,
seeing that it was exceeding steep, and difficult to ascend, com
manded his men to halt and take breath for two or three minutes,
that they might be more able to climb and do their duty.

While they were thus preparing themselves, their commanded
men u opening to the right and left, to give way to their main body
which was to mount the hfgth, were continually firing at Boniface ;
and as soon as the body were in a condition to climb, they began
their ascent with a great shout, which was generall from all their
foot. But while they were scrambling up in the best manner they
were able, the Lieut. Coll: fell in the middle way, being shott
through the body; which yet hindered not the Major, who was
called Hinton (since a Captain in the Duke of Albemarle's Regi
ment) 12 from leading on his men together with the rest of their
Officers, who Stopt not till they came to push of pyke; where not
withstanding the great resistance which was made by the Spani
ards, and the advantage they had of the higher ground, as well as,
that of being well in breath, when their Enemies were almost
spent with climbing, the English gain'd the hill and drove them
from off it: The Spaniards leaving dead upon the spott, seven of
eleven Captains which commanded in the Regiment, together
with Slaughter and Farrell, two Captains whom I had joyn'd to
that Regiment just before; besides many of their reformed Offi
cers (their stands of Pykes being for the most part made of such) is
Yet this ground had been so well disputed, that the English, be
sides their Lieut. Coll : lost Severall Officers and Soldiers.

And now, having thus far carryd on their busines successfully,
so soon as they had put themselves again in order, and recover'd
breath, they came down the Sand hill, which I observing, went to
charge them with my own Guards ^and those of Don John ; but
being come up almost within reach of their pykes, I found the

11 'Leurs enfants perdus 7 (p. 254).

12 The fact that this Cromwellian officer was retained after the Restoration does not
appear in the MS. Campagnes (p. 254).

13 'et plusieurs officiers reformez dont la plupart estoient piquiers' (MS. Cam-
pagnes, pp. 254-255).

264

1658 THE BATTLE OF THE DUNES

ground to be such, as rendered it almost impossible for me to
break into them: notwithstanding which I was resolv'd to en
deavour it, and accordingly charg'd them tho to no purpose: for
what with the advantage of the ground, and with the stout resist
ance they made in that first charge, I was beaten off, and all who
were at the head of my own Troope, were either killed or wounded ;
of which number I had been one, had not the goodness of my
armes preserved me. The cheife Officers of my Troope escap'd
better then those belonging to Don John; for of mine, only
Charles Berkley the Capitaine of my Guards was hurt, and of the
other, only the Count de Colmenar who was Captain of it, came
off unwounded, amongst all the Officers: neither did their
common men fare better, the loss falling so heavily amongst them,
that th5 I endeavour'd all I could to rally them, it was not possible
for me to perform it. But I had better fortune with those of
my own Guards, for I gott all of them together who were yet in a
condition of doing duty, which were not above forty.

When I had rallyd this small party, I went to Boniface, where
first Don John, and after him the Marquis de Caracena had been
endeavouring to rally them, but not being able to do it, were gone
off. When I came up to that Regiment, I was not able at first to
make them stand; but while I was trying my authority amongst
them, I saw there one Elvige a Lieutenant of the King's Regi
ment, who had been commanded along with the hundred men
whom I had sent to strengthen that Battalion ; and asking him,
what was become of his Captains? he answer'd me, they were both
slaine with most of their Soldiers ; and that he was the only Officer
of that party that had escap'd unhurt. Upon which I commanded
him to stay with me, and call his men together, which he did, and
crying out aloud to them, That the Duke was there, those who
heard him faced about immediatly, and came up to us. At the same
time seeing the Major of that Spanish Regiment, I call'd to him,
That he should make his men follow the example of those few
English, it not being the custome of Spaniards to run when any
others stood; and upon the Major's reproching them with that,
they stopt, and drew up in good order. And now the Marquis of
Caracena coming back once more, demanded of me, Why I
charg'd not the Enemy with my Horse? I answer'd him, I had
already done it, and (been} worsted for my paines ; farther telling

265

CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1658

him, That considering the present posture of the Enemy, it was
impossible to be done, and at the Same time shewing him, what I
had affirmed, from behind the next Sand hill.

Presently after this (the Marquis being gone again) Lockart's
Regiment, which, as I have already said, had beaten off our Horse,
advanced not directly forward, but bent a litle towards their left
hand; and wee lost sight of each other, by reason of the unevenesse
of the ground (a Sand hill being interpos'd betwixt us) so that by
the time I had got the Regiment of Boniface in order, and those
few Horse which I had with him, this English Battalion was come
even upon a line with us, just upon my right hand, a Sand hill only
being betwixt us : Wherupon I faced touards the Sea, and march
ing at the head of my Foot, as I came up to the top of the Sand
hill, I perceiv'd the English coming up on the other side to me :
upon which I gott from betwixt them, commanding the Major
who was with me at the head of Boniface, to charge them in the
front, whilst I with my Horse would fall into their flanque.

When I had given this order, I put myself immediatly at the
head of my forty Guards, and charg'd that Battalion So home, that
I broke into them, doing great execution upon them, and driving
them to the edge of the Sand hill next the Strand. As for the Bat
talion of Boniface they did not charge, seeing I had already broken
the English ; but discovering from the top of the Sand hill, where
they were, that our whole Army was in route, they scattered, and
every man endeavoured to gett off, which few of them were so
lucky as to perform.

Tis very observable that when wee had broken into this Bat
talion, and were gott amongst them, not so much as one single
man of them ask'd quarter, or threw down his armes; but every
one defended himself to the last: so that wee ran as great danger
by the butt end of their musketts, as by the volley which they had
given us. And one of them had infallibly knock'd me off from my
horse, if I had not prevented him when he was just ready to haue
discharged his blow, by a stroke I gave him with my sword over
the face, which layd him along upon the ground.

The Duke of Glocester, who during the action of all that day
had seconded me, and behav'd himself as bravely as any of his
Ancestors had ever done, had his sword either struck out of his
hand by one of the Enemy, or it flew out of his hand by a blow

266

1658 THE BATTLE OF THE DUNES

which he had given; but which of the two I remember not: It
happen'd that a gentleman, one Villeneuue, Ecuier to the Prince
de Ligny, who was next him, saw this accident; wherupon he
leap'd down immediatly from his horse, took up the sword and
delivered it to my Brother, who with his pistoll in his hand, stood
ready to secure him till he was remounted. But immediatly after,
the same gentleman was shott through the body; notwithstanding
which it was his fortune to gett off, and to recover of his wound.

I had no sooner made this charge, but I was obliged to make
what hast I could to get away; for a Squadron of the French Army
from the Strand, had gott up amongst the Sand hills, just as I was
charging, and had [broken] into my flanque; 14 So that they had
undoubtedly cutt me off with my small party, had they not been
charg'd themselves, at the same time, by the Prince de Ligny, who
tho he did not defeat them, yet he gaue them a litle stop ; which op
portunity I took to get off, and the Prince, after he had made his
charge, escap'd another way.

By this time not only all the Regiment of Boniface was cutt in
peices, but the rest of the naturall Spanish Regiments were all
taken in their Severall posts by the Horse; for they were not
charg'd by the English as they ought to haue been, had our Coun
trymen march'd directly onwards : but so it happen'd, that when
the other two Regiments of them, saw the resistance which was
made by Boniface, they all bent that way, marching by the flanque,
only firing at the other naturall Spaniards as they pass'd along,
and marching up the Sand-hill after Lockart's Regiment.

While these things were passing on our right hand next the
Sea, our left wing received as hard measure from the Enemy as
wee had done; for the four feild peices, which as I sayd, advanced
along the high way, under the Sand-hills, terribly gaul'd both our
Horse and Foot which were before them : So that the Foot Guards
and the Regiment de la Couronne (the last of which was com
manded by Monsr. de Montgomery, and having been taken out
of the Second Line by Monsr. de Turenne, as I haue said, was
placed on the right hand of the Guards in the meadow grounds)
seeing that wee had three small Battalions betwixt the Sand-hills
and the Canal, they advanced against them, but our Battalions
making a very fainte resistance ran away. Upon which the French
14 c llz alloient le prendre en flanc' (MS. Campagnes, p. 258).

267

CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1658

horse advanced before their foot, as many Squadrons a front as
they could march, commanded by the Marquis de Crequi, a Lieut
Generall, and were charg'd so vigorously by the Prince of Conde's
horse, that they were beaten back behind their foot: yet at length,
notwithstanding all he could do, they having horse and foot against
horse alone, they 15 forced him from his ground, and oblig'd him to
run for it, as fast as his neighbours had done before him; tho he
did what was possible to be done, in both capacities, both as a
Generall, and as a Soldier; in so much that at the last of the three
charges, which he made with his horse, he was in great hazard of
being taken.

As to what pass'd on the right wing of the Prince of Conde,
upon the Sand-hills betwixt him and the place where the naturall
Spaniards were drawn up; The Regiment de Guitault 16 (which
was posted upon the Sand hill next to the high way along which
came the right wing of the French Cavalery) did not Stay for a
charge from the Suisses, but fir'd at too great a distance and pre
sently ran, away: The four next Battalions did the like, none of
them Staying to be throughly charg'd; which cowardise of theirs,
and the defeat of Boniface his Regiment, who were beaten from
their ground, strook such a terrour into our horse, which were
drawn up behind our foot on the Sand-hills, that the greatest part
of them, especially those of the Second line, ran away without be
ing charg'd, or even without seeing an Enemy, tho most of their
Officers were not wanting to their duty, in endeavouring to stop
them: Those few who had courage enough to Stay, perform'd
their parts like men of honour, as shall be mentioned in its proper
place.

The next of these three Regiments, of which I have spoken,
was my own, which stood a litle longer then their neighbours on
the left hand; But a voice coming behind them, that the foot
should save themselves, that Battalion broke also, the Soldiers
leaving their Officers, and running away; which Coll: Grace seen
(seeing) who was drawn up behind them, thought it was high time
for him to endeavour to save his Regiment, and march off in good
order at a round rate in three divisions ; by observing of which dis-

15 'They* were mainly Bussy-Rabutin who commanded the cavalry and Gadagne
who brought up infantry to support him.

16 Not c de Guiscard', as Clarke supposed.

268

1658 THE BATTLE OF THE DUNES

cipline, and keeping them together, he had the good fortune to gett
off a cross the high way, to the Canal of Furnes, along which he
made his retreat without losing a man. But my Regiment was at
tended with worse luck; for tho Monsr. de Roc 17 with his Regi
ment of horse went up and charged the Cardinal's Gensdarmes,
killing with his own hand Monsr. du Bourg who commanded
them, and beating that Squadron; yet they who should haue
seconded him being gone, and more horse coming on to charge
him, he was forced also to make the best of his way, and shift for
one. Those horse which he had beaten soon overtook my Regi
ment, so that excepting My Lord Musketry, who was fortunate
enough to get a horse accidentally, not a Soldier or Officer escap'd.

Much about the Same time, one Michel an old German Col-
lonel, with his Regiment of horse, charged the Battalion of Tu-
renne after they were march'd down from the hill, on which the
Spanish foot had been drawn up; but he was not able to break
them, they receiving his charge in so good order, that they kill'd
him with the greatest part of his Officers, and beat off his Regi
ment of horse without any loss but of the Lieut Collonel Betbes6,
who was slain at the head of the pikes with a pistoll shott. Besides
these two Collonels, I know not of any Spanish horse that behav'd
themselves well in this battell, or if they did, it never arrived to my
knowledge.

I must go now a litle back to give a further account of my own
fortune : As soon as I came off from charging and breaking that
Regiment of English, I thought it but reasonable to endeavour
my own escape, the French horse having already incompass'd me
on every side, and none of our men standing: But not knowing
what success wee might haue had in our left wing where the Prince
of Cond6 was, I resolved in the first place to go thither, and see in
what posture our affaires were there. I had not now above twenty
horse remaining with me; the rest of my Guards which were with
my Lieutenant, being parted from me as I came from amongst
the English: The Smalness of my number proved my best secu
rity; for with those who still continued about me, I was strong
enough to deal with any loose men, and yet was not so consider
able as to provoke any bodys to disband after me: And by Some
of the Enemys wee were taken for one of their own partys ; for as I
17 Mr. de St. Rock' (MS. Campagnes, p. 261).

269

CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1658

was coming off, I saw four or five of their Troopers falling upon
an Officer of mine, on Lieut Victor, since a Captain at Tangier: I
went up to them, taking them indeed for some of our own horse,
and called out to them in french, That they should let him alone,
for he was one of our own Englishmen : Accordingly they dis-
miss'd him, giving him his sword which they had taken from him,
and went off themselves, mistaking me for one of their own Offi
cers: Thus both I and they were in an errour, and I knew not my
own mistake till Victor told me of it afterwards.

I continued my way forward, and made a shift to pass through
the French, trotting in good order, 'till I overtook Coll : Grace and
his Regiment before they gott out from amongst the Sand hills ;
going by the Regiments of Picardy and Turenne, which were then
as far advanced as where our men had been incamped the night
before; and coming down into the high way, under the Sand hills,
I found all the Prince of Condi's Troopes already beaten, he hav
ing then made his last charge; So that he was constrained to run
with them, and as I sayd, with great difficulty escap'd. The throng
being very great in the Village of Zudcote, through which the
high way went, and the Enemy pursuing us with great eagerness,
I had no other means to avoid being taken, then to disingage my
self from the crowd, and to take another way, which was round
about the Village leaving it on my right hand. And to shew how
near I was to be made prisoner, a Collonel under the Prince, one
(de] Morieul, meeting rtig just as I came down the Sand-hills, and
not following my example of taking round the Village, but min
gling with the crowd, immediatly after he was parted from me
felFd into the hands of the pursuers, and was made a prisoner. As
for me, I gott safe into the way again on the other side of the
Village, where Don John, the Prince of Cond6, the Marquis de
Caracena, and others, were already gott before me. Soon after
which, wee were obliged to make a litle stand, and face about, to
give Don John de leisure to change his horse, his own by some
accident being fallen lame; which being done, wee sett spurrs
again to our horses, and did not stop, 'till the Enemy had left
pursuing us.

I shall not take upon me to give a particular account of what
was done in this engagement by our Generall Officers, because I
have received no particular information of it : Only this I know in

270

1658 THE BATTLE OF THE DUNES

grosse, that all of them behav'd themselves very bravely, except
ing Don Estevan de Gamarra ; the rest of them so far exposing
their persons, that they escap'd not without great hazard. For the
Prince of Conde, and myself, I have already given a Relation of
our fortunes : And concerning Don John, I have been informed,
that he stayd so long, that he was in danger of being taken : And
the Marquis de Caracena was so near it, that before he gott out
from amongst the Sand hills, a horseman of the Enemys had layd
hold on his bridle ; but the Marquis at the same time striking him
over the face with his cane, (having nothing els in his hand) so
stun'd him, that he let go his hold, and so the Marquis had leisure
to escape. To what concerns the Prince de Ligny, 18 I have already
mention'd how handsomly he behavd himself when he charged;
but how he gott off, I am not certain : But for Don Estevan de
Gamarra who commanded as Mestre de Camp Generall, and was
at the head of the foot, he went away at first, and never stopt till he
came to Nieuport.

I have not yet given an account of the Battalion, which was
compos'd of the King's Regiment and the Earle of Bristoll's, and
I should be very injurious to the first of these two, if I should pass
them by in silence. They were posted, as I haue said, next the
naturall Spaniards; and notwithstanding that they saw all on the
right and left hand of them already routed and gone off, yet they
continued firm (I mean that part of the Battalion which was com-
pos'd of the King's Regiment) for they were all English; As for
the other part of it, which was form'd of My lord Bristoll's men
who were Irish, they indeed went away, when they saw all their
freinds about them beaten ; neither was it in the power of their
Officers to hinder them, tho they endeavour 'd it; but seeing their
paines were to no effect, they ran for company, excepting Captain
Stroad (Stroud] an English Gentleman, who was Captain Lieut.
of that Regiment; for he came and put himself at the head of the
remaining part of the Battalion, with his own Countrymen: But
this was not the only discouragement which these English had,
for both the Lieut. Collonell and Major had forsaken them before
the Irish, the first upon pretence of going for orders, and the other
upon an account which was not a jot more honorable. The Lieut.
Coll: was rewarded for his paines as he deserved; for being mett

18 de Ligne.

271

CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1658

by some of the lose French horse, who were then gott behind
them, he was shott into the face, somewhat below the eye, and the
bullet came out behind his neck; of which wound he narrowly es-
cap'd with life: He was also unhors'd, and being in this condition,
one of my Guards, the only man amongst them who behav'd him
self ill and who was not an Englishman, accidentally found him,
and help'd him off.

But none of these misadventures did at all daunt the King's
Regiment: They continued to stand firm, and maintain'd their
ground, tho they beheld the first Line of the French passing by
them on their left hand, and the Cromwellian English on their
right, till the second Line came up to them. It was the Regiment
of Rambures which advanced to charge them (their Collonel com
manding that Line, and being at their head). This Officer seeing
not a man standing of all our Troopes, excepting this small body
which was before him, went up to them himself, a litle before his
men, to offer them quarter; To whom they returned this answer,
That they had been posted there by the Duke, and therfore were
resolved to maintain that ground as long as they were able : He
replyd, That it would be to no purpose for them to stand out,
their whole Army being already routed, and having left the feild.
They answer'd again, That it was not their part to beleeve an
Enemy: Upon which he offer'd them, that if they would send out
an Officer or two, he would himself carry them up to a Sand-hill
which was behind them, and then they should perceive, that what
he affirm'd was true : Accordingly they sent out two Officers, Cap
tain Thorn: Cooke and Aston, 19 whom he conducted as he had
promis'd to the Sand-hill which he had nam'd; from whence they
could easily discover, that none of our Army was left standing
excepting only themselves, after which, he brought them down
again to their own men. Wherupon they told him, That in case he
would promise they should not be delivered up to the English, nor
be stripped, nor haue their pockets search'd, they would lay down
their armes and yeeld themselves his prisoners ; to which he ixn-
mediatly agreeing, and giving his word for the performance of
those Articles, they accordingly yeelded, and his promise was
exactly kept to them : by which their honorable carriage, they far'd
much better then the other Regiment which deserted them; some

19 'Ashton' (MS. Campagnes, p. 266).
272

1658 CASUALTIES OF THE BATTLE

of whom were slaine, and the rest taken and stripp'd afterwards.

I haue now give the best account I am able of the whole Action,
and it remains, that I should say something of the number of the
Slaine on both sides and of the Prisoners. As for the Slaine, they
amounted not in all to above four hundred; 20 amongst which on
our side there fell the Count de la Motterie and of the Spanish
troopes, Collonel Michel, with most of the Captains of Boniface,
one of Seralvo, and another of Goni (Gomez\ as also Don Fran
cisco Romero Governour of the two Troopes of Guards, with two
or three more of his Officers: Of those whom I commanded, there
were kill'd three Captains, Slaughter of the King's Regiment,
* * *2i O f m y own? an d Farrell of the Lord Bristoll's, besides some
Lieutenants and Ensignes, and two Brigadeers of my Troope of
Guards. Of the Pee of Conde's Troopes, I remember none of
quality but the Count de Meille a Lieut. Generall, with some few
Captains. Of the Spanish Officers, were taken the Marquis de
Seralvo, Risbourg, Conflans, Belleveder, the Prince de Robec,
Don Antonio de Cordoua, Don J. de Toledo y Portugal, Don
Joseph Manriques, Don Luis de Zuniga, Le Baron de Limbeck,
Darchem, Baynes, all Collonels of horse or foot, and Mr. de
Montmorency, Captain of the Guards to the Prince de Ligny.
Most of these were abandoned by their men, and were taken, be
cause they would not make such hast away as their Soldiers had
done : I cannot say what Captains and other inferiour Officers were
made Prisoners, only, that of the naturall Spanish Regiments of
foot, few or none escap'd, because they behav'd themselves very
honorably; But of the horse, the number of Captains and Officers
under them, was no way proportionable to the number of Officers
in my Troopes. Of my own Regiment, not an Officer escap'd
taking, excepting My Lord Muskerry who commanded it; and of
the private Soldiers, not twenty. As for the King's Regiment, it
was intirely broken. The Earle of Bristoll's Regiment had the same
fate with mine, few or none getting away; but of his Guards not
above five or six were taken. As for the cheif Officers under the
Prince of Cond, Monsr. de Coligny et 22 Boutteville, both Lieut

20 The French version makes it plain that these casualties were on the Spanish side
(MS. Campagnes, p. 267).

21 The French MS. does not supply this blank.

22 i.e., and Monsr. de Boutteville.

K 273

CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1658

Generalls, were made Prisoners with Meille (who dyd of his
wounds) and Monsr. des Roches Captain of his Guards: He lost
no many of his foot, for they not doing their duty as became
Soldiers,, and being near the Canal, had an easy opportunity of
escaping; his horse, tkd they fought bravely, yet lost fewer then
the Spaniards, and amongst them all not one Collonel.

How many of the Enemy were slain, the Duke knew not cer
tainly, only in generall, that their loss was very inconsiderable both
as to the number and the quality; for I haue not heard of any other
Officers who were kill'd on their side, then Monsr. de la Berge
(who had been Captain of Mr. de Turenne's Guards, and was then
Major Generall of the Foot, which is less then either a Lieut Gen-
erall or a Mareshall de Camp) Monsr. de Bebsey 23 Lieut Collonel
of Monsr. de Turenne's Regiment of Foot, and Du Bourg Lieut
of the Cardinal's Gensdarmes: Of the English sent by Cromwell,
Fenwick Lockart's Lieut Collonel, 24 with two Captains, four
Lieutenants, and four Ensignes; Of the English common men
about a hundred; and the Major of the Same Regiment, with two
Captains, and some Lieutenants and Enseigne's hurt.

As for the baggage and cannon, wee had none to lose, our traine
by good fortune not being come up to us; and our baggage being
left behind at Furnes, at which place wee rally'd our beaten Army.

And here I must not forgett to mention, what Monsr. de
Gadagne a Lieut Generall in the French Army, and who com
manded the French Foot that day, did on my behalf, when our
Army was intirely routed, and none left standing on the feild,
hearing that I was taken prisoner by the English, he took two or
three Squadrons of the French horse along with him, whose Com
manders were his particular freinds, and went with them across
the feild to the place where the English then were; fully resolv'd,
in case my fortune had been such, to haue rescued me by force out
of their hands : But coming amongst them, and after a diligent
inquiry finding there was no truth in that report, he return'd back
with that satisfaction to his own command.

At our first coming to Furnes, and for some days after the Bat-
tell, wee thought our loss had been more considerable, then after-

23 'de Brebsey' (MS. Campagnes, p. 268).

24 *Des Anglois de Cromwel Fenwick et Lqckart Lieutenans Colonels . . . furent
tuez' (p. 268). Tliis is an error. Lockhart was a General, and he was not killed.

274

1658 THE SURRENDER OF DUNKIRK

wards it prov'd; for most of our foot Officers, as well as our com
mon Soldiers, gott off., some by making their escape from the
Enemy, others, and especially the Officers, by giving small summs
of mony to those who (had] taken them ; of which number was Don
Antonio de Cordoua, with many other Collonels and persons of
note: So that by that time wee came to Nieuport, which was about
the 26th of the same month, all our Regiments of foot, excepting
the King's and the naturall Spaniards, were almost as strong as
when they came into the feild.

As for Monsr. de Turenne, so Soon as he had beaten us, he
march'd back into his Lines, and continued his Seige, So that
within * * * 25 days afterwards, Dunkirk was surrendered to him;
which had not been so soon given up, if the Marquis de Leyde the
Governour, had not been wounded, of which hurt he dyd with in
few days.

Wee remain'd at Furnes till the 26th, about which time the
news was brought us, that the Town was to be delivered up, and
then wee drew back to Nieuport. So soon as wee came thither, wee
had another Junto, to consult what wee should do when the Enemy
were masters of Dunkirk. Vpon which it was proposed by Don
John, that wee should put our Selves all along the Canal betwixt
Nieuport and Dixmude, and endeavour to defend it. Some who
spoke after him, agreed to this, and others did not directly oppose
it. But when it came to my turn to speak, I declar'd my opinion
against it, and gave my reasons, because wee had not a sufficient
strength of foot to maintain that post against a Victorious Army,
ours being also dishearten 'd by their late defeat: I also desir'd
them to consider into what miserable condition wee should De re
duced, in case that passe should be forced upon us; for then it
would be too late, and perhaps impossible to think of securing our
great Towns, since the Enemy would haue their choice of attack
ing, and also of mastering which of them they pleas'd; besides
what other unknown mischeifs might arise from so hazardous an
undertaking.

Having us'd these and other arguments against it, I proposed
that wee should divide our Army, and disperse it, as wee should
judge most convenient, amongst our great places on that side of
the Country where wee were, a particular regard being had to those

** The French MS. does not specify the time, except that it was 'not long'.

275

CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1658

Towns, which in probability wee might expect to be next be-
seiged; That this provision being made for their Security, what
place soever should be attacked, might be in a condition of making
a vigorous resistance, or at least defend itself so long, that when it
should be taken it would be too late for the Enemy to sitt down
before another; That during this seige, wee might haue leasure to
draw the rest of our Troopes together, and withall might watch
our opportunity of attempting somewhat against the Enemy.

Vpon this motion of mine the whole affaire was again brought
under a debate, and it was resolved at last, to divide our Army.
Myself and the Marquis de Caracena were left in Nieuport, which
place wee beleev'd would be next attempted: Wee had with us
about two thousand foot, and as many horse. The Prince of
Conde went to Ostend, with a sufficient body of men for the
defense of that strong place; Don John with some foot and a con
siderable body of horse put himself into Bruges; and the Prince de
Ligny with the remainder went to Ypres. At our coming out from
this Junto> the Prince of Conde ask'd me, Why I would venture
to contradict Don John, as I had done? To which I answer 'd him,
Because I had no desire to be forced to run again, as wee had done
so lately at Dunkirk.

This resolution being thus taken, the troopes began their march
the same day to the severall posts which were assigned them : And
within * * * 26 days after, Monsr. de Turenne with the body of the
French Army came to Dixmude, and the Marquis de Crequi
with the Van came and camp'd within litle more then canon-shott
of Nieuport, betwixt that place and Dixmude, intending the next
morning to haue pass'd the Canal which runs from Nieuport to
Ostend, and to cutt off all our communication with that place ; at
the same time also the whole Army was to haue come up to him,
with intention to beseige us. But the next morning as they were
ready to haue march' d, Monsr. de Turenne receiv'd orders from
the Cardinal, not to attack till further directions from him, nor to
undertake any other action, the King his master being fallen
desperatly ill of a fever at Calais: By which accident wee escaped a
Seige, and a most evident danger of being taken; for so careless
had the Spaniards been, that when the Marquis de Crequi was
come, and camp'd within our neighbourhood, wee had not ammu-

26 c peu de jours aprez' (MS. Campagnes, p. 271).
276

1658 THE DUKE AT NIEUPORT

nition sufficient for fifteen days; So that notwithstanding the
great strength of our garrison, wee could not haue defended the
Town long.

But within a day or two after, wee were plentifully furnish'd
with powder and shott from Ostend : So that if wee had been at
tacked, wee should haue been able to haue made a good defence.
And to inable ourselves the better to sustain a Seige, wee began a
new Conterscarpe, and five half moons, with a langue de Serpent
without the Canal, which incompass'd the old outworkes, which
wee finished in the space of eight days, and then open'd our sluces
to drown the Country round about us; but it had not the effect
which wee expected, the ground about the Town being higher
then it was suppos'd to haue been, however it did us some
Seruice.

As for the French Army, the body of it continued about Dix-
mude, and Monsr. de Crequi lay within cannon shott of us, during
all the time that the King of France was in danger by his fever. In
this intervall our Generalls had a meeting at Planquendal, a Vil
lage which lys upon the Canal betwixt Bruges and Nieuport;
where it was resolv'd that so soon as the French Army should
march from Dixmude, Don John, the Prince of Conde, and the
Marquis de Caracena, should draw together to Bruges as many
men as could be spar'd out of the other Towns, into which they
had put their Army, with which body they should observe the
motions of Monsr. de Turenne; and that I should still remain at
Nieuport, with another body of horse and foot, tho of a less pro
portion then the former, to secure and take care, as well as I was
able, of that place, Ostend, and Bruges.

This was the summ of their resolutions at that meeting; and as
myself and the Marquis were going back to Nieuport, wee had a
hott alarm, and were obliged to trott for two or three miles riding,
for fear of being intercepted, before wee could reach that Town ;
Monsr. de Varennes a Lieut. Generall of the French, being come
down to the Side of the Canal to view it, and having pass'd some
of his Horse over it, which gave us that allarm. Soon after this, the
body of the French Army removed from Dixmude, but Monsr. de
Crequi was left with the Troopes under his command, at the place
where he then was incamp'd: Vpon notice of which, the Marquis
de Caracena, in pursuance of what had been concluded at the last

277

CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1653

meeting, went from Nieuport, taking with him some Squadrons
of Horse, and such Foot of the natural! Spaniards, as having been
taken in the late Battell, and had made their escape out of the
French Army, or bought themselves off, and with them march'd
to the Rendezvous appointed, to joyn with Don John, and the
Prince of Conde.

I think it not materiall enough, in this place, to make a relation
of all the petty skirmishes, and driving in of each others Guards,
which pass'd betwixt us and Monsr. de Crequi ; nor of the litle
stratagems and deuices which were used, to take or beat the ad-
vanc'd Guards on either side, both of Horse and Foot, which wee
were obliged to keep within muskett-shott of one another; So that
there hardly pass'd a day without action, th5 not considerable
enough to be related. 27

Not many days after the Marquis de Caracena had left Nieu-
port, Monsr. de Crequi drew off from his post in our neighbour
hood, to go and joine Monsr. de Turenne who lay neer * * *; 28
And had not an accident interveen'd, in all probability he had not
march'd away so quietly: for about noon, I had intelligence from
my out guards, that the Enemy was preparing to remove, and that
already their baggage was going out of their Camp : Wherupon I
went immediately to see whither that report was true, and at the
same time gave order, for six hundred commanded Foot to be
drawn out of all the Regiments, and to come to me with what
expedition they could make : As also, that all my horse should get
ready with the same diligence, and draw into the Conterscarpe,
on that side of the Town which was next to the Enemy; my inten
tions being to try what could be done upon their reere, in their
going off.

Being come to my outworkes, I found the intelligence to be
true, and that not only their baggage was gone out, but that the
troopes already were beginning to march: I therfore sent again for
the Comanded Foot, as also for my own Troop of Guards, and
two or three Squadrons more, to come immediatly to me: The
Horse came accordingly, but not the Foot; for they lingered so
long, that before they were with me, the Enemy was drawn off at
so great a distance from the Town, that I thought it not safe to

27 This paragraph is omitted in the MS. Campagnes (p. 273).

28 Not specified in the MS. Campagnes (p. 273).

278

1658 TURENNE DEFEATS THE PRINCE DE LIGNE

attempt any thing upon them. So that there pass'd nothing be
twixt us, but only a slight Skirmish of Some loose Foot on either
side, and one charge of Horse which was given by Some of our
Volunteers, without order, to a small party of the Enemies Horse
who brought up their Reer upon the dyke, in which a mettled
page of mine, one Litleton, charg'd so home, that he was taken.

The slowness of the Foot, which ruin'd this design, was occa-
sion'd by the loss of a small Vessell, which happend to be cast
away that morning closs by the Town, having run on ground
before day at high water, so that when the tyde went off, she was
left dry upon the Sands; which being seen by our men, they went
to plunder her, and the Ship being laden with wine and brandy,
most of our foot Soldiers had made themselves so drunk, that
when they were commanded to their armes, it was not in the power
of their Officers to take them from their liquour, et 29 gett them
together time enough to come to the place where I expected them.

As for the remainder of this Campagne, I shall not give a par
ticular account of it, because I was not present in the feild; Only
this in short: The Prince de Ligny, with the body which he com
manded about Ypres, was defeated by Monsr. de Turenne, who
accidentally lighted upon him with the Van of his Army near
* * ^so where he expected not to find him ; And having cutt off all
his Foot, followed him to Ypres, and beseig'd that place which he
took within few days, and then march'd to Oudenarde, which he
also mastered, it being a place of great importance, tho at that time
of litle strength, Scituated upon the Scalde. 31 In this Town he
left a strong garrison, as also in Dinse, and most of the places on
the Lys: So that this blow given to the Prince de Ligny, prov'd
to be of worse consequence to the Spaniards, then the defeat which
wee received near Dunkirk ; for had it not been for this last misfor
tune, in all probability the French had done litle during the rest of
the Campagne, besides the taking of Gravelines, after the time
which they were obliged to loose, while their King lay so disper-
atly sick at Calais: But the defeat thus given to the Prince de
Ligny, put into their hands the opportunity of taking in so many
Towns, as otherwise they durst not haue attempted.

29 and.

30 Not specified in the MS. Camfagnes (p. 274).

3 1 Scheldt.

279

CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1658

This I speak knowingly, having been inform'd of the whole
matter since that time, by one who could give me the best relation
of it. But to return to my own affaires at Nieuport : Not long after
the Marquis de Crequi had left his quarters near that Town,
Monsr. de Turenne being marchd toward * * *, 32 I drew out the
troopes which remained with me, and march'd with them to the
Suburbs of Bruges, governing my motions by the intelligence I
had of those which were made by the Enemy, and still keeping
behind one of the Canals, that I might avoid the hazard of en
gaging upon unequall termes, or of receiving the least affront: by
this means also taking care, that the Enemy might not get be
twixt me and any of the Towns which were intrusted to my par
ticular inspection.

About the i6th of September, I march'd back to Nieuport,
where I received the wellcome news of Cromwell's death; which I
sent immediatly to Don John, at the same time desiring him to
send Some other who might take upon him my command; it
being of absolute necessity for me to go to Bruxelles, and attend
the King my Brother upon this new alteration of affaires in
England.

Monsieur de Marsin was he that was order 'd to releeve me;
who arriving at Nieuport on the 2 ist of September, I immediatly
made what hast I could to Bruxelles, and return'd no more to the
Army, the Season of the year being too far spent before I could
leave the King; so that there was not any need of my presence at
the place of my Command: And when the French Army was
march'd back into their own Country, and our Troopes disposed
into their winter-quarters, I went to Breda to the Princesse my
Sister, where I continued for some time.

32 Not specified in the MS. Campagnes (p. 275).
280

TH E Death of Cromwell, and the disturbances which most
men foresaw would ensue upon it (his Son Richard having
neither the parts nor vigour of his Father to govern and keep in
order the Army) had rais'd the spirits of the Royall Party, which
before were very low, by having so often attempted and so often
miscarryed in their endeavours to restore the King: So that now
forgetting all the hazards which they had already run, and dispis-
ing those to which they were again to expose their lives and for
tunes, they fell to work afresh ; and by the Severall changes which
happened afterwards in a litle space of time amongst their Ene
mies, had the opportunity of carrying on their design with a
greater liklyhood of success then ever r 1 for they had not only pro
vided themselves with armes and mony for a rising, but had en
gaged in severall parts of the Kingdom many considerable men of
the Presbyterian Party; and besides them, divers other persons
whom either their interest, or their misled judgment, had hurryd
into actuall Rebellion either against the then present King, or his
Father: In the West of England, Collonel Popham, In Wales,
* * *2 Mansfield, In Chesshyre, Sir George Booth, In Lincoln-
shyre, Collonel Rossiter, In Norfolk, Sir Horatio Townshend;
besides Sir William Waller, and many other men of great interest
in the Countries where they liv'd: Of the Army, Coll: Charles
Houard, Coll : Ingolsby, and others who by the death of Crom
well, and the laying aside of his Son, had either lost their com
mands or were in fear of losing them; such especially as had been
of that Party which advised Cromwell to take the Crown upon
him: In the City, Major Generall Brown, and in the Navy, Gener-
all Montague. As for Genii Monk, who commanded in Scotland,
it is doubtfu.il whither at that time he had it in his thought to per
form, what afterwards he brought So well to pass.

* Reprinted from the Life (I, 367-379). The narrative here is in the third person
as in the MS. Gampagnes (pp. 277-287).

1 All the above is slightly abbreviated in the French MS. (p. 277).

2 There is no gap in the French MS.

28l

CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1659

Most of these who have been nam'd, were so far ingaged by
those whom his Majesty intrusted with the managment of his
affaires in England (who were these following Lord Bellasise, Col :
John Russell, Sir William Compton, Coll: Edward Villars, Lord
Loughbourow, and Sir Richard Willis) that the first of August
was appointed for a generall rising through all England : And his
Maty had resolv'd to be there in person to head them, together
with the Duke, at their first appearing in the feild. Everything
was accordingly prepar'd, and the King had already taken his
measures, how and at what place he should land, and from thence
to go where the risings were to be : But being in this readiness, and
the time almost come for the embarquement to put this great
affaire in execution, it was all dash'd and brought to nothing by
the treachery of one man.

This person was Sir Richard Willis, as it was afterwards dis-
cover'd to his Majesty by the means of Mr. Moreland, he being
one of those who was intirely trusted by the King in the manag
ment of this design, and of THE SELECT KNOTT (as they
caird them) and having been so all along, was corrupted by Crom
well for some * * * 3 before he dyd; and constantly betrayed to him
during his life, and after his death to those who succeeded him,
our whole affaire, tho not the persons of any of his freinds (for
such was the agreement he had made with that Party) undertaking
either to frustrate any of the King's designs, or at least to adver
tise them so early, that they might secure themselves from any
such attempt: And he never fail'd them in any thing he promised;
nor was ever press'd by Cromwell or others after him, to discover
any particular persons who were carrying on his Majesty's
Seruice; 4 neither did he betray any of them in this present junc
ture, tho he had it in his power to haue put the Duke of Ormonde
into their hands, when he was privatly in England.

And now, according to his former practises, he set upon it to
break this whole design: which he compass'd, by perswading
THE SELECT KNOTT, 5 when all things were in a readiness
and the day appointed just at hand, to deferr the rising for ten

3 This should read e some little time before he died' *peu de temps avant sa mort'
(MS. Campagnes, p. 279).

4 The above passage is abbreviated in the MS. Campagnes.

6 This expression is not translated in the MS., where we simply hear of the 'Chefs
de la Conjuration'.

282

1659 THE DEATH OF CROMWELL

days longer; using such arguments to work them into his opinion,
as indeed were plausible enough, tho not convincing, if they had
been throwly consider'd. But there was no room left for suspicion
of such a man, whom they look'd upon as one firm to his Master's
seruice, and to be as forward as the best of them for such an un
dertaking; So that his advice prevailing, orders were accordingly
dispatched to all who were ingag'd, that they should not take up
armes till farther directions were sent them: Only Sir George
Booth had no notice given him of this countermand, of whose in
tentions to rise, Willis accidentaly knew nothing; But at the same
time he sent over to Bruxelles, and advertis'd the King that the
busines was put off, when both the King and Duke were just
ready to haue come for England. 6

This journy being thus deferr'd, his R. H. thought he had
time enough before him to make a visit to his Sister, who was then
at Honslarcdyke near the Hague, and to be back again with his
Maty before he should sett out from Bruxelles: But it prov'd
otherwise; for the day after his R. H. departure from that place,
the news was brought thither, that Sir George Booth was up in
Chesshyre, with a considerable body of men. Vpon which intelli
gence, his Maty beleeving his freinds might also rise in other parts,
as encouraged by this example, tho the last day appointed was not
yet come, thought it proper for him to go over into England by
the way of Calais; at the same time sending the Duke notice of it,
that he might follow him : And the next day he sett out privatly
from Bruxelles, taking along with him of his Servants only the
Duke of Ormonde, Lord Bristol!, Daniel O'Neale, and Titus.

As for the Duke, so soon as he had received the King's letter,
he came away for Bruxelles without stopping any where : He en-
ter'd privatly into the Town and went immediatly to Mr. Secre
tary Nicholas' lodgings, from whence he sent word to the Chan-
cellour, that he should come thither to him, that he might know
from him what farther directions his Maty had left for him ; which
were only these, that he should make hast after him to Calais,
where he should know more, and that the Duke of Glocester
should still remain at Bruxelles till farther orders. Having received
this short account, he made no longer stay then just to put on his
disguise, in which he was resolved to go to England; and taking
6 This paragraph is rapidly paraphrased in the MS. Campagnes.

283

CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1659

with him only Charles Berkley and a Trumpetter, he travell'd day
and night till he had overtaken his Majesty at Hazburck, short of
St. Omers, where it was concluded that the King should go to
Calais, and the Duke to Boulogne; where he was to provide a
Vessell which might be in a readyness to transport him into Eng
land, but not to stirr till the King sent his commands from Calais.
Thus they parted, and his Maty arrived that night at his journys
end, as he had designed; but his R. H. got not to Boulogne till the
next morning.

The Duke has been since inform'd, that from the very time his
Maty left Bruxelles, the resolution was taken of his going to Fon-
tarabie, he not having any opinion that Sir George Booth's busi
ness would succeed. But that however he thought it not amiss to
go by Calais, that in case some others of his freinds should rise,
and new hopes be given him, he should be in a readiness to go
over: if not, then to continue on his journey to Fontarabie. Whither
this was true or not, is uncertain; but if it was true, the Duke was
not made acquainted with it: for he did so firmly beleeve that he
should pass over into England, that the same day he arriv'd at
Boulogne, he sent Charles Berkley to the Lieut. Governour, to
desire his assistance in procuring a boat for his passage into
England, pretending that he had obtained leave from the Duke to
go over privatly about some concerns of his own ; and that the
Lieut. Governour might haue no suspicion of the Duke's being
there, his R. H. writt a letter to him, dating it from Bruxelles,
which letter Mr. Berkley delivered to him, and according to his
desire he was immediatly furnish'd with a small Vessell; and now
the Duke stayd only for his Maties further orders for Calais, be-
leeving he should receive commands for his passage.

Within a day or two, the King came himself to Boulogne, in his
way to Abbeville, and told the Duke, That by the last letter which
he had received at Calais, he had heard of no other rising, then
only that of Sir George Booth; for which reason he thought it not
convenient for either of them, as yet to adventure over the Seas;
That, for himself, his intentions were to go along the Coast to
wards Dieppe and Rouen, and if he heard any better news, then
to pass over into the West to Popham, or into Wales to Mans
field : But for the Duke, he was order'd to hover about those quar
ters where he then was, and had permission given him to receive

284

1659 THE DEATH OF CROMWELL

and open all letters which should be directed to the King; and, for
the rest, it was left wholly to him to govern himself as he thought
fitt, according to the intelligence which he should receive : Not
withstanding which, some few days after, Doctor Allestree refus'd
to give him a letter, which he brought out of England with him,
for the King.

After these directions, the King left his R. H. and went on to
Rouen, from thence to St. Malo, and so by Rochelle to Thou-
louse; from thence to Sarragossa, and then back again to Fontara-
bie, hearing the conference at that place was not yet ended be
twixt the French, and the Spaniard. His Maty at his departure
from Boulogne had left Mr. Titus with the Duke, and within few
days after they went together to Calais, there to informe them
selves more particularly of the news from England; where Titus
mett with Mr. Dawson newly arriv'd out of Kent, who told them,
that the very day wheron he expected the King and the Duke at
Linecourt, a Troop of Horse came thither, thinking to haue found
them there, and that it was not without great difficulty he escap'd
from them, and gott over into France : This accident being related
to the Duke, surpris'd him very much, knowing how few were
intrusted with the secret of their designing to go to that house;
But afterwards when the practises of Sir Richard Willis came to
light, he was known to be the person who had discovered that
design to the Rebells.

There happen 'd likewise another accident, while the Duke was
then at Calais, which had like to haue given him some trouble, and
might also haue been of bad consequence to others. It happen'd
that an over-officious Captain, a Huguenot, who was in the Garri
son of that Town, advertised the Lieut. Governour, Monsr. de
Courtebonne, that the Duke was there in a disguise, and that he
himself had seen him, knowing him very well, as having been in
the French Army while the Duke serv'd there, and withall he gave
notice where his R. H. was lodg'd : Upon which the Lieut. Gover
nour commanded the gates to be shutt, and taking a Guard along
with him went to the place, conducted by the Huguenot Captain.
It was a blind ale-house 7 in a by-part of the Town, where he was
led with an opinion of finding the Duke: But coming thither, he
found the Informer was mistaken, for the person prov'd to be. Mr.

7 4 un cabaret borgne' (MS. Campagnes, p. 283).

285

CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1659

Edward Stanley, Brother to the Earle of Darby, who was newly
come to Calais, as were also many English gentlemen; who hear
ing of the rising in England, came from all parts with intention to
go over and serve their King.

But the Lieut. Governour not content with this, and being told
by the same person, or some other, that the Duke was in Town,
went on with his inquiry, and searched the house of one Mrs.
Booth an English-woman, where commonly her Countrymen us'd
to lodge, leaving no part or corner of the house unsearch'd; but
tho the Duke lay not there, yet by accident he had like to haue
been found there: for he was going to that very place, when Titus
met him in the street, and told him that the gates were com
manded to be shutt, and that a search was actually making for
him; for which reason he refrain'd from going thither, and gott
into a house where the Lord Berkley and the Lord Langdale
were, and there he continued till night, and then return'd to the
Inne where he had taken up his lodging.

The Lieut. Governour after this, made no further inquiry, but
caus'd the gates to be open'd again an hour before night. Of all
this the Duke was soon advertis'd; and some advis'd him to go
out of Town the same night before the gates were shutt, that he
might be so much taker (farther) 8 on, in his way to Boulogne ; but
he refused that Counsell, because perhaps there might be a trap
layd for him, and the gates on purpose left open to apprehend him
as he returned out. He therfore judg'd it not secure for him to give
them such a mark of knowing him, as they would haue, if he went
out so hastily at so undue an hour. But betwixt twelve and one he
had a hott alarm at his lodging, and verily beleev'd they were
come to take him; for he was waken'd with great knocking and
bouncing at the door of the Inne, and going to the window, he
heard, as he thought, the noise of Soldiers ; neither was he mis
taken in that opinion, for so they were : But their busines was not
to search for the Duke, it was only to bring home the master of
the house, who was dead drunk and brought home betwixt four of
them.

The next morning his R. H. in pursuance of what he had re-
solv'd, went away for Boulogne, and return'd no more to Calais

8 The text of the MS. Campagnes reads simply: 'pour aller a Boulogne', and the
next few lines are summarised in a short sentence (p. 2 84).

1659 THE DUKE VISITS TURENNE

during all the time of his residence in those parts. Some time after.
Captain Thomas Cook came thither from Paris, with letters to the
Duke from the Queen his Mother, and commands to find out his
Maty. These letters likewise informed him, that Monsr. de Tu-
renne who was then about Amiens desir'd to speak with the King
in reference to his affaires in England. Upon which the Duke
went 9 immediatly to Abbeville, hoping there to haue found the
King ; But his Maty was departed from thence, and all his R. H.
could hear of him was that he was gone towards Dieppe, and
thither he sent Captain Cook after him; who missing of him there
also, went in quest of him as farr as Rouen, but his Maty was
gone from thence also on his way to St Malo : Wherupon Cook
return'd to the Duke, and gave him account of his fruitless dili
gence.

The busines was of too great importance to be neglected, and
therfore his R. H. resolv'd on going himself privatly to Monsr. de
Turenne : when he was come to him at Amiens, Monsr. de Tu~
renne told him, He had desired to speak to the King his Brother,
but since his Maty was not to be found, he would do him the same
seruice in the Duke's person : Therupon he offer'd him his own
Regiment of foot, which he would make up twelve hundred men,
and the Scots-Gendarmes, to carry over into England with him;
That besides this, he would furnish him with three or four
thousand spare armes, six feild peices with ammunition propor
tionable, and tooles, and as much meale as would serve for the
Sustenance of five thousand men for the space of six weeks, or two
months ; and farther, would furnish him with Vessels for the con
veyance of all this into England, and permitt the Troopes that his
Maty had in Flanders, to march to Boulogne and there imbarke,
with orders to follow the Duke as fast as Vessells could be pro
vided for them; advising his R. H. to send directions to them,
that they should march immediatly to St Omers where a pass
should meet them.

And that all these preparations might be compass'd with more
ease and certainty, he offer'd the Duke to pawne his plate and
make use besides of all his interest and credit, to make up such a
sum of mony as should be thought necessary for the carrying on
of the business : Concluding all with this expression, That his

9 *prit ... la poste pour Abbeville' (MS. Campagnes, p. 284).

287

CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1659

R. H. might easily beleeve he had no orders from the Cardinal,
who was then at the Conference, to perform all this ; but what he
did was freely of himself, out of no other motive then kindness to
the Duke, and to his family.

Tis not hard to imagine, that his R. H. accepted of this noble
Offer with great joy, and that he lost no time in designing where
to land with these forces. The place resolv'd on was Rye, and that
in case the Country should come in to him, he should march on to
Maydstone and Rochester ; if not, then to fortify that Town, which
by reason of its situation might be made so strong within few days,
that Lambert should not easily haue forced him out of it ; and he
would haue found him work enough in that Seige, to haue divided
the forces of the Rebells, and disordered all their methods.

These things being thus resolv'd, and order'd, the affaire was
put into a forwardness ; and Monsr. de Turenne gave the Duke a
letter to (the) Lieut Governour of Boulogne, wherein he was com
manded to furnish his R. H. with all the Vessells, and Fisher-
boats which he could get together in all his Government of the
Boulonois. The Duke gave this letter himself to the Lieutenant
du Roy, with another from the Mareshal d'Aumont his Governour
which the Queen has procured and sent to the Duke from Paris,
by which the Lieut was likewise order'd to assist his R. H. with
Vessels, and all things he could desire.

The busines was now so far advanced, and in such a readiness,
that the Duke of Bouillon, and others 10 of M. de Turenne's
Nephews, were to haue gone Volonteers with the Duke ; and the
next day was appointed for his R. H. and his Soldiers to imbarke
at Estape, 11 to which place the Troopes were already upon their
march, when letters from England brought the unwelcome news
of Sir George Booth's defeat by Lambert. Upon which the Duke,
being then at Boulogne, went to Mr. de Turenne who was at
Montreuil to informe him of it; who in that juncture thought it
not advisable for his R. H. to adventure into England, but coun-
sell'd him to haue patience and expect a better opportunity, which
could not be long wanting to him, by reason of the disorders and
distractions which must of necessity happen amongst them in
England: Notwithstanding which reasons, the Duke press'd him

10 'Le Due de Bouillon et le Comte D'Auvergne' (MS, Campagnes, p. 286).

11 Staples.

288

1659 THE DUKE RETURNS TO BRUSSELS

to consent that he might go, telling him that he beleev'd the King
might be landed in the West, or somewhere in Wales, and be
there ingag'd in difficulties and dangers; and that if his conjec
ture should prove true, there was no other way of saving his Maty
and gaining time for him to attempt any thing considerable, but
the Duke's going over, and making a diversion : But these argu
ments could not prevaile on Monsr. de Turenne to give his R. H.
the leave which he So earnestly desir'd; for he replyd. That he
was very confident his Maty was not gone for England, and that
th5 he were, it was not reasonable for the Duke to hazard himself,
when there was no probability of Success : He therfore counselled
his R. H. to return to Flanders, and there to expect some news
from the King his Brother, and fresh intelligence from England.
And when he had concluded with this advice, knowing the Duke
wanted mony, he lent him three hundred pistoles, and gave him a
Pass. And thus an end was put to this design; and the Duke re
turned to Bruxelles. 12

12 The five preceding paragraphs, which describe Turenne's offers to James and
his subsequent advice are translated fairly literally and in detail in the French MS.
(pp. 284-287). The remainder of this section in the French MS. (from the bottom
of p. 287 to the end) corresponds to the entry for 1660 which is reprinted below.

The entry for 1659 in the French MS. stops at the point where the Duke is
described as Ven retournant a Brusselles' (p. 287). But the three paragraphs that
follow in the Life (I, 379-380) appear, translated, in the French MS. under the
heading '1660'.

289

IN this way he pass'd through Peronne; where he privatly
visited the Governour of that place, the Marquis d'Hocquin-
court, 1 an old acquaintance of his, whom he had known in the
French Army, who us'd him with all imaginable civility and kind
ness. The 1 1 th of September he reached Cambray, and from thence
went straight to Bruxelles: where he found, that notwithstanding
the Duke of Glocester had deliver'd to the Marquis de Caracena
the letters which his R. H. had written from Boulogne for the
marching of his Troopes to St Omer, yet the Marquis would not
permitt them to stirr out of their quarters ; tho he was sufficiently
press'd to it by the Duke of Glocester: But he still answered, he
did not beleeve Mr. de Turenne durst let them pass through any
part of his King's Dominions, without order, which he knew he
could not haue. Nor would he suffer them to draw down to the
Sea-side, to which he was also urged by the Duke of Glocester,
when he found he could not obtain his first point. What his rea
sons were for refusing these two requests, the Duke could not
learn; but as it happened, the denyall prov'd to be of no prejudice
to his Majesties affaires ; Only it gaue opportunity to See what was
to be expected from the Marquis, if things were left to his man
agement.

This design being thus blasted, and no hopes left of attempting
any thing in England at that time, the Duke past the remaining
part of this year at Bruxelles, expecting the King his Brother, who
arrived thither from the Conference at Fontarabie a litle before
Christmas.

And to shew here, what litle expectation even the most intelli
gent Strangers had at that time, of those Changes which happened
so soon afterwards in England; his Maty, as he came back from
Fontarabie through France, pressed the Cardinal very earnestly

* Reprinted from the Life (I, 379-380 and 381-382). This corresponds with the
last three pages of the French MS. Campagnes.

1 The son of the Marshal who had deserted to the Spaniards and been killed in
1658.

290

r66o THE DUKE OF YORK PREPARES TO GO TO SPAIN

for leave to Stay, tho never so privatly, with the Queen his
Mother, which small favour he was not able to obtain ; and ther-
upon was forced to return to Bruxelles much against his inclina
tion, having only Stay'd some few days with the Queen at Co-
lombe (which he tooke in his way) a civility which could not well
be refused him. 2

The hopes concerning England being now reduced to the
lowest ebb, in the beginning of the year, 1 660, an offer was made
to the Duke, of commanding in Spain against Portugal, and also
to be their High Admiral with the Title of Principe de la Mare;
which office, the Duke has been told, was never given to any but
the King's Sons or near Relations, and whoever enjoys it com
mands the Galleys as well as Ships, and wherever he lands he
commands as Vice Roy of the Country whilst he stays in it; he has
also the fifts of all Prises, and a great Salary, besides other con
siderable perquisits: So that this was not only a very honorable
post, but also a very advantageous one even as to profit, which was
what the Duke then wanted. He therefore readily consented to
the offer which was made to him, the King his Brother ratifying it
with his free permission.

And now his R. H. was preparing to go for Spain in the ensu
ing spring, when that Voyage was happily prevented by the won-
derfull Changes, which were almost daily produced in England:
And when the motion was once begun, it went on so fast, that his
Majesty was almost in his own Country, before those abroad,
especially the Spaniards, would beleeve there was any Revolution
towards it; for even after Sir John Greenfeild 3 was come over to
the King from Genii Monk, they yet beleev'd him as far as ever
from his Restoration, and were so possest of that opinion, that
they let him go into Holland. And at last when his Maty was at
Breda not many days before he embarked for England, the Mar
quis de Caracena endeavour'd to perswad him to return to Flan
ders.

He pretended he had busines of importance to acquaint his
Maty with from England, some persons being come over from
thence to Bruxelles, who had great offers to make to him: And he

2 This paragraph appears in the French translation on p. 289, immediately after
the paragraph relating the Spanish offer.

8 'Le Chevalier Grenville' (MS. Campagnes, p. 289).

291

CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1660

sent the Count de Grammont with letters to him on that occasion,
desiring his Maty would be pleas'd to give himself the trouble of
coming but as far as Antwerp, or at least to West-Wesel, he not
being able to wait on him (as he knew he ought) any where out of
his Master's Dominions. But his Majesty had no inclinations to
venture his person in the hands of the Spaniards, not knowing
what the consequences might be; And besides he could easily
judge, that it must either be a pretence to draw him thither, or in
deed a thing not worth his journy, his return to England being
then ascertained.

But because he would give the Marquis no reason of complaint,
he sent the Duke to Bruxelles, and desir'd the Marquis to impart
the business to him ; When his R. H. came thither, he found it was
only Coll : Bampfeild who was come over with some ayry proposi
tion from Scott, and some of that Party : From whence the Duke
concluded, that his Maty had done wisely not to stirr from Breda,

When his R. H. stayd a day or two with the Marquis, he re
turned to the King his Brother, who some few days after went to
the Hague, where he was very well received; and embarking him
self at Schevelin about the latter end of May, (23d) on boord the
English Navy, commanded then by Generall Montague, he
landed with his two Brothers, The Duke of York and the Duke of
Glocester, at Dover, the * * * 4 (25th) of the same month, and
made his entry into London on the 29th, which happen 'd to be
his Birth-day.

4 f le 28 du mesme mois' (p. 290). '28' is entered in the MS. in a different hand,
perhaps that of James himself.

292

INDEX

Abbey of Mont St Eloy, 166-8
Ablon, 102-4
Agecourt, Capt. d', 77, 81
Allestree, Dr., 285
Angeau, Marquis d', 119
Anne of Austria, 100, in, 218
Anne, Queen of England, 8, 10
Anne-Marie-Louise d'Orleans. See

Montpensier
* Archduke'. See Leopold
Arcy, M. d', 174, 223
Ardres, 233-8
Arras, 156-90
Aston, Capt., 272
Aubrey, John, 3

Aumont, Marshal d', 119-20, 124, 288
Auvergne, Philippe d', 44
Auvergne family. See Bouillon; Turenne

Bampfield, Col., 292

Bar (or Barr), M. de, 169, 178, 189

Barkley (cornet), 117

Bar-le-Duc, 113-15, 117-22

Barr. See Bar

Bascourt, M.de, 253

Bassecourt, M. de, 126, 127

Bastille, 93

Battles: Arras, 178-90; The Dunes,

255-75; Porte St. Antoine, 85-94.