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MEMOIRS 


OF 


PRINCE    RUPERT, 


AND  THE  CAVALIERS. 


VOL.  I. 


S.freemt 


J)fl 


J 


LONDON : 

Printed  by  S.  &  J.  BENTLBY  and  HENRY  FLEV, 
Bangor  House,  Shoe  Lane. 


TO 


HIS    EXCELLENCY 


GEORGE    WILLIAM    FREDERIC, 

EARL     OF    CLARENDON, 


THE    FIRM    BUT 


MERCIFUL    SUPPRESSOR    OF    A    CIVIL    WAR, 


THIS    WORK    IS    GRATEFULLY    INSCRIBED, 


BY 


THE  AUTHOR. 


P  II  E  F  A  C  E. 


FOR  the  First  and  Second  Volumes  of  this  Work 
I  am  answerable  as  an  Author;  for  the  last,  as 
little  more  than  Editor.  I  have  undertaken  the 
responsibility  of  introducing  therein  a  large  Col- 
lection of  Original  Papers  relating  to  the  Civil 
Wars. 

This  Collection  is  derived  from  Colonel  Benett, 
Prince  Rupert's  Secretary.  It  contains  upwards 
of  a  thousand  letters,  written  by  the  leading 
Cavaliers  to  their  young  Chief  during  the  war, 
together  with  many  of  a  later  date.  Besides  such 
letters,  there  are  considerable  materials,  in  various 
stages  of  preparation,  for  a  formal  biography  of  the 
Prince ;  of  these  some  are  fragments,  each  con- 
taining an  episode  of  their  hero's  life,  apparently 
ready  for  publication,  and  corrected  by  Rupert 
himself.  His  biography  was  of  more  importance  to 
this  Prince  than  to  most  men :  no  person,  perhaps, 
except  his  Royal  Master,  was  ever  more  exposed 
to  calumny,  or  less  defended.  He  seems  to  have 


iv  PREFACE. 

superintended  the  preparation  of  his  Memoirs  about 
the  year  1657,  in  order  to  meet  the  miscon- 
structions of  his  actions  which  he  apprehended 
in  England,  the  country  of  his  adoption.  On  the 
Restoration  he  found  that  his  popularity  was 
already  restored,  in  the  same  hour  with  that  of  his 
Royal  kinsman;  and  from  this  time  the  prepara- 
tions for  his  biography  appear  to  have  ceased.  The 
extraordinary  vicissitudes  of  his  career  were  then 
nearly  terminated.  At  all  events,  from  this 
period  I  am  obliged  to  seek  in  other  sources  for 
biographical  materials. 

Besides  the  notices  of  Rupert  in  the  general 
history  and  the  memoirs  of  the  time,  I  have  been 
so  fortunate  as  to  obtain  through  the  Earl  of  Dart- 
mouth's kindness  many  letters  written  by  the  Prince 
to  his  Lordship's  ancestor :  Evelyn's  Diary,  Brom- 
ley's Royal  Letters,  and  Sir  Henry  Ellis's  Collection, 
furnish  some  others.  The  Prince's  "  Declarations  " 
relating  to  his  naval  expeditions,  with  a  few  very 
brief  autographs  are  the  only  remaining  productions 
of  his  pen  that  I  have  been  able  to  procure. 

The  Benett  Collection1  consists  of  the  following 
documents : — 

1  This  Collection  has  been  transmitted  from  generation  to 
generation,  by  Prince  Rupert's  Secretary  to  his  descendant,  Mr. 
Benett,  of  Pyt  House,  in  Wiltshire,  M.P.  for  the  Southern 
Division  of  that  County.  This  gentleman  naturally  placed  a 
high  value  on  such  records,  and  it  was  by  a  very  spirited 
speculation  on  Mr.  Bentley's  part  that  he  became  their  pro- 
prietor and  publisher. 


PREFACE.  v 

First. — Upwards  of  One  Thousand  Original  Let- 
ters from  the  leading  Cavaliers.  Of  these  I  have 
only  been  able  to  use  a  comparatively  small  pro- 
portion, but  an  alphabetical  index  and  abstract  of 
them  all  will  be  found  at  the  end  of  this  Volume,1 
which  I  trust  will  prove  of  some  importance  to  the 
historian  and  to  the  student  of  history.  Among 
them  are  numerous  letters  from  Kings  Charles  I. 
and  II.,  the  Dukes  of  York,  Richmond,  and 
Buckingham  ;  Lords  Worcester,  Hertford,  New- 
castle, Clarendon,  Goring,  Digby,  Langdale,  Cul- 
pepper,  Hopton ;  from  Will.  Legge,  Ashburnham, 
Berkeley,  and  many  other  persons. 

Secondly. — A  MS.  relating  to  Prince  Rupert's 
early  life.  This  is  imperfect  and  fragmentary, 
I  have,  therefore,  only  quoted  from  it. 

Thirdly. — A  MS.  of  some  length  recording  Prince 
Rupert's  adventures  as  Admiral  of  the  Royal  fleet, 
and  his  Corsair  expedition  among  the  Western 
Islands  and  on  the  Spanish  Main.  With  this  is 
a  sort  of  "  log/'  or  journal  of  the  cruise  from  Sep- 
tember 1651  to  March  1653,  which  will  be  found 
in  the  Appendix  to  the  Third  Volume. 

Fourthly. — Another  MS.,  which  I  have  called 
in  the  references  to  it,  "  Prince  Rupert's  Diary."  It 
is  not  an  autograph  of  his,  however,  but  a  some- 


1  The  long  table  of  Contents  at  the  end  of  the  Third  Volume 
has  obliged  me  to  place  this  abstract  thus.  There  are  some 
unavoidable  inaccuracies  in  the  arrangement,  which  was  a  work 
of  considerable  difficulty. 


vi  PREFACE. 

what  vague  chronological  collection  of  anecdotes 
relating  to  the  Prince;  it  appears  to  have  been 
written  at  different  times,  on  the  authority  of 
different  eye-witnesses  of  the  actions  or  other 
circumstances  that  it  relates. 

In  addition  to  these  original  sources,  I  have 
availed  myself  of  the  Lansdowne,  Harleian,  Bod- 
leian, Ashmolean,  Sloane,  and  other  MSS.  open  to 
the  public,  together  with  the  vast  collection  in 
the  State  Paper  Office,  which  last,  I  regret  to 
say,  were  very  imperfectly  explored. 

From  private  collections,  I  have  gratefully  to 
acknowledge  very  generous  contributions.  The 
scarcity  of  Royalist  correspondence  during  the  Civil 
Wars  is  not  surprising,  when  we  consider  the 
devastations  to  which  Cavalier  property  was  sub- 
jected by  the  conquering  Roundheads;  and  the 
careful  suppression  of  such  documents  on  the  part 
of  those  who  had  to  fear  the  vengeance  of  their 
enemy.  I  have  sought  amongst  many  of  the  de- 
scendants of  the  leading  Cavaliers  for  such  letters, 
but  in  very  few  instances  with  success.  I  am, 
therefore,  the  more  deeply  indebted  for  those 
which  I  have  obtained  through  the  kind  liberality 
of  the  Duke  of  Beaufort,  the  Duke  of  Somer- 
set, Lord  Denbigh,  Lord  Dartmouth,  Lord 
Craven,  Lord  John  Fitzroy,  Lord  Wrottesley, 
Lord  Hastings,  Mr.  Ormsby  Gore ;  and  of  others, 
who  have  assisted  me  by  their  local  knowledge 
and  information. 


PREFACE.  vii 

Nor  must  I  here  forget  to  mention  my  obligation 
to  the  excellent  library  of  Mr.  Halliday  of  Glen- 
thorne,  the  stores  of  which  were  ever  hospitably 
open  to  me,  when  debarred  from  almost  all  others, 
in  the  seclusion  of  the  loveliest  but  loneliest  part 
of  Devonshire. 

I  am  far  from  professing  to  offer  any  result 
proportionate  to  such  materials.  To  assimilate  so 
vast  and  varied  a  mass  into  pure  historical  sub- 
stance would  require  far  more  time  and  talent 
than  I  am  able  to  command  :  I  have,  therefore, 
made  the  best  selection  in  my  power  from  these 
materials,  and  present  the  result  to  the  reader.  I 
hope  that  in  most  instances  the  letters  I  have 
introduced  may  be  found  to  justify  the  deductions 
drawn  from  them. 

I  thought  it  necessary  to  say  thus  much  for  the 
authorities  I  have  consulted.  As  the  permanent 
value  of  these  Volumes  must  depend  upon  the 
Original  Documents  that  they  contain,  it  seemed 
necessary  to  give  some  account  of  them. 

I  also  wish  to  make  the  following  observations 
on  some  other  points.  The  first  Volumes  had 
passed  through  the  Printers'  hands  before  the  ap- 
pearance of  Mr.  Macaulay's  great  Work,  which,  I 
hope,  will  exculpate  me  from  the  charge  of  unac- 
knowledged plagiarism  in  one  or  two  instances, 
especially  in  the  sketch  I  have  endeavoured  to  make 
of  Old  London :  my  work  was  in  autumn  interrupt- 
ed for  some  months,  and  ultimately  very  rapidly 


viii  PREFACE. 

finished.  Some  friends,  for  whose  judgment  I  have 
great  respect,  objected  to  the  number  of  notes 
which  I  have  introduced :  it  was  too  late  to  profit 
by  their  advice  in  this  respect ;  but  I  submit  that 
Memoirs  are  less  subject  to  blame  on  this  ground, 
than  a  professed  History  would  be.  It  is  true, 
that  notes  might  impede  "the  stately  march"  of 
the  latter;  but  to  the  former  they  may,  perhaps, 
be  permitted,  as  a  sort  of  gossiping  attendants  that 
need  not  be  listened  to  by  those  who  consider 
their  garrulity  as  importunate. 

This  is  the  first  biography1  that  has  been  pub- 
lished of  Prince  Rupert.  Those  who  may  here- 
after write  of  his  extraordinary  and  eventful  story 
will  at  least  find  good  materials  in  the  following 
pages  for  their  task,  and  I  sincerely  hope  they  may 
turn  them  to  better  account  than  I  have  done. 

I  ought  to  mention,  for  the  information  of  some 
few  readers,  that  the  year  in  the  seventeenth  cen- 
tury began  on  the  25th  of  March ;  but  for  the  sake 
of  simplicity  I  have  used  the  present  mode  of 
dating. 

LONDON,  April  20th,  1849. 

1  I  do  not  reckon  as  biographies  the  sketches,  however  suc- 
cessful or  the  reverse,  which  are  to  be  found  in  the  "  Biographic 
Universelle "  and  the  cyclopaedias,  Lloyd's  "Loyalists,"  Horace 
Walpole's  "  Lives  of  the  Painters,"  Lodge's  "  Portraits,"  Camp- 
bell's "Admirals,"  and  Mr.  Jesse's  "Court  of  the  Stuarts;"  or 
even  the  little  "  History  of  the  Heroicall  Prince  Rupert,"  pub- 
lished in  1683,  which  would  scarcely  amount  to  a  modern 
obituary  notice. 


CONTENTS 


TO 


THE    FIRST    VOLUME. 


CHAPTER  I. 
INTRODUCTORY. 


CHAPTER  II. 

PRINCE  RUPERT'S  YOUTH. 

i 

THE  PALATINE  FAMILY. — HIS  FATHER'S  MARRIAGE,  AND  ACCESSION  TO 
THE  CROWN  OF  BOHEMIA. — PRINCE  RUPERT'S  BIRTH,  AND  ESCAPE  AT  THE 
BATTLE  OF  PRAGUE. HIS  BOYHOOD. FIRST  CAMPAIGN. VISIT  TO  ENG- 
LAND.   BATTLE  OF  FLOTA. —  PRISONER  AT  LINTZ.  —  LOVE. LIBERTY. — 

EMPEROR'S  COURT  AT  VIENNA.  —  JOINS  CHARLES  THE  FIRST  AT  NOTTING- 
HAM.— SETTING  UP  THE  STANDARD  ..... 


17 


CHAPTER  III. 
SUMMARY  OF  EVENTS  PRECEDING  THE  WAR. 

PROGRESS  OF  THE  PEOPLE. — ROYAL  ENCROACHMENTS  ;  THEIR  RESULT. — 
PARLIAMENTARY  ENCROACHMENTS  J  THEIR  RESULT. — SCOTCH  CAMPAIGNS. — 
LONG  PARLIAMENT. — ARMY  PLOT. — CAVALIER  AND  ROUNDHEAD  DENOMINA- 
TION.—FINAL  BREACH  BETWEEN  THE  KING  AND  PARLIAMENT  .  .  123 


CHAPTER  IV. 
PRELIMINARIES  OF  THE  WAR. 

STATE  OF  LONDON  AND  ITS  CONTROVERSIES.  —  THE  KING'S  COURT  AT 
YORK. — ATTEMPT  ON  HULL. —  SPEECHES  IN  PARLIAMENT. —  GENERAL  ARM- 
ING.— ATTEMPT  UPON  COVENTRY. — RETURN  TO  THE  STANDARD  .  .  226 


X  CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER  V. 
THE  FIRST  BLOW. 

PAGE 
THE    KING   AND   THE   CAVALIERS   LEAVE   NOTTINGHAM.— THE    ROUNDHEAD 

ARMY. RUPERT'S  LEVIES.— GENERAL  RENDEZVOUS  AT  STAFFORD. — BATTLE 

OF   WORCESTER          ..••••••    370 


APPENDIX. 

A.  ARCHBISHOP   LAUD          ...  .435 

B.  THE   TRAIN-BANDS  . 

C.  ORIGINAL  MEMORANDUM   OF   RUPERT       .  .441 

D.  CAPTAIN  PYNE'S  NARRATIVE        ...  463 

E.  MEMOIR  OF  SIR  JACOB   ASTLEY                   .                 .  .                 •                 .467 


ILLUSTRATIONS. 

PORTRAIT  OF  PRINCE  RUPERT        .  .  .  .        to  face  tlie  title. 

„         GEORGE  GORING,  EARL  OF  NORWICH  .  .  .312 

„         CHARLOTTE  DE  LA  TREMOUILLE,  COUNTESS  OF  DERBY    .  362 

COLONEL  LUNSFORD  .  .  .  428 


MEMOIRS  AND  CORRESPONDENCE 


OF 


PRINCE   RUPERT 


AND 


THE    CAVALIERS, 


INTRODUCTORY  CHAPTER. 

"  I  ask  nae  be  ye  Whig  or  Tory, 

For  Commonwealth,  or  Right  Divine  : 
Say, — dear  to  you  is  England's  glory  ? — 
Then,  gi'e  's  a  hand  o'  thine  !" 

Old  Song. 

THE  cause  of  the  Cavaliers  was  once  the  cause 
of  half  the  men  of  England.  Fortunately  for  us, 
that  cause  was  unsuccessful,  yet  not  altogether 
lost:  shorn  by  the  Parliament's  keen  sword,  of 
the  despotic  and  false  principle  that  disgraced 
it,1  its  nobler  and  better  elements  survived,  im- 
parting firmer  strength  and  a  loftier  tone  to  our 
Constitution. 


1  "  Wee  stood  upon  our  liberties  for  the  king's  sake,  least  he 
might  be  the  king  of  meane  subjects,  or  we  the  subjects  of  a 
meane  king." — Sir  R.  Varneys  notes  on  Hydes  speech. 

VOL.    I.  B 


2  INTRODUCTORY   CHAPTER. 

Even  at  this  hour,  as  of  old,  that  cause  would 
rally  the  flower l  of  England  round  the  throne ; 
not  as  once  they  came  to  the  standard  of  our 
ill-fated  Charles,  doubtful  and  misgiving;2  but 
promptly,  proudly,  earnestly  ;  in  all-powerful 
strength  of  heart  and  numbers.  For  the  People 
would  be  there  ;  not  "they,  the  People,"  but  "  we, 
the  People,"  of  every  designation ;  —  peasant  as 
well  as  peer,  Hampdens  as  well  as  Falklands, — 
united  in  one  common  cause,  the  noblest  that 
voice  or  trumpet  ever  pleaded.3 

For,  thanks  to  our  gallant  forefathers,  Cavaliers 
and  Roundheads,  there  is  but  one  real  cause  in 
England  now  :  loyalty  and  liberty  are  no  longer 
at  variance,  since  our  forefathers  dared  to  bring 


1  Vicars,  the  bitterest  enemy  of  the  Royalists,  says  in  his 
Jehovah  Jireh,  "The  cream  of  the  country  came  to  meet  him 
there"  (at  the  setting  up  of  the  standard). 

2  See  anecdotes  hereafter  of  Falkland,  Sunderland,  Varney,  and 
others. 

8  This  is  not  mere  theory,  though  the  strength  we  speak  of  lies 
latent  now  (because  unevoked)  by  the  poor  man's  well-protected 
fireside  and  the  noble's  well-taxed  castle;  among  the  lonely 
hills  and  amid  the  crowded  streets  :  yet  even  in  this,  its  passive 
state,  it  has  had  power  to  repel  invasion  and  revolution  for 
a  hundred  and  sixty  years.  Never  was  faithfulness  to  the  cause 
of  loyalty  and  order  more  signally  tested  than  in  the  year 
from  which  we  have  just  emerged,  when  the  trial  proved  the 
triumph. 


INTRODUCTORY   CHAPTER.  3 

to  issue,  and  set  at  rest  for  ever,  the  question 
between  the  sovereign  and  the  subject.  Heroic 
and  earnest  men  strove  faithfully,  on  either  side, 
with  tongue  and  sword,  and  prayer  and  blood, 
for  what  they  deemed  to  be  the  truth.  Each 
found,  as  truthful  and  earnest  men  will  ever 
find,  however  ranged  on  different  sides,  that 
their  ultimate  object  had  been  the  same.  Each 
found,  not  the  conquest  that  his  human  nature 
strove  for,  but  the  victory  that  his  higher  nature 
yearned  for:  yet  he  found  it  in  defeat.  The 
Cavalier  saw  much  that  he  had  been  taught  to 
reverence  struck  down,  buried,  and  put  away  for 
ever  in  the  grave  of  the  Stuarts.  The  Round- 
head beheld  his  glorious  visions  of  liberty  even- 
tuating in  fierce  anarchy  and  final  despotism,  from 
which  he  was  content  to  seek  refuge  even  in  the 
Restoration. 

There  is  no  period  in  our  history  of  deeper  im- 
portance or  more  thrilling  interest  than  that  of 
our  Civil  Wars.  "It  requires,"  says  Mr.  Fox,  "a 
detailed  examination,  for  there  is  none  more  fertile 
of  matter,  whether  for  reflection  or  speculation. 
Between  the  year  1640  and  the  death  of  Charles 
II.,  we  have  the  opportunity  of  contemplating  the 
State  in  almost  every  variety  of  circumstances. 

B    2 


4  INTRODUCTORY   CHAPTER. 

Religious  dispute,  political  contest  in  all  its  forms 
and  degrees,  from  the  honest  exertions  of  party 
and  the  corrupt  intrigues  of  faction,  to  violence 
and  civil  war ;  despotism,  first  in  the  person  of 
an  Usurper,  and  afterwards  in  that  of  an  heredi- 
tary King ;  the  most  memorable  and  salutary  im- 
provements in  the  laws,  the  most  abandoned  ad- 
ministration of  them ;  in  fine,  whatever  can  happen 
to  a  nation,  whether  of  glorious  or  calamitous, 
makes  a  part  of  this  astonishing  and  instructive 
picture."1 

Nor  is  the  interest  inferior  to  the  importance  of 
those  momentous  times :  there  is  a  fearful  fascina- 
tion in  the  rapid  current  of  their  events ;  we  are 
hurried  along,  like  the  actors  themselves,  so  rapidly 
from  scene  to  scene,  that  we  have  only  too  little 
time  for  thought.  The  finely  balanced  fortune  of 
each  battle-day — the  beleaguered  town  all  but  sur- 
rendered— the  blessed  treaty  almost  accomplished  ; 
the  King  and  People  yearning  for  rest  and  reconcili- 
ation ;  now,  within  a  point  of  attaining  it — now,  at 
deadliest  issue  on  some  undecided  field.  Then 
follow  the  King's  flight,  the  vain  treaty,  the  mock 
tribunal,  the  too  real  and  ghastly  scaffold,  the  reign 

1  History  of  James  II.  p.  8. 


INTRODUCTORY   CHAPTER.  5 

of  the  regicidal  oligarchy  trampled  on  in  turn  by 
their  master-tyrant. 

And  through  all  these  stormy  times  shines 
steadily  the  heroic  character  of  English  nature, 
nobly  manifesting  its  grave  and  earnest  power : 
terrible  and  unsparing  on  the  battle  field,  self- 
controlled,  and  considerate  in  all  intervals  of  peace : 
compared  with  the  great  German  war,  generous 
and  gentle  as  a  tournament ; *  yet  steadfast  in  pur- 
pose, as  behoved  its  great  and  glorious  end  and 
aim.  T  do  not  presume  to  canvass  my  reader's 
sympathies  for  either  Puritan  or  Cavalier,  I  leave 
them  to  plead  their  own  cause  in  their  own  letters : 
— I  invite  him  to  listen  to  their  own  long  silent 
voices,  speaking  once  more — eagerly,  earnestly — 
as  when  armed  men  with  desperate  speed  bore 
these,  their  blotted,  and  often  blood  -  stained 
pages,1  from  leaguered  city  or  roving  camp — from 
faltering  diplomatist,  or  resolute  warrior,  at  whose 
beck  men  died.  Every  letter  will  possess  some 

1  "  In  the  Thirty  Years'  War,  then  raging,  there  were  30,000 
villages  destroyed,  500,000  men,  women,  and  children  put  to  the 
sword,  whole  provinces  ravaged  to  utter  desolation." — (Schiller.) 
But, 

"England's  war  revered  the  claim 
Of  every  unprotected  name, 
And  spared  amid  its  fiercest  rage, 
Childhood,  and  womanhood,  and  age." —  W.  Scott. 


G  INTRODUCTORY   CHAPTER. 

interest  for  the  thoughtful  reader,  and  shed  some 
light  for  him  on  the  heart  of  the  bygone  times. 
He  will  find  them  still  animated  by  the  passions 
that  were  then  throbbing  in  every  breast.  At  first 
the  earnest,  rather  than  angry,  spirit  of  our  memor- 
able English  war  is  apparent  in  them;  but  they 
gradually  become  more  intense  in  their  expression, 
as  if  they  were  the  work  of  a  single  man ;  the  same 
note  of  triumph  or  tone  of  despair  is  perceptible 
in  all.  Human  nature,  and  the  nature  of  each 
writer,  is  transparent  in  them  all :  the  reader  is  the 
confidant  of  Kings,  Princes,  Statesmen,  Generals, 
patriots,  traitors ;  he  is  the  confessor  of  the  noblest 
minds  and  the  most  villainous  natures ;  he  sees  the 
very  conscience  of  the  war. 

The  greater  part  of  these  letters  and  this  work 
relates  to  the  Cavaliers,  and  especially  to  Prince 
Rupert.1  Nevertheless,  I  am  far  from  assuming  the 
indiscriminate  advocacy  of  their  cause,  though  I 
have  endeavoured  to  do  justice  to  the  gallant  men 
who  espoused  it.  I  believe  that  cause,  if  at  first 
triumphant,  would  have  led  to  despotism  and  in- 

1  Some  of  these  letters  were  intercepted,  and  bear  dark  red 
stains  that  shew  how  faithfully  they  were  defended  :  one  has  a 
bullet-mark  right  through.  Many  are  inscribed,  "  Haste,  haste, 
post  haste  !"  and  endorsed  by  the  several  officers  through  whose 
hands  they  passed. 


INTRODUCTORY   CHAPTER.  7 

tolerance ;  I  know  that  it  was  stained  by  rapine 
and  licentiousness ;  and  I  dare  not  suppose  that  by 
such  agency  the  higher  destinies  of  this  great 
nation  could  have  been  promoted  or  achieved. 

But  I  also  believe  that  the  Cavaliers  did  good 
service  in  their  generation,  by  keeping  alive  the 
generous  spirit  of  loyalty,  by  cherishing  the  genial 
charities  of  life,  and  maintaining  unimpaired  the 
chivalrous  character  of  our  country.  On  the  other 
hand,  I  do  not  believe  that  the  King's  party  monopo- 
lized all  the  chivalry — or  the  vices  either— of  the  war. 
If  the  Puritan  cause  was  adorned  with  little  outward 
shows  or  braveries,  its  source  of  energy  lay  deep 
within,  in  the  souls  of  men;  and  there  lay  also, 
its  support  and  power.  Devoted  and  desperately 
daring  as  was  the  Cavalier,  he  had  not  the  same 
occasion  for  moral  courage  as  the  Puritan ;  his  cause 
was  that  of  his  'anointed  King,'  at  the  same  time 
graced  and  guarded  by  ancestral  predilection  and 
long  established  reverence.  The  Puritan  entered 
on  the  strife,  not  only  against  his  sovereign,  but 
against  those  ancient  prejudices  of  world-wide  re- 
spectability which  to  him  also  had  once  been  dear 
and  reverend ;  he  left  the  firm  and  simple  ground  of 
allegiance  to  struggle  dangerously  after  what  was 
then  a  mere  abstraction.  The  Cavalier,  fired  with 


8  INTRODUCTORY   CHAPTER. 

visions  of  kingly  power  and  courtly  fame,  as  he 
dashed  all  plumed  and  scarfed  through  fields  of 
blood,  had  nothing  but  the  fortune  of  the  day  to 
fear.  The  Puritan,  dark  and  grim,  stood  stoutly 
to  his  arms  as  one  who  knew  that  freedom  or  the 
scaffold  were  his  only  alternative. 

I  speak  of  the  two  great  Parties  at  the  period 
of  the  "  setting  up  of  the  Standard ; "  when 
Hampden,  Rudyard,  and  such  like,  ruled  the 
passions  of  the  popular  party  to  noble  ends,  con- 
trolled their  selfishness  and  shamed  their  hypocrisy. 
As  the  war  proceeded,  the  balance  of  integrity 
seems  greatly  to  have  changed :  gradually,  the 
Royal  cause,  by  suffering  and  trial,  and  yielding 
of  its  assumptions,  became  purified,  ennobled,  and 
more  constitutional ;'  gradually,  by  the  exercise  of 


1  I  shall  here  offer  to  the  reader  the  testimony  of  their  most 
eloquent  enemy  in  favour  of  the  Cavaliers  :  "  The  sentiment  of 
individual  independence  was  strong  within  them  :  they  were 
indeed,  misled,  but  by  no  base  or  selfish  motive.  Compassion 
and  romantic  honour,  the  prejudices  of  childhood,  and  the  vene- 
rable names  of  history,  threw  a  spell  over  them  potent  as  that  of 

Duessa It  was  not  for  a  treacherous  King  or  an  intolerant 

Church  that  they  fought,  but  for  the  old  banner  that  had  waved 
over  the  heads  of  their  fathers,  and  for  the  altars  at  which  they 
had  received  the  hands  of  their  brules.  With  many  of  the  vices 

of  the  Round  Table  they  had  also  many  of  its  virtues, courtesy, 

generosity,  veracity,  tenderness  and  respect  for  women.  They 
had  also  far  more  of  profound  and  polite  learning  than  the 


INTRODUCTORY    CHAPTER.  9 

wealth  and  power  and  arrogance,  the  Parliamentary 
cause  degenerated  into  faction,  its  patriotism  into 
party.  At  first  the  noble  spirits  of  the  opposing 
party  had  many  sympathies  in  common.  When 
Hampden  adopted  one  side,  and  Falkland  the 
other,  when  Essex  feared  to  conquer,  and  Sunder- 
land  trembled  at  the  King's  success,  how  saving 
and  temperate  a  compromise  might  have  been 
effected,  "  soiled  by  no  patriot's  blood,  no  widow's, 

Puritans ;  their  manners  were  more  engaging,  their  tempers  more 
amiable,  their  tastes  more  elegant,  and  their  households  more 
cheerful." — Essays  of  Macaulay,  vol.  i.  p.  540. 

Thus  also  speaks  Sir  James  Mackintosh  : — "  The  Cavaliers  were 
zealous  for  monarchy,  and  condemned  in  theory  all  resistance. 
Yet  they  had  sturdy  English  hearts,  which  would  never  have 
endured  real  despotism." — Mackintosh's  England,  246. 

Hear  also  what  Mr.  Macaulay  says  of  the  Puritans,  of  what  he 
calls  "  the  second  generation,"  that  which  he  considers  the  right 
one  :  "  Major-generals  fleecing  their  districts, — soldiers  revelling 
on  the  spoils  of  a  ruined  peasantry, — upstarts,  enriched  by  the 
public  plunder,  taking  possession  of  the  hospitable  firesides  and 
hereditary  trees  of  the  old  gentry, — boys  smashing  the  beautiful 
windows  of  cathedrals, — Fifth-Monarchy  men  shouting  for  King 
Jesus, — Quakers  riding  naked  through  the  market-place, — agi- 
tators lecturing  from  tubs  on  the  fate  of  Agag In  spite  of 

their  hatred  of  popery,  they  often  fell  into  the  worst  vices  of  that 
bad  system — intolerance  and  extravagant  austerity ;  they  had 
their  anchorites  and  their  crusades,  their  Dominies  and  their 
Escobars,"  &c.  To  do  Mr.  Macaulay  justice,  he  finely  adds,  "Be 
it  so  !  it  is  the  nature  of  the  devil  of  tyranny  to  rend  and  tear 
the  body  that  it  leaves ;"  and  so  proceeds  to  plead,  with  his  ac- 
customed power,  in  favour  of  those  whom  his  witnesses  have 
forced  him  to  arraign. — Essays,  i.  39. 


10  INTRODUCTORY   CHAPTER. 

orphan's  tear ;"  how  just  an  interpretation  of  the 
true  meaning  of  our  constitutional  laws  might 
have  been  secured !  "  But  the  last  hope  of  a 
victory  as  spotless  as  the  cause  was  buried  in  the 
grave  of  Hampden;"  the  stronghold  of  despotism 
was  gallantly  stormed  and  taken  by  assault,  but  then 
the  conquerors  broke  loose  into  licence  and  rapine 
and  "  self-seeking  ;"  turning  their  glory  into  shame. 
Popular  violence  uprooted  the  ancient  fabric  of  the 
Constitution,  levelling  all  that  wise  and  heroic  men 
had  laboured  for  ages  to  erect,  and  consummated 
their  destructive  labours  by  reducing  themselves  to 
that  state  of  simple  servility  which  their  fathers, 
six  centuries  before,  had  scarcely  borne  to  endure.1 
But  the  instinct  of  liberty  is  more  irrepressible 
than  its  forms;  the  people  soon  discovered  that 
they  had  made  a  capital  mistake ;  they  had  allowed 
a  man  to  set  himself  above  the  law.2  The  mere 
shows  of  outraged  parliaments  could  not  long 

1  "  From  so  complete  and  well  concerted  a  scheme  of  servility 
[as  that  of  William  the  Conqueror]  it  has  been  the  work  of  gene- 
rations for  our  ancestors  to  redeem  themselves  and  their  posterity 
into  that  state  of  freedom  we  now  enjoy." — Jllackstone,  iv.  432. 

2  Rousseau,  himself  the  apostle  or,  at  least,  the  forerunner  of 
revolution,  thus  speaks  :  "  It  is  the  antiquity  of  laws  that  renders 
them  sacred  and  venerable  :  the  people  soon  despise  those  they 
see  changing  every  day.     The  great  problem  in  politics  is  to  find 
a  form  of  government  which  shall  place  the  Law  above  the  Man." 


INTRODUCTORY    CHAPTER.  11 

disguise  the  humbling  fact,  that  Cromwell  was 
the  only  power  in  England  !  His  timely  death 
spared  him  and  his  country  the  consequences  of  the 
discovery ;  but  his  son  was  contemptuously  set  aside, 
and  monarchy  was  restored  to  its  old  and  honoured 
place  in  the  Constitution,  as  unexpectedly  as  it  had 
been  banished  thence. 

How  Charles  the  Second  affronted  God  and  man 
by  his  vices  and  his  follies, — how  he  mocked  the 
enthusiastic  hope,  the  generous  trust,  of  his  insulted 
people, — how  the  Cavaliers  of  the  Court,  too  gene- 
rally, followed  this  King  in  corruption  and  effemi- 
nate luxury,  as  they  had  followed  his  brave  father 
in  warlike  trials  and  privation :  all  this  falls  less 
within  the  scope  of  my  undertaking,  but  has  also 
been  noticed  as  candidly  and  as  briefly  as  was  in 
my  power. 

I  have  given  to  Prince  Rupert  the  most  promi- 
nent place  in  the  following  work :  the  letters  which 
constitute  its  chief  value  were  written  by,  or  ad- 
dressed to  him ;  his  character  forms  the  best  type 
of  the  Cavaliers,1  of  whom  he  was  the  "  chief/' 2  the 

1  I  speak  here  of  the  Cavalier  soldier   as  distinct  from  the 
Royalist  patriots   and  statesmen,  who  in  the  bitter  alternative 
adopted  the  King's  cause  as  being,  in  their  judgment,  the  most 
conducive  to,  or  least  subversive  of,  the  liberties  of  their  country. 

2  King's  Collection,  83,  4.     Sir  P.  Warwick's  "  Memoirs." 


12  INTRODUCTORY   CHAPTER. 

"  leader," *  and  the  "  life  ;"2  and,  moreover,  the 
papers  which  I  have  the  responsibility  of  editing 
enable  me  to  present  to  the  public  the  only  com- 
plete biography  of  this  extraordinary  man  that 
has  yet  appeared. 

I  have  some  hope  that  these  volumes  may  help 
to  vindicate  Prince  Rupert's  character.  There  is 
no  personage  in  history  at  the  same  time  so  no- 
torious and  so  little  known,  for  his  true  memory 
lies  hidden  under  the  calumnious  cloud  of  Puritan 
hatred  and  Royalist  envy  and  disparagement.  He 
was  bravest  among  the  brave;  honest  among 
knaves;  reproached  as  pure  by  profligates;  philo- 
sophical among  triflers ;  modest  among  boasters ; 
generous  in  his  lifetime,  and  poor  at  the  period 
of  his  death. 

The  first  years  of  his  career  are  unconnected 
with  the  principal  matter  of  this  work — the  Civil 
War.  This  portion,  therefore,  will  require  a 
chapter  to  itself;  I  shall  then  venture  to  offer 
a  summary  of  the  very  debatable  matters  anterior 
and  conducive  to  the  setting  up  the  Royal  Standard. 
Thenceforward,  the  history  of  Prince  Rupert  be- 


1  Whitelocke  and  others. 

2  May :  causes,  <fec.,  Maseres'  Tracts. 


INTRODUCTORY   CHAPTER.  13 

comes  merged  in  that  of  the  war,  until  the  cause 
for  which  he  fought  was  utterly  lost.  During  the 
Commonwealth  we  follow  the  Royal  Wanderer 
to  the  Mediterranean  Sea,  the  Spanish  Main, 
and  the  Courts  of  France  and  Austria:  on  the 
Restoration  we  return  him  to  England  once  more, 
—  to  associate  his  name  with  our  naval  glories, 
to  consider  him  in  the  character  of  an  artist,  a 
philosopher,  and  a  statesman ;  and  finally,  to  lay 
him  in  an  English  grave,  the  object  of  his  young 
ambition. 


It  seems  to  me,  that  we  read  or  write  of  our  great 
Civil  Wars  to  little  purpose,  if  we  look  upon  them 
and  their  actors  as  mere  abstractions;  as  relating 
only  to  distant  times  and  other  beings  than  ourselves. 
When  the  rude  German  peasant  gazes  on  the 
Spectre  of  the  Brocken  wielding  vast  arms,  taking 
giant  strides,  and  looming  over  the  horizon  like 
the  creature  of  another  world,  he  believes  it  to 
be  supernatural  :  the  philosopher  knows  that  the 
awful  spectre  is  but  an  image  of  himself,  exag- 
gerated and  distorted  by  distance  and  the  stormy 
mist.  Even  so,  we  must  remember  that  in  the 
terrible  scenes  of  these  old  times,  .we  see  but 


14  INTRODUCTORY   CHAPTER. 

ourselves  in  different  circumstances ;  we  behold 
Englishmen  as  they  have  been  and  may  be  again. 
While  the  revolutionary  element  is  raging  round 
us  now  ;*  on  the  sunny  plains  of  Italy,  and  the 
gloomy  hills  of  stricken  Ireland, — in  the  glittering 
streets  of  Paris,  and  among  the  anomalous  tribes  of 
Germany,  we  only  owe  our  own  comparative  im- 
munity, under  God,  to  former  revolutions,  as  the 
Indian  of  the  prairie  escapes  its  conflagrations  by 
destroying  the  fuel  that  it  feeds  on.  There  remains 
little  for  revolution  to  do  among  us  now ;  at  least 
as  far  as  the  constitutional  elements,  and  the  more 
prosperous  classes  of  the  community  are  concerned. 
But  it  behoves  these  last  to  look  well  that  there  be 
still  less  need,  or  even  thought,  of  such  terrible  re- 
medies. Ominous  sounds  issue  ever  and  anon  from 
the  helpless  peasant  and  the  hopeless  artisan  ; 
ignorance  and  its  incalculable  evils  breed  misery, 
misery  discontent,  and  discontent  spawns  dema- 

1  Rousseau,  in  evoking  that  revolutionary  spirit  which  his 
voice  seemed  to  call  into  existence,  only  "  collected  the  lightning 
from  an  atmosphere  charged  with  electrical  matter. "  —  Lord 
John  Russell.  The  difference  between  French  and  English  views 
of  revolution,  is  illustrated  in  the  following  contrast :  it  was  said 
that  "  Happy  was  the  man  who  died  at  the  commencement  of  the 
French  Revolution ;  he  died  with  visions  of  glory  in  his  mind  ! " 
Very  different  were  the  visions  of  our  Hampden  and  Falkland, 
who  died  oppressed  with  dismal  anxieties  and  forebodings. 


INTRODUCTORY   CHAPTER.  15 

gogues.  The  masses  must  and  will  be  led ;  and 
if  their  natural  leaders  neglect  them,  they  will  fol- 
low hirelings.  It  is  no  longer  the  vocation  of  men 
powerful  by  intellect,  or  birth,  or  wealth,  to  lead 
armed  bands  to  war ;  but  it  is  their  higher  duty  to 
each  and  to  illustrate  the  blessings  of  tranquillity; 
to  enable  their  poorer  brethren  to  appreciate  and 
to  enjoy  them.  Peace  should  not  be  a  mere  nega- 
tion i1  while  we  were  under  the  curse  of  war  we 
strove  with  devoted  energy  to  prosecute  its  deadly 
aims;  while  we  are  blessed  by  peace  shall  we  be 
more  remiss  in  doing  the  will  of  heaven  than  of 
yore  in  serving  hell? — Every  man  who  has  im- 
proved the  condition  of  his  fellow-men  by  one  wise 
word  or  generous  deed,  has  served  his  country 
well.  Every  landlord  who  has  made  his  tenantry 
his  friends,  and  has  taught  them  the  dignity  of 
labour,  the  omnipotence  of  energy  and  industry  ; 
every  manufacturer  who  has  diffused  health  and 
happiness  amongst  his  pale  and  crowded  artisans  ; 
he  wrho  has  taught  the  poor  man  to  look  up,  or  has 


1  As  philosophy,  in  a  somewhat  different  sense,  asserts  it  to  be  : 
"  Peace,"  says  Schlegel,  "  that  immutable  object  of  high  political 
art,  appears  to  be  nothing  else  than  a  war  kept  under  by  human 
dexterity,  for  some  secret  disease  is  ever  at  hand  to  call  it  into 
existence. — Philosophy  of  History. 


l(j  INTRODUCTORY   CHAPTER. 

created  a  new  field  for  honest,  hopeful  labour:  each 
of  these  men  has  performed  a  nobler  part  than 
mere  Cavalier  or  Roundhead  could  ever  have 
accomplished ;  and  each  may  share  in  the  noble 
epitaph  of  Hampden,  —  "  Peace  to  his  ashes !  he 
has  served  mankind." 


t-42.]     PR'V          ft€  '  [El  -      1  7 


CHAPTER  II. 

PRINCE  RUPERT'S  YOUTH. 

THE     PA  .MTLY. H  /3     MARRlA 

THE  CROWN  OF  BOHEMIA. PRINCE  RUPERT*3   BI&TE.  >.PB  AT 

THE  BATTLB  OF  PRAG       —  FIRST    •  — 

TO   ENGLAND. BATTLE  OF  FLOTA. PRISO3E7  — 

LIBERTY. —  EMPEROR'S  COURT  AT  VIENNA. — JOINS  CHARLES  THB  FIRST 
AT  NOTTINGHAM  I  —  UP  TKE  STANDARD. 


"  Tell  me.  ye  skilful  men,  if  ye  have  read, 
In  all  tne  faire  memorialls  of  the  dead, 
A  name  so  formidably  great, 
So  full  of  wonder  and  unenvied  lore ; 
In  which  all  Tertnes  and  all  graces  strove, 

terrible  and  y-. 

Rebellions  Br  Ml  well 

Thou  from  thy  cradell  wert  a  miracle  : 

Idled  in  armour,  drums  appeased  thy  : 
And  the  shrill  trumpet  sung  thy  lulk" 

:ould  the  tempests  in  the  giddy  state, 
0  mightie  Prince !  thy  loyalty  abate : 
Though  put  to  flight,  thou  foughtedst  the  Parthian  way, 
And  still  the  same  appeared  to 
A  behemoth  on  land,  and  a  leyiathan  at  sea. 

wert  thou  brave,  still  wert  thou  good, 
-::U  firm  to  thine  allegiance  stood 
Amid  all  foamings  of  the  popular  flood." 

Pindaric  Ode  on  Prince  Ruperfs  DeaA, 
4ii  Edit.    Lond.  1686. 

THERE  is  a  loud  fame  of  Prince  Rupert  in  our 
civil  war-.          -.::gularly  little  of  his  prirate  h: 
is  kno\vo.     He  seems  to  start  into  existence  when 
the  royal   standard   of  England  is  set  up ;  he  ad- 
vances that  fatal  banner  through  its  terrible  career 

VOL.  i.  c 


18  TMEMOIRS   AND   CORRESPONDENCE   OF 

with  supernatural  but  ill-starred  bravery ;  and  when 
it  is  finally  struck  down  at  Naseby,  he  vanishes  at 
the  same  time  from  our  view.  Yet  even  during 
that  memorable  strife,  there  is  a  rumour,  rather 
than  a  knowledge  of  him  ;'  mothers  hush  their 
infants  with  the  terror  of  his  name,2  leaguering 
armies  retire  at  the  first  challenge  of  his  trumpets,3 
the  stern  energy  of  the  Puritan  gives  way  before 
his  resistless  charge  ;  Roundhead  hatred  and  Royal- 
ist recrimination  accuse  him  as  the  evil  genius 
of  the  war.  Yet,  whence  he  came,  or  whither  he 
went,  few  have  inquired  or  can  tell.4 

The  few  glimpses  by  which  he  is  afterwards 
viewed  are  equally  singular  and  varied.  We  find 
him  a  veteran  in  arms  and  renown  while  yet  a  boy;5 
a  prisoner  for  years  before  he  attains  to  manhood  ;6 


1  Prince  Rupert  affords  a  striking  exemplification  of  the  power 
of  temporary  prejudice  over  lasting  renown.     Tradition  is  a  poor 
reliance  for  heroes, 

"When  flattery  sleeps  with  them,  and  history  does  them  wrong." 

Had  our  Prince  won  the  favour  of  Lord  Clarendon,  he  would  have 
come  down  to  posterity  in  high  heroic  colouring.  As  it  is,  the 
great  historian  does  not  give  him  a  place,  even  in  anger,  amongst 
his  inimitable  portraits  :  he  leaves  all  relating  to  him  to  oblivion, 
except  his  real  errors  and  his  imputed  crimes ;  these  he  venge- 
fully  bids  live  for  ever. 

2  It  was  even  said  by  the  Puritans  that  the  Cavaliers  ate  them. 

3  See  at  the  siege,  or  leaguer  as  it  was  called,  of  York  and 
elsewhere. — Clar.  Reb.  vol.  iv.  p.  508,  and  others. 

4  There  is  a  meagre  summary  of  facts  relating  to  his  later  life 
in  a  duodecimo  volume  published  in  1683  ;  and  this  is  the  only 
attempt  at  his  biography  that  exists,  except  such  sketches  as  I 
have  enumerated  in  the  introduction. 

5  Page  48.  6  page  97. 


1619-83.]     PRINCE   RUPERT   AND   THE   CAVALIERS.     19 

leader  of  the  Cavaliers  from  the  first  hour  that  he 
meets  them  ;l  conqueror  in  every  battle,  though 
defeated  ;2  maintaining  the  war  on  the  sea  when  it 
has  been  crushed  upon  the  land  ;3  buccaneering  in 
the  name  of  loyalty  on  the  Spanish  main;4  honest 
amid  corruption,  philosophic  among  triflers  in  the 
Court  of  the  Restoration  ; 5  laying  aside  his  impe- 
tuosity, but  not  his  gallantry,  as  admiral  of  our 
fleets  ;6  returning  thence  to  the  chemist's  laboratory 
and  the  painter's  study  ;7  and,  finally,  dying  in  peace 
and  honour,  here  in  old  England,  "  beloved  by  all 
the  gentlemen  of  the  county,"8  and  "generally 
lamented ;  having  maintained  such  good  temper 
and  such  happy  neutrality  in  the  present  unhappy 
divisions,9  that  he  was  honoured  and  respected  by 
men  of  the  most  varying  interests."10 

Can  this  be  the  person  whom  we  have  hitherto 
known,  only  to  neglect  or  to  condemn  ?  Surely 
there  must  have  been  some  heroic  nature  in  this 
man  which  prejudice  alone  has  darkened  or  denied : 
some  prejudice  more  fatal  to  his  fame  than  the 

1  "History  of  the  Heroicall  Prince  Rupert."     1683. 

2  At  Edgehill,  Newbury,  Marston  Moor,  Naseby — he  won  his 
part  of  the  battle. 

3  Clarendon,  "  State  Papers  ;"  Carte's  "  Ormond." 

4  Volume  iii.  of  this  work. 

5  Campbell's  "Admirals;"  Evelyn's  "Miscellany,"  318. 

fi  Campbell's  "Admirals;"  Guizot's  "Life  of  Monk,"  306. 

7  Walpole's  "Lives  of  Painters,"  &c. 

8  Campbell's  "  Admirals." 

9  Between  James  and  his  Protestant  subjects. 

10  Echard,  "History  of  England,"  vol.  ii.  p.  1023.  I  have  only 
quoted  here  from  printed  authorities,  and  recapitulated  but  a  few 
of  the  events  of  Prince  Rupert's  life. 

c  2 


20  MEMOIRS   AND   CORRESPONDENCE   OF 

hatred  or  the  obloquy  of  his  cotemporaries.  Let 
the  generous  and  candid  reader  but  take  the  facts 
of  Prince  Rupert's  life  as  they  are  here  imperfectly 
arranged  ;  let  him  grant  to  them  such  credence  as 
their  authorities  may  seem  to  deserve  and  such 
interest  as  their  romantic  character  may  claim ;  and 
surely  he  will  admit  that  the  chief  of  the  Cavaliers 
deserves  a  higher  place  in  story  than  he  has  hitherto 
obtained. 

Our  narrative  must  needs  be  discursive  in  following 
so  varied  a  career :  especially  in  those  earlier  scenes 
through  which  the  stream  of  our  young  hero's  life 
flows  fitfully  along,  sparkling  in  the  sunshine  of  a 
Court,  or  stagnating  in  a  prison's  gloom,  now  reposing 
softly  in  the  laurel's  or  the  myrtle's  shade,  then 
dashing  headlong  into  danger  and  distraction.  When 
the  narrow  rivulet  of  biography  joins  its  innumerable 
kindred  streams  that  form  the  ocean  of  history,1  it 
becomes  expanded  instead  of  being  lost.  Not  only, 
however,  does  the  current  of  our  story  tend  to  his- 
tory, but  we  must  trace  its  origin  therefrom.  A  glance 
at  the  state  of  Europe  and  the  Thirty  Years'  War, 
seems  necessary  to  understand  the  conditions  of 
that  fatal  royalty  to  which  our  Prince  was  born, 
and  which  so  much  qualified  his  after  life.  Nor 
was  this  war  without  its  influences  upon  our  own, 
insulated  and  strictly  intestine  as  the  latter  may  ap- 
pear to  be.  Not  only  from  Frankfort  and  Geneva, 

"  History  is  the  essence  of  innumerable  biographies." — Cole- 
ridge. 


1618.]        PRINCE   RUPERT  AND   THE   CAVALIERS.        21 

but  from  Prague  and  Lutzen,  came  those  wars  and 
warriors  upon  England,  in  whose  Parliaments  were 
to  be  defined,  in  whose  fields  were  to  be  fairly 
fought,  the  great  question  for  which  Germany  then 
vaguely  yearned  and  blindly  strove. 


Temporal  as  well  as  spiritual  despotism  had 
received  a  death-blow  at  the  Reformation.  Men's 
freedom,  next  holiest  object  to  their  faith,  went 
hand  in  hand  with  all  its  triumph,  and  became 
blended  with  all  its  interests.  The  holy  Roman 
Empire  was  first  to  suffer  from  the  newly  awakened 
intelligence.  The  Protestant  Princes1  of  the  North 
had  formed  a  Union  in  defence  of  their  privi- 
leges, and  at  length  even  the  remote  Bohemian 
States  began  to  discuss  certain  grievances,  and  to 
assert  certain  elective  rights  very  distasteful  to  their 
Emperor. 

That  Emperor  was  Ferdinand  of  Gratz :  his 
education  had  been  the  triumphant  achievement 
of  the  Jesuits,  and  never  had  they  found  an  instru- 
ment so  useful  to  their  cause,  so  worthy  of  their 
care :  they  schooled  him  in  a  bloodhound  discipline, 
ruthless,  untiring,  never  to  be  baffled  or  turned 


1  These  were,  Frederic  Elector  Palatine  (with  acknowledged 
precedence  amongst  them  on  account  of  his  rank  at  their  tyrant's 
court),  John  George  Duke  of  Saxony,  Christian  Duke  of  Bruns- 
wick, the  Dukes  of  Wirtemberg  and  Mecklenburg  Holstein,  the 
Margravines  of  Brandenberg  and  Anspach. 


22  MEMOIRS   AND    CORRESPONDENCE   OF 

aside  from  his  pursuit :  they  filled  him  with  sublety 
and  stratagems,   arid  a  calm   dispassionate   vindic- 
tiveness    that    never    was    precipitate    and    never 
paused.     Moreover,  he  was  chaste,  temperate,  and 
economical,  and  by  the  power  of  these  virtues  and 
these  vices,  he  waged  war  on  his  own  subjects  for 
thirty  years,  and   offered  up  a  holocaust  of  thirty 
thousand  flaming  villages  in  honour  of  the  Pope- 
dom1  and  the  Empire.     When  this  Emperor  first 
assumed  the  Bohemian,  amongst  other,  crowns,  he 
had  few   forces    to    support    his    power :    standing 
armies  were  then  unknown,  and  the  terrible  bands 
that  afterwards  ravaged  Germany  were  not  yet  en- 
listed.   Emboldened  by  this  weakness,  and  strength- 
ened by  a  fair  cause  of  quarrel,  the  States  of  Bo- 
hemia  asserted  their  independent  elective  rights, 
and   rejected    the    Emperor   as  their    king:    then, 
following  up  their  movements  with  a  rapidity  wor- 
thy of  modern  Parisian  tactics,  they  listened  but  for 
a   moment   to   the    imperial    commissioners,    flung 
them  out  of  a  window,2  formed  a  provisional  go- 
vernment  under   the   gallant    Schlik   and   Thurm, 
raised   an    army,   rushed    forth   to   Vienna,    seized 
Ferdinand  in  his  palace,  and  forced  a  pen  into  his 


1  Schiller.     Popedom  not  the  Pope  :  Urban  VIII.  was  called 
"  Lutherano "  by   the  Spaniards   because   he  looked  coldly  on 
Ferdinand's  policy,  and  reproached  him  with  troubling  the  peace 
of  Italy.— Howell 

2  It  seems  this  was  a  time-honoured  mode  of  proceeding  against 
unpopular  orators  among  this  people,  of  whom  we  shall  find  some 
other  singular  traits.—  Passages  from  History,  London,  1848. 


1618.]       PRINCE   RUPERT  AND   THE   CAVALIERS.        23 

hand  to  sign  his  cession  of  their  crown  !  Just  then, 
while  the  rude  chiefs  pressed  round,  like  our  old 
barons,  to  witness  the  instrument  of  their  freedom,1 
a  shout  was  heard,  and  they  fell  back ;  a  trumpet 
rang  through  the  old  streets,  and  the  tramp  of 
troops  approaching ;  panic  seized  the  Bohemians, 
and  they  fled,  postponing  the  inevitable  fight  for 
freedom  until  that  handful  of  imperial  allies  had 
swelled  into  an  army.  Returning  to  their  own 
country,  however,  they  found  themselves  secure  for 
the  moment,  and  tried  to  persuade  themselves  that 
they  were  free:  Ferdinand  meanwhile  being  con- 
tent to  bide  his  time,  till  the  first  fervour  of  novel 
liberty  had  cooled  down. 

For  some  time  the  national  enthusiasm  blazed 
high,  and  carried  all  before  it :  the  summons  to 
arms  is  always  well  obeyed  at  first;  the  young 
kingdom  was  even  contented  to  be  taxed,  and  then, 
all  they  wanted  was  a  king.  This  want  was  not  so 
easy  to  supply  :  never  was  there  a  meaner  monarchy 
in  Europe2  and  the  monarch  material,  so  to  speak, 
was  equally  unpromising. 

The  Protestant  Princes  of  the  Union  were,  for 


3  It  is  strange  how  much  rough  men  of  swords  think  of  the 
mystery  of  writing,  and  allow  to  be  verified  that  "  anser,  apis, 
vitulus,  regna  gubernant"  [Quill,  wax,  and  parchment.] 

1  Louis  XIII.  in  France,  Philip  III.  in  Spain,  James  I.  in 
England,  Christian  IV.  in  Denmark,  Sigismund  in  Poland.  Well 
might  Holland  be  proud  of  its  republicanism,  nominal  as  it  was  ; 
(for  pensionary,  stadtholder,  president,  are  merely  vulgar  sub- 
titles for  kings  ;  wanting,  indeed,  in  graceful  and  reverent  asso- 
ciation, but  atoning  by  greater  power  in  emergency.) 


24  MEMOIRS   AND   CORRESPONDENCE   OF 

the  most  part,  sensual,  dissolute,  and  unprincipled ; 
those  of  the  Catholic  League  were  little  better 
as  to  morals,  and  entirely  exceptionable  from 
their  religion.  The  Bohemians  first  offered  their 
crown  to  the  drunken  Duke  of  Saxony,  who  re- 
fused it,  and  then  they  fixed  upon  Frederic,  Prince 
Palatine  of  the  Rhine.1  The  illustrious  descent 
of  this  Elector,  his  great  possessions,  his  position 
as  head  of  the  Protestant  Union,  and  his  rank 
in  the  Empire,2  rendered  him  the  first  Prince 
among  the  uncrowned  heads  of  Europe.  He  was 
exemplary  and  beloved  in  his  own  dominions; 
he  had  an  amiable  address,  was  by  no  means 
devoid  of  spirit,  and  abounded  in  the  right  noble 
quality  of  generosity.  He  had  even  some  sound 
sense,  as  was  proved  by  his  long  hesitation  be- 
fore he  relinquished  the  very  solid  substance  of 
his  Electorate  for  the  very  shadowy  crown  of  a 
crude  kingdom.  The  circumstances  that  had  in- 
fluenced the  votes  of  the  Bohemian  Diet  in  his 
favour,  were  well  known  by  him:  he  understood 
their  value  too  well  to  feel  the  same  confidence 
that  they  inspired  in  his  constituents.  He  was 
son-in-law  to  the  King  of  Great  Britain,  but  he 

1  From  the  Palatia,  or  palaces,  that  the  old  German  and  Frankish 
kings  possessed  in  various  parts  of  their  dominions.     The  sene- 
schals of  these  palatine  districts  were,  in  effect,  viceroys ;  they 
were  called  Pfalzgraves.     Palsgrave  of  the  Rhine  was  first  used 
as  a  title  of  dignity  A.  D.  1093. 

2  He   was  "  Electour   and  Archsewer  of  the   Sacred   Roman 
Empire,  Vicour  of  the  Empire,  and  Elector-Palatine  of  the  Upper 
and  Lower  Rhine."—  Land.  MS. 


1619.]        PRINCE   RUPERT   AND   THE   CAVALIERS.       25 

knew  too  well  the  dastardly  and  bigoted  nature  of 
James,  to  believe  that  he  would  ever  draw  the 
sword  in  his  behalf,  against  the  "  divine  right "  of 
a  brother  monarch,  and  an  ally  of  mighty  Spain ! 
He  was  head  of  the  Calvinist  party,  and  leader  of 
the  Protestant  Union,  but  he  knew  that  sectarian 
dissent  and  political  jealousies  had  paralyzed  all 
the  energies  of  that  body;  and,  finally,  though 
the  Bohemians  relied  much  on  his  relationship  to 
the  Duke  of  Bavaria,  he  knew  well  that  his  Ca- 
tholic cousin  was  his  most  grasping  foe.  Never- 
theless, there  was  temptation  in  this  offer  of  a 
kingdom  that  wiser  men  than  Frederic  might  have 
yielded  to :  it  was  the  age  of  enterprise  and 
daring  ;  the  popular  energies  awakened  by  the 
Reformation  rendered  all  things  possible  to  those 
who  could  control  and  lead  them;  a  brave  and 
intelligent  people  had  appealed  to  his  highest 
feelings  to  champion  their  faith  and  freedom ; 
a  great  cause  creates  magnanimity,  however  tem- 
porary, in  him  to  whom  it  is  entrusted :  he  felt 
all  this,  and  more  perhaps  than  all  this,  he  felt 
the  influence  of  a  young  and  beautiful  wife,  whose 
loftier  mind  confirmed  his  own  faltering  ambition.1 

1  The  advice  of  Elizabeth  was  a  taunt.  "  You  were  bold 
enough,"  said  the  Electress,  "  to  marry  the  daughter  of  a  king, 
and  you  hesitate  to  accept  a  crown  !  I  had  rather  live  on  bread 
with  a  king  than  feast  with  an  elector." — Schiller,  Thirty  Years 
War,  i.  131.  Schiller  quotes  from  Larrey :  see  for  the  original 
of  the  anecdote  Howell's  "  Letter,"  p.  83,  from  which  it  seems 
that  Miss  Benger's  view  of  Elizabeth's  character  is  not  contra- 
dicted. Nevertheless,  it  is  evident  that  she  had  influenced  the 


2G     MEMOIRS  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF 

He  accepted  the  fatal  gift  of  the  kingdom  of 
Bohemia1  and  was  crowned  at  Prague,2  with  all 
the  magnificence  that  an  enthusiastic  people  could 
furnish  to  the  King  whom  they  delighted  to  ho- 
nour. As  an  actor  in  this  pageant  he  acquitted 
himself,  for  the  last  time,  to  the  perfect  satisfaction 
of  his  subjects.  The  ceremony  was  striking,  and,  as 
picturing  the  times  and  scenes  of  our  hero's  birth,3 
we  may  be  allowed  to  glance  at  its  celebration. 

The  city  itself  is  one  of  the  most  beautiful  in  the 
world,  uniting  the  grandeur  and  massiveness  of 
Gothic  architecture  with  its  widest  contrast,  that  of 
the  East:  the  colossal  masses  of  the  old  palaces 
are  separated  by  fantastic  bazaars,  or  rich  gardens ; 
and,  over  the  humbler  dwellings,  towers  and  battle- 
ments, and  venerable  spires,  rise  among  forest-trees, 
and  are  reflected  in  the  broad  and  placid  waters  of 
the  Moldau.  The  antique  and  varied  character  of 
the  architecture  suited  well  with  the  costumes  of 
various  times  and  climes  that  thronged  its  ancient 
streets.  Armour  was  then  in  general  use,  and  glit- 
tered there  beneath  many  a  plume  and  scarf;  gold 

king,  for  she  reproaches  herself  (Bromley's   "  Royal  Letters ") 
bitterly  as  the  cause  of  his  misfortunes. 

1  The  day  after  he  had  sent  to  James  I.  for  his  advice,  a  preci- 
pitancy which  the  king  vindictively  remembered  and  reproached 
him  with. 

2  November  3,  1619. 

3  We  learn  from  a  letter  of  his  promising  and  early  lost  bro- 
ther Prince  Henry's,  that  the  first  sentence  Prince  Rupert  uttered 
was  in  the  Bohemian  language.     It  was   "  Praise  the   Lord  ! " 
His  mother  fondly  dwelt  on  the  omen,  which,  had  he  fought  on 
the  Puritan's  side,  would  have  been  doubtless  taken  as  an  early 
sign  of  grace. — See  Sir  Thomas  Roe's  letters  and  negotiations. 


1629.]        PRINCE   RUPERT   AND   THE   CAVALIERS.       27 

and  steel  shone  and  flashed  over  the  chivalry  of 
Prague,  mingled  and  contrasted  with  the  peaceful 
guise  of  citizens  making  pomp  after  their  fashion 
likewise,  with  banners,  and  silks,  and  velvets,  and 
rich  furs.  From  the  old  Bohemian  forests  came  the 
Bourgraves1  and  their  vassals,  armed  with  old  wea- 
pons that  had  clashed  at  the  summons  of  Zitzca's 
drum.  From  Transylvania  appeared,  in  semi-orien- 
tal garb,  the  rude  nobles  of  Bethlem  Gabor's  Court, 
with  the  formal  looking  ambassadors  of  nine  friendly 
States  (amongst  whom  no  representatives  of  Eng- 
land, Saxony,  or  Denmark,  however,  were  to  be 
found).  The  humbler  citizens  thronged  with  the 
rest,  various  in  attire,  in  races,  and  in  creed,  but 
uniform  in  enthusiastic  loyalty.  The  drum  and 
tabor  mingled  their  wild  music  with  such  strange 
concord  as  the  clashing  of  pewter  cups  and  platters 
made,  for  this  too  was  a  national  music,  used  by 
the  ancient  Bohemians  to  express  their  joy. 

Such  were  the  scenes  and  the  people  that  cele- 
brated Prince  Rupert's  birth  soon  afterwards,  as 
now  his  father's  coronation.  Amid  this  motley 
multitude,  under  a  canopy  of  blue  and  silver,  was 
borne  the  fair  and  fascinating  Elizabeth,  their 
Queen  and  "  Queen  of  hearts."  Beside  her  rode 
the  King,  sheathed  in  armour,  and  starred  with 
orders,  but  with  his  head  uncovered ;  and  so  they 
passed  to  the  old  church  of  Faith.2 

This   edifice   was  well   adapted    for  the  present 

1  Title  of  the  old  national  nobility  of  Bohemia.        2  St.  Weit. 


28  MEMOIRS  AND   CORRESPONDENCE   OF 

ceremony,  for  all  the  various  creeds  and  races  that 
were  gathered  there  could  find  their  familiar  sym- 
bols on  its  pantheistic  walls :  Pagan,  Romish, 
Hussite,  Lutheran,  and  Calvinist  rites  had  been 
there  performed,  and  each  had  left  some  character 
behind  it.  Abraham  Scultetus,  the  King's  bigoted 
chaplain  and  impolitic  adviser,  looked  upon  these 
innocent  reliques  with  horror ;  they  seemed  to  him 
instinct  with  demoniac  life,  and  striving  to  prose- 
lytize, each  to  his  own  abomination.1  Still  more 
scandalized  was  the  Puritanical  divine  when  his 
pupil  was  led  to  an  actual  altar  by  the  Hussite 
"  administrator,"  and  even  consecrated  with  the  holy 
oil !  His  interference,  however,  was  unnoticed,  as 
the  barons  of  Bohemia  pressed  forward,  with  loud 
zeal  and  clanking  armour,  to  swear  fealty  to  the 
King.  But  first,  that  King  swore  fealty  to  the 
laws,  and  then  received  the  pledges  he  had  given. 
Then  a  hundred  banners  waved  through  the  old 
cathedral,  and  peal  after  peal  of  artillery  announced 
that  the  monarchical  experiment  was  begun. 

Three  days  later  the  same  ceremonies  were  re- 
peated, when  the  crown  of  St.  Isabella2  was  placed 
on  the  fair  brows  of  Elizabeth  of  England. 

This  heroic  lady  was  well  fitted  by  nature  for  her 

1  If  Charles  I.  could  only  have  changed  Laud  for  Scultetus, 
both  he  and  his  brother-in-law  had  been  better  suited  for  their 
times ;  as  regarded  their  influence  on  their  royal  masters,  mis- 
placed as  they  were,  they  were  equally  fanatical,  intemperate,  and 
fatal. 

2  An  ancient  and  canonized  queen  of  Bohemia.  — Benger. 


1619.]        PRINCE   RUPERT   AND   THE   CAVALIERS.       29 

proud  and  perilous  place  as  Queen  of  the  Protestant 
champions  in  Europe.  She  had  all  the  grace,  mag- 
nanimity, and  virtue,  in  which  her  royal  parents 
were  so  deficient;  she  had  been  educated  far  from 
their  contaminated  Court,  by  a  conscientious  and 
high-minded  nobleman,1  and  there,  in  the  heart  of 
England,  she  grew  up  in  purity  and  honour,  and  the 
affections  of  her  country-people,  who  ever  love  to 
have  some  public  pet,  and  are  seldom  mistaken  in 
their  choice.  Their  present  favourite  was  brave, 
generous,  and  warm-hearted,  and  supposed  to  incline 
towards  the  Puritan  party,  who  were  even  then 
waxing  strong  in  Parliament.  Certainly  she  was 
very  strongly  attached  to  the  religion  that  they 
held  so  dear ;  and  when,  by  a  rare  felicity  in  royal 
life,  she  was  married  to  the  husband  of  her  choice,2 
he  was  welcomed  by  the  parliament  and  the  people 
with  greater  enthusiasm  as  the  head  of  the  Pro- 


1  Lord  Harrington  was  her  governor  :  she  passed  her  childhood 
at  his  house,  Combe  Abbey,  near  Coventry.  Her  chivalrous  defen- 
der, the  first  Earl  of  Craven,  purchased  the  place  that  to  him  had 
been  so  consecrated  :  he  had  the  pride  of  welcoming  her  there  in 
after  years,  and  his  descendants  have  had  the  good  taste  to  leave 
it  almost  unaltered  ever  since ;  it  is  therefore  full  of  interest, 
independently  of  the  fine  historical  pictures  it  contains. 

3  The  Princess  Elizabeth  was  married  to  the  Elector  Palatine 
on  the  14th  February,  1613.  The  wedding  was  celebrated  in 
Whitehall  Chapel  (long  since  burnt  down).  "  The  princess  was 
dressed  in  pure  white,  with  a  crown  of  gold  upon  her  hanging 
hair."  The  bride  was  led  to  church  by  two  bachelors,  the  Prince 
Charles  and  Lord  Northampton  ;  she  was  led  from  church  by  two 
married  men,  the  Duke  of  Lenox  and  Lord  Nottingham.  The 
celebration  of  the  nuptials  was  characterized  by  James's  usual 
extravagancy,  coarseness,  and  bad  taste.  It  cost  the  sum  of 
95,OOOZ.,  while  the  bride's  dowry  amounted  but  to  40,OOOZ. 


30  MEMOIRS   AND   CORRESPONDENCE   OF 

testant  Union,  than  if  he  had  worn  the  proudest 
crown  in  Christendom.  In  all  their  misfortunes, 
the  Palatines  were  followed  by  the  prayers  and 
ardent  good  wishes  of  England.  The  people  did  all 
that  a  people  repressed  by  their  sovereign  could  do  : 
they  raised  subscriptions ;  they  furnished  arms ; 
they  sent  volunteers;  when  the  drums  beat  for 
Palatinate  levies  they  rushed  to  the  standard  as  if 
it  had  been  their  own.  The  King  of  England  was 
the  only  enemy  his  daughter  had  in  his  dominions ; 
the  only  man  who  would  not  make  one  effort  to 
support  or  to  retrieve  her  cause,  except  by  imbecile 
diplomacy  and  dastardly  advice.1 

But  the  commencement  of  Elizabeth's  career  was 
threatened  by  no  cloud  of  its  future  sorrow ;  "  the 
Pearl  of  Britain,"  as  she  was  fondly  called  by  her 
new  subjects,  was  soon  beloved  at  Heidelberg  as 
she  had  been  in  her  own  country.  There,  in  her 
prosperous  and  loyal  Palatinate,  with  a  gentle  and 
affectionate  husband,  she  seems  to  have  been  happy  ; 
her  little  Court  was  even  then  a  favourite  resort  of 
the  chivalrous  adventurers  who  wandered  errant 
over  Europe ;  and  men  of  letters,  whom  Courts  in 
those  times  favoured,  also  sought  her  patronage, 
and  repaid  it  with  renown.  If  her  misfortunes, 
sorrows,  and  self-reproach  afterwards  imparted  a 
higher  tone  to  her  character,  it  gave  her  no  addi- 

1  King  James  advised  Frederic  to  yield  in  everything  to  the 
Emperor,  to  endeavour  to  lay  claim  to  the  pity  of  his  "  outraged 
sovereign." 


1(519.]       PRINCE   RUPERT   AND   THE   CAVALIERS.        31 

tional  claim  to  her  proud  title,  "  the  Queen  of 
Hearts :"  in  that  wayward  realm  she  had  no  com- 
petitor, nor  even  a  traitor  to  her  honour. 

And  when  the  fatal  crown  was  offered  to  her 
young  Elector,  who  can  blame  her  if  she  desired  to 
embrace  the  high  destinies  to  which  it  might  have 
led  an  abler  man  ?  Her  princely  heart  might  well 
indulge  in  visions  of  triumph  for  her  faith,  and  of 
glory  for  her  family ;  and,  in  the  country  of  Maria 
Theresa,  who  will  say  such  hopes  could  only  have 
been  visionary  ? 

Elizabeth  was  crowned,  as  we  have  seen,  Queen 
of  Bohemia,  on  the  6th  of  Nov.  1619  ;  she  soon 
afterwards  gave  birth  to  her  third  son,  who  thus 
inherited  the  doubtful  advantage  of  royal  birth.1 

"The  Prince  who  we  are  now  entering  upon," 
says  one  of  his  cotemporary  biographers,  "  hath 
acquired  for  himself  soe  much  glorye  that  one  would 
not  thinke  it  necessary  to  make  mention  of  his 
birth :  such  heroes  as  hee  having  honour  enough  in 
the  world  without  borrowing  it  from  others,  and 
give  more  lustre  to  their  race  than  they  receave 
from  it,  being  alwaies  greater  by  their  proper  ver- 
tues  than  by  that  of  their  ancestors.  Yet  the  glorye 
of  their  predecessours  will  still  augment  their  own ; 
for  the  world  is  still  more  disposed  to  honour  merit 

1  His  biographer  in  the  Lans.  MS.  (817,  fol.  157)  declares 
pompously,  that  "  he  receaved  from  Nature  a  soule  too  noble  to 
bee  borne  of  any  less  than  a  queene  !  She  was  the  Princes  in  the 
world  whose  blood  was  yc  noblest,  and  she  perfected  the  glory  of 
ye  Palatines  when  she  marry 'd  ye  Prince  Electour." 


32     MEMOIRS  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF 

when  noblenesse  of  blood  is  joined  to  it."  The 
public  of  our  day  will  scarcely  sympathize  with  the 
public  which  this  old  writer  wrote  to  move  :  never- 
theless, it  is  true  that  Prince  Rupert's  race  was 
illustrious  as  herald  could  desire,  combining  the 
blood-royal  of  England  with  the  blood-imperial  of 
the  house  of  Hapsburg.1 

It  was  on  the  18th  of  December,  1619,  that  he 
came  into  the  world,  the  first  personage  of  his  rank 
who  had  thus  honoured  Prague  for  above  a  cen- 
tury. The  good  people  of  Bohemia  were  joyful 
accordingly.  All  citizens,  without  distinction,  were 
freely  admitted  to  the  palace  to  behold  their  in- 
digenous prince,  to  offer  good  wishes,  great  prophe- 
cies, and  other  more  substantial  gifts.  Soon  after- 
wards there  were  further  festivities  and  pageants  on 
the  event  of  his  christening,  when  Bethlem  Gabor 
was  his  godfather.  This  ingenious  and  daring  savage 
was  selected  as  sponsor  in  the  hope  of  conciliating 
his  capricious  but  important  alliance ;  seeing  that 

1  Those  who  are  interested  in  such  matters  may  consult  this 
wondrous  genealogy  at  length  in  the  Harl.  Miscellany,  and  Lans. 
MS.,  as  given  in  the  Appendix  at  the  end  of  this  work.  For  our 
present  purpose  the  following  stepping-stones  will  be  more  than 

sufficient.     ATTILA CHARLEMAGNE OTHO  of  Wittelspach. 

....  RUPERT  "the  Little"  (who  "  burnt  40  damnable  persons  foi 
spoyling  the  country,"  an  example  thrown  away  upon  his  de- 
scendant)  RUPERT,  Emperor,  A.  D.  1406 Louis  VII., 

Elector-Palatine    (persecuted  the  Calvinists) FREDERIC  IV. 

(persecuted  the  Lutherans) FREDERIC  V.  (forsaken  and  be- 
trayed by  both),  King  of  Bohemia.  The  genealogist  having  con- 
cluded his  task,  enthusiastically  deduces  therefrom  that  "  Prince 
Rupert  begann  to  bee  illustrious  before  he  was  born.  We  must 
look  back  into  history  2000  yeares  to  discover  the  first  rayes  of 
his  glorye ! " 


1620.]       PRINCE   RUPERT   AND   THE   CAVALIERS.         33 

he  was  already  despotic  in  Transylvania,  and  had 
almost  secured  for  himself  the  kingdom  of  Hun- 

o 

gary.  His  representative,  Count  Thurtzo,  in  com- 
plete armour,  received  the  child  from  the  arch- 
bourgravine,  and  transferred  it  from  his  mail-clad 
arms  to  the  gauntleted  hands  of  the  deputies  of 
Lusatia,  Moravia,  and  Silesia  :  such  martial  dand- 
ling suited  well  with  the  future  fortunes  of  the  child. 
He  was  named  Rupert,  in  injudicious  memory  of 
his  ancestor,  who  had  succeeded  to  the  empire  ;* 
and  he  was  at  the  same  time  declared  by  the  States 
as  their  future  Grand  Duke  of  Lithuania.2 

So  long  as  the  pageants  and  festivals,  the  crown- 
ings and  the  christenings,  of  the  new  sovereigns 
amused  the  people,  their  loyalty  was  equal  to  their 
gratification.  But  the  holidays  were  now  over,  the 
working-time  was  come,  and  there  was  no  trifling 
task  to  be  performed.  A  threatening  future 
hovered  over  the  young  kingdom,  and  required 
other  heads  and  hands  than  those  of  Frederic 
and  his  advisers  to  avert  the  danger.  The  Em- 
peror of  Austria  was  stirred  by  every  motive  of 
interest,  intolerance,  and  pride,  to  revenge  him- 
self upon  the  revolted  States :  his  armies  were 
now  powerful ;  his  wealth  incalculable.  The  King 

1  This  was  not  the  only  instance  in  which  the  weak  Frederic 
had  allowed  his  rebellious  aspirations  to  transpire. 

2  The  assembled  States  had  even  determined  to  choose  him  suc- 
cessor to  their  crown  in  preference  to  his  brothers,  when  the  wishes 
of  Frederic  prevailed  by  one  voice.     It  may  interest  some  to  learn 
that  part  of  Rupert's  christening  dress  is  to  be  seen  at  Ipswich. 

VOL.  I.  D 


34  MEMOIRS   AND   CORRESPONDENCE   OF 

of  Bohemia  had  neither  an  army  nor  an  income, 
nor  had   his   infant   monarchy  the  prestige  of  an- 
cestral   and     accustomed    power     to     rely    upon. 
Troops,   indeed,    or   mere   masses    of  armed   men, 
were   promptly  furnished    by   a   people    to    whom 
war    was   pastime,   but  the  first    attempt    to  levy 
taxes  had  well-nigh  ended  the  new  dynasty.1     At 
the    same    time,    the    Bohemians    discovered    that 
their  sovereign  was  far  from   orthodox,  according 
to  the  doctrines  cherished  as  infallible  at  Prague, 
and  illustrated   by  certain  images  that  the   Court 
looked  upon  as  little  better  than  idols !     Abraham 
Scultetus,   the    King's    spiritual    director,   made    a 
fierce  onslaught  against  the  national  form  of  faith' 
and  especially  against  a  certain  relic  of  antiquity, 
that  was  looked  upon  by  the  city  as  a  species  of 
Palladium.     This  was  a  very   ancient  image  that 
stood  upon  the  bridge  where  all  passed  by,   and 
reverenced  an  object  that  had  seen  service  under 
Pagan,    Popish,  and  Hussite  priests.     This  vener- 
able image,  with  many  of  its  sculptured  brethren, 
was   demolished    one   night  by  Scultetus  and   his 
fanatical    friends.      The    people    were    indignant, 

1  The  sensitiveness  of  nations  to  taxation  reminds  one  of  the 
solemn  adjuration,  "  Spare  all  I  have,  but  take  my  life  !"  Bo- 
hemia preferred  the  return  of  outraged  tyranny  to  being  taxed  : 
the  Netherlands  saw  their  bravest  champions  slain,  their  citizens 
destroyed,  their  women  dishonoured  by  the  Spaniards.  They 
bore  all  this.  But  when  their  tyrants  attempted  to  levy  a  tax  of 
2s.  in  the  pound  they  rose  indignant  and  asserted  their  freedom. 
Under  our  own  awful  Henry  VIII.  and  haughty  Elizabeth  tax- 
ation alone  reminded  the  people  they  had  power. 


1620.]       PRINCE   RUPERT  AND   THE   CAVALIERS.        35 

they  associated  the  King  with  the  acts  of  those 
whom  he  protected :  the  Roman  Catholics  took 
an  opportunity  to  recall  the  persecuting  doctrines 
of  the  Calvinists  at  Dort :  and  the  Lutheran  minis- 
ters began  to  allude  to  anti-christ,  at  all  times 
a  dangerous  personage  in  times  of  popular  excite- 
ment. The  Bohemian  nobles  remonstrated  with 
Frederic ;  he  turned  to  his  queen  for  counsel,  and 
she,  with  a  woman's  bravery  and  impulse,  espoused 
the  weaker  side :  Scultetus  was  supported.  Thus, 
the  young  King,  like  his  unhappy  kinsman  of 
England,  irritated  his  subjects  by  intolerance,  as 
Charles  had  vexed  the  Scots  when  most  he  re- 
quired their  assistance;  entered  on  a  war  without 
an  army,  strove  to  levy  and  support  it  without 
pay,  and  withdrew  his  confidence  from  his  con- 
stitutional advisers  to  bestow  it  on  a  woman 
and  a  priest — Ms  Henrietta  and  his  Laud. 

But  it  was  not  the  fate  of  Frederic  to  fall  by 
means  of  the  fanatic  or  tax-gatherer,  his  gigantic 
enemy  of  Austria  was  approaching : '  his  base  Pro- 
testant allies  were  dispersed  by  a  courtier's  in- 
trigue; France  was  bribed  by  the  same  infamous 


1  The  intrigue  that  led  the  short-sighted  and  worthless  Princes 
of  the  Union  to  desert  the  weak  champion  of  the  cause  of  free- 
dom, may  be  told  in  a  few  words.  The  Duke  de  Luynes  was  the 
all  powerful  favourite  of  Louis  XIII. ;  his  brother  desired  the 
fortune  of  Mademoiselle  de  Pecguigny,  a  wealthy  ward  of  the 
Archduchess  at  Brussels  :  the  latter  consented  that  he  should 
marry  her  provided  De  Luynes  could  divert  France  from  the 
policy  of  Henry  IV.  i.  e.  from  weakening  the  power  of  Austria. 
De  Luynes  gets  up  a  war  between  the  Hugonots  and  Roman 

D  2 


36  MEMOIRS   AND   CORRESPONDENCE   OF 

means;  James  of  England  disowned  a  cause  that 
he  looked  upon  as  flat  rebellion ;  even  Bethlem 
Gabor  had  been  beguiled  into  neutrality  by  the  bland- 
ishments of  the  Due  d'Angouleme;  Spinola  had 
over-run  and  paralyzed  the  Palatinate.  The  King 
of  Bohemia  was  left  alone:  he  had  nothing  left 
to  lean  upon  but  the  loyalty  of  his  new  kingdom 
— a  slender  reed,  already  broken  by  jealousy,  dis- 
sent, and  treachery. 

The  White  Mountain  is  close  to  the  city  of 
Prague,  only  separated  by  the  royal  park  and 
palace  gardens  from  the  walls;  during  the  brief 
days  of  rejoicing,  the  young  King  and  Queen  had 
followed  many  a  chase,  and  held  many  a  gay 
revel  on  that  Weissenberg.  It  was  now  dark 
with  the  Imperial  armies:  Maximilian  and  Mar- 
shal Bucquoy  were  there  with  the  Bavarian  and 
Austrian  forces,  veterans  in  war,  ruthless,  flushed 
with  triumph,  and  unpardoning. 

We  shall  not  dwell  on  the  battle  of  the  White 
Mountain  j1  we  have  enough  and  to  spare  of  battles 


Catholics  in  France,  the  religious  jealousy  of  Louis  XIII.,  in- 
flamed by  Cardinal  Bentivoglio,  took  alarm  ;  he  sent  an  embassy 
to  the  confederate  Protestant  princes  conjuring  them  to  abandon 
the  war  against  the  Emperor  and  thus  spare  the  effusion  of  Chris- 
tian blood !  They  seized  the  cowardly  false  plea  and  vanished ! 

1  Better  known  as  the  Battle  of  Prague  :  it  was  fought  on  the 
19th  of  November,  1620.  Its  confused  and  contradictory  details 
may  be  found  in  Schiller's  "  Thirty  Years'  War,"  and,  more  pret- 
tily given,  by  Miss  Benger,  in  her  "Life  of  the  Queen  of  Bo- 
hemia." She  tries,  but  fails,  to  make  a  better  case  for  Frederic  : 
he  was  not,  where  he  ought  to  have  been,  among  the  conquerors 
or  the  dead. 


1620.]       PRINCE   RUPERT   AND   THE   CAVALIERS.        37 

in  our  coming  pages  :  suffice  it  here  to  say,  that  the 
hour  of  trial  revived  the  old  Bohemian  courage,  and 
four  thousand  men  died  as  becomes  those  who 
fight  for  freedom.  Their  leaders — not  they — were 
conquered;  treachery  and  incapacity1  lost  Prague. 
Her  few  men  of  worth  who  survived  died  upon  the 
scaffold  ;  the  people's  brief  liberties  perished  with 
them.2 

And  their  loved  and  lovely  queen, — the  queen  of 
many  a  heart  now  stilled  for  ever  in  her  cause — her 
reign  is  over !  Her  lofty  spirit  had  led  Frederic 
into  danger ;  it  now  sustained  him  in  defeat.  Pro- 
strated by  his  ruin,  he  was  only  roused  to  the  exer- 
tion of  escaping  by  the  energy  of  Elizabeth  ;  and  it 
was  full  time.  The  stern  Maximilian  was  at  the 
gates,  and  allowed  the  city  but  eight  hours  to  frame 
such  terms  of  capitulation  as  might  save  it  from 
the  horrors  of  assault.  Before  then,  or  never,  the 
young  Queen  must  be  far  away  over  the  rugged 
mountain  passes  through  the  wintry  snow.  Nor 
did  she  hesitate  ;  delicately  nurtured  as  she  was,  and 
within  a  few  weeks  of  her  confinement,  the  brave 
Englishwoman  preferred  any  fate  to  that  of  cap- 
tivity and  disgrace.  One  moment  her  voice  faltered, 

1  Prince  Anhalt  and  Count  Hohenloe  commanded  for  Frederic, 
who  often  deplored  his  ignorance  of  war,  and  probably  instructed 
Rupert  accordingly.     Gallant  defenders  of  their  country  or  their 
queen  were  not  wanting  :  the  chivalrous  Prince  Christian,  "fur 
Gott  und  ihr,"  Ensign  Hopton  on  his  own  account,  and  Counts 
Thurm  and  Schlik  for  Bohemia,  fought  gallantly. 

2  See  "  The  Rainbow  of  Prague,"  in  "  Passages  from  History." 
Longman,  1848. 


38     MEMOIRS  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF 

as  her  devoted  followers  offered  to  set  the  enemy 
at  defiance,  and  defend  the  city  to  the  death,  to 
cover  her  retreat.  "Never!"  she  exclaimed,  to  Ber- 
nard Count  Thurm,  "never  shall  the  son  of  our  best 
friend  hazard  his  life  to  spare  my  fears, — never  shall 
this  devoted  city  be  exposed  to  more  outrageous 
treatment  for  my  sake.  Rather  let  me  perish  on 
the  spot  than  be  remembered  as  a  curse !" 1 

The  carriage  that  was  to  convey  the  royal  fugi- 
tives stood  ready  for  their  flight,  when,  a  sudden 
alarm  being  given,  they  were  hurried  away  by  their 
servants,  and  borne  off  among  the  crowd  with  de- 
sperate speed  away  over  the  level  plain,  attended  by 
a  few  faithful  followers,  and  up,  by  rarely-trodden 
paths  to  the  mountains,  where  wheels  could  no 
longer  move ;  there  the  poor  Queen  was  placed  on 
a  pillion  behind  Ensign  Hopton,  and  sped  forward 
again  as  best  she  might,  with  all  her  sorrows, 
through  the  snow.2 

Meanwhile  young  Rupert  was  sleeping  soundly 
in  his  nurse's  arms,  undisturbed  by  the  tumult  and 
distraction  round  him.  The  terrified  woman  laid 
down  her  charge  to  hurry  after  the  fugitives,  and 
Baron  d'Hona,  the  King's  chamberlain,  found  him 
still  asleep  upon  the  ground.  There  was  then  no  time 
for  ceremony;  the  chamberlain  flung  the  prince  into 
the  last  carriage  just  as  it  dashed  away  from  the 
Strahoff.  The  rough  jolting  soon  wakened  the  poor 

1  Harte's  "  Gustavus  Adolphus."  2  Benett  MSS. 


1621.]        PRINCE   RUPERT   AND   THE   CAVALIERS.         30 

child,  who  had  rolled  into  some  indescribable  recess 
they  call  a  "boot,"1  his  lusty  cries  attracted  atten- 
tion, and  he  was  restored  in  safety  to  his  mother.2 

The  royal  fugitives  hurried  to  Breslau,  a  distance 
of  120  miles,  without  stopping;  then  to  Frankfort 
on  the  Oder,  and  finally  to  the  old  castle  of  Custrin, 
whose  dreary  and  dismantled  walls  were  grudgingly 
granted  as  an  asylum  by  the  brutal  Marquis  of  Bran- 
denburg. He  was  brother-in-law  to  the  ex-King ; 
yet  his  ungracious  hospitality  was  yielded  not  to 
his  kinsman,  but  to  the  daughter  of  the  King  of 
England,  whose  ambassador3  would  not  be  denied. 


1  Captain  Pyne's  MSS.,  entitled,  "An  abstract  (as  near  as  I  can 
remember)  of  all  such  passages  and  actions  as  hath  happened  unto 
and  been  atchieved  by  the  illustrious  arid  high-born  Prince,"  &c. 
This  Captain  Pyne  served  under  Prince  Kupert  as  captain  of  a  ship 
in  his  voyage  to  the  West  Indies,  at  which  time  these  memoranda 
were  evidently  composed  :  they  are  very  scanty,  but  quaint,  down- 
right and  sailor-like.  He  says  of  the  transaction  in  the  text :  "Here 
he  was  like  to  have  been  taken  prisoner ;  for  the  Court  and  the 
city  being  in  a  distraction,  every  one  flying  for  their  safety,  leaving 
dinners  undressed,  and  his  highness's  maid  let  him  fall,  but  with 
some  difficulty  he  was  preserved  and  thrown  into  a  coach." 
Henceforward  the  longer  and  more  formal  MSS.  biographer  is  my 
principal  guide.  His  papers  were  evidently  meant  for  publica- 
tion, but  I  have  not  been  able  to  discover  who  he  was. 

1  am  aware  that  this  is  not  a  very  connected  tale ;  the  mother 
having  left  her  child,  and  the  attendants  not  knowing  he  was  in 
the  coach,  &c.     I  think  it  better,  however,  to  adhere  faithfully  to 
my  MSS.  than  to  taint  fact  with  fiction.     Many  readers  would 
doubtless  desire  to  have  these  MSS.  totidem  verbis,  but  they  are 
sometimes   so  diffuse,   and  sometimes   so  meagre,  that   I  have 
preferred  only  to  give  their  information  and  more  expressive 
passages. 

2  Her  elder  children  had  been  previously  placed  in  safety  with 
the  Electress  Juliana. 

3  Sir  Henry  Wotton,  the  honourable  and  faithful  friend  and 
correspondent  of  Elizabeth. 


40  MEMOIRS   AND   CORRESPONDENCE    OF 

On  the  22nd  of  December  [1620],  the  Queen 
reached  this  shelter,  and  on  the  25th  she  gave  birth 
to  Prince  Maurice. 

We  shall  not  follow  the  fugitives  through  the 
remainder  of  their  pilgrimage.  Like  stricken  deer 
they  wandered  among  the  royal  herd,  yet  further 
wounded,  unwelcomed,  or  repulsed.  At  length  the 
generous  republicans  of  Holland  afforded  them  the 
refuge  that  the  pseudo-chivalry  of  Europe  had  re- 
fused.1 In  the  year  1621  we  find  them  not  only 
lodged  in  a  palace  at  the  Hague,  but  liberally  main- 
tained there  at  the  expense  of  the  States.2  The 
brave  people  of  Holland,  who  had  so  lately  won 
their  own  freedom,  honoured  Frederic  as  the  cham- 
pion, though  unsuccessful,  of  civil  and  religious 
liberty :  and  the  fascinating  manners  of  his  Queen 
threw  a  grace  about  their  cause  that  recommended 


1  This  event  is  thus  related  by  that  excellent  gossip,  James 
Howell  :  "  The  news  is,  that  the  Prince  Palsgrave,  with  his  lady 
and  children,  are  come  to  the  Hague  in  Holland,  having  made  a 
long  progress,  or  rather  a  pilgrimage,  about  Germany  from  Prague. 
The  old  Duke  of  Bavaria,  his  uncle,  is  chosen  Elector  and  Arch- 
Sewer  in  his  place  (but,  as  they  say,  in  an  imperfect  Diet),  with 
this  proviso,  that  the  transferring  of  this  election  [Electorship] 
upon  the  Bavarian  shall  not  prejudice  the  next  heir  [to  Frederic]. 
There  is  one  Count  Mansfeldt  that  begins  to  get  a  great  name  in 
Germany,  and  he  with  [Christian]  Duke  of  Brunswick,  who  is 
temporal  Bishop  of  Halverstade,  have  a  considerable  army  on  foot 
for  the  Lady  Elizabeth,  who,  in  the  Low  Countries  and  some 
parts  of  Germany,  is  called  the  l  Queen  of  Bohemia,'  and  for  her 
winning,  princely  comport,  the  '  Queen  of  Hearts.' " — HoweWs 
Letters,  p.  91. 

2  They  allowed  10,000  florins  a  month  to  their  guests,  accord- 
to  Miss  Benger's  statement,  [a  sum  equal  to  about  a  thousand 
pounds  of  our  money.] 


1621-7.]     PRINCE   RUPERT   AND   THE   CAVALIERS.      41 

it  to  the  imagination  as  well  as  to  the  sympathy  of 
their  protectors. 

We  have  here  a  new  and  striking  vicissitude  of 
fortune  for  our  Palatines :  "  the  Pearl  of  Britain," 
the  "  Queen  of  Hearts,"  the  once-happy  Electress, 
the  proud  sovereign,  is  a  pensioner  upon  the  charity 
of  a  foreign  nation.  Denounced  by  the  Emperor; 
disowned  by  her  fallen  subjects ;  neglected  by  her 
unnatural  father;1  banished  from  the  beautiful 
scenery  of  Heidelberg  and  the  fine  old  forests  of 
Bohemia,  she  was  now  fain  to  dwell  amongst  the 
monotonous  swamps,  and  dykes,  and  slow  canals  of 
the  least  amusing  or  amused,  and  the  most  indus- 
trious country  in  the  world.2  Yet  her  native  elas- 
ticity of  spirit  still  supported  her,  and  except  in 
moments  of  depression  caused  by  her  pecuniary  dis- 
tresses, her  letters  are  full  of  life  and  animation. 
She  amused  herself  with  such  society  as  she  could 
find,  and  also  with  a  good  deal  of  romantic  admira- 
tion on  the  part  of  her  ardent  but  honourable  de- 
votees. Lord  Craven,  Christian,  Mansfeldt,  Thurm, 


1  Some  touching,  but  vain  appeals  from  Elizabeth  for  aid  may 
be  found  in  Sir  Henry  Ellis's  "  Original  Correspondence."     James 
was  too  glad  to  find  the  care  of  his  daughter  taken  off  his  hands. 
His  incredible  bigotry  about  divine  right  and  other  abstractions, 
made  him  look  upon  the  Hollanders  as  rebels  for  having  cast  off 
the  yoke  of  Spain,  as  he  had  denounced   the   Bohemians   for 
insisting  on  elective  rights. 

2  Howell  ("Letters,"  p.  104)  thus  describes  the  Dutch  of  that 
day  (1622)  :  "The  Fleming  and  Brabanter  are  slower  than  the 
Walloon,  and  the  Hollander  slower  than  they,  and  more  sparing 
of  speech,  more  surly  and  respectless  of  gentry  and  strangers, 
homely  in  his  cloathing  and  heavy  in  his  actions." 


42  MEMOIRS   AND   CORRESPONDENCE   OF 

and  Hopton,  had  all  fallen  under  the  spell  of  her 
innocent  fascination.  Nor  was  it  mere  lip-service 
that  they  offered;  by  sacrifice  of  life  and  fortune 
they  were  ready  to  advance  her  cause. 

That  cause  had  only  volunteer  chivalry  to  defend 
it :  Mansfeldt,1  after  his  fashion  as  a  soldier  of  for- 
tune, and  Duke  Christian2  as  a  Protestant  prince, 
and  both  as  devoted  admirers  of  Queen  Elizabeth, 
fought  for  the  Palatinate  with  zeal  and  gallantry. 
Death  deprived  her  of  both  these  champions  (in 
1627);  they  died,  lamenting  that  it  was  not  on  the 
battle-field  they  died,  for  her.  The  people  of  Eng- 
land sent  offerings  of  money  from  time  to  time,  in 
hopes  to  aid  the  Queen  and  cause  they  loved  so  long 
and  faithfully,  but  James  seemed  indifferent  to  both 
until  within  a  few  hours  of  his  death.3  Up  to  that 
period  he  had  only  mocked  his  son-in-law's  neces- 
sities with  dastardly  "advice  and  scholastic  ques- 

1  After  a  life  of  danger,  this  extraordinary  man  died  in  his  bed, 
in  an  obscure  village  in  Dalmatia,  bequeathing  all  his  property 
(gained  by  the  sword, — he  was  born  to  nothing  else)  to  Venice, 
where  he  had  been  educated. 

2  Administrator  of  Halberstadt,  and  brother  to  Ulric  Duke  of 
Brunswick,  died  also  nearly  at  the  same  time,  and  in  his  bed. 
He  had  sworn  to  defend  Elizabeth  and  the  palatinate  till  death  : 
he  always  wore  her  glove  in  his  helmet.     He  assumed  as  his 
motto,  "  Friend  to  God  and  enemy  to  the  Priesthood."     Schiller 
(in  the  "Thirty  Years'  War")  says  of  him  :  "He  seemed  to  have 
learned  from  Mansfeldt  the  art  of  maintaining  20,000  men  on 
nothing,"  a  science  in  which  Rupert  was  eminent  in  after  days. 

3  Kusdorf  relates,  that  he  desired  to  "speak  his  majesty  on 
special  business  touching  the  Palatinate.     The  King  was  then 
going  out  a-hunting,  and  swore  he  would  not  stop  if  God  Almighty 
himself  wanted  him."     Mem.  Buckingham  was  charged  by  Sir 
John  Eliot  with  having  misapplied  these  monies. — Forsters  Lives. 


1630.]        PRINCE   RUPERT  AND  THE  CAVALIERS.       43 

tions  instead  of  money  and  legions."1  But  when 
approaching  death  dispelled  his  illusions,  he  charged 
Prince  Charles  as  he  hoped  for  a  parent's  blessing 
and  that  of  heaven,  to  exert  all  his  power  to  rein- 
state his  sister  and  her  children  in  their  hereditary 
dominions,  confessing  it  had  been  his  mistake  to  seek 
the  Palatinate  in  Spain.2  This  injunction  was  un- 
heeded. Charles  succeeded  to  his  father's  invete- 
rate vanity  of  diplomacy,  and  sent  Sir  Harry  Vane3 
with  the  old  argument,  instead  of  some  honest  man 
with  such  an  army  as  England  would  have  then 
supplied.  In  succeeding  years  the  Favourite  em- 
broiled him  so  perpetually  and  unprofitably  that  he 
had  neither  men  nor  means  to  employ  as  his  better 
nature  would  have  suggested.  Himself  grave, 
thoughtful,  and  high-minded,  Charles  aspired  after 
right  counsels  and  noble  actions,  but  like  Faust, 
he  found  every  step  he  took  in  a  right  direction 
thwarted  and  perverted  by  his  Mephistopheles,  the 
fantastic  and  fatal  Buckingham.  Once,  indeed,  in  an 
evil  hour  for  Elizabeth,  the  favourite  espoused  her 
cause,  and  England  was  full  of  hope  that,  after  all, 
the  Palatinate  was  to  be  recovered ;  the  King,  too, 
was  pleased  to  find  himself  the  champion  of  his 
sister ;  but  scarcely  had  he  felt  that  pleasure,  when 
Buckingham  quarrelled  with  Richelieu,  and  straight- 
way the  King  flung  the  cause  of  the  Palatine  to 

1  Harte's  "  Gustavus  Adolphus." 

2  Eusdorf  s  "  Vindicise  Causa)  Palat." 

3  At  Buckingham's  nomination  :  he  had  a  singular  tact  in 
selecting  officials  for  their  unh'tness. 


44     MEMOIRS  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF 

the  winds  !  Every  sentiment  of  justice,  honour,  and 
common  sense  revolts  against  such  inconceivable 
folly  and  imbecility. 

Rupert  meanwhile  was  placed  at  the  University 
of  Leyden,  with  his  eldest  brother  Prince  Frederic 
Henry.  Schoolboy  experiences  and  events,  how- 
ever deeply  they  impress  the  character,  leave  little 
to  record,  and  we  only  learn  that  our  Prince  became 
well  grounded  "  in  mathematics  and  religion,"  and 
was,  "indeed,  made  Jesuit-proof,"  so  that  those 
"  subtle  priests  with  whom  he  hath  been  much  con- 
versant, could  never  make  him  stagger."  Never- 
theless he  was  by  no  means  an  exemplary  scholar, 
for  he  had  an  utter  distaste  for  the  learned  lan- 
guages, and  infinitely  preferred  amusement  or  mili- 
tary exercises  to  the  most  abstruse  metaphysics. 
War  was  a  passion  with  him  from  his  earliest  hour 
of  intelligence,  and  he  eagerly  devoted  himself  to 
every  matter  connected  with  its  science.  Modern 
languages  thus  became  interesting  to  him,  and  he 
mastered  those  of  France,  Spain,  and  Italy,  to  his 
great  ultimate  advantage.  "  But  his  chief  delight 
was  in  military  discipline,  wherein  he  perfected  so 
much  under  his  different  tutors  for  the  infantry  and 
cavalry,  that  at  the  age  of  fourteen  he  was  judged 
worthy  of  commanding  a  regiment." 

There  never  was  a  period  when  appetite  for  war 
was  less  unnatural ;  the  oppression  that  Europe 
groaned  under  was  enough  to  stir  the  iron1  in  men's 

1  It  is  said  that  enough  of  this  metal  can  be  obtained  from 


1631.]       PRINCE   RUPERT   AND   THE   CAVALIERS.        45 

blood,  and  Rupert's  race  beyond  all  others  bad 
suffered  from  the  great  tyrannies  of  Austria  and 
Spain.  Gustavus  Adolphus  had  just  begun  his 
great  mission,  and  come  down  from  the  north  in  as 
pure  a  cause,  and  far  more  comprehensive,  than  Tell 
or  Hofer  fought  for.  He  was  the  champion  of 
spiritual  freedom,  and  his  heroic  armies  never 
disgraced  their  proud  calling.1 

He  conceived  the  noble  and  politic  design,  too 
little  thought  of  since,  of  elevating  the  moral  and 
physical  condition  of  the  soldier ;  scorning  the  false 
and  vulgar  theory,  that  the  more  degraded  and 
mecbanical,  the  more  efficient  was  his  service. 

the  veins  of  twenty-four  men  to  make  a  sword.  Liebig  says  some- 
thing of  the  same  kind  in  a  peacefuller  way. — Animal  Chemistry. 
1  Hear,  from  one  of  themselves,  how  the  soldiers  of  the  Pro- 
testant king  prepared  for  battle  :  "  No  sooner  had  the  dawne 
appeared  [on  the  field  of  Leipzig]  than  we  begunne  the  morninge 
with  offering  oure  soules  and  bodyes  as  living  sacrifices  unto 
God.  Lifting  up  our  hearts  and  hands  to  Heaven,  we  begged 
for  reconciliation  in  Christ  by  our  publique  prayers  and  our  secret 
sighs,  recommending  ourselves,  the  successe  and  event  of  the  day 
to  God,  which  being  done  by  us  all,  we  marcht  forward  in  God's 
name." — Munro,  p.  63.  The  reader  will  recognise  the  example 
set  hereby  to  the  English  Puritans,  who  "sung  a  psalm  and 
drubbed  all  before  them."  Also,  as  Sir  Francis  Doyle  has  it,  in 
his  excellent  poem  of  "the  Cavalier  :" — 

"And  though  they  snuffled  psalms,  to  give 

Those  rebel  dogs  their  due, 
When  the  roaring  shot  poured  thick  and  hot, 
They  were  stalwart  men  and  true." 

It  would  be  a  great  error,  however,  to  suppose  that  in  the 
Puritan  armies  alone  was  that  high  devotional  feeling,  that  "  trust 
in  the  God  of  Battles"  manifested.  This  we  shall  often  have 
occasion  to  observe,  and  now  only  quote  from  the  brave  Sir  Bevil 
Grenvil's  letter  to  his  wife  in  proof  of  it :  "  After  solemn  prayer 
at  the  head  of  every  division  we  marched  :  I  ledd  the  charge." — 
Quoted  by  Lord  Nugent,  Life  of  Hampden,  ii.  370. 


46  MEMOIRS  AND   CORRESPONDENCE   OF 

Tilly's  doctrine  was  "  a  ragged  soldier  and  a  bright 
musket,"1  and  it  obliged  him  to  permit  the  fiend- 
like  sack  of  Magdebourg :  Gustavus  was  zealous 
for  his  people's  character  and  comfort,  and  he  could 
afford  magnanimously  to  spare  Munich.  The  Im- 
perialist generals  allowed  such  licence  to  their 
ruffian  soldiery  that  their  progress,  even  through 
a  friendly  country,  was  like  a  stream  of  lava ;  the 
Swedish  army  left  no  enemy  behind  except  those 
who  had  died  with  armed  hand.  The  camps  of 
the  Holy  Roman  Empire  swarmed  with  dissolute 
women;2  those  of  the  Protestant  King  contained 
none  but  the  wives  of  his  soldiers.3  Even  his 
soldiers'  children  were  well  provided  for  with 
schools  and  rations,  and  kept  in  as  strict  discipline 
as  their  fathers,  thus  furnishing  recruits  trained 
to  arms  and  order  from  their  cradle.4  Each  regi- 
ment had  two  chaplains,  men  chosen  for  their 
character,  who  shared  the  fate  and  feelings  of  the 
soldiers,  accompanying  them  to  battle,  cheering 
them  in  the  advance,  and  soothing  them  in  their 

1  Harte's  "  Grustavus  Adolphus." 

2  Schiller,  "  Thirty  Years'  War,"  ii.  103.     These  women  (Earl. 
Mis.  No.  6844)  "  are  to  be  ordered,  if  they  can  be  ordered,  into 
classes,  under  Hureweibles,  and  commanded  by  captainesses  and 
other  officeresses." 

3  Munro's  "  Art  of  War." 

4  "  The  moment  the  forces  began  to  intrench  themselves,  the 
children  were  led  to  a  safe  quarter  for  their  place  of  study. 
One  day,  contrary  to  the  expectation  of  the  general  who  allotted 
them  their  ground,  a  cannonball  happening  to  pierce  through  the 
canvas  walls   of  the  school,  killed  two  or  three  children  at  a 
stroke.     The  rest,  far  from  quitting  their  places,  neither  changed 
colour  nor  dropped  a  pen  or  a  book  from  their  hands." — Ilarte. 


1631.]        PRINCE   RUPERT   AND   THE   CAVALIERS.        47 

dying  hour.1  Such  an  army,  under  such  a  leader, 
must  have  been  invincible,  or  ceased  to  exist :  it 
was  invincible ;  the  progress  of  Gustavus,  consider- 
ing what  it  had  to  contend  with,  is  without  any 
parallel  in  history.  His  renown,  and  the  nature 
of  his  cause  brought  all  the  disengaged  soldiers 
of  fortune,  and  many  enthusiasts  to  his  standard : 
to  have  served  under  the  great  Gustavus  rendered 
a  man  a  veteran  at  once.  English,  Irish,  and 
Scotch,  thronged  to  the  Swedish  camp,2  in  which 
there  were  upwards  of  six  thousand  of  our  islanders.3 

1  I  have  met  with  an  anecdote  (I  forget  where)  characteristic  of 
this  camp.     Friedhelm  was  a  Swedish  minister  of  great  repute  for 
his  piety,  patriotism,  and  eloquence.     He  could  not  remain  quiet 
in  his  own  country,  when  such  great  things  were  doing  and  to 
be  done  for  the  religion  that  he  preached,  and  he  joined  the 
Swedish  army  the  day  before  the  battle  of  Leipzig.     The  soldiers 
welcomed  him  eagerly,  and  besought  him  to  preach  to  them. 
They  placed  a  drum  for  a  pulpit,  and  gathered  round  in  crowds 
to  hear  his  sermon.     The  minister  of  the  gospel  of  peace  looked 
out  upon  the  battle-field,  dark  to  the  horizon  with  a  countless 
host  about  to  meet  in  deadly  struggle  :  overpowered  by  his  feel- 
ings, he  could  only  say,  "My  brethren,  yonder  is  the  enemy!" 
then,  pointing  upward,  "  There  is  God  !    Pray  ! "     He  was  silent, 
burying  his  face  in  his  hands,  and  the  soldiers  sank  down  as  one 
man  upon  their  knees. 

2  The  two  last,  particularly  the  English,  generally  preferred 
the  service  of  the  Prince  of  Orange,  for  the  sake  of  their  Electress. 
The  Scotch  were  preferred  by  Mansfeldt  to  the  English,  as  being 
more  hardy ;  and  they  seem  to  have  been  equally  welcome  to 
Gustavus.     Munro  ("  Military  Discipline,"  &c.)   speaks   in   the 
highest  terms  of  the  Irish,  for  their  docility,  patience,  and  despe- 
rate bravery,  p.  32,  &c. 

3  Independently  of  the  Marquis  of  Hamilton's  six  thousand 
men  who  were  neutralized  by  his  incapacity.     In  a  work  of  this 
nature,  I  make  no  apology  for  this  long  episode  and  note  relating 
to  the  great  reformer  of  military  discipline  and  tactics.    Gustavus 
first  taught  the  great  value  of  infantry  in  the  field.     He  reduced 
the  unwieldy  regiment  of  three  thousand  men  to  twelve  hundred 


48  MEMOIRS   AND   CORRESPONDENCE   OF 

Among  these,  were  many  who  afterwards  appeared 
conspicuously  in  our  civil  war,  led  by,  or  opposed 
to  Prince  Rupert.  With  such  examples,  and  a 
career  of  war  that  appeared  to  be  interminable 
before  him,  the  young  Palatine  grew  up  and  re- 
joiced in  his  martial  destiny.  He  had  ever  been 
his  mother's  favourite,  her  hero,  and  her  hope  i1 
he  was  now  often  promoted  to  her  companionship, 

each,  and  afterwards  to  one  thousand  and  eight,  in  order  to  dis- 
tribute more  officers  among  the  soldiery,  and  to  multiply  the 
posts  of  preferment  for  brave  men.  He  made  his  squadrons  of 
cavalry  much  smaller,  more  active  and  disposable ;  he  placed  his 
battalions  at  greater  distances  from  each  other,  and  composed  his 
battle-order  of  two  lines.  He  laid  aside  the  incumbrance  of  com- 
plete armour,  retaining  only  the  head-piece,  and  back  and  breast 
pieces.  He  reformed  the  matchlocks,  and  abolished  the  long 
pike.  (Harte  says,  though  Munro  speaks  enthusistically  of  this 
weapon,  as  "the  best  a  gentleman  ever  handled.")  His  soldiers 
were  regularly  and  largely  paid.  And  here  it  is  to  be  observed, 
that  Napoleon's  system,  that  "war  should  support  itself,"  was 
freely  acted  upon  by  Mansfeldt,  Christian,  and  even  by  the  Impe- 
rialist leaders.  Wallenstein  in  seven  years  raised  60,000,000 
of  dollars  from  one-half  of  Germany  [about  one-third  per  annum 
of  what  we  pay  in  times  of  peace  for  our  army].  The  state  to 
which  he  and  his  brother  villains  reduced  their  country,  may  be 
guessed  at  from  the  following  details  : — "  Wheat  was  sold  more 
times  than  once  for  78s.  a  bushel  (equal  to  about  III.  14s.  now). 
Guards  were  posted  to  prevent  the  newly-buried  corpses  from 
being  devoured  :  there  were  instances  of  children  being  seduced, 
massacred,  and  eaten  up.  Every  animal  was  so  greedily  sought 
after,  that  beasts  of  prey  missed  their  daily  food."  When  Lord 
Arundel  passed  through  the  seat  of  war,  on  his  return  from  one 
of  Charles'  childish  embassies  to  Vienna,  "  a  fox  crept  out  of  a 
brake,  and  seized  one  of  his  servants  by  the  leg ;  the  man  took  it 
up,  it  was  so  weak  ;  its  eyes  were  haggard  and  sunk  in  its  head  !" 
— Harte s  Gust.  Adol. ;  Schiller's  Thirty  Years'  War;  Munro 's 
Military  Discipline. 

1  "  From  infancy  he  had  been  admired  for  quick  parts  and 
undaunted  courage  :  he  already  reigned  without  a  rival  in  his 
mother's  heart,  for  she  believed  him  born  to  be  a  hero." — Miss 
Bengers  Life  of  the  Queen  of  Bohemia. 


1633.]        PRINCE   RUPERT   AND  THE   CAVALIERS.        49 

and  sometimes  joined  her  hunting  parties.1  Of 
these  she  was  passionately  fond ;  they  served  at 
once  to  dissipate  her  cares,  and  to  exercise  those 
energies  that  were  now  left  to  prey  upon  them- 
selves. 

Not  only  did  Prince  Rupert  follow  "  war's 
mimic  game,"2  as  far  as  hawk  and  hound  could 
gratify  his  passion,  but  he  was  permitted  to  share 
its  stern  realities  at  the  siege  of  Rhynberg.  The 
Prince  of  Orange  obtained  the  consent  thus  to 
gratify  the  young  soldier:  but  in  a  short  time, 


1  One  day  when  they  were  hunting-  a  fox,  Prince  Rupert  was 
missing,  so  likewise  was  his  tutor,  and  so  was  the  fox.  After  a 
long  search,  the  legs  of  the  tutor  were  found  projecting  from  a  hole. 
The  hunters  pulled  at  the  legs  and  drew  out  the  tutor,  the  tutor 
drew  out  the  Prince,  and  the  Prince  his  favourite  hound,  and  the 
hound  the  fox  !  It  seems  (Pyne's  MS.)  that  the  latter  (as  the 
story  was  then  told)  "  took  the  earth,  a  dog  which  the  Prince 
loved  followed,  but  returning  not,  his  Highnesse  being  impatient, 
crept  after  and  caught  hold  of  his  legs,  which  he  could  not  draw 
out  by  reason  of  the  narrowness  of  the  hole,  until  Mr.  Billingsby 
took  hold  of  his  Highness,"  and  at  length  they  were  all  drawn 
out  together.  The  narrator  adds,  "  the  picture  of  this  passage  is 
to  be  seen  there,  of  which  there  hath  been  divers  copies  taken  and 
dispersed  abroad." 

2  James  I.,  surely  no  martialist,  nevertheless  affected  to  honour 
hunting,  for  its  resemblance  to  war.  In  his  "  Basilicon  Doron" 
(addressed  to  his  eldest  son,  Prince  Henry)  he  enjoins  the  prac- 
tice of  all  manly  games,  wrestling,  fencing,  dancing,  "  tennise  and 
palle  malle,"  but  especially  hunting  (hear  this,  ye  men  of  Mel- 
ton !)  : — "  Hunting  with  running  hounds  is  the  most  honourable 
and  noblest  sort ;  for  it  is  a  thievish  forme  of  hunting  to  shoote 
with  gunnes  and  bowes  ;  and  greyhound  hunting  is  not  so  mar- 
tial a  game  ;  for  hawking,  I  condemn  it  not,  but  I  must  praise  it 
the  more  sparingly,  because  it  neither  resembleth  the  warre  so  well 
as  hunting  doth  in  making  a  man  hardie  and  skilfully  ridden, 

as  for  chesse,  it  is  overwise  and  philosophick  a  folly." — 

Strutfs  Sports  and  Pastimes. 

VOL.  I.  E 


50     MEMOIRS  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF 

hearing  naughty  stories  of  the  camp  morals,  she 
recalled  him,  and  he  obediently  resumed  his  stu- 
dies at  the  university:  it  is  pleasant  to  observe 
this  docility  towards  his  mother  as  contrasted  with 
his  natural  impetuosity.  In  the  same  year  we  find 
his  holidays  diversified  by  one  of  the  last  tourna- 
ments on  record.  The  Prince  of  Orange  was  de- 
sirous to  make  his  Court  as  much  as  possible  the 
resort  of  the  chivalry  of  Europe:  the  graces  and 
the  cause  of  Elizabeth  had  chiefly  contributed  to 
make  his  capital  the  head-quarters  of  modern 
knights-errant,  and  for  their  gratification  he  held 
a  "Passage  of  Arms"  during  the  Christmas  of 
1633.  It  seems  to  have  been  of  the  gentler  sort, 
for  we  find  our  boy  Prince  then  "  carrying  away 
the  palme ;  with  such  a  gracefull  aire  accompanying 
all  his  accons  as  drew  the  hartes  and  eyes  of  all 

spectators   towards  him The    Ladyes   alsoe 

contended  among  themselves  which  should  crowne 
him  with  the  greatest  and  most  wellcome  Glorye." 
And  among  these  Rubens'  beauties,  there  was, 
of  course,  one,  whom  we  would  fain  identify  with 
a  lady  of  later  date,  but  the  biographer  only  spe- 
cifies her  "  as  transcending  the  rest  of  her  sex  as 
much  as  his  Highness's  worth  had  transcended  the 
noblest  of  his:  nor  was  it  possible  that  the  greatest 
bravery  should  be  shewn  without  attracting  the 
admiracon  of  ye  greatest  beauty."1  After  holidays 

1  Lansd.  MSS.  817,  fol.  157. 


1632.]        PRINCE    RUPERT  AND   THE   CAVALIERS.        51 

thus  passed,  it  must  have  been  trying  to  return 
to  his  studies  at  the  university :  he  did  so,  how- 
ever, and  thus  escaped  the  corrupt  and  licentious 
courses  that  prepared  the  German  youths  of  rank 
for  manhood  of  sensuality,  and  old  age  of  contempt. 
The  republican  schools  and  scholars  taught  the 
young  Prince  that  manly  and  independent  bearing 
that  accompanied  him  through  all  the  changing 
fortunes  of  his  life. 

Among  the  few  notices  of  Rupert's  early  life  we 
have  one  where  we  should  most  wish  to  find  it, 
in  one  of  his  father's  affectionate  and  last  letters: 
— it  is  a  pleasant  ray  of  sunshine  on  our  wanderer's 
stormy  career.  Brief  as  the  passage  is,  it  allows 
us  to  see  that  Rupert  was  his  father's  as  well  as 
his  mother's  favourite,  from  the  precedence  he 
gives  him  over  his  elder  brother,  the  Joseph  Sur- 
face of  the  family.  The  letter  we  quote  from  is 
dated  "Munich  1  Mai,  1632,"  where  Gustavus 
then  held  his  camp  and  court  in  the  palace  of 
Maximilian.  From  the  midst  of  warlike  men, 
and  hurried  movements,  and  momentous  councils, 
the  father  writes  thus,  after  detailing  his  many 
disappointments  but  endeavouring  to  soften  them 
to  his  wife,  —  "  Je  suis  bien  aise  que  Rupert  est 
en  vos  bonnes  graces,  et  que  Charles  fait  si  bein : 
certes  ils  me  sont  fort  tretons.  Dieu  me  fasse  si 
heureux  de  pouvoir  vous  bientot  revoir  !  tretons ! 
Frederic." *  This  prayer  was  not  granted :  the 

1  Bromley's  "  Royal  Letters,"  p.  38. 

E  2 


52  MEMOIRS   AND   CORRESPONDENCE   OF 

King  died  soon  afterwards  of  a  slow  fever  :  some 
said  his  heart  was  broken,  and  it  may  have  been 
so :  if  sorrows  can  kill,  his  might  have  been  fatal 
to  a  stronger  man.1 

For  ten  weary  years  his  life  had  been  one  long, 
unavailing  struggle  to  recover  his  Palatinate :  and 
this  weary,  heart-sickening  hope,  was  yet  farther 
darkened  by  the  bitter  bondage  of  private  debt  and 
poverty,  and  a  lasting  grief,  in  the  death  of  his  eldest 
son,  the  pride  and  promise  of  his  House.2  His  un- 

1  Frederic's  death  was  thus  talked  about  in  England  at  the 
time  :  "  The  Prince  Palatine  being  returned  to  Mentz,  was  struck 
with  the  contagion :  yet  the  malignity  thereof  was  expelled,  and 
great  hopes  of  his  recovery  entertained,  when  the  news  of  the 
death  of  the  King  of  Sweden  came  upon  him,  and  made  such  im- 
pressions upon  him  that  he  died  a  few  days  after,  having  overcome 
all  difficulties  and  being  ready  to  enter  into  a  repossession  of  his 
country — a  sad  destiny  !" — HowelVs  Letters,  p.  247. 

2  This  catastrophe  was  painfully  connected  with  the  conse- 
quences of  this  economy.     By  nature  Frederic  was  possessed  of 
the  right  noble  quality  of  generosity,  but  he  brought  himself  to 
exercise  the  yet  nobler  quality  of  economy  when  he  could  only 
be  lavish  at  the  expense  of  others.     He  had  gone  to  Amsterdam 
(in  January,  1625*)  accompanied  by  the  young  Prince  Frederic, 
"  and  returning  (for  more  frugality)  by  the  common  boat,  which 
was  overset  [overladen]  with  merchandize  and  other  passengers, 
in  a  thick  fog  the  vessel  turned  over,  and  so,  many  perished  :  the 
Palsgrave  saved  himself  by  swimming,  but  the  young   prince 
being  entangled  among  the  tackling,  was  drowned  and  frozen  to 
death." — Howell,  p.  178.     His  voice  was  heard  for  a  moment 
exclaiming,  "  Save  me  !  father,  save  me  ! "     He  seems  to  have 
been  a  noble  fellow, — warm-hearted,  religious,  learned,  generous, 
and  brave.     Sir  Henry  Wotton,  in  his  "  Reliquiae,"  calls  him  "  a 
gentleman  of  verie  sweete  hope." 


*  Miss  Benger  places  this  in  1629  ;  Howell's  letter  relating  to 
it  is  dated  25th  February,  1625-6:  his  letters  are  often  mis- 
dated, but  in  this  same  letter  he  alludes  to  the  recent  death  of 
James  I. 


1<i:J2.]        PRINCE   RUPERT   AND   THE   CAVALIERS.        53 

happy  cause  had  been  adopted  and  forsaken  by  half 
the  powers  of  Europe ;  by  each  solely  for  its  own 
purposes.  England,  above  all,  had  mocked  his 
hopes,  and  increased  his  difficulties,1  and  the  Princes 
of  the  Union  had  basely  and  blindly  abandoned  the 
Palatinate  and  their  true  interests,  at  every  trivial 
temptation.  At  length  an  earnest  and  heroic  man 
arose,  to  redeem  the  character  of  the  age,  to  compel 
the  northern  powers  to  defend  that  great  cause  they 
had  so  long  trifled  with,  and  to  raise  up  the  Reform- 
ed Faith.  Gustavus  Adolphus  made  his  appearance 
in  the  midst  of  the  Thirty  Years'  War,  and  at  once 
all  its  scattered  elements  were  concentrated  round 
his  standard,  or  gathered  themselves  together  to 
oppose  him.  Frederic  and  his  cause  found  a  ready 
welcome  in  the  Swedish  camp,  notwithstanding  the 
British  interference  that  accompanied  him  in  the 
sinister  shape  of  Sir  Harry  Vane.  Gustavus  be- 
stowed on  his  forlorn  guest  all  the  honours  of  a 
crowned  head,  gave  him  the  first  place  of  honour  in 
his  glorious  march,  and  lodged  him  triumphantly  in 
the  palace  of  his  enemy  at  Munich.2  Yet  his  re- 

1  In  a   pasquinade  of  the  day  it  was  said,  "  The  Palsgrave 
would  soon  have  a  large  army,  as  the  King  of  England  was  about 
to  send  over  100,000  men.     '  What  1  soldiers  V     '  No  ;  ambassa- 
dors /'  was  the  reply."     Amongst  these  were  Sir  Richard  Weston, 
Sir  Edward  Conway,  Lord  Carlisle,  Sir  Arthur  Chichester,  and 
Lord  Digby,  all  within  two  years.     They  were  all  remarkable 
afterwards  in  the  Civil  Wars. 

2  Maximilian  had  pursued  his  inoffensive  cousin,    Frederic, 
with  the  most  unrelenting  enmity,  spoiled  his  palaces,  possessed 
himself   of  his   Palatinate,    supplanted   him    in    his    honours : 
yet  when  Frederic  was  thus  placed  in  a  position  to  retaliate, 


54  MEMOIRS   AND   CORRESPONDENCE    OF 

storation  seemed  as  distant  as  before.1  Gustavus,  for 
some  unexplained  reason,  deferred  this  act  of  jus- 
tice, as  it  proved,  for  ever.  He  was  annoyed,  with 
sufficient  reason,  at  the  incredible  bigotry  of  the 
poor  outcast  Palatine,  who  there,  in  the  Lutheran 
camp,  refused  to  tolerate  the  Lutherans  at  Heidel- 
berg;2 and  he  was  irritated  at  the  appearance  of 
dictation  from  England,  especially  through  the  clumsy 
or  malevolent  agency  of  Vane. 

At  length  the  battle  of  Lutzen,  and  the  con- 
queror's death,  appeared  fatal  to  the  Palatine's  last 
hope.  Like  a  melancholy  shadow  he  had  moved  in 
constant  and  uncomplaining  attendance  on  his  cham- 
pion's brilliant  career;  he  now  followed  him  in 
death  as  unresistingly  as  he  had  done  in  life.  To 
succumb  seemed  part  of  his  character ;  if  he  had  had 
energy  to  live,  he  would  have  found  this  presumed 
fatality  to  his  cause  its  best  security.  Gustavus 
could  afford  to  treat  him  as  he  pleased,3  Oxenstiern 
found  it  necessary  to  conciliate  his  allies,  and  so 
fulfilled  the  obligations  of  justice.4 

he  refused  to  touch  one  particle  of  his  ruthless  enemy's  posses- 
sions.* 

1  Schiller,  ii.  40. 

2  Harte'sGust.  Adolphus. 

3  Schiller's  "Thirty  Years'  War/'  ii.  154. 

*  But  Elizabeth  was  never  destined  to  revisit  Heidelberg,  or 
even  Frankenthal,  her  dower-house.  The  Palatinate  was  not 
actually  restored  until  some  years  after,  and  then  it  fell  into  the 


*  Amongst  other  ravages  he  had  taken  the  magnificent  library 
of  Heidelberg :  half  of  it  he  gave  as  a  peace-offering  to  the 
Vatican,  half  he  took  to  Munich. 


1635. J         PRINCE   RUPERT  AND   THE  CAVALIERS.       55 

The  widowed  Queen  was  now,  indeed,  left  deso- 
late ;  Charles  the  First,  it  is  true,  sent  an  embassy 
of  condoJence  by  Lord  Arundell,  with  a  tardy  invita- 
tation  to  England:  but  this  offer  of  cold  kindness 
was  mocked  by  his  injustice :  he  had  withheld  her 
pension  for  years,  repeatedly  and  pathetically  as  she 
had  striven  to  obtain  it.1  Whilst  the  Court  of  Eng- 
land was  the  most  splendid  in  Europe,2  and  the 
King  had  enriched  a  score  of  palaces3  with  objects 
of  virtu,  his  sister  remained  a  pensioner  on  Holland, 
and  so  bound  down  with  debts,  that  she  was  unable 
to  leave  that  country.4  The  offer  of  hospitality, 


hands  of  her  son,  Charles  Louis,  a  selfish,  avaricious,  canting 
hypocrite.  He  left  his  mother  to  pine  under  the  bitter  burden 
of  debt  and  charity  in  a  foreign  land,  while  he  wallowed  in  sen- 
suality and  splendour  in  the  palace  her  taste  and  dower  had 
adorned. 

1  This  injustice  towards  Elizabeth  seems  to  have  been  (how- 
ever culpable)  an  official  fault.     Niggardliness  was  not  one  of 
Charles'  many  faults,  and  when  the  old  Duchess  of  Holstein  died, 
and   left   nearly  74,000£.   to  be  divided   between   him  and  his 
sister,  he    at    once  assigned  his  share  to  her.      Owing  to   the 
King  of  Denmark's  meanness,   she  never  received  any  portion 
of  the  sum. 

2  Lord  Orford. 

3  Some  say  nineteen,  others  twenty-four.     It  is  much  to  be 
desired  that   some   person   qualified   for   such    an   undertaking 
would  endeavour  to  make  a  budget  out  of  the  voluminous  finan- 
cial materials  that  remain  to  us  of  this  reign.     The  enormous 
expenses  attributed  to  Charles  are  so  incompatible  with  the  gene- 
rally believed  amount  of  his  income,  that  there  must  be  a  mistake 
somewhere. 

4  I  mention  this  only  on  the  authority  of  Miss  Benger,  who 
does  not  quote  hers.     Certain  it  is,  from  her  own  correspondence 
(in  Bromley's  "  Royal  Letters"),  that  she  long  endeavoured  in  vain 
to  obtain  this  English  pension,  sanctioned,  as  it  was,  by  parliament. 
The  reasons  she  assigned  for  not  accepting  Charles's  invitation 
are  thus  given  in  a  letter  from  Sir  George  Gresly  (dated  January, 


56  MEMOIRS   AND   CORRESPONDENCE   OF 

therefore,  was  refused,  who  can  say  how  reluctantly, 
by  her  who  had  been  an  exile  from  her  native  land 
for  twenty  years  ! 

In  the  year  1635  Prince  Rupert  made  his  first 
real  campaign  as  volunteer  in  the  life-guard  of  the 
Prince  of  Orange;  rejecting  all  distinction  of  his 
rank,  discharging  all  the  duties,  and  sharing  all  the 
hardships  of  the  private  soldier.  It  was  an  inglo- 
rious campaign  as  to  result,  but  it  was  signalized  by 
many  individual  acts  of  chivalry.1  France  had  re- 
sumed the  old  ambition  of  extending  her  territory  to 
the  Rhine,  and  the  "  red  "  cardinal 2  had  merged  his 
spiritual  scruples  in  his  political  aspirations :  hence 

1633)  published  in  the  "Court  and  Times  of  Charles  I.,"  Lond. 
1848:  "The  Queen  of  Bohemia  prays  the  King's  pardon  for 
not  coming  into  England  at  this  present,  in  that  she  much  desires 
that  their  meeting  might  be  without  any  measure  of  mourning  at 
all,  which  her  late  great  loss  will  not  as  yet  permit  her  to  perform. 
Besides,  the  States  and  Princes  in  those  parts  offering  to  go  up 
into  the  Palatinate  with  the  young  Prince  her  son,  and  to  establish 
him  in  some  part  of  his  inheritance  this  next  summer,  it  might 
seem  some  neglect  in  her  to  depart  thence  before  the  expiration 
of  so  short  a  time."  —  Court  and  Times  of  Charles  /.,  1848, 
vol.  ii.  p.  223. 

We  find  that  Lord  Craven  accompanied  the  Princess  to  England, 
and  was  very  energetic  about  this  pension.  His  chivalrous  zeal 
probably  pleaded  far  more  earnestly  and,  as  it  appears,  effectively, 
than  diplomatic  representations  or  a  throneless  queen's  appeal. 
His  interference  procured  even  the  arrears  of  Elizabeth's  pension. 

For  the  Prince  not  going  to  England  then,  see  "Court  and 
Times  of  Charles  I.,"  ii.  226. 

1  A  herald  was  sent  to  Brussels  to  announce  this  war  against 
Spain,  the  last  time  of  such  a  ceremony  being  performed. — See 
Le  Vassor,  Louis  XIII. 

2  Richelieu  was  so  called  in  distinction  to  Mazarin,  who  was 
styled  his  "Black  Eminence."     The  former  used  to  drive  through 
Paris  in  a  "  scarlet  coach,  attended  by  three  footmen  clothed  in 
the  same  colour." 


1635.]        PRINCE   RUPERT   AND  THE    CAVALIERS.         57 

we  find  him  entering  on  an  essentially  religious  war, 
in  union  with  the  Protestant  Republicans,  against 
his  most  Catholic  Majesty  of  Spain,  and  the  head 
of  the  holy  Roman  Empire.     The  French  are  the 
worst  allies  in  the  world  in  the  field,  and  the  Dutch 
the  most  incompatible  with  such  comrades.     The 
Mareschal  de  Breze  defeated  the  Spaniards  under 
Prince  Thomas,  and   forming  a  junction  with  the 
Prince  of  Orange,  took  Tirlemont,  which  they  sack- 
ed so  horribly  as  to  estrange  and  disgust  the  Dutch. 
Louvain,  however,  was  besieged  by  the  allies ;  but 
in  such  ill-concert  that  they  were  soon  obliged  to 
retire ;  the    French,    dispirited   and   decimated,    to 
await  an  enemy  in  their  own  country,  and  the  Dutch 
to   recover  the  strong   fortress   of  Schenkenseyan. 
In  these  operations,  and  at  the  passage  of  the  river 
Florival,  Prince  Rupert  vehemently  laboured  to  dis- 
tinguish himself  as  much  as  the  indifferent  nature 
of  the  affairs  would  permit,  and,  of  course,  in  his 
biographer's  enthusiastic  opinion,  "  covered  himself 
with  glorie."1     Turenne  was  acquiring  experience 
in  the  same  campaign,  much  under  the  same  cir- 
cumstances of  age  and  ambition  as  our  prince. 

In  November  1635,2  Prince  Charles  Louis  (now 
titular  Elector  Palatine)  proceeded  to  England  on  a 
visit  to  the  King  his  uncle.  His  cause  was  still 

1  Benett  MSS. 

2  Laud,  in  his  "  Diary,"  says   they  arrived  on  the  26th  Jan- 
uary, 1636.      Howell,  in  his  letters.,  dated   the  25th  January, 
1836,  says,  "the  Palatine  Princes  have  now  been  some  time 
here." 


58  MEMOIRS   AND   CORRESPONDENCE   OF 

dear  to  the  English  nation,  not  only  for  his  mother's 
sake,  but  for  so  much  of  the  Protestant  interest  as 
his  name  still  represented.1  Prince  Rupert  follow- 
ed the  Elector  in  December,  and  more  than  shared 
the  kind  welcome  with  which  Charles  endeavoured 
to  obliterate  the  recollection  of  his  past  neglect. 
The  Queen  Henrietta  Maria  at  once  gave  him  a 
high  place  in  her  facile  affections,  and  Charles 
formed  a  regard  for  him  as  lasting  and  firm  as  that 
of  the  Queen's  was  evanescent.2 

In  England  he  passed  a  pleasant  and  quiet  year, 
caressed  and  flattered,  basking  in  both  "  court  and 
country's  sunshine,"3  and  imbibing  in  return  such  a 

1  The  Palatine  lost  no  opportunity  (naturally  enough)  of  pay- 
ing court  to  the  Puritans ;  and,  cold-blooded  canting  sinner  as 
he  was,  he  succeeded  in  winning  the  affection  of  a  party  among 
whom  princes  were  very  scarce.     It  is  said,  indeed  proved,  he 
had  even  hopes  of  the  throne  on  his  uncle's  deposition. — Forster, 
Br.  St.  iv.  82. 

2  The  following  curious  notice  of  the  Queen's  objections  to  our 
hero  occurs  long  afterwards,  but  may  find  a  place  here.     The 
"Mercurius  Britannicus,"  of  July  7,  1645,  says,  "Rupert  him- 
self (after  all  his  merciful  service)  is  not  to  be  trusted,  for  our 
Sovereign  shee-saint  [the  Queen]  sends  a  scolding  epistle  out  of 
France  (she  knows  how  to  do  it)  to  the  King,  her  husband, 
wherein  (like  a  true  comptroller  of  the  breeches)  shee  signifies  her 
displeasure  for  making  Rupert  generall.     Hee  makes  excuse  that 
hee  would  rather  trust  him  than  the  Marquis  of  Hartford."  Such 
is  the  style  of  the  public  press  in  early  days. 

3  Lloyd's  "Loyalists."     In  a  pamphlet  of  1644  (now  in  the 
British   Museum),   on    occasion  of  some   private   letters   of  the 
Prince's  being   taken   at  Marston  Moor,  we  have  the  following 
admission   of  his   youthful  popularity  : — "  Rupert   was    once  a 
pretty  young  man,  and  this  kingdom  did  love  him  well,  and  gave 
him  his  maintenance but  now  he  hopes  to  be  King  him- 
self (!)  He  is  fitting  his  head  for  a  crown,  and  hath  a  mon- 

tero  [short  Spanish  cloak],  which  he  means  to  make  use  of  under 
it."— Ruperts  Cabinet  Rifled.     Lond.  1644. 


1636.]        PRINCE   RUPERT   AND   THE   CAVALIERS.       59 

love  for  his  mother's  country  that  he  thenceforth 
looked  upon  it  as  his  own,  with  an  undivided  sense 
of  patriotism.  The  people  were  anxious  that  he 
should  have  some  of  the  lucrative  places  about 
Court  that  were  bestowed  so  contrarily  to  their 
wishes ;  but  Charles  seems  to  have  had  no  desire  to 
settle  him  as  a  fixture  in  his  dominions.  It  seemed 
necessary,  however,  to  provide  for  him  by  some 
means  or  other.  Laud  proposed  to  make  him  a 
bishop,  as  Bishop  Williams  had  suggested  to  King 
James  long  before,1  but  this  was  strongly  ob- 
jected to  by  the  young  soldier.  It  was  then 
proposed  that  he  should  "  goe  as  Vize-roy"  to 
Madagascar,  or  "  St.  Lawrence"  as  it  was  then  in- 
differently called,  an  island  at  that  time  described 
in  the  most  glowing  colours  as  the  cradle  of  pros- 
perity and  wealth.2  The  pamphlets,  in  which  its 
charms  of  scenery  and  climate,  its  vast  capabilities 
and  facilities  for  commerce  are  described,  lie  before 
me  now.3  And  I  do  not  wonder  that  by  enterprising 

1  See  p.  136,  note  3. 

2  See  pamphlet  in  King's  Collect  (British  Museum),  240,  1 6, 
by  Endymion  Porter,  who  was  commissioned  by  Charles  to  make 
inquiries. 

3  There  is  one  especially  (in  the  British  Museum)  written  by  a 
Mr.  Boothby,  who  confesses  to  be  a  broken  merchant,  broken  "  by 
unhappie  ventures  in  the  Indian  trade."     This  bankrupt  writes 
so  eloquently,  that  he  seems  to  be  in  earnest,  and  yet  he  writes 
from  personal  experience  of  this  savage  island,  which  two  centu- 
ries may  have  tamed,  but  it  is  not  in  time's  nature  to  make 
fiercer.     Unless  this  island  be  greatly  changed,  even  the  following 
particulars  render  it  of  interest  now.    Mr.  Boothby  speaks  enthu- 
siastically of  "  its  healthfulnesse,  fertilitie,  pleasure  and  wealth," 
the  "  affabilitie"   of  the   inhabitants,   "  the  plentie  and 


60  MEMOIRS   AND   CORRESPONDENCE   OF 

spirits,  unchastened  either  by  knowledge  or  experi- 
ence, such  an  undertaking  should  have  been  eagerly 
espoused.  It  was  actually  "passed  in  council,"  that 
an  expedition  should  be  fitted  out  for  this  purpose  ; 
it  was  to  consist  of  twelve  ships  of  war  and  twenty- 
four  merchantmen.  These  were  to  be  followed  an- 
nually by  twelve  more,  to  carry  out  munitions,  and 
to  bear  back  the  produce  of  that  golden  land. 
Rupert  eagerly  accepted  the  leadership,  and  Cap- 
tain Bond  was  appointed  his  lieutenant :  the  grave 
Lord  Arundell  had,  with  Monk  (who  was  already 
distinguished  in  the  continental  wars),  promoted,  if 
not  devised,  the  enterprize.  Who  can  speculate  on 
what  might  have  been  the  result,  if  this  enterprize 
had  been  patronised  by  a  Don  John  of  Portugal, 
instead  of  by  a  Stuart,  and  undertaken  by  a  Brooke1 

cheapnesse  of  their  foode,  flesh,  fowle,  and  fish,  oranges  and 
lemonds,  sugar,  amber- greece,  gold,  tortle-shells,  and  drugs." 

"  The  chiefest  place  in  the  world  to  enrich  men  by  trade 

to  and  from  India,  Persia,  &c.     He  that  is  lord  of  Madagascar, 

may  in  good  time  be  emperor  of  all  India." "  Nor  must  be 

omitted  the  cheapnesse  of  all  necessaries,  both  for  back  and 
bellie,  to  be  had  out  of  India  for  the  relief  of  the  planters." 
There  is  a  curious  story  told  by  the  same  writer,  of  some  Portuguese 
"  fryars"  (missionaries)  who,  hearing  that  the  "  King  of  the  Mada- 
gascars "  was  ill,  requested  to  be  admitted  to  his  presence,  saying, 
they  could  be  of  use  to  his  soul.  They  were  taken  at  their  word, 
and  when  he  died,  were  put  to  death,  in  order  that  they  might 
accompany  the  aforesaid  soul  to  the  skies,  to  be  useful  to  it  there. 
He  mentions  also  that  "  the  hogs  in  Melinda  (Madagascar)  have 
stones  in  their  mawes,  called  petra  de  porkca,  which  are  in  greate 
esteeme  for  expelling  poison."  It  is  a  curious  assertion,  coupled 
with  the  fact,  that  swine  kill  and  eat  poisonous  vipers  with  impu- 
nity, and  are  very  fond  of  henbane. — Kings  Collection  of  Pam- 
phlets (British  Museum),  266.  17. 

1  The  noble-minded  Rajah  of  Borneo. 


1636.]       PRINCE   RUPERT   AND   THE   CAVALIERS.        Gl 

instead  of  an  Arundell :  how  history  would  seem 
dislocated  if  we  leave  the  Parliamentary  wings  at 
Edgehill,  Naseby,  and  Marston  unconquered,  the 
King  unrestored,  the  Arundelian  marbles  unre- 
moved.  At  the  same  time  it  was  proposed  that 
Charles  Louis  should  lead  a  similar  expedition  to 
the  West  Indies,  and  establish  a  new  throne  under 
the  Palm,  that  might  atone  for  the  long  lost  Pala- 
tinate. There  is  no  record  that  I  know  of,  why 
these  projects  failed  ;  we  have  only  Elizabeth's  very 
decisive  declaration,  that  "no  sons  of  hers  [her 
romantic  days  were  now  over,  poor  lady!]  should 
go  for  knight-errants."1 

Episcopacy  and  emigration  having  failed  to  supply 
a  settlement  for  our  young  Prince,  the  old  resource 
of  an  heiress  was  next  thought  of.  There  had  been 
some  talk  of  this  long  before,  when  a  lady,  more 
agreeable  it  seems  to  his  guardian's  taste  than  to 
his  own,  had  been  suggested  for  his  bride.  This 
was  Mademoiselle  de  Rohan,  daughter  of  the  brave 
duke  whose  name  was  associated  throughout  Europe 
with  the  cause  of  the  Huguenots.  This  match  ap- 
pears, like  that  of  Charles  himself  with  the  infanta, 
to  have  originated  in  a  mere  intrigue  for  some 
ephemeral  purpose ;  without  sincerity  then,  but 
maturing  ultimately  into  seriousness  when  it  was 
too  late.  The  negotiation  extended  from  the  year 
1632  to  1643,  when  it  was  broken  off  in  a  very 
unexpected  manner.  As  being  amusing  in  itself 
1  Howell,  p.  257. 


62     MEMOIRS  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF 

and  throwing  some  light  on  manners,  as  well  as  on 
our  hero,  the  correspondence  is  given  entire. 

The  first  time  the  question  is  mooted  is  in  the 
following  letter  from  Charles  Louis;  it  bears  the 
date  of  1632,  but  this  must  be  an  error  as  is  so 
often  the  case  in  the  letters 1  from  which  I  quote. 


FROM  CHARLES  LOUIS,  PALATINE,  TO  THE  QUEEN  OF 
BOHEMIA.2 

CONCERNING  my  brother  Rupert,  M.  de  Soubise 
hath  made  overture  that,  with  your  Majesty  and  your 
brother's  [Charles  I.]  consent,  he  thinks  M.  de  Rohan 
would  not  be  unwilling  to  match  him  with  his  daughter. 
The  King  [diaries]  seemeth  to  like  of  it,  but  he  would 
have  your  advice  and  consent  in  it.  I  think  it  is  no 
absurd  proposition  for  she  is  great  both  in  means  and 
birth  and  of  the  Religion.  [Our  young  Elector's  order  of 
precedence  for  desirables  is  characteristic.] 

Oatlands,  if  Sept.,  1632.3 

At  this  time  brother  Rupert  would  have  been 
only  thirteen  years  of  age,  according  to  this  date, 
but  as  he  had  been  already  in  the  wars,  the  matri- 
monial arrangement  may  not  have  seemed  so  pre- 
cocious. Though  not  legally  affianced,  Made- 


1  «  Royal  Letters"  by  Sir  George  Bromley,  Bart.     This  gentle- 
man was  a  descendant  of  Prince  Rupert,  through  his  natural 
daughter  Ruperta,  and  was  father  to  the  present  baronet,   Ad- 
miral Sir  Robert  Bromley. 

2  Bromley's  "  Letters,"  p.  56. 

3  The  date  should  probably  be  1636.  When  Charles  Louis  was 
in  England. 


1638.]        PRINCE    RUPERT   AND  THE    CAVALIERS.        63 

moiselle  de  Rohan  seems  to  have  considered  her- 
self as  betrothed  henceforth ;  for  when  Rupert  was 
prisoner  to  such  an  enemy  that  his  release  seemed 
hopeless,  and  the  lady  was  advised  to  dismiss  him 
from  her  thoughts,  she  declined  to  do  so.  It  does 
not  seem  probable  that  at  this  time  Richelieu  would 
have  allowed  a  warlike  heretic  to  possess  himself 
of  the  great  national  heiress,  and  poor  mademoi- 
selle herself  was  left  little  choice  with  such  a 
guardian.  It  is  not  likely  she  ever  even  saw  our 
hero,  but  his  brilliant  bravery  must  have  struck 
her  imagination ;  and  his  royal  birth,  his  romantic 
history,  and  his  personal  beauty,  were  dangerous 
auxiliaries  against  her  peace.  Even  his  imprison- 
ment was  far  from  injuring  his  cause,  as  we  find 
in  the  spirited  reply  detailed  by  Lord  Leicester.1 
It  does  not  appear,  however,  that  Rupert  himself 
was  inclined  to  the  arrangement.  The  following 
letters  will  describe  the  lady  and  her  prospects.2 


ROBERT    EARL    OF    LEICESTER,    TO    KING    CHARLES 
THE    FIRST. 

****** 

MONSIEUR  DE  ROHAN,  Sir,  hath  left  another  work 
behind  him,  worthy  of  perusing,  in  another  kind.  His 
daughter,  Madamoiselle  de  Rohan,  far  handsomer  than 
is  necessary,  and  much  discreeter  than  is  ordinary.  Some 


1  Collins,  "  Memorials,"  ii.  575. 

2  They  are  to  be  found  in  "  Sydney's  Letters  and  Memorials 
of  State,"  by  Collins,  vol.  ii.  p.  545. 


64  MEMOIRS   AND   CORRESPONDENCE   OF 

friends  of  hers,  as  I  hear,  have  written  to  Monsieur  de 
Soubise,  to  make  an  overture  to  your  Majesty,  of  a  mar- 
riage between  Prince  Robert  and  her.     I  knew  not  this 
till  after  the  departure  of  the  last  weekes  ordinary,  else  I 
should  not  have  failed  to  advertise  your  Majesty  thereof 
sooner:     and  so  secretly  is  it   carried,  that  Madame  de 
Rohan  knows  nothing  of  it.     I  verily  believe,   that  the 
best  friends  of  that  house  do  much  desire  this  match,  and 
with  good  reason  too,  if  your   Majesty  like  of  it ;    but 
without  yours,  and  this  King's  consent,  little  can  be  done 
to  the  purpose.     A  younger  brother  Prince,  by  that  means 
may  be  reasonably  well  provided  for,  and  yet  nothing  out 
of  the  way  to  partake  of  the  re -establishment  of  his  House, 
when  it  shall  please  God.  The  revenue  left  by  Monsieur  de 
Rohan  is  said  to  be  40,000  crowns  a  year ;  and  I  believe 
that  is  the  most :  little  ready  money,  and  but  little  lent. 
Besides,  there  is  an  expectation  of  Monsieur  de  Soubise's 
estate  ;   and  that  which  another  Madamoiselle  de  Rohan  1 
doth  live  upon ;  all  which  they  say  will  descend  to  the 
young  lady.     I  have  seen  Madame  de  Rohan,   and  her 
daughter,  in  their  affliction,  which  is  very  great ;  and  with 
cause  enough ;  but  whatsoever  she  may  wish,  it  was  not  fit 
for  her  then,  nor  for  me,  at  any  time,  without  command- 
ment, to  speak  of  that  marriage :  yet  she  desired  me  to 
present  her  humblest  duties  to  your  Majesty,  beseeching 
you   to   continue    that   favor    towards   herself,    and    her 
daughter ;  which  she  presumes  they  were  happy  in  for  her 
husband's  sake,  during  his  life ;  who  had  the  honor,  to  be 
acknowledged    by   your  Majesty,    and   the    Queen,    not 
only   an   humble    servant ;    but,    for   his  greatest  glory, 

1  This  was  a  lady  mentioned  in  Bayle's  "  Dictionary "  as  emi- 
nently learned  in  Hebrew,  &c.,  and  as  distinguished  for  her  spirit 
at  the  siege  of  Rochelle,  where  she  refused  to  accept  any  terms 
from  Richelieu.  She  was  proposed  (in  1627)  as  a  match  for  the 
Count  de  Soissons. — Hardwicke,  State  Papers.  She,  also,  was  an 
heiress  and  a  duke's  daughter.  She  died  unmarried  in  1646, 
aged  62. 


1G38.J     PRINCE   RUPERT   AND  THE    CAVALIERS.  05 

somewhat  of  kin  also  unto  both  your  Majesties,  whom  I 
beseech  God  to  bless,  with  perfect  and  perpetual  hap- 
piness :  so  in  all  humility  I  rest, 

Your  Majesty's  most  faithful,  and 

most  obedient  subject  and  servant, 

LEYCESTER. 
Paris,  f  o  April,  1638. 


TO    ROBERT    EARL    OF    LEICESTER.1 

CHARLES  R. 

RIGHT  trusty  and  right  wellbeloved  cousin,  we  greet 
you  well.  There  was  an  overture  made  to  the  late  Duke  of 
Rohan,  for  a  marriage  between  our  nephew,  Prince  Ru- 
pert, and  his  daughter,  which  was  very  well  entertained, 
and  likely  to  have  succeeded,  if  that  Duke  had  lived. 
Since  his  decease,  his  brother,  Monsieur  de  Soubise,  here 
with  us,  desiring  to  continue  that  treaty,  and  promising 
to  do  good  offices  with  the  Duchess  of  Rohan,  and  other- 
wise where  he  shall  be  able,  we  have  thought  fit  to 
acquaint  you  with  it,  and  to  recommend  it  to  your  care. 
And  because  it  is  to  be  negotiated  in  France,  and  cannot 
be  effected  without  the  consent  of  the  king  our  good 
brother,  whose  subject  she  is,  we  do  hereby  require  you 
to  make  choice  of  some  fit  and  able  person,  whom  you 
may  trust,  to  move  it  to  the  Cardinal  de  Richlieu,  that  by 
his  intervention  the  French  king  might  be  brought  to 
give  way  to  it.  This  is  a  business  of  great  weight,  and 
you  know  how  much  we  take  to  heart  any  thing  that 
concerns  the  good  of  our  dearest  sister,  and  her  chil- 
dren, especially  in  so  high  a  degree  as  this ;  which,  if  it 
speed,  is  to  bring  so  fair  an  estate  to  the  Prince  our 
nephew.  The  success  will  much  depend  upon  the  pru- 
dent managing  of  it  with  the  King  and  Cardinal  there, 

1  Gallia  E.  Lecester,  1636,  1637,  1638,  fbl.  37. 
VOL.  I.  F 


G6     MEMOIRS  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF 

which  we  doubt  not  but  you  will  order  with  that  dex- 
terity, which  you  have  used  in  other  our  affaires,  since 
your  employment  in  our  service,  and  give  us  an  accompt, 
from  time  to  time,  of  your  diligences  heerin. 

Given  &c. 


SECRETARY  WINDEBANK  TO  ROBERT  EARL  OF  LEICESTER.1 

MY  LORDE, 

IT  hath  pleased  his  Majesty  to  committ  the  addresse 
of  the  adjoyned  to  my  care  and  trust,  and  withall  to 
comande  me  to  give  your  Lordship  knowledge  of  Mon- 
sieur de  Soubizes  good  affections  in  this  businesse,  and 
promises  to  use  the  most  powerfull  meanes  he  can  to  the 
French  King,  and  the  Cardinal  de  Richlieu  to  favour  and 
advance  it. 

His  Majesty  had  once  given  me  order  to  instruct  your 
Lordship  in  it ;  but  considering  it  of  great  weight,  and 
that  it  concerned  the  prince  his  nephew,  and  his  fortune 
very  highly,  it  pleased  him  rather  to  appeare  in  it  him- 
selfe ;  by  which  your  Lordship  may  perceave,  how  much 
his  Majesty  takes  it  to  harte. 

****** 

Westminster,  26  April,  1638. 


ROBERT    EARL    OF    LEICESTER    TO    MR.   SECRETARY  WINDE- 
BANK.2 
SIR, 

THE  last  two  weekes  neither  brought  me  the  honor 
of  any  letters  from  you,  nor  produced  any  occasion,  which 
might  justify  the  troubling  you  with  mine ;  but  on  Mon- 
day last  I  received  yours  of  the  18  Oct.  for  which  I 
humbly  thanke  your  honor.  The  day  before  I  had  bin 

1  Gallia  E.  Lecester,  1636,  1637,  1638,  letter  38. 

2  Gallia  E.  Lecester,  letter  118. 


1 


1638.]     PRINCE    RUPERT    AND   THE    CAVALIERS.  G7 

with  Madam  de  Rohan,  to  see  in  what  disposition  1 
should  finde  her,  after  the  unhappy  news  of  Prince 
Robert's  being  taken  prisoner.  I  cannot  perceive  that  she 
is  at  all  changed,  but  remains  constant  to  her  former 
wishes,  and  sayd  that  the  conclusion  or  breaking  of  the 
business,  depends  upon  his  Majestye.  She  answer 'd  also 
for  her  daughter,  and  related  this  passage  to  me.  Some 
body  had  sayd  to  Madam oiselle  de  Rohan ;  "  Now  that 
Prince  Robert  is  prisoner  you  should  do  well  to  abandon 
the  thought  of  him,  and  apply  yourself  to  enterteine  the 
addresses  of  your  servant,  the  Due  de  Nemoirs  ;  to  which 
she  answered,  "  I  am  not  ingaged  any  where,  but  as  I  have 
bin  inclined,  so  I  am  still,  for  it  would  be  a  laschete  to 
forsake  one,  because  of  his  misfortune ;  and  some  gene- 
rosity to  esteem  him  in  the  same  degree  as  before  he  fell 
into  it.*'  And  I  am  very  confident,  sir,  that  she  spak  as 
she  thought,  and  will  make  good  her  words. 

"What  answer  the  Cardinal  de  Richlieu  gave  unto  her 
majestye,  appears  by  his  letter,  whereof  I  doubt  not  but 
your  honor  hath  notice  ;  for  my  part  I  know  no  more  than 
a  little,  which  Mr.  Jermyn  told  me  he  had  received  by 
word  of  mouth  from  the  cardinal.  But  for  the  second 
point  mention'd  in  your  Letter  concerning  the  demands,  I 
conceive  that  will  not  breake  the  treaty,  if  they  may  be 
satisfied  in  reasonable  and  convenient  proportion :  for 
Madame  de  Rohan  hath  told  me,  that  they  never  intended 
to  insiste  upon  the  accomplishment  of  those  demands  to 
the  uttermost ;  and  if  you  please  to  looke  back,  I  thinke 
you  will  finde  she  hath  sayd  heretofore,  that  they  would 
not  article  with  the  king  of  Great  Brittain,  but  trust 
rather  to  his  affection  and  generosity.  And  I  confess  I  ever 
understood  it  to  be  the  desyre  of  Mr.  De  Soubise,  rather 
then  a  demand  of  them.  So  having  no  more  to  say  of  that 
busines  at  this  time,  I  humbly  leave  it  to  the  pleasure  of 
God  and  the  King.  Yours,  &c. 

LEYCESTER. 
Paris,  if  Nov.,  1638. 

F  2 


68     MEMOIRS  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF 

Thus  wrote  the  sanguine  ambassador,  but  the 
person  chiefly  interested  in  the  transaction  lay 
prisoned  in  the  old  castle  of  Lintz.  And  within 
those  mouldering  walls  there  lurked  a  danger  more 
fatal  to  this  union,  than  all  the  flatteries  and 
wooings  with  which  Parisian  chivalry  assailed  the 
constant  lady.  In  order  not  to  interrupt  this  ma- 
trimonal  episode  we  give  its  conclusion  in  the 
following  extraordinary  letter  from  the  King  to 
Prince  Maurice,  written  five  years  later,  during 
the  height  of  the  Civil  War : — 

FROM  KING  CHARLES  THE  FIRST  TO  PRINCE  MAURICE. 
NEPHEU  MAURICE, 

Though  Mars  be  now  most  in  voag,  yet  Hymen  may 
bee  sometymes  remembred.  The  matter  is  this,  your 
mother  and  I  have  beene  somewhat  engaged  concerning  a 
Mariage  betwine  your  brother  Rupert  and  Mademoisell 
de  Rohan,  and  now  her  frends  press  your  brother  to 
a  positive  answer  which  I  find  him  resolved  to  give  nega- 
tively ;  therefore,  I  have  thought  fitt  to  let  you  know  if 
you  will  not  by  your  engagement  take  your  brother  hand- 
somely off.  I  have  not  tyme  to  argue  this  matter,  but  to 
show  my  judgement,  I  asseure  you  that  if  my  son  James 
weer  of  a  fitt  age,  I  would  want  of  my  will  but  he  should 

have  her So,  hoping  and  praying  God  for  good 

newes'from  you,  I  rest 

Your  loving  oncle  and  faithful  frend, 

CHARLES  R. 
Oxford,  4  July,  1643. 
For  my  nephew  Prince  Maurice. ' 

This  endeavour  to  accommodate  matters  shared 
1   Harl.  MSS.,  6988,  88.    Original  entirely  in  the  King's  hand. 


1636.]     PRINCE   RUPERT   AND   THE   CAVALIERS.  69 

the  usual  fate  of  this  unlucky  King's  contrivances. 
Whether  Mars  was  too  much  "  in  voag  "  for 
Maurice  to  think  of  gentler  strategy,  or  that  mere 
Palatine  wilfulness  prevailed,  we  know  not.  But 
the  next  notice  we  find  of  our  heroine  is  by  the  Car- 
dinal de  Retz,  in  speaking  of  "  Henri  Chabot  qui 
epousa  (1645)  Marguerite  Duchesse  de  Rohan,  fille 
et  heritiere  du  grand  Due  de  Rohan.  Elle  porta 
le  duch£  a  Henri  Chabot,  a  condition  que  les  enfans 
porteroient  le  nom  et  les  armes  de  la  maison  de 
Rohan;  il  mourut  en  1655."1 

To  return  to  the  year  1636; — I  do  not  find  that 
Rupert  himself  ever  took  any  part  in  this  matri- 
monial negotiation.  I  much  fear  the  morals  of  the 
Court  were  not  such  as  to  inspire  a  lady- favoured  and 
very  young  man  with  a  craving  for  home  pleasures.2 
The  Queen  had  exercised  her  wayward  and  imperi- 
ous humour  to  its  fullest  extent  in  giving  as  Parisian 
a  character  as  possible  to  society.  Her  own  national 
levity  was  very  fatal  in  its  example,  and  her  love  of 
show  led  the  Court  to  ruinous  expenses,  and  conse- 
quent corruption  to  repair  them.  Intriguing  seems 
to  have  been  as  boundless,  though  not  so  shameless, 

1  "Memoires,"  tome  i.  p.  115,  note. 

2  There  is  a  letter  from  Lady  Leicester  to  her  husband  in  the 
"  Sidney  Papers,"  (vol.  ii.  p.  472,)  written  in  1636,  which  speaks 
unpleasantly,  not  only  for  the  style  of  drawing-room  conversation, 
but  of  the  manners  of  the  courtiers.     This  is  sadly  countenanced, 
too,  by  Lord  Sunderland's  letter  (in  the  same  vol.  p.  668)  from 
the  camp.     It  is  with  regret  and  a  sense  of  disappointment  that 
we  find  the  King's  pleasure  in  the  debauched  coxcomb,  Bucking- 
ham's, society  thus  partly  accounted  for,  and  only  too  much  rea- 
son for  giving  some  credit  to  Milton's  charge,  "papillas  suaviari" 
&c. — Prose  Works,  vol.  ii.  p.  315. 


70     MEMOIRS  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF 

as  in  Charles  the  Second's  Court.  Gorgeous  and 
puerile  masques,  plays  and  pastorals,  in  which  her 
majesty  delighted  to  exhibit  herself,  were  much 
"in  voag;"1  immense  sums  were  lavished  on  dress; 
gambling  was  eagerly  and  recklessly  pursued  in  all 
societies,  and  there  was  very  little,  in  short,  that  could 
have  been  told  to  the  Queen  of  Bohemia  calculated 
to  set  her  mind  at  ease  with  respect  to  her  sons.2 
In  March,  1636,  we  find  the  "Earl  Marshal" 

1  Some  of  these  were  performed  before  the  king  and  bishops 
on  Sunday. — See  Straff  or  d  Letters,  vol.  ii.  p.  148.     We  find,  too, 
that  the  privy  council  sat  ordinarily  on   Sunday  ("  Court  and 
Times  of  Charles  II.,"  284),  and  that  Archbishop  Laud  transacted 
persecution  affairs  on  the  same  day.     See  his  "  Diary." 

Mr.  Grerrard  writes  to  Lord  Strafford  in  January,  1633  : — 
"  There  are  two  masques  in  hand.  The  first  [by  the  men]  of  the 
Inns  of  Court,  the  other  by  the  King ;  they  say  the  masque  will 

cost  the  men  of  law  20,000? The  dicing-night  the  King 

carried  away  in  James  Palmer's  hat  1850?. — Strafford  Papers. 
Mr.  D'Israeli  speaks  of  these  entertainments,  the  curiosity  of  the 
scenical  machinery  and  the  fancy  of  the  poet ;  the  richness  of  the 
crimson  habits  of  the  gentlemen,  and  the  white  dresses,  heron 
plumes,  jewelled  head-dresses,  and  ropes  of  pearl  of  the  ladies," 
&c.  "  Such  were  the  magnificent  entertainments,"  says  Mr.  Gif- 
ford  in  his  introduction  to  Massinger,  "which,  though  modern 
refinement  may  affect  to  despise  them,  modern  splendour  never 
reached  to  even  in  thought."... Curiosities  of  Literature,  vol.  v. 
p.  223,  quoted  by  Jesse,  Court  of  the  Stuarts. 

2  Lord  Craven  had  accompanied  them  to  England,  partly  as  their 
Mentor,  and  partly  to  endeavour  to  obtain  the  arrears  of  pension 
for  his  queen.    In  this  he  at  length  succeeded,  and  communicated  a 
temporary  relief  to  one  who  was  too  proud  to  accept  his  pecuniary 
assistance  for  herself.     The  delicacy  of  this  chivalrous  nobleman, 
throughout  the  whole  severely-tried  career  of  her  he  watched  over, 
is  as  admirable  as  his  heroism  in  the  field  and  his  magnificent  ge- 
nerosity to  his  sovereign.     He  gave  the  latter  50,000?.,  for  which 
he  was  fined  heavily  besides  by  the  Parliament ;  he  headed  the 
subscription  list  for  the  recovery  of  the  Palatinate  with  10,000?. ; 
he  gave  his  Palatine  godson  1500?.  worth  of  plate,  and  200?. 
a  year ;  and  he  had  to  pay  20,000?.  for  his  own  release  in  the 
Palatine  cause. 


1636.]     PRINCE   RUPERT   AND   THE   CAVALIERS.  71 

[Lord  Arundel]  departing  for  Vienna  on  one  of  the 
endless  embassies  concerning  the  Palatinate.  "  The 
Emperor,  it  appears,  has  now  offered  the  Lower 
Palatinate  'presently,'  and  the  Upper,  with  the 
Electoral  dignity,  on  the  Duke  of  Bavaria's  death ; 
but  King  Charles  demurs  to  this  moderate  pro- 
position, and  thinks  he  can  do  better  by  sending  an 
embassy."1  He  does  not,  however,  but  much  worse ; 
and  that,  too,  at  great  cost  of  men,  and  means,  and 
credit. 

Meanwhile,  the  King  visits  Oxford,  whither  our 
Prince  accompanies  him,  and  was  made  Master  of 
Arts  in  that  noble  university ;  being  the  first  who 
received  an  honorary  degree  there.2  He,  Prince 
Charles  Louis,3  and  the  King  dined  afterwards  with 
Laud,  as  Chancellor  of  the  University.4  Thence 
they  returned  to  Whitehall.5 

1  "  The  dismal  calamities  that  befel  Charles  I."  says  Harnond 
L'Estrange, "  derived  their  first  existence  from  these  seminalities," 
to  wit :  "  the  pusillanimity  of  James,  his  father,  in  not  assisting 
Protestantism  and  the  Palatinate,  his  spending  vast  sums  in  idle 
embassies,  &c."  2  Anthony  Wood. — Ant.  Oxon. 

3  An  amiable  anecdote  is  told  of  Charles  during  the  civil  wars, 
which  may  as  well  be  mentioned  here.  He  wished  to  consult 
some  volume  in  the  Bodleian  Library,  and  sent  for  it :  the  libra- 
rian, with  simple  fidelity  to  his  rules,  replied,  that  no  books  once 
entered  there  were  ever  allowed  to  leave  it.  This  message  being 
brought  to  the  King,  he  rose  up,  put  on  his  hat,  and  went  him- 
self to  seek  for  the  volume,  as  modestly  as  any  sizar. — Jesse. 

*  Laud's  "  Diary." 

5  "  The  Whitehall  Palace  of  Charles  I.  extended  from  Scotland 
Yard  to  the  Privy  Gardens,  standing  over  the  Thames.  A  com- 
plete plan  was  engraven  by  Virtue  in  1747,  from  a  survey  made 
by  Fisher  in  1680." — Pennant's  Survey.  This  plan  may  be  seen 
in  Jesse's  "  Memorials  of  London." 

The  vast  palace  is  shewn  by  this  plan  to  have  embraced  almost 


72  MEMOIRS  AND   CORRESPONDENCE   OF 

"  At  this  period  Charles  the  First  held  the  most 
splendid  court  in  Europe :" 1  it  was  so,  not  only  for 
the  pomp  and  magnificence  displayed  there,  but  for 
the  refined  taste  and  exquisite  judgment  that  had 
enriched  its  precincts.  The  finest  works  of  art  in 
Europe  were  collected  there,  and  Rubens  and  Van- 
dyke were  found  among  their  own  creations.  Ben 
Jonson  was  poet-laureate  to  the  Court,  and  Inigo 
Jones  gave  classic  beauty  to  its  decorations.  Fera- 
basco  refined  the  musicians  to  the  standard  of  his 
own  exquisite  ear,  and  the  King  had  skill  and  power 
to  appreciate  and  to  heighten  all.  Bassompierre 
described  the  company  of  this  rival  Court  as  "  mag- 
nificent and  its  order  exquisite."  We  may  be 
excused  for  dwelling  a  moment  on  this  graceful 
splendour  when  the  rest  of  our  lives  are  to  be  past 
in  the  camp  or  leaguer,  the  restless  bivouac  and  the 
dreary  moor. 

all  the  space  now  occupied  by  Whitehall,  the  Admiralty,  the 
Horse  Guards,  the  Treasury  Chambers,  Downing  Street,  &c.  St. 
James's  Park  was  its  "place  of  pleasance,"  and  Spring  Gardens  were 
attached  to  it.  All  the  royal  family  had  separate  suites  of  apart- 
ments, including  (for  each)  kitchens,  pantries,  coal-stores,  &c. 
Prince  Rupert  lived  near  '  the  Cockpit,'  and  the  Queen  of  Bohe- 
mia had  apartments  prepared  here  for  her,  '  they  being  the  same 
she  used  to  occupy  when  she  was  a  mayd.' " — HoweWs  Letters. 
This  palace  was  called  York  House  by  Shakspeare,  from  its  having 
pertained  to  that  see.  Wolsey,  as  Archbishop  of  York,  possessed 
it,  and  disposed  of  it  to  Henry  VIII.  In  1695  it  was  burned 
down,  the  banqueting  house  (built  by  Inigo  Jones  for  James  I.) 
alone  escaping.  Queen  Anne,  after  its  destruction,  removed  to 
St.  James's  Palace.  Hamilton  (Mem.  de  Grammont,  ii.  p.  40) 
says,  "  La  Tamise  lave  les  bords  du  vaste  et  peu  magnifique  palais 
des  Rois  de  la  Grande  Bretagne."  The  Ilarl.  Misc.  iv.  367,  says 
it  was  burnt  down  on  the  4th  January,  1698. — Pennant's  Survey. 
1  Horace  Walpole,  "Royal  and  Noble  Authors,"  vol.  iii.  271. 


1636.]     PRINCE   RUPERT   AND   THE   CAVALIERS.  73 

"  Charles  appears,"  says  Mr.  Disraeli,1  "  to  have 
desired  that  his  Court  should  resemble  the  literary 
Court  of  the  Medici.  He  assembled  about  him  the 
great  masters  of  their  various  arts.  We  may  rate 
Charles's  taste  at  the  supreme  degree,  by  remarking 
that  this  monarch  never  patronized  mediocrity :  the 
artist  who  was  honoured  by  his  regard  was  ever  a 
master-spirit.  Father  of  art  in  our  country,  Charles 
seemed  ambitious  of  making  English  denizens  of 
every  man  of  genius  in  Europe."  Vandyke  and 
Rubens  were  domiciled  in  England;  and  who  can 
tell  how  much  the  Cavalier  cause  owes  of  its  roman- 
tic interest  to  the  classic,  yet  original  grace,  with 
which  the  former  has  immortalized  the  persons  of 
its  heroes.2  The  Italians  happily  call  him  "  II  Pit- 
tore  Cavalieresco,"  and  it  was  in  one  of  his  happiest 
moods  that  he  made  that  fine  picture  of  Prince 
Rupert,  bequeathed,  in  gratitude  for  many  a  noble 
service,  to  Lord  Craven,  and  now  in  possession  of 
his  descendant  at  Combe  Abbey. 

In  the  midst  of  such  society  it  was  natural  for 
our  young  Prince  to  imbibe  the  accomplished  tastes 
he  saw  so  richly  displayed  around  him,  and  there- 

1  Comment,  iii.  93. 

2  See  "Edinburgh  Review,"  xlii.  p.  330,  and  Macaulay's  "Es- 
says," who  says,  that   "  Charles  owed  his  popularity  to  having 
taken  his  little  son  on  his  knee  and  kissed  him,  and  for  having 
had  prayers  read  at  six  o'clock  in  the  morning,  and  for  his  Van- 
dyke dress  and  peaked  beard."     These  "  Essays"  were  written 
long  ago  :    their  eloquence  and  verve  may  sometimes  carry  the 
reader,  as  they  do  the  writer,  unconsciously  beyond  the  bounds  of 
taste  and  good  feeling,  and  therefore  of  truth. 


74  MEMOIRS  AND   CORRESPONDENCE   OF 

with  to  nourish  and  cultivate  his  own  natural 
genius  for  the  arts.1  We  shall  soon  find  him,  a 
solitary  prisoner,  consoling  himself  with  such  re- 
sources, and  exercising  those  gifts  that  ultimately 
made  his  pencil  as  famous  as  his  sword. 

But  these  Medicean  enjoyments  were  not  the 
only  attractions  that  the  Court  of  Charles  possessed 
for  the  young  Palatine.  The  Queen,  Henrietta 
Maria,  had  a  passion  for  society  and  a  French- 
woman's wonderful  tact  in  sustaining  its  effer- 
vescence. She  had  contrived  to  impart  to  her  draw- 
ing-room gossip  some  of  the  deep  and  agitating 
importance  of  the  Council  Chamber.  Every  in- 
terest was,  therefore,  concentrated  there :  every 
political  or  social  intrigue  was  there  to  be  heard 
of,  to  be  canvassed,  and  schemed  about  yet  further. 
Under  this  glittering  mask,  most  of  the  many 
mischiefs  of  the  State  were  concocted,  or,  at  least, 
received  their  poisonous  ingredients.2  The  Queen's 
winning  manner  and  sweet  beauty  threw  a  grace 


1  See  Appendix  for  Lord  Orford's  character  of  Rupert. — Cata- 
logue of  Engravers,  p.  135. 

2  One  of  the  fierce   controversial   pamphlets  of   1643,  thus 
speaks  of  the  Queen,  at  a  later  period,  but  in  the  same  sense  : — 
"  Because  her  Pope  is  turned  out  of  doors,  she  makes  the  fatal 
sisters*  and  furies  of  her  Privy  Council,  and  proceeds  so  man- 
fully meritoriously,  that   Sir  Kenelm  Digby  consults  now  with 
her  Holiness,  to  have  her  set  in  the  Rubric  as  '  St.  Nemesis  of  the 
breeches.' " — Harleian  Misc.  v.  343. 


*  It  is  curious  that  Bishop  Warburton  designates  Lady  Car- 
lisle (in  a  pithy  note  to  Clarendon's  Rebellion,  vol.  vii.  p.  541),  as 
"  the  Erinnys  of  her  Times." 


1637.]     PRINCE   RUPERT   AND   THE   CAVALIERS.  75 

and  fascination  over  all  this,  and  Lady  Carlisle, 
the  prime  minister  of  her  boudoir  and  petty 
politics,  was  also  beautiful  and  persuasive  :  Lady 
Rivers,  Lady  Aubigny,  Lady  Isabel  Thynne,  be- 
longed to  the  same  circle,  and  were  similarly 
qualified.  Their  charms,  or  talents,  or  interest, 
as  well  as  the  magic  of  their  place,  secured  for 
them  the  adoration  of  the  poets  and  wits,  Donne, 
Carew,  Suckling,  Waller,  Lovelace,  Matthewes, 
and  others,  through  whose  flattery  they  are  best 
known  to  us,  and  whose  wit  is  living  still  in  the 
cold  and  unexplored  recesses  of  our  libraries. 
Among  the  men  of  higher  "  caste "  and  lower 
intellect  who  were  then  Court  butterflies  (or  ca- 
terpillars) were  Lords  Holland,  Newport,  Devon- 
shire, Elgin,  Rich,  Dungarvon,  Dunluce,  Whar- 
ton,  Paget,  Saltoun;  and  some  of  worthier  stamp, 
as  the  Duke  of  Lenox  (Richmond),  Lord  Gran- 
dison,  and  Lord  Fielding  (Earl  of  Denbigh's  son), 
Turning  from  the  sparkling  "  Academic,"  and  the 
treachery-brooding  "chamber"  of  Lady  Carlisle, 
truth,  intellect,  and  honour,  were  to  be  found  in 
the  society  of  Falkland,  and  such  friends  as  he 
gathered  round  him  at  Burford1  and  in  London. 
I  do  not  know  that  the  conversation  of  such  men 
as  Hyde,  Selden,  Hales,  or  Chillingworth,  would 
have  had  much  charm  for  the  soldier-prince  at 
this  time,  but  it  qualified,  as  men  of  mind  will 
ever  do,  the  tone  of  general  society,  in  which  the 

1  Clarendon's  Life,  i.  42. 


76  MEMOIRS   AND   CORRESPONDENCE   OF 

influence  of  a  Bacon,  a  Raleigh,  and  a  Burleigli, 
was  still  felt. 

But  there  was  one  pleasure  cultivated  by  the 
King  into  which  Rupert  entered  with  enthusiasm : 
Charles  enjoyed  hunting  with  hereditary  zest,  and 
had  sacrificed  to  this  passion  the  long  sacred  im- 
munities of  British  property.1  He  enclosed  Rich- 
mond Park  with  as  little  ceremony  as  the  first 
Norman  conqueror  shewed  to  his  Saxon  slaves,  for 
the  greater  conveniency  of  having  "  red  as  well  as 
fallow  deer  "  so  close  at  hand.  The  hunting,  what- 
ever was  its  style,  in  England  seems  to  have  been 
then  as  now,  pre-eminent;  and  was  the  attraction 
from  which  our  Prince  perhaps  parted  with  the  most 
regret.  In  a  letter  from  the  Rev.  Mr.  Garrard  to 
Lord  Wentworth,  dated  July,  1637,  we  find  that, 
"  Both  the  brothers  (Palatine)  went  away  unwilling- 
ly, but  Prince  Rupert  expressed  it  most,  for  being 
a  hunting  that  [very]  morning  with  the  King,  he 
wished  that  he  might  break  his  neck,  so  he  might 
leave  his  bones  in  England  !" 2 

And  beneath  all  this  hunting,  and  gaiety,  and 
grandeur,  the  strong  slow  stream  of  popular  power 
was  at  constant  work ;  unperceivedly,  but  in- 
evitably working  out  its  way;  soon  to  open  and 
swallow  up  the  holiday-makers  that  now  tram- 
pled gaily  on  its  dangerous  banks.  Ship-money, 
"  a  sound  of  lasting  memory  in  England,"  was  first 
brought  to  trial  during  this  visit  of  Prince  Rupert's. 

1  Clarendon's  Rebellion,  i.  176.        «  Strafford  Papers,  vol.  ii.  88. 


1037.]     PRINCE   RUPERT   AND   THE   CAVALIERS.  77 

But  at  length,  Charles  roused  himself  to  the 
conviction  that  something  besides  talking  must 
be  done  for  the  Palatinate.  The  return  of  Lord 
Arundel  from  his  embassy,  with  the  usual  nega- 
tive results,  decided  the  question  between  war 
and  words.  Austria  only  offered  civility,  and  Spain 
promises :  but  the  Duke  of  Bavaria  *  used  the 
plain  stern  language  of  a  soldier,  and  swore  that 
what  the  sword  had  gained  the  sword  should  keep/2 
For  eighteen  years  King  James  and  Charles  had 
been  the  duped  victims  of  every  succeeding  king, 
emperor,  and  minister  of  Austria  and  Spain.  Eng- 
land was  now  to  put  forth  her  arm  in  the  old 
cause;3  the  rather  perhaps  that  the  Elector  had 
been  very  busy  among  the  Puritans,  and  made, 
in  sporting  phrase,  a  hedge  against  the  doubtful 
issue  of  the  struggle  that  was  every  day  approach- 
ing.4 In  the  former  year  (1636)  an  attempt  had 


1  The  Duke  of  Bavaria  had.  at  the  period  of  his  investiture  of 
the  Palatinates,  consented  to  leave  this  arrangement  in  the  Em- 
peror's hands.     But  since  then  he  had  married,  and  had  a  son 
born  to  him,  and  he  was  determined  to  leave  that  son  his  posses- 
sions unimpaired.     As  his  wife  was  the  young  Emperor's  sister, 
his  brother-in-law  was  little  inclined  to  dispossess  him.     His 
marriage  is  thus  described  by  my  good  gossip,  Ho  well,  p.  261  : 
— "  The  old  rotten  Duke  of  Bavaria,  for  he  hath  divers  issues 
about  his  body,  hath  married  a  young  lady  little  above  twenty, 
and  he  near  upon  fourscore." 

2  D'Israeli's  Commentaries,  iii,  429. 

3  But  when  she  strove  to  do  so,  she  found  it  palsied  :  Charles, 
in  his  letter  to  Lord  Wentworth  (Feb.  1637),  deplores  his  in- 
ability to  send  troops. — Strafford  Papers. 

4  I  find  this  hypothesis  amply  borne  out  by  Mr.  Forster  in  the 
fifth  volume  of  his  "  Statesmen  of  the  Commonwealth,"  p.  70,  &c. 
See  also  vol.  iii.  of  this  work. 


78  MEMOIRS  AND   CORRESPONDENCE   OF 

been  made  to  raise  money  for  the  Palatines  by  a 
sort  of  king's  letter  sent  to  be  preached  upon  and 
collected  for,  through  all  the  churches  in  England.1 
Subscriptions  were  also  opened,  at  the  head  of 
which  Lord  Craven's  name  stood  for  10,000/.  and 
at  the  tail  of  it  King  Charles's  name  for  the  same 
sum.  This  was  all  he  gave,  perhaps  all  he  could 
give,  towards  the  expedition,  save  his  countenance. 
He  promised  something  more  when  a  "certain 
treaty  of  Hamburg"2  should  be  concluded,  but  the 
treaty  and  the  promise  both  melted  into  air. 

Charles  Louis,  who,  to  do  him  justice,  pursued 
his  object  with  earnestness  and  vigour,  was  anxious 
to  depart  for  the  continent.  He  had  been  fur- 
nished with  so  much  money  that  his  mother  ven- 
tured to  apply  for  some  portion  of  it  to  pay  her 
debts.  Charles  firmly  refused  the  Queen  the 
smallest  assistance,  reminding  her  that  every- 
thing ought  to  be  sacrificed  to  the  elevation  of 
the  head  of  her  family ! r>  Whether  this  circum- 
stance or  general  want  of  sympathy  between  their 
characters  estranged  the  brothers,  I  do  not  know, 
but  all  the  letters  of  the  Elector  shew  that  he 
had  but  little  communication  with  Prince  Rupert. 
The  latter  was  now  (1637)  aged  eighteen,  and 
probably  took  as  little  share  in  the  official  details 

1  One  of  these  is  to  be  seen  among  the  archives  of  Coventry,  a 
valuable  repertory  of  papers  for  earlier  dates. 

2  A  convention  of  German  Princes  with  the  King  of  Denmark, 
to  cooperate  with  the  Palatine  army. — Benyer's  Queen  of  Bohemia, 
ii.  336.  3  Bromley  gives  this  base  and  unnatural  letter. 


1637.]     PRINCE  RUPERT   AND   THE   CAVALIERS.  79 

of  the  Palatinate  expedition  as  his  brother  was 
willing  to  assign  to  him.  He  was  occupied,  too, 
about  his  own  affairs,  concerning  Madagascar,  of 
which  Endymion  Porter  was  an  eager  advocate, 
and  passed  much  time  at  Court  with  the  "  Queen 
and  her  ladies  and  her  papists."  To  these  things 
the  following  letter  seems  to  allude: — 

FROM  THE  ELECTOR  PALATINE  TO  THE  QUEEN  OF 
BOHEMIA. 

—  My  brother  Rupert  is  still  in  great  friendship 
with  Porter;  yet  I  cannot  but  commend  his  carriage 
towards  me,  though  when  I  ask  him  what  he  means  to  do, 
I  find  him  very  shy  to  tell  me  his  opinion.  I  bid  him 
take  heed  he  do  not  meddle  with  points  of  religion  among 
them,  for  fear  some  priest  or  other,  that  is  too  hard  for 
him  may  form  an  ill  opinion  in  him. 

Yr  Majesty's  most  humble  son  and  servant, 

CHARLES. 
Whitehall,  this  24th  May,  1637.* 

Slight  as  it  is,  this  is  the  only  notice  taken  of 
Rupert  in  the  course  of  a  voluminous  correspondence 
on  the  part  of  Charles  Louis  with  his  mother. 

The  next  notice  we  have  of  the  Palatines  is  con- 
tained in  a  letter  from  the  Elector  to  his  mother. 
It  is  dated  "  Theobalds,  30th  Jan.  1636  [7],  and  de- 
scribes the  carefulness  of  his  uncle,  and  the  cha- 
racter of  his  Court ;  "  the  King  saith  he  will  give  me 
an  English  counsel  [cil]  to  go  to  sea  with  me ;  I 
pray  God  they  may  be  understanding  and  honest 
men,  for  I  see  very  few  here  that  are  both."2 

1  Bromley's  "  Royal  Letters."  2  Ibid.  p.  97. 


80     MEMOIRS  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF 

Charles  Louis,  however,  lingered  in  England  not 
for  this  "counsel,"  but  until  his  uncle's  promised 
subscription  was  paid  down.1  He  then  departed, 
accompanied  by  Rupert,  for  the  Hague,2  and  hasten- 
ed on  into  Westphalia  to  arrange  plans  of  coopera- 
tion with  the  Swedish  forces  under  Banier  and  King,3 
while  Rupert  employed  himself  in  raising  and  or- 
ganising troops  for  the  long  hoped-for  expedition  to 
the  Palatinate.  But  it  was  found  impossible  to  pro- 
ceed in  this  matter  until  his  brother's  return,  so 
the  restless  young  Palatine  went  to  visit  the  Prince 
of  Orange,4  then  besieging  the  strong  town  of 
Breda :  the  stadtholder  was  probably  indebted 
for  this  visit  to  the  siege.  Prince  Maurice  ac- 
companied Rupert,  and  with  a  love  that  was  con- 
stant to  his  death,  shared  all  his  dangers  and  ex- 
ploits. They  found  several  Englishmen  of  future 
note  in  our  own  wars  serving  there ;  Monk,  Astley, 
Goring,  and  many  others.5  The  siege  was  being 
pressed  with  vigour ;  the  defenders  were  resolute ; 
Rupert  revelled  in  dangers  as  in  a  delightful  excite- 
ment, rushing  into  every  breach  that  was  attempt- 
ed, and  forward  in  every  forlorn  hope.  Even  whilst 
others  rested,  he  was  restlessly  and  pertinaciously 
hovering  round  the  doomed  city.  One  night,  there 
was  a  pause  in  the  almost  perpetual  conflict ;  the  sol- 

1  Strafford  Papers,  ii.  June  1637.  2  June  26.  Laud's  "Diary." 
This  was  a  time-serving  treacherous  Scotsman,  whom  we 
shall  find,  to  his  discredit,  presently  at  Flota,  and  afterwards  in 
the  same  aspect  at  Marston  Moor. 

*  Frederic  Henry.  5  Benett  MSS. 


1638.]       PRINCE   RUPERT   AND   THE   CAVALIERS.        81 

diers  of  attack  and  defence  both  rested  their  wearied 
limbs,  the  besiegers  in  deep  sleep.  Rupert's  watch- 
ful ear  detected  some  sounds  within  the  walls ;  now 
plainly  audible  and  now  so  faint,  that  he  feared  to 
give  what  might  have  proved  a  false  alarm.  He 
wakened  his  brother  Maurice,  who  likewise  heard 
some  doubtful  sounds  rising  from  among  the  red 
gables  of  the  old  leaguered  town.  The  brothers 
moved  away  through  the  mist,  and  crept  up  the 
glacis  so  silently  and  so  near  the  enemy,  that  they 
could  detect  the  forming  of  troops  for  a  sortie,  and 
even  their  appointed  destination.  Retiring  to  their 
own  camp  as  silently  as  they  had  left  it,  they  hasted 
to  Prince  Frederic's  quarters,  and  before  the  enemy 
had  crossed  their  drawbridge,  the  Hollanders  were 
drawn  up  in  battle  order  to  receive  them.1 

Soon  after  this,  the  Prince  of  Orange  resolved  to 
attack  a  horn  work,  which  commanded  the  town  and 
its  approaches ;  Monk,  who  served  as  lieutenant  to 
Goring,  was  to  lead  the  attack,  which  was  expected 
to  be  a  desperate  service.  For  this  reason,  and  for 
his  mother's  sake,  the  Prince  of  Orange  appointed 
Rupert  to  attend  him,  in  order  to  keep  him  from 
temptation.  The  Prince,  however,  having  given  the 
word  to  advance,  Rupert  anticipated  the  aide-de- 
camp, flew  to  the  storming  party,  delivered  the 
order,  and  flinging  himself  from  his  horse,  rushed 
forward  with  the  foremost  to  the  assault.  The  fort 

1  Benett  MSS. 
VOL.  I.  G 


82  MEMOIRS   AND   CORRESPONDENCE   OF 

was  carried  after  desperate  fighting;  Wilmot  and 
Goring  were  wounded,  and  many  of  their  brave 
countrymen  slain.  The  surviving  officers  flung 
themselves  down  to  rest  upon  a  rampart,  while 
the  soldiers  stript  the  slain  who  lay  piled  around 
them.  Suddenly  up  started  one  of  the  apparent 
corpses,  naked  as  the  spoilers  had  left  him,  and 
exclaimed,  "  Messieurs !  est  il  point  de  quartier 
19!  ?"  whereupon  they  laughed  heartily,  and  took 
him  to  the  camp,  and  he  "  bore  the  name  of  Fal- 
staff  to  his  dying  day." l 

Breda  soon  surrendered ;  Prince  Maurice  went  to 
a  French  University,  and  Prince  Rupert  returned 
to  the  Hague,  whither  Charles  Louis  had  now 
repaired.2  They  proceeded  rapidly  in  raising  their 
forces  out  of  the  wrecks  of  various  armies  broken 
up  during  the  long  war.  They  made  Mepping,3  in 
Stift  Munster,  their  place  of  rendezvous,  on  account 
of  its  being  in  a  friendly  neighbourhood,  and  not  far 
from  the  Swedish  forces  under  Banier.  Here  they 
formed  their  little  army,  consisting  of  three  regi- 
ments of  cavalry,  a  regiment  of  guards,  two  troops 

1  Benett  MSS. 

2  There  is  a  letter  in  Bromley's  collection  from  Charles-Louis, 
"  written  from  the  continent,"  and  dated  August  27,  1637,  which 
I  think  it  right  to  allude  to  here,  although,  I  confess,  I  cannot  ac- 
count for  this  statement  :  "  Concerning  my  brother  Rupert,  the 
King  did  not  seem  unwilling  to  let  him  have  the  six  thousand 
men,  but  he  saith  he  knew  not  whether  France  would  be  willing 
to  it  :  neither  doth  Cane  perceive  that  Goring  is  like  to  have  that 
charge." — Bromley,  p.  93. 

3  Charles  had  purchased  it  from  Colonel  Kniphausen,  to  whom 
Gustavus  Adolphus  had  given  it. — Bennett  MSS. 


1638.]        PRINCE   RUPERT   AND   THE   CAVALIERS.        83 

of  dragoons,1  and  some  artillery.  Prince  Rupert 
commanded  one  regiment  of  cavalry;  two  officers 
named  Fereme  and  Loe,  commanded  the  others 
with  the  high-sounding  titles  of  "  feldt-marshals." 
Lord  Craven  commanded  the  guards,  and  Count 
Conigsmark  commanded  the  whole,  if  any  body 
could  be  said  to  do  so.  With  his  usual  devotion  to 
the  Queen  of  Bohemia's  wishes,  "  the  hero  of  Creuz- 
nach"  had  accompanied  her  sons  in  this  perilous 
enterprize,  and  furnished  her  with  constant  details 
of  their  movements. 

At  length  they  took  the  field,  and  marched  to 
Bentheim,  where  they  were  joined  by  a  detachment 
of  the  Swedes  under  General  King.  The  united 
forces  did  not  exceed  four  thousand  men,  but  with 
these,  the  boy-generals  marched  confidently  to  en- 
counter the  armies  of  the  empire.  Danger,  im- 
prisonment, and  death,  were  soon  to  dissipate  their 
force,  but  the  Palatine  marched  on  merrily.  Lemgo 
was  before  them,  rich  in  all  they  wanted,  and  poor 
in  means  of  resistance.  Rupert  headed  the  ad- 
vanced guard  of  the  army,  and  very  chivalrously, 
but  unnecessarily,  turned  out  of  his  way  to  "  affront" 
the  strong  garrison  of  Rhennius.2  The  mode  of 
affront  is  not  recorded,  but  it  was  taken  as  intended, 
and  resented  by  a  rush  of  cavalry  in  double  the 
Prince's  force,  from  the  city.  This  was  an  unex- 
pected pleasure  to  Rupert,  who  dashed  at  his  assail- 

1  Dragoons  were  so  called,  I  think,  from  fighting  both  on 
horseback  and  on  foot :  "  they  had  the  figure  of  a  dragon  on  their 
carbines." — Grose.  2  Benett  MSS. 

G  2 


84  MEMOIRS   AND   CORRESPONDENCE   OF 

ants  with  delight ;  his  charge  was  resistless  then,  as 
ever ;  the  force  of  five  hundred  men  and  horses, 
reckless  as  battering  rams,  hurled  by  enthusiasm 
against  masses  which  every  man  and  horse  felt  cer- 
tain they  had  only  to  reach  in  order  to  rout — had, 
could  have — but  one  result ;  the  Palatine  cavalry 
rode  through  them,  over  them,  and  almost  before 
them  to  the  drawbridge  of  the  town ;  the  survivors 
rushed  into  their  refuge,  and  Rupert,  reforming  his 
array,  resumed  his  line  of  march  in  triumph. 

A  picturesque  array;  accoutred  in  the  old  chi- 
valric  fashion,  with  plumed  helmet,  and  bright 
armour  over  leathern  doublet  ;x  steel  cuisses  to  the 
knee,  and  huge  "gambadoes"  armed  with  the  large 
knightly  spur.  Tall  powerful  horses,  such  as  Wou- 
vermans  has  left  us,  stepped  proudly  under  their  ca- 
parisons ;  and  the  small  "  cornet,"  or  flag,  that  flut- 
tered over  each  troop,  gave  liveliness  to  the  gleam- 
ing column  as  it  wound  along  the  wide  plains  of 
Hanover.  The  main  body  also  consisted,  for  the 

1  The  chiefs  alone  wore  complete  armour,*  with  the  excep- 
tion of  some  chosen  corps,  such  as  those  of  Stalhaus  at  Lutzen 
("  charge  me  home  those  black  fellows,"  said  Gustavus,  "  or  they 
will  spoil  the  day." — Schiller'),  or  Sir  Arthur  Hazlerigg's  "  lob- 
sters," who  were  impenetrable.  Sometimes  the  buff-coat  was  worn 
over  the  armour  ;  see  note  1 1 1  to  "  Rokeby,"  and  "  Grose's  Anti- 
quities." London,  1801,  vol.  ii.  p.  323.  Sometimes  the  doublet 
or  jerkin  was  of  scarlet  plush  or  velvet ;  see  Mrs.  Hutchinson's 
"Memoirs."  London,  1846,  p.  129.  We  find  that  Sir  John 
Suckling's  coxcomb  troop  wore  white  doublets.  The  buff-coat 
alone  was  worn  in  later  days,  being  found  to  be  sabre  proof. 

*  I  find  among  Lord  Denbigh's  papers,  that  an  armourer 
charged  him  131.  10s.,  "being  price  of  an  armour  of  proof  and 
steel  cap  for  his  honour's  own  body." 


1638.]       PRINCE   RUPERT   AND   THE   CAVALIERS.        85 

most  part,  of  cavalry,  as  better  suited  to  the  rapid 
movements  by  which  this  hazardous  and  romantic 
expedition  alone  could  be  accomplished.  The  few 
infantry  belonging  to  the  army,  principally  Swedes, 
were  armed  with  the  pike  and  harquebuss,  or  mus- 
quet,  steel-cap,  and  corslet.1 

1  The  former  of  these  were  the  chief  reliance  of  the  old  leaders  ; 
as  it  has  lately  reappeared  conspicuously  in  Irish  and  Chartist 
preparations  for  reform,  its  early  character  may  have  some  inte- 
rest. "Our  foot  are  generally  two-thirds  shot  and  one- third 
pikes  :  the  latter  should  be  at  least  half,  especially  in  England, 
where  there  are  few  strong  places.  In  1651,  in  the  last  battle 
we  fought  in  Ireland,  twelve  hundred  of  the  enemy's  pikes 
charged  and  routed  our  horse.  All  persons  of  quality  who  put 
themselves  voluntarily  into  the  infantry,  carry  the  pike  as  the 

noblest  weapon It  ought  to  be  sixteen  foot  and  a  half  long 

[not  for  persons  of  quality,  however,  they  '  trailed '  the  '  half- 
pike'],  of  seasoned  ash,  with  iron  plates  to  protect  the  lozenge- 
shaped  head.  The  men,  three  feet  apart  and  five  deep,  make  an 
impervious  body I  should  much  like  targets.  The  pike- 
man's  '  forest'  being  the  fortress  of  the  field,  he  should  be  armed 
with  back  and  breast  [pieces],  pott  and  taces."*  So  far  my 
Lord  Orrery,  " Art  of  War"  London,  1677,  p.  24.  Munro  is 
still  more  enthusiastic  in  his  praise  of  this  Tipperary  weapon 
"  that  niver  missed  fire."  The  disciple  of  Gustavus  says,  "  This 
much  in  briefe  for  the  pike,  the  most  honorable  of  all  weapons, 
and  my  choice  in  the  day  of  battel  :  '  leaping '  a  storme,  or  en- 
tering a  breach  with  a  light  breast-plate  and  a  good  head-piece, 
being  seconded  with  good  fellowes,  I  would  only  ask  a  half-pike 
to  enter  with." — Military  Discipline  as  Practised  by  the  Swede, 
p.  192.  The  harquebussf  was  at  this  period  a  matchlock,  or 
heavy  musket,  used  in  action  with  a  rest,  which  was  trailed,  when 
moving,  from  the  wrist.  These  rests  were  stuck  into  the  ground, 
and,  in  the  Swedish  armies,  were  armed  with  a  lance  to  resist 
cavalry.  This  armed  rest  was  introduced  into  England,  and 
called  Swine  feathers,  from  Sweyn,  or  Swedish.  Fairfax  could 
not  abide  them,  and  desired  no  quarter  should  be  given  to  "  the 
feathers."  

*  Steel  cap  and  a  sort  of  girdle  in  detached  pieces,  hung  from 
the  waist  to  protect  the  waist  and  groin. 

1   From  arcabouza  :  a  bow  with  a  hole  in  it. 


86  MEMOIRS  AND   CORRESPONDENCE   OF 

At  length  the  Palatine  came  in  sight  of  Lemgo, 
and  immediately  disposed  himself  to  reconnoitre  for 
a  siege  or  an  assault,  as  the  opportunity  might  pro- 
mise. Next  morning's  dawn  discharged  him  from 
all  embarrassment  of  choice,  for  the  first  light 
played  on  steel-clad  masses  of  Austrian  cavalry,  re- 
vealing between  their  squadrons  a  bristling  line  of 
eighteen  hundred  "  commanded  foot."1  These,  with 
eight  regiments  of  cuirassiers  and  one  regiment  of 
Irish  dragoons,  "  commanded  by  that  Devereux  who 
killed  Wallstein,"2  made  a  formidable  appearance. 
It  may  seem  strange  that  such  a  force  should  have 
been  in  their  neighbourhood  without  being  detect- 
ed ;  but  in  the  then  imperfect  state  of  discipline,  and 
in  a  country  wasted  of  its  inhabitants  by  war,  fear,  and 
famine,  even  the  armies  of  Gustavus  had  been  sur- 
prised. Our  Palatines  were  youthfully  unsuspicious 
as  well  as  fearless  of  danger,  and  the  number  of 
their  volunteers  rendered  discipline  more  difficult. 

Now  the  danger  was  come,  they  prepared  to 
meet  it  gallantly.  The  Palatine  army  was  com- 
posed of  tough  materials ;  grim  veterans,  who  had 
fought  under  Wallenstein  and  Mansfeldt,  and  daring 
youths,  who  longed  to  flesh  their  maiden  swords 
in  honour.  Among  the  latter  were  many  English 

1  I  confess   I  do  not  understand  the  exact  meaning  of  this 
word,  it  is  so  variously  applied  :  here  the  MS.  seems  to  use  it  for 
selected  men  ;   elsewhere  I  find  it  applied  to  volunteers ;  and,  in 
Munro's   "  Discipline,"   I  find  it  applied  to  fatigue  parties  em- 
ployed in  carrying  gabions  and  fascines  at  a  siege. 

2  Benett  MSS. 


1638.]        PRINCE   RUPERT   AND   THE   CAVALIERS.        87 

volunteers  of  rank,  who  had  come  from  England  with 
the  young  Palatines,  and  were  now  to  receive  under 
their  banner  a  foretaste  of  the  disasters  they  were 
to  suffer  afterwards  under  the  royal  standard.  With 
such  materials  to  give  and  to  receive  a  charge,  our 
army  might  fairly  have  withstood  more  numerous 
forces  than  were  lowering  on  the  hills  of  Flota ; 
but  the  more  than  doubtful  treachery  of  King,1 
and  the  cowardice  or  misconduct  of  Conigsmark, 
proved  fatal.2  The  former  selected  a  most  un- 
favorable position ;  and,  whilst  he  was  there  forming 
the  infantry  and  artillery,  Conigsmark  came  up 
with  the  cavalry,  refused  to  form  such  a  line  of 
battle  as  King  had  arranged,  and  rode  on  to  a 
narrow  defile,3  where  he  hastily  drew  up  in  four 
lines,  allotting  the  first  to  Loe's  regiment,  the  se- 
cond to  Fereme's,  the  third  to  Prince  Rupert,  and 
the  fourth  to  himself:  he  was  well  sheltered.  And 
but  just  in  time  ;  for  the  first  of  the  storm  was  even 
now  bursting  upon  the  van  of  his  preposterous  array. 
The  imperial  cuirassiers,  concentrating  their  force 
into  one  powerful  column,  bore  down  upon  Loe's 
regiment,  which  unadvisedly  waited  to  receive, 
instead  of  meeting  the  charge,  and  was  borne 
away  before  it.  The  Austrians  swept  on,  driving 
the  broken  Palatines  on  the  swords  of  Fereme's 
troopers,  who  scarcely  for  a  moment  withstood  the 


1  "Who  had   sent    away  his   baggage   the   night  before." — 
Pyne's  MSS. 

2  Lansd.  MSS.  «  Benett  MSS. 


88  MEMOIRS   AND   CORRESPONDENCE   OF 

iron  shock,  but  turned  and  fled  in  wild  confusion, 
mingling  with  the  broken  regiment's  rout,  and 
adding  to  the  weight  of  the  coming  masses  that 
now  poured  down  like  a  flood  upon  the  third  line — 
Prince  Rupert's  horse.  The  Prince  was  already  on 
the  spur ;  his  men  were,  for  the  most  part,  volun- 
teers, and  led  by  English  chivalry,1  and  the  electric 
spirit  of  his  own  daring  shot  lightning  sympathy 
through  every  heart  and  hand.  They  charged,  or 
rather  dashed  at,  the  charging  enemy :  their  own 
fugitive  comrades  whirled  past  them,  like  the  eddy  of 
some  cataract,  as  on  they  rushed,  their  white  plumes 
waving  like  a  foam,  and  met,  and  repelled,  and  bore 
down  the  Austrian  cavalry,  overwhelming  all  whom 
they  encountered,  and  chasing  the  remainder  resist- 
lessly  before  them.  Colonel  Boye  was  despatched 
to  look  for  Conigsmark,  and  conjure  him  to  follow 
up  the  Prince's  success,  but  in  vain ;  it  seemed  the 
destiny  of  Rupert  ever  to  be  defeated,  even  while 
he  conquered.  The  Prince  pursued  the  Austrians, 
who  suddenly  were  seen  to  halt,  wheel  about,  and 
prepare  to  charge  again,  and  a  fresh  body  of  impe- 
rial troops  under  Marshal  Gb'tz  appeared  supporting 
them.  The  Prince's  condition  was  now  almost  de- 
sperate ;  he  was  left  unsupported,  his  horses  fa- 
tigued, and  his  men  tenfold  outnumbered.  Just 
then,  Lord  Craven  came  up  at  the  gallop  with 
two  troops  of  the  Elector's  guards,  and  renewed 

1  Amongst  whom  were  Lords  Northampton  and  Grandison. 


1638.]        PRINCE   RUPERT   AND   THE   CAVALIERS.        89 

the  fight.  Once  more  the  Austrians  charged,  and 
forced  the  Palatine  cavalry  back,  still  struggling, 
into  the  defile  from  whence  they  had  issued :  but 
here  they  made  a  firm  stand,  repelling  every  attack, 
until  a  strong  body  of  the  enemy  crept  down  the 
hill-side,  charged  the  Prince's  flank,  and  put  his  few 
remaining  troops  to  the  sword  or  threw  them 
into  irretrievable  confusion.  No  thought  of  retreat- 
ing ever  occurred  to  the  Prince's  mind ;  he  strug- 
gled onward  through  his  enemies  as  fast  as  horse 
and  sword  could  force  their  way,  when  suddenly 
he  found  himself  the  sole  object  of  attack  to  a  score 
of  cuirassiers :  he  turned  for  a  moment  to  cheer  on 
his  men,  and  found  himself  alone !  With  a  despe- 
rate effort  he  broke  through  his  assailants,  and  soon 
afterwards,  to  his  surprise,  found  himself  disre- 
garded by  the  eager  enemy.  For  a  moment  he 
was  unable  to  account  for  their  neglect ;  until  he 
observed  that  the  Austrians  all  wore  a  white  ribbon 
in  their  helmets  as  the  sign.1  He  had  by  chance 
adopted  the  same  mark  to  render  himself  conspi- 
cuous to  his  followers,  and  thus  passed  uninjured 
among  the  hostile  forces.  As  he  rode  through  the 
confused  and  still  struggling  bands  under  this  dis- 
guise, he  observed  one  of  the  cornets,  whom  Lord 
Craven  had  brought  up,  struggling  with  a  few 
gallant  soldiers  to  defend  the  Elector's  standard. 

1  The  similarity  of  armour  and  accoutrements  rendered  it 
necessary  for  each  party  to  assume  some  sign  or  symbol  to  distin- 
guish them,  especially  when  the  face  was  guarded.  See  hereafter. 


90     MEMOIRS  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF 

In  a  moment  Rupert  was  in  the  melee,  fighting 
fiercely  till  his  last  comrade  fell.  Then,  once  more 
bursting  from  his  assailants,  he  rode  at  a  high  wall, 
his  exhausted  horse  refused  it,  and  sunk  upon  the 
ground.  His  pursuers  rushed  forward  to  secure 
him ;  but  striking  down  the  foremost  man,  he  re- 
fused all  quarter,  and  fought  desperately  on,  until 
overwhelmed  with  numbers  and  borne  by  sheer 
strength  to  the  ground.1  Colonel  Lippe  struck  up 
the  visor  of  his  helmet,  and,  not  knowing  his  face, 
demanded  who  he  was?  "A  colonel,"  replied  the 
Palatine.  "  Sacr&net !"  cried  the  grey-haired  vete- 
ran, "you  are  a  young  one."  Just  then,  General 
Hatzfeldt  rode  up ;  he  immediately  recognised  his 
prisoner,  addressed  him  with  respect,  and  committed 
him  in  charge  to  Colonel  Devereux  to  escort  to 
Warrendorp. 

And  where  were  his  comrades  meanwhile  ?  The 
gallant  Craven  had  fallen  by  his  side,  and  was  a 
prisoner ;  two  thousand  of  his  bravest  troops  were 
slain  in  this  most  sanguinary  field ;  Conigsmark 
had  retired  with  his  well-preserved  and  uninjured 
regiment ;  King  had  obstinately  adhered  (with  the 
infantry  and  artillery)  to  the  ground  he  had  so 
perversely  chosen ;  and,  when  the  cavalry  were  de- 

1  If  it  should  excite  surprise  how  Prince  Rupert  could  have 
escaped  through  so  many  hours  of  so  deadly  an  affray,  and  survive 
this  last  deadly  struggle,  it  is  to  be  remembered  that  he  was 
sheathed  in  armour  from  head  to  foot,  and  that  desperate  courage 
averts  many  a  weapon.  I  have  given  the  details  exactly  as  I 
found  them  in  the  Benett,  Pyne,  and  the  Lausdowne  MSS. 


1638.]        PRINCE   RUPERT   AND   THE   CAVALIERS.        91 

stroyed,  he  left  the  rest  to  take  care  of  themselves, 
and  fled  with  his  worthy  associate,  the  Elector, 
who  had  never  shewn  himself  in  the  fight.  These 
two  drove  off  (somewhat  ignobly  as  it  sounds)  in  a 
coach,  towards  Minden,  and,  endeavouring  to  cross 
the  river  Weser,  were  carried  away  by  the  swollen 
stream;  the  driver  and  horses  were  drowned,  the 
Elector  escaped  by  clinging  to  a  willow  branch, 
and  General  King  also  saved  himself,  how,  no  one 
cared.1 

Thus  was  the  Palatine  army  utterly  dissipated 
or  destroyed,  and  its  brave  leader  rendered  prisoner 
to  the  deadliest  enemy  of  his  race.  Fortunately 
for  him,  his  father's  enemy,  Ferdinand  of  Gratz, 
had  passed  away  with  all  his  ambition  and  his 
schemes  of  vengeance,  and  Ferdinand  III.  was  of 
a  more  human  nature.  Nevertheless,  as  Emperor 
he  highly  valued  the  possession  of  the  daring  and 
warlike  young  Palatine  who  had  hitherto  resisted 
all  his  schemes  of  conversion  to  the  Imperial  Creed 
and  Court.2  Whilst  waiting  for  the  Emperor's  de- 
cision as  to  his  future  destination,  Prince  Rupert 


1  Captain   Pyne's    MS.  declares  "that    the  wilfulness   of  the 
Elector  and  the  treachery  of  King  (who  served  him  little  better 
at  Morsam  Moor),  lost  the  day." 

2  He  had  proposed  to  Elizabeth  to  bring  up  Prince  Rupert  at 
his  Court,  and  "  provide  for  him,"  if  he  would  become  a  Roman 
Catholic.     Charles  of  England  had  recommended  the  acceptance 
of  this  offer,  and  its  extension  to  Charles  Louis.     The  Queen  re- 
jected indignantly  this  scheme  of  apostasy,  replying  by  a  rather 
strong  expression,  "  I  would  rather  strangle  my  children  with  my 
own  hands." 


92  MEMOIRS  AND   CORRESPONDENCE   OF 

was  detained  at  Warrendorp,  where  he  had  the 
melancholy  satisfaction  of  Lord  Craven's1  company 
and  that  of  some  others,  among  whom  were  Colonel 
Fereme  and  Sir  Richard  Crane.  He  was  allowed 
to  despatch  the  latter  to  England  to  endeavour 
to  move  King  Charles  in  his  behalf;  but  his  indul- 
gences were  limited,  for  "  he  was  obliged  to  write 
his  appeal  on  the  leaf  of  a  note-book,"  being  denied 
the  use  of  pens  and  paper. 

In  a  few  weeks  an  order  arrived  to  transfer  the 
Prince  to  the  castle  of  Lintz,  a  fortress  of  great 
strength  seated  on  the  Danube.  Here  he  was 
detained  a  prisoner  for  nearly  three  years,  but  was 
civilly  treated,  though  "  only  allowed  a  page  and 
two  servants  to  attend  upon  him,"  as  his  biographer 
regretfully  asserts.2 

And  while  Prince  Rupert  lay  thus  buried  in  ob- 
scurity and  silence,  his  young  life  passing  by,  and 
his  spirit  pining  like  that  of  a  caged  eagle,  his  mo- 


1  No  graceful  fiction  of  knight-errantry  ever   exceeded  the 
generous  devotion  of  this  gallant  Earl  to  his  unhappy  Queen. 
For  her  he  had  abandoned  a  high  career  in  England  ;  to  her  ser- 
vice he  had  devoted  his  life,  his  talents,  and  his  fortune.     When 
the  Palatinate  was  once  more  to  be  fought  for,  he  sacrificed  even 
the  pleasure  of  enjoying  her  society,  in  order  the  better  to  deserve 
it,  and  accompanied  her  sons  in  their  hopeless  enterprize.     And 
now  he  lies  wounded,  and  a  prisoner,  and  has  to  pay  20,000£.  to 
his  captors  for  his  ransom,     The  strength  of  his  passion  was  sub- 
limed by  its  purity:  he  lived   in  noble  friendship  with  Duke 
Christian  of  Brunswick,  who,  with  Count  Thurm  and  Mansfeldt, 
devoted  himself  to  Elizabeth  in  life  and  death.      The  inscription 
that  he  bore  upon  his  banner  defied  scandal  to  associate  her  name 
with  crime  : — "  Alles  fur  Gott  und  ihr  !" 

2  Benett  MSS. 


1639.]        PRINCE   RUPERT   AND   THE   CAVALIERS.        93 

ther  alone  made  an  effort  for  his  freedom.  Vain  as 
she  had  hitherto  found  all  prayers  to  her  brother  of 
England,  she  implored  him  now  to  have  her  son  re- 
stored ;  she  almost  prevailed  upon  Lord  Essex,  then 
visiting  the  Hague,  to  go  to  the  Emperor  in  behalf 
of  his  future  foe ;  and  she  wrote  earnestly  to  the 
brother  in  whose  cause  the  captive  had  suffered,  to 
procure  even  a  messenger  to  communicate  with  Ru- 
pert on  the  means  of  his  release.  The  following 
reply  from  Charles  Louis  betrays  indifference  or 
worse  in  every  ignoble  line.  "  It  will  be  in  vain," 
he  says,  "  to  send  any  gentleman  to  my  brother 
Rupert  without  Hatzfeld's  pass.  Essex  should  have 
gone,  because  there  was  no  one  else  would,  neither 
could  I  force  any  to  it,  since  there  is  no  small  dan- 
ger in  it,  for  any  obstinacy  of  my  brother  Rupert's, 
or  venture  to  escape,  would  put  him  [i.  e.  the  mes- 
senger] in  danger  of  hanging."1 

The  governor  of  Lintz  was  a  brave  old  soldier  of 
the  Empire  ;  he  had  once  professed  the  Reformed 
Faith,  but  adopted  that  of  the  Emperor  on  entering 
his  service ;  for  this,  and,  it  is  to  be  hoped,  for 
other  services,  Count  Kuffstein  stood  high  in  the 
favour  of  the  Court.  To  him  was  confided  the  de- 
sire of  the  Emperor  to  obtain  the  services  of  the 
young  Palatine,  and  the  count  attempted,  as  a  pre- 
liminary, to  convert  his  captive.  Our  Prince  was 


1  This  letter  is  dated  "  Hamburgh,  17  Dec.  1638."— Bromley's 
Letter,  103. 


94  MEMOIRS   AND   CORRESPONDENCE   OF 

what  his  brother  would  have  termed  "  obstinate,"  in 
his  rejection  of  new  doctrines.  The  count  offered  to 
let  him  have  the  society  of  two  priests,  Jesuits,  who 
were  much  interested  in  his  spiritual  well-being ;  the 
Prince  replied,  "  he  would  be  happy  to  see  the 
count's  friends,  provided  he  might  also  see  his  own ;" 
this  was  refused,  so  he  remained  in  solitude.1  His 
firmness  was  soon  put  to  a  far  more  trying  test,  in 
the  same  manner  as  the  sunshine  was  more  success- 
ful than  the  rude  storm  against  the  fabled  tra- 
veller's cloak. 

Among  the  few  recreations  permitted  to  the 
Prince  was  an  occasional  dinner  with  the  gover- 
nor, and  free  access  to  his  gardens.  It  was  destined 
that  his  imprisonment,  as  well  as  his  chivalric 
career,  should  lack  nothing  of  the  requirements 
of  romance.  Strange  as  it  may  read  in  these 
matter-of-fact  pages,  Count  Kuffstein  had  a  daugh- 
ter, an  only,  cherished  child,  who  lived  in  his  stern 
old  castle,  like  the  delicate  Dryad  of  some  gnarled 
tree.  She  was  "one  of  the  brightest  beauties  of 
her  age,"  and  rarely  gifted,  "  no  lesse  excelling  in 
the  charmes  of  her  minde  than  of  her  faire  bodye."2 

1  He  turned  his  mind  manfully  to  make  the  best  use  of  his 
"  enforced  leisure  :"  he  found  a  great  resource  in  drawing  and 
"  limning,"  and  he  here  perfected  an  instrument  for  drawing  per- 
spective, which  he  afterwards  gave  to  the  Royal  Society  of  Lon- 
don.    His  MS.  biographer  admits  that  Albert  Durer  invented  the 
principle  of  this  machine,  but  he  had  never  realized  his  concep- 
tions.    It  argued  no  ordinary  mind  that  could  thus  divert  itself 
from  vain  regrets  to  philosophy  and  the  arts. 

2  Benett  MSS. 


1639.]       PRINCE   RUPERT   AND   THE   CAVALIERS.        95 

The  imagination  of  the  reader  will  easily  supply 
what  the  faithful  historian  is  not  permitted  to  re- 
cord. How  the  heroism,  the  misfortunes,  and  the 
noble  person  of  her  royal  captive,  touched  her  ima- 
gination i1  how  the  impetuous  young  Prince,  whose 
thoughts  had  ever  fed  on  tales  of  love  and  glory, 
passed  his  time  in  that  grim  castle  hitherto  without 
an  object,  save  to  watch  time  and  the  old  Danube 
rolling  by:  how  this  fair  girl  dawned  upon  his 
gloomy  life,  charged  by  her  father  to  cheer  her 
royal  prisoner,  and,  if  it  might  be,  to  win  his  soul 
over  to  the  ancient  faith.  Does  the  reader  pity 
him — or  even  her?  Though  soon  to  be  forsaken, 
she  never  was  forgotten  in  all  the  wild  vicissitudes 
of  his  dangerous  and  reckless  career;  and  to  wo- 
man's foolish  heart  even  this  is  something.  And 
for  him — how  often,  when  wearied  of  the  doomed 
yet  charmed  life  he  bore,  must  his  thoughts  have 
flown  back  to  that  fair  girl :  back,  from  the  hushed 
ambush,  or  raging  battle-field,  or  stormy  seas,  to 
those  quiet  and  innocent  days,  when  he  listened  to 
her  loving  controversy,  as  they  stood  by  the  an- 
tique battlements,  with  the  old  Danube  rolling  by  ! 


1  Count  Hamilton,  who  has  left  such  a  portrait  of  our  Prince 
in  his  "Memoires  de  Grammont/'  looked  upon  him  with  very 
different  eyes  than  those  that  shone  over  him  at  Lintz  !  When 
the  Count  wrote,  his  soul  had  been  seared  by  all  the  terrible 
experiences  of  thirty  years'  war ;  but  his  portrait  by  Vandyke,  at 
Combe  Abbey,  presents  us  with  the  very  ideal  of  a  gallant  Cava- 
lier ;  and  Lord  Kinnaird  has  another  fine  picture  of  him  by  Van- 
dyke, while  yet  a  boy,  in  which  the  countenance  is  beautiful ;  the 
"  reprouve"  had  not  yet  cast  its  shadow  there. 


96     MEMOIRS  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF 

We  are  not  writing  romance,  but  actual  biogra- 
phy, gleaned  painfully  out  from  crabbed  old  manu- 
scripts, through  which  her  character  still  shines  fair 
and  purely.  For  those  quaint  old  letters  tell  me 
that  thenceforward  "  hee  never  named  her  without 
admiracon,  and  expressinge  a  devotion  to  serve  her 
with  his  lyfe ;"  and  it  requires  nothing  more  to  tell 
me  that  her  honour  had  been  guarded  by  his  own. 

Nevertheless,  with  war  resounding  all  around 
him,  with  so  many  prizes  to  be  fought  for,  and  so 
much  glory  to  be  won,  Mdlle.  de  Kuffstein  must 
have  sometimes  found  it  a  hard  task  to  cheer  her 
captive  in  his  cage.  How  his  young  spirit  must 
have  chafed  as  he  saw  glimpses  of  the  war  roll  by 
and  vanish  far  away.  And  to  loose  himself  from 
this  captivity,  this  living  grave,  he  had  but  one 
word  to  utter ;  he  had  but  to  follow  the  example  of 
the  chivalrous  Henry  of  Navarre,  to  profess  him- 
self a  proselyte,  and  to  be  free.  His  royal 
uncle,  his  imperial  enemy,  his  lady-love,  his  wrorldly 
interest,  were  all  in  favour  of  the  change  ;  his  own 
conviction,  his  own  brave  and  manly  heart  alone 
against  it.  Be  this  remembered  when  his  many 
errors  are  recounted ! 

Even  his  prison  had  its  incidents,  and  his  quiet 
life  its  vicissitudes  :  sometimes,  as  armies  were  pass- 
ing by,  some  happier  leader,  hot  from  his  war-horse, 
would  pay  the  royal  prisoner  a  hurried  visit  of  curi- 
osity or  condolence,  and  cheerily  must  the  clank  of 
sword  and  spur  have  sounded  to  his  ears.  One  of 


1641.]      PRINCE   RUPERT   AND   THE   CAVALIERS.  97 

these  visits,  in  the  second  year  of  his  captivity,  pro- 
cured for  him  more  lasting  benefits :  the  Archduke 
Leopold  happened  to  be  passing  through  Lintz,  to 
"beat  up  the  quarters"  of  some  outlying  Swedes, 
who  had  been  stimulated  to  attempt  a  rescue  for 
our  Prince.  The  Archduke  paid  a  visit  to  the  cap- 
tive, by  whom  he  was  so  favourably  impressed,  that 
thenceforth  he  became  his  firm  friend.  He  imme- 
diately procured  from  the  Emperor,  his  brother,  all 
the  indulgences  compatible  with  the  safe  keeping 
of  the  Prince,  who  was  allowed  to  play  at  "  ballon" 
(tennis),  to  practise  with  the  "  skrewed  gun"  (the 
rifle),  and  once  more  to  enjoy  all  martial  exercises  : 
finally,  he  was  placed  on  parole,  and  allowed  to 
leave  the  castle  for  three  days  at  a  time,  hunting  or 
visiting,  as  he  pleased.1  Here  he  "  hunted  the  stag, 
the  fox,  and  the  wild  roe,"  and  probably  made  such 
efforts  to  move  King  Charles  to  his  relief,  as  ulti- 
mately induced  him  to  betake  himself  to  his  old 
occupation  of  negotiating  with  the  Court  of  Vienna. 
It  is  strange,  the  implicit  reliance  this  monarch  and 
his  wicked  old  father  had  on  their  diplomatic  powers 
of  persuasion  :  the  unvarying  defeat  of  every  cause 
they  ever  pleaded  could  never  for  a  moment  shake 
this  vanity.  Rupert's  family  had  afforded  consider- 
able scope  to  its  exercise,  and  had  suffered  in  pro- 


1  His  chief  place  of  visit  seems  to  have  been  Kamur,  in  Upper 
Bavaria,  belonging  to  Count  Kevenhuller :  his  MS.  biographer 
says  "  it  was  a  most  playsant  place,  and  the  count  received  him 
with  all  the  honour  imaginable." — Benett  MSS. 

VOL.  I.  H 


98  MEMOIRS  AND   CORRESPONDENCE   OF 

portion.     Indeed,  there  had  been  always  some  Pala- 
tine or  other  in  a  scrape ;  there  was  always  some 
member  of  this  unlucky  House  to  be  fought  for,  or 
negotiated  for,  or  contributed  for,  or  married,1  or 
released  from  prison.2     In  the  present  exigence,  Sir 
Thomas    Roe,  who    had    grown    grey    in    Palatine 
puzzles  and  Stuart  diplomacy,  was  despatched  from 
England  to  negotiate  for  the  young  Palatine's  re- 
lease;3 but  this  was  no  summary  proceeding,  and, 
meanwhile,  fresh  troubles  awaited  him    at   Lintz. 
As  time  rolled  on,  the  Emperor  of  his  own  accord 
began  to  relent  towards  his   captive,  and  perhaps 
only  desired  an  excuse  to  be  rid  of  him :  he  made  a 
formal  offer  of  release  to  the  Prince,  if  he  would  only 
"  ask  pardon  of  the  Emperor  for  his  crime."     This, 
Prince  Rupert  refused  to  do,  alleging  that,  so  far 
from  committing  a  crime,  he  had  simply  done  his 
duty.     When  this  reply  was  reported  to  the  Empe- 
ror, the  old  Duke  of  Bavaria  was  at  Vienna,  and  he 
so  exasperated  his  imperial  brother-in-law   by  his 
representations  against  the  Palatine,  that  Ferdinand 


1  We  have  seen  the  result  of  Charles'  wooing  for  his  nephew  ; 
he  negotiated  a  marriage  for  Rupert's  sister,  Elizabeth,  with  La- 
dislaus  of  Poland,  which  was  equally  abortive. — See  Racouski's 
Embassy,  Court  and  Times,  ii.  128. 

2  Prince  Philip  was  forced  to  fly  from  Holland  for  the  murder 
of  Epinay  :  he  gave  great  sorrow  to  his  mother,  and  some  trouble 
to  Charles. 

3  The  Countess  de  Lewenstein  thus  writes  from  the  Hague  on 
the  24th  Nov.  :  "  I  hope  by  the  solicitation  of  Sir  Thomas  Roe 
we  shall  have  our  sweet  Prince  Rupert  here  :  he  hath  been  long 
a  prisoner." — Fairfax  Correspondence,  i.  322. 


1641.]     PRINCE   RUPERT   AND   THE   CAVALIERS.          99 

recalled  his  privilege  of  parole,  and  all  other  in- 
dulgences. Thenceforth  our  hero  was  a  close 
prisoner,  debarred  from  his  tennis  and  his  "  skrewd 
gunn,"  and  even  from  Mademoiselle  de  Kuffstein's 
society.  Instead  of  her  gentle  presence,  "twelve 
mousqueteers  and  two  halberds"  watched  night  and 
day  over  that  beardless  boy  in  that  strong  castle. 

Still,  youth  arid  its  hope  triumphed  over  persecu- 
tion. Debarred  from  all  human  society,  the  Prince 
made  friends  of  a  "beautiful  white  dogge1  and  a 
hare."  The  former  was  given  to  him  by  Lord 
Arundell,  and  was  "  of  a  breede  so  famous  that  the 
Grand  Turk  gave  it  in  particular  injunction  to  his 
ambassador  to  obtaine  him  a  puppie  thereof."  It  is 
curious  to  observe  this  daring  and  restless  man 
amusing  himself  by  teaching  a  dog  that  discipline 
he  himself  could  never  learn,  and  inducing  a  hare  to 

1  This  "  dogge"  was  afterwards  renowned  in  English  civil  and 
controversial  warfare.  It  followed  the  Prince  through  many  a 
bloody  field  uninjured,  but  was  killed  at  Marston  Moor,  to  the 
great  joy  of  the  Puritans,  who,  half  in  jest,  asserted  that  it  was 
Prince  Rupert's  familiar  spirit.  There  is  a  curious  and  half  un- 
intelligible pamphlet  in  the  Bodleian  Library  at  Oxford,  called 
"  Observations  on  Prince  Rupert's  dogge,  called  Boye."  London, 
1642.  It  is  very  witty,  but  with  what  object  it  was  written  I 
know  not.  It  says  of  this  "  dogge,"  that  "  it  trotted  up  and  down 
toward  the  east  end  of  the  church,  where  there  is  a  great  painted 
window  above  and  an  altar  below,  both  which  (with  the  rayles) 

make  one  great  idoll" "I  have  kept  a  very  strict  eye  upon 

this  dogge,  whom  I  cannot  conclude  to  be  a  very  downright 
divell,  but  some  Lapland  ladye,  once  by  nature  a  handsome 

white  ladye,  but  now  by  art  a  handsome  white  dogge They 

have  many  times  attempted  to  destroy  it  by  poyson  and  extem- 
pore prayer,  but  they  hurt  him  no  more  than  the  plague  plaister 
did  Mr.  Pym,"  &c.  We  are  told  that  the  mother's  name  was 
"  Puddle  I"  query,  Poodle,  which  it  seems  to  have  been. 

H  2 


100    MEMOIRS  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF 

lay  aside  that  fear  towards  him  that  he  inspired 
so  widely  even  among  brave  men.  "This  hare  used 
to  follow  him  about,  and  do  his  bidding  with  doci- 
lity," having  discovered  in  this  wild  soldier  some 
touch  of  the  same  gentle  nature  that  its  fellow 
found  in  the  poet  Cowper. 

One  word  more,  as  our  story  is  in  gentle  mood, 
about  the  lady  of  Lintz.  She  never  saw  her 
prisoner  now  ;  but  she  knew  that  he  bore  his  priva- 
tions with  the  fortitude  and  steady  courage  that 
never  forsook  him  at  any  moment  of  his  life.  Our 
biographer1  adds,  that  "the  bravery  of  meene  and 
the  misfortunes  of  our  Prince  made  farre  more  sen- 
sible impressions  on  her  than  on  her  father," — a 
fact  which  will  scarcely  excite  much  surprise  in 
modern  days.  But  it  seems  that  woman's  influence 
was  then  still  the  same ;  for  we  find  that  the  tough 
old  man,  who  held  it  as  sheer  obstinacy  that  the 
Prince  would  neither  follow  Emperor  nor  Pope, 
relaxed  at  length ;  "  his  daughter's  sweetnesse 
having  infused  more  affability  into  him  towards  his 
prisoner."  It  is  unnecessary  to  say  that  Rupert 
often  meditated  escape ;  but  sometimes  his  parole, 
and  at  other  times  the  "  twelve  mousketeers  and 
two  halberds,"  rendered  it  impossible. 

At  length  new  events  occurred,  which  brought 
a  powerful  friend  once  more  to  his  assistance.  The 
Swedes,  combining  with  the  French,  again  prepared 

1  Benett  MS. 


1641.]     PRINCE   RUPERT   AND   THE   CAVALIERS.        101 

to  attack  Lintz ;  and  by  this  means  they  indirectly 
accomplished  the  release  of  Rupert.  The  Archduke 
was  again  sent  to  defend  the  town  of  Lintz ;  and  he 
not  only  did  so,  but  retaliated  on  the  allies  their  in- 
tended surprise,  and  utterly  defeated  them.  During 
his  occupation  of  the  castle  he  renewed  his  friendship 
with  the  Prince  ;  and  when  he  returned  to  Vienna, 
he  resumed  his  efforts,  backed  by  his  claims  for  suc- 
cessful service,  to  obtain  his  friend's  release.  Other 
causes  at  the  same  time  contributed  to  counteract 
the  Duke  of  Bavaria's  influence  against  the  Prince. 
His  story  began  to  be  noised  abroad  through  Europe ; 
it  had  made  an  impression  on  the  Empress,  who  be- 
sieged the  Emperor's  private  ear,  as  the  English 
ambassador  his  public  attention,  in  the  cause  of  the 
young  captive.  Sir  Thomas  Roe  had  received  orders 
to  press  this  suit,  for  the  King  of  England  began  to 
wish  that  his  gallant  kinsman  were  near,  as  he 
saw  the  great  struggle  for  his  kingdom  was  ap- 
proaching. The  Prince  was  the  only  person  who 
was  connected  with  him  by  blood,  and  yet  pure  from 
political  intrigue ;  moreover,  he  was  well  expe- 
rienced in  military  affairs,  then  much  neglected 
from  long  disuse,  in  England ;  and,  above  all,  the 
young  Palatine  had  no  patriotic  scruples  to  qualify 
his  allegiance,  or  to  narrow  his  services.  In  addition 
to  all  these  advocates,  Prince  Rupert  had  a  power- 
ful ally  in  the  person  of  Count  Lesley,  who  had 
known  him  when  in  England,  and  who  was  now 
high  in  the  Emperor's  favour,  and  Rupert's  steady 


102         MEMOIRS   AND   CORRESPONDENCE   OF 

friend.1  Against  this  array  of  advocates  there  was 
one  opponent,  but  she  was  a  woman,  and  the  Ger- 
man proverb  says,  "  a  woman's  hair  can  draw  more 
than  a  yoke  of  oxen."  The  Duchess  of  Bavaria 
went  on  her  knees  to  the  Emperor  to  deprecate 
young  Rupert's  freedom;  and  for  a  time  she  pre- 
vailed. The  Empress2  then  was  roused,  not  only  as 
to  her  compassion,  but  her  jealousy;  she  pleaded 
with  ardour,  and  at  length  obtained  her  suit.3 

There  was  some  delay  in  the  Prince's  delivery 
from  his  prison :  it  was  stipulated  that  he  should 
never  fight  against  Ferdinand,  and  to  this  he  de- 
murred, as  considerably  narrowing  his  field  of  future 
action,  seeing  that  almost  all  Europe  was  opposed  to 
the  Empire.  However,  Charles,  when  referred  to, 
insisted  that  the  promise  should  be  given ;  and  so 
at  length  it  was.  Colonel  Lesley  cannily  desired  to 
have  this  promise  in  writing,  and  the  Prince  indig- 
nantly agreed  :  "  <  but,'  sayd  hee,  *  if  it  is  to  bee  a 

1  Perhaps  the  same  Lesley,  a  colonel  who  we  find  left  Charles 
I.'s  service  in  1633,  "because  the  King  would  not  lord  him." — 
Howell,  p.  216.    There  was  another  Colonel  Lesley  in  the  Swedish 
service. — Sir  P.  Warwick,  107. 

2  This  was  the  Infanta  of  Spain,  the  former  and  first  passion  of 
our  Charles.     Is  it  possible  that  she  felt  a  secret  pleasure  in  pro- 
moting the  wishes  of  a  man  by  whom  she  was  once  wooed  1 

J  We  have  in  the  Benett  MS.  a  confused  story  about  a  pro- 
posed exchange  of  our  Prince  for  Prince  Casimer  (brother  of 
Ladislaus,  King  of  Poland,  who  was  then  wooing  Rupert's  sister, 
Elizabeth,)  "  and  John  de  Wirt,  an  imperiall  generall.  But  Sir 
Thomas  Roe  objected  that  none  but  the  Archduke  (the  Emperor's 
brother)  was  a  fitt  exchange  for  the  King  of  England,  his  ne- 
phew ;"  an  etiquette  that,  however  flattering,  was  awkward  for 
Prince  Rupert,  as  the  Archduke  was  not  a  prisoner. 


1641.]     PRINCE   RUPERT  AND   THE   CAVALIERS.        103 

lawyer's  business,  let  them  look  well  to  the  word- 
ing/ Whereupon  they  preferred  his  paroll,  and 
he  gave  his  hand  upon  it  to  the  Emperour."1 

Thenceforth  the  Emperor  lavished  favours  on 
him,  and  once  more  endeavoured  to  win  him  over  to 
his  service ;  we  are  even  told2  that  the  fairest  ladies 
of  the  Court  were  employed  in  the  task  of  persuasion, 
yet  they  prevailed  not ;  perhaps  some  memories 
connected  with  the  old  Castle  of  Lintz,  other  than 
his  imprisonment  there,  saved  his  soft  heart  from 
their  influence.  At  length  a  direct  offer  was  made 
to  him  of  command  against  the  French  and  Swedes, 
leaving  him  to  cling  to  what  creed  he  pleased.  He 
replied,  "that  he  receaved  the  proposall  rather  as 
an  affront  than  a  favour,  and  that  he  would  never 
take  armes  against  the  champions  of  his  father's 
cause."  Independently  of  this  scruple  (which  was 
afterwards  waived  when  he  fought  against  the 
Dutch,3)  Prince  Rupert  possessed  a  certain  military 

1  There  was  a  difficulty  (of  etiquette)  about  keeping  the  Prince 
prisoner,  until  the  moment  when  he  kissed  the  Emperor's  hand, 
in  token  of  manumission.     In  order  to  obviate  his  being  taken 
under  a  guard  to  Vienna,  Sir  Thomas  Roe  suggested  that  he 
should  make  use  of  one  of  his  "  three  days'  paroll"  to  meet  the 
Emperor  (who  was  then  hunting  near  Lintz),  as  if  by  accident. 
It  so  happened  that  the  Emperor's  attendants  roused  a  majestic 
boar,  which,  after  a  long  chase,  stood  so  fiercely  at  bay,  that  no 
one  cared  to  approach  it.     Suddenly  a  young  sportsman  arrived, 
paused  not  a  moment,  rushed  in  upon  the  animal ;  it  died  upon 
his  spear.     Just  then  the  Emperor  rode  up,  and  held  out  his 
hand  to  the  brave  hunter  :  to  the  surprise  of  all,  he  kissed  it, 
and  was  free.     It  was  the  Prince. 

2  Benett's  MS. 

3  And  we  might  say  against  Essex,  who  was  twice  in  arms  for 
the  Palatinate. 


104         MEMOIRS   AND   CORRESPONDENCE   OF 

simplicity  of  purpose,  which  held  him  faithful  to 
the  service  of  King  Charles.  To  his  cause,  the 
CAUSE  OF  THE  CAVALIERS,  he  had  vowed  devotion 
when  a  boy,  and  in  that  cause,  unswervingly,  he 
lived  and  died. 

After  this  decided  rejection  of  the  Emperor's 
offers,  the  Prince  found  little  difficulty  in  obtaining 
his  passport.  His  royal  uncle  of  England  had  al- 
ready intimated  to  him  "  that  in  the  event  of  warre 
he  should  be  verie  wellcome  to  him ;"  and  the  state 
of  affairs  in  England  seemed  to  prove  that  the  hour 
of  such  "  wellcome"  was  almost  arrived.  An  invi- 
tation from  King  Charles  had  lately  reached  him, 
and  it  came  in  good  time.  His  career  was  now  to 
be  begun  ;  and  where  under  such  favourable  auspices 
as  in  the  fair  fields  of  England,  already  well  known 
to  him  as  the  scene  of  many  a  daring  feat  in  "  war's 
mimic  game."  Even  his  mother  approved  of  his 
devoting  himself  to  a  cause  which  he  could  not 
question  the  justice  of,  and  which  gratitude  as  well 
as  inclination  enjoined  him  to  embrace. 

His  course  being  thus  decided  upon,  Prince  Ru- 
pert took  leave  of  the  Emperor,  and  received  at 
parting  a  friendly  hint  not  to  pass  through  the 
dominions  of  Bavaria.  He  went  first  to  Prague,  to 
revisit  the  scenes  of  his  father's  brief  glory  and  last- 
ing sorrow,  and  then  proceeded  to  Saxe,  where  the 
Elector  made  him  his  guest,  and  treated  him  with 
great  ceremony.  On  the  day  of  his  arrival  he  was 
welcomed  by  a  banquet,  which  was  followed  by  one 


1642.]     PRINCE   RUPERT   AND   THE   CAVALIERS.        105 

of  those   vehement   drinking  bouts   in    which   the 
Germans  had  attained  such  evil  eminence.1 

"  Our  Prince,  alwaies  temperate,  soon  left  the 
table,  to  the  astonishment  of  the  Germans.  *  What 
shall  we  do  with  him,"  said  the  Elector,  *  if  he  won't 
drink?  let  us  make  a  hunting  for  him.'"  So  he 
hunted ;  and  no  doubt  with  much  greater  satisfac- 
tion. From  Saxe  he  proceeded  to  the  Hague, 
where  he  embraced  his  mother  after  three  years' 
absence  and  imprisonment.2 


1  Howell  thus  describes  a  state  reception  to  tlie  ambassador, 
whom  he  accompanied  :— "  The   King  of  Denmark  feasted  my 
Lord  Leycestre  from-  eleven  in  the  morning.     He  gave  thirty-five 
healths ;  the  first  to  the  Emperor,  the  second  to  the  King  of 
England  (his  nephew) ;  then  all  the  Kings  and  Queens  of  Christen- 
dom, but  omitted  the  King  of  Bohemia  [in  whose  cause  the  am- 
bassador had  come  to  his  Court].     The  King  was  taken  away  in 
his    chair,  but  when    two  of   the   guards   came   to   carry   my 
Lord  Leycestre,  he  shook  them  off,  and  walked  away  stoutly." — 
p.  236. 

2  IJis  brother  Charles,  who  had  been  so  indifferent  about  his 
brother's   fate,    had   lately   shared   it.      We   subjoin   his    story, 
to  have  done  with  it: — "In  the  month   of  July,    1639,    the 
Prince  Elector  Palatine  of  the   Rhine  came  into  England,  de- 
signing, by  his  Majesty's  assistance,  to  obtain  the  command  of  the 
army  of  Duke  Bernard  of  Saxe  Weimar,  then  lately  deceased. 
The  King  was  very  willing  to  serve  the  interest  of  that  Prince,  in 
order  to  the  regaining  of  his  ancient  patrimony,  and  moved  it  to 
the  French  ambassador,   proposing  a  perpetual  league  between 
France  and  the  Prince,  in  consideration  of  the  French  assistance. 
The  ambassador  was  pleased  with  this  proposition,  and  assured 
the  King  that  his  master  and  Cardinal  Richelieu  would  approve 
it ;  but  the  latter  becoming  suspected  in  the  English  court  as  a 
fomenter  of  the  Scotch  rebellion,  it  was  thought  more  advisable 
for  the  Prince  to  go  incognito  through  France  to  the  army,  who, 
upon  his  appearance,  it  was  thought,  would  receive  him  as  their 
general,  than  to  trust  to  the  sincerity  of  Richelieu,  or  the  delays 
of  a  treaty.     Accordingly,  he  took  his  journey,  and  passed  dis- 
guised through  France  to  Lyons,  where  he  was  discovered  and 


106    MEMOIRS  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF 

The  Prince  of  Orange,  too,  welcomed  his  old 
favourite  warmly,  and  entered  into  his  views  with 
respect  to  England  zealously  and  kindly.  The 
aspect  of  affairs  there  was  very  gloomy ;  the  King 
had  been  for  years  in  negotiation,  as  it  were,  with 
his  parliament ;  each  party  had  now  reached  what 
it  considered  the  utmost  limits  of  forbearance,  and 
nothing  remained  but  the  first  act  of  hostility  to 
serve  instead  of  the  mere  form  of  declaring  war. 
The  King  was  at  Dover,  (Feb.  23rd,  1642,)  escort- 
ing his  queen  so  far  on  her  way  to  Holland,  whither 
she  had  in  fact  escaped  from  the  Parliament,  who 
wanted  an  excuse  to  prevent  her  departure.  Her  real 
object — that  of  seeking  foreign  assistance,  and 
raising  money  on  the  crown  jewels  to  support  the 
crown — was  well  known.  Every  thought  of  hers, 
indeed,  was  transparent  to  her  enemies  by  means 
of  the  political  ladies  of  her  Court ;  especially  by 
means  of  the  arch-traitress  Lady  Carlisle,  whom  she 
trusted  with  implicit  infatuation.  Her  ostensible 
object  in  visiting  Holland,  was  to  introduce  her 
daughter  Mary  to  her  affianced  husband,  William, 
the  young  and  gallant  Prince  of  Orange.1 

When  Prince  Rupert  reached  Dover,2  he  found 

made  prisoner,  a  strict  guard  being  for  some  time  put  upon  him 
by  the  French  King,  who  interpreted  this  proceeding,  whilst  he 
was  in  treaty  with  him,  to  be  some  ill  design  against  his  crown 
and  dominion."— Nalsons  Collection,  vol.  i.  p.  57".  London,  1682. 

1  Already  distinguished  at  Hulst  :  he  was  seventeen  years 
old ;  his  affianced  bride  only  twelve,  afterwards  our  Queen. 

"  The  MS.  says,  «  He  did"  then  very  ill  brook  the  sea." 


1642.]     PRINCE   RUPERT   AND   THE   CAVALIERS.        107 

that  the  King,  if  not  still  hopeful  to  prevent  the 
war,  had  at  least  taken  no  steps  to  meet  it :  he 
was  therefore  very  desirous  to  avoid  any  appear- 
ances that  might  be  construed  into  such  a  design. 
Every  man  in  England,  nevertheless,  knew  that 
civil  war  was  lurking  at  his  threshold,  however 
startled  afterwards  to  find  himself  in  the  actual 
presence  of  the  demon. 

Prince  Rupert  found  an  affectionate  welcome  from 
his  uncle ;  nevertheless,  as  pacific  professions  were 
still  maintained,  he  deemed  it  advisable  to  return 
to  Holland  under  the  appearance  of  escorting  the 
queen.1  Her  majesty  waited  some  days  for  a  fair 
wind,  during  which  time  intrigue  was  busy,  and 
place-hunters  were  making  desperate  efforts.2  On 
the  25th  of  February  the  Queen  embarked  on  board 
the  "  Lyon,"  commanded  by  Captain  Fox ;  the  States 
having  sent  the  gallant  Van  Tromp  with  twenty 
ships  of  war  to  escort  her  to  their  shores ;  on  the 
28th  she  landed  at  Helvoetsluys,  and  proceeded  to 
the  Court  of  Prince  Frederic  Henry,  whence  Rupert 
returned  to  the  Hague. 


1  There  is  a  curious  passage  in  one  of  my  MSS.  concerning  a 
"  person  of  greate  quallity,"  which  allusion  is  explained  in  another 
MS.  to  apply  to  the  Duke  of  Hamilton.     It  runs  thus  : — "A 
person  of  greate  quallity  and  much  interest  with  the  King  askt 
his  Highnesse  what  he  intended  to  do.     To  whom  the  Prince 
made  answer  that   he  would   only  return  to  Holland  with   ye 
Queene.     '  You  are  the  wiser/  saies  the  other,  discoursing  the 
matter  so  suspiciously  with  the  King,  that  his  Highnesse  gave  the 
King  a  necessary  caution  concerning  him." — Benelt  MS. 

2  Clar.  Reb.  ii.  263. 


108          MEMOIRS   AND   CORRESPONDENCE   OF 

If  Henrietta  Maria  had  hitherto  displayed  the 
hereditary  wilfulness  and  levity  of  Mary  of  Me- 
dicis,  she  now  emulated  the  energy  and  talent  of 
Henry  of  Navarre.  In  all  England  the  King  could 
not  have  found  a  man  capable  of  performing  what 
this  unassisted  woman  accomplished.  France  stood 
aloof,  not  sorry  to  see  the  power  of  England  divided 
against  itself,  and  Richelieu  left  the  sister  of  his 
sovereign  to  beg  from  strangers,  and  to  feel  herself 
an  exile  from  her  native  land.  Papist  and  Royal 
as  she  was,  the  Queen  found  a  Protestant  republic 
very  slow  to  listen  to  the  voice  of  her  charming ;  the 
public  sympathies  of  the  Dutch  were  all  with  the  Par- 
liament, and  though  their  private  interests  induced 
them  to  deal  with  the  Queen,  they  satisfied  their 
consciences  by  "bargaining  like  Turks"1  for  every- 
thing they  gave.2  Notwithstanding  all  these  diffi- 
culties, the  Queen  succeeded  in  raising  considerable 
sums,  and  a  good  supply  of  arms  for  the  King.  And 
it  was  full  time.  The  King  had  left  London  for 
the  north,  and  was  only  hesitating  where  he  should 

1  Lilly's  "Life  and  Times;"  Masere's  "Tracts."  What  Mr. 
Canning  calls  "  the  irrepressible  energies  of  commerce"  have  never 
been  so  energetically  displayed  as  by  the  Dutch.  King  Louis 
Napoleon  found  it  impossible  to  please  his  Imperial  brother  by 
enforcing  the  Berlin  decree  in  Holland  : — "  Empechez  done  la 
peau  de  transpirer,"  was  his  excuse.  The  most  whimsical  result 
of  this  commercial  instinct  was  exhibited  in  the  siege  of  one  of 
their  own  seaports  by  the  French  ;  when  the  Dutch  actually  sup- 
plied ships  to  carry  stores  to  their  enemies  ! 

2  The  Prince  of  Orange  gave  his  best  assistance  and  his  sym- 
pathies ;  but  his  own  power  in  Holland  was  by  no  means  well 
secured,  and  he  could  not  afford  to  use  compulsion  towards  the 
States. 


1642.]     PRINCE   RUPERT   AND   THE  CAVALIERS.        109 

raise  that  standard,  which  he  had  as  yet  scarcely  an 
armed  soldier  to  defend. 

The  Queen  sent  for  Prince  Rupert  to  the  Hague, 
announced  to  him  that  the  King  designed  for  him 
the  "  Generalship  of  his  Horse,"  and  enjoined  him 
to  proceed  to  England  instantly  with  such  supplies 
as  she  had  then  prepared.  These  were  placed  in  a 
small  vessel  belonging  to  the  King,  and  the  Prince 
himself  embarked  in  the  "  Lyon,"  but  had  scarcely 
put  to  sea  when  a  gale  of  wind  drove  him  back  to 
the  Texel,  and  at  the  same  time  sent  the  store-ship 
ashore,  where  her  cargo  was  saved  with  difficulty. 
Prince  Rupert  hastened  to  lay  his  condition  before 
the  stadtholder,  who  generously  gave  him  a  frigate 
of  forty-six  guns  for  his  own  conveyance,  and  a 
galliot  for  his  stores.  During  the  delay  thus  caused, 
Prince  Maurice  obtained  permission  to  join  his 
brother,  and  henceforth  affectionately  followed  him 
during  the  remainder  of  his  brief  existence. 

At  length  the  Princes  sailed  for  England,  Lord 
Digby  being  on  board  the  galliot.1  The  wind  was 
fair,  and  the  "  seas  contributed  to  the  designes  of  the 
Prince,  yet  his  mind  went  faster  than  his  vessel],  and 
the  zeale  he  had  speedily  to  serve  his  majestye,  made 
him  think  diligence  itself  was  lazy."2  Having  nar- 

1  This  clever  and  unlucky  man,  one  of  Charles'  chief  favourites, 
had  been  some  time  in  England  :  he  spread  a  report  (which  de- 
ceived the  MS.  writer)  that  he  had  come  in  this  store-ship. —  Clar. 
Reb.  iii.  168. 

2  Lans.  MS.,  which  here  breaks  off,  having  done  our  story  at 
intervals  good  service.     It  was  evidently  written  by  some  person 


110         MEMOIRS  AND   CORRESPONDENCE   OF 

rowly  escaped  the  Parliamentary  cruizers  off  Flam- 
borough  Head,  they  reached  Tynemouth  in  safety. 
Hence  they  rode  post  for  Nottingham,  Daniel 
O'Neale,  Somerset,  Fox,  and  others  being  of  their 
company.  It  was  evening  when  they  landed,  but 
Rupert  was  not  a  man  to  wait  upon  the  morning, 
and  immediately  calling  for  horses,  he  set  forth.  It 
was  in  the  month  of  August,  but  as  his  evil  destiny 
would  have  it,  there  came  on  a  sharp  frost,  and  his 
horse  slipping  in  the  dark,  the  Prince  was  thrown 
with  violence  and  dislocated  his  shoulder.  There 
happened  to  be  a  "bone-setter"  living  within  half  a 
mile  of  where  he  fell,  and  the  limb  was  set,  but  it 
was  three  days1  before  Prince  Rupert  was  able  to 
resume  his  journey.2  When  he  reached  Nottingham 
he  found  that  the  King  had  gone  to  Coventry  ;3  so, 
mounting  again,  he  followed  him.  Before  he  had 
gone  far,  however,  he  learned  that  the  King  was  at 

intimate  with,  or  attendant  on  the  Prince,  and  seems  to  have  been 
written  from  time  to  time,  as  conversation  brought  old  facts  to 
light. 

1  Three  hours,  one  MS.  says. 

2  The  "  bone-setter"  refused  to  take  more  than  half  the  fee 
the  Prince  offered  him.     It  is  pleasant  to  trace  back  this  trait 
of  humble  honour  through  two  hundred  years. 

3  An  occurrence  is  here  related  by  the  MSS.  which,  as  it  gives 
a  striking  picture  of  the  poverty  of  the  King's  resources,  ought 
not  to  be  omitted.     Prince  Rupert  had  scarcely  arrived  at  Not- 
tingham, when  "  Lord  Digby,  the  governor,  came  to  him,  saying 
he  had  received  a  dispatch  from  the  King  (who  was  then  before 
Coventry),  asking  for  two  petards,  a  word  which  he  could  not  un- 
derstand.    The  Prince  hastily  proceeded  to  examine  '  the  arsenal' 
[as  it  was  called  by  courtesy],  but  no  petard  was  to  be  found. 
At  length  Colonel  Legge  got  two  apothecaries'  mortars,  which 
they  adapted  to  that  purpose,  and  sent  off  post  to  the  King." 


1642.]     PRINCE   RUPERT   AND   THE   CAVALIERS.        Ill 

Leicester  Abbey,1  where  the  Prince  joined  him,  and 
received  charge  of  the  royal  cavalry,  consisting  of 
eight  hundred  horse !  The  next  day,  being  the 
22nd  day  of  August,  they  proceeded  to  Nottingham, 
where  the  ROYAL  STANDARD  WAS  THEN  SET  up.2  3 
It  was  a  dismal  ceremony : 4  all  external  ap- 

1  Holling's  "  History  of  Leicester." 

2  Here  the  Benett  MS.  breaks  off  until  "our  Prince"  leaves 
England   in   1646  :    then,  resuming  its  details,  it  follows   him 
through  all  his  privateering  and  corsair  career,  until  he  returns 
to  England  at  the  Restoration.     There  it  ends. 

3  It  is  remarkable  that  this  memorable  epoch  is  uncertain :  Lord 
Clarendon  (who  witnessed  the  ceremony),  and    May,   the  Par- 
liamentary historian,  say  the  standard  was  set  up  on  the  25th  of 
August.     Ludlow  and  Bulstrode  say  it  was  on  the  24th ;  M. 
Guizot  says  the  23rd ;  and  Rushworth  and  Lilly  maintain  it  was 
on  the  22nd.     I  have  assigned  the  latter  date  on  the  following 
grounds.     In  the  Journal  of  the  House  of  Commons  of  the  24th, 
we  find  that   intelligence   had  already  been   received  that   the 
standard  was  set  up,  that  there  had  been  deliberations  founded 
on  that  transaction,  and  in  which  it  was  agreed  that  Essex  was 
to  take  the  command  of  the   Parliamentary   forces ;  secondly, 
there  is  a  curious   pamphlet,  belonging  to  Dr.  Bandinel,  of  the 
Bodleian  Library,  which  purports  to  furnish  a  "  likenesse"  of  the 
standard,  and  was  published  at  the  time  j  it  gives  the  22nd  as 
the  date  :  thirdly,  my  own  MS.,  which  I  may  be  allowed  to  trust 
to  in  some  degree,  gives  this  same  date.     The  probability  is,  that 
the  standard  was  first   raised  on    the  22nd,  and  continued  to 
wave  over  Nottingham  until  the  26th. 

4  The  first  standard  that  was  ever  raised  within  the  bowels 
of  this  kingdom  [for  Scotland  and  Wales  were  of  old  considered 
"aliens"]  was  in  the  third  year  of  King  Richard  III.,  1483,  at 
a  place  called  Redmore,  near  Bosworth,  where  he  pitched  his  tents 
in  the  open  fields,  called  all  his  soldiers  together,  and  declaring 
the  cause  of  his  taking  up  arms   and   the   setting  up  of  his 
standard,  which  was  against  Henry  Earl  of  Richmond,  encou- 
raging them  to  stand  to  him  now  or  else  never.     Then  King 
Richard,  having  set  up  his  standard,  which  was  formerly  sent  him 
out  of  the  Tower  of  London,  and  brought  to  him  by  Sir  Thomas 
Brackenbury,  Lieutenant  of  the  Tower,  whom  he  appointed  his 
chief  standard-bearer,  together  with   Sir  T.  Bouchier  and    Sir 
Walter  Hungerford,  knights  and  gentlemen  in  whom  the  King 


112          MEMOIRS   AND   CORRESPONDENCE   OF 

pearances  contributed  to  deepen  the  gloom  that 
pervaded  every  mind, — ever}7  mind  except  young 
Rupert's,  whose  daring  spirit  found  in  difficulties 
only  fresh  sources  of  excitement.  His  presence  at 
the  little  Court  of  Nottingham  infused  new  life  and 
confidence  among  the  drooping  followers  of  the 
King.  Charles  himself,  harassed  by  timorous  and 
conflicting  counsels,  found  relief  in  the  prompt, 
vigorous,  and  decisive  character  of  his  nephew. 
Young  as  he  was,  he  alone  of  the  royal  counsellors 
had  experience  in  military  affairs;  his  youth  and 
natural  daring  made  him  reckless  of  the  obstacles 
so  formidable  to  cabinet  men :  they  only  knew  that 
the  Parliament  had  money  at  command,  and  all  the 
munitions  of  war, — the  King,  nothing  but  a  doubtful 
cause.  Prince  Rupert  not  only  then,  but  throughout 
the  war,  was  most  useful  to  that  cause,  by  inspiring 

had  a  good  affiance  and  trust.  The  standard  being  set  up  in 
great  state,  and  well  guarded,  the  whole  country,  being  much  dis- 
pleased because  the  King  would  make  it  the  seat  of  war,  brake 
out  and  declared  by  certain  papers  which  were  scattered  and 
thrown  about  the  army,  what  they  had  heard  of  by  ancient 
records,  that  if  any  King  doth  proclaim  war  and  set  up  his  stand- 
ard within  his  owne  kingdom,  and  against  his  owne  people  and 
nation,  not  having  any  just  occasion,  but  only  a  rash  humour  and 
desire  for  vengeance,  and  not  having  any  affront  given  by  foreign 
Princes,  nor  his  land  invaded  by  any  foreign  forces,  upon  the 
setting  up  of  any  such  standard,  1st,  that  the  lawe  itself  seases 
to  be  of  any  force ;  2nd,  that  all  prisoners  whatsoever,  that  lay 
in  custody  upon  any  suit  of  war  or  execution,  contempt  or  any 
other  decree,  were  presently  freed,  and  the  doores  of  the  prison 
thrown  open  ;  3rd,  that  such  a  King  ought  to  be  dispossessed  and 
his  throne  bestowed  upon  an  other;  4th,  neither  he,  nor  any  of 
his  posterity,  should  have  any  right  or  succession  to  the  crown 
and  dignity. — Pamphlet  in  possession  of  Dr.  £andinel,  Bodleian, 
Oxford. 


1642.]       PRINCE   RUPERT   AND   THE   CAVALIERS.       113 

the  confidence  that  he  felt,  and  by  a  soldierlike 
simplicity  of  purpose,  more  difficult  to  baffle  or  to 
cope  with,  than  all  the  wiles  of  Machiavelli. 

Prince  Rupert  was  now  nearly  twenty-three. 
His  portraits  present  to  us  the  ideal  of  a  gallant 
cavalier.  His  figure,  tall,  vigorous,  and  symmetri- 
cal, would  have  been  somewhat  stately,  but  for  its 
graceful  bearing  and  noble  ease.  A  vehement,  yet 
firm,  character  predominates  in  the  countenance, 
combined  with  a  certain  gentleness,  apparent  only 
in  the  thoughtful,  but  not  pensive,  eyes.  Large, 
dark,  and  well-formed  eyebrows,  overarch  a  high- 
bred, Norman  nose :  the  upper  lip  is  finely  cut 
but  somewhat  supercilious  in  expression;  the  lower 
part  of  the  mouth  and  chin  have  a  very  different 
meaning,  and  impart  a  tone  of  iron  resolution  to  the 
whole  countenance.  Long  flowing  hair  (through 
which,  doubtless,  curled  the  romantic  "  love-lock") 
flowed  over  the  wide  embroidered  collar,  or  the  scar- 
let cloak :  he  wore  neither  beard  nor  moustaches, 
then  almost  universal ;  and  his  cheek,  though 
bronzed  by  exposure,  was  marked  by  a  womanly 
dimple.  On  the  whole,  our  Cavalier  must  have 
presented  an  appearance  as  attractive  in  a  lady's 
eye,  and  as  unlovely  in  a  Puritan's,  as  Vandyke 
ever  immortalized.1  Such  was  the  aspect  of  the 

1  De  Grammont,  or  rather  Hamilton,  lias  left  us  a  lively  portrait 
of  this  prince,  but  dark  and  satirical  as  gall  could  make  it.  The 
witty  and  sensual  coxcomb  had  probably  an  instinctive  antipathy 
to  the  uncompromising  and  almost  ascetic  soldier.  I  have  tran- 
scribed his  words  in  the  third  volume.  At  the  time  it  was  drawn, 

VOL.  I.  I 


114    MEMOIRS  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF 

young  Palatine,  who  won  for  himself  a  name  so  re- 
nowned in  the  tradition  of  our  Civil  Wars,  yet  so 
uncertain  in  their  history.  He  is  now  riding  side 
by  side  with  his  royal  kinsman  to  Nottingham,  on 
the  way  to  the  opening  scene  of  the  great  tragedy. 
By  the  aid  of  old  writings,  and  still  more  by  the  aid 
of  old  prints  and  pictures,  we  may  bring  the  group 
of  warlike  travellers  before  our  eyes,  and  behold  the 
scenes  they  saw.  A  strong  wind  was  sweeping  over 
the  wide  valley  of  the  Trent,  then  unenclosed  by 
fences,  and  only  marked  at  wide  intervals  by  some 
low,  strong  farm-houses,  with  innumerable  gables.  In 
the  distance,  boldly  relieved  against  the  stormy  sky, 
rose  the  stern  old  castle  of  Nottingham ;  a  flag-staff, 
as  yet  innocent  of  the  fatal  standard,  was  visible  on 
its  highest  tower.  Long  peace  and  security  had 
invested  the  country  round  with  a  very  different 
aspect  from  that  which  Rupert  had  lately  seen  in 
Germany.  A  prosperous  peasantry  were  gathering 
in  a  plentiful  harvest : l  there  were  no  symptoms 

Prince  Rupert  had  had  experience  of  nearly  half  a  century  of 
such  perils,  privations,  and  vicissitudes  on  land  and  sea,  as  have 
seldom  been  concentrated  in  a  single  life.  The  best  portraits  of 
the  Prince  that  I  am  acquainted  with  are  in  the  possession  of  Lord 
Kinnaird  at  Rossie  Priory,  Lord  Craven  at  Combe  Abbey,  and  Sir 
Robert  Bromley  at  Stoke  Park.  The  first,  by  Vandyke,  was  taken 
apparently  at  the  Hague,  when  he  was  about  eleven  years  of  age  ; 
the  second,  also  by  Vandyke,  about  the  period  of  his  first  visit  to 
England,  and  the  last  (as  in  the  frontispiece)  was  painted  by 
Sir  Peter  Lely  after  the  Restoration. 

1  There  was  a  "  very  bountiful  harvest"  this  year  (Clarendon), 
and,  indeed,  a  succession  of  them,  until  1673.  The  labourer  must 
have  lived  in  comfort,  as  he  received  (at  least  in  1661),  a  shilling 
a  day,  with  food,  or  one  shilling  and  eightpence  without  it,  for 


1042.]      PRINCE   RUPERT   AND   THE   CAVALIERS.        115 

anywhere  of  the  approaching  war,  until  the  royal 
cavalcade  passed  by.  The  greater  part  of  the 
Prince's  cavalry  was  there,  endeavouring  to  make 
an  imposing  appearance  ;  but  they  were  scantily 
furnished  with  the  bas'net  (or  steel  cap),  and  the 
back  and  breast  plate,  over  leathern  doublet,  that 
then  formed  the  essential  harness  of  a  trooper ;  for 
arms,  they  had  nothing  but  their  swords.1  The 
equipment  of  their  King  and  their  young  general 
was  almost  as  simple :  the  plumed  hat  of  the  time 
was  only  laid  aside  on  the  day  of  battle,  and  not 
always  then,  by  the  reckless  Rupert:2  a  short 
cloak  (the  Prince's  was  of  scarlet  cloth)  and  large 
cavalry  boots  almost  enveloped  the  remainder  of 
the  person :  a  slender  train  of  heralds  and  pur- 
suivants, and  some  gentlemen-at-arms,  complete  the 
cavalcade.  Such  was  the  royal  progress  to  the 
head-quarters  of  the  Cavaliers. 

Never  had  the  King's  destiny  appeared  so  dark. 
On  the  preceding  day  Coventry  had  closed  her  gates 
against  him,  and  fired  upon  his  flag :  Leicester  was 

reaping,  and  nearly  as  much  for  mowing. — Ecdestorfs  Antiq. 
Evelyn  says,  the  peasants  were  "  so  saucy  that  they  would  eat 
nothing  but  the  finest  wheaten  flour.  Baillie  tells  us  that  in 
Northumberland,  and  on  the  Borders,  the  Covenanters  could  buy 
a  quarter  of  lamb  for  fourpence,  wheat  was  under  forty-four  shil- 
lings a  quarter  ;  in  1685  it  was  only  twenty-seven  shillings  and 
sevenpence.  I  find  two  bulls  and  three  heifers  valued  at  8/. 
See  vol.  ii.  1  Clar.  Reb.  iii.  194. 

2  The  subject  of  armour  and  costume,  no  inconsiderable  items 
in  military  history,  are  spoken  of  more  fully  at  the  muster  of  the 
King's  army  in  Shrewsbury,  Volume  II.  The  great  Sutherland 
edition  of  Clarendon,  in  the  Bodleian  Library,  is  rich  in  the  cos- 
tumes and  even  landscapes  of  that  time. 

i  2 


116    MEMOIRS  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF 

only  held  to  his  cause  by  Wilmot's  cavalry :  his 
appeal  to  his  people  had  been  hitherto  made  in 
vain.  Some  few  of  the  chief  Cavaliers,  indeed,  had 
obeyed  his  summons ;  but  the  peasants,  the  yeomen, 
and  even  the  soldiers  of  fortune,  still  stood  aloof,  or 
looked  wistfully  towards  the  Parliament.  Notting- 
ham as  yet  afforded  a  rallying  point  for  his  few  ad- 
herents, and  a  shelter  to  his  council,  but  the  very  coun- 
try he  was  passing  through  was  hostile,  and  the  High- 
sheriffDigby  could  scarcely  assemble  sufficient  "trayn- 
bands"  to  furnish  the  appearance  of  a  royal  guard. 

Yet  the  day  was  come,  the  eventful  day  appointed 
for  the  Raising  of  the  Standard,  and  Charles  did 
not  hesitate  in  his  purpose.  His  character  henceforth 
displayed  far  more  firmness  than  hitherto  :  his  better 
nature,  although  reserved,  was  dauntless,  enduring, 
and  even  sanguine.  He  believed  himself  to  be  an 
injured  and  outraged  King,  and  that  he  was  about 
to  appeal  most  righteously  to  the  God  of  battles. 

Meanwhile  the  little  town  of  Nottingham  was 
filled  with  thousands  of  curious  spectators  from  the 
country  round  about.  The  day  passed  on  without 
tidings  of  the  King,  or  any  token  of  the  approaching 
ceremony :  only  that  from  time  to  time  some  Cava- 
liers arrived,  their  armour  and  gay  caparison  dimmed 
and  disfigured  by  the  storm.  The  foremost  of  these  de- 
voted men  had  already  bidden  a  long  farewell  to  the 
homes  now  desolate,  yet  glorying  in  their  departure. 

At  length  the  royal  banner  was  seen  advancing 
across  the  plain.  .As  the  King  drew  near,  a  pro- 


1642.]      PRINCE   RUPERT   AND   THE   CAVALIERS.      117 

found  melancholy  was  observed  upon  his  counte- 
nance ;  Hyde  and  his  brother  counsellors  of  peace 
watched  it  anxiously,  but  were  soon  disabused  of  the 
hope  that  such  sadness  betokened  any  altered 
purpose.  The  Council  immediately  assembled  in 
the  dilapidated  hall  of  the  old  castle,  and  the 
King's  determination  was  declared  by  his  own  lips, 
in  such  terms  as  precluded  all  remonstrance.  The 
standard  was  to  be  raised  forthwith ;  that  irrevoc- 
able challenge  to  a  powerful  people  in  their  wrath ! 
and  the  challenger  was  a  powerless  King,  without 
troops,  revenue,  or  apparent  resources.  His  only 
hope  lay  in  the  national  loyalty  he  had  once  so 
severely  tried,  and  in  the  chivalry  of  the  few  faith- 
ful Cavaliers  who  then  surrounded  him. 

All  matter  of  debate  was  now  postponed,  and  the 
King  proceeded  to  the  momentous  ceremony  of  the 
day.  At  once  the  fatal  Standard  was  unfurled  from 
a  high  eminence  within  the  park  ;  its  broad  folds 
waving  over  the  warlike  group  below.  The  King 
stood  upon  a  grassy  knoll ;  a  herald  by  his  side 
then  read  the  proclamation,  with  a  voice  almost 
inaudible  in  the  storm  ;  but  that  officer  had  scarcely 
begun,  when  the  King,  with  characteristic  inde- 
cision, took  the  paper  from  his  hand,  and  made  such 
alterations  that  the  herald  blundered  inauspiciously 
through  the  remainder  of  his  task.  The  few  specta- 
tors shouted  "God  save  the  King!"  and,  night 
coming  on,  put  an  end  to  the  dismal  ceremony.1 

1  The  standard  was  then  removed  to  the  highest  tower  in  the  castle. 


118          MEMOIRS  AND   CORRESPONDENCE   OF 

The  next  morning  no  standard  was  to  be  seen ; 
it  had  been  blown  down  during  the  night;  the 
King  ordered  it  to  be  removed  to  a  commanding 
station  in  the  park,  observing  that  "  before,  it  look- 
ed as  if  imprisoned."  But  a  fatality  seemed  still  to 
attend  upon  that  standard ;  the  ground  was  so  hard 
that  the  heralds  were  obliged  to  use  their  daggers 
in  order  to  plant  it  in  the  unwilling  soil,  and  even 
then,  four  men  were  compelled  to  support  it  through 
the  ceremony.1  Again  the  proclamation  was  read, 
and  for  four  successive  days  the  broad  standard 
of  England  streamed  out  upon  an  unceasing  storm, 
with  the  blood-red  battle-flag  above.2 

The  signal  caught  the  eye  of  many  a  group  of 
gallant  men,  who  were  then  advancing  across  the 
valley  to  join  that  standard,  and  to  live  or  die  be- 

1  The    likeness    of    King    Charles    I.'s     standard  : — "  It    is 
much  of  the   fashion  of  the  City  streamers,   used  at  the  Lord 
Mayor's  show,  having  about  twenty  supporters,  and  is  to  be  carried 
after  the  same  way  ;  on  the  top  of  it  hangs  a  bloody  flag.     The 
King's   arms,  quartered  with  a  bloody   hand   pointing   to   the 
crowne,  which  stands  above  with  this  motto, — '  Give  Ceasar  his 
due.'      The  names  of  those  Knights  Bannerets  who  were  ap- 
pointed to   bear  the  standard,  viz.  the  cheefe  was   Sir  Thomas 
Brookes,  Sir  A.  Hopton,  Sir  Francis  Wortley,  and  Sir  Kobert 
Doddington.      Likewise   there   was   three   troope   of   horse  ap- 
pointed to  waite  upon  the  standard,  and  to  beare  the  same  back- 
wards and  forwards,  with  about  six  hundred  foot  soldiers,  beside 
great  number  of  horse  and  foot,  in  all  to  the  number  of  two  thou- 
sand, who  came  more  to  see  the  manner  of  the  thing  than  any 
ways  to  offer  assistance  to  his  Majesty,  as  did  afterward  too  evi- 
dently appear." — Setting  up  of  the  Royal  Standard,  1642. 

2  At  first  the  expectation  of  the  Parliament  that  the  King 
would  never  be  able  to  raise  an  army,  seemed  likely  to  be  veri- 
fied.    During  four  days  the  standard  was  displayed  at  Notting- 
ham, and  almost  in  vain.     Only  thirty  of  the  "  trayned  bands " 


1042.]       PRINCE    RUPERT   AND   THE    CAVALIERS.       119 

neath  its  shadow.  Few  they  were,  but  they  repre- 
sented tens  of  thousands  who  lingered  in  blessed 
peace  among  their  homes  as  long  as  peace  was  pos- 
sible, yet  started  forth  in  battle  armour  as  soon  as 
the  summons  of  the  trumpet  reached  them.  Their 
hearts  might  not  be  all  at  ease  as  to  the  clear  justice 
of  their  cause,  but  it  seemed,  doubtless,  the  less 
evil  alternative  :  old  and  honourable  prejudices,  an- 
cient associations,  chivalrous  honour,  reckless  and 
desperate  loyalty,  drew  them  to  their  King.  How 
mournful  that  such  devotion  should  have  been  so 
tried — and  so  rewarded  ! 

In  illustration  of  the  romantic  sentiments  then 
prevalent  among  the  Cavaliers,  I  cannot  refrain  from 
quoting  the  following  letter.  It  was  written  about 
this  time  by  the  heroic  Sir  Beville  Grenville,  and 
expresses  in  his  own  brave  words  the  thought  of 
thousands. 


came  forward  to  offer  themselves,  and  they  were  ungraciously  re- 
jected for  their  absent  comrades'  fault.  At  this  time  the  enemy 
might,  Sir  Jacob  Astley  said,  have  seized  the  King  at  any  hour ; 
but  the  enemy  was  far  too  subtle  to  do  so. 

The  above  details  are  taken  from  old  pamphlets  in  Dr. 
Bandinel's  Collect.  Bodleian  Library;  Clar.  "Reb."  vol.  iii.  pp. 
188,  &c. ;  and  "Life,"  i.  134;  Bulstrode,  p.  71,  &c. ;  Lilly's 
"Life  and  Times,"  in  Maseres'  "Tracts,"  p.  176;  Lord  Nugent's 
"Life  of  Hampden,"  vol.  ii.  p.  160;  Forster's  "Statesmen  of 
the  Commonwealth,"  and  M.  Guizot's  "  Revolution  d'Angleterre," 
t.  1,  p.  256.  Lord  Clarendon's  account  differs  in  many  respects 
from  the  pamphlets  and  publications  that  enter  into  the  parti- 
culars of  the  transaction  :  but  these  last,  however  ephemeral, 
are  more  likely  to  be  accurate  than  Lord  Clarendon,  on  trifling- 
points,  concerning  which  he  did  not  write  until  years  after.  The 
subject  is  resumed  at  the  end  of  the  following  chapter. 


120    MEMOIRS  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF 

FROM    SIR    BEVILL    GRENVIL    TO    SIR    JOHN    TRELAWNEY. 
M°  HON.  Sr, 

I  HAVE  in  many  kinds  had  trial  of  your  nobleness, 
but  in  none  more  than  in  this  singular  expression  of  your 
kind  care  and  love.  I  give  also  your  excellent  lady  humble 
thankes  for  respect  unto  my  poor  woman,  who  hath  been 
long  a  faithful  much  obliged  servant  of  your  Lady's.  But 
Sir,  for  my  journey,  it  is  fixed.  I  cannot  contain  myself 
within  my  doors  when  the  King  of  England's  standard  waves 
in  the  field  upon  so  just  occasion — the  cause  being  such  as 
must  make  all  those  who  die  in  it  little  inferior  to  martyrs. 
And,  for  mine  own,  I  desire  to  acquire  an  honest  name 
or  an  honourable  grave.  I  never  loved  my  life  or  ease  so 
much  as  to  shun  such  an  occasion,  which  if  I  should,  I 
were  unworthy  of  the  profession  I  have  held,  or  to  suc- 
ceed those  ancestors  of  mine,  who  have  so  many  of  them 
in  several  ages  sacrificed  their  lives  for  their  country.  Sir, 
the  barbarous  and  implacable  enemy  (notwithstanding  His 
Majesty's  gracious  proceedings  with  them),  do  continue 
their  insolencies  and  rebellion  in  the  highest  degree,  and 
are  united  in  a  body  of  great  strength ;  so  as  you  must 
expect,  if  they  be  not  prevented  and  mastered  near  their 
own  homes,  they  will  be  troublesome  in  yours  and  in  the  re- 
motest places  ere  long.  I  am  not  without  the  consideration 
(as  you  lovingly  advise)  of  my  wife  and  family  ;  and  as  for 
her,  I  must  acknowledge  she  hath  ever  drawn  so  evenly 
in  her  yoke  with  me,  as  she  hath  never  prest  before  or 
hung  behind,  nor  ever  opposed  or  resisted  my  will.  And 
yet  truly  I  in  this  or  any  thing  else  endeavoured  to  walk 
in  no  way  of  power  with  her  but  of  reason  ;  and  though  her 
love  will  submit  to  either,  yet  truly  my  respect  will  not 
suffer  me  to  urge  her  with  power,  unless  I  can  convince 
with  reason.  So  much  for  that,  whereof  I  am  willing  to 
be  accountable  unto  so  good  a  friend.  I  have  no  suit 
unto  you  in  mine  own  behalf  but  for  your  prayers  and 
good  wishes,  and  that,  if  I  live  to  come  home  again,  you 


1215-1455.]  PRINCE  RUPERT  AND  THE  CAVALIERS.  121 

would  please  to  continue  me  in  the  number  of  your  servants. 
And  so  I  beseech  God  to  send  you  and  your  noble  family 
all  health  and  happiness,  and  while  I  live  I  am,  Sir, 

Yr  unfay.  lov  and  fai.  serv.  B.  G.1 

As  a  pendant  to  this,  I  subjoin  Lord  Clarendon's 
memorable  conversation  with  Sir  Edmund  Varney : 
between  these  two  different,  yet  not  discordant  tes- 
timonies, we  may  understand  the  state  of  feeling  in 
the  King's  small  camp. 

MR.  HYDE  was  often  wont  to  relate  a  passage  in  that 
melancholick  time,  when  the  standard  was  set  up  at  Not- 
tingham, with  which  he  was  much  affected.  Sir  Edmund 
Varney,  Knight  Marshal,  who  was  mentioned  before  as 
standard-bearer,  with  whom  he  had  great  familiarity,  who 
was  a  man  of  great  courage  and  generally  beloved,  came 
one  day  to  him  and  told  him,  "  He  was  very  glad  to  see 
him,  in  so  universal  a  damp  under  which  the  spirits  of 
most  men  were  oppressed,  retain  still  his  natural  vivacity 
and  cheerfulness  ;  that  he  knew  that  the  condition  of  the 
King,  and  the  power  of  the  Parliament  was  not  better 
known  to  any  man  than  to  him,  and  therefore  he  hoped 
that  he  was  able  to  administer  some  comfort  to  his  friends, 
that  might  raise  their  spirits,  as  well  as  it  supported  his 
own.  *  *  *  *  He  (Sir  Edmund  Varney)  replied  smil- 
ing, "  I  will  willingly  join  with  you  the  best  I  can,  but  I 
shall  act  it  very  scurvily.  My  condition,"  said  he,  "  is 
much  worse  than  yours,  and  different  I  believe  from  any 
other  man's,  and  will  very  well  justify  the  melancholick 
that  I  confess  to  you  possesses  me.  You  have  satis- 
faction in  your  conscience  that  you  are  in  the  right ;  that 
the  King  ought  not  to  grant  what  is  required  of  him ; 
and  so  you  do  your  duty  and  your  business  together. 

1  Among  Lord  Carteret's  papers,  discovered  by  the  Bishop  of 
Llandaff  :  quoted  by  Lord  Nugent. 


122    MEMOIRS  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF 

But  for  my  part,  I  do  not  like  the  quarrel,  and  do  heartily 
wish  that  the  King  would  yield  and  consent  to  what  they 
desire  ;  so  that  my  conscience  is  only  concerned  in  honour 
and  in  gratitude  to  follow  my  master.  I  have  eaten  his 
bread,  and  served  him  near  thirty  years,  and  will  not  do 
so  base  a  thing  as  to  forsake  him,  and  choose  rather  to 
lose  my  life  (which  I  am  sure  I  shall  do)  to  preserve  and 
defend  those  things,  which  are  against  my  conscience  to 
preserve  and  defend.  For  I  will  deal  freely  with  you,  I 
have  no  reverence  for  the  Bishops  for  whom  this  quarrel 
subsists."  It  was  not  a  time  to  dispute  ;  and  his  affection 
to  the  Church  had  never  been  suspected.  He  was  as 
good  as  his  word,  and  was  killed  in  the  battle  of  Edge- 
hill,  within  two  months  after  this  discourse.1 

Before  entering  into  the  details  of  the  Civil  War, 
it  seems  necessary  to  take  a  brief  review  of  the 
events  that  produced  it ;  of  the  means  by  which  the 
Parliament  attained  to  its  exorbitant  power ;  of  the 
origin  of  the  Cavaliers,  and  the  formation  of  the 
armies  that  are  about  to  engage.  The  course  of 
these  events  was  guided  by  the  best  and  ablest  men 
in  England  of  that  period,  and  has  been  illustrated 
by  the  greatest  historians  of  our  own.  I  do  not 
think  that  a  brief  summary  of  the  most  important 
historical  events  will  be  importunate,  especially  as 
it  seems  indispensable  to  the  elucidation  of  these 
Memoirs,  and  their  far  more  valuable  letters. 

1  "  Life  of  Edward  Earl  of  Clarendon,"  vol.  i.  p.  134.  Oxford 
1761. 


150!).]      PRINCE   RUPERT    AND   THE    CAVALIERS.       123 


CHAPTER  III. 

SUMMARY  OF  EVENTS  PRECEDING  THE  WAR. 


PROGRESS  OF  THE  PEOPLE.  ROYAL  ENCROACHMENTS  ;  THEIR  RESULT. 
PARLIAMENTARY  ENCROACHMENTS  J  THEIR  RESULT.  SCOTCH  CAMPAIGNS. 
LONG  PARLIAMENT.  ARMY  PLOT.  CAVALIER  AND  ROUNDHEAD  DENOMI- 
NATION. FINAL  BREACH  BETWEEN  THE  KING  AND  PARLIAMENT. 


Our  mercy  moved  us  to  write  our  laws  in  milk  and  equity ; 
how  are  ye  blinded  to  ask  them  in  blood  ? 

Reply  to  the  Six  Articles  by  EDWARD  VI. 

0  blessed  Peace  ! 

To  thy  soft  arms  through  death  itself  we  flee  ; 
Battles  and  camps  and  fields  and  victorie 
Are  but  the  rugged  steps  that  lead  to  thee ! — LOVELACE. 

THE  KING'S  STANDARD  is  SET  UP  !  The  announce- 
ment spread  abroad  like  lightning,  shot  into  every 
village  nook,  and  thrilled  through  every  heart  of 
the  great  empire  that  it  menaced  with  distraction 
and  despair.  The  people  had  long  been  accustomed 
to  look  to  their  Parliament  as  the  sole  champion  of 
their  rights  and  liberties,  yet  their  instinct  of  loyal- 
ty was  still  strong,  and  the  King's  Majesty  was  still 
held  sacred.  They  now  found  themselves  precipi- 
tated into  a  war,  and  suddenly  compelled  to  em- 
brace one  or  other  of  the  two  great  parties  that 
were  each  disqualified  to  claim  undivided  allegiance 


124          MEMOIRS   AND   CORRESPONDENCE   OF 

by  their  very  severance.  The  following  chapter 
attempts  to  relate  how  that  severance  took  place, 
and  how  the  Cavalier  and  Roundhead  came  into 
existence  in  nature  and  in  name. 

From  the  great  compromise  at  Runnymede,  to 
the  War  of  the  Roses,  the  people  had  been  slowly 
rising  into  consideration  ;  not  so  much  by  any  effort 
of  their  own,  as  heaved  upward  by  the  convulsions 
that  so  often  shook  the  State.  But  parliamentary 
is  by  no  means  identical  with  popular  progress  : 
the  people  had  acquired  fresh  importance  as  often 
as  the  Crown  required  support  against  the  nobles ; 
but  they  had  not  yet  produced  such  material  as  to 
form  a  firm  and  fearless  House  of  Commons.  In  the 
reign  of  Henry  VII.,  the  Parliaments  were  still  un- 
conscious of  their  power,  though  the  people  had  fre- 
quently exhibited  theirs,  in  significantly  successful 
insurrections,  which  were  then  the  awkward  but 
only  mode  of  expressing  public  opinion. 

With  Warwick  died  the  old  baronial  power,  that 
oligarchical  aristocracy  which,  with  all  its  faults, 
did  good  service  in  its  generation,  and  "  offended 
the  subject  more  by  insolence  of  demeanour  than 
by  abuse  of  administration."1  Thenceforth  it  began 
at  once  to  improve  and  to  degenerate  into  the  mo- 
dern species  of  nobility.  Out  of  the  former  body, 
Henry  VII.  could  only  find  twenty-eight  temporal 


1  Lord  John  Russell  on  the  French  Revolution.     Sir  Edward 
Bulwer  Lytton's  noble  historical  novel,  "  The  Last  of  the  Barons." 


1553-8.]   PRINCE  RUPERT  AND  THE  CAVALIERS.   125 

peers  for  his  Upper  House,  so  fiercely  had  the  old 
baron  stock  fought  before  it  fell.  Here  and  hereafter, 
we  shall  have  occasion  to  note  how  much  more 
freely  flowed  gentle  than  other  blood  on  the  battle- 
field, yet  it  availed  not.  Henceforth,  the  Upper 
House  has  ever  been  the  weaker  when  the  two 
Estates  have  come  into  collision.1 

The  courage  and  capacity  of  Henry  VIII.  enabled 
him  to  control  the  feeble  liberties  of  England. 
His  servile  Parliament2  tamely  registered  his  ty- 
rannical decrees,  and  permitted  to  his  proclama- 
tions the  force  of  law.3  There  was  but  one  point 
on  which  they  were  sensitive ;  not  religion,  for  that 
they  changed  at  the  despot's  bidding ;  nor  the  mat- 
ter of  his  murderous  lust,  for  to  that  they  pandered; 
nor  his  despotism,  for  to  that  they  bowed  like 
Egyptian  slaves:  but,  when  he  attempted  to  levy 
taxes  (in  the  form  of  a  "  Benevolence")  without 


1  Yet  by  no  means  to  be  the  less  valued.    The  House  of  Lords 
has  shewn  wonderful  "hereditary"  tact  in  preserving  its  position 
as   a   counterbalancing   power   to   the   Commons.     One   source, 
doubtless,  of  that  power  consists  in  its  temperateness,  and  high- 
bred self-possession.     If  it  has  never  originated  great   measures, 
or  successfully  stemmed  great  changes,  it  has  rarely  been  be- 
trayed into  violent  measures,  and  has  often  prevented  political 
changes  from  assuming  a  revolutionary  complexion.     It  has  sel- 
dom, even  in  earlier  days,  compromised  its  character  for  respec- 
tability, or  risen  beyond  it,  like  its  more  wayward  brother  House. 

2  The  judges  were  as  vile  and  venal  as  any  of  those  of  later 
days;  they  justified  the  exaction  of  "  Benevolence,"  and  sent  Bead, 
the  Hampden  of  his  time,  to  serve  as  a  soldier. — Herbert,  p.  152; 
Prof.  Smyth,  i.  345. 

3  31  Hen.  VIII.  i.  8  ;  Burnet,  i.  263,  quoted  by  Hallam  (C. 
H.  ii.  35). 


126    MEMOIRS  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF 

their  consent,  Mammon  was  aggrieved,  and  in- 
spired them  to  resist  where  patriotism  had  failed 
to  do  so.1 

The  brief  and  gentle  reign  of  Edward  VI.  was  yet 
long  enough  to  prove  the  continued  subserviency  of 
the  Commons,  who  accepted  as  law  the  proclama- 
tions of  his  unscrupulous  regency.  Under  Mary  the 
Parliament  took  courage,  emboldened  by  the  hatred 
that  her  tyranny  and  sanguinary  disposition  had 
inspired  :2  at  the  same  time  the  controversies  of 
religion,  for  which  men  died  daily,  exercised  the 
public  mind,  and  accustomed  the  people  to  think 
for  themselves.  The  name  of  "  bishop,"  associated 
with  the  persecution  of  which  they  suffered  them- 
selves to  be  the  chief  agents,  assumed  an  unpo- 
pularity it  long  retained,  even  in  Protestant  times.3 
To  us  this  reign  is  chiefly  remarkable  for  the  re- 
tribution that  Marian  bigotry  entailed  on  England 
in  the  shape  of  Puritanism.  The  fiery  persecution 

1  Thus  also  in  the  Netherlands,  the  insulted  people  saw  their 
best  patriots  executed,  their  religion  outraged,  their  wives  and 
daughters  dishonoured,  and  they  bore  it  :  but,  when  the  Duke  of 
Alva  attempted  to  lay  a  tax  of  10  per  cent,  upon  their  properties, 
they  rose  with  indignant  pride,  and  commenced  their  struggle  for 
liberty. — Hist,  of  Netherlands. 

2  Yet  Mary  sent  a  knight  to  the  Tower  for  his  free  speaking 
in  Parliament,  and  thought  the  measure  mild,  compared  with  her 
father's  threat  to  cut  off  the  heads  of  those  who  used  them  to 
speak  against  his  prerogative. — Benett,  ii.  35. 

3  It  would  seem,  however,  that  bishops  were  misliked  even  be- 
fore the  Reformation,  where  we  find  one  of  their  lordships  com- 
plaining, in  a  legal  case,  that  he  could  expect  no  justice  from  a 
London  jury,  "who  so  hated  the  Church,  that  they  would  bring 
in  Abel  guilty  of  Cain's  murder." — C.  Hist.  Hallam,  i.  58. 


1553-8.]      PRINCE  RUPERT  AND  THE  CAVALIERS.      127 

that  forced  many  of  her  best  subjects  to  leave 
their  country,  drove  them  into  Switzerland  and 
Frankfort,  the  strongholds  of  Calvinism  :  there  they 
first  sought  to  attach  themselves  to  the  Lutheran 
Communion,  but  its  ministers,  with  implacable 
bigotry,  rejected  them,  and  so  they  found  refuge 
in  the  Calvinistic  churches.  Then  came  Knox 
among  them,  declaring  King  Edward's  Liturgy  to 
be  a  "  Masse-book,"  and  prelacy  a  popish  invention. 
The  name  of  Queen  Mary  was  naturally  an  abomi- 
nation ;  and,  not  only  as  Mary,  but  as  Queen,  the 
hearts  of  the  exiles  were  hardened  against  her. 
When  these  converts  and  their  children  returned 
to  England,  they  had  become  estranged,  as  well 
from  their  loyalty  as  from  their  ancient  faith. 

The  reign  of  Elizabeth  proves  more  convincingly 
how  arbitrary  the  power  of  the  Sovereign  still  con- 
tinued. The  affections  of  the  people,  which  she 
knew  so  well  how  to  conciliate,  blinded  them  to  the 
despotic  nature  of  her  rule :  the  Star  Chamber  and 
High  Commission  Courts  rendered  the  caprice  of 
the  Sovereign  and  her  favourites  virtually  para- 
mount to  all  law.  Yet,  even  then, — while  Elizabeth 
pretended  to  shield  under  the  broad  mantle  of  pre- 
rogative every  matter  relating  to  State  or  ecclesi- 
astical affairs  from  parliamentary  discussion, — even 
then,  a  brave  voice  was  heard  asserting,  "  that, 
without  freedom  of  speech,  it  was  a  mockery  to 
call  that  a  Parliament  House ;  it  is  but  a  school  of 
flattery  and  dissimulation,  and  so  a  fit  place  to  serve 


128    MEMOIRS  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF 

the  divell  and  his  angells,  and  not  to  glorify  God 
or  benefit  the  Commonwealth."  This  was  but  a 
solitary  voice,  however,  soon  hushed  in  prison, 
though  not  forgotten.  The  nobles  feared,  and  the 
people  loved  their  Queen  :  loyalty  was  enthusiastic,1 
the  nation  thrived  at  home,  and  was  respected,  or,  at 
least,  respectable,  abroad.  The  ability  of  Cecil  and 
the  honesty  of  Walsingham  controlled  in  some  mea- 
sure the  ineptitudes  and  corruptions  of  the  favour- 
ites ;  and  Elizabeth  had  sufficient  tact  to  yield  to 
necessity  before  it  assumed  that  dangerous  appear- 
ance in  the  eyes  of  others.  Many  years  elapsed 
before  any  opposition  to  the  Crown  was  attempted 
in  Parliament,  and  then  it  was  on  ecclesiastical  mat- 
ters ;  the  Puritan  spirit  had  entered  into  the  House 
of  Commons,2  and  at  once  acquired  strength  from 

1  When  poor  Strype  had  his  right  hand  cut  off  for  writing  a 
political  pamphlet,  he  took  off  his  hat  with  the  hand  that  was 
left,  and  shouted  "  God  save  the  Queen  !"     Barrow  and  Green- 
wood  were  executed  at   Bury  for   spreading   "  seditious"  pam- 
phlets, and  they  died  with  such  expressions  of  loyalty  and  piety, 
that  even  Elizabeth  was  touched  with  sorrow. — Neal's  Puritans. 
This  reign  had  little  to  boast  of  in  toleration  :  the  Protestant 
martyrs  under  Mary  numbered  about  three  hundred  ;  the  Roman 
Catholic  martyrs  under  Elizabeth,  about  two  hundred  ;  the  latter 
chiefly  concerning  supremacy. — Hallam. 

2  And  out  of  the  House  the  Puritans  grew  still  more  vehement 
and  busy,  reviling  the  "Popish  rags"  and  "conjuring  robes"  of 
the  clergy,  and  calling  Elizabeth  to  account  for  not  more  bloodily 
persecuting  the  Pvoman  Catholics.     They  admitted  she  had  done 
something  toward  the  abolition  of  Popery,  but  affirmed  she  was 
"  still  but  an  idle  slut,  who  swept  the  middle  of  the  room,  but 
left  dirt  in  the  corners."     There  is  no  limit  to  the  vituperative 
indulgence,  when  once  people  betake  themselves  to  calling  names, 
whether  at  Billingsgate  or  in  the  pulpit.     "  The  untamed  heifer" 
was  one  of  the  mildest  and  most  decent  epithets  applied  to  Eliza- 


1602.]       PRINCE    RUPERT   AND   THE   CAVALIERS.       129 

its  associating  the  civil  with  the  religious  liberty  it 
claimed.  A  sense  of  independence  began  to  awaken, 
and  it  slumbered  not  henceforth.1  Elizabeth  lived 
to  hear  it  remonstrate  very  audibly  through  the  so- 
lemn silence  of  the  once  acclaiming  people.  She 
died,  despotic  and  despairing ;  full  of  years  and  glory, 
and  all  but  a  suicide  through  sorrow  and  remorse.2 

James  I.  was  seated  quietly  on  the  throne  of 
England,  unquestioned,  the  world  scarce  knew  whys 
concerning  his  right  to  that  glorious  inheritance.3 
The  people  welcomed  him,  rejoicing,  as  a  people 
always  does,  in  any  change,  and  hoping  great  things 
from  the  consolidation4  of  Scotland  with  their 
Crown.  Therefore  they  accepted  what  was  under- 
stood to  be  the  will  of  their  "  good  Queen  Bess." 
And,  therefore,  the  first  of  the  Stuarts  was  a  tacitly 
elected  King,  a  title,  though  his  best,5  that  his 


beth,  who  used  to  say  "  she  knew  what  would  content  the  Catho- 
lics, but  never  what  would  content  the  Puritans."  D' Israeli's 
Commentaries. 

1  The  Queen  must  have  perceived  the  rising  aspirations  of  the 
Commons,  when  she  thus  dissolved  them  : — "  I  discharge  you 
from  presuming  to  meddle  with  matters  of  State,  which  are  mat- 
ters above  your  comprehension." 

2  She  is  said  to  have  starved  herself  to  death. 

3  There  were  many  competitors  :   he   was    only  great-great- 
grandson  of  Henry  VII.  by  the  female  line. 

4  James,  for  the  first  time,  assumed  the  title  of  "  King  of  Great 
Britain,"quartering  St.  Andrew's  cross  with  that  of  St.  George. 
The  iron  gates  of  the  frontier  towns  were  melted  into  plough- 
shares ! — Mod.  Eur.  Russell,  iii.  176. 

5  If  not  the  best,  it  was  his  best.     Although  the  blood  of  our 
Saxon  and  Norman  kings  was  in  his  veins,  "  no  private  man  in  En- 
gland could  have  recovered  an  acre  of  land  without  proving  a  better 
title  than  he  could  make  to  the  Crown." — Hallam,  C.  Hist.  i.  283. 

VOL.  I.  K 


130    MEMOIRS  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF 

imperious  vanity  would  have  utterly  disdained. 
The  English  people  were  little  acquainted  with  the 
character  of  their  new  sovereign;1  he  was  known 
only  as  a  shrewd,  sensible,  peace-loving  man,  who 
had  been  very  tractable  to  his  former  refractory 
subjects.  The  Parliamentary  party  had  probably 
hope  from  his  weakness ;  the  Episcopal  party,  from 
reasons  well-known  to  themselves;  the  Puritans, 
from  his  Presbyterian  education ;  the  masses,  from 
his  novelty.  These  motives  procured  for  him  a 
peaceable,  and  even  triumphant  welcome  in  his  new 
dominions;  his  progress  to  London  occupied  no 
considerable  time,  though  passed  in  hunting,  amuse- 
ment, and  debauchery ;  but  it  lasted  long  enough 
to  "turn  the  admiration  of  the  intelligent  world 
into  contempt."2  No  sense  of  the  great  and  solemn 
duties  that  had  devolved  upon  him  ever  visited  his 
ignoble  mind :  each  day  of  his  progress  through  his 
new  kingdom  he  violated  every  rule  of  taste,  feel- 
ing, and  policy,3  affording  thus  a  type  of  his  pro- 
gress through  life.  Sordid,  selfish,  false,  cowardly, 


1  Clarendon  says  the  English  at  this  time  knew  (and  cared)  less 
about  Scotland  than  they  did  about  Poland. 

2  Carte,  "  Life  of  Ormond." 

3  He  published  proclamations  forbidding  loyal  demonstrations, 
he  received  women  on  their  knees,  he  drove  away  the  crowds  that 
came  to  see  him  and  rode  rudely  through  them  with  curses,  and 
he  actually  ordered  a  man  to  be  hanged  on  the  spot,  for  picking 
a  pocket. — Carte's  Ormond.     He  had  succeeded  to  powers  that  he 
was  quite  unaware  of  until  he  had  them  in  his  grasp.     After  a 
first  interview  with  his  English  councillors,  he  exclaimed,  "  Do  I 
rnak  the  judges  1  do  I  mak  the  bishops  1     Then  God's  wouns  !  I 
mak  what  likes  me  law  and  gospel." — Forster's  Statesmen,  i.  182. 


1602.]      PRINCE   RUPERT   AND   THE   CAVALIERS.       131 

and  tyrannical,  no  meaner  King  ever  weaned  a  loyal 
people  from  the  strong  instinct  of  allegiance. 

The  courtly  Bishops  who  then  disgraced  our 
Church,  alone  were  not  disappointed  in  the  new 
sovereign  :l  they,  and  many  of  them  no  doubt  con- 
scientiously, were  quite  in  accord  with  their  supreme 
head  on  matters  of  Divine  right  and  non-conformity. 
These  Prelates,  unfortunately  for  themselves  and 
their  successors,  were  invested  with  large  judicial  as 
well  as  spiritual  authority.2  Not  only  in  their  High 
Commission  Court,  but  in  the  Star  Chamber,  they 
lent  themselves  to  much  sanguinary  and  oppressive 
work;3  ear-cropping,  nose-slitting,  ruinous  fining, 
and  long  imprisonment.  For  heresy  was  growing 
apace,  under  the  stimulus  of  persecution.  There  were 
then  no  other  houses  of  prayer  than  the  parish  - 

1  We  do  not  of  course  include  the  mere  courtiers,  and  those 
with  whom  his  profusion  passed  for  generosity.     Pensions  were 
enormously  increased,  and  two  hundred  and  thirty-seven  knight- 
hoods conferred  in  six  weeks !     Cecil,  who  had  brought  Mary 
Queen  of  Scots  to  the  block,  was  flattered  and  promoted. 

2  Lord  Clarendon  confesses  that  Laud  found  the  Church  in  a 
healthy  and  united  state ;  he  left  it  a  prey  to  every  spirit  of  dis- 
sent that  ever  distracted  the  repose  of  men's  minds. — See  Appen- 
dix B.,  at  the  end  of  the  volume. 

3  Archbishop  Bancroft  and  others  were  at  once  accusers  and 
judges  in  the  Star  Chamber  and  High  Commission  Court.     As  if 
in  mockery  of  her  tenderness  in  this  matter,  Scotland  had  no  less 
than  nine  bishops  engaged  in  her  government !    It  was  character- 
istic of  this  King  that  his  persecution  of  the  Roman  Catholics  was 
soon  and  easily  checked ;  not  by  any  humane  or  enlightened  con- 
sideration, but  through  fear.     The  Jesuits,  who  knew  his  coward- 
ly nature  well,  had  intimated  to  him  that  his  life  was  endangered 
by  their  hostility  :  henceforth,   especially  after  the  Gunpowder 
Plot,  "he  never  acted  against  them,  though  he  wrote  against 
them  all  his  life." 

K  2 


132          MEMOIRS  AND   CORRESPONDENCE   OF 

churches ;*  but  many  of  the  clergy  preached    doc- 
trines therein  very  subversive  of  their  old  rituals. 

Indeed,  it  would  seem  that  the  inferior  clergy 
had  much  ground  for  dissatisfaction,  and  that  the 
organization  of  the  Church  required  reformation  : 
its  ministers  were,  for  the  most  part,  miserably 
poor  ;2  its  hierarchy,  many  of  them,  iniquitously 
rich;3  the  monstrous  and  simoniacal  abuse  of 
pluralities  was  unbounded ;  non-residents  were  as 

1  The  term  "  Conventicle"  was  applied  to  assemblies  (so  early 
as  the  time  of  Wicliffe),  not  to  buildings.      Conventicles  were 
suppressed  by  the  12  Car.  II. — Haydn. 

2  The  following  picture  was  drawn  so  late  as  1678,  but  would 
have  been,  in  James's  time,  still  less  exaggerated  : — "  We  must 
now  look  for  a  labouring  clergy  that  is  mortified  to  a  horse  and 
all  such  vanities,  that  can  foot  it  in  the  dark  five  or  six  miles, 
and  preach  unto  starlight  for  as  many  shillings.     As  also  a  sober 
and  temperate  clergy,  that  will  not  so  much  as  the  laity,  but  that 
the  least  pig,  and  the  least  sheaf,  and  the  least  of  everything  may 
satisfy.     Oh  !  how  prettily  and  temperately  may  half  a  score 
children  be  maintained  with  almost  twenty  pounds  per  annum. 
"What  a  becoming  thing  it  is  for  him  that  serves  at  the  altar  to 
fill  the  dung-cart  in  dry  weather,  and  to  heat  the  oven  and  pull 
the  hemp  in  wet.     And  what  a  pleasant  sight  it  is  to  see  the  man 
of  God  fetching  up  his  single  melancholy  cow  from  a  small  rib  of 
land  that  is  scarce  to  be  found  without  a  guide,  or  going  to 
market  planted  on  a  pannier,  with  a  pair  of  geese  or  turkies 
bobbing  out  their  head  from  his  canonicals." — Packard's  Grounds 
of  the  Contempt  of  the  Clergy,  published  1678. 

The  position  that  the  clergy  occupied  even  in  Fielding  and 
Smollett's  time,  is  too  evident:  "Hudibras"  bears  testimony  to 
their  poverty,  and  even  Goldsmith's  Vicar,  so  "passing  rich  on 
40Z.  a-year,"  was  in  no  unusual  state  of  preferment. 

3  Bishop  Williams  kept  such  state  that  noblemen  sent  their 
sons  to  be  educated  in  his  household  j  even  such  men  as   the 
Marquis  of  Hertford,  the  Earls  of  Pembroke,  Salisbury,  and  Lei- 
cester, &c. — Amb.  Phils.  Life  of  Archbishop  Williams.     He  was 
said  to  be  a  diocese  in  himself,  being  "  bishop,  dean,  prebend, 
residentiary,  and  parson,  all  in  one."    In  his  petition  to  the  King, 
he  offers  to  give  up  some  of  his  commendams. 


1604.]      PRINCE  RUPERT   AND   THE   CAVALIERS.       133 

numerous  as  unscrupulous  consciences ;  Romish  in- 
novation was  very  incontestable.1  In  the  first  Par- 
liament of  this  reign  (A.  D.  1604),  the  term  Puritan 
was  not  a  political  distinction,  but  it  was  unhappily 
already  associated  with  the  idea  of  patriotism,  and 
therefore  found  great  favour  in  the  people's  eyes. 
It  was  proportionably  unpalatable  to  the  King,  who 
had  no  pleasant  memory  of  the  stern  and  factious 
presbytery  of  Scotland,2  especially  as  contrasted 
with  the  smooth  and  obsequious  prelacy  of  Eng- 
land. On  the  latter  model  he  would  fain  have 
moulded  the  Parliamentary  manners ;  but  he  found 
such  material  far  from  plastic  even  then. 

The  Commons  exhibited  great  patience  indeed, 
and  listened  to  very  strange  doctrines  from  the 
royal  lips  ;  but  they  had  already  on  the  very  hustings 
questioned  the  King's  power  to  pack  a  parliament3 
and,  by  vindicating  the  freedom  of  the  voter,  esta- 
blished a  firm  foundation  for  their  own  indepen- 
dence. With  this  Parliament  James  fairly  entered 
into  controversy,  and  openly  pitted  the  prerogative 
against  privilege.  The  doctrines  held  by  the  King 

1  Fuller's  "  Church  History ;"  Wilson's  "  Life  of  James  I. ;" 
Russell's  "  Modern  Europe,"  iii.  175. 

2  It  was  affirmed  (in  1596),  by  some  of  the  Scottish  ministers, 
that  "  all  kings  were  the  devil's  children,  and  that  Satan  had  now 
the  guidance  of  the  Court."     Others  asserted  that  the  King  him- 
self was  possessed  "  of  a  verie  divell,"  and  that  his  subjects  ought 
consequently  to  " take  the  sword  out  of  his  hands." — Robertsons 
Scotland,  ii.     These  ravings  might  be  in  themselves  only  ludi- 
crous, but  the  pleased  people  gave  assent  to  them  by  their  silence. 

3  Sir   Francis    Goodwyn's  case. — Jour.   House   of  Commons, 
March  30, 1606. 


134         MEMOIRS  AND   CORRESPONDENCE   OF 

and  the  King's  party  sound  strangely  now :  he  an- 
nounced that  "  he  was  an  absolute  King,"  and  his 
manner  of  asking  for  supplies  was  as  peculiar  as  his 
constitutional  dogma :  he  informed  the  Commons 
"  that  he  expected  loving  contribution  ;  but,  to  ac- 
count with  them,  how  and  what,  was  too  base  for 
his  quality !  " 

Such  was  the  tone  of  the  first  Stuart  to  his  Par- 
liaments :  the  Parliament's  retort  came  slowly,  but 
very  strongly,  some  forty  years  afterwards.  At  this 
time  they  answered  meekly,  almost  pathetically, 
— "  What  cause,"  said  they,  "  we,  your  poor  Com- 
mons, have  to  watch  over  our  privileges  is  manifest 
in  itself  to  all  men.  The  prerogatives  of  princes 
may  easily  and  do  daily  grow.  The  privileges  of  the 
subject  are  for  the  most  part  at  an  everlasting 
stand.  They  may,  by  good  providence  and  care,  be 
preserved,  but,  being  once  lost,  are  not  recovered 
but  with  much  disquiet."1  Much  disquiet  indeed, 
with  heart-burnings  and  heart-treakings,  fire,  and 
sword,  and  bitter  strife,  in  order  to  rescue  "  those 
privileges  of  the  subject "  from  this  vain  man  and 
his  unteachable  son !  But  the  Stuarts  appear  never 
to  have  understood  the  English  constitution,  or  the 
temper  of  the  English  people.  Even  the  manly 
and  moderate  "apology"  of  the  House  of  Com- 
mons2 touching  their  privileges,  was  utterly  disre- 


1  Parl.  Hist.  vol.  ii.  col.  1030. 

-  Supposed  to  have  been  written  by  Bacon,  and  worthy  of  him. 


1007.]      PRINCE   RUPERT   AND   THE   CAVALIERS.      135 

gardecl  by  King  James ;  and,  afterwards,  when  they 
had  entered  on  their  records  a  protestation  against 
the  Crown's  interference  with  these  privileges,  he 
sent  for  the  journal  of  the  House,  and  tore  out  the 
presumptuous  page  with  his  own  hand.1 

Nor  were  his  dealings  with  the  Law  less  remark- 
able than  those  with  the  Constitution  :  the  twelve 
judges  having  heard  a  case  argued  concerning  the 
simoniacal  and  dishonest  abuse  of  commendams,2  in 
which  the  royal  power  to  bestow  them  at  will  was 
questioned  as  a  point  of  law,  the  King  sent  for  the 
judges,  arid  represented  their  offence  to  them  in 
such  a  light  that  they  fell  upon  their  knees,  retracted 
their  error,  and  implored  pardon  for  having  done  their 
duty.  No  wonder  that  the  heart  of  the  "  British 
Solomon  "3  was  hardened :  servile  judges,  parasitical 
bishops,  even  the  dread  House  of  Commons  obse- 


1  The  marks  of  this  outrage  on  the  old  book  are  still  to  be 
seen, — a  little  bit  of  visible  history  that  is  very  impressive  ! 

2  The  following  episcopal  advice  is  worth  notice  for   many 
reasons  : — "  The  King  was  very  much  concerned  how  his  grand- 
children (Rupert  and  Maurice)  would  be  able  to  subsist  without 
being  very  chargeable.     '  Sir,'  says  the  Lord  Keeper  (Bishop  Wil- 
liams), '  I  will  shew  you  how  you  shall  maintain  them  so  that  it 
shall  cost  you  nothing.     Design  them  for  the  Bishoprics  of  Dur- 
ham and  Winchester.     If  they  become  vacant  in  their  nonage, 
appoint  commendatories  at  a  laudable  allowance ;  but  gather  the 
fruits  for  the  support  of  your  grandchildren  till  they  come  to  viri- 
lity to  be  consecrated.'" — Life  of  Williams,  by  Phillips,  p.  117. 

3  "  The  Court  clergy  told  the  poor  King  that  he  was  Solomon, 
and  that  his  sloth  and  cowardice,  by  which  he  had  betrayed  the 
cause  of  God  and  the  honour  of  the  nation,  was  gospel  meekness 
and  peaceableness  ;  for  which  they  raised  him  up  above  the  very 
Heavens,  while  he  lay  wallowing  like  a  swine  in  the  mire  of  his 
lust." — Mrs.  Hutchinsoris  Memoirs,  80. 


136          MEMOIRS   AND   CORRESPONDENCE   OF 

quious,    and  Divine   right  but    whisperingly   ques- 
tioned.1 

Before  we  pass  from  the  consideration  of  this 
reign,  we  must  refer  to  some  of  its  more  im- 
portant features  that  bore  strongly  upon  future 
times.  The  Parliament,  however  submissive  in 
general,  gave  several  signs  of  awakening  life.  It 
dared  to  postpone  supplies  to  the  consideration  of 
grievances,  which  the  King  was  obliged  to  listen  to. 
It  considered,  but  unhappily  decided  not,  the  mo- 
mentous question  of  allowing  the  Crown  a  certain 
annual  income  for  the  support  of  state  ;  and  this  was 
to  be  substituted  for  the  precarious  revenue  derived 
from  outworn  feudal  claims  and  offensive  exercises 
of  prerogative.  Even  the  terms  of  this  "  great  con- 
tract "  were  agreed  upon ;  by  the  mediation  of  the 
Lords,  the  Commons  were  contented  to  vote200,000/. 
per  annum,  in  lieu  of  all  the  vexatious  and  unprofit- 
able claims  of  the  Crown.  During  the  conferences, 
however,  as  to  the  manner  in  which  this  sum  was  to 
be  secured,  the  King,  "  for  good  reasons  known  to 
himself,  utterly  dissolved  the  Parliament."5  The 
journals  of  the  House  of  Commons  are  here  wanting, 
and  it  is  difficult  to  ascertain  on  what  grounds  the 


1  It  is  not  necessary  here  to  speak  of  James's  private  charac- 
ter, grossly  offensive  as  it  was ;  nor  to  conjure  up  the  Banquo  line 
of  victims  to  his  prejudices,  passions,  or  state-craft.     The  death 
of  Raleigh,  and  the  pardon  of  Somerset,  are  sufficient  to  exem- 
plify the  manner  in  which  he  exercised  the  power  of  life  and 
death,  and  to  prove  how  despotically  he  did  so. 

2  May. 


1620-5.]     PRINCE   RUPERT   AND   THE  CAVALIERS.    137 

contract  was  broken  off.1  The  King  and  Commons 
parted  for  the  last  time,  in  mutual  disfavour  and 
distrust. 

The  foreign  relations  of  England  were  equally 
disastrous.  Spain,  the  hereditary  enemy  of  Eng- 
land, had  obtained  a  peace  on  her  own  terms  from 
our  timid  King:  even  her  preposterous  claims  to 
America,  and  the  exclusive  navigation  of  the  South- 
ern hemisphere2  were  tolerated.  But,  though  James 
could  enter  into  official  treaties  at  his  will,  there 
was  no  real  peace  beyond  the  narrow  seas.  The 
Spanish  Main  was  then,  as  it  continued  to  be  in 
Rupert's  time,  the  resort  of  adventurers  of  despe- 
rate fortunes  and  courage ;  the  buccaneers  of  Eng- 
land, especially,  carried  on  a  well-sustained  piratical 
warfare  there,  and  the  Prince  found  that  the  Eng- 
lish flag  was  but  too  well  known  upon  those  distant 
seas.  It  is  unnecessary  to  enter  into  details  of 
James's  foreign  policy ;  how  he  was  out-manoeuvred 
by  Austria,  cozened  by  Spain,  mocked  by  France, 
despised  by  the  Protestant  princes,  over-reached  by 
the  Dutch,3  and  baffled  in  all  his  imbecile  measures 


1  Smyth,  Hist.  Dis. 

2  The  English  adventurers  scarcely  questioned  this  large  mo- 
nopoly, for,  lying  in  wait  for  the  homeward-bound  Spanish  fleets, 
they  brought  their  merchandize  into  England  far  more  cheaply 
than  if  they  had  procured  it  commercially  on  its  distant  native 
shore. 

3  The  States  of  Holland  had  given  Queen  Elizabeth  the  towns 
of  Brill  and  Flushing,  and  the  fort  of  Ramekins,  in  pledge  of  debt 
amounting  to  8,000,000  florins.     Barneveldt  contrived  to  liqui- 
date this  debt  by  the  payment  of  one-third  of  the  above  sum  to 


138         MEMOIRS  AND   CORRESPONDENCE   OF 

to  recover  the  Palatinate  for  his  son-in-law,  and  to 
champion  the  Protestant  faith.  Yet,  his  gross 
vanity,  nourished  by  the  yet  grosser  flattery  of  his 
courtiers,  from  Bacon  down  to  Whitgift,  triumphed 
over  every  disgrace,  and  left  him  only  on  his  death- 
bed. There,  the  cheat  and  delusions  of  his  life 
stood  confessed ;  remorse  rendered  his  last  hours 
as  terrible  as  those  of  his  predecessors.  "  No 
man  could  die  less  lamented  or  esteemed.  He 
was  despised  by  all  as  a  pedant  without  judgment, 
courage,  or  steadiness ;  subject  to  his  favourites, 
and  delivered  up  to  the  counsels,  or  rather  the 
corruption,  of  Spain."1  He  had  mortgaged  not 
only  the  finances  but  the  honour  of  the  Crown,  and 
he  bequeathed  to  his  unhappy  son  the  expiation  of 
his  vices,  perversity,  and  incapacity. 

Charles  I.  was  heartily  welcomed  to  the  throne 
by  the  people  of  England.  Had  he  understood  their 
true  position  and  his  own,  he  might  have  been 
indeed  the  "noblest  King  in  Christendom."  But 
where  then  was  Charles  to  learn  the  great  constitu- 
tional truths  that  were  yet  latent  in  the  most  pa- 
triotic minds,  and  were  only  slowly  evolved  by  the 
heat  of  discussion  and  of  desperate  strife  ? 


our  needy  King,  who  looked  upon  the  finances  of  the  country  as 
his  own.  The  produce  furnished  prcemia  pudoris  for  his  followers. 
— Burnet,  Own  Times,  i.  26. 

1  Burnet  :  "  He  broke  the  power  of  the  Crown  by  selling " 
[with  the  wise  consent  of  Parliament,  however,]  "  the  quit-rent  of 
vast  possessions,  and  thus  lost  influence  over  many  tenants  of  the 
Crown,  and  over  many  boroughs." — Burnet,  Own  Times,  i.  28. 


1625.]      PRINCE   RUPERT   AND   THE   CAVALIERS.       139 

Almost  all  Europe  was  blindly  loyal  then ;  the 
great  nobles,  who  had  so  long  interposed  their 
feudal  shadow  between  the  people  and  the  throne, 
were  swept  away,1  and  despotism  itself  was  wel- 
comed as  a  boon  by  subjects  who  knew  no  better, 
and  had  known  much  worse.  Although  England 
was  further  advanced  in  political  intelligence  than 
the  continental  kingdoms,  it  was  only  a  portion  of 
her  people  who  had  begun  to  aspire  after  constitu- 
tional privileges ;  and  those  who  represent  Charles 
as  opposed  to  the  country  at  large  on  the  question 
of  prerogative,  are  at  least  premature  in  their 
assertion.  The  Puritans  constituted  a  minority 
even  in  the  House  of  Commons  on  this  occa- 
sion; and,  with  the  loving  regard  of  English 
hearts  for  ancient  institutions,  the  people  at  large 
dreamed  of  no  sweeping  change.  The  wars  of  the 
Roses,  OUT  Thirty  Years'  War,  had  removed  much 
of  the  real  tyranny  that  wasted  England ;  still 
more  that  disentailing  Act,2  by  which  a  profligate 
and  fiercely  emulous  nobility  were  allowed  to  ruin 
themselves,  scattering,  with  suicidal  hands,  their 
ancestral  property  abroad  among  the  people  :3  as, 
when  the  rich  waters  of  some  stagnant  lake  are 


1  Guizot,  Revol.  d' Angle.,  i.  23. 

2  Richard  III.  and  Henry  VII. — Reeve's  Hist.  English  Law, 
ii.  113.     Quoted  by  Hallam,  i.  13. 

3  "  The  luxury  and  pomp  with  which  they  strove  to  vie  against 
the  enormous  wealth  of  the  London  merchants,  were  as  fatal  to  the 
fortunes  of  the  nobility  of  Elizabeth's  time,  as  wars  and  confisca- 
tions had  been  to  those  of  Henry  VII." — Blackstone. 


140    MEMOIRS  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF 

spread  abroad  over  the  thirsty  soil,  so  did  the  coun- 
try thrive  and  prosper  on  the  former  sources  of 
oppression.  The  Commons  grew  powerful,  trade 
received  a  stimulus;  new  classes  arose,  who  had 
leisure,  and  knowledge,  and  inducement  sufficient 
to  set  about  bettering  their  political  estate.  The 
long  and  inglorious,  but  useful  tranquillity  of 
James's  reign  afforded  shelter  to  their  impercep- 
tible advances  ;  and,  when  Charles  first  attempted 
to  assert  the  old  prerogative,  he  found  a  new  and  for- 
midable power  in  existence,  an  unforeseen  strength 
exhibited,  that  would  have  made  a  more  timid  man 
pause,  a  wiser  one  endeavour  to  retrace  his  steps. 

In  considering  the  character  of  Charles  I.,  we 
must  endeavour  to  distinguish  between  the  sove- 
reign and  the  man :  the  latter  was  what  heaven  and 
a  thoughtful  youth  had  made  him,  grave,  temperate, 
kind-hearted,  learned,  and  brave  ;T  the  former,  what 


1  I  have  no  wish,  as  will  be  evident,  to  be  the  panegyrist  of 
Charles ;  but  he  has  been  so  unsparingly  abused  of  late,  that  I 
am  tempted  to  offer  to  my  younger  readers  the  following  tributes 
to  his  character  from  cotemporary  opponents,  who  must  have 
known  something  about  him.  Mrs.  Hutchinson,  one  of  the  severest 
Puritans,  says,  "  He  was  temperate,  chaste,  and  serious  :  the  de- 
bauched nobility  and  courtiers  who  could  not  abandon  their  de- 
baucheries, yet  so  reverenced  the  King  as  to  retire  into  corners  to 
practise  them.  All  the  fools  of  the  former  Court,  were  banished, 
and  men  of  learning  and  ingenuity  encouraged  by  the  King,  who 
was  a  most  excellent  judge,"  &c. — p.  84.  May,  a  disappointed 
courtier  and  deserter  from  his  cause,  says,  that  "  Love  and  esteem 
followed  him  to  the  throne  ;  hope  and  fair  presages  of  his  future 
government,  while  they  considered  how  clear  he  had  lived  from 
vice,  how  untainted  of  those  licentious  extravagancies  which  were 
thought  almost  excusable." — 1  Parl.  Hist.  p.  7.  And,  "  He  lived 


1625.]      PRINCE   RUPERT   AND   THE   CAVALIERS.       141 

King  James  and  his  vile  Court,  had  rendered  him 
despotic,  wilful,  subtle,  and  insincere.  Even  for 
Charles  as  a  sovereign,  there  is  much  allowance  to 
be  made  :  we  must  judge  him,  not  by  the  light  we 
have  now,  but  by  that  which  glimmered  through 
the  prejudices  of  his  time  and  place.  Be  it  remem- 
bered that  Divine  right  and  irresponsible  power 
were  not  innovations  arrogated  by  Charles  Stuart, 
but  long  established  and  prescriptive  abuses,  hi- 
therto scarcely  questioned  attributes  of  each  Eng- 
lish King.  When  a  few  great  and  daring  men 
stood  up  for  the  higher  privileges  of  man,  they 
had  to  contend,  at  first,  not  only  with  the  go- 
vernment, but  with  the  governed.1  We  find  our- 
selves living  in  an  age  of  mature  and  enlightened 
liberty,  thinking  the  thoughts  of  ancient  patriots 


more  conformably  to  the  rules  of  the  Protestant  religion  than  any 
of  his  cotemporary  Princes  in  Europe." — Ibid.  p.  11.  Lilly,  who 
stops  at  no  imputation,  in  his  "  Observations,"  says,  "  he  had 
many  singular  parts  in  nature  ;"  moreover,  "  that  he  was  ever  a 
perfect  friend,"  "  an  indulgent  father,"  and  "  (before  the  wars)  a 
great  enemy  to  bloodshed."  Henry  Martyn,  the  regicide,  said  in 
the  House  of  Commons,  "  If  we  must  have  a  King,  I  would  rather 
have  the  last  gentleman  than  any  other."  Even  the  libellous  Sir 
Edward  Peyton  admits  that  he  "  gave  good  hope  to  his  people  of 
a  vertuous  raigne." — Catastrophe  of  the  Stuarts.  And  Baillie,  a 
stern  Covenanter,  speaks  of  him  as  "  a  most  just,  reasonable,  and 
sweet  person." — Letters,  i.  301. 

1  See  Hobbes,  in  his  "Behemoth,"  pp.  565,  602-3,  &c  Hey- 
lin,  in  "  Life  of  Laud,"  ubique,  and  all  the  royalist  writers  ;  who 
seem  to  have  considered  even  the  limitation  of  monarchy  as  a 
treasonable  design.  "  In  Edward  II.'s  time,  the  two  Spencers,  in 
order  to  cover  their  treason,  held  this  damnable  and  damned 
opinion,  that  '  liegeance  was  more  by  reason  of  the  King's  poli- 
tique  capacity  than  of  his  person.'  "—/Somers'  Tracts,  p.  100. 


142    MEMOIRS  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF 

as  if  they  were  our  own,  in  daily  and  almost  un- 
conscious enjoyment  of  privileges  that  were  once 
as  debatable  as  sternly  fought  for.  But  we  must 
transport  our  thoughts  to  a  period  when  all  this  was 
but  in  embryo  ;  when  only  the  most  forward  spirits 
of  the  time  (and  they,  too  often,  in  prison  or  in 
exile)  dared  figure  to  themselves  such  an  England 
as  we  have  inherited  from  their  conceptions  and 
their  heroism. 

I  believe  that  Charles  met  his  first  Parliament 
with  a  sincere  desire  to  conciliate  their  affection, 
apart  from  all  interested  motives.  As  Prince  of 
Wales,  he  had  already  tasted  the  sweet  but  fickle 
breath  of  popular  applause :  he  had  even  led  a 
popular  movement  in  the  ominous  impeachment  of 
Lord  Middlesex  ;*  and  who  that  has  ever  known 
the  genial  and  heart-stirring  favour  of  the  people 
would  willingly  forego  its  triumphs  for  the  cold 
and  cheerless  grasp  of  mere  official  power?  But, 
unhappily,  the  young  monarch  wished  for  the  for- 
mer merely  as  a  graceful  appendage  to  the  latter ; 
and,  yet  more  unfortunately,  the  new  Parliament 
came  to  its  arena  with  as  insatiable  a  thirst  of 
power  as  its  King.2  Nobly  patriotic  in  most  of  its 
resolves,  the  Parliament  felt  the  strength  such 

1  James  I.  had  vainly  resisted  this  dangerous  precedent.     At 
length  his  weak  resolution  gave  way  to  his  greater  weakness  to- 
wards his  favourite,  for  it  was  Buckingham  who  really  moved 
the  measure.     "  Be  it  so,"  exclaimed  the  state-crafty  old  King  ; 
"  you  will  yet  have  your  fill  of  Parliamentary  impeachment." 

2  M.  Guizot's  Revol.  d'Anglet.  i.  32. 


1625.]      PRINCE   RUPERT   AND   THE   CAVALIERS.      143 

motives  give,  but,  exulting  in  that  strength,  pro- 
ceeded to  use  it  like  a  conqueror. 

The  first  measures  that  Charles  adopted  shewed 
confidence  in  his  Parliament,  and  a  generous  trust 
in  its  generosity.  His  opening  speech  was  gracious 
and  judicious  ;  he  would  not  allow  his  ministers,  in 
asking  for  a  supply,  to  state  any  sum  as  the  amount 
desired,  relying  on  the  readiness  of  the  people,  who 
called  for  a  war  with  Spain,  to  give  him  the  means 
of  carrying  it  on.  They  gave  but  140,000/.,  and  that 
accompanied  with  almost  as  many  grievances.  Once 
entered  on  this  theme,  there  seemed  no  end  to  it ; 
and  each  matter  of  discussion  was  father  of  another. 
All  the  wrongs  and  iniquities  of  the  past  reign 
were  marshalled  in  eloquent  array  as  against  the  pre- 
sent ;  nothing  was  beyond  the  reach  of  this  search- 
ing spirit,  nothing  too  old  or  too  recent,  or  too  high 
or  too  low,  for  its  inquisition.  They  deplored  the 
state  of  the  navy,  and  deprecated  the  sermons  of 
Dr.  Montagu;1  they  denounced  the  contraction  of 
their  privileges,  and  the  expansion  of  popery ;  they 
arraigned  the  foreign  negotiations,  alliances,  and 
disgraces,  and  grumbled  over  Charles's  letter  to  the 
Pope.2  They  inquired  into  the  disposal  of  subsidies 


1  Afterwards,  as  if  qualified  by  his  unpopularity  for  that  func- 
tion, he  was  made  a  Bishop  of  Lichfield.     His  most  unpopular 
works  were,  "  A  Gag  for  an  old  Goose,"  and  "  Appello  Ceesarem." 

2  In  reference  to  recent  debates  in  our  own  Parliament  with 
respect  to  communication  with  the  Pope,  I  quote  Lilly,  a  Parlia- 
mentarian's opinion  on  the  subject  of  Charles's  letter  when  woo- 
ing the  Infanta: — "Why  he  might  not  as  well  in  a  civil  way 


144         MEMOIRS   AND   CORRESPONDENCE   OF 

past  and  revenues  to  come,  and  put  forth  innu- 
merable grievances.  In  fine,  the  King  was  to  have 
the  redressing  of  all  their  complaints,  and  in  return 
they  promised  earnestly  to  interfere  in  every  de- 
partment of  the  government,  by  inquisition,  by 
petition,  and  by  advice.1 

The  King,  though  little  grateful  for  all  these 
labours,  as  yet  preserved  his  temper ;  while  the  Par- 
liament held  him  still  fettered  in  the  bonds  of  debt, 
and  clipped  the  wings  of  his  young  ambition  by 
keeping  the  fleet  "money-bound"  at  Portsmouth.2 
When,  on  account  of  the  plague  raging  in  London, 
the  Houses  were  removed  to  Oxford,  the  King 
made  another  appeal  to  the  liberality  of  the  Com- 
mons: he  frankly  laid  before  them  the  state  of  the 
finances,  withholding  no  document,  offering  every 
explanation.  In  vain ;  the  Commons  not  only 
mocked  the  King's  necessities  by  one  of  its  small- 
est subsidies,  but  limited  the  grant  of  tonnage 
and  poundage  to  a  single  year.3 

It  is  necessary  to  bear  in  mind  all  this,  because 


write  unto  the  Pope,  as  write  and  send  his  ambassador  to  the 
Great  Turk,  I  know  not  j  and  for  his  mercy  to  the  priests,  truly, 
charity  bids  me  to  make  rather  a  good  than  a  bad  construction  of 
it." — Observations,  &c.  Maseres,  146. 

1  Guizot's  Revol.  d'Anglet.  i.  32. 

2  Buckingham  and  the  Treasurer  of  the  Navy  had  advanced 
100,000£.    towards   the   equipment   of  this   expedition   against 
Spain.— Parl.  Hist.  vol.  vi.  p.  390. 

3  Instead  of  for  the  King's  life,  as  had  been  the  custom  for 
two  centuries. — Constitutional  Hist.  i.  370.     The  Upper  House 
resented  this  insult  to  the  young  King  by  rejecting  the  bill. — 
Parl.  Hist.  vol.  ii.  p.  6. 


1625-0.]      PRINCE  RUPERT  AND  THE  CAVALIERS.      145 

the  King  and  his  party  endeavoured  to  justify  their 
future  measures  on  the  plea  of  necessity ;  they 
maintained,  and  with  some  justice,  that  the 
Commons1  had  causelessly  displayed  a  suspicious 
and  distrustful  temper  towards  their  young  Sove- 
reign ;  and,  so  far  from  meeting  his  overtures 
with  cordiality  and  frankness,  had  spoken  and 
acted  in  a  manner  calculated  to  estrange  and  to  dis- 
gust him.  As  there  was  nothing  more  to  be  had 
from  it,  the  Parliament  was  dissolved  (12th  August, 
1625) :  that  first  momentous  Parliament,  the  only 
one  in  which  a  right  understanding  between  Charles 
and  the  Commons  was  ever  practicable. 

The  Duke  of  Buckingham,  at  this  time,  played 
the  role  of  the  King's  evil  genius,  an  office  never 
vacant  to  those  who  are  easily  led.2  He  was  de- 
scribed, in  the  language  of  the  time,  as  "  an  un- 
wholesome cloud,  drawn  up  from  the  earth  by  the 
rays  of  majesty,  which  darkened  the  setting,  and 
obscured  the  rising,  sun."3  For  the  sole  gratifica- 


1  It  has  been  asserted  as  a  cause  that  Lord  Bristol  had  "  ex- 
posed "  such  conduct  on  the  part  of  Charles,  or  at  least  of  Buck- 
ingham, in  the  Spanish  marriage  treaty,  as  justified  this  suspi- 
ciousness !     Moreover,    that   the   toleration   granted   to    Roman 
Catholics  in  honour  of  Henrietta  Maria,  was  a  very  formidable 
crime. 

2  Milton  thus  describes  this  fatal  peculiarity  of  the  King's  : — 
"  Whether  with  his  enemies  or  friends,  in  the  court  or  camp,  he 
was  always  in  the  hands  of  another  :  now  of  his  wife,  then  of  the 
bishops  ;  now  of  the  peers,  then  of  the  soldiery  ;  and  lastly,  of  his 
enemies  :  for  the  most  part,  too,  he  followed  the  worse  counsel, 
and  almost  always,  of  the  worser  men." — Iconodastes. 

3  James  I.  took  a  fancy  to  Buckingham's  handsome  person  as  he 

VOL.  I.  L 


146    MEMOIRS  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF 

tion  of  this  favourite  the  war  with  Spain  was  de- 
clared and  carried  on.  The  people,  disgusted  with 
the  issue  of  Mansfeldt's  expedition,1  had  lost  all 
interest  in  foreign  invasion,  and  Charles  and  Buck- 
ingham had  to  conduct  it  as  best  they  might.2  No 
soldier  served  under  the  incapable  and  arrogant  fa- 
vourite from  choice ;  no  chivalry  followed  his  dis- 
honoured banner  ;  the  Cavaliers  (as  yet  unnamed  as 
such)  were  seeking  honour  in  the  Palatinate,  or  in 
the  camp  of  Prince  Maurice ;  many  of  them  were 
still  mere  coxcombs  of  the  street,  or  honest  coun- 
try-gentlemen ;  and  many  a  man  who  followed  the 
royal  standard  afterwards,  now  wished  the  Parlia- 
ment God  speed,  and  a  little  more  generosity. 


was  acting  in  the  play  of  "  Ignoramus."  The  intriguing  nobles 
of  the  Court  brought  him  forward  to  supplant  Somerset,  as  those 
of  France  used  to  speculate  on  a  new  mistress  for  Louis  XV. 
In  1614  we  see  him  at  Cambridge  races,  "in  ragged  clothes," 
subsisting  on  5QL  a-year. — (Sir  S.  D'Ewes).  A  few  years  after- 
wards at  Court  with  300,000£  worth  of  diamonds.  The  King 
compared  his  appearance  to  that  of  St.  Stephen,  "  Acts,"  vi.  15, 
"  whose  face  was  as  the  face  of  an  angel."  Hence  the  name  of 
"  Steenie,"  so  familiar  in  the  letters  and  history  of  the  time. — 
Court  of  the  Stuarts,  ii.  282.  The  most  outrageous  appli- 
cations of  Scripture  were  common  at  this  time.  Lord  Bacon, 
asking  for  Prince  Charles's  intercession  with  King  James,  says, 
"As  I  have  been  created  by  the  father,  let  me  be  redeemed  by  the 
son." — Life  of  Abp.  Williams. 

1  Mansfeldt  had  sailed  with  twelve  thousand  troops  for  the 
rescue  of  the  Palatinate,  just  before  James's  death.     The  French 
had  sent  no  orders  for  his  admission  at  Calais,  so  he  sailed  on  to 
Zealand.     Here,  also,  he  was  disappointed  in  permission  to  land. 
Half  his  forces  perished  by  pestilence,  and  their  dead  bodies, 
washed  on  shore,  were  eaten  by  hogs. 

2  Orders  from  the  Council  were  sent  to  the  Lord-lieutenants 
of  counties,  requiring  them  to  levy,  by  way  of  loan,  the  sums 
required  by  the  King. 


1G25-6.]   PRINCE  RUPERT  AND  THE  CAVALIERS.   147 

In  the  absence  of  chivalric  volunteers,  however, 
the  Court  had  abundance  of  a  meaner  sort :  soldiers 
of  fortune  were  plentifully  engendered  by  the  great 
war  upon  the  continent ;  some  creatures  of  Buck- 
ingham's were  contented  to  follow  his  chief  favou- 
rite, Lord  Wimbledon;1  and  officered  by  these, 
were  about  ten  thousand  unhappy  conscripts,  raised 
by  "  press/'  This  unpromising  expedition  sailed  for 
Cadiz,  but  soon  returned,  disgraced,  and  thinned 
by  sickness.  It  appears  to  have  had  rather  a  sort 
of  buccaneering  purpose  than  any  organized  plan  of 
war ;  its  principal  object  was  the  capture  of  some 
rich  ships,  whose  spoil  was  calculated  on  to  defray 
the  expenses  of  the  expedition,  and  to  make  up  the 
balance  by  which  the  late  Parliamentary  grant  fell 
short  of  the  King's  necessities.  The  Chancellor  of 
Exchequer  in  those  days  had  an  unenviable  budget; 
the  Cadiz  expedition  had  only  increased  its  defi- 
ciencies, and  the  State  was  in  fact  insolvent. 

The  only  and  last  resource  was  a  SECOND  PARLIA- 
MENT;2 it  assembled,3  firm  in  the  same  purpose  of 
redressing  wrongs   and   bringing   to  justice    those 
who  were  considered  as  the  enemies  of  the  people. 
They  voted,  indeed,  a  grant  for  the  King's  neces- 


1  Edward  Cecil. 

2  «  privy  Seals  do  fail,  contributions  are  but  mockeries,  so  that 
there  is  no  way  left  but  Parliament,  although  his  Majesty  hath 
wished  the  Lords  to  think  of  all  other  waies  saving  that  one,  and 
the  Duke  will  keep  off  that  as  long  as  he  can." — Court  and  Times 
of  Charles  I.     Lond.  1848. 

3  Feb.  6,  1626. 


148    MEMOIRS  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF 

sities,  but  reserved  the  order,1  which  was  never 
made.  An  impeachment  of  Buckingham  followed, 
the  lords  assenting  "  as  if  they  had  been  twins  ;"  it 
was  conducted  by  Sir  John  Eliot,  Sir  Dudley  Digges, 
and  others,  with  an  eloquence  and  energy  that  fore- 
boded darkly  for  their  enemies.2  The  King  inter- 
posed his  authority,  sent  Eliot  and  Digges  to  the 
Tower,  and  dissolved  his  second  Parliament. 

He  now  ordered  the  collection  of  the  moneys 
which  the  Parliament  had  voted  yet  withheld.  Lord 
Strafford  (then  Sir  Thomas  Wentworth  and  speak- 
ing on  the  patriot  side)  has  given  us  a  dark  picture 
of  the  cruelties  by  which  this  loan  was  enforced.3 
In  truth  it  was  of  the  last  consequence,  for  the 
situation  of  the  Court  was  desperate. 

The  war  with  Spain  still  smouldered  on  ;  the 
King's  shrunken  and  ill-disciplined  army  was  a 
jest  to  all  but  his  own  subjects,  on  whom  they  were 
quartered.  The  sailors  were  disgusted  at  the  uses 
to  which  they  had  lately  been  betrayed  against  the 
Protestants  of  France,4  and  were  not  to  be  relied  on ; 


1  Of  three  subsidies  and  three  fifteenths. 

2  The  reader  may  consult  Mr.  Forster's  "  British  Statesmen," 
i.  43,  and  D'Israeli's  "  Commentaries/'  i.  326,  for  the  quaint  but 
powerful  speech  of  Sir  John  Eliot  on  this  occasion.     The  death 
and  burial  of  this  eloquent  and  heroic  man  is  one  of  the  saddest 
features  in  this  sad  time,  and  most  prejudicial  to  Charles's  me- 
mory.    He  was  imprisoned,  but  not  to  the  death,  for  this  speech  ; 
subsequently  he  became  the  first  martyr  of  liberty  •  imprisoned  in 
March  1630,  he  died  of  it  in  November,  1632. 

Parl.  Hist.  vii.  370,  quoted  by  Mr.  Forster. 
4  For  this  extraordinary  measure  of  lending  ships  to  France 


1626.]        PRINCE  RUPERT  AND  THE  CAVALIERS.        149 

the  militia,  composed  of  the  angry  people  themselves, 
could  not  be  thought  of.  Charles  seemed  utterly 
powerless,  when,  to  the  astonishment  of  his  own 
and  all  succeeding  times,  he  declared  war  with 
France  !  Nothing  appears  more  inexplicable  than 
the  influence  of  the  profligate  and  volatile  Buck- 
ingham over  his  grave  and  decorous  King ;  there 
seems  no  doubt  that  the  favourite's  passion  for 
Anne  of  Austria,  and  his  vain-glorious  boast,1  com- 
mitted Charles  to  this  war,  the  conduct  of  which 
was  as  disgraceful  as  its  cause.  The  nominal  object 


see   an   explanation,  such   as   it   is,  in  D'Israeli's  "  Comment- 
aries."* 

i  Guizot's  "Revol.  d'Anglet."  i.  42;  "  Clar.  Reb."  i.  71.  It 
was  Buckingham's  egregious  folly  to  quarrel  personally  with  the 
two  great  ministers  of  Europe,  Olivarez  and  Richelieu,  in  the 
course  of  his  diplomacy.  Olivarez  hated  him  for  his  insolence  to 
himself  and  his  civility  to  his  wife ;  Richelieu,  for  his  daring  ad- 
dresses to  the  Queen  of  France,  whom  his  Eminence  probably 
made  love  to  at  the  time,  if  he  married  her  afterwards,  t  When 
he  was  refused  admission  into  France  as  ambassador,  he  swore 
"  he  would  see  and  speak  with  that  lady  in  spite  of  all  the  strength 
and  power  of  France."  The  pretext  of  the  war  was  the  favour 
shewn  to  Austria  in  the  affairs  of  the  Palatinate,  and  preventing 
Mansfeldt  from  landing. — Nani,  Hist,  of  Varum  ;  quoted  by  Mr. 
Jesse. — Harris,  ii.  158. 

*  That  most  ingenious  apologist  has  only  shewn,  after  all,  that 
Charles  and  Buckingham  were  outwitted  in  this  matter,  Protes- 
tant Rochelle  being  substituted  by  Richelieu  for  Popish  Genoa 
as  the  scene  of  use  for  these  ships  and  their  indignant  sailors. 
Lilly  tells  us  (Maseres'  "  Tracts,"  p.  151)  that  Charles  had  much 
ado  to  recover  these  prostituted  vessels,  Admiral  Pennington 
being  obliged  to  keep  one  hundred  French  vessels  in  embargo  to 
obtain  restitution  of  his  own. 

t  He  was  only  a  lay  cardinal,  and  therefore  free  to  marry.  Nani 
is  the  only  authority,  however,  for  this  marriage,  which  is  at  least 
doubtful. 


150          MEMOIRS  AND   CORRESPONDENCE   OF 

was  to  assist  the  Protestants  besieged  in  Rochelle 
by  the  cardinal,  and  it  was  hoped  that  the  popularity 
of  the  cause  would  affect  the  English  favourably 
towards  its  leader.  In  vain:  the  people  thought 
more  of  the  great  interests  at  stake  in  their  own 
land ;  the  security  of  every  humble  fireside  was  in 
question  there,  and  they  were  too  sensitive  of  the 
severities  they  had  just  experienced  in  raising  war- 
supplies,  to  feel  very  favourably  towards  the  author 
of  them. 

Buckingham,  nevertheless,  went  forth  upon  his 
war,  his  ships  hung  with  velvet  and  resounding  with 
sweet  music ;  his  "jewels  accompanied  him,  and  his 
gilt  coach,"  and  the  ill  wishes  of  every  man  he  had 
left  behind  him.  He  appeared  before  Rochelle  with 
one  hundred  vessels  and  about  seven  thousand  troops, 
but  the  Huguenots,  in  the  absence  of  any  previous 
arrangement,  and  distracted  by  internal  discord,  re- 
fused to  admit  him.  Finding  it  necessary  to  land 
his  forces  during  the  delay  thus  caused,  he  se- 
lected the  Isle  of  Rh<$  for  this  purpose,  though  well 
garrisoned  and  fortified,  while  the  fertile  island  of 
Oleron  lay  close  at  hand,  defenceless.  It  is  need- 
less to  dwell  upon  the  utter  incapacity  he  displayed 
in  his  heedless  attacks  and  disorderly  retreat.1  He 

1  "Stafford's  Papers,"  vol.  i.  p.  41;  Rohan's  "Memoirs," 
quoted  by  Harris,  ii.  162.  There  is  an  interesting  and  vivid  account 
of  this  expedition  in  Disraeli's  "  Commentaries,  ii.  64."  During 
four  months  the  Duke  had  full  opportunity  to  display  the  sort  of 
chivalry  that  Cervantes  laughed  to  death  in  Spain  (was  Spain 
the  better  for  it  ?).  There  seems  to  have  been  much  hard  fighting, 


1627.]      PRINCE   RUPERT   AND   THE   CAVALIERS.      151 

lost  two-thirds  of  his  men,  and  the  remnant  were 
hardly  saved  by  the  gallantry  of  eight  hundred 
Irish  under  Sir  Pierce  Crosby,  who  kept  their  ranks 
until  they  reached  the  shore.1  Buckingham,  too, 
displayed  that  courage  which  was  almost  his  only 
redeeming  virtue  :  he  was  the  last  man  who  em- 
barked. 

The  king  weakly  but  generously  welcomed  and 
consoled  his  favourite.  The  people  envenomed  their 
hatred  with  contempt ;  they  arraigned  the  arrogant 
and  incapable  leader  of  the  expedition  as  the  cause 
of  the  slaughter  of  their  fellow-countrymen,  of  the 
dishonour  of  the  English  name,  of  the  despair  of 
their  Protestant  brethren  in  France.  Public  hatred 
in  every  form,  religious,  political,  legal,  and  com- 
mercial, assailed  the  duke,  and,  indirectly,  his 
protector.  The  soldiers  and  sailors,  rendered 
reckless  by  their  disgraces,  and  starving  for  want 
of  pay,  besieged  the  Court :  while  the  debts  of  the 
expedition  remained  unpaid,  the  duke  was  still 
lavish  and  magnificent :  the  country  groaned  under 
illegal  taxation ;  the  cities  saw  their  commerce 
ruined  by  the  wars,  their  ships  rotting  in  the  docks, 
their  merchandize  uncalled  for;  all  England  was 
upon  the  point  of  insurrection,  when  the  King  sum- 
moned his  THIRD  PARLIAMENT.2  (17th  March,  1628.) 

for  we  find  in  one  affair  that  thirty  French  noblemen  perished. 
The  English  fought  desperately ;  Monk  was  amongst  them. 

1  Maseres'  "  Tracts,"  150,  and  Lilly,  who  excuses  the  Duke  as 
to  the  retreat. 

a  By  the  advice  of  Sir  Robert  Cotton,  who  also  advised  a  very 


152    MEMOIRS  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF 

This  was  a  memorable  session :  the  patriots, 
as  yet  uncorrupted  by  power,  shew  very  grandly 
on  the  stage  ;  Eliot,  Hampden,  Coke,  Selden,  Glan- 
vil,  Pym,  Rudyard,  Seymour,  Philips — all  these  are 
great  names,  urging  fearlessly  forward  the  great 
work  they  had  to  do.  There  was  another  man 
who  sat  among  them  then  for  the  first  time, 
so  meanly  clad,  so  coarse  and  repulsive1  in  his 
appearance,  as  to  attract  attention  for  that  alone2 
— Oliver  Cromwell.  Went  worth  (Lord  Strafford) 
too,  was  there,  exercising  his  vast  power  on  the 
people's  side.  And  against  all  these,  with  their 
wrongs,  was  Charles  with  his  favourite  and  his 
divine  right ! 

This  Parliament3  not  only  listened  with  strange 

important  but  (now)  impossible  precept,  in  the  words  of  Lord  Bur- 
leigh  to  Queen  Elizabeth,  "  Win  the  heart  of  your  people,  and  you 
will  have  their  purse  and  arm  at  your  disposal."  With  such  a  view, 
seventy-eight  prisoners  for  enforced-loan  debt  were  enlarged.  Of 
these,  twenty-seven  were  elected  to  serve  in  the  new  Parliament, 
and  they  carried  with  them  to  the  House  the  thoughts  con- 
cerning liberty  and  prerogative  that  had  visited  them  in 
prison. 

1  "  He  was  very  ordinarily  apparelled by  an  ill  country 

taylor  :  his  linen  plain,  and  not  very  clean,  with  a  speck  of  blood 
on  his  little  band,  his  sword  stuck  close  to  his  side  :  his  voice 
sharp  and  untunable,  and  his  eloquence  very  full  of  fervor." — Sir 
P.  Warwick,  p.  Ztf.—Carlyle. 

2  Dr.  South,   in   the   sermon  that  made  him  a  bishop,  thus 
describes  the  first  appearance  of  the  man  he  had  panegyrized 
while  living  :  — "  A  bankrupt  beggarly  fellow,  with  a  threadbare 
torn   coat,  and  a  greasy  hat."      Quoted  by  Mr.  Forster.      Brit. 
States,  iv.  43. 

3  The  property  of  its  Commons  was  said  to  be  three  times  as 
great  as  that  of  the  Lords. — Rushwortli.     Yet,  Davenant  says  in 
his  Memoirs  that  the  income  of  no  House  of  Commons,  up  to  his 
time,  amounted  to  400,000/. 


1628.]      PRINCE   RUPERT   AND   THE   CAVALIERS.      153 

patience  and  gravity  to  a  very  imperious  opening 
speech  from  the  King,  but  it  abstained  for  the 
moment  from  all  mention  of  the  Duke  of  Buck- 
ingham, voted  a  liberal  supply1  and  then  presented 
the  great  PETITION  OF  RiGHT.2  Charles  assented 
to  its  provisions  very  readily  at  first,  not  compre- 
hending the  extensive  meaning  they  contained. 
As  soon  as  he  discovered  their  real  strength,  he  en- 
deavoured to  qualify  his  assent,  but  it  was  too  late  ;3 
his  hesitation  only  gave  the  Commons  ground  for 
suspicion  and  discontent,  and  the  bill  received 
the  royal  assent  on  the  7th  of  June.  The  Com- 
mons stopped  not  here ;  they  again  took  up  the 


1  Five  subsidies,  about  350,000/. When  Sir  John  Coke, 

the  secretary,  brought  up  the  report  of  this  grant  to  the  King,  he 
declared  he  was  happier  in  so  doing  than  any  of  his  predecessors. 
The  King  asked  by  how  many  voices  he  had  carried  it  1     Coke 
replied,  "  But  by  one."     At  which  the  King  seemed  appalled,  and 
asked  how  many  were  against  him  1     "  None,  Sire  !  the  unani- 
mity of  the  House  made  all  but  ONE  VOICE."     The  King  was  so 
strongly  affected  as  to  weep ;  a  strange  emotion  for  one  so  used 
to  self-control. — D' Israeli's    Commentaries,  ii.   94;   Eush.  525. 
30,000/.  would  have  paid  the  mutinous  soldiers  and  sailors,  but 
was  not  to  be  had. 

2  This  was  founded  on  the  four  following  grievances  : — Exac- 
tion of  money  under  the  name  of  loans  ;  the  imprisonment  of 
those  refusing  to  pay,  and  the  suspension  of  the  habeas  corpus  ; 
the  billetting  of  soldiers  on  private  persons  j  and  the  exercise  of 
martial  law. — Hallams  Const.  Hist.  i.  382. 

3  The  King  addressed  a  letter  to  the  Lords,  in  which  he  stated, 
that  he  could  not  part  with  the  power  of  imprisoning,  but  pro- 
mised not  to  use  that  power  for  compelling  loans,  or  without 
good  cause.     The  Lords  sent  the  bill  for  the  petition  of  right  to 
the  Lower  House,  with  an  amendment  to  the  clause  forbidding 
arrests,  "  saving  the  King's   sovereign   power."     "  Let   us   take 
heed,"   said   old    Coke    (upon    Littleton),    "what   we   yield   to. 
Magna  Charta  is  such  a  fellow  that  he  will  have  no  sovereign." 


154          MEMOIRS   AND   CORRESPONDENCE   OF 

subject  of  their  grievances,  and  at  length  named 
Buckingham  as  the  "grievance  of  grievances,"  as 
an  "  evil  adviser  of  the  King."  Then  follow  fast  the 
prorogation  of  this  bold  Parliament  (26th  of  June, 
1628) ;  the  unhappy  expedition  of  Lord  Denbigh,  the 
duke's  brother-in-law,  to  relieve  Rochelle,  another 
disgraceful  failure;  and  another  preparation  to  be 
headed  by  the  duke  himself,  who  had  sworn  to 
relieve  Rochelle,  "  or  leave  his  body  on  the  dyke." 
The  knife  of  Felton1  saved  him  from  all  future  dis- 
graces.2 Rochelle,  after  a  gallant  defence,3  surren- 
dered, and  its  catastrophe  yet  further  exasperated 
the  people,  so  heavily  and  vainly  taxed  for  its  relief. 
Again  Parliament  met  (20th  of  January,  1629). 
During  the  recess,  tonnage  and  poundage4  had  been 

1  Harris,  in  his  insidious  book  "  after  the  manner  of  Bayle," 
calls  him  "  a  well  meaning- assassin."      He  who  could  apply  such 
a  term  only  wanted  courage  and  a  motive  to  exercise  the  same 
well-meaning  function  himself. 

2  Never  died  a  man  in  England  less  regretted  than  this  vain 
and  dishonoured  favourite.     Ambition's  dreary  confession  is  ut- 
tered in  these,  his  words  : — "  I  have  long  lived  in  pain,  sleep  hath 
given  me  no  rest,  fortune  and  favours  no  content."     His  speech 
at  the  Commons'  table,  given  by  Rusliworth,  i.  525.     Quoted  by 
D'Israeli.     The  punishment  of  his  assassin  makes  an  era  in  our 
civilization  :  it  shews  also  the  unknown  nobleness  of  our  ancient 
laws  :  the  Judges  discovered  that  "  Felton  must  not  be  tortured  by 
the  rack,  for  no  such  punishment  is  known  or  allowed  by  our 
law." — Blackstone.     When  Lord  Dorset*  had  threatened  this  tor- 
ture, to  compel  him  to  name  his  accomplices,  Felton  declared  that 
"  he  would  accuse  none  but  his  lordship,"  and  so  escaped.     He 
died  in  deep  remorse. 

3  See  an  eloquent  account  in  D'Israeli's  "  Commentaries." 

4  Synonymous  with  Custom-house  duties. 

*  Laud's  enemies  falsely  attribute  the  threat  and  the  rebuff  to 
the  archbishop. 


16-28.]      PRINCE   RUPERT   AND   THE   CAVALIERS.      155 

levied  without  its  consent,  notwithstanding  the  Pe- 
tition of  Right :  merchants  had  been  imprisoned  for 
refusing  to  pay  it ;  papistic  clergymen,  as  they  were 
esteemed,  had  been  made  bishops ;  and  "  Dr.  Ala- 
baster had  been  preaching  flat  popery  at  Paul's 
Cross."1  These  were  ample  materials  for  very  fiery 
debates,  carried  on  with  many  tears  and  even  per- 
sonal struggles,2  all  ending  in  another  dissolution 
and  the  disuse  of  Parliaments  for  eleven  long  years. 

The  King  now  ruled  at  will,  as  despotically  as 
any  sovereign  in  Europe ;  the  more  so,  since  he  had 
relinquished  the  warlike  schemes  of  his  youthful 
ambition,  and  was  freed  from  the  all-tainting  curse 
of  favouritism.3  Spain  and  France  were  too  happy 
to  accept  the  proffered  peace,  and  "  there  quickly 
followed  so  excellent  a  composure  throughout  the 
whole  kingdom,  that  the  like  peace  and  plenty 
and  tranquillity  for  ten  years  was  never  enjoyed  by 
any  nation/'4 

But  the  repose  was  only  such  as  ensues  when 
mortification  has  supervened  upon  some  deadly 


1  "Cromwell.,"  Carlyle,  i.  85. 

2  The   Speaker  refused,  "  by  his  Majesty's  command,"  to  put 
the  question,  and  left  the  chair.     Hollis  and  Valentine  dragged 
him  back,  swearing,  "  God's  wounds,  he  should  stay  there  as  long 
as  the  House  chose."     Sir  Thomas  Esmond  and  his  friends  strove 
to  rescue  the  Speaker.     Coriton  and  others  drew  their  swords, 
and  amid  tears,  groans,  imprecations,  and  shouts,  Sir  Michael 
Hobart  locked  the  door. — Hume,  Forster,  D' Israeli. 

3  D'Israeli,  in  his  "  Commentaries,"  says  "  the  King  now  cor- 
rected two  great  vices,  war  and  favouritism  ;"  he  had  still  insin- 
cerity, the  most  fatal  and  difficult  to  correct. 

4  Clar.  "Reb."  :  May  "Parl.  Hist."  says  differently. 


156          MEMOIRS  AND   CORRESPONDENCE   OF 

wound  :  the  disease  that  inwardly  consumed  the 
nation  was  fast  increasing  under  the  hectic  mask 
of  health :  the  stern  Parliamentary  physicians1 
watched  its  progress  patiently  from  afar  or  from 
prison,  biding  their  time.2  While  the  constitutional 
struggle  lasted,  the  courtiers  were  under  strong  con- 
straint, the  King  anxious,  the  Queen  intimidated,  and 
the  Court  at  large  very  gloomy.  But  now,  all  was 
changed;  holiday  times  returned,  pomp  and  luxury 
increased :  the  young  and  thoughtless  Queen  intro- 
duced the  social  life  of  Paris  as  successfully  as  her 
husband  imitated  its  political  regime.  Despotism 
had  all  its  own  way:  the  King  practised  it;  the 
Star  Chamber  and  High  Commission  Courts  pam- 
pered it ;  the  pulpit  preached  it ;  the  judges  pan- 
dered to  it ;  and  the  people  cursed  it  in  their  deep 
hearts. 

The  King's  real  ministers  at  this  time  were  Arch- 
bishop Laud,  Lord  Strafford,  and  the  Marquis  of 
Hamilton :  the  Archbishop,  as  treasurer,  had  dis- 
charged his  difficult  trust  with  integrity,  ability,  and 
even  justice,  where  his  religious  convictions  were 
not  concerned  :  he  looked  at  life  only  professionally, 
and  conceived  his  highest  temporal  duty  consisted 
in  advancing  the  supremacy  of  his  Church  :  with 
this,  the  strength  of  royal  prerogative  was  so  closely 

1  "  The  House  is  the  Physician  of  our  maladies." — PYM. 

2  Sir  John  Eliot,  Sir  Miles  Hobart,  Holies,  Hayman,  Selden, 
Coriton,  Long,  Strode,  and  Valentine,  were  sent  to  the  Tower,  to 
be  imprisoned  "during  the  King's   pleasure/'  which,  said  the 
caitiff  judges,  prevented  bail  being  taken. 


1030,]    PRINCE   RUPERT   AND   THE   CAVALIERS.        157 

united  as  to  make  its  champion  very  useful  and 
acceptable  to  the  King's  present  position.1  Strafford 
was  then  Lord  Deputy,  or  Viceroy  of  Ireland  :  an 
office  from  all  time  the  most  difficult  in  the  world 
to  discharge.  He  found  that  extraordinary  island 
luxuriating  in  the  feuds  and  factions  that  seemed 
to  be  its  dearest  privilege,  and  that  utter  discord 
between  every  man  and  thing  that  only  hostility 
to  England  could  even  for  a  moment  reconcile. 
Endowed  apparently  with  every  gift,  and  every 
capability  except  the  art  of  making  use  of  either, 
Ireland  and  its  people  lay  prostrate  at  the  feet  of 
England.  It  was  a  fine  field  for  the  exercise  of 
Wentworth's  commanding  genius  :  he  dealt  with  it 
as  a  conquered  country,  and  by  the  stern  simplicity 
of  martial  law,  he  at  once  repressed  the  chronic  in- 
surrectionary spirit,  and  crushed  the  petty  system  of 
legislation  that  only  served  to  irritate  the  people, 
and  disgust  them  with  English  laws.  His  imperious 
nature  disdained  the  bondage  of  precedent;  he 
turned  his  searching  glance  on  the  fiscal  abuses 
that  had  prevailed  and  been  tolerated  by  his  pre- 
decessors: by  this  inquisition  he  quadrupled  the 
King's  revenue  in  a  few  years  ;2  he  stimulated  com- 

1  The   conscientiousness   and  good  intentions  of  Laud  seem 
incontestible ;  exorbitant  in  his  ambitious  views  for  his  Order, 
he  seems  to  have  had  none  for  himself ;  fiercely  cruel  and  intole- 
rant, he  was  himself  a  patient  and  noble  martyr;  abrupt  and 
offensive  in  his  manner,  he  was  gentle  and  humble  in  his  heart. 
See  an  interesting  conversation  between  him  and  "  Mr.  Hyde." — 
Clarendon's  Life,  i.  62  ;  Heylin  ubique.     Appendix  B. 

2  From  10,OOOZ.  to  40,0002. 


158          MEMOIRS   AND  CORRESPONDENCE   OF 

merce  ;*  he  promoted  agriculture ;  he  disciplined, 
paid,  and  recruited  the  army ;  suppressed  its  dis- 
orders, and  elevated  its  character.  The  govern- 
ment of  Strafford2  was  arbitrary,  and  even  ty- 
rannical; but  it  stayed  and  absorbed  that  minor 
and  universal  licence  of  oppression  that  had  so 
long  worried  and  degraded  Ireland.  The  people 
of  that  unintelligible  country  grew  wealthier  in 
the  midst  of  exactions,  and  happier  by  oppression.3 
Strafford  knew  the  effect  of  appearances  on  the 
impressible  minds  of  his  new  vassals  and  (for  the 
first  time  that  it  had  been  so  done  in  Ireland)  he 
assumed  almost  royal  state.4  But  such  outward 
pageants  were  only  symbolic  of  the  more  than 
royal  power  within,  which  for  the  first  time  in 
history  brought  Ireland  utterly  and  confessedly 
under  English  rule  :  the  King  was  there  absolute.5 
In  Scotland  the  Marquis  of  Hamilton  was  the 

1  He  crushed  the  woollen  trade,  it  is  true,  but  he  created  that 
of  linens. 

2  There  is  a  very  able  and  interesting  life  of  Straiford  in  Mr. 
Forster's  "  Statesmen  of  the  Commonwealth."     M.  Guizot  also 
has  done  justice  to  the  power  and  energy  of  his  character.  (Rev. 
d'Angl.  i.  72.)     His  own  letters  in  the  "  Strafford  Papers,"  vol.  i. 
pp.  61,  79,  81,  &c.,  form  the  best  commentary  on  his  extraordi- 
nary career, — extraordinary  in  his  having  done  so  much  as  a 
man,  and  yet  more  extraordinary  in  his  not  having  done  more, 
being  such  a  man. 

3  Hallam,  i.  454.     [He  oppressed  the  oppressors,  and  protected 
the  Irish  from  themselves, —  a  great  desideratum.] 

4  Howell  (p.  274),  writes  thus  from  Dublin,  1 639  : — «  Here  is  a 
most  splendid  Court  kept  at  the  Castle,  and  except  that  of  the 
Viceroy  of  Naples,  I  have  not  seen  the  like  in  Christendom." 

5  See  Stafford's  Letter  to  Laud,  Dec.  16,  1634,  "  Memoirs  of 
Lord  Clanricarde." 


1638.]    PRINCE   RUPERT   AND   THE   CAVALIERS.        159 

Royal  minister.  The  King  selected  him  for  that 
most  important  post  with  his  usual  want  of  discern- 
ment, and  adhered  to  him  throughout  all  his  mis- 
doings with  his  usual  infatuated  affection.  "  In 
politics  a  mistake  is  worse  than  a  crime,"1  and  the 
Marquis  was  never  innocent  in  this  respect.  His 
whole  public  career,  from  his  inglorious  service  in 
the  Swede's  glorious  campaigns,  to  his  discomfiture 
at  Utoxeter,  was  one  succession  of  ignominious 
failures.  His  official  life  was  equally  marked  by 
the  absence  of  straightforwardness,  honesty  and 
success,  and  he  had  his  reward :  mistrusted  by  all 
parties,  the  people  of  England  hated  him;2  the 
people  of  Scotland  refused  even  to  treat  with  him  ;3 
Montrose  denounced  his  treachery  ;4  Essex  was 
hostile  to  him;5  the  Covenanters  loathed,  the  King 
imprisoned,  and  the  Parliament  beheaded  him.6 

To  this  personage  was  confided  the  management 
of  Scotland,  whilst  a  good  understanding  was  prac- 
ticable ;  the  invasion,  when  his  tampering  and  faith- 
less policy  had  rendered  such  an  understanding  im- 
possible. For  the  intriguing  favourite  had  endea- 
voured to  advance  the  Covenanters'  as  well  as  the 


1  Talleyrand. 

2  Clar.  Rebel,  i.  268  ;  Warwick's  Memoirs. 

3  At  Ripon. — Lodge. 

4  For  transmitting  the  King's  secrets  to  the   Covenanters. — 
Napier  s  Montrose.  5  Clar.  Rebel,  i.  212. 

6  Bishop  Burnet  and  Mr.  Lodge  are  his  eulogists  :  the  former, 
a  time-serving  dissembler,  was  well  adapted  to  be  the  biographer 
of  such  a  patron  :  the  latter,  useful  as  are  his  meritorious  labours, 
is  necessarily  unequal,  and  often  very  favourably  prejudiced. 


160          MEMOIRS  AND   CORRESPONDENCE   OF 

Royal  cause,  and  to  render  himself  the  arbiter 
of  each :  to  this  end  he  unscrupulously  betrayed 
both,  and  ultimately  left  himself  powerless  to  serve 
either.1  The  contrast  between  Lords  Hamilton 
and  Strafford  was  complete,  and  exemplified  in  the 
result  of  their  respective  governments.  The  former, 
out  of  a  country,  whose  interests  had  been  pam- 
pered by  two  native  sovereigns,2  distilled  the  cove- 
nanting element  of  evil  that  first  and  last  was  most 
fatal  to  the  Sovereign's  cause :  the  latter,  out  of  a 
rebellious,  neglected,  and  ill-used  nation,  raised  up, 
with  one  terrible  exception  a  constant  and  unvary- 
ing support  for  his  Royal  master. 

Whilst  these  two  ministers  thus  ruled  Scotland 
and  Ireland,  Laud  was  equally  dominant  in  Eng- 
land. By  this  Triumvirate  and  the  King  were  mo- 
nopolised those  powers  that  the  King  and  Parlia- 
ment only  were  competent  to  discharge. 

And  all  this  time  the  people  submitted  peacefully 
to  the  usurpation  that  had  converted  their  free 
constitution  into  a  despotism,  their  bishops  into  sa- 
tellites, their  judges  into  slaves — that  had  assumed 
the  disposal  of  life  and  property,  had  abolished 

1  Doubtless  this  unhappy  nobleman  had  some  affection  for  the 
King  (of  which  indeed  none  of  the  ill-chosen  royal  friends  could 
ever  divest  themselves),  but  his  first  devotion  was  to  self.     He 
afterwards  repented  bitterly  of  his  errors,  and  died  bravely  in  their 
expiation.     He  was  nearly  related  to  the  King  by  blood,  and 
shared  his  passion  for  paintings  ;  of  the  latter  he  seems  rather 
to  have  been  an  enthusiastic  collector  than  enlightened  lover. 

2  The  phrase  "  Scott-free,"  in  James  his  tyme  ye  Scotts  escaped 
for  crimes  that  hanged  Englishmen — Ward,  1668. 


1030-9.]    PRINCE   RUPERT   AND   THE   CAVALIERS.      161 

parliament,  and  suppressed  all  liberty  of  con- 
science. They  submitted  peacefully,  for  they  still 
cherished  affection  and  respect  for  the  throne,  and 
reverenced  their  government,  even  in  its  per- 
versions. 

But,  another  spirit  was  gaining  ground  :  men  did 
not  know  at  first  that  they  were  enslaved,  no  more 
than  Charles  knew  that  he  was  become  a  despot.  It 
is  interesting  to  observe,  when  the  fact  at  length 
became  too  flagrant,  how  awkwardly  and  reluctantly 
the  Parliament  set  themselves  to  oppose  despotism, 
how  naively  Charles  appealed  to  his  people,  as  if  his 
cause  were  theirs.  The  first  symptom,  indeed,  of 
defection  was  exhibited  not  in  resistance,  but  in 
flight.  The  New  World  offered  a  boundless  and 
secure  asylum  to  the  persecuted  victims  of  the  Old ; 
amongst  her  broad  savannahs  and  vast  rivers  there 
was  room  for  the  exercise  of  all  energy  and  all 
hope.  Thither  numbers  of  the  more  enterprising 
and  zealous  dissenters  from  Church  and  State  be- 
took themselves ;  they  carried  with  them  consider- 
able treasure,  and  the  better  wealth  of  industry 
and  resolution.1  Even  this  refuge,  however,  was 

1  Such  were  the  sources  of  prosperity  of  the  greatest  colony 
the  world  ever  saw.  The  emigrants  were,  for  the  most  part,  men 
of  education  and  strong  political  and  religious  affections  :  "the 
hands  that  wielded  the  axe  or  guided  the  canoe  in  the  morning, 
opened  the  page  of  history  and  philosophy  in  the  evening."  No 
wonder  the  descendants  of  such  men  were  prompt  to  remember  at 
Boston  the  free  principles  of  their  Pilgrim  Fathers.  Amongst 
these  was  the  younger  Sir  Henry  Vane,  who  transported  to  Mas- 
sachusetts the  wild  religious  and  political  theories  that  England 

VOL.  I.  M 


162          MEMOIRS   AND   CORRESPONDENCE   OF 

soon  denied  to  "  the  disaffected  ;"  instead  of 
"building  a  golden  bridge"  for  their  flying  ene- 
mies, the  infatuated  Council  of  the  King  laid  an 
embargo  on  outward-bound  vessels  containing  emi- 
grants, and  thus  brought  many  desperate  and 
solute  men  to  bay.1 

But  the  endurance  of  the  men  of  England  was 
daily  put  to  a  more  trying  test ;  every  successful 
invasion  of  their  rights  was  taken  as  a  proof  that 
they  would  bear  still  more.  Cruel  expedients  to 
raise  revenue  were  put  in  practice ;  odious  monopo- 
lies invaded  the  comfort  of  every  man's  fireside, 
and  there  was  no  redress,  or  any  prospect  thereof.2 


refused  to  listen  to ;  there,  however,  they  found  no  resting-place  : 
"  solum  non  animum,"  the  emigrants  had  changed  nothing  but 
their  soil ;  they  were  as  fiercely  controversial  and  intolerant  as 
any  of  those  they  had  left  behind.  Vane  was,  indeed,  elected 
governor,  but  soon  displaced.  "  Even  New  England/'  says  his 
zealous  friend  Sikes,  "  could  not  bear  all  his  words,  though  there 
was  no  King's  court  or  King's  chapel."  He  returned  to  England 
in  time  to  give  a  death-blow  to  Strafford,  by  means  of  papers 
purloined  from  his  worthless  father.  Those  who  wish  to  know 
all  that  can  be  said  in  favour  of  this  shrewd  fanatic,  may  consult 
Forster,  iii.  28,  &c. ;  Hochelaga,  ii.  pp.  150,  249,  290. 

1  Among  these  were  not  Cromwell  and  Hampden,  however,  as 
Miss  Aikin  was  the  first  to  prove.     It  was  on  occasion  of  the 
"  Remonstrance "  passing  the  House  of  Commons  (if  at  all)  that 
Cromwell  said,  "  If  it  had  failed  he  would  have  sold  all  that  he 
had  the  next  morning,  and  never  seen  England  more." — Clar. 
Rebel.     Lords  Brooke,  and  Say  and  Sele,  had  arranged  for  them- 
selves a  refuge  beyond  seas. — See    Walpoles  Royal  and  Noble 
Autliors,  ii.  352.     Cowley,  too,  thought  of  emigrating. 

2  A  list  of  some  of  the  articles  made  subjects  of  monopoly  may 
be  surprising  :  (it  is  to  be  remembered  that  all  these  were  not 
only  rendered  scarce  and  dear,  but  abominably  adulterated  j  and 
all  to  enrich  some  courtier  by  the  fee  that  the  speculator  paid  for 
his  patent :)  salt,  soap  [very  grievous],  coal,  iron,  [the  Marquis 


1637.]     PRINCE   RUPERT   AND   THE   CAVALIERS.        163 

The  extension  of  the  royal  forests,1  the  inquisi- 
tion into  titles  of  estates,2  and,  last  of  all,  "for  a 
spring  and  magazine  that  should  have  no  bottom, 
and  for  an  everlasting  supply  of  all  occasions,"3  the 
impost  of  ship-money,  "  a  word  of  lasting  sound  in 
the  memory  of  this  kingdom."  Had  the  produce  of 
this  tax  even  prevented  pirates  from  infesting  St. 
George's  Channel,  it  might  have  been  tolerated ;  had 
it  even  been  in  the  shape  of  a  loan,  contracted  under 
urgent  circumstances,  and  for  an  occasion,  it  might 
have  been  borne ;  but,  when  it  was  found  that  the 
judges,  "to  their  reproach  and  infamy,"4  adjudged 
this  impost  to  be  legal,  "they  discovered  that  no 
man  had  any  longer  anything  that  he  could  truly 
call  his  own ;  they  felt,  moreover,  that  this  tax  was 
laid  upon  them  by  the  judges,  and  not  by  the  King," 
and  that  therefore  its  payment  was  no  longer  a 


of  Hamilton's  monopoly]  leather,  linen,  feathers,  cards  and  dice, 
lace,  tobacco,  barrels,  beer,  distilled  liquors,  salt  herrings,  butter, 
potash,  catgut,  spectacles,  combs,  saltpetre,  gunpowder,  paper  rags, 
hops,  buttons,  &c. — Guizot,  Rev.  cFAngl.  i.  83.  '*  Nothing  too  mean 
or  foul  for  Vespasian."  "  These,"  said  Sir  John  Culpepper,  "  like 
the  frogs  of  Egypt,  have  gotten  possession  of  our  dwellings,  and 
we  have  scarcely  a  room  free  from  them  :  they  sip  in  our  cup, 
they  dip  in  our  dish,  they  sit  by  our  fire ;  we  find  them  in  the 
dye-vat,  washing-bowl,  and  powdering-box.  They  share  with  the 
butler  in  his  pantry  ;  they  have  marked  us  from  head  to  foot ; 
they  will  not  bate  us  a  pin." — May's  Hist,  of  the  Parliament. 

1  The  forest  of  Rockingham  was  enlarged  from  six  to  sixty 
miles  in  circuit.     The  New  Forest  was  enlarged  almost  to  the 
ruin  of  Lord  Southampton,  and  Richmond  Park  was  created  out 
of  private  property. — Hallam.     See  p.  76  of  this  work. 

2  Hume,  ch.  52. 

s  Clar.  «  Reb."  i.  120.  *  Ib.  i.  124. 

M  2 


164    MEMOIRS  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF 

test  of  loyalty.1  It  was  then  that  Hampden  stood  up 
and  struck  at  this  keystone  of  the  tyranny  that  over- 
arched the  land,  and,  with  St.  John  and  Holborne 
for  his  advocates,  and  justice  for  his  cause,  turned 
the  eyes  of  the  whole  nation  upon  his  great  question. 
After  twenty-four  days'  trial  the  legality  of  the  tax 
was  affirmed  by  a  base  majority  of  the  judges,  and 
thenceforth  it  continued  for  some  time  to  produce 
200,000/.  per  annum  to  the  Crown. 

This,  and  other  disgraceful  contrivances  for  rais- 
ing money,  was  scarcely  sufficient  to  support  the 
ordinary  expenses  of  the  Court ;  but,  when  (A.  D. 
1639)  the  Scots  betook  themselves  to  arms,  such 
sources  proved  quite  unequal  to  the  new  emergency. 
Then  Laud  shewed  his  sincerity,  and  proved  the 
zeal  of  the  clergy  by  raising  from  his  own  order, 
from  the  Roman  Catholics,  and  from  other  "  extra- 
parliamentary"2  sources,  sufficient  sums  to  enable 
the  King  to  lead  an  unwilling  army  against  those 
men  of  the  "League  and  Covenant."3 

1  Lord  Clarendon  remarks  that "  in  former  times,  even  when  the 
prerogative  went  highest,  never  any  court  of  law  was  called  upon 
to  assist  in  an  act  of  [arbitrary]  power ;  the  Crown  well  knowing 
the  moment  of  keeping  those  the  objects  of  reverence  and  venera- 
tion with  the  people  ...  as  the  asylum  for  their  liberties  and 
security."  2  Carlyle,  i.  131. 

3  Charles  endeavoured  to  conciliate  the  Scots  through  the 
Marquis  of  Hamilton,  provided  they  would  give  up  their  Cove- 
nant. They  replied,  "they  would  sooner  renounce  their  bap- 
tism," and  coolly  advised  his  Majesty  "  to  tak  it  himsel." 

The  first  resistance  to  Laud's  canons  and  liturgy  broke  out 
among  the  mob,  who  were  compared  to  Balaam's  ass  by  the  di- 
vines, "  stupid  in  themselves,  but  inspired  for  the  occasion  to 
utter  truth."  When  the  dean,  proceeding  with  the  service,  said, 


1639.]     PRINCE   RUPERT   AND   THE   CAVALIERS.         165 

Our  principal  concern  with  this  army  is  the  re- 
lation that  it  bore  to  the  King's  future  forces,  arid 
the  development  of  the  characters  that  appear 
more  permanently  afterwards  in  the  English  wars. 
Miserably  provided  for,  ill-disciplined,  discouraged, 
and  disgraced,  the  soldiers  were  little  calculated  to 
impart  a  high  tone  to  future  armaments.  They  were 
officered  with  characteristic  ill-judgment :  the  King 
had  a  fond  woman's  confidence  in  the  prowess  of 
those  whom  he  loved,  and  gave  his  favourites  credit 
for  statesmanship,  strategy,  and  even  seamanship, 
according  as  he  had  use  for  those  qualities.  The 
Marquis  of  Hamilton  was  sent  to  the  Frith  of  Forth 
with  a  stout  fleet  and  5000  troops :  he  passed  his 
time  there  in  his  usual  intrigues,  without  landing  a 
man  or  drawing  a  trigger.1  Lord  Arundel  com- 
manded the  main  army  :  he  was  a  man  of  honour, 
it  is  true,  and  had  some  taste  for  diplomacy  and  the 
fine  arts,  but  was  utterly  unqualified  to  command 
even  this  pageant  of  an  army.2  Lord  Holland,  a  man 
without  virtue,  valour,  honesty,  or  experience,  com- 


"  Let  us  read  the  collect  of  the  day,"  Jenny  Geddes  started  up, 
and  flinging  a  folding  stool  at  the  dean's  head,  exclaimed,  "  De'il 
colic  the  wame  o'  thee  !  Thou  foul  thief !  wilt  thou  say  mass  at 
my  lug  ?  "—Carlyle's  Life  of  Cromwell,  i.  123. 

1  The  Covenanting  chiefs  were  in  constant  communication  with 
him,  and  the  Scotch  were  agreeably  surprised  at  his  quiescence. 
— Napier 's  Montrose,  i.  249.  Warwick.  Baillie  says,  "  It  was  evi- 
dent he  eschewed  all  occasion  of  beginning  the  war  ;  he  did  not 
trouble  a  man  on  shore  with  a  shot." 

-  "  The  soldiers  were  the  least  part  of  the  army,  and  the  least 
consulted  with." — Clar.  lieb.  i.  206. 


166    MEMOIRS  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF 

manded  the  cavalry ;  and  if  the  brave  Essex1  was 
associated  with  these  two  incapable  men,  it  was  in  a 
capacity  that  rendered  his  high  qualities  of  no  avail. 
The  army  itself  was  composed  of  equally  incon- 
gruous materials ;  the  leading  gentlemen  of  the 
country  were  expected — each  to  furnish,  and  many 
to  maintain — their  own  men.2  It  may  be  easily 


1  Robert  Devereux,  Earl  of  Essex,  was  born  in  1592,  and  in  the 
twelfth  year  of  his  age  was  restored  by  James  I.  to  the  dignities 
(as  he  was  afterwards  to  the  estates,)  forfeited  by  his  father's 
attainder.  In  1620  he  was  prevailed  on  by  Lord  Oxford  to  join 
him  in  raising  troops  to  serve  in  the  Palatinate.  In  the  follow- 
ing year  he  served  as  volunteer  under  Prince  Maurice  of  Nassau. 
On  the  close  of  this  campaign  he  returned  to  England,  and  ap- 
peared in  opposition  to  the  measures  of  the  Court.  He  afterwards 
retired  for  some  years  to  private  life,  reappeared  as  vice-admiral 
of  a  squadron  appointed  for  the  defence  of  the  coast,  and  received 
from  Charles  the  commission  of  lieutenant-general,  under  the 
Earl  of  Arundel,  in  1639.  The  Pacification  of  Berwick  caused 
him  much  chagrin,  which  was  heightened  by  some  personal  slights. 
The  King  afterwards  endeavoured  to  conciliate  him  by  the  gift  of 
various  offices  and  honours ;  whilst,  on  the  other  hand,  the  Par- 
liament endeavoured  (and  with  success)  to  bespeak  his  services  on 
their  side.  When  the  King,  on  quitting  London,  January,  1642, 
demanded  his  attendance,  he  declined,  alleging  his  duties  in  Par- 
liament. The  King  then  dismissed  him  from  his  office  of  cham- 
berlain, and  from  this  moment  Essex  publicly  threw  himself  into 
the  hands  of  the  Puritans,  who,  in  the  following  July,  appointed 
him  general-in-chief  of  their  army,  the  Parliament  adding  to  their 
vote  the  singular  declaration  that  "  they  would  live  and  die  with 
him." 

Lord  Essex  was  married  in  1606  to  Lady  Frances  Howard  ; 
the  unhappy  result  of  which  alliance,  and  their  subsequent  sepa- 
ration, are  well  known ;  nor  was  his  second  marriage  with  a 
daughter  of  Sir  William  Pawlett  much  more  fortunate. 

2  Clar.  Rebel,  i.  205.  Among  these  were  Ferdinando,  Lord 
Fairfax,  who  commanded  one  thousand  of  the  Yorkshire  "  trayned 
bands,"  and  his  son  Thomas,  who  had  a  troop  in  the  same 
regiment.  See  Fairfax  Correspondence,  i.  355  and  372,  for  this 
and  a  melancholy  account  of  the  sufferings  and  privations  en- 


1639.]       PRINCE   RUPERT   AND   THE   CAVALIERS.      167 

imagined  how  variously  these  forces  were  equipped 
and  provided  for.  One  coxcomb  troop,  raised  by  Sir 
John  Suckling,  was  clothed  in  white  doublets,  with 
scarlet  coats,  breeches,  feathers,  and  hats:  others 
came  as  they  had  left  the  plough,  and  many  grim 
old  veterans  bore  arms  and  armour  that  had  seen 
service  under  the  Swede.  The  whole  amounted 
(on  paper)  to  about  17,000  foot  and  3,500  horse,1 
independently  of  those  who  were  cooped  up  on 
board  the  Hamilton  fleet  off  Leith.  Little  was 
feared  from  this  ill-disciplined  and  demoralized 
army  by  the  blythe  and  stubborn  Scots,  who  were 
comfortably  housed,  daintily  fed,  and  well  paid  for 
doing  their  own  will.2  They  were  well  assured, 
moreover,  of  the  indisposition  of  the  English  to 
oppose  them,  and  were  well  acquainted  with  their 
pitiable  condition :  without  pay,  rations,  or  even 
tents,  without  a  cause  to  care  for,  or  a  leader  in 
whom  to  trust,  the  dispirited  Royalists  exhibited  a 
sad  contrast  to  their  exulting  antagonists.3 

tailed  upon  men  and  officers  by  the  extraordinary  want  of  arrange- 
ment on  the  part  of  the  authorities. 

1  Ferdinando  Fairfax's  letter. — Fairfax  Cor.  i.  359. 

2  Baillie  says  chucklingly,  "  We  were  better  ( answered '  than 
we  could  have  been  at  home :  our  meanest  soldiers  were  always 
served  in  wheat  bread,  and  a  groat  would  have  gotten  them  a 
lamb  leg,  which  was  a  dainty  world  to  the  most  of  them  .... 
Harry  Bollock  by  his  sermons  moved  them  (in  Edinburgh)  to 
shake  out  their  purses,  and  the  garners  of  non-Covenanters  gave 
us  plenty  of  wheat."     He  adds,  "  that  he  found  the  favour  of  God 
shining  upon  him,  and  a  sweet,  meek,  (!)  humble,  yet  strong  and 
vehement  spirit  leading  him  all  along." — Letters,  i.  200. 

3  "Our  army,"  says  Baillie,    "was    not    more  than   12,000 
men,  but  it  would  have  done  your  heart  good  to  have  cast  your 


168    MEMOIRS  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF 

However,  as  Lord  Clarendon  relates,  "  the  King 
had  more  intended  the  pomp  of  his  preparations 
than  the  strength  of  them,  and  did  still  believe  that 
one  would  save  the  labour  of  the  other,"  and  so  he 
advanced  to  the  very  borders  of  Scotland,  "  and 
encamped  in  an  open  field,  called  the  Berkes,  near 
Berwick."  It  was  on  the  3rd  of  June1  that  Lord 
Holland  set  forward  to  meet  the  advancing  Scots  : 
he  commanded  a  force  sufficient,  under  a  Mon- 
trose,  to  have  conquered  Scotland  :  it  consisted  of 


eyes  athwart  our  brave  and  rich  hill  .  .  well  garnished  on  the 
top  with  our  mounted  cannon,  near  to  the  number  of  forty,  great 
and  small  ...  It  was  thought  the  county  of  England  was  more 
afraid  for  the  barbarity  of  his  (Argyle's,  who  as  usual  was  out 
of  harm's  way,  plotting  darkly)  Highlanders  than  for  any  other 
terror.  Those  of  the  English  that  came  to  visit  our  camp,  did 
gaze  with  much  admiration  upon  those  souple  fellows  with  their 
plaids,  targes,  and  dorlachs  (or  skenes).  Our  captains,  for  the 
most  part  barons  or  gentlemen  of  good  note ;  our  lieutenants, 
almost  all  soldiers  who  had  served  over  the  sea  in  good  charges  j 
every  company  had  flying  at  the  captain's  tent-door,  a  brave  new 
colour,  stamped  with  the  Scotch  arms,  and  this  ditton,  '  For 
Christ's  crown  and  covenant,'  in  golden  letters.  Our  soldiers 
were  all  lusty  and  full  of  courage,  the  most  of  them  stout  young 
ploughmen  .  .  great  cheerfulness  in  the  face  of  all.  The  sight  of 
the  nobles  and  their  pastors  daily  raised  their  hearts ;  the  good 
sermons  and  prayers  daily  under  the  roof  of  heaven,  to  which 
their  drums  did  call  them  for  bells  (true  there  was  cursing  and 
brawling  in  some  quarters,  whereat  we  were  grieved) ;  the  remon- 
strance very  frequent  of  the  goodness  of  their  cause,  of  their  con- 
duct hitherto  by  a  hand  clearly  divine.  Also  Leslie,  his  skill 
and  fortune  made  them  all  resolute  for  battle  as  could  be  wished. 
Such  was  the  wisdom  and  valour  of  that  old,  little,  crooked 
soldier,  that  all  with  incredible  submission  gave  themselves  over 
to  be  guided  by  him  as  if  he  had  been  great  Solomon." — Baillies 
Letters. 

1  Baker's  Chronicle,  486.  Baillie's  Letters.  Clarendon  says 
August,  confounding  this  disgrace  with  Lord  Conway's  in  the 
next  campaign. 


1639.]     PRINCE   RUPERT   AND   THE   CAVALIERS.         1 69 

"  3,000  foot,  2,000  horse,  and  a  fit  train  of 
artillery."  When  the  Earl  came  with  his  horse  to 
Dunce,1  he  found  old  Leslie  there,  with  about 
3,000  ill-armed  but  well-commanded  Scotsmen,2 
whom  he  had  placed  in  a  fine  position  on  a  com- 
manding hill-side.  Holland  halted  irresolutely  ;  he 
had  neither  heart  to  make  a  forward  dash  with  his 
cavalry,  nor  sense  enough  to  form,  and  wait  for  his 
infantry  and  artillery.  The  Scots,  observing  his 
perplexity,  increased  it  by  sending  a  "  trumpet"  to 
inquire,  "  Wha  be  ye,  who  come  in  warlike  array 
into  our  land  ?"  Holland  seems  to  have  thought 
the  question  required  no  answer,  for  he  made  in 
return  his  only  further  demonstration,  by  sending 
his  trumpet  to  request  the  Scots  would  "go  away!" 
Meanwhile  he  sent  orders  to  his  foot  to  halt  until 
he  had  received  their  answer:  it  was  brief,  and 
contemptuously  significant,  "  It  were  best  for  Lord 
Holland  to  be  gone."  Whereupon  "this  courtier3 
lord,  with  a  sword  by  his  side,  and  a  King's  honour 


1  Heath,  p.  10,  says  it  was  Dunslo,  evidently  meaning  Dunsie- 
law.     Baker  (Chronicle)  calls  it  Dunse. 

2  Clar.  Reb.  i.  210. 

3  Rushw.  ii.  936 ;  Nalson  i.  231 ;  Fairfax  Corres.  i.  375.     I 
would  not  be  suspected  of  false  and  vulgar  imputation  against 
court-bred  men  :  they  have  almost  always  fought  with  gallantry. 
Holland  would  have  been  a  poltroon  anywhere,  as  he  was  a  coxcomb 
and  traitor  everywhere.     Soon  afterwards  he  escaped  from  a  duel 
with  Lord  Newcastle  under  rather  discreditable  circumstances,  by 
allowing  time  for  the  King  to  interfere.     Not  that  this  fearful 
mode  of  atonement  is  to  be  defended  for  a  moment  when  refused 
on  moral  or  religious  grounds  :  but  where  the  challenged  professes 
neither,  he  must  be  differently  judged. — Clar.  Reb.,  i.  221. 


170          MEMOIRS   AND   CORRESPONDENCE   OF 

in  his  keeping,  wheeled  about  from  his  ragged 
enemy,  retreated  to  the  King,  and  fled  away  from 
the  Thermopylae  of  the  cause." 

This  was  the  only  approach  to  action,  after  all  the 
pompous  preparation  for  this  war;  but  not  the  only 
time  that  the  enemy  were  in  sight :  the  King  him- 
self caught  a  glimpse  of  his  Scotch  subjects  "  all 
plaided  and  plumed,  in  their  tartan  array ;"  and  so 
negligent  were  his  officers,  that  he  alone  did  see 
them,  with  the  exception  of  Sir  John  Biron,  who 
called  attention  to  their  warlike  array  as  his  Ma- 
jesty was  coming  off  parade. 

The  Scotch  leaders  having  now  discovered  that 
their  King  had  as  little  intention,  as  power  to  make 
war  upon  them,  became  more  decided  in  their  ad- 
vances. They  sent  letters  to  each  of  the  three 
generals,  Arundel,  Essex,  and  Holland.  Essex 
received  the  communication  as  a  soldier  should,  re- 
fusing to  see  the  messenger,  and  transmitting  his 
papers,  unopened,  to  the  King;  Lord  Arundel 
grasped  at  a  chance  of  feeling  himself  at  home  on 
diplomatic  ground,  and  negotiated ;  Holland  re- 
ceived the  messenger  with  open  arms,  and  at  once 
entered  into  his  dangerous  opponents'  views.  The 
deputies  of  the  two  nations  at  length  came  together; 
the  Scotch  were  Lords  Rothes,  Dunfermline,  and 
Loudon,  Sir  William  Douglas,  Alexander  Hender- 
son (the  divine),  and  Archibald  Johnston :  the  En- 
glish were  Lords  Essex,  Salisbury,  Holland,  and 
Berkshire,  Sir  Harry  Vane,  and  Secretary  Coke. 


1639.]    PRINCE   RUPERT   AND   THE   CAVALIERS.        171 

They  had  assembled  in  Lord  Arundel's  tent  (June 
llth  1639),1  and,  were  about  to  enter  upon  busi- 
ness, when  the  King  unexpectedly  entering,  took 
his  seat  at  the  council-table.  He  then  addressed 
the  Scotch  lords  with  courtesy,  in  these  wise  words, 
"  You  have  complained,  my  lords,  that  your  desires 
are  not  heard ;  therefore  I  have  come  myself,  that 
you  may  be  certain  of  an  audience."  The  deputies 
seem  to  have  been  taken  by  surprise  at  this  straight- 
forward and  manly  address.  They  made  a  reply 
which  seems  moderate  indeed,  considering  their  po- 
sition,— "  Asking  only  for  a  general  amnesty ;  for 
a  determination  in  all  civil  affairs  by  their  Parlia- 
ment ;  in  all  ecclesiastical,  by  their  Kirk." 

In  a  word,  the  Pacification  of  Berwick  professed  to 
be  complete,2  but  "  it  said  peace,  where  there  was  no 
peace :"  the  tide  of  war,  however,  retired  for  the  pre- 
sent from  the  field  into  the  haunts  of  private  life. 
There,  "  nursing  their  wrath  to  keep  it  warm,"  the 
cunning  Scots  indulged  their  animosities  in  a  quiet 
way,  prepared  for  future  rebellion,  and  cherished 
their  soldiery  as  if  they  had  not  quite  done  with 


1  Rushworth,  iii.  960.     Lord  Hamilton  arrived  after  the  treaty 
was  concluded,  "  just  in  time,"  says  Lord  Clarendon,  "  to  be  able 
to  find  fault  with  it." 

2  Clarendon  thinks,  and  apparently  with  some  reason,  that  the 
King  never  intended  to  strike  a  blow,  as  he  sent  orders  to  Holland 
not  to  engage  (who,  however,  was  in  full  retreat  before  he  received 
them);  but,  how  then  could  he  have  written  to  Hamilton  "  to  let 
him  loose  upon  the  rebels  to  do  what  injury  he  could1?"   To  make 
a  demonstration  without  being  prepared  to  follow  it  up  is  the 
weakest  and  worst  form  of  political  gambling. 


172          MEMOIRS    AND  CORRESPONDENCE   OF 

them.1  The  King  of  England,  on  the  other  hand, 
dismissed  his  army  ungraciously,2  parted  from  the 
noble  Essex  without  one  kindly  expression,  and 
soon  afterwards  refused  him  the  rangership  of  Need- 
wood  Forest,  which  lay  close  to  his  own  park,  and 
was  anxiously  desired  by  him.  With  almost  equal 
want  of  judgment  he  declined  meeting  the  Scotch 
Parliament  in  person,  as  he  had  promised3  to  do, 
and  retired  precipitately  into  England. 

Much  harm  had  been  done  by  this  mock-war- 
like demonstration ;  yet,  if  the  King  had  done 
what  was  to  be  done,  upon  the  spot,  he  might  have 
had  cause  to  rejoice  in  the  expedition :  he  had 
favourably  impressed  the  better  spirits  among  the 
Covenanters ;  he  had  placed  the  factions  in  a  false 
position,  by  assenting  to  all  the  honest  demands 
with  which  they  masked  their  ulterior  projects ; 
and,  if  he  had  done  nothing  else,  he  had  won  the 


1  Baillie  says  for  himself  and  fellows,  "  even  if  the  Prince  give 
way  to  our  supplications  ['  Charity,  for  the  honour  of  God  !'  said 
the  beggar  with  the  cocked  pistol,]  we  wot  not  where  to  stand... 
whatever  the  Prince  grants,  I  fear  we  press  more  than  he  can 
grant,  and  when  we  are  fully  satisfied,  it  is  likely  England  will 
begin  where  we  have  left  off."     Quoted  by  Mr.  Napier  (Montrose, 
i.  298),  who  adds,  "  how  accurately  in  this  sentence  has  Baillie 
epitomized  the  history  of  his  party." 

2  Clarendon's  Rebellion,  i.  220. 

3  For  this  he  had  some  excuse,  however,  as  of  fourteen  Cove- 
nanting peers,  whom  he  had  invited  to  attend  his  progress  to  Edin- 
burgh, only  three,  Montrose,   Rothes,  and  Lothian,   obeyed  his 
summons,  and  "his  majesty  was  so  disgusted  with  the  insulting- 
excuses  sent  by  the  rest,  as  to  return  to  London  (on  the  29th 
June),  and  forego  his  intention  of  trusting  himself  in  the  hands 
of  this  faithless  and   unprincipled   faction."  —  Bishop   Guthrie, 
quoted  by  Mr.  Napier,  Montrose,  &c.?  i.  229. 


1630.]    PRINCE   RUPERT   AND   THE   CAVALIERS.        173 

chivalrous  Montrose  to  his  cause  for  ever.  That 
flower  of  Cavaliers  was  at  once  converted  by  the 
fascination  that  had  "  thawed  even  the  cold  heart " 
of  a  Covenanter  ;*  and,  surely,  the  Monarch  who 
had  such  inevitable  influence  upon  all  heroic  na- 
tures that  he  suffered  to  approach  him,  must  have 
had  something  heroic  in  his  own. 

But  the  moral  disadvantages  that  the  King  in- 
curred by  the  expedition,  infinitely  outweighed  all 
else :  his  reputation  had  suffered  in  the  eyes  of 
Europe,  and  his  own  subjects  had  learned  a  danger- 
ous lesson  :  the  most  warlike  spirits  of  England  had 
been  too  long  in  the  contagious  neighbourhood  of 
the  Covenanters  not  to  imbibe  something  of  their 
feverish  temper,  and  they  then  formed  those  asso- 
ciations which  they  afterwards  so  fatally  renewed.2 


1  Baillie  says,  referring  to  the  conference  at  Berwick,  "His 
Majesty  was  much  delighted  with  Henderson's  discourses,  but  not 
so  with  Johnston's.     It  is  likely  his  Majesty's  ear  had  never  been 
tickled  with  such  discourses,  yet  he  was  the  most  patient  of  them 
all,  and  loving  of  clear  reason.     His  majesty  was  ever  the  longer 
the  better  loved  of  all  them  that  heard  him,  as  one  of  the  most 
just,  reasonable,   sweet  persons  they  had  ever  seen." — Letters,  i. 
301. 

2  Among  the  evils  of  this  failure,  one  of  the  least  was  not  the 
appointment  of  the  worthless  Sir  Harry  Vane  as  secretary,  "  by 
the  dark  contrivances  of  the  Marquis  of  Hamilton,  and  by  the 
open  and  visible  power  of  the  Queen." — Clar.  Rebel  i.  222.     It 
seems  that  some  one  was  necessary  as  a  scape-goat  for  the  dis- 
graces of  the  expedition,  and  poor  Mr.  Secretary  Coke  ("for  whom 
nobody  cared"),  and  who  was  fourscore  years  of  age,  was  made  the 
victim.     Strafford  violently  opposed  Vane's  appointment  to  the 
vacancy;  but  the  Queen  at  last  prevailed.     Vane  remembered 
Strafford's  opposition  at  his  trial,  when  his  son  traitorously  and 
dishonourably  brought  about  his  doom. 


174     MEMOIRS  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF 

Every  one  felt,  too,  that  the  war  had  only  been 
postponed ;  a  capital  mistake,  by  which  the  elements 
of  future  success  were  mortgaged  to  present  ease.1 

The  Scottish  Parliament  soon  behaved  itself  after 
such  a  fashion  that  Charles  adjourned  it  on  pain  of 
treason ;  a  penalty  little  feared  by  men  who  had 
braved  their  King  in  the  field,  and  been  plotting, 
even  with  France,  against  him  ever  since. 

The  King  now  found  that  he  had  laid  aside  the 
sword  too  soon :  the  army  he  had  ungraciously  dis- 
missed was  again  summoned  to  attend  him  to  the 
war.  It  was  found  necessary,  however,  at  the  same 
time,  to  summon  the  great  paymaster,  a  Parliament, 
for  every  "  extra-Parliamentary "  source  had  been 
drained  dry.  They  met  (on  the  13th  of  April) ;  the 
King  asked  for  money,  the  Commons  for  redress ; 
neither  party  obtained  its  desires.  The  SHORT  PAR- 
LIAMENT was  dissolved  (on  the  5th  of  May).2 

Meanwhile  the  Convocation,  a  sort  of  clerical 
parliament,  was  still  left  sitting :  its  principal  acts 
were  a  vote  of  money  "  from  the  spirituality "  to- 
wards the  Scotch  war,  and  an  oath3  only  limited  by 

1  "Non  si  debbe  mai  lasciar  una  disordine  per  fuggire  una 
guerra,  perche  ella  non  si  fuggi  ma  si  differisce  a  tuo  disavantag- 
gio." — //  Principe.  Charles  always  consulted  Machiavelli  in  the 
wrong  place. 

2  "  Moche  said  and  little  mended, 

The  treasury  in  pawne  and  the  Parliament  ended," 

a  brief  but  comprehensive  epitaph,  in  Black  Tom's  Garland. 

3  This  celebrated  oath  ran  thus  :  "  Nor  will  I  ever  give  my 
consent  to  alter  the  government  of  this  Church  by  archbishops, 
bishops,  deans,  and  archdeacons,  &c." — NeaTs  Puritans,  ii.  203. 


1640.]       PRINCE   RUPERT   AND   THE   CAVALIERS.       175 

an  et  catera,  to  maintain  everything  belonging  to  the 
Church  within  that  somewhat  vague  limitation.  To 
aid  the  supplies  furnished  by  the  Church,  the  Court 
party  liberally  contributed :  300,000/.,  a  large  sum 
in  those  days,  was  furnished  by  private  individuals, 
and  it  proves  the  affection  in  which  Charles  was 
held  by  his  own  party.1  Nevertheless,  it  fell  far 
short  of  his  necessities,  and  an  attempt  was  made 
to  raise  money  by  a  forced  loan  on  the  city :  this 
was  found  to  be  impracticable  ;  a  few  Spanish  mer- 
chants, who  had  unfortunately  trusted  some  bullion 
to  the  royal  protection,  alone  suffered ;  they  paid 
40,OOOZ.  for  their  credulity. 

Another  reluctant  and  wavering  army  was  in  the 
field,  another  incapable  general  to  lead  them,  another 
and  a  worse  disgrace  ensued.  The  army  this  time 
amounted  to  19,000  foot  and  2,000  horse.  The 
Earl  of  Northumberland  nominally  general-in-chief, 
Lord  Strafford  lieutenant-general,  and  Lord  Con- 
way  general  of  the  horse.  The  latter  was  sent  for- 
ward, with  4,500  men,  to  dispute  the  passage  of  the 
Tyne:  where  old  Leslie2  with  his  Covenanters  was 

The  infliction  of  this  oath  upon  all  ecclesiastical  and  academical 
persons  was  a  fruitful  source  of  triumph  and  anathema  to  the  Dis- 
senters. Vicars,  in  his  Jehovah  Jireh,  thus  indulges  himself  upon 
it : — "  that  monstrous  et  cetera  oath  !  that  prodigious  hydra,  that 
bottomless  abyss !" 

1  Lord    Strafford    gave    20,000/.,    the    Duke    of    Richmond 
40,000/.,  Laud,  18,000£,  others  5,0002.,  and  the  rest  according  to 
their  estates.     The  clergy  gave  4s.  in  the  pound." — Heath's  Chro- 
nicle, p.  11.     Sir  P.  Warwick's  Memoirs,  p.  144. 

2  "  The  little  crooked  Felt  marshal,  who  had  engaged  to  fight 
in  the  leading-strings  of  a  Covenanting  committee,  now  again  saw 


176    MEMOIRS  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF 

already  arrived.  The  latter  sent  a  most  civil  mes- 
sage to  his  lordship,  stating  that  they  were  only 
proceeding  to  York,  as  loyal  subjects,  to  wait  upon 
their  King.  Lord  Con  way  held  his  ground  against 
all  their  messengers,  but  gave  way  at  once  to  their 
artillery.  Wilmot,  with  a  few  Cavaliers,  shewed 
some  fight ;  for  the  rest,  all  dissolved  into  utter  and 
ignominious  rout;  Con  way  was  the  first  to  reach 
York ! 

Then  followed  the  Treaty  of  Ripon  (Oct.  1),  con- 
summating in  council  the  disgraces  of  the  field. 
The  Scotch  reformers  were  to  occupy  the  coun- 
ties of  Northumberland,  Westmoreland,  the  bishop- 
rick  (as  they  loved  to  call  it)  of  Durham,  and  the 
town  of  Newcastle,  until  the  February  following ; 
holding  the  north  of  England  in  pawn,  as  it  were, 
for  the  pay  which  they  allotted  to  themselves. 
Baillie,  one  of  their  preachers,  thus  sums  up  their 
gains  :  "  300,000/.  sterling — 5,408,000  merks  Scots ! 
— is  a  pretty  sum  in  our  land,  besides  the  25,000/. 
sterling  for  the  fifth  month  coming !  Yet  the 
hearty  giving  of  it  to  us,  as  to  their  brethren,  re- 
freshed us  as  much  as  the  money  itself."1  The  En- 
glish Parliament,  in  fact,  were  subsidizing  these 
Scotchmen  to  do  their  work,  and  they  did  it  hand- 

himself  surrounded  by  that  motley  host  of  black  gowns  and  blue 
bonnets  which  composed  the  fantastic  ranks  of  the  kirk-militant, 
and  not  a  man  of  them  with  a  certain  or  sane  view  of  their  pre- 
cise plan  or  purpose." — Montrose  and  the  Covenanters,  i.  317. 

1  Letters  and  Journals.     This  money  was  charged  by  the  Par- 
liament to  the  King's  account. — Hobbes. 


1640.]     PRINCE   RUPERT   AND   THE   CAVALIERS.        177 

somely.  The  Presbyterian  commissioners  were 
now  invited  to  London,  where  they  were  enthusi- 
astically welcomed  by  the  Puritans :  the  movement 
against  Church  as  well  as  State  had  already  set 
powerfully  in.1 

The  Earl  of  Northumberland's  illness  or  ill  af- 
fection for  the  royal  cause  had  left  Lord  Strafford 
in  command  of  the  Northern  army.  His  genius 
was  soon  not  only  felt  but  manifested.  Regardless 
of  the  uncompleted  armistice,  contemptuous  of  the 
mutinous  spirit  of  the  troops,  he  was  resolved  to 
strike  one  blow  at  the  Scots  before  his  arm  was  para- 
lyzed. A  body  of  horse  of  Holland's  (Conway's  horse) 
was  paraded ;  marched  away  on  the  moment ;  led 
against  the  enemy,  cheerily,  manfully,  and  with  a 
resolution  that  carried  all  before  it.  In  a  single 
hour  the  spirit  of  the  English  army  was  restored ;  the 
confidence  that  had  forsaken  the  young  soldiers  at 
Newburn,  returned  in  full  tide  as  they  dashed  through 
the  streets  of  Durham  after  the  flying  Scots. 

1  "  The  King  retires  to  London,  and  Scotch  commissioners  are 
sent  up  thither,  and  they,  both  by  the  Parliament  and  city,  are 
looked  upon  as  angells  of  light  j  and  they  frequent  the  congrega- 
tions of  the  chief  dissenting  presbyters,  who  from  all  quarters  of 
the  kingdom  flow  up  to  this  city  ;  as  if  they  niene  to  convert  an 
unsanctified  heathen  nation,  and  Timothy  and  Titus  are  upon  all 
occasions  proved  not  to  have  been  bishops,  as  a  distinct  order  from 
Presbyters,  and  the  rites  of  the  Church  of  no  better  appellation 
than  superstitions  ;  and  the  bowing  at  the  name  of  Jesus  hath  a 
book  written  against  it  with  no  less  title  than  l  Jesus-worship 
confuted  ;'  so  as  if  a  Mahometan  had  heard  it  cryed  in  the  streets 
to  be  sold,  as  it  was  (as  I  heard  a  gentleman  say  passing  by),  sure- 
ly he  might  justly  have  thought,  this  nation  at  that  time  was 
denying  their  Saviour." — ly  Sir  P.  Warwick's  Memoirs,  p.  152. 

VOL.  I.  N 


178         MEMOIRS   AND   CORRESPONDENCE   OF 

But  vain  were  the  deeds  as  the  words  of  a 
Strafford  against  the  weak  wilfulness  of  a  Stuart. 
Well  was  it  for  us  and  for  our  liberties  that  Charles 
knew  neither  how  to  conquer  or  to  yield !  He 
endeavoured  to  atone  for  the  brief  triumph  of  his 
arms  by  making  more  abject  concessions  to  the 
Scots,  who  met  with  no  further  opposition  from 
sword  or  pen :  when  the  Treaty  of  Ripon  was 
signed,  there  was  an  end  to  the  King's  authority 
among  the  Covenanters :  and  thenceforward  they 
pleased  themselves  as  best  they  might,  in  the  midst 
of  feuds,  and  factions,  and  the  fiercest  controversies. 
It  was  their  own  fault  if  Scotland  did  not  now  ex- 
hibit the  perfection  of  political  and  religious  hap- 
piness. The  result  of  this  last  campaign  had  left 
the  King  entirely  without  resource.  He  sum- 
moned a  Council  of  his  Peers  to  York,  but  even 
they  had  advised  the  summons  of  the  greater  coun- 
cil of  the  nation,  the  long  insulted  and  now  aveng- 
ing Parliament.  Charles  once  more  reluctantly 
assented ;  he  invited  all  that  was  most  able,  most 
dangerous,  and  most  hostile  in  his  kingdom,  to  meet 
together  —  to  demand  from  him,  their  King,  an 
account  of  his  stewardship. 

The  LONG  PARLIAMENT  met  on  the  3rd  of  No- 
vember.1 The  King  approached  the  House  privately, 


1  Laud  was  advised  to  defer  the  day  as  being  one  of  evil  omen. 
On  this  day  Wolsey's  parliament  was  opened,  which  was  fatal  to 
the  minister  and  ultimately  to  the  Roman  Church  in  England. 
Laud,  of  whom  it  might  be  said,  as  Lord  Morton  said  of  John 


1640.]     PRINCE   RUPERT   AND   THE   CAVALIERS.        179 

going  thither  by  water  in  his  barge,  instead  of  with 
the   usual    state    and  ceremony.     He    encountered 
an  array  in  that  Parliament  more  awful  than  ever 
confronted  him   on  the  battle-field  :    not  only  the 
"  hip  and  thigh,"  and  "  root  and  branch"  reformers 
stood  lowering  there ;    but  the  wiser,   though  less 
subtle  statesmen,  whose  hearts  only  yearned  for  an 
honorable  peace, — these  were  also  the  King's  oppo- 
nents in  his  Parliament.     Pym  and  Hampden  had 
been  "riding  a  circuit"  of  all  England   to  collect 
and  to  distribute  statistics  of  the  people's  wrongs ; 
St.  John  and  Holies  had  digested  and  arranged  a 
record   of  these  wrongs,   Fiennes    and  Vane   had 
dilated  on  them.     Falkland,   Hyde,  Rudyard,1  Sel- 
den,  were  also  there,  pleading  the  people's  wrongs ; 
— WRONGS  ! — that  word  rang  through  all  England, 
and  the  real  rights  of  the  oppressor  were  for  a  time 
overwhelmed  and  silenced  in  the  sound. 

The  Reforming  party  at  once  displayed  so  for- 
midable a  strength  in  Parliament  as  to  be  able  to 
dictate  terms  to  the  King.  Their  plans  were  well 


Knox,  "  he  never  feared  the  face  of  mortal  man,"  disregarded  the 
omen, — "he  cared  not  for  these  things"  (!)* — Whitelocke. 

1  The  strong  and  stirring  eloquence  of  this  time  is  fairly  repre- 
sented in  Sir  Benjamin  Rudyard's  honest  and  manly  speeches.  I 
take  them  to  be  the  best  specimens  of  the  practical  eloquence 
of  the  time ;  earnest,  yet  playful  at  due  seasons, — full  of  the 
shrewdest  sense  and  keenest  sarcasm, — free  and  chivalrous  and 
high-spirited,  reverential  of  the  king,  scornful  of  the  tyrant. 


*  This   seems  strange  :   but  he  was  only  imaginative  about 
omens  ;  he  was  superior  to  their  influence. 


N    V 


180    MEMOIRS  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF 

matured,  their  confidence  in  their  cause  unbounded. 
Almost  every  member  bore  in  his  hand  a  petition 
from  his  constituents,  which  but  served  him  as  a 
text  whereon  to  preach  about  their  grievances.  At 
once,  forty  committees  were  appointed  for  the  con- 
sideration of  these  wrongs,  and  five  Grand  Com- 
mittees (consisting  of  the  whole  House)  for  trade, 
religion,  Ireland,  courts  of  justice,  and  general 
grievances.  These  Grand  Committees  thenceforth 
assumed  virtually  a  jurisdiction  over  all  the  affairs 
of  the  empire ;  they  summoned  whom  they  chose, 
imprisoned  or  released  whom  they  would,1  appointed 
a  day  for  a  general  fast,  and  fraternised  with  the 
"  traitorous  Scots."2 

This  Parliament  was  but  a  week  old,  when  it 
proceeded  to  impeach  Lord  Strafford.  Often  as  his 
memorable  trial  has  been  described,  it  seems  impos- 
sible to  omit  all  mention  of  it  in  a  record  of  the 
Cavaliers,  the  doomed  and  devoted  supporters  of 
the  House  of  Stuart.  On  the  llth  of  November, 
the  doors  were  closed,  strangers  were  excluded,  and 
Pym  assailed  his  great  adversary  in  a  speech  of  con- 
summate artifice  and  power.  The  House  was  carried 
away  by  the  fervour  and  passion  of  his  eloquence; 

1  Amongst  the  first  of  these  were  Prynne,  Bastwick,  Burton, 
Leighton,  and  Lilburne,  then  suffering  under  sentence  of  the 
High  Court  of  Commission  and  the  Star  Chamber. 

2  This  epithet  was  scarcely  misapplied  to  men  who  were  at  this 
moment  proved  to  have  solicited  (through  Loudon  and  Richelieu) 
the  aid  of  France  against  the  King.     True  patriotism  never  yet 
sought  foreign  assistance :  the  Scots  probably  only  wished  for 
subsidies. 


1640.]      PRINCE   RUPERT   AND   THE   CAVALIERS.        181 

the  accuser  had  given  utterance  to  thoughts  that 
struggled  in  every  breast :  there  was  but  one  dis- 
sentient voice,  it  was  that  of  Lord  Falkland.  Pym 
straightway  appeared  at  the  bar  of  the  House  of 
Lords  with  the  impeachment. 

"As  soon  as  Mr.  Pym  withdrew,  the  Lords  began 
to  consult  on  that  strange  and  unexpected  motion.1 
The  word  goes  in  haste  to  the  Lord  Lieutenant 
where  he  was  with  the  King.  With  speed  he 
comes  to  the  House,  he  calls  rudely  at  the  door ; 
James  Maxwell,  Keeper  of  the  Black  Rod,  opens, 
His  Lordship,  with  a  proud,  gloomy  countenance, 
makes  towards  his  place  at  the  board  head;2  but  at 
once  many  bade  him  quit  the  House,  so  he  is  forced, 
in  confusion,  to  go  to  the  door  until  he  was  called. 
After  consultation,  being  called  in,  he  stands,  but  is 
commanded  to  kneel,  and  on  his  knees  to  hear  the 
sentence.  Being  on  his  knees,  he  is  delivered  to 
the  Keeper  of  the  Black  Rod,  to  be  prisoner  till  he 
was  cleared  of  those  crimes  the  House  of  Commons 
had  charged  him  with.  He  offered  to  speak,  but  was 
commanded  to  be  gone  without  a  word.  This  done, 
he  makes  through  a  number  of  people  towards  his 


1  Baillie,  in  his  "  Letters,"  says  this,  and  what  follows ;  but, 
surely,  Lords  Bedford  and  Essex,  Kimbolton,  Say,  and  others,  knew 
as  well  as  Pym  what  to  expect.     The  sudden  manifestation  of  the 
lords  towards  Strafford  shews  that  the  feeling  was  general. 

2  According  to  Lord  Clarendon,  Strafford  had  heard  nothing 
of  the  matter  until  he  reached  the  House  of  Lords,  whither  he 
went  on  ordinary  business,  "  but  he  was  scarcely  entered  into  the 
House  of  Peers,  when  the  message  from  the  Commons  was  called' 
in."— Hist.  Rebel,  i.  350. 


182         MEMOIRS   AND   CORRESPONDENCE   OF 

coach;  all  gazing,  no  man  capping  to  him,  before 
whom,  that  morning,  the  greatest  of  England  would 
have  stood  uncovered." ] 

This  is  a  graphic  description ;  the  more  so  as  it 
leaves  the  circumstances  to  speak  for  themselves 
to  the  reader's  mind.  That  proud,  tyrannical  man, 
struck  down  in  a  moment  from  the  height  of  power ; 
humbled  and  insulted  in  the  face  of  all  England ; 
silenced  and  put  away  into  prison  like  one  of  his 
own  victims  !  So  reasoned  and  exulted  his  enemies, 
who  knew  that  in  him  they  had  also  humbled  his 
sovereign. 

The  sudden  and  fearful  change  came  upon  Straf- 
ford  in  a  moment,  from  the  quarter  in  which  he  had 
least  feared  it ;  the  talent,  energy,  and  unacknow- 
ledged authority  of  a  demagogue  hurled  him  at  once 
from  his  "  pride  of  place  "  into  helpless  and  forlorn 
captivity.  But  Strafford  was  ever  superior  to  cir- 
cumstances ;  he  now  compelled  even  his  evil  destiny 
to  do  him  honour,  by  encountering  it  with  lofty 
self-possession  and  magnanimity.  Henceforth,  until 
"that  wisest  head  in  England"2  was  bowed  upon 
the  scaffold,  the  whole  interest  of  the  time  was  con- 
centrated on  his  fate  and  the  principles  with  which 
it  was  associated.  Strafford's  impeachment,  defence, 

1  Baillie's  "Letters,"  vol.  i.  p.  217. 

*  "On  this  12th  of  May,  I  beheld  on  Tower  Hill  the  fatal 
stroke  which  severed  the  wisest  head  in  England  from  the  shoul- 
ders of  the  Earl  of  StrafFord  j  whose  crime  coming  under  the  cog- 
nizance of  no  human  law,  a  new  one  was  made,  not  to  be  a  prece- 
dent, but  his  destruction." — Evelyns  Diary. 


1641.]      PRINCE    RUPERT   AND   THE   CAVALIERS.        183 

betrayal  by  the  King,  and  dying  scene  contain 
one  of  the  sublimest  tragedies  to  be  found  in 
history. 

This  first  great  offering  at  the  shrine  of  English 
freedom  was  soon  followed  by  that  of  his  friend  and 
coadjutor  Laud.  The  former  was  doomed  as  the 
great  pillar  of  the  misgoverned  State,  the  latter 
of  the  Church.  Yet  even  here  "the  terrible  Re- 
formers"1 paused  not — the  meaner  ministers,2  and 
lawyers,  and  even  judges,  were  next  assailed ;  Sir 
Robert  Berkely  "  was  taken  off  the  bench  where  he 
sate,"3  and  committed  to  prison. 

Thus  far,  no  doubt,  the  Commons  proceeded  •  in 
full  conviction  of  purely  patriotic  and  protective 
views  for  the  kingdom  and  posterity.4  If  any  hesi- 
tation for  a  moment  interrupted  their  proceedings, 
it  was  instantly  overborne  by  the  passionate  and 
irresistible  eloquence  of  the  Reformers. 

Now  it  was  that  the  negotiation  to  commit  the 
affairs  of  the  kingdom  to  a  patriot  ministry  was  set 


1  Clarendon. 

2  Wren   and    Pierce,  Bishops  of  Ely  and  Bath    and   Wells, 
Judges  Bramston,  Davenport,   &c.,    Secretary  Windebank,  and 
Lord  Keeper  Finch. 

3  Whitelocke,  "Memorials,"  p.  39. 

4  "  THE  POWER    OF    FUTURE    PRESERVATION    IS    NOW    IN    US,"  Said 

Pym, — "  'et  qui  non  servat  patriam  cumpotest,  idem  tradit  destru- 
enti  patriam'  What  though  we  cannot  restore  the  damage  of 
the  Commonwealth,  we  may  yet  repair  the  breaches  in  the  bounds 
of  monarchy ;  though  it  be  with  our  loss  and  charge,  we  shall  so 
leave  our  children's  children  fenced  as  with  a  wall  of  safety,  by  the 
restoration  of  our  laws  to  their  ancient  vigour  and  lustre." — See 
Forster,  Statesmen,  ii,  145. 


184    MEMOIRS  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF 

on  foot:1  the  proposed  Ministers,  however,  were 
either  unwilling  or  unable  to  save  Strafford  and  the 
Church,  and  were  therefore  rejected.  Well  had  it 
been  for  them,  for  their  fame,  and  for  their  country, 
had  they  accepted  the  conditions,  even  had  they 
declined  the  office ! 

Meanwhile  the  day  of  Stafford's  trial  is  arrived. 
Westminster  Hall  is  set  out  in  all  its  solemn  magni- 
ficence as  a  Court  of  Justice ;  the  Commons  of 
England,  the  Lords  of  Ireland,  the  Commissioners 
of  Scotland,  are  the  accusers;  the  House  of  Peers 
the  judges;2  the  chief  men  (and  women  too)  of  the 
time  are  the  audience ;  and,  amongst  them,  the  King 
for  whom  the  prisoner  is  to  die  !3 


1  The  Earl  of  Bedford  was  to  be  Lord  Treasurer;  Pym,  Chan- 
cellor of  the  Exchequer ;  Hampden,  Governor  of  the  Prince  of 
Wales  ;  Hollis,  Secretary  of  State ;  St.  John,  Solicitor-General. 

2  The  bishops  had,  by  the  advice  of  Williams,  withdrawn  from 
attendance  "  in  agitatione  causce  sanguinis" — cautiously  waiving 
their  right,  under  "the  Constitutions  of  Clarendon,"  of  attending 
in  capital  trials  up  to  the  stage  of  judgment. — Forster. 

3  "It  was  daily  the  most  glorious  assembly  the  isle  could 
afford,"  says  Baillie  ("Letters").     In  the  magnificent  Sutherland 
copy  of  Clarendon,  in  the  Bodleian  library  at  Oxford,  there  is  a 
remarkable  print  of  this  "high  solemnitie."     Lord  Arundel,  as 
High  Steward  of  England,  sits  on  an  enormous  woolsack  ;  the 
clerks  kneel  as  they  write  at  a  sort  of  ottoman  in  the  middle  of 
the  court ;  the  peers  sit  with  their  wide-brimmed  hats  on  their 
heads,*  clothed  in  their  robes  of  state  ;  Lord  Strafford  wears  a 
black  velvet  doublet,  and  a  cloak  with  a  hood  attached  to  it ; 
the  Prince  of  Wales  occupies  one  of  the  thrones,  the  King  a  sort 
of  opera-box  with  a  lattice  (which  he  tore  away  with  his  own 
hands,  Whitelock  says). 


*  Coronets  were  only  conferred  on  them  by  Charles  II. — Burke, 
Introduction  to  Peerage. 


1641.]     PRINCE   RUPERT   AND   THE   CAVALIERS.        185 

The  Accused  was  equal  to  the  great  encoun- 
ter: he  was  arraigned  by  the  representatives  of 
the  three  kingdoms ;  he  was  accused  by  the  most 
eloquent  and  able  men  of  that  great  intellectual 
period;  all  his  actions,  even  the  most  private,  for 
fourteen  years  of  arduous  office  were  investigated : 
yet  he  proudly  and  successfully  confronted  his  as- 
sailants ;  refuted  them  with  an  eloquence  more 
powerful  than  their  own ;  and  finally,  before  that 
highest  tribunal,  he  proved  that  no  law  was  ever 
made  in  England  that  could  find  him  guilty ! 

Then  came  his  prosecutor's  crime :  when  Pym 
discovered  that  his  prejudged  victim  was  protected 
by  the  law,1  he  and  his  associates  feloniously  con- 
sulted how  to  evade  that  law.  They  succeeded ;  a 
bill  of  attainder  accomplished  their  design;  but  so 
murderous  was  its  nature  that  its  very  makers  de- 
nounced it  as  a  precedent,2  and  declared  it  null  and 
void  for  ever  after  ! 

And  so  the  matter  ended ;  and  Strafford  met  his 

1  Mr.  Forster,  in  his  "  Lives  of  Pym  and  Strafford/'  has  ably 
argued  against  the  latter,  though  irresistibly  impressed  by  that 
noble  bearing  and  eloquence  which  "  moved  the  hearts  of  all  his 
hearers  (some  few  excepted)  to  remorse  and  pity."     He  admits 
that  "Pym  had  reason  to  believe  that  the  proofs  he  advanced 
did  not  amount  to  a  substantial  treason  under  the  statute  .... 
he  wisely  judged  it  was  better  to  fix  the  guilt  of  Strafford  on 
higher  and  grander  considerations  !  !" — Statesmen  of  the  Common- 
wealth, ii.  165. 

2  Thus  it  bears  for   ever  its  own  brand  of  blood-guiltiness. 
Among  the  comparisons    between    old    and  more  recent  times 
on  which  we    can   congratulate    ourselves,  is  that  between  the 
strikingly  similar  trials,  and  far  different  results,  of  Strafford  and 
Hastings. 


186         MEMOIRS  AND   CORRESPONDENCE    OF 

death  as  heroically  as  he  had  pleaded  for  his  life. 
The  city  swarmed  with  people  who  crowded  even 
within  sight  of  the  scaffold  to  see  him  die;  the 
Lieutenant  of  the  Tower  feared  they  would  tear 
him  in  pieces,  and  advised  him  to  enter  a  carriage 
at  the  gate,  "No,  Mr.  Lieutenant,"  said  he,  "I 
can  face  danger  and  the  people  too :  I  die  to  please 
them,  and  will  die  how  they  please."  But  there 
was  nobleness  of  nature  in  the  people  also :  they 
allowed  him  to  pass  in  silence,  many  respectfully 
saluting  him ;  and  he  moved  to  the  scaffold,  "  his 
bearing  resembling  that  of  a  general  marching 
at  the  head  of  an  army  to  breathe  victory,  rather 
than  that  of  a  condemned  man."1  And  so  he  died 
in  triumph.2 


1  Rushworth,  viii.  761.     Clarend.  Reb.  i.  382,  397,  428,  450-4. 
Forster,  i.  409;  ii.180,  &c. 

2  On  Wednesday  the  12th  of  May,  1641.     His  last  words  to 
his  brother  on  the  scaffold  are  worthy  of  being  deeply  laid  to 
heart  by  those  who  love  ambition  and  fear  death  : — "  Brother," 
said  the  dying  statesman,  "  what  see  you  in  me  to  cause  those 
tears  1     Does  any  fear  betray  in  me  guilt,  or  any  innocent  bold- 
ness want  of  religion  ?     Think  that  you  are  now  accompanying 
me  once  to  my  marriage-bed.     That  block  must  be  my  pillow,  arid 
here  I  must  rest  from  all  my  labours.     No  thoughts  of  envy,  no 
dreams  of  treason,  no  jealousies  or  cares  for  the  King,  the  State, 

or  myself,  shall  interrupt  this  easy  sleep Brother,  we  must 

part One  stroke  will  make  my  wife  husbandless,  my  dear 

children  fatherless,  and  my  poor  servants  masterless,  and  separate 
me  from  my  dear  brother  and  all  my  friends  :  but  may  God  be  to 
you  and  them  all  in  all."    Whilst  undressing  for  the  executioner, 
he  said,  "  I  do  as  cheerfully  put  off  my  doublet  at  this  time  as 
ever  I  did  when  I  went  to  bed  ! "     And  no  doubt  he  spoke  the 
truth.     His  letters  breathe  a  strangely  happy  spirit  of  resignation 
even  in  his  triumphant  days  :  their  tenderness  to  those  he  loves 
is  exquisitely  contrasted  with  the  stern  and  fearless  tone  of  com- 


1641.]     PRINCE   RUPERT   AND   THE   CAVALIERS.       187 

"  Certainly,"  confesses  the  honest  chairman  of  his 
accuser's  committee,  "  never  man  acted  such  a  part 
on  such  a  theatre  with  more  wisdom,  constancy,  and 
eloquence,  with  greater  reason,  judgment,  and  tem- 
per, and  with  a  better  grace  in  all  his  words  and 
gestures,  than  this  great  man  did.  And  he  moved 
the  hearts  of  all  his  auditors  (some  few  excepted)  to 
remorse  and  pity."1 

But  the  highest  tribute  to  Stafford's  genius  is 
the  dread  that  he  inspired  among  the  Puritan  lead- 


mand  or  indignation  to  others  ;  and  through  many  there  is  visible 
a  yearning  after  higher,  holier  things  than  King  or  Puritan  could 
offer.  In  one  instance  he  speaks  as  if  longing  for  retirement : 
"  the  height  of  my  ambition  would  be  to  be  brought  home  to 
enjoy  myself  and  my  friends,  to  leave  a  free  estate  to  my  little 
boy,  and,  which  is  more  than  all  this,  quietly  and  in  secret  to 
serve  my  Maker,  to  commune  with  him  more  frequently  and 
more  profitably,  I  trust,  for  my  soul,  than  formerly." — Sir  afford 
Papers,  i.  61.  His  last  letter  to  his  son,  beginning  with,  "Dear- 
est Will,  these  are  the  last  lines  you  are  ever  to  receive  from  one 
who  tenderly  loves  you,"  ends  thus,  "  be  sure  to  avoid  as  much  as 
you  can  to  inquire  after  those  that  have  been  sharp  in  their  judg- 
ment towards  me,  and  I  charge  you  never  to  suffer  thought  of 
revenge  to  enter  your  heart May  God  Almighty  of  his  infi- 
nite goodness  bless  you  and  your  children's  children,  perfect  you 
in  every  good  work,  and  give  you  a  right  understanding  in  all 
things.  Your  most  loving  father,  THOMAS  WENTWORTH." — Straff. 
Papers,  ii.  416. 

1  Whitelocke, "  Memorials,"  p.  44.  Laud,  too,  bears  his  testimony 
(he  had  given  the  Earl  his  blessing  through  the  prison  window  on 
his  way  to  the  scaffold) : — •"  Thus  ended  the  wisest,  the  stoutest, 
and  every  way  the  ablest  subject  that  this  nation  hath  bred  these 
many  years." — Diary.  Base  intrigue  cut  off  his  last  chance  of 
safety  :  Holies  had  so  gained  the  House,  that  a  respite  would 
have  been  allowed  to  Strafford  to  settle  his  affairs ;  the  King  was 
to  go  with  a  petition  to  both  Houses,  and  a  majority  was  calcu- 
lated on  to  support  the  prayer.  Meanwhile  the  Puritans  inspired 
the  ever-mischievous  Queen  with  a  belief  that  Strafford  would  ac- 
cuse her,  and  she  prevailed  on  the  King  to  send,  not  to  go  to  the 


188         MEMOIRS   AND   CORRESPONDENCE   OF 

ers ;  such  dread  as  drove  them  to  pervert  the  laws 
and  hound  on  the  passions  of  the  mob  to  accom- 
plish his  destruction.  The  base  and  unworthy  plea 
of  expediency,  the  justifying  of  the  means  by  the 
importance  of  the  end,  was  more  worthy  of  mere 
Italian  politicians  than  of  English  gentlemen. 

But  the  chief  guilt  of  Strafford's  death  does  not 
lie  with  the  Commons;  his  blood  lies  at  the  door 
of  the  unfaithful  Lords,1  of  the  wavering  King.  In 
the  vain  and  coward  hope  of  postponing  a  struggle 
that  was  inevitable,  the  craven  Lords  yielded  to  the 
vulgar  thirst  for  blood,  time-serving  Bishops2  coun- 


Houses.  He  wrote,  and  invalidated  the  appeal  by  the  incredibly 
mean,  surrendering  postscript,  "  if  he  must  die,  it  were  a  charity 
to  reprieve  him  until  Saturday."* — Burnet,  i.  44;  King  Charles  s 
Works,  p.  138. 

1  The  Lords  might  and  would  have  saved  him  if  they  had 
dared.     The  following  letter  will  shew  that  his  cause  was  by  no 
means  desperate  at  first : — 

"  CAPT.    DANIEL    o'NEILLEf  TO    CAPT.  W.  LEGGE. 

"London,  23rd  Feb.,  1641. 

"  The  last  week  has  produced  nothing  but  distractions  and 
jealousies  between  the  Houses.  The  Commons  ready  to  protest 
against  the  Lords  for  giving  a  week  longer  to  my  Lord  Strafford 
to  put  in  his  answer,  the  Lords  mad  to  see  them  so  presump- 
tive, question  their  authority The  Commons  yesterday  in 

conference  reproached,  in  a  manner,  the  Lords,  for  dealing  so 
meekly  with  my  Lord  Lieutenant.  ...  I  attended  the  whole  de- 
bate, and  find  he  will  escape  the  House,  for  all  the  privy  Council, 
except  Essex  and  honest  Mandeville,  were  most  vehemently  for 
him/' — Earl  of  Dartmouth's  Family  Papers. 

2  Juxon  alone  denounced  the  crime. 


*  "  Qui  timide  rogat,  docet  negare,"  was  afterwards  scornfully 
quoted  by  Pym. 

f  Groom  of  the  King's  bedchamber. 


1641.]     PRINCE   RUPERT   AND   THE   CAVALIERS.        189 

selled  the  sacrifice,  and  the  King — in  unimaginable 
disregard  of  all  duty,  truth,  honour,  friendship, 
gratitude, — yielded  up  his  heroic  servant  to  the  exe- 
cutioner.1 "Degenerate  King!" — as  the  eloquent 
and  fearless  Irving  once  exclaimed, — "  degenerate 
King — degenerate  Nobles !  ye  have  been  cowards 
before  the  people,  ye  have  been  brave  only  against 
the  Lord  your  God."2 


1  The  King  himself  condemned  this  most  unkingly  act  of  his 
as  much  as  his  bitterest  enemy  could  ever  do.    The  victim  of  his 
weakness  had  received  a  promise  from  Pym  as  well  as  from  his 
master :  the  former  said  to  him,  "  You  are  going  to  leave  us,  but 
I  will  never  leave  you  while  your  head  is  on  your  shoulders  :"  the 
latter  had  sworn,  "  While  there  is  a  king  in  England  not  a  hair  of 
your  head  shall  be  touched  by  Parliament."    The  demagogue  kept 
his  promise,  the  King  broke  his  oath.     Afterwards,  also,  when 
Straiford  lay  in  prison,  the  King  wrote  to  him  this  further  as- 
surance : — "  I  cannot  satisfy  myself  in  honour  or  in  conscience 
without  assuring  you,  on  the  word  of  a  king,  that  you  shall  not 
suffer  in  life,  honour,  or  fortune." 

2  I  have  been  led  on  to  speak  of  this  trial  at  greater  length 
than  I  anticipated  ;  no  writer  who  approaches  the  subject  can 
escape  from  it  with  brevity.     I  have  not  mentioned  even  now 
that  when  the  impeachment  was  changed  into  a  bill  of  attainder, 
Straiford  was  not  allowed  to  speak  again  on  this  new  assault ; 
that  Selden,  the  most  sterling  of  patriots,  and  most  profound  of 
lawyers,  eloquently  and  indignantly  denounced  such  injustice,  but 
all  in  vain.  The  best  and  ablest  account  of  Strafford  is  to  be  found 
in  Mr.  Forster's  "  Lives  of  Pym  and  Strafford."  I  am  compelled  to 
differ  very  widely  from  this  writer  on  many  points  ;  but  I  believe 
that  his  "  statesmen,"  if  consolidated  into  a  History  of  the  Civil 
War,  would  be  invaluable.     M.  Guizot's  account  of  this  trial  is 
given  with  his  usual  perspicacity  and  point ;  but  it  is  singularly 
reserved  as  regards  expression  of  opinion  on  the  merits  of  the  case. 
The  reader  will  easily  supply  a  parallel  between  the  fortunes  of 
the  great  English  minister  and  those  of  a  recent  French  one.  The 
former,  when  his  arm  was  paralysed  in  the  north  by  the  King's 
want  of  nerve  to  carry  out  measures  of  which  lie  had  already 
reaped  all  the  odium  and  danger,  and  only  required  courage  to 
grasp  at  the  success  for  which  he  had  so  dearly  paid :  the  latter, 


190    MEMOIRS  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF 

It  was  during  this  trial  that  the  royalist  army  first 

appeared  as  an  element  of  royal  —  as  opposed  to 

popular  —  power.  The  latter  had  grown  to  an  alarm- 

ing height  in  the  opinion  of  the  Court:    not  only 

did  the  Commons  arrogate  supreme  authority,  but 

the  people  began  to  consider  themselves  endowed 

with  the  same  rights  as  their  representatives  ;  and 

the  mob,  that  mock  personification  of  the  people, 

took  it  upon  themselves  to  act  as  its  executive.     In 

this  capacity  the  Houses  of  Parliament  were  con- 

stantly surrounded  by  its  petitions,  the  Palace  be- 

sieged by  its  insults.     In  such  a  state  of  things,  the 

King   naturally    desired   some   protection,    but    he 

rashly  admitted  to  this  delicate  office  some  worth- 

less  and  intemperate   officers   from  the  Northern 

army,  whom  he   "  entertained  about  his  palace  at 

Whitehall."     They  were  selected  with  that  extra- 

ordinary perversity  of  tact,  which  intuitively  per- 

ceived what  office  men  were  least  qualified  for,  and 

immediately  employed  them  therein.     Lords  Con- 

way  and  Holland  had  been  selected  for  the  frontier 

war  as  if  for  their  military  incapacity;   and  now 

Goring,1  Ashburnham,2  and  Lunsford3  were  selected 


when  his  labours,  long  directed  towards  the  transmutation  of  the 
baser  elements  of  France,  were  ruined  "  in  the  very  moment  of 
projection"  by  the  timidity  of  his  master,  and  those  elements  let 
loose  to  desolate  the  empire. 

1  Whose  whole  life  was  a  tissue  of  treason  against  God  and 
man.  —  Clarendon. 

2  "  Who  never  was  engaged  on  any  cause  that  he  did  not  help 
to  ruin  by  his  indiscretion."  —  Sir  P.  Warwick. 

3  A  letter  from  Lord  Dorset,  written  in  the  early  part  of  1631, 


1641.]     PRINCE   RUPERT   AND   THE   CAVALIERS.        191 

as  body-guards,  and  at  least  countenanced  as  di- 
rectors of  a  plot  requiring  the  utmost  discretion 
and  fidelity. 

What  that  plot  was  is  still  very  debatable; 
whether  to  crush  the  Parliament  and  restore  des- 
potism, or  simply  to  rescue  Strafford  from  death 
and  the  King  from  the  daily  insults  of  the  mob. 
It  signifies  little  what  was  the  assigned  object,1  but 
it  is  certain  that  Charles  was  not  at  this  time  a  safe 
person  to  entrust  with  unlimited  military  power. 
The  chief  conspirators  were  the  men  already  named, 
with  Percy,  the  Earl  of  Northumberland's  bro- 
ther ;  Henry  Jermyn,  the  Queers  chief  favourite ; 


is  published  in  Ellis's  Collection,  in  which  Thomas  Lunsford  is 
spoken  of  as  "  a  young  outlaw,  who  neither  fears  God  nor  man, 
and  who,  having  given  himself  over  unto  all  lewdness  and  dis- 
soluteness only  studies  to  affront  justice,"  and  again,  as  "  de- 
generate from  all  genteel  birth  or  education,  and  takes  a  glory 
to  be  esteemed  rather  a  swaggering  ruffian  than  the  issue  of 
that  ancient  and  honest  family "  (his  father  having  been  high- 
sheriff  for  the  county  of  Sussex).  Lunsford's  petitions  to  the 
King,  preserved  among  Sir  William  BurrelFs  Collection,  allude 
to  some  of  these  offences,  which  consisted  of  killing  Sir  Tho- 
mas Pelham's  deer,  and  assaulting  himself  and  his  keeper  :  for 
this  the  Star  Chamber  visited  him  with  heavy  fines,  and  in  de- 
fault of  payment  imprisoned  him  eighteen  months  in  the  Fleet : 
the  remainder  of  his  sentence  was  remitted  by  the  King,  April 
1639,  in  consideration  of  his  employment  in  the  army.  This 
act  of  leniency  seems  to  have  influenced  his  choice  of  a  party 
rather  than  the  remembrance  of  former  severity  from  his  royal 
master. 

1  Lord  Clarendon  says,  "  there  never  was  the  least  intention  of 
working  farther  upon  the  affections  of  the  army  than  to  preserve 
them  from  being  corrupted  ....  and  all  that  the  King  consented 
to  was,  that  as  petitions  were  being  framed  by  seditious  persons 
to  the  Parliament,  so  the  officers  and  soldiers  might  sign  this 
petition."— Hist.  Rebel.,  i.  429. 


192    MEMOIRS  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF 

Wilmot,  father  of  the  Rochester  of  later  days ; 
Sir  Hugh  Pollard,  M.P.;  Daniel  CTNeille,  an  Irish 
Roman  Catholic,  whose  letter  I  have  just  quoted ; 
Suckling*  and  Davenant,  the  poets.1  Lord  Holland2 
was  fitly  selected  as  their  chief,  to  Goring's  great 


1  Rushw.  v.256.  Warwick's  "Memoirs,"  p.  17 8.  Lord  Nugent's 
"  Hampden/'  ii.  70.    "  Fairfax  Corr.,"  ii.  121.    Clar.  "  Rebel.,"  i. 
428. 

2  Henry  Rich,  Earl  of  Holland,  younger  brother  of  Robert, 
second  Earl  of  Warwick,  was  created  Baron  Kensington  in  1622, 
and  Earl  of  Holland  in  1624.     He  was  captain  of  the  King's 
Guard,  and  much  in  favour  with  James  I.,  who  made  him  a 
Knight  of  the  Bath ;  and  with  Charles  I.,  who   made  him  a 
Knight  of  the  Garter.     Granger  speaks  of  him  as  "  a  distinguish- 
ed favourite  with  Henrietta  Maria,  upon  whose  heart  his  hand- 
some person,  gallant  behaviour,  and  courtly  address,  are  thought 
to  have  made  an  early  impression  when  he  was  sent  ambassador 
to  France,  to  negotiate  the  treaty  of  marriage  for  the  King  of 
England/'      "  The  Earl  of  Holland,"  says  Clarendon,   "  was  a 
younger  son  of  a  noble  house ;  but  the  reputation  of  his  family 
gave  him  no  great  advantage  in  the  world.     After  some  time 
spent  in  France,  he  betook  himself  to  the  war  in  Holland,  where, 
after  he  had  made  two  or  three  campaigns,  according  to  the  cus- 
tom of  the  English  volunteers,  he  came  in  the  leisure  of  the  winter 
to  visit  England,  about  the  time  of  the  infancy  of  the  Duke  of 
Buckingham's  favours,  to  whom  he  grew  in  a  short  time  very 
acceptable.     He  was  a  very  handsome  man,  of  a  lovely  and  win- 
ning presence,  and  gentle  conversation,  by  which  he  had  got  so 
easy  an  admission  to  the  Court  and  grace  of  King  James,  that  he 
gave  over  the  life  of  a  soldier.     He  took  all  the  ways  he  could  to 
endear  himself  to  the  Duke,  and  wisely  declined  receiving  any 
grace  or  favour  but  as  his  donation  \  above  all,  avoided  the  suspi- 
cion that  the  King  had  any  kindness  for  him  upon  any  account 
but  of  the  Duke,  whose  creature  he  desired  to  be  esteemed, 
though  the  Earl  of  Carlisle's  friend.     And  he  prospered  so  well 
in  that  pretence,  that  the  King  scarcely  made  more  haste  to  ad- 
vance the  Duke,  than  the  Duke  did  to  promote  the  other.  Under 
this  protection  he  received  every  day  new  obligations  from  the 
King  and  great  bounties ;  and  continued  to  flourish  above  any 
man  in  the  Court  while  the  weather  was  fair ;  but  the  storm  did 
no  sooner  arise  than  he  declined  fast  in  the  favour  he  was  said  to 
be  master  of." — Clar.  Rebel;  Lodges  Portraits. 


1041.]     PRINCE    RUPERT   AND  THE   CAVALIERS.         193 

disgust,  and  to  the  ruin  of  the  plot.     Their  cele- 
brated petition  was  to  the  following  effect : — 

"  To  the  King's  Most  Excellent  Majesty,  the  Lords 
Spiritual  and  Temporal,  the  Knights,  Citizens, 
and  Burgesses,  now  assembled  in  the  High  Court 
of  Parliament, 

"  The  humble  petition  of  the  Officers  and  Soldiers 
of  the  Army,  humbly  sheweth,  &c."  They  proceed 
to  state  that  their  wants  [of  pay  and  all  necessaries] 
have  become  very  grievous,  yet  that  they  have  been 
very  exemplary  in  conduct ;  "  a  temper  not  usual  in 
armies,  especially  in  one  destitute  of  pay  and  mar- 
tial discipline,  and  many  of  its  principal  officers " 
[who  were  hanging  about  the  Court,  the  only  place 
they  were  fit  for].  They  proceed  to  speak  com- 
mendably  of  the  Parliament's  doings,  of  the  King's 
co-operation  therewith,  and  "  condescending  "  to  the 
Scots.  They  praise  the  Triennial  Bill,  and  pray  that 
all  men  may  "  enjoy  in  their  own  homes  "  the  peace 
and  quietness  that  is  so  prized  by  them,  the  officers 
and  soldiers.  But  they  learn  "  with  grief  and  anguish 
that  there  are  certain  persons,  stirring  and  pragma- 
tical, who,  instead  of  rendering  glory  to  God,  thanks 
to  his  Majesty,  and  acknowledgment  to  the  Parlia- 
ment, remain  as  unsatisfied  and  mutinous  as  ever." 
That  these  pragmatical  persons  are  attempting  the 
diminution  of  "  his  Majesty's  just  regalities,  which 
must  be  ever  dear  to  all  honest  men  as  their  own 
freedoms,"  subjecting  the  kingdom  to  their  private 
VOL.  i.  o 


194         MEMOIRS   AND   CORRESPONDENCE   OF 

fancies,  and  subverting  the  whole  government.  "But 
that  which  most  urges  the  trouble  and  disquiet  of 
[their]  loyal  hearts  is  that  they  hear  these  pragmati- 
cal persons  are  backed  in  their  violence  by  the  mul- 
titude and  tumult"  in  a  manner  dangerous  to  his 
Majesty  and  the  free  counsels  of  Parliament.  Their 
humble  petition  therefore  is  that  "the .ringleaders 
of  such  tumults  may  be  punished  and  his  Majesty 
and  the  Parliament  secured  from  suck  insolences 
hereafter."  For  the  suppressing  of  all  disorders,  in 
fine,  they  offer  themselves  to  "  wait  upon  his  Majes- 
ty," hoping  they  are  as  well  able  to  defend,  as  others 
to  assail  "  the  established  laws  of  the  kingdom." 

This  was  all  very  natural  and  well  expressed ;  the 
King  said  he  had  no  objection  to  'any  number  of 
officers  assenting  to  so  very  reasonable  a  document. 
On  being  pressed  to  do  so,  he  even  subscribed  his 
own  initials  to  the  Petition,  one  of  the  few  signa- 
tures1 it  ever  received.  Colonel  Goring2  (the  most 


1  Clar.  Reb.,  i.  434.    It  is,  however,  probably  the  only  instance 
on  record  of  the  signature  of  the  person,  petitioned  heading  the 
list  of  his  petitioners  ! 

2  George,  Lord  Goring,  was  descended  from  a  junior  branch  of 
the  family  of  that  name,  which  still  maintains  its  importance  in 
the  county  of  Sussex.     Of  the  date  and  place  of  his  birth  no  in- 
telligence remains.     His  wife,  a  daughter  of  Lord  Corke's,  had 
previously  been  offered  in  marriage  to  Lord  Strafford,  who  in 
1633  writes, — "  Young  Goring  is  gone  to  travel,  having  run  him- 
self out  of  8,000/.  which  he  proposes  to  redeem  by  his  frugality 
abroad ;"  and  later  in  this  year  again  alludes  to  him, — "  Young 
Mr.  Goring  hath  compounded  with  my  Lord  Vere  for  his  colonel's 
place  in  the  Low  Countries.     Twenty-two  companies  he  hath 
under  his  command,  and  his  troop  of  horse."    At  the  head  of  this 
force  he  distinguished  himself  by  the  most  determined  bravery, 


1641.]     PRINCE   RUPERT   AND   THE   CAVALIERS.         195 

infamous  person  that  ever  disgraced,  while  permitted 
to  retain,  the  title  of  gentleman)  nursed,  matured, 
and  betrayed  this  plot  for  placing  London  in  a  state 
of  siege. 

It  became  known  to  Pym  while  Strafford's  fate 
was  yet  in  suspense,  and  that  most  politic  statesman 
made  the  most  of  it.  He  held  its  revelations  sus- 
pended over  the  head  of  the  King  for  months, 
economising  its  terrors,  and  turning  every  alarm  it 
afforded  to  good  account.  And  doubtless  it  might 
have  been  a  formidable  conspiracy  had  there  been 
either  head  or  heart  in  its  organization.  But  the 
King  was  at  the  very  "dead  lift"  of  his  statesman- 
ship :  the  able  servants  of  his  extra-parliamentary 
career  were  slain,  exiled,  or  imprisoned ;  his  future 
constitutional  advisers,  Hyde,  Falkland,  Culpepper, 
were  still  neutral  or  opposed  to  him.  He  had  no 
counsellor  but  his  Queen. 

One  branch  of  the  Army  Plot  alone  was  likely  to 
succeed.  Sir  William  Balfour,  Lieutenant  of  the 
Tower,  received  orders  from  the  King  to  receive 
Captain  Billingsby  and  one  hundred  soldiers  as  an 
additional  protection  to  the  Tower.  At  the  same 
time  Strafford  offered  the  Lieutenant  20,000/.,  and 
an  indemnity  from  the  King,  if  he  would  connive 
at  the  introduction  of  this  "  guard,"  and  its  conse- 

and  received  a  wound  at  the  famous  siege  of  Breda,  1637.  In 
1641  we  find  him  in  the  office  of  governor  of  Portsmouth,  as 
above.  Utterly  debauched,  cruel,  and  unprincipled,  he  was  the 
worst  of  the  bad  men  who  brought  reproach  on  the  name  of 
Cavalier, 

o  2 


196    MEMOIRS  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF 

quences.  But  Sir  William  knew  the  power  of 
Parliament,  and  he  also  knew  that  his  prisoner  had 
been  overheard  by  some  women,  as  he  was  arranging 
his  escape.  "  His  fidelity  proved  inviolable,"  Straf- 
ford  was  killed,  and  soon  afterwards  the  Lieutenant 
officially  "  resigned "  his  post  to  the  King,  and 
received  3000/.  for  doing  so. 

Ultimately  the  Army  Plot  proved  useful  to  al- 
most every  one  but  the  unhappy  monarch  whom  it 
had  professed  to  serve.  The  army  itself  was  soothed 
and  complimented  with  a  polite  letter  from  Speaker 
Lenthall,  and  considerable  arrears  of  pay.  The 
Scotch  army  (as  an  additional  precaution)  was  voted 
300,000/. ;  Goring  received  the  thanks  of  Parlia- 
ment. Some  of  the  other  conspirators  fled  or  were 
imprisoned,  but  the  whole  matter  was  soon  forgot- 
ten except  by  history. 

This  "Northern  army"  consisted  of  the  remains 
of  the  armament  originally  destined  to  overawe 
Scotland :  it  constituted  at  the  same  time  the  only 
strength  on  which  the  King  could  rely  for  his  own 
emergencies,  and  on  which  the  Parliament  calcu- 
lated for  keeping  in  check  the  Scotch  army  that 
remained  in  occupation  of  the  Northern  counties. 
For  this  last  reason,  as  well  as  from  the  difficulty  of 
finding  money  to  disband  them,  the  Parliament  had 
allowed  this  force  to  continue  in  existence.  All 
the  sums  hitherto  raised  for  its  subsistence  had  been 
perverted  to  our  dangerous  allies  the  Scotch.1  This 
1  Clarendon's  Rebellion,  i.  425. 


1041.]      PRINCE   RUPERT   AND   THE   CAVALIERS.        197 

fact  no  doubt  contributed  to  increase  the  English 
army's  anxiety  to  approach  London  and  assist  the 
King  and  Parliament  against  the  "  pragmatical " 
paymasters  of  the  Scots. 

Meanwhile  this  army  of  the  King's  lay  billeted 
and  quartered  as  best  they  might,  about  Borough- 
bridge  and  Ripon.1  It  was  thoroughly  demoralized 
by  want  or  pay,  and  (as  they  confess  in  their  peti- 
tion) by  want  of  discipline  also ;  still  more  by  the 
disgraces  it  had  undergone,  and  the  want  of  oppor- 
tunity to  redeem  its  character.  Its  officers  were 
generally  Soldiers  of  Fortune,2  for  the  most  part  the 


1  Fairfax  Correspondence,  ii. 

2  This  was  in  itself  far  from  being  a  term  of  reproach.     They 
frequently  subscribed  themselves  as  such,  and  were  proud  of  the 
distinction  :  it  seems  to  have  conferred  carte  blanche  to  the  soldier 
to  follow  what  side  he  pleased  without  reproach.     Evelyn  in  his 
Diary  (ii.  370),  says  that  he  "  must  confess  the  Earl  of  Sand- 
wich served  the  tyrant  Cromwell  when  a  young  man,  but  'twas 
without  malice,  as  a  soldier  of  fortune"     The   following  cha- 
racter of  this  singular  class  is  extracted  from  M.  Guizot's  "  Life 
of  Monk,"  ably  edited  by  Mr.  Stewart  Wortley  :  —  "Germany 
and  the  Low  Countries  were  at  this  period  (before  the  Civil  Wars) 
the   resort  of  those  young  Englishmen  whose   taste  or  neces- 
sities drove  them  to  the  profession  of  arms.     Thus  was  formed  a 
race  of  men  inured  to  danger,   careful  of  their  interest,  at  all 
times  obedient  to  those  habits  of  calculation  which  made  a  traffic 
of  their  lives  j  blending  brilliant  action  with  low  sentiment,  in- 
different to  right,  yet  attached  to  certain  duties,  and  trained  by 
their  condition  to  dispense  with  many  virtues,  though  at  the  same 
time  exempt  from  many  vices.     Destitute  of  principle,  they  were 
not  wanting  in  a  certain  sense  of  honour;  and  when  fate  launched 
them  among  the  vicissitudes  of  party,  they  were  not  easily  found 
to  break  the  engagement  which  they  had  at  first  contracted. 
They  were  bound  only  slightly  to  their  fatherland ;  but  animated 
with  a  lively  sentiment  of  fellowship  for  the  men  whose  dangers 
they  had  shared,  and  they  thus  formed  doubtful  citizens,  but  ad- 
mirable comrades.     Indifferent  to  the  sufferings  of  a  population, 


198         MEMOIRS   AND   CORRESPONDENCE   OF 

refuse  of  that  class.  "  Felt-Marshal "  Lesley  had 
long  since  secured  the  best  of  them  for  his  own 
countrymen,  by  whom  they  were  cherished  and  yet 

they  knew  how  to  share  those  of  the  soldiers,  and  were  so  orderly 
even  in  their  violence  that  they  did  not  aggravate  it  by  their 
violence.  They  were  rough  and  severe,  but  not  ferocious  ;  even 
their  avarice  submitted  to  the  laws  of  discipline." 

Chief  among  these  soldiers  of  fortune  was  George  Monk.  He 
was  descended  from  an  old  Devonshire  family,  and  had  royal 
blood  in  his  veins  from  the  Plantagenets.  He  was  born  in  De- 
cember, 1608,  and  at  the  age  of  seventeen  he  served  as  volunteer 
in  Lord  Wimbledon's  expedition  against  Spain  :  the  following 
year  he  was  engaged  in  the  equally  unfortunate  affair  at  the  Isle 
of  Khe.  Subsequently  he  served  in  the  Low  Countries  under 
Lord  Oxford  and  George  Goring.  He  returned  to  England  in 
time  for  the  campaigns  against  Scotland,  wherein  he  held  a  com- 
mand in  the  royal  service.  Lord  Leicester  appointed  him  colonel 
to  his  own  regiment  when  he  was  lord-lieutenant  of  Ireland. 
After  assisting  to  suppress  rebellion  in  that  country,  he  was 
ordered  to  England  to  join  the  King  with  the  brigade  of  the  Irish 
army  that  was  defeated  at  Nantwich  under  Lord  Byron.  In  the 
latter  part  of  these  Memoirs  I  shall  have  frequent  occasion  to 
refer  to  his  future  career.  I  shall  here  only  subjoin  Lord  Or- 
ford's  carelessly  penned,  but  shrewd  observations  on  this  memo- 
rable man,  "  who  raised  himself  by  his  personal  merit  within 
reach  of  a  crown,  which  he  had  the  prudence  or  the  virtue  to 
wave ;  whose  being  able  to  place  it  on  the  head  of  the  heir  is 
imputed  to  astonishing  art  or  secrecy,  when  in  reality  he  only 
furnished  a  hand  to  the  heart  of  a  nation  ;  and  who,  after  the 
greatest  services  that  a  subject  could  perform,  either  wanted  the 
sense,  or  had  the  sense,  to  distinguish  himself  no  farther  (for,  per- 
haps, he  was  singularly  fortunate  in  always  embracing  the  mo- 
ment of  propriety) ;  this  man  was  an  author,  a  light  in  which  he 
is  by  no  means  known.  After  his  death  was  published  a  treatise 
which  he  composed  while  a  prisoner  in  the  Tower  ;  it  is  called 
'  Observations  upon  Military  and  Political  Affairs ;'  there  remain, 
besides,  some  of  his  speeches  and  letters." — "  The  remarks,"  adds 
this  author,  "  are  short,  sensible,  and  pointed,  though  his  friend 
Clarendon  denies  to  him  the  gift  of  eloquence  or  volubility."  I 
doubt  whether  the  witty  biographer  ever  read  these  "  Observa- 
tions ;"  I  have  endeavoured  to  make  use  of  them  ;  but  they  are 
singularly  barren  of  interest  or  novelty,  considering  the  place  and 
occupation  of  their  author. 


1641.]     PRINCE   RUPERT   AND   THE   CAVALIERS.        199 

restrained,  while  those  of  the  royalist  party  were 
neglected  and  ungovernecl.  The  latter  were  now 
under  the  command  of  Sir  Jacob  Astley  and  Sir 
John  Conyers,  who  were  both  brave  and  honest 
men,  but  they  could  not  prevent  the  demoralization 
of  forces  without  pay,  employment,  or  encourage- 
ment. The  Plot  was  conducted,-  apparently,  without 
their  knowledge  or  connivance,  though,  doubtless, 
if  commanded  to  make  a  bonfire  of  Westminster 
and  all  that  it  contained,  as  old  soldiers  they  would 
implicitly  have  obeyed  their  orders.  Nothing  was 
done,  however ;  the  army  starved  and  grumbled, 
and  lay  quiet  in  its  quarters  until  September,  when 
it  was  disbanded  on  the  withdrawal  of  the  Scotch 
Covenanters  with  their  prize-money. 

For  the  purpose  of  disbanding  them,  Lord  Hol- 
land1 was  made  general  by  the  infatuated  King. 
Lord  Essex,  who  had  hitherto  served  the  royal 
cause  with  talent  and  fidelity,  was  thus  sacrificed  to 
the  most  worthless  of  the  Queen's  favourites.'  The 
King's  bitterest  enemies  could  not  have  made  a 
better  appointment  for  their  purposes  :  Holland  was 
already  a  traitor  to  the  King,2  and  not  only  be- 
trayed all  his  counsels  to  the  Parliament,  but  alien- 
ated the  minds  of  the  soldiery  from  the  royal  cause. 
The  King's  difficulty  in  raising  troops  a  few  months 


1  "  Who,"  says  Bishop  Warburton,  "  lived  a  knave,  and  died  a 
fool." 

2  Having  been  refused  by  the  King  "  the  making  of  a  baron  " 
(worth  to  him,  10,000/.)— Clar.  Reb.,  i.  2. 


200         MEMOIRS   AND   CORRESPONDENCE   OF 

later,  when  his  very  existence  was  at  stake,  is  thus 
chiefly  to  be  accounted  for.  In  the  army  now  un- 
graciously dismissed  were  the  greater  number  of 
those  who  had  been  similarly  treated  after  the  "  Pa- 
cification of  Berwick,"  yet  they  had  rallied  again  at 
the  King's  summons.  After  this  dismissal,  few  ever 
found  their  way  back  to  the  royal  standard;  they 
were  either  absorbed  into  the  Parliamentary  levies 
or  abandoned  military  service  altogether.  When 
the  royal  standard  was  set  up  at  Nottingham  only 
eight  hundred  troopers  were  collected,  and  these 
formed  the  whole  force  of  cavalry,  over  which 
Prince  Rupert  was  appointed  as  General  of  the 
Royal  Horse. 

Simultaneously  with  the  dismissal  of  the  English 
army,  that  of  Ireland  was  also  disbanded,  and  driven 
by  a  fatal  edict  of  the  Commons  to  associate  them- 
selves with  the  disturbing  elements  of  that  country. 
It  was  ordered  that  none  of  these  men  should  be 
allowed  to  leave  Ireland,  or  enter  into  the  foreign 
service  that  eagerly  sought  their  aid:  thus,  eight 
thousand  well  disciplined  men  were  let  loose  upon 
the  country  to  find  subsistence  where  they  could 
— even  among  the  rebels. l 

Meanwhile,  the  King  was  on  his  way  to  Scot- 
land, leaving  London,  but  not  its  cares  or  even  its 
Parliament,  behind  him.2  The  Commons  were 

1  Clar.  Rebel.,  i.  493. 

2  The  King  left  London  for  Edinburgh  on  the  9th  of  August, 
1641,  and  returned  on  the  25th  of  November  following.   The  fol- 


1641.]     PRINCE   RUPERT   AND   THE   CAVALIERS.        201 

determined  not  to  lose  sight  of  him,  and  three  of 
their  most  pertinacious  members  tracked  his  steps, 


lowing  letter  contains  allusions  to  some  matters  of  interest.  Its 
only  date  is  1641,  and  the  signature  seems  to  have  been  destroyed  : 
the  writer  gives  a  graphic  picture  of  the  feuds  the  King  found 
prevailing  among  his  covenanting  subjects  : — 

"  FOR   MY    FRIEND   CAPTAIN    LEGG*   AT    MR.  JONSON's    HOUSE   IN 

YORK. 

"DEAR  WILLIAM,  —  Palmer  coming  from  Edinburgh,  found 
this  enclosed  paper  in  the  hands  of  Lieutenant  Roughton,  or 
Wroughton,  lieutenant  to  the  Lord  Wentworths  at  Berwick ;  he 
did  conceive  it  might  concern  you,  which  if  it  do,  you  may  make 
use  of  it  j  if  not,  he  desires  you  return  it  back  to  me.  When  he 
came  away,  the  King  did  hold  his  resolution  to  come  away  upon 
Monday  next,  if  no  business  did  interfere  ;  if  it  prove  so,  I  con- 
ceive Porter  will  be  here  to-morrow  or  Monday.  There  is  no 
small  contention  at  Edinburgh  about  the  chief  places  of  the 
kingdom ;  his  Majesty  would  have  the  Lord  Aumount  to  be 
treasurer,  which  the  Parliament  absolutely  did  refuse ;  Aumount 
saith  it  belongs  to  the  King's  prerogative  to  choose  his  own  officers, 
and  he  will  make  it  good  with  his  life.  Montrose  is  still  detain- 
ed in  prison,  and  is  conceived  will  be  until  these  great  places  be 

*  This  gentleman  is  remarkable  in  these  Memoirs,  as  having 
been  the  warm  and  faithful  friend  of  Prince  Rupert,  and  a  gallant 
Cavalier.  He  was  godson  to  Henry,  Earl  of  Danby,  who  sent 
him  to  serve  as  a  volunteer  under  Gustavus  Adolphus  in  1630. 
Afterwards  he  served  in  the  Low  Countries  under  Maurice,  Prince 
of  Orange.  On  his  return  to  England  he  was  made  "  keeper  of 
the  King's  wardrobe  during  life,"  and  soon  afterwards  became 
groom  of  the  bedchamber.  In  the  rank  of  colonel  he  served  the 
royal  cause  with  zeal  and  talent  throughout  the  Civil  Wars,  and 
after  the  destruction  of  the  King  he  devoted  himself  to  the  ser- 
vice of  his  son  with  the  same  energy  and  gallantry.  At  the 
battle  of  Worcester  he  was  wounded,  made  prisoner,  and  would 
have  been  executed,  but  that  his  wife  contrived  his  escape  from 
Coventry  gaol  in  her  clothes.  This  brave  lady  was  daughter  of 
Sir  W.  Washington,  and  niece  of  the  Duke  of  Buckingham.  After 
the  Restoration  he  was  received  into  high  favour  at  Court,  yet  he 
bore  the  name  of  "  Honest  Will  Legge  "  to  his  dying  day.  He 
was  succeeded,  in  1672,  by  his  son  George,  who  was  raised  to  the 
peerage,  inherited  lineally  by  the  present  Earl  of  Dartmouth. 


202    MEMOIRS  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF 

controlling  all  his  public  acts,  and  spying  out  every 
secret  purpose.  They  had  also  to  keep  their  vi- 
gilant eyes  on  the  Scots  themselves,  who  were  be- 
ginning to  feel  some  qualms  of  returning  loyalty, 
now  that  their  money  and  their  Kirk  were  well 
secured.  In  fact,  these  parliamentary  deputies 
returned  the  visit  of  the  Scotch  commissioners,  and 
with  much  the  same  object.1 

Even  in  London,  the  fiery  zeal  against  the  King 
was  beginning  to  languish  in  his  absence,  and  ulti- 
mately suffered  some  reaction.  When  Charles  re- 
turned to  England,  he  was  greeted  by  demonstra- 
tions of  loyalty  to  which  he  had  been  long  a 
stranger, — a  dangerous  and  delusive  pleasure.  At 
York,  especially,  he  was  enthusiastically  received, 


bestowed.  When  these  are  past,  it  is  supposed  lie  will  be  set  at 
liberty;  but,  being  held  as  a  delinquent,  he  is  incapable  of  any 
place.  The  Earl  of  Roxburgh  doth  hold  his  place  still,  and  will 
do  so  long  as  his  Majesty  pleaseth,  and  will  make  it  good  with 
his  life.  There  hath  been  some  ruffle  betwixt  his  son,  the  Lord 
Carr,  and  the  marquess  :  Carr  sent  the  marquess  word  he  was  a 
juggler  and  a  traitor.  The  Harniltons  and  the  Carrs  form  sepa- 
rate parties,  and  it  was  conceived  that  there  would  be  a  deadly 
feud  amongst  them  ;  but  his  Majesty  reconciled  the  business  be- 
twixt them,  and  Carr  did  acknowledge  he  spake  it  inconsiderately, 
and  could  not  prove  it.  The  marquess  had  it  spoken  of  after  in 
open  Parliament,  and  there  was  cleared  by  vote  of  the  whole  House, 
nullo  contradicente,  that  he  was  free  from  these  aspersions,  so  it 
may  be  supposed  that  these  words  were  no  way  prejudicial  to  him. 
Thus  much  for  foreign  matters " — From  the  Earl  of  Dart- 
mouth! s  Family  Papers. 

1  The  Parliamentary  deputies  were  Lord  Howard  of  Escric, 
to  represent  the  Peers ;  Fiennes  (who  governed  the  Peer) ; 
Hampden,  and  Sir  William  Armyn.  Vainly,  thenceforth,  even 
to  the  scaffold,  the  King  attempted  to  flee,  even  for  an  hour, 
from  the  Nemesis  he  had  roused. 


1641.]        PRINCE   RUPERT   AND   THE   CAVALIERS.     203 

and  the  mayor,  in  a  set  speech,  assured  his  Majesty 
that  "  our  hearts  are  so  gladdened,  our  wives  con- 
ceive with  joy,  our  wintry  woods  assume  spring 
leaves  to  welcome  home  so  indulgent  a  soveraigne." 
At  Stamford  he  was  met  by  similar  rejoicings,  and 
apparently  by  a  similar  mayor;  for  this  dignitary, 
after  alluding  in  his  address  to  the  Irish  Rebellion 
as  the  "  work  of  Papishes,"  assures  his  Majesty, 
nevertheless,  that  "  Athough  Rome's  hens  should 
daily  hatch  of  its  preposterous  eggs  crocodiliferous 
chickens,  yet  under  our  Royal  Soveraigne  we  should 
not  fear." 1  Even  in  London  the  popular  feeling  had 
undergone  reaction,  and  in  the  absence  of  exciting 
causes,  had  gravitated  towards  the  old  standard  of 
their  fathers.  A  Lord  Mayor  of  strong  Royalist  prin- 
ciples had  been  elected,2  and  his  great,  though  ephe- 
meral power  stimulated  most  zealous  demonstrations 
of  returning  loyalty.  The  City  displayed  all  its 
quaint  and  gorgeous  pomp  to  receive  its  King,  es- 
corting him  in  triumph  through  its  lately  hostile 
bosom. 

This  was  the  last  pageant  made  for  Charles  I. ; 
and  it  wanted  nothing  that  a  "contented  people 
could  furnish  to  a  contented  King."  Even  the 
Queen  and  her  courtiers  shared  in  his  reflected 


1  Evelyn,  p.  112,  n. 

2  Richard  (afterwards  Sir  Richard)  Gournej,  "  a  man  of  wis- 
dom and  courage,  attended  on  his  Majesty  at  his  entrance  into 
the  City,  with  all  the  lustre  and  countenance  it  could  shew,  and 
as  great  professions  of  duty  as  it  could  make  or  the  King  expect." 
—Clar.  Reb.  ii.  62. 


204          MEMOIRS   AND   CORRESPONDENCE   OF 

popularity,  and  accompanied  him  in  triumph  to 
Guildhall,  where  they  were  magnificently  enter- 
tained.1 Afterwards  they  were  escorted  with  all 
civic  pomp  to  Whitehall  Palace  along  the  Strand.2 

All  these  things  gave  not  a  little  confidence  to 
the  Court  and  some  alarm  to  the  Parliament,3  which 
had  reassembled,  after  a  brief  recess,  on  the  20th  of 
October,  in  a  fiercer  and  sterner  spirit  than  ever : 
they  were  now  prepared  to  adopt  all  the  plans  of 
the  committee  which  they  had  left  sitting.  Then 
was  proposed  that  memorable  remonstrance,4  which 

1  25  Nov. 

2  London  at  that  period  lay  within  (or  beyond)  Temple  Bar, 
where  the  City  still  claims  her  ancient  privileges  :  (great  these 
are  now,  as  then,  but  not  so  conspicuous,  all  England  sharing  in 
them  too.)     The  Strand  then  existed  as  a  one-sided  street,  open 
(except  for  some  palaces  and  gardens)  to  the  water  on  the  south, 
and  commanding  "  a  fine  view  of  the  Hampstead  and  Highgate 
hills  towards  the  north."     Drury  Lane  was  then  a  quiet  place, 
where  there  were  more  primroses  than  pockets  to   be  picked ; 
and  Covent  Garden  was  open  to  the  country,  though  colonnaded 
on  the  north.     In  the  admirably  written  "  Petition  for  Peace  of 
the  London  Apprentices  "  in  1642,  mention  is  made  of  their  meet- 
ing being  held  under  the  piazza  in  Covent  Garden. 

3  Whose  self-chosen  guards  the  King  removed  on  his  arrival 
from  Scotland.    These  consisted  of  the  train-bands  of  Westminster, 
which  Essex  (on  the  motion  of  Pym)  had  ordered  to  do  duty  for 
the  Parliament  "  by  night  and  by  day."    This  measure  was  taken 
on  the  noise  of  the  "  Incident "  *  reaching  London,  and  the  in- 
formation received  from  Edinburgh  that  the  King  had  plotted 
with  Montrose  to  crush  the  Covenant,  and  to  convict  the  Parlia- 
mentary leaders  of  a  treasonable  correspondence  with  the  Scots. — 
Eushw.  iv.  392. 

4  The  comprehensive  accusation  ran  thus  : — 1.  The  dissolution 


*  The  "  Incident,"  as  it  was  called,  was  the  sudden  departure 
of  Argyle  and  Hamilton  from  Edinburgh,  on  the  plea  that  the 
King  had  intended  to  arrest  them  as  a  first  step  towards  crushing 
the  Covenant. 


1641.]        PRINCE   RUPERT   AND   THE   CAVALIERS.      205 

arraigned  the  King  of  every  ill-judged  and  criminal 
act  of  his  whole  reign.  This  was  in  effect  the  Par- 
liamentary declaration  of  war  ;  it  was  addressed  not 
to  the  King  so  much  as  to  the  people  ;  it  evidenced 
a  spirit  of  hostility  that  nothing  could  mitigate,  a 
sense  of  wrong  that  no  reparation  could  mollify, 
and  a  determination  that  no  after-thought  could 
ever  shake.  But  even  the  Commons  were  not 
yet  prepared  to  adopt  this  measure,  and  its  pro- 
posers for  the  present  fell  back  upon  less  formidable 


of  his  first  Parliament  at  Oxford.  2.  The  dissolution  of  his  second 
Parliament,  being  in  the  second  year  of  his  reign.  3.  The  disso- 
lution of  his  Parliament  in  the  fourth  year  of  his  reign.  4.  The 
fruitless  expedition  against  Calais.  5.  The  peace  made  with  Spain, 
whereby  the  Palatine's  cause  was  deserted,  and  left  to  changeable 
and  hopeless  treaties.  6.  The  sending  of  Commissioners  to  raise 
money  by  way  of  loan.  7.  Raising  of  ship-money.  8.  Enlargement 
of  forests,  contrary  to  Magna  Charta.  9.  The  design  of  engrossing 
all  the  gunpowder  into  one  hand,  and  keeping  it  in  the  Tower  of 
London.  10.  A  design  to  bring  in  the  use  of  brass  money.  ]  1. 
The  fines,  imprisonments,  stigmatizings,  mutilations,  whippings, 
pillories,  gags,  confinements,  and  banishments  by  sentence  in  the 
Court  of  Star  Chamber.  12.  The  displacing  of  judges.  13.  Illegal 
acts  of  the  Council  Table.  14.  The  arbitrary  and  illegal  power  of 
the  Earl  Marshal's  Court.  15.  The  abuses  in  Chancery,  Exche- 
quer Chamber,  and  Court  of  Wards.  1 6.  The  selling  of  titles  of 
honour,  of  judges'  and  Serjeants'  places,  and  other  offices.  17. 
The  insolence  of  bishops  and  other  clerks,  in  suspensions,  excom- 
munications, deprivations,  and  degradations  of  divers  painful  and 
learned  and  pious  ministers.  18.  The  excess  of  severity  of  the 
High  Commission  Court.  19.  The  preaching  before  the  King 
against  the  property  of  the  subject,  and  for  the  prerogative  of  the 
King  above  the  law.  20.  The  dissolution  of  the  Parliament, 
May  5th,  1640  ;  the  imprisoning  some  members  of  both  Houses  ; 
a  forced  loan  of  money  attempted  in  London  ;  the  continuance  of 
the  Convocation  when  the  Parliament  was  ended,  and  the  favour 
shewed  to  Papists. 

Thus  condensed  in  Behemoth,  a  work  worthy  of  Machiavelli,  by 
Thomas  Hobbes,  of  Malmesbury,  p.  536. 


206          MEMOIRS   AND   CORRESPONDENCE   OF 

propositions,  knowing  well  that  men's  minds  would 
soon  become  sufficiently  heated  to  digest  the  former 
or  any  other  proposition  they  could  make.  The  Irish 
Rebellion,  or  rather  massacre,  now  broke  out,1  and 

1  In  Oct.  1641.  The  attributing  to  Charles  a  connivance  with 
the  Irish  rebellion  is  one  of  the  most  ungenerous  falsehoods  in  the 
long  list  of  Puritan  calumnies  against  him.  Nothing  could  be  so 
fatally  inopportune  for  his  cause ;  nothing  more  clear  than  that 
it  resulted  from  the  measures  of  the  opposite  party.  The  Irish 
Parliament,  hastily  but  awkwardly  following  the  example  of  those 
of  England  and  Scotland,  virtually  revolted  from,  the  King.  In 
the  excess  of  its  liberality,  it  declared  proclamations  and  acts  of 
state  to  be  of  no  authority ;  it  abolished  martial  law,  denied 
the  jurisdiction  of  the  Privy  Council,  and  thus  paralyzed  the 
executive.  The  Irish,  with  that  keen  intelligence  which  distin- 
guishes them,  at  once  saw  their  advantage.  Roger  More,  O'Neal, 
and  Macguire,  called  on  their  countrymen  to  rise  while  they 
could  do  so  without  rebellion  against  the  King  and  Parliament  of 
England.  If  ever  they  had  a  chance  of  returning  to  their  own 
ideal  of  liberty,  it  was  now.  The  Earl  of  Leicester,  the  Lord 
Deputy,  was  absent;  the  Chief  Justices,  Parsons  and  Borlase, 
were  men  of  very  doubtful  capacity ;  there  were  not  English 
troops  enough  to  garrison  Dublin  ;  winter  was  approaching ;  the 
plot  undiscovered.  But  practice  does  not  make  perfect  in  Ire- 
land :  experienced  as  the  Irish  are  in  insurrection,  gallant  as 
they  are  in  action  and  intelligent  in  council,  they  are  the  worst 
conspirators  in  Europe.  The  cause  was  betrayed  by  O'Connolly, 
Dublin  secured,  Maguire  and  Macmahon  (of  whom  more  here- 
after) arrested,  and  the  proposed  fight  for  freedom  turned  into  a 
most  foul  and  atrocious  massacre.  Men,  women,  and  children 
were  put  to  death  under  circumstances  of  horrible  cruelty.  Such 
horror  was  inspired  by  the  sanguinary  and  barbarous  men  and 
women  who  disgraced  their  country  and  their  faith,  that  the 
Puritans  justified  themselves  in  all  their  cruelties  by  retaliation. 
(Even  in  the  comparatively  chivalrous  rules  of  the  civil  war,  quar- 
ter was  denied  to  "  Irish  Papists ;"  and  at  Naseby  three  hundred 
women  were  put  to  the  sword  under  the  name  of  Irish.)  In  this 
massacre  from  forty  thousand  to  two  hundred  thousand  people 
perished, — a  vague  calculation.  Lord  Clarendon  says  forty  thou- 
sand ;  May  (Parl.  Hist.  i.  326)  says  two  hundred  thousand  in  one 
month  ;  Milton  (Iconoclastes)  one  hundred  and  fifty-four  thou- 
sand in  Ulster  alone ;  Sir  John  Temple  (Hist.  Irish  Rebel.)  says 
three  hundred  thousand  from  Oct.  1641  to  Sept.  1643,  besides 


1041.]       PRINCE   RUPERT   AND   THE   CAVALIERS.     207 

increased  the  amount  of  Parliamentary  accusations 
against  the  King,  and  "  papacy,  and  prelacy."  The 
spiritual  peers  were  the  most  defenceless  adversa- 
ries the  popular  leader  could  encounter,  compared 
with  the  resolute  front  that  they  shewed  to  innova- 
tions. "  And  now,"  says  the  blunt  yet  courtly  Sir 
Philip  Warwick,  "  now  the  bishops1  seat  in  Parlia- 
ment must  be  taken  away,  though  ancienter  than 
Parliament  themselves,  for  no  Saxon  gemotes  ever 
met  without  them.  And  records  shew  that  some  of 
them  have  through  all  ages  been  as  good  instruments 
for  the  subject's  liberty,  and  procuring  even  Magna 
Charta,  as  any  of  the  Commons  or  secular  Lords." 
Ultimately  they  were  swept  away,  with  all  the  other 
bulwarks  of  the  old  constitution ;  the  same  royal 
hand,  at  the  same  instigation  that  had  consigned 
Straiford  to  the  block,  now  subscribed  to  the  humi- 
liation of  those  who  had  forsaken  their  high  trust  at 
his  trial.1  This  inroad  on  the  constitution,  however, 
was  not  effected  for  some  time  after,  and  then  only 
by  great  exertion  and  repeated  efforts  of  the  demo- 
crats.2 


those  who  fell  in  fight ;  i.  e.  35,000  beyond  the  number  of  Pro- 
testants then  in  Ireland,  according  to  Sir  W.  Petty's  calculation. 
See  English  Misrule  and  Irish  Misdeeds  by  Aubrey  de  Vere. 

1  Again  we  find  the  Queen's  dishonouring  and  evil  influences 
exerted  here  :  Lord  Clarendon  confesses  that  men  were  more  in- 
different about  the  bishops,  because  they  had  shrunk  from  the 
unpopularity  and  danger  of  sitting  on  Lord  Straiford's  trial. — 
Clar.Reb.ii.  228. 

2  Warwick's  Memoirs.    Mr.  Godwin  calls  him  "  a  grave  autho- 
rity :"  he  is  a  very  important  one  for  the  Cavaliers. 


208          MEMOIRS   AND   CORRESPONDENCE   OF 

The  first  time  the  bishops  were  assailed,  many 
petitions  from  the  country  besought  the  Parliament 
to  spare  that  once  venerated  order :  Cheshire,  So- 
mersetshire, eleven  other  English,  and  four  Welsh 
counties  petitioned  against  Sir  Edward  Deering's 
bill.  Many  who  wished  well  to  episcopacy,  however, 
objected  to  prelacy,  as  they  called  it ;  and  even 
the  candid  and  fearless  Falkland  hoped  to  render 
ultimate  service  to  the  Church  by  disarming  those 
who  had  done  so  much  disservice  to  her  cause.1 


1  I  give  an  extract  from  Lord  Falkland's  speech,  as  embodying 
the  opinions  of  many  conscientious  men  of  his  time  ;  opinions 
which  Falkland  afterwards  retracted,  on  conviction  of  his  mistake 
in  attempting  to  reform  functions  on  account  of  functionaries  : — 

"  Master  Speaker,  we  shall  find  them  to  have  tithed  mint  and 
anise,  and  to  have  left  undone  the  weightier  matters  of  the  law ; 
to  have  been  less  eager  against  those  who  damn  our  Church,  than 
against  those  who,  upon  weak  conscience  and  perhaps  as  weak 
reason  (the  dislike  of  some  commanded  garment  or  some  uncom- 
manded  posture),  only  abstained  from  our  Church.  The  con- 
forming to  ceremonies  hath  more  been  insisted  on  than  the  con- 
forming to  Christianity.  The  most  frequent  subjects  of  their 
preaching  being  the  jus  divinum  of  Bishops  and  tithes,  the  sacred- 
ness  of  tithes,  the  building  of  the  prerogative,  the  introduction  of 
such  doctrines  as  (admitting  them  true)  the  truth  would  not 
recompense  the  scandal.  And  some  have  evidently  laboured  to 
bring  in  an  English,  though  not  a  Roman  Popery  :  nay,  common 
fame  is  more  than  ordinarily  false  if  none  of  them  have  found  a 
way  to  reconcile  the  opinions  of  Rome  with  the  preferment  of 
England,  being  yet  so  cordially  Papist  that  it  is  all  .£1500  a-year 
can  do  to  prevent  them  from  confessing  it.  ...  They  appeared 
ever  forward  for  monopolies  and  ship-money,  and  if  any  were 
backward  to  comply,  they  blasted  both  them  and  their  prefer- 
ment with  the  utmost  expression  of  their  hatred — the  title  of 
Puritan.  .  .  .  They  had  done  us  far  more  mischief,  if,  by  the 
grace  of  God,  their  share  had  not  been  as  small  in  the  subtlety 
of  serpents  as  in  the  innocency  of  doves. — Lord  Falkland's  Speech 
concerning  Episcopacy,  London,  1641. 

The  chief  papistical  innovations  charged  against  these  bishops 


1641.]     PRINCE   RUPERT   AND   THE   CAVALIERS.        209 

Meanwhile,  the  rebellion  in  Ireland  was  gather- 
ing strength ;  the  lord-lieutenant  (Leicester)  would 
not  go  without  troops ;  the  levies  went  on  but 
slowly ;  volunteers  for  such  a  service  were  not  to 
be  found ;  and  the  Commons  passed  a  bill  enabling 
themselves,  but  not  the  King,  to  raise  forces  by  con- 
scription. Soon  afterwards,  a  bill  to  place  the  power 
of  raising  the  militia  in  the  hands  of  unnamed  com- 
missioners was  introduced  by  the  King's  own  Soli- 
citor-General, St.  John,  read  the  first  time,  and 
left  until  wanted.  Every  day  the  power  of  the 
Commons  became  "  more  firmly  conglutinated  into 
one  bodie,"1  more  grasping  and  unconscionable. 
Nor  was  the  King  behindhand  in  the  race  towards 
the  final  breach.  He  had  returned,  at  the  request 
of  the  Lord-mayor  and  aldermen,  to  Whitehall,  which 
was  soon  assailed  by  the  same  tumultuous  assem- 
blages of  people  that  infested  the  Houses  of  Parlia- 
ment, to  encourage  the  Commons  and  intimidate 
the  Lords :  as  a  defence  against  these  insults,  the 
King  encouraged  the  attendance  of  many  officers  of 


were,  the  setting  up  of  pictures,  images,  crucifixes,  and  wax 
candles  in  the  churches,  "  insomuch  that  many  Papists  and 
strangers  coming  there  knew  no  better  but  they  had  been  Popish 
churches."  No  one  might  approach  the  "  altar  without  bowing 
three  times,  and  falling  on  his  knees ;"  they  caused  the  holidays 
to  be  more  observed  than  the  Sabbath  ;  they  prayed  over  the 
dead  j "  and  "  it  was  preached  at  Paul's  Cross  that  the  Pope  is  not 
that  Antichrist."  With  all  these  the  Puritans  objected  also  to  the 
Bishops  wearing  gowns  and  "  tippets,"  to  the  sign  of  the  cross  in 
baptism,  the  administering  of  the  Sacrament  kneeling  at  the 
communion-table,  and  bowing  at  the  name  of  Jesus. — Somers1 
Tracts.  1  Vicar's  "  Jehovah  Jireh." 

VOL.  I.  P 


210         MEMOIRS   AND   CORRESPONDENCE   OF 

the  disbanded  army,  who  were  still  kept  in  suspense 
for  their  pay :  these  men  rejoiced  to  signalize  their 
loyal  zeal  by  retaliating  on  the  mob,  and  they  were  not 
discountenanced  even  when  several  of  the  latter  were 
severely  wounded.  There  was  at  this  time,  one 
Samuel  Barnardiston,  a  noted  leader  of  the  rabble, 
who  appeared  conspicuous  in  a  tumult,  near  White- 
hall, for  his  tall  stature,  and  hair  most  closely 
clipped.1  The  Queen  was  attracted  to  the  window 
by  the  noise,  and  observing  the  democrat,  she  ex- 
claimed, "What  a  handsome  young  ROUNDHEAD!"' 

1  This  latter  peculiarity  had  already  become  a  party  distinc- 
tion, and  was  carried,  among  the  vulgar,  to  a  fanatical  excess.    At 
the  same  time,  the  Royalists  adopted  the  opposite  extreme,  as  con- 
ferring grace  and  dignity,  in  contrast  to  the  puritanical  primness 
of  their  opponents.     Among  the  higher  classes  of  both  sides,  how- 
ever, there  were  many  exceptions.  Strafford  wore  his  hair  as  short 
as  if  he  lived  in  our  days ;  Pym  and  Colonel  Hutchinson  wore 
locks   of  courtly   length.  —  Mrs.  Hutchinson 's  Mems.   120.      In 
Ward's  very  curious  diary,  1668, 1  find  this  conceit : — "  Fair  hair, 
the  poets  say,  is  the  prison  of  Cupid ;  and  that  is  the  cause,  I 
suppose,  the  ladies  make  love  brooches  and  lockets  for  their  lovers, 
and  why  men  curl  and  powder  their  hair,  and  prune  their  picka- 
tevants"  [the  Vandyke  peaked  beard]. 

2  The  above  is  told  by  Miss  Strickland,  on  the  authority  of 
Madame  de  Motteville.     I  subjoin  another  account  from  a  singu- 
lar little  book  called  "The  29th  of  May." — "Even  before  the 
Parliament  had  opposed  the   King  in  the  field,  so  formidable 
were  the  apprentices  of  London,  that  they  petitioned  the  King 
against  the  bishops,  and,  assembling  in  a  riotous  manner,  pro- 
ceeded to  Westminster,  crying,  '  No  bishops  —  no  bishops.'     This 
so  irritated  the  Bishop  of  Lincoln,  who  was  then  passing  to  the 
House,  that  he  seized  one  of  the  most  active  of  the  mob.     The 
others,  however,  on  rescuing  their  comrade,  laid  not  violent  hands 
on  him,  but  followed  still  crying, '  No  bishops — no  popish  lords  !' 
when  Captain  Hyde,  with  some  few  friends,  roused  to  indignation 
on  witnessing  this  insult  upon  a  dignitary  of  the  Church,  with 
more  resolution  than  prudence  drew  his  sword,  threatening  to 
cut  the  throats  of  the  l  roundheaded  dogs?     On  saying  which  he 


1641.]     PRINCE   RUPERT   AND   THE   CAVALIERS.         211 

The  epithet  was  caught  up  by  her  attendants,  and 
became  immortal  in  our  history.  About  the  same 
time  the  democrats  retorted  on  their  opponents  the 
name  of  CAVALIERS  ;  as  if  it  were  un-English  to 
oppose  the  people  for  a  French  Queen's  cause,  and 
the  word  entered  into  our  language  for  ever.1 

The  first  men  who  assumed  that  title,  associated 
it  with  reproach.  The  Cavaliers,  who  were  bred  on 
the  Continent,  now  introduced  too  much  of  the 
habits  of  the  "  free  companions"  into  their  own 
country:2  they  had  no  public,  and  little  national 
spirit :  their  mode  of  life  exhibited  the  licence  and 
morality  of  a  barrack-yard,  without  its  discipline  and 
self-control.  Swaggering,  imperious,  and  blindly 
rash,  they  were  at  the  same  time  the  most  offensive 


was  seized  by  the  apprentices,  and  carried  before  the  House  of 
Commons,  who  not  only  immediately  committed  the  captain  to 
prison,  but  declared  him  incapable  of  serving  his  Majesty  after." 

1  The  expression  is  only  twice,  1  believe,  used  by  the  King,  viz. 
once  in  his  reply  to  the  Parliament  remonstrance  concerning  Sir 
Thomas  Fairfax's  petition  :  he  there  says,  "  for  the  courage  and  be- 
haviour of  the  Cavaliers  (a  word  by  what  mistake  soever,  it  seems 
in  much  disfavour  here)  there  hath  not  been  the  least  complaint." 
— Clar.  Reb.  ii.  585,  and  in  his  speech  to  the  troops  at  Edgehill. 

2  The  town  was  full  of  soldiers,  and  of  young  gentlemen  who 
intended   to  be  soldiers,  or  as  like   them  as  they  could  :  great 
licence  used  of  all  kinds,  in  cloaths,  in  diet,  in  gaming,  and  all 
kind  of  expenses  equally  carried  on  by  men  who  had  fortunes  of 
their  own  to  support  it ;  and  by  others,  who,  having  nothing  of 
their  own,  cared    not  what  they  spent   whilst  they  could  find 
credit.     So  that  there  was  scarce  an  age  in  which,  in  so  short  a 
time,  so  many  young  gentlemen,  who  had  not  experience  or  some 
tutelar  angel  to  protect  them,  were  insensibly  and  suddenly  over- 
whelmed  in   that  sea  of  wine  and  women,  and  quarrels,  and 
gaming,  which  almost  overspread  the  whole  kingdom,  and  the 
nobility  and  gentry  thereof." — Clarendons  Life,  p.  68. 

p  2 


212         MEMOIRS  AND   CORRESPONDENCE   OF 

and  dangerous  instruments  that  the  King  could  have 
employed.  The  very  worst,  perhaps,  of  these  guards 
was  Lunsford,  and  he  was  appointed  Lieutenant  of  the 
Tower  as  soon  as  Sir  William  Balfour  was  bought  off. 
Such  a  measure  not  only  created,  but  justified  sus- 
picion on  the  part  of  the  Parliament,  and  once  more 
the  King  was  compelled  to  retract  his  appointment. 
Such  men  as  Lunsford  and  his  fellows  were 
mere  gladiators :  brutal  hirelings,  as  free  from 
scruples  as  from  fear,  they  would  have  better  suited, 
and  more  willingly  served,  the  cause  of  an  Italian 
tyrant  than  of  an  English  King.  But  there  was 
another  and  a  very  different  class  of  men  who  bore 
the  same  name,  and  who  now  began  to  side  with  the 
Crown  in  the  hour  of  its  danger,  as  they  had  once 
opposed  it  in  its  triumph  and  encroachments.  There 
is  a  witness  in  the  breast  of  every  Englishman  for 
the  value  and  nobleness  of  the  true  old  English  Cava- 
lier :  his  genial  and  generous  nature ;  his  desperate 
daring;  his  proud  aspirations  and  his  devoted  loyalty, 
derived  from  those  who  once  owed  all  they  were 
possessed  of  to  the  Crown.  Such  was  Lucius  Carey, 
Lord  Falkland,  as  a  Cavalier;  but  he  was  much  more 
as  a  patriot  and  a  philosopher.1  He  had  opposed 

1  I  cannot  omit  Lord  Clarendon's  highly  finished  portrait  of 
his  most  valued  friend.  He  seems  to  have  turned  with  delight 
from  the  ordinarily  painful  (as  it  was  to  him)  experience  of  human 
character,  to  dwell  upon  this  beautiful  exception  : — "  Lord  Falk- 
land was  born  about  1610.  Before  he  came  to  be  twenty  years 
of  age,  he  was  master  of  a  noble  fortune,  which  descended  to  him 
by  the  gift  of  a  grandfather,  without  passing  through  his  father 
or  mother,  who  were  both  then  alive.  In  this  time,  his  house 


1041.]     PRINCE   RUPERT   AND   THE    CAVALIERS.        213 

the  King,  and  even  voted  against  the  Bishops  in 
Parliament ;  but  it  was  with  a  sense  of  self-sacrifice 
that  he  did  so,  preferring  to  the  one,  nothing  but 

being  within  little  more  than  ten  miles  of  Oxford,  he  contracted 
familiarity  and  friendship  with  the  most  polite  and  accurate 
men  of  the  university,  who  found  such  an  immenseness  of  wit, 
and  such  a  solidity  of  judgment  in  him,  '  so  infinite  a  fancy  bound 
in  by  a  most  logical  ratiocination,'  such  a  vast  knowledge,  that  he 
was  not  ignorant  in  anything,  yet  such  an  excessive  humility, 
as  if  he  had  known  nothing ;  that  they  frequently  resorted  and 
dwelt  with  him,  as  in  a  college  situated  in  a  purer  air.  *  *  He 
was  superior  to  all  those  passions  and  affections  which  attend 
vulgar  minds,  and  was  guilty  of  no  other  ambition  than  of  know- 
ledge, and  to  be  reputed  a  lover  of  all  good  men,  and  that  made 
him  too  much  a  contemner  of  those  acts  which  must  be  indulged 
in  the  transactions  of  human  affairs.  In  the  last  short  Parlia- 
ment he  was  a  burgess  in  the  House  of  Commons,  and  from  the 
debates,  which  were  there  managed  with  all  imaginable  gravity 
and  sobriety,  he  contracted  such  a  reverence  to  Parliaments, 
that  he  thought  it  really  impossible  they  could  ever  produce 
mischief  or  inconvenience  to  the  kingdom,  or  that  the  kingdom 
could  be  tolerably  happy  in  the  intermission  of  them.  *  *  The 
great  opinion  he  had  of  the  uprightness  and  integrity  of  those 
persons  who  appeared  most  active,  especially  of  Mr.  Hampden, 
kept  him  longer  from  suspecting  any  design  against  the  peace  of 
the  kingdom  ;  and  though  he  differed  from  them  commonly  in 
conclusions,  he  believed  long  their  purposes  were  honest.  When 
he  grew  better  informed  what  was  law,  and  discerned  in  them  a 
desire  to  control  that  law  by  a  vote  of  one  or  both  Houses,  no 
man  more  opposed  those  attempts,  and  gave  the  adverse  party 
more  trouble  by  reason  and  argumentation,  insomuch  as  he  was 
by  degrees  looked  upon  as  an  advocate  for  the  Court,  to  which  he 
contributed  so  little,  that  he  declined  those  addresses  and  even 
those  invitations  which  he  was  obliged  almost  by  civility  to  en- 
tertain ;  he  was  so  jealous  of  the  least  imagination  that  he  did 
incline  to  preferment,  that  he  affected  even  a  moroseness  to  the 
Court  and  the  courtiers,  and  left  nothing  undone  which  might 
prevent  and  divert  the  King's  or  Queen's  favour  towards  him, 
but  the  deserving  it.  *  *  For  this  reason,  when  he  heard  it  first 
whispered  that  the  King  had  a  purpose  to  make  him  a  Privy 
Councillor — for  which  at  the  beginning  there  was  no  other  ground 
but  his  being  known  sufficient — he  resolved  to  decline  it,  and  at 
last  suffered  himself  only  to  be  overruled  by  the  advice  and  per- 


214          MEMOIRS   AND   CORRESPONDENCE   OF 

his  country ;  to  the  other,  nothing  but  his  Church, 
His  high  courage  enabled  him  to  despise  the  epi- 
thet of  apostate,  when  his  chivalrous  feeling,  if  not 
his  conviction,  called  him  to  the  dangerous  coun- 
cils of  the  King.  And  surely  never  did  any  man 
make  a  more  loyal  or  disinterested  sacrifice :  he 
flung  into  the  gulf  that  yawned  between  the  King 
and  People  all  that  was  most  dear  to  him, — his 
peace  of  mind,  his  richly  cultivated  leisure,  and  his 
independence.  The  Puritans  were  doubtless  patriotic, 
some  for  their  own,  and  some  for  their  country's 
sake ;  but  their  great  cause  was  forwarded  by  many 
mean  devices,  and  they  worked  under  the  spur  of  am- 
bition and  the  goading  of  popular  applause.  Falk- 
land had  only  a  sense  of  duty  for  his  inspiration, 
and  even  that  was  chequered  with  most  painful 
doubts.  His  character,  however,  stands  clear  even 
from  calumny ;  without  one  stain  on  his  faith  to  his 
country,  or  loyalty  to  his  King,  he  lived  and  died  a 
true  gentleman,  sans  pern  et  sans  reprocJie. 

suasions  of  his  friends  to  submit  to  it.  Afterwards,  when  he 
found  that  the  King  intended  to  make  him  Secretary  of  State,  he 
was  positive  to  refuse  it,  declaring  to  his  friends  that  he  was  most 
unfit  for  it.  *  *  Two  reasons  prevailed  with  him  to  receive  the 
seals,  and  hut  for  those  he  had  resolutely  avoided  them ;  the  first, 
the  consideration  that  his  refusal  might  bring  some  blemish  upon 
the  King's  affairs.  *  *  The  other  was,  lest  he  should  he  thought 
to  avoid  it  out  of  fear  to  do  an  ungracious  thing  to  the  House  of 
Commons.  *  *  For  these  reasons  he  submitted  to  the  King's 
commands,  and  became  his  secretary."  Horace  Walpole's  anim- 
adversions "  have  been  overthrown  by  Sir  Egerton  Bridges 
(Biographical  Peerage,  vol.  iii.)  with  a  force  and  candour,  and 
closeness  of  argument,  before  which  all  doubt  on  the  subject 
must  vanish." — (Lodge.) 


1641..]        PRINCE   RUPERT   AND   THE   CAVALIERS.     215 

It  seems  doubtful  whether  any  human  power 
could  at  this  time  have  checked  the  revolutionary 
fever  without  blood.  The  passionate  desire,  rather 
than  the  hope  to  do  so,  influenced  Falkland,  and 
perhaps  Hyde  and  Culpepper,  in  accepting  office 
at  such  a  time.  They  formed,  in  effect,  the  third 
ministry  (with  many  interregnums  of  mere  cour- 
tiers), that  the  King  had  chosen,  and  marked  another 
stage  in  his  moral  progress.  The  first  had  been 
Buckingham,  whom  he  chose  for  his  own  pleasure's 
sake ;  the  second  Laud  and  Strafford,  whom  he 
chose  for  his  power's  sake ;  this  last  of  Falkland, 
Culpepper,  and  Hyde,1  for  his  character's,  and,  per- 
haps, his  conscience'  sake. 

Mr.  Hyde2  was  a  person  of  very  different  character : 
from  the  moment  that  he  entered  the  royal  service, 
he  gave  himself  up  not  only  to  the  King,  but  to 


1  Lord  Falkland  was  Private  Secretary,  Sir  John  Culpepper 
Chancellor  of  the  Exchequer,  for  life  ;  Hyde  refused  as  yet  to  fill 
any  acknowledged  office. — Clear,  ii.  99. 

2  Edward  Hyde,  Earl  of  Clarendon,  was  born  at  Denton,  near 
Salisbury,  on  the  18th  of  February  1609.     His  family  belonged 
originally  to  Cheshire,  and  was  one  of  those  that  have  preserved 
in  that  great  county  possessions  received  by  their  ancestors  from 
William  the  Conqueror.  Being  the  younger  son  of  a  younger  brother 
he  had  the  destiny,  and  soon  imbibed  the  power,  of  making  his  own 
way  through  the  tough  world.     He  was  so  forwarded  in  his  learn- 
ing by  his  own  learned  father,  and  a  village  schoolmaster,  that  he 
was  received  as  an  undergraduate  of  Magdalen,  at  Oxford,  when  he 
was  only  thirteen  years  of  age.     His  elder  brother  dying,  Hyde  was 
removed  by  his  father  to  the  Temple,  in  order  to  study  for  the 
law ;  having  been  rather  dissipated  at  the  University.    His  uncle, 
Lord  Chief  Justice  Hyde,  died  in  1628,  but  the  young  lawyer 
finding  himself  without  patronage  to  forward  him  in  the  world 
resolved  to  make  Industry  his  patroness,  and  in  order  to  promote 


216         MEMOIRS  AND   CORRESPONDENCE   OF 

Charles,  without  reservation.  He  was  far  better 
adapted  to  win  and  to  keep  the  royal  favour  than 
either  the  scrupulous  and  blunt  Lord  Falkland,  or 
the  hot-headed  and  positive  Colepepper.  His 
character  assimilated  more  to  that  of  his  master  : 
he  was  very  dexterous  in  resources,  and  very  much 
preferred  to  "  turn  the  flank  "  of  a  difficulty,  than  to 
charge  it  in  front.  His  standard  of  honour  and 
principle  was  very  high,  and  no  one  could  better 
appreciate  the  glory  of  uncompromising  truth  and 
stainless  integrity;  nevertheless, the  corrupting  know- 
ledge of  the  world,  which  he  had  learned  to  consider 
as  wisdom,  made  him  doubt  the  expediency,  if  not 


his  resolution  married.*  His  wife  was  a  beautiful  Miss  Ayliffe, 
who  died  soon  after.  In  three  years'  time  he  married  Miss  Ayles- 
bury,  the  mother  of  the  future  Queen  of  England,  and  with  her 
he  "lived  comfortably  in  the  most  uncomfortable  times."  In 
1632  he  experienced  the  greatest  of  all  losses,  "not  only  the  best 
father,  but  the  best  friend  and  the  best  companion  he  ever  had,  or 
ever  could  have."  f  He  seems  to  have  been  a  wise,  devout,  and 
learned  man,  who  used  life  as  a  dangerous  acquaintance,  and  met 
death  as  an  assured  friend.  Hyde  struggled  bravely  on  in  his 
profession  enjoying  the  acquaintance  of  the  wiser  and  best  men 
of  his  time,  and  learning  those  constitutional  principles  of  rational 
liberty  it  required  many  a  year  of  popular  licence  to  blunt.  He 
was  chosen  Member  for  Wotton  Basset  to  the  Short  Parliament  in 
April  1640.  He  supported  Pyni,  and  addressed  himself  energeti- 
cally to  promote  the  redress  of  the  Grievances.  At  this  time  he 
had  the  confidence  of  Archbishop  Laud,  and  he  earnestly  endea- 
voured, through  him,  to  persuade  the  King  against  dissolving  this 
important  Parliament,  but  in  vain.  He  was  again  returned  to  the 
Long  Parliament,  and  soon  found  the  public  business  so  pressing, 


*  As  he  says  of  himself,  "  in  order  to  call  home  all  straggling 
and  wandering  thoughts,  which  naturally  produce  irresolution 
and  inconstancy  in  the  mind." — Life,  p.  19. 


18. 


1641.]      PRINCE   RUPERT   AND   THE   CAVALIERS.       217 

the  possibility  of  acting  up  to  that  ideal  which  he 
dreamed  of,  and  which  Falkland  always  strove  to 
realize.  The  great  history  which  has  made  his 
name  immortal,  unconsciously  displays  his  character 
more  faithfully  than  his  professed  autobiography 
represents  it.  It  reveals  a  vast  knowledge  of  men, 
more  analytical,  perhaps,  than  practical ;  a  vivid 
perception  of  the  difficulties  of  the  time,  rather  than 
a  knowledge  of  their  nature,  or  a  power  to  control 
them.  He  had  the  fault  of  many  lawyers,  that  of 
judging  too  much  by  precedents,  and  that,  too, 
in  an  unprecedented  era.  His  eloquence  is  very 
graceful;  full  of  the  happiest  epithets  and  most 


that  he  abandoned  the  bar  and  devoted  himself  altogether  to  the 
House  of  Commons.  He  was  chairman  in  many  Committees,  in 
one  of  which  he  sharply  reprehended  Oliver  Cromwell,  and,  as  he 
conceived,  laid  the  foundation  of  all  his  future  enmity.  Amongst 
other  Committees,  to  that  concerning  Episcopacy  he  was  chairman ; 
and  Pym,  Hampden,  and  Hazlerigg,  who  kept  a  "  stock-table," 
often  invited  him  to  dine  with  them  (the  House  then  kept  such  dis- 
orderly hours  that  it  oftimes  did  not  rise  until  four  o'clock  P.  M.  !) 
These  leading  men  paid  much  attention  to  him,  endeavouring  to 
win  him  wholly  to  their  party ;  as  also  did  Fiennes  and  Henry 
Martyn.  At  the  same  time,  however,  the  King  made  overtures  to 
a  man  who  had  displayed  much  talent  and  great  zeal  for  the 
Church,  and  Hyde  was  soon  deep  in  the  royal  confidence.  He 
drew  up  the  answer  to  the  Remonstrance,  but  refused  the  office 
of  Solicitor-General.  He  soon  became  very  "  unbeloved  "  by  the 
Parliamentary  party,  and  at  length  openly  professed  his  ad- 
herence to  the  Court,  Henceforth  his  history  is  told  in  the 
events  of  the  times  :  thus  far  I  have  copied  from  himself.  The 
character  in  the  text  is  taken  principally  from  his  own  drawing. 
He  paints  character  so  strongly  con  amore,  that  he  may  even  be 
entrusted  with  his  own ;  as  a  celebrated  critic  is  said  to  have  been 
entrusted  by  "  The  Quarterly"  with  the  judgment  on  one  of  his 
own  works,  which  he  cut  up  with  such  instinctive  severity  that 
it  died  of  the  paternal  discipline. 


218         MEMOIRS   AND   CORRESPONDENCE   OF 

felicitous  phrases;  but  it  wants  terseness,  arrange- 
ment, and  that  earnestness  which  would  have 
supplied  both.  In  his  history,  as  in  his  life,  we  can 
trace  the  gradual  transformation  of  the  patriot  into 
the  courtier ;  and  the  progress  is  so  marked  that  we 
can  almost  trace  the  gradual  absorption  of  the  "  inde- 
pendent member's"  manlier  and  more  catholic  feel- 
ing into  that  condition  which  fitted  him  for  even 
brief  honour  at  the  Court  of  the  Second  Charles. 

Sir  John  Colepepper  "  had  spent  some  years  of 
his  youth  in  foreign  parts,  and  especially  in  armies, 
where  he  had  seen  good  service,  and  might  have 
been  a  good  officer  if  he  had  intended  it.  He  was 
of  a  rough  nature,  a  hot  head,  and  of  great  courage. 
His  estate  was  very  moderate,"1  but  sufficed  to  a 
man  whose  habits  of  life  required  little  luxury  and 
no  refinement.  He  was  very  economical,  moreover, 
and  always  kept  in  view  the  improvement  of  his 
fortune.  He  had  great  energy,  and  a  strong  per- 
suasive eloquence,  which  gave  him  influence  in  the 
House  of  Commons.  This  he  seems  only  to  have 
used  sufficiently  to  make  himself  worth  winning  over 
by  the  King:  he  left  the  Parliamentary  party  at 
his  first  summons.  He  was  very  indifferent  on 
matters  of  religion,  and  only  desired  that  it  should 
be  uniform,  in  order  that  the  State  might  not  be 
troubled  with  its  disputes.  He  was  very  uncourtly, 
and  yet  prevailed  more  with  the  King  and  Queen 

1  Clarendon's  Life,  p.  93,  &c. 


1641.]       PRINCE   RUPERT  AND   THE   CAVALIERS.      219 

than  the  most  refined  sycophants :  his  flattery  was 
so  rugged,  it  appeared  as  if  it  must  be  natural.  His 
confident  and  imperious  manner  carried  with  it  great 
authority  in  the  vacillating  councils  of  the  King, 
and  for  secret  agency  he  had  the  address  to  make 
use  of  another  person,  John  Ashburnham,  who  in- 
sinuated all  his  designs  to  the  royal  ear,  in  private, 
as  if  they  were  his  own.  This  minister  was  made 
Chancellor  of  the  Exchequer  for  life,  contrary  to 
all  precedent,  but  was  soon  afterwards  made  Master 
of  the  Rolls,  which  he  continued  to  be  until  his 
death. 

This  new  ministry  was  of  the  greater  importance 
to  the  King,  as  they  had  seceded  from  the  popular 
party,  and  had  come  to  his  counsels  well  experi- 
enced in  all  the  tactics  of  the  Opposition.  The 
King  was  quick  to  perceive  this  advantage,  and 
grateful  to  those  who  brought  such  an  accession  of 
strength  to  his  failing  throne.  He  promised  his  ad- 
visers thenceforth  to  hold  no  communication  with 
the  dangerous  House  of  Commons,  except  with  their 
knowledge  and  advice. 

Scarcely  had  he  made  the  promise  to  these  able 
and  honourable  men,  when  he  broke  it !  Truly  his 
flexible  character  required  annealing  in  the  fire  of 
misfortune,  and  outraged  truth  deserved  the  bitter  ex- 
piation that  future  want  of  confidence  imposed  upon 
him.  The  rash  and  dangerous  Digby1  had  persuaded 

1  Clarendon's  Rebellion,  11. 


220    MEMOIRS  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF 

liis  unhappy  master  that  the  five  leading  members 
of  the  Commons1  were  his  only  dangerous  oppo- 
nents ;  that  by  one  bold  stroke  these  rebellious  men 
might  be  made  away  with,  and  a  strong  monarchy 
re-established  for  ever ;  that  it  was  necessary  to  act 
with  promptitude  and  secrecy  ;  and,  above  all,  with- 
out the  knowledge  of  his  new  advisers ;  their  calm 
and  calculating  judgment  would  certainly  disap- 
prove the  measure, — a  measure  which,  if  successful, 
would  enable  the  king  to  dispense  with  such  timid 
counsellors,  and  to  rely  solely  upon  men  like  Digby. 
By  such  advice  the  doomed  King  committed  the 
crowning  error  of  his  whole  disastrous  reign.  He 
proceeded  suddenly  to  the  House  of  Commons, 
attended  "  by  four  hundred  cavaliers  and  servants." 
The  tramp  of  armed  men  was  for  the  first  time 


1  Pym,  Hampden,  Haslerig,  Hollis,  and  Strode  :  Lord  Kim- 
bolton  (afterwards  Mandeville)  in  the  Upper  House  was  similarly 
threatened,  but  stood  his  ground,  and  was  safe.*  Lady  Carlisle 
served  Pym  better  for  love  (such  as  it  was)  than  his  other  Court 
spies  did  for  pay.  The  Queen,  eager  to  retail  the  news,  an- 
nounced that  the  King  was  gone  to  the  Commons  to  execute  his 
purpose  ;  Lady  Carlisle's  messenger  anticipated  him.t  Lilly  gives 
a  different  account. — Maseres  Tr.  p.  171. 


*  He  had  been  with  Charles  in  his  Spanish  expedition  :  he 
was  one  of  the  Commissioners  to  Scotland  in  1640  ;  an  honest 
and  brave  man,  who  strove  to  save  the  monarchy  by  changing  the 
ministry.  His  brother  was  a  bigoted  priest,  Abbot  of  Pontoise. 
— Evelyn,  v.  n.  p.  36. 

t  Lady  Lucy  Percy,  Dowager  Countess  of  Carlisle  ;  one  of  the 
few  traitresses  in  history  (except,  of  course,  in  love  affairs).  She 
was  the  second  wife  (now  widow)  of  James,  first  Earl  of  Carlisle, 
celebrated  by  Waller,  and  mistress  to  Strafford  ;  afterwards,  by 
no  very  unintelligible  change,  to  his  destroyer. — See  back,  p.  74. 


1641.]     PRINCE   RUPERT   AND   THE   CAVALIERS.        221 

audible  in  that  always  revered  and  now  awful  as- 
sembly ;  and  the  royal  voice  was  heard  above  their 
clamour  "  commanding,  on  their  lives,  his  eager  fol- 
lowers to  stand  back."  And  the  King  entered.  He 
took  off  his  hat  and  bowed  in  respect  to  the  Senate, 
whose  honour  he  so  outraged,  and  then  he  advanced 
to  the  Speaker's  chair.  The  Elector  Palatine1  alone 
accompanied  him  through  the  numbers  who  had 
risen,  and  stood  uncovered  to  receive  his  Majesty. 
The  solemn  silence  with  which  he  was  received, 
confused  the  irresolute  and  wavering  King;  the 
Speaker  left  the  chair  for  him ;  but  he  stood  hesi- 
tating on  the  step,  as  he  looked  round  for  the  Five 
who  had  so  long  set  his  power  at  defiance.  His 
glance  encountered  a  sight  to  make  a  firmer  spirit 
quail ;  the  representatives  of  England  and  its  wrongs 
stood  there  ;  made  strong  through  the  King's  former 
weakness,  stronger  than  ever  now!  His  present 
accusers,  his  future  judges,  with  quiet  and  stern  ob- 
servance noted  down  every  act  and  word  of  their 
invader  and  their  future  victim.  It  was  a  trying 
ordeal :  a  Cromwell  might  have  braved  it,  as  after- 
wards he  did,  with  unflinching  hardihood ;  but 
Charles  was  unequal  to  the  task.  Suddenly  his 


1  A  little  before  this  time  Charles  Louis  had  been  released  from 
his  imprisonment  at  Moulins,  and  had  returned  into  England  to 
intrigue  for  the  reversion  of  his  uncle's  crown.  "  The  Parliament 
assigned  to  him  8000Z.  a-year  out  of  the  King's  revenue,  until 
after  his  murther,  when  he  departed  home  upon  the  articles  of 
the  Munster  Treaty,  by  which  he  was  restored  to  his  dignities 
and  sovereignty." — Heath's  Chronicle,  p.  10. 


222         MEMOIRS   AND   CORRESPONDENCE   OF 

false  position  became  apparent  to  him  ;  he  faltered 
in  his  demand  for  his  enemies'  arrest,  and  then 
broke  clown  into  the  exclamation,  "  The  birds  are 
flown !"  A  few  hurried  words,  desiring  that  the 
accused  members  "  might  be  sent  to  him,"  was  all 
he  added,  and  then  he  left  the  House  as  abruptly  as 
he  had  entered.  Sounds  of  "  Privilege  !  privilege  !" 
followed  him  as  he  passed  from  the  House ;  and 
Cavalier  shouts  of  "  For  a  King !  for  a  King  !" l 
received  him  in  the  street. 

The  "  birds  had  indeed  flown ;"  information  of 
the  King's  purpose  had  been  promptly  conveyed  to 
Pym  by  Lady  Carlisle's  emissary,  and  a  little  later 
to  the  Speaker,  by  Captain  Langrish,  who  an- 
nounced that  his  Majesty  was  on  his  way.  Here- 
upon the  Five  accused  Members  were  prevailed 
upon  to  leave  the  House  and  retire  into  the  City ; 
Strode  alone  objected,  and  was  pulled  out  by  force.2 

1  For  the  King's  act  no  excuse  whatever  can  be  made  ;  but  his 
armed  followers'  attendance,  which  seems  much  to  aggravate  the 
offence,  may  be  explained.     When  the  Houses  had  declined  the 
guard  that  the  King  appointed,  instead  of  that  of  Essex,  removed 
by  his  command,  the  Commons  had  ordered  that  any  member  might 
bring  his  own  servants  armed  to  protect  them,  and  thus  we  find 
in  the  stormy  debate  on  the  Remonstrance,  when,  Sir  Philip  War- 
wick says,  they  were  near  "  sheathing  their  swords  in  each  others' 
bowels,"  that  a  young  Welsh  page  insisted  on  being  let  in  to  join 
the  fight.     Beside  these  armed  retainers  belonging  to  the  mem- 
bers, there  were  always  tumultuous  assemblages  of  mobs  about 
the  Houses  of  Parliament.     But  for  these  considerations,  doubt- 
less, the  King  would  have  gone  to  the  House  unattended,  as  he 
did  the  next  day  into  the  heart  of  the  angry  City. 

2  Hallam,  ii.  172  ;  Forster,  ii.  246  ;  Sir  R.  Varney's  Notes, 
and  Rushw.  Coll.  iv.  477  ;  Mad.  de  Motteville,  quoted  by  Miss 
Strickland.     The  delay  that  allowed  these  various  movements  to 


1641.]       PRINCE   RUPERT  AND   THE   CAVALIERS.     223 

The  King  returned  to  Whitehall  palace  baffled 
and  disgraced,  having  placed  himself  exactly  in  the 
position  his  worst  enemies  desired,  and  justified 
almost  any  measures  they  could  devise.  In  the 
vain  attempt  to  justify  his  fault  by  consistency,  he 
published  a  proclamation  against  the  accused  mem- 
bers, "forbidding  any  person  to  harbour  them,  and 
closing  all  the  ports  to  prevent  their  escape  !" 
This  was  done  by  the  advice  of  Lord  Digby,  who, 
at  the  same  time,  offered  to  go  with  Sir  Thomas 
Lunsford  to  the  City,  "  to  seize  upon  the  delinquents, 
and  bring  them  away  alive,  or  else  leave  them  dead 
upon  the  spot."1  The  offer  of  the  Cavaliers  was 
declined ;  but,  like  every  other  incident  in  this  ill- 
managed  Court,  it  soon  transpired,  and  threw  the 
City  into  a  paroxysm  of  anger  and  alarm. 

On  the  following  day  the  King,  with  character- 
istic courage,  proceeded  to  the  City  without  a 
guard,  demanded  the  accused  members,  and  de- 
clared his  inviolable  attachment  to  the  Constitu- 
tion. He  passed  through  the  crowded  streets 
without  any  welcome,  however ;  but  sometimes 
a  shout  of  "  Privilege !"  was  sounded  in  his 


take  place,  is  accounted  for  one  of  those  traits  that  often  occur  to 
soften  the  worst  points  in  the  career  of  Charles  I.  Hurried  and 
excited  as  he  must  have  been  with  such  a  momentous  and  doubt- 
ful task  before  him,  he  waited  to  receive  petitions,  "  according  to 
his  wont,"  from  several  applicants  who  pressed  around  him  on  his 
approach  to  the  House.  The  delay  thus  created,  fortunately  for 
himself,  rendered  his  expedition  nugatory. — Mad.  de  Motteville 
quoted  in  Miss  Strickland's  "  Henrietta  Maria." 
1  Clarendon's  Rebellion,  ii.  130. 


224    MEMOIRS  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF 

ears,  and  on  his  return  to  the  palace  he  first 
heard  the  ominous  exclamation,  "To  your  tents, 
O  Israel !" 

With  the  King's  abasement  the  Parliament's 
aggrandizement  increased ;  a  committee  was  ap- 
pointed to  meet  in  the  City,  with  the  accused  mem- 
bers, at  Merchant  Tailors1  Hall.  Thenceforth  the 
regular  routine  of  revolutions  was  gone  through. 
Business  was  suspended,  shops  were  closed,  and  the 
streets  swarmed  with  excited  people,  swaggering 
with  unaccustomed  weapons,  and  mouthing  heroic 
sentences.  There  was  a  "  banquet"  too,  and  count- 
less petitioners  waited  on  the  Parliament,  instigated 
and  instigating  to  the  most  decisive  measures. 
Buckinghamshire  yeomen,  city  porters  to  the  num- 
ber of  15,000,  apprentices,  beggars,  and  legions 
of  women,  "  like  those  of  Tekoah,"  as  they  called 
themselves,  presented  their  separate  petitions  against 
the  King.  Pym  came  forth  to  receive  and  answer 
the  latter  deputation,  and  assured  them  that  their 
petition  "  was  very  seasonable,  and  very  thankfully 
accepted."1 


1  The  paramour  of  Lady  Carlisle  concluded  by  requesting  the 
prayers  of  the  petitioners  for  the  success  of  their  petition.  Here, 
in  a  few  months,  we  may  read  a  change:  "In  the  year  1643, 
several  thousand  women  signed  a  petition  to  the  Parliament, 
entitled,  {  The  Humble  Petition  of  many  civilly-disposed  women, 
inhabiting  the  cities  of  London  and  Westminster.'  It  was  carried 
on  the  9th  of  August,  by  a  multitude  of  the  meaner  sort  of 
women,  with  white  ribbons  in  their  hats.  They  remained  in 
Palace-yard,  and  raved  '  Peace  !  peace  !  give  us  those  traitors ; 
give  us  that  dog  Pym.'" — The  29^  of  May. 


1641.]        PRINCE   RUPERT   AND   THE   CAVALIERS.     225 

On  the  llth  of  January,  the  Five  Members  were 
brought  back  in  triumph  to  Westminster  by  water, 
rowed  up  the  Thames  by  volunteer  sailors,  and 
escorted  by  armed  vessels,  with  cannon  loaded  and 
matches  lighted.  Banners,  and  standards,  and  thou- 
sands of  spectators,  lined  the  river-banks ;  while 
loud  music  played,  and  guns  thundered,  and  shouts 
of  triumph  hailed  the  champions  of  the  people.  In 
this  dangerous  fashion  the  Members  returned  to 
their  House  of  Commons  "altered  and  fiercer 


men." 


The  night  before  their  ovation  the  King  and 
Court  had  gone  away  in  silence  to  Hampton  Court. 
They  left  London  unnoticed,  and  attended  only  by 
forty  Cavaliers.  Charles  was  long  and  urgently 
requested  to  return ;  but  he  never  saw  Whitehall 
again  until  he  was  brought  thither  to  be  slain. 

A  Democracy1  had  now  virtually  replaced  the 
ancient  Monarchy  of  England,  and  sat  in  its  high 
places,  self-invested  with  unlimited  power.  The 
King  was,  however,  still  nominally  acknowledged 
by  the  Commons ;  and  so  dear  to  the  country  was 
still  the  name  of  Royalty,  that  every  Roundhead 
edict  assailing  it  still  ran  in  the  name  of  "  the  King 
and  Parliament." 

1  Hume. 


VOL.  1.  Q 


226    MEMOIRS  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF 


CHAPTER  IV. 

PRELIMINARIES  OF  THE  WAR. 


STATE     OF     LONDON     AND     ITS     CONTROVERSIES. THE     KING  S    COURT     AT 

YORK.  —  ATTEMPT   ON    HULL. —  SPEECHES    IN    PARLIAMENT.  GENERAL 

ARMING. ATTEMPT    UPON    COVENTRY. — RETURN    TO    THE    STANDARD. 


Lament — lament, 
And  let  thy  tears  run  down, 

To  see  the  rent 
Between  the  robe  and  crown  ; 
Yet  both  do  strive  to  make  it  more 
Than  'twas  before  : 

War,  like  a  serpent,  has  its  head  got  in, 
And  will  not  end  so  soon  as't  did  begin. 

Old  Song. 

THE  LONDON  of  the  Cavaliers  differed  as  much 
socially  as  architecturally  from  its  gigantic  successor 
in  our  time.  It  then  possessed  so  formidable  an 
influence  in  the  affairs  of  the  empire,  that,  to  any 
enemy  but  the  enemy  of  the  King  its  occupation 
would  probably  have  decided  the  contest.  The  vast 
wealth,  and  power,  and  intelligence,  that  now  ren- 
der all  England  vital,  were  then  very  much  concen- 
trated in  the  narrow  and  dirty,  yet  picturesque 
streets  of  the  old  capital.1  At  that  period  one 

1  I  subjoin  below  an  account  of  those  streets  from  the  most  pic- 
turesque writer  that  ever  surveyed  them  ;  but  doubtless  much 


1641.]       PRINCE   RUPERT   AND   THE   CAVALIERS.     227 

bridge,  eight  hundred  feet  long,  with  a  drawbridge 
in  the  middle,  sufficed  to  connect  the  fields  and  vil- 
lages on  the  southern  bank  of  the  Thames  with  the 
dense  city,  that  in  1600  was  composed  entirely  of 
wood.  The  streets,  as  we  find  them  in  old  prints, 
and  paintings,  were  as  narrow  at  the  basement  as 
those  that  now  bid  defiance  to  an  omnibus,  and  far 
narrower  above ;  for  the  black  and  white  half- 
wooden  houses  beetled  over  the  lower  stories,  till 
they  sometimes  almost  encountered  their  neighbours 
over  the  way.  The  facade  of  each  street — broken, 
confused,  and  picturesque  as  those  of  part  of  Chester 
— were  still  further  varied  by  the  numerous  sign- 


that  was  too  familiar  in  his  eyes  to  notice,  would  now  seem  infi- 
nitely strange  to  a  modern  Cockney. 

"  I  find  London  to  be  a  town  so  nobly  situated,  and  upon  a 
river  such  as  Europe  certainly  shews  not  a  more  usefull  and  agree- 
able, yet  a  city  consisting  of  a  wooden,  northern,  and  inartificial 
congestion  of  houses  ;  some  of  the  principall  streets  so  narrow,  as 
there  is  nothing  so  unlike  as  its  prospect  from  a  distance,  and  its 
asymmetrie  within  the  walls.  Their  fountains,  the  pride  and  grace 
of  our  streets,  are  here  immured,  which  does  greatly  detract  from 
the  beauty  of  the  Carrefours,  and  intercepts  the  view.  Amongst 
the  pieces  of  modern  architecture,  I  have  observed  but  two  which 
were  remarkable,  the  portico  of  St.  Paul's  church  and  the  banquet- 
house  at  Whitehall." — [Evelyn  now  speaks  of  the  Puritan  time.] 
"  You  would  be  amazed  at  the  genius  of  the  age  that  should 
suffer  this  Godly  and  venerable  fabric  [of  St.  Paul's]  to  be  built 
upon,  converted  into  raskally  warehouses,  and  so  sordidly  ob- 
scured and  defaced,  that  an  argument  of  greater  avarice  and 
meanness,  malice  and  deformity  of  mind,  cannot  possibly  be  ex- 
pressed. England  is  the  sole  spot  in  all  the  world  where,  among 
Christians,  their  churches  are  made  Jakes  or  tables,  markets  and 
tippling  houses,  and  where  there  were  more  need  of  scorpions 
than  thongs  to  drive  out  the  publicans  and  money-changers  ;  in 
sum,  where  these  excellent  uses  are  pretended  to  be  the  marks  of 
piety  and  reformation." — Evelyn,  p.  149. 

Q  2 


228          MEMOIRS   AND   CORRESPONDENCE   OF 

boards  that  swung  above  each  doorway.  These 
were  considered  necessary  appendages  of  every  shop 
and  lodging-house,  in  order  to  catch  the  eyes  of  the 
illiterate  passenger,  and  rivet  it  when  caught.1  A 
long  street  on  a  windy  day  looked  like  a  great 
fluttering  picture-gallery,  in  which  all  animated 
nature,  and  many  monsters,  were  depicted  :  lions 
and  swans  of  every  colour,  dragons  and  unicorns  of 
every  shape,  flaunted  in  the  air.  In  the  warehouses 
beneath,  and  the  eating-houses,  very  curious  articles 
of  apparel  and  luxury  shewed  dimly  through  the  dull 
and  narrow  panes,  or  appealed  to  the  appetite  with 
very  different  luxuries  from  ours.  On  the  outspread 
board,  though  devoid  of  linen  or  of  three-pronged 
forks,  were  often  to  be  seen  the  flesh  of  wild  beeves 
and  bustards,  and  sometimes  even  of  that  royal 
favourite,  the  boar ;  cygnets  and  herons,  too,  had 
no  business  there,  being  rigidly  preserved,  but  there 
they  were ;  "  marinated  "  fish,  carp  and  tench,  and 
roasted  chubbs ;  and  there  were  manchets  and 
marchpane,  ollas  and  dishes  of  Jmugou,  flanked  by 
large  flasks  and  "  choppins  "  of  canary  and  sherries- 
sack,  but  no  tea,  coffee,  or  chocolate,  asparagus, 


1  It  affords  a  curious  proof  of  the  watchful  and  unscrupulous 
zeal  of  the  Parliamentary  party  to  inflame  the  minds  of  the  illite- 
rate people,  that  pamphlets,  consisting  entirely  of  prints,  were 
circulated  to  describe  the  Irish  rebellion.  Every  sort  of  cruelty 
and  horror  is  represented  in  these  curious  picture-books,  which  at 
once  addressed  themselves  to  the  eyes  and  passions  of  their  spec- 
tators. Thus,  also,  sign-boards  were  used,  as  hieroglyphics  were 
in  ancient  days,  for  those  to  whom  names  and  numbers  in  print 
would  have  been  an  "  ogum." 


1641. J      PRINCE   RUPERT   AND   THE   CAVALIERS.      229 

lettuce,  or  cauliflower,  until  1660.  The  customers, 
too,  were  very  different  in  externals  from  those  who 
now  throng  the  same  streets,  with  the  same  passions 
and  desires.  The  high-crowned  hat,  with  coat,  or 
rather  doublet,  of  the  Greenwich  pensioner's  cut, 
were  common  to  almost  all ;  the  boys  may  be  seen 
any  day  perpetuated  in  the  scholars  of  the  Blue-coat 
School,  and  their  species  of  cap,  or  "  demi-hat,"  as 
it  was  called,  was  worn  by  the  apprentices  and  the 
labouring  classes  :  there  was  one  peculiarity  common 
to  all  that  were,  or  would  be  thought  Puritans,  dark 
garments  and  dark  looks.1  London  had  of  late  years 
"  incredibly  encreased  by  the  trade  and  the  great 
resort  that  the  distractions  of  other  countries  "~  had 


1  These  Londoners  died  at  the  rate  of  250  a-week  (i.  e.  13,000 
a-year)  ;  the  mortality  at  Amsterdam  was  only  fifty  during  the 
same  period. — HowelVs  "Letters;'"   who   says,  that   during  the 
plague  in  1 625,  5200  persons  died  in  one  week.     These  seem  very 
uncertain  statistics,  yet  Ward  (writing  in  1668)  seems  to  assimilate 
with  this  calculation,  allowing  for  the  increase  of  population  :  he 
says,   that   "  15,000  died  annually  when  there  was  no  plague." 
This,  even  allowing  twenty-five  years  to  be  the  value  of  a  life — 
probably  too  much — would  only  give  375,000  as  the  population 
of  London  at  that  time. 

2  "  It  only,  of  any  place  of  this  realm,  is  able  to  furnish  the 
sudden  necessity  with  a  strong  army.     It  availeth  the  Prince  in 
tonnage,  poundage,  and  other  his  customs,  much  more  than  all 

the  rest  of  the  realme." "It  yieldeth  a  greater  subsidy ; 

I  mean  not  for  the  proportion  of  the  value  of  the  goods  onely, 
but  also  for  the  faithful!  service  there  used  in  making  the  assize, 
for  no  where  else  be  men  taxed  so  near  to  their  just  value  as  in 
London,  yea,  many  are  found  there,  that  for  their  countenance 
and  credit  sake,  refuse  not  to  bee  rated  above  their  ability." — 
Stowes  "Survey"  p.  700.     London,  1633.      The  Excise  comes 
to  about  12,000£.  a-year,  the  fourth  part  of  what  all  England 
pays  :    there  were  150,000  houses  in  London  before  the  great 
fire.—  Wartfs  ' '  Diary"     1668. 


230          MEMOIRS   AND   CORRESPONDENCE   OF 

guided  to  its  peaceful  haven  ;*  and  "  suburbs  "  began 
to  extend  towards  St.  Giles's,  and  even  so  far  as  to 
the  Haymarket.  Lord  Clarendon  deplored  this 
extention,  which  Elizabeth2  and  James  in  vain 
attempted  by  proclamation  to  prevent. 

Proportionate  improvements  had  also  taken  place 
in  its  internal  arrangements :  water  from  the  New 
River  flowed  in  leaden  pipes,  and  was  attainable  to 
the  citizens  in  shapeless  fountains  let  into  the  dead 
walls  ;  and  the  streets,  though  dirty,  were  paved 
throughout. 

The  city  walls  were  little  more  than  two  miles  in 
circumference,  and  "pierced"  with  six  actual  gates;3 
but  new  streets  were  rapidly  branching  away  in  all 
directions,  feeling  their  way  by  such  "garden 
houses"  as  Milton  lived  in  near  Aldersgate,  and 
such  palaces  as  Lord  Craven's  in  Drury  Lane,  which 
afforded  an  asylum  for  the  Queen  of  Bohemia.  On 
the  "  Reading  Road,"  also,  there  was  a  memorable 
garden-house  for  gambling  and  public  entertain- 
ments, called  Piccadilly;4  and  thus  has  since  given 
name  to  the  whole  street.  Hyde  Park5  was  even 

1  Clarendon,  ii.  150. 

2  It  was  forbidden  to  erect  any  new  buildings  where  none  had 
before  existed  in  the  memory  of  man. 

3  Aldsgate,  Bishopgate,  Cripplegate,  Newgate,  and  Ludgate. — 
Stow's  " Survey"  p.  8. 

4  Here  Hyde  endeavoured  to  induce  Lord  Essex  to  spare  the 
life  of  Strafford,  and  received  the  brutal  proverb  for  an  answer, 
"  stone  dead  hath  no  fellow." 

5  "  The  Hyde  Park  was  used  by  the  late  King  and  nobility 
for  the  freshness  of  the  air  and  the  goodly  prospect,  that  which 
now  they  pay  for  here  in  England,  though  it  be  free  in  all  the 


1642.]     PRINCE   RUPERT   AND   THE   CAVALIERS.        231 

then  a  place  of  pleasantness  for  its  air  and  beauty. 
Ladies  of  fashion  were  accustomed  to  drive  there  in 
tawdrily  gilt  and  painted  square  coaches,  drawn  by 
large  Flemish  horses;  their  footmen  running  by 
their  side,  and  cavaliers  riding  in  their  company.1 
Returning  from  the  park,  they  passed  through 
the  open  space  then  intervening,2  to  the  Spring 
Gardens,  whose  crystal  well  was  the  least  of  their 
attractions;  or  sauntered  on  to  Whitehall  Stairs, 
and  took  boat  upon  the  Thames,  where  the  "  swans 
swam  round  them  in  flocks,  and  the  oars  were 
often  tangled  in  the  water-lilies."  Prince  Rupert 
in  later  times  had  a  house  in  Spring  Gardens,  look- 
ing over  St.  James's  Park ;  he  afterwards  exchanged 
it  for  one  in  the  Barbican,  a  very  different  and  distant 
locality.  From  Spring  Gardens,  the  Palace  of 
Whitehall  spread  its  wide  precincts  along  St.  James's 


world  besides.  Every  coach  and  horse  which  enters  buying  his 
mouthful  [of  air]  and  permission  from  the  publican  who  has  bought 
it,  and  causes  the  entrance  to  be  guarded  with  porters  and  long 
staves.  (N.  B. — Every  coach  was  made  to  pay  Is.,  and  horses 
6d.)  The  manner  is,  as  the  company  returns,  to  alight  at  the 
Spring  Gardens,  the  inclosure  not  disagreeable,  for  the  solemness 
of  the  grove,  the  warbling  of  the  birds,  as  it  opens  into  the  spa- 
cious walks  of  St.  James's  Park." — Evelyn.  , 

1  I   believe   there  was  not  any  Arab  blood  in  the  horse  of 
England  yet.     As  in  the  old  days  of  knight-errantry,  officers  of 
distinction  had  large  powerful  horses  (anciently  from  Germany 
and  afterwards  from  Flanders)  for  field  or  battle-service  ;  (hence, 
"  riding  the  great  horse"  was  martial  exercise,)  but  they  ordi- 
narily rode  lighter  horses,  called   "  amblers." — Howell,  Duke  of 
Newcastle,  on  Horsemanship,  1668. 

2  I  have  heard  an  aged  lady,  lately  deceased,  say  that,  in  her 
youth,  she  lived  in  a  suburban  villa,  in  Berkeley  Square,  whither 
men  "  used  to  come  out  to  shoot  snipes." 


232          MEMOIRS   AND   CORRESPONDENCE   OF 

Park,  and  across  thence  over  an  archway,  to  White- 
hall Gardens,  along  the  Thames  as  far  as  Scotland 
Yard.1  The  tilting -yard  occupied  the  present 
parade-ground  of  the  Horse-guards,  and  the  "  cock- 
pit," over  which  the  younger  members  of  the  Royal 
Family  had  apartments,  was  close  by.  From  Charing 
Cross  a  one-sided  street  ran  eastward  toward  Covent 
Garden,  commanding  a  view  of  the  Hampstead  hills 
from  its  back  windows,  and  of  the  river  in  front, 
with  some  few  interruptions  from  the  Duke  of  Buck- 
ingham's Palace,  Somerset  House,  and  others. 

The  principal  Cavaliers  lived,  for  the  most  part, 
at  some  distance  from  the  Court,  about  Great 
Queen  Street,  Covent  Garden,  and  Lincoln's  Inn 
Fields ;  but  they  had  at  this  time  almost  entirely 
abandoned  London  to  their  enemies.  Many  of 
the  leading  citizens,  inclined  to  the  King's  party ; 
but,  their  great  interests  and  only  homes  being  then 
in  the  very  heart  of  the  City,  they  perforce  remain- 
ed, to  watch  over  them.  Our  merchant-princes 
vied  in  magnificence  and  wealth  with  the  Flo- 
rentine and  Venetian  nobles,2  and  their  commerce 

1  Until  James's  time  it  was  appropriated  as  the  residence  of 
the  Scotch  Kings  who  came  to  pay  their  court. 

2  Half  a  century  of  profound  peace  had  rendered  England  an 
asylum  and  a  depot  for  distracted  Europe,  and  her  alliance  the 
first  object  of  desire  ;  even  the  proud  Spaniard  made  a  proverb 
of  "  Guerra  con  todo  il  mondo,  y  paz  con  Inghilterra"  (War  with 
all  the  world  and  peace  with  England).     And  Prince  Maurice,  of 
Nassau,  used  to  say,  "  If  the  English  were  devils,  Holland  must 
have,  or  make,  a  peace  with  them." — Howell.     It  was  nearly  two 
centuries  (1414)  since  our  nursery  hero,  Whittington,  had  really 
given  Henry  V.  the  most  agreeable  entertainment  that  subject 


1642.]     PRINCE   RUPERT   AND   THE   CAVALIERS.        233 

had  spread  over  the  whole  world.  There  was  a 
chivalry  in  the  very  commerce  of  those  times :  gal- 
lant daring  pioneered  its  progress ;  a  good  faith  that 
was  proverbial,  secured  its  conquests,  and  British 
energy  maintained  them.  Yet  its  great  ministers,  the 
merchants,  were  content  to  live,  and  love,  and  toil, 
and  die  in  the  heart  of  the  unlighted,  ill-paved,  and 
over-crowded  city.1  From  them  there  was  a  regu- 
lar gradation  downward  in  the  order  of  their  state  ; 
and  this  gradation  was  observed  with  a  strict  regard 
to  authority,  precedence,  and  even  dress.  Public 
opinion,  concentrated  on  so  small  a  space,  had  an 
almost  omniscient  supervision,  and  an  esprit  de  corps 
prevailed  that  tended  to  actuate  the  whole  City  by  a 
common  impulse,  and  gave  to  the  City  a  character 
of  a  State,  as  distinct  from  the  country  as  that  of 
Venice.  The  "  trades  "  or  "  crafts  "  of  that  period 
had  something  the  effect  of  clans  in  the  Highlands ; 
the  "  master  "  represented  the  chieftain,  the  "  ap- 
prentice," the  clansman.  The  latter  was  as  zealous 
for  the  honour  and  the  party  of  the  former,  as  if  he 
stood  kilted  on  the  heather,  instead  of  wearing  a 
cropped  head  and  woollen  hose,  behind  a  counter. 

ever  offered  monarch,  at  Guildhall :  all  that  wealth  could  gather 
from  the  wide  world  was  there,  and  the  hearth  blazed  with  a  fire 
made  of  cinnamon.  When  the  King's  health  was  drunk,  the  Lord 
Major  threw  a  scroll  of  parchment  into  the  fragrant  fire  ;  it  was 
the  King's  bond  for  60,000£. 

1  Many  palaces  of  these  old  merchants  now  lie  perdus,  in  the 
midst  of  dark  and  noisy  thoroughfares.  They  are  at  present  in- 
habited only  by  clerks  and  porters,  or  else  they  are  mere  ware- 
houses. In  "  Coningsby,"  we  have  a  bright  picture  of  one  of  these 
mansions  restored  to  its  old  glories,  by  Sidonia. 


234         MEMOIRS   AND   CORRESPONDENCE   OF 

And  now  this  once-loyal  people  of  London — 
merchants,  trades,  masters,  and  apprentices, — ap- 
peared violently  Roundhead  as  one  man  :  political, 
like  elemental  fire,  burns  most  fiercely  in  most 
crowded  thoroughfares,  and  every  man,  woman,  and 
child  seemed  to  have  caught  the  flame.  The  meek 
and  portly  grocer,  as  well  as  the  hot-headed  young 
apprentice,  the  burly  coal-heaver  as  well  as  the  City 
knight,  all  donned  the  "  buff  and  bandolier  "  x  and 
swaggered  proudly  before  the  City  dames.  For  the 
metropolis  a  war  seemed  rather  a  favourable  as  well 
as  very  exciting  event.  There  was  a  hectic  impulse 
given  to  trade ;  the  inns  were  well  filled ;  monied 
men  got  good  interest  for  their  money,  and  poor 
men  were  bettered  by  its  circulation.  Taxing  had 
not  yet  begun;  coals  still  came  from  Newcastle  at 
twenty-five  shillings  a  chaldron ;  and  the  citizens 
found  themselves  not  only  very  resolute,  but  very 
prosperous  patriots.  They  eagerly  enrolled  them- 
selves in  ranks ;  they  even  contributed  plate  and 
money  to  pay  their  fellow-soldiers.  They  grew  very 
wrathful  against  the  King  for  the  constitutional 
offences  to  which  he  had  succeeded,  and  which  he 
had  removed ;  as  well  as  for  those  for  which  he  was 
himself  too  truly  responsible  :  the  "  Remonstrance  " 
had  succeeded  in  reminding  them  what  ill-used 
people  they  had  ever  been.  They  slaked  their  thirst 


1  The  buff  doublet  was  a  sort  of  leathern  shooting-jacket,  laced 
in  front ;  the  bandolier  was  a  broad  belt  worn  crosswise,  and  hung 
with  cartridges. 


1642.]     PRINCE   RUPERT   AND   THE   CAVALIERS.        235 

for  excitement  at  the  inexhaustible  fountain  of 
Puritan  preaching,  and  their  party  rage  assumed  a 
professedly  religious  guise.  They  persecuted  Papists 
to  the  death,  broke  painted  windows,  and  made 
great  mockery  of  altars  and  once  holy  things :  the 
Old  Testament  came  very  much  into  fashion  and 
misuse :  "  Love  your  enemies,"  appeared  a  doctrine 
very  inapplicable  to  the  present  emergency;  and 
"  Curse  ye  Meroz,  curse  ye  bitterly,"  was  a  style 
much  more  adapted  to  the  Puritan  pulpits,  and 
much  more  congenial  to  the  natural  heart  of  man. 
If  they  did  not  make  use  of  the  same  imprecations 
as  the  Cavaliers,  they  dealt  freely  in  all  the  impre- 
cations of  Isaiah  ;  and  if  the  King's  men  appealed  to 
the  case  of  David,  the  Roundheads  retorted  bitterly 
with  Ahab.  Thus  the  old  City,  yearning  after  some 
vague  and  unimaginable  good,  ranted,  and  raged, 
and  fermented  into  such  heat  as  the  leaders  of  the 
great  movement  required  for  their  ends.1 

The  Commons  were  now  absolute,  and  they  pro- 
ceeded to  exercise  their  power  as  energetically  as 
they  had  acquired  it.  Major-General  Skippon2  was 


1  I  have  not  given  references  for  each  of  the  foregoing  de- 
scriptions, and  assertions,  for  I  have  endeavoured  to  digest  them 
out  of  many  notes  :  some  are  advanced  from  memory,  and  many 
from  such  unquotable  sources  as  prints  (especially  those  in  the 
grand  Sutherland  Collection  in  the  Bodleian),  and  songs  ;  besides 
Evelyn,  Isaac  Walton,  Howell,  Pepys,  Ward,  ("Diary")  Peck's 
"  Desiderata,"  and  Sir  Walter  Scott,  as  good  an  authority  as  any 
of  them. 

"  Captain  of  the  artillery  garden,"  now  general  of  the  Train 
Bands,  a  new  office.     He  had  served  long  in  Holland,  and  had 


236          MEMOIRS   AND   CORRESPONDENCE   OF 

placed  over  the  Tower.  At  the  same  time,  Sir 
John  Byron,1  lieutenant  of  the  Tower,  and  Lord 
Newport,  master-general  of  the  Ordnance,  received 
orders  couched  in  memorable  terms:  they  were  to 
allow  no  munition  of  war  to  be  removed  from  their 
charge,  without  "the  King's  authority  signified  ly 
both  Houses  of  Parliament." 


risen  from  the  ranks  :  he  was  a  good  officer,  sober,  orderly,  illi- 
terate, and  opposed  to  the  Church. — Clarendon's  Rebellion,  ii.  160. 
1  This  gallant  officer  and  his  brave  brothers  will  often  appear 
in  our  history.  He  was  member  of  Parliament  for  the  town  of 
Nottingham  in  the  reign  of  James  I.,  and  for  the  county  of  Not- 
tingham in  that  of  Charles  I.  Sir  John  commanded  the  corps 
of  reserve  at  the  battle  of  Edgehill :  the  victory  of  Roundway 
Down,  July  5,  1643,  wherein  Sir  William  Waller  was  routed,  was 
chiefly  owing  to  his  skill  and  valour,  having,  at  the  head  of  his 
regiment,  charged  Sir  Arthur  Haselrigg's  cuirassiers,  and,  after  a 
sharp  conflict,  in  which  Sir  Arthur  received  many  wounds,  com- 
pelled that  impenetrable  regiment  (as  Lord  Clarendon  writes)  to 
fly.  Sir  John  having  given  such  proofs  of  his  courage,  and  his 
six  valiant  brothers  at  that  time  following  his  loyal  example,  he 
was,  in  consideration  thereof,  in  October  24,  1643,  created  Lord 
Byron,  of  Rochdale,  in  the  county  palatine  of  Lancaster,  with 
limitation,  in  default  of  his  own  male  issue,  to  each  of  his  brave 
brothers.  He  married  thrice,  but  dying  in  1652  issueless,  his 
barony  devolved  upon  his  brother,  Richard,  as  second  baron. 
This  gallant  Cavalier  had  received  the  honour  of  knighthood 
from  Charles  I.  He  was  one  of  the  "  valiant  colonels  "  at  the 
battle  of  Edgehill,  and  subsequently  governor  of  Appultz  Castle, 
county  Westmoreland.  Lloyd,  in  his  "  Loyalists,"  says,  he  "  de- 
serves to  be  chronicled  for  his  government  of  Newark,  and  many 
surprises  of  the  enemy."  He  married  Elizabeth,  daughter  of 
George  Russell,  Esq.  of  Ratcliffe,  in  Nottinghamshire,  and  died 
in  1679.  Robert  (Sir),  colonel  of  foot  on  the  royal  side  during 
the  Civil  Wars  ;  Philip  (Sir),  who,  after  many  signal  services  in 
Yorkshire,  was  killed  at  the  head  of  his  regiment,  in  the  general 
storm  of  York  by  the  Parliamentary  army,  1644  ;  Thomas  (Sir), 
who  commanded  the  Prince  of  Wales's  regiment,  under  the  Earl 
of  Northampton,  at  the  battle  of  Hopton  Heath,  March  19,  1642, 
and  received  a  wound  in  the  thigh,  by  which  he  was  put  hors  de 
combat;  he  died  December  9, 1643,  at  Oxford. — Clarendon;  Burke. 


1642.]       PRINCE    RUPERT   AND   THE   CAVALIERS.       237 

"  King  Pym,"  as  he  was  now  popularly  called,  in 
satire  or  in  earnest,  was  far  more  energetic,  far- 
sighted,  and  powerful,  than  ever  his  "predecessor" 
was.  "  The  most  popular  man  in  England,"  as  Lord 
Clarendon  confesses  him  to  have  been,  he  was,  like- 
wise, the  most  despotic.  His  great  eloquence  col- 
lected and  controlled  the  electric  passions  with 
which  the  people  were  now  fraught,  and  bade  it 
gather  and  burst  in  whatsoever  direction  it  pleased 
him.  In  all  revolutions,  by  the  very  necessity  and 
instinct  of  the  case,  there  must  be  some  supreme 
chief,  as  in  more  settled  governments,  arid  at  this 
moment  Pym  culminated  high  over  his  associate 
democrats.  Nevertheless,  there  was  one  matter  in 
which  this  new  potentate  found  as  much  difficulty 
as  his  royal  rival  had  ever  done ;  this  was  the  want 
of  money.  The  City  was  looked  upon  by  all  parties 
as  an  inexhaustible  resource ;  but  it  refused  to  lend 
its  money,  except  on  certain  conditions.  These  con- 
ditions, however,  were  very  pleasing  to  the  Parlia- 
ment,1 and  were  soon  afterwards  complied  with. 

While  the  sinews  of  war  were  being  raised,  the 
public  attention  was  amused,  and  warlike  prepara- 
tions masked,  by  remonstrances  with  the  King,  and 
by  royal  declarations  in  return.  Newspapers,  also, 
now  rapidly  multiplied,  and  pamphlets,  like  autumn 
leaves,  were  whirled  about  in  every  direction  by 

1  One  was  the  expulsion  of  bishops  from  the  House,  the  last 
concession  the  King  made,  and  one  which  thus  facilitated  a  great 
loan  to  his  enemies. 


238    MEMOIRS  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF 

the  "  storms  of  the  State  ;"  some  pregnant  with  the 
noblest  sentiments,  and  winged  with  the  most  ener- 
getic eloquence ;  others,  full  of  the  lowest  ribaldry 
and  grossest  obscenity.  These  publications  were 
pressed  with  an  ingenuity  worthy  of  modern  adver- 
tisement-offices on  the  notice  of  the  public.  The 
opinion  of  the  People  was  thus  applied  to  for  the 
first  time ;  they  accepted  (and  for  ever)  the  invita- 
tion to  think  for  themselves.  The  loyal  principle 
was  the  easiest  to  comprehend,  they  were  so  used 
to  it ;  but  the  republican  was  the  most  attractive, 
from  its  novelty  and  enormous  (theoretic)  ad- 
vantages. In  these  writings  the  rights  and  wrongs 
of  either  side  are  eloquently  and  powerfully 
pleaded.  The  greatest  stake  in  this  life  was 
at  issue,  and  the  contest  had  already  lasted  long 
enough  to  bring  forward  the  ablest  minds  into  the 
most  responsible  places.  Intellect  assumed  the 
lead,  that  in  more  tranquil  times  had  been,  and  was 
to  be  again,  the  perquisite  of  courtly  favourites  : 
those  who  had  only  genius  or  virtue  to  recommend 
them  were  eagerly  listened  to,  and  invested  with  a 
certain  consideration,  which  was  power.  We  are 
deeply  indebted  to  these  eloquent  advocates  of  the 
Crown  as  well  as  to  those  of  the  People  for  de- 
veloping, not  only  our  constitutional  privileges,  but 
our  conceptions  concerning  them.  We  have  uncon- 
sciously formed  much  of  our  political  judgment  as 
to  what  we  should  bear,  and  what  we  should  for- 
bear, from  the  teaching  and  the  reputation  of  the 


1642.]       PRINCE   RUPERT   AND   THE   CAVALIERS.     239 

revolutionary  leaders  of  1642  ;  the  political  patriarchs 
who  led  our  fathers  out  of  the  house  of  bondage, 
though  but  to  wander  through  a  wilderness.  We 
could  not,  perhaps,  derive  our  knowledge  from  a 
better  source;  every  writer  was  then  passionately 
in  earnest,  and  uttered  freely  his  strong  convictions ; 
every  sentiment  then  expressed  by  the  contending 
orators  was  severely  combated  and  of  lofty  tone ; 
rising  after  every  collision  like  heron  and  falcon, 
each  striving  to  assume  a  higher  and  less  assailable 
position.  The  popular  side  of  the  question  is  na- 
turally distinguished  by  its  greater  breadth  and 
grasp,  and  consequent  vagueness ;  and  there  is  some- 
thing sublime  in  the  constant  appeal  to  the  future 
that  marked  the  eloquence  of  orators ;  in  the  con- 
templation (which  they  professed),  of  posterity  being 
a  party  to  all  their  legislation.  There  is  admirable 
art,  too,  in  their  leading  the  people  gradually  to 
consider  monarchy  as  superior  to  the  monarch; 
loyalty,  as  not  exclusively  dependent  on  King 
Charles  :  they  conciliated  the  old,  deep-seated  pre- 
judices of  the  nation  by  upholding  the  former,  while 
they  shewed  no  mercy  to  the  latter : — "  The  passive 
loyalty  of  this  suffering  nation,"  Pym  told  them, 
"had  outdone  the  active  loyalty  of  all  times  and 
stories."  1 

"The   House  of  Commons   having   thus  deeply 
fixt  their  root,  it  is  no  marvel  they  raise  their  top 

1  Forster's  "  Statesmen." 


240          MEMOIRS   AND   CORRESPONDENCE    OF 

to  that  height,  that,  ere  long,  it  shadowed  the 
Lords'  House ;  and  by  dripping  upon  them,  in  some 
few  years  caused  them  to  be  voted  useless." l  Even 
now,  the  Lords  were  so  panic-stricken  that  they 
quietly  accepted  as  law  every  edict  that  the  Com- 
mons pleased  to  transmit  to  them ;  whilst  in  the 
Lower  House,  "  no  man  durst "  question  the  limita- 
tions of  that  privilege  which  now  embraced  all 
things.2 

All  this  time  the  King  had  by  no  means  escaped 
from  the  general  troubles  of  the  State;  petitions, 
remonstrances,  and  committees,  had  pursued  him 
to  Hampton  Court,  and  afterwards  to  Windsor, 
whither  he  retired  (on  January  the  12th),  in  a  vain 
hope  of  security  and  repose.  The  tone  of  his  re- 
plies is  now  sensibly  altered ;  his  fallen  estate  dic- 
tates conciliatory,  if  not  humbled,  expressions ;  and 
Lord  Clarendon's  tact  is  substituted  for  Lord 
Digby's  arrogant  and  imperious  style.  Indeed,  the 
royal  communications  to  the  Commons,  as  given  in 
Clarendon's  History,  are  scarcely  to  be  distinguished 
from  the  history  itself,  either  in  manner  or  matter. 
Nevertheless,  the  accusation  against  the  Five  Mem- 
bers was  still  persisted  in,  though  the  King  pro- 
mised that  their  trial  should  be  conducted  "  in  an 
unquestionable  way."3  This  powerless  threat  was 
scarcely  wanting  to  confirm  the  accused  in  the 
most  strenuous  measures  of  resistance :  as  far  as 

i  Sir  P.  Warwick,  182.         2  Clarendon's  Rebellion,  ii.  172. 
3  Clarendon's  Rebellion,  ii.  175.     Ibid.  ii.  179. 


1642.]       PRINCE   RUPERT   AND   THE   CAVALIERS.      241 

regarded  themselves,  they  knew  that  henceforth 
there  was  no  peace,  no  alternative  but  their  de- 
struction, or  the  King's  ;  and  on  this  pretence  Lord 
Digby  had  been  detected,  they  said,  in  an  attempt 
to  organise  a  new  Army  Plot  at  Hampton  Court. 
The  Parliament  thereupon  proceeded  to  pass  the 
"Militia  Bill,"  conferring  on  themselves  the  ex- 
clusive power  over  the  military  force  of  the  king- 
dom ;  and  they  now  added  to  the  former  provisions 
of  the  bill,  "  that  all  forts,  castles,  and  garrisons 
should  be  placed  in  the  hands  of  such  persons  as 
they  could  confide  in." 

Hull  at  this  time  contained  the  chief  magazine 
in  the  kingdom  for  arms  and  ammunition,  except 
that  which  was  in  the  Tower.  All  the  artillery  and 
stores  belonging  to  the  disbanded  northern  army, 
and  to  the  dismantled  towns  of  Berwick  and  Car- 
lisle, had  been  laid  up  in  Hull  for  future  emer- 
gencies, and  now  an  emergency  indeed  was  come. 
The  King  sent  the  Earl  of  Newcastle1  to  the  north , 


1  William  Cavendish,  Duke  of  Newcastle,  is  said,  by  Cibber,  to 
have  been  one  of  the  most  finished  gentlemen,  the  most  distin- 
guished patriot,  general,  and  statesman  of  his  age.  He  was  born 
in  1592,  and  his  father  (Sir  Charles  Cavendish)  instructed  him 
by  the  best  masters  in  every  science.  This  course  of  education 
being  early  completed,  the  reputation  of  his  abilities  attracted  the 
attention  of  King  James,  who  made  him  a  Knight  of  the  Bath  in 
1610,  and,  in  1620,  Baron  Ogle  and  Viscount  Mansfield.  Re- 
taining the  same  favour  under  Charles  I.,  he  received  the  addi- 
tional title  of  Lord  Cavendish  of  Ballsover  and  Earl  of  Newcastle. 
In  1638  he  was  appointed  governor  to  the  Prince  of  Wales,  and 
in  1639,  when  the  troubles  in  Scotland  broke  out,  he  commanded 
a  volunteer  troop  of  horse,  incorporated  under  the  name  of  the 
Prince's  troop.  During  this  command  he  had  a  contest  with 

VOL.  I.  R 


242    MEMOIRS  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF 

with  private  instructions,  to  possess  himself  of  this 
town  and  magazine  and  to  raise  forces  for  protect- 


Lord  Holland,  to  whom  he  sent  a  challenge  ;  but  the  affair  hav- 
ing been  disclosed  to  the  King,  it  was  made  up,  not  without 
leaving  an  imputation  on  Lord  Holland's  courage.  After  the 
battle  of  Marston  Moor,  he  embarked  for  Hamburgh,  and  resided, 
during  the  interregnum,  at  Paris  and  Antwerp,  where  he  under- 
went a  variety  of  misfortunes  for  sixteen  years.  He  then  returned 
to  England  with  his  Sovereign,  who  raised  him  to  the  dukedom. 
He  ended  his  days  in  retirement,  devoting  himself  to  those  lite- 
rary pursuits  which  had  attracted  him  in  youth.  He  died  in 
1 676.  "  He  was  a  man"  (writes  Lord  Oxford)  "  extremely  known 
from  the  course  of  life  into  which  he  was  forced,  and  who  would 
soon  have  been  forgotten  in  the  walk  of  fame  which  he  chose  for 
himself.  Yet,  as  an  author,  he  is  familiar  to  those  who  scarce 
know  any  author,  from  his  book  on  horsemanship.  Though 
'  amorous  in  poetry  and  musick,'  he  was  fitter  to  break  Pegasus 
for  a  menage,  than  to  mount  him  on  the  steeps  of  Parnassus."  *  * 
Lord  Clarendon  declares,  "  that  nothing  could  have  tempted  him 
out  of  those  paths  of  pleasure,  which  he  enjoyed  in  a  full  and 
ample  fortune,  but  honour  and  ambition  to  serve  the  King  when 
he  saw  him  in  distress,  and  abandoned  by  most  of  those  who  were 
in  the  highest  degree  obliged  to  him."  One  of  the  noble  histo- 
rian's finest  portraits  is  of  this  duke  :  his  duchess  (a  sister  of 
Lord  Lucas)  has  left  another  more  diffuse,  but  not  less  entertain- 
ing. The  following  is  an  extract :  "  My  lord  is  a  person  whose 
humour  is  neither  extravagantly  merry  nor  unnecessarily  sad  j 
his  mind  is  above  his  fortune,  as  his  generosity  is  above  his 
purse ;  his  courage  above  danger,  his  justice  above  bribes,  his 
friendship  above  self-interest,  his  truth  too  firm  for  falsehood,  his 
temperance  beyond  temptation  ;  his  conversation  is  pleasing  and 
affable,  his  wit  is  quick  and  his  judgment  strong,  distinguishing 
clearly,  without  clouds  of  mistakes  j  his  discourse  is  always  new 
upon  the  occasion,  without  troubling  the  hearers  with  old  histo- 
rical relations,  nor  stuft  with  useless  sentences ;  his  behaviour  is 
manly  without  formality,  and  free  without  constraint,  and  his 
mind  hath  the  same  freedom  ;  his  nature  is  noble,  and  his  dispo- 
sition sweet ;  his  loyalty  is  proved  by  his  publick  service  to  his 
King  and  country,  by  his  after  hazarding  of  his  life,  by  the  losse 
of  his  estate  and  banishment  of  his  person  ;  his  necessitated  con- 
dition, and  his  constant  and  patient  suffering."  The  duchess 
computes  his  losses  from  the  Civil  Wars  rather  over  than  under 
the  sum  of  733,579£. 


1642.]       PRINCE   RUPERT   AND   THE   CAVALIERS.     243 

ing  it,  as  soon  as  occasion  should  arise.  The  Com- 
mons, however,  received  immediate  notice  of  this 
arrangement  through  their  spies ;  and,  almost  as 
soon  as  the  destined  governor  arrived  in  Hull,  he 
received  orders  to  attend  the  Parliament,  which, 
after  communicating  with  the  King,  he  obeyed. 

The  Houses  then  requested  the  King  that  the 
magazine  might  be  transferred  from  Hull  to  Lon- 
don ;  the  King  hesitated  to  reply,  and  they  sent 
Sir  John  Hotham,1  on  their  own  authority,  to  be 
governor  of  the  town,  and  to  raise  forces  for  the 
protection  of  the  magazine.  This  was  the  first  exercise 
of  their  power  over  the  "  Militia;"  the  bill  intended 
to  confer  it  had  not  yet  even  passed  the  Lords. 

The  King  still  lingered  on  at  Windsor,  hoping  to 
observe  the  returning  tide  of  popular  feeling,  which 
was  said  to  extend  to  the  Lords,  and  to  give  them 
courage  to  stand  upon  their  defence.2  The  Par- 
liament still  fanned  the  flame  of  the  country's 
discontent.  Vehement  speeches,  fiery  pamphlets, 
furious  sermons,  were  still  uttered,  and  constant 


1  Sir  John  Hotham  had  some  property,  and,  therefore,  it  was 
presumed^  some  popularity  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Hull.  His 
son  was  sent  by  the  Commons  as  a  spy  upon  his  father,  the  first  of 
many  instances  in  this  war  of  political  intrigue  dividing  families 
against  themselves ;  (there  seems  little  doubt  that  Sir  Harry  Vane 
was  privy  to  his  son's  conduct.)  Clarendon  says  of  the  elder 
Hotham,  that  he  was  a  "rough,  rude,  covetous,  proud,  and 
ambitious  man ;"  devoid  of  generosity,  crafty,  shrewd,  judicious, 
and  self-possessed.  Yet  he  was  "cozened"  by  Bigby. 

~  Clarendon's  Rebellion,  ii.  191,  who  says,  that  the  tumult 
against  the  King,  and  the  driving  him  out  of  London,  "  began  to 
be  more  spoken  of  than  the  accusing  of  the  Five  Members."  This 

R  2 


244         MEMOIRS   AND   CORRESPONDENCE   OF 

remonstrances  were  addressed  to  the  King,  but 
intended  for  the  people ;  all  these  means  were 
exerted  to  the  uttermost,  to  infuse  into  the  multi- 
tude the  same  passions  that  animated  the  hearts 
of  the  resolute — the  now  desperate — Five.  The 
King  had  raised  these  men  to  the  height  of  that 
power  from  which  he  had  himself  so  fallen. 

"  Fallen,  in  ten  short  days,"  says  his  own  historian, 
"  to  such  a  lowness,  that  his  own  servants  durst 
hardly  avow  the  waiting  on  him."1  Compelled,  in 
his  royal  palace  of  Windsor,  to  sell  his  plate  "  for 
his  more  necessary  occasions,"2  beset  daily  with 
mobs  and  insults  under  the  appearance  of  petitioners 
and  petitions ;  the  wife  that  he  loved  too  well, 
threatened  with  accusation  of  treason ;  every  effort 
to  recover  himself  denounced ;  and  every  secret 
betrayed.  Such  was  the  result  of  sixteen  years  of 
statecraft,  neutralized,  in  the  crimes  essential  to  its 
success,  by  a  naturally  gentle  and  noble  heart. 

At  length  his  situation  became  too  irksome,   if 


seems  borne  out,  if  not  by  cotemporary  authority,  by  the  nature 
of  the  case,  and  by  him  who  is  cotemporary  with  all  mankind  : — 

((  Then  will  they  mourn, 
And  wish  they  had  not  so  accused  him, 
No,  though  they  thought  their  accusation  true." 

All's  Well  that  Ends  Well. 

The  King  humbled,  exiled,  and  missed  from  his  palace,  no  longer 
offered  an  object  for  hate  or  fear,  but  pity,  which  is  akin  to  love. 

1  Clarendon's  Rebellion,  ii.   182.     See  also  Bulstrode,  "Me- 
moirs," p.  64,  who  makes  use  of  the  very  same  words. 

2  Ibid.  233,  who  adds,  "  the  officers  of  customs — out  of  which 
no  allowance  for  the  weekly  support  of  their  Majesties'  household 
had  been  made — being  enjoined  by  the  Commons  not  to  issue  out 
any  money  without  their  particular  consent." 


1642.]     PRINCE   RUPERT   AND   THE   CAVALIERS.         245 

not  too  dangerous,  to  be  longer  borne  :  it  was 
resolved  that  the  terrified  Queen  should  go  to  Ports- 
mouth (whence  Goring  had  secretly  communicated 
his  desertion  of  the  Parliament),  and  the  King 
betake  himself  to  Hull.  In  these  two  strongholds 
they  hoped  to  find  security,  and  to  afford  a  rallying 
point  for  those  who  still  adhered  to  their  cause. 
These  plans,  as  usual,  were  betrayed  as  soon  as 
formed.1  The  King's  departure  was  postponed, 
and  the  Queen's  destination  altered  to  Dover  and 
the  Continent.  On  the  14th  of  February  the  King 
received  Commissioners  from  Parliament,  at  Canter- 
bury, and  made  his  last  concessions  to  them  in  form 
of  law.2  At  the  Queen's  earnest  intercession,  he 
gave  his  sanction  to  the  expulsion  of  Bishops  from 
their  seats  in  Parliament ;  and  at  the  same  time  he 
signed  away  his  right  to  impress  soldiers  for  his 
service.  "  He  perceived  then,"  says  Sir  Richard 
Bulstrode,3  "when  it  was  too  late,  that  his  granting 
more  than  King  had  ever  done,  had  encouraged  the 
people  to  ask  more  than  subjects  had  ever  demanded. 
And  yet  the  King  declared  that  if  he  knew  the 
particular  and  true  grounds  of  his  subjects'  fears,  he 
would  most  gladly  apply  [even  further]  remedies 
.  .  .  in  order  to  restore  felicity  both  to  King  and 
people.  But  whatsoever  the  King  said  or  promised 

1  Apparently  without  Goring' s  being  involved  in  the  discovery, 
however.     The  Parliament  continued  to  place  confidence  in  him. 

2  According  to  the  "  Iter  Carolinum,"  and  Somers'  "  Tracts," 
p.  263,  Charles  was  at  Canterbury  on  this  occasion. 

3  "  Memoirs  of  the  Reign  of  King  Charles  the  First,"  p.  64. 


246          MEMOIRS   AND   CORRESPONDENCE   OF 

signified  little  to  the  Parliament,  for  then  both 
Houses  declared  that  they  were  the  supreme  judica- 
ture of  the  kingdom ;  and  when  they  had  once 
declared  what  the  law  of  the  land  was,  to  have  it 
contradicted  was  a  breach  of  privilege,  and  not  to 
be  allowed." 

During  the  lull  caused  by  these  two  great  conces- 
sions, the  Queen  escaped  to  Holland  [Feb.  25],  and 
the  King  went  to  Greenwich1  [on  the  26th].  Here 
he  was  met  by  the  Lord  Hertford,  with  the  Prince  of 
Wales,  whom  he  had  brought  thither  in  defiance  of 
the  Parliamentary  order  to  the  contrary.2  On  the 
28th, 3  the  royal  party  proceeded  to  Theobald's, 


1  A  curious  circumstance  is  related  by  Sir  Richard  Bulstrode, 
as  being  "  very  ominous"  to  the  King  whilst  at  Greenwich.     The 
King  was  "  setting  his  house  in  order,"  and  ordered  his  statue  to 
be  removed  to  the  Magazine.     As  it  was  being  "  carried  from 
Greenwich  Garden  to  the  Magazine,"  a  swallow  marked  on  it  "  a 
stain  like  blood,  which  was  wiped  off  immediately,   but  could 
never  be  gotten  out."     This  statue  was  made  by  Bernini  from  a 
picture  of  King  Charles,  whose  name  was  carefully  concealed  from 
the  sculptor.     Signor  Bernini,  after  looking  for  sometime  sted- 
fastly  upon  it,  said,  "  that  he  had  never  seen  a  face  which  shewed 
so  much  greatness,  and,  withal,  such  marks  of  sadness  and  mis- 
fortune," which  proved  too  true,  for  never  King  kept  up  greater 
state,  or  was  more  majestic  in  keeping  up  his  dignity,  till  at  last 
he  was  made  a  spectacle  both  to  man  and  angels  before  his  own 
palace. — Memoirs,  p.  66. 

2  That  great  and  good  man  (as  Sir  P.  Warwick  calls  the  Earl 
of  Newcastle,)  for  the  King's  sake,  had  resigned  to  Lord  Hertford 
his  post  as  governor  to  the  Prince,  knowing  himself  to  be  un- 
popular with  the  Commons ;  at  the  same  time,  Sir  John  Byron 
had  requested  to  be  removed  from  the  command  of  the  Tower  : 
he  was  replaced  by  another  brave  and  honest  man,   Sir  John 
Coniers,  who,  however,  was  besieged  by  Skippon,  under  the  pre- 
tence of  acting  as  his  guard. 

3  « Iter  Carolinum." 


1042.]      PRINCE   RUPERT   AND   THE   CAVALIERS.       247 

escorted  by  a  troop  of  horse,  and  forty  or  fifty 
gentlemen.  "  A  train  fit  for  him  only  on  the  high- 
waies,"  says  Sir  Philip  Warwick.  "  Yet  this  was 
disclaimed  against,  as  levying  a  war."  The  King- 
rested  for  some  days  at  this,  his  favourite  home ; 
and  was  there  waited  on  by  a  Committee  of  both 
Houses,  to  remonstrate  with  him  in  favour  of  giving 
his  assent  to  their  Militia  Bill.  They  also  requested 
the  King  to  leave  the  Prince  of  Wales  [as  a  host- 
age, it  would  seem]  "  at  St.  James',  or  any  other  of 
his  houses  near  London;"1  and  they  complained 
much  of  "the  jealousies  and  fears"  his  Majesty's 
conduct  in  general  inspired.  There  is  something 
almost  absurd  in  the  Parliament  making  such  re- 
quests, even  to  such  a  king;  but  they  probably 
presumed,  all  along,  on  the  facility  he  had  so  cruelly 
displayed  in  his  most  faithful  servant's  death.  "  Has 
he  given  us  the  life  of  Strafford  ?"  exclaimed  Pym, 
almost  incredulous  when  he  first  heard  the  strange 
tidings,  "then  he  will  refuse  us  nothing  hereafter !"" 
And  to  do  the  unhappy  Monarch  justice,  this  one 
weak  act  against  "  the  one  supremely  able  minister 
he  had,''3  seems  to  have  unnerved  him  for  resistance 
to  all  measures  against  himself.  "  In  the  agony  of 
the  moment,"  at  the  same  time  that  he  abandoned 
Strafford  to  his  enemies,  he  had  abandoned  the  very 
palladium  of  his  prerogative — the  right  of  dissolving 


1  Clarendon's  Rebellion,  ii.  270. 
"  Forster's  "  Life  of  Pym."  3  Carlyle. 


248          MEMOIRS  AND   CORRESPONDENCE   OF 

Parliament.  From  that  time  forward  he  never  made 
a  stand  until  now,  upon  this  Bill  of  the  Militia.  He 
seems  to  have  become  almost  reckless  of  all  power 
when  once  his  high  prerogative  was  invaded,  and 
threw  himself  on  the  influence  of  chance  to  restore 
him  to  all,  or  nothing  of  what  he  had  lost. 

Upon  this  Militia  Bill,  however,  he  did  make  a 
stand.  He  felt  that  he  was  already  virtually  at  war 
with  the  Parliament :  unprepared  as  he  was,  he 
desired  to  gain  time,  but  not  at  such  a  price  as  the 
surrender  of  his  right  and  power  to  defend  himself. 
As  soon  as  the  "  petition  "  had  been  read,  the  King 
replied,  thus  pathetically,  to  those  who  had  presented 
it :  "  You  speak  of  fears  and  jealousies !  Lay  your 
hand  on  your  hearts  and  ask  yourselves  whether 
I  may  not  likewise  be  disturbed  with  fears 
and  jealousies  ?  If  so,  be  assured  that  this  your 
message  hath  nothing  lessened  them."  For  the 
militia,  he  said  he  had  already  given  his  reply ;  for 
his  residence  near  them,  he  wished  he  had  had  no 
reason  to  absent  himself,  and  appealed  to  their  own 
consciences  whether  he  had  or  not  ?  "  For  his  son, 
he  should  take  that  care  of  him  which  would  justify 
him  to  God,  as  a  father ;  and  to  his  dominions,  as 
a  king ;  and,  finally,  that  he  had  no  thought  but  of 
peace  and  justice  to  his  people,  which  he  would  by 
all  fair  means  seek  to  preserve  and  to  maintain, 
relying  on  the  goodness  and  providence  of  God  for 
the  preservation  of  himself  and  of  his  rights."1 

1  Clarendon's  Rebellion,  ii.  272. 


164'2.]       PRINCE   RUPERT   AND   THE   CAVALIERS.     249 

This  was  a  brave  and  manly  speech,  with  one 
exception  :  when  he  declared  that  he  had  no  thought 
but  of  "  peace,"  he  made  a  mental  reservation.  These 
reservations  were  his  curse  through  life,  and  were 
now  as  useless  as  they  were  at  all  times  unworthy. 
Nor  is  it  any  excuse  for  our  King  that  the  Commons 
were  guilty  of  the  same  duplicity  :  they  never  pro- 
fessed to  be  magnanimous.  The  Parliament,  on  the 
receipt  of  this  reply,  made  a  virtual  declaration  of 
war.1  Both  Houses  immediately  resolved,  upon 
debate  —  "  That  the  kingdom  be  forthwith  put  in  a 
posture  of  defence,"  cancelling,  at  the  same  time, 
all  the  commissions  for  Lords  Lieutenancies  of 
counties  that  had  been  granted  by  the  King.  At 
the  same  time,  with  greater  falsehood  than  the 
King's,  they  assured  the  King  that  his  fears  con- 
cerning their  preparations  were  perfectly  groundless.2 
They  next  sent  to  the  Earl  of  Northumberland,3  as 


1  Clarendon's  Rebellion,  ii.  272. 

3  This  illustrious  House  was  of  yore  singularly  disloyal  :  it 
shed  more  of  its  blood  on  the  scaffold  than  on  the  field,  though 
there  are  as  few  battles  as  conspiracies  in  which  a  Percy  is  not  to 
be  found.  The  nobleman  here  mentioned,  Algernon  Percy,  Earl 
of  Northumberland,  was  the  third  son  of  Henry,  ninth  earl  of  that 
family.  He  was  born  in  1602,  and  educated  at  Christ  Church, 
Oxford.  On  the  accession  of  Charles  I.  he  was  called  by  writ  to 
the  House  of  Peers,  under  the  fttle  of  Baron  Percy,  and  in  1  632 
came  into  possession  of  the  estates  and  title  of  his  ancestors. 
Having  passed  through  the  forms  of  some  minor  naval  commands, 
he  was,  in  1637,  made  Lord  High  Admiral.  He  became,  two 
years  later,  Commander-iu-Chief  of  the  army,  at  that  time  raised 
to  march  against  the  Scottish  Covenanters  ;  but  he  soon  betrayed 
his  lukewarmness  in  the  royal  cause,  and  made  excuse  of  illness 
to  resign  that  trust.  In  1  642,  he  was  tempted  by  his  brother's 
share  in  the  Army  Plot  to  save  him  by  coalescing  with  the 


250          MEMOIRS   AND   CORRESPONDENCE   OF 

High- Admiral  of  England,  to  desire  him  to  put  the 
fleet  in  a  state  of  defence,  "  for  the  honour,  peace, 
and  safety  of  his  Majesty  and  his  kingdom."  "  To 
which  order  the  Earl  returned  an  answer  full  of 
submission  and  obedience." 

From  Theobald's  the  King  proceeded  [on  the  3rd 
March]  to  another  of  his  palaces,  at  Royston,  only 
twenty-one  miles;  thence,  after  five  days'  stay,  to 
Newmarket,  a  distance  of  twenty  miles.  Here  he 
remained  five  days  also.  He  seems  to  have  visited  his 
different  country  seats  as  leisurely  as  if  there  was  no 
war  or  any  trouble  tracking  his  footsteps.  Probably 
each  house  that  he  thus  visited  for  the  last  time,  was 
left  on  a  footing  better  suited  to  his  altered  fortunes. 
The  royal  progress  seems  seldom  to  have  exceeded 
twenty-four  miles  a-day,  which  was  about  as  much 
as  his  cavalcade  could  maintain  for  a  continuance. 
There  was  indeed  no  occasion  for  haste  ;  there  was 
"  no  one  waiting  for  him  ;"  he  was  time  enough 
wherever  and  whenever  he  arrived.  Even  on  the 


revolutionary  leaders.  From  this  time  lie  gave  himself  wholly 
up  to  the  popular  party,  and  supported  the  extreme  measures 
of  Parliament :  in  obedience  to  them  he  equipped  the  fleet  and 
placed  it  (1642)  under  the  command  of  Lord  Warwick,  in  de- 
fiance of  the  expressed  desire  of  the  King,  to  whom  he  quietly 
resigned  his  commission  when  it  was  demanded.  In  1643,  his 
name  appears  as  an  accessory  to  Waller's  plot ;  again,  as  a  commis- 
sioner from  Parliament  in  the  treaties  of  Oxford,  Uxbridge,  and 
Newport.  In  1648,  the  royal  children  were  committed  to  his 
charge.  Upon  the  death  of  the  King  he  retired  to  his  estates  in 
Sussex;  and  in  1660,  concerted  with  Monk  the  means  of  the 
Restoration.  He  was  appointed  by  Charles  II.  Lord  Lieutenant 
of  the  counties  of  Sussex  and  Northumberland,  and  died  in  October 
13,1668. — Clarendon;  Lord  Orford ;  Lodge;  Warwick. 


1G42.]        PRINCE   RUPERT   AND   THE   CAVALIERS.     251 

Parliamentary  side,  the  leaders  were  far  from  suffi- 
ciently prepared,  either  with  motives  (for  the  people) 
or  munitions  of  war  :  the  King  was  still  more  weak 
in  both  the  latter  perhaps,  on  the  whole.  On  the 
14th  of  March  the  King  ,reached  Huntingdon ;  on 
the  15th,  Stamford ;  and  four  days  afterwards  he 
arrived  at  York. 

Meanwhile  the  Parliament  continued  to  thrive 
in  strength  and  confidence,  and  began  to  betray 
symptoms  of  that  arbitrariness  which  is  too  much 
the  nature  of  all  corporations  that  unite  irrespon- 
sibility to  power.  "They  commanded  all  judges 
and  justices  of  the  peace,  and  other  officers,"  to 
execute  all  the  old  savage  laws  against  Roman 
Catholics  with  full  rigour :  they  found  great  fault 
with  the  sheriffs  of  London  for  not  having  executed 
seven  priests  confined  in  Newgate  for  exercising 
their  vocation ;  and  they  demanded  from  the  King 
that  they  should  die.1  They  made  a  sale  of  the 
lands  of  Ireland  belonging  to  the  rebels  there, 
and  received  one  hundred  pounds  for  every  five 
hundred  acres  of  land  that  they  pretended  to  con- 
fer." 2  This  measure  drove  many  neutral  Irishmen 


1  This  Parliament  approved  of  eighteen  witches  being  burnt  at 
Chelmsford  :  they  were  found  guilty  by  Lord  Warwick  and  other 
Justices  of  the  Peace. — See  Peelcs  Desiderata  Curiosa. 

~  It  is  curious  to  mark  the  antiquity  of  proverbs.  Charles 
observed  on  this  occasion  that  the  Parliament  was  "  Selling  the 
bear's  skin  before  he  was  killed."  (Clar.)  "  Man  proposes,  God 
disposes."  (Lord  Wrottesley's  MSS.)  Many  other  expressions 
familiar  to  these  days  were  so  to  those  :  "  Going  tick ;"  "  See- 
ing 's  believing  "  (Lilly)  ;  "  Cock  sure  ;  "  "  Down  upon  the  nail " 


252          MEMOIRS  AND   CORRESPONDENCE   OF 

into  rebellion,  by  rendering  them  desperate;  they 
conceived  the  utter  suppression  of  their  creed,  and 
the  extirpation  of  their  nation,  to  be  resolved 
upon.1  And  in  this  fear  they  only  anticipated  a 
future  bill  brought  into  Parliament,  which  was 
barely  rejected.  Those  democrats  who  stood  up  so 
stoutly  for  their  own  freedom,  would  acknowledge 
none  other:  "toleration"  was  held  to  be  a  weak 
subterfuge  of  the  devil's,  and  was  denominated 
"  soul-murder."  Nor  were  they  more  lenient  to 
political  than  to  religious  dissent :  all  candid  ex- 
pression of  opinion  was  virtually  suppressed.  Sir 
Ralph  Hopton,  Godolphin,  and  Trelawny,  were  com- 
mitted to  prison;  the  first  for  dissenting  to  the  de- 
claration at  Theobald's  ;  the  second  for  too  wise  and 
witty  a  retort.2  The  power  of  the  City-Militia  was 
transferred  from  the  Lord  Mayor,  to  persons  only 
qualified  for  such  a  charge  by  their  hostility  to  the 
King,  and  when  the  merchants  drew  up  a  petition 
against  this  breach  of  their  charter  and  ancient 
custom,  the  Roundheads  examined  and  committed 
to  prison  such  citizens  as  had  subscribed  it. 

Nevertheless,    the    power    of    the    Roundheads 


(Heath);  "Were not  his  eyes  open  at  that  time  of  day  ?"  (Howell) 
and  other  slang  expresssion  are  as  old  as  "  Paradise  Lost." 

1  Clarendon's  Rebellion,  ii.  229. 

2  When  the  Lords  had  rejected  one  of  their  bills,  it  was  moved 
in  the  Commons  that  the  majority  of  the  latter  should  coalesce 
with  the  minority  of  the  Lords,  and  thus  form  a  preponderance. 
Godolphin   remarked,   "  that  the  majority  of  the  Lords  might 
coalesce  with  the  minority  of  the  Commons,  and  so  neutralize  the 
former  plan." 


1042.]        PRINCE    RUPERT   AND   THE   CAVALIERS.     253 

continued  to  increase  with  its  exercise :  the  great 
ruling  intellects  of  the  House  wielded  bravely  what 
they  had  bravely  won,  and  in  many  respects  there 
was  what  Baillie  called  "  a  most  sweete  unanimitie" 
between  them  and  the  Lords,  —  at  least,  Lords 
enough  for  their  purpose.  The  militia,  though  not 
formally  called  out,  was  ordered  everywhere  to  be 
in  readiness ;  in  many  places  the  "  trayne  bands  " 
were  actually  exercised.1  Thus,  provided  with 


1  I  here  insert  the  Ordinance,  in  which  was  assigned  this 
royal  authority  ;  its  terms  and  powers  must  be  borne  in  mind. 

"  The  ordinance  of  both  Houses  of  Parliament  for  ordering 
the  militia  of  the  kingdom  of  England  and  dominion  of  Wales" 
it  was  framed  in  February  and  ordained  in  March  ensuing,  to 
be  a  law  whether  the  King  should  assent  or  no].*  "  Whereas 
there  hath  been  of  late  a  most  dangerous  and  desperate  design 
upon  the  House  of  Commons,  which  we  have  just  cause  to  believe 
to  be  an  effect  of  the  bloodie  counsels  of  Papists  and  other 
ill-affected  persons  who  have  already  raised  a  rebellion  in  the 
kingdom  of  Ireland,  and  by  reason  of  many  discoveries,  we 
cannot  but  fear  they  will  proceed  not  onely  to  stir  up  the 
like  rebellions  and  insurrections  in  this  kingdom  of  England, 
but  also  to  back  them  with  forces  from  abroad ; — It  is  ordained 
by  the  Lords  and  Commons,  now  in  Parliament  assembled, 
that  *****  shall  have  power  to  assemble  and  call 
together  all  and  singular  his  Majestie's  subjects  within  the  county 
Of  *  *  #  *  as  Well  within  liberties  as  without,  that  are  meet 
and  fit  for  the  wars,  and  them  to  train,  exercise,  and  put  in 
readiness,  and  them  after  their  abilities  and  faculties  well  and 
sufficientlie,  from  time  to  time  to  cause  to  be  arrayed  and  wea- 
poned,  and  to  take  the  muster  of  them  in  places  most  fit  for  that 
purpose;  and  shall  have  power  within, the  said  countie  to  nominate 
and  appoint  such  persons  of  quality  as  to  him  shall  seem  meet, 
to  be  his  deputie-lieutenants,  to  be  approved  of  by  both  Houses 
of  Parliament ;  and  that  any  one  or  more  of  the  said  deputies  so 
assigned  and  approved  of,  shall,  in  the  absence  or  by  command  of 
the  same  *  *  *  ,  have  power  and  authoritie  to  do  and  execute 
within  the  countie  *  *  *  all  such  power  and  authoritie  before 

*   Heath's  "  Chronicle,"  p.  29. 


254          MEMOIRS   AND   CORRESPONDENCE   OF 

money,  men,  military  stores,  naval  arsenals,  the 
militia  on  shore,  the  fleets  on  the  sea  ;  with  indu- 
bitably the  most  able  minds  in  England  to  direct 
these  vast  means;  possessing,  moreover,  as  they 
asserted,  the  hearts  of  all  the  people,  and  the  great 
City  of  London  itself,  they  ought  to  be  omnipotent. 

We  now  return  to  the  King,  who,  with  his 
slender  cavalcade  has  been  travelling  towards  the 
north,  to  escape  as  far  as  possible  from  Parliament 
and  its  influences.  His  fugitive  march  presented  a 
sad  and  striking  contrast  to  his  former  magnificent 
"  progress :"  he  was  then  attended  by  a  gorgeous 
Court,  with  all  its  pomp  and  flattery,  and  many  a 
servile  follower,  who  was  now  cringing  to  the  Par- 
liament. 

But  the  King  was  still  strong  in  the  loyalty 
of  English  nature,  and  the  chivalrous  sentiment 


in  this  present  ordinance  ordained,  and  so  shall  have  power  to 
make  colonels  and  captains  and  other  officers,  and  to  remove  out 
of  their  places,  and  to  make  others  from  time  to  time,  as  he  shall 
think  fit  for  that  purpose ;  and  his  deputies,  colonels,  captains, 
and  other  officers,  shall  have  further  power  and  authoritie  to  lead, 
conduct,  and  employ  the  persons  aforesaid  arrayed  and  weaponed, 
as  well  within  the  countie  of  *  *  *  as  within  any  other  part  of 
this  realme  of  England  or  dominion  of  Wales,  for  the  suppression 
of  all  rebellions,  insurrections,  and  invasions  that  may  happen, 
according  as  they,  from  time  to  time,  shall  receive  directions  by 
his  Majestie's  authoritie,  signified  to  them  by  the  Lords  and  Com- 
mons assembled  in  Parliament  :  And  it  is  further  ordained,  that 
such  persons  as  shall  not  obey  in  any  of  the  premises,  shall  an- 
swer their  neglect  to  the  Lords  and  Commons  in  a  Parliamentary 
way,  and  not  otherwise  nor  elsewhere  ;  and  that  every  the  powers 
granted  as  aforesaid,  shall  continue  until  it  shall  be  otherwise 
ordered  or  declared  by  both  Houses  of  Parliament,  and  no  longer. 

"  JOHN  BROWN,  Clerk,  Parl." 


1642.]        PRINCE   RUPERT   AND  THE   CAVALIERS.     255 

awakened  by  his  misfortunes.  No  sooner  was  his 
arrival  at  York  made  known,  than  almost  every 
gentleman  in  the  great  northern  county  hastened  to 
pay  his  honest  court  to  his  humbled  sovereign.  The 
sanguine  spirit  of  the  King  instantly  revived  under 
this  cheering  testimony  to  the  love  his  people  still 
bore  to  his  name :  he  found  himself  possessed  of 
resources  he  had  scarcely  ventured  to  hope  for. 
The  aristocracy  of  the  North  had  promptly  and 
proudly  raised  itself  up  against  the  democracy  of 
the  South :  the  patriarchal  sentiment  was  then 
strong  amongst  the  tenants  of  the  nobility  and 
gentry;  the  delicate  relations  of  reverence,  and 
family  and  local  associations,  that  we  now  too  rarely 
find  existing,  were  then  strong,  and  gave  great 
strength  to  their  possessors :  old  feudal  feelings 
were  more  permanent  than  feudal  laws,  and  not 
only  the  numerous  retainers  and  followers  of  great 
families,  but  whole  districts,  were  moved  as  one 
man  by  the  influence  of  their  lord.1  Thus,  the  great 

1  It  is  remarkable  that  the  Commons  first  selected  Peers  to 
lead  their  forces ;  probably  in  deprecation  of  democratic  aims. 
But,  indeed,  up  to  this  time  of  stern  trial,  command  seems  to 
have  been  considered  among  the  exclusive  privileges  of  the  aristo- 
cracy. It  is  curious,  however,  to  find  the  people  in  the  first  exer- 
cise of  their  power  selecting  the  Earls  of  Essex,  Northumberland, 
and  Warwick  to  direct  that  power  for  them.  Thus  when  after 
hard  contests  the  plebeians  of  Rome  were  allowed  to  be  tribunes, 
they  elected  none  but  patricians.  There  is  a  vulgar  worship  of 
the  titled  great  which  in  a  revolution  only  gives  way  to  a  still 
more  vulgar  hatred  of  them.  Doubtless  those  who  are  born  to 
command  do  so  with  a  better  grace  j  if  instead  of  those  who  are 
of  gentle  blood  and  gentle  manners — to  whom  power  is  no  novelty 
and  therefore  no  plaything  —  pomp  no  novelty,  and  therefore  no 


256    MEMOIRS  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF 

families  of  Cavendish,  Stanley,  and  Wentworth, 
drew  after  them,  and  truly  represented,  half  the 
north.  The  presence  of  the  King  appeared  to  light 
a  train  already  well  prepared,  a  demonstration  of 
loyalty  blazed  up  which  had  been  little  calculated 
on  by  his  enemies,  or  even  by  his  friends.  His  own 
manner  was  become  much  more  gracious,  and  there 
seems  to  be  no  exaggeration  in  the  favourable 
influence  attributed  by  Sir  Philip  Warwick  to  his 
actual  presence  and  example.  Already  chastened 
by  misfortune,  rendered  cautious  by  experience,  and 
emancipated  from  the  enervating  influence  of  the 
Queen,  his  character  began  to  assume  a  loftier 
tone.  Sir  Philip  says,  that  "  being  arrived  at 
York,  and  cheerfully  entertained  by  all  there,  his 
eminent  virtues,  his  rational  knowledge,  his  tem- 
perate course  of  life,  his  just  mind  and  pious  soul, 
were  so  conspicuous,  that  he  found  a  loyalty  when 
he  had  nothing  of  majesty  or  power  to  attract  any 
persons  to  him." 

Not  only,  however,  were  the  loyal  people  of  the 
north  "  attracted "  round  him,  but  the  greater 
number  of  both  Houses  of  Parliament  at  length 
gathered  to  his  Court.1  Hyde,  Falkland,  and  Cole- 


temptation  ; — if,  instead  of  these,  we  were  to  have  Chartists  in 
the  Executive,  and  Socialists  in  the  Privy  Council  —  ranter 
bishops  and  Billingsgate  admirals — the  populace  would  not  be 
one  whit  more  docile,  or  even  popular  sympathies  more  con- 
ciliated. 

1  Clarendon,  in  his  "Life,"  where  he  says  that  there  "was  a 
great  conflux  to  York,"  insomuch  that  there  remained  not  in 


1642.]        PRINCE    RUPERT   AND  THE   CAVALIERS.     257 

pepper  still  remained  in  London,  and  messengers1 
were  constantly  passing  between  them  and  the  King, 
and  Parliament  and  its  travelling  committee. 2 

On  the  26th  of  March,  we  hear  that  "  the  King's 
press  is  arrived,  which  is  set  to  work  to  print  his 
Majesty's  answer  to  the  Declaration  at  Newmarket. 
It  is  rumoured  that  the  King  will  stay  long  in  these 
parts ;  at  least  till  St.  George's  day  be  past."3  Some 
of  the  Liberal  party,  it  would  seem,  proposed  to 
petition  the  King  to  leave  them,  fearing  that  his 
presence  would  involve  them  in  expense  and  danger. 
Thereupon  the  people  assailed  the  petitioners,  call- 
ing them  Roundheads,  and  comparing  them  to  the 
Gadarenes,  who  "  desired  Christ  to  depart  out  of 
their  coasts."4 

This  notice  of  the  printing-press  is  interesting :  it 
was  already  accepted  as  the  great  engine  of  moral 
warfare.  The  King  performed  his  momentous  inarch 
without  artillery,  or  any  other  force  except  this — 
the  mightiest  of  all.  By  means  of  the  press  he 

London  a  fifth  part  of  the  House  of  Commons,  and  of  the  Lords 
not  twenty.     P.  106,  fol.  ed.  p.  66. 

1  In  such  furious  haste  did  these  men  ride,  that  the  letters  dis- 
patched by  Hyde  on  Saturday  night  at  twelve  o'clock,  were  an- 
swered by  the  King  at  York,  and  the  reply  in  Hyde's  hands,  by 
ten  o'clock  on  Monday  morning. — Clarendons  Life,  p.  116. 

2  This  committee  now,  as  before,  consisted  of  Lord  Howard  and 
Sir  Philip  Stapelton,  but  Hampden  being  wanted  at  head-quar- 
ters, had  been  replaced  by  Sir  Hugh  Cholmely  :  they  reported  to 
the  Parliament  the  King's  most  secret  actions,  and  they  seem  to 
have  been  on  a  social  footing  with  the  royal  friends. — Clarendon's 
Life,  p.  126. 

s  Mr.  Stockdale's  letter  to  Lord  Fairfax. 
4  Fairfax  Correspondence,  ii.  390. 

VOL.  I.  S 


258          MEMOIRS   AND   CORRESPONDENCE   OF 

pleaded  his  cause  to  all  England,  to  the  world :  the 
best  reasons  he  had  to  shew,  the  most  powerful  appeal 
his  cause  admitted  of,  were  thus  presented  to  each  man 
and  woman — to  each  member  of  the  great  jury  of  his 
subjects  who  tried  his  cause  at  their  own  firesides. 
This  press  was  busily  and  ably  worked.  Now  that 
the  King  broke  silence  with  his  subjects,  he  had 
much  to  say  to  them,  in  explanation,  refutation,  and 
virtually  in  abjuration.  Lord  Clarendon  asserts  that 
"  at  that  time  [a  remarkable  expression]  the  king's 
resolution  was  to  shelter  himself  wholly  under  the 
law,  and  to  grant  anything  which  by  law  he  was 
obliged  to  grant."  Before  Charles  had  arrived  at 
this  resolution  he  had  many  a  proud  claim  to  forego, 
and  many  a  despotic  aspiration  to  abjure.  He 
probably  first  learned  the  true  nature  of  his  sove- 
reignty, from  the  same  controversy  that  so  much 
enlightened  his  people ;  by  it  were,  for  the  first 
time,  freely  canvassed  and  defined,  the  origin  and 
extent  of  royal  prerogative,  and  parliamentary  privi- 
lege. The  same  controversy  gradually  ascended 
to  the  first  principles  of  social  order,  popular  rights, 
and  divine  institutions  ;  in  those  wide  regions  it  lost 
its  meaning.  It  was  not  only  by  Royal  and  Parlia- 
mentary messages,  declarations,  and  replies  that  this 
controversy  was  maintained,  but  by  innumerable 
pamphlets,  journals,  and  sermons,  that  took  the 
State  papers  for  their  texts.1 

1  Amongst  these  early  writings  were,  "  Mercurius  Britanni- 
cus,"  (by  Marchmont  Needham,  or  "  foul-mouthed  Ned,"  as  the 


1642.]       PRINCE   RUPERT   AND   THE   CAVALIERS.      259 

The  King  found  his  Court  at  York  increasing 
daily ;  and,  as  favourable  circumstances,  like  mis- 
fortunes, are  gregarious,  each  exhibition  of  loyalty 
encouraged  others.1  Charles  once  more  felt  stron^ 
enough  to  be  indiscreet :  he  sent  to  Lords  Essex  and 
Holland,  to  demand  from  them  the  surrender  of  their 
offices,  the  one  as  Chamberlain,  the  other  as  Groom 
of  the  Stole.  The  latter  deprivation  seemed  natural 
enough,  as  Lord  Holland  had  openly  withdrawn 
himself  from  the  Court  to  consort  with  its  enemies ; 
but  the  former  was  at  least  impolitic.  Essex  had 
not  hitherto  committed  himself  with  the  Parliament, 
and  it  was  well  known  that  whilst  he  held  office 
under  the  King,  his  soldier-like  nature  would  have 
disdained  to  do  so,  whatever  the  temptation. 2  This 


Royalists  called  him,)  "  M.  Rusticus,"  "  M.  Pragmaticus,"  "  M. 
Politicus,"  "M.  Publicus,"  "M.  Aulicus,"  by  Dr.  Heylin;  "Diurnal 
Paper,"  "  Diurnal  Occurrences,"  "  London  Intelligencer,"  and  at 
least  seventy  others  :  some  ephemeral  papers  had  very  quaint  and 
expressive  titles  ;  there  were  the  "  Scots  Dove,"  and  the  "  Secret 
Owl ;"  the  "  Weekly  Discoverer, "  and  its  opposition  journal, 
"  The  Discoverer  stript  naked  ;"  "  News  for  Hull,"  and  "  Truths 
from  York,"  <fcc. — See  Forster's  Statesmen,  ii.  275. 

1  Clarendon's  Rebellion,  ii.  334. 

2  One  of  the  most  important  defections  from  the  Parliament 
was  that  of  Lord-Keeper  Littleton,  who  sent  the  great  seal  one 
day,  and  followed  it  the  next.     Such  great  importance  was  at- 
tached to  this  talismanic  seal,  that  it  was  long  before  the  people 
believed  any  instrument  to  be  legal  without  its  impression  at- 
tached.    At  length  the  Parliament  was  obliged  to  make  a  great 
seal  of  its  own.     The  King  thereupon  sent  a  Mr.  Kniveton  to  re- 
monstrate with  the  Parliament,  and  to  forbid  the  Term  to  take 
place  under  the  pseudo  seal.     The  Parliament  punished  the  mes- 
senger  in  proportion  to  the  message,  and  had  him  hanged  as  a 
spy  at  the  Royal  Exchange  on   November  27,   1643. — Heath's 
Chronicle,  p.  56. 

s  2 


260          MEMOIRS   AND   CORRESPONDENCE   OF 

and  other  dissuasive  reasons  were  represented  to  his 
Majesty  by  Clarendon,  Lord  Keeper  Littleton,  and 
Lord  Falkland ;  but  in  vain :  "  the  King  had 
promised  the  Queen  that  he  would  act  thus,"  and 
her  influence,  though  absent,  thus  gave  to  the  Par- 
liament the  best  general  in  England. 

On  hearing  of  this  measure,  the  Parliament  voted 
that  "  whosoever  should  accept  of  these  offices  should 
be  reputed  an  enemy  to  his  country."  They  next 
ordered  that  the  Earl  of  Northumberland  "should 
appoint  the  Earl  of  Warwick1  his  admiral  for  that 

1  Robert  Rich,  second  Earl  of  Warwick,  was  born  1587.  He 
is  spoken  of  in  1625  as  commanding  the  militia  to  defend  the 
coast  of  Essex,  where  his  estates  lay-  The  following  summary  of 
his  life  and  character  is  drawn  from  Clarendon  : — "  He  was  looked 
upon  [by  the  Puritans]  as  their  greatest  patron,  because  of  much 
the  greatest  estate  of  all  who  favoured  them,  and  so  was  esteemed 
by  them  with  great  application  and  veneration,  though  he  was  of 
a  life  very  licentious,  and  unconformable  to  their  professed  rigour, 
which  they  rather  dispensed  with  than  they  would  withdraw  from 
a  house  where  they  received  so  eminent  a  protection  and  such 
notable  bounty."  .  .  .  .  "  The  Earl  of  Warwick  was  of  the  King's 
Council,  but  was  not  wondered  at  for  leaving  the  King,  whom  he 
had  never  well  served,  nor  did  he  look  upon  himself  as  obliged  by 
that  honour,  which  he  knew  was  conferred  on  him  in  the  crowd  of 
those  whom  his  Majesty  had  no  esteem  of,  or  ever  proposed  to 
trust ;  so  his  business  was  to  join  with  those  to  whom  he  owed  his 
promotion.  He  was  a  man  of  a  pleasant  and  companionable  wit 
and  conversation,  of  an  universal  jollity ;  and  such  a  licence  in 
his  words  and  in  his  actions,  that  a  man  of  less  virtue  could  not 
be  found  :  so  that  one  might  reasonably  have  believed  that  a  man 
so  qualified  would  not  have  been  able  to  have  contributed  much 
to  the  overthrow  of  a  nation  and  kingdom.  But,  with  all  these 
faults,  he  had  great  authority  and  credit  with  that  people,  who  in 
the  beginning  of  the  troubles  did  all  the  mischief ;  and,  by  open- 
ing his  doors  and  making  his  house  the  rendezvous  of  all  the 
silenced  ministers,  at  the  time  when  there  was  an  authority  to 
silence  them,  and  spending  a  good  part  of  his  estate,  of  which  he 
was  very  prodigal,  upon  them  ;  and  by  being  present  at  their 


11)42.]        PRLNCE   RUPERT   AND   THE   CAVALIERS.     261 

year."  This  they  did,  in  the  first  instance  without 
any  communication  to  the  King ;  and  afterwards, 
contrary  to  his  express  desire  that  Sir  John  Pen- 
nington  should  be  continued  in  that  office.  At  the 
same  time  a  determined  anti-royalist,  named  Batten, 
was  appointed  Vice-admiral,  instead  of  Cartwright, 
who  was  a  man  much  attached  to  the  King,  and  of 
great  reputation  and  influence  among  the  seamen. 
Cartwright  might  have  had  this  appointment  but  for 
an  ill-considered  intimation  of  the  King's ;  that  no 
person,  well  affected  to  his  cause,  should  accept 
or  occupy  any  office  under  Parliament.  He  thus 
weeded  the  Roundhead  forces  of  all  those  who  could 
have  neutralized  their  interests,  and  done  service 
to  his  own  cause. 

The  next  great  move  in  the  national  game  was 
made  by  the  King  who  made  an  offer,  on  the  8th  of 
April,  to  the  Parliament,  of  going  in  person  to  Ireland, 
in  order  to  suppress  the  rebellion  there  ;  he  stated,  at 
the  same  time,  that,  in  order  to  spare  his  subjects, 
he  would  pawn  or  sell  his  own  parks  and  palaces  to 


devotions,  and  making  himself  merry  with  them,  and  at  them, 
which  they  dispensed  with,  he  became  the  head  of  that  party  and 
got  the  style  of  a  godly  man.  When  the  King  revoked  the  Earl 
of  Northumberland's  commission  of  admiral,  he  presently  accepted 
the  office  from  the  Parliament,  and  never  quitted  their  service ; 
and  when  Cromwell  disbanded  that  Parliament,  he  betook  him- 
self to  the  protection  of  the  Protector,  married  his  heir  to  his 
daughter,  and  lived  in  so  entire  a  confidence  and  friendship  with 
him,  that  when  he  died  he  had  the  honour  to  be  exceedingly 
lamented  by  him.  He  left  his  estate,  which  before  was  subject  to 
a  vast  debt,  more  improved  and  repaired  than  any  man  who 
trafficked  in  that  desperate  commodity  of  rebellion." 


262          MEMOIRS   AND   CORRESPONDENCE   OF 

raise  funds  for  the  expedition.  To  this  the  Parlia- 
ment anxiously  and  earnestly  objected :  they  felt  that 
such  an  enterprize  would  afford  a  dangerous  oppor- 
tunity of  raising  an  army,  and  of  quieting  at  least 
one  kingdom.  They  said  that  they  could  not  con- 
sent to  his  Majesty's  risking  his  person,  and  inter- 
rupting the  business  of  the  country.  After  this 
proposition,  and  its  rejection,  had  done  their  in- 
tended work,  there  was  some  farther  discussion  on 
the  old  matter  of  the  militia,  and  then  the  first 
decided  step  towards  war  was  taken — and  by  the 
King. 

The  town  of  Hull  was  the  most  important  place 
in  the  kingdom,  next  to  London  (and,  perhaps, 
Bristol) ;  it  was  the  great  seaport  of  the  north, 
where  supplies  could  be  received  from  the  Continent 
with  the  greatest  convenience  and  security.  But 
the  chief  importance  of  the  place  consisted  in  the 
magazine  of  arms  and  ammunition  that  it  contained. 
Of  this  the  Parliament  had  determined  to  possess 
themselves,  and  Sir  John  Hotham  had  already  re- 
ceived an  order  to  deliver  it  to  Lord  Warwick.  He 
was  on  his  way  with  the  fleet  to  receive  the  military 
stores,  and  transport  them  to  the  Tower.  The  King 
was  equally  determined  to  recover  what  he  conceived 
to  be  "his  own  property"  in  the  strictest  sense  of 
the  word,  for  it  had  been  purchased,  not  by  Parlia- 
mentary grants,  but  by  private  contributions  to 
him  from  the  clergy,  courtiers  and  others,  for  the 
Scottish  war.  When  it  was  known  at  York  that 


1642.]       PRINCE    RUPERT    AND   THE    CAVALIERS.       263 

the  Parliamentary  fleet  was  preparing  for  Hull, 
not  only  the  King  but  the  northern  gentry  felt 
themselves  aggrieved,1  and  Sir  Francis  Wortley, 
Sir  W.  Wentworth  and  other  Cavaliers,  petitioned 
the  King  that  he  would  take  measures  "  for  the 
better  security  of  the  magazine,  and  of  those 
northern  parts." 

The  King  availed  himself  of  this  petition,  and 
at  once  endeavoured  to  comply  with  it ;  so  little 
hostility  was  then  declared  that  he  sent  his  son,  the 
Duke  of  York,  and  the  Elector  Palatine 2  on  a  visit 
to  Hotham,  the  day  previous  to  his  own  arrival. 
They  arrived  there  under  a  pretence  of  seeing  the 
town,  and  were  entertained  by  the  Governor  without 
any  apparent  expectation  of  the  visit  that  was  to 
follow.  For  once,  the  King  had  kept  his  council, 
or  had  only  communicated  it  to  those  who  were 
trustworthy.  On  the  following  day,  the  23rd  of 
April,  the  King  set  forth  from  York,  attended  by 
about  three  hundred  gentlemen  of  the  county,  and 
other  cavaliers,  with  their  servants:1'3  at  eleven 
o'clock  he  was  at  the  Beverley  Gate.  All  was  confu- 
sion within ;  Sir  John  Hotham  had  no  definite  orders 


1  Clarendon's  Rebellion,  ii.  382. 

2  Not   Prince   Rupert,    as   Lord    Nugent,    following   Heath's 
"  Chronicle,"  states.     See  Clarendon's  Rebellion,  ii.  382,  and  p. 
109  of  this  volume,     Had  Rupert  been  there  instead  of  Charles 
Louis,  the  result  would  probably  have  been  very  different :  the 
hesitating  garrison  only  wanted  one  man  of  energy  to  turn  them 
to  the  King. 

3  Clarendon's  Rebellion,  ii.  383.     Servants  is  a  vague  word, 
but  if  interpreted  trooper,  it  would  not  be  far  wrong. 


264          MEMOIRS  AND   CORRESPONDENCE   OF 

from  Parliament  in  case  of  such  an  emergency,  and 
had  only  his  instinctive  knowledge  of  their  designs 
to  guide  him  in  his  conduct.  Habit  and  former 
feelings  induced  him  to  listen  to  the  King's  demand  ; 
fear  of  the  Parliament  held 'him  back.  Whilst  he 
hesitated,  the  Mayor  and  other  officers  of  the  town 
moved  towards  the  gates  to  admit  their  sovereign. 
Sir  John  was  then  decided ;  he  ordered  the  citizens 
to  retire,  and  summoned  courage  to  ascend  the 
ramparts  and  hold  parley  with  the  King.  Charles 
was  waiting  patiently  below,  receiving  the  first 
lesson  of  actual  rebellion  from  this  hostile  town, 
whose  gates  were  barred,  its  drawbridge  raised,  and 
its  walls  manned  as  if  against  an  enemy.  The  King 
demanded  admittance  in  person  into  his  town 
of  Hull.  The  Governor  fell  on  his  knees,  and, 
"  with  agony,"  entreated  to  be  excused,  pleading  his 
oath  to  Parliament,  and  at  the  same  time  calling 
"  God  to  witness  that  he  was  his  Majesty's  most 
faithful  and  loyal  subject."1  The  Cavaliers  of  the 
King's  company,  raised  a  shout  of  execration  against 
the  "  traitor."  "  Kill  him  !"  they  cried  to  the 
officers  who  accompanied  him ;  "  fling  the  traitor 
down  here  to  us,  and  have  done  with  him  !"  But 
those  officers  had  goaded  on  Sir  John  to  resistance, 
and  they  now  only  advised  him  to  retire  from  his 

1  In  any  other  time  this  epithet  would  seem  absurd  under  the 
circumstances,  but  in  this  peculiar  war,  the  people  were  always 
called  upon  in  the  name  "  of  the  King  and  Parliament,"  to  oppose 
or  to  destroy  the  King. 


1042.J      PRINCE   RUPERT   AND   THE   CAVALIERS.      265 

trying  position.  During  the  next  two  hours,  many 
messages  passed  between  the  King  and  the  Gover- 
nor :  the  Duke  of  York  and  the  Prince  Palatine 
took  advantage  of  the  temporary  loyalty  that  was 
professed  in  the  negotiations,  and  left  the  town. 
Some  more  vain  messages  ensued.  The  King 
formally  proclaimed  Sir  John  a  traitor,  and  retired, 
indignant  and  discomfited,  but  not  disheartened,  to 
the  town  of  Beverley.1 

"  There  a  large  body  of  gentlemen  met  him  with 
a  tender  of  their  utmost  services/'  and  escorted 
him,  on  the  following  day,  to  York.  The  fate  of 
the  nation  was  now  decided :  the  war  had  begun. 
The  King,  indeed,  made  a  formal  communication  to 
the  Parliament,  accusing  Sir  John  Hotham  as  a 
traitor.  The  Parliament  replied  (at  first  only  to 
the  people)  by  declaring  that  Sir  John  Hotham  had 
done  nothing  but  his  duty,  and  that  to  proclaim 
him  a  traitor  was  a  high  "  breach  of  privilege : '' 
they  complained  also  that  the  King's  soldiers  had 
intercepted  a  letter  to  the  Houses  from  Hull 
(making,  at  the  same  time,  an  accusation  against 
the  King  of  matters  contained  in  a  letter  inter- 
cepted by  them  from  Lord  Digby,  long  before)  : 
they  announced  also  that  they  had  given  orders 
to  the  sheriffs  and  others  to  suppress  all  forces 
that  should  be  gathered  together  or  raised  in 

1  Clarendon's  Rebellion,  ii.  384,  and  appendix  L  ;  Rush  worth, 
i.  367  ;  Parl.  Hist.  ii.  col.  1197  (for  Hotham's  letter  to  the  Par- 
liament) ;  Guizot's  Rev.  i.  238  ;  Heath,  p.  36. 


266         MEMOIRS   AND   CORRESPONDENCE   OF 

the  counties  of  York  or  Lincoln.  A  committee 
from  Parliament  brought  this  declaration  to  the 
King,  after  it  had  reached  him  through  the  public 
prints ;  and  this  committee  continued  not  only  to 
reside  in  York,  but  to  frequent  the  King's  presence 
for  a  month  afterwards.  This  circumstance  presents 
us  with  a  curious  aspect  of  peace  striving  to  preserve 
its  decent  appearances  in  the  very  midst  of  hostili- 
ties. The  King  had  plainly  told  his  unwelcome 
visitors  that  "he  liked  not  such  supervisors  near 
him  ;'n  but  they  replied,  "  with  a  sullen  confidence,"" 
that  they  would  stay  and  do  the  bidding  of  the  Par- 
liament. The  Court  felt  itself  obliged  to  tolerate 
their  presence  and  their  espionage. 

The  whole  nation  was  now  thoroughly  roused, 
and  sought  more  eagerly  than  ever  for  the  publica- 
tions, which  were  as  eagerly  pressed  on  its  attention 
by  each  of  the  great  discordant  parties.  It  is  re- 
markable that  in  these  constant  and  stirring  appeals 
to  the  people,  the  writers,  preachers  and  orators 
never  attempted  to  inculcate,  like  the  French  revo- 
lutionists, any  new  doctrines.  They  knew  that  the 
affections  of  the  English  people  clung  fondly  and 
faithfully  to  their  Past ;  it  was  ever  in  the  name  of 
the  law — of  the  constitution — that  the  most  oppo- 
site parties  sought  to  canvass  their  hearers  for  the 
most  opposite  undertakings.  On  the  one  side,  the 
reforming  part  of  the  nation  saw  nothing  very  fear- 

1  Clarendon's  Rebellion,  ii.  403. 


1642.]        PRINCE   RUPERT   AND   THE   CAVALIERS.     267 

ful  in  the  name  of  war ;  they  had  never  had  any 
experience  of  its  horrors,  and  they  dwelt  with  pride 
on  the  memories  of  ancient  strife,  that  had  won  for 
them  their  ancient  liberties :  they  and  their  leaders 
thought  that  one  great  battle  would  decide  the 
question.  On  the  other  side,  it  was  felt  that  no- 
thing but  a  war  could  repress  the  "  overweening 
insolency,"  and  extravagant  claims  of  the  Parlia- 
ment, who,  from  the  hour  they  had  proclaimed 
themselves  indissoluble,  exercised  an  authority  as 
arbitrary  and  intemperate  as  the  King  had  ever 
done.  Both  parties  set  about  their  warfare  with  a 
grave  and  stern  determination,  that  was  very  na- 
tional, and  strengthened  by  religious  feeling.  Each 
thought  they  fought  not  only  for  their  country 
but  their  God. 

Every  day  the  people  of  England  and  their  repre- 
sentatives now  ranged  themselves  more  definitely  in 
the  ranks  of  the  King  or  of  his  opponents.  The 
Parliament  in  London  shrank  to  dimensions  that 
were  at  once  more  wieldy  and  more  powerful.  All 
the  Cavaliers  were  gone  to  the  King,  or  to  their 
own  estates,  to  prepare  their  servants  for  his  ser- 
vice :  all  the  doubting  and  neutral  men,  who  waited 
for  circumstances  to  decide  their  consciences,  had 
withdrawn  into  retirement.  A  few  of  the  most 
sterling  patriots,  such  as  Sir  Benjamin  Rudyard, 
remained  fearlessly  at  their  posts  in  Parliament; 
faithful  to  a  sense  of  duty  that  soared  above  all 
party  feelings. 


268    MEMOIRS  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF 

The  preparations  for  war  kept  pace  with  the  rapid 
progress  of  political  events.  The  Parliamentary 
fleet,  under  Lord  Warwick,  had  transported  all  the 
arms  from  Hull  to  the  Tower.  On  the  10th  of 
May  the  train-bands  of  London  were  mustered, 
under  General  Skippon,  in  Finsbury  Square,  where 
a  great  banquet  was  given  by  the  City  to  the  mem- 
bers of  both  Houses  of  Parliament:  and,  finally, 
orders  were  sent  to  their  lord-lieutenants  and  de- 
puty-lieutenants of  counties,  to  seize  on  all  maga- 
zines in  their  chief  towns,  and  to  "provide  all 
well-affected  persons  with  such  arms  as  they  might 
require  for  the  service  of  their  country." 

Even  the  King  now  saw  the  storm  approaching, 
and  felt  that  the  time  was  come  when  appearances 
and  statecraft  must  be  laid  aside  for  realities  and 
action.  For  these  last,  strange  to  say,  he  was  far 
better  qualified  than  for  the  former,  to  which  he 
had  sacrificed  so  much  of  his  life  and  honour.  He 
now  displayed  energy,  activity,  and  resolution.  A 
troop  of  horse,  called  the  Prince  of  Wales's,  was 
immediately  raised  ;  it  consisted  entirely  of  volun- 
teer gentlemen.  A  regiment  of  trained-bands, 
amounting  to  about  six  hundred  men,  was  appointed 
for  the  King's  guard,  and  paid  regularly  every 
Saturday,  even  when  the  King  had  not  sufficient  to 
defray  the  expenses  of  his  own  table.  On  hearing 
of  this  guard,  the  Parliament  declared  it  to  be  a 
"  levying  of  war,  and  a  breach  of  trust  against  his 
people :"  on  the  23rd  of  May  they  sent  a  petition, 


1042.]     PRINCE    RUPERT   AND   THE   CAVALIERS.        269 

beseeching  him  to  disband  such  forces  as  evil  coun- 
sellors had  persuaded  him  to  raise. 

In  proportion  as  the  crisis  approaches,  the 
speeches  and  petitions  of  the  Parliament,  and  the 
declarations  and  replies  of  the  King  become  more 
verbose.  These  elaborate  compositions,  every  word 
of  which  was  eagerly  dwelt  upon  and  earnestly 
investigated  then,  are  wholly  without  interest  now. 
We  must  follow  our  Cavaliers  in  their  deeds,  not 
their  words.  On  the  1st  of  June  the  royal  Com- 
mission of  Array  was  published  in  Yorkshire ;  and 
on  the  same  day  the  Nineteen  Propositions  of  the 
Parliament  were  published  in  London,  and  trans- 
mitted to  the  King.  These  are  both  very  remark- 
able documents :  the  former  displays  a  manly,  tem- 
perate, but  firm  and  soldier-like  spirit:  the  latter 
will  ever  remain  a  monument  of  the  over-reaching 
nature  of  the  Parliamentary  demands :  demands 
which  they  well  knew  could  never  be  complied  with, 
and  which  at  once  display  their  unreasonableness, 
and  the  strength  of  party  that  they  could  calculate 
with  confidence  upon.  This  ultimation  is  subjoined.1 


1  1.  That  all  the  King's  Privy  Council,  Great  Officers,  and 
Ministers  of  State  may  be  put  out,  excepting  such  as  the  Parlia- 
ment shall  approve,  and  to  assign  them  an  oath. 

2.  That  all  affairs  of  State  be  managed  by  the  Parliament,  ex- 
cept such  matters  as  are  transferred  by  them  to  the  Privy 
Council,  and  to  be  conducted  by  the  major  part  of  them  under 
their  hands ;  the  full  number  not  to  exceed  five-and-twenty,  nor 
under  fifteen  ;  and  if  any  place  fall  vacant  in  the  interval  of 
Parliament,  then  the  major  part  of  the  Council  to  choose  one,  to 
be  confirmed  at  the  next  session  of  Parliament. 


270          MEMOIRS   AND   CORRESPONDENCE   OF 

The  Parliamentary  leaders  had  now  triumphed 
beyond  their  highest  hopes,  and  far  beyond  what 
was  good  for  them,  either  as  reformers  or  as 


3.  That  all  the  Great  Officers  of  the  kingdom  shall  be  chosen 
with  the  approbation  of  Parliament,  &c.  as  before  said. 

4.  That  the  government  and  the  education  of  the  King's  chil- 
dren be  directed  by  Parliament,  &c.  ut  supra. 

5.  Their  marriages  to  be  treated  and  conducted  by  Parlia- 
ment, &c. 

6.  That  the  laws  against  Papists,  priests,  and  others  be  exe- 
cuted without  toleration  or  dispensation,  except  by  Parliament. 

7.  No  Papish  lord  or  peer  to  have  vote  in  Parliament,  and  their 
children  to  be  educated  in  the  Protestant  faith. 

8.  To  reform  Church -government,  and  as  the  Parliament  shall 
advise. 

9.  To  settle  the  Militia,  as  the  Parliament  hath  ordered,  and 
the  King  to  recall  all  his  Declarations  publisht  against  their 
Ordinances  therein. 

10.  All  Privy  Councillors  and  Judges  to  take  the  oaths  for 
maintenance  of  the  Petition  of  Right,  and  other  statutes  which 
shall  be  made  this   Parliament :    so  to   swear  in  present  unto 
things  in  future. 

11.  All  officers  placed  by  Parliament  to   hold   their   places, 
quamdiu  bene  se  gesserint. 

12.  All  Members  of  Parliament  put  out  during  this  time  are 
to  be  restored  again. 

13.  The  justice  of  Parliament  to  pass  upon  all   delinquents, 
and  they  to  appear  or  abide  their  censure. 

14.  The  general  pardon  to  pass  with  exceptions,  as  the  Par- 
liament shall  advise. 

15.  All  forts  and  castles  of  the  kingdom  to  be  disposed  of  by 
Parliament,  ut  supra. 

16.  The  King  to  discharge  all  his  guards  and  forces  now  in 
being,  and  not  to  raise  any  other  but  in  case  of  actual  rebellion. 

17.  The  King  to  enter  into  a  strict  alliance  with  all  Reformed 
States,  for  their  assistance  to  recover  the  rights  of  his    Royal 
Sister,  and  her  princely  issue  to  those  dignities  and  dominions 
which  belong  unto  them. 

18.  To  clear  the  Lord  Kimbolton  and  the  Five  Members  by 
act  of  Parliament. 

19.  No  Peer  hereafter    to   be  made  shall   sit  in   Parliament 
without  their  consent. 


1642.]        PRINCE   RUPERT   AND   THE   CAVALIERS.     271 

men.1  Having  put  forth  violent  strength  against  an 
obstacle  that  unexpectedly  gave  way,  they  were  pre- 
cipitated into  a  false  position,  from  which  they  never 
extricated  themselves  until  a  republic  was  confessed. 
They  had  virtually  dethroned  the  King,  and  many 
honest  persons  thought  that  his  abuse  of  power 
and  want  of  faith  had  justly  incurred  that  penalty  : 
few  thinking  men,  however,  could  reconcile  the 
Parliamentary  actions  with  their  perpetual  profes- 
sion of  devotion  for  the  King's  person  and  his  ho- 
nour.2 The  Reformers  had  been  gradually  led  into 
falsehood,  sophistry,  and  exaggeration.  No  longer 
the  voice  of  England  spoke  through  their  counsels ; 
they  had  degenerated  into  a  mere  club — the  great 
cause  they  had  pleaded,  into  a  party  question.  They 

1  Lord  Spencer  and  Lord  Paget,  who  had  been  appointed  lords- 
lieutenants  of  Northamptonshire  and  Buckingham  by  the  Par- 
liament, now  left  them,  "in  fear  or  detestation  of  their  future 
designs"  to  which  they  had  been  made  privy.     These  noblemen 
hastened  to  the  King  at  York,  confessed  all  they  knew,  received 
pardon,  and  served  the  royal  cause  faithfully  thenceforth.*     It 
is  to  be  remembered  that  the  King  was  formerly  persuaded  that 
the  Parliamentary  leaders  meditated  the  most  extreme  measures 
(short  of  death)  towards  him,  and,   without   that  reservation, 
towards  all  his  friends. 

2  M.  Guizot,  ("  Revolution  d'Angleterre,")  who  discusses,  con 
amore,  the  Reformers'  question  :    dissecting,  with  a  hand  and 
head  deeply  skilled  in  revolutionary  tactics,  every  phase  of  popu- 
lar feeling  and  passion.     "  Dans  cet  £tat,"  he  says,  "  des  esprits, 
la  situation  morale  du  Parlement  etait  fausse,  car  c'etait  par  lui 
et  a  son  profit  que  s'accomplissait  la  revolution  •  contraint  de  la 
faire  et  de  la  nier  a  la  fois,  ses  actes  et  sa  langage  se  dementaient 
tour  a  tour,  et  il  flottait  peniblement  entre  1'audace  et  la  sub- 
tilite",  la  violence  et  1'hypocrisie." — Tom.  ii.  p.  233. 


*  Clarendon's  Rebel,  iii.  65. 


272          MEMOIRS  AND   CORRESPONDENCE   OF 

had  already  imitated  the  worst  acts  of  kingly 
despotism  and  intolerance : l  and  after  declaring 
themselves  indissoluble,  they  had  voted  themselves 
an  allowance  of  4/.  per  week  for  "  their  subsistence." 
Nevertheless,  this  faction  was  still  supported  by  great 
masses  of  the  people ;  the  better  part  of  whom  were 
grateful  for  the  great  things  the  Parliament  had  done, 
and  as  yet  believed  that  those  who  had  done  so 
well  could  do  no  evil ;  the  worse  part  rejoiced,  like 
the  canaille  of  all  times  and  nations,  at  any  change 
that  broke  up  the  old  game  of  life,  and  called  for  a 
new  deal.  If  Charles  the  First,  and  most  of  his 
ministers,  and  many  of  his  bishops,  had  acted  very 
weakly  and  wickedly,  they  had  still  left  sufficient 
virtue  in  the  old  laws  of  the  land  to  bring  them- 
selves to  justice,  and  to  enable  the  nation  to  defend 
itself.  But,  when  the  Parliament  and  Cromwell 
unchained  the  elements  of  anarchy  and  committed 
tyranny  against  the  people,  who  dared  to  call  them 
to  account?  What  champion  had  the  people  then 
— their  old  and  venerable  Law  being  replaced  by 
the  passionate  "  ordinance,"  or  "  the  military  order  ° 
of  the  hour  ? 

From  the  period  of  their  first  aberration  from 
pure  and  perfect  truthfulness, — from  disinterested 
and  dispassionate  public  duty,  the  reign  of  cant 
began, — political,  sentimental,  and  religious  cant. 
Not  that  Hampden  was  a  hypocrite,  or  that  Pym 

1  See  Hallam,  Const.  Hist.  i.  551. 


1642.]        PRINCE   RUPERT   AND   THE   CAVALIERS.     273 

was  necessarily  profane  in  using  the  Scriptural  lan- 
guage he  so  much  delighted  in;   but  their  govern- 
ment, based  upon  the  passions  of  the  people,  was 
obliged  to  gratify  those  passions,  at  first  in  words, 
and   afterwards  in  deeds  that  their  nobler  natures 
would  individually  have    condemned.     This  is  the 
great  danger  of  an  oligarchy ;  that  having  no  per- 
sonality, the  leading  virtue  of  each  member  may  be 
lost  to  its  collective  capacity,  and  the  whole  appear 
devoid  of  that  which  dignifies  or  redeems  each  part.1 
The  one,   or  two,  or  three  men  of  greater  energy 
inevitably,   though    unconfessedly,   dictate  to  their 
colleagues,  who  only  add  by  their  numbers  an  osten- 
sible but  unreal  authority  to  the  resolutions  of  the 
former.     The  Long  Parliament  acquired  and  main- 
tained its  vast  power  through   the  eloquence  and 
practical  agency  of  about   a  dozen   men ;   the  rest 
were  contented  to  furnish  their  contingent  autho- 
rity and  votes,  for  the  sake  of  the  reflected  glory 
that  shone  on  them  from  their  great  leaders.     It 
may  be  said  that  allowances  must  be  made  for  the 
human   failings  of  these  men:  I  have  not  learned 
that  any  such  allowances  were  made  by  them  for 
King  Charles  whilst  he  lived,  nor  should  they  be  by 
us  now  that  he  and  they  are  dead ;  otherwise  we 


1  "  It  may  be  said,  I  think,  with  not  greater  severity  than 
truth,  that  scarce  two  or  three  public  acts  of  justice,  humanity, 
or  generosity,  and  very  few  of  political  wisdom  or  courage,  are 
recorded  of  them,  from  their  quarrel  with  the  King,  to  their  ex- 
pulsion by  Cromwell." — Hallam,  Constitutional  History,  i.  562. 

VOL.  I.  T 


274    MEMOIRS  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF 

read  history  in  vain,  and  only  learn  how  large  allow- 
ances we  might  arrogate  under  the  same  circum- 
stances for  ourselves.1 

At  this  time  (June  1st)  many  members,  as  I  have 
mentioned,  seceded  from  the  Houses  of  Parliament, 
and  of  these  the  greater  part  betook  themselves  to 
the  Court  of  York.2  But,  while  they  shrank  from 
the  impetuous  measures  of  the  Commons,  they  were 
by  no  means  prepared  to  adopt  unreservedly  the 
royal  cause.  Having  once  presented  themselves  to 
the  King,  and  made  a  great  merit  of  doing  so,  many 
of  them  endeavoured  to  remain  neutral,  half  dis- 
senting from  every  measure  of  the  Court,  and  still, 
apparently,  under  the  spell  of  the  great  council  at 
Westminster.3  These  lukewarm  waverers  were  more 
useful  to  the  Roundheads  at  York  than  they  would 
have  been  at  Westminster  ;  cushioning  every  ener- 
getic measure  of  the  King's,  and  acting  at  the  same 
time  as  conductors  of  the  Parliamentary  influences 

1  Mr.  Hallam,  whose  noble  impartiality  has  invested  his  great 
work  with  all  the  authority    of  judicial    dictum,   says  of  the 
Parliament's  present  position,  that,  "  After  every  allowance  has 
been  made,  he  must  bring  very  heated  passions  to  the  records  of 
those  times,  who  does  not  perceive  in  the  conduct  of  that  body  a 
series  of  glaring  violations,  not  only  of  positive  and  constituti- 
onal, but  of  those  higher  principles  which  are  paramount  to  all 
policy1?" — Const.  Hist,  i.  551. 

2  The  House  of  Lords  consisted  of  only  seventy-four  members, 
of  these  forty  were  at  York  ;  sixty-five  members  of  the  House 
of  Commons  were  also  at  the  northern  metropolis. 

3  Charles  asked  them  for  a  declaration  of  their  motives  in 
leaving  London,  in  order  to  prove  that  the  remaining  Parliament 
was  no  longer  lawful  :  they  signed  this  declaration,  but  withdrew 
their  consent  next  day,  "  being  most  passionate  against  its  pub- 
lishing."— Clarendons  Rebellion,  iii.  69. 


1642.]        PRINCE    RUPERT   AND   THE   CAVALIERS.     275 

against  the  Crown.  The  King  was  now  sincerely, 
because  interestedly  anxious  to  base  all  his  mea- 
sures upon  law,  and  the  counsel  of  its  interpreters ; 
the  judges,  the  magistracy,  and  that  section  of  the 
Parliament  which  adhered  to  him.  These  were  all 
men  who  could  not,  or  would  not,  separate  the 
King's  interest  from  their  own  ;  they  counselled 
only  passive  measures,  and  advised  that  the  Par- 
liament should  be  left  to  take  the  initiative  in  every 
aggressive  movement.  On  the  other  hand,  the 
Cavaliers  looked  upon  the  matter  in  a  more  mili- 
tary point  of  view ;  they  denounced  delay  as  ruin- 
ous, and  insisted  that  it  was  absolutely  necessary  to 
be  beforehand  with  their  enemies.  The  unhappy 
King  was  alternately  convinced  of  the  truth  and 
error  of  each  argument,  and  could  not  afford  to  dis- 
pense with  either  party  of  his  advisers  :  he  took 
that  middle  course  which  never  yet  led  its  follower 
to  honour  or  success. 

Thus,  when  Charles  found  that,  so  far  from  being 
likely  to  obtain  possession  of  Hull,  that  town  was 
more  likely  to  get  possession  of  him,  he  felt  that 
embodying  the  guard  I  have  mentioned  was  justified 
by  the  danger  incident  to  his  undefended  state.  He 
was  anxious,  however,  to  have  the  nominal  counte- 
nance of  the  People  in  this  measure,  and  to  that 
effect  he  summoned  a  meeting  of  such  gentlemen  as 
he  knew  were  most  favourable  to  his  views.1  They 

1  Clarendon's  Rebellion,  iii.  The  Parliamentary  committee 
was  enjoined  not  to  attend,  and  they  obeyed ;  but  the  leaders 

T  2 


276          MEMOIRS   AND   CORRESPONDENCE   OF 

met,  (on  the  15th  May,  1642,)1  with  loud  and  vehe- 
ment demonstrations  of  loyalty  ;  shouting  praises  on 
the  King,  and  execration  on  the  Parliament,  more 
especially  on  that  part  of  it  acting  as  a  Roundhead 
committee  at   York.     This   was   but    a    brief  and 
delusive  triumph  for  the  King,  a  deceitful  gleam 
of  sunshine,  that  brought  on  the  storm.    No  sooner 
was  the  meeting  announced  than  Sir  Thomas  Fair- 
fax, and  some  other  gentlemen  of  the  Parliamentary 
party,  set  themselves  energetically  to  work  to  coun- 
teract its  object :  riding  post  through  the  country, 
they  stirred  up  the  non-summoned  freeholders  and 
farmers  to  avenge  the  slight  at  once  to  themselves, 
and   to    the    Parliament,    by   attending   uninvited. 
The  yeomen  answered  the  call  by  thousands,  filling 
the  square  in  front  of  the  hall  where  the  Royalists 
were  assembled,  and  exclaiming  that  they  had  as 
good  a  right  as  the  gentlemen  to  be  consulted  on 
the  affairs   of  their  country.     The  King  strove  to 
parley  with  his  unwelcome  visitors,  assured  them 
that  no  slight  was  meant,  and  requested  them  to 
meet  him  on  the  3rd  of  June  on  Heyworth  Moor. 

That  day  arrived,  and  with  it  from  eighty  to  one 
hundred  thousand  men :  "  The  like  appearance  was 
never  seen  in  Yorkshire."  No  shouts  of  loyalty 
arose  from  that  vast  assemblage ;  they  looked  upon 
their  King  as  an  invader,  and  only  desired  his 


of  the  meeting  went  backwards  and  forwards  to  them  constantly, 
for  direction  and  advice. 

i  May's  Hist,  of  the  Parl.  iii.  532,  &c. 


1642.]        PRINCE    RUPERT  AND   THE   CAVALIERS.     277 

departure  from  amongst  them.  The  King  was 
there,  however ;  surrounded  by  a  strong  party  of 
Cavaliers,  and  many  a  man  besides,  who  would  have 
died  for  him,  though  he  would  have  scorned  to  bend 
under  his  former  despotic  rule.  There  was  no 
movement  to  meet  his  Majesty ;  there  was  no  great 
gathered  mass  even  to  receive  his  address;  there 
was  evidently  something  more  interesting  on  the 
people's  mind.  Some  gathered  together  in  groups  ; 
others  hastily  dispersed  themselves  over  the  Moor, 
to  converse  with,  and  to  rally  friends.  At  length  it 
was  discovered  that  a  petition  was  in  circulation, 
beseeching  the  King  to  come  to  a  good  understand- 
ing with  his  Parliament,  and  this,  in  reply  to  his 
appeal  to  them  to  arm  in  his  cause.1  The  Cavaliers, 
without  further  provocation,  rushed  amongst  the 
crowd,  and  tore  the  petition  from  the  hands  of  those 
who  read  or  signed.  Lord  Savile  "  rode  at"  Sir  John 
Bouchier,  and  forced  him  to  give  up  a  copy  that  he 
held  in  his  hand.2  Charles,  in  the  meantime,  found 
some  difficulty  in  obtaining  sufficient  attention  to 
deliver  a  long  and  elaborate  address,  assuring  the 
people  of  many  things,  but  committing  himself  to 
none.  Having  hastily  concluded,  he  turned  his 
horse  in  order  to  escape  from  the  presence  of  his 
Roundhead  audience,  and  to  avoid  any  chance  of 


1  Clarendon's   Rebellion,  iii.      M.  Guizot,  ii.  241,   who  only 
estimates    the  meeting  at    40,000  men.     Fairfax  Cor.  ii.   407. 
Nugent's  Hampden.     Parl.  Hist.ii.  1348-53. 

2  See  Sir  John's  letter,  Parl.  Hist.  ii.  1353. 


278          MEMOIRS   AND   CORRESPONDENCE   OF 

receiving  their  petition.  Young  Fairfax,1  however, 
pressed  courageously  through  the  royal  guard,  and 
reaching  the  King,  forced  the  petition  on  his  notice. 
The  King  turned  away,  but  Sir  Thomas  laid  his 
charge  on  his  saddle  bow,  and,  in  doing  so,  was 
nearly  ridden  over  by  the  insulted  and  angry 
monarch.2 

While  Charles  was  thus  assailed  by  petitions  for 
peace  with  Parliament,  on  its  own  terms,  in  the 
north ;  the  Parliament  was  similarly  besieged  with 
petitions  for  a  peace  with  the  King,  from  the 
south.  The  counties  of  Kent  and  Somerset,  espe- 
cially, put  forward  their  unwelcome  opinions  on 
this  matter ;  but  the  Commons  refused  to  hearken 
to,  or  even  to  receive  or  notice  such  petitions.3 
"  Their  voice  [and  preparations,  too]  were  still  for 


war." 


The  King  now  made  a  formal  Declaration  to  his 
supporters  at  York,  defining  the  cause  for  which  he 
held  them  to  be  engaged,  and  limiting  their  service 
to  the  support  of  the  lawful  institutions  of  their 
country.4 


1  Afterwards  Sir  Thomas  Shand  Fairfax. 

2  Carte,  Life  of  Ormond,  i.  327.     Fairfax  Cor. 

3  Parl.  Hist.  ii.  1366. 

4  It  ran  as  follows  : 

THE    KING'S    DECLARATION    AT    YORK.* 

"  We  do  declare,  that  we  will  require  no  obedience  from  you 
but  what  is  warranted  by  the  known  laws,  as  we  expect  that  you 

*  Made  public  on  the  loth  of  June,  1642.     (From  Warwick's 
Memoirs,  p.  210.) 


1642.J         PRINCE   RUPERT  AND   THE  CAVALIERS.     279 

The  Parliament,  it  is  to  be  observed,  had  made 
their  levies  of  troops  extensively  and  without  dis- 
guise, appointing  the  10th  of  June  as  their  day  of 


should  not  yield  unto  any  commands  not  legally  grounded  or 
imposed  by  any  other.  We  will  defend  you  all,  and  all  such, 
as  shall  refuse  any  such  commands,  whether  they  proceed  from 
any  votes  and  orders  of  both  Houses,  or  any  other  way,  from  all 
danger  whatsoever.  We  will  defend  the  true  Protestant  reli- 
gion established  by  the  laws,  the  lawful  liberties  of  the  subjects 
of  England,  and  the  just  privileges  of  all  the  three  Estates  of 
Parliament ;  and  shall  require  no  further  obedience  from  you 
than  as  we  accordingly  shall  perform  the  same.  And  we  will 
not  (as  is  falsely  pretended)  engage  you  in  any  war  against  the 
Parliament ;  except  it  be  for  our  necessary  defence  against  such 
as  do  insolently  invade  or  attempt  against  us  and  our  adherents. 

(Signed)         "  CHARLES  R." 

In  reply  to  this  declaration,  the  following  engagement  was 
signed  by  the  Peers  and  Privy  Council,  and  afterwards  by  many 
others  : 

ENGAGEMENT  BY  THE  PEERS  AND  OTHERS  ASSEMBLED  IN  THE 
CAUSE  OF  THE  KING  AT  YORK. 

"  We  do  engage  ourselves  not  to  obey  any  orders  or  com- 
mands whatsoever  not  warranted  by  the  known  laws  of  the  land. 
We  engage  ourselves  to  defend  your  Majesty's  person,  crown, 
and  dignity,  with  your  just  and  legal  prerogatives,  against  all 
persons  and  power  whatsoever.  We  will  defend  the  true  Pro- 
testant religion  established  by  the  laws  of  the  land,  the  lawful 
liberties  of  the  subjects  of  England,  and  the  just  privileges  of 
your  Majesty  and  both  Houses  of  Parliament.  Lastly,  we  en- 
gage ourselves  not  to  obey  any  rule,  order,  or  ordinance  what- 
soever concerning  the  Militia  that  hath  not  the  royal  assent." 

The  following  is  a  list  of  the  subscribers  :  *  in  their  biogra- 
phies, with  some  few  exceptions,  would  be  comprised  the  best 
history  of  the  true  Cavalier. 

Lord  Littleton,  Lord-keeper.          Earl  of  Cumberland. 
Duke  of  Richmond.  Earl  of  Salisbury.f 

*  Clarendon's  Rebellion,  iii.  Appendix  A.  referred  to  in  p.  71. 
t  "  But,"  adds  Sir  P.  Warwick,  "  Salisbury  stole  away  a  few 
days  after  to  London." 


280    MEMOIRS  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF 

muster.1  Lord  Clarendon  draws  attention  to  this 
fact,  as  proof  that  the  Parliament  first  took  up 
arms ;  the  King's  guard  at  York  not  being  to  be 
considered  in  any  other  light  than  protective. 
There  was  still  much  money  required  to  fit  out  the 
Roundhead  troopers,2  and  the  Parliament  appealed  at 
once  to  the  sympathies  and  the  speculation  of  their 
City  friends.  They  published  a  proclamation,  in- 
viting all  "  well-affected  "  persons  to  bring  their  plate 
and  money  to  Guildhall,  for  the  use  of  Parliament ; 
engaging  to  pay  8  per  cent,  interest  on  the  money, 
and  that  the  plate,  &c.,  should  be  liberally  valued, 
and  the  same  interest  allowed  upon  the  valuation."3 

Earl  of  Bristol.  Earl  of  Westmoreland. 

Earl  of  Monmoutli.  Earl  of  Dover. 

Earl  of  Newport.  Lord  Willoughby  of  Eresby. 

Lord  Howard  of  Charlton.  Lord  Paulett. 

Lord  Rich.  Lord  Mohun. 

Lord  Dunsmore,  Lord  Capell. 

Earl  of  Bath.  Earl  of  Lindsey. 

Earl  of  Northampton.  Earl  of  Dorset. 

Earl  of  Clare.  Earl  of  Cambridge. 

Earl  of  Rivers.  Earl  of  Berkshire. 

Lord  Mowbray  and  Matna.  Earl  of  Carnarvon. 

Lord  Newark.  Lord  Grey  of  Ruthen. 

Lord  Savil.  Lord  Lovelace. 

Lord  Seymour.  Lord  Coventry. 

Marquis  of  Hertford.  Secretary  Nicholas. 

Earl  of  Southampton.  Lord-chief-justice  Bankes. 

Earl  of  Devonshire.  Sir  P.  Wich,  Controller. 

Lord  Falkland,  (Secretary.)  Sir  John  Culpepper,  C.  Exch. 

1  Clarendon's  Rebellion,  ii.  60. 

2  The  infantry  were  of  small  expense,  being  for  the  most  part 
already  armed  as  "train-bands." 

3  "  This   money   was  borrowed   (and  the  sum  to    which   it 
amounted  is  almost  incredible)  upon  the  credit  of  the  PUBLIQTJE 
FAITH,  by  an  ordinance  of  Parliament,  a  name  much  adored  then, 


1042.]        PRINCE   RUPERT   AND  THE   CAVALIERS.     281 

If  there  are  sometimes  strange  panics  in  the  money- 
market,  there  are  also  still  more  unaccountable 
contrasts,  for  which  there  is  no  name :  South  Sea 
Bubbles,  Lotteries,  Railways,  and  other  stimulants 
to  stagnant  wealth  ;  but  none  of  these  ever  produced 
such  an  effect — because  none  were  ever  backed  by 
the  excitement  of  party  and  religious  zeal — as  this 
proclamation  of  the  Parliament.  The  streets  be- 
came choked  with  crowds  hurrying  to  the  Roundhead 
receiving-office.  Capacious  as  were  the  apartments 
destined  to  contain  the  spoil,  they  were  soon  glutted : 
sufficient  men  could  not  be  found  to  receive  the 
deposits,  and  many  were  obliged  to  return  repeatedly 
to  the  hall  before  they  could  disengage  themselves 
of  their  wealth.  Not  only  bullion,  plate,  and 
jewels  were  poured  in  on  the  astonished  collectors, 
but  the  sole  wealth  of  the  poorest,  especially 
amongst  the  women — marriage-rings,  thimbles,  silver 
hair-pins,  ear-rings ;  every  one  wished  to  identify 
themselves  with  the  cause.1  The  golden  calf  of 
Aaron  never  received  contributions  more  various 
and  profuse.2  Whatever  temporal  return  the  citi- 


and  as  much  contemned  and  hated  afterwards." — Heath's  Chron- 
icle, 37. 

1  Clarendon's  Rebellion,  ii.    60.      May,   Hist.   Parl.    ii.    196. 
Guizot,  Revolut.  ii.  240. 

2  ft  Fuller,  (the  preacher,)  knowing  there  was  no  living  where 
the  Presbyterian  calf  was  not  worshipped,  deserted  London." — 
Wynstanley  (in  his  Life  of  Fuller).      If  the  reader  thinks  this 
enthusiasm  was  altogether  inspired  by  an  elevated  sense  of  pa- 
triotism, he  will  probably  as  much  err  on  one  side,  as  he  would 
err  on  the  other,  if  he  supposed  it  all  arose  from  sordid  feelings. 


282          MEMOIRS   AND   CORRESPONDENCE   OF 

zens  expected  for  their  money  and  their  goods, 
which  were  taken  as  coin,  no  doubt  it  was  con- 
sidered very  secondary  to  the  triumphant  sense  of 
helping  the  "  good  cause,"  and  promoting  the  object 
nearest  to  their  hearts.  Violent  declamations  in 
Parliament ;  eager  and  vehement  appeals  from  the 
pulpit,  and  an  amazing  outpouring  of  pamphlet 
eloquence,1  sustained  this  enthusiastic  liberality. 

Charles  immediately  attempted  to  follow  this 
example ;  but  the  imitation  was  far  from  success- 
ful ;  so  Loyal  Oxford,  however,  at  the  first  requisi- 
tion, sent  all  her  plate,  and  Cambridge  attempted  to 
do  so  some  time  afterwards.2  Many,  also,  of  the 
gentry  of  the  north  sent  their  plate,  with  such  con- 
tributions of  money  as  they  could,  or  could  not  afford. 
All  this,  however,  and  all  other  means  of  raising 
money,  scarcely  sufficed  to  pay  the  King's  small 
guard  and  the  expenses  of  his  table.  The  Queen 
had  not  yet  been  able  to  transmit  any  of  the  money 
she  had  raised  in  Holland,  so  vigilant  were  the 
Parliamentary  restraints  upon  her  movements.3 


A  few  months  later  these  very  citizens  were  clamouring  for  Pym's 
death. 

1  "  Acres  of  typography  thrillingly  alive  in  every   fibre   of 
them." — Carlyle,  Cromwell,  i.  152. 

2  Aug.  15,  but  was  anticipated  by  Cromwell,  who  made  plun- 
der of  it,   "  to  the  value  of  20,000/.  or  thereabouts." — Carlyle, 
i.  154. 

3  We  have  no  estimate,  I  believe,  of  what  these  jewels  were 
worth  in  money  to  the  King,  but  they  must  have  been  of  great 
value.     Charles  seems  to  have  had  a  passion  for  gems  in  his 
more  prosperous  days.     In  the  Athenaeum,  No.  573,  there  is  a 
formidable  list  of  expenses  incurred   by  him  for  jewellery,  — 


1642.]        PRINCE   RUPERT   AND   THE   CAVALIERS.     283 

It  is  difficult  to  fill  up  the  time,  between  tins 
and  the  22nd  of  August,  by  any  connected  details 
of  action,  so  minute  and  numerous  were  the  yet 
isolated  events.  Words  there  were  in  plenty,  but 
I  cannot  attempt  to  introduce  the  voluminous  con- 
troversy1 into  these  already  crowded  pages.  Never- 
theless, it  is  well  that  the  men  of  the  time  should 
speak  for  themselves,  and  I  gladly  offer  the  two 
following  speeches  delivered  in  Parliament  instead 
of  any  further  comment  of  my  own.  The  first  was 
spoken  by  Sir  Benjamin  Rudyard,  Surveyor  of  his 
Majesty's  Court  of  Ward  and  Liveries :  yet,  on  the 
opening  of  the  Session,  he  had  been  the  first  to 
denounce  the  crimes  of  the  Court  party,  and  to 
expatiate,  in  his  own  manly  and  vigorous  style,  upon 
the  wrongs  of  the  long-suffering  people.  He  was 
a  type  of  what  an  English  senator  of  that,  or  any 

50,000£.  worth,  or  thereabouts,  in  eighteen  months  !  The  greater 
part  of  this  was  for  gifts,  however.  See  Forster's  Statesmen,  iv. 
77.  Howell  tells  us,  in  one  of  his  "  Letters  "  (p.  86),  that  "  Queen 
Anne  hath  left  a  world  of  brave  jewels  behind;  and  though  one 
Piers,  an  outlandish  man,  hath  run  away  with  many,  she  has  left 
all  to  the  Prince  (Charles  the  First),  and  none  to  the  Queen  of 
Bohemia."  It  seems  from  Evelyn  (v.  28),  that  "a  great  col- 
lar of  rubies "  had  been  disposed  of  in  Holland  for  the  King's 
necessities  so  early  as  10th  September,  1641.  The  Queen  raised, 
Miss  Strickland  informs  us,  2,000,000£.  in  one  year :  but  the 
jewels  only  sold  or  were  pledged  for  253,000  guilders  (nearly  the 
same  as  florins)  ;  their  "  High  Mightinesses  at  Rotterdam "  lent 
her  40,000,  and  their  bank  25,000  florins,  the  Bank  of  Amster- 
dam lent  845,000,  and  two  English  merchants  at  the  Hague 
166,000.  All  this  only  amounts  to  1,329,000,  guilders,  or  about 
106,0002. 

1  "  Those  [publications]  on  the  King's  side  were  temperate  and 
constitutional,  and  as  superior  to  those  on  the  opposite  side  in 
argument  as  they  were  in  eloquence." — ffallam,  Const.  Hist. 


284         MEMOIRS   AND   CORRESPONDENCE   OF 

other  age,  should  be ;  calm,  wise,  dispassionate, 
benevolent;  possessed  of  a  lofty  sense  of  courage 
and  honour  that  never  required  exhibition,  and  that 
never  suffered  doubt.  Thus  he  spake  on  the  9th  of 
July  1642,  and  his  words  are  well  worthy  to  be  laid 
to  heart  after  two  hundred  years. 

MR.  SPEAKER, 

IN  the  way  we  are,  we  have  gone  as  far  as  words  can 
carry  us  :  we  have  voted  our  own  rights,  and  the  King's 
duty.  No  doubt  there  is  a  relative  duty  between  a  king 
and  his  subjects  ;  obedience  from  a  subject  to  a  king,  pro- 
tection from  a  king  to  his  people.  The  present  unhappy 
distance  between  his  Majesty  and  the  Parliament  makes 
the  whole  kingdom  stand  amazed,  in  a  fearful  expectation 
of  dismal  calamities  to  fall  upon  it.  It  deeply  and  con- 
scionably  concerns  this  House  to  compose  and  settle  these 
threatening,  ruining  distractions.  Mr.  Speaker,  I  am 
touched,  I  am  pierced  with  an  apprehension  of  the  honour 
of  the  House,  and  success  of  this  Parliament.  The  best 
way  to  give  a  stop  to  these  desperate  imminent  mischiefs 
is,  to  make  a  fair  way,  for  the  King's  return  hither,  it  will 
likewise  give  best  satisfaction  to  the  people,  and  will  be  our 
best  justification.  Mr.  Speaker,  that  we  may  better  con- 
sider the  condition  we  are  now  in,  let  us  set  ourselves 
three  years  back.  If  any  man  then  could  have  credibly 
told  us  that,  within  three  years,  the  Queen  shall  be  gone 
out  of  England  into  the  Low  Countries  for  any  cause 
whatsoever ;  the  King  shall  remove  from  his  Parliament, 
from  London  to  York,  declaring  himself  not  to  be  safe 
here  ;  that  there  shall  be  a  total  rebellion  in  Ireland,  such 
discords  and  distempers  both  in  Church  and  State  here,  as 
now  we  find ;  certainly  we  should  have  trembled  at  the 
thought  of  it :  wherefore  it  is  fit  we  should  be  sensible 
now  we  are  in  it.  On  the  other  side,  if  a  man  then  could 


1642.]     PRINCE    RUPERT   AND   THE   CAVALIERS.        285 

have  credibly  told  us  that  within  three  years  ye  shall  have 
a  Parliament,  it  would  have  been  good  news  ;  that  ship- 
money  shall  be  taken  away  by  an  Act  of  Parliament,  the 
reasons  and  grounds  of  it  so  rooted  out,  as  that  neither  it, 
nor  anything  like  it,  can  ever  grow  up  again ;  that  mono- 
polies, the  High-Commission  Courts,  the  Star  Chamber, 
the  bishops'  votes,  shall  be  taken  away  ;  the  council-table 
regulated  and  restrained,  the  forests  bounded  and  limited ; 
that  ye  shall  have  a  triennial  Parliament,  and,  more  than 
that,  a  perpetual  Parliament,  which  none  shall  have  power 
to  dissolve  without  yourselves,  we  should  have  thought 
this  a  dream  of  happiness :  yet,  now  we  are  in  the  real 
possession  of  it,  ive  do  not  enjoy  it,  although  his  majesty 
hath  promised  and  published  he  will  make  all  this  good  to 
us.  We  stand  chiefly  upon  further  security,  whereas  the 
very  having  these  things  is  a  convenient,  fair  security, 
mutually  securing  one  another ;  there  is  more  security 
offered  even  in  this  last  answer  of  the  King's,  by  re- 
moving the  personal  votes  of  popish  lords,  and  by  the 
better  education  of  papists'  children,  by  supplying  the  de- 
fects of  laws  against  recusants,  besides  what  else  may  be 
enlarged  and  improved  by  a  select  committee  of  both 
Houses,  named  for  that  purpose.  Wherefore,  sir,  let  us 
beware  we  do  not  contend  for  such  a  hazardous,  unsafe 
security,  as  may  endanger  the  loss  of  what  we  have 
already ;  let  us  not  think  we  have  nothing,  because  we 
have  not  all  we  desire,  and  though  we  had,  yet  we  cannot 
make  a  mathematical  security.  All  human  caution  is 
susceptible  of  corruption  and  failing.  God's  providence 
will  not  be  bound  :  success  must  be  his.  He  that  ob- 
serves the  wind  and  rain  shall  neither  sow  nor  reap ;  if  he 
do  nothing  till  he  can  secure  the  weather,  he  will  have 
but  an  ill  harvest.  Mr.  Speaker,  it  now  behoves  us  to  call 
up  all  the  wisdom  we  have  about  us,  for  we  are  at  the 
very  brink  of  combustion  and  confusion.  If  blood  once 
begin  to  touch  blood,  we  shall  presently  fall  into  a  certain 


286    MEMOIRS  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF 

misery,  and  must  attend  an  uncertain  success,  God  knows 
when,  and  God  knows  what.  Every  man  here  is  bound  in 
conscience  to  employ  his  uttermost  endeavours  to  prevent 
the  effusion  of  blood.  Blood  is  a  crying  sin ;  it  pollutes 
a  land.  Let  us  save  our  liberties  and  our  estates,  as  we 
may  save  our  souls  too.  Now  I  have  clearly  delivered 
mine  own  conscience,  I  leave  every  man  freely  to  his.1 

These  were  bold  words  to  utter  in  such  a  Parlia- 
ment, and  their  purport  was  thus  taken  up  by 
Whitelock2  in  a  higher,  and  too  truly  prophetic 
strain.  After  some  prefatory  remarks,  he  solemnly 
proceeds  to  affirm  that, — 

"  God  blessed  us  with  a  long  and  nourishing  peace,  and 
we  turned  his  grace  into  wantonness,  and  peace  would  not 
satisfy  us  without  luxury,  nor  our  plenty  without  de- 
bauchery ;  instead  of  sobriety  and  thankfulness  for  our 
mercies,  we  provoked  the  Giver  of  them  by  our  sins  and 
wickedness  to  punish  us,  as  we  may  fear,  by  a  civil  war, 
to  make  us  executioners  of  Divine  vengeance  on  our- 
selves. 

"  It  is  strange  to  note  how  we  have  insensibly  slid  into 
this  beginning  of  a  civil  war,  by  one  unexpected  accident 
following  after  another,  as  waves  of  the  sea,  which  have 

1  Harleian  Miscellany,  vol.  v.  p.  216. 

2  Bulstrode  Whitelock :  he  held  fast  to  the  Parliament  not- 
withstanding the  above  speech ;  lie  was  one  of  the  Commissioners 
to  treat  with  the  King  at  Oxford,  and  afterwards  at  Ux bridge. 
He  was  ambassador  to  Sweden  under  Cromwell,  and  Keeper  of  the 
Great  Seal  under  the  Committee  of  Public  Safety.    The  following 
quaint  epitaph  rather  jars  with  the  speech  as  given  above,  but  it 
is  too  characteristic  to  omit. 

"  To  limn  thy  merits,  and  heroick  meedes 
Illustrious  Whitlock  !  is  a  task  that  needes 
A  nobler  draught,  for  who  dares  be  so  bold 
To  cut  in  brass  what  should  be  graved  in  gold  ? 
Or  with  one  poor  hexastick  raise  the  colummes 
Of  his  vast  merit  which  deserveth  volumnes." 


1642.]     PRINCE   RUPERT   AND   THE   CAVALIERS.        287 

brought  us  to  this  point.  But  what  may  be  the  progress 
of  it,  the  poet  tells  you  : — 

'  Jusque  datum  sceleri  canimus,  populumque  potentein 
In  sua  victrici  conversuna  viscera  dextra.' 

We  must  surrender  up  our  lives  into  the  hands  of  insolent 
mercenaries,  whose  rage  and  violence  will  command  us  and 
all  we  have  ;  and  reason,  honour,  and  justice  will  quit  our 
land.  The  ignoble  will  rule  the  noble;  baseness  will  be 
preferred  before  virtue,  profaneness  before  piety.  Of  a 
potent  people  we  shall  make  ourselves  wreak,  and  be  the 
instruments  of  our  own  ruin ;  we  shall  burn  our  own 
houses,  lay  waste  our  own  fields,  pillage  our  own  goods,  open 
our  own  veins,  devour  our  own  bowels.  You  will  hear  other 
sounds  besides  those  of  drums  and  trumpets  [that  now  only 
pleasure  you],  the  clattering  of  armour,  the  roaring  of 
guns,  the  groans  of  wounded  and  dying  men,  the  shrieks 
of  deflowered  women,  the  cries  of  widows  and  orphans ; 
and  all  on  your  account,  and  which  makes  it  to  be  the 
most  lamented.  Pardon  the  warmth  of  my  expressions ; 
I  would  prevent  a  flame  which  I  see  kindled  in  the  midst 
of  us  that  may  consume  us  to  ashes. 

"  The  sum  of  the  progress  of  civil  war  is  the  rage  of 
fire  and  sword,  and  (which  is  worse)  of  brutish  men.  What 
the  issue  of  it  will  be  no  man  alive  can  tell ;  probably  few 
of  us  now  here  may  live  to  see  the  end  of  it.  It  has  been 
said,  '  He  that  draws  his  sword  against  his  prince,  must 
throw  away  the  scabbard.'  Those  differences  are  scarce  to 
be  reconciled.  Those  commotions  are  like  the  deep  seas, 
being  once  stirred,  they  are  not  soon  appeased.  I  wish 
the  observation  of  the  Duke  de  Rohan  may  prove  a  cau- 
tion and  not  a  prophecy.  He  saith  of  England,  that  it  is 
'  a  great  creature,  which  cannot  be  destroyed  but  by  its 
own  hand.'  And  there  is  not  a  more  likely  hand  than 
that  of  civil  war  to  do  it.  The  best  issue  that  can  be  ex- 
pected of  a  civil  war  is,  (  Ubi  victor  fiet,  et  victus  perit ;' 


288    MEMOIRS  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF 

which  of  these  will  be  our  portion  is  uncertain,  and  the 
choice  should  be  avoided,"  &c. 

These  pathetic  speeches  availed  nothing  :  still  less 
the  brave  and  defiant  reply  of  Sir  Henry  Killigrew, 
who,  when  called  upon  to  declare  his  views  of  ad- 
herence to  the  "  Good  Cause,"  spoke  out  boldly  thus  : 
— "When  I  see  occasion,  I  will  provide  a  good 
horse,  a  good  buff  coat,  and  a  good  pair  of  pistols, 
and  then  I  make  no  question  but  I  shall  find  a  "  good 
Cause."  (And  straightway  this  bold  Cavalier  found 
it  necessary  for  his  safety  to  act  as  he  had  spoken : 
he  took  horse  for  his  native  Cornwall,  and  was 
among  the  first  to  declare  there  for  the  King.) 
Forty-five  members1  voted  with  the  peace-makers, 
one  hundred  and  twenty-five  voted  for  war.  One 
member  after  another  rose,  and  swore  to  "  live  and 
die  "  with  their  general,  and  to  raise  and  maintain 
such  and  such  a  number  of  men  and  horse,  accord- 
ing to  their  ability  or  zeal.  One  hundred  thousand 
pounds  was  voted  to  be  raised  by  loan  from  the 
City  (already  heavily  involved  in  the  Parliament's 
securities),  and  one  hundred  thousand  pounds  more 
was  diverted  from  the  Irish  army,  and  ordered  to  be 
applied  in  equipping  forces  for  the  Lord  General 
Essex's  new  army.  A  levy  of  ten  thousand  volun- 
teers was  to  be  made  in  London,  and  the  counties 


1  To  these  should  be  added  the  sixty-five  members  at  York 
and  others ;  yet  this  Parliament  was  elected  in  all  the  anger  of 
1640.  Strange  to  say,  in  the  Lords,  even  such  as  were  left,  the 
Earl  of  Portland  alone  protested  against  the  war-vote  of  the 
Commons. 


1642.]     PRINCE   RUPERT   AND   THE   CAVALIERS.        289 

again  received  orders,  through  their  representatives, 
or  lord-lieutenants,  to  arm,  and  be  ready  at  the  first 
signal.  Five  Peers,  and  Ten  commoners  had  already 
(on  the  4th  of  July)  been  appointed  to  act  as  a 
Committee  of  Public  Safety ;  a  title  of  terrible 
irony  in  modern  days,  and  even  then  not  free  from 
the  same  mockery.  The  following  oligarchy,  under 
that  name,  ruled  the  Roundhead  part  of  England 
for  the  future :  Northumberland,  Essex,  Pem- 
broke,1 Holland,  and  Say,  of  the  Peers ;  Hampden, 


1  Lords    Northumberland,    Essex,    and    Holland,   have    been 
spoken  of  before  in  these  pages ;  Philip  Herbert,  Earl  of  Pem- 
broke, is  thus  described  by  Rowland  White,  in  a  letter  of  1620  : 
— "  The  young  worthy  Sir  Philip  grows  great  in  his  Majesty's 
(James  I.)  favor  and  carries  it   without  envy ;   for  he  is  very 
humble  to  the  great  lords ;  is  desirous  to  do  all  men  good  and 
hurts  no  man."     So  far  his  real  character  was  dissembled  ;  there 
are,  indeed,  few  men  of  whom  so  many  instances  of  "  brutal  in- 
temperance," united  with  craven  puerility  are  recorded.     Never- 
theless he  was  the  recipient  of  many  honours  from  King  Charles, 
who,  however,  took  occasion  from  his  violent   conduct   in   the 
House  of  Peers  towards   Lord  Mowbray  to  deprive  him  of  the 
chamberlain's  staff:   thenceforth  he  became  one  of  the  bitterest 
enemies  of  the  Crown.     His  brilliant  nuptials  in  1614,  with  a 
daughter  of  the  Earl  of  Oxford,  are  frequently  alluded   to   by 
writers  of  the  day  ;  his  second  marriage  with  "  the  high-born  and 
high-spirited  heiress  of  the  Cliffords,"  widow  of  the  Earl  of  Dor- 
set, ended  after  nearly  twenty  years  of  bitter  thraldom  on  her 
part  in  a  separation.     Yet  she  has  dealt  more  leniently  with  his 
character  than  the  rest  of  his  biographers.     She  thus  describes 
her  lord, — "  He  was  no  scholar,  having  been  but  three  or  four 
months  at  Oxford  when  he  was  taken  thence,  after  his  father's 
death,  in  the  latter  end  of  Queen  Elizabeth's  reign  to  follow  the 
Court;  judging  himself  fit  for  that  kind  of  life  when  not  passing 
sixteen   years  old.     Yet  he  was  of  quick   apprehension,  sharp 
understanding,  very  crafty  withal,  of  a  discerning  spirit  but  a 
choleric  nature,  increased  by  the  office  he  held  of  Chamberlain  to 
the  King."     Viscount  Say  and    Sele   was  now   about  sixty-four 
years  of  age,  of  ancient  family  and  liberal  education,  yet  a  Repub- 

VOL.  I.  U 


290          MEMOIRS   AND   CORRESPONDENCE   OF 

Pym,  Hollis,  Martyn,  Fiennes,  Pierpoint,  Glynn,  Sir 
William  Waller,  Sir  Philip  Stapleton,  and  Sir 
John  Meyrick,  of  the  Commons.1 

The  Parliamentary  army  was  to  consist  of  twenty 
regiments  of  infantry,  of  about  one  thousand  men 
each  ;  and  seventy-five  troops  of  horse,  each  of  sixty 
horses.  Lords  Kimbolton  (afterwards  Manchester) 
and  Brook,  with  Hampden,  Meyrick,  Hollis,  and 
CROMWELL,2  presided  in  the  camp.  Lord  Essex  was 
named  general-in-chief.3 

"  The  like "  [preparation],  says  Mr.  Carlyle,4 
"  was  going  on  in  all  shires  of  England ;  wherever 
the  Parliament  had  a  zealous  member,  it  sent  him 
down  to  his  shire  in  these  critical  months,  to  make 


lican  in  principle.  He  was  engaged  in  some  transactions  con- 
cerning the  Palatinate  in  King  James's  reign,  that  sent  him  to 
prison.  This,  however,  in  arbitrary  times,  was  no  proof  of  guilt. 
He  was  made  Master  of  the  Court  of  Wards  by  Charles  I.,  for 
which  he  received  ten  thousand  pounds  a  year  (equivalent  to 
more  than  thirty  thousand  pounds  now)  compensation  from  the 
Parliament.  He  was,  as  an  Independent,  a  great  admirer  of 
Cromwell ;  afterwards  his  bitter  enemy.  Echard  (p.  716)  says 
that  he  retired  in  disgust  from  the  protectorate  to  the  loneliest 
and  most  unapproachable  spot  in  England,  the  island  of  Lundy. 
After  the  Restoration  he  was  made  Lord  Privy  Seal,  and  Cham- 
berlain by  Charles  II. 

1  This  Committee  had  been  formed  on  the  4th  of  July.     The 
best  of  the  Peers,  and  the  majority  of  the  Commons,  Essex,  Hollis, 
Hampden,  Fiennes,  Waller,  Stapleton,  were  almost  always  in  the 
field :  so  that  Pym  had  but  few  associates,  and  none  of  much 
power,  to  control. 

2  There  is  a  "  List  of  the  Army  under  the  Earl  of  Essex,"  in 
the  British  Museum  (King's  Coll.  No.  73).     I  have  not  found  (to 
my  great  privation)  any  similar  list  of  the  royal  army. 

3  Guizot,  "Revolution  d'Angleterre,"  i.  251. 

4  Cromwell's  Letters,  &c.  i.  154. 


1642.]     PRINCE   RUPERT   AND   THE  CAVALIERS.        291 

what  management  he  could  or  durst.  The  most 
confused  months  that  England  ever  saw.  In  every 
shire,  in  every  parish ;  in  court-houses,  alehouses, 
churches,  markets,  wheresoever  men  were  gathered 
together,  England,  with  sorrowful  confusion  in 
every  fibre,  is  tearing  itself  into  hostile  halves,  to 
carry  on  the  voting  by  pike  and  bullet  hence- 
forth."1 

The  King  was  now  freed  from  all  motives  of 
reserve :  at  the  same  time  he  shook  off  the  vacil- 
lating and  divided  counsels  that  had  hitherto  para- 
lyzed every  movement  of  his  party.  He  proceeded 
to  immediate  action,  with  a  vigour  that  gave  sym- 
pathetic life  to  every  Cavalier.  Their  trumpets 
now  rang  out  fearlessly  through  the  half  of  England, 
and  thrilled  with  a  new  spirit  the  heart  of  every 
loyal  man.  Old  armour  came  down  from  a  thou- 
sand old  walls,  and  clanked  upon  the  anvils  of  every 
smithy.  "  Boot  and  saddle "  was  the  order  of  the 
day  and  night ;  horses  rose  in  price,2  and  every  buff- 
coat,  and  piece  of  steel,  that  could  turn  or  deal  a 
blow,  became  of  value ;  even  "  the  long-bow,"  the 


1  If  Parliament  had  inspired  its  followers  with  its  own  hardy 
and  daring  spirit,  neither  did  the  King  want  for  brave  and  fear- 
less champions,  even  in  the  City  :  Sir  Richard  Gurney  published 
the  royal  Commission  of  Array  in  the  face  of  day,  and  of  his 
enemies.     He  was,  thereupon,  sent  to  the  Tower,  deposed  from 
his  Lord  Mayoralty  by  an  illegal  assumption  of  authority,  and 
Alderman  Penningtoii  was  appointed  to  his  place  by  Parliament. 

2  Horses  were,  in  1643,  valued  at  4Z. ;  see  a  letter  hereafter 
from  Lord  Wrottesley's  Collection  ;  they  had  been  as  cheap  as 
30s.  and  50s. — Eccleston. 

u  2 


292          MEMOIRS   AND   CORRESPONDENCE   OF 

"  brown-bill,"  and  the  cross-bow,1  resumed  their  al- 
most-forgotten use;  rude  spears,  and  common  staves, 
and  Danish  clubs,  assumed  the  rank  of  weapons. 
Such  of  the  country  gentlemen  as  had  neglected  or 
refused  to  obey  the  Parliament  "  militia  ordinance  " 
had  already  been  branded  as  "  delinquents,"  and  not  a 
few  had  suffered  more  than  mere  nominal  insult :  now 
their  turn  was  come  ;  many  helped  themselves  free- 
ly to  such  Roundhead  stores  as  they  were  strong 
enough  to  spoil,  and  blood  had  been  shed  in  many 
nameless  skirmishes  before  History  took  cognizance 
of  the  fact.  A  local,  but  wide-spread,  warfare,  of 
the  most  exciting  nature  to  the  young  and  ardent, 
of  the  most  painful  to  the  old  and  grave,  set  in. 
We  may  imagine  the  case  of  England  now,  if  all  her 
yeomanry  troops  were  mustered,  and  prompted  to 
assail  and  circumvent  one  another  in  every  manner 
that  daring,  ingenuity,  and  knowledge  of  the  coun- 
try could  devise;  every  deputy-lieutenant  a  com- 
manding officer,  every  labourer  a  militia-man,  and 
every  tradesman  a  volunteer :  inspire  these  con- 
fused masses  with  such  a  temper  as  a  well-contested 
election  can  call  forth,  and  set  them  all  free  to 
work  their  will.  Such  was  the  condition  into  which 
the  England  of  1642  was  at  once  plunged,  from  a 
state  of  profound  repose,  enjoyed  for  nearly  one 
hundred  years.  The  spirit  of  war  stalked  abroad 


1  Mr.  Grenvil's  returns,  quoted  by  Lord  Nugent;  Life  of  Hamp- 
den,  ii.  171. 


1642.]       PRINCE    RUPERT   AND   THE    CAVALIERS.      293 

confessed,  and  also  cowered  by  many  a  household 
hearth  :  father  and  son,  brother  and  brother, — each 
was  too  often  divided  against  the  other;  and  they 
of  the  same  household  were  found  in  hostile  camps. 
More  than  once  in  the  following  pages  we  shall 
have  to  speak  of  men  who  slew  an  enemy,  and 
found  a  parent  in  the  corpse  they  were  about  to 
spoil.  Even  the  face  of  nature  became  changed  ; 
old  familiar  scenes  assumed  a  strange,  rough,  hostile 
look.  Once  peaceful  homesteads,  and  quiet  vil- 
lages, rang  with  the  fatal  but  fascinating  sounds  of 
war:  every  strong  house  became  a  fortress;  every 
household,  a  garrison. 

It  is  a  difficult  and  unprofitable  task  to  discover 
where  the  first  blood  was  shed.  By  some1  it  is 
said  to  have  been  in  Somersetshire,  by  Sir  John 
Stowell ;  by  others,  in  Manchester,  by  Lord  Strange, 
where  "  one  Richard  Percival,  a  linen-webster,  was 
killed  ;"2  by  others,  to  have  been  in  Yorkshire,  by 
a  body  of  "  Northumberland  Royal  Horse,"3  who 
were  passing  through  the  county,  and  heard  that 
Sir  Edward  Rodes  was  in  the  act  of  obeying  the 
Parliamentary  ordinance  of  militia.  The  Northum- 
brian Officers  "  fell  upon  the  latter,  seized  their 
arms,  burned  a  barn  which  they  had  attempted  to 
defend,  and  rode  on  with  their  spoil,  leaving  death 
behind  them."  This  skirmish  took  place  about  the 


1  Clarendon  and  Warwick.        2  In  July,  Heath's  Chron.  38. 
3  MSS.    entitled   "  Northern   Intelligence, "  in  Fairfax    Cor- 
respondence, ii.  p.  413. 


294          MEMOIRS   AND   CORRESPONDENCE   OF 

21st  of  July,  when  his  Majesty  began  his  progress 
to  the  south.  On  the  21st  of  June  previously, 
there  had  been  a  severe  trial  of  strength,  but 
without  actual  loss  of  life,  in  Leicester.  The  pro- 
clamations, at  the  same  time,  of  the  King's  Com- 
mission of  Array,  and  the  Parliamentary  Ordinance, 
occasioned,  as  may  be  supposed,  a  violent  clashing 
between  the  rival  recruiting  officers.  The  King's 
Commission  of  Array,  as  below,1  had  been  sent  to 

1  HIS  MAJESTY'S  COMMISSION  OP  ARRAY. 

"  Charles,  by  the  Grace  of  God,  King  of  England,  Scotland, 
&c.,  to  our  most  dear  cousins  Henry  Earl  of  Huntingdon  and 
William  Earl  of  Devonshire,  and  also  to  our  beloved  and  trusty 
Henry  Hastings,  Esquire,  son  of  the  said  Earl  of  Huntingdon, 
Henry  Barklay,  George  Villiers,  Thomas  Hartopp,  Baronets ; 
Henry  Shipwith,  &c.  Knights  ;  Henry  Hasting  of  Humbertou, 
&c.  Esquires,  and  the  Sheriff  of  our  County  of  &c.  for  the  time 
being,  greeting.  Know  ye,  that  we,  willing  to  take  care  and 
provide  for  the  safety  and  defence  of  our  self  and  kingdome,  and 
our  lieges  thereof,  according  as  our  duty  is,  and  by  God's  good 
favourresolving  to  resist  the  malice  of  our  enemies,  if  they  shall 
presume  to  invade  this  our  realm  of  England,  have  appointed 
you,  or  any  three  or  more  of  you,  to  array  and  train  all  and  every 
person  and  persons  in  arms,  bowmen,  &c.  dwelling  within  your 
said  county,  within  liberties  and  without ;  and  that  you  cause  to 
be  armed  all  such  as  are  able  of  body,  and  fit  to  bear  them,  who 
have  of  their  own  wherewith  to  arm  themselves,  viz.  every  one 
according  to  his  estate  or  condition,  to  rate  and  proportion  ac- 
cording to  your  advice  and  discretion,  or  of  any  three  of  you  ;  and 
to  distrain  all  those  who  have  lands  and  possessions,  and  through 
debility  of  body  are  unable  for  service,  causing  them  to  find 
according  to  the  quality  of  their  lands  and  goods,  what  arms 
conveniently  and  reasonably  (saving  their  condition)  they  can 
bear :  and  to  promote  men-at-arms,  armed  but  with  bows  and 
arrows,  so  that  they  who  shall  stay  and  continue  at  their  own 
home  in  their  county  for  the  defence  of  this  our  kingdom  against 
our  enemies,  shall  receive  no  wages  nor  expenses  for  this  their 
stay  at  home  aforesaid  :  and  that  you  likewise  dispose  and  cause 
to  be  disposed  the  said  men,  armed  and  arrayed,  into  regiments, 


1642.]     PRINCE   RUPERT   AND   THE   CAVALIERS.        295 

the  Lord  Lieutenant  of  the  county,  and  was  the 
first  ever  published  by  the  King.  It  gave  great 
offence  to  the  Parliament ;  although  they  had,  a  few 


troops,  and  companies,  or  other  division  as  you  shall  see  conve- 
nient :  and  we  have  assigned  you,  or  any  three  or  more  of  you, 
whereof  you  the  said  Earl  of  Huntingdon,  and  in  your  absence  you 
the  said  Earl  of  Devonshire,  or  you  Henry  Hastings,  son  of  the 
said  Earl  of  Huntingdon,  to  be  one  of  the  said  men-at-arms  and 
bowmen,  so  arrayed  and  trained,  as  well  to  the  sea-coasts,  as  to 
any  other  places,  where  and  as  often  and  as  need  shall  require,  to 
expel,  overcome,  and  destroy  our  said  enemies,  from  time  to  time 
in  any  eminent  peril  to  command  and  lead ;  and  we  have  like- 
wise commissioned  you,  or  any  three  or  more  of  you,  to  cause 
muster  or  musters  of  the  said  men  so  armed  and  arrayed  to  be 
made,  and  to  supervise  them  as  oft  as  occasion  shall  require. 
And  also  to  proclaim,  ordain,  and  diligently  examine,  and  see 
that  all  and  every  such  men-at-arms,  armed  men,  and  bowmen, 
in  such  musters,  be  armed  with  their  own  and  not  others'  wea- 
pons, upon  penalty  of  losing  them  ;  those  only  excepted  who  are 
to  be  armed  at  the  charge  of  others.  And  to  arrest,  take,  and  in 
our  prisons  to  put  all  and  every  of  those  who  in  this  behalf  you 
shall  find  enemies  or  rebels,,  and  to  continue  them  in  such  pri- 
sons until  they  shall  be  thence  delivered  by  law.  And  therefore, 
as  straightly  as  we  can,  upon  your  faith  and  allegiance  which 
you  owe  us,  we  enjoin  and  command  you,  that  forthwith,  upon 
the  sight  of  these  presents,  that  in  the  best  and  safest  manner 
you  can  you  arm  and  array  yourselves  ;  and  that  before  you,  at 
certain  days  and  places  which  you  shall  judge  most  expedient 
and  convenient,  and  of  least  hindrance  to  our  people,  you  cause 
all  men  dwelling  in  your  county  by  whom  the  array  and  arming 
may  be  best  effected  and  completed,  to  be  called  and  come  to- 
gether there  and  then  to  be  arrayed  and  armed,  and  thence  so 
arrayed  and  armed  to  keep  in  the  same  array.  And  furthermore, 
that  you  cause  beacons  to  be  set  up  in  the  usual  places,  by  which 
the  several  counties  may  in  fit  time  be  forearmed  against  the 
coming  of  our  enemies.  *  *  * 

"  In  witness  whereof  we  have  caused  these  our  letters  to  be 
made  patents.  Witness  ourself  the  llth  day  of  June,  in 
the  eighteenth  year  of  reign, 

"  PEE  IPSUM  REGEM."  * 


History  of  Leicester. 


296         MEMOIRS   AND   CORRESPONDENCE   OF 

days  previously,  sent  a  like  Commission  of  their  own 
to  the  "Earl  of  Stamford,  Lord  Grey  of  Groby, 
Lord  Ruth  en,  and  Sir  Arthur  Haselrig."1  The 
latter  had  actually  proceeded  to  muster  the  train- 
bands on  the  strength  of  it,  when  a  royal  messenger, 
with  a  proclamation  against  such  doings,  galloped 
into  the  town,  and  rode  up  to  the  place  of  meeting : 
he  there  presented  his  message,  and  forbade,  on 
pain  of  treason,  one  man  to  stir  in  that  affair.  The 
Roundheads  then  adjourned  to  Melton  Mowbray, 
and  other  adjacent  towns,  where  they  gathered 
about  five  hundred  men.  Meanwhile,  the  gallant 
Hastings2  had  sent  to  Leicester,  and  commanded 
the  High  Sheriff  to  assemble  the  train-bands,  at  the 
"  Rawdykes,"  on  the  22nd  of  June.  On  the  21st, 
Hastings  arrived,  from  the  royal  head-quarters  at 
York,  at  Loughborough.  He  there  collected  about 
one  hundred  of  his  father's  tenants,  whom  he 
armed  with  pikes  and  muskets,  and  then  boldly 
proclaimed  the  Royal  Commission  "  at  the  Market- 
cross."  It  was  expected  that  Lord  Stamford  would 


1  Lord  Stamford  (in  whose  title  that  of  Grey  of  Groby  is  in- 
volved) still  has  a  residence  near  Leicester.     Sir  Arthur  Haselrig, 
too,  still  represents  the  name  and  place  of  his  ancestors  :  so  also 
Sir  Edmund  Hartopp,  and  several  others.    These  families,  in  keep- 
ing the  old  names  alive,  seem  to  bring  history  more  near,  and 
associate  our  sympathies  with  other  days. 

2  A  younger  son  of  Lord  Huntingdon,  created  Lord  Lough- 
borough  by  patent,  of  Oct.  29th,   1643  :    an  indefatigable  and 
heroic  partizan.     The  Parliamentary  papers  call  him  "  a  notable 
thief  and  robber  : "  the  device  upon  his  banner  was  not  concilia- 
tory— "  Quasi  ignis  conflatoris." — Hollings'  History  of  Leicester. 


1642.]      PRINCE   RUPERT   AND   THE   CAVALIERS.       297 

have  interrupted  the  march  to  Leicester,  as  he  had 
raised  a  guard  of  one  hundred  and  twenty  mus- 
keteers, and  twenty  horse,  for  the  protection  of  his 
house  at  Bradgate  ;  but  Hastings  advanced  without 
molestation.  He  entered  the  town  on  the  22nd  of 
June,  with  "  banners  displayed  and  matches  burn- 
ing."1 He  then  proceeded  to  the  Horse-Fair-Leas, 
then  outside  the  walls,  and  read  the  King's  Com- 
mission. The  High  Sheriff  (Archdale  Palmer),  who 
was  also  there  with  a  guard,  immediately  read  the 
Parliamentary  decree  against  this  Commission,  and 
two  messengers  from  the  Commons  attempted  to  seize 
Colonel  Hastings  where  he  stood.  Then  his  fol- 
lowers rushed  forward  to  the  rescue,  and  were 
encountered  by  the  Sheriff's  Guard  :  the  towns- 
people joined  the  tumult  on  one  side  and  the  other, 
and  some  of  them  fairly  carried  Hastings  off  to  his 
own  inn,  where  he  barricaded  himself  against  the 
opposing  mob.  He  left  Leicester  that  night  with 
reduced  forces,  for  the  Roundhead  citizens  had 
risen  upon  his  men,  as  they  lay  dispersed  in  quarters, 
and  deprived  most  of  them  of  their  arms.  The  up- 
roar had  been  great,  and  much  bitter  language  and 
many  blows  had  passed  in  this  affair,  but  no  lives 
were  lost.  I  have  recorded  it  at  length,  as  exem- 


1  Few  readers  need  to  be  informed  that  matchlocks  were  prin- 
cipally used  at  this  time.  Each  had  a  long  coil  of  twisted  tow 
steeped  in  saltpetre  attached  to  it.  This  was  only  lighted  in  the 
time  of  action  :  a  cock  brought  it  down  to  the  touchhole  of  the 
piece. 


298         MEMOIRS   AND   CORRESPONDENCE   OF 

plifying,  together  with  the  note  below,  the  manner 
in  which  these  things  were  done.1 

Whilst  Hastings  thus  took  the  initiative  at 
Leicester,  the  Marquis  of  Hertford  in  Somerset- 
shire,2 the  Earl  of  Northampton  in  Warwickshire, 


1  "  Then  the  Cavaliers  and  the  rest  of  the  soldiers  joining  with 
the  rude  multitude,  and  about  twenty-four  parsons  in  canonicals, 
well  horsed,  rode  all  towards  the  town  with  loud  exclamations, 
'  A  King !  a  King  ! '  and  others,  '  For  a  King  !  for  a  King  ! '  in 
a  strange  and  unheard  of  manner,  Captain  Worsley  giving  the 
word  of  command  to  the  soldiers,  '  Make  ready,  make  ready,' 
which,  as  they  were  proceeding  to  do,  a  sudden  and  extraordinary 
abundance  of  rain  falling,  hindered  the  soldiers  from  firing."  .  . . 
"Then  they  followed   Master  Sheriff  Chambers  and   Stanforth, 
crying  out,  '  At  the  cap  !  at  the  cap  !'  which  was  at  that  time  on 
Chambers'  head,  and  Master  Hastings  gave  fire  at  Chambers  with 
one  of  his   petronels,  but  the   same  did  not  discharge,"  &c. — 
(From  the  depositions  made  by  Stanforth  and  Chambers,  the  two 
Parliamentary  messengers   above  alluded  to,  as  attempting   to 
execute  a  writ  of  arrest  against   Colonel   Hastings.)     See  Mr. 
Boilings'  "  History  of  Leicester,"  a  wrork  of  considerable  research, 
and  in  every  way  creditable  to  the  talent,  candour,  and  good 
feeling  of  the  author.     Being  published  in  a  country  town,  it  is 
too  little  known. 

2  Then  made  Lieutenant- General  of  the  west.     Lord  Hertford 
was  one  of  the  most  heroic  of  the  Cavaliers,  and  in  every  respect 
a  nobleman.     He  was  descended  from  Henry  VII.,  and  had  pro- 
voked  James  I.'s  jealousy,  by  attempting  to   marry  Arabella 
Stuart.     For  this  he  was  forced  to  fly  from  England,  but  soon 
afterwards  returned,  and  lived  in  well-employed  retirement  for 
many  years.     As  I  have  before  quoted  from  Lloyd,  "  those  who 
live  under  a  Court-cloud  are  generally  in  the  people's  sunshine," 
and'  Lord  Hertford's  popularity  became  unbounded.     He  took 
part  with  his  friends  in  their  great  quarrel  against  despotism, 
but  as  soon  as  he  found  that  tyranny  had  changed  sides,  he  did 
so  too.    He  became  governor  to  the  Prince  of  Wales,  and  at  great 
peril  conveyed  him  to  Greenwich  to  the  King.     When  he  retired 
to  the  west  to  raise  forces  for  the  King,  such  was  his  popularity, 
that  he  raised  an  army  by  his  own  summons  (one  of  the  best, 
truest,  and  faithfulest  that  the  King  possessed)  ;  and  such  was  his 
disinterestedness,  that  he  yielded  the  command  of  it  to  another 
without  a  murmur.     "  He  lay  ever  close  within  himself,"  says 


1642.]     PRINCE   RUPERT   AND   THE    CAVALIERS.        299 

Lord  Strange  (afterwards  Earl  of  Derby1)  in  Lan- 


Lloyd,  "  armed  with  those  two  master-pieces,  resolution  and  duty, 
wherewith  he  mated  the  blackest  events,  that  did  rather  exercise 
than  dismay  that  spirit  [of  his]  that  was  above  them,  and  that 
mind  that  looked  beyond  them."  .  .  .  .  "  He  offered  his  life  for 
his  Prince's  service  in  the  field,  and  his  person  for  his  ransom  at 
the  Court  j  and  when  many  wished  they  might  die  for  that  ex- 
cellent King,  he,  with  the  Earls  of  Lindsay  and  Southampton, 
offered,  '  That  since  his  Majesty  was  presumed  by  the  law  to  do 
no  harm  himself,  and  since  he  did  all  by  them,  his  ministers,  as 
they  had  the  honour  to  act  under  him,  so  they  prayed  they 
might  have  the  happiness  to  suffer  instead  of  him  upon  the 
scaffold." — Lloyds  Loyalist,  288  ;  Hume,  vi.  433. 

1  James  Stanley,  first  Earl  of  Derby,  was  said,  with  his  an- 
cestors, to  have  been  "  so  eminent  for  their  loyalty  and  hospi- 
tality, as  made  them  kings  of  hearts  as  well  as  of  Man." — \Lloyds 
Loyalist,  453.]  The  latter  title  was  conferred  by  Henry  IV.  on 
Sir  John  Stanley.  This  gallant  race  was  "never  tainted  by 
treason  or  disloyalty ;  beloved  both  by  Prince  and  people,  being 
such  good  landlords  that  people  thrived  better  on  their  tene- 
ments than  they  did  on  their  own  freeholds."  The  subject  of  this 
note  married  Charlotte,  daughter  of  Claude  Due  de  la  Tre- 
mouille,  and  Charlotte  of  Nassau,  daughter  of  William  Prince  of 
Orange.  Of  this  heroic  lady  we  shall  have  to  speak  presently. 
Lord  Derby  was  made  K.C.B.  at  Charles  I.'s  coronation,  and  was 
soon  afterwards  summoned  to  Parliament.  During  his  father's 
lifetime,  he  devoted  himself  to  the  (then  rare)  task  of  cultivating 
the  morals  and  improving  the  comforts  of  his  tenantry.  He  had 
scarcely  become  the  head  of  his  ancient  House,  when  his  energies 
were  called  forth,  and  were  devoted  to  the  service  of  the  King. 
He  "mustered  the  county"  (on  the  occasion  alluded  to  in  the 
text)  on  the  three  heaths  of  Berry,  Ormskirk,  and  Preston,  and 
at  each  place  of  rendezvous,  20,000  men  are  said  to  have  an- 
swered his  summons. — [Heath,  454.]  Whilst  he  was  thus  en- 
gaged, the  setting  up  of  the  standard  was  changed  from  War- 
rington  to  Nottingham,  with  the  King's  usual  wavering  and 
consequent  misfortune.  The  earl  then  raised  three  regiments  of 
foot  and  three  troops  of  horse,  whom  he  clothed  and  armed  at 
his  own  expense  :  with  these  he  defeated  the  Roundheads  at 
Houghton  Common,  took  Preston  by  storm,  as  related  in  his  own 
letter  in  the  second  volume  of  this  work.  He  was  called  sudden- 
ly away  from  the  fortifying  of  Lathom  House,  by  intelligence  of 
a  design  of  the  enemy  upon  the  Isle  of  Man.  He  rallied  his 
men  three  times  at  Marston  Moor  :  he  took  refuge  after  that  de- 


300    MEMOIRS  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF 

cashire  and  Cheshire,  and  Sir  Ralph  Hopton1  on  the 
Welsh  Border,  were  similarly  engaged,  and  with 
better  success.2  Sir  John  Byron  raised  levies  in 
Oxfordshire,  but  was  set  upon  and  driven  thence  by 
the  Roundheads.  He  then  occupied  Worcester  for 
the  King. 

It  is  now  necessary  to  return  to  the  head-quarters 
of  the  Cavaliers  at  York.  The  King  found  that 
his  welcome  there  was  nearly  worn  out,  his  cause 
making  little  progress,  and  complaints  of  outrages 
committed  in  his  name  came  in  from  many  quar- 
ters. He  therefore  determined  to  make  a  tour 
through  the  neighbouring  counties,3  in  the  hope  of 

feat  in  the  Isle  of  Man,  which  he  held  against  the  Parliament, 
for  Charles  II.,  until  the  battle  of  Worcester.  Here  he  joined 
the  King  after  a  fight  at  Wigan,  in  which  he  received  seven 
shots  on  his  breastplate,  thirteen  cuts  upon  his  beaver,  five  or 
six  wounds,  and  he  had  two  horses  killed  under  him.  After 
the  defeat  at  Worcester,  he  led  the  King  to  Boscobel,  and  was 
soon  afterwards  taken  prisoner,  under  promise  of  quarter.  A 
Roundhead  court-martial,  however,  never  displayed  much  honour, 
and  he  was  sentenced  to  be  beheaded.  He  died  as  heroically  as 
he  had  lived,  and  this  epitaph  was  thrown  into  his  coffin  by  some 
daring  hand : — 

"  Beauty,  wit,  courage,  all  here  in  one  lie  dead  : 
A  Stanley's  hand,  Vere's  heart,  and  Cecil's  head." 

Even  Horace  Walpole  is  touched  by  this  chivalrous  earl's 
character :  he  says,  "  the  conduct  and  brave  death  of  this  lord 
were  but  the  conclusion  of  a  life  of  virtue,  accomplishment, 
and  humanity."  —  Clarendon,  Heath,  Lloyd's  Loyalist,  Lodge, 
Walpole. 

1  Whom  we  have  met  before  in  Bohemia,  p.  38. 

2  Clarendon's  Rebellion,  iii.  appendix  E. 

3  One  cause  of  the  King's  delay  at  York  seems  to  have  been  his 
want  of  money  :  he  had  scarcely  enough  to  furnish  himself  and 
the  two  princes  with  provisions.     About  this  time  the  Queen  dis- 
patched the  "  Providence,"  of  twenty-eight  guns,  with  some  money, 


1642.]     PRINCE    RUPERT   AND   THE   CAVALIERS.        301 

correcting  abuses,  and  conciliating  popularity.  He 
had  another  more  powerful  inducement  in  moving 
upon  Hull.  Lord  Digby  having  been  taken  prisoner 
on  the  sea,  disguised  as  a  Frenchman,  was  commit- 
ted under  that  character  to  Sir  John  Hotham's 
keeping.  Sir  John  was  Lord  Digby's  bitter  enemy ; 
yet  this  daring  and  eloquent  courtier  not  only  con- 
fessed his  disguise,  but  so  far  wrought  upon  the 
fear  and  hopes  of  the  governor,  that  he  was  permit- 
ted to  escape  from  Hull ;  carrying  with  him  Ho- 
tham's promise  to  render  the  town  on  the  first  royal 
summons.  On  the  7th  of  July,1  accompanied  by  his 
newly-raised  guard,  and  all  his  Court,  the  King  pro- 
ceeded to  Beverley,  in  pursuance  of  Digby's  devices  : 
that  town  being  only  four  miles  from  Hull.  It  is 
not  easy  to  understand  what  was  the  nature  of  his 
demonstration  here ;  we  have  only  a  proclamation 
against  Hotham  and  the  town  as  long  as  it  should 
remain  rebellious.  This  proclamation  was  sent  to 
both  Houses  of  Parliament  on  the  12th  of  July, 
with  an  intimation  that  on  the  27th  the  King  would 


about  two  hundred  barrels  of  powder,  two  or  three  thousand  stand 
of  arms,  and  seven  or  eight  field-pieces.  The  Parliament  was 
well  informed  of  the  freighting  and  destination  of  the  "  Provi- 
dence," and  no  sooner  had  she  left  the  coast  of  Holland  than  she 
found  herself  pursued  by  three  or  four  Parliamentary  ships.  They 
pressed  upon  her  in  a  long  and  eager  chase  until  she  entered  the 
Humber,  and  then  they  conceived  she  was  their  own.  Suddenly 
she  disappeared  ;  a  small  creek  that  led  towards  Burlington  was 
well  known  to  her  gallant  captain  (Stroughan).  The  chasers 
were  baffled,  the  cargo  saved,  and  the  ship  abandoned. — Clar- 
endon's Rebellion,  iii.  104. 
1  Iter  Carolinum. 


302         MEMOIRS   AND   CORRESPONDENCE   OF 

return  to  Hull  to  enforce  its  obedience,  if  not  pre- 
viously delivered  to  him  !  While  this  strange  mes- 
sage and  delay  were  enabling  the  Parliament,  and 
the  object  of  his  attack,  to  resist  him,  the  King 
made  a  tour  through  Doncaster,  Newark,  Lincoln, 
and  so  back  to  Beverley  on  the  17th.  Here  he 
found  Lord  Holland  and  a  committee,  with  another 
"  high  message  "  from  the  Parliament :  to  this  the 
King  replied  at  very  great  length,  publishing  the 
Parliamentary  document  with  his  own,  as  was  al- 
ways his  wise  practice ;  he  then  proceeded  on  an- 
other tour  to  Nottingham  on  the  21st  of  July,  and 
Leicester  on  the  22nd  of  July,  when  he  was  very 
loyally  received.1  The  assizes  were  then  about 
being  held,  and  the  grand  jury  were  assembled,  as 
in  the  most  tranquil  times.  The  King  made  a  good 
speech  to  the  town  authorities,  and  attempted  to 
get  possession  of  their  magazine.  In  their  reply, 
seconded  by  the  whole  of  the  grand  jury,  they  pray 
that  the  magazine  may  be  broken  up,  and  the 
arms  distributed  through  the  several  hundreds  of 
the  county,  which  was  consented  to  as  a  gracious 
compromise.2 

According  to  his  appointment  for  the  27th,  the 
King  returned  towards  Hull,  and  reached  Doncaster 
on  the  26th  of  July.  The  Hothams,  meanwhile, 
had  not  been  idle ;  the  elder,  in  endeavouring  to 


1  On  the  22nd  July,  Iter  Carol. ;  Clarendon's  Rebellion,  iii.  145. 

2  Hollings'  "  History  of  Leicester." 


1642.]      PRINCE    RUPERT   AND   THE   CAVALIERS.      303 

conciliate  the  King,  without  betraying  himself  to 
the  Parliament ;  and  the  younger,  in  contravening 
all  his  father's  plans,  and  rendering  himself  con- 
spicuous in  his  disloyal  zeal.  The  former,  a  Cava- 
lier in  heart,  had  only  been  induced  to  adopt  the 
opposite  party  out  of  personal  hatred  to  Lord  Straf- 
ford,  who  had  slighted  him ;  the  latter,  at  first  a 
fierce  Roundhead,  was  soon  seized  with  a  similar 
jealousy  of  Fairfax,  and  engaged  in  a  correspond- 
ence with  Lord  Newcastle,  which  led  to  his  own 
and  his  father's  execution  by  the  unforgiving  Par- 
liament. 

Up  to  this  period,  however,  young  Hotham  had 
acted  so  as  to  gratify  the  most  resolute  Round- 
heads :  the  King  had  scarcely  retired  from  Hull  on 
the  first  occasion,  when  he  determined  to  make  the 
first  use  of  his  new  power  by  gratifying  the  Parlia- 
ment and  his  own  revenge.  Archbishop  Williams1 


1  This  prelate  was  one  of  the  most  singular  men  of  his  time, 
and  was  only  prevented  by  the  jealousy  of  Parliament,  and  his 
own  inconsistency,  from  vying  in  political  power  with  Richelieu 
and  Mazarine.  He  had  all  the  boldness  of  the  one  and  the  unscru- 
pulousness  and  subtlety  of  the  other  ;  magnificent,  magnanimous, 
and  yet  mean,  he  presents  the  warning  spectacle  of  a  noble  spirit 
degraded  by  ignoble  actions,  to  which,  intending  only  to  lend  him- 
self, the  Devil  took  care  that  he  should  be  sold.  In  his,  as  in 
Bacon's  case,  "  mere  worms  had  eaten  into  a  heart  of  oak."  He 
was  the  churchman  whose  ambition,  avarice,  and  courtiership 
was  most  fatal  to  the  Church.  Laud  spiritually,  Williams  tem- 
porally, drew  down  the  attention  and  enmity  of  the  Parliament 
upon  their  order.  Williams,  then  Bishop  of  Lincoln,  was  base 
enough  to  counsel  the  King  to  violate  his  conscience  as  a  matter 
of  political  expediency  on  Strafford's  trial,  but  he  was  at  the  same 
moment  wise  enough  to  conjure  him  not  to  sign  the  bill  for  per- 


304         MEMOIRS   AND   CORRESPONDENCE   OF 

was  then  residing  at  Cawood  Castle,  near  York.  He 
had  been  lately  very  active  in  raising  funds  for  the 
King's  service,  which  afforded  a  sufficient  excuse  for 
Hotham's  revenge.  The  Archbishop,  it  appears,  had 
denounced  the  young  Puritan  for  disloyalty,  and  so 
far  injured  him  (as  he  considered)  that  he  swore  he 
would  cut  off  his  Grace's  head.  News  of  the  attack 
was  brought  to  the  Archbishop  at  midnight ;  "  the 
castle  was  ruinous  and  unfortified,"  and  but  few 


petual  parliaments  :  the  unhappy  King  thought,  that  when  he 
yielded  up  Strafford,  he  could  with  an  ill  grace  withhold  ought 
else,  and  he  signed  the  bill  that  unkinged  him  "  with  the  same 
drop  of  ink  that  he  had  used  for  Strafford's  execution."  When 
the  King  was  about  to  proceed  to  Scotland  in  1641,  he  conjured 
him  to  abandon  such  a  purpose  as  would  give  the  Parliament  and 
their  party  time  and  opportunity  to  strengthen  their  position. 
"  Rather,"  said  he,  "  stay  here  at  all  risks,  and  endeavour  to 
mitigate  the  popular  leaders  by  giving  them  preferment :  the 
Scots  will  only  take  your  courtesy  as  a  sign  of  fear."  He  was  the 
last  bishop  who  made  a  visitation  to  his  diocese  before  "the 
troubles,"  for  which  he  had  to  defend  himself  "  before  a  conference 
of  both  Houses  in  the  Painted  Chamber."  Early  in  1642  he  was 
made  Archbishop  of  York.  He  was  afterwards,  with  eleven 
bishops,  imprisoned  in  the  Tower  for  protesting  against  any  bill 
that  should  pass  the  Lords  during  the  enforced  absence  of  him  and 
his  brethren  :  whilst  in  prison  he  became  reconciled  to  Laud. 
These  two  great  churchmen  in  the  Tower,  and  the  King  a  fugi- 
tive, present  a  striking  proof  of  parliamentary  power.  At  length 
the  King,  as  Williams  said,  "  sacrificed  the  Church  to  the  Parlia- 
ment at  Canterbury"  \_Hacketf\^  which  shocked  Williams  far  more 
than  the  consent  to  Strafford's  death.  The  bishops  were  expelled 
the  House  of  Lords  on  the  14th  of  February,  and  thereupon  re- 
leased from  the  Tower.  The  archbishop  left  London  never  to 
return.  He  fortified  and  defended  Conway  Castle,  not  only 
against  the  Parliament,  but  the  King. — Philips,  Heylin,  Lloyd. 
In  the  Ashmolean  Museum,  at  Oxford,  I  find  this  pithy  epitaph 
upon  this  prelate : — 

"  Lo  !  here  York's  metropolitan  is  laid, 
Who  God's  anointed  and  the  Church  betrayed." 


1042.]       PRINCE   RUPERT   AND   THE   CAVALIERS.      305 

men  left  to  guard  it,  so  his  Grace  was  fain  to  flee, 
without  "  even  a  change  of  apparel."  When  Hotham 
arrived,  at  five  o'clock  in  the  morning,  he  found  his 
intended  victim  was  gone,  and  with  him  every  pre- 
text for  spoiling  the  old  castle.  The  Archbishop  met 
the  King  on  his  way  to  Beverley,  and  informed  him 
of  what  he  might  expect  on  his  arrival  before  Hull : 
then,  "  leaving  with  his  Majesty  the  stoutest  of  his 
own  followers  to  serve  him,  and  weeping  many 
tears,"  he  fled  on  to  Conway,  in  North  Wales* 
where  we  shall  soon  find  him,  "  arrayed  with  buff 
and  bandolier,"  very  conspicuously  among  the  mili- 
tants of  both  parties. 

Notwithstanding  this  demonstration  on  the  part 
of  the  younger  Hotham,  the  King  was  reassured  of 
the  father's  desire  to  surrender  Hull ;  Lord  Digby 
had  once  more  risked  his  life  by  venturing  thither 
in  disguise.  The  character  of  the  eccentric  and 
highly-gifted  cavalier,  who  was  Prince  Rupert's 
bitterest  enemy,  and  the  cause  of  many  of  his 
errors,  requires  some  observation.  He  was  one  of 
the  chief  promoters  of  the  war :  he  advised  the 
King  worse,  and  acted  for  him  more  zealously,  than 
any  of  his  councillors :  he  was  one  of  the  many 
who  deserted  from  the  Parliament  party  to  the  King, 
when  they  conceived  that  the  cause  of  their  country 
or  their  own  interests  had  also  changed  :  he  elo- 
quently denounced  Strafford  for  his  crimes,  and  still 
more  eloquently  opposed  his  unconstitutional  at- 
tainder :  he  was  principally  instrumental  in  bringing 

VOL.  I.  x 


306    MEMOIRS  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF 

over    Falkland,    Hyde,    and    Colepepper    to    the 
King's  party:   yet,  almost  at  the   same  time,  he 
turned  the  scale,  by  advising  the  King  to   seize 
the   Five   Members,    and   afterwards   by  his   rash 
demonstration    at    Kingston-upon-Thames.      Even 
when  he  exiled  himself  from  England,  his  influence 
was   no  less  fatal :   his  intercepted  letters  to  the 
Queen  precipitated  the  final  and  irrevocable  breach 
between   her   Majesty  and    the  Parliament.     The 
King  was  fascinated  by  his  address,  his  eloquence, 
his  daring,  and  his  devotion :  he  always  prevailed  in 
his  purposes,  however  wild,  if  he  could  only  obtain 
the  ear  of  Charles :    he  promised  all  things,  and 
succeeded  in  none ;  yet  the  easy  and  kindly  nature 
peculiar  to  his  hapless  race,  induced  the  King  to 
pardon   every   impetuous    error   of    his   favourite. 
Digby  was  the  last  of  the  King's  fatal  list  of  evil 
advisers,  and  he  united  in  himself  almost  all  their 
gifts   and   errors ;    the   grace   and   recklessness   of 
Buckingham,  the  eloquence   and  imperiousness  of 
Strafford,    the   love  of   intrigue  and   the  military 
incompetence  of  Hamilton.     We  shall  frequently 
meet  with  his  name  in  the  course  of  the  following 
events,  and  always  recognise  in  him  the  same  gay 
and  gifted  and^good-for-iiothing  character  :  able  and 
willing  to  undertake  everything ;  unable  to  accom- 
plish the  slightest  of  his  undertakings,  whether  it 
was  a  political  intrigue  or  a  charge  of  cavalry. 1 

1  George  Digby,  second  Earl  of  Bristol,  was  born  at  Madrid  in 


1642.]      PRINCE   RUPERT   AND   THE   CAVALIERS.        307 

And  now,  at  the  risk  of  his  life,  he  placed  the 
King  once  more  in  a  false  and  dangerous  position : 


1612,  during  one  of  his  father's  embassies  thither.*  In  the  be- 
ginning of  the  Long  Parliament  (as  he  says  in  his  ingenious 
"  Apologie,  published  at  Oxford  in  January  1642-3,"  and  to  be 
found  in  the  King's  Collection  of  Pamphlets  at  the  British  Mu- 
seum), he  "  was  passionate  against  the  pressures  [grievances]  and 
those  who  begot  those  pressures,"  but  he  revolted  from  his  party 
when  they  determined,  per  fas  and  nefas,  to  take  Strafford's  life. 
In  his  "  Apologie "  he  says,  that  he  first  incurred  the  popular 
displeasure  "  on  the  first  debate  of  episcopacy."  He  soon  after- 
wards joined  the  Court  party,  and  devoted  himself  to  its  ends 
with  characteristic  vehemence.  He  drew  down  Parliamentary 
vengeance  on  himself,  after  the  King  had  left  London  in  disgust 
or  fear  for  Hampton  Court,  by  heading  a  meeting  of  Royalist 
officers  and  others  at  Kingston-upon-Thames  :  here  it  was  as- 
serted that  he  appeared  with  six-score  horsemen  :  he  says  in  his 
"  Apologie,"  he  went  thither  in  his  "  coach  with  six  posting 
horses,  with  one  man  in  the  coach  with  him,  and  one  servant 
riding  by ;  and  he  thought  it  utterly  impossible  for  the  most 
romancy  malice  to  raise  scandal  thereout."  After  this  he  fled 
from  Holland,  to  avoid  Strafford's  fate,  and  thence  wrote  letters 
to  the  Queen  and  Sir  Lewis  Dives,  his  brother-in-law,  which  were 
betrayed  by  the  bearer  to  the  Parliament.  They  were  consi- 
dered very  treasonable,  especially  that  in  which  he  "  welcomed 
the  Queen  from  a  country  not  worthy  of  her."  On  the  King's 
disappointment,  for  the  first  time,  before  Hull,  Digby  volun- 
teered to  return  to  the  governor  and  confirm  his  loyalty.  Having 


*  This  father,  John  first  Earl  of  Bristol,  performed  a  very  con- 
spicuous part  in  the  politics  of  James  I.  and  the  early  part  of  his 
son's  reign.  His  conduct  at  Madrid  seems  ambiguous,  but  not  so 
his  noble  reply  to  the  King  of  Spain,  when  offered  by  him  a 
valuable  jewel  with  the  assurance  that  James  should  never  know 
of  the  gift :  "  There  is  one,  sire,"  he  replied,  "  who  would  tell 
him — the  Earl  of  Bristol."  Lloyd  pays  him  this  doubtful  com- 
pliment, "  Whatever  was  at  the  bottom  of  his  actions,  there  was 
resolution  and  nobleness  a-top."  That  his  spirit  was  great  abroad 
was  his  honour  ;  that  it  was  too  great  at  home  was  his  unhappi- 
ness.  Fuller  ("Worthies  of  Warwickshire,"  p.  124)  says  "that 
he  did  ken  [as  well  he  might,  he  was  ambassador  twenty-three 
several  times]  the  ambassador's  craft  as  well  as  any  in  his  age." 

x  2 


308         MEMOIRS   AND   CORRESPONDENCE   OF 

he  had  written  from  his  concealment  in  Hull  that 
Sir  John  Hotham  only  sought  for  an  opportunity  to 
surrender,  and  he  persuaded  the  sanguine  King  once 
more  to  appear  before  those  forbidding  walls,  and 
once  more  to  be  dishonoured.1 


"  shaved  his  beard,  and  assumed  the  dress  and  talk  of  a  French- 
man," he  had  heretofore  remained  unknown  even  in  the  King's 
quarters,  and  so  returned  to  Hull.  There  he  found  his  friend, 
Sir  John,  in  great  trepidation,  overawed  by  his  son  and  other 
Parliamentary  spies  :  all  he  could  do  was  to  set  his  disguised 
prisoner  free  once  more  (with  Jack  Ashburnham),  and  allow  him 
to  return  to  the  King.  Swift  describes  Lord  Digby  as  "  the 
prototype  of  Lord  Bolingbroke  ;"  Lord  Oxford,  as  "  a  singular 
person,  whose  life  was  one  contradiction.  He  wrote  against 
Papacy,  and  embraced  it ;  he  was  a  zealous  opposer  of  the  Court, 
and  a  sacrifice  for  it ;  was  conscientiously  converted  in  the  midst 
of  his  prosecution  of  Lord  StraiFord,  and  was  most  unconscien- 
tiously  a  prosecutor  of  Lord  Clarendon.  With  great  parts,  he 
always  hurt  himself  and  his  friends ;  with  romantic  bravery,  he 
was  always  an  unsuccessful  commander.  He  spoke  for  the  test 
act,  though  a  Roman  Catholic,  and  addicted  himself  to  astrology 
on  the  birthday  of  true  philosophy."  "  The  great  genius  of  Lord 
Clarendon,"  says  Bishop  Warburton,  "in  drawing  character  is 
never  more  happily  exerted  than  when  this  very  extraordinary 

nobleman  comes  across  his  pen He  was  generous  towards 

this  mortal  enemy,  and  superior  to  him  in  all  senses." — Bishop 
Warburton 's  Notes  to  Clarendon,  vii.  348.  The  following  is  a 
eotemporary's  lampoon  upon  him  : — 

"  Next  enters  a  gentleman  in  disguise,  newly  landed  out  of  the 
ship  called  Providence ;  Ahitophel  junior,  with  store  of  Samp- 
son's foxes  and  firebrands ;  pull  off  his  vizard,  and  his  name  is 
George  Digby.  This  is  the  beardless  Solon ;  Lycurgus  newly 
whipped  out  of  long-coats  into  the  privy-council ;  Treachery's 
son,  and  Machiavel's  concubine ;  for  by  him  were  spawned  those 
desperate  aphorisms  and  positions  of  his  Majesty's  wandering 
from  his  Parliament.  What  we  wonder  at  in  the  last  is  natural 
to  him,  being  a  native  Spaniard  (born  at  Madrid),  to  have 
antipathy  to  the  weal  of  our  nation;  for  an  atheist  that  hath 
neither  religion  nor  conscience  to  sway  him,  follows  the  constitu- 
tion and  engrafted  principles  of  his  climate." — Harleian  Miscel. 
Vols.  216. 

1  Clarendon's  Rebellion,  iii.  171. 


164*2.]  PRINCE  RUPERT  AND  THE  CAVALIERS.   309 

The  town  had,  in  the  mean  time,  been  strengthened 
by  the  Parliament  with  five  hundred  men  from 
Boston,  under  Sir  John  Meldrum.  They  arrived 
punctually  to  the  King's  appointment  for  the  27th, 
and  were  quite  ready  to  resist  him.  On  the  morn- 
ing1 of  that  day,  the  King  proceeded  towards  his 
rebellious  town,  with  banners  flying  over  his  little 
army,1  and  drums  and  trumpets  sounding  among 
them.  When  he  arrived  within  sight  of  the  place, 
however,  he  found  an  unexpected  obstacle;  the 
country  had  been  widely  flooded  by  the  enemy,  and 
only  a  narrow  causeway  was  left  uncovered,  along 
which  the  temporary  Governor  came  trooping  with 
five  hundred  townsmen,  and  drove  back  a  recon- 
noitring party  of  the  King's.  Charles,  however, 
advanced  with  the  main  body  of  his  force,  and  sat 
down  before  the  town.  The  old  Earl  of  Lindsey 
had  a  few  days  before  received  the  commission  of 
"  General-in-Chief  of  the  Army,"  and  was  somewhat 
"  put  out  of  countenance,"  as  Lord  Clarendon,  who 
was  watching  that  countenance  at  the  time,  observes, 
"  on  finding  himself  without  an  army,  and  commit- 
ted in  such  an  expedition."  Officers  and  their  ser- 
vants were  there  in  abundance ;  but  cavalry  can 
avail  nothing  against  stone  walls,  and  the  infantry 


1  Mrs.  Hutchinson,  in  her  "Memoirs,"  p.  113,  overrates  this 
army  at  three  thousand  foot  and  one  thousand  horse.  She  also 
states  that  the  King  "  beleaguered  the  town,"  which  seems  inap- 
plicable, as  he  left  Beverley  on  the  27th,  and  returned  to  York 
on  the  30th. 


310    MEMOIRS  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF 

was  composed  entirely  of  train-bands :  upon  these 
reluctant  and  ill-disciplined  troops  the  veteran  Lind- 
sey  placed  no  dependance* — and  the  event  justified 
his  judgment.1  The  King's  whole  artillery  at  this 
time  consisted  of  a  few  light  field-pieces;  these 
were  ostentatiously  advanced  against  the  strong 
walls  of  the  town,  and  a  barn,  that  lay  near,  was 
converted  into  an  arsenal.  This  hostile  attitude 
was  maintained  for  two  anxious  days,  Charles  cal- 
culating rather  on  the  strength  of  his  cause  within, 
than  of  his  force  without  the  walls.  He  reckoned 
in  vain:  men  who  fight  with  halters  round  their 
necks,  are  watchful  and  desperate:  Sir  John  Ho- 
tham,  closely  watched  by  the  emissaries  of  the  Par- 
liament, and  by  his  own  son,2  was  forced  to  appear 
and  to  act  like  the  most  vehement  of  Roundheads. 
A  sortie  was  made  by  the  garrison  the  second  night 
of  the  siege  ;  they  slew  some  few  cavaliers  and 
sluggish  train-bands,  and  took  others  prisoners : 
they  pushed  on  to  the  magazine-barn,  carried  off 
the  ammunition,  and  lighted  themselves  back  to 


1  Clarendon's  Rebellion,  iii.  170. 

2  There  is  something  horrible  in  the  last  hours  of  these  two 
men.     When  tried  for  treason  each  endeavoured  to  inculpate  the 
other,  the  son  endeavouring  to  save  his  own  life  by  taking  away 
that  of  his  father,  and  the  father  retorting  the  same  endeavour  on 
the  parricide.     As  soon  as  the  Parliament,  by  means  of  the  atro- 
cious Hugh  Peters,  had  done  with  the  son,  they  beheaded  him ; 
and  then  they  encouraged  the  father  with  hope  of  life,  until  they 
had  drained  him  of  all  the  information  in  his  power  to  give,  when 
they  beheaded  him  also  j  "  he  died  full  of  horror  in  his  disap- 
pointment."— Heath's  Chronicle  ;  Ludlow,  i.  83. 


1042.]     PRINCE   RUPERT   AND   THE   CAVALIERS.         311 

the  town  by  the  conflagration  of  the  rustic  arsenal. 1 
The  next  morning  [the  30th  of  July],  the  King,  by 
the  urgent  advice  of  his  council  of  war,  broke  up 
from  his  position,  and  returned  to  York.2 

Another  heavy  disappointment  succeeded  to  the 
discomfiture  at  Hull.  It  was  well  known  that 
the  captains  of  the  fleet  served  with  reluctance 
under  Lord  Warwick  and  the  Parliament.  The 
King  proposed  to  Sir  John  Pennington  to  go 
straight  to  the  fleet,  and  there  summon  all  the 
sailors  to  their  allegiance.  Even  that  brave  man 
hesitated  to  undertake  such  an  enterprise,  and  the 
better  counsel  was  then  devised  of  writing  to  each 
captain  individually,  to  sail  away  with  his  ship  and 
repair  to  Burlington  Bay,  to  receive  his  Majesty's 
commands.  Scarcely  were  these  letters  despatched, 
when  Pennington  made  up  his  mind  to  act  upon  the 
original  suggestion,  and  other  letters  were  forwarded 
requiring  the  captains  to  obey  only  such  orders  as 
they  should  receive  from  Sir  John.  The  worthy  old 
admiral  seems  to  have  been  bewildered  by  the 
complexity  of  these  land  manoeuvres ;  he  waited  for 
a  certain  Sir  Henry  Palmer  (who  had  been  also 
written  to),3  and  the  captains  waited  for  Sir  John, 

1  Mrs.  Hutchinson's  "Memoirs,"  p.  114. 

2  The  King  made  what  his  Chronicler  calls  "  one  attempt  neer 
it,  to  shew  his  just  indignation,  and  to  satisfie  his  honor,  when  he 
lost  unhappily  some  twenty  men." — Heath's  Chronicle,  p.  38. 

3  For  no  apparent  good  reason.     But  a  "  cacoethes  scribendi  " 
seems  to  have  possessed  Charles  and  his  council  at  this  time ;  an 
unfortunate  passion,  as  the  majority  of  their  despatches  only 
reached  their  enemies. 


312          MEMOIRS  AND   CORRESPONDENCE  OF 

and  the  opportunity  was  lost.  Lord  Warwick  had 
been  amusing  himself  on  shore  in  a  very  unpuri- 
tanical  manner,1  but  he  got  on  board  before  his 
intended  successor ;  and  when  the  latter  at  length 
arrived,  he  was  placed  under  arrest,  and  sent  back 
to  London  to  be  tried  for  treason.2 

The  King  remained  for  about  a  fortnight  longer 
at  York,3  continuing  to  hold  his  Court  at  the 
Deanery,  and  urging  on,  with  newly  -  developed 
vigour  and  talents,  such  preparations  as  his  slender 
resources  admitted  of.  Another  bright  and  delusive 
gleam  of  good  fortune  had  broken  in  upon  his 
gloomy  prospects  :  it  revived  his  party,  but  induced 
him  to  raise  his  standard  prematurely. 

Ever  since  his  betrayal  of  the  Army  Plot,  Lord4 
Goring  had  been  Governor  of  Portsmouth,  in  the 


1  Clarendon's  Rebellion,  iii.  113. 

2  The  navy  had  never  been  disloyal  before  or  since,  though  oc- 
casionally a  little  mutinous  against  thievish  pursers  and  sangui- 
nary captains.     But  some  ungracious  and  unguarded  words  are 
said  to  have  lost  the  King  the  childlike  affections  of  the  seamen  : 
when  he  heard  that  the  sailors  took  part  with  the  Five  Mem- 
bers, he  exclaimed,  "  How  have  I  lost  the  hearts  of  those  water- 
rats  !" 

3  "  From  the  King's  leaving  his  Court  at  York,"  says  Heath,  in 
his  quaint  manner,  "  with  an  intent  to  encourage  his  party  in  the 
Commission  of  Array,  we  cannot  call  his  removes  a  progress,  but 
an  expedition ;  and,  indeed,  it  was  a  perfect  war  levied,  though 
at  such  distances,  that  the  twilight  of  peace  was  preserved  only  by 
his  hovering  near  the  solstice  of  his  kingdom,  the  midland ;  with- 
out engaging  the  confines  of  their  association  ;  which,  if  he  had 
done  speedily,  it  is  probable  we  had  not  seen  that  night  of  confu- 
sion that  followed  in  his  setting  and  declination.''' — Heaths  Chro- 
nicle, p.  37. 

4  His  father  had  lately  been  made  Earl  of  Norwich. 


<L    OF 


1642.]        PRINCE   RUPERT  AND   THE   CAVALIERS.     313 

name  of  the  Parliament:  bis  matchless  powers  of 
dissimulation  had  so  far  imposed  on  the  new  self- 
constituted  authorities,  that  they  gave  him  four 
thousand  pounds1  to  strengthen  the  fortifications, 
while  at  the  same  time  the  Queen  gave  him  three 
thousand  pounds,  and  some  valuable  jewels,  to  gain 
over  the  garrison.  With  the  King  he  had  so  far 
succeeded,  as  to  induce  his  adherence  to  the  royal 
service,  believing  the  King's  favour  would  render  it 
the  more  profitable  career :  while,  with  the  Parlia- 
ment, he  had  obtained  such  influence,  that  he  was 
appointed  Lieutenant-General  of  their  horse,  under 
Essex.2  In  this  capacity  he  continued  at  Ports- 


1  Bulstrode,  "Memoirs."  p.  69. 

2  Lord  Clarendon's  character  of  this  extraordinarily  gifted  and 
unprincipled  man,   is  one  of  his  most  successful  and  exquisite 
compositions.     [See  note  to  "History  of  Rebellion,"  iii.   173.] 
As  hereafter  little  will  be  recorded  of  him  except  his  villanies 
and  his  brute  courage,  I  subjoin  an  extract  from  the  above,  in 
order  to  account  in  some  degree  for  his  position  in  the  royal 
army.     "  He  was,  in  truth,  a  person  very  powerful  to  get  esteem, 
having  a  person  very  winning  and  graceful  in  all  his  motions. 
He  had  a  civility  which  shed  itself  over  all  his  countenance,  and 
gathered  all  the  eyes  and  applications  in  view  :  his  courage  was 
notorious  and  confessed  ;  his  wit  equal  to  the  best,  and  in  the 
most  univen  J.  conceptions  :  his  language  and  expression  natural, 
sharp,  and  flowing,  adorned  with  a  wonderful  seeming  modesty, 
and  with  such  a  constant  and  perpetual  sprightliness  and  plea- 
santness of  humour,  that  no  man  had  reason  to  be  ashamed  of 
being  disposed  to  love  him,  or  even  of  being  deceived  by  him." 
In  a  pamphlet  of  1643,  reprinted  in  the  Harl.  Miscellany,  are 
sketches  of  the  principal  Cavaliers  under  the  head  of  "  An  Oxford 
Incendiary."     Some  of  the  characters  are  very  cleverly  lampooned. 
I  only  give  Goring's  as  illustrating  this  jewel  transaction,  which 
Clarendon  says  was  in  money  :  "I  had  almost  forgotten  Goring 
and  her  Majesty's  jeweller ;    she  plundered  the  crown  [of   its 
jewels]  and  he  conveyed  all  away,  converting  all  into  arms  and 


314         MEMOIRS   AND   CORRESPONDENCE   OF 

mouth,  notwithstanding  several  requisitions  from 
Parliament  to  attend  the  House.  While  storms  were 
gathering  all  round  him,  he  was  carousing  at  Ports- 
mouth with  all  the  recklessness  of  a  common  trooper  : 
and  yet,  when  compelled  for  a  moment  to  attend 
to  business,  he  often  displayed  a  genius  that  only 
required  firmness  and  honour  to  be  supreme. 

At  length  Lord  Kimbolton  wrote  peremptorily, 
requiring  his  attendance  in  Parliament  to  answer 
many  accusations,  and  the  governor  of  Portsmouth 
was  obliged  to  unmask  himself.  This  he  did  in  a 
characteristically  "jolly"  letter,  as  Lord  Clarendon 
terms  it ;  informing  Lord  Kimbolton  that  he  was  in- 
structed that  the  Parliamentary  arrangements  were 
not  altogether  legal,  and  that,  in  fact,  he  might  run 
some  danger  in  obeying  their  orders :  that  he  felt, 
moreover,  that,  as  Portsmouth  was  the  King's,  he 
could  not  well  be  absent  thence  without  his  Ma- 
jesty's permission.  In  conclusion,  he  gave  Lord 
Kimbolton  much  good  and  loyal  advice  concerning 
politics,  and  the  part  it  behoved  a  gentleman  to 
take. 

This  important  acquisition  of  the  great  southern 
seaport  gave  confidence  to  the  royal  council.  And 
some  such  encouragement  was  much  needed ;  for, 
the  failure  before  Hull,  and  other  disasters,  had 


gunpowder — rare  transmutation  !  But  this  is  the  least  part  of 
his  skill,  for  in  times  of  peace  he  was  so  expert  an  alchemist  that 
he  turned  his  own  rags,  and  worse  things  too,  into  gold  and 
silver." — Harl.  Misc.  v.  346. 


1642.]     PRINCE   RUPERT   AND   THE   CAVALIERS.        315 

alienated  the  feelings  and  service  of  many  waverers. 
The  assertion  of  Pym  and  Hampden,  that  he  would 
never  be  able  to  raise  an  army,  appeared  likely  to 
prove  true.1  That  question  was  now  or  never  to  be 
decided.  The  Parliamentary  forces  already  muster- 
ed strongly;  the  King  had  not  above  three  hundred 
horse,  and  about  as  many  infantry  of  all  arms,  at 
his  disposal.  Sir  William  Waller  was  marching 
to  invest  Portsmouth  on  the  land  side,  while  Lord 
Warwick  prepared  to  blockade  it  by  the  sea.  The 
various  levies  that  had  been  made  through  England 
in  the  royal  name  required  some  central  point  to 
rally  on,  if  only  in  imagination.  There  was  no  longer 
time  for  hesitation  ;  the  standard  was  to  be  raised 
at  once,  and  the  place  for  the  ceremony  alone 
remained  to  be  decided  on.  Many  of  the  King's 
council  proposed  York,  as  being  furthest  from  the 
Parliament,  and  the  centre  of  a  rich  and  fertile 
country:  others  suggested  Warrington,  as  being 
more  central,  and  in  the  midst  of  a  population  that 
had  rallied  by  tens  of  thousands  at  the  summons  of 
Lord  Derby.2  The  former  was  objected  to  by  the 
"  Gadarenes,"  whose  feelings  in  this  respect  were 


1  When  the  "  good  and  true"  Sir  Benjamin  Rudyard  was  on 
his  death-bed   in    1643  [he  was  one  of  the  many  whose  lives 
(strange  as  it  may  seem  in  these  unearnest  times)  were  shortened 
by  grief  for  England's  wars  and  woes],  "  he  declared  that  Hamp- 
den and  Pym  had  assured  him  that  the  King  was  so  ill-beloved  by 
his  subjects  that  he  never  could  raise  an  army  against  them ;  a 
mistake   that  cost  many  thousand  lives." — Heath's  Chronicle, 
p.  36,  and  Mays  Parl.  Hist. 

2  Then  Lord  Strange. 


316          MEMOIRS   AND   CORRESPONDENCE   OF 

shared  by  many  persons  professing  loyalty,  but 
anxious  to  see  the  King  depart,  and  the  scene  of 
war  transferred  from  their  neighbourhood.  The 
King  himself  objected  to  the  northern  metropolis, 
owing  to  its  distance  from  Portsmouth,  and  the 
demonstration  that  had  taken  place  on  Heyworth 
Moor.  Warrington  was,  unfortunately  for  the 
King,  also  rejected,  and  Nottingham,  being  one 
of  the  worst  places  in  England  for  the  purpose,  was 
finally  selected  by  the  royal  council.1 

As  soon  as  this  decision  was  arrived  at,  (12th 
August,  1642,)  the  King  published  a  declaration, 
dated  the  12th  of  August,  1642,  recapitulating  the 
wrongs  he  had  suffered,  the  concessions  he  had 
made,  and  the  hard  necessity  he  was  reduced  to  of 
taking  up  arms  to  defend  his  honour,  and  his  very 
existence.  It  concluded  by  declaring  the  two 
Houses  guilty  of  many  rebellious  actions  against 
him,  and  "  forbid  all  his  subjects  to  yield  any  obedi- 
ence unto  them."  Finally,  he  issued  an  accom- 
panying proclamation,  requiring  "  all  his  subjects 
who  could  bear  arms,  northward  of  the  Trent,  and 
twenty  miles  to  the  southward,"2  to  repair  to  him  at 
Nottingham  on  the  22nd  of  August 3  following ;  on 


1  Clarendon's  Rebellion,  iii.  183,  and  Appendix  E. 

2  Heath's  Chronicle,  p.  38. 

3  In  Clarendon's  text  the  25th  of  August  is  named  j  but  in  the 
Appendix  (to  the  Oxford  edit.  1826)  it  is  written  22nd.     Strange 
to  say,  that  in  this  Oxford  edition  the  Appendix  alone  gives  the 
original.     See  back  in  this  work,  p.  1 1 1 ,  note. 


1642.]      PRINCE   RUPERT   AND   THE   CAVALIERS.      317 

which  day  he  should  set  up  his  royal  standard 
there,  which  all  good  subjects  were  required  to 
attend."  1 

It  was  always  the  fate  or  fault  of  Charles  to  com- 
promise his  most  energetic  acts  by  some  half  mea- 
sure, that  paralysed  their  strength:  he  was  now 
persuaded  to  accompany  the  summons  to  his  stan- 
dard by  a  proclamation  forbidding  Roman  Catholics, 
to  resort  to  his  army,  and  disclaiming  their  services. 
Neither  Charles,  nor  any  one  of  his  council  (except 
Hyde,  and  some  of  the  old  soldiers)  could  bring 
themselves  to  understand  that  it  was  no  longer  a 
war  of  words,  but  of  weapons,  that  it  behoved  them 
to  make ;  and  that  every  loyal  heart  and  stout  arm 
was  needed,  and  should  be  welcomed  by  the  King. 
It  was  hopeless  to  compete  with  the  Parliament  in 


1  The  following  letter,  written  scarcely  a  month  later,  forms 
the  best  commentary  on  this  declaration  : — 

THE    KING    TO   THE   EARL   OF    NEWCASTLE. 

[In  his  own  handwriting.] 
NEWCASTLE, 

This  is  to  tell  you  that  the  rebellion  is  grown  to  that  height, 
that  I  must  not  look  what  opinion  men  are  who  at  this  time  are 
willing  and  able  to  serve  me.  Therefore  I  do  not  only  permit, 
but  command  you,  to  make  use  of  all  my  loving  subjects'  services, 
without  examining  their  consciences  (more  than  their  loyalty  to 
us),  as  you  shall  find  most  to  conduce  to  the  upholding  of  my 
just  regal  power.  So  I  rest 

Your  most  assured  faithful  friend, 

CHARLES  R.* 
Shrewsbury,  23rd  Sept.  1642. 


*  Harl.  MSS.  6988  and  Ellis'  Orig.  Letters,  iii.  291. 


318          MEMOIRS  AND   CORRESPONDENCE   OF 

bigotry  and  intolerance,  it  would  have  been  more 
politic  to  assume  the  opposite  course ;  under  the 
Crown  should  have  been  found  shelter  for  the  vic- 
tims of  persecution.1  Lord  Clarendon  says  "  that 
this  measure  was  one  of  those  impositions  which  the 
spirit  and  temper  of  the  times  obliged  his  Majesty 
to  submit  to  ;"  but  the  imposition  was  perfectly 
unsuccessful ;  the  minds  of  men  had  been  long  be- 
fore made  up,  and  it  only  disclosed  to  the  Parlia- 
ment a  weakness  of  which  they  took  immediate  ad- 
vantage. From  that  day  forth  the  royal  forces  were 
termed  not  only  "  malignant,"  but  "  popish." 2 

The  King  now  prepared  to  leave  York,  to  the 
great  joy  of  its  inhabitants,  and  even  of  the  neigh- 


1  See  Clarendon's  Rebellion,  iii.,  Appendix,  E.     The  Roman 
Catholics  had  been  rendered  desperate  by  the  Parliament  and 
their  party ;  their  houses  had  been  pulled  down,  their  property 
spoiled,  and  themselves  insulted  by  the  self-styled  champions  of 
freedom  :    they  fought  with  proportionate   zeal    for   the   King 
throughout   the  war.     At  a  later  day,  when  George  II.  saw  his 
best  troops  forced  at  Dettingen  to  give  way  before  a  brigade  of 
Irish  exiles  whose  services  were  forbidden  to  be  used  by  England, 
he  exclaimed,  "  Curst  be  the  laws  that  compel  such  men  to  serve 
my  enemies  !" 

2  This  demonstration  was  as  false  as  vain  :  already  some  of 
the  most  important  posts  on  the  royal  staff  were  held  by  Roman 
Catholics  :  Sir  Arthur  Aston,  Sir  Troilus  Turberville,  captain  of 
the  King's  life-guard ;  Captain  (afterwards  Sir  John)  Smith,  who 
rescued  the  royal  standard  at  Edgehill ;  Sir  Thomas  Tildesley, 
Sir  M.  (afterwards  Lord)   Langdale,    Lord   Dunbar,  Endymion 
Porter,  Sir  William  Vavasour,  and  others.      These  names  are 
to  be  found  in  a  pamphlet   of  two  years  later,  entitled,  "The 
humble  Apology  of  the  English  Catholics,"  wherein  it  was  also 
said,  to  the  great  and  groundless  triumph  of  the  Roundheads, 
that  "  There  never  was  a  Papist  that  was  not  deemed  a  Cavalier." 
See  also  a  rare  old  book,  entitled,  "  Clarendon  and  Whitelock 
Compared.     London,  1727,"  in  the  London  Library. 


1642.]      PRINCE   RUPERT   AND   THE   CAVALIERS.      319 

bouring  gentry,  who  besought  him,  however,  to  take 
measures  for  their  protection  before  his  departure. 
In  compliance  with  their  request,  the  Earl  of  Cum- 
berland1 was  appointed  to  command  them  in  the 
King's  absence,  and  Sir  Thomas  Glenham 2  was  to 
exercise  the  practical  duties  of  command,  under  the 
Earl's  nominal  control.  In  return  for  these  courte- 
sies, the  Yorkshire  gentry  supplied  the  King  with 
four  or  five  hundred  stand  of  arms,  and  furnished 
"  two  or  three  troops  of  good  horse  for  the  Prince 
[of  Wales's]  regiment,  to  be  commanded  by  Sir 
Thomas  Byron." 

When  the  King  was  fairly  departed  from  among 
them,  it  must  be  stated,  to  the  honour  of  these 
"  Gadarenes,"  that  they  stood  stoutly  by  his  cause, 
for  which  they  shed  their  blood  freely  in  after  years, 
at  Marston  Moor,  and  other  deadly  fields,  under  the 
Marquis  of  Newcastle. 

The  King  proceeded  to  Nottingham  on  the  14th 
of  September,3  at  the  head  of  his  small  cavalcade  ;  it 


1  George,  Earl  of  Cumberland,  the  last  of  his  name,  was  popu- 
lar, and  *'  a  man  of  honour,  but  not  in  any  degree  active  or  of  a 
martial  nature  :  his  father  had  been  privy  counsellor  to  Queen 
Elizabeth,  and  was  famous  for  five  great  voyages  he  made  at  his 
own  expense,  one  of  which  was  against  the  Armada.     They, 
father  and  son,  are  buried  at  Skipton." — Heath. 

2  Sir  Thomas  was  a  gentleman  of  noble  extraction  and  a  fair 
fortune,  though  he  had  much  impaired  it  :  he  had  spent  many 
years  in  armies  beyond  the  sea :  he  had  been  an  officer  of  very 
good  esteem  in  the  King's  service,  and  of  courage  and  integrity 
unquestionable.... Clar.  Reb.  iii.  185.     It  was  his  singular  for- 
tune to  surrender,  honourably,  York,  Carlisle,  and  Oxford. 

3  Before  leaving  Yorkshire,  it  was  proposed  to  arrest  Lord 


320          MEMOIRS   AND   CORRESPONDENCE   OF 

could  scarcely  be  called  an  army.  The  infantry  con- 
sisted of  three  hundred  train-bands,  under  Sir  John 
Digby,  the  cavalry  mustered  about  600,  which  soon 
afterwards  increased  to  the  number  of  800  horse. 
Of  this  cavalry,  one  troop  consisted  of  Life  Guards, 
under  Lord  Bernard  Stuart :  it  was  composed  en- 
tirely of  nobility  and  gentry,  whose  estates  and 
revenues  were  equal  to  those  of  all  the  members  of 
Parliament  who  voted  for  the  war.1  Another  troop, 
under  Sir  William  Killigrew,  was  composed  of  the 
servants  of  the  former :  they  always  accompanied 
their  masters  in  camp,  or  in  the  field.2  The  very 
slight  train  of  royal  artillery,  for  want  of  horses,  had 
been  left  at  York,  under  Sir  John  Heydon ;  Sir  Ar- 
thur Aston  commanded  the  few  dragoons,  Sir  Jacob 
Astley  the  foot ;  the  general  command  of  the  cavalry, 
retained  for  Prince  Rupert,  was  at  present  held  by 
Lord  Wilmot,3  and  that  of  the  whole  army  was 
allotted  to  the  Earl  of  Lindsey.4  This  distinguished 


Fairfax  and  his  son  Sir  Thomas  Fairfax.  This  was  objected  to 
by  the  loyal  gentry,  who  did  not  believe  them  seriously  disaf- 
fected. It  was  perhaps  well  for  the  King ;  Fairfax  and  Essex 
were  his  noblest  enemies. 

1  Clarendon ;  Hume.  2  Warwick. 

3  Clarendon's  Rebellion,  iv.  188,  n. 

4  Robert  Bertie,  first  Earl  of  Lindsey,  was  born  in  London, 
December  16,  1582.     Queen  Elizabeth  was  his  godmother.     Im- 
mediately after  leaving  Cambridge  he  set  out  on  a  foreign  tour. 
On  his  return  he  joined  Lord  Essex's  expedition  to  Cadiz.     He 
was  more  or  less  engaged  in  most  of  the  campaigns  in  the  Low 
Countries,  and    he   afterwards    embarked   in   several   predatory 
cruizes  against  the  Spaniards.     On  his  marriage  with  the  daugh- 
ter of  the  first  Lord  Montagu  he  renounced  this  wandering  life. 
Soon  after  Charles  the  First's  accession,  he  was  created  Earl  of 


1642.]     PRINCE   RUPERT   AND   THE   CAVALIERS.       321 

veteran  was  soon  afterwards  joined  by  a  large  force 
of  loyal  gentlemen  from  Lincolnshire,  led  by  his 
son,  Lord  Willoughby.1  But  the  important  rein- 
forcement did  not  arrive  for  some  time  after  the 
march,  and  the  whole  force  attending  the  King, 
when  he  raised  his  standard,  with  their  attendants, 
did  not  amount  to  one  thousand  men. 

The  journey  from  York,  about  fifty-five  miles,2 
occupied  two  days  :  on  the  evening  of  the  16th  of 
August,  the  King  arrived  at  Nottingham,  and  took 


Lindsey  and  a  Knight  of  the  Garter.  In  1636  he  was  appointed 
Lord  High  Admiral  of  England ;  and  on  the  rising  of  the  Scots 
in  1639  he  was  made  Governor  of  Berwick. 

Clarendon  says  of  Lord  Lindsey,  "He  was  a  man  of  great 
honour,  and  spent  his  youth  and  vigour  of  his  age  in  military 
actions  and  commands  abroad ;  and  albeit  he  indulged  to  himself 
great  liberties  of  life,  yet  he  still  preserved  a  very  good  reputation 
with  all  men  and  a  very  great  interest  in  his  country,  as  appeared 
by  the  supplies  he  and  his  son  brought  to  the  King's  army ;  the 
several  companies  of  his  own  regiment  of  foot  being  commanded 
by  the  principal  knights  and  gentlemen  of  Lincolnshire,  who 
engaged  themselves  in  the  service  principally  out  of  their  personal 
affection  for  him.  He  was  of  a  very  generous  nature,  and  punctual 
in  what  he  undertook  and  in  exacting  what  was  due  to  him, 
which  made  him  bear  so  heavily  that  restriction  that  was  put 
upon  him  by  the  commission  granted  to  Prince  Rupert,  and  by 
the  King's  preferring  the  Prince's  opinion,  in  all  matters  relating 
to  the  war,  before  his,  nor  did  he  conceal  his  resentment :  the 
day  before  the  battle  [of  Edgehill]  he  said  to  some  friends  with 
whom  he  had  used  freedom,  that  he  did  not  look  upon  himself  as 
general ;  and  therefore  he  was  resolved,  when  the  day  of  battle 
should  come,  that  he  would  act  at  the  head  of  his  regiment  as  a 
private  colonel,  where  he  should  die.  He  had  very  many  friends 
and  very  few  enemies,  and  died  generally  lamented." — Lloyd's 
Loyalists.  Lodges  III.  Pers.  Clarendon. 

1  Clarendon  ;  Lloyd.     Hume,  confounding  the  fiither  and  son, 
says  that  the  Earl  of  Lindsey  was  at  this  time  Lord  Willoughby. 

2  Iter  Carolinum. 

VOL.  I.  Y 


322         MEMOIRS   AND   CORRESPONDENCE   OF 

up  his  quarters  at  the  Earl  of  Clare's,1  who  was  then 
recorder  of  the  town.  From  the  time  that  he  left 
Newmarket,  the  King  seldom  slept  in  a  house  that 
he  could  call  his  own,  until  he  was  taken,  as  a  pri- 
soner, to  his  palace  of  Holdenby.  Henceforth  his 
days,  few  and  evil,  were  past  in  pilgrimage ;  its 
shrines  were  battle-fields,  its  goal  a  bloody  grave  ! 

With  a  natural  restlessness,  Charles  then  set  out, 
upon  the  18th  of  August,  for  Warwickshire,  to  use 
what  power  there  yet  was  in  his  name,  in  the  fur- 
therance of  his  levies  there.  Lord  Northampton 2 
had  made  vigorous  efforts  in  that  direction,  but  had 
been  much  obstructed  in  his  task  by  Lord  Brooke 
and  his  party.  Whilst  on  his  march,  the  King  re- 
ceived a  despatch  from  Lord  Northampton,  stating 
that  a  strong  force  of  Roundhead  troops  was  on 
its  way  to  occupy  Coventry,  but  that  he,  the  Earl, 
had  good  interest  there,  having  been,  for  a  long 


1  "  Who  was   often  of  both  parties,   and  never   advantaged 
either." — Mrs.  HutcMnson,  117. 

2  Spencer  Compton,  second  Earl  of  Northampton,  was  born  in 
May,  1601.     Little  is  known  of  his  early  life,  but  that  it  was 
passed  amidst  the  luxury  and  gaiety  of  Courts,  and  yet  that  he 
then  was  sans  reproche,  as  ever  afterwards  sans  peur.     He  accom- 
panied Charles  I.,  when  Prince  of  Wales,  to  Madrid,  being  then 
"  Master  of  the  Robes,"  as  he  continued  to  be  after  Charles's  acces- 
sion to  the  throne.     In  1639  he  attended  the  King,  with  a  great 
train  of  his  own  dependants,  against  the  Scottish  Covenanters ; 
and  afterwards  throughout  the  Civil  War  he  supported  the  royal 
cause  with  the  most  active  zeal,  until  his  brief  and  brave  career 
was  ended  nobly  on  Hopton  Heath  (in  1 643).     He  was  married 
to  a  daughter  of  Sir  Francis  Beaumont,  by  whom  he  had  six 
sons,  five  of  whom  displayed  all  their  father's  valour  and  devotion 
to  the  King,  and  with  better  fortune. 


1642.]       PRINCE  RUPERT  AND  THE  CAVALIERS.          323 

time,  recorder  of  the  town.1  He  therefore  be- 
sought the  King  to  take  possession  of  it,  and  un- 
dertook to  prepare  the  inhabitants  for  his  entrance. 
He  knew  not  how  strong  a  spirit  of  resistance 
had  already  possessed  the  townsmen  :  holding  very 
dear  their  little  local  authority,  the  civic  poten- 
tates, almost  everywhere,  were  flattered  by  the 
prospect  of  increasing  their  power,  under  the  Par- 
liamentary regime;  and  the  preaching  of  Puritan 
ministers  had  more  strongly  influenced  men  in 
masses,  as  other  contagions  do,  than  those  in  the 
country.2  Accordingly,  when  the  loyal  Earl  arrived, 
he  found  Coventry  in  a  very  excited  state.  The 
King  had  arrived  the  night  before  (19th  August), 
at  Stoneleigh  Abbey,  within  four  miles  of  their  city, 
and  had  just  announced  to  the  mayor  and  corpora- 
tion that  he  should  dine  with  them  on  that  day.3 
The  Earl  vainly  endeavoured  to  inspire  the  citizens 
with  a  loyalty  that  was  out  of  fashion  ;  he  was 
treated  so  roughly  by  the  people,  that  he  was  fain 
to  escape,  and  rejoin  his  forces  at  Southam,  where 
he  hoped  to  make  a  juncture  with  the  royal  cavalry 
under  Wilmot. 

Meanwhile  the  King  set  forth  from  Stoneleigh 
Abbey  with  a  very  slender  escort,  and  rode  towards 

1  Coventry  Archives.  2  Baxter's  Works,  40,  42. 

3  This  appeal  to  the  hospitality  of  corporations  the  King 
seems  to  have  placed  great  reliance  on  :  he  had  tried  it  in  Lon- 
don, on  the  occasion  of  attempting  to  seize  the  Five  Memhers  ; 
again  he  had  invited  himself  to  dinner  at  Hull,  and  finally  at 
Coventry. 


Y  V 


324         MEMOIRS   AND   CORRESPONDENCE   OF 

Coventry.  This  famous  old  city  contained  9500 
souls,  a  population  which  then  entitled  it  to  rank, 
at  least,  in  the  third  class  of  English  towns  :l  it 
was  surrounded  by  a  wall,  three  miles  in  length,  and 
strengthened  by  twenty-six  towers  :2  a  large  park 
extended  for  a  mile  and  a  half  towards  Warwick, 
and  a  fine  old  elm-tree,  that  once  stood  within  its 
bounds,  is  still  called  "  Rupert's  tree." 3  When  the 
King  approached  the  city,  he  learned  that  its  gates 
were  closed,  and  walls  manned,  as  against  an 
enemy.  Some  cavaliers  spurred  on,  and  demanded 
admission  in  the  King's  name  :  a  discharge  of  artil- 
lery was  the  reply,  and  half-a-dozen  of  the  chal- 
lengers' horses  were  knocked  over,  their  riders  being 
severely  wounded.  It  was  now  determined  to  force 
an  entrance,  and  a  despatch  was  sent  hastily  to 


1  The  present  population  is  estimated  at  35,000  [31,230  in 
census  of  1841],   presenting  probably  an  equal  ratio  with   the 
increased  population  of  England  since  the  visit  of  the  King.     I 
am  indebted  for  this  and  other  information  to  the  MSS.  annals, 
in  the  archives  of  Coventry,  and  to  the  courtesy  and  kindness  of 
friends  residing  in  its  neighbourhood. 

2  These  defences  were  levelled  by  order  of  Charles  II. 

3  Under  its  shade,  according  to   tradition,  the  Prince  stood 
whilst  he  summoned  old  Coventry  in  the  following  year.     Mr. 
Thomas  Forest  was  then  mayor,  and  Kichard  Baxter  the  chief 
preacher :  he  there  took  the  covenant  to  his  great  repentance. 
This  divine  gives  us  the  following  account  of  the  garrison  : — "  It 
consisted  half  of  citizens  and  half  of  countrymen.     One  or  two 
persons  came  among  us  of  Sir  Henry  Vane's  party,  and  one  Ana- 
baptist tailor,  who  had  almost  troubled  all  the  garrison  by  in- 
fecting all  the  soldiers  with  their  opinions." — Life,  p.  46.   Coven- 
try was  very  proud  of  a  Parliament  (called  the  "  iudoctum,"  from 
having  no  lawyers,)  which  was  held  here  by  Henry  IV. 


1642.]     PRINCE   RUPERT   AND   THE   CAVALIERS.        325 

Nottingham    for    petards  :l    meanwhile,    the   King 
returned  to  Stoneleigh  Abbey  for  the  night.2 

Whilst  awaiting  the  arrival  of  his  dispatch,  the 
King  received  intelligence  that  Colonel  Ballard  and 
the  dreaded  Hampden  were  marching,  at  the  head  of 
three  thousand  men,  to  relieve  Coventry.  At  the 
same  time,  Lord  Northampton  requested  that  Wil- 
mot,  with  his  eight  hundred  horse,  might  join  his 
forces  under  Sir  Nicholas  Byron,  and  harass,  if  not 
cut  off,  the  Roundheads  on  their  march.  Wilmot 
was  accordingly  dispatched  to  form  the  desired 
junction ;  but  his  unwillingness  to  receive  orders 
from  Byron,  although  his  senior  in  command,  proved 
fatal  to  the  expedition.  The  King,  from  a  rising 
ground  in  the  old  Park,  could  trace  the  march  of 


1  See  olim,  p.  110,  note. 

2  Sir  Thomas  Lee*  was  then  the  proprietor  of  this  grand  old 
abbey.     Sir  Thomas  was  a  gallant  and  faithful  Loyalist,  and  suf- 
fered accordingly  in  after  times.     Lord  Leigh  has  a  fine  portrait 
of  King  Charles,  which  was  discovered  by  Sir  Gr.  Hayter,  under  a 
painting  of  a  group  of  flowers.     The  painter's  penetrating  eye 
detected  that  this  was  a  mere  mask,  and,  by  careful  rubbing,  he 
released  the  King's  portrait  from  long  imprisonment.     The  dan- 
ger must  have  been  great,  when  the  old  proprietor,  justly  proud 
of  his  monarch's  visit,  was  thus  obliged  to  conceal  such  a  memo- 
rial.    At  Stoneleigh  there  is  also  a  fine  picture  of  the  King's 
host  himself;  he  is  dressed  in  a  "sad-coloured"  robe,  and  points 
with  his  finger  to  a  skull.     Both  these  pictures  seem  to  date 
themselves  ;  the  one,  by  its  concealment,  proves  that  Sir  Tho- 
mas died  before  the  Restoration  ;  the  other,  that  his  own  por- 
trait was  taken  about  1649. 


*  Bulstrode,  "  Memoirs,"  p.  72.  The  name  should  be  spel 
Leigh.  Sir  Thomas  was  created  a  baron  by  Charles  in  July 
1643,  by  letters  patent. — Collins  Peerage,  vii.  116. 


326    MEMOIRS  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF 

his  enemies  across  the  open  "  campania."  They 
amounted  only  to  one  thousand  two  hundred  in- 
fantry, and  a  troop  of  horse ;  yet  they  moved  on 
with  impunity.  Every  moment  the  King  expected 
to  see  his  horse  bearing  down  on  their  unprotected 
flank,  but  in  vain, 

Oh  !  where  was  [Rupert]  then  1 


One  blast  of  his  brave  trumpet 
Were  worth  a  thousand  men  1" 

Wilmot  hovered  round  the  enemy  only  long 
enough  to  suffer  a  semblance  of  repulse,  and  to  lose 
the  gallant  Legge,  who  probably  approached  the 
enemy  much  nearer  than  his  colonel  thought  ad- 
visable to  do.  He  was  taken  prisoner,  and  carried 
in  triumph  into  Coventry,  where  the  Roundheads 
were  welcomed  with  loud  triumph ;  while  Wilmot 
drew  off  his  cavalry  under  many  insults  and  some 
firing  from  the  citizens.  The  King  retired  to 
Leicester,  and  there  he  found  his  long-absent 
nephew,  RUPERT. 

The  Prince  had  hastened  from  Nottingham  almost 
as  soon  as  he  had  arrived,  on  hearing  that  his 
Horse  were  on  service,  and  hoping  to  overtake  the 
King  at  Coventry.1  On  his  way,  however,  he 
learned  that  his  Majesty  was  expected  at  Leicester, 
and  so  he  had  turned  aside  to  meet  him.  He  en- 
tered at  one  street,  just  as  Wilmot  arrived  by  an- 

1  See  page  110;  Clarendon's  Rebellion,  iii.  188,  note. 


1642.]     PRINCE   RUPERT   AND   THE   CAVALIERS.        327 

other,1  after  having  afforded  a  signal  proof  how 
much  the  "impetuosity"  of  the  Palatine  was  re- 
quired in  the  royal  army.  The  young  General  of 
Horse  must  have  gazed  ruefully  at  the  handful 
of  ill-equipped  and  undisciplined  troopers  that 
represented  the  royal  cavalry  of  England,  and  con- 
stituted his  high-sounding  command.  Some  of 
them  had  only  buff  coats  and  hats ;  some  only  the 
cuirass  and  the  steel-cap ;  none  had  any  weapons 
but  the  sword.  Rupert,  however,  was  not  of  an 
age  or  of  a  nature  to  despair :  his  own  proud  young 
confidence  soon  realized  its  daring  dreams,  and, 
by  the  sympathy  of  brave  natures,  soon  actuated 
every  man  of  that  devoted  band  that  now  defiled 
before  him  to  their  quarters.  They  were  soon  to 
find  themselves  resistless  under  his  command,  and 
were  most  of  them  to  die  beneath  his  banner. 

The  meeting  between  the  King  and  his  nephew 
was  as  happy  as  the  circumstances  attending  it  were 
unpromising.2  The  Prince,  unless  he  had  been  in 
time  to  charge  with  Wilmot's  horse,  could  not  have 
arrived  more  opportunely.  His  royal  uncle  was 
grievously  cast  down  by  the  events  of  the  day 
before,3  and  the  joyous  and  daring  spirit  of  his 
nephew  helped  to  inspire  him  with  new  hopes. 
That  night  they  were  the  guests  of  the  Countess 
of  Devon,  who  sorely  suffered  afterwards  for  the 


1  See  page  110  ;  Clarendon's  Rebellion,  iii.  188,  note. 

2  Benett  MSS.  3  Clarendon's  Rebellion,  iii.  190. 


328         MEMOIRS   AND   CORRESPONDENCE   OF 

hospitality  she  had  shewn  her  King  at  Leicester 
Abbey.1 

The  next  day  (the  22nd  August)  being  appointed 
for  raising  the  standard,  the  King  rode  towards 
Nottingham,  "  very  melancholy,"  as  his  own  historian 
relates.  He  felt  that  he  was  about  to  make  the 
great  effort  of  his  life ;  that  he  was  about  to  make 
war  upon  his  own  subjects,  and  that,  too,  under  the 
most  inauspicious  circumstances.  His  affront  be- 
fore Coventry  appeared  not  only  to  the  country  but 
to  himself  like  a  defeat,  and  yet  the  approaching 
forces  of  the  Parliament  forbade  him  to  wait  for  a 
more  favourable  moment.  The  standard  must  be 
raised  without  further  delay,  and  with  the  natural 
impulse  of  precipitating  an  inevitable  catastrophe, 
the  doomed  King  pressed  forward  resolutely,  how- 
ever sadly,  to  his  fate. 

Well  might  he  be  "  very  melancholy ;"  well  might 
the  shadow  of  his  soul's  misfortune  be  dark  upon  that 
brow — that  lofty  brow,  so  familiar  to  our  memory  ! 
How  many  of  us  can  recollect  our  childish  sympathy 
for  the  first  time  touched  by  the  power  of  art,  as 
we  gazed  upon  the  portrait  of  that  mournful  face : 
the  innocent  boyish  enthusiasm  that  kindled  within 
us  as  we  heard  from  loyal  lips  of  the  wrongs  and 
sufferings  for  which  so  many  of  our  fathers  died. 
It  was  only  in  after-years,  when  reluctantly  forced 
to  abandon  the  once  literal  creed  of  "  kings  can 

1  History  of  Leicester,  Rollings. 


1642.]     PRINCE   RUPERT   AND   THE   CAVALIERS.        329 

do  no  wrong,"  that  we  detected  other  characteristics 
besides  those  of  nobleness  and  truth  in  the  martyr 
monarch  of  Vandyke  and  the  Cavaliers.  Yet  even 
then,  when  better  read  in  the  dark  facts  and 
darker  calumnies  that  history  reveals,  we  trace  in 
those  sad  features  the  characters  of  weakness  rather 
than  of  wickedness ;  the  unerring  signs  of  a  vacil- 
lating mind  are  visible ;  and  that  high-arched  brow 
and  uncertain  lip,  the  delicate  soft  hand  that  droops 
by  his  side  with  all  the  helpless  grace  of  a  girl,  the 
very  attitude  in  which  he  stands — all  bespeak  a 
spirit  ill-calculated  to  encounter  the  storms  of  a 
State.  It  is  not  only  after  misfortune  and  disap- 
pointment had  done  their  work,  that  these  charac- 
teristics become  visible  in  the  portraits  of  Charles. 
From  the  very  first,  even  when  he  sat  to  Velasquez 
during  his  romantic  visit  to  romantic  Spain,  buoyed 
up  by  lusty  youth  and  a  bridegroom's  hope — even 
then  his  portrait  wears  a  sad,  doomed  look,  as  if 
he  felt  already  destined  to  expiate  the  crimes  and 
the  follies  of  his  tyrant  ancestors. 

Having  accompanied  the  King  of  the  Cavaliers  so 
far  towards  his  fatal  goal — having  endeavoured  to 
extenuate  nothing,  nor  set  down  aught  in  prejudice, 
it  is  time  to  consider  what  there  was  in  this  ill-fated 
monarch  that,  notwithstanding  all  his  faults,  attached 
so  many  of  the  best  and  bravest  men  of  England, 
not  only  to  his  cause,  but  to  his  person. 

No  human  character  has  ever  been  so  rigorously 
scrutinized  by  cotemporaries  and  historians  as  that 


330         MEMOIRS   AND   CORRESPONDENCE   OF 

of  Charles  the  First.  His  public  and  private  conduct 
have  been  exposed  to  every  test  and  inquisition  that 
the  most  malignant  hatred  could  suggest,  or  the 
most  subtle  genius  could  invent.  The  greatest 
writers  of  our  own  day  have  exercised  all  their 
ingenuity,  and  practised  all  the  easy  but  imposing  art 
of  denunciation  upon  this  conspicuous  theme.  The 
Milton,  thePym,  and  other  leading  minds  of  his  own 
time,  sought  out,  as  a  matter  of  conscience  and  duty, 
how  they  could  most  bitterly  malign  him.  Every 
sentence  that  admitted  of  a  second  meaning  was 
perverted  to  his  reproach;  every  action  was  distorted, 
exaggerated,  exhibited  in  the  darkest  point  of  view, 
and  immortalized  in  sublime  invective.  The  glory 
of  freedom  was  then  the  great  theme  of  orator 
and  poet ;  the  crime  of  despotism  was  a  necessary 
antithesis,  and  its  attributed  author  was  magni- 
fied into  proportionally  colossal  guilt.  Charles  I. 
was  identified  with  the  principles  that  were  then 
most  obnoxious ;  he  was  driven  forth,  like  the  scape- 
goat of  the  Hebrews  into  the  wilderness  of  reproba- 
tion, with  the  curses  due  to  all  others'  crime  heaped 
thickly  upon  his  devoted  head. 

The  very  scurrility  and  bitterness  of  the  party 
pamphlets  of  that  unscrupulous  and  heated  time 
have  been  ever  since  sustained,  enlarged  upon,  and 
taken  for  truth  by  the  anti-monarchical  writers  of  a 
later  period.  Yet  how  little,  comparatively,  has  this 
awful  array  of  persecution  and  arraignment  brought 
home  against  their  victim,  setting  aside  his  one 


1642.]       PRINCE   RUPERT   AND   THE   CAVALIERS.      331 

great  and  inexcusable  vice  of  insincerity,  which  he 
mistook  for  policy  and  state-craft  necessity.     Griev- 
ous and  many  wrongs  indeed  lie  wrought  against  the 
liberties  of  England;  fatally  he  persevered  in  the 
prejudices  instilled  into  his  youth  concerning  king- 
craft,   divine    right,    and    royal    prerogative;    and 
terribly  he  atoned  for  these  his  errors.     Neverthe- 
less, when  we   peruse,   even  as  chronicled  by  his 
enemies,    his    words,    his    letters,    his   expressions; 
when  we  observe  his  patience,  his  undaunted  spirit, 
his   piety,    his    long-suffering,    and   his   redeeming 
death,  we  are  forced  to  acknowledge  that  there  was 
somewhat  of  righteous   and  heroic  in  this  much- 
vilified  monarch ;  something,  apart  from  the  high 
sentiment  of  loyalty,  that  justified  the  devotion  of 
his  followers;  and  that,  in  the  world  of  truth  to 
come,  will  confute  the  worst  accusations  of  his  ene- 
mies.    Unhappy  in  his  time,  his  reign,  his  circum- 
stances, his  friends,  his  enemies, — he  was  still  more 
unhappy  in  that  which  gave  evil  power  to  them  all 
— the  fatal  facility  and  weakness  so  often  and  so 
pertinaciously  misconstrued  into  perfidy  and  crime. 
I  have  hitherto  in  these  pages  spoken  of  Charles 
as  a  king  whose  errors  were  almost  equal  in  number 
to  his  political  acts,  and  whose  insincerity  rendered 
all  those  errors  irretrievable.      My  history  hence- 
forth will  be  almost  purely  personal  and  military, 
relating  only  to  the  Cavaliers,  and  to  the  King  as 
their  chief  head  and  nominal  leader.     Henceforth  I 
have    only  to    detail   his    transient   triumphs  -  and 


332          MEMOIRS   AND   CORRESPONDENCE   OF 

defeats,  his  patient  "pilgrimage,"  as  one  of  his 
enemies  expressed  it,1  "through  a  labyrinth  of  sor- 
rows whose  issue  was  the  grave." 

Therefore,  in  resuming  my  narrative,  I  only  see 
in  that  "  melancholy  "  man  who  is  now  before  us  a 
brave,  and  pious,  and  most  unfortunate  prince :  who 
has  an  arduous  but  brief  career  to  run  before  he 
obtains  his  final  rest  upon  the  scaffold,  to  which 
fanatics,  hypocrites,  and  traitors  have  consigned 
him.  No  wonder  that  his  look  was  now  sadder 
"  than  was  usual :"  his  feet  had  never  been  swift  to 
shed  blood,2  and  he  was  now  about  to  wage  war 
(to  use  the  words  of  his  fondly-prized  and  noble 
liturgy)  upon  the  people  "  whom  God  had  commit- 
ted to  his  charge."  The  raising  of  the  standard  was 
no  mere  ceremony,  like  that  of  a  coronation  or  a 
lord-mayor's  show ;  it  at  once  let  loose  the  spirit  of 
war  to  ravage  and  lay  waste  the  household  hearths 
and  fertile  fields  of  merry  England.  From  that  time 
forward  the  whole  nation  was  to  be  either  Cavalier 
or  Roundhead  for  life  or  death  :  there  was  to  be  no 
neutral  ground,  no  peace,  no  compromise. 

The  sadness  of  the  King  is  said  to  have  extended 
to  all  his  followers,  though  gaiety  is  associated  in 
our  minds  with  the  very  name  of  Cavalier.  In 
truth  they  had  from  first  to  last  but  little  cause  for 
gaiety :  all  the  peril  of  the  war,  save  that  of  life 
and  limb,  was  theirs ;  they  had  nothing  to  gain  by 

Lilly,  Life  and  Times,  before  quoted. 
2  Even  Lilly  says  of  him  "  that  he  was  averse  to  blood." 


1642.]      PRINCE  RUPERT  AND  THE  CAVALIERS.         333 

victory,  and  everything  to  lose  by  defeat.  With  the 
Roundhead  party  the  case  was  very  different;:   the 
better    and    more   honest    sort,    the    patriots    and 
fanatics,  believed  that  on  them  devolved  the  high 
mission  of  ennobling  this  kingdom  of  England,  and 
fashioning  it  into  the   likeness  of  a  kingdom  not 
made  with  hands;   the  worst  part,  the^men  of  des- 
perate fortunes,  and  the  hypocrites,  rejoiced  in  the 
hope  of  spoiling  the  rich  mansions  of  the  nobles  and 
the  "  steeple-houses  of  the  priests  of  Baal."     Not- 
withstanding these  different  causes  of  hope  and  fear, 
the  Cavalier  was  ever  distinguished    by  his  brave 
cheerfulness  or  giddy  gaiety ;  the   Puritan,   by  his 
sour  looks  and  ungracious  demeanour.     At  first  the 
Cavalier  had   only  the  natural  high   spirit   of  his 
caste  to  sustain  his  heartiness,  a  tide  of  unexpected 
and  brief  success  made  it  a  fashion  or  a  habit,  and 
afterwards  the  very  desperation  of  his  circumstances 
promoted  a  recklessness  which  wore  the  same  ap- 
pearance.    The  different  temper  of  the  two  parties 
was  displayed  in  everything  :  although  identical,  for 
the  most  part,  in  race,  language,  and  apparel,  it  was 
impossible  for  a  moment  to  mistake  a  Roundhead 
for  a   Cavalier.     Each  wore  the  short    cloak,  the 
doublet,  the  high    shoe,   or  the  heavy  boot ;  each 
cultivated    the    beard    and    the    mustachio ;    yet, 
so    distinctly    did    the    inward    man    impress    the 
character  of  his  party  upon  his  exterior,  that  Ca- 
valiers, assuming  the  style  of  dress  and  demeanour 
of    Puritans,    could    wear    them    as    disguise,    and 


334         MEMOIRS   AND   CORRESPONDENCE   OF 

vice  versa.  The  Puritan,  while  he  abhorred  the 
very  name  of  a  steeple,  adopted  its  peculiarity  of 
form  in  his  hat ;  deeply  impressed  with  the  unlove- 
liness  of  lovelocks,  he  cropped  his  own  as  closely 
as  possible  ;  a  fashion,  however,  which  soon  expired. 
The  face  of  the  Roundhead  was  unnaturally 
elongated  by  his  elaborate  gravity,  and  a  scarcely- 
visible  collar,  such  as  the  Roman  Catholic  priests 
wear  now,  promoted  the  lengthiness  of  the  phy- 
siognomy surmounting  it.  The  rest  of  his  dress 
was  square  and  prim,  not  unlike  that  of  our  old- 
fashioned  Quakers,  except  that  linen  was  nowhere 
visible ;  their  small-clothes  were  worn  short,  and 
fitted  tightly  to  the  knee ;  and  their  very  swords 
seemed  more  stiff  and  straight  than  ordinary.  At 
first,  when  these  quaint  and  precise  personages  were 
almost  invariably  routed  by  the  gay  Royalists,  their 
appearance  as  fugitives  must  have  been  eminently 
ludicrous;  but  afterwards,  when,  by  acquiring  the 
discipline  that  the  Cavaliers  disdained,  they  became 
the  conquerors,  there  was  something  terrible  in  the 
formal  and  ceremonious  manner  in  which  these 
dark  fanatics  carried  on  the  work  of  death. 

Very  different  in  dress,  manner,  and  general  bear- 
ing, are  those  now  approaching  Nottingham,  with 
their  pensive  King.  However  unfavourable  the 
aspect  of  their  affairs,  no  one  could  doubt  that  hope, 
or  at  least  a  high  purpose,  predominated  in  the 
hearts  of  those  whose  plumed  hats  were  set  on  with 
such  a  defiant  air.  Long  flowing  locks  descended 


1642.]      PRINCE   RUPERT   AND  THE   CAVALIERS.       335 

from  beneath  their  hats,  or  helmets,  and  one  long 
tress  especially,  waved  over  the  left  shoulder.  Lace 
collars,  curiously  rich,  and  of  wide  extent,  spread 
over  the  buff-coat  or  bright  cuirass;  a  brilliant 
scarf,  embroidered  by  some  fair,  inspiring  hand,  was 
sashed  across  the  breast;  fringed  trousers  descend- 
ed far  below  the  knee,  and  merged  into  large 
cavalry  boots,  armed  with  formidable  spurs.  A 
straight  and  narrow  sword,  with  basket-hilt,  hung 
from  an  ornamented  belt  worn  over  the  shoulder, 
and  one  or  two  pistols,  or  a  petronel,  completed 
their  equipment.1 

Such  was  the  ordinary  costume  of  the  Cavaliers 
at  the  outbreak  of  the  war ;  there  was  no  preten- 
sion to  uniformity  beyond  the  general  style  of 
dress;  and  more  or  less  armour  appears  to  have 
been  used,  according  to  the  fancy  of  each  wearer. 
As  the  use  of  fire-arms  became  more  general  and 
perfect,  armour  fell  proportionably  into  disuse.  We 
find,  indeed,  that  Charles  himself  appeared  at  the 
battle  of  Edgehill  "  sheathed  from  head  to  heel  in 
a  panoply  of  steel,"2  and  many  portraits  of  the  time 
have  come  down  to  us  in  the  same  chivalric  garb : 
it  appears,  however,  to  have  been  used  rather  in 
ceremony  and  parade  than  for  active  service  in  the 
field.3  The  common  trooper  wore  generally  the 

1  The  military  equipment  of  this  era  is  spoken  of  more  fully 
in  the  second  volume,  in  describing  the  general  muster  at  Shrews- 
bury. 2  Trials  of  the  Regicides. 

3  Munro  (in  his  "  Discipline  of  the  Swede ")  says  truly,  that 
"  men  wear  not  armour  because  they  are  afraid  of  danger,  but 


336          MEMOIRS  AND   CORRESPONDENCE   OF 

basnet,  or  steel  cap,  with  breast  and  back-piece 
forming  a  cuirass ;  but  the  officers  of  note  for  the 
most  part  wore  the  plumed  hat  throughout  the 
war.  Thus  the  array  that  now  followed  the  King 
into  Nottingham  was  as  wanting  in  uniformity  of 
appearance  as  in  discipline :  but  the  same  mind 
was  in  the  breast  of  most  of  them.  In  that  extreme 
hour  of  trial  few  waverers  were  with  their  King. 
Loyalty  was  then  no  tame  instinct ;  it  was  stimu- 
lated into  a  passion,  such  as  afterwards,  perhaps, 
was  only  found  among  the  Pretender's  followers. 
Whatever  it  was,  it  was  ennobling  to  all  but  the 
reptiles  of  the  Court,  who  engendered  the  corrup- 
tion that  they  thrived  on. 

But  among  those  awaiting  the  King's  arrival, 
at  Nottingham,  and  forming  his  council  there,  were 
grave  and  thoughtful  men,  who  contemplated  the 
raising  of  the  standard  with  very  different  feelings. 
Such  men  as  Falkland,  Southampton,  Sunderland,1 


because  they  would  not  fear  it."  Sir  Philip  Sidney  owed  his 
death  at  Zutphen  to  laying  aside  "  his  cuisses  because  he  saw  the 
Mareschal  de  Camp  do  the  like."  I  believe  the  Cavaliers  wore 
armour  less  than  the  Roundheads,  but  it  is  only  from  incidental 
circumstances  that  I  know  even  of  the  latter.  Ludlow  says,  in 
his  "  Memoirs,"  that  he  had  a  wonderful  escape,  because  he  got 
into  a  melee  without  his  "  sute  of  arms,"  and  he  says  he  was 
obliged  to  "  walk  about  all  night  at  Edgehill  to  keep  him  warm, 
having  nothing  but  his  '  sute  of  iron '  to  cover  him  "  (Basil). 
Lord  Denbigh's  papers  contain  his  armourer's  bill,  in  which  he  is 
charged  for  a  "  complete  sute."  At  Worcester  fight  and  Round- 
way  Down  the  Puritans'  armour  is  spoken  of  as  "  impenetrable." 

1  Henry  Spencer,  first  Earl  of  Sunderland,  was  the  first  born 
son  of  William,  second  Lord  Spencer,  and  was  born  at  Althorpe, 


1G4'2.]   PRINCE  RUPERT  AND  THE  CAVALIERS.   337 

and  probably  even  Mr.  Hyde  at  that  period, 
looked  upon  the  King's  cause  only  as  a  less  bitter 
alternative  than  that  of  the  Parliament.  They  still 


in  Northamptonshire,  1620.  In  1639,  he  was  married  at  Pens- 
hurst,  in  Kent,  to  Lady  Dorothy  Sidney,  the  Sacharissa  of 
Waller.  His  talents  and  his  character  were  such,  that  each  of 
the  great  parties  which  at  this  time  divided  the  kingdom,  de- 
sired to  secure  his  support.  At  first  he  espoused  the  popular 
side,  but  soon  took  leave  of  the  Parliament,  and  followed  the 
King  to  York.  His  correspondence  with  his  wife,  as  given  in 
Sydney's  "  State  Papers,"  throws  a  bright  light  on  his  own  and 
her  character,  too  much  contrasted,  as  both  were,  with  those  who 
formed  the  royal  Court  in  general.  Lloyd  describes  him  as  "  a 
good  patriot  *  *  standing  by  his  Majesty  as  he  evidently  saw  him 
stand  for  his  kingdom  ;  saying,  by  a  foresight  and  prospect  that 
he  had  of  things  suitable  to  the  eminence  of  his  place,  that  '  one 
seven  years  would  shew  that  the  King  was  the  true  Common's 
wealth's-man.'  *  *  A  true  nobleman  that  was  virtuous,  because  it 
became  him,  as  well  as  because  it  was  enjoined  him  ;  being  above 
all  vice  as  well  as  without  it ;  looking  upon  it  as  his  shame  and 
dishonour,  as  well  as  sin  and  offence  ;  a  good  neighbour ;  the 
country  about  him,  when  he  had  occasion  to  make  use  of  it, 
being  his  friend  that  loved  him,  rather  than  his  slave  that 
feared  him  j  a  discreet  landlord,  finding  ways  to  improve  his 
land  rather  than  rack  his  tenants  ;  a  noble  housekeeper,  wherein 
that  ingenuity  he  was  master  of  himself  was  welcome  in  others  ; 
an  honest  patron,  seldom  furnishing  a  church  with  an  incumbent 
till  he  had  consulted  the  college  he  had  been  of,  and  the  bishop 
he  lived  under  ;  an  exemplary  master  of  a  family,  observing 
exactly  the  rules  he  so  strictly  enjoined  ;  consecrating  his  house 
as  a  temple,  where  he  ordered  his  followers  to  wrestle  with  God 
in  prayer,  while  he  wrestled  with  the  enemy  in  fight." 

The  following  remarkable  letter  belongs  to  a  later  date,  but 
may  well  be  inserted  here. 

LETTER  FROM  THE  EARL  OF  SUNDERLAND  TO  HIS  WIFE.* 

Dated  "  Shrewsbury,  Sept.  21,  1642. 
"  MY  DEAREST  HEART, 

"  The  King's  condition  is  much  improved  of  late  :  his  force 
increaseth  daily,  which  increaseth  the  insolency  of  the  Papists. 


*  Sydney's  State  Papers,  vol.  ii.  p.  667. 
VOL.  I. 


338          MEMOIRS   AND   CORRESPONDENCE  OF 

clung  to  the  hope  that  the  prospects  appalling  in 
the  eyes  of  each  party,  might  be  resolved  into  one, 
hopeful  for  both  ;  and  so,  no  doubt,  they  might 
have  been,  had  the  Parliamentary  leaders  been 
temperate,  dispassionate,  honest,  and  patriotic.  As 
regarded  the  Lords,  the  King's  party  might  well 
compare  the  moral,  intellectual,  and  heroic  natures, 
of  those  we  have  just  mentioned  ;  together  with  those 
of  Richmond,  Hertford,  and  Northampton,  as 
contrasted  with  the  debauched  and  sanctimonious 


How  much  I  am  unsatisfied  with  the  proceedings  here,  I  have  at 
large  expressed  in  several  letters  ;  neither  is  there  wanting  daily 
handsome  occasion  to  retire,  were  it  not  for  gaining  honour ;  for, 
let  occasion  be  never  so  handsome,  unless  a  man  were  resolved  to 
fight  on  the  Parliament  side,  which  (for  my  part  I  had  rather  be 
hanged)  it  will  be  said,  without  doubt,  that  a  man  is  afraid  to 
fight.  If  there  could  be  an  expedient  found  to  salve  the  punc- 
tilio of  honour,  I  would  not  continue  here  an  hour.  The  dis- 
content that  I  and  other  honest  men  receive  daily,  is  beyond  ex- 
pression. People  are  much  divided.  The  King  is  of  late  very 
much  averse  to  peace,  by  the  persuasions  of  202  and  111.*  It  is 
likewise  conceived  that  the  King  has  taken  a  resolution  not  to 
do  anything  that  way  before  the  Queen  comes,  for  people  ad- 
dressing the  King  to  agree  with  the  Parliament,  was  the  reason 
of  the  Queen's  return.  Till  that  time  no  advice  will  be  received ; 
nevertheless  the  honest  men  will  take  all  occasions  to  procure 
an  accommodation,  which  the  King,  when  he  sent  those  messages, 
did  heartily  desire,  and  would  still  make  offers  in  that  way,  but 
for  202,  111,  and  the  expectation  of  the  Queen,  and  the  fear  of 
the  Papists,  who  threaten  people  of  342.  I  fear  Papists  have  a 
much  greater  influence  upon  the  King  than  upon  343.  What 
the  King's  intentions  are  to  those  that  I  converse  with,  are 
utterly  unknown.  Some  say  he  will  hazard  a  battle  very 
quickly ;  others  say  he  thinks  of  104,  as  it  is  suspected,  so  if  it 
were  generally  believed,  Sunderland  and  many  others  would  make 
no  scruple  to  retire,  for  I  think  it  as  far  from  gallant  either  to 
starve  with  the  King,  or  to  do  worse,  as  to  avoid  fighting." 


*  Cyphers,  I  believe,  for  Rupert  and  Digby. 


1642.]     PRINCE   RUPERT   AND   THE   CAVALIERS.        339 

Warwick,  the  coxcomb  Holland,  the  coward  Whar- 
ton,  and  the  lukewarm  Northumberland  and  Bed- 
ford.1    With   respect  to   the  Commons,  we   have, 
unfortunately,  little  means  of  comparison,  as  those 
who  went  over  to  the  King,  were  not,  it  seems,  with 
the  exception  of  Hyde  and  Culpepper,  of  sufficient 
rank  to  approach  his  person,  or  his  councils.     But 
the  men  who  belonged  to  the  peace-party  in  the 
Parliament,  at  Westminster,  may  proudly  challenge 
a  comparison  with  any  of  their  "  root  and  branch  " 
antagonists:    the  wise  and  eloquent  Sir  Benjamin 
Rudyard,  the  venerable  Selden  whose  name  is  iden- 
tified with   constitutional   law,  the    impetuous  but 
honest  Holies ;  add  to  these,  Pierpoint,  Philips,  and 
the  candid  Whitelocke.     These  men  might  oppose 
and  refute  the  reasonings  of  Pym  and  Vane,  and 
their  associates,  but  they   could  not  render  them 
magnanimous ;  they  could  not  calm  the  stormy  ele- 
ments of  fanaticism,  of  rabble  rout  and  revolution, 
that  the  democrats  had  conjured  up,  to  assist  their 
power.2      Gradually   the    tone,   and    conduct,   and 


1  Essex,  Kimbolton,  Brooke,  and  Fielding,  it  is  true,  were 
better  men  :  the  first  two  recoiled  from  their  party ;  the  third 
did  not  live  to  see  their  real  character,  and  the  last  deplored  it. 

2  "  They  had  per  mitted  thepopulace  to  mingle  in  their  discus- 
sions, testifying  pleasure  at  its  paltry  applause,  and  encouraging 
its  tumultuous  aggressions  on  the  minority  of  the  legislature."    So 
speaks  Mr.  Hallam.     It  is  curious  and  instructive  to  observe  the 
sameness  of  revolutionary  incident,  of  which  this  present  year  of 
grace,  1848,  has  witnessed  more  than  the  whole  history  of  Europe 
can  supply.     The  first  able  demagogues  (in  some  instances  starting 
with  noble  and  honest  views)  are  shot  up  by  the  popular  explosion 
into  the  height  of  power ;  they  are  then  forced  to  pander  to  the  pas- 

z  2 


340          MEMOIRS   AND   CORRESPONDENCE   OF 

character  of  the  Parliamentary  leaders  degenerated 
from  the  high  standard  that  uncompromising  truth 
and  honour  had  formed ;  they  became  daily  more 
assimilated  to  that  of  the  popular  passions  whereon 
they  thrived.1  They  were  resolved  to  have  no 
King.  It  is  too  true,  that  Charles  had  proved  a 
dangerous  one;  and  that  when,  "all  measures  of 
precaution  had  been  taken  against  the  Sovereign,  it 
was  necessary  to  take  new  precautions  against  King 
Charles." 2  But  Charles  was  no  longer  dangerous  ; 
he  was  even  now  manacled  by  such  constitutional  re- 
strictions as  Europe  had  seen  no  example  of;  still 
more  so  by  the  necessity  of  preserving  the  goodwill 
of  those  who  had  opposed  him  before  they  became 
his  supporters,  and  who  were  ready  to  do  so  again,  if 


sions  that  have  sent  them  there,,  and  can  only  maintain  or  increase 
their  perilous  power  by  the  same  means  with  which  Michael  Scott 
obtained  a  respite  from  the  demons  he  had  conjured  up  :  the  mo- 
ment they  can  no  longer  engross  the  attention  of  their  slaves  they 
are  destroyed  by  them.  Pym  and  Hampden  died  while  the  dupes 
of  their  glorious  promises  were  still  dreaming  of  glory  ;  but  their 
associates  were  obliged,  as  Mr.  Hallam  remarks,  "  to  submit  to 
that  physical  strength  which  is  the  ultimate  arbiter  of  political 
contentions." 

Yet  even  Pym  lived  to  hear  the  very  voices  he  had  once  wel- 
comed, when  he  spoke  of  vengeance  on  the  King,  come  howling 
for  his  own  sacrifice.  A  number  of  the  wives  of  substantial  citi- 
zens came  clamouring  to  the  door  of  the  House  of  Commons  with 
an  oft-repeated  petition  for  peace  :  "  Give  us  the  traitor  Pym  ! " 
shouted  the  revolution-taught  viragoes  ;  "  Give  us  the  dog  Pym, 
that  we  may  tear  him  in  pieces  ! " — Rushworth.  He  was  then  on 
his  death-bed. — Forster,  ii.  294. 

1  Pym  confessed  the  sources  of  his  power  when  he  quoted 
against  Sir  Edward  Deering,  "  Flectere  si  Superos  nequeo,  Ache- 
ronta  movebo."" 

2  Lord  John  Russell. 


1642.]     PRINCE   RUPERT   AND   THE   CAVALIERS.        341 

occasion  required.1  It  is  my  task  to  speak  of  the 
now  Royal  party  as  men  of  common  sense,  at  least ; 
and  it  seems  necessary  to  account  for  their  dislike 
and  opposition  to  those  who  claimed  to  themselves 
all  championship  of  religion,  patriotism,  and  law.  I 
shall  guard  myself,  however,  from  the  charge  of 
adopting  their  biassed  views,  by  quoting  only  from 
their  own  authorities,  as  to  the  light  in  which  the 
characters  of  their  chief  leaders  might  be  made  to 
appear  even  in  that  day.  I  do  not  speak  of  the 
great  and  good  and  heroic  efforts  by  which  the 
Constitution  was  restored  and  strengthened  :  the 
men  who  undertook  and  accomplished  that  task, 
have  a  fame  that  will  live  for  ever,  and  that  even 
their  after  errors  can  scarcely  darken.  But  when 
they  made  themselves  an  absolute  oligarchy,  pos- 
sessed of  an  all-grasping  power,  until  they  chose  to 
abdicate  it ;  when  they  proceeded  to  prostitute  the 
name  of  freedom  to  the  most  tyrannical  and  arbitrary 
acts,  and  that  of  religion  to  the  most  cruel  intole- 
rance : 2  — when  we  consider  these  manifold  offences, 


1  But  it  was  kingship,  not  the  King,  that  the  Roundheads 
were  about  to  fight  against :  Henry  Marten,  himself  a  regicide, 
declared  that  "  if  he  must  have  a  king,  he  had  as  lief  have  the 
last  gentleman  as  any  one  he  knew." 

2  "  Witness,"  says  Mr.  Hallam,  "  the  ordinance  for  disarming 
recusants  passed  by  both  Houses  in  August,  1641,  and  that  in 
November,  authorising  the  Earl  of  Leicester  to  raise  men  for  the 
defence  of  Ireland  without  warrant  under  the  great  seal,  both 
manifest  encroachments  on  the  executive  power  ;  and  the  enor- 
mous extension  of  privilege,  under  which  every  person  accused  on 
the  slightest  testimony  of  disparaging  their  proceedings,  or  even 
of  introducing  new-fangled  ceremonies  in  the  Church,  a  matter 


342    MEMOIRS  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF 

it  is  not  as  Whig,  Tory,  Loyalist,  or  Roundhead,  but 
as  men  and  Englishmen,  that  we  denounce  their  pre- 
tensions and  their  guilt.  That  dispassionate  men 
of  the  same  party,  in  these  remoter  days,  are  obliged 
to  admit  many  of  the  charges  brought  by  Royal 
partizans  in  that  excited  time,  is,  in  itself,  remark- 


wholly  out  of  their  cognizance,  was  dragged  before  them  as  a 
delinquent  and  lodged  in  their  prison.  Witness  the  outrageous 
attempts  to  intimidate  the  minority  of  their  own  body  in  the 
commitment  of  Mr.  Palmer,  and  afterwards  of  Sir  Ralph  Hopton, 
to  the  Tower,  for  such  language  used  in  debate  as  would  not  have 
excited  any  observation  in  ordinary  times ;  their  continual  en- 
croachments on  the  rights  and  privileges  of  the  Lords,  as  in  their 
intimation  that,  if  bills  thought  by  them  necessary  for  the  public 
good  should  fall  in  the  Upper  House,  they  must  join  with  the  mi- 
nority of  the  Lords  in  representing  the  same  to  the  King ;  or  in 
the  impeachment  of  the  Duke  of  Richmond  for  words,  and  those 
of  the  most  trifling  nature,  spoken  in  the  Upper  House ;  their 
despotic  violation  of  the  rights  of  the  people,  in  imprisoning  those 
who  presented  or  prepared  respectful  petitions  in  behalf  of  the 
established  Constitution,  while  they  encouraged  those  of  a  tu- 
multuous multitude  at  their  bar  in  favour  of  innovation  ;  their 
usurpation  at  once  of  the  judicial  and  legislative  powers  in  all 
that  related  to  the  Church,  particularly  by  their  committee  for 
scandalous  ministers,  under  which  denomination,  adding  reproach 
to  injury,  they  subjected  all  who  did  not  reach  the  standard  of 
Puritan  perfection  to  contumely  and  vexation,  and  ultimately  to 
expulsion  from  their  lawful  property.  Witness  the  impeachment 
of  the  twelve  bishops  for  treason,  on  account  of  their  protestation 
against  all  that  should  be  done  in  the  House  of  Lords  during 
their  compelled  absence  through  fear  of  the  populace ;  a  protest 
not  perhaps  entirely  well  expressed,  but  abundantly  justifiable  in 
its  argument  by  the  plainest  principles  of  law.  These  great  abuses 
of  power,  becoming  daily  more  frequent  as  they  became  less  ex- 
cusable, would  make  a  sober  man  hesitate  to  support  them  in  a 
civil  war  wherein  their  success  must  not  only  consummate  the 
destruction  of  the  Crown,  the  Church,  and  the  Peerage,  but 
expose  all  who  had  dissented  from  their  proceedings,  as  it  ulti- 
mately happened,  to  an  oppression  less  severe,  perhaps,  but  far 
more  sweeping,  than  that  which  had  rendered  the  Star-Chamber 
odious." — Hallanis  Const.  Hist.  vol.  i.  p.  551. 


1642.]     PRINCE   RUPERT   AND   THE   CAVALIERS.        343 

able ;  but  that  such  charges  are  confirmed  against 
the  democratic  party,  by  their  own  associates,  is  still 
more  so.  I  give  the  following  quotations,  from 
the  latter,  with  the  less  reluctance,  as  Hampden's 
honourable  name  is  not  assailed ;  he  had  long  since 
found  shelter  in  the  quiet  bosom  of  the  land  he 
served  so  well.  We  shall  suppose  the  Cavaliers  all 
crushed  or  slain,  their  King  slaughtered,  their 
Church  and  ritual  replaced  by  conventicles,  rant, 
and  cant,1  in  every  variety,  with  every  strange  form 
of  dissent : 2  the  Roundheads,  in  short,  triumphant, 
and  dividing  the  spoil  of  the  "sons  of  Belial,"  and 


1  This  word  was  unknown,  it  seems  to  me,  before  the  Civil 
Wars  :  one  of  the  most  hateful  in  our  vocabulary,  it  was  the 
name  of  one  of  the   Scotch  Presbyterian  divines,   who  visited 
London  on  a  political  and  proselytizing  mission.     Andrew  Cant 
and  his  son  Alexander  made  their  names  sufficiently  notorious,  I 
presume,  to  create  the  epithet.     It  is  not  used  by  Clarendon, 
Warwick,  or,  I  believe,  by  any  writer  of  this  date ;  but  Hudibras, 
who  has  everything,  says, — 

"  And  till  they  first  began  to  cant 
And  sprinkle  down  the  covenant." 

2  "  Never  were  there  so  many  different  sects  and  religions  in 
any  nation,"  says  Dr.  Gray,  "as  were  then  in  England."     Mr. 
Case  told  the  Parliament,  in  his  thanksgiving-sermon  for  the 
taking  of  Chester,  "  That  there  was  such  a  numerous  increase  of 
errors  and  heresies,  that  he  blushed  to  repeat  what  some  had 
affirmed,  namely,  '  That  there  were  no  less  than  an  hundred  and 
fourscore  several  heresies  propagated  and  spread  in  the  neigh- 
bouring city  (London) ; '  and  many  of  such  a  nature,"  adds  this 
distinguished  Presbyterian  minister,  "as  I  may  truly  say,  in 
Calvin's  language,  '  The  errors  and  innovations  under  which  they 
groaned  of  late  years  were  but  tolerable  trifles,  children's  play, 
compared  with  these  damnable  doctrines  of  devils." 

Mr.  Ford,  also  a  Parliamentary  preacher,  in  the  year  1653,  in 
his  assize  sermon  at  Reading,  said,  "  That  in  the  little  town  of 
Reading,  he  was  verily  persuaded,  if  Augustin's  and  Epiphanius's 


344          MEMOIRS   AND   CORRESPONDENCE   OF 

the  "  priests  of  Baal."  Then  it  was  they  began  to 
discover  that  there  were  other  enemies  to  the  Com- 
monwealth (that  is  to  say,  to  themselves)  than  the 
"  malignants,"  and,  in  short,  that  each  fellow- 
conqueror  was,  more  or  less,  of  an  impostor.  Then 
they  began  to  accuse  one  another,  in  more  bitter 
and  severe  terms  than  the  Cavaliers  had  ever  used 
against  them ;  and  the  latter  require  from  their 
candid  biographer  the  justice  of  mentioning  some 
of  these  published  opinions.  The  Presbyterians 
will  accept  the  authority  of  Fairfax,  of  Holies, 
and  their  champion,  Clement  Walker ;  the  Repub- 
licans, that  of  Vane  and  Ludlow ;  and  the  Crom- 
wellists,  that  of  their  great  apostle,  concerning 
this  long  Parliament,  and  the  character  of  its  chief 
leaders.  To  these  testimonies,  in  the  note  below, 
I  shall  add  Mr.  Macaulay's  picture  of  those  whom 
our  Cavaliers  are  about  to  contend  with.1 


catalogues  of  heresies  were  lost,  and  all  their  modern  and  ancient 
records  of  that  kind,  yet  it  would  be  no  hard  matter  to  restore 
them,  with  considerable  enlargements,  from  that  place :  that  they 
have  Andbaptism,  Familism,  Socinianism,  Pelagianism,  Ranting, 
and  what  not ;  and  that  the  devil  was  served  in  heterodox  assem- 
blies as  frequently  as  God  in  theirs ;  and  that  one  of  the  most 
eminent  Church  livings  in  that  county  [the  Church  of  England 
clergy  had  been  ejected]  was  possessed  by  a  blasphemer,  one  in 
whose  house,  he  believed  some  there  could  testify,  that  the  devil 
was  visibly  familiar  as  any  one  of  the  family." 

1  I  do  not  pretend  or  wish  to  bring  a  railing  accusation  against 
the  Parliamentary  leaders,  still  less  do  I  pretend  to  arraign  their 
conduct  by  all  the  authority  of  their  own  party  that  could  be 
brought  to  bear  against  them.  I  only  quote  a  few  sentences  to 
prove  that  the  character  of  those  whose  pretensions  soared  so 
high  was  as  open  to  attack  and  as  fallible  as  that  of  the  Cavaliers, 
whom  the  revolutionists  and  their  supporters  have  fallen  foul  of, 


1642.]       PRINCE   RUPERT   AND   THE   CAVALIERS.      345 

If  these  were  the  qualities  that  the  Puritan  party 
discovered  in  each  other  when  brought  to  maturity, 


with  much  of  the  rancorous  party-spirit  of  their  own  bitter 
time. 

Thus  the  brave  and  honest  Fairfax  writes  concerning  his  asso- 
ciates :  "  Alas  !  when  I  bring  to  mind  the  sad  consequences  that 
crafty  and  designing  men  have  brought  to  pass  since  those  first 
innocent  undertakings,  I  am  ready  to  let  go  that  confidence  I 
once  had  with  God  ....  and  say  with  Job, '  Why  did  I  not  die  ? ' 
.  .  .  The  mercies  that  we  received  were  soon  clouded  with  abomin- 
able hypocrisies,  even  in  those  men  who  had  been  instrumental  in 

bringing  that  war  to  a  conclusion The  factious  carried  on 

their  design  of  raising  their  own  fortunes  upon  the  public  ruin." 
— A  short  Memorial  of  Thomas  Lord  Fairfax,  Maseres,  42 1-2 . 

Denzil  Holies  thus  speaks  of  his  former  associates,  when  they 
became  possessed  exclusively  of  the  power  from  which  he  was 
exiled  :  "  The  wisest  of  men  saw  it  to  be  a  great  evil,  '  that  ser- 
vants should  ride  on  horses ;'  an  evil  now  both  seen  and  felt  in 
this  unhappy  kingdom.  The  meanest  of  men,  the  basest  and 
vilest  of  the  nation,  have  got  the  power  into  their  hands j  tram- 
pled upon  the  Crown ;  baffled  and  misused  the  Parliament  \i,  e. 
Holles's  part  of  it]  ;  violated  the  laws ;  destroyed  or  suppressed 
the  nobility  and  gentry  of  the  kingdom  ;  oppressed  the  liberties  of 
the  people  in  general ;  broke  in  sunder  all  bands  and  ties  of  reli- 
gion, conscience,  faith,  duty,  loyalty,  and  good  manners ;  cast  off 
all  fear  of  God  and  man ;  and  now  lord  it  over  the  persons  and 
estates  of  all  sorts  and  ranks  of  men,  from  the  King  upon  his 
throne  to  the  beggar  in  his  cottage  :  making  their  wills  their 
law  ;  their  power  their  rule  ;  their  hair-brained,  giddy,  and  fana- 
tical, and  the  setting  up  of  a  Babel  of  confusion,  the  end  of  all 

their  actions As  the  devil  can  transform  himself  into  an 

angel  of  light,  so  they  pretended  zeal  in  religion  and  to  the  public 
spirit,  as  if  none  were  so  holy  and  self-denying  as  they,  and  so 
they  insinuated  themselves  into  the  good  opinion  of  men."  This 
was  written  by  Holies  within  six  short  years  of  the  opening  of  the 
war.  I  have  taken  the  first  paragraph  of  his  memoirs. — Memoirs 
of  Denzil  Lord  Holies,  1648,  p.  1. 

A  few  months  later,  Clement  Walker,  "  a  gentleman  of  great 
learning  and  ability,  and  a  zealous  defender  of  the  Presbyterian 
party  "  (in  the  Long  Parliament),  thus  writes  :* — "  This  incen- 


*  The  Mysteries  of  the  Two  Juntoes;  London,  1G48.     Re- 
printed in  Maseres'  Tracts,  p.  323. 


346          MEMOIRS  AND   CORRESPONDENCE   OF 

it  may  be  supposed  that  the  Cavaliers  did  not  hold 
them  in  much  better  estimation  even  before  the 


tive,  working  upon  the  human  frailty  of  the  leading  and  speak- 
ing members  of  the  Houses,  caused  them,  first,  to  interweave 
their  particular  interests  and  ambitions  with  the  public  welfare, 
and,  lastly,  to  prefer  them  before  the  public  welfare  ....  They 
began  to  advance  their  projects  of  monopolizing  the  profits,  pre- 
ferments, and  powers  of  the  kingdom  in  themselves  ...  to  which 
end  [though  seeming  to  maintain  a  hot  opposition],  when  any 
profit  or  preferment  is  to  be  reached  at,  it  is  observed  that  some 
powerful  Independent  will  move  for  it  for  a  Presbyterian,  or  a 

leading  Presbyterian  for  an  Independent By  such  artifices 

the  grandees  of  each  side  share  the  commonwealth  between  them. 
....  There  hath  been  lately  given  away  to  members  openly 
(besides  innumerable  and  inestimable  private  cheats  mutually 
connived  at),  at  least  300,000£.  in  money,  besides  such  offices." 
So  speaks  gravely,  in  1648,  one  of  the  able  men  who  were  urging 
forward  the  revolution  in  1642,  and  cheering  on  to  the  work  the 
very  men  he  here  speaks  of.  Ludlow,  at  a  much  earlier  period  in 
the  war,  speaks  of  his  "  own  party,  every  one  striving  to  enlarge 
his  own  power  in  a  factious  and  ambitious  way,  not  caring  how 
much  they  thereby  obstructed  and  ruined  the  cause  itself."  * 

Vane,  in  his  own  shrouded  and  cautious  manner,  implies  that 
latterly  "  God  [whose  great  name,  he  says  a  little  before,  was 
concerned  in  the  cause]  seemed  to  have  stood  still,  and  be  as  a 
looker  on,"t  but  that  He  could  still  revive  it  "  when  secondary 
instruments  fail[ed]  or  prove[d]  deceitful."  He  proceeds  to 
lament  that  the  "compacted  body  [of  the  Parliament,  amongst 
whom  were  most,  if  not  all,  his  old  associates]  was  now  falling 
asunder  into  many  dissenting  parts,  ....  something  rising  up 


*  Memoirs  of  Edmund  Ludlow,  Esq.,  Lieutenant-General  of  the 
Horse,  one  of  the  Council  of  State,  and  a  Member  of  the  Parlia- 
ment which  began  on  the  Nov.  3,  1640.  Switzerland,  1698. 

t  The  Deity  was  very  irreverently  used  in  these  men's  lan- 
guage ;  after  a  defeat  one  of  these  preachers  said,  "  That  God 
had  spit  in  their  faces."  Mr.  Bond,  one  of  these  presumptuous 
saints,  preaching  at  the  Savoy,  told  his  auditors, "  That  they  ought 
to  contribute  and  pray,  and  do  all  they  were  able  to  bring  about 
their  brethren  of  Scotland,  for  settling  of  God's  cause  :  I  say  this 
is  God's  cause,  and  if  our  God  hath  any  cause  this  is  it ;  and  if 
this  be  not  God's  cause,  then  God  is  no  God  for  me ;  but  the  devil 
is  got  up  into  heaven." —  Vide  Sir  W.  Dugdale. 


1642.]     PRINCE   RUPERT   AND   THE   CAVALIERS.        347 

war.    The  Cavaliers  were  reproached  by  the  Round- 
heads with  the  vices   of  their   basest   comrades — 


that  seems  rather  accommodated  to  the  private  and  selfish  inter- 
est of  a  particular  part,  "  than  to  the  common  good."  But  of 
all  others,  "  Cromwell  was  the  Achan  who  had  taken  of  the 
accursed  thing."*  Cromwell,  on  the  other  hand,  had  asserted 
that  "  the  Lord  had  done  with  Sir  Harry,  and  chosen  honester 
and  worthier  instruments  for  carrying  on  his  work  ;"  for  that, 
in  fact,  this  Sir  Harry  "  was  a  juggler,  and  had  not  common 
honesty."  Henry  Cromwell,  moreover,  whom  all  agree  to  have 
been  an  honest  and  able  man,  describes  Vane  "  as  one  of  the  most 
rotten  members  of  the  community." — Thurloe,  iv.  509.  But  on 
the  memorable  20th  of  April,  1653,  when  this  Long  Parliament 
suffered  the  fate  collectively  that  almost  all  the  demagogues  of 
history  have  suffered  individually,  when  they  were  overmastered 
by  the  spirit  they  had  themselves  conjured  up ; — on  that  day  the 
chief  destroyers  of  the  Church  and  King  of  England  received 
their  brief  but  pithy  characters  from  their  great  master.  "  Be- 
gone ! "  said  he,  as  he  kicked  the  Rump  out  of  the  seats  they 
had  usurped  from  the  people  for  at  least  a  dozen  years  :  "  Be- 
gone !  and  give  place  to  honester  men  ! "  Then,  as  they  passed 
out,  he  designated  each  reformer  whose  talent  or  influence  was 
worth  immortalizing :  there  was  Henry  Marten,  licentious 
amongst  women ;  Peter  Wentworth,  an  adulterer ;  Alderman 
Allen,  an  embezzler  of  public  monies  ;  Challoner,  a  drunkard  ; 
Whitelocke,  grossly  unjust ;  and  as  for  Sir  Harry  Vane,  whose 
subtle  character  evaded  even  his  active  grasp,  he  could  only  pray 
to  be  saved  from  him.  "  The  Lord  deliver  me  from  Sir  Harry 
Vane!"  is  an  ejaculation  more  descriptive  than  volumes  could 
define,  of  the  vague  and  uncertain  dangerousness  of  that  man 
who  proposed  to  substitute  the  dreamy  republic  that  even  Boston 
had  rejected  with  contempt,  for  the  ancient  constitution  of  our 
England. 

*  "  A  Healing  Question  propounded  and  resolved,  upon  Occa- 
sion of  the  late  public  and  seasonable  Call  to  Humiliation,  in 
order  to  Love  and  Union  among  the  honest  Party,  and  with  a  De- 
sire to  apply  Balm  to  the  Wound  before  it  become  incurable. 
By  Henry  Vane,  Knight;  London,  165G."  Mr.  Forster  has,  with 
his  usual  candour,  quoted  the  above  and  similar  passages,  and  with 
his  usual  ingenuity  endeavoured  to  prove  Sir  Harry  a  lucid  and 
luminous  speaker. 


348          MEMOIRS   AND   CORRESPONDENCE   OF 

such  as  Goring  and  Lunsford ;  while  the  Puritans 
claimed  for  themselves  the  exclusive  worship 
and  protection  of  heaven.  Pym  was  as  fond  of 
wine  and  its  concomitants  as  the  freest  Cavalier 
amongst  them  all ;  and  his  intrigue  with  Lady 
Carlisle  was  notorious.  Henry  Marten  was  a  free- 
thinker and  a  libertine  ;  Warwick,  Wharton,  and 
Pembroke,  were  notorious  evil-livers ;  and  Holland 
and  others  were  little  better.1  No  wonder  that  the 
Cavaliers  refused  to  accept  the  monopoly  of  vice, 
faction,  and  irreligion.  Those  among  them  who  had 
not  belonged  to  the  Patriot  side  had  been  sup- 
pressed and  cautious  as  long  as  the  Parliament  pre- 
served its  purity  and  nobleness  ;  but  when  the  ruling 
portion  of  the  Commons  sank  into  a  party,  contract- 
ing all  the  vices  and  meanness  that  follow  upon  false- 
hood, they  left  the  Parliament  for  the  least  tyranni- 
cal party  of  the  two.  Or,  if  they  had  always  belong- 
ed to  it,  they  then  held  up  their  heads  and  triumphed 
in  their  former  principles.  With  the  blood  of  the 
old  barons  of  Runnymede  still  flowing  in  their  veins  ; 
with  the  chivalry  of  the  "  Arcadia  "  still  kindling  in 
their  imagination ;  with  all  the  proud  prejudices  of 


1  Nor  were  the  soldierly  vices,  as  well  as  violences,  confined  to 
the  officers  and  leading  men  among  the  Puritans  :  one  of  them- 
selves, in  a  pcean  over  the  sack  of  Winchester  by  the  Round- 
heads, thus  relates  some  of  the  events  : — 

"  There  many  black  coats  got  a  desperate  fall, 
But  chiefly  those  men  styled  canonicall. 
They  made  such  work  with  them  and  with  their  wives 
As  made  them  weary  of  their  lives." 

King's  Collect.  Brit.  Mus.  vi.  14. 


1642.]      PRINCE   RUPERT  AND   THE   CAVALIERS.      349 

their  ancestors,  now  strengthened  by  their  own, 
concerning  the  ancient  monarchy  of  England,  the 
nobler  Cavaliers  were  in  no  mood  to  bow  their 
proud  heads  at  the  footstool  of  "King  Pym."1 
Among  them  were  many  earnest  and  devout  men,2 
to  whom  their  Church  was  as  dear  as  ever  conven- 
ticle was  to  Puritan,  and  these  Cavaliers  were  by 
no  means  content  to  see  their  venerable  Cathedrals 
demolished  or  profaned,  their  churches  desecrated,3 
their  hierarchy  reviled  and  outcast,  their  clergy 
replaced  by  ferocious  and  ignorant  "  divines. " 
They  were  proud  of  their  country,  even  as  she 

1  This  term,   applied  in  mockery  by  the  Royalists,  was  not 
offensive  in  the  Roundheads'  ears  :  in  the  rhymed  petition  of  the 
players  on  not  being  allowed  to  act,  they  promise  not 

"  To  personate  King  Pym  with  his  state  fleet." 

Forster,  ii.  275. 

Robert  Browning,  in  his  noble  tragedy  of  "  Strafford,"  has  applied 
to  Pym  the  same  term. 

2  Witness  the  solemn  and  religious  tone  of  every  State  paper 
issued  from  the  Court  at  this  time  :   no  hierarchy  could  have 
spoken  in  more  solemn  and  "  God-fearing  "  language. 

3  Already  many  painted  windows  and  much  exquisite  archi- 
tecture had  been  destroyed  by  fanaticism  :  we  shall  soon  find  the 
Roundheads  at  Lichfield  and   elsewhere  hunting  cats  through 
cathedrals  with  hounds  to  mimic  the  choristers  j  stabling  their 
horses  and  defiling  the  venerable  walls  with  the  utmost  degree  of 
brutal  ingenuity.     Among  the  bishops  and  clergy  of  this  time 
were  Usher,  Jeremy  Taylor,    Hall,    Prideaux,,   and  other   still 
venerated  names.     Milton  says  of  the  Puritanical  divines  :  "  They 
who  so  lately  preached  and  cried  down  with  great  show  of  zeal  the 
avarice  and  pluralities  of  bishops  and  prelates,  now  set  sail  to  all 
the  winds  that  might  blow  gain  into  their  covetous  bosoms." — 
Prose  Works,  ii.  896.     They,  too,  established  a  Ritual,  meagre  and 
cold  it  may  be  well  conceived,  as  it  was  to  please,  or  rather  not  to 
displease,   so  many  passions  :  the  "  Assembly  of  Divines "   was 
chosen,  each  man  according  to  the  fancy  of  some  Member  of 
Parliament. 


350          MEMOIRS   AND   CORRESPONDENCE   OF 

stood  then  among  the  nations ;  they  were  not 
willing  to  sacrifice  the  gentle  and  chivalric  prin- 
ciples that  had  made  her  so,  to  a  democratic  spirit 
abhorring  every  quality  that  rose  above  its  own 
low  level. 

Moreover,  there  was  little  to  conciliate  or  attract 
in  the  gloomy  and  severe  deportment  or  affectation 
of  the  Puritans.  There  was  as  little  of  Christian 
charity  as  of  grace  in  their  sentiments. l  They  held 
toleration  to  be  "  soul-murder,"  and  they  looked 
upon  Roman  Catholics  as  in  a  far  worse  state  than 
Mahometans :  and  with  all  this  stern  and  repellent 
profession  and  demeanour,  there  was  something  so 
ludicrous  combined,  as  utterly  to  destroy  its  sub- 
limity to  the  outward  sense.  "  The  ostentatious 
simplicity  of  their  dress,"  said  the  ablest  of  their 
defenders,  long  ago,  "  their  sour  aspect,  their  nasal 
twang,  their  stiff  posture,  their  long  graces,  their 
Hebrew  names,  the  Scriptural  phrases  which  they 
introduced  on  every  occasion,  their  contempt  of 
human  learning,  their  detestation  of  public  amuse- 
ments, were  indeed  fair  game  for  the  laughers."2 
I  shall  conclude  this  long  digression  with  referring 
to  a  quotation  already  made  from  a  great  libe- 
ral historian,  whose  impartiality  is  beyond  imputa- 
tion.3 

1  "  An  intemperate  heat  scorches  up  charity  in  one  Church  as 
well  as  in  another;  it  everywhere  lays  waste  the  most  amiable 
duties  of  Christianity." — Hoadly,  fol.  ed.  ii.  622. 

2  Macaulay's  Essays,  i.  49. 

3  Hallam,  Const.  Hist.  i.  363. 


1642.]      PRINCE  RUPERT  AND  THE  CAVALIERS.         351 

Such  was  the  party1  with  whom  our  Cavaliers 
were  about  to  contend  for  the  great  question  as 
to  whether  the  kingdom  was  to  be  ruled  from 
above  or  from  below ;  the  former  sanctioned  by 
ancient  precedent,  under  which  England  had  grown 
great;  the  latter  desired  by  a  temporary  enthu- 
siasm, that  soon  reacted  and  contemptuously  dashed 
down  its  once  idolized  Parliament  from  power. 
And  yet,  as  I  have  before  remarked,  so  righteously 
dear  to  many  of  the  King's  party  was  the  nation's 
peace,  that  they  were  prepared  to  make  any  sacri- 
fices for  its  preservation,  short  of  that  which  would 
have  made  its  preservation  useless.  These  were 
the  men  whose  well-meaning  counsels  obstructed 
the  first  military  measures,  and  neutralized  the 
effects  of  that  energy  which  the  King  was  now 
ready  to  display. 

Such  was  the  posture  of  affairs  when  the  King 
rode  into  Nottingham  with  Prince  Rupert  by  his 
side.  The  weather  was  wild  and  rough,  and  it  was 
with  difficulty  the  royal  cavalcade  made  way  against 
it :  "  he  had  before  him  the  sad  presage  of  his  ill- 
success,  as  of  a  dark  and  dangerous  storm,  which 
never  admitted  his  return  to  the  port  from  whence 


1  I  have  only  quoted  a  few  reproofs  of  them  from  their  own 
most  respectable  authorities :  it  would  be  easy  to  fill  volumes 
with  abuse  of  them  from  the  papers  of  their  own  time.  Even 
Lilburn,  the  hater  and  victim  of  royalty,  styles  the  Parliament 
"a  company  of  pick-pockets,"  "robbers,"  "thieves,"  "brother 
beasts  of  Nebuchadnezzar,"  &c. 


352         MEMOIRS   AND   CORRESPONDENCE   OF 

he  had  set  out."  These  are  his  own  solemn  and 
touching  words.1 

The  dismantled  old  castle  of  Nottingham  re- 
ceived its  King  with  appropriate  gloom  ;2  its  dreary 
hall  was  filled  with  statesmen,  courtiers,  officers ; 
all  more  or  less  armed,  and  all  anxious  for  the 
momentous  question  to  be  decided  —  whether 
the  Standard  should  be  raised  at  once,  or  the 
ceremony  postponed  until  it  could  be  performed 
under  more  favourable  auspices  ?  The  graver  coun- 
sellors who  still  yearned  for  peace  and  trusted  in 
some  future  chance,  proposed  delay;  but  the  King, 
unable  to  bear  longer  suspense,  refused  it.  Straight- 
way the  fatal  Standard  was  then  unfurled. 

Lord  Clarendon  was  there,  and  thus  describes  the 
event  he  witnessed :  "  There  was  little  other  cere- 
mony than  the  sound  of  a  few  drums  and  trumpets  ; 
melancholy  men  observed  many  ill  presages  about 
that  time.  There  was  but  one  regiment  of  foot  yet 
brought  thither ;  so  that  the  train-bands,  which  the 
sheriff  had  drawn  together,  were  all  the  strength  the 
King  had  for  his  person  and  the  guard  of  his 


1  Which  Milton  triumphs  bitterly  over  in  his  "  Eiconoclastes," 
vol.  ii.  p.  436,  Lond.  ed.  1806.     In  the  preceding  page,  this  man, 
so  sublime  as  a  poet,  so  meanly  rancorous  as  a  partizan,  asserts 
that  Charles  was    "  much  more  criminal  than  Herod  who   was 
eaten  of  worms,"  because  that  the  English  King  "  likened  his  acts 
of  grace  to  God's  grace."     The  expression  that  so  excites  his  ire 
is  in  the  "  Eikon  Basilicon,"  wherein  Charles  (as  Milton  believed) 
says,  "that  the  tumults  threatened  to   abuse  all  [his]   acts  of 
grace  ! "     The  sentence  above  quoted  is  in  the  Eikon. 

2  Clarendon,  iii. 


1642.]      PRINCE  RUPERT  AND  THE  CAVALIERS.        353 

Standard.  There  appeared  no  conflux  of  men  in 
obedience  to  the  proclamation  ;  the  arms  and  ammu- 
nition were  not  yet  come  from  York,  and  a  general 
sadness  covered  the  whole  town.  The  Standard  was 
blown  down  the  same  night  by  a  very  strong  and 
unruly  wind,  and  could  not  be  fixed  again  for  a  day 
or  two,  until  the  tempest  was  allayed.  This  was 
the  melancholy  state  of  the  King's  affairs  when  the 
Standard  was  set  up."1 

The  next  day,  however,  the  same  ceremony  was 
performed,  although  six  men  were  obliged  to  support 
the  flag-staff  while  the  herald  read  the  proclamation, 
and  so  again  for  the  three  days  following.     Indeed 
there  was  little  else  to  be  done ;  news  came  in  but 
slowly  of  the  levies  in   the  west  and   south :    the 
artillery  was  not  yet  arrived  from  York,  and  yet  the 
King's  position  was  not  a  little  perilous.     The  Par- 
liamentary forces,  "  horse,  foot,  and  cannon,"  lay  at 
Northampton,  well-appointed  and  eager  to  be  doing ; 
and  Sir  Jacob  Astley  was  in  much  fear  lest  the  King 
should  be  taken  prisoner  as  he  slept. 2     To  occupy 
the  minds  of  his  followers,  probably,  rather  than  for 
any  other  motive,  the  King  then  held  a  Chapter  of 
the  Order  of  the  Garter,  with  such  state  as  was  prac- 
ticable under  the  circumstances.     This  was  to  do 
honour  to  his  young  kinsman,  Prince  Rupert,  and 
was  well  calculated  to  impart  a  chivalric  character 
to  the  ceremony  of  the  Standard.     Charles,  Prince 

1  Clarendon's  Rebellion,  iii.  192.  2  Ibid.  p.  194. 

VOL.  I.  A  A 


354          MEMOIRS   AND   CORRESPONDENCE   OF 

of  Wales,   at  the   same  time  received  the  honour 
of  the  Garter.1 

In  the  midst  of  the  festival  consequent  on  this 
installation,  a  messenger  arrived  in  hot  haste  from 
Portsmouth,  bearing  a  despatch  from  Goring.  Its 
purport  "almost  struck  the  King  to  the  heart;"2 
his  worthless  and  unprincipled  servant  announced 
that  he  must  surrender  his  all-important  post  in 
"  very  few  days,  except  it  were  relieved :"  and  well 
he  knew  that  relief  was  impossible.  Lord  Hertford, 
who  alone  could  have  afforded  it,  had  been  driven 
into  Dorsetshire,  and  was  himself  besieged  in  Sher- 
borne  Castle.3  Meanwhile  the  double  traitor  con- 
tinued to  wallow  in  debauchery,  without  making  one 
effort  to  oppose  the  enemy.  Lord  Clarendon  as- 
serted that  Goring  had  intended  originally  to  hold 
out  with  firmness,  "but  when  the  King's  power 


1  This  was  the  only  Chapter  ever  held  out  of  Windsor,  and 
there  were  some  informalities  attending  it,  which  required  to  be 
righted  afterwards  by   the   College    of  Heralds  ! — Kings  Coll. 
Brit.  Mus. 

2  Clarendon's  Rebellion,  iii.  191,  note. 

3  Lord  Hertford's  brave  and  active  service  must  not  be  passed 
over  in  a  paragraph.     He  had  left  the  King  at  Beverley,  and 
been  ever  since  occupied  in  raising  levies  by  the  strength  of  his 
own  popularity  in  Somersetshire.     He  was  well  received  in  that 
great  county,  all  the  "  gentlemen  of  quality  therein,  except  Pop- 
ham  and  Homer,"  being  favourable  to  him.     Wells,  "being  a 
pleasant  city  and  in  the  heart  of  the  county,"  was  recommended 
by  them  for  his  "  lordship's  residence."     From  hence  he  strove  in 
a  gentle  and  conciliatory  manner  to  win  favour  for  the  Royal 
cause  :  he  was  sorely  thwarted  in  his  efforts  by  the  enemy,  who 
"  taking  advantage  of  the  King's   commission  being  in  Latin, 
translated  it  as  they  pleased,"  and  persuaded  the  wealthy  but 
illiterate  yeomen  and  tradespeople  that  the  proclamation  was 


10-12.]   PRINCE  RUPERT  AND  THE  CAVALIERS.   355 

abated,  the  edge  of  his  zeal  was  taken  off,  and  he 
thought  Portsmouth  was  too  low  a  sphere  for  him 
to  move  in ;  and  so  he  cared  not  to  lose  what  he 
did  not  care  to  keep."1 

It  was,  indeed,  a  heavy  blow  to  Charles.  He 
had  precipitately  raised  the  Standard,  lured  into  that 
rash  measure  by  his  confidence  in  Goring's  strength. 
Until  he  had  so  declared  his  purpose  beyond  recall, 


a  most  tyrannical  and  embezzling  document.  Their  secret 
machinations  were  too  powerful  for  the  formal  and  open  pro- 
ceedings of  the  marquis,  who  had  only  three  troops  of  horse 
and  a  company  of  foot  to  defend  himself.*  Unfortunately 
for  him,  Lord  Pacolet  and  some  twenty-five  gentlemen  soon 
came  to  his  head-quarters,  and  controlled  him  in  every  active 
measure  he  undertook.  So  far  Lord  Clarendon.  Soon  after- 
wards, Sir  John  Stowell  .and  others,  with  eighty  horse  and 
fourteen  dragoons,  charged  and  attacked  Captain  Preston,  who 
had  a  hundred  horse  and  six  hundred  foot,  and  routed  them, 
killing  seven  and  taking  many  prisoners. — Ludlow,  p.  37  ;  Clar. 
iii.  207.  This  skirmish  is  remarkable,  as  it  is  said  to  have  fur- 
nished the  first  blood  shed  on  the  field  during  the  war.  Lord 
Hertford  meanwhile,  "  with  his  great-spirited  little  army,"  had 
retired  before  the  Earl  of  Bedford,  Holies,  and  about  seven  thou- 
sand foot  to  the  strong  castle  of  Sherborne,  where  we  leave  him 
and  them  in  a  transient  state  of  siege,  waiting  for  the  progress 
of  events  elsewhere. 

1  I  must  not  omit  the  remainder  of  Lord  Clarendon's  obser- 
vation. He  continues  :  "  And  it  were  to  be  wished  that  there 
might  be  no  more  occasion  to  mention  him  after  this  repeated 
treachery ;  and  that  his  incomparable  dexterity  and  sagacity 
had  not  prevailed  so  far  over  those  whom  he  had  so  often  deceived, 
as  to  make  it  absolutely  necessary  to  speak  at  large  of  him  more 
than  once  before  this  discourse  comes  to  an  end." 


*  Two  of  these  troops  were  commanded  by  John  Digby  (Lord 
Bristol's  son)  and  Sir  Francis  Hawley  ;  the  third,  with  which 
were  a  few  dragoons,  had  been  raised  and  equipped  by  Sir  Kalph 
Hopton  at  his  own  charge.  Colonel  Henry  Lunsford  had  raised 
the  company  of  foot,  amounting  to  600  men. 

A  A2 


356          MEMOIRS   AND   CORRESPONDENCE   OF 

the  Parliament  could  scarcely  have  begun  to  act  on 
the  offensive,  and  every  day  of  preparation,  unmo- 
lested, was  of  the  utmost  importance  to  his  cause. 
But  now  the  die  was  cast ;  "  the  beginning  of  strife 
is  as  the  letting  out  of  waters  ;"  he  was  well  nigh 
overwhelmed.  His  council,  less  sanguine  than  him- 
self, were  less  astounded  by  this  blow;  perhaps, 
secretly,  scarcely  regretted  it.  At  all  events  they 
insisted,  and  with  reason,  that  the  most  important 
object  now  was  to  recover  the  ground  they  had  lost. 
They  proposed,  therefore,  to  open  a  new  negotiation 
for  an  amicable  arrangement  with  the  Parliament ; 
arguing  that  under  any  circumstances  they  should 
gain  time ;  that  they  should  cast  the  odium  of 
refusing  peace  upon  the  Parliament ;  and  that,  after 
all,  it  was  not  utterly  hopeless  that  the  Parliament 
might  accept  their  propositions.  The  King  at 
length  reluctantly  consented.  Lords  Dorset,  South- 
ampton, with  Sir  John  Colepepper,  and  Sir  William 
Uvedale,  undertook  the  dangerous  office  of  am- 
bassadors. They  left  Nottingham  on  the  afternoon 
of  the  25th,  and  reached  London  early  the  next 
morning.  * 

They  were  received  haughtily  by  both  Houses. 
Lord  Southampton  was  not  allowed  to  take  his  seat 
among  the  Peers,  but  was  ordered  to  deliver  his 
message  to  the  Usher,  and  leave  London  forthwith. 
Sir  John  Colepepper  met  a  similar  reception  from 

1  Sir  P.  Warwick,  213  ;  Clarendon's  Rebellion,  iii.  204. 


1642.]       PRINCE   RUPERT   AND   THE   CAVALIERS.       357 

the  Commons  ;  and  the  ambassadors  returned  to 
Nottingham  with  such  an  answer  as  the  King  had 
foreseen.1  Three  days  later,  Lord  Falkland  was  sent 
with  another — an  explanatory  message,  in  which  the 
King  declared  that  "  being  desirous  to  avoid  the 
diffusion  of  blood,  he  was  willing  to  decline  all 


1  The  following  is  the  substance  of  the  message  and  the  reply. 
The  King  expressed  himself  to  this  effect  : — "  That  he  had  with 
unspeakable  grief  of  heart  long  beheld  the  distractions  of  the 
kingdom  ;  that  his  very  soul  was  full  of  anguish,  until  he  could 
find  some  remedy  to  prevent  the  miseries  which  were  ready  to 
overwhelm  this  whole  nation  by  a  Civil  War  ;  that  though  all  his 
endeavours  tending  to  the  composing  of  these  unhappy  difficulties 
had  hitherto  failed,  he  would  not  be  discouraged  from  using  any 
expedient  which  might  lay  a  firm  foundation  of  peace  and  hap- 
piness to  all  his  good  subjects.  And  in  order  to  prevent  the 
mistakes  which  had  hitherto  arisen  in  treating  between  himself 
and  the  Parliament,  he  had  thought  fit  to  propound  that  an 
equal  number  of  fit  persons  might  on  each  side  be  enabled  to 
treat  with  such  freedom  of  debate  as  might  best  tend  to  that 
happy  conclusion,  which  all  good  men  desire — the  peace  of  the 
kingdom  :  that  he  promised  every  protection  to  such  as  might  be 
sent,  in  case  the  place  where  he  was  should  be  chosen  for  the 
treaty,  and  presumed  on  the  same  care  being  shewn  to  those  he 
should  send,  if  they  chose  another  place  :  that  everything  should 
be  done  on  his  part  to  advance  the  Protestant  religion  and  secure 
the  law  of  the  land.  If  this  proposition  should  be  rejected,  he 
had  done  his  duty  so  amply,  that  God  would  absolve  him  from 
the  guilt  of  any  of  the  blood  that  should  be  spilt  :  that  nothing 
but  his  desire  to  prevent  the  effusion  of  blood  had  begat  this 
motion,  as  he  was  well  provided  with  men,  arms,  and  money  to 
secure  him  from  farther  violence."  The  reply  of  Parliament  was 
to  the  following  effect  : — "  That  they,  with  much  grief,  resented 
the  dangerous  and  distracted  state  of  the  kingdom,  which  they 
had  by  all  means  endeavoured  to  prevent,  but  that,  exceeding  the 
ill  counsels  of  any  former  age,  the  King  had  issued  several  pro- 
clamations against  both  Houses  of  Parliament,  declaring  their 
actions  treasonable  and  their  persons  traitors,  and  had  thereupon 
set  up  his  Standard  ;  and  that  until  those  proclamations  were  re- 
called and  the  Standard  taken  down,  they  could  not,  by  the  fun- 
damental privileges  of  Parliament,  or  with  the  general  good  and 


358          MEMOIRS   AND   CORRESPONDENCE   OF 

memory  of  former  bitterness ;"  that  he  never  in- 
tended to  declare  the  Parliament  traitors,  or  to  set 
up  his  Standard  against  them,  much  less  to  put  them 
and  the  kingdom  out  of  his  protection.  [What  all 
this  meant  is  not  easy  to  conceive,  yet  it  was  pro- 
bably suggested  by  Falkland, as  he  bore  the  message.] 
"And  that  if  they  would  recall  their  declarations 
against  all  persons  as  traitors  for  assisting  him  [the 
King],  he  would  with  all  cheerfulness  do  the  same, 
and  take  down  his  Standard." *  The  document 
concluded  by  expressing  his  desire  for  a  treaty. 
The  Parliament  echoed  the  King's  demand,  insisting 
that  the  royal  declarations,  traitor  epithets,  and 
obnoxious  Standard,  should  be  suppressed  before 
they  would  enter  into  any  terms.  With  this  reply 
Lord  Falkland  returned  to  the  King. 

Prince  Rupert  and  the  more  warlike  Cavaliers 
triumphed  in  these  replies,  the  purport  of  which 
they  had  prophesied.2  But  those  who  had  advised 
the  negotiation  also  triumphed  in  the  favour  that 
the  royal  cause  had  gained  by  the  exhibition  of  so 
anxious  a  desire  on  the  King's  part  for  peace. 
Henceforth  the  levies  went  on  rapidly,  and  the 
wavering  gentry,  seeing  that  all  hope  of  compromise 
was  at  an  end,  displayed  their  national  firm  (when 
once  formed)  resolution.  The  King,  after  many 
years  of  error  and  impolicy,  had  latterly  been  sorely 

safety  of  the  kingdom,  give  his  Majesty  any  other  answer  to  his 
message." 

1  Clarendon's  Rebellion,  iii.  213.  2  Ibid.  p.  217. 


1042.]      PRINCE   RUPERT   AND   THE   CAVALIERS.       359 

tried :  he  had  gone  through  the  ordeal  with  courage 
and  magnanimity,  and  now  his  cause  was,  at  all 
events,  the  least  objectionable.  From  that  time 
forth,  nineteen-twentieths  of  the  gentlemen  of  Eng- 
land were  Cavaliers. 

At  Nottingham  all  was  now  changed  :  the  energy 
of  desperation  succeeded  to  the  restless  indolence 
of  suspense.  The  tide  had  begun  to  turn  for  the 
King ;  every  trooper  that  now  entered  the  castle 
brought  some  better  news,  on  which  still  better 
hopes  were  founded ;  the  artillery  arrived  from 
York;  preparations  were  made  to  advance  towards  the 
south  ;  the  King  appeared  in  a  new  character,  dis- 
playing extraordinary  talents  for  business,  prompt- 
ness, energy,  and  resolution.  Essex,  meanwhile,  had 
reached  Northampton,  and  now  lay,  in  considerable 
force,  within  reach  of  his  royal  enemy.  The  Council 
at  Nottingham  were  in  hourly  fear  for  the  King's 
safety,  but  their  fears  were  causeless.  Nothing  can 
be  conceived  more  awkward  than  for  the  Parliament 
at  this  moment  to  have  made  the  King  a  prisoner. 
He  had  granted  infinitely  more  than  they  had  pre- 
sumed even  to  ask  for,  twelve  months  before  ;  his 
desire  for  peace,  his  offer  for  a  treaty  was  published 
to  all  England  :  the  Roundheads  dared  not  have 
touched  him.  They  knew  well  that  they  must  wait 
until  the  public  reason  was  lost  in  the  public  passion, 
and  the  strong  instinct  of  allegiance  merged  in  the 
still  stronger  instinct  of  hatred  towards  an  enemy. 
The  King  was  not  yet  that  enemy ;  the  Parliament 


360    MEMOIRS  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF 

were  determined  to  make  him  so  ;  to  steep  his  hands 
in  blood,  and  then,  and  not  till  then,  to  call  him  to 
an  account. 


The  mass  of  Prince  Rupert's  correspondence  presents 
itself  to  us  at  this  conjuncture.  Until  the  first  hurried 
arrangements  for  the  campaign  were  made,  the  Prince 
probably  had  no  secretary,  and  none  of  the  correspondence 
seems  to  have  been  preserved.  A  Mr.  Blake,  I  believe, 
now  filled  that  office,  and  seems  to  have  been  very  careful 
in  his  guardianship  of  his  Highness's  letters.  Unfortu- 
nately, however,  this  gentleman  never  made  any  memo- 
randa upon  them,  and  we  have  the  letters  in  the  same  state 
that  they  left  the  hands  of  the  messengers  who  conveyed 
them.  Some  possess  but  little  interest,  except  as  they  afford 
the  means  of  verifying  (or  falsifying)  historical  records  by 
their  dates,  their  quaint  language,  and  the  eager  spirit 
that  breathes  through  them.  The  most  matter-of-fact  of 
them  all,  however,  may  be  useful  to  the  future  historian ; 
especially  to  him  who  shall  write  the  "  Military  History 
of  the  Civil  War,"  in  full  ;  a  task  which  I  found  incom- 
patible with  the  other  objects  of  my  work.1  In  writing 
such  a  history,  many  of  these  letters  will  be  omitted  and 
their  contents  and  information  appropriated  and  condensed. 
I  do  not  feel  myself  justified  in  omitting  any  that  possess 
any  historical  or  other  interest,  or  that  those  who  come 
after  me  might  glean  any  information  from.  I  have 
selected  those  that  appeared  to  me  of  the  most  importance, 
and  if  they  succeed  in  awakening  interest,  probably  the 


1  I  believe,  however,  that  I  have  as  nearly  approached  it  as  most 
others  have  done.  I  have  not  left  any  (to  me)  attainable  sources 
of  information  unexamined,  and  as  the  dwarf  on  the  giant's 
shoulders,  the  most  inefficient  writer  may  see  more  than  his  more 
gifted  predecessor.  Before  Mr.  Carlyle's  great  work  on  Cromwell, 
M.  Guizot's  "  Revolution  d'Angleterre,"  Mr.  Forster's  "  Statesmen 
of  the  Commonwealth/'  Mr.  Brodie  and  Mr.  Godwin,  to  which  I 


1042.]      PRINCE   RUPERT   AND   THE   CAVALIERS.      361 

remainder  will  be  presented  to  the  public  by  their  pro- 
prietor. The  letters  (now  first  published)  from  the  King, 
from  the  Ladies,  and  from  Princes  Rupert  and  Maurice, 
I  have  generally  inserted  in  the  text;  the  more  interesting 
of  the  Cavaliers'  correspondence  in  smaller  print,  and  the 
rest,  more  or  less  important,  in  the  notes.  For  the  reader's 
convenience  I  have  spelt  them  right :  there  is  no  informa- 
tion to  be  gained  from  the  villanous  orthography  of  our 
ancestors,  however  heroic  they  may  have  been  ;  the  forms 
of  expression  I  have  left  untouched. 

I  have  a  few  observations  to  make  concerning  the  fol- 
lowing correspondence;  first,  it  proves  Prince  Rupert  to 
have  been  the  director  of  the  whole  war,  and  the  sole  re- 
feree of  the  King  upon  every  point  connected  with  their 
military  affairs.  This,  at  first,  considering  the  issue  of  the 
war,  may  appear  to  be  an  unfortunate  admission  for  the 
Prince ;  but,  it  is  to  be  recollected,  that  at  the  first,  the 
state  of  the  King's  affairs  was  well-nigh  desperate,  that 
nothing  but  the  most  able  and  vehement  exertions  could 
have  raised  up  his  depressed  and  destitute  army  to  a  state 
of  strength  and  service ;  and  that  through  all  the  widely 
scattered  quarters  of  this  army,  wherever  there  was  a 
courtier,  there  was  a  wayward  and  jealous  opponent  of 
the  young  general.  At  head-quarters  especially,  every 
obstacle  was  thrown  in  his  way  that  the  King's  partiality 
would  allow;  and  all  the  responsibility  being  thrown 
upon  the  Prince,  all  the  many  failures  were  visited  upon 
him  also.  It  is  remarkable,  that  all  those  who  were 
under  his  orders  express  themselves  with  devotedness  and 


may  add  Lord  Nugent's  "  Hampden,"  the  "  Fairfax  Correspond- 
ance,"  Miss  Strickland's  "  Henrietta  Maria,"  and  Miss  Aikin's 
"  Court  of  Charles  L,"  there  was  a  vast  amount  of  labour  to  be 
undergone  to  arrive  at  even  the  sources  of  information  which 
their  industry  or  talent  have  discovered.  With  respect  to  the 
political  history  of  this  period,  Mr.  Hallam  has  scarcely  left  any- 
thing to  be  desired  that  was  attainable  by  genius  and  research. 


362         MEMOIRS  AND   CORRESPONDENCE   OF 

affection  towards  his  service,  and  that  every  brave  man 
only  seems  to  desire  to  serve  under  the  eyes  of  the  most 
daring  leader  of  that  brave  time. 

The  first  letter  in  Prince  Rupert's  collection  is  from 
Charlotte  de  la  Tremouille,  the  heroic  Countess  of  Derby.1 
It  is  superscribed  "  for  the  Prince,"  but  is  without  any  place 
of  address.  Rupert  was  probably  at  Queneborough,  near 


1  This  illustrious  lady  was  the  third  daughter  of  Claude,  Duke 
of  Thouars,  Prince  of  Palmont,  and  a  Peer  of  France,  by  Char- 
lotte, daughter  of  William  first  Prince  of  Orange,  whose  wife  was 
of  the  Royal  House  of  Montpensier.  She  was  married  when  very 
young  to  James  Stanley,  seventh  Earl  of  Derby,*  with  whom  she 
lived  in  peaceful  happiness  till  civil  strife  called  him  to  the 
defence  of  the  Isle  of  Man,  leaving  to  his  countess  the  manage- 
ment of  all  his  English  affairs.  How  gallantly  she  acquitted 
herself  of  this  trust  will  appear  later  in  our  history.  After  the 
relief  of  Lathom  House  by  Rupert,  Lady  Derby  accompanied  her 
lord  on  his  return  to  their  island  territory  :  this  he  continued  to 
hold  for  the  King  after  it  was  confiscated  by  Parliament, 
which  revenged  itself  by  detaining  his  children  in  the  harshest 
captivity,  when  they  were  sent  to  solicit  relief  in  England  on  the 
faith  of  a  pass  from  Fairfax,  for  eighteen  months.  The  earl  and 
countess  remained  amongst  the  simple  islanders,  who  adored 
them,  till  1651,  when  Lord  Derby  returned  to  England  and  died 
heroically  in  the  cause  of  Charles  II.  His  widow  continued  to 
rule  their  former  kingdom  in  dignified  poverty,  until  it  was  dis- 
gracefully betrayed  to  the  enemy  by  a  man  named  Christian,  who 
owed  everything  to  her  lord.  She  and  her  children  endured  a 
cruel  imprisonment  after  this,  and  such  extreme  poverty,  that 
they  were  driven  to  accept  of  alms  from  their  friends.  The 
estates  were  restored  to  her  eldest  son  upon  King  Charles's 
accession,  and  the  countess  ended  her  days  at  the  family  hall  of 
Knowsley  in  Lancashire,  March,  1663.  I  have  taken  this  account 
principally  from  Mr.  Lodge.  In  Lord  Dartmouth's  collection  of 


*  I  find  the  following  piece  of  gossip  concerning  this  lady 
in  the  correspondence  of  Father  Cyprian  ("  Court  and  Times 
of  Charles  I.").  He  says  (writing  in  1636),  "The  Duchess  de  la 
Tremaille  is  just  come  [to  London]  with  her  daughter,  married 
lately  to  Lord  Strange.  She  hath  down  upon  the  nail  24,OOOZ.,  he 
making  her  but  2000£.  a  year  jointure/' 


1642.]        PRINCE  RUPERT  AND  THE  CAVALIERS.        363 

Leicester,  when  it  reached  him  ;  it  is  easier  to  know  even 
now,  than  it  was  then,  where  the  fiery  young  Palatine  was  to 
be  found  at  any  given  time.  The  Countess  congratulates 
him  on  having  escaped  from  Warwick,  who  was  cruizing 
with  the  Parliamentary  fleet  to  intercept  all  communica- 
tion with  the  Continent.  She  then  solicits  from  the  King 
some  protection  for  her  neighbourhood,  little  knowing  his 
inability  to  furnish  a  single  company. 1 


family  papers,  admirably  arranged  by  Lord  Bagot,  there  is  a  fine 
print  of  this  heroic  lady.  It  bears  that  stamp  of  faithfulness  to 
the  original  that  seldom  deceives.  The  Countess  of  Derby  is 
there  represented,  not  very  refined  and  noble-looking,  as  we  should 
expect  from  her  illustrious  blood,  but  her  portrait  bespeaks  her 
far  better — brave,  and  kind,  and  good. 

1  It  needs  not  to  be  told  how  nobly  the  countess,  when  thrown 
upon  her  own  resources,  proved  that  she  was  able  to  defend  her- 
self, but  the  following  letter  will  shew  how  much  her  character 
and  conduct  enlisted  the  sympathies  of  her  neighbours.  As  I 
have  many  other  papers  relating  to  Lathoin  House,  I  subjoin  this 
here,  although  anticipating  its  date. 

FROM    THE    CAVALIERS    KEEPING    GARRISON    IN    CHESTER, 
TO    PRINCE    RUPERT. 

"MAY    IT   PLEASE    YOUR    HlGHNESS, 

"  We  have  thought  it  worthy  your  Highness'  knowledge  and 
this  express,  to  inform  you,  that  since  your  Highness'  departure 
from  these  parts,  the  house  of  Laj;hom  (wherein  your  very  heroic 
kinswoman,  the  Countess  of  Derby,  is)  hath,  by  Sir  Thomas 
Fairfax  (who  is  yet  there),  been  very  straitly  besieged,  and,  as 
we  hear,  assaulted  (notwithstanding  any  rumours  which  were  to 
the  contrary),  yet  so  defended  by  her  admirable  courage,  as  from 
the  house  there  hath  been  killed  divers  of  the  assailants,  some 
prisoners  taken,  and  many  arms.  By  these  means  she  hath  oc- 
casioned the  enemy  to  strengthen  the  leaguer,  and  exasperated 
their  malice.  But  she  hath  wasted  much  of  her  ammunition  and 
victual,  which  must  needs  hasten  the  sadness  of  her  ladyship's 
condition)  or  render  her  captive  to  a  barbarous  enemy,  if  your 
Highness'  forces  do  not  speedily  relieve  her  ;  in  contemplation 
whereof,  as  also  of  the  happy  effects  of  her  gallantry,  who,  by 
this  defence,  hath  not  only  diverted  a  strong  party  of  the  Lanca- 
shire forces  from  joining  with  those  who  would  endeavour  to  in- 


364          MEMOIRS   AND   CORRESPONDENCE   OF 


"  THE  COUNTESS  OF  DERBY  TO  PRINCE  RUPERT. 
"  MONSEIGNEUR, 

"  II  n'y  a  personne  qui  ait  eu  plus  de  joie  de 
votre  arriv£e  en  ce  pays  que  moi,  et  qui  a  plus  craint 
les  dangers  que  YOUS  pourriez  courir  par  le  conte  de 
Warwick,  dont  Dieu  vous  a  delivre*:  j'esp&re  pour 
le  service  du  roy,  et  le  bien  de  ce  royaume  qui  sera 
bien  miserable  depuis  1'approche  de  la  re  volte,  et 
que  Ton  fait  courir  les  bruits  de  quelque  retraite 


terrupt  your  Highness'  march  and  retreat,  or  otherwise  might 
have  joined  in  one  body  to  have  annoyed  us  here  in  the  division 
of  our  forces.  We  are  therefore  all  bold  (with  an  humble  repre- 
sentation) to  become  suitors  to  your  Highness  for  your  princely 
consideration  of  the  noble  lady's  seasonable  and  speedy  relief,  in 
which  (besides  her  particular)  we  conceive  the  infinite  good  of  all 
these  northern  parts  will  be  most  concerned,  and  his  Majesty's 
service  very  much  advanced.  The  happy  success  of  your  High- 
ness is  now  our  principal  hope  and  prayers,  which,  and  all  your 
Highness'  designs,  shall  be  promoted  with  the  lives  and  utmost 
services  of 

"  Your  Highness'  most  faithful  servants, 

"  CARYLL  MOLYNEUX.  J.  MAINWARING. 

THO.  TYLDESLEY.  RICHARD  GREENE. 

RICHARD  GROSVENOR.  JAMES  ANDERTON. 

HENRY  LEGH.  WILL.  WALTON. 

RICH.  MOLYNEUX.  JOHN  BERIMIGHAM." 
AB.  SHIPMAN. 

"  Chester,  March  the  23rd,  1643."  * 

About  the  same  time  the  Prince  seems  to  have  received  the 
following  letter,  without  date.     It  is  so  short  that  I  give  it  in  its 


Prince  Rupert's  Correspondence. 


164-2.]      PRINCE  RUPERT   AND   THE   CAVALIERS.       365 

des  gens  de  sa  Majeste*.  Cela  a  enfle  le  courage  des 
seditieux  tellement  que  je  ne  crois  pas  que  Ton 
les  puisse  desarmer  s'il  ne  plaisoit  au  roy  d'envoyer 
quelques  compagnies  de  cavalerie  en  cette  province 
qui  seroit  un  grand  avantage  pour  le  service  de  sa 
Mtie.  Par  ce  raoyen,  Ton  n'aura  besoin  de  retenir  ces 
compagnies  de  cavalerie  que  pour  fort  peu  de  temps ; 
et  Ton  pourroit  lever  et  armer  des  gens  de  pied  pour 
le  service  du  roy,  ce  que  je  crains  ne  se  pourra  faire 
sans  cela,  car  Ton  n'aura  assez  affaire  de  se  defendre 
de  nos  ennemis  de  dedans  notre  pays,  et  je  ne  sais 
comment  s'y  peut  demeurer  avec  surete  sans  cette 
assistance  qui  pourra  servir  assurer  toutes  les  pro- 
vinces &  sa  Majeste,  ce  qui  ne  sera  pas  de  peu  de 
consequence.  Pardonnez  &  ma  liberte,  et  a  la  har- 
diesse  que  je  prends.  Mais  Thonneur  que  j'ai  de 
vous  appartenir 1  la  donne,  et  j'esp&re  tout  en  votre 


original  spelling.     The  fair  writer  does  not  even  spell  her  own 
name  right. 

"  MONSIEUR, 

"  Je  prends  la  hardiesse  de  faire  ce  mot  a  vostre  altesse  pour 
la  supplier  tres  humblement  de  ce  doimer  la  penne  d'entre  ce 
porteur  sur  estat  de  ce  pays  qui  auroit  bien  besoing  de  sa  pre- 
sence comme  vostre  altesse  le  poure  mieux  juger  elle  maime  par 
son  dixcours  augnez  je  me  remais  et  la  supplicede  me  croire  plus 
que  personne. 

"  MONSIEUR, 

"  De  vostre  Altesse  la  tres  humble  et  tres  obeysente 
et  tres  fidelle  servant 

"  C.  DE  TREMAILLE." 
"  A  Monsieur 
Monsieur  le  Prince  Rupert. 
No  date  except  1642. 
Countesse  of  Darby." 

1  The  Prince  was  related  to  her. 


366    MEMOIRS  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF 

generosite  que  vous  avancerez  cette  affaire  avec  le 
plus  de  diligence  que  ce  pourroit  etre. 

"  Monseigneur, 

"  Votre  tr&s  humble  et  tr&s  obeissante  servante, 
"  CHARLOTE  DE  LA  TREMAILLE."' 

"a  Ladhom,2  ce  31  d'Oust,  1641. 

"A  Monseigneur, 
"Monseigneur  le  Prince  Ruper." 

At  tin's  period,  as  all  the  following  correspond- 
ence will  prove,  Prince  Rupert  was  not  only  the 
King's  chief  dependence  and  main  stay ;  but  he 
exercised,  in  fact,  the  chief  command.  In  that 
camp  of  courtiers,  it  would  have  been  difficult  for 
any  man,  of  less  resolute  character,  or  less  exalted 
station,  to  have  assured  a  lead  :  etiquette,  and  the 
sensitive  jealousies  of  almost  all  the  volunteers, 
circumscribed  every  man's  capacity  of  action  to 
the  precise  spot  that  the  heralds  would  have 
assigned  it.3 

On  the  Roundhead  side,  that  man  was  held  the 


1  This  letter  is  very  difficult  indeed  to  decypher,  and  very 
strangely  spelt. 

2  Lathom  House,  six  miles  from  Wigan. 

3  Of  these  officials  there  was  a  prodigious  train  :  they  were  the 
only  attaches  of  the  King  whom  the  Parliament  left  entirely  to 
their  own  duties.     Their  gorgeous  dresses  must  have  contrasted 
strangely  with  the  "ragged  array"  of  the  King's  soldiers  at  Co- 
ventry.    Leigh  Hunt,  in  his  well-peopled  "  Town,"  gives  a  plea- 
sant anecdote  of  a  herald  waiting  on  a  bishop  about  this  time  to 
summon  him  to  the  House  of  Lords.     The  herald  appeared,  as 
was  customary,  in  full  dress,  arrayed  with  tabard  and  other  in- 
signia of  his  office  :  his  bishop  was  an  Irish  one  (Killaloe),  and 
had  an  Irish  servant,  to  whom  he  gave  his  titles,  king-alarms, 
&c.  &c.,  to  announce  him  by ;  the  bewildered  Celt  forgot  every- 


1642.]      PRINCE   RUPERT   AND   THE   CAVALIERS.       367 

best  who  could  do  the  most.  Hampden,  Pym, 
Brooke,  Cromwell,  were  everywhere,  doing  every- 
thing, and  inspiring,  instead  of  jealousy,  a  zeal  to 
follow  in  their  steps.  Rupert  was  the  only  man  of 
rank,  in  the  Royal  camp,  who  was  exclusively  a 
soldier,  and  entirely  free  from  patriotic  scruples, 
diplomatic  subtleties,  and  respect  of  persons.  His 
affection  to  King  Charles  was  devoted,  and  chival- 
rously single-minded ;  he  allowed  no  other  consider- 
ation to  interfere  with  it  for  a  moment.  He  set  at 
nought  the  bitter  rivalries  and  local  jealousies  of 
the  nobles,  yet  he  seems  to  have  inspired  them,  for 
the  most  part,  not  only  with  respect  or  fear,  but 
with  the  warmest  regard  for  him.  Lord  Digby, 
however,  was  his  enemy  from  the  first,  and  Sir 
Edward  Hyde  seems  always  to  have  held  him  in 
dislike  and  fear.1  This  enmity  was  productive  of 

thing  but  the  wonderful  appearance  of  the  official,  and  scared  the 
bishop  by  the  assurance  that  the  king  of  trumps  was  come  to 
wait  upon  his  lordship. 

1  Sir  Philip  Warwick,  the  Froissart  of  the  Cavaliers,  takes  a 
very  different  view  of  Prince  Rupert  from  Lord  Clarendon.  So 
little  has  been  said  in  favour  of  this  Prince  by  historians,  that  I 
may  be  excused  for  quoting  the  words  of  this  candid  and  "  grave 
authority  :" — "  That  brave  Prince  and  hopeful  soldier,  Rupert, 
....  who,  though  a  young  man,  had  in  martial  affairs  some  ex- 
perience and  good  skill,  and  who  was  of  such  intrepid  courage 
and  activity,  as  that,  clean  contrary  to  former  practice,  when  the 
King  had  great  armies,  but  no  commanders  forward  to  fight,  he 
so  soon  ranged  and  disciplined  this  small  body  of  men,  that,  &c. 
....  Of  so  great  virtue  is  the  personal  courage  and  example  of 
our  great  commander ;  and  indeed  (to  do  him  right)  he  put  that 
spirit  into  the  King's  army,  that  all  men  seemed  resolved  :  and 
had  he  been  as  cautious  as  he  was  a  forward  fighter  and  a  know- 
ing person  in  all  parts  of  a  soldier,  he  had  most  probably  been 
a  very  fortunate  one." — Memoirs,  p.  227. 


368    MEMOIRS  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF 

many  evil  consequences,  and  at  last  drove  Rupert 
from  the  kingdom.  The  following  letter  is  the  first 
proof  of  the  misunderstanding.  It  appears,  that 
Digby  had  objected  to  the  King's  shewing  such 
favour  to  the  Prince,  and  that  the  latter  had  re- 
sented his  interference  with  frank  displeasure.  On 
the  10th  of  September,  Lord  Digby  wrote  the  fol- 
lowing letter  to  him  :  it  affords  a  good  specimen,  at 
once,  of  the  style  and  character  of  one  of  the  most 
clever,  yet  most  affected  and  least  practically  able 
men  engaged  in  the  King's  affairs. 

FROM    LORD    DIGBY    TO    PRINCE    RUPERT. 
MAY    IT    PLEASE    YOUR    HlGHNESS, 

I  AM  told  by  Mr.  O'Neal  that  your  Highness  hath  not 
so  right  an  understanding  of  me,  as  my  affection  to  your 
person  and  service  made  me  hope.  'Tis  true,  Sir,  that  to 
persons  so  much  above  me  as  you  are,  my  nature  is  not 
apt  to  those  insinuations  and  recherches  which  others 
perhaps,  that  love  them  much  less,  are  dextrous  and 
industrious  in  ;  but  this  I  will  say  to  your  Highness,  with 
confidence  and  truth,  that  ever  since  I  have  had  the  honour 
to  know  you,  I  have  not  omitted  any  occasion  wherein 
I  thought  I  might  either  serve  your  Highness,  or  express 
how  much  I  honoured  you,  of  which  I  am  sure  I  have  the 
greatest  and  best  witnesses. 

I  am  told,  likewise,  that  your  Highness  takes  ill  some 
expression  of  mine  concerning  you,  to  a  person  whom 
your  Highness  esteems,  and  I  honour  much.  You 
will  not  think  it  fit  for  me  to  discourse  upon  that  subject 
in  a  letter,  and  therefore  I  will  refer  the  enlargement  to 
Mr.  O'Neal.  But  thus  much  I  assure  your  Highness, 
that  if  I  have  deserved  well  in  anything,  it  hath  been  of 


1042.]      PRINCE   RUPERT   AND   THE   CAVALIERS.       369 

your  Highness  even  towards  that  person,  and  in  that  very 
expression  ;  being  wholly  used  in  this  sense,  to  tell  that 
party  that  where  there  was  a  friendship  of  honour  with  so 
gallant  a  Prince  as  yourself,  les  petits  gens  should  be  kept 
at  a  greater  distance,  as  I  am  sure  the  party  will  have  the 
nobleness  to  avow,  in  case  you  think  it  worthy  the 
reviving.  In  the  mean  time  I  shall  study  to  serve  your 
Highness  with  affection  and  industry  in  all  things,  wherein 
you  shall  think  me  worthy  your  trust.  If  these  professions 
were  not  very  real,  I  would  not  have  troubled  neither  your 
Highness  nor  myself  with  them,  for  I  have  no  other  end 
upon  you  but  this,  that  believing  you  a  gallant  and 
generous  Prince,  I  should  esteem  myself  happy  to  have 
with  you  the  place  of 

Your  Highness's  most  affectionate 

Humble  Servant, 

GEORGE  DIGBY. 

10.  7bris,  at  Nottingham,  1642. 

A  temporary  reconciliation  seems  to  have  followed 
this  epistle,  for,  a  few  days  later,  Digby  is  fighting 
bravely  by  the  Prince's  side,  at  Powick  Bridge  ;  and 
for  the  next  year,  we  find  his  letters  expressing  the 
utmost  cordiality  and  respect  towards  his  dangerous 
correspondent.1 

The  war  is  now  fairly  ushered  in ;  the  next  chapter 
will  commence  a  series  of  almost  uninterrupted  ac- 
tion, illustrated  by  an  almost  daily  correspondence. 

1  I  have  somewhat  anticipated  this  letter  as  to  date,  but  not  as 
to  matter  :  other  correspondence  fills  up  the  period  to  which 
it  chronologically  belongs. — EDITOR. 


VOL.  I.  B    B 


370    MEMOIRS  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF 


CHAPTER  V. 


THE  FIRST  BLOW. 

THE   KINO    AND    THE     CAVALIERS    LEAVE     NOTTINGHAM. THE     ROUNDHKAI) 

ARMY.  —  RUPERT'S  LEVIES.  —  GENERAL   RENDEZVOUS   AT  STAFFORD.  — 
BATTLE  OF  WORCESTER. 


"  This  was  but  the  hand  of  that  cloud,  which  was  soon  after  to 
overspread  the  whole  kingdome,  and  cast  all  into  disorder  and 
darknesse."  Icon  Basilicon,  CHARLES  I. 

"  Warre  is  an  appeal  to  Heaven,  when  Justice  cannot  be  had 
on  earth."  WARD. 

Two  great  parties — the  one  desiring  to  extend, 
the  other  to  contract,  the  democratic  principle  in 
our  Constitution — have  long  and  irreconcilably 
divided  England,  while  mutually  advancing  her 
great  destinies.  These  two  parties  were  now  arrayed 
in  arms  against  each  other.  Before,  and  since 
that  terrible  strife,  this  antagonism  has  no  doubt 
produced  progression,  and  the  more  rapid  de- 
velopment of  our  constitutional  character  :  each 
party,  alternately  in  the  ascendant,  moving  forward 
as  best  it  can,  stimulated  by  the  rivalry,  yet  ren- 
dered cautious  by  the  vigilant  enmity  of  its  oppo- 
nents. But,  now,  the  great  question  was  to  be 
resolved  by  arms  ;  each  party  had  been  driven  to 


1642.]        PRINCE    RUPERT   AND   THE  CAVALIERS.      371 

extremes,  and  the  original  conflict  of  opinion  was 
soon  embittered  and  inflamed  by  personal  animosity. 
Religion  itself  was  distorted  into  an  additional  ele- 
ment of  discord,  imparting  to  the  excited  minds 
of  political  combatants  all  the  characteristics  of  a 
Holy  War.  Religious  controversy,  at  all  times  a 
bitter  strife,  never  improves  the  temper  or  the 
truthfulness  of  men ;  political  controversy  is  in 
itself  a  war,  without  weapon  or  bloodshed,  but 
scarcely  less  fierce  and  cruel :  the  evil  genius  of 
the  Court  had  had  the  ingenuity  to  raise  each  of 
these  controversies  into  red  heat,  and  then  fuse 
them  into  one.  Each  party  now  claimed  to  wield 
the  sword  of  the  Lord,  as  well  as  of  Gideon,  and 
hence,  the  internecine  nature  of  the  war  and  its 
persistency :  no  battle  could  decide,  no  treaty  heal 
the  difference;  destruction  alone  could  still  the 
opposition. 

The  King  continued  to  hold  his  Court  at  Not- 
tingham, until  the  13th  of  September;  inclined  to 
peace,1  but  preparing  diligently  for  war.  Prince 
Rupert,  and  his  principal  officers,  strongly  objected 

1  I  think  I  am  justified  in  saying  so  by  the  assertion  of  one 
who  very  much  disapproved  of  the  King's  cause,  though  he 
adhered  to  it  as  preferable  to  that  of  the  Parliamentary  faction. 
In  Lord  Sunderland's  melancholy  letter  to  his  wife,  quoted  a  few 
pages  back,  he  thus  explains  the  reason  of  his  being  found  in  the 
Royal  camp  ;  but  he  says  that  the  "  King,  when  he  sent  those 
messages,  did  heartily  desire  peace,  though  now  [two  months 
after]  averse  to  it."  Indeed,  the  attitude  of  the  Parliamentary 
army,  and  the  condition  of  his  own  may  well  vouch  for  his 
sincerity,  and  must  have  rendered  him  anxious  to  postpone  any 
trial  of  physical  strength  with  his  sinewy  opponents. 

B  B  2 


372          MEMOIRS  AND   CORRESPONDENCE   OF 

to  the  treaties  negotiated  with  Parliament.  They 
were  unlearned  in,  and,  probably,  contemptuous  of 
"  moral  force  "  doctrines  ;  they  only  recognized  the 
indubitable  fact,  that  such  temporizing  materially 
interfered  with  the  progress  of  the  levies,  and  en- 
dangered such  as  were  already  made.1  On  the 
return  of  Lord  Falkland  from  London,  however? 
the  war-party  was  fully  satisfied  :  his  mission  had 
been  contemptuously  frustrated.  Following  on  his 
steps,  in  a  few  days  came  Essex,  "  with  great 
solemnitie,"  to  take  command  of  the  army  against 
his  King.  His  instructions  were  brief,  simple,  and 
momentous :  the  Lord  -  General  was  to  transmit 
terms  of  unconditional  submission  to  the  King 
[under  the  name  of  a  petition] ;  and,  that  failing,  he 
was,  "  by  battle,  or  otherwise,"  to  bring  back  to  the 
Parliament,  the  King  and  his  two  sons.2  Lord 
Essex  was  a  discontented  and  disappointed  man; 
his  career,  as  a  courtier  and  a  lover,  had  been 
equally  unfortunate ;  but  he  was  a  high-minded, 
chivalrous  soldier,  and  held  many  scruples  and 
sympathies  in  common  with  the  Cavaliers :  the 
former  bias  prompted  him  to  undertake  his  pre- 
sent office;3  the  latter  disqualified  him  from  fulfilling 
it  with  the  unscrupulous  zeal  that  it  required.  Im- 
portant as  he  was  to  his  new  Roundhead  masters, 

1  Clarendon's  Rebellion,  iii.  217. 

2  Parl.  Hist.  ii.  Whitelocke's. 

3  "  If  the  Earl  [of  Essex]  had  refused  that  command,  our  cause 
in  all  likelihood  had  sunk,  we  having  never  a  nobleman  either 
willing  or  capable  of  it." — Observations,  &c.,  Lilly. 


1042.]       PRINCE    RUPERT   AND   THE    CAVALIERS.      373 

from  his  military  character  and  his  high  caste,  they 
were  too  keen-sighted  not  to  have  discovered  the 
drawbacks  to  such  high  qualities.  For  his  nominal 
assistance,  therefore,  and,  virtually,  for  his  control, 
he  was  accompanied  by  a  committee  of  Parliament ; 
it  consisted  of  twelve  lords  and  twenty-four  com- 
moners, a  heavy  and  unwelcome  incumbrance  on  a 
general's  staff. 

On  the  9th  of  September,  1642,  the  Lord-Gene- 
ral set  forth  from  London,  to  enter  on  his  com- 
mand. The  hope  of  the  "  cause  "  was  centred  in  his 
person,  and  the  City  escorted  him,  by  guilds  and 
companies,  with  all  honour  beyond  its  boundaries. 
A  large  company  of  armed  gentlemen  formed  his 
body-guard ;  applauding  crowds  accompanied  his 
progress,  with  the  most  extravagant  exclamations  ;* 
every  window  was  filled  with  his  countrywomen, 
and  the  grim  old  streets  were  adorned,  as  if  for  a 
triumph.  Orange  scarfs  and  shawls,  and  ribbons, 
abounded  everywhere,  and  became  thenceforth  the 
badge  of  party.2  On  his  arrival  at  Northampton, 
the  Lord-General  found  about  14,000  men,  of  all 


1  On  September  9,  1642,  sets  forth  the  Earl  of  Essex  out  of 
London  towards  St.  Albans  and  his  army  ;  in  way  of  triumph  he 
went  out  waited  on  by  Parliament,  and  millions  of  people  lining 
the  highways,  throughout  attended  with  the  gallantry  of  his  great 
commanders,  with  such  of  the  nobility  and  gentry  as  favoured 
his  design,  the  multitude  crying  out  "  Hosanna  /"     Others  said 
"  that  even  so  was  said  and  done  to  his  father  in  his  expedition 
towards  Ireland,  who  returned  back  a  traitor  and  lost  his  head 
at  last."— Sanderson's  Charles  I.,  p.  577. 

2  May,  Long  Parl.,  ii.  57  ;  Whitelocke,  p.  50.     "Because  the 


374    MEMOIRS  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF 

arms,  mustered  under  his  banner.1  These  troops 
were  well  equipped  with  the  Royal  stores  from 
Hull ;  and  with  arms  last  taken  from  the  Tower 
when  the  Armada  was  approaching :  much  of  this 
antique  armour  resumed  its  old  place  in  the  Tower, 
and  may  be  there  at  this  day.  The  bright  orange 
scarf,  and  steel  cuirass,  however,  enveloped  a  different 
stamp  of  men,  from  those  who  gathered  round  the 
King  at  Nottingham,  unarmed  and  ill-provided  as 
the  latter  were.  No  Norman  chivalry  swelled  the 
ranks  of  the  Roundheads,  and  those  of  gentle  blood 
among  them  were  so  few,  as  to  be  summed  up  in 
half  a  column  of  our  histories.2  "  Your  troops,"  said 
the  great  spirit  of  that  age,  "  your  troops  are,  most 
of  them,  decayed  serving  men  and  tapsters,  and  such 
kind  of  fellows ;  and  the  King's  troops  are  gentle- 
men's sons,  younger  sons,  and  persons  of  quality. 
Do  you  think,  that  the  spirit  of  such  base  and  mean 
fellows  will  be  ever  able  to  encounter  gentlemen,  that 
have  honour  and  courage  and  resolution  in  them." 3 
Thus  spoke  Cromwell,  but  he  soon  proved  that  he 


Earl  of  Essex  gave  a  deep  yellow  for  his  colours,  every  citizen's 
dame,  to  the  draggletail  of  her  kitchen,  had  got  up  that  colour  of 
the  cause." — Sandersons  Charles  I. 

1  May,  Hist.  Parl.,  lib.  iii.  5.     The  "cornet"  or  standard  of 
Essex's  own  regiment  bore  on  one  side  the  Parliamentary  motto, 
"  God  with  us,"  on  the  other,  "Cave  adsum  /" — Life  of  ffampden, 
ii.  200.     The  latter  afforded  sometimes  abundant  subject  to  the 
witty  Cavaliers  when  it  was  seen  in  retreat,  or  warning  the  terrified 
farmers  of  approaching  contributions. 

2  Lord  Nugent's  Life  of  Hampden,  ii.  203. — Clarendon  and 
Whitelocke,  compared,  1727. 

3  Forster's  Statesmen,  iv.  92. 


1642.]      PRINCE   RUPERT   AND  THE   CAVALIERS.         375 

could  himself  evoke  a  more  fierce  and  enduring 
spirit  from  among  the  People  than  even  that  which 
he  here  magnifies.  His  "Ironsides"  are  the  most 
fearless  and  successful  body  of  troops  on  record, 
even  in  our  annals :  these  fellows  may  have  been,  and 
I  believe  were,  for  the  most  part,  fanatics,  but  they 
were  not  all  hypocrites :  hypocrites  never  fought  as 
they  fought.  "  At  first,"  says  Sir  Philip  Warwick, 
"  they  chose  rather  to  die  than  fly,  and  custom  re- 
moved fear  of  danger  :  afterwards,  finding  the  sweet 
of  good  pay,  and  of  opulent  plunder  and  preferment, 
the  lucrative  part  made  gain  seem  to  them  a 
native  part  of  godliness." 

These  masses  were  officered  by  old  "Gustavus 
Adolplms  men,"  who  soon  made  them  feel  the 
iron  discipline  of  the  Swede,  and  transmuted  the 
raw  levies  into  steady  soldiers.  Engineering  and 
artillery  science  was  not  to  be  learnt  on  the 
moment,  and  native,  French,  and  German  officers 
were  employed  in  those  services.  Hampden's 
green  coats  were  among  the  best  of  this  young 
army.  Lord  Say  and  Lord  Mandeville  dressed  their 
men  in  blue  ;2  Lord  Brooke,  in  purple ;  and  the  Lon- 
doners, under  Denzil  Holies,  wore  the  red,  that 


1  Warwick's  Memoirs,  p.  252. 

2  Probably  in  imitation  of  the  Covenanters,  who  introduced  the 
military  badge  and  phrase  of  "true  blue."     Lesley  and  Montrose 
assumed  blue  ribbons,  &c.,  in  1639,  in  contrast  to  the  scarlet 
scarfs  and  plumes  of  the  King's  party.     The  colour  was  assumed 
by  the  Covenanters  on  the  strength  of  Numbers,  xv.  38. — Napier  s 
Montrose,  Chambers, 


376  MEMOIRS  AND   CORRESPONDENCE   OF 

already  had  long  distinguished  them.1  The  officers 
wore  armour,  and  were  scarcely  distinguishable  from 
those  of  the  King's  party,2  except  by  an  orange  or 
"  tawney  "  scarf.  The  Parliamentary  standard  was 
"black,  with  one  or  five  buff  bibles,"3  and  the  motto, 
"  God  with  us,"  written  beneath  in  gold.  The  Earl 
of  Bedford  was  General  of  the  Horse,  in  the  Round- 
head army,  and  the  Earl  of  Peterborough,  General  of 
the  Ordnance.  The  common  soldiers  of  this  army, 
and,  no  doubt,  many  of  its  officers,  had  little  inten- 
tion of  making  war  upon  their  King  :  they  had  been 
elaborately  taught,  that  their  Sovereign  was  beset 
and,  in  some  sort,  imprisoned  by  evil  counsellors, 
from  whom  it  was  their  duty  to  rescue  his  Majesty.4 


1  Lord  Nugent's  Life  of  Hampden,  ii.  200. 

2  There  were  instances  innumerable  of  mistakes  occurring  on 
this  account,  vide  Ludlow,  i.  48,  49  ;  and,  hereafter,  the  rescue  of 
the  King's  standard  at  Edgehill. 

3  Buff  and  tawny  being  both  varieties  of  Essex's  orange.   I  quote 
in  the  text  from  the  Sutherland  Collection,  Bodleian  Library. 

4  "  'Tis  to  preserve  his  Majesty, 
That  we  against  him  fight, 
Nor  are  we  ever  beaten  back, 
Because  our  cause  is  right ; 

If  any  make  a  scruple  at 

Our  declaration,  say, 
Who  fight  for  us,  fight  for  the  King 

The  clean  contrary  way. 

Chorus— Who  fight  for  us,"  &c. 

"  'Tis  for  religion  that  you  fight, 
And  for  the  kingdom's  good, 
By  robbing  churches,  plundering  them, 
"And  shedding  guiltless  blood,"  &c. 

Collection  of  Loyal  /Songs,  1660. 


1642.]     PRINCE   RUPERT   AND   THE    CAVALIERS.        377 

It  was  not  until  all  other  feelings  and  passions 
had  been  merged  in  that  of  the  mere  combatant, 
that  Cromwell  confided  to  his  Ironsides  "  that  he 
would  pistol  the  King  in  fight  as  soon  as  any  other 
man."  It  is  probable  that  Essex  encouraged  the 
feeling  of  loyalty  that  as  yet  tempered  the  passion 
for  revolution  among  the  soldiers ;  and  he  may  have 
hoped,  that  a  demonstration  would  be  the  chief,  if 
not  the  only,  duty  of  his  army.1 

1  The  marching  orders  of  this  gallant,  able,  and  honest  soldier 
belong  too  much  to  our  period  to  be  omitted.  They  bespeak  the 
spirit  which  he  intended  and  believed  should  actuate  the  pro- 
ceedings in  this  war,  and  may  be  studied  with  advantage  in  any 
other. 

"  I  do  promise,  in  the  sight  of  Almighty  God,  to  undertake 
nothing  but  what  shall  tend  to  the  advancement  of  the  true  Pro- 
testant religion,  the  securing  of  his  Majesty's  royal  person,  the 
maintenance  of  the  just  privileges  of  Parliament,  and  the  liberty 
and  property  of  the  subject.  Neither  will  I  engage  any  of  you 
into  any  danger,  but  I  will,  in  my  own  person,  run  an  equal 
hazard  with  you,  and  either  bring  you  off  with  honour  or,  if  God 
have  so  decreed,  fall  with  you,  and  willingly  become  a  sacrifice 
for  the  preservation  of  my  country.  Likewise  I  do  promise,  that 
my  ear  shall  be  open  to  hear  the  complaint  of  the  poorest  of  my 
soldiers,  though  against  the  chiefest  of  my  officers,  neither  shall 
his  greatness  (if  justly  taxed)  gain  any  privilege ;  but  I  shall  be 
ready  to  execute  justice  against  from  the  greatest  to  the  least. 
Your  pay  shall  be  constantly  delivered  to  your  commanders,  and  if 
default  be  made  by  any  officer,  give  me  timely  notice  and  you 
shall  find  speedy  redress.  I  shall  now  declare  what  is  your  duty 
towards  me, — which  must  likewise  be  carefully  performed  by 
you.  I  shall  desire  all  and  every  officer  to  endeavour  by  love  and 
affable  carriage  to  commend  his  soldiers  ;  since  what  is  done  for 
fear  is  done  unwillingly,  and  what  is  unwillingly  attempted  can 
never  prosper.  Likewise,  it  is  my  request  that  you  be  very  careful 
in  the  exercising  of  your  men,  and  bring  them  to  use  their  arms 
readily  and  expertly,  and  not  busy  them  in  practising  the  cere- 
monious forms  of  military  discipline ;  only  let  them  be  well 
instructed  in  the  necessary  rudiments  of  war,  that  they  may  fall 
on  with  discretion  and  retreat  with  care ;  how  maintain  their 


378    MEMOIRS  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF 

Meanwhile  the  King  still  held  his  Court  at 
Nottingham  ;  debarred  from  the  London  road  by 
the  formidable  force  at  Northampton,  and  uncertain 
whither  to  direct  his  course.  His  forces  continued 
to  augment:  the  brave  old  Lord  Lindsey  and  his  son, 
Lord  Willoughby,  each  brought  a  regiment  six  hun- 


order  and  make  good  their  ground.  Also,  I  do  expect  that  all 
those  that  voluntarily  engaged  themselves  in  this  service  should 
answer  my  expectation  in  the  performance  of  these  ensuing 
articles : — 

"  1.  That  you  willingly  and  cheerfully  obey  such  as  by  your 
own  election  you  have  made  commanders  over  you. 

"  2.  That  you  take  special  care  to  keep  your  arms  at  all  times 
fit  for  service,  that  upon  all  occasions  you  may  be  ready,  when 
the  signal  shall  be  given  by  sound  of  drum  or  trumpet,  to  repair 
to  your  colours,  and  so  to  march  upon  any  service,  where  and 
when  occasion  shall  require. 

"  3.  That  you  bear  yourselves  like  soldiers,  without  doing  any 
spoil  to  the  inhabitants  of  the  country;  so  doing,  you  shall 
obtain  love  and  friendship,  where  otherwise  you  will  be  hated 
and  complained  of,  and  I,  that  should  protect  you,  shall  be 
forced  to  punish  you  according  to  the  severity  of  law. 

"  4.  That  you  accept  and  rest  satisfied  with  such  quarters  as 
shall  fall  to  your  lot  or  be  appointed  you  by  your  quarter- 
master. 

"  5.  That  you  shall,  if  appointed  for  sentries  or  perdues,  faith- 
fully discharge  that  duty  ;  for  upon  fail  hereof  you  shall  be  sure 
to  undergo  a  very  severe  censure. 

"  6.  You  shall  forbear  to  profane  the  Sabbath,  either  by  being 
drunk  or  by  unlawful  games  ;  for  whosoever  shall  be  found  faulty 
must  not  expect  to  pass  unpunished. 

"  7.  Whosoever  shall  be  known  to  neglect  the  feeding  of  his 
horse  with  necessary  provender,  so  that  his  horse  be  disabled  or 
unfit  for  service,  the  party  for  the  said  default  shall  suffer  a 
month's  imprisonment,  and  be  afterwards  cashiered  as  unworthy 
the  name  of  a  soldier. 

"  8.  That  no  trooper,  or  other  of  his  soldiers,  shall  suffer  his 
paddee*  to  feed  his  horse  in  the  corn  or  to  steal  other  men's  hay, 


The  groom  or  horse-boy  allowed  to  these  favoured  troopers. 


1642.]     PRINCE   RUPERT   AND   THE   CAVALIERS.        379 

tired  strong  out  of  Lincolnshire ;  Sir  William  Pen- 
niman  and  John  Bellasis,1  arrived  at  the  head  of  six 
hundred  foot  and  a  troop  of  horse  from  Yorkshire ; 
and  the  artillery,  such  as  it  was,  had  now  arrived. 
Confidence  had  returned,  and  every  one  desired  to 
leave  Nottingham  and  its  dismal  old  castle,  with 
its  more  dismal  associations.  They  now  only  wait 
until  Mr.  Hyde's  negotiations  with  the  Mayor  of 
Shrewsbury  shall  decide  whether  that  "  ancient  and 
loyal  city  "  or  Chester  shall  be  their  next  destina- 
tion.2 Meanwhile  a  hurried  messenger  arrives ;  the 
King  learns  that  Portsmouth,  his  chief  reliance  in 
the  south,  is  lost,  that  Goring  has  again  abandoned 
or  betrayed  him.  Having  possessed  himself  of  all 
that  was  to  be  had  from  both  King  and  Parliament, 
that  reprobate  had  given  himself  up  to  reckless 
debauchery,  and  blindly  neglected  all  the  duties  of 
his  post.  As  soon  as  Sir  William  Waller  appeared 
before  the  walls,  he  received  offers  from  Goring  to 
surrender,  merely  on  the  stipulation  of  being  himself 
spared  and  sent  to  Holland.  He  threatened,  at  the 
same  time,  "  to  destroy  the  town  with  wild-fire  if  he 


but  shall  pay  every  man  for  hay  Qd.  day  and  night,  and  for  oats 
2s.  per  bushel. 

"  Lastly,  that  you  avoid  cruelty.  For  it  is  my  desire  rather  to 
save  the  lives  of  thousands  than  to  kill  one,  so  that  it  may  be  done 
without  prejudice. 

"These  things  faithfully  performed,  and  the  justice  of  our 
cause  truly  considered,  let  us  advance  with  a  religious  courage, 
and  willingly  adventure  our  lives  in  defence  of  the  King  and 
Parliament." — King's  Pamphlets,  British  MILS. 

1  A  son  of  Lord  Falconbridge. 

2  Clarendon's  Rebellion,  iii,  note  to  p.  251. 


380          MEMOIRS   AND   CORRESPONDENCE   OF 

were  not  granted  his  own  terms."1  He  then  stole 
away  from  his  charge  and  departed  for  Holland,  leav- 
ing his  garrison  to  find  its  way  to  Lord  Hertford's 
standard  or  to  perish.  "  This  blow  struck  the  King 
to  the  very  heart,"  says  Clarendon,  who  was  probably 
with  him  when  he  received  and  read  the  news ;  it 
seemed  to  bring  back  the  tide  of  all  his  misfortunes. 
But  the  character  of  Charles  was  ever  buoyant  under 
disappointment;  he  had  a  fatal  confidence  in  his 
destiny,  which  though  it  ennobled  him  in  adversity, 
long  prevented  him  from  profiting  by  its  lessons. 
And  there  were  many  of  his  Court  ready  to  en- 
courage him  in  perseverance :  Prince  Rupert's  fire, 
Wilmot's  wit,  Digby's  reckless  daring,  all  tended 
to  the  same  point:  even  Hyde  and  Colepepper 
were  become  fearless  of  war,  because  despairing 
of  peace ;  and  the  magnanimous  Falkland  was  now 
as  firm  for  the  Crown  as  he  had  before  been  for 
the  People.2 


1  May,  Parl.  Hist.,  lib.  iii.  p.  4. 

2  The  following  letter  occurring  at  this  date,  though  somewhat 
lengthy  for  the  matter  it  contains,  is  too  characteristic  of  the 
pliant  and  cunning  Elector  Palatine,  Charles  Louis,  to  be  passed 
over.     As  a  specimen  of  wordy  and  involved  writing   it   can 
scarcely  be  surpassed.     It  is  amongst  Rupert's  papers,  without 
address  or  signature,  and  bears  date  September  15,  1642  : — 

"  It  being  your  lordship's  desire  to  have  that  in  writing  which  I 
propounded  by  word  of  mouth,  I  make  bold  to  represent  unto  you, 
that  since  his  Highness,  the  Prince  Elector,  my  gracious  master, 
followed,  as  duty  bound  him,  the  King's  Majesty,  his  uncle,  and 
during  these  present  troubles  his  presence  with  his  Majesty  grow 
suspect  unto  the  Parliament,  and  notwithstanding  he  never  med- 
dled with  any  matter  that  might  be  prejudicial  unto  the  Parlia- 
ment, but  rather  (as  much  as  was  suitable  to  due  respect)  did 


1642.]       PRINCE   RUPERT   AND   THE   CAVALIERS.      381 

On  the  13th  of  September,  the  King  proceeded 
to  Derby :  his  army  inarched  early  on  the  same  day, 
and  was  joined  on  the  march  by  the  repentant  Lord 
Paget,  with  a  regiment  raised  on  his  estates  in  Staf- 
fordshire. When  the  King's  banner  was  seen  in  the 
distance,  Lord  Lindsey  halted  his  men,  formed  them 


advise  and  intreat  his  Majesty  for  a  good  correspondency  with  his 
Parliament,  as  whereon  his  Highness's  particular  interest  so  much 
depended.  The  Parliament,  for  all  this,  conceived  and  entertained 
such  jealousies  of  his  continuing  with  his  Majesty,  that  they  did 
not  only  refuse  to  accept  of  his  offers,  whereby  he  might  have 
evidenced  his  zeal  and  desire  to  do  the  kingdom  service,  but 
rather  increased  and  multiplied  their  suspicions,  which  went  very 
near  to  his  heart  indeed,  but  yet  he  remained  in  good  hope  still 
the  Parliament  would  consider  once  more  ripely  of  this  well- 
intended  offer,  and  afford  him  the  means  and  opportunities 
whereby  he  might  yet  further  manifest  his  faithful  affection  and 
serious  desire  to  do  good  service  to  this  kingdom.  But  whereas 
the  misunderstandings  grew  on  still  between  his  Majesty  and  his 
Parliament,  and  were  brought  to  that  pass  that  matters  came  to 
action,  his  Highness  then  fearing  the  Parliament's  jealousies 
would  be  yet  more  incensed  and  with  more  show  of  ground  by 
any  longer  stay  and  abode  there,  resolved  thereupon,  for  the 
respect  he  bore  unto  the  Parliament,  and  that  he  might  give  no 
manner  of  distaste  unto  the  land,  to  intreat  his  Majesty's  leave 
for  to  withdraw  himself  (until  these  differences  between  his  Ma- 
jesty and  Parliament  might  happily  be  accommodated)  over  unto 
Holland,  which  being  obtained,  was  performed  forthwith  accord- 
ingly ;  his  Highness,  nothing  doubting  but  the  Parliament  would 
thereby  be  assured  and  satisfied  of  the  respect  he  bears  them,  and 
how  really  he  endeavoureth  to  entertain  and  conserve  their  good 
affection. 

"  Now,  although  his  Highness  was  confident  the  means  ap- 
pointed by  his  Majesty  for  his  entertainment,  which  by  reason  of 
these  jealousies  for  following  his  Majesty  were  kept  back,  would 
now  be  furthered  and  facilitated  so  much  the  more  readily,  yet 
hitherto  is  no  appearance  yet  of  any.  And  considering  there  are 
almost  two  full  years  now  in  arrear,  that  there  are  no  other 
means  left  him  for  his  support,  the  entertainment  also  itself  being 
so  proportioned  as  that  he  is  not  able  to  save  or  to  lay  up  any- 
thing of  it  from  one  year  to  another,  and  that  within  these  two 


382    MEMOIRS  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF 

into  line,  and  the  whole  array  presented  an  unex- 
pectedly imposing  appearance.  The  King  then  saw 
his  forces  together  for  the  first  time,  and  was  agree- 
ably surprised  at  their  strength  :  thenceforth  all 
apprehension  vanished,  arid  it  even  became  an 
object  of  desire  to  meet  Lord  Essex.1 

Amongst  the  detached  forces  that  now  joined  the 
royal  rendezvous,  was  the  active  corps  of  Lord 
Northampton,  which  had  for  some  time  past  been 
harassing  the  Roundheads  about  the  town  and 
neighbourhood  of  Northampton.  They  had  pro- 
ceeded as  far  as  JBanbury,  and  possessed  themselves 

years  last  past  he  hath  been  at  such  great  and  extraordinary 
charges,  by  reason  of  his  detainment  in  France,  his  journey  in 
Denmark,  and  the  dispatches  and  entertainments  of  his  deputies 
to  the  Court  of  the  Emperor,  besides  that  he  has  been  necessitated 
to  make  such  a  long  and  chargeable  stay  here  in  England,  it  may 
easily  be  conceived  that  his  Highness  must  needs  have  run  far 
into  debts  ;  and  since  there  follows  nothing  yet,  and  the  troubles 
are  so  ripe  here,  the  credit  will  extend  no  further  neither ;  whence 
any  one  may  readily  guess  and  conclude  to  what  condition  of 
extremity  his  Highness  is  thereby  reduced.  And  whereas  his 
Majesty  ordered  £2000  for  his  Electoral  Highness  since  May 
last,  whereof  the  assignment  was  obtained  but  a  few  weeks 
ago  to  the  royal  commissioners,  but  the  payments  fall  not,  some 
until  the  latter  end  of  October,  and  the  rest  not  till  March 
ensuing;  his  Highness,  in  the  meanwhile,  not  being  able  to 
subsist,  it  is  humbly  desired  whether  there  might  not  £2000 
forthwith  be  issued  and  advanced  for  his  Highness's  present  ne- 
cessity out  of  the  Parliament  treasury,  upon  the  delivering  up 
unto  them  the  aforesaid  assignments,  whereupon  they  may  be 
repaid  again  at  the  time  appointed.  This  would  be  a  means 
whereby  his  Highness  might  be  somewhat  relieved  in  his  present 
extremity,  and  I  am  assured  his  Highness  will  not  be  unmindful 
of  acquitting  this  good  procurement  of  your  lordship's,  as  a 
singular  benefit,  upon  all  occasions." 

"  September  15, 1642."— Benett  Papers. 

1  Clarendon's  Rebellion,  iii.  252,  note. 


1042.]     PRINCE   RUPERT  AND  THE   CAVALIERS.         383 

of  some  guns  and  ammunition  collected  there.  They 
then  proceeded  to  besiege  Warwick  Castle,  in  the 
absence  of  Lord  Brooke,  but  Sir  Edward  Peto 
hoisted  on  the  flag-staff  of  Guy's  Tower  a  Bible  and 
a  Winding-sheet,  implying  by  this  singular  tele- 
graph that  he  would  occupy  the  latter  before  he 
would  betray  the  former.  Lord  Compton  tried  to 
change  this  determination  by  a  battery  he  erected 
on  the  Church  -  tower,  and  Lord  Dunsmore  by 
another  on  the  Park-hill,  but  they  were  repulsed  ; 
and  soon  afterwards  Lord  Northampton  raised  the 
siege,  and  proceeded  to  join  the  King.1 

About  the  same  time,  Prince  Rupert  was  on  his 
march  to  the  same  rendezvous  with  the  Royal 
Horse  ;2  making  various  excursions  in  search  of  men 
and  arms,  and  the  sinews  of  war.  The  Parliamentary 
historian  says  that  "this  Prince,  like  a  perpetual 
motion,  with  those  horse  that  he  commanded,  was 
in  a  short  time  heard  of  in  many  places  at  great 
distances."3 


1  From  tracts  in  the  possession  of  Mr.  Siaunton,  quoted  by 
Lord  Nugent. 

2  Mrs.  Hutchinson  tells  us,  in  page  125  of  her  pleasant  "  Me- 
moirs," that  when  the  Prince  broke  up  his  quarters,  "  the  neigh- 
bouring ladies"  not  only  went  to  see  him  march  out  of  the  town, 
but  some  of  them  were  actually  gone  along  with  him  !"     Mrs. 
Hutchinson  also  mentions  that  a  letter  from  her  husband,  the 
afterwards  celebrated  governor  of  Nottingham,  was  intercepted 
by  Prince  Rupert's  troopers,  and  forwarded  (when  read)  to  his 
wife.     A  Captain  Welch,  it  appears,  soon  afterwards  attempted  to 
arrest  her  husband,  though  he  at  first  assured  her  that  "  he  was 
in  sanctuary  being  in  her  presence." — pp.  124,  125. 

3  May,  lib.  iii.  9. 


384          MEMOIRS   AND   CORRESPONDENCE   OF 

On  the  17th  of  September,  the  King  moved  on 
to  Stafford,  passing  by  Chartley  Park,  the  seat  of 
the  Earl  of  Essex.    The  Cavaliers  looked  with  angry 
eyes  on  that  fine  mansion,  peacefully  embosomed 
among  sheltering  woods,  whilst  many  of  their  own 
dwellings  had  already  been  laid  waste  and  pillaged  ;* 
but  the  King  protected  the  enemy  whom,  too  late, 
he  had  learned  to  value,  and  Chartley  was  passed 
by   untouched.       At    Stafford,   an    intimation   was 
received  that  Shrewsbury  would  welcome  the  Cava- 
liers, and  that  the  Mayor,  "  though  a  humorous  old 
fellow,   had   prepared  all   things  for  his   Majesty's 
reception."     Shrewsbury,   upon   this,   was   at    once 
designated  as  head-quarters  for  the  Royal  army :  its 
situation  on  the  confines  of  loyal  Wales,  its  com- 
mand of  the  river  Severn,  and  its  neighbourhood  to 
Chester,2  rendered  it  most  eligible.     Prince  Rupert, 
with  a   strong   detachment  of  cavalry,    "eighteen 
troop  of  horse  and  dragoons,"3  was  dispatched  from 
Stafford  with  orders  to  occupy  Worcester,  and  thus 
form  along  the    Severn  a  line  of  communication, 


1  See  hereafter  in  notes  to  "  Prince  Rupert's  Declaration. " 

2  The  latter  city  was  of  great  importance,  as  being  then  the 
key  to  Ireland,  yet  for  that  reason  its  actual  occupation  by  the 
King  might  have  caused  greater  jealousy. — Clarendon. 

3  Rupert  Papers.     I  suspect  Lord  Clarendon  is  mistaken  in  not 
assigning  Stafford  as  the  place  where  the  little  army  was  assembled. 
At  the  latter  place  the  "Iter  Carolinum"  (which  I  have  never 
found  in  error,  comparing  it  with  the  dates  of  cotemporary  letters) 
proves  that  the  King  remained  two  days  :  at  Wellington  he  only 
remained  one  night.     From  Stafford,  Prince  Rupert  and  a  strong 
body  of  horse  were  detached  to  Worcester,  and  much  other  business 
was  transacted. 


1042.]      PRINCE    RUPERT    AND   THE   CAVALIERS.      385 

intended  ultimately  to  extend  to  Bristol.  This 
plan,  but  for  Gloucester  fatally  intervening,  would 
have  been  accomplished. 

On  the  19th  September,  the  King  reached  Well- 
ington, where  he  had  appointed  a  general  rendez- 
vous for  all  the  forces  levied  in  that  neighbourhood, 
as  well  as  for  his  own  army.  The  troops  being 
paraded,  the  military  orders  were  read  at  the  head 
of  each  regiment ;  and  then  the  King,  placing  him- 
self in  the  midst  of  them,  made  a  spirited  speech.1 
He  also  circulated  a  solemn  protestation,  which 

1    THE  KING'S  SPEECH  TO  HIS  ARMY. 

"  GENTLEMEN, — You  have  heard  those  orders  read  :  it  is  your 
part  in  your  several  places  to  observe  them  exactly.  The  time 
cannot  be  long  before  we  come  to  action,  therefore  you  have  the 
more  reason  to  be  careful ;  and  I  must  tell  you  I  shall  be  very 
severe  in  the  punishing  of  those,  of  what  condition  soever,  who 
transgress  these  instructions.  I  cannot  suspect  your  courage  and 
resolution ;  your  conscience  and  your  loyalty  hath  brought  you 
hither,  to  fight  for  your  religion,  your  king,  and  the  laws  of  the 
land.  You  shall  meet  with  no  enemies  but  traitors,  most  of  them 
Brownists,  Anabaptists,  and  Atheists ;  such  who  desire  to  betray 
both  Church  and  State,  and  who  have  already  condemned  you  to 
ruin  for  being  loyal  to  us.  That  you  may  see  what  use  I  mean 
to  make  of  your  valour — if  it  please  God  to  bless  it  with  success 
—  I  have  thought  to  publish  my  resolution  to  you  in  a  protesta- 
tion ;  when  you  have  heard  me  make  it,  you  will  believe  you  can- 
not fight  in  a  better  quarrel,  in  which  I  promise  to  live  and  die 
with  you." 

THE    KING'S    PROTESTATION. 

"  I  do  promise,  in  the  presence  of  Almighty  God,  and  as  I 
hope  for  His  blessing  and  protection,  that  I  will,  to  the  utmost  of 
my  power,  defend  and  maintain  the  true  Reformed  Protestant 
religion,  established  in  the  Church  of  England  :  and,  by  the 
grace  of  God,  in  the  same  will  I  live  and  die. 

"  I  desire  to  govern  by  all  the  known  laws  of  the  land,  and 
that  the  liberty  and  property  of  the  subject  may  be  by  them  pre- 

VOL.  I.  C    C 


386          MEMOIRS   AND   CORRESPONDENCE   OF 

infused  much  "courage  into  the  soldiery,  and  much 
confidence  and  comfort  amongst  the  gentry  and 
inhabitants  of  those  parts."  The  following  day,  the 
King  marched  into  Shrewsbury,  where  we  shall 
leave  him  for  the  present ;  and  follow  the  fortunes 
of  our  Prince  and  his  Cavaliers  until  they  joined 
the  general  rendezvous  at  the  same  place. 

Prince  Rupert  had  soon  become  weary  of  the 
long  speeches  and  procrastinating  councils  of  the 
men  of  peace  at  Nottingham,  Doubtless,  to  them 
it  was  an  equal  relief  as  to  him,  when  he  rode  away 
in  exercise  of  his  own  more  active  and  congenial 
functions.  He  was  now  a  Gartered  Knight  and 
General  of  the  Royal  Horse  of  England;  a  force 
consisting  of  about  eight  hundred  men,  ill-equipped, 
ill-mounted,  undisciplined,  and  unpaid.  However 
much  we  condemn  the  means  (and  it  is  no  defence 
to  say  that  they  were  imitated  by  the  Roundhead 


served  with  the  same  care  as  my  own  just  rights.  And  if  it 
please  God,  by  His  blessing  upon  this  army,  raised  for  my  neces- 
sary defence,  to  preserve  me  from  this  rebellion,  I  do  solemnly 
and  faithfully  promise,  in  the  sight  of  God,  to  maintain  the  just 
privileges  and  freedom  of  Parliament,  and  to  govern  by  the  known 
laws  of  the  land,  to  my  utmost  power,  and  particularly,  to  pre- 
serve inviolably  the  laws  consented  to  by  this  Parliament.  In 
the  meanwhile,  if  this  time  of  war  and  the  great  necessity  and 
straits  I  am  now  driven  to,  beget  any  violation  of  those,  I  hope 
it  shall  be  imputed  by  God  and  men  to  the  authors  of  this  war, 
and  not  to  me,  who  have  so  earnestly  laboured  for  the  preserva- 
tion of  the  peace  of  this  kingdom.  When  I  willingly  fail  in  these 
particulars,  I  will  expect  no  aid  or  relief  from  any  man,  or  pro- 
tection from  heaven.  But  in  this  resolution  I  hope  for  the  cheer- 
ful assistance  of  all  good  men,  and  am  confident  of  God's  bless- 
ing."— Clarendons  Rebellion,  iii.  p.  7. 


1642.]     PRINCE    RUPERT    AND  THE    CAVALIERS.         387 

party),  we  cannot  help  admiring  the  energy  and 
skill  with  which,  in  a  few  days,  in  a  strange  country, 
he  supplied  his  men  with  every  necessary,  largely 
recruited  their  ranks,  and  infused  into  them  a  spirit 
of  high  and  devoted  daring.  It  is  evident  that  all 
this  was  accomplished  without  much  offence,  at 
least  to  the  King's  loyal  subjects.  Even  the  Mayor 
of  Leicester,  by  a  single  remonstrance  to  his  Majesty, 
for  which  he  had  ample  time  given  him,  was  able  to 
obtain  remittance  of  the  moderate  subsidy  imposed 
upon  his  town :  and  yet  money  was  raised,  horses 
found,  and  harness  too,  and  many  a  sturdy  trooper 
attracted  by  the  very  style  of  proceedings  so  un- 
palatable to  the  Roundheads. 

For  the  Prince  flew  like  wildfire — as  Parlia- 
ment writers  affirmed — from  place  to  place  ;  breath- 
ing and  inspiring  ardour,  astonishing  country  gentle- 
men, and  giving  a  momentum  to  corporate  bodies, 
incredible  till  then.  Restrained  by  no  local  influ- 
ence or  patriotic  misgivings,  he  only  saw  in  the 
anti-Royalist  a  foe  :  wherever  he  found  a  Round- 
head horse,  he  clapped  a  cavalier -trooper  on  its 
back ;  and  with  equal  decision,  when  he  dashed  into 
a  Puritan  town,  he  levied  a  contribution.  The  good 
people  who  had  been  quietly  debating  about  abstract 
rights  and  wrongs,  were  taken  by  surprise  at 
these  practical  acts.  Now  here,  now  there,  a  gal- 
lant troop  of  Cavaliers  would  come  cantering  up, 
swaggering,  and,  I  fear,  swearing  not  a  little,  but 
comporting  themselves  in  a  good-humoured  off-hand 

c  c  2 


888    MEMOIRS  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF 

sort  of  way,  that  gave  less  offence  than  injury, 
especially  to  the  women.1  Now  some  peaceful 
village  had  to  furnish  a  day's  creature-comforts  for 
a  squadron  of  these  merry  "  malignants,"2  and  now 
some  respectable  assize-town  was  called  upon  to  pay 
them  for  a  week.  Saddles  too,  for  their  horses,  were 
very  often  required ;  spurs  for  their  boots,  feathers 
for  their  hats ;  iron  for  armour,  cloth  for  doublets  : 
it  was  wonderful  how  much  they  wanted,  and  how 
much  they  got.  Throughout  the  wide  north  and 
west  no  place  was  secure  from  their  visitation ; 
reckless  of  danger  and  setting  all  odds  at  defiance, 
their  merry  foraging  parties  seemed  indeed  to  make 
a  game  of  war.  The  fiery  and  impetuous  daring  of 
Prince  Rupert,  his  perfect  indifference  to  danger, 
moral  and  physical ;  his  fertility  of  resource,  his 
promptitude  and  zeal  for  the  cause,  had  endeared 
him  to  the  young  Cavalier ;  while  the  old  soldiers 
respected  his  experience  in  havoc,  and  knew  that 
his  terrible  prestige  was  well-founded.  Wherever 
the  flutter  of  a  cavalier -scarf  was  seen,  Prince 


1  "  But  some  young  plants  of  Grace  they  looked  couthie  and  slee, 

Thinking,  '  Luck  to  thy  bonnet,'  thou  bonnie  Dundee  ! " 

Sir  W.  Scott. 

2  If  the  Cavaliers  helped  themselves,  it  must  be  confessed  that 
the  Roundheads  were  not  to  be  outdone  even  in  this  respect, 
though  their  exactions  were  more  formal  :  I  have  already  quoted 
some  instances  of  this  ;  take  the  following  order  as  another  speci- 
men :  "  It  is  ordered  that  Major  Medhope,  now  at  or  about  Leake, 
shall  have  power  to  take  so  many  horses  of  papish  or  malignants" 
[comprising  nearly  the  whole  population  of  that  country]  a  as  to 
horse  his  troopers." — MS.  Journal  of  the  Stafford  Committee  in 
possession  of  Mr.  Burns  Floyer  of  Aldershaw. 


1042.]      PRINCE    RUPERT   AND    THE    CAVALIERS.       389 

Rupert  was  there,  or  believed  to  be  there :  by  his 
name  contributions  were  levied  at  the  unscrupulous 
will  of  the  trooper ;  by  his  name  villages  were 
conquered  and  cities  menaced  and  children  stilled. 
And,  in  truth,  he  was  seldom  far  off  or  over- 
indulgent  when  he  came  :  his  sleepless  vigour,  his 
untiring  energy,  were  everywhere  felt,  dreaded,  and 
admired.  With  such  a  leader,  and  in  such  a  time, 
his  forces  rapidly  increased.  He  rode  forth  from 
Leicester  on  the  26th  of  August,  at  the  head  of 
eight  hundred  horse,  ill-equipped  and  almost  undisci- 
plined :  he  paraded  at  Shrewsbury,  on  the  28th  of 
September,  with  upwards  of  three  thousand  troopers 
and  dragoons,  well-fed,  well-horsed,  and  laden  with 
Puritan  plunder  and  execrations. 1 

To  return  to  the  26th  of  August :  arms  were  the 
supplies  most  wanted;  while  the  Parliamentary 
troops  were  furnished  with  the  spoils  of  Hull  and  of 
the  Tower;  they  had  also  appropriated  almost  all 
the  "County  Magazines."2  That  of  Leicester  had 
been  removed  to  Bradgate,  by  Lord  Grey  of  Groby 
[Lord  Stamford's  son],  and  Prince  Rupert  determined 
to  commence  operations  by  an  attempt  to  recover 
these  arms — the  abstraction  of  which  he  looked  upon 

1  "  The  two  young  Princes,  Rupert  especially,  the  elder  and 
fiercer  of  the  two,  flew  with  great  fury  through  divers  counties, 
raising  men  for  the  King  in  a  rigorous  way,  ....  whereupon  the 
Parliament  declared   him   and   his   brother   "traitors"  —  May. 
Mas.  52. 

2  Anciently  the  "  trayn-bands,"  only  occasionally  called  upon 
to  assemble  and  exercise,  returned    their  arms  to  the  depot,  or 
magazine,  as  it  was  called,  in  each  county  town. 


390          MEMOIRS   AND   CORRESPONDENCE   OF 

as  downright  robbery  from  the  King.  Young  Hastings 
had  been  long  considered  as  Lord  Grey's  rival,  in  the 
county  wherein  he  and  Lord  Huntingdon  were  as 
popular  as  Lord  Stamford  and  his  son  were  disliked.1 
Hastings  had  already  distinguished  himself  boldly  in 
the  King's  service,  and  he  now  joined  the  Prince 
with  a  chosen  detachment  of  cavalry.  On  the  26th 
of  August  they  galloped  up  to  the  old  house,  over- 
threw all  opposition,  and  had  all  the  arms  and 
ammunition  ready  for  transportation  before  the  carts 
destined  to  receive  them  had  arrived.  They  shewed 
little  regard  to  the  furniture  or  other  property  of 
the  rebel  lord,  but  it  is  confessed  that  they  abstained, 
in  this  instance,  from  plundering.  They  also  dis- 
armed several  houses  of  lesser  note,  and  I  fear  they 
were  then  less  scrupulous  about  private  property.2 
They  looked  upon  all  their  victims  as  enemies  to 
their  King ;  and  probably  their  conscience  felt  still 
fewer  scruples  than  their  conduct  displayed.3 

With  the  spoils  of  Bradgate,  and  other  Round- 
head stores,  the  Royal  cavalry  were  now  armed  and 


1  Clarendon's  Rebellion,  iii. 

2  Rollings'  Hist,  of  Leicester,  p.  21,  &c. 

3  I  do  not  stop  here  or  hereafter  to  denounce  the  outrages  of 
the  Cavaliers  or  their  opponents  :  the  calm  reader's  mind  will 
denounce  such  conduct  according  to  his  own  temper  :  but  to 
prove  (impartially)  that  the  above  and  similar  transactions  were 
not  confined  to  the  Prince  or  his  party,  I  quote,  for  the  present, 
only  one  sentence  from  republican  Ludlow.     He  says,  that  "  Sir 
Edward  Hungerford  having  raised  a  troop  of  horse  for  the  Par- 
liament, seized  some  quantity  of  arms  and  horses  from  persons 
disaifected,  and  with  them  mounted  and  armed  some  of  his  men." 
— Memoirs,  i.  57. 


1642.]        PRINCE   RUPERT   AND   THE   CAVALIERS.      391 

equipped.     Soon  after  this  exploit,  a  detachment 
of  about  five  hundred  troopers,  accompanying  the 
Prince,  happened  to  take  the  road  that  led  toCaldecot 
Manor-house,  in  the  north  of  Warwickshire.     It  be- 
longed to  a  Member  of  the  Parliament,  a  Mr.  Purefoy, 
who  was  then  commanding  a  body  of  troops  against 
the  King  in  Warwick  Castle.    Every  country-house 
at  this  period  was  strongly  built,  and  capable  of  more 
or  less  resistance ;  moreover,  the  scarcity  of  means 
of  communication  caused  every  establishment  to  be 
well  supplied,  from  its  internal  resources,  with  large 
store  of  provisions,  and  generally  with  arms  also : 
these  last  then  formed  the  chief  ornament  of  every 
hall.    The  Prince  summoned  Caldecot  as  an  enemy's 
garrison,  and,  as  a  garrison,  it  refused  to  surrender. 
It  was   defended  only  by  a  Mr.  Abbott  and  eight 
serving-men ;  but  the  heroic  spirit  of  an  English- 
woman infused  a  strength  and  courage  here,  as  at 
Lathom    and    Wardour   Castle,    that    set    odds   at 
defiance.     Mrs.   Purefoy  having  refused    to   admit 
him,    the    Prince    ordered    an    assault;    some    dis- 
mounted troopers  soon  forced  the  gate  of  the  outer 
court,  but  at  the   same  moment  a  cool  and  well- 
directed  volley  from  the  defenders  slew  three  officers 
and    several    common    soldiers.      The   attack    was 
renewed  during  some  hours,  with  heavy  loss  to  the 
Cavaliers,  who  had  nothing  but  pistols  and  perhaps 
a  few  dragoon's  carbines  to   oppose  to   an   enemy 
firing  with  deadly  certainty  from  behind  impregnable 
stone  walls.    There  were  only  twelve  muskets  in  the 


392         MEMOIRS  AND   CORRESPONDENCE   OF 

house,  but  these  ladies  and  their  maid-servants  loaded 
as  fast  as  they  were  discharged,  melting  down 
the  pewter-plates  for  bullets  when  the  ammunition 
began  to  fail.  At  length  even  Rupert  consented  to 
retire  his  men  under  shelter ;  but  finding  a  strong 
wind  blowing  from  the  farm -yard,  he  fired  the 
barns,  and  advancing  under  cover  of  the  smoke, 
assailed  the  very  doors.  Then  at  last  the  brave 
lady  came  forth,  and  claimed  protection  for  the 
lives  of  her  little  garrison.  When  the  Prince 
ascertained  their  number,  his  anger  was  changed 
into  admiration ;  he  complimented  Mr.  Abbott  on 
his  gallant  defence,  and  offered  him  a  good  command 
in  his  regiment,  which  was  declined.  The  Prince 
then  respectfully  saluted  Mrs.  Purefoy  and  drew  off 
his  troops ;  nor  did  he  allow  a  man  of  the  garrison, 
or  any  property  whatever  to  be  injured.1 

Such  conduct,  on  the  Prince's  part,  will  probably 
appear  very  natural  to  the  reader,  but  it  argues  at 
least  no  small  degree  of  influence  over  the  unpaid 
and  angry  soldier,  that  they  submitted  to  see  the 
prey  so  dearly  purchased  thus  rescued  from  their 
grasp. 

After  this  unprofitable  but  honourable  incident, 
Rupert  resumed  his  march  to  join  the  King  on  his 
route  from  Derby,  and  was  there  rejoined  by  the 
remainder  of  his  cavalry. 


1  Prince   Rupert's    Diary  (Benett    MSS),  Life  of  Hampden, 
ii.  p.  255. 


1642.]     PRINCE  RUPERT  AND  THE  CAVALIERS.        393 

On  the  5th  of  September  they  moved  to  Quene- 
borough,  to  the  number  of  nearly  two  thousand 
mounted  men.  Here,  among  the  rich  meadows 
of  Leicestershire,  forage  was  abundant,  but  accom- 
modation for  the  men  was  scarce ;  and  as  for  pay, 
the  Prince  had  none  to  give.  However,  he  had 
been  trained  in  the  Continental  wars,  where  the 
chiefs  held  it  to  be  a  matter  of  course  that  "  war 
should  support  itself;"1  he  therefore  considered 
it  was  perfectly  natural  that  Royalists  should  con- 
tribute to  the  cause  they  professed  to  follow,  and 
that  the  Roundheads  should  pay  for  their  immunity 
from  this  hardship  and  that  of  serving  the  King. 
Leicester  was  the  first  town  he  tried  his  powers  of 
persuasion  upon  :  its  merchants  were  even  then  men 
of  substance,  and  its  citizen -gentry  very  wealthy. 
The  very  day  of  his  arrival  in  the  neighbourhood, 
the  Prince  requested  the  Mayor  to  call  upon  him, 
and  the  next  morning  he  despatched  the  following 
unpalatable  epistle  to  his  Worship  [it  appears  that 
his  Highness's  correspondent  had  professed  attach- 
ment to  the  Royal  cause]  : — 

PRINCE    RUPERT    TO    THE    MAYOR    OF    LEICESTER. 

Queneborough,  this  6th  day  of  Sept.  1642. 

MR.  MAYOR, 

His  Majesty,  being  confident  of  your  fidelity  to  do 
him  all  possible  service,  willed  me  this  day  to  send  for  you 
to  my  quarters,  and  there  to  deliver  to  you  his  pleasure. 

1  Napoleon's  dogma  was  a  plagiarism  from  Wallenstein. 


394         MEMOIRS   AND   CORRESPONDENCE   OF 

But  I,  perceiving  you  are  dissuaded  from  coming  (by 
whom  or  on  what  pretences  I  know  not),  have  here  sent 
you  his  Majesty's  demand.  His  Majesty  being  now  some- 
what necessitated  by  the  vast  expenses  he  hath  been  this 
long  time  enforced  to,  for  the  safeguard  of  his  Royal  person 
against  the  rebellious  insurrection  of  the  true  malignant 
party,  who  are  now  too  well  known,  and  their  irreligious 
intentions  too  plainly  discovered  by  all  his  loving  and 
obedient  servants,  doth  earnestly  require  and  desire  you 
and  his  good  subjects  of  the  City  of  Leicester,  forthwith 
to  furnish  him  with  two  thousand  pounds  sterling,  which 
he  with  much  care  will  take  order  to  see  repaid  in  con- 
venient time,  and  that  his  Majesty's  gracious  promise, 
I  hope,  will  seem  much  better  security  than  "  The  Public 
Faith,"  wThich  is  the  usual  assurance  that  the  party  which 
call  themselves  the  Parliament  do  give.  And  you  must 
trust  them  on  it,  if  you  assist  not  his  Majesty  hereby  to 
defend  you  against  them.  You  must  do  no  less  than  your 
former  expressions  have  spoken  you,  which  induces  me 
not  to  doubt  of  receiving  the  demanded  sum  to-morrow  by 
ten  of  the  clock  in  the  forenoon,  that  I  may  be 

Your  friend,         RUPERT. 

P.S. — If  any  disaffected  persons  with  you  shall  refuse 
themselves,  or  persuade  you  to  neglect  the  command,  I 
shall  to-morrow  appear  before  your  town,  in  such  a  posture, 
with  horse,  foot,  and  cannon,  as  shall  make  you  know  it  is 
more  safe  to  obey  than  to  resist  his  Majesty's  command.1 

I  cannot  find  the  Mayor's  reply  to  this  unwel- 
come message,  but  £500  was  sent  at  the  appointed 
hour,  probably  with  some  excuses  to  gain  time. 2 


1  This  letter  may  be  seen  among  the  archives  of  Leicester; 
and  in  Mr.  Hollings'  excellent  little  history  of  that  town. 

2  The  Corporation  of  Leicester  are  yet  in  possession  of  this 
receipt ;  it  runs  as  follows  : — "  Sept.  7,  1642. — Received  by  me, 


1642.]      PRINCE  RUPERT  AND  THE  CAVALIERS.        395 

The  shrewd  citizens  wisely  concluded  that  the 
King  would  not  officially  lend  his  countenance 
to  such  unceremonious  demands  ;  and  no  sooner  had 
Prince  Rupert's  "  trumpet "  left  the  town  in  one 
direction  than  a  citizen  rode  forth  in  another,  with 
a  letter  of  remonstrance  to  his  Majesty.  On  the  8th 
of  September  the  following  reply  was  received, 
written  by  Charles's  own  hand. 

TO  OUR  TRUSTY  AND  WELL  -  BELOVED  THE  MAYOR 
AND  ALDERMEN  OF  LEICESTER. 

TRUSTY  AND  WELL -BELOVED, 

WE  greet  you  well.  We  have  seen  a  warrant,  under 
our  nephew  Rupert's  hand,  requiring  from  you  and  other 
the  inhabitants  of  Leicester,  the  loan  of  £2,000,  which,  as 
we  do  utterly  disavow  and  dislike,  as  being  written  without 
our  privity  or  consent,  so  we  do  hereby  absolutely  free  and 
discharge  you  from  yielding  any  obedience  to  the  same, 
and  by  our  own  letters  to  our  said  nephew,  we  have  written 
to  him  to  revoke  the  same,  as  being  an  act  very  displeasing 
to  us.1  We  indeed  gave  him  direction  to  disarm  such 
persons  there  as  appeared  to  be  disaffected  to  our  person 
and  government,  or  the  peace  of  this  our  kingdom,  and 
should  have  taken  it  well  from  any  of  our  subjects  that 
should  voluntarily  assist  us  with  the  loan  of  arms  and 


Prince  Rupert,  Prince  Palatine  of  the  Rhine,  and  General  of  all 
his  Majesty's  cavalry  in  this  present  expedition,  the  full  sum  of 
five  hundred  pounds,  for  his  Majesty's  use,  of  the  mayor,  bailiffs, 
and  burgesses  of  the  borough  of  Leicester,  to  be  repaid  again  by 
his  Majesty.  I  say,  received  five  hundred  pounds 

"  RUPERT." 

1  Prince  Rupert  did  not  think  it  necessary  to  keep  this  letter, 
if  ever  it  was  written  to  him.  At  all  events  I  do  not  find  it 
amongst  his  correspondence. — EDITOR. 


396    MEMOIRS  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF 

money  ;  but  it  is  so  far  from  our  heart  or  intention,  by 
menaces  to  compel  any  to  it,  as  we  abhor  the  thoughts  of 
it,  and  of  this  truth  our  actions  shall  bear  testimony. 
Given  at  our  Court  at  Nottingham,  8th  Septr.  1642. 

I  have  given  these  proceedings  at  Bradgate  and 
Leicester,  at  length,  as  being  the  first  of  their  kind, 
and  as  affording  a  specimen  of  many  others,  in  which 
Rupert  was  less  scrupulously  controlled  by  his 
Royal  uncle. 

The  next  trace  that  I  find  of  the  young  Palatine, 
is  at  Stafford,  where  the  King  assembled  and  re- 
viewed his  army.  Intelligence  was  there  received 
of  Essex  being  about  to  seize  Worcester,  and 
occupy  it  as  bis  head-quarters.  Thereupon,  it  was 
ordered  : — "  That  eight  troop  of  horse,  and  ten  of 
dragoons  "  [as  better  adapted  for  garrison  duty,  pro- 
bably] "  march  immediately  to  our  City  of  Worces- 
ter, we  having  received  further  intelligence  of  more 
of  the  rebel's  forces  that  are  there  expected.  Staf- 
ford, September  17th,  1642.1  C.  R."  While  the 
troops  rested  here,  tradition  says,  tbat  Prince  Rupert 
and  the  King  were  riding  by  St.  Mary's  Church, 
when  tbe  former,  for  amusement  or  to  shew  bis 
skill,  sent  a  pistol  ball  through  the  weather-cock  on 
the  steeple,  and  followed  it  by  a  second,  to  the  great 
marvel  of  tbe  spectators.2  The  Prince  moved  on 
towards  Worcester  on  the  19th,  and  took  up  his 


1  Rupert  Papers. 

2  I  believe  the  hole  is  still   to  be  seen  there.     Plot's  "  History 
of  Staffordshire." 


1642.]        PRINCE  RUPERT  AND  THE  CAVALIERS.     307 

quarters,  for  the  present,  at  Bridgenorth,  in  order  to 
maintain  the  communication  between  Shrewsbury 
and  Worcester,  and  to  protect  the  latter.  The 
Prince  was  here  a  guest  of  Mr.  Holland's,  at  Carm 
Hall,1  on  the  20th  and  21st,  the  latter  day  happened 
to  be  the  "  charter-day,"  on  which,  town-bailiffs  for 
the  following  year  were  appointed.  Probably  at  the 
instigation  of  some  anxious  loyalist,  the  Prince  ad- 
dressed the  following  letter  to  the  "jury  "  appointed 
to  select  these  important  officers  : — 

"  You,  gentlemen  of  the  jury,  who  are  to  have 
voices  in  this  election ;  these  are  to  entreat  you,  out 
of  a  tender  care,  both  of  his  Majesty's  service,  and  of 
your  own  happiness  and  welfare,  that,  in  this  present 


1  Lord  Digby  joined  Prince  Eupert  on  the  morning  of  the  20th 
September,  with  the  following  communication  from  his  father  : — 

THE   EARL    OF    BRISTOL    TO    PRINCE    RUPERT. 
"  MAY   IT    PLEASE    YOUR    HlGHNESS, 

"  I  have  moved  his  Majesty  according  to  your  Highness' 
command,  that  the  horse  you  desire  may  be  reserved  for  your 
Highness'  guard,  which  the  King  doth  willingly  condescend  unto, 
and  will  give  order  they  shall  not  be  otherwise  disposed  of,  which 
he  saith  he  hath  more  particularly  signified  unto  you  by  my  son. 
His  Majesty  hath  commanded  me  to  send  the  enclosed  letter  unto 
your  Highness,  which  I  do,  together  with  my  most  humble  ser- 
vice, with  assurance  that  I  shall  be  most  ready  to  obey  all  your 
Highness'  commandments. 

"  Your  Highness'  most  humble  servant, 

"  BRISTOL." 
"  Shrewsbury,  20th  Sept.  1642. 


Rupert  Papers. 


398          MEMOIRS   AND   CORRESPONDENCE   OF 

election,  you  make  choice  of  such  men  for  your 
bailiffs  as  ye  are  sure  are  well  affected  for  his  Ma- 
jesty's service,  by  which,  you  shall  oblige  me  to 
remain  "  Your  loving  friend, 

"  RUPERT."  x 

On  the  same  day  the  Prince  received  an  order 
from  the  King  to  protect  Worcester,  and  support 
Sir  John  Byron  there  :  this  able  officer,  with  great 
difficulty,  had  conveyed,  so  far,  some  treasure  contri- 
buted secretly  in  London.  The  Prince  requested 
leave  to  engage,  if  possible,  the  advanced  cavalry  of 
Essex,  and  to  this  we  have  the  King's  rescript,  in 
which  he  "  complyes  with  the  Prince,  his  desire  to 
fight  a  battle  if  hee  sees  fit."2  On  the  following  day 
the  King  writes  thus : — 

"  THE  KING  TO  PRINCE  RUPERT. 

"  DEAR  NEPHEW, 

"We  conceive  now  that  Worcester  is  suffi- 
ciently secured,  and  therefore  our  pleasure  is,  that 
you  retire  to  Bridgenorth,  if  you  be  at  Brandly,  or 
continue  at  Bridgenorth,  if  you  be  there ;  to  the  end 
that  if  my  Lord  of  Essex  should  attempt  to  cut  off 
our  return  from  Chester,  and  get  between  us  there, 


1  For  the  above   letter   I   am  indebted  to    Mr.  Morris's  (of 
Shrewsbury)  collection,   and  to  the  Kev.  Henry  Burton's  kind 
offices. 

2  This  is  dated  from  Shrewsbury,   Sept.  21,  1642.— Rupert 
Papers. 


1642.]      PRINCE   RUPERT    AND   THE   CAVALIERS.     399 

and  our  forces  here,  you  may  be  the  readier  to  in- 
terrupt his  passage  and  assist  our  return  with  those 
foot,  which,  in  a  very  considerable  number,  we  shall 
bring  from  thence  :  our  pleasure  likewise  is,  that 
such  arms  as  you  have  taken  or  shall  take,  from  the 
ill-affected  in  those  parts,  be  sent  to  Sir  John  Byron, 
to  Worcester,  to  be  there  employed  for  the  arming 
of  our  present  levies  for  the  defence  of  that  place. 
Given  at  our  Court,  at  Shrewsbury,  this  22nd  of 
September,  in  the  eighteenth  of  our  reign. 

"  Your  loving  uncle  and  faithful  friend, 

"  CHARLES  R." 

Again  on  the  23rd,  the  King  "  discharges  Rupert 
of  yesterday's  orders,  and  leaves  him  to  steer  his  own 
course."1  The  Prince  had  not  waited  for  this  per- 
mission; on  receiving  leave  to  fight,  he  at  once 
mounted  and  set  out  for  Worcester,  which  was 
hourly  threatened  by  the  enemy.  About  this  time, 
he  forwarded  the  following  characteristic  letter,  with 
"  a  trumpet,"2  to  the  Lord-General : — 


1  I  have  only  the  memoranda  of  these  letters,  the  originals 
were  lost.     They  are  all  dated  from  Shrewsbury  :  the  King  left 
that  town  on  the  23rd  for  Chester,  whence  the  next  letter  is  dated  : 
All  the  dates  of  his  letters  confirm  the  accuracy  of  the  valuable 
"  Iter  Carolinum  "  beyond  a  question. 

2  In  communicating  between  the  hostile  armies,  the  aide-de- 
camp, or  other  messenger,  was  preceded  by  a  trumpeter  with  a 
flag  :  in  later  times  the  former  was  dispensed  with.     The  propo- 
sition to  fight  out  the  quarrel  by  duel  was  far  more  natural  at 
that  time,  especially  as  coming  from  a  renowned  leader  and  a 
Prince  of  the  blood,  than  in  our  own  grave  days.     Yet  in  the 


400    MEMOIRS  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF 

"  FROM  PRINCE  RUPERT  TO  THE  EARL  OF  ESSEX. 

"  MY  LORD, 

"  I  hear  you  are  General  of  an  army,  sent  by 
the  agreement  of  both  Houses  of  Parliament  (under 
the  pretence  of  subduing  some  malignant  persons) 
unto  these  parts,  but  we  greatly  fear  you  aim  at 
some  higher  power,  namely,  your  own  sovereignty. 
If  your  intents  are  such,  give  but  the  least  notice 
thereof,  and  I  shall  be  ready,  on  his  [Majesty's]  be- 
half, to  give  you  an  encounter  in  a  pitched  field,  at 
Dunsmore  Heath,  10th  October  next.  Or,  if  you 
think  it  too  much  labour  and  expense  to  draw  yonr 
forces  thither,  I  shall  as  willingly,  on  my  own  part, 
expect  private  satisfaction  as  willingly  at  your  hands 
for  the  same,  and  that  performed  by  a  single  duel ; 
which  proffer,  if  you  please  to  accept,  you  shall  not 
find  me  backward  in  performing  what  I  have  said  or 
promised.  I  know  my  cause  to  be  so  just  that  I 
need  not  fear  ;  for  what  I  do  is  agreeable  both  to  the 
laws  of  God  and  man,  in  the  defence  of  true  religion, 
a  King's  prerogative,2  an  Uncle's  right,  a  Kingdom's 
safety. 


latter,  Sir  Sidney  Smith  challenged  Napoleon  to  decide  the  cause 
of  France  with  pistols,  before  Acre.  The  following  paper  bears  no 
date,  except  that  of  its  being  printed  the  6th  of  October  :  yet  it 
is  likely  from  the  second  note,  as  well  as  from  its  tone,  that  it  was 
written  soon  after  the  affair  at  Powick  Bridge.  It  will  be  seen 
that  Essex  replies  to  this  singular  challenge  very  gravely,  and  in 
much  the  same  spirit. 

1  Here  the  Roundhead  commentator  remarks — "There  is  no 


1642.]       PRINCE   RUPERT   AND   THE   CAVALIERS.      401 

"  Now  have  I  said  all,  and  what  more  you  expect 
of  me  to  be  said,  shall  be  delivered  in  a  larger  field 
than  a  small  sheet  of  paper  ;  and  that  by  my  sword 
and  not  my  pen.  In  the  interim  I  am  your  friend, 
till  I  meet  you  next,  "  RUPERT."  l 

The  advanced  guard  of  the  Lord-General's  army 
was  now  approaching  Worcester  under  Fiennes,  who 
expected  to  find  the  gates  opened  for  him  by  his 
correspondents  within  the  town.  No  demonstration 
being  manifested  in  his  favour,  he  took  alarm  and 


prerogative  for  him  allotted  in  this  realm  for  the  pillaging  of 
towns  and  firing  of  houses." 

1  Before  this  message  was  delivered  to  his  Excellency,  news  was 
brought  that  Prince  Rupert  had  received  a  dangerous  wound  in 
the  head  by  Colonel  Sandys,*  in  a  skirmish  near  Worcester,  so  that 
this  matter  is  left  off  for  the  present,  and  remains  for  further  con- 
sideration. Whereupon  his  Excellency  returned  answer, "  that  the 
manner  of  his  raising  those  forces  that  were  now  with  him  to 
march  under  his  command,  was  a  thing  not  now  to  be  disputed  on 
between  them,  the  occasion  and  legality  thereof  being  already 
determined  by  both  Houses  of  Parliament ;  neither  had  he  under- 
taken that  command  with  any  intent  for  to  levy  forces  or  to  make 
war  upon  his  Majesty's  royal  person,  but  to  obtain  a  peace  be- 
tween his  sacred  Majesty  and  his  great  Council  of  Parliament, 
and  all  the  rest  of  his  Majesty's  faithful,  loyal,  and  most  dutiful 
subjects,  against  any  person  whatsoever  that  should  oppose  and 
resist  the  same  ;  and  that  he  feared  not  to  meet  the  Prince 
in  any  place  that  he  should  appoint  or  make  choice  of."  I 
have  taken  this  reply  from  Lord  Nugent's  "  Life  of  Hampden  ;" 
the  pamphlet  from  which  I  have  taken  the  challenge  contain- 
ing no  reply.  "  Prince  Rupert's  Message  to  my  Lord  of  Essex," 
printed  in  London,  October  6,  1642. — King's  Collection,  British 
Museum. 


*    The    report    mistook    Prince   Maurice    for   Rupert,    vide 
page  409. 

VOL.    T.  D   D 


402          MEMOIRS   AND   CORRESPONDENCE   OF 

hastily  retreated,1  believing  that  Rupert  must  have 
arrived.  It  appears,  however,  that  the  Parlia- 
mentary leader  only  withdrew  as  far  as  Pershore,  and 
was  then  persuaded,  in  an  evil  hour,  to  return  and 
try  an  encounter  with  the  Royal  horse.  The  brave 
Sandys  gave  this  advice,  and  proceeded  to  put  it 
into  execution ;  advancing  over  Powick  Bridge, 
along  a  narrow  road  that  opened  on  a  wide  meadow, 
called  the  Brickfield.  He  was  at  the  head  of  one 
thousand  horse  and  dragoons,2  the  flower  of  the 
Roundhead  cavalry,3  impenetrably  cased  in  steel,4 
and  well  mounted.  With  this  powerful  force,  Sandys 
hoped  to  fall  upon  the  Cavaliers  while  they 
were  unprepared  and  wearied  with  their  long  and 
hurried  march :  he  knew  the  powerful  effect  of 
a  first  victory,  and  the  honour  to  be  won  by  the 
conqueror. 

Meanwhile,  Rupert  had  arrived  in  Worcester ;  he 
found  the  town  utterly  indefensible,5  and  arranged 
with  Byron  to  retire  that  night  towards  Shrewsbury. 
Whilst  preparations  for  the  march  were  being  made, 
in  order  to  rest  his  cavalry  and  at  the  same  time 
to  keep  watch  upon  the  neighbouring  enemy,  the 
Prince  led  his  troops  into  the  Brickfield,  a  little 
distance  from  the  town,  upon  the  Pershore  road. 


1  Clarendon's  Rebellion,  iii.  233.     2  Ludlow's  Memoirs,  p.  44. 

3  Lord  Falkland's  Letter,  Sept.  28. 

4  Clarendon's  Rebellion,  iii.  235. 

5  "  Walls  broken  down,  gates  rotten,  without  bolt  or  bar,"  &c. 
— Clarendon's  Rebellion. 


1042.]        PRINCE   RUPERT   AND   THE   CAVALIERS.      400 

Prince  Maurice,  Lord  Crawford,  Lord  Digby,  Wil- 
mot,  Charles  Lucas,  Lewis  Dives,  and  Byron,  ac- 
companied him,  and  he  was  soon  afterwards  joined 
by  Lord  Northampton's  troop  of  gentlemen.1  There 
was  no  appearance,  however,  of  any  enemy  in  the  rich 
and  quiet  harvest  fields  :  so  the  young  Cavaliers  had 
laid  aside  their  armour,  and  flung  themselves  down  to 
rest  their  wearied  limbs  upon  the  grass.  As  they  lay 
thus,  both  officers  and  men,  scattered  and  dismounted, 
they  suddenly  caught  sight  of  a  strong  column 
of  the  enemy  advancing  rapidly  along  the  Pershore 
road,  and  forming  into  line  as  fast  as  they  debouched 
upon  the  open  space.  Rupert  sprang  to  his  feet, 
leaped  upon  the  nearest  horse,  and  called  to  his 
comrades  to  charge,  "For  the  honour  of  God  and 
of  their  country !"  Not  one  who  heard  him  paused 
or  waited  for  his  men  to  follow  him ;  in  gallant 
rivalry,  each  only  strove  to  be  first  upon  the  enemy ; 
unarmed  as  they  were,  they  spurred  forward  with  the 
cheering  war-cry,  "  For  a  king  !"  and  so  charged  their 
iron-clad  enemies,  and  charged  them  home.  The 
Roundheads  met  them  stoutly,  too,  though  scarcely 
disengaged  from  the  narrow  lane.  They  were  mailed 
all  over  and  well  commanded,  nevertheless, they  could 
not  stand  before  that  furious  charge.  Rupert  was  ever 
resistless  when  first  he  came  upon  his  enemy,  and 
now  he  and  his  comrade  Cavaliers  not  only  dashed 

1  Among  whom  was  Sir  Richard  Bulstrode,  who  describes  this 
battle  very  briefly,  except  as  concerns  his  own  adventure  with  a 
runaway  horse. — Bulstrode s  Memoirs,^.  73. 

D  D  2 


404          MEMOIRS   AND   CORRESPONDENCE   OF 

through,  but  rode  down  the  hostile  ranks.  At  the 
same  time  Lord  Crawford  was  ordered  by  the  Prince 
to  fall  upon  the  right  flank  of  the  enemy,  which  he 
did  with  severe  effect.  Swords,  however,  struck 
almost  vainly  upon  the  impenetrable  armour  of  the 
Roundheads ;  they  seemed  un wounded,  yet  they  were 
shaken,  routed,  driven  into  the  river  and  drowned, 
or  utterly  dispersed.  The  brave  Sandys,  their 
colonel,  did  not  share  their  flight;  he  fell  in  the 
first  shock,  as  did  his  major,  Gunter.  The  survivors 
never  drew  rein  for  four  miles,  when  they  were 
espied  by  Essex's  Life  Guards,  galloping  into  Per- 
shore  with  swords  drawn  ;  many  unhelmeted,  and  all 
filled  with  such  fear  that  they  frightened  the  Life 
Guards  too  ;  then  they  galloped  altogether  to  the 
head-quarters  of  the  Lord  -  General,  where  they 
received  but  "  a  cold  welcome,"  which  one  of  them 
candidly  confesses  was  their  due.1  As  the  Cavaliers 


1  Ludlow's  Memoirs,  i.  45,  &c.  I  have  used  the  word  unhel- 
meted instead  of  unpotted,  "  pot"  being  the  correct  term  for  the 
iron  head-piece  used  by  the  troopers.  Ludlow  calls  them  "  hats" 
here  and  elsewhere ;  but,  it  would  seem,  they  were  completely 
covered,  and  "  their  arms  were  so  good  that  they  were  not  easily 
killed. — (Clarendon's  Rebellion,  iii.  235,  who  also  says, "  there  was 
not  on  the  Prince's  side  one  piece  of  armour  worn  that  day.")  The 
number  of  the  enemy  was,  by  Ludlow's  confession,  about  a  thou- 
sand :  that  of  the  Cavaliers  could  not  have  amounted  to  much  more 
than  half  as  many,  only  eighteen  troop  of  horse  (sixty  at  the  ut- 
most to  a  troop)  and  dragoons  we  have  seen  were  despatched 
with  Rupert  from  Stafford  (p.  27),  and  more  than  half  of  them 
had  been  left  behind  in  Worcester.  It  is  remarkable  that  Claren- 
don, cautious  about  advancing  Rupert's  credit,  only  gives  the 
number  of  the  enemy  in  this  action  as  five  hundred,  though  their 
own  historian,  Ludlow,  allows  it  to  have  been  one  thousand. 


1642.]     PRINCE  RUPERT   AND  THE   CAVALIERS.         405 

returned  from  the  pursuit,  they  found,  to  their  sur- 
prise, that  but  four  or  five  of  their  troopers  had 
fallen,  whilst  of  the  officers,  who  formed  the  front 
rank  in  the  irregular  and  chivalrous  charge,  all  had 
received  some  wound,  except  Prince  Rupert.  On 
the  other  side,  four  hundred  are  said,  by  Lord 
Falkland,  to  have  been  slain;  few  were  taken 
prisoners,  but  five  or  six  standards  were  won, 
and  many  good  horses,  which  proved  far  more 
valuable. l 


1  Among  those  who  fought  most  bravely,  and  fell  upon  the 
field,  were  Colonel  Sandys,  Serjeant-major  Douglas,  MajorGunter, 
Captains  Austin,  Burrill,  Berrey,  Cornets  Hamond  and  West. 
Colonel  Sandys  survived  to  see  his  own  comrades  enter  Worces- 
ter, for  the  Prince  allowed  him  to  stay  behind,  to  die  in  peace, 
and  also  sent  his  own  chaplain,  Lacy,*  to  attend  and  comfort 
him.  The  dying  soldier  remembered  he  had  wounded  Wilmot  in 
the  fight,  and  inquired  anxiously  how  he  fared  :  when  told  the 
wound  was  but  a  trifle,  he  expressed  his  gratitude  that  "  he  had 
not  that  blood  to  answer  for."  ....  I  have  taken  these  details 
from  Prince  Rupert's  Diary;  from  Clarendon,  from  Ludlow 
(almost  an  eye-witness,  for  the  Parliament),  from  a  letter  by 
Colonel  Fiennes,  and  from  two  pamphlets  of  the  time,  in  Mr. 
Bentley's  possession,  and  from  a  very  interesting  letter  from  Lord 
Falkland,  whose  testimony  is  beyond  doubt.  This  letter  was 
addressed  by  him  to  the  Earl  of  Cumberland,  then  at  York,  and 
printed  first  at  York,  on  the  28th  of  September,  and  afterwards 
in  London,  on  the  2nd  of  October,  1642. 


*  William  Lacy,  chaplain  to  Prince  Rupert  during  the  war  :  by 
virtue  of  a  letter  of  Lord  Manchester's,  dated  August  27, 1G60,  to 
the  fellows  of  St.  John's  College,  Cambridge,  he  was  restored  to  his 
fellowship  in  that  house,  from  whence  he  had  been  ejected.  This 
most  upright  and  excellent  divine  was  taken  prisoner  in  the  war, 
confined  in  a  foul  prison,  and  very  barbarously  treated  ;  after- 
wards, he  was  reduced  to  great  want.  After  the  Restoration,  he 
became  doctor  of  divinity,  and  was  preferred  to  the  rich  living  of 
Thornhill,  in  Yorkshire,  by  some  of  the  Savile  family. — See  Ken- 
net's  Chronicle  of  the  Reign  of  Charles  //.,  p.  239.  1728. 


406          MEMOIRS   AND   CORRESPONDENCE   OF 

The  moral  effect  of  this  skirmish  was  very  great. 
That  the  best  Parliamentary  cavalry,  fully  armed  and 
well  mounted,  should  have  been  put  to  sudden  and 
utter  rout  by  half  their  number  of  Cavaliers,  with- 
out armour,  and  on  wearied  horses,  appeared  very 
ominous.  The  defeated  troops  magnified  their 
opponents'  valour  in  order  to  mitigate  their  own 
disgrace ;  many  wandered  altogether  away  from 
the  Roundhead  standard,  and  spread  abroad  the 
"  terror  of  Prince  Rupert's  name ;  his  irresistible 
courage,  and  that  of  the  King's  horse." ] 

On  the  same  night  Prince  Rupert,  with  his 
own  forces  and  those  of  Sir  John  Byron,  escorting 
the  treasure,  fell  back  upon  Ludlow,  by  the  Welsh 
side  of  the  river,  in  order  to  join  the  King. 
They  took  with  them  all  their  prisoners,  among 
whom  was  Captain  Wingate.2  Whilst  halting  here, 
the  Prince  determined  to  examine  the  state  of  the 


1  Clarendon's  Rebellion,  iii.  237  ;  Rush  wood  (who  dates  the 
fight  on  the  24th)  532  ;  Mercur.  Rusticus,  Sept.,  1642. 

2  Of  him  Vicars,  the  Rabshekah  of  his  party,  said  "  It  was 
credibly  reported"  [a  safe  medium  for  a  falsehood]  "that  he  was 
most  barbarously  and  basely  made  to  ride  naked,  though  a  mem- 
ber of  Parliament  and  a  pious  worthy  gentleman."     I  am  sur- 
prised to  find  that  such  a  writer  as  Lord  Nugent  premises  the 
truth  of  this  atrocious  charge  to  be  not  "  worth  serious  inquiry ;" 
yet  he  fairly  adds  a  solemn  refutation  from  one  of  their  own 
party  pamphlets,  "  Special  Passages."     That  paper  confesses  that 
"  Captain  Wingate  is  used  like  a  gentleman  by  the  Cavaliers  ; 
and  the  printed  pamphlets  do  much  injury  that   express  any 
hard  usage  of  him  by  them.     Give  the  devil  his  due,  and  do  so 
to  the  Cavaliers  in  this  thing."     Lord  Nugent  says  that  the  fol- 
lowing day  the  Cavaliers  "  retired  towards   Shrewsbury,  though 
the  King  was  advancing  to  their  relief."     This  appears  to  be  a 


1642.]        PRINCE   RUPERT   AND   THE   CAVALIERS.     407 

Roundhead  army  with  his  own  eyes.  I  give  the 
account  of  his  enterprise  from  a  Parliamentary 
pamphlet  of  the  day.  It  states  that — 

"  Some  two  days  after  the  skirmish  of  Worcester, 
Prince  Rupert  came  to  an  old  woman's  house — 
being  a  widow — within  a  mile  of  the  City,  and 
asked  her  what  victuals  she  had  in  the  house.  He 
was  not  dressed  in  the  habit  he  wore  in  the  field, 
but  like  a  country  gentleman.  The  old  woman  told 
him  she  had  nothing  but  collops  and  eggs ;  if  he 
pleased  to  have  any  of  them,  he  should  be  welcome. 
Ready  they  were  made,  and  he  fell  to  roundly. 
Afterwards,  he  called  for  some  drink ;  and  she  told 
him  she  had  none  but  small  drink ;  she  was  a  very 
poor  widow,  and  had  none  but  herself  and  her  son. 
He  asked  her  where  her  son  was  ?  She  told  him  : 

*  Gone   to   Worcester,   to   hear  what  news  of  the 
Cavaliers ;  for  she  heard  say  (thank  God  for  it), 
that  his  Excellency  [i.  e.  Essex]  had  made  them  fly 
the  City :  a  company  of  rude  knaves  they    were.' 
He  asked  her  what  she  thought  of  '  Prince  Rupert  ?' 

*  A  plague  choke  Prince  Rupert,'  said  she  ;  e  he  might 
have  kept  himself  where  he  was  born  ;  this  kingdom 
has  been  the  worse  ever  since  he  landed.'     <  There's 


very  unfounded  imputation  on  the  Cavaliers  for  abandoning  their 
post,  and  that,  too,  after  the  brilliant  affair  at  Powick  Bridge. 
It  so  happens,  as  the  "Iter  Carolinum"  and  the  archives  of 
Chester  can  prove,  that  the  King  was  on  his  way  to  the  latter 
town  on  that  very  day,  his  intentions  being  very  far  from  seeking 
a  battle  at  this  time,  when  his  troops  were  not  even  regimented 
or  armed. — EDITOR, 


408          MEMOIRS  AND  CORRESPONDENCE   OF 

three  pieces  for  that  word,'  said  the  disguised  Prince ; 
'for  I'm  of  thy  mind.'  With  that  he  took  pen, 
ink  and  paper,  and  wrote  to  the  Mayor  of  Worcester 
to  this  effect :  6  he  had  given  unto  the  bearer  hereof, 
three  pieces,  to  conceal  him  from  their  search,' 
which  note  he  did  enjoin  her  to  present  with  her 
own  hand,  for  she  should  be  nobly  rewarded. 

"The  General's  army  lying  on  Dunsmore  Heath, 
his  yeomen  not  being  far  off,  he,  riding  as  near  the 
army  as  he  durst,  overtook  a  fellow  driving  a  horse 
laden  with  apples.  He  asked  the  fellow  what  he 
had  got  there  ?  who  told  him  '  he  was  about  to  sell 
his  ware  to  his  Excellency's  soldiers.'  '  Why  dost 
thou  not  go  to  the  King's  army  ? '  inquired  the 
Prince  ;  '  I  hear  they  are  generous  sparks,  and  will 
pay  double  ! '  '  O,'  said  the  fellow,  '  they  are 
Cavaliers,  and  have  a  mad  Prince  among  them  ; 
and  the  devil  a  penny  could  I  get  in  the  whole 
army/  The  Prince  asked  him  what  he  would  take 
for  the  load  ?  and  the  fellow  answering  ten  shillings  : 
8  Hold  thy  hand,'  said  the  Prince  ;  *  there  is  a  piece 
for  thee :  now  hold  my  horse,  change  habit  with 
me,  and  stay  here  while  I  sell  thy  apples, — only  for 
a  merry  humour  that  I  have — and  at  my  coming 
back,  I  '11  give  thee  a  piece  more.'  The  fellow 
willingly  lent  him  his  long  coat  and  hat,  and  away 
went  the  Prince,  selling  the  apples  through  the 
army,  at  any  rate  ;  viewing  their  strength,  and  in 
what  kind  they  lay ;  and,  returning  to  the  fellow, 
gave  him  another  piece,  with  this  charge: — 'Go  to 


1642.]       PRINCE   RUPERT   AND   THE   CAVALIERS.      409 

the  Army,  and  ask  the  commanders  how  they  liked 
the  fruit  Prince  Rupert,  in  his  own  person,  did  but 
this  morning  sell  them.' "  J 

The  Cavaliers  reached  Shrewsbury  on  the  26th 
of  September ;  but  Mr.  Crane,  Prince  Rupert's 
messenger,  had  brought  the  news  of  their  victory 
to  the  King,2  at  Chester,  on  the  day  previous, 
and  presented  him  with  the  colours  taken  from 
the  enemy.  On  his  Majesty's  return  to  the 
City,  on  the  26th,  all  the  prisoners,  except  Win- 
gate,  were  discharged  under  a  promise  not  to 
bear  arms  again  against  the  King.3  About  this 
time  the  Parliament,  in  sovereign  style,  proffered 
pardon  to  all  the  misguided  persons  in  the  realm, 
who  had  hitherto  opposed  them,  with  the  ex- 
ception of  some  of  the  wisest  and  best  among  the 
King's  ministers.  Those  for  whom  there  was  to  be 


1  Prince  Rupert's  Disguises,  London,   1643.     A  pamphlet  in 
the  King's  College,  British  Museum. 

2  On  his  route,  the  Prince  received  a  letter  which  is  thus  doc- 
keted [Worcester  had  been  found   quite   untenable  against  the 
army  of  Essex]  : — "  The  King  advises  the  Prince  to  take  care  of 
Worcester,  and  principally  to  preserve  his  forces  for  a  battle  : 
commends  his  courage  and  conduct  in  the  skirmish  on  Friday 
last,  and  promises  him  a  considerable  strength  from  Chester. — 
Chester,  Sept.  25,  1642." 

3  Lord  Falkland's  letter,   before  quoted  :    he  adds,   "  Prince 
Maurice  hath  received  two  or  three  scars  of  honour  on  his  head, 
but  is  abroad  and  merry  :  divers  of  our  party   hath   received 
slight  wounds,  as  Wilmot,   Byron,   Dives,    Sir   Charles  Lucas" 
[who  was   afterwards    inhumanly  put  to  death  at  Colchester], 

"  and  some  others Most  of  the  prisoners  were  men  of  mean 

quality,  and  so  raw  soldiers,  that  they  understood  not  the  word 
'  quarter,'  but  cried  for  '  mercy  :'   they  said  they  were  tailors, 
embroiderers,  and  the  like." 


410          MEMOIRS   AND   CORRESPONDENCE   OF 

no  pardon,  were,  the  Duke  of  Richmond,  the  Earl 
of  Carnarvon,  the  Earl  of  Newcastle,  the  Earl  of 
Bristol,  the  Earl  of  Cumberland,  the  Earl  of 
Rivers,  Lord  Newark,  Lord  Falkland,  Mr.  Hyde, 
Endymion  Porter,  and  Secretary  Nicholas :  Prince 
Rupert  and  Prince  Maurice  had  been  declared 
TRAITORS  long  before. 

On  the  25th  of  the  same  month,  Essex  had  en- 
tered Worcester  with  his  army,  and  there  he  lay 
passive,  notwithstanding  his  six  and  thirty  Parlia- 
mentary councillors,  for  three  weeks,  while  the  King 
grew  strong.  When  he  moved  at  last,  he  was  by 
no  means  eager  in  his  demonstrations,  ever  lingering 
in  pursuit,  and  advancing  almost  regretfully.  The 
object  of  the  King's  journey  to  Chester  had  been  to 
support  Lord  Strange  ["  now  become  Earl  of  Derby, 
by  his  father's  death,  this  week"] :  that  Cavalier 
had  been  making  such  active  efforts  for  the  Royal 
cause,  in  Cheshire  and  Lancashire,  as  to  draw  upon 
himself  the  appellation  of  traitor  from  the  Parlia- 
ment. The  latter  had,  also,  exerted  themselves 
vigorously,  and  with  some  success,  to  counteract  the 
loyal  movement,  but  the  King's  opportune  arrival  in 
the  ancient  City  at  once  turned  the  tide  of  public 
feeling  in  his  favour.  "  His  gracious  and  princely 
demeanour  won  incredibly  upon  the  people,"  and 
Lord  Clarendon  has  preserved  to  us  enough  of  his 
public  speeches,  to  prove  the  eloquence  and  even 
tact  with  which  he  could  render  his  royal  prestige 
irresistible.  But  his  expedition  to  time-honoured 


1642.]      PRINCE  RUPERT  AND  THE  CAVALIERS.       411 

Chester  was  not  without  some  very  solid  advantages. 
He  there  found  waggons  and  carriage-horses,  with 
other  stores  which  the  Parliament  had  prepared  for 
Lord  Leicester's  destined  expedition,  as  Viceroy  to 
Ireland.  That  nobleman  l  was  not  a  personage  of 
much  importance  or  much  affection  to  either  party, 
but  his  equipment  of  horses  was  very  important  for 
the  King's  ill-furnished  and  cumbrous  artillery,  and 
was,  accordingly,  appropriated  without  ceremony. 
Lord  Grandison  had,  at  the  same  time,  possessed 
himself  of  some  very  necessary  arms  for  the  Shrews- 
bury levies,  by  a  dash  at  the  town  of  Nantwich, 
which  he  rode  into  after  a  single  volley  from  the 
citizens. 


1  Lord  Leicester  was  so  disgusted  by  the  loss  of  his  "  outfit," 
that  he  deferred  undertaking  the  mission  to  Ireland,  and  ulti- 
mately lost  or  abandoned  it,  perhaps  diplomatically.  I  am 
tempted  to  give  the  following  letter  from  Lady  Leicester  to  this 
nobleman,  whilst  ambassador  at  Paris  ;  it  is  so  graceful  and 
pretty,  and  does  so  much  credit  to  the  sentiment  of  the  time.  It 
exists  in  Lord  de  L'Isle's  very  valuable  collection  of  papers  at 
Penshurst ;  some  part  of  these  papers  are  published  in  Collins's 
Memorials,  but  a  great  part  remains  unknown ;  letters,  armour, 
and  even  tresses  of  hair  belonging  to  the  chivalrous  Sir  Philip,  and 
the  philosophic  Algernon  Sidney,  remain  still  in  the  possession 
of  their  descendant,  Lord  de  L'Isle,  to  whose  kindness  I  am  in- 
debted for  their  perusal  and  inspection. 

"  Mr.  Seladine  comes  in  with  your  letter,  whom  I  am  engaged 
to  entertain  a  little ;  besides,  it  is  supper-time,  or  else  I  should 
bestow  one  side  of  this  paper  in  making  love  to  you ;  and  since 
I  may  with  modesty  express  it,  I  will  say  that  if  it  be  love  to 
think  on  you,  sleeping  and  waking  ;  to  discourse  of  nothing  with 
pleasure  but  what  concerns  you ;  to  wish  myself  every  hour  with 
you  ;  and  to  pray  for  you  with  as  much  devotion  as  for  my  own 
soul,  then  certainly  it  may  be  said  that  I  am  in  love." — Conclu- 
sion of  a  letter  from  the  Countess  of  Leicester  to  her  husband,  then 
ambassador  at  Paris,  1636. 


412          MEMOIRS   AND   CORRESPONDENCE   OF 

We  must  now  take  a  survey  of  the  Royal  arma- 
ment at  Shrewsbury,  and  prepare  to  march  to  the 
battle-field  of  Keinton  or  Edgehill. 

It  is  difficult,  perhaps,  for  quiet  people,  in  the 
nineteenth  century,  living  under  a  powerful  and 
prosperous  sovereign,  to  imagine  the  enthusiastic 
sentiment,  the  passionate  loyalty  that  was  excited 
by  the  misfortunes  of  Charles  I.  To  all  the  devoted 
affection  with  which  in  after  times  the  Pretender's 
cause  was  cherished,  there  was  now  added  the  solemn 
sense  of  religious  duty,  and  an  intense  conviction 
that  in  their  King's  safety,  all  the  glory  and  pros- 
perity of  England  was  involved.  Loyalty  was,  then, 
to  the  Cavaliers'  politics,  what  religion  was  to 
morals,  a  rule,  a  cause,  and  a  foundation.  Therefore 
it  was  that  fathers,  and  mothers,  too,  sent  their  only 
sons,  with  joy  and  pride,  to  fight  for  the  fatal 
standard  ;  loving  wives  embroidered  for  their  hus- 
bands the  scarlet  scarf  that  was  soon  to  be  more 
deeply  dyed  :  man,  woman,  and  child,  wherever 
loyalty  was  professed,  gave  their  heart's  first  wish, 
their  soul's  most  fervent  prayer ;  for  that  they  freely 
offered  up  their  wealth,  their  nearest  affections,  and 
their  lives,  to  the  advancement  of  the  Royal  cause. 

The  King's  array  at  Shrewsbury,  where  his  little 
army  was  assembled,  is  not  to  be  regarded  coldly,  as 
a  mere  mass  of  men  collected  to  do  a  master's  bid- 
ding for  a  master's  wages.  Almost  every  gentleman 
and  many  a  poor  soldier  there,  represented  some 
home  left  unprotected,  and  household  goods  endan- 


1042.]        PRINCE   RUPERT   AND   THE   CAVALIERS.     413 

gered.  No  love  of  lucre  or  prospect  of  ambition 
had  filled  up  those  doomed  ranks:  the  better,  and 
the  greater  part,  were  not  only  volunteers,  but  self- 
despoiled,  in  order  to  promote  the  Royal  cause.  Every 
gentleman  brought  with  him  a  retinue,  according  to 
his  means,  together  with  money,  plate,  and  arms,  to 
furnish  which,  many  a  household  was  stripped  bare 
and  many  a  comfort  sacrificed  for  ever.  But  it  was 
all  for  their  King !  And  that,  to  their  brave  old- 
fashioned  hearts,  was  a  sacred  word  and  an  irresisti- 
ble appeal. 

Not  that  the  Royal  army  was  altogether  com- 
posed of  such  materials ;  had  it  been  so,  that  King 
had  never  died  a  felon's  death  upon  a  scaffold.  But 
that  such  true-hearted  men  abounded  in  his  ranks, 
is  proved  by  the  long  and  desperate  struggle  they 
maintained  against  all  the  power  of  Parliament.  In 
our  future  pages,  we  shall  find  some  traces  of  this 
nobler,  purer  spirit  to  the  end,  but  they  are  far 
too  few,  and  gradually  become  still  more  so.  Men 
of  evil  and  violent  passions  always  work  their  way 
into  foremost  places  in  troublous  times,  and  leave 
the  stain  of  their  own  characters  upon  their  cause  : 
thus,  Falkland,  Hopton,  Carnarvon,  are  pushed  aside 
by  Goring,  Digby,  and  even  Lunsford,  in  the  path  of 
notoriety,  if  not  of  fame, — as  they  were  but  too 
often,  even  in  the  Royal  favour. 

To  the  latter  the  King's  preacher,  Dr.  Symmons, 
thus  addressed  himself,  in  a  sermon  he  preached 
before  the  Royal  army : — 


414         MEMOIRS   AND   CORRESPONDENCE   OF 

"  Alas  !  gallant  gentlemen  and  Christian  people, 
you  all  know  there  are  too  many  and  too  great  occa- 
sions given  by  some  amongst  you  to  our  enemies  to 
report  evil  of  us,  I  beseech  you,  therefore,  in  the 
fear  of  God,  to  walk  worthy  of  your  employment. 
You  that  be  commanders  I  beg  of  yon,  that  you 
would  more  strictly  punish  sin  according  to  those 
military  orders  set  forth  by  his  sacred  Majesty,  your 
religious  master." 

To  the  former,  also,  he  addresses  himself  in  these 
noble  words : — 

"  A  complete  Cavalier  is  a  child  of  honour.  He 
is  the  only  reserve  of  English  gentility  and  ancient 
valour,  and  hath  rather  chosen  to  bury  himself  in 
the  tomb  of  honour,  than  to  see  the  nobility  [noble- 
ness ?]  of  his  nation  vassalaged ;  the  dignity  of  his 
country  captivated  or  obscured  by  any  base,  domes- 
tic enemy,  or  by  any  foreign  fore-conquered  foe." 
"  Perhaps  you  now  expect,  that  by  way  of  use,  I 
should  stir  you  up  to  be  cruel,  but,  noble  gentlemen 
and  soldiers,  if  I  should  do  so,  I  should  forget  my- 
self to  be  a  minister  of  the  Prince  of  Mercy,  and  to 
be  a  subject  of  a  most  merciful  King,  whose  meek 
and  gentle  nature,  as  we  all  love  and  admire,  so 
should  we  strive  to  imitate.  And  I  bless  God  for 
it,  I  could  never  yet  speak  that  language  of  kill, 
slay,  and  destroy,1  which  the  ministers  of  the  rebel 

1  The  Puritan  pulpits  at  this  time  rang  with  anathemas,  and 
were  filled  by  men  whose  popularity  and  influence  depended  on 
their  vehemence.  These  "  Boanerges,"  as  they  delighted  to  be 


1642.]        PRINCE   RUPERT   AND   THE   CAVALIERS.     415 

side  are  so  skilful  in :  I  durst  never  incite  men  to 
fight  up  to  the  back  in  blood.  The  spirit  of  the 
Gospel  is  an  unbloody  spirit — '  We,'  says  the  Apos- 
tle, speaking  of  himself  and  all  true  ministers  of 
Christ,  'have  the  mind  of  Christ  which  endeavoureth 
the  salvation,  not  the  destruction  of  men '".... 

The  preacher  then  exhorts  his  soldier-hearers  to 
spare  and  to  be  very  merciful :  to  live  temperately 
and  in  brotherly  love  ;  arid,  in  conclusion,  he  entreats 
them  to  tine  every  one  for  swearing,  according  to 
statute ;  and  of  the  proceeds,  to  purchase  comforts 
for  the  poor  rebel  prisoners.  Jeremy  Taylor  was 
also,  I  believe,  one  of  the  Royal  Chaplains  at  this 
time,  and  many  other  eminent  Churchmen  attended 
the  King's  army  throughout  their  service.1 

It  is  unnecessary  to  say  there  were  many  noble 
and  excellent  persons,  "  divines "  as  well  as  lay- 
men, ranged  also  on  the  Parliamentary  side : 


called,  preached  largely  from  the  Pentateuch,  and,  indeed,  many 
of  their  doctrines  seeni  better  suited  for  the  other  side  of  Jordan 
than  for  the  banks  of  the  Thames,  or  for  any  people  whom  Chris- 
tianity has  blessed. — 

"  Those  Roundhead  saints  of  blessed  memory, 
Cut  throats  in  Godly  pure  sincerity  ; 
So  they  with  lifted  hands  and  eyes  devout, 
Said  grace,  and  carv'd  a  slaughter 'd  monarch  out." 

Oldham's  Satyre. 

1  Four  of  the  most  eminent  of  English  theologians  were 
brought  into  scenes  of  difficulty,  that  put  their  nerve  as  well  as 
their  piety  to  the  proof.  Pearson  was  chaplain  to  the  King's  troops 
at  Exeter,  under  Lord  Goring ;  and  Chillingworth  acted  as 
engineer  at  the  siege  of  Gloucester,  in  1643 ;  and  was  only  prevented 
from  trying  on  English  fortifications  the  implements  of  Roman 
science  by  the  sudden  advance  of  the  Parliamentary  army. 


416    MEMOIRS  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF 

their  eulogy  has  been  so  often  and  so  eloquently 
proclaimed,  that  they  can  well  dispense  with 
any  testimony  from  these  pages.1  One  admirable 
letter,  however,  from  Sir  William  Waller,  I  cannot 
refrain  from  quoting  here ;  it  does  equal  honour  to 
the  brave  writer,  and  to  his  constant  and  unflinching 
antagonist,  to  whom  it  is  addressed,  and  illustrates 
the  magnanimous  spirit  in  which  this  great  war  was 
carried  on  by  its  worthier  warriors.  With  it  I  shall 
conclude  this  long  digression,  and  return  to  more 
practical  details. 

FROM    SIR   WILLIAM    WALLER    TO    SIR    RALPH    HOPTON.2 

"  MY  affections  to  you  are  so  unchangeable,  that  hos- 
tility itself  cannot  violate  my  friendship  to  your  person  ; 


1  The  Cavaliers,  in  common  opinion,  are  only  recognized  as  a 
gallant,  dashing,   swaggering,   swearing,    reprobate   race,  whose 
example,   in  all  but  loyalty  and  bravery,  should   be  carefully 
eschewed.     It  may  surprise  some  of  my  younger  readers  to  know 
that  prayers  were  regularly  put  up  at  the  head  of  most  good 
regiments,  even  when  paraded  on  the  day  of  battle  ;  and  that  each 
had  its  own  chaplain. 

2  Sir  Ralph,  afterwards  Lord  Hopton,  heir  to  one  of  the  most 
powerful  and  ancient  families  in  Somersetshire,  was  born  in  1598. 
He  was,  early  in  life,  distinguished  by  an  aptness  for  study  and 
for  the  attainment  of  languages,  to  which  he  joined  an  ardent  and 
enterprising  spirit.     We  have  seen  him  at  the  battle  of  Prague, 
and  afterwards  carrying  off  the  poor  Queen  of  Bohemia  from  her 
dangers.     He  was  devoted  to  her  as  fervently,  and  after  as  pure 
a  fashion,  as  the  other  heroes  whom  she  fascinated.     For  her  sake 
he  passed  five  years  of  his  youth  in  the  wars  of  the  Low  Coun- 
tries and  the  Palatinate.     He  was  knighted  at  the  coronation  of 
King  Charles,  and  was  elected  to  serve  in  Parliament  for  the  City 
of  Wells.     Like  most  men  of  his  disposition,  he  inclined  at  first 
towards  the  popular  party,  and  was  selected  to  read  before  the 
King  the  "Remonstrance"  of  November,   1641.     He,  however, 
soon  came  to  an  opposite  opinion,  and  henceforth  applied  himself 


1G42.]       PRINCE   RUPERT   AND   THE   CAVALIERS.       417 

but  I  must  be  true  to  the  cause  wherein  I  serve.  The 
old  limitation  of  usque  ad  aras  holds  still.  .  .  .  The  great 
God  who  is  the  searcher  of  my  heart,  knows  with  what 
reluctance  I  go  upon  this  service,  and  with  what  perfect 
hatred  I  look  upon  a  war  without  an  enemy.  But  I  look 
upon  it  as  opus  Domini,  and  that  is  enough  to  silence  all 
passion  in  me.  The  God  of  peace,  in  his  good  time,  send 
us  peace,  and,  in  the  meantime,  fit  us  to  receive  it !  We 
are  both  on  the  stage,  and  we  must  act  the  parts  that  are 
assigned  us  in  this  tragedy.  Let  us  do  it  in  the  way  of 
honour,  and  without  personal  animosities."  1 

The  forces  now  assembled  at  Shrewsbury2  were 
unlike  any  that  had  ever  before,  under  the  Royal 
standard,  assembled  at  a  King  of  England's  sum- 
mons. The  militia,  trainbands,  or  defensive  force 
of  the  kingdom,  were  subject  to  tbe  King's  summons 
by  a  law,  as  old  as  the  great  Alfred.  The  Thanes, 
Ealdormen,  the  magistrates  of  boroughs,  were  bound 
to  keep  arms  sufficient  to  arm  the  men  of  their 


vigorously  to  promote  the  interests  of  the  Crown  in  his  own 
county.  He  was  almost  constantly  opposed  to  Sir  W.  Waller. 
After  the  war  he  was  ambassador  to  Spain.  He  married  the 
widow  of  Sir  Justinian  Lewen,  and,  dying  childless,  the  title 
became  extinct.  (He  had  been  made  a  peer  in  1643.) 

1  For  this  letter  I  am  indebted  to  Mr.  Forster's  Statesmen. 

2  About  this  time  the   Parliament  made  a  sort  of  overture, 
through  the  Earl  of  Essex,  to  the  King  :  "  He  sent  a  gentleman 
(Fleetwood,  the  same  who  had  afterwards  so  great  power  in  the 
army,  but  then  a  trooper  in  his  guards)  to  Shrewsbury,  without  a 
trumpet,  or  any  other  ceremony  than  a  letter  to  the  Earl  of  Dor- 
set ;  in  which  he  said,  '  he  was  appointed  by  the  Parliament  to 
cause  a  petition  then  in  his  hands  to  be  presented  to  his  Majesty ; 
and  therefore  desired  his  lordship  to  know  his  Majesty's  pleasure 
when  he  should  be  pleased  to  receive  it,  from  such  persons  as  he 
should  send  over  with  it/     This  petition  was  received  with  the 
same  professions  that  accompanied  it,  but  it  came  to  nothing. 

VOL.  I.  E    E 


418         MEMOIRS    AND   CORRESPONDENCE   OF 

shire  ;  each  in  proportion  to  his  possessions.1  These 
local  chiefs  were  subordinate  to  the  Duke  or  Here- 
toch  of  their  county,  who,  in  turn,  received  orders 
from  the  King's  Lieutenant.  This  was  the  only 
defence  and  army  provided  for  the  State.  When  an 
enemy  approached,  it  rose  up  suddenly  from  field 
and  forest  to  encounter  him :  when  the  enemy  re- 
tired, the  patriot  force  retired  also,  ebbing  away  to 
hut  or  hamlet  till  the  King  was  left  alone,  and 
powerless  against  any  but  a  foreign  foe.  From  the 
time  of  Alfred,  this  local  force  had  continued  in 
being,  until  the  day  when  some  few  of  them  were 
assembled  to  raise  the  standard  of  one  Charles, 
at  Nottingham.  The  organization  of  this  militia 
throughout  that  time,  and,  indeed,  until  our  day, 
had  little  changed  in  principle.  The  high  sounding 
Duke  of  the  shire,  was  modified  into  a  Lord-Lieu- 
tenant; the  Thane  into  a  country  squire,  and  the 
weapons  for  the  militia  are  procured  by  taxation 
from  all  subjects  of  the  empire,  as  well  as  from 
sheriff  and  aldermen,  instead  of  being  directly  fur- 


1  In  Charles  II.'s  time  such  as  possessed  a  real  estate  of  500/. 
per  annum,  or  personal  property  or  goods  to  the  value  of  6000£. 
were  required  to  provide  a  horse-soldier,  fully  equipped  and 
mounted  ;  such  as  had  not  less  than  501.  rental  of  real  property, 
or  600£.  personal,  were  bound  to  provide  a  foot-soldier.  Above 
and  below  these  incomes,  the  proprietors  thereof  were  bound  to 
furnish  more  or  less  force  in  proportion.  The  appointment  of 
officers  to  these  troops  was  vested  in  the  Lords-Lieutenants  of 
counties,  the  King  having  power  to  confirm  or  annul  all  such 
commissions. — Gleig's  Military  History.  Under  Charles  I.  it 
would  have  been  impossible  to  follow  out  this  system  with  con- 
sistency :  the  summons  of  array  seems  to  have  been  arbitrary. 


1642.]     PRINCE   RUPERT   AND   THE   CAVALIERS.       410 

nished  by  Shire,  Reeve,  and  Ealdormen.1  But  this, 
the  natural  resource  of  an  English  King,  had  failed 
King  Charles.  His  Royal  prerogative  had  been  too 
deeply  and  skilfully  sapped  by  the  Parliamentary 
leaders  to  leave  him  this  important  power.  When 
they  strove  so  hard  to  obtain  his  sanction  to  their 
monopoly  of  the  militia  power,  they  only  asked  a 
formal  acknowledgment  of  that  which  they  already 
virtually  possessed.2  The  King's  endeavour  to  turn 
the  trainbands  to  account  had  failed ;  they  were  not 
obliged,  by  law,  to  serve  out  of  their  own  counties, 
beyond  whose  boundaries  their  officer,  the  High- 
Sheriff,  had,  of  course,  no  jurisdiction.  A  striking 
instance  of  this  is  related  in  Prince  Rupert's  Diary. 
It  appears  that  the  Leicestershire  trainbands  had 
assembled  at  the  Sheriff's  (Hastings)  summons,  and 
professed  their  readiness  to  march  with  the  King. 
On  arriving  at  the  confines  of  the  county,  however, 
one  man  stood  still,  and  refused  to  proceed :  the 

1  The  militia  force  of  England,  on  paper,    consists  at  this 
hour  to  113  battalions,*  but  its  gallant  substitutes  of  the  regular 
force  have  long  saved  it  from  active  service,  or  even  enrolment. 
Nevertheless,  should  occasion  come,  the  latent  strength  of  our 
nation,  the  untalked   of  force  of  our   "landwehr,"  would    sud- 
denly be  manifested  in  a  manner  to  strike  both  friend  and  foe 
with  wonder.     It  would  probably  prove  also   (by  the  time  the 
men  were  fit  to  fight),  that  the  exigencies  of  private  life  required 
their  presence  elsewhere,  at  the  loom,  the  plough,  the  counter : 
and  that  no  tax  was  ever  so  economical  as  that  which  paid  a  sub- 
stitute army,  to  exempt  a  local  militia. 

2  For  an  account  of  the  City  and  other  trainbands,  see  Ap- 
pendix B.  vol.  i. 

*  Viz. :  for  England  76,  Ireland  38,  Scotland  58— about  800 
men  in  each. 

E    E    2 


420         MEMOIRS   AND   CORRESPONDENCE   OF 

spirit  of  resistance  immediately  spread,  and  the 
whole  regiment  declared  they  would  proceed  no 
further.  Prince  Rupert,  accompanied  by  Prince 
Maurice  and  the  Sheriff,  with  a  troop  of  dragoons, 
rode  up  to  the  recusants,  and  demanded  whether 
they  would  march.  "They  said  nay:  whereupon 
the  Prince  clapped  his  pistol  to  the  head  of  the 
man  that  spoke,  and  then  they  all  laid  down  their 
arms ;  and,  after  their  example,  Nottinghamshire  and 
Derbyshire  did  the  like."  The  men  of  the  "  arrays," 
therefore,  were  useless  to  the  King  except  as  volun- 
teers, and  in  that  capacity  few  of  the  trainbands 
had  offered  themselves.  The  Royal  council  had 
suggested  the  most  cautious  conduct  towards  the 
people,  and  no  impressments  had,  as  yet,  taken 
place  on  the  King's  part.1  The  Royal  force,  such 

1  Clarendon's  Rebellion.  Musterings  were  going  on  also  in 
the  north  and  south,  and  elsewhere,  and  less  scrupulously  as 
regarded  free-will.  From  Lord  Newcastle  and  Sir  Bevill  Gren- 
vil  we  have  especial  testimony.  The  former  I  shall  quote 
hereafter  from  the  "  Rupert  Papers ;"  for  the  latter  1  am  again 
indebted  to  Mr.  Forster.  Sir  Bevill  thus  writes  to  his  wife, 
"  to  his  best  friend,  the  Lady  Grace  Grenvil,"  on  the  12th  of 
October,  from  Bodmin,  in  Cornwall  (he  has  grown  more  earnest 
and  somewhat  stern  since  we  last  heard  from  him)  : — 

"  DEAR  LOVE, 

"  I  will  detain  Sam.  Cottle  no  longer,  nor  can  he  bring  you 
much  more  news  than  I  sent  you  yesterday.  We  found  men 
enough  at  the  place  appointed,  well  armed"  [the  Parliamentary 
edict  had  not  much  force  in  those  remote  parts],  "  and  I  am  im- 
patient (as  all  my  honest  friends  else  are)  that  we  did  not  march 
presently  to  fetch  those  traitors  out  of  their  nest  at  Launceston, 
or  else  fire  them  in  it ;  but  some  of  our  fainter  brethren  have 
prevailed  so  far  with  the  sheriff,  that  there  is  to  be  a  conference 
this  day — six  of  a  side — to  see  if  they  can  compose  matters. 


1642.]       PRINCE   RUPERT  AND   THE   CAVALIERS.      421 

as  it  was,  consisted  of  free  men:  the  King,  how- 
ever, had  not  observed  the  same  scruples  with  re- 
spect to  the  arms  of  the  trainbands  as  he  did 
towards  their  possessors.  These  were  his  most  vital 
want ;  he  "  borrowed  "  them  wherever  he  passed, 
and  wherever  his  warrants  possessed  authority 
throughout  the  north :  it  was  observed  then,  as 
now  in  Ireland,  that  weapons  seemed  to  be  the 
most  illusory  of  all  calculated  possessions :  where 
they  had  been  distributed  by  tens  of  thousands  they 
could  scarcely  be  collected  by  dozens,  and  even  these 
appeared  to  have  suddenly  grown  old-fashioned, 
rusty,  and  worthless. 

When  the  King  mustered  his  forces,  therefore,  in 
the  park  at  Shrewsbury,  they  presented  a  most 
heterogeneous  appearance  as  to  arms  and  equip- 
ment. Arms  were  still  the  great  deficiency ;  for  the 
rest,  the  men  were  of  the  same  sort  as  those  whose 

My  neighbours  did  ill  that  they  came  not  out,  and  are  punish- 
able by  the  law  in  high  degree ;  and  though  I  will  do  the  best  I 
can  to  save  some  of  the  honester  sort,  yet  others  shall  smart. 
They  were  not  in  this  to  have  commands  from  me  :  it  is  a  legal 
course  which  the  sheriff  is  directed  in  by  the  statute,  and  not  the 
colonels  :  but  the  sheriff  may  take  to  his  assistance  whom  he 

pleases The  gallant  Prince  Rupert  goes  on  gloriously  in 

his  uncle's  service  ;  he  hath  given  another  blow  to  the  enemy, 
greater  than  the  former,  and  hath  well  nigh  cut  off  all  their  ca- 
valry with  his,  so  the  great  cuckold  [Essex]  is  forced  to  shut  him- 
self up  with  his  foot  within  the  walls  of  Worcester,  not  being 
able  to  keep  the  field,  whitherward  the  King  is  marching  with 
his  army  to  give  the  last  blow,  and  his  army  is  mightily  in- 
creased  I  hope  we  shall  shortly  see  good  days  again.  My 

noble  friend,  the  brave  Wilmot,  had  a  shrewd  wound,  and  the 
Prince  himself  slightly  hurt,  but  they  killed  2000  of  the  enemy, 
with  little  loss.  Your  own,  "  B.  GRENVIL." 


422          MEMOIRS  AND   CORRESPONDENCE   OF 

fathers  fought  at  Hastings  and  Agincourt,  and  whose 
sons  won  Ramilies  and  Waterloo.  Now,  that  uncon- 
querable island  race  was  about  to  contend  against 
its  own  kind,  in  the  sternest  strife  that  even  kindred 
blood  has  ever  known.  As  yet  unwieldy  and  un- 
couth, these  devoted  men  were  soon  moulded  into  a 
fit  form  to  deal  or  suffer  slaughter  unflinchingly,  by 
the  energy  and  discipline  of  the  continental  Cava- 
liers. On  parade,  the  front  line  already  presented 
an  imposing  appearance,  but  the  rear  ranks  stood 
up  in  warlike  attitude  with  the  same  garments  and 
weapons,  too,  as  when  they  left  their  native  fields. 
Many,  especially  the  Welsh,  were  only  furnished 
with  such  instruments  as  might  better  have  suited 
a  pastoral  pageant;  scythes,  pitchforks,  and  even 
sickles :  yet  with  such  implements  as  these  they 
cheerfully  take  the  field,  and  literally,  "  like  reapers 
descend  to  the  harvest  of  death." 

Contrasted  with  these  rough,  hardy,  and  defence- 
less peasants,  "rode"  the  brilliant  troop  of  Guards, 
commanded  by  Lord  Bernard  Stuart,  and  composed 
of  all  the  noble  and  wealthy  Cavaliers  who  had 
no  separate  command.1  With  them,  as  amateurs, 
armour  had,  probably,  attained  its  perfection,  though 
it  had  begun  to  fall  into  disuse  among  the  old  sol- 


1  Lord  Clarendon  computes  the  amount  of  income  possessed  by 
this  single  troop  as  at  least  equal  to  that  of  all  the  Lords  and 
Commons  [in  London]  who  made  and  maintained  that  war.  Sir 
Philip  Warwick,  who  tells  us  he  himself  "  rode  therein,"  com- 
putes this  income  at  100,000^.  per  annum,  equal,  perhaps,  to 
three  times  that  sum  according  to  our  present  standard. 


1642.J      PRINCE   RUPERT   AND   THE   CAVALIERS.      423 

diers  on  the  Continent.1  The  casque  and  plume  of 
the  knightly  old  barons  were  still  worn  by  their  de- 
scendants; the  glittering  cuirass,  with  a  broad  and 
ornamented  sword-belt  worn  across  it  and  over  the 
shoulder,  the  tassets  or  "  garde  de  reine  "  protect- 
ing the  wearer  from  "  the  waist  to  the  saddle 
crooch ; 2  steel  pouldrons,  vambraces,  mailed  gaunt- 
lets, and  cuisses,3  sheathed  the  Cavalier  Cuirassier," 
in  every  respect,  like  the  knights  of  Agincourt,  but 
for  the  boots,  which  were  now  almost  universally  of 
leather,  large,  square-toed,  and  capable  of  covering 
half  the  thigh,  though  ordinarily  worn  doubled 
down  below  the  knee.  Over  the  cuirass  was  some- 
times worn  the  gorget,  in  shape  resembling  its 
diminutive  imitation  now  carried  by  our  "  officers  of 
the  day,"  but  far  larger.  A  richly-embroidered  lace 
collar  sometimes  fell  broadly,  and  in  curious  con- 
trast, over  the  steel  cuirass,  and  the  hair  floated  long 
and  loosely  over  all.  For  arms,  our  Cuirassier  had 
a  long,  but  rather  slight  straight  sword,  half  basket- 
hilted, 4  and  a  brace  of  pistols  :  some  carried  a  short 


1  Tilly. — Marechal  Grammont  found  him  at  the  head  of  his 
army,  mounted  on  a  small  Croatian  pad,  in  a  green  satin  doublet 
with  slashed  sleeves,  and  trowsers  of  the  same  stuff;   a  little 
cocked  hat,  with  a  red  ostrich  plume  in  it,  which  reached  down 
to  his  reins,  and  a  belt  round  his  waist  of  two  inches'  breadth,  to 
which  hung  his  fighting  sword,  with  a  single  pistol  in  one  of  his 
holsters. — Heath's  Life  of  Gustavus  Adolphus,  Pref.  32. 

2  Markham's  Souldier's  Accidence. 

3  Pouldron,  for  the  shoulder,  from  epaule ;  vambrace,  for  the 
front  arm,  from  avanibras  ;  cuisses,  for  the  thighs. 

4  Mr.  Ormsby  Gore  has  a  very  interesting  relic  at  Porkington, 
it  is  the  sword  of  Sir  Charles  Lucas,  presented  by  that  gallant 


424          MEMOIRS   AND   CORRESPONDENCE    OF 

battle-axe  besides,  at  their  saddle-bow.1  Such  was 
the  equipment  of  the  King's  body  Guards,  who  so 
fatally  for  his  cause  at  Edgehill,  resented  the  epithet 
of  "  the  show  troop"  and  extorted  permission  to 
make  a  too  successful  charge.  The  ordinary  cavalry 
troops  were  not  very  dissimilarly  appointed ;  most  of 
them  were  sturdy  yeomen,  able  to  bring  their  own 
horses  into  the  field :  they  were  generally  equipped 
by  their  landlords  or  great  neighbours,  from  the 
well-stored  armouries  that  were  then  the  pride  of 
every  English  gentleman's  ancestral  hall.  Harque- 
busier  was  a  common  term  for  this  yeoman-trooper : 
he  wore  a  lighter  head-piece  than  the  Cavalier,  with 
bars  of  iron  to  protect  the  face,  instead  of  a  vizor, 


Cavalier,  a  short  time  before  his  execution,  to  the  brave  Sir  John 
Owen,  an  ancestor  of  Mr.  Ormsby  Gore's :  it  is  such  as  I  have 
described,  and  such  as  many  ancient  armouries  can  shew,  but  it 
is  distinguished  by  the  following  inscription  (as  well  as  I  re- 
collect, for  I  quote  from  memory),  "  To  my  honoured  friend,  Sir 
John  Owen,  by  whom  it  will  always  be  carried  with  honour." 

1  Clarendon's  Rebellion,  266,  &c.  I  have  taken  the  above 
and  the  following  detail  principally  from  Markham's  "  Souldier's 
Accidence,"  published  1645  ;  Munroe's  "Art  of  War;"  Orrery's 
"  Art  of  War  ;"  "  Observations,"  &c.  by  the  Duke  of  Albemarle  ; 
Scott's  notes  to  "  Rokeby  ;"  Grose's  "  Military  Antiquities ;"  and 
Meyrick's  adaptation  of  that  work  to  his  own  armoury,  under 
another  name,  and  Gleig's  "  Military  History."  After  all,  I  only 
profess  to  offer  an  approximation  to  these  costumes,  &c.,  for 
almost  every  old  picture  and  print  differs  from  its  fellow.  This 
armour  must  have  been  sufficiently  cumbrous  to  justify  James 
I.'s  sneer  :  "  Such  armour  is  an  excellent  and  Christian  invention, 
for  it  not  only  protects  the  wearer,  but  hinders  him  from  doing 
much  harm  to  any  body  else."  Munroe,  a  sensible  and  well 
experienced  Scotch  veteran  in  the  "  wars  of  the  Swede,"  says, 
"  that  armour  ought  to  be  worn  not  because  men  are  afraid,  but 
that  they  should  not  be  afraid." 


1642.]        PRINCE   RUPERT   AND   THE   CAVALIERS.     425 

and  only  a  haquetin,  (or  back  and  breast  piece)  of 
steel :  his  harquebuss  or  carbine,  three  feet  long, 
was  generally  his  only  weapon,  except  his  long 
straight  sword.  The  dragoon  was  the  third  class  of 
cavalry,  and  considered  a  most  indispensable  arm  of 
the  service ; 1  he  wore  a  buff  coat,  cut  somewhat 
in  the  shape  of  a  shooting  jacket,  with  long  skirts  : 
his  head-piece  was  an  iron  skull-cap,  with  cheek- 
pieces  of  the  same  metal :  his  musket  ("  fair 
dragons,"  Markham  calls  them)  is  fitted  to  be 
slung  by  a  leathern  belt  across  the  right  shoulder ; 
another  belt  had  attached  to  it  a  string  of  "  carter- 
lages,"  with  powder  flask  and  "  priming-box,"  and  a 
good  sword.8  There  were  some  few  lancers  but  they 
were  soon  abandoned,  and  we  never  hear  of  them 
except  at  Marston  Moor.  The  cavalry  in  general  was 
considered  by  far  the  most  effective  branch  of  the 
service,  and  indeed  there  were  so  many  men  of  gen- 


1  They  were  evidently  originally  so  called  from  dragon,  as  they 
fought  in  air  or  on  the  ground,  mounted  or  on  foot.     Except  in 
cases  of  surprise,  however,  they  seldom  fired  on  horseback,  and 
never  charged  :  they  were,  in  fact,  infantry  with  horses,  to  en- 
able them  to  make  more  rapid  movements  :  they  were  thrown 
forward  to  feel  the  way,  skirmishing  from  behind  ditches  as  they 
advanced,  or  covering  a  retreat  in  the  same  fashion  :  one  man 
held  ten  horses  in  the  rear,  while  his  comrades,  their  riders, 
fought.     Their  long  carbines  were  called  dragons,  from  the  cock 
being  made  in  that  shape. — Orrery  s  Art  of  War. 

2  Such  was  the  cavalry  supposed  to  be.     Their  general  array, 
however,  was  probably  much  more  simple  :  a  "  pot"  (iron  skull- 
cap), "  back  and  breast-piece,"  any  fire-arms  they  could  get,  car- 
bine, pistol,  or  "  petronel ;"  the  horse  was  furnished  with   "  a 
great  saddle  or  pad,  having  bars  and  straps  for  affixing  the  hol- 
sters, a  bit  and  bridle,  with  a  pectoral  and  crupper,  also,  a  sack 
of  carriage  "  (or  haversack). — Munroe  ;  Orrery. 


420          MEMOIRS   AND   CORRESPONDENCE    OF 

tie  blood  who  served  in  the  saddle,  that  their  order 
was  almost  as  equestrian  as  of  old.  They  were  at 
once  the  most  fatal  to  the  King  and  to  his  enemies  ; 
their  first  charge  was  terrible,  and  for  the  most  part, 
irresistible,  but  the  mettle  that  spurred  them  into 
desperate  daring,  ran  away  with  them  afterwards : 
they  never  could  be  taught  discipline ;  jealous  and 
proud  of  their  independence,  and  fiercely  chary  of 
their  fancied  personal  importance,  control  over  these 
wild  and  dashing  troops  was  unattainable  even  by 
the  stern  Rupert. 

The  firmest  strength  of  the  army  lay,  of  course,  in 
the  infantry :  although  a  great  part  of  their  ranks 
were  merely  pikemen,  even  these  were  happily 
termed  by  Orrery,  "  the  moving  fortress  of  the 
field/'  Gustavus  Adolphus  was  the  first  who  re- 
cognized and  increased  the  importance  of  infantry. 
In  his  time  and  during  at  least  the  earlier  part  of 
the  civil  war,  the  pikemen  held  the  post  of  honour.1 
His  pikemen,  as  well  as  the  musqueteer,  wore  a 
leathern  doublet,2  steel  cap,  cloth  hose,  and  square- 
toed  shoes,  with  a  large  rosette.  The  pikeman, 
when  he  could  get  it,  wore  a  back  and  breast  piece 


1  The  first  place  of  honour  in  marching  is  at  the  head  of  the 
pikes  ;  the  second  is  at  the  rear  of  the  pikes. — Munroe. 

2  The  simplest,  safest,  cheapest,  most  economical,  and  most 
lasting  dress  a  soldier  ever  took  the  field  in  :    it  was  for  the  most 
part  bullet-proof,   impervious  to  rain,  and,  if  well  made,  would 
serve  successive  generations  ;  being  laid  aside  after  Cressy,  pro- 
bably, to  be  resumed  unimpaired  at  Naseby.     I  have  seen  many 
leathern  doublets  that  have,  perhaps,  covered  stout  hearts  in  both 


1G42.]     PRINCE   RUPERT   AND   THE   CAVALIERS.        427 

of  steel,  with  an  iron  hook  on  the  former,  whereon 
to  hang  his  steel  cap  while  marching.  The  musque- 
teer  wore  a  "  bandolier  " l  over  the  left  shoulder,  a 
sword  belt  over  the  right :  his  matchlock-rest 2  was 
sometimes  attached  to  his  left  wrist,  while  not  in 
use,  and  sometimes  he  had  a  boy  allowed  him  to 
carry  this  cumbrous  piece  of  artillery  for  him. 

It  must  not  be  supposed  that  the  Royal  army, 
now  on  parade  in  Shrewsbury,  was  thus  furnished. 
But  they  soon  supplied  themselves  with  the  habili- 
ments of  the  well-appointed  Roundheads ;  and  the 
poor  fellows  who  hung  back,  or  were  put  away  in 
the  rear,  because  they  had  only  cudgels  in  their 
horny  fists,  had  the  greater  satisfaction  in  contem- 
plating the  much-desired  collision  that  was  to  clothe 
them  not  only  with  honour,  but  with  accoutrements.3 


those  battles,  and  that  at  this  moment  would  be  a  far  more  satis- 
factory garment  than  could  be  made  from  coarse  cloth,  saturated 
by  the  first  showery  and  torn  by  the  first  scramble  through  bush 
or  over  wall. 

1  A  broad  belt  with  charges  of  powder,  hung  by  little  cords  : 
the  bullets  were  carried  in  a  little  bag,  or  in  the  mouth  for  imme- 
diate use. 

2  There  were  locks  to  the  pistols  and  petronels  of  the  cavalry, 
but  none,   I  think,   to  the  infantry  musket ;  the  former  were 
wound  up  like  a  watch,  by  an  instrument  called  a  spanner,  and 
when  let  off  by  the  trigger  the  flint  was  brought  against  a  rough 
surface,    that   gave   the   spark   by  friction ;    these   were  called 
snaphaunces. 

3  This  heterogeneous  army  had  a  still  more  heterogeneous  fol- 
lowing of  not  only  noble  ladies  and  devoted  wives,  but  a  widely 
contrasted  description   of  women,  with  horse-boys  (or  paddees), 
and  all  the  human  scum  that  necessarily  gathers  round  fermented 
masses.     For  these  the  following  orders  apply  : — 

"  Women  who  follow  an  army  may  be  ordered,  if  they  can  be 
ordered,  into  three  classes.     1st,  Shall  be  those  who  are  ladies, 


428          MEMOIRS   AND   CORRESPONDENCE   OF 

The  Parliamentary  regiments,  as  I  have  said,  were 
for  the  most  part,  already  regimented  and  dressed 
according  to  the  livery  of  their  colonels ;  the  orange 
scarf  over  buff  or  steel  distinguished  those  who  had 
no  other  uniform.1  But  the  Cavalier  infantry  had 


wives  of  the  general  and  other  principal  commanders  of  the  army, 
who  for  the  most  part  are  carried  in  coaches,  but  those  coaches 
must  drive  according  to  the  quality  of  their  husbands,  and  as 
appointed  by  the  waggon-master-general.  The  second  class  is  of 
those  who  ride  on  horseback,  and  these  must  ride  in  no  other 
place  than  where  the  baggage  of  the  regiment  to  which  they  be- 
long marches  ;  but  they  are  very  often  extravagant,  i.  e.  gadding 
here  and  there,  and  therefore  are  sometimes  put  in  companies 
with  one  to  command  and  oversee  them,  called  in  Germany 
"  Hureweibles."  I  have  seen  these  ride,  keep  troop,  rank  and 
file  very  well  after  their  captain,  and  a  banner  which  one  of  the 
women  carried.  The  third  class  is  of  those  who  walk  a  foot  ; 
they  must  abide  by  the  baggage  of  the  regiment  to  which  their 
husbands  belong,  and  over  them  the  several  regiment-marshals 
have  inspection.  They  are  very  useful,  they  wash  their  husbands 
linen,  provide  fuel,  &c.  At  the  siege  of  Breda,  by  Spinola,  it  was 
observed  that  the  married  men  were  able  to  do  more  duty  than 
the  single  ones.  In  well-ordered  armies  there  are,  or  ought  to 
be,  none  but  married  women,  if  there  be  any  others  they  should 
be  put  away  by  the  minister  or  priest  with  ignominy  conformable 
to  all  articles  of  war." — Harl.  Coll.  No.  6844.  In  the  campaign 
of  the  Duke  of  Alva  in  the  Low  Countries  there  were  with  the 
army  troops  of  courtezans,  commanded  by  captainesses  and  other 
officeresses,  with  banners  of  their  own  and  strict  discipline.  For- 
merly one  boy  was  allowed  to  each  two  soldiers  to  procure  fuel, 
water,  &c.  They  were  found  in  Henry  V.'s  army. — Grose,  Mil. 
Ant.  vol.  i.  261. 

1  Besides  those  regiments  I  have  before  mentioned  on  Lord 
Nugent's  authority,  the  Parliamentary  army  had  Sir  William 
Constable's  "  blue  coats,"  Lord  Robarts'  "  red  coats,"  Colonel  Mey- 
rick's  "  grey  coats,"  and  Lord  Saye's  "  blue  coats."  In  later  times 
we  find,  on  the  Royalist  side,  the  Marquis  of  Newcastle's  "  white 
coats"  (the  Lambs),  Lord  Northampton's  "green  coats,"  and 
Prince  Rupert's  "black  coats."  Colonel  Legge  was  taken  prisoner 
(often  his  fate  !)  by  mistaking  Hampden's  "  green  coats"  for  those 
of  Lord  Northampton.  The  Cavaliers  now  wore  scarlet  scarves 


1642.]        PRINCE    RUPERT   AND   THE    CAVALIERS.     429 

little  to  attract  the  eye ;  every  man  was  dressed  at 
his  own  cost  and  according  to  his  own  fancy,  as  far 
as  he  could  afford  to  indulge  it.  His  pay  was  consi- 
derable, and  now  regular ;  the  contributions  of  the 
wealthier  Cavaliers,  the  neighbouring  gentry,  and 
the  universities,  enabling  the  King  to  be  punctual 
in  his  payments.  As  almost  all  the  circulating  me- 
dium was  silver,  however,  the  mint  that  was  now 
set  up  could  coin  but  slowly,  only  1000/.  a- week  by 
the  utmost  exertions.  The  troops,  however,  were 
well  contented,  and,  as  yet,  well  conducted ;  provi- 
sions were  plentiful  and  cheap,  and  their  cause  was 
favoured  by  the  country  round.1 


as  a  badge,  as  we  shall  see  at  Chalgrove  fight,  as  they  did  in 
the  Scotch  campaign  of  1639  and  1640.  The  various  uniforms 
that  British  troops  have  worn  are  curious  to  trace,  even  since 
the  era  of  standing  armies,  but  much  more  in  former  times  : 
for  instance,  when  the  Earl  of  Leicester,  accompanied  by  Sir 
Philip  Sidney,  landed  at  Flushing  to  support  the  Protestant  cause  j 
out  of  six  thousand,  four  thousand  Londoners  accompanied  him 
in  red,  the  Queen's  troops  being  generally  grey.  The  troops 
gathered  to  oppose  the  Armada  carried  lances,  spears,  bills,  and 
bows,  but  very  few  muskets.  The  Queen's  infantry  was  "  sadd 
greene,"  the  cavalry  grey  with  scarlet  cloaks.  "  Henry  VIII.  had 
"  blew  coats  guarded  with  redde  clothe  :"  the  right  hose  was  to 
be  red,  the  left  Hue,  with  a  strip  of  red  down  the  side." — Gleig's 
Military  History. 

1  The  pay  of  a  general  commanding  was  enormous  for  those 
times,  10Z.  a-day,  as  I  find  from  Lord  Denbigh's,  and  others, 
papers  :  but  then  these  generals  were  generally  men  of  "high 
rank  and  great  local  influence,  whom  it  was  necessary  to  keep  in 
good  humour.  Lord  Denbigh,  as  general-in-chief  for  the  Parlia- 
ment and  the  associated  counties  of  Staffordshire,  Warwickshire, 
&c.,  received  his  salary  regularly,  equal  to  about  18,000£.  a-year 
now  ;  while  his  subordinates  complain  bitterly  of  want,  and  some 
of  his  cavalry  pawned  their  horses  and  accoutrements  in  order  to 
buy  food.— .#arZ  of  Denbigh's  MS-  Collect;  also  May,  Par.  Hist. 


430          MEMOIRS   AND   CORRESPONDENCE   OF 

Prince  Rupert  was  General  of  the  Royal  horse, 
General  Lord  Ruthven  acted  as  his  Lieutenant- 
General  from  choice,  though  he  was  made  field- 
marshal  before  the  army  left  Shrewsbury.  Sir 
Arthur  Aston,  "  of  whose  soldiery  there  was  a  very 
great  esteem,"1  commanded  the  dragoons,  and  Sir 
John  Heydon  the  small  park  of  artillery.  Lord 
Grandison  commanded  one  regiment  of  horse  which 
he  had  himself  raised ;  Sir  John  Byron  another,  paid 
for  by  Lord  Worcester.  Lord  Digby  had  some  two  or 
three  troops ;  and  there  were  others  attached  to  dif- 
ferent infantry  regiments  from  Wales,  Cheshire,  and 
Lancashire.  These  last  were,  probably,  brigaded 
according  to  circumstances  in  the  field.  One  re- 
markable troop  I  had  nearly  forgotten,  though  it 
fought  well;  it  was  composed  of  the  servants  of 
Lord  Bernard's  aristocratic  troop,  and  was  com- 
manded by  Sir  William  Killigrew.* 

The  infantry  was  formed  into  three  brigades,  un- 
der Sir  Nicholas  Byron,  Colonel  Harry  Wentworth, 
and  Colonel  Fielding;  Sir  Jacob  Astley  being 
Major- General  under  the  Earl  of  Lindsey,  as  Com- 
mander-in-Chief.  Unfortunately,  we  have  no  ac- 


1  Clarendon's  Rebellion,  iii.  266,  who  says  elsewhere,  that  "  He 
was  the  only  Papist  officer,  if  he  was  a  Papist ;"  and  that  "  there 
were  very  few  common  soldiers  of  that  religion,  though  the  Par- 
liament, while  too  wise  to  refuse  any  stout  volunteer  themselves, 
denounced  the  entire  Royal  army  by  their  declarations  and  their 
pulpits,  which  they  kept  '  tuned  to  the  same  key, '  as  Popish." 

2  The  subjoined  order  from  the  King,  proves  that  there  was 
some  armour  still  remaining  in  the  King's  scanty  stores  :  they 


1042.]        PRINCE   RUPERT   AND   THE   CAVALIERS.     431 

count  less  vague  than  this,  which  Lord  Clarendon, 
a  most  unmilitary-minded  man,  has  furnished :  but 
the  army  increases  in  interest  as  it  rolls  along,  and 
acquires  individuality.  By  the  time  the  King  was 
prepared  to  march,  his  forces  were  almost  all  armed, 
more  or  less,  except  three  or  four  hundred  who  still 
marched  without  any  weapons  except  cudgels.  On 
the  12th  of  October  the  Royal  trumpets  "  sounded 
to  the  Standard,"  and  the  King  began  his  march 
towards  London. 


The  Roundheads  had  promised  their  friends  and, 
perhaps,  themselves,  that  they  should  only  require  a 
demonstration  of  physical  force  against  the  King ; 
that  he  would  never  be  able  to  raise  an  army,  or 
prevail  on  a  single  town  to  declare  in  his  favour. 


had  probably  been  reserved  until  the  actual  wants  of  each  regi- 
ment were  ascertained  ;  but  now  no  time  remained  for  further 
arrangement : 

THE    KING   TO    PRINCE    RUPERT. 

"CHARLES,  R. 

"  Whereas  there  are  sundry  quantities  of  horsemen's  arms, 
as  backs  and  pots,  remaining  in  our  magazine  here  at  Shrews- 
bury, which  we  have  appointed  for  the  arming  of  our  regiments 
of  horse,  but  the  same  are  not  sent  for  by  the  colonels  of  the 
same,  which  we  conceive  proceeds  from  their  want  of  knowing 
our  pleasure  therein,  we  do  therefore  hereby  pray  and  require 
you  to  signify  unto  our  said  colonels,  our  will  and  pleasure  to  be, 
that  carts  should  be  impressed,  by  your  warrant,  for  fetching  the 
said  arms,  and  that  such  colonels,  who  first  shall  send,  shall  first 
be  furnished  ;  and  herein  the  more  diligence  is  to  be  used,  be- 
cause of  the  sudden  march  of  our  army. — Given  under  our  sign 
manual,  at  our  Court  at  Shrewsbury,  this  9th  of  October,  1642." 

"  To  our  dear  nephew, — Prince  Rupert,  Captain- 
General  of  all  our  Forces  of  Horse." 


432    MEMOIRS  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF 

In  less  than  three  weeks,  such  predictions  were  sig- 
nally falsified  :  not  only  had  the  King  found  friends, 
but  an  army  had  started  up  from  among  the  people 
at  his  call ;  a  battle  already  had  been  fought  and 
won,  and  now  half  the  kingdom  had  arrayed  itself 
against  the  power,  the  wealth,  the  resources,  and  the 
plausibilities  of  the  Parliament. 

In  the  west,  Sir  Ralph  Hopton  and  Sir  Bevill 
Grenvil  held  Barnstaple,  Pendennis,  and  Dart- 
mouth, for  the  King;  Ashburnham  guarded  Wey- 
mouth  ;  and  Lord  Hertford  still  shewed  a  bold  front 
in  Somersetshire.  The  King  occupied  the  Welsh 
borders  as  far  as  Bridgenorth,  with  all  the  Princi- 
pality at  his  back,  and  a  loyal  region  connecting 
Shrewsbury  with  the  north.  In  Yorkshire,  the  Earl 
of  Newcastle  1  was  in  prevailing  force,  though  the 
Fairfaxes  were  there  energetically  striving  for  the 
Parliament. 

Scotland  was  quiet  for  the  present,  ruminating  on 
future  raids,  and  chewing  the  cud  of  the  Covenant. 

1  About  this  time  the  Prince  received  the  following  letter 
from  the  Earl  of  Newcastle  :  it  betrays  none  of  the  jealous,  if  not 
angry  feeling  attributed  to  his  lordship  towards  the  Prince. 
Lord  Newcastle  was  at  this  time  employed  in  raising  forces; 
amongst  others,  those  "  lambs,"  that  so  heroically  distinguished 
themselves  and  fell  at  Mars  ton  Moor  : 

THE  EAEL  OF  NEWCASTLE  TO  PRINCE  RUPERT. 
"  MAY  IT  PLEASE  YOUR  HlGHNESS, 

"  I  as  heartily  congratulate  your  safety  as  your  victory,*  for 
your  person,  sir,  is  to  be  valued  above  a  kingdom,  since  you  value 


*  At  Powick  Bridge. 


1642.J         PRINCE   RUPERT  AND   THE  CAVALIERS.     433 

Ireland  rested  from  her  slaughters,  and  yearned  with 
her  Roman  Catholic  heart  towards  any  party  that 
opposed  the  intolerant  Roundheads.  The  Conti- 
nental powers  of  Europe  were  well  contented  to 
look  on,  and  contemplate  our  indomitable  Islanders 
cutting  their  own  throats. 


it  so  little  in  respect  of  your  honour  and  love  to  his  Majesty. 
Your  Highness  hath  not  brought  us,  but  made  us  good  fortune, 
and  let  us  all  see  how  weak  the  ordinance  of  two  Houses  of  Par- 
liament is.  God  prosper  your  Highness  so  to  the  end. 

"  Your  Highness'  most  faithful  obliged  servant, 

"W.  NEWCASTLE." 
«  Newcastle,  the  7th  of  October,  1642." 


VOL.  I.  F   F 


435 


APPENDIX. 


A. 

LAUD. 

IT  is  only  just  to  the  memory  of  this  amiable,  able,  and 
unfortunate  prelate,  to  speak  of  his  private  character,  for 
the  sake  of  the  few  who  have  not  made  themselves 
acquainted  with  it,  or  have  only  done  so  through  the  medium 
of  his  enemies.  It  seems  also  necessary  to  substantiate 
the  often  repelled,  but  not  refuted  charge  I  have  brought 
against  him.  Laud's  public  administration  and  large 
share  in  producing  the  troubles  of  the  king  and  kingdom, 
have  been  alluded  to  in  the  text  (pp.  165,  166).  In  page 
131  I  have  stated  that  he  found  the  Church  in  a  healthy 
state,  and  left  it  a  prey  to  dissent,  owing  to  the  persecuting 
rigour  with  which  he  strove  incessantly  to  force  his 
peculiar  views  of  church-discipline  down  the  throats  of 
those  who  could  ill  digest  it.  Lord  Clarendon,  the  Arch- 
bishop's zealous  and  unflinching  friend,  says  that  the  year 
1633  (i.  e.  the  period  of  Laud's  accession  to  the  Primacy) 
"  was  a  period  of  great  ease  and  tranquillity."  .  .  "  The 
general  temper  and  humour  of  the  kingdom  were  little 
inclined  to  the  Papist,  and  less  to  the  Puritan."  .  .  "  The 
Church  was  not  repined  at,  nor  [was  there]  the  least 
inclination  to  alter  the  government  and  discipline  thereof, 
or  to  change  the  doctrine."1  I  conceive  that  no  assertion 
can  be  more  decisive  than  this  is  ;  coming,  as  it  does,  from 
the  most  unexceptionable  authority  on  this  particular 

1  Clarendon's  Rebellion,  i.  162-3. 

F    F    2 


436  APPENDIX. 

point.  When  Laud's  career  was  ended,  the  rampant  con- 
dition of  schism  and  dissent  is  notorious.  Lord  Clarendon 
also  asserts,  in  the  same  page,  that  there  was  a  jealous 
feeling  concerning  Popery,  and  anything  "  of  innovation 
calculated  to  please  the  Papists."  Laud  was  one  among 
the  many  who  had  not  perceived  the  growth  of  the  power 
of  Public  Opinion,  and  probably  if  he  had  recognized 
that  power,  his  nature  would  have  delighted  the  more 
in  braving  it.  The  People  were  especially  jealous  of 
Signior  Con,  the  Pope's  nuncio,  and  of  Price,  the 
Superior  of  the  Benedictine  Convent;  yet  these  two 
"  great  politicians  and  statesmen  were  so  great  with 
the  Bishop  of  Canterbury,  that  they  had  free  access  to 
him  at  all  times."1  The  fact  of  Laud's  being  offered  a 
cardinal's  hat  argues  that  the  Pope  held  the  same  opinion 
of  him  that  the  English  people  did,  and  he  does  not  him- 
self deny  that  he  listened  to  the  temptation ;  he  only  says 
(in  his  own  diary)  "there  was  something  within  him  which 
would  not  let  him  accept  the  cardinal's  hat,  until  Rome 
were  other  than  she  was."  Doubtless  there  was  much  in 
that  great  Church  that  attracted  him,  but  he  seems  only  to 
have  been  guilty  of  want  of  tact,  as  regards  the  People,  not 
of  apostasy,  as  regarded  his  own  Church.  The  discipline  of 
Rome,  the  solemnity,  the  magnificence  of  her  ritual,  the 
eloquence  of  her  liturgy,  fascinated  a  mind  that  yearned 
to  see  his  Church  triumphant  even  in  worldly  show.  But 
her  doctrines  never  reached  his  heart :  there  is  no  more 
vehement  or  powerful  declamation  against  Popery  to  be 
found  in  ecclesiastical  literature  than  he  has  left  us.  He 
was  even  himself  sensitive  of  some  relics  of  Popery  that 
seem  harmless  to  us :  when  he  saw  so  many  wooden  images 
of  Christ  at  Oxford,  he  quaintly  exclaimed  :  "Is  not  this 
the  Carpenter's  Son?"2  When  his  death  was  compassed 
by  as  foul  means  as  ever  Jeffries  employed  to  assassinate 

1  Somers'  Tracts,  p.  468.  2  Ward's  Diary,  1656. 


APPENDIX.  437 

with  safety  and  legal  form, l  Laud  appeared  in  his  true 
light.  About  to  leave  the  world,  his  worldly  error  fell 
from  him,  like  some  travel-stained  garment,  and  he  stood 
upon  the  scaffold  as  pure  and  noble  a  victim  as  the  revo- 
lutionary furies  ever  claimed  for  their  bloody  altar.  His 
dying  speech  has  never  been  surpassed  in  touching  sim- 
plicity, nobleness,  and  eloquence.  Let  those  who  read  it, 
divest  themselves  of  all  prelatic  and  other  prejudices  ;  and 
only  consider  it  as  containing  the  last  words  of  a  Christian 
minister,  uttered  in  the  bitter  hour  of  trial,  the  moment 
before  a  terrible  death :  his  next  thought  was  to  be 
uttered  in  another  world.  This  conviction  pledges  to  the 
truth  of  these  solemn  words :  solemn  in  their  simplicity, 
their  circumstance,  and  their  appeal  to  man,  through  God. 2 
Lord  Clarendon  describes  Archbishop  Laud  as  "a 
scholar  of  the  most  sublime  parts."3  He  had  attained  his 
high  place  "  without  the  least  condescension  to  the  arts 
and  stratagems  of  the  Court,  and  without  any  other  friend- 
ship or  support  than  what  the  splendour  of  a  pious  and 
unpolished  integrity  would  reconcile  to  him.  .  .  .  He 
was  only  too  secure  in  a  good  conscience,  and  a  most 
sincere  worthy  intention,  .  .  .  which  exposed  him  to  such 
a  torrent  of  adversity  and  misery  as  we  shall  have  too 
natural  occasion  to  lament  in  the  following  discourse,  in 
which  it  will  be  more  seasonable  to  enlarge  upon  his 

1  "  Nor  did  I  wrong  Mr.  Pryn  when  I  say,  '  that  for  all  the  haste  to 
put  in  my  answer,  January  22,  he  could  not  make  this  broken  business 
so  soon  ready  against  me.'  For  'tis  well  known  he  kept  a  kind  of  school 
of  instruction  for  such  of  the  witnesses  as  he  durst  trust,  that  they  might 
be  sure  to  speak  home  to  the  purpose  he  would  have  them.  And  this  an 
utter  barrister,  a  man  of  good  credit,  knows ;  who,  in  the  hearing  of  men 
beyond  exception,  said,  « The  archbishop  is  a  stranger  to  me,  but  Mr. 
Pryn's  tampering  about  the  witnesses  is  so  palpable  and  foul,  that  I  can- 
not but  pity  him  and  cry  shame*  for  it.'  " — Laud's  Diary,  p.  216. 

8  Since  the  above  was  printed,  an  article  in  the  Quarterly  Review,  on 
the  Duke  of  Argyle's  lucid  and  enlightened  essay  on  Presbytery,  has 
expressed  some  very  original  and  able  opinions  concerning  this  great 
Churchman  :  especially  in  pp.  98  and  99  (No.  167). 

3  Rebellion,  i.  160. 


438  APPENDIX. 

singular  abilities  and  immense  virtue." 1  "  In  short,"  says 
Archbishop  Williams'  biographer,  "  Laud  was  a  man  fit 
for  primitive  times,  but  Williams  to  comply  with  the 
weakness  of  his  own ;  the  one  being  fit  to  govern  saints, 
the  other  to  deal  with  man,  the  difficulter  task  by  far."2 
On  the  day  that  Laud  was  condemned  to  die,  the  Puritan 
Directory  was  voted  to  replace  the  Liturgy.  The  former 
was  composed  by  an  "  assembly  of  Divines,  neither  chosen 
by  any  rule  or  custom  ecclesiastical,  nor  eminent  for 
either  piety  or  knowledge,  only  elected  as  each  member  of 
Parliament  in  his  fancy  thought  fit."3 

Then  rushed  forth  Sectarianism  triumphant — Ranters, 
Independents,  Anabaptists,  Familists,  Seekers,  Brownists 
— to  the  destruction  of  all  public  and  all  private  peace. 
Ecclesiastical  intolerance  is  evil,  but  social  intolerance  far 
more  intolerable.  Men  of  learning  and  grave  responsi- 
bilities may  be  sometimes  unworthy  ministers,  but  sure  not 
better  were  the  ignorant  men,  women,  and  children,  the 
preachers,  prophets,  and  enthusiasts,  who  now  entered  upon 
the  presumptuous  teaching  of  how  to  make  men  wise  unto 
salvation. 

B. 

TRAINBANDS,    OR    MUNICIPAL    GUARDS. 

THESE  city  trainbands  constituted  then,  as  now,  the 
most  unserviceable  and  yet  dangerous  force  that  could  be 
called  upon.  They  answered  to  the  Municipal  Guards 
that  in  Berlin,  Paris,  and  Rome,  have  lately  shewn  them- 
selves, "  so  weak  to  save,  so  vigorous  to  destroy."  They 
appear  to  be  the  least  national  and  the  most  partizan  of  all 
troops ;  the  most  ready  instruments  for  revolution,  the 
least  faithful  to  the  cause  that  they  espouse.  They  merge 
their  common  sense  and  citizen  character  in  the  pseudo- 
military  spirit  that  only  apes  the  vices  and  violence  of  the 

1  Rebellion,  i.  116.  2  Ambrose  Philips.  3  Milton. 


APPENDIX.  439 

soldier,  without  the  fidelity,  simplicity,  or  heroism  that 
redeems  him.  l  Why  these  peculiarities  of  character 
should  helong  so  much  more  to  city  than  to  rural  militia, 
it  would  not  be  difficult  to  explain  ;  the  latter  alone  still 
exists  as  a  recognized  force  (in  posse)  amongst  us  now. 2 

In  Henry  the  Second's  reign,  it  was  enacted,  with  con- 
sent of  Parliament,  that  every  freeman,  according  to 
the  value  of  his  estate  or  movables,  should  hold  himself 
constantly  furnished  with  suitable  arms  and  equipments,3 
Under  Edward  the  First,  further  enactments  increased  the 
stringency  of  these  martial  obligations  on  the  subject : 
every  man  who  possessed  fifteen  pounds  a-year  in  rent,  or 
forty  marks  in  goods,  was  obliged  to  provide  for  his  own 
use,  or  that  of  his  substitute,  a  hauberk,  a  breastplate,  a 
knife,  a  sword,  and  a  horse  :  his  armour  to  be  inspected 
every  six  months  by  constables  chosen  for  each  Hundred.4 
The  sheriff,  as  chief  conservator  of  the  public  peace,  had 
always  possessed  the  right  of  summoning  the  "  Posse 
Comitatus,"  or  the  assistance  of  all  the  King's  subjects 
within  his  jurisdiction,  in  cases  of  rebellion,  robbery,  or 
obstruction  of  legal  process.5  In  seasons  of  public  danger, 
when  France  or  Scotland  was  to  be  invaded  or  repelled,  it 
became  customary  to  issue  "  Commissions  of  Array," 
empowering  the  Commissioners  "  to  muster  and  train  all 
men  capable  of  bearing  arms  within  each  county  thus 

1  To  this  class  we  have  fortunately  now  no  corresponding  one  in  Eng- 
land, and  to  that  is  probably  owing,  in  a  great  measure,  our  impunity 
from  modern  revolution.      The  special  constable  is  an  admirable  substi- 
tute, and  peculiarly  English  :   about  him  there  is  nothing  assumed  or 
mock-military.     Manly,  spontaneous,  and  strong,  he  constitutes  a  force 
invaluable  in  an  emergency ;  the  moral  influence  of  such  a  body  is  one 
great  source  of  its  strength— it  represents  the  true  genius,  will,  and  power 
of  the  people  as  opposed  to  that  of  the  mob. 

2  Lord  Hervey,  on  occasion  of  the  Porteous  riots  in  Edinburgh,  pro- 
posed to  do  away  with  that  armed  and  disciplined  part  of  the  mob  called 
the  Town-guard  :  "  For  what  purpose,"  said  he,  "  can  the  Court  desire  to 
continue  the  use  of  a  weapon  which  has  always  been  blunt  when  em- 
ployed for  you,  and  pointed  when  directed  against  you  ?" — Memoirs. 

3  Lyttleton's  Henry  II.,  iii.  354. 

4  Stat.  13  Edw.  I.  5  Hallam's  Const.  Hist.  i.  543. 


440  APPENDIX. 

addressed,  and  to  hold  them  in  readiness  to  defend  the 
kingdom.1  These  ancient  provisions,  however  (but  not 
the  spirit  of  them),  were  abrogated  by  James  the  First,  in 
his  first  Parliament :  they  had  been  principally  useful,  or 
used  against  the  Scots,  and  now  that  the  succession  of  the 
Scottish  King  had  consolidated  the  two  realms  into  one, 
there  were  no  more  "  borders,"  as  Louis  the  Fourteenth 
proclaimed  of  the  Pyrenees. 

The  British  monarch  was  determined  to  have  no  more 
war,  whatever  might  be  sacrificed  to  that  object,  and  the 
weapons  of  offence  that  had  been  so  widely  distributed, 
were  now  collected  into  "magazines."2  This  measure,  no 
doubt,  tended  to  civilization  and  humanity  ;  the  people, 
when  thus  disarmed,  were  induced  to  turn  their  thoughts 
to  the  public  laws,  as  a  better  security  than  private  means 
of  vengeance  or  defence.  Thenceforth  the  rural  popula- 
tion, at  least,  fell  into  entire  desuetude  of  war  and  warlike 
discipline  :  on  some  few  occasions,  small  and  local  levies 
were  made,  as  for  the  Palatinate,  and  for  the  expeditions 
to  Cadiz  and  Rochelle  ;  but  these  did  not  affect  the  king- 
dom at  large.  On  the  latter  occasion  I  find,  from  the 
archives  of  Coventry,  that  Coventry — and  I  presume  other 
similar  towns,  were  ordered  to  muster  and  array  their  train- 
bands, "  for  the  defence  of  the  kingdom,  during  the  absence 
of  the  fleet."3  The  citizens  of  London,  indeed,  mustered 
their  trainbands  on  holidays,  and  the  "honourable  artillery 
company  "  even  then  was  in  high  repute.4 


1  Mr.  Hallam  says,  the  earliest  of  these  Commissions  of  Array  to  he 
found  in  Rymer  is  in  1324,  the  latest  in  1557. 

8  At  Hull,  for  instance,  Newcastle,  Leicester,  and  other  chief  towns  of 
counties,  of  which  we  have  many  things  to  relate  hereafter. 

3  This  order  may  he  seen  in  the  Coventry  archives,  which  contain  a 
good  deal  of  interesting  matter  relating  to  earlier  periods  :  there  are  few 
documents  relating  to  the  Civil  Wars  in  the  public  records  of  this  or,  I 
helieve,  of  any  other  town.     An  index  or  digest  of  the  archives  of  our 
chief  towns  would  be  a  very  valuable  acquisition  to  our  historical  libraries, 
and  not  very  difficult  of  compilation. 

4  "  Artillery"  was,  at  this  time,  applied  to  the  long  bow. — Grose,  i.  150. 


APPENDIX.  441 


C. 

I  THINK  it  may  be  interesting  to  some  of  my  readers  to 
peruse  the  manuscripts  relating  to  Prince  Rupert's  life, 
as  it  was  intended  to  have  been  printed.  It  is  evidently 
made  up  from  many  loose  notes  and  a  diary,  which  I  have 
used  as  well  as  this  in  the  text.  In  these  notes  are  several 
trifling  circumstances  omitted  in  this  detailed  relation ;  but 
they  are  so  scattered  and  fragmentary  it  would  be  almost 
impossible  to  print  them :  I  imagine  the  history,  in  this 
form,  was  written  by  Rupert's  secretary,  Colonel  Benett, 
during  the  Prince's  lifetime. 

"  THE  LIFE  OF  PRINCE  RUPERT.1 

"  Prince  Rupert  was  the  third  son  of  Frederick,  King 
of  Bohemia,  and  Count  Palatine  of  the  Rhine,  and  of 
Elizabeth,  the  only  daughter  of  James  I.,  monarch  of 
Great  Britain,  descended,  on  the  father's  side,  from  sove- 
reign princes,  by  a  fair  and  known  succession  of  above 
twelve  hundred  years  ;  and  on  the  mother's,  from  the  most 
ancient  crown  of  Christendom  :  for  the  truth  whereof  we 
shall  here  refer  the  reader  to  the  genealogy  itself.2 

1  This  must  have  been  written  about  the  year  1678.  The  internal  evi- 
dences prove  the  date  of  its  composition  to  have  been  previous  to  the 
Elector  Palatine's  death,  and  subsequent  to  that  of  Monk   in  1670. 
In  the  notes  for  his  own  instruction,  the  anonymous  writer  refers  to  an 
edition  of  Baker's  Chronicle,  1674,  now  in  my  possession.     In  order  not 
to  detract  from  any  interest  that  may  be  found  in  my  relation,  I  have 
only  printed  the  Prince's  early  biography  in  this  volume  :  the  italics  are 
mine,  and  the  modern  spelling. 

2  "  THE    GENEALOGY    OF    PRINCE    RUPERT,   THIRD    SON    TO    THE 

KING    OF    BOHEMIA. 

"  Taken  out  of  Authentic  Authors  and  Records. 

((  This  Prince  began  to  be  illustrious  many  ages  before  his  birth,  and 
we  must  look  back  into  history  above  two  thousand  years,  to  discover 
the  first  rays  of  his  glory.  We  may  consider  him  very  great,  being  de- 
scended from  the  two  most  illustrious  and  ancient  Houses  of  Europe, 
that  of  England  and  the  Palatines  of  the  Rhine. 

"  It  is  true  we  find  no  certain  succession  of  the  Palatines  of  the 
Rhine  but  for  twelve  hundred  years.  The  first  of  their  ancestors  that 


442  APPENDIX. 

"Being  to  take  our  rise  to  this  history  from 'a  capital 
disaster  in  Bohemia,  it  will  be  proper  to  say  something  of 

is  recorded  in  history  is  Adellaheren,  whom  the  Bavarians  chose  King 
of  the  Huns,  immediately  after  the  death  of  the  famous  Attila,  about  the 
middle  of  the  fifth  century.  The  most  famous  account  we  read  of  him 
was  the  battle  he  fought  near  Cologne,  where  he  was  killed  by  Clovis, 
King  of  France,  after  having  long  disputed  the  victory  with  a  courage 
that  put  astonishment  and  fear  in  the  very  conqueror  himself. 

"  So  great  a  man,  and  chosen  by  the  Germans  for  their  King,  and 
after  Attila,  shews  he  was  not  the  first  renowned  Prince  of  his  race  ; 
and  this  reason  alone  is  sufficient  to  persuade  us  that  he  was  as  consider- 
able in  his  blood  as  in  his  valour.  Yet,  in  all  appearance,  he  has  been 
more  famous  in  his  successors  than  in  his  ancestors,  and  the  Princes 
which  have  descended  from  him  are  more  glorious  than  those  from  whom 
he  himself  descended. 

"  This  we  see  in  Charlemagne,  the  greatest  Emperor  since  Constan- 
tine,  who  came  in  a  direct  line  from  Adellaheren,  more  than  three  hun- 
dred years  after  him  ;  during  which  time  his  ancestors  were  called 
Dukes  of  Bavaria,  and  they  rendered  their  name  great  in  the  world  by 
those  eminent  virtues  which  supported  it. 

"  Charlemagne,  who  succeeded  them,  shined  with  so  much  honour, 
that  he  obscured  theirs,  and  the  world  was  so  filled  with  acclamations 
of  his  glory,  that  they  almost  forgot  to  make  mention  of  his  predeces- 
sors. He  had  many  children :  the  most  considerable  in  story  were  Pe- 
pin, Louis,  and  Charles.  Pepin,  who  was  called  Carloman,  reigned  in 
Italy,  and  would  have  been  Emperor  had  he  lived  four  years  longer,  but 
he  died  in  the  ninth  century,  and  his  father  in  the  fourteenth  :  so  the 
empire  came  to  the  second  son,  who,  from  the  excellence  of  his  piety, 
had  the  name  given  him  of  "  Louis  the  Good."  He  wore  the  Imperial 
Crown  six-and-twenty  years,  and  his  children  after  him  till  the  eleventh 
year  of  the  succeeding  century.  Charles  died  the  same  year  his  brother 
Pepin  did,  and  history  reports  him  to  have  been  a  King. 

u  It  had  been  doubtless  a  great  honour  to  have  descended  from  any 
son  of  Charlemagne,  although  the  youngest.  But  the  Palatines  of  the 
Rhine  and  Dukes  of  Bavaria,  which  were  not  then  distinguished,  have 
this  advantage,  that  they  descended  from  the  eldest,  coming  directly 
from  a  King  of  Italy,  called  Wernard,  or  Bernard,  who  died  in  the  year 
eight  hundred  and  eighteen,  and  was  the  son  of  Pepin,  the  eldest  son  of 
Charlemagne. 

"  Bernard  had  a  son,  named  Pepin,  as  his  grandfather,  who  was  Count 
of  Longenfeilet  and  Duke  of  Nordgaw  ;  and  it  is  by  him  that  the  blood 
of  Charlemagne  comes  to  this  Prince  whose  story  we  are  writing.  The 
year  this  Pepin  died  is  not  known,  nor  the  account  that  made  him  me- 
morable, but  his  posterity  is  known  to  have  gained  much  honour  in  the 
world.  It  had  for  nearly  three  centuries  the  principal  charges  of  the 
empire,  and  became  so  powerful  about  the  end  of  the  thirteenth  century, 
by  the  union  of  all  Bavaria  and  the  Palatinate,  that  the  Emperors  grew 
jealous  of  their  greatness. 

"  This  was  the  state  of  this  illustrious  family  under  Otho,  the  first 
Count  Palatine  and  Duke  of  the  Two  Bavarias.  He  had  two  sons,  Louis 


APPENDIX.  443 

the  occasion  of  those  troubles,  by  way  of  introduction  to 
this  following  discourse. 

and  Henry  :  the  Lower  Bavaria  was  allotted  to  the  youngest ;  the  Upper 
and  the  Palatinate  to  the  eldest.  Henry  had  no  long  posterity  ;  it 
ended  fifty  years  after  him.  Then  the  Lower  Bavaria  was  joined  again 
to  the  Upper.  Louis,  the  elder,  was  much  happier  in  the  succession  of 
his  race,  it  continuing  until  this  day  in  the  two  Houses  of  the  Palatine 
and  Bavaria,  which  descended  both  directly  from  this  Prince. 

"  He  had  three  sons,  Rodolph,  Frederic,  and  Louis  ;  but  the  second 
having  been  killed  in  a  tournament,  very  young,  left  his  father's  terri- 
tories to  be  divided  between  the  other  two.  Rodolph,  the  eldest,  would 
give  only  a  maintenance  to  the  youngest,  and  retained  to  himself  the 
Palatinate  and  the  Upper  Bavaria.  But  Louis,  who  had  an  ambitious 
mind,  not  being  contented  with  the  allotment  of  his  eldest  brother,  pro- 
vided better  for  himself  when  his  election  to  the  empire  had  given  him 
power  equal  to  his  ambition.  Then  he  made  war  upon  his  brother,  and 
forced  him,  for  sanctuary,  to  fly  into  England,  where  he  died  about  the 
twentieth  year  of  the  fourteenth  century.  Louis  was  called  "  The 
Bavarian,"  and  it  is  from  him  that  all  the  Dukes  of  Bavaria,  by  a  conti- 
nual succession  of  eminent  Princes,  have  to  this  day  continued.  The 
Palatines  of  the  Rhine  come  from  Rodolph,  being  the  eldest.  He  married 
Melchtilde,  the  daughter  of  an  Emperor  of  the  same  name  with  himself, 
and  had  by  her  three  sons.  The  youngest  died  without  children.  The 
second  had  but  one  daughter,  who  married  the  Emperor  Charles  the 
Fourth.  The  eldest,  who  was  called  Adolph,  had  a  son  called  Rupert, 
and  this  Rupert  had  another  of  the  same  name,  but  much  more  renown- 
ed. His  virtue  was  equal  to  his  birth,  and  he  acquired  so  great  esteem 
and  authority,  that,  notwithstanding  all  those  illustrious  competitors 
which  then  were,  he  was  chosen  and  crowned  Emperor,  with  the  uni- 
versal applause  of  Europe.  He  reigned  from  the  first  to  the  tenth  or 
eleventh  year  of  the  fifteenth  century.  His  merit  and  his  children  ren- 
dered his  memory  as  glorious  as  his  life,  and  Germany  would  long  have 
lamented  his  death,  had  he  not  left  six  Princes  to  survive  him.  But  the 
race  was  preserved  only  in  the  youngest.  The  eldest  was  Prince  Elector, 
whose  posterity  ceased  about  one  hundred  years  since.  The  second  was 
taken  by  the  Turks.  The  third  married  Erigh,  daughter  to  the  King  of 
Denmark,  by  whom  he  had  a  son,  called  Christian,  who  was  King  of 
Denmark  and  Sweden,  and  died  without  children  in  the  tenth  year  of  his 
reign.  The  fourth  died  very  young.  The  fifth  lived  to  see  his  race 
perish,  and  his  children  retiring  themselves  in  a  cloister.  The  sixth  and 
last  son  and  Emperor,  Rupert,  had  the  advantage  over  all  his  brothers,  to 
support  alone,  by  his  posterity,  for  these  last  hundred  years,  the  name 
and  glory  of  all  the  family.  He  was  called  '  Prince  of  Cimmon,'  and  so 
were  all  his  successors,  till  the  middle  of  the  last  century ;  then,  the 
eldest  House  being  ended,  he  inherited  the  title  and  sovereignty  of  the 
Palatinate.  Frederic,  the  third  of  that  name,  was  the  first  inheritor  of  it. 
His  son,  Louis  the  Sixth,  succeeded  him  ;  and  afterwards  his  grandchild, 
Frederic  the  Fourth,  who  was  the  father  of  Frederic  the  Fifth,  the 
deceased  Prince  Elector,  of  famous  memory,  vicar  of  the  empire,  King  of 
Bohemia,  and  father  of  our  Hero." — MS.  Lansdown,  1194,  fol.  24. 


444  APPENDIX. 

"  The  Emperor,  Rodulph  II. ,  finding  himself  in  a  great 
strait  betwixt  the  importunities  of  the  Protestants  for 
the  free  exercise  of  their  religion,  on  the  one  hand  ;  and 
the  violent  practices  and  attempts  of  his  brother,  the  Arch- 
Duke  Mathias,  on  the  other ;  was  reduced,  in  the  end,  to 
compound  with  both  ;  granting  unto  Mathias  the  kingdom 
of  Hungary,  the  Arch-Duchy  of  Austria,  the  Marquisate 
of  Moravia ;  and  also  the  right  of  succession  to  the  king- 
dom of  Bohemia  (in  case  of  the  Emperor's  decease  without 
issue  male)  ;  and  this  clause  inserted  into  his  title,  de- 
signed King  of  Bohemia.  To  the  Protestants,  in  assem- 
bly, at  Prague,  May,  1608,  he  granted  a  toleration  of  re- 
ligion, and  allowance  of  churches  to  preach  in,  with  other 
privileges,  and  justifying  all  their  past  proceedings  ;  de- 
claring, moreover,  that  whoever  should  presume  to  give 
them  any  sort  of  molestation  in  the  enjoyment  of  these 
liberties,  should  be  deemed  and  proceeded  against  as  pub- 
lic enemies.  In  the  year  1611,  the  Emperor  propounded 
to  the  States  of  Bohemia  the  crowning  of  his  brother  Ma- 
thias, King  of  Bohemia,  and  that  he  might  forthwith  take 
possession  of  the  government ;  the  States,  in  the  mean- 
time, providing  him  with  a  competent  revenue,  for  the 
support  of  his  kingly-dignity,  whereupon  the  assembly 
presented  the  Arch-Duke  with  several  articles  (previous  to 
his  coronation)  for  him  to  swear  unto,  as  the  conditions  of 
his  admittance.  And  this  being  done  ;  they  proceeded  to 
the  crowning  of  him ;  but  only  as  a  titular  sovereign,  he 
having  divested  himself  of  most  of  his  regalia  by  that 
capitulation.  This  was  in  the  month  of  April :  and  upon 
the  10th  of  January  following,  Rodulph  departed  this  life  ; 
his  brother  Mathias  succeeding  him,  who  was  crowned  at 
Frankfort,  on  the  14th  of  June,  1612.  In  the  year  1617, 
the  Emperor  Mathias,  called  an  assembly  at  Prague ; 
where  he  gave  the  States  to  understand  that,  having  no 
issue  of  his  own,  he  had  thought  fit  to  adopt  the  Arch- 
Duke  Ferdinand  (his  cousin-german),  out  of  a  respect  to 


APPENDIX.  445 

his  abilities  and  virtues.  And  therefore  desired  that  they 
would  choose  him  for  their  future  King  ;  especially  since 
the  whole  House  of  Austria  were  consenting  to  that  elec- 
tion. The  States,  after  a  formal  debate,  returned  their 
thanks  to  the  Emperor  ;  with  an  account  that  they  had 
chosen  him  for  their  King  ;  and  that  he  should  be  pro- 
claimed, upon  certain  conditions,  exhibited  together  with 
their  answer :  which  being  accorded  on  the  9th  of  June, 
he  was  crowned  upon  the  29th.  In  the  year  following, 
the  Protestant  States  met  at  Prague,  to  deliberate  upon 
their  grievances ;  where,  being  opposed,  they  threw  some 
of  the  Emperor's  council  out  of  a  window  ;  and  then  pub- 
lished a  remonstrance  in  justification  of  the  proceeding, 
laying  the  blame  upon  the  Archbishop  of  Prague,  and 
other  usurpers  upon  the  liberties  which  both  Randulphus 
and  the  present  Emperor  himself  had  confirmed  unto 
them.  The  Bohemians  immediately  upon  this  sent  to  all 
their  confederates  for  aid,  and  betook  themselves  to  their 
arms  :  and  the  Emperor,  on  the  other  side,  left  no  means 
unattempted,  either  by  treaty  or  force,  to  bring  them  to 
terms  of  peace  and  obedience.  The  war  being  already 
begun,  was  followed  by  the  death  of  the  Emperor,  March 
10,  1619  ;  and  upon  the  10th  of  July  following  the  elec- 
tors met  at  Frankfort,  upon  a  new  choice :  the  directors 
of  Bohemia  sending  three  ambassadors  also  to  assist  at  the 
election ;  but  they  were  not  admitted  into  the  town, 
whereupon  they  sent  in  their  exceptions  to  the  choice  of 
King  Ferdinand,  and  insisted  upon  their  own  proprietary 
right  to  an  interest  in  the  election.  But  this  opposition 
notwithstanding,  Ferdinand  was  chosen  King  of  the  Ro- 
mans, August  18th ;  and  upon  the  30th  he  was  crowned. 
"  The  States  of  Bohemia  absolutely  disclaiming  him ; 
and  binding  themselves  by  an  oath  never  to  acknowledge 
him  for  their  King.  So  that  they  proceeded  thereupon  to 
a  new  election,  and  pitched  upon  Frederick  V.,  Elector 
Palatine  of  the  Rhine. 


446  APPENDIX. 

"  This  election  being  in  due  form  concluded  and  pro- 
claimed by  the  unanimous  vote  and  consent  of  the  States 
of  Bohemia,  together  with  the  deputies  of  the  incorporated 
provinces  then  assembled  at  Prague :  the  said  States  did 
forthwith,  by  their  ambassadors,  advertise  his  electoral 
highness  at  Heidelberg  of  their  proceeding  :  who  received 
them  with  singular  respect,  and  yet  putting  them  off  with 
delays  till  he  might  consult  his  friends,  and  second 
thoughts  upon  the  matter.  In  the  first  place  he  advised 
with  the  Princes  and  Protestant  States  in  the  union  ;  who 
were  all  of  them  for  his  acceptance  of  this  charge,  as  a 
thing  that  might  very  much  conduce  to  the  common  good 
of  the  empire.  And  after  this,  he  despatched  away  Baron 
Dane,  upon  an  embassy  to  his  father-in-law,  King  James  ; 
desiring  to  have  his  Majesty's  opinion  along  with  him 
upon  the  whole  affair.  But  the  condition  of  Bohemia 
being  then  upon  a  pinch,  and  the  Prince  of  Anhalt  (his  par- 
ticular confidant)  pressing  Prince  Frederick  to  a  speedy 
and  positive  resolution,  his  Electoral  Highness  was  pre- 
vailed upon,  without  staying  for  King  James's  answer,  to 
undertake  the  Government  out  of  hand  ;  although  with  a 
dangerous,  and,  as  it  proved,  a  fatal  war,  annexed  to  the 
dignity. 

"  This  resolution  being  taken,  the  Elector  Palatine  fell 
presently  to  the  settling  of  all  things  in  the  Palatinate, — 
committing  the  civil  administration  to  the  Duke  of  Deux- 
Ponts,  his  kinsman,  and  matters  of  war  to  the  Count  of 
Nassau  ;  and  so  put  himself,  with  his  family  and  retinue, 
upon  his  journey.  The  ambassadors  of  Bohemia,  and  the 
confederate  provinces,  met  him  upon  the  way  at  Wal- 
sacken,  where  they  presented  him  with  the  grounds  they 
had  proceeded  upon,  and  the  conditions  whereupon  his 
Highness  was  desired  to  accept  of  the  Government.  These 
points  being  fully  agreed  on  both  parts,  the  new  elect 
King  of  Bohemia  passed  forward  to  Prague,  where  he 
arrived  on  the  last  of  October,  in  which  city  he  was 


APPENDIX.  447 

crowned  upon  the  4th  of  November,  and  his  princess  the 
Lady  Elizabeth  upon  the  7th,  with  Royal  pomp  and 
solemnity,  and  with  the  infinite  joy  and  acclamation  of  the 
people. 

"  Now,  to  pass  over  the  business  of  the  war,  and  come 
directly  to  our  subject ;  his  Highness,  Prince  Rupert  (not 
Robert,  according  to  the  vulgar  mistake),  was  born  at 
Prague,  the  capital  city  of  Bohemia,  on  the  27th  of  De- 
cember, 1619.  The  solemnity  of  his  baptism  was  very 
extraordinary,  there  being  present  the  King  himself,  his 
brother,  two  princes  of  the  House  of  Saxony,  the  Duke  of 
Ainault,  Elector  of  Hohenloe,  with  many  other  persons 
of  eminent  condition, — the  Duchy  of  Silecia,  Bethlem 
Gabor,  Prince  of  Transylvania,  the  Marquisates  of  Mora- 
via and  Lusatia,  with  the  several  provinces  of  the  King- 
dom of  Bohemia,  represented  by  their  deputies,  being  his 
sponsors.  It  was  not  many  weeks  after  this  that  he  himself 
was  within  a  very  little  of  being  chosen  successor  to  his 
father, — his  eldest  brother,  Prince  Frederique,  carrying  it 
from  him  upon  the  proposition  of  the  States  (as  it  appears 
without  contradiction)  only  by  two  or  three  voices. 

"  In  October  following,  after  several  encounters,  with 
great  loss  of  men  on  both  sides,  was  fought  upon  the 
Weyssenberg  (a  hill  near  Prague)  that  unhappy  battle  (to 
this  illustrious  family)  between  the  Imperialists  and  the 
Bohemians,  where  the  former  had  the  victory,  and  followed 
the  advantage  so  close,  that  soon  after  they  made  them- 
selves masters  of  the  City  of  Prague.  The  Bohemians  had 
posted  themselves  upon  a  place  of  great  advantage  ;  beside 
that  the  Imperialists  had  a  bog  and  a  bridge  to  pass,  with 
seven  hundred  musketeers,  and  three  pieces  of  ordnance 
to  guard  it ;  but  Count  Hohenloe  (the  Bohemians'  Lieu- 
tenant-Greneral),  calling  off  those  musketeers,  quitted  that 
pass  to  the  enemy, — the  Imperialists  presently  bringing 
over  their  troops,  and  turning  the  guns  upon  the  Bohe- 
mians themselves.  What  with  this  treachery  (for  so  it  was 


448  APPENDIX. 

reputed),  and  the  cowardice  (or  worse)  of  the  Hungarians, 
that  should  have  seconded  the  young  Prince  of  Anhalt, 
and  ran  away  without  striking  a  stroke,  the  right  wing  of 
the  army  was  totally  lost.  But  the  left  behaved  itself  very 
bravely,  till  it  was  so  overborne  with  numbers  that  every- 
body shifted  for  hinself  as  well  as  he  could.  In  this  hurry 
and  consternation,  the  Baron  of  Dona,  one  of  his  Majesty's 
Councillors,  placed  the  infant  Prince  in  an  empty  coach, 
and  there  left  him,  while  he  provided  some  other  way  for 
his  own  safety. 

"  The  jolting  of  the  coach  tossed  the  child  into  the  boot, 
where  he  had  certainly  perished  if  some  of  the  train  had 
not  found  him  there  and  preserved  him,  by  a  special  Pro- 
vidence not  to  be  omitted  in  this  relation.  Their  Majes- 
ties found  great  difficulty  in  this  surprise  to  save  them- 
selves and  their  Royal  branches  ;  but  having  made  their 
escape,  they  repaired  to  the  Court  of  the  Elector  of 
Brandenburg,  their  cousin-german,  at  Custrein,  in  that 
Marquisate,  where  they  were  entertained  about  a  twelve- 
month with  great  humanity  and  honour,  until  the  birth  of 
Prince  Maurice,  the  next  brother,  of  whom  we  shall  have 
occasion  to  speak  more  hereafter. 

"  Soon  after  the  birth  of  this  Prince,  the  King  and 
Queen,  with  Prince  Frederick  and  Prince  Rupert,  re- 
moved into  Holland,  to  the  Hague, — leaving  the  second 
son,  Prince  Charles  Lodowick,  the  present  Elector  Palatine, 
together  with  the  Princess  Elizabeth,  his  eldest  sister,  and 
the  new-born  Prince  Maurice,  at  Berlin ;  under  the  care  of 
his  generous  Electoral  Highness,  the  father  of  the  present 
Dean  of  Brandenburgh. 

"  The  two  Princes,  Frederick  and  Rupert,  continued 
at  the  Hague  till  the  birth  of  the  Princess  Louisa  and 
Prince  Lodowick  ;  and  they  were  then  committed  to  the 
University  of  Leyden,  there  to  receive  their  first  instruc- 
tion. 

"  The  first  tutor  that  our  Prince  had  at  Ley  den  was  Dr. 


APPENDIX.  449 

Alting,  an  eminent  and  a  learned  man,  who  being  shortly 
after  admitted  a  professor  at  Groyning,  one  Hauseman 
succeeded  to  his  charge.  His  Highness  also  applying  him- 
self to  riding,  fencing,  vaulting,  the  exercise  of  the  pike 
and  musket,  and  the  study  of  geometry  and  fortification  ; 
wherein  he  had  the  assistance  of  the  best  masters ;  beside 
the  inclination  of  a  military  genius,  which  shewed  itself  so 
early,  that  at  eight  years  of  age  he  handled  his  arms  with 
the  readiness  and  address  of  an  experienced  soldier. 

"  Having  past  his  time  at  Leyden  till  the  age  of  thir- 
teen ;  partly  upon  his  own  desire,  and  in  part  upon  the 
instance  of  Henry  Frederic,  Prince  of  Orange,  who 
loved  him  very  dearly,  his  Highness  was  permitted  by  the 
Queen  to  follow  that  brave  old  General  to  the  siege  of 
Reynberg.  By  the  Queen,  I  say,  for  the  King  was  now 
dead  of  a  pestilent  fever  at  Mentz  ;  having  very  narrowly 
escaped  drowning  before,  upon  Haerlam-Meere,  in  his 
passage  to  Amsterdam,  where  Prince  Frederic  was  unfor- 
tunately lost  by  the  overturning  of  his  boat,  upon  two 
vessels  running  one  athwart  the  other. 

"  His  Highness  had  not  been  many  weeks  with  the 
Prince  of  Orange,  before  the  Queen  recalled  him,  upon 
a  suggestion  that  the  army  would  corrupt  and  debauch 
him ;  and  so  he  returned  to  the  Hague  with  extreme 
regret,  both  to  the  Prince  of  Orange  and  to  himself. 
But  upon  second  thoughts,  and  the  Prince  of  Orange's 
repeated  intercession,  her  Majesty  was  prevailed  upon,  and 
his  Highness  was  sent  back  again  to  the  army  to  the  great 
satisfaction  both  of  the  General  and  of  himself. 

"  After  that  campaign  was  over,  he  returned  to  the 
Hague  ;  and  for  some  time  during  that  recess  was  sent  to 
Leyden  again  :  but  his  thoughts  were  so  wholly  taken  up 
with  the  love  of  arms,  that  he  had  no  great  passion  for 
any  other  study. 

"  The  next  campaign  he  repaired  again  to  the  Prince  of 
Orange,  and  rode  a  volunteer  in  his  Highness's  Guards, 

VOL.  I.  G  G 


450  APPENDIX. 

which  were  then  commanded  by  Mr.  Beringham,  a  very 
brave  officer,  and  afterwards  Monsieur  le  Premier,  or  chief 
equerry  to  the  present  French  King.  Our  Prince  being 
now  resolved  to  pass  through  the  strictest  methods  of  a 
military  order  and  discipline,  delivered  up  himself  to  the 
common  duties  and  circumstances  of  a  private  soldier,  in 
all  sorts  of  fatigues  and  hazards  as  at  the  siege  of  Tirele- 
mont,  Lovain,  and  the  first  year's  siege  of  Skenken-Siams. 
After  which,  the  present  Prince  Elector  Palatine  cross- 
ing over  into  England,  to  try  what  assistance  he  could  ob- 
tain from  his  Royal  uncle  Charles  I.,  toward  the  recovery 
of  his  lost  countries,  Prince  Rupert  soon  after  followed 
him,  where  they  continued  about  a-year.  In  which  time 
having  prevailed  for  some  small  aid  of  money,  the  Prince 
Elector  departed,  and  his  brother  with  him,  though  ex- 
ceedingly importuned  to  the  contrary.  There  went  over 
at  the  same  time  the  Earl  of  Northampton,  the  Lord 
Grandison,  with  several  others  of  the  English  nobility  and 
men  of  quality,  who  accompanied  these  Princes  to  the 
siege  of  Breda ;  the  Prince  of  Orange  being  then  set 
down  before  it.  General  Morgan  had  the  opening  of  the 
trenches  ;  and  Sir  Jacob  Astley  commanded  under  him. 
Prince  Rupert  and  Prince  Maurice  put  themselves  upon 
the  perdu  ;  and  crept  up  so  close  to  the  enemy's  works, 
that  they  could  hear  the  soldiers  discourse  on  the  other 
side,  and  made  a  discovery  of  their  design  to  issue  out, 
waiting  till  they  were  just  upon  the  point  of  a  sally. 
Whereupon  the  Princes  instantly  retired,  and  gave  the  be- 
siegers so  seasonable  notice  of  it,  that  they  were  presently 
ready  for  them,  and  beat  them  in  again  with  loss. 

"  The  next  action  our  Prince  was  engaged  upon  was  an 
attack  upon  a  hornwork,  where  the  late  and  famous 
Duke  of  Albemarle,  being  Captain-Lieutenant  to  the 
Lord  Goring,  commanded  a  stand  of  pikes.  This  attempt 
was  looked  upon  to  be  so  dangerous  that  the  Prince  of 
Orange  would  not,  upon  any  terms,  give  way,  that  our 


APPENDIX.  451 

Prince  should  be  exposed  upon  it.  But  he  slipped  himself, 
nevertheless,  as  a  volunteer  into  the  party,  and  came  off 
untouched,  leaving  a  great  many  of  his  companions  behind 
him. 

"  There  were  two  mines  to  be  sprung :  the  French  had 
the  right  corner  of  the  hornwork  and  the  English  the 
left.  The  French  mine  played  a  little  before  the  English, 
and  without  effect ;  but  the  English  made  a  very  great 
breach,  insomuch  that  the  enemy  bent  all  their  force  that 
way  ;  looking  upon  the  other  only  as  a  false  mine.  Sir 
Jacob  Astley  took  four-and-twenty  musketeers,  and  run- 
ning all  along  up  the  curtain,  first  upon  their  flank,  and 
so  broke  their  stand  of  pikes.  There  was  a  cutting  off 
within  which  the  Prince  of  Orange  was  not  willing  to 
have  assaulted,  but  rather  to  lodge  his  men  upon  the 
hornwork  ;  but  yet  the  English  beat  them  out  of  the  cut- 
ting off  also,  where  they  posted  themselves  and  maintained 
it.  There  was  one  Mr.  Apsly  was  shot  in  the  melee,  Mr. 
Crofts  killed,  the  Lords  Willmot  and  Goring  being  hurt 
before.  There  was  one  passage  pleasant  enough  of  a  Bur- 
gundian  officer,  that  lay  stripped  among  the  dead  upon  the 
hornwork,  and  starting  up  a  good  while  after,  seeing  our 
Prince  with  some  other  officers  sitting  by  upon  a  hillock, 
"  Messieurs "  (says  he)  "  est-il  point  de  quartier  ici  ?" 
whereupon  they  gave  him  the  name  of  Jack  Falstaff, 
which  he  carried  to  his  dying  day. 

"  The  siege  being  now  over,  and  the  town  reduced, 
Prince  Maurice  and  Prince  Edward  went  into  an  academy 
in  France,  Prince  Rupert  accompanying  his  brother  the 
Prince  Elector  to  the  Hague,  who  then  fell  to  work  upon 
his  intended  levies  ;  and  by  the  next  spring  found  himself 
in  condition  to  march  with  a  considerable  body.  The  ren- 
dezvous was  appointed  at  Mepping,  in  Stift-Munster, 
upon  the  river  Weyser,  where  they  propounded  to  fix 
awhile,  and  raise  more  troops  ;  having  the  Swedes  and  the 
neighbourhood  thereabouts  to  friend.  This  place  did 

G  G  2 


452  APPENDIX. 

formerly  belong  to  the  King  of  Sweden,  who  bestowed  it 
upon  Colonel  Knipheusen  (a  Swedish  officer),  as  a  reward 
for  the  eminent  services  he  had  done  that  crown.  His 
Electoral  Highness,  a  little  before  his  return  out  of  Eng- 
land, bought  this  place  of  Knipheusen,  in  prospect  of  the 
advantageous  condition  and  situation  of  it  for  his  purpose. 
When  the  Prince  had  well-nigh  finished  his  levies,  the  Im- 
perialists made  themselves  masters  of  the  place  by  sur- 
prise, through  the  neglect  of  Horneck,  the  governor,  who 
had  notice  of  the  design  time  enough  to  have  prevented  it. 
The  Prince  Elector,  notwithstanding  this  disappointment, 
by  the  favour  of  the  good  Prince  of  Orange,  went  on 
still  with  his  levies  ;  and  by  connivance  of  the  States 
quartered  his  men  about  Wesel,  having  already  paid  them 
their  money  in  hand.  The  greater  part  of  his  troops  were 
raised  about  Hamburgh,  Westphalia,  and  the  confines  of 
Germany  ;  consisting  of  three  regiments  of  horse,  under 
the  command  of  Prince  Rupert,  Field-marshal  Ference  and 
Loe ;  our  Prince  being  at  that  time  but  seventeen  years  of 
age.  The  Lord  Craven  also  commanded  a  regiment  of 
Guards,  and  two  troops  of  horse,  and  there  was  a  troop  of 
Guards  whereof  Captain  Armstrong  was  Captain-Lieute- 
nant, with  a  small  train  of  artillery. 

"  General  King  (a  gentleman  of  the  Scottish  nation), 
commanding  at  that  time  in  Stift-Munster,  under  Ban- 
yard  [Bonier],  the  Swedish  General,  gave  the  Prince 
Elector  to  understand,  that  he  had  orders  from  the  Crown 
of  Sweden  to  assist  his  Electoral  Highness  ;  and  that  he 
would  march  with  him  into  Germany.  He  attended  the 
Prince  accordingly,  through  the  county  of  Bentheim, 
where  they  joined  their  forces  :  and  having  a  curiosity  in 
their  passage,  to  take  a  view  of  the  town  of  Rhennins  (a 
garrison  belonging  to  the  Emperor),  Prince  Rupert,  the 
Lord  Craven,  and  Sir  Richard  Crane  (who  was  afterwards 
in  the  Civil  Wars  of  England,  Captain  of  his  Highness's 
Guards)  accompanied  him.  They  marched  seven  or  eight 


APPENDIX.  453 

hundred  horse  ;  and  finding  three  troops  of  the  garrison 
ready  drawn  up  before  the  town,  his  Electoral  Highness 
sent  out  three  other  troops  to  beat  them  in ;  our  Prince 
going  on  upon  the  forlorn  :  and  here  he  made  his  first 
charge,  which  was  so  exemplary  to  all  about  him,  that 
notwithstanding  their  odds  of  number  they  beat  them  into 
their  garrison,  and  followed  them  so  close  that  they 
wanted  very  little  of  entering  the  town  with  the  enemy. 
We  must  not  pass  over  one  remarkable  providence  more 
upon  this  adventure ;  a  soldier,  with  a  screwed  gun, 
snapped  at  the  Prince  within  ten  yards  of  his  body,  but 
happily  missed  fire.  After  this,  his  Highness  and  his  com- 
pany having  seen  and  alarmed  the  place,  returned  to  the 
Elector's  troops,  who  continued  their  march  till  they  came 
to  Lemgo,  in  Stift-Munster,  and  then  sat  down  before  it, 
sending  out  a  major  for  discovery  ;  who,  by  some  prisoners 
that  he  took,  gained  intelligence  of  the  strength  and  mo- 
tions of  the  enemy,  and  that  Count  Hatsfield  was  drawing 
toward  the  Wezer  with  a  considerable  army,  to  cut  off 
their  passage.  Whereupon  they  were  forced  to  dislodge, 
propounding  to  march  from  thence  to  Minden,  a  Swedish 
garrison  in  Westphalia.  But  General  King  advised  the 
Prince  Elector  rather  to  take  the  way  of  Flota,  then  of 
Rentelen,  upon  pretence  that  the  Lunenburg  troops  would 
interrupt  his  passage,  though  there  could  be  no  thought  of 
passing  that  way  without  falling  into  the  very  mouth  of 
Hatsfield.  But  this  advice,  however,  was  followed,  to  the 
ruin  of  the  Elector's  interest,  and  the  very  great  misfortune 
of  our  Prince :  beside  the  loss  of  time,  for  by  the  next 
morning,  they  were  not  advanced  above  half-a-mile  from 
the  town  before  they  discovered  the  Count  with  eight  re- 
giments of  Cuirassiers,  a  regiment  of  Irish  Dragoons,  com- 
manded by  Devereux  (he  that  killed  Wallenstein),  and 
eighteen  hundred  commanded  foot.  So  soon  as  ever  they 
appeared,  General  King  went  before  with  a  party  of  horse 
to  the  top  of  a  hill,  and  upon  view  of  the  ground  gave  his 


454  APPENDIX. 

judgment  of  it  as  a  good  place  to  draw  up  in,  having  al- 
ready sent  away  his  baggage  before,  which  received  a  very 
ill  construction.  Field-marshal  Ference,  with  the  Prince's 
troops  drew  up,  and  Coningsmark,  with  the  Swedish 
troops,  came  thither  also  ;  but  Coningsmark  immediately 
expressing  a  dislike  of  the  post  they  had  taken,  and  giving 
his  opinion  of  it  to  the  Prince,  his  Highness  told  him  that 
he  would  take  his  directions,  and  follow  him  wherever  he 
pleased  (he  commanding  then  as  eldest  Colonel).  Here- 
upon Coningsmark  drew  down  all  the  horse  into  an  en- 
closed piece  of  ground,  and  very  courteously  gave  the 
Prince  Elector's  horse  the  van,  which  was  that  day  to  have 
been  his  place  in  course,  promising  also,  which  he  never 
performed,  that  he  would  do  the  part  of  a  trusty  second. 
General  King  being  gone  away  to  bring  up  the  foot  and 
cannon.  The  enemy  then  came  up,  and  suddenly  fell  in 
with  their  horse  upon  the  Prince  Electors,  Colonel  Loe 
was  the  first  that  received  their  charge,  and  was  beaten  ; 
Ference  seconded  him,  and  was  beaten  also  ;  and  the  next 
shock  fell  upon  Prince  Rupert's  regiment,  where  his  High- 
ness beat  the  enemy  from  their  ground,  and  made  them 
quit  the  enclosure  without  receiving  any  assistance  from 
Coningsmark,  though  Colonel  Boy  pressed  him  earnestly 
to  engage. 

"  The  Lord  Craven,  who  commanded  two  troops  of  the 
Electors  Guards  (the  Captains  Armstrong  and  Elder), 
shifted  his  station  then,  and  came  and  posted  himself  with 
our  Prince :  and  then  the  enemy,  with  Field-marshal 
Gotz,  made  a  fresh  attempt,  and  entered  the  enclosure  at 
the  same  passage  with  the  former  ;  but  the  Prince  was 
here  successful  also,  beat  the  enemy  off  with  a  very  great 
loss,  cleared  the  place  once  more  of  all  but  the  slain  of  the 
enemy  (which  was  very  considerable),  and  still  maintained 
his  ground.  The  assailants  would  not  give  it  over  thus  ; 
but  having  a  great  advantage  of  number  they  advanced 
with  another  regiment,  under  Colonel  Lip  ;  and  while  he 


APPENDIX.  455 

pressed  upon  the  Prince's  front,  Major-General  Wester- 
holder,  at  the  same  time,  with  eight  hundred  horse  fell 
upon  the  rear  ;  which  put  the  Prince  Elector's  forces  to 
the  rout ;  and  our  Prince  seeing  himself  deserted  would 
have  forced  his  horse  upon  a  bold  leap  over  the  enclosure  ; 
but  the  horse  refusing,  Colonel  Lip  seized  his  bridle,  the 
Prince  making  him  quickly  let  go  his  hold,  and  defending 
himself  with  all  possible  obstinacy  and  resolution  till  at 
last  overpowered  with  numbers,  he  was  made  a  prisoner, 
and  rendered  himself  to  Lieutenant- Colonel  Lip.  The 
Colonel  having  a  curiosity  to  see  his  face,  struck  up  his 
helmet  and  looking  earnestly  at  him,  demanded  of  him 
what  he  was,  who  answered  that  he  was  a  Colonel ;  '  Sacra- 
met  ! '  (says  Lip) 1  ( it  is  a  young  one.'  But  there  was  one 
Bamback,  who  was  then  a  soldier  of  the  enemy's  party, 
that  knew  the  Prince,  and  told  Lip  that  it  was  the  Pals- 
grave. This  was  very  acceptable  news  to  the  victors,  and 
thereupon  they  delivered  him  to  one  Devereux,  with  whom 
the  Prince  immediately  treated  about  his  escape,  and  gave 
him  five  pieces  in  earnest  of  a  further  reward.  But  Hats- 
field  coming  in  upon  the  nick  spoiled  that  design,  and  the 
Prince  was  carried  from  thence  toward  Warrendorp  under 
a  stricter  guard,  and  under  the  care  of  Hatsfield's  Lieu- 
tenant-Colonel ;  and  with  the  Prince,  the  Lord  Craven  also 
(wounded  in  the  thigh  and  hand),  and  Field-marshal 
Terence,  who  were  soon  afterward  released ;  but  the 
Prince  could  not  get  quit  upon  those  terms.  There  was 
one  accident  worth  the  noting;  it  happened  that  both 
parties  had  white  in  their  hats  for  the  marque  ;  under 
which  mistake  the  Prince  might  probably  have  gotten  off, 
if  it  had  not  been  for  this  chance  ;  a  soldier  of  the  enemy's 
had  laid  hold  of  one  of  the  Prince  Elector's  colours,  and 
our  Prince  shot  him  dead  and  redeemed  the  colours ;  upon 
which  discovery  they  fell  upon  him  and  gave  him  two 

1  Sacramet !  ein  juger  obrister. 


456  APPENDIX. 

shots  upon  his  arms,  through  his  cloak,  which  made  them 
say  that  he  was  shot  free  ;  wearing  a  cloak  over  his  arms. 
The  Prince  Elector's  party  was  not  above  two  thousand 
five  hundred  horse  and  dragoons,  and  about  fifteen  hun- 
dred foot. 

"  In  his  way  to  Warrendorp  the  Prince  lay  the  first 
night  in  a  little  house  in  the  field,  with  Hatsfield's  Lieu- 
tenant-Colonel, Lord  Craven,  and  Ference.  From  thence 
they  carried  him  to  Sansuffle,  where  a  woman  would  have 
assisted  him  in  his  escape  :  but  there  was  no  opportunity. 

"  From  thence  to  Warrendorp,  where  Major- General 
Veale  commanded,  who  is  since  made  a  Count  of  the  Em- 
pire ;  some  of  his  family  had  formerly  served  the  Crown 
of  England.  At  Warrendorp  the  Prince  stayed  some 
weeks,  till  the  Lord  Craven  was  tolerably  well  of  his 
wounds.  His  Highness  had  many  designs  there  to  make 
his  escape,  but  none  succeeded  ;  however,  he  was  very 
civilly  treated  by  the  governor.  He  had  obtained  liberty 
before  his  coming  to  Warrendorp  for  Sir  Richard  Crane 
to  go  for  England  ;  by  whom  he  wrote  upon  a  piece  of 
a  table-book  (not  being  allowed  pen  and  ink)  to  his  Ma- 
jesty of  Great  Britain,  to  endeavour  his  enlargement. 
The  Prince  was  now  committed  to  the  charge  of  Colonel 
Carazza  (a  reformado),  who  carried  him  away  to  Diling- 
burg  (a  house  of  Count  Nassau's),  under  the  conduct  of 
Devereux's  regiment ;  where  his  Highness,  understanding 
that  a  certain  Scot  that  had  been  governor  of  Hainault 
was  then  a  prisoner,  he  desired  the  governor  to  let  him 
see  him,  but  it  was  refused.  From  thence  they  carried 
him  through  the  bishoprick  of  Wirtspruck,  and  so  to 
Bamburgh,  where  my  Lord  Craven  and  Ference  were 
separated  from  the  Prince  and  put  into  Forchaem. 

"  They  carried  the  Prince  to  Ratisbon,  and  from 
thence  to  Lintz,  where  he  was  put  into  the  castle.  Lintz 
was  built  by  Rodolph  the  Emperor,  a  very  fine  building. 
His  Highness  was  three  years  a  prisoner  there,  and  two 


APPENDIX.  457 

years  and-a-half  of  the  time  without  any  liberty  at  all ; 
but  sometimes  to  dine  with  Count  KufFstein,  the  governor, 
and  sometimes  to  walk  in  the  garden.  This  governor  was 
first  a  Lutheran,  and  afterwards  turned  Roman  Catholic  ; 
and  very  busy  he  was  to  get  the  Prince  to  change  his  reli- 
gion, or  if  he  would  engage  against  the  French,  he  made 
proposals  to  him  of  great  rewards.  He  was  very  earnest 
with  him  to  go  to  the  Jesuits  ;  but  his  Highness  refused, 
unless  he  might  have  the  liberty  also  to  go  elsewhere  :  he 
desired  the  Prince  then  to  receive  their  visits  ;  which  he 
would  not  agree  to  neither,  unless  other  persons  might  be 
allowed  to  visit  him  too.  In  this  confinement  he  diverted 
himself  sometimes  with  drawing  and  limning :  and  here  it 
was  that  his  Highness  perfected  an  instrument  for  the 
drawing  of  anything  into  perspective,  which  he  was 
pleased  afterward  to  present  to  the  Royal  Society.  The 
ground  of  it  was  the  invention  of  Albert  Durer,  but  it  was 
not  at  all  practicable  till,  the  Prince  put  it  into  a  way  of 
use.  He  accustomed  himself  to  manly  and  military  exer- 
cises also,  so  far  as  his  condition  would  permit.  He  was  a 
great  lover  of  the  screwed  gun  ;  and  at  last  he  got  leave 
to  ride  the  great  horse,  and  play  at  ballon. 

"  During  his  Highness's  imprisonment,  Jean  de  Wert 
(an  Imperial  General),  and  Prince  Casimire  (son  to  Sigis- 
mundus  III.,  and  brother  to  Vladislaus  IV.),  were  taken 
prisoners  in  France,  and  the  Imperial  Ministers  pro- 
pounded to  Sir  Thomas  Roe,  his  Majesty's  Ambassador- 
Extraordinary  at  Vienna,  to  exchange  them  two  for 
Prince  Rupert,  whose  answer  was  that  none  but  the  Arch- 
duke Leopold  (who  was  the  Emperor's  brother)  could  be 
a  fit  exchange  for  his  Majesty's  nephew.  It  happened 
that  the  Archduke  Leopold  being  upon  a  design  to  beat 
up  the  quarters  of  one  Slong,  a  Swedish  officer,  who  lay 
in  a  town  a  good  way  remote  from  the  Swedish  army,  he 
passed  through  Lintz,  where  he  desired  to  see  the  Prince, 
and  treated  him  with  very  great  courtesy  ;  and  upon  his 


458  APPENDIX. 

letter  to  the  Emperor,  obtained  liberty  for  the  Prince  that 
he  might  sometimes  divert  himself  at  tennis.  Whereupon 
he  was  allowed  upon  his  parole  for  three  days  to  go  abroad, 
upon  condition  of  returning  still  to  the  prison ;  and  after 
this  he  received  all  the  respects  imaginable  from  the  gen- 
try of  that  country  ;  especially  from  Count  Kevenhiller, 
at  his  house,  at  Kamur,  in  Upper  Bavaria.  It  is  a  most 
pleasant  place,  and  the  Prince  went  often  thither,  where 
he  was  very  generously  entertained,  and  became  ac- 
quainted with  all  the  persons  of  condition  thereabouts. 
Upon  the  convention  of  a  Diet  at  Ratisbon,  his  Impe- 
rial Majesty  went  thither,  and  Sir  Thomas  Roe  was  sent 
thither  also  by  his  Majesty  of  Great  Britain,  to  solicit  his 
Highness's  enlargement,  wherein  he  succeeded  so  well  by 
the  interest  and  kind  assistance  of  Count  Lesley,  that  he 
obtained  a  promise  of  it,  but  when  it  was  ready  for  the 
seal  the  Elector  of  Bavaria's  Lady  (sister  to  the  Emperor) 
came  and  fell  upon  her  knees  to  his  Imperial  Majesty,  to 
hinder  it ;  but  the  Empress  kept  the  Emperor  to  his 
word,  and  the  Prince  was  discharged  upon  condition  that 
he  should  not  fight  against  the  Emperor,  to  which  condi- 
tion the  King  of  Great  Britain  required  him  to  submit. 
Count  Lesley  telling  the  Prince  that  the  Emperor  would 
have  it  under  his  hand ;  whose  answer  was,  that  they 
should  do  well  to  look  to  the  wording  of  it  then,  for  he 
should  think  himself  no  further  bound  than  to  the  strict- 
ness of  the  letter,  whereupon  his  Highness's  word  was 
taken,  and  upon  his  parole,  giving  the  Emperor  his  hand, 
according  to  the  usage  of  the  country,  he  was  set  at  liberty. 
The  Emperor  returning  now  to  Vienna,  Sir  Thomas  Roe 
carried  the  Prince  thither,  where  he  was  entertained  with 
great  joy  and  esteem.  His  Imperial  Majesty  having  ap- 
pointed an  extraordinary  hunting  in  the  Lower  Austrian 
country,  the  Prince  was  at  the  chase,  and  meeting  with  the 
Emperor,  as  by  chance  (though  it  was  looked  upon  to  be 
so  designed  by  the  Emperor),  the  Prince  presented  himself 


APPENDIX.  459 

to  his  Imperial  Majesty,  and  having  kissed  his  hand  (which 
signifies  enlargement),  he  was  thereupon  finally  released. 
At  this  hunting  it  was  his  Highness's  good  hap  to  kill  the 
first  boar  with  a  spear,  an  exploit  that  is  highly  accounted 
of  in  the  empire.  It  must  not  be  omitted  that  the  Elector 
of  Bavaria  would  have  had  the  Prince  to  have  been  his 
prisoner  ;  and  it  was  at  his  instance  that  his  Highness  was 
treated  with  so  much  severity  ;  of  which  his  Imperial  Ma- 
jesty was  so  sensible,  that  he  cautioned  the  Prince  himself 
not  to  go  through  Bavaria,  though  he  went  further  about, 
but  rather  to  take  the  way  of  Bohemia.  After  a  week  he 
took  his  leave  and  got  his  pass,  with  a  very  hearty  recom- 
mendation to  the  Archduke  Leopold,  who  was  then  in 
Brunswick  with  an  army  against  the  Swedes  ;  the  Emperor 
being  in  hope  that  he  might  have  continued  with  Leopold : 
but  he  went  to  Prague,  and  so  to  Hamburgh,  where  he 
found  the  grandfather  of  the  present  Danish  King  lying 
before  Hamburgh,  upon  the  same  pretensions  as  now,  and 
from  thence  to  Bremen,  and  so  to  the  Hague,  where  the 
Queen  of  Bohemia  was  at  that  time,  the  Prince  Elector 
being  with  the  King  in  England.  Our  Prince  was  always 
temperate,  even  among  the  greatest  examples  of  the  con- 
trary. Being  in  his  passage  at  the  Elector  of  S axe's,  and 
desiring  to  be  excused  from  drinking  up  at  the  rate  of  the 
company :  what  shall  we  do  for  him  then  (says  the  Elec- 
tor) if  he  cannot  drink,  and  so  invited  him  to  the  enter- 
tainment of  a  hunting. 

"  It  was  in  the  year  1641-2  that  his  Highness  returned 
to  the  Hague  :  where  being  informed  of  the  troubles  that 
were  like  to  be  in  England,  and  otherwise  resolved  also  to 
pay  his  duty  and  acknowledgments  to  his  Majesty  of 
Great  Britain  for  his  goodness  toward  him  in  all  his  mis- 
fortunes ;  he  went  immediately  to  Helvoet  Sluys,  to  take 
the  first  opportunity  for  England,  and  there  stayed  a 
matter  of  three  weeks  for  a  fair  wind.  His  Highness 
landed  not  far  from  Margate,  and  from  thence  he  went  to 


4GO  APPENDIX. 

Dover,  where  he  found  the  Queen  upon  her  way  for  Hol- 
land ;  the  King  himself  there  also,  with  the  Princess  Mary. 
The  Prince  made  a  tender  of  his  humble  service  to  his 
Majesty,  in  case  there  should  be  any  occasion  for  it ; 
which  offer  his  Majesty  received  with  gracious  acknowledg- 
ments, but  it  was  not  found  proper  at  that  time  to  make 
any  countenance  of  a  war,  matters  not  being  as  yet  come 
to  that  height,  as  to  despair  of  an  accommodation  :  so  that 
the  Prince  waited  upon  the  Queen  into  Holland.  His 
Highness  embarked  at  Dover  on  the  Lyon,  and  arrived  the 
third  day  at  Helvoet  Sluys,  from  thence  to  the  Brill,  and 
so  to  the  Hague,  where  he  continued  till  he  heard  that  the 
King  was  forced  from  London  and  gone  to  York.  It  must 
not  be  omitted,  that  while  his  Highness  was  at  Dover,  a 
person  of  great  quality  and  in  much  credit  with  the  King, 
asked  his  Highness  (so  as  to  sound  him),  what  he  intended 
to  do.  To  whom  the  Prince  made  answer  that  he  would 
back  again  for  Holland  with  the  Queen,  You  are  the 
wiser  (says  the  other),  discoursing  the  matter  so  sus- 
piciously with  the  Prince,  that  his  Highness  gave  the 
King  a  necessary  caution  concerning  him.  The  Prince 
manifestly  perceiving  that  they  had  no  mind  he  should 
stay,  and  that  in  all  probability  they  would  have  clapped 
him  up  if  he  had. 

"  So  soon  as  ever  his  Highness  was  assured  that  the 
King  found  himself  engaged  upon  a  war  in  his  own  de- 
fence, he  disposed  himself  forthwith  to  attend  his  Majesty, 
understanding  also  from  the  Queen  that  the  King  had 
written  to  her  from  York,  his  intentions  of  a  commission 
to  his  Highness  for  General  of  the  Horse.  His  Highness 
embarked  in  the  Lyon,  the  same  ship  that  brought  over 
the  Queen,  one  Fox,  commander  ;  and  while  he  was  aboard, 
there  came  a  letter  to  Fox  to  dissuade  him  from  carrying 
over  the  Prince.  It  was  written  by  a  person  from  whom 
that  illustrious  family  had  deserved  better  things  ;  but  the 
footman  that  brought  it  being  casually  interrogated  about 


APPENDIX.  461 

that  letter,  most  innocently  discovered  the  whole  matter. 
The  Prince  being  aboard  with  Fox,  and  one  Straughan  in 
his  company  (who  commanded  another  small  King's  ship, 
bound  for  the  Humber),  there  blew  so  great  a  storm  that 
they  were  driven  back  again,  and  forced  to  run  into  the 
Texel,  the  small  ship  getting  into  the  Humber  and  there 
run  ashore,  but  the  men  saved,  and  the  guns  taken  out  of 
the  ship  for  his  Majesty's  use  ;  the  Lord  Digby  taking  his 
passage  also  in  the  same  ship  with  Straughan. 

"  Being  come  into  the  Texel,  Fox  would  needs  have 
the  Prince  go  ashore,  promising  that  so  soon  as  ever  the 
wind  served  he  would  meet  him  again  at  Goree :  where- 
upon the  Prince  landed  and  went  to  the  Hague,  and  Fox 
went  afterwards  to  Goree,  where  he  set  his  Highness's 
trunks  and  people  ashore,  but  his  Highness  heard  no 
more  of  him  after. 

"  Upon  this  disappointment,  the  Prince  was  now  to  pro- 
vide himself  of  another  ship,  and  obtained  one  of  forty-six 
guns  from  the  Prince  of  Orange  (commanded  by  Captain 
Colster),  wherein  his  Highness  embarked  with  Prince 
Maurice  and  divers  other  persons  of  quality  and  honour  ; 
taking  along  with  him  a  galiot  with  a  provision  of  mus- 
kets, arms,  and  powder.  For  having  heard  of  the  affront 
put  upon  the  King  at  Hull,  it  was  looked  upon  as  a  sea- 
sonable and  necessary  supply.  And  the  Prince  took  along 
with  him  also  an  engineer  and  a  fire-worker  (De  Gomez 
and  La  Roche),  as  fit  instruments  for  his  Majesty's  service. 
His  Highness  being  uncertain  where  to  find  the  King,  pro- 
pounded to  land  either  at  Scarborough  or  Tynmouth ; 
from  whence  he  might  the  more  commodiously  come  to 
his  Majesty.  The  first  land  he  made  was  Flamborough- 
head,  where  there  was  a  ship  called  the  London,  that  im- 
mediately made  up  toward  him.  The  Prince  put  out  the 
Dunkirk  colours  upon  the  galiot,  and  the  Captain  de- 
manding what  they  were  doing  there  ;  we  are  cruising 
(says  the  other)  :  and  asking  what  the  galiot  was,  it  was 


462  APPENDIX. 

answered  a  Dunkirk  prize,  whereupon  the  Captain  of  the 
London  would  needs  search  her.  The  Prince  was  there  in 
a  mariner's  cap,  and  Colster  by  him,  who  said  he  would  not 
be  searched  ;  whereupon  they  put  out  their  guns,  and  the 
London  shot  to  the  leeward  to  call  for  aid :  so  that  the 
Prince  was  forced  to  tow  away  his  ship,  and  put  for  the 
northward.  This  shooting  brought  out  two  ships  that  lay 
before  Tynmouth ;  so  that  when  the  Prince  came  to  the 
height  of  Tynmouth  (which  stood  then  for  the  King),  they 
ran  directly  .in  and  anchored  without  the  bar  before  the 
harbour,  and  without  any  opposition.  From  thence  they 
got  ashore  in  boats,  the  galiot  being  sent  away  in  the 
night,  and  got  safe  into  Scarborough. 

"  From  Tynmouth  his  Highness  took  post  for  Notting- 
ham, in  company  with  Prince  Maurice,  Somerset  Fox, 
Daniel  O'Neal,  &c.  It  was  a  hard  frost,  and  the  Prince's 
horse  stumbling  came  quite  over  with  him,  and  pitching 
him  upon  his  shoulder  put  it  out  of  joint.  This  happened 
within  half-a-mile  of  a  bonesetter's  house,  who  by  great 
providence  was  just  then  returned  home  from  a  journey. 
He  set  it  in  the  highway,  and  in  conscience  took  but  one 
half  of  what  the  Prince  offered  him  for  his  pains ;  within 
three  hours  after  he  put  him  in  condition  of  pursuing  his 
journey  ;  and  so  he  went  on  for  Nottingham. 

"  While  the  Prince  was  at  Nottingham  in  bed,  Lord 
Digby,  being  then  governor,  came  with  an  order  from  the 
King,  who  was  gone  to  Coventry  for  two  petards  out  of 
the  arsenal.  He  knew  not  what  it  meant,  and  so  came  to 
the  Prince  to  inquire,  and  then  went  down  into  the 
arsenal,  where  they  found  two  great  apothecaries'  mortars, 
which  Colonel  Legge  made  into  a  kind  of  petard ;  and  from 
thence  they  were  sent  to  the  King  :  his  Highness  follow- 
ing after  them,  and  finding  his  Majesty  between  Notting- 
ham and  Leicester.  The  King  taking  the  Prince  back 
with  him  to  Nottingham  where  he  set  up  his  Royal 
standard."  [The  MS.  is  here  interrupted,  and  is  only 


APPENDIX.  463 

resumed  after  the  Civil  War.  Where  there  is  any  discre- 
pancy between  it  and  my  text,  it  has  been  altered  from 
scattered  notes  appended  to  the  Prince's  diary.] 


D. 

Captain  Pyne  seems  to  have  commanded  one  of  Prince 
Rupert's  ships  in  his  corsairage.  This  biography  of  his  is 
very  nautical ;  but  furnishes  one  or  two  anecdotes  of  in- 
terest, and  seems  to  prove  that  this  writer  wrote  down 
memoranda  and  anecdote  that  he  had  heard  the  Prince  or 
his  followers  relate :  it  has  no  relation  with  the  former  or 
any  other  MS. 

CAPTAIN  PYNE'S  MANUSCRIPTS. 

"  An  abstract,  as  near  as  I  can  remember,  of  all  such  pas- 
sages and  actions  as  hath  happened  unto,  and  been 
achieved  by  the  illustrious  and  high-born  Prince,  &c., 
from  the  time  of  his  birth  unto  the  *  *  *  * 

"  He  was  born  in  Prague,  the  capital  city  of  Bohemia, 
Anno  Domini  1619,  about  half-a-year  after  his  father  had 
been  proclaimed  King  of  that  kingdom. 

"  At  six  months  old  he  began  his  travels,  that  city  be- 
ing then  surprised  (upon  a  Sunday,  the  .  .  .  day  of  ... 

,)  by  the  Emperor's  army,  under  the  conduct  of 

Here  he  was  like  to  have 

been  taken  prisoner,  for  the  court  and  city  being  in  a  dis- 
traction, every  one  flying  for  their  safety,  leaving  dinners 
ready  dressed,  and  his  Highness's  maid  being  extremely 
frightened,  running  amongst  the  crowd,  let  him  fall,  but 
with  some  difficulty  he  was  recovered  and  thrown  into  a 
coach. 

"  Whither   they  then  went,  what   happened   in   their 


464  APPENDIX. 

travels,  and  how  long  it  was  before  they  came  into  Hol- 
land, I  am  uncertain. 

"  Being  a  child  he  was  well  grounded  in  his  religion, 
which  the  subtle  Jesuits,  with  whom  he  hath  been  much 
conversant,  could  never  make  him  stagger  in.  Also,  in  the 
mathematics  and  languages,  but  his  chief  delight  was  in 
military  discipline,  wherein  he  perfected  so  much  under 

,  his  tutor  for  the  infantry,  and 

Monsieur ,  his  tutor  for  the  cavalry,  that  at 

the  age  of  fourteen  years  he  was  judged  capable  of  a  regi- 
ment, which  he  commanded  in  Westphalia,  at  the  battle  of 

,  against  the , 

where  by  the  wilfulness  of  his  brother,  the  Prince  Elector, 
the  treachery  of  General  King,  who  served  him  little  bet- 
ter at  Marston  Moor,  they  lost  the  day,  his  Highness 
Prince  Rupert,  the  Lord  Craven,  and  divers  others  were 
taken  prisoners.  My  Lord  and  most  of  the  rest  were  in  a 
short  time  ransomed.  But  his  Highness  Prince  Rupert 
was  sent  unto  the  city  of  Lintz,  lying  upon  the  banks  of 
the  Danube,  in  the  land  of  Trent,  where  he  was  kept  close 
prisoner  above  two  years  in  that  castle.  The  third  year 
he  had  some  enlargement,  being  now  and  then  permitted 
to  hunt  both  the  stag,  roe,  wild  boar,  hare,  fox,  &c.,  but 
always  with  a  good  guard  ;  in  which  time  there  happened 
many  remarkable  passages,  one  amongst  the  rest,  as  it  is 
there  curiously  reported,  was  at  the  hunting  of  a  fox, 
which  took  the  earth,  a  dog,  which  the  Prince  loved,  fol- 
lowed him,  but  returning  not  presently,  his  Highness  be- 
ing impatient  of  stay  crept  in  after  and  got  hold  of  his  leg, 
which  he  could  not  draw  out  by  reason  of  the  narrowness 
of  the  hole,  until  Mr.  Billingsby,  who  waited  always  on 
him,  took  hold  of  his  Highness's  heels,  so  he  drew  out 
the  Prince,  the  Prince  the  dog,  and  the  dog  the  fox.  The 
picture  of  this  passage  is  yet  to  be  seen  there,  of  which 
there  have  been  divers  copies  taken  and  dispersed  abroad. 

"  Another   was    of   the    chamois,    of   whose   skins    is 


APPENDIX.  465 

made  the  best  chamois  leather,  he  somewhat  resembles 
a  goat  in  shape,  but  his  horns  are  smaller  and  turn  back- 
ward like  a  great  fish-hook.  He  lives  in  the  mountains 
amongst  the  craggy  rocks,  with  which  he  is  so  well  ac- 
quainted, and  withal  so  nimble  and  swift,  that  being 
hunted,  he  skips  from  one  to  another  in  such  a  strange 
manner  that  no  dog  is  able  to  fetch  him  up,  about  the 
hunting  of  whom  there  passed  some  remarkable  things, 
which  at  present  I  cannot  well  remember. 

"  At  the  end  of  three  years  and  odd  months,  the  Empe- 
ror was  pleased  to  grant  him  liberty  upon  his  parole,  never 
for  the  future  to  bear  arms  against  his  Imperial  Majesty. 

"  After  which,  for  the  bettering  of  his  understanding, 
and  gaining  experience,  he  spent  some  years  in  travelling 

into  several  countries,1  viz 

[A  break  occurs  here.] 

"  And  in  anno  1642,  a  little  before  his  Majesty's  setting 
up  his  standard  at  Nottingham,  he  returned  the  second 
time  into  England,  with  his  brother,  Prince  Maurice,  and 
was  presently  made  General  of  his  Majesty's  horse.  After 
which  he  commanded  in  chief  in  several  expeditions,  and 
performed  divers  remarkable  services  in  the  behalf  of  his 
Majesty,  as  long  as  he  had  any  army  in  the  field,  viz. 

"  At  Worcester,  where  he  defeated  Colonel  Sandys  and 
Douglas,  both  of  whom  were  there  slain,  with  most  of  their 
party.  There  Prince  Maurice  received  a  dangerous  wound 
in  his  head. 

"  At  Edge,  23rd  of  October,  1642,  being  Sunday. 

"  On  Monday  morning  he  profferred,  if  his  Majesty 
would  give  him  leave,  to  march  presently  with  three  thou- 
sand horse,  &c.,  to  Westminster,  and  there  dissolve  the 
Parliament,  which  he  might  easily  have  done  before  the 
Earl  of  Essex's  arrival,  but  the  old  Earl  of  Bristol  was  the 

1  This  must  be  a  mistake  of  Captain  Pynes.  The  Prince  only  ob- 
tained his  release  from  prison  in  1642. 

VOL.  I.  H    H 


466  APPENDIX. 

chief  man  who  obstructed  that  design,  which  had  he  been 
permitted,  would,  in  all  probability,  have  made  an  end  of 
the  war. 

"  The  next  morning,  with  a  good  party  of  horse,  he  fell 
upon  the  rear  of  the  rebel's  army,  where,  finding  them  in 
some  disorder,  he  did  much  execution,  especially  upon 
their  train  and  carriages. 

"  On  Thursday  following  he  marched  with  his  Majesty 
to  Banbury,  which  we  took  in  the  same  day,  where  we 
found  one  regiment  of  foot  and  some  horse,  besides  the 
townsmen. 

"  Then  his  Majesty  returned  for  Oxford,  his  army  being 
quartered  round  about  in  the  country,  to  refresh  them- 
selves. 

"  The  12th  November,  1642,  he  defeated  the  rebels  at 
Brentford,  where  we  took  near  five  hundred  prisoners,  and 
destroyed  the  remainder  of  two  brave  regiments,  many  of 
whom  ran  into  the  Thames  and  drowned  themselves. 

"  This  service  preserved  his  Majesty  at  that  time  ;  for 
it  is  probable,  if  he  had  not  brought  a  considerable 
strength  to  defend  himself,  they  would  then  have  betrayed 
him,  under  pretence  of  giving  him  a  treaty  at  Syon  house. 

"  For,  besides  the  two  regiments  which  lay  at  Brentford 
they  had  a  strong  party  at  Kingston  and  at  Windsor,  which 
had  order  to  fall  upon  his  Majesty  and  surprise  him  un- 
awares. 

"  Sunday,  the  13th,  having  in  the  morning  defeated 
those  forces  that  came  down  the  river  in  barges  from 
Kingston,  by  blowing  up  their  powder,  from  whom  we 
took  thirteen  handsome  field-pieces  of  brass,  besides  a 
good  quantity  of  provisions,  which  was  a  great  strengthen- 
ing unto  our  train  of  artillery,  yet  for  want  of  harness  we 
were  forced  to  sink  some  of  our  own  iron  guns  in  the 
Thames.  In  the  afternoon,  while  his  Majesty  marched  to 
Oatlands,  his  Highness  Prince  Rupert  drew  up  his  horse 
upon  Hounslow-heath  to  make  good  his  Majesty's  retreat, 


APPENDIX.  467 

if  the  Earl  of  Essex  should  have  adventured  to  have  hin- 
dered the  same  with  his  new-raised  citizens. 

"  This  winter  I  do  not  remember  any  considerable  thing 
that  was  done. 

"  At  the  spring  of  the  year  1643,  the  Parliament,  having 
raised  a  great  army,  commanded  the  Earl  of  Essex  to  be- 
siege Oxford.  In  order  to  which,  he  marched  down  unto 
Thame,  where  he  took  up  his  quarters,  but  before  he  ad- 
vanced over  Wheatley-bridge  his  Highness  Prince  Rupert, 
with  three  regiments  of  horse,  viz.,  Prince  Charles's,  his 
own,  and  my  Lord  Percy's,  and  a  thousand  dragoons  fell 
upon  their  quarters  on  Saturday  night,  the  .  .  .  day 
of And  the  next  morning  the  enemy  think- 
ing to  intercept  him  upon  his  retreat,  drew  up  their  forces 
together  in  Chalgrove  field,  the  place  where  Hampden  first 
exercised  his  rebellious  regiment,  and  where  he  this  day 
received  his  death-wound;  but  his  Highness,  perceiving 
their  drifts,  sent  part  of  his  dragoons  to  make  good  the 
passage  at  Wheatley-bridge,  arid  with  his  horse  gave  them 
battle,  though  they  were  double  his  number.  Here  God 
was  pleased  to  give  him  a  great  victory,  which  so  much 
disheartened  their  new-raised  forces,  that  the  Earl  of  Essex 
durst  not  advance  any  further,  but  returned  back  to  Lon- 
don with  shame. 


E. 

MEMOIR  OF  SIR  JACOB  ASTLEY,  FIRST  BARON  ASTLEY, 
OF  READING. 

[For  this  memoir,  which  I  ohtained  too  late  for  insertion  in  the  proper 
place,  I  am  indebted  to  the  kindness  of  Lord  Hastings,  and  of  the 
Rev.  Charles  Elwin,  his  lordship's  chaplain,  by  whom  it  was  drawn 
up.] 

Sir  Jacob  Astley,  knight,  was  the  second  son  of  Isaac 
Astley,  of  Hill  Morton,  in  the  county  of  Warwick,  and  of 


468  APPENDIX. 

Melton  Constable,  in  the  county  of  Norfolk,  Esq.,  by 
Mary,  daughter  of  Sir  Edward  Walgrave,  of  Boreham,  in 
the  county  of  Essex,  knight,  and  was  born  at  Melton  Con- 
stable, March,  1579. 

At  the  age  of  nineteen,  he  joined  the  troops  sent  out  by 
Queen  Elizabeth,  under  the  command  of  Sir  Francis  Vere, 
to  assist  the  States  of  Holland  against  the  power  of  the 
Spanish  monarchy,   where    his  valour  at   the   celebrated 
battle   of  Newport,    1599,   and   the   subsequent  siege   of 
Ostend,  raised  him  so  high  in  the  estimation  of  Maurice, 
Prince  of  Orange,  that  he  immediately  put  him  in  commis- 
sion, and  in  the  progress  of  the  war,  advanced  him  to  the 
highest  rank  in  his  profession.     In  1621,  he  associated 
himself  with  the  honourable  band  of  English  nobility  and 
gentry,  who,  under   the  command  of  Sir  Horatio  Vere, 
tendered  their  services  to  Frederic,  Elector  Palatine,  the 
son-in-law  of  James  I.,  King  of  England,  to  assert  his 
right  to  the  kingdom  of  Bohemia,  to  which  he  had  been 
elected;   and  in   1631   he  accepted  a  commission  under 
James,  Marquis  of  Hamilton,  who,  by  the  permission  of 
Charles  I.,  had  raised  six  hundred  men,  and  joined  the 
league  under  the  renowned  Gustavus  Adolphus,  King  of 
Sweden,  in  defence  of  the  Protestant  liberties  of  Germany. 
Having  thus  rendered  himself  and  his  country   illus- 
trious among  the  first  military  characters  of  the  age,  he 
was  called  home  in  1641,  to  a  command  in  the  expedition 
against  Scotland,  and  upon  the  pacification  between  that 
nation  and  England,  he  was  promoted  to  the  government 
of  Plymouth,  as  an  honourable  retreat  in  his  declining  age. 
The  Civil  War  which  broke  out  in  1642,  called  him  again 
into  active  service,  and  he  was  further  advanced  to  be 
governor  of  the  Royal  garrisons  of  Reading  and  Oxford, 
and  appointed    Serjeant-Major-General  of  his   Majesty's 
forces,  having  eminently  contributed  to  the  success  of  the 
Royalists,    at   Edgehill,    Newbury,    Lestwithiel,    and    on 
various  other  occasions.     In  recompense  for  such  distin- 


APPENDIX.  469 

guished  services,  and  in  consideration  of  his  noble  descent 
from  Thomas  Baron  de  Astley,  who  was  slain  at  the  battle 
of  Evesham,    under  Henry   III.,  the    King  was  pleased 
to  confer  upon  him  and  his  male  heirs,  by  letters  patent, 
bearing    date    November  4th,    1644,    the    title  of  Baron 
Astley,  of  Reading,  in  the  county  of  Berks.   After  the  fatal 
battle  of  Naseby,  where  he  led  the  main  body  of  the  foot, 
he  was  Lieutenant- General  of  all  his  Majesty's  forces  in 
the  West,  and  of  the  marches  of  Wales,  at  the  request  of 
the  Welch  gentry.      Having   assembled  at  Worcester  a 
small  body  of  two  thousand  men,  he  attempted  to  join  the 
King  at  Oxford,  but  his  letters  miscarried,  and  Sir  Wil- 
liam  Brereton  and  Colonel  Morgan,   having   collected  a 
considerable  force  from  the  neighbouring  garrisons,  inter- 
cepted him  near  Stow-on-the-Wold,  where,  after  a  stout 
resistance,  his  men  being  fatigued  by  forced  marches,  and 
overpowered  by  numbers,  Lord  Astley  and  Sir  Charles 
Lucas,  arid  all  his  followers  who  had  not  fallen  in  the  en- 
gagement surrendered  themselves,  March  21st,  1646.     In 
the  despatch  of  Colonel  Morgan  to  the  Parliament,  he  says, 
he  ordered  a  drum  to  be  brought  out  that  Lord  Astley 
might  rest  himself  upon  it,  who,  being  sensible  that  this 
defeat  was  a  fatal   blow  to  the  Royal  cause,   observed, 
"  Now,  gentlemen,  your  work  is  done,  you  may  go  play, 
if  you  fall  not  out  among  yourselves."     He  was  conveyed 
prisoner  to  Warwick  Castle,  where  he  remained  till  June, 
when   upon  the  surrender  of  the  garrison  of  Oxford   to 
Lord  Fairfax,  his  release  was  included  in  the  terms  of  the 
capitulation.     He  retired  to  the  house  of  his  nephew  and 
son-in-law,  Sir  Edward  Astley,  knight,  where  he  resided 
till  1649,  when  he  removed  to  Maidstone,  in  Kent,  to  the 
estate  bequeathed  to  him  by  his  kinsman,  Sir  John  Astley, 
and  died  at  his  house  at  that  town  called  the  Palace,  after 
a  short  illness,  March,  1651,  aged  72  years,  and  was  buried 
in  the  church  at  Maidstone. 

"  Sir  Jacob  Astley  was  an  honest  brave  plain  man,  and 


470  APPENDIX. 

as  fit  for  the  office  he  exercised,  of  Major-General  of  the 
foot,  as  Christendom  yielded,  and  was  so  generally  es- 
teemed ;  very  discerning  and  prompt  in  giving  orders,  as 
occasions  required,  and  most  cheerful  and  present  in  any 
action ;  in  council  he  used  few,  but  very  pertinent  words, 
and  was  not  at  all  pleased  with  the  long  speeches  usually 
made  there,  and  which  rather  confounded  than  informed 
his  understanding,  so  that  he  rather  collected  the  ends  of 
the  debates,  and  what  he  was  himself  to  do,  than  enlarged 
them  by  his  own  discourses,  though  he  forbore  not  to 
deliver  his  own  mind.1 

"  Sir  Jacob  Astley,  Major-General  of  the  army,  under 
the  Earl  of  Lindsey,  who,  before  the  charge  at  the  battle 
of  Edgehill,  made  a  most  pious,  excellent,  short,  and  sol- 
dierly prayer,  for  he  lifted  up  his  eyes  and  hands  to 
Heaven,  saying,  '  Oh  !  Lord,  thou  knowest  how  busy  I 
must  be  this  day  ;  if  I  forget  thee,  do  not  thou  forget 
me ;'  and  with  that  rose  up,  crying  out,  '  march  on 
boys!'"2 

To  these  testimonials  may  be  added,  the  respect  and 
esteem  of  Maurice,  Prince  of  Orange,  the  ablest  officer 
and  best  patriot  of  his  age,  and  the  letters  of  his  own 
Sovereign,  King  Charles  I.,  and  his  sister  Elizabeth,  Elec- 
tress  Palatine  and  Queen  of  Bohemia,  expressing  the  great 
confidence  they  justly  placed  in  his  military  experience 
and  his  zeal  and  fidelity  in  their  service ;  that  he  was  not 
deficient  in  the  milder  virtues  of  civil  life  may  be  collected 
from  the  general  goodwill  he  acquired  at  home  and  abroad, 
and  particularly  from  a  letter  written  to  him  by  command 
of  the  King  immediately  after  his  defeat,  in  which,  after 
expressing  his  conviction  that  it  was  not  to  be  attributed 
to  any  want  of  zeal  or  conduct,  and  with  the  deepest  sense 
of  the  loss  his  cause  had  sustained  by  his  capture ;  "  his 


1  Clarendon's  Rebellion,  vol.  ii.  p.  373. 

2  Sir  Philip  Warwick's  Memoirs,  p.  229. 


APPENDIX.  471 

Majesty  hopes  that  your  lordship,  being  a  person  of  so 
much  honour  in  yourself,  and  having  been  upon  all  occa- 
sions of  good  service,  so  solicitous  to  use  your  prisoners 
with  much  civility,  that  those  in  whose  power  you  now 
are,  especially  the  Commander-in-Chief,  will  take  care  that 
you  shall  be  treated  as  a  person  of  honour,"  &c.;  his 
private  letters  afford  abundant  proof  of  his  generosity, 
prudence,  and  affection,  in  all  his  domestic  relations,  and 
the  deep  affliction  of  his  numerous  family  at  his  death  is 
honourable  both  to  his  memory  and  their  own. 

Lord  Astley  married  Agnes  Imple,  a  German  lady,  of 
noble  family,  by  whom  he  left  Isaac  Astley,  who  succeeded 
him  as  Lord  Astley  ;  Sir  Bernard  Astley,  who  was  taken 
prisoner  at  the  siege  of  Bristol,  and  carried  to  Bath,  where 
he  died  of  his  wounds,  September  16th,  1645 ;  Thomas 
Henry,  and  Edward,  who  all  died  unmarried  in  the  life- 
time of  their  father;  and  an  only  daughter,  Elizabeth, 
married  to  Sir  Edward  Astley,  knight,  her  cousin,  son  of 
his  eldest  brother,  Thomas  Astley,  of  Melton  Constable, 
in  Norfolk. 

Isaac,  second  Lord  Astley,  succeeded  his  father,  1651  : 
he  married  Anne,  daughter  of  Sir  Francis  Stydolf,  of 
Norbury,  in  Surrey,  knight,  and  died  1662,  leaving  an 
only  son. 

Jacob,  third  Lord  Astley,  who  married  his  cousin 
Frances,  daughter  of  Sir  Richard  Stydolf,  knight,  and 
died  1688,  leaving  no  issue,  the  title  of  Baron  Astley  of 
Reading  became  extinct,  and  his  estate  descended  to  Sir 
Jacob  Astley,  of  Melton  Constable,  baronet,  the  son  of 
Elizabeth,  the  only  daughter  of  the  first  Lord  Astley, 
from  whom  Sir  Jacob  Astley,  of  Melton  Constable,  ba- 
ronet, and  Baron  Hastings,  are  lineally  descended. 


VOL.  I. 


ALPHABETICAL  LIST  OF  WRITERS. 


ASHBURNHAM 

Astley  or  Ashley,  Sir  Jacob 
Aston,  Sir  Arthur 

Bagot,  Colonel  Richard 
Belay  se,  or  Bellasis,  Sir  John 
Bell,'  Thomas 
Bellenden,  Sir  William 
Bellow,  Colonel  John 
Berkeley,  Sir  John 
Berkshire,  Earl  of 
Blagge,  Colonel  Thomas 
Blaxton,  Colonel  William 
Blount,  Captain 
Botteler,  Henry 
Boys,  Sir  John 
Bradshaw,  William 
Brentford,  Earl  of 
Bristol,  Earl  of 
Broughton,  Robert 
Buckingham,  Duke  of 
Burgess,  Robert 
Bynissy,  Johnson 
Byron,  Lord 
Byron,  Sir  Nicholas 
Byron,  Sir  Richard 
Byron,  Sir  Thomas 

Capel,  Lord 
Carnarvon,  Earl  of 
Cashill,  Thomas 
Cave,  Charles 
Cave,  Richard 
Cavendish,  Charles 
Charles,  Kings,  I.  and  II. 
Cobbe,  F. 
Cochrane,  John 
Conyngsby,  W. 
Corbett,  J. 
Crafurd,  Earl  of 
Craven,  Earl  of 
Croft,  E. 
Culpepper,  Sir  John 

Darell,  Matthew 
D'Aubigny,  Kate,  Lady 
Davenant,  Sir  William 
Derby,  Countess  of 
Derby,  Earl  of 


Digb}r,  Lord 
Dingley,  T. 
Dongan,  William 
Dunsmore,  Lord 
Dyves,  Sir  Lewis 

Edwards,  Thomas 
Elyott,  Thomas 
Erm,  George 
Ernly,  Sir  Nicholas 
Essex,  Earl  of 

Fairfax,  Sir  Thomas 
Falkland,  Lord 
Fane,  Sir  Francis 
Fiennes,  Col.  Nat. 
Fines,  John 

Forth,  Earl  of  (Brentford) 
Frahock,  Henry 
Fyton,  Robert 

Gage,  Henry 
Gerrard,  Sir  Gilbert 
Glenham,  Sir  Thomas 
Goring,  George,  Lord 
Grand  ison,  Lord 
Grant,  W. 
Grenville,  John 

Hamilton,  Duke  of 

Hastings,  H.  (Lord  Loughborough) 

Hawley,  Sir  Francis,  and  Lord 

Heath,  H. 

Herbert,  Lord  (Glamorgan) 

Herbert,  Lord  (of  Cherbourg) 

Hertford,  Marquis 

Hines,  John 

Hoghton,  Gilbert 

Hopton,  Lord 

Hullby,  Mar. 

Hutchinson,  Colonel  John 

Hyde,  Sir  E.  (Clarendon) 

Jauffe ,  — . 
Jermyn,  Lord 

Killigrew,  Sir  Wm. 
Kirke,  Sir  Louis 


ALPHABETICAL   LIST   OF   WRITERS. 


473 


Langdale,  Sir  Marmaduke  (Lord) 
Legge,  Colonel  William 
Leveson,  Colonel 
Leweson,  John 
Lisle,  Sir  George 
Lloyd,  Walter  and  Charles 
Loughborough,  Lord  (Hastings) 
Lunsford,  H.  and  Sir  Thomas 
Lydisdale,  — . 

Manly,  Roger 
Massey,  E. 
Maurice,  Prince 
Maxwell,  G. 
Mayne,  John 
Mennes,  Sir  John 
Mennes,  John 
Molesworth,  Guy 
Moody,  George 
Morgan,  Louis 
Morton,  William 
Mynne 

Neille,  D. 

Newcastle,  Marquis  of 
Newport,  Lord 
Nicholas,  Secretary  Edw. 
Northampton,  Earl  of 

Ormond,  Marquis  of 
Osborne,  Henry 
Ottley,  Sir  Francis 


Porter,  Major-General  George 

Power,  John 

Preston,  Richard 

Pryce,  Thomas  and  Herbert 

Pym,  John,  M.P. 

Ridgway,  W. 
Robinson,  J. 
Rupert,  Prince 
Russell,  John 
Russell,  Sir  William 

Sackville,  Sir  Thomas 
Sheddercourt,  Michael 
Sloughter,  — 
Smith,  Christopher 
Sudford,  — . 

Tracy,  Robert 
Trevor,  Arthur 

Vavasour,  Sir  William 

Wentworth,  Lord  Thomas 
Whyte,  A. 

Widdrington,  William 
Willoughby,  Philip 
Wilmot,  Lord  H. 
Winchester,  — . 
Wintour,  Sir  Henry 
Woodhouse,  Michael 
Worcester,  Marquis  of 


This  list  comprises  only  the  writers  in  Prince  Rupert's  own  Correspondence,  as  preserved 
in  the  Benett  Family:  those  that  are  not  introduced  in  the  accompanying  volumes,  are 
still  in  Mr.  Bentley's  possession.  There  are  upwards  of  one  hundred  Letters  besides, 
for  which  I  am  personally  indebted  to  the  descendants  of  the  Cavaliers. 

N.B. — The  dates  are  given  in  the  following  Catalogue  according  to  the  old  Chronology, 
by  which  the  year  commenced  on  the  25th  of  March. 


n2 


CHRONOLOGICAL  CATALOGUE 


Eetters  m  prince  iftupert'a 


1642. 

April  6  written  by  Neille. 

June  11         ,,  Aston,  dated  from  Bristol. 

September  22         ,,  The  King,  dated  from  Bridgenorth,  or  Bewdley. 

October         7         ,,  Newcastle. 

October         9         ,,  The  King. 

October       16         ,,  Nicholas,  or  Newcastle. 

October       21         ,,  Graunt,  dated  from  Pendennis. 

October       23         ,,  The  King. 

November   27         ,,  The  King,  dated  from  Reading. 

December      1         ,,  Wilmot,  dated  from  Abingdon. 

December      2         ,,  Wilmot,  dated  from  Wantage. 

December     2         ,,  Winchester,  dated  from  Basingstoke. 

December    10         ,,  Byron,  dated  from  Reading. 

December    13         ,,  Northampton,  dated  from  Banbury. 

December    14  ,  Blaxton,  dated  from  Brill. 

December   20  ,  Northampton,  dated  from  Banbury. 

December   22  ,  Northampton,  dated  from  Dedington. 

December   26          ,  Northampton,  dated  from  Banbury. 

December   28  ,  Northampton,  dated  from  Banbury. 

No  date  Carnarvon. 

No  date  Cavendish. 

No  date  Digby,  dated  from  Wantage. 

December   31          ,  Digby. 

1643. 

2  written  by  The  King,  dated  from  Oxford. 

Northampton,  dated  from  Banbury. 

The  King,  dated  from  Oxford. 

The  King. 

The  King,  dated  from  Oxford. 

Northampton,  dated  from  Banbury. 

Burgess,  dated  from  Maimesbury. 

Northampton,  dated  from  Ragland. 

Forth,  dated  from  Brill. 

Fines,  dated  from  Cirencester. 

Fines,  dated  from  Cirencester. 
,         Dives,  dated  from  Bristol. 
,         Capel,  dated  from  Bridgenorth. 

Wilmot,  dated  from  Oxford. 

Herbert,  dated  from  Maimesbury. 
,         Essex,  dated  from  Lewisham. 
,         Northampton,  dated  from  Banbury. 
,         Wilmot,  dated  from  Oxford. 
,         Mennes,  dated  from  Ellesmere. 
,         Countess  of  Derby,  dated  from  Lathdm. 


January 

2< 

January 

4 

February 

1 

February 

28 

March 

8 

March 

2 

March 

6 

March 

7 

March 

19 

March 

22 

March 

24 

December 

31 

March 

26 

March 

26 

March 

26 

March 

27 

March 

27 

March 

27 

March 

30 

April 

1 

1043.]  CHRONOLOGICAL   CATALOGUE.                  475 

Two  letters  of  same  date, 

April  4  written  by  Capel,  dated  from  Shrewsbury. 

April  4  ,,  Nicholas,  dated  from  Oxford. 

April  5  ,,  N.  Byron,  dated  from  Chester. 

Another  of  same  date,      Dated  from  Ellesmere. 

April  (?)       5  „  Capel,  dated  from  Shrewsbury. 

April  5  ,,  Capel,  dated  from  Shrewsbury. 

April  6  ,,  Nicholas,  dated  from  Oxford. 

April  9  ,,  Charles  Rex,  dated  from  Oxford. 

April  10  „  Nicholas,  dated  from  Oxford. 

April  11  ,,  Nicholas,  dated  from  Oxford. 

April  12  ,  Cavendish,  dated  from  Grantham. 

April  13  ,  Capel,  dated  from  Whitchurch. 

April  14  ,  Capel,  dated  from  Whitchurch. 

April  14  ,  Ridgway,  dated  from  London. 

April  15  ,  The  King,  dated  from  Oxford. 

April  16  „  The  King,  dated  from  Oxford. 

Two  of  same  date. 

April  18  ,,  Goring,  dated  from  York. 

April  20  ,,  Nicholas,  dated  from  Oxford. 

April  21  „  Nicholas,  dated  from  Oxford. 

April  22  „  Goring,  dated  from  York. 

Three  letters  of  this  date. 

April  23  „  Nicholas,  dated  from  Oxford. 

April  24  „  Nicholas,  dated  from  Oxford. 

April  25  „  Hines,  dated  from  Farringdon. 

April  26  „  Nicholas,  dated  from  Oxford. 

April  28  „  Nicholas,  dated  from  Oxford. 

Palm  Sunday  „  Digby,  dated  from  Oxford. 

April  None     „  Trevor,  dated  from  Oxford. 

May  2  „  Northampton,  dated  from  Banbury. 

Two  letters  of  this  date. 

May  5  „  Crafurd,  dated  from  Farringdon. 

May  7  „  Crafurd,  dated  from  Farringdon. 

May  7  „  Willoughby,  dated  from  Oxford. 

May  8  „  Northampton,  dated  from  Banbury. 

May  11  „  Nicholas,  dated  from  Oxford. 

May  11  „  Wilmot,  dated  from  Oxford. 

May  12  „  Blagge,  dated  from  Wallingford. 

May  12  „  Nicholas,  dated  from  Oxford. 

May  15  „  Smith,  dated  from  Churington. 

May  15  „  Wentworth,  dated  from  Buckingham. 

May  16  „  Wentworth,  dated  from  Buckingham. 

May  17  „  Belasis,  dated  from  York. 

May  19  „  Crafurd,  dated  from  Farringdon. 

May  26  „  Crafurd,  dated  from  Farringdon 

May  29  „  Hastings,  dated  from  Ashby. 

May  30  „  Mennes,  dated  from  Ellesmere. 

June  1  „  Blagge,  dated  from  Wallingford. 

June  4  „  Wilmot,  dated  from  Bletchington. 

June  6  „  Wilmot,  dated  from  Bletchington. 

June  6  „  Dives,  dated  from  Abingdon. 

June  8  „  Wilmot,  dated  from  Bletchington. 

June  12  „  Wilmot,  dated  from  Bletchington. 

June  14  „  Crafurd,  dated  from  Farringdon. 

June  14  „  Dingley,  dated  from  the  Hague. 

June  15  „  Dives,  dated  from  Abingdon. 

June  21  „  Berkshire,  dated  from  Emeline  Lodge. 


47G 


CHRONOLOGICAL   CATALOGUE. 


[1043. 


June            21 

written 

June            23 

June             23 

11 

June            24 

11 

June             25 

July                1 

„ 

July                4 

^ 

July                7 

11 

July                8 

11 

July              10 

11 

July               11 

July              12 

11 

July             12 

July             20 

11 

July              20 

July             20 

11 

July             21 

11 

July             21 

11 

July             21 

11 

July             22 

July             23 

11 

July             25 

July              25 

11 

July              26 

11 

July              27 

11 

July              29 

July              30 

11 

July             31 

11 

July             31 

August           3 

11 

August           3 

11 

August           4 

August           4 

11 

August           6 

August           7 

August           7 

11 

August          8 

August        13 

tt 

August         15 

jj 

August        21 

August        22 

i 

August        29 

7 

August        31 

September     1 
September     5 

, 

September     6 
September     7 

» 

September     7 

M 

September      8 

V 

September    10 

September    1  7 
September   17 

" 

September   18 

)t 

September  22 

7) 

September  24 

September  29 

)t 

October         2 

by  Essex,  dated  from  Tame. 

Aston,  dated  from  Bletchington. 

Dives,  dated  from  Abingdon. 

Aston,  dated  from  Bletchington. 

Aston,  dated  from  Bletchington. 

Ashburnham,  dated  from  Oxford. 

T.  Biron,  dated  from  Brackley. 

The  King,  dated  from  Oxford. 

(2)  Nicholas,  dated  from  Oxford. 

Falkland,  dated  from  Ash  by. 

Nicholas,  dated  from  Oxford. 

The  King,  dated  from  Oxford. 

Capel,  dated  from  Shropshire. 

The  King,  dated  from  Oxford. 

Prince  Maurice. 

Tracy,  dated  from  Teddington. 

Berkeley,  dated  from  Topsham. 

Herbert,  dated  from  Worcester. 

Hertford,  dated  from  Farnham. 

Falkland,  dated  from  Oxford. 

The  King,  dated  from  Oxford. 

Herbert,  dated  from  Ragland. 

Nicholas,  dated  from  Oxford. 

Vavasour,  dated  from  Hereford. 

T.  Byron,  dated  from  Brackley. 

Herbert,  dated  from  Ragland. 

Vavasour,  dated  from  Hereford. 

The  King  dated  from  Oxford. 

Sloughter,  dated  from  Worcester. 

Moreton,  dated  from  Winchcombe. 

Wilmot,  dated  from  Bletchington. 

Aston,  dated  from  Wotton-under-Edge. 

Vavasour,  dated  from  Monmouth. 

Vavasour,  dated  from  Brompton. 

Aston,  dated  from  Painswick,  near  Gloucester. 

Newcastle,  dated  from  Lincoln. 

Nicholas,  dated  from  Oxford. 

Fiennes,  dated  from  London. 

Hertford,  dated  from  Bristol. 

Hertford,  dated  from  Bristol. 

Hastings,  dated  from  Lichfield. 

Newcastle,  dated  from  Beverley. 

Countess  of  Derby,  dated  from  Lathom. 

Hopton,  dated  from  Bristol. 

Charles  Rex  (2  letters),  dated  from  Matsou  near 

Gloucester. 

Hopton,  dated  from  Bristol. 
Hopton,  dated  from  Bristol. 
Hastings,  dated  from  Tutbury  Castle. 
Maxwell,  dated  from  Berkeley  Castle. 
Bell,  dated  from  London. 
Ashburnham,  dated  from  North  Leach. 
Digby,  dated  from  Alnescott. 
Newcastle,  dated  from  Cottingham. 
Charles  Rex,  dated  from  Newbury. 
Widdrington,  dated  from  Gainsborough. 
Hyde,  none. 
Herbert,  dated  from  Worcester., 


1643.] 


CHRONOLOGICAL   CATALOGUE. 


477 


October 

October 

October 

October 

October 

October 

October 

October 

October 

October 

October 

October 

October 

October 

October 

October 

October 

October 

October 

November 

November 

November 

November 

November 

November 

November 

November 

November 

November 

November 

November    1 1 

November    12 

November    12 

November    13 

November   16 

November    20 

November   21 

November    22 

November   27 

November   28 

November  28 

November  29 

November  30 

November  none 


3  written 

3 

10    „ 
15 

16  „ 
17 
24 
25 
27 
27 
28 
28 
28 
28 
29 
30 
30 
31 
31 

1 

2 

3 

4 

4 

5 

6 

7 

7 

8 

9 


December 
December 
December 
December 
December 
December 
December  12 
December  12 
December  13 
December  14 
December  16 
December  17 
December  19 
December  19 


1 
3 
4 
6 
9 
10 


by  Hopton,  dated  from  Sudbury. 

Newcastle,  dated  from  Cottingham. 

Moody,  dated  from  Berry. 

Nicholas,  dated  from  Oxon. 

Jauffe,  dated  from  Dublin. 

Cane,  dated  from  Milton. 

Londesdale,  dated  from  Banbury. 

Hopton,  dated  from  Bristol. 

Astley,  dated  from  Reading. 

Nicholas,  dated  from  Oxon. 

Astley,  dated  from  Reading. 

Dives  (2),  dated  from  Stoney  Stratford. 

Hastings,  dated  from  Ashby. 

Nicholas,  dated  from  Oxon. 

Wilmot,  dated  from  Blackthorn  Windmill. 

Nicholas,  dated  from  Oxon. 

Wilmot,  dated  from  Buckingham. 

Wilmot,  dated  from  Buckingham. 

Nicholas,  dated  from  Oxon. 

Nicholas,  dated  from  Oxon. 

Wentworth,  dated  from  Braday. 

Nicholas,  dated  from  Oxon. 

Cane,  dated  from  Dartmouth. 

Byron,  dated  from  Brackley. 

Nicholas,  dated  from  Oxon. 

Nicholas,  dated  from  Oxon. 

Nicholas,  dated  from  Oxon. 

Byron,  dated  from  Brackley. 

Hopton,  dated  from  Winchester. 

Byron,  dated  from  Brackley. 

Charles  Rex,  dated  from  Oxon. 

Aston,  dated  from  Reading. 

Nicholas,  dated  from  Oxon. 

Charles  Rex,  dated  from  Oxon. 

Nicholas,  dated  from  Oxon. 

Gerrard,  dated  from  Bristol. 

Aston,  dated  from  Easton. 

Aston,  dated  from  Easton. 

Aston,  dated  from  Easton. 

Aston,  dated  from  Easton. 

Dives,  dated  from  Balesbury. 

Loughborough,  none. 

Tudford,  Bristol  Castle. 

Wilmot,  dated  from  Brackley. 

Wilmot,  dated  from  Woodstock. 

Gerrard,  dated  from  Worcester. 

Vavasour,  dated  from  Bristol. 

Aston,  dated  from  Easton. 

Vavasour,  dated  from  Bristol. 

Newcastle,  dated  from  Chesterfield. 

N.  Byron,  dated  from  Chester. 

Hopton,  dated  from  Alresford. 

Gerrard,  dated  from  Frome. 

Hawley,  dated  from  Bristol. 

Cocheran,  dated  from  Towcester. 

Culpepper,  dated  from  Bristol. 

Northampton,  dated  from  Banbury. 

Neille,  dated  from  Abingdon. 


478 


CHRONOLOGICAL   CATALOGUE.          [1643-4. 


December    20  written 

December    21 

December   21 

December   22 

December   23 

pi 

December   24 

December   25 

December   27 

December    30 

» 

January          1  written 

January         1 

,, 

January         1 

M 

January         2 

S1 

January     None 

„ 

January         4 

n 

January         6 

tt 

January         6 

)•> 

January         7 

t  t 

January         7 

t  ( 

January       11 

t 

January       12 

, 

January       13 

i 

January       14 

t 

January       14 

r 

January       15  or 

11 

January       17 

M 

January       17 

p| 

January       21 

January       21 

M 

January       25 

M 

January       26 

H 

January       28 

,  , 

January       29 

}> 

January      30 

M 

January       31 

>f 

January       31 

§ 

February        1 

February        1(?) 

,, 

February        2 

M 

February       2 
February       2 

» 

February       3 

,, 

February        3 
February        4 

» 

February       5 

|f 

February        6 

Jf 

February        6 
February       8 
February        8 

5> 

February       9 
February       9 
February       9 

> 

February      10 

p 

February     10 

, 

Astley,  dated  from  Reading. 
Gerrard,  dated  from  Worcester. 
Russell,  dated  from  Bristol. 
Northampton,  dated  from  Banbury. 
Wilmot,  dated  from  Winchester. 
Neille,  dated  from  Abingdon. 
Aston,  dated  from  Easton. 
Cocheran,  dated  from  Towcester. 

1643-4. 

by  Cocheran  (2  of  this  date)  from  Towcester. 
Hamilton,  dated  from  Pershore. 
Wilmot,  dated  from  Stanford. 
Charles  Rex,  dated  from  Oxford. 
N.  Byron,  dated  from  Shrewsbury. 
Northampton,  dated  from  Banbury. 
Sackville,  dated  from  Bibury. 
Vavasour,  dated  from  Tewkesbury. 
Vavasour,  dated  from  Tewkesbury. 
Nicholas,  dated  from  Oxford. 
Astley,  dated  from  Reading. 
Hines,  dated  from  Shortill. 
Astley,  dated  from  Reading. 
Astley,  dated  from  Reading. 
Byron,  dated  from  Wisterton. 
Heath. 

Darell,  dated  from  Cirencester. 
Hastings,  dated  from  Ashby. 
Dives,  dated  from  Abingdon. 
Nicholas,  dated  from  Oxford. 
Ashburnham,  dated  from  Oxford. 
(3  same  day.) 

Nicholas,  dated  from  Oxford. 
Nicholas,  dated  from  Oxford. 
Gerrard,  dated  from  Worcester. 
Boys,  dated  from  Donnington. 
Ottley,  dated  from  Shrewsbury. 
Vavasour,  dated  from  Tewkesbury. 
Russell,  dated  from  Worcester. 
Charles  Rex,  dated  from  Oxford. 
O 'Neille,  dated  from  Shrewsbury. 
Mennes,  dated  from  Salop. 
Newport,  dated  from  Shrewsbury. 
Charles  Rex,  dated  from  Oxford. 
T.  Biron,  dated  from  Banbury. 
Newcastle,  dated  from  Newcastle. 
Hamilton,  dated  from  Worcester. 
Hamilton,  dated  from  Worcester. 
Vavasour,  dated  from  Worcester. 
Leveson,  dated  from  Dudley  Castle. 
Tracy. 

Woodhouse,  dated  from  Shrewsbury. 
Mennes,  dated  from  Salop. 
Hastings,  dated  from  Ashby. 
Bradshugh,  dated  from  Bradford. 
R.  Byron,  dated  from  Newark. 


1643-4.]          CHRONOLOGICAL   CATALOGUE. 


479 


February     10  written 

February      1  1 

n 

February      11 

>f 

February      1  1 

M 

February      1  1 

February     12 

February      12 

M 

February      12 

tt 

February     13 

)? 

February      13 

,, 

February      13 

w 

February      13 

ti 

February     13 

M 

February      14 

Jf 

February      15 

(l 

February      16 

77 

February      1  6 

February     17 

, 

February      18 

, 

February     18 

f 

February      19 

f 

February     19 

p 

February      19 

f 

February      19 

j 

February     20 

f 

February     20 

1 

February     21 

> 

February     21 

f 

February     22 

f 

February     22 

, 

February     22 

( 

February     22 

j 

February     22 

February     23 

» 

February     23 

February     24 

tl 

February     24 

>f 

February     24 

,, 

February     26 

M 

February     26 

f> 

February     27 

ft 

February     28 

fj 

February     28 

,, 

February     28 

,, 

February     28 

,, 

February     28 

>t 

February     28 

,, 

March           1 

March           2 

March           2 

. 

March           2 

March           2 

March         None 

March            2 

59 

March            4 

99 

March            5 

99 

March            7 

March            7 

by  Mennes,  dated  from  Salop. 
Massey,  dated  from  Gloucester. 
Byron,  dated  from  Chester. 
Gerrard,  dated  from  Brill. 
Jermyn,  dated  from  Oxford. 
Digby,  dated  from  Oxford. 
Fane,  dated  from  Doncaster. 
O'Neille,  dated  from  Shrewsbury. 
Charles  Rex,  dated  from  Oxon. 
Digby,  dated  from  Oxford. 
Edmonds,  dated  from  Shrewsbury. 
(2)  Newcastle,  dated  from  Newcastle. 
O'Neille,  dated  from  Bristol. 
Belasis. 
Jermyn,  dated  from  Oxford. 

(2)  Newcastle,  dated  from  Newcastle. 

(2)  Trevor,  dated  from  Oxford. 

Vavasour,  dated  from  Nement. 

Charles  Rex,  dated  from  Oxford. 
Sheddencourt,  dated  from  Bristol. 

Aston,  dated  from  Reading. 

Essex,  dated  from  Essex  House. 

Trevor,  dated  from  Oxford. 

Forth,  dated  from  Brill. 

Byron,  dated  from  Chester. 

O'Neille,  dated  from  Ragland. 

(2)  Byron,  dated  from  Chester. 

Dives,  dated  from  Abingdon. 

Broughton,  dated  from  Ruthin. 

Gerrard,  dated  from  Worcester. 

(2)  Trevor,  dated  from  Oxford. 

Wilmot,  dated  from  Oxford. 

Jermyn,  dated  from  Oxford. 

Jermyn,  dated  from  Oxford. 

Trevor,  dated  from  Oxford. 

Conyngsby,  dated  from  Hereford. 

Fairfax,  dated  from  Manchester. 

Trevor,  dated  from  Oxford. 

Jermyn,  dated  from  Oxford. 

Digby,  dated  from  Oxford. 

Herbert,  dated  from  Montgomery. 

Aston,  dated  from  Reading. 

Fyton,  Wem. 

Gerrard,  dated  from  Worcester. 

Herbert,  dated  from  Montgomery. 

Northampton. 

Wintour,  dated  from  Chepstow. 

Aston,  dated  from  Reading. 

Byron. 

Charles  Rex,  dated  from  Oxford. 

Northampton,  dated  from  Banbury. 

Newport,  dated  from  Shrewsbury. 

(2)  Trevor. 

Woodhouse,  dated  from  Hopton. 

Frohocke,  dated  from  Oxon. 

Trevor. 

Northampton,  dated  from  Ragland. 

Northampton,  dated  from  Ragland. 


480 


CHRONOLOGICAL   CATALOGUE.          [1643-4- 


March 

7  written  by  Derby,  dated  from  Chester. 

March 

8 

„         Derby,  dated  from  Chester. 

March 

9 

„         Loughborough,  dated  from  Ashby. 

March 

11 

„         Gerrard,  dated  from  Worcester. 

March 

12 

„         Newport,  dated  from  Shrewsbury. 

March 

13 

„         Hynes,  dated  from  Banbury. 

March 

14 

„         Pym,  dated  from  Westminster. 

March 

15 

„         Lunsford,  dated  from  Malmesbury. 

March 

15 

„         Jermyn,  dated  from  Oxford. 

March 

16 

„         Jermyn,  dated  from  Oxford. 

March 

17 

„         Herbert,  dated  from  Montgomery. 

March 

19 

„         Culpepper,  dated  from  Aylesbury. 

March 

22 

„         Derby,  dated  from  Preston. 

March 

22 

„         Blagge,  dated  from  Wallingford. 

March 

23 

„         Derby,  dated  from  Derby. 

March 

24 

„         (2)  Hynes,  dated  from  Banbury. 

March 

24 

,        Jermyn,  dated  from  Oxford. 

March 

24 

„         Trevor. 

1643. 

[Letters  of  this  year^  dates  incomplete  :  — 

March 

None  written  bys  A  stley,  dated  from  Reading. 

March 

None 

Bellow,  dated  from  the  North. 

March 

Monday 

Blagge. 

March 

Monday 

Blagge. 

March 

at  night 

Blagge. 

March 

None 

Blagge. 

Sept. 

None 

Bristol. 

Sept. 

None 

Byron. 

Sept. 

None 

K.  d'Aubigny. 

Sept. 

Monday 

Hastings. 

Sept. 

Saturday 

Hastings. 

Sept. 

Sunday 

Hastings,  dated  from  Tamworth. 

Sept. 

Sunday 

Jermyn,  dated  from  Exeter. 

Sept. 

Sunday 

Loughborough,  dated  from  Belvoir. 

Sept. 

Sunday 

Loughborough,  dated  from  perhaps  Belvoir. 

Sept. 

Sunday 

Mennes.] 

1644. 

March 

25  written  by  Charles  Rex,  dated  from  Oxon. 

March 

25 

Digby,  dated  from  Oxon. 

March 

25         , 

Kirke,  dated  from  Bridgenorth. 

March 

25 

Newcastle,  dated  from  Durham. 

March 

26 

Belasis,  dated  from  York. 

March 

26        „         Cashill,  dated  from  Galway. 

March 

26 

Kirke,  dated  from  Bridgenorth. 

March 

26 

Hutchinson,  dated  from  Nottingham. 

March 

26         „ 

Jermyn,  dated  from  Oxford. 

March 

27         „         Belasis,  dated  from  Yorke. 

March 

27         „         Jermyn,  dated  from  Oxford. 

March 

27 

\'avasour,  dated  from  Painswick. 

March 

28 

Cobbe,  dated  from  Newark. 

March 

29 

Belasis,  dated  from  York. 

March 

29 

Newcastle,  dated  from  Durham. 

March 

30 

Bellenden,  dated  from  Salop. 

1044.] 


CHRONOLOGICAL   CATALOGUE. 


481 


March 

30 

written 

March 

30 

M  arch 

28 

B 

March 

28 

11 

April 

1 

11 

April 

1 

11 

April 

1 

April 

2 

11 

April 

2 

11 

April 

2 

April 

2 

n 

April 
April 

3 

4 

11 
11 

April 

4 

u 

April 

4 

M 

April 

6 

11 

April 
April 

6 
6 

11 
11 

April 

6 

11 

April 
April 

6 

7 

11 

April 

7 

11 

April 

8 

11 

April 

8 

11 

April 
April 

9 
9 

11 
11 

April 

10 

April 

10 

n 

April 
April 
April 

11 
11 
12 

11 

11 

April 

12 

^ 

April 

12 

n 

April 

12 

11 

April 

13 

11 

April 
April 

13 
13 

11 

April 

13 

11 

April 

13 

April 

13 

April 
April 
April 

14 
16 
17 

11 
11 
11 

April 

17 

11 

April 
April 

18 
18 

11 
11 

April 

18 

11 

April 

19 

11 

April 

19 

11 

April 

20 

11 

April 

20 

11 

April 

21 

11 

April 

21 

April 
April 
April 
April 

22 
22 
23 
26 

11 
11 
11 

April 

28 

11 

by  Newcastle,  dated  from  Durham. 
Porter,  dated  from  Lincoln. 
Porter,  dated  from  Newark. 
Ormond,  dated  from  Dublin. 
Charles  Rex,  dated  from  Oxford. 
Porter,  dated  from  Lincoln. 
Vavasour,  dated  from  Oxford. 
Herbert,  dated  from  Oxford. 
Killigrew,  dated  from  Oxford. 
Lloyd,  dated  from  Insmaengwynce. 
Wilmot,  dated  from  Oxford. 
Digby,  dated  from  Oxford. 
Byron,  dated  from  Chester. 
Digby,  dated  from  Oxford. 
Dunsmore,  dated  from  Oxford. 
Buckingham,  dated  from  Oxford. 
(2)  Digby,  dated  from  Oxford. 
Fane,  dated  from  Lincoln. 
Vavasour,  dated  from  Oxford. 
Woodhouse,  dated  from  Cranton. 
Bagot,  dated  from  Lichfield. 
(2)  Byron,  dated  from  Chester. 
Byron,  dated  from  Chester. 
Byron,  dated  from  Abingdon. 
Byron,  dated  from  Chester. 
Kirke,  dated  from  Bridgenorth. 
Loughborough,  dated  from  Tutbury. 
Dunsmore,  dated  from  Oxford. 
Blaxton,  dated  from  Monmouthshire. 
Trevor,  dated  from  Oxford. 
Charles  Rex,  dated  from  Oxford. 
Gerrard,  dated  from  Worcester. 
Prise,  dated  from  Brecon. 
Woodhouse,  dated  from  Cranton. 
R.  Biron,  dated  from  Newark. 
Jermyn,  dated  from  Oxford. 
Loughborough,  dated  from  Tutbury. 
Prise,  dated  from  Brecon. 
Redmayne,  dated  from  Pontefract. 
Vavasour,  dated  from  Hereford. 
Woodhouse,  dated  from  Cranton. 
Loughborough,  dated  from  Lichfield. 
(2)  Charles  Rex,  dated  from  Oxford. 
Woodhouse,  dated  from  Cranton. 
Kirke,  dated  from  Bridgenorth. 
Newcastle,  dated  from  York. 
Charles  Rex,  dated  from  Oxford. 
Vavasour,  dated  from  Hereford. 
Charles  Rex,  dated  from  Oxford. 
Charles  Rex,  dated  from  Oxford, 
Jermyn,  dated  from  Oxford. 
Jermyn,  dated  from  Oxford. 
Gerrard,  dated  from  Oxford. 
Gerrard,  dated  from  Worcester. 
Bagot,  dated  from  Lichfield. 
Charles  Rex,  dated  from  Oxford. 
Goring,  dated  from  Newark. 
Fillice,  dated  from  Shiffnall. 


482 


CHRONOLOGICAL   CATALOGUE. 


[1644. 


April 

28  written 

May 

1 

M 

May 

5 

n 

May 

5 

11 

May 

6 

n 

May 

7 

11 

May 

7 

11 

May 

7 

11 

May 

8 

'» 

May 

8 

n 

May 

9 

11 

May 

10 

11 

May 

11 

W 

May 

11 

»» 

May 

12 

11 

May 

12 

11 

May 

19 

11 

May 

21 

11 

May 

26 

i> 

June 

4 

11 

June 

7 

11 

June 

8 

11 

June 

11 

11 

June 

12 

n 

June 

13 

n 

June 

14 

11 

June 

14 

11 

June 

17 

11 

June 

19 

11 

June 

22 

11 

June 

None 

11 

June 

25 

11 

July 

None 

11 

July 

12 

11 

July 

17 

n 

July 

17 

11 

July 

21 

11 

July 

27 

11 

August 

1 

» 

August 

9 

11 

August 

10 

>» 

August 

11 

,, 

August 

13 

>1 

August 

15 

•)! 

August 

15 

,, 

August 

15 

J» 

August 

15 

>1 

August 

19 

,, 

August 

21 

») 

August 

21 

JJ 

August 

22 

>5 

August 

23 

,, 

August 

23 

>» 

August 

23 

>» 

August 

24 

J> 

August 

27 

» 

August 

29 

»> 

August 

30 

» 

by  Trevor,  dated  from  Oxford. 
Gerrard,  dated  from  Worcester. 
Byron,  dated  from  Chester. 
Charles  Rex,  dated  from  Oxford. 
Haltby,  dated  from  Oxford. 
Gerrard,  dated  from  Worcester. 
Elyot,  dated  from  Oxon. 
Price,  dated  from  Brecon. 
N.  Byron,  dated  from  Newark. 
Charles  Rex,  dated  from  Oxford. 
Maurice,  dated  from  Lyme. 
Goring,  dated  from  Brookesby. 
Charles  Rex,  dated  from  Oxford. 
Digby,  dated  from  Oxford. 
Newcastle,  dated  from  Oxford. 
Nicholas,  dated  from  Oxford. 
Gerrard,  dated  from  Worcester. 
Elyot,  dated  from  Oxford. 
Richmond,  dated  from  Oxford. 
Glenham,  dated  from  York. 
Charles  Rex,  dated  from  Worcester. 
Digby,  dated  from  Worcester. 
Goring. 

Digby,  dated  from  Worcester. 
Davenant,  dated  from  Haleford. 
Digby,  dated  from  Bewdley. 
Richmond,  dated  from  Bewdley. 
Digby,  dated  from  Bradbury  Down. 
Goring. 

Charles  Rex,  dated  from  Buckingham. 
Charles  Rex,  dated  from  Oxford. 
Goring,  dated  from  Skipton. 
Charles  Rex,  dated  from  Evesham. 
Digby,  dated  from  Evesham. 
Digby,  dated  from  Bath. 
Charles  Rex,  dated  from  Bath. 
Nicholas,  dated  from  Oxford. 
Digby,  dated  from  Exeter. 
Croft,  dated  from  Knaresborough. 
Goring. 

Byron,  dated  from  Liverpool. 
Prise,  dated  from  Usk. 
Cave,  dated  from  Boconnock. 
Bynissy,  dated  from  Salop. 
Digby,  dated  from  Boconnock. 
Goring,  dated  from  Boconnock. 
Richmond,  dated  from  Boconnock. 
Gerrard,  dated  from  Worcester. 
Kirke,  dated  from  Bridgenorth. 
Langdale,  dated  from  Chester. 
Legge,  dated  from  Chester. 
Byron,  dated  from  Liverpool. 
Corbett,  dated  from  Moreton. 
Herbert,  dated  from  Montgomery. 
Aslley,  dated  from  Oxford. 
Ernly,  dated  from  Shrewsbury. 
Byron,  dated  from  Liverpool. 
Digby,  dated  from  Boconnock. 


1644.] 


CHRONOLOGICAL  CATALOGUE. 


483 


August 

September 

September 

September 

September 

September 

September 

September 

September 

September 

September 

September 

September 

September   16 


30  written  by  Charles  Rex,  dated  from  Boconnock. 


4 
5 
5 
5 
6 
7 
7 
7 
9 
10 


16 
19 


September 

September 

September    19 

September  20 

September  22 

September   22 

September  23 

September   23 

September  24 

September   24 

September   26 

September   26 

September   30 

October 

October 

October 

October 

October 

October 

October 

October 

October 

October 

October 

October 

October 

October 

October 

October 

October 

October 

October 

October 

October 

October 

November 

November 

November 

November 

November 

November 

November 

November 

November 


1 

0 
2 
3 
7 
9 
11 
12 
16 
17 
18 
20 
21 
21 
22 
22 
23 
25 
26 
27 
27 
28 
2 
2 
5 
6 
9 
11 
11 
19 
20 


Berkeley,  dated  from  Exeter. 
Digby,  dated  from  Boconnock. 
Dyne,  dated  from  Boconnock. 
Woodhouse,  dated  from  Ludlow. 
Goring,  dated  from  Oakhampton. 
Herbert,  dated  from  Ludlow. 
Charles  Rex,  dated  from  Tavistock. 
Charles  Rex,  dated  from  Montgomery. 
Nicholas,  dated  from  Oxford. 
Wyndham,  dated  from  Bridgenorth. 
Cave,  dated  from  Plymouth. 
Gerrard,  dated  from  Worcester. 
Brainsford,  dated  from  Exeter. 
Charles  Rex,  dated  from  Oakhampton. 
Ernly,  dated  from  Shrewsbury. 
Tuke,  dated  from  Ushet. 
Tuke,  dated  from  St.  Rane". 
Haltby,  dated  from  Monmouth. 
Tuke,  dated  from  St.  Rane". 

Blaxton,  dated  from  Monmouthshire. 

Digby,  dated  from  Exeter. 

Loughborough,  dated  from  Ashby. 

Tuke,  dated  from  St.  Reeve. 

Byron,  dated  from  Chester. 

Haoghton,  dated  from  Chester. 

Tuke,  dated  from  St.  Reeve. 

Tuke,  dated  from  Monmouth. 

Woodhouse,  dated  from  Newent. 

Nicholas,  dated  from  Oxford. 

Goring,  dated  from  Bristol. 

Glenham,  dated  from  Carlisle. 

Byron,  dated  from  Chester. 

Charles  Rex,  dated  from  Blandford. 

Mayne,  dated  from  Pontefract. 

Elyot,  dated  from  Salisbury. 

Morgan,  dated  from  Ragland. 

Mennes,  dated  from  Beaumaris. 

Glenham,  dated  from  Carlisle. 

Digby,  dated  from  Whitchurch. 

Ernly,  dated  from  Shrewsbury. 

Langdale,  dated  from  Monmouth. 

Nicholas,  dated  from  Oxford. 

Preston,  dated  from  Newark. 

Digby,  dated  from  Newbury. 

(2)  Wintour,  dated  from  St.  Pierre. 

Dijrby,  dated  from  Newbury. 

Cave,  dated  from  Chester. 

Glenham,  dated  from  Carlisle. 

Nicholas,  dated  from  Oxford. 

Blagge,  dated  from  Wallingford. 

Hastings,  dated  from  Derby. 

Byron,  dated  from  Newark. 

Herbert,  dated  from  Newport. 

Billingsby,  dated  from  Bridgenorth. 

Kirke,  dated  from  Bridgenorth. 

Waller. 

Wintour,  dated  from  Bristol. 


484 


CHRONOLOGICAL   CATALOGUE.          [1644-5. 


November   21 

written 

November    22 

November   22 

November    25-26  ,', 

November    27 

November    29 

December      1 

t  j 

December      1 

December      1 

J! 

December      5 

December      8 

December    10 

( 

December    13 

>, 

December    13 

December    14 

( 

December    15 

December    17 

f 

December    18 

V 

December    18 

December   22 

' 

December    23 

December   23 

December    25 

J? 

December   25 

December    26 

II 

December   27 

' 

December    29 

January 

1  writtt 

January 

3 

January 

4 

January 

4 

January 

6 

January 

7 

January 

8 

January 

9 

January 

12 

January 

15 

January 

16 

January 

16 

January 

18 

January 

19 

January 

20 

January 

20 

January 

21 

January 

22 

January 

23 

January 

25 

January 

29 

January 

29 

February 

13 

February 

15 

February 

19 

February 

19 

February 

19 

February 

22        „ 

by  Bagot,  dated  from  Dudley  Castle. 

Hawley,  dated  from  Bristol. 

Gage,  dated  from  Basing. 

Astley,  dated  from  Farringdon. 

Haltby,  dated  from  Bath. 

Hawley,  dated  from  Bristol. 

Leveson,  dated  from  Dudley  Castle. 

Lloyd,  dated  from  Farringdon. 

Northampton,  dated  from  Swindon. 

Blount,  dated  from  Petworth. 
Lloyd,  dated  from  Farringdon. 
Astley,  dated  from  Cirencester. 
Legge,  dated  from  Farringdon. 
Grenville,  dated  from  Bristol. 
Wyndham,  dated  from  Bridgewater. 
Wyatt,  dated  from  Salop, 
Astley,  dated  from  Cirencester. 
Astley,  dated  from  Cirencester. 
Blount,  dated  from  Petworth. 
Lloyd,  dated  from  Highworth. 
Astley,  dated  from  Cirencester. 
Dongan,  dated  from  Camden. 
Legge,  dated  from  Farringdon. 
Watts,  dated  from  Chirke  Castle. 
Legge,  dated  from  Farringdon. 
Astley,  dated  from  Cirencester. 
Goring,  dated  from  Calne. 

1644-5. 

by  Legge,  dated  from  Farringdon. 
Ernly,  dated  from  Shrewsbury. 
Lloyd,  dated  from  Devizes. 
Astley. 

Wyndham,  dated  from  Chard. 
Willis,  dated  from  Bath. 
Lloyd,  dated  from  Devizes. 
Goring,  dated  from  Lanam. 
Langdale,  dated  from  Winchester. 
Wyatt,  dated  from  Evesham. 
Scrope,  dated  from  Oxford. 
Prince  Maurice,  dated  from  Evesham. 
Northampton,  dated  from  Banbury. 
Byron,  dated  from  Oxford. 
Charles  Rex. 

Northampton,  dated  from  Banbury. 
Campion,  dated  from  Borstall. 
Goring,  dated  from  Salisbury. 
Molesworth,  dated  from  Bridgenorth. 
Campion,  dated  from  Borstall. 
Prince  Maurice,  dated  from  Worcester. 
Archbishop  Yorke,  dated  from  Conway. 
Dyves,  dated  from  Sherborne. 
Cave,  dated  from  Ludlow. 
Powis,  dated  from  Berkeley  Castle. 
Sandys,  dated  from  Worcester. 
Willis,  dated  from  Worcester. 
Kirke,  dated  from  Bridgenorth. 


1644-5.]          CHRONOLOGICAL   CATALOGUE.  485 

February     22  written  by  Sandys,  dated  from  Worcester. 

February     25         ,,  Kirke,  dated  from  Bridgenorth. 

February     28         ,,  Essex. 

March  1         „  Scudamore,  dated  from  Hereford. 

March  2         „  Weston,  dated  from  Berkeley  Castle. 

March  3         „  Scudamore,  dated  from  Hereford. 

March  3         „  Byron,  dated  from  Glemene. 

March  4         „  Charles  Rex,  dated  from  Oxford. 

March  6         „  Langdale,  dated  from  Bingham. 

March  9         w  Gams,  dated  from  Bristol. 

Incompletely  dated : — 

Written  by  Ashburnham,  dated  from  the  West. 

„  Bagot,  dated  from  Lichfield. 

„  Byron,  dated  from  Newark. 

„  Charles  Rex  (two.) 

„  Goring  (two.) 

„  Goring,  dated  from  Wigan, 

Wednesday,  5 A.M.  „  Goring,  dated  from  York. 
„         Nicholas. 

1645. 

April  2  written  by  Digby,  dated  from  Oxford. 

April  7         „        Charles  Rex,  dated  from  Oxford 

April  27         „         Hyde,  dated  from  Bridgenorth. 

April  27         „         Digby,  dated  from  Oxford. 

April  27         „         Digby,  dated  from  Oxford. 

April  29         „         Diyby,  dated  from  Oxford.' 

April  29         „         Nicholas,  dated  from  Oxford. 

April  30         „         (2)  Nicholas,  dated  from  Oxford. 

April  30         „         Charles  Rex,  dated  from  Oxford. 

April  30         „         Trevor,  dated  from  Bristol. 

May  1         „         Gerrard,  dated  from  Burford. 

May  3         „         Massey,  dated  from  Sudley. 

May  5         „         Digby,  dated  from  Lichfield. 

May  5         „         Jermyn,  dated  from  Paris. 

May  12         „         Goring,  dated  from  Bristol. 

May  16         „         Nicholas,  dated  from  Oxford. 

May  17         „         Goring,  dated  from  Ma  stock. 

May  19         „         Goring,  dated  from  Bristol. 

May  21         „         Hyde,  dated  from  Exeter. 

May  22         „         Nicholas,  dated  from  Oxford. 

May  27         „         Hyde,  dated  from  Bath. 

June  20         „         Charles  Rex,  dated  from  Hereford. 

June  21         „         Digby,  dated  from  Hereford. 

June  23         „         Nicholas,  dated  from  Oxford. 

June  26         „         Nicholas,  dated  from  Oxford. 

June  30         „         Legge. 

July  2         „         Astley,  dated  from  Ragley. 

July  3         „         Charles  Rex,  dated  from  Abergavenny. 

July  6         „         Charles  Rex,  dated  from  Abergavenny. 

July  6         „         Charles  Rex,  dated  from  Abergavenny. 

July  7         „         Charles  Rex,  dated  from  Ragland. 

July  7         „         Prince  Maurice,  dated  from  Worcester. 

July  9         „         Ashburnham,  dated  from  Ragland. 

July  11         „         Ashburnham,  dated  from  Ragland. 

July  11         „         Charles  Rex,  dated  from  Ragland. 


486 


CHRONOLOGICAL   CATALOGUE. 


[1653. 


11  written  by  Nicholas,  dated  from  Oxford. 


July 

July              12  „  Goring,  dated  from  Dunster. 

July              12  „  Nicholas,  dated  from  Oxford. 

July              13  „  Digby,  dated  from  Ragland. 

July              16  „  Digby,  dated  from  Ragland. 

July             17  „  Astaley,  dated  from  Cardiff. 

July             20  „  Lucas,  dated  from  Berkley. 

July             22  „  Watson,  dated  from  Bridgewater. 

July              23  „  Nicholas,  dated  from  Oxford. 

July             24  „  Charles  Rex,  dated  from  Newport. 

July             25  „  Laughton,  dated  from  Lichfield. 

July             25  ,,  Lumsford,  dated  from  Monmouth. 

July             26  „  Charles  Rex,  dated  from  Ruperry. 

July             28  „  Ashburnham,  dated  from  Ragland. 

July             28  „  Digby,  dated  from  Ruperry. 

July             28  ,.  Rupert,  dated  from  Bristol. 

July             28  „  Lucas,  dated  from  Barkby. 

July             30  „  Asteley,  dated  from  Newport. 

July             30  „  Loughborough,  dated  from  Lichfield. 

August           2  „  Prince  of  Wales,  dated  from  Launceston. 

August           3  „  Richmond,  dated  from  Cardiff. 

August           4  „  Charles  Rex,  dated  from  Oxford. 

August           4  „  Morton. 

August           5  „  Culpepper,  dated  from  Cardiff. 

August         11  „  Ashburnham,  dated  from  Lichfield. 

August         11  „  Astley,  dated  from  Cardiff. 

August         13  „  Hawley,  dated  from  Bristol. 

August         15  „  Astley,  dated  from  Cardiff. 

August        27  „  Digby,  dated  from  Ascot. 

August         29  „  Digby,  dated  from  Ascot. 

September  None  „  Prince  Rupert. 

September     5  „  Osborne,  dated  from  Ludlow. 

September   14  „  Charles  Rex,  dated  from  Ragland. 

September  20  „  Charles  Rex,  dated  from  Newtown. 

October         4  ,,  Osborne,  dated  from  London. 

October       27  „  Charles  Rex,  dated  from  Newark. 

October       30  ,,  Charles  Rex,  dated  from  Newark. 

October       30  ,,  Prince  Rupert. 

November     1.  ,,  Osborne,  dated  from  London. 

November     9  „  Osborne,  dated  from  London. 

November  25  „  A  poor  servant. 

December  25  „  Dorset,  dated  from  Newport. 

1645-6. 

January       10  ,,  Leveson,  dated  from  Dudley. 

January       10  „  Nicholas,  dated  from  Oxford. 

January       25  „  Goring,  dated  from  Pondesford. 

1645. 

March           7  ,,  Charles  Rex,  dated  from  Oxford. 

Incompletely  dated  : — 

,,  Charles  Rex. 

Digby  (two.) 

„  Osborne,  dated  from  London. 

Therold,  dated  from  Shrewsbury. 


1648.] 


CHRONOLOGICAL   CATALOGUE. 


487 


May 


1647. 
4  written  by  W.  B.,  dated  from  Edinburgh. 


May 

May 

June 

July 

August 

August 

August 

September      5 

September    14 

September    14 

September    30 


October 
October 
October 
October 
October 
October 
November  3 
November  6 
November  7 
November  12 
November  13 
November  14 
November  15 
November  1 7 
November  19 
November  24 
November  26 
November  27 
November  29 


December 
December 
December 
December 
December 

December  10 

December  1 1 

December  13 

December  14 

December  14 

December  15 

December  15 

December  1 6 

December  19 

December  22 

December  23 

December  30 

December  31 

Date  incomplete, 
VOL.  I. 


1648. 

Rokeby,  dated  from  Calais. 

Neville,  dated  from  London. 

Rokeby,  dated  from  Labassey. 

Brampfylde,  on  board  the  Admiral. 

Johnson,  dated  from  Sandowne. 

Long. 

O'Neile,  dated  from  Havre. 

Jermyn,  dated  from  Paris. 

Young,  dated  from  Paris. 

Wakie,  dated  from  Castle  Cornet. 

Kent,  dated  from  Vincenza. 

Hyde,  dated  from  Brill. 

Hyde,  dated  from  Brill. 

Long,  dated  from  Brill. 

Montrose,  dated  from  Brussels. 
Vavasour,  dated  from  Middleburg. 
Jermyo,  dated  from  Paris. 

Batten,  dated  from  Rotterdam. 
Craven,  dated  from  the  Hague. 
JafFat,  dated  from  Paris. 

Culpepper,  dated  from  Frarrenhagh. 

Berkley,  dated  from  Teeling. 

Jermyn,  dated  from  Paris. 
Moreton,  dated  from  the  Hague. 

Hyde,  dated  from  the  Hague. 

Hyde,  dated  from  the  Hague. 
Hyde,  dated  from  the  Hague. 
Hyde,  dated  from  the  Hague. 
Semkener,  dated  from  Rotterdam. 
Hyde,  dated  from  the  Hague. 
Hyde,  dated  from  the  Hague. 
Hyde,  dated  from  the  Hague. 
Montrose,  dated  from  Brussels. 
Hyde,  dated  from  the  Hague. 
Hyde,  dated  from  the  Hague. 
Hyde,  dated  from  the  Hague. 
Hyde,  dated  from  the  Hague. 
Hyde,  dated  from  the  Hague. 
Dodington,  dated  from  the  Hague. 
Montrose,  dated  from  Brussels. 
Katelbye. 

Ball,  dated  from  Rotterdam. 
Hyde,  dated  from  the  Hague. 
Long,  dated  from  Rotterdam. 
Dodington,  dated  from  Rotterdam. 
Plopton,  dated  from  Helvoetsluys. 
Dodington,  dated  from  the  Hague. 
Hyde,  dated  from  the  Hague. 
Boswell,  dated  from  the  Flague. 
Pitt,  dated  from  Helvoetsluys. 
Hyde,  dated  from  the  Hague. 


K  K 


488 


CHRONOLOGICAL   CATALOGUE.          [1048-50. 


Date  incomplete,  6  written  by  Hyde,  dated  from  the  Hague. 

27  „         Hyde,  dated  from  the  Hague. 

28  „         Hyde,  dated  from  the  Hague. 
August        26         ,,         Nottingham. 

'[Here  is  a  long  break  in  tlte  Correspondence.] 

1648-9. 

2  written  by  Hopton,  dated  from  Helvoetsluys. 
Hopton,  dated  from  Helvoetsluys. 
Mennes,  dated  from  Helvoetsluys. 
Hyde,  dated  from  the  Hague. 
Hyde,  dated  from  the  Hague. 
Bellenden,  dated  from  the  Hague. 
Hyde,  dated  from  the  Hague. 
Hyde,  dated  from  the  Hague. 
0  Sullivan,  dated  from  Daventry. 
Castlehaven,  dated  from  Carrick. 
Taaffe,  dated  from  Carrick. 
Hyde,  dated  from  the  Hague. 
Bankes,  dated  from  Rotterdam. 
Hyde,  dated  from  the  Hague. 
Blake,  dated  from  Gal  way. 
Inchiquin,  dated  from  Cork. 
Inchiquin,  dated  from  Cork. 
Inchiquin,  dated  from  Cork. 
O 'Sullivan,  dated  from  Bantry. 
Butler,  dated  from  Carrick. 

Sortingue,  dated  from . 

Tyers,  dated  from  Galway. 

1649. 

Butler,  dated  from  Carrick. 
O'Neile,  dated  from  Thurles. 
Inchiquin,  dated  from  Cork. 
Jermyn,  dated  from  Cork. 
Jermyn,  dated  from  Cork. 
Nicholas,  dated  from  Jersey. 

1649-50. 

Long,  dated  from 
Hopton,  dated  from  Hevoetsluys. 
Montrose,  dated  from 
Hopton,  dated  from  Brill. 
Dodington,  dated  from  Rotterdam. 
Long,  dated  from  the  Hague. 
Hopton,  dated  from  the  Hague. 
Craven,  dated  from  the  Hague. 
Mennes,  dated  from  Kinsale. 
Montrose,  dated  from  the  Hague. 
Montrose,  dated  from  the  Hague. 
Long,  dated  from  the  Hague. 
Hyde,  dated  from  the  Hague. 

1650. 
Cary  and  Legge,  dated  from  Exeter  Gaol. 


January 

2  writt( 

January 

5         , 

January 

12         , 

January 

20 

January 

21 

January 
January 

22 
24 

J  anuary 

29 

January 

31 

February 

1 

February 

2 

February 

9         , 

February 

14 

February 

28 

March 

3 

March 

6 

March 

7 

March 

8 

March 

14 

March 

19 

March 

19 

March 

22 

March  26 
March  27 
April  3 

June  25 

August  1 
November  30 


January  3 

January  4 

January  8 

January  10 

January  12 

January  13 

January  21 

January  26 

February  7 

February  8 

February  27 

February  28 

March  18 


December  18 


1052-8.] 


CHRONOLOGICAL  CATALOGUE. 


489 


1652. 


October       17  written  by  Pitt,  dated  from  Angra. 

November     4         ,,         Marshall,  dated  from  ship,  Honest  Seaman. 

December     9         ,,         Cushing,  dated  from  Sam.  Gullie's  Town. 


January  15 

February  6 

February  1 8 

March  17 

March  17 

March  17 


March 

April 

April 

April 

May 

May 

May 

May 

May 

June 

June 

October 

December      3 

December     3 


22 
14 
23 
24 

3 

12 
17 
19 
24 

2 
13 
18 


July  25 

August  1 

August  8 

August  26 

September  1 

October  7 

October  14 

November  10 


March  11  „ 
September  11  „ 
May  6 


1652-3. 

Prise,  dated  from 
Jermyn,  dated  from  Paris. 
Jermyn,  dated  from  Paris. 
Nicholas,  dated  from  the  Hague. 
J.  M.,  dated  from 
Another,  perhaps  Paris. 

1653. 

Jermyn,  dated  from  Paris. 

Holmes,  dated  from  his  Majesty's  ship  Ilopwell. 

Mansell,  dated  from  the  Hague. 

Cocke,  dated  from  Lisbon. 

Holmes,  dated  from  Nantes. 

De  Vie  M.,  dated  from  Brill. 

Holmes,  dated  from  Nantes. 

Holmes,  dated  from  Nantes. 

Holmes,  dated  from  Nantes. 

Craven,  dated  from  Nantes. 

Holmes,  dated  from  Port  Lorey. 

Kent,  dated  from  Venice. 

Holder,  dated  from  Paris. 

London,  dated  from  the  Hague. 

1654. 

Holder,  dated  from  Heidelburg. 
Holder,  dated  from  Heidelburg. 
Holder,  dated  from  Heidelburg. 
Holder,  dated  from  Heidelburg. 
Holder,  dated  from  Heidelburg. 
Holder,  dated  from  Heidelburg. 
Holder,  dated  from  Heidelburg. 
Nicholas,  dated  from  Cologne. 

1654-5. 
Langdale,  dated  from  Antwerp. 

1656. 

Cary,  dated  from  Hamburg. 

1658 

Nicholas,  dated  from  Brussels. 


K  K  2 


SUNDRY  DOCUMENTS  RELATING  TO  1642-3-4. 

ALCHUBCH,  to  the  third  borough  of,  and  the  assessors  of  the  monthly  contributions,  or 

to  pay  to  Worcester,  March  8,  1 643.     Signed  J.  Fox. 
BARNSTAPLE,   offers  of  pardon   to   the  mayor  and   corporation   of.     Signed  Maurice. 

Given  at  his  quarter  Polesloe,  August  27. 

BARNSTAPLE,  mayor  and  corporation's  reply  to  Prince  Maurice;  thankful  acceptation. 
BARNSTAPLE,  Charles  approves  of  articles ;  extract  dated  September  5. 
BALLS,  Captain,  remonstrates  against  Sir  J.  Ashley  taking  away  his  horses  from  Read- 
ing, January  4 — addressed  to  Prince  Rupert. 
BRISTOL,  council  whether  to  assault  or  approach  the  city,  July  22. 
EVESHAM,  instructions  to  Colonel  Washington  concerning  it,  by  command  of  the  King. 

Signed  by  Robert  Sanden,  of  Shrewsbury. 
GLOUCESTER,  journal  of  the  siege,  August. 
LATHOM  HOUSE,  solicitation  for  the  relief  of,  from  gentlemen  of  Chester,  to   Prince 

Rupert,  March  23. 
NEWARK,  remonstrance  concerning  its  state,  from  counties  of  Leicester  and  Nottingham, 

January  31,  to  the  King. 

NEWARK,  another  letter  from  the  same,  February  12. 
NEWARK,  from  Nottingham  gentry,  February  19. 
NEWBURY,  relation  of  the  battle,  September  20. 
NORTH  WALES,  backwardness  in  raising  levies. 
OXFORD,  resolution  of  the  Committee  to  prepare  a  letter  to  the  Lords  and  Commons,  at 

Westminster,  treating  of  peace,  February  14. 
OXFORD,  reply  to  complaints  from  Prince  Maurice,  March  12. 

WORCESTER,  address  from,  certifying  that  the  enemy  is  driven  out  of  Gloucester,  March  25. 
Humble  petition  of  officers  of  northern  horse  to  the  King,  1 644. 
Petition  of  his  Majesty's  old  horse  to  the  King,  August  8;  reply  to  the  same. 
Declaration  of  Sir  Marmaduke  Langdale. 

Representation  from  Colonel  Tuke  and  the  garrison  of  Cirencester  to  Prince  Rupert. 
Northern  horse  represents  its  condition  to  Prince  Rupert. 
March  29 — Commissioners  of  York  implore  aid  of  Prince  Rupert. 
April  1 — address  from  Commissioners  of  Lincolnshire  to  Prince. Rupert. 
April  2 — second  petition  from  Commissioners  of  York  to  Prince  Rupert. 
April  8 — paper  of  advice  concerning  enemy's  designs.     Signed  H.  L. 
April  23 — commissions  of  Col.  J.  Digby,  and  Sir  J.  Barclay,  to  serve  under  Prince  Maurice. 
April  24— affairs  of  the  North,  dated  Newark,  to  Prince  Rupert. 
April  26— affairs  of  the  North. 

May  6 — advertisements  from  Newark  about  York  ;  taking  of  Lincoln — to  the  King. 
May  1 3 — concerning  the  Prince's  going  to  Cornwall,  dated  Oxon — to  Prince  Rupert,  &c. 
May  27 — report  of  the  Council  of  War  at  Oxford. 
June  14 — letter,  in  cipher,  from  Carmarthen.     Signed  C.  G. 
June  27 — proclamation   in   favour  of  Scottish  officers  and  soldiers  of  fortune.     Signed 

Lord  Callendar. 
July  16 — letter  from  captain  of  a  Parliament  frigate,  demanding  the  surrender  of  Lundy 

Island  ;  reply  from  Archibald  Calke. 

August  8 — (see  above)  petition  of  old  horse  to  the  King,  and  his  reply. 
WORCESTER,  August  19 — apologies   for  not  raising  regiments  of  horse  and  foot.     To 

Prince  Rupert. 

WORCESTER,  August  19 — prayer  for  the  loan  of  six  hundred  horse  from  his  Majesty. 
HEREFORD,  Aug.  29 — Commissioners  concerning  government  of  the  town,  to  Prince  Rupert. 
EXETER,  September  4 — relation  of  his  Majesty's  success  against  the  rebels  in  the  West ; 

an  express  to  the  Duke  of  York  and  Earl  of  Bristol. 

September  1 3 — Prince  Elector's  reasons  for  coming  to  England,  presented  to  Parliament. 
CAERLEON,  September  30 — disquiets  in  Monmouthshire,  addressed  to  Prince  Rupert. 
October  1 — Meldrum's  summons  to  Liverpool. 
October  21 — represents  state  of  Shrewsbury  to  Prince  Rupert. 

NEWARK,  Nov.  11 — letter  from  W.  Warwick  to  Sir  E.  Nicholas ;  another  from  Pomfret. 
CIRENCESTER,  December  23 — state  of  the  garrison. 

Feb.  21,  1644-5 — London  and  Scots  Commissioners ;  proposals  for  seven  years'  militia. 
March  5 — Newark  and  northern  proposition  for  the  relief  of  Pontefract,  addressed  to 
Prince  Rupert. 


INDEX    AND     ABSTRACT 

OF 

CORRESPONDENCE. 


[The  following  Abstracts  are  taken  directly  from  the  letters  that  they 
represent,  without 


ASHBURNHAM,  Oxford,  to  Prince  Rupert,  July  1,  —  concerning  the  clothing  of  the  troops 

under  Lord  Wentworth's  command. 
ASHBURNHAM,  Northleach,  to  Prince  Rupert,  September  17,  —  his  Majesty  intends  to 

lodge  that  night  at  Lady  AshcomVs  house,  Alscott. 
ASHBURNHAM,  Oxford,  to  Prince  Rupert,  January  25,  9  A.M.  —  advertises  his   Royal 

Highness,  by   command   of  his   Majesty,  that  the  rebels  from  Aylesbury,  with 

as  great  strength  as  they  can  muster,  are  marching  towards  Northampton. 
ASHBURNHAM,  Oxford,    to  Prince  Rupert,  same    day,  ,9£    A.M.  —  the    strength    that 

followeth  his   Royal  Highness   is   nine  hundred  dragoons  and  one  regiment  of 

horse. 
ASHBURNHAM,  Oxford,  to  Prince  Rupert,  same  day,  midnight  —  Essex  has  not  marched 

on  his  Royal  Highness  ;  the  King's  forces  have  defeated  the  rebels  in  the  West 

under  Lord  Stamford,  leaving  twelve  hundred  dead  on  the  field. 
ASTLEY,  Sir  Jacob,  Reading,  to  Prince  Rupert,  October  27,  —  has  received  intelligence 

that  six  regiments  of  trainbands  from  London  are  marching  upon  the  town,  is  pre- 

paring "  all  that  ever  he  can  to  entertain  them." 
ASTLEY,  Sir  Jacob,  Reading,  to  Prince  Rupert,   October  28  —  laments  the   withdrawal 

from  the  garrison  of  fifteen  hundred  men,  by  his  Royal  Highness's  order,  the  enemy 

being  at  hand,  and  leaving  him  only  sixteen  hundred  and  four  armed  and  able  men 

to  defend  it. 
ASTLEY,  Sir  Jacob,  Reading,  to  Prince  Rupert,  November  1  1  —  commands  to  his  Royal 

Highness  as  lieutenant  -colonel,  "  without  whom  the  regiment  would  not  be  in  such 

good  order  as  it  is;"  continues  to  fortify  the  town,  and  asks  for  supplies,  "the 

garrison  in  ten  weeks  having  got  but  five  weeks'  pay." 
ASTLEY,  Sir  Jacob,  Reading,   to  Prince  Rupert,  December  21—  states,  that  unless  his 

regiment  has  an  order  for  pay,  or  is  allowed  free  quarter,  it  is  impossible  for  it  to 

subsist  ;  has  prepared  for  the  retreat  of  his  troops  across  the  river,  in  case  of  being 

overpowered  by  the  enemy. 
ASTLEY,    Sir    Jacob,  Reading,   to  Prince  Rupert,   January  11,  —  concerning  Captain 

Ball,  who  complains  of  his  horses   being   taken   from  him,   whereas    he  employs 

them,  under  pretence  of  his  Highness's  warrant,  to  plunder  the  people. 
ASTLEY,  Sir  Jacob,  Reading,  to  Prince  Rupert,  January  13  —  the  mayor  and  aldermen  of 

the  town  petition  to  have  certain  contributions  required  of  them  remitted,  "  wherein 

they  plead  great  poverty  and  inability  j"  continued  complaints  of  [Captain  Ball;  his 

conduct. 
ASTLEY,  Sir    Jacob,    Reading,    to  Prince  Rupert,  January  14—  concerning  levying 

money  for  the  payment  of  the  troops  ;  concerning  Mr.  Pearse  and  Mr.  Faucet,  artil- 

lery officers. 
ASTON,  Arthur,  Reading,   to  Prince    Rupert,  June  11  —  concerning   a  French  officer 

of  artillery  ;  warning  against  design. 
ASTON,  Arthur,  Bletchington,  to  Prince  Rupert,  June  23  —  reports  that  Essex  intends 

to  march  towards  Aylesbury  ;  desires  Rupert  to  take  into  consideration  whether 


492  INDEX  AND  ABSTRACT  [1043-4. 

it  were  not  best  to  march  straight  to  Buckingham,  to  prevent  his   advancing  to 
Northampton,  and  raising  the  country. 

ASTON,  Sir  Arthur,  Bletchington,  to  Prince  Rupert,  June  24 — concerning  the  quartering 
of  his  Royal  Highness's  troops,  and  as  to  whether  he  is  to  keep  his  Royal  Highnesses 
proposed  rendezvous. 

ASTON,   Sir  Arthur,  Bletchington,  to   Prince  Rupert,  June  25 — gives  his  opinion  that 
his  Royal  Highness's  regiments  will  be  "  very  hard  put  to  it,  by  reason  of  the  strait- 
ness  of  their  quarters." 
ASTON,  Sir  Arthur,  Wootton-under-Wood,  to   Prince  Rupert,  August  4 — concerning 

the  order  of  march  to  the  rendezvous  at  Painswick. 

ASTON,  Sir  Arthur,  Painswick,  three  miles  from  Gloucester,  to  Prince  Rupert,  August 
7 — conceives  that  summoning  the  city  to  surrender  will  be  of  little  service ,  until  they 
can  put  it  to  some  distress  j  represents  the  difficulties  of  the  country,  arid  the  dis- 
affection of  the  people. 

ASTON,  Sir  Arthur,  Painswick,  three  miles  from  Gloucester,  to  Prince  Rupert,  same 
day,  10  A.M. — doubts  they  shall  have  a  hard  business  in  reducing  the  city  to  sur- 
render, as  it  is  fully  as  strong  and  better  watered  than  Bristol ;  is  about  to  stop  a 
stream  which  supplies  the  city  mill. 

ASTON,  Sir  Arthur,  Reading,  to  Prince  Rupert,  November  12 — has  to  deal  with  such 
people  committed  to  his  command,  that  "  rather  than  be  left  with  them,  he  wishes 
Rupert  had  adjudged  him  to  lose  his  head,"  for  now  he  is  like  "  to  lose  that  and  his 
reputation  at  the  same  time." 

ASTON,  Sir  Arthur,  Easton,  to  Prince  Rupert,  November  28 — had  hoped  to  see  his 
Royal  Highness  here  that  day,  but  "  sending  for  his  servants  and  baggage  does  not 
betoken  any  such  thing." 

ASTON,  Sir  Arthur,  Reading,  to  Prince  Rupert,  November  21 — the  King  having  intel- 
ligence that  the  enemy  is  marching  towards  them,  desires  that  all  the  troops  under 
Prince  Rupert's  command  stir  not  from  their  quarters  until  further  directions.  Post- 
script from  his  Majesty's  hand. 

ASTON,  Sir  Arthur,  Easton,  to  Prince  Rupert,  November  22 — thanks  Prince  Rupert 
for  advertising  him  that  he  has  "back  friends  "at  Court;  the  rebels'  horse  lie 
between  Newport  and  St.  Albans ;  thinks  "  the  Londoners  would  not  stir  this  cold 
weather." 

ASTON,  Sir  Arthur,  Easton,  to  Prince  Rupert,  November  2  7 — reports  that  the  works  at 
Towcester  are  in  such  forwardness,  that  it  is  more  than  time  a  governor  should  be 
appointed ;  has  a  mind  to  drive  away  what  cattle  he  can  round  Northampton,  and 
to  destroy  what  corn  they  cannot  use. 

ASTON,  Sir  Arthur,  Easton,  to  Prince  Rupert,  December  6 — should  have  received 
his  Royal  Highness's  orders  for  marching  five  or  six  days  sooner,  but  Colonel 
Cockran  has  kept  them  so  long  in  his  hands ;  requests  that  a  quartermaster  be  sent 
him. 

ASTON,  Sir  Arthur,  Easton,  to  Prince  Rupert,  December  27 — requests  that  Prince 
Rupert  will  take  into  especial  consideration  the  victualling  of  the  town,  "  as  it  is 
impossible  to  be  done  in  the  way  that  his  Royal  Highness  propounded  it,"  and 
that  he  will  order  concerning  the  quartering  of  the  regiments,  and  the  command 
in  chief. 

ASTON,   Sir  Arthur,  Reading,  to   Prince   Rupert,  February  19 — beseeches  that  one 
thousand  foot  may  be  sent,  otherwise  all  will  go  to  nought,  and  that  he  "  may  be 
rid  of  the  unarmed  men  that  trouble  the  town,  and  do  no  service." 
ASTON,  Sir  Arthur,  to   Prince  Rupert,   February  28 — concerts  with   Prince   Rupert 

measures  for  attacking  the  enemy's  works  near  Henley. 

ASTON,  Sir  Arthur,  Reading,  to  Prince  Rupert,  March  1 — thinks  "  some  evil  fate  hangs 
over  all  Prince  Rupert's  designs,"  for  no  sooner  is  a  business  spoken  of  "  than  either 
by  information  or  inspiration,  the  enemy  hath  notice  thereof,"  they  having  doubled 
their  forces  in  Henley. 

BERKSHIRE,  Earl  of,  Emeline  Lodge,  to  Prince  Rupert,  June  21 — had  hoped  to  effect 
an  exchange  for  his  son  Harry,  who  is  prisoner  at  Tame  ;  but  William  Sheffield, 
Lord  Musgrave's  son,  and  another  Scotch  prisoner,  left  on  parole  by  Prince  Rupert 
at  Stodam,  have  been  rescued  by  a  troop  from  Lord  Essex  ;  hopes  Prince  Rupert 
will  still  devise  "  some  way  for  him  that  is  so  willing  to  venture  his  life  in  this 
cause,  in  which  he  has  got  five  sons  remaining." 

BELASIS,  J.,  York,  to  Prince  Rupert,  May  17 — sends  copies  of  two  intercepted  letters 
from  Sir  Thomas  Fairfax  to  Hail, "  in  which  their  design  for  Yorkshire  is  apparent ;" 


1643-4.J  OF   CORRESPONDENCE.  493 

fears  that,  if  father  and  son  join,  its  safety  will  be  much  endangered  ;  will  be  able 
to  make  two  thousand  foot  and  fifteen  hundred  horse  (besides  garrisons)  to  wait  upon 
Prince  Rupert  if  he  comes. 

BELASIS,  J.,  to  Lord  Newcastle,  Feb.  14 — "  submits  to  his  Excellency  whether  it 
will  not  be  of  greater  consequence  to  preserve  Yorkshire  certainly  than  employ  all 
that  strength  upon  doubtful  alarms  elsewhere,"  Sir  Charles  Lucas  having  drawn  his 
troops  away  to  look  to  Newark,  threatened  by  rebels. 

BELL,  Thomas,  London,  to  John  Moody,  at  Bury,  Sept.  ]  0  (private  letter) — relating 
to  traffic  with  Virginia,  whither  the  writer  is  bound,  and  hopes  on  his  return  to  give 
a  final  account,  "and  will  make  it  good  out  of  his  own,  rather  than  procure  a  friend's 
discontent,  which  hath  not  been  in  his  power  to  help." 

BELLOW,  Colonel  John,  the  North,  to  Prince  Rupert,  (part  of  a  letter) — has  gained 
some  advantage  over  Sir  Thomas  Fairfax — caused  them  to  move  their  quarters,  and 
enter  conjunction  with  Lord  Fairfax,  at  Hemdon  Mcldrum,  whence  he  has  one 
thousand  foot,  one  thousand  horse,  six  pieces  of  artillery  ;  Sir  Thomas  Fairfax  has 
one  thousand  foot,  fifteen  hundred  horse,  and  five  hundred  foot  mere,  come  out  of  the 
Isle  (Axholme). 

BERKELEY,  John,  Topsham,  to  Prince  Rupert,  July  21— relates  that  the  fleet,  which 
had  been  so  long  a  great  distraction,  had  come  up  in  the  night  this  side  Powderham, 
intending  to  batter  the  town,  and  land  their  army,  but  both  their  designs  had  been 
prevented  ;  has  taken  Turpin,  their  leader,  his  man-of-war,  and  two  more,  and  is 
in  hopes  of  "  one  of  the  whelps  that  sailed  from  them  very  sickly." 

BLAGGE,  Thomas,  Wallingford,  to  Prince  Rupert,  May  12 — believes  that  the  "  enemy  is 
strengthening  himself  with  design  upon  some  of  their  quarters  ;"  for  this  place  he 
will  take  the  best  care  he  can  to  prevent  a  surprise,  and  "  for  a  beleaguering  he  does 
assure  his  Royal  Highness,  that  this  place,  by  God's  grace,  shall  be  maintained  for 
as  long  as  it  is  provided  for,  which  is  fourteen  days  with  victuals,  and  twenty 
barrels  of  powder  made,  and  bullets  proportionable." 

BLAGGE,  Thomas,  Wallingford,  to  Prince  Rupert,  June  1 — concerning  assigning  certain 
villages  to  furnish  support  to  the  garrison,  and  that  Prince  Rupert  "  will  be  pleased 
to  free  them  from  Captain  Freshville,  of  General  Wilmot's  regiment,  who  claims  con- 
tributions from  them." 

BLAGGE,  Thomas,  Wallingford,  to  Prince  Rupert,  March  2  —  hears  "with  great 
affliction  from  his  lieutenant-colonel"  that  Prince  Rupert  "  is  angry  with  him," 
concerning  some  impositions  laid  by  him  on  Harwell,  &c.,  "  to  answer  which,  when- 
soever his  Royal  Highness  please  to  summon  the  accusers,  he  will  be  ready  to 
wait  on  his  Royal  Highness,  to  make  it  appear  they  are  a  company  of  d — d 
villains." 

BLAGGE,  Thomas,  Wallingford,  to  Prince  Rupert,  this  present  Monday  (no  date)— the 
hundreds  assigned  to  him  are  "  so  oppressed  by  the  rebels,  besides  the  warrants 
which  are  sent  by  Sir  Lewis  Dives  and  the  sheriff,"  that  they  are  unable  to  supply 
the  works,  which  comes  to  weekly  one  hundred  and  odd  ;  "  hopes  Prince  Rupert  will 
cause  the  magazine  to  be  furnished  with  one  thousandweight  of  biscuit,  eighteen 
hundredweight  of  cheese,  thirty  barrels  of  powder,  fiftyweight  of  meal,  and  thirty 
of  oaknm ;  and  then,  let  them  come  when  they  please,  he  will,  upon  his  life,  give  his 
Royal  Highness  such  account  as  shall  give  satisfaction." 

BLAGGE,  Thomas,  Wallingford,  to  Prince  Rupert,  at  night — relates  the  movements  of  the 
enemy,  who  marched  out  of  Nettlebed,  and  are  waiting  till  more  join  them  before 
they  conceive  themselves  able  to  give  his  Majesty  battle  ;  "the  prate  among  them  is 
that  Waller  is  to  join  them  at  Tame." 

BLAGGE,  Thomas,  Wallingford,  to  Prince  Rupert — hears  that  the  rebels  intend  "  to  fall 
upon  the  town,  but,  if  they  come  no  stronger,  he  believes  he  shall  make  bold  to 
send  them  back  at  least  as  fast  as  they  come ;"  but,  if  his  Royal  Highness  will  send 
a  reasonable  party  of  horse,  he  "  is  confident  if  they  attempt  it  few  shall  carry  news 
of  their  adventure." 

BLAGGE,  Thomas,  Wallingford,  to  Prince  Rupert— had  fallen  in  with  a  superior  force  in 
Bostall  of  rebels,  five  thousand  horse,  which  he  engaged,  and  at  first  disordered ; 
"  but  the  reserve  falling  so  strong  upon  their  flanks  at  last,  to  tell  truth,  they  were 
routed,  and,  what  is  worse,  beaten,  yet  not  so  but  that  we  drew  up  again  and 
charged  them  before  we  came  to  Tame." 

BLAXTON,  W.,  Brill,  to  Lord ,  December  14 — enemy  retreating  from  Aylesbury. 

BOYS,  John,  Dennington  Castle,  to  Prince  Rupert,  January  30  — meeting  amongst 
Colonel  Neville's  regiment  quartered  in  Newbury;  rescuing  a  prisoner;  endeavour- 


494  INDEX   AND   ABSTRACT  [1643-4. 

ing  to  drive  the  foot  out  of  the  town,  and  neglecting  to  mount  guard;  had  set  one 
trooper  "  on  the  horse  j"  prays  Prince  Rupert  to  take  some  speedy  course  to  avoid 
such  for  the  future, "  as  he  ought  not  to  suffer  anything  to  detract  from  the  command 
given  him,  it  being  an  undervaluing  of  his  Majesty  who  gives  it." 

BRADSHUGH,  William,  Bradford,  to  Sir  F.  Vane,  Feb.  10 — concerning  the  enemy's 
movements,  who  increase  at  Halifax,  and  are  supposed  to  be  for  Leeds. 

BRISTOL,  Lord,  to  Prince  Rupert,  (no  date)  September — that  the  King  grants  "the 
horse"  asked  for  as  his  Highness's  guard. 

BROUGHTON,  Robert,  Ruthin,  to  Colonel  Lloyd,  February  22 — enroute  to  Shrewsbury. 

BURGES,  Robert,  Malmesbury,  to  Prince  Rupert,  March  6 — sends,  according  to  his 
Royal  Highness's  command,  all  the  ammunition  he  has ;  beseeches  for  more. 

BYRON,  Lord,  Reading,  to  Prince  Rupert,  December  10 — asks  artillery. 

BYRON,  John,  Brackley,  to  Prince  Rupert,  July  4 — has  quartered  his  brigade  in  the 
town  and  neighbourhood;  sent  a  party  to  draw  such  horses  and  cattle  as  it  can 
from  round  Southampton. 

BYRON,  John,  Brackley,  to  Prince  Rupert,  July  27 — soldiers  in  his  brigade  desert  their 
colours  because  they  were  not  left  to  share  the  pillage  of  Bristol;  prays  for  "  autho- 
rity to  assure  them  that  though  they  be  absent  by  his  Royal  Highness's  command, 
yet  they  shall  have  their  parts  as  well  as  others." 

BYRON,  John,  Brackley,  to  Prince  Rupert,  November  4 — writes  for  Lord  Wilmot,  who 
is  fallen  ill ;  hears  from  Ashbiirnham  that  there  is  no  pay  for  his  regiment,  as  he 
was  promised ;  "  is  certain  it  will  be  impossible  for  him  to  keep  it  longer 
together." 

BYRON,  John,  Brackley,  to  Prince  Rupert,  November  7 — acknowledges  great  obliga- 
tions to  Prince  Rupert,  particularly  for  the  noble  offer  of  command  in  Lancashire, 
which,  if  the  county  agree  to  his  conditions,  and  he  has  the  sole  command  of  horse 
and  foot,  he  would  cheerfully  and  willingly  undertake  ;  but  wishes  to  make  sure 
first  whether  he  will  have  the  appointment  of  governor  to  the  Prince  of  Wales, 
"  as  that  is  an  employment  likely  to  continue  to  his  advantage  when  this  war  is 
ended." 

BYRON,  John,  to  Prince  Rupert,  November  9 — a  poor  woman,  employed  to  convey  intel- 
ligence, has  been  sent  to  Lord  Essex,  and  is  probably  hanged  ;  the  quarters  are  so 
eaten  up,  that  it  will  be  impossible  to  subsist  more  than  three  or  four  days  ;  asks 
pay  for  his  regiment,  "  otherwise  he  shall  have  none,  and  he  must  ride  a  volunteer 
in  his  Royal  Highness's  troop  ;  the  old  tried  regiments  should  have  rest  this  winter, 
and  let  the  new  levied  troops  learn  their  duty. 

BYRON,  John,  Chester,  to  Prince  Rupert,  February  11 — two  regiments  and  three 
hundred  horse  have  landed  from  Ireland,  Colonels  Broughton,  Tillier,  General  W. 
Vaughan ;  because  they  are  straitened,  and  to  avoid  rioting  and  disorder,  he  has 
sent  them  to  Shrewsbury. 

BYRON,  John,  Wisterton,  to  Prince  Rupert,  January  14— congratulates  Prince  Rupert 
on  having  chief  command  in  these  parts,  and  thanks  him  "for  the  great  honour 
done  him  in  thinking  him  worthy  of  that  next  his  Royal  Highness ;"  holds  Chester 
much  safer  and  fitter  for  a  magazine  than  Shrewsbury,  "  which  is  a  disaffected  town, 
and  hath  only  a  garrison  of  burghers,  and  a  doting  old  fool  for  their  governor ;"  had 
gained  an  advantage  over  Fairfax  at  Newcastle,  which  he  had  requested  lately  for 
Sir  M.  Willis,  whom  he  sent  to  convey  some  ammunition  from  Shrewsbury ;  was 
surprised  at  Elsmere,  and  made  prisoner  with  many  more. 

BYRON,  John,  Chester,  to  Prince  Rupert,  February  20 — Lord  Brenton,  or  Brereton,  is 
besieged  in  Bee  Isle ;  house  can  yet  hold  out  six  or  seven  days  if  Prince  Rupert  can 
send  relief  from  Shrewsbury :  it  will  be  a  great  service ;  there  are  seven  or  eight 
hundred  arms  in  the  house ;  most  of  the  cannon  from  Stafford,  but  slenderly  guarded 
chiefly  by  country  people. 

BYRON,  John,  Chester,  to  Prince  Rupert,  February  21 — remonstrates  against  Alderman 
Gamall  being  appointed  governor  of  the  city;  hopes  Prince  Rupert  will  "make  a  stop 
of  it :  if  this  be  admitted,  the  like  will  be  attempted  by  all  the  corporations  in  Eng- 
land. 

BYRON,  John,  Chester,  to  Prince  Rupert,  same  day,  10  p.  M. — the  Irish  troops,  sent  to 
Shrewsbury,  will  expect  the  same  conditions  as  the  first  that  landed,  which  was  for 
all  the  officers  a  monthly  entertainment  for  every  soldier,  2s.  6d.,  suit  of  clothes, 
shoes,  and  stockings;  since  their  landing,  the  officers  have  received  nothing  but 
their  week's  pay,  but  the  soldiers  have  had  free  quarters,  I2d.  in  money  every 
week,  which  is  more  than  ever  they  had  in  Ireland,  and  to  which  he  desires  Prince 


1643-4.]  OF   CORRESPONDENCE.  405 

Rupert  to  keep  them,  else  it  will  cause  mutiny  amongst  them  that  are  here,  to  which 
they  are  as  inclined  as  any  soldiers  in  the  world. 

BYRON,  John,  to  Prince  Rupert,  March  2 — differences  in  the  Isle  of  Anglesea  between 
Lord  Bulkeley  and  Captain  Charles  ;  "  finds  the  charges  against  the  latter  cannot  be 
made  good,  being,  like  most  Welsh  complaints,  grounded  upon  malice  of  action ;" 
"  and  his  greatest  fault  is  that  he  is  not  a  Welchman." 

BYRON,  John,  to  Prince  Rupert,  (no  date) — "  hopes  soon  to  be  called  under  his  Royal 
Highness's  command ;  dares  assure  him  that  the  world  hath,  not  braver  foot,  nor  fitter 
for  such  a  general:  the  horse  he  knows  already." 

BYRON,  N.,  Chester,  to  Prince  Rupert,  December  12 — Hardinge  Castle  poorly  sur- 
rendered, as  it  was  basely  betrayed  by  the  rebels;  this  day  the  army  marches 
out  of  Chester;  Lord  Ormond  in  command;  himself  a  volunteer*  till  his  Royal  High- 
ness's  pleasure. 

BYRON,  N.,  Shrewsbury,  to  Prince  Rupert,  January — relation  of  his  proceedings; 
county  is  in  a  manner  cleared  for  Nantwich  ;  "  is  in  very  much  pain,  and  frets  un- 
derhand ;"  prays  that  at  last  he  may  be  thought  capable  of  a  regiment  of  foot  of  his 
own ;  craves  a  commission  to  raise  ten  or  twelve  hundred  foot. 

BYRON,  N.,  Chester,  to  Lord  Capell,  lieutenant-general  to  his  Royal  Highness,  April  5, 
12  P.M.:  another  date,  Ellsau,  April  5,  7  A.M. — the  rebels  have  set  afresh  upon 
Warrington  ;  if  the  Royalists  "hope  to  do  anything,  they  must  make  a  show  now;" 
therefore,  his  Royal  Highness's  forces  must  be  drawn  towards  Whitechurch  ;  all  the 
art  he  has  to  keep  Lord  Derby  up  with  hopes  of  Prince  Rupert. 

BIRON,  Richard,  Newark,  to  Prince  Rupert,  February  10 — "  the  rebels  take  the  boldness 
(for  want  of  force  to  repel  them)  to  quarter  in  divers  towns  within  three  or  four 
miles  of  this  garrison ;  they  are  twelve  columns  of  foot  and  twenty  troop  of  horse ; 
if  they  should  do  no  more  than  continue  where  they  are,  they  shall  hinder  the  money 
and  provisions  that  should  maintain  themselves  ;  great  bodies  of  the  enemy  threaten 
to  unite  to  the  hazard  of  this  plan ;"  leaves  to  his  Royal  Highness's  care  for  its 
"  timely  assistance." 

BIRON,  Thomas,  Banbury,  to  Prince  Rupert,  February  3 — professing  willingness  to 
assault  Warwick  Castle,  but  stating  difficulty,  and  asking  for  one  gun  and  a 
petard. 

CAPELL,  Lord,  Shropshire,  to  Prince  Rupert,  July  12 — finds  his  forces  very  much 
diminished,  believes  very  few  will  march  up  with  him,  has  drawn  them  to  Bideford, 
waiting  Prince  Rupert's  further  commands,  upon  the  officers'  and  soldiers'  earnest 
desire,  being  without  meat  and  drink  in  his  quarter. 

CAPELL,  Lord,  Bridgnorth,  to  Viscount  Falkland,  (private  secretary  to  the  King)  March. 
26, — whether  it  might  not  be  best  for  Prince  Maurice  to  take  Tewkesbury 
and  Worcester  en  route  to  Stafford,  and  thereby  secure  them  from  any  of  Waller's 
motions;  had  desired  Colonel  Hastings  to  draw  his  forces  to  Stowbridge  from  Wolver- 
hampton,  to  .be  ready  to  relieve  Worcester. 

CAPELL,  Lord,  Shrewsbury,  to  Prince  Rupert,  April  4 — found  much  disorder  in  the 
county;  Sir  W.  Brereton,  master  of  the  field  in  Cheshire;  only  Chester  and  the  coun- 
try under  it  of  his  Majesty's  party;  has  disbanded  the  garrison  at  Whitchurch,  as,  if 
the  rebels  take  that  place,  they  may  gain  Liverpool  and  all  Lancashire  ;  whether  his 
Royal  Highness  might  not  himself  look  upon  them;  could  meet  him  with  fourteen 
hundred  horse  and  foot. 

CAPELL,  Lord,  Shrewsbury,  to  Prince  Rupert,  (no  date) — Rebels  have  now  possessed 
themselves  of  Drayton  ;  Prince  Rupert's  regiment  having  been  drawn  away,  pays 
for  an  addition  of  fifteen  hundred  or  two  thousand  musketeers,  to  drive  the  rebels 
out  of  Hamptwich  and  Stafford,  otherwise  it  will  be  almost  impossible  to  preserve 
these  parts. 

CAPELL,  Lord,  Shrewsbury,  to  Prince  Rupert,  April  6— forwards  advertisements  to 
Prince  Rupert ;  has  ordered  the  forces  to  be  drawn  towards  Whitchurch,  accord- 
ing to  Prince  Rupert's  order.  "  Lord  Darby  and  his  Majesty's  servants  in  Lan- 
cashire have  preserved  their  lands  beyond  expectation." 

CAPELL,  Lord,  Whitchurch,  to  Prince  Rupert,  April  13— sends  Prince  Maurice  a  sup- 
ply of  ammunition,  if  he  wants  more  ;  Lord  Cavendish  disbands  some  of  his 
troops ;  Brereton  is  returned,  has  pursued  him  "  as  fast  as  in  this  vile  country 

is  fit." 

CAPELL,  Lord,  Whitchurch,  to  Prince  Rupert,  April  1 4— has  written  to  Lord  Derby 
about  falling  upon  Nantwich,  who  thinks  it  belongs  to  Lord  Capell ;  he  has  no 
great  confidence  unless  he  attends  on  Prince  Rupert. 


496  INDEX   AND   ABSTRACT  [1643-4. 

CARNARVON,  Lord — according  to  Prince  Rupert's  commands,  he  will  draw  his  regiment 
to  Banbury,  upon  an  intimation  to  that  effect  from  Lord  Northampton. 

CAVENDISH,  Colonel,  to  Prince  Rupert, — makes  humble  suit  that  he  may  be  allowed  to 
recruit  the  Duke  of  York's  troops,  which  Prince  Rupert  has  graciously  assigned 
him,  and  which  has  but  thirty  men. 

CAVENDISH,  Colonel,  Grantham,  to  Prince  Rupert,  April  12 — had  yesterday  the  good 
fortune  to  gain  a  great  victory  over  the  rebels  ;  beseeches  to  be  favoured  concerning 
his  troopsj  or  be  commanded  away. 

CAVE,  Richard,  Milton,  to  Prince  Rupert,  October  17 — four  physicians  have  seen  Prince 
Maurice,  whose  sickness  they  pronounce  "  the  ordinary  raging  disease  of  the  army," 
a  slow  fever,  with  great  dejection  of  strength,  and  since  Friday  he  hath  talked  idly  ; 
"  last  night  shewed  better  symptoms,"  yet  because  the  disease  is  very  dangerous  and 
fraudulent,  they  dare  not  give  credit  to  the  alteration. 

CAVE,  Richard,  Dartmouth,  to  Prince  Rupert,  November  4 — is  in  favour  of  an  imme- 
diate assault  on  Plymouth,  but  the  council  of  war  decided  against  it.  Prince 
Maurice  not  able  yet  to  write  letters,  but  hath  this  day  taken  physic,  and  so  intends 
to  bid  his  physicians  farewell. 

THE  KING,  Oxford,  to  Lord  Northampton,  January  2  —  warrant  authorising  Lord 
Northampton  to  seize  all  the  provision  in  the  town,  and  remove  it  to  Banbury 
Castle  for  the  use  of  his  soldiers,  and,  on  the  approach  of  the  enemy,  to  fire  the  town, 
and  remove  his  horse  to  a  place  of  safety. 

THE  KING,  Oxford,  to  Prince  Rupert,  February  1 — desires  Prince  Rupert  to  render 
favourable  assistance  to  his  trusty  and  well-beloved  Sir  Bainham  Throgmorton, 
who  has  his  Majesty's  commission  for  raising  a  troop  of  horse. 

THE  KING,  Oxford,  to  Prince  Rupert,  March  8 — hopes  that  God  may  give  him  Bristol 
(ciphers)  ;  Lord  Hopton  to  have  the  same  power  (to  grant  commissions)  that  Goring 
had. 

THE  KING,  Shrewsbury,  September  22 — that  Prince  Rupert  remain  in  readiness  to 
prevent  Essex  from  cutting  off  his  Majesty's  return  from  Chester ;  arms  taken 
from  the  disaffected  to  be  sent  to  Sir  J.  Biron  at  Worcester. 

THE  KING,  Shrewsbury,  to  Prince  Rupert,  October  9 — that  colonels  of  horse  impress 
carts  to  fetch  away  arms,  such  "  as  packs  and  patts,"  from  the  magazine  at  Shrews- 
bury ;  "  who  first  shall  send  shall  first  be  furnished." 

THE  KING  to  Prince  Rupert,  October  23  (4  a.  m.), — has  given  orders  for  the  foot  and 
cannon  to  be  at  Edge  Hill  by  times  this  morning,  where  Prince  Rupert  will  also 
find  his  Majesty. 

THE  KING,  Reading,  to  Prince  Rupert,  November  27 — authorises  Prince  Rupert  to  order 
all  the  colonels  of  horse  to  quarter  and  billet  their  regiments  in  the  places  assigned, 
and  if  they  cannot  then  take  up  sufficient  provision,  to  send  forth  their  warrants  to 
the  villages  and  hundreds  adjacent,  for  which  a  ticket  is  to  be  given  to  the  amount 
of  Is.  Id.  each  ;  officer's  pay  per  day  for  self  and  horse  Is.  2d. ;  soldier's  pay  for  his 
own  diet ;  "the  horsemeat  being  supplied  by  the  counties  adjacent ;"  this  manner 
to  be  observed  till  they  agree  on  some  other. 

THE  KING,  Oxford,  probably  written  to  Lord  Northampton,  January  2 — seize  all  stores 
in  Banbury  for  castle,  and  burn  the  town  if  rebels  come. 

THE  KING,  Oxford,  to  Prince  Rupert,  February  1  —  notifying  Sir  B.  Throgmorton 's 
authority  to  raise  troops. 

THE  KING  to  Prince  Rupert,  (same  date) — that  at  Cirencester,  Stroud,  &c.  there  is  much 
cloth,  and  much  required  by  the  soldiers  to  take  it,  and  give  security  to  owners  for 
repayment. 

THE  KING  to  Prince  Rupert,  February  3 — to  send  his  Majesty  all  the  arms  he  has 
taken. 

THE  KING,  Oxford,  to  Prince  Rupert,  November  13 — to  hasten  the  departure  of  Lord 
Biron,  or  "they  will  come  too  late."  Prince  Rupert  to  be  supplied  with  other 
forces  in  their  place,  with  all  possible  expedition. 

THE  KING,  Oxford,  to  Prince  Rupert,  February  13 — recommends  Colonel  Gamull, 
Governor  of  Chester,  to  Prince  Rupert's  care  and  favour,  that  he  suffer  no  wrong 
and  prejudice  during  his  absence,  as  M.  P.  at  Oxon,  by  his  regiment  being  taken 
from  him. 

THE  KING,  Oxford,  (by  hand  of  E.  Nicholas,  his  Majesty's  private  secretary,)  to  Prince 
Rupert,  February  18 — sends  copy  of  remonstrance  from  Commissioners  of  Lincoln 
and  Nottingham,  representing  state  of  those  counties  and  of  Newark,  whence  Crom- 
well and  Manchester  are  levying  forces  to  fall  upon  Newark  ;  his  Majesty  recom- 


1643-4.]  OF   CORRESPONDENCE.  497 

mends  to  Prince  Rupert's  prudent  decision  and  dispatch,  making  a  proportionable 
diversion  of  those  their  designs,  and  the  succouring  of  Newark. 

THE  KING,  Oxford,  to  Prince  Rupert,  March  2 — an  enemy's  convoy  is  on  its  move  from 
Warwick  towards  Gloucester  ;  desires  Prince  Rupert  to  march  his  regiment  with  all 
possible  speed  towards  Worcester,  to  intercept  it  ;  to  give  notice  to  Sir  W.  Vava- 
sour of  his  movements,  whom  he  is  to  obey  in  this  service. 

THE  KING,  Oxford,  to  Prince  Rupert,  April  16— Prince  Rupert  to  leave  in  the  county 
of  Stafford  such  competent  forces  as  may  secure  the  same,  and  use  all  possible 
diligence  to  assist  his  Majesty's  endeavours  to  repell  the  great  forces  of  the  rebels 
now  before  Reading. 

THE  KING  to  Prince  Rupert,  (by  Sir  James  Aurion,  same  date) — same  subject ;  Colonel 
Hastings  to  be  left  with  troops  in  Staffordshire  ;  hopes  Prince  Rupert  will  have  done 
his  work  about  Lichfield  before  this  can  come  to  him. 

THE  KING,  Oxford,  to  Prince  Rupert,  April  9— his  Majesty  approves  Prince  Rupert's 
designs  on  Derby,  but  leaves  it  to  him  whether  Nantwich  is  not  better  ;  only  in  his 
choice  do  that  which  shall  conduce  most  to  his  Majesty's  wife's  coming  hither ;  he 
sees  no  possibility  of  supplying  Prince  Rupert  with  ammunition  ;  regrets  Lord 
Derby's  death ;  will  not  dispose  of  his  command  till  he  see  Prince  Rupert. 

THE  KING,  Oxford,  to  Prince  Rupert,  April  15 — not  to  raise  the  siege  (Lichfield),  but 
lose  na  more  time  in  it  than  he  most  needs,  and  then  march  northwards  ;  wants  am- 
munition from  Earl  of  Newcastle,  to  be  .sent. 

THE  KING,  Oxford,  to  Prince  Rupert,  July  7 — to  "  trusty  and  well  beloved,"  appointing 
Prince  Rupert  commander-in-chief.  He  is  to  "  repair  with  a  part  of  his  Majesty's 
forces  for  the  more  secure  coming  of  our  dearest  consort  the  Queen,  in  her  passage 
to  us. 

THE  KING,  Oxford,  to  Prince  Rupert,  July  12 — the  motion  his  Majesty  made  yesterday 
to  his  "  wife,"  of  her  forces  coming  through  Gloucestershire  in  order  to  Waller's 
confusion,  is  so  well  approved  of  by  his  Lieutenant-General,  that  he  sends  the 
bearer  to  Prince  Rupert  to  enlarge  upon  it ;  "  he  will  not  be  too  fond  of  his  own 
child,  but  is  sure  that  the  beating  of  Wales  is  first  and  chiefly  to  be  intended." 

THE  KING,  Oxford,  to  Prince  Rupert,. July  20 — likes  Prince  Rupert's  resolutions,  only 
"  he  must  remember  how  fit  it  is  to  hinder  Waller's  recruiting,"  "  it  being  of  more 
importance  to  his  affairs  to  receive  him,  than  the  taking  of  any  towns." 

THE  KING,  Oxford,  to  Prince  Rupert,  July  23 — an  alarm  last  night ;  a  party  of  rebels' 
horse,  said  to  be  three  thousand,  but  found  not  above  thirty  at  most,  being  the  cause. 
Essex  is  drawing  towards  Aylesbury,  wherefore  Prince  Pupert  must  hasten  all  the 
regiments  he  can  spare,  since  his  Majesty  believes  numbers  of  horse  are  not  much 
useful  for  a  siege. 

THE  KING,  Oxford,  to  Prince  Rupert,  July  24 — to  second  his  former  letter  about  hasten- 
ing hither  horse,  since  Essex  hath  five  hundred  fresh  horse  come  to  him  at  Aylesbury; 
Lord  Grey  has  joined,  and  Sir  W.  Waller  coming  from  London. 

THE  KING  to  Prince  Rupert,  (same  date) — did  not  write  last  night,  having  other  affairs 
and  knowing  "  that  Prince  Rupert  does  not  expect"  compliments  from  him,  but 
must  not  be  so  forgetful  now,  having  time  not  only  to  congratulate  with  Prince 
Rupert  for  this  last  happy  success  in  the  taking  of  Bristol,  but  to  acknowledge  the 
chief  thanks  belongs  to  Prince  Rupert,  which  he  assures  him  adds  to  his  con- 
tentment. 

THE  KING,  Oxford,  to  Prince  Rupert,  July  31 — signifies  his  intention  of  setting  forth 
on  the  morrow  for  Bristol ;  will  lie  that  night  at  Malmesbury;  desires  a  troop 
of  horse  be  sent  to  attend  him  ;  "  the  mayor  and  corporation  have  deserved  so  ill  of 
him  that  he  will  neither  be  reasoned  by  them  nor  admit  them  to  his  presence  till 
the  businesses  be  settled." 

THE  KING,  Matson,  near  Gloucester,  to  Prince  Rupert,  September  5,  10  a.  m. — concurs 
with  his  general  in  opinion  that  little  good  can  be  done  with  this  town,  as  the 
enemy  begin  to  countermine  it ;  it  would  be  better  to  fight  Essex  after  they  (the 
Royalists)  have  got  their  forces  together,  "  and  that  no  time  be  lost." 

THE  KING  to  Prince  Maurice,  (same  date) — (extract)  approves  of  conditions  with  the 
town  (Barnstaple) ;  offers  formal  pardon  to  any  individual  "  who  may  think  fit  to 
take  it  out." 

THE  KING,  Newbury,  to  Prince  Rupert,  September  22— signifies  his  will  and  pleasure 
that  Prince  Rupert  forthwith  repair  with  his  forces  to  the  castle  of  Dennington  (in 
Berks)  to  keep  the  same,  and  command  all  the  officers,  &c.,  there. 

THE  KING,  Oxford,  to  Prince  Rupert,  November  11 — that  upon  sight  of  this  letter  Prince 


498  INDEX   AND   ABSTRACT  [1G43-4. 

Rupert   order  Lord  Byron   to  march  towards  Chester,  all  the   other  Lancashire 
regiments  being  ordered  to  join  Lord  Byron  where  he  may  appoint. 

COCHERAN,  J.,  Towcester,  to  Prince  Rupert,  January  1 — reasons  against  marching  out  of 
the  town  in  a  covert  way,  as  had  been  proposed  ;  enemy's  scouts  every  night;  the 
horse  are  few  in  number,  and  very  poor. 

COCHERAN,  J.,  Towcester,  to  Prince  Rupert,  December  11 — is  much  troubled  with  some 
weak  regiments  quartered  about  the  town  by  order  of  Sir  A.  Aston  ;  intreats  his 
Majesty  to  direct  "  that  they  remove  to  some  convenient  place,  for  he  need  not 
expect  any  service  from  them." 

CocHi'RAN,  J.,  Towcester,  to  Prince  Rupert,  December  16 — is  reduced  to  greater  per- 
plexities since  the  Hundreds  intended  for  the  maintenance  of  this  garrison  have 
been  assigned  to  Lord  Northampton  for  Banbury,  and  those  left  to  him  are  ruined  by 
the  long  abode  of  the  horse  amongst  them  ;  requires  a  weekly  supply  of  300/. 

COCHERAN,  J.,  Towcester,  to  Prince  Rupert,  December  30,  3  A.M.— -two  officers,  Lieu- 
tenant-Colonel Hutchinson  and  Major  Sibbald,  went  out  of  the  town,  and  were  seized 
by  the  enemy,  the  major  being  left  for  dead  ;  it  is  so  inexcusable  for  officers  to  go 
without  acquainting  their  superior  officer  "  that,  though  it  were  his  own  brother,  he 
would  think  it  well  deserved  what  they  got." 

COCHERAN,  J.,  Towcester,  to  Prince  Rupert,  January  1 — what  Prince  Rupert  wishes 
will  require  time  ;  enemy  very  strong  ;  Essex,  in  Newport,  is  afraid  nobody  will 
stay  with  him  if  money  come  not  very  suddenly. 

CONYNGSBY,  W.  and  others,  Hereford,  to  Prince  Rupert,  February  24 — asking  for  arms 
taken  from  them  by  Lord  Stamford,  if  Gloucester  should  be  taken  by  the  Prince. 

CRAFURD,  Farringdon,  to  Prince  Rupert,  May  5 — one  that  was  prisoner  with  the  enemy 
brings  intelligence  that  they  are  some  fifteen  miles  off,  towards  Newbury,  not  above 
one  hundred  and  fifty  in  number;  asks  his  Royal  Highness's  leave  "to  give  an 
account  of  them." 

CRAFURD,  Farringdon,  to  Prince  Rupert,  May  7 — confirms  former  account ;  they  lie  along 
the  border  of  Hampshire  ;  with  a  few  forces  more  all  their  quarters  might  be  beaten 
up  ;  waits  Prince  Rupert's  orders. 

CRAFURD,  Farringdon,  to  Prince  Rupert,  May  19 — hearing  that  the  rebels  were  of  con- 
siderable strength  near  their  quarters,  had  conveyed  the  ammunition  to  Marlborough, 
with  all  the  force  he  had,  and  delivered  it  safe  into  Lord  Carnarvon's  hands ;  re- 
turned so  late  that  he  did  not  receive  in  time  Prince  Rupert's  orders  to  come  to 
Wantage. 

CRAFURD,  Farringdon,  to  Prince  Rupert,  May  26 — a  party  of  rebels  about  Malmesbury 
have  escaped  him  very  narrowly ;  Waller  is  coming  to  Cirencester  from  Gloucester, 
and  has  sent  out  orders  for  bringing  in  contributions,  but  Lord  Carnarvon  "  has  given 
strict  orders  to  the  contrary,  threatening  fire  and  sword  if  they  paid  him  a  penny." 

CRAFURD,  Farringdon,  to  Prince  Rupert,  June  14 — has  intelligence  of  two  hundred 
rebels  belonging  to  Bristol,  and  of  the  horse  they  have  quartered  in  villages  remote 
from  the  town  ;  asks  leave  to  fight  them. 

CULPEPPER,  J.,  Aylesbury,  to  Prince  Rupert,  March  1 9 — suggests  quarter  to  Aylesbury  if 
they  secure  affection  by  mercy ;  forwards  intelligence  that  six  waggons  of  ammunition, 
guarded  by  three  hundred  dragoons,  are  en  route  from  London  for  the  relief  of  Glou- 
cester, through  Warwickshire,  whilst  a  body  from  Gloucester  are  making  a  diversion 
to  Prestbury. 

DARELL,  Robert,  Cirencester,  to  Sir  B.  Throgmorton,  January  17 — touching  some  "hawk- 
ers' "  cannon. 

D'AUBIGNY,  Kate,  Oxford,  to  Prince  Rupert,  (no  date) — concerning  Vavasour,  Lind- 
sey,  and  Essex,  private,  to  Prince  Rupert,  seeking  confidence — (very  much  erased.) 

D'AUBIGNY,  Kate,  to  Prince  Rupert,  March  (no  date) — concerning  Vavasour  and 
Essex  advancing. 

DERBY,  Lord,  Preston,  to  the  King's  Secretary,  March,  22 — long  account  of  burning 
Lancaster  and  ships  ;  repulse  ;  sack  of  Preston  ;  asks  for  ever  so  little  of  Prince 
Rupert. 

DERBY,  Lord,  Chester,  to  Prince  Rupert,  March  7 — has  received  many  advertisements 
from  the  Countess  of  her  great  distress  and  imminent  danger,  unless  she  be  relieved 
by  Prince  Rupert  ;  longs  for  his  Royal  Highness's  arrival,  which,  more  than  any 
troops,  "  strikes  terror  to  that  wicked  party,  and  gives  life  to  the  half-dead  true  ones." 
DERBY,  Lord,  Derby,  to  Prince  Rupert,  March  23— assures  his  Royal  Highness  that 
Lathom  House  is  in  very  great  distress,  although  Prince  Rupert  has  been  told  "that 
the  siege  was  but  a  flourish,  and  to  shoot  at  deer." 


1643-4.J  OF  CORRESDONDENCE.  499 

DERBY,  Countess  of,  Lathom,  to  Prince  Rupert  (in  French)  —  entreats  Prince  Rupert 

to  consider  the  state  of  the  place,  and  to  judge  by  his  own  presence. 
DERBY,  Countess  of,  Lathom,  to  Prince  Rupert,  August  31  —  asking  for  a  regiment  of 

cavalry. 
DERBY,  Countess  of,  Lathom,  to  Prince  Rupert,  (same  date)  —  also  to  come  to  the  North 

to  secure  the  Queen's  march. 
DIGBY,  Lord,  Wantage,  to  the  King  —  certain  news  that  the  enemy  are  gathering  strong 

at  Marlborough;  "  if  they  be  not  very  speedily  crushed,  the  regiments  will  hereabout 

be  in  very  warm  quarters  ;  "  "  if  Wilmot  and  Lord  Wentworth  will  join,  he  will 

give  them,  on  the  morrow,  a  very  warm  breakfast." 
DIGBY,  Lord,  Wantage,  to  Prince  Rupert,  December  31  —  troops  in  extreme  necessity, 

having  neither  clothes,  nor  shoes,  nor  money  to  pay  for  the  shoeing  of  their  horses; 

asks  Prince   Rupert's  opinion  "which  way,  and  to  what  place,  it  will  be  fit  for 

the  King  to  march  with  his  army." 
DIGBY,  Lord,  Alnescot,  to  Prince  Rupert,  September  17  —  professes  continued  faithfulness 

to  his  Royal  Highness. 
DIGBY,  Lord,  Oxford,  to  Prince  Rupert,  February  13  —  recommends  to  Prince  Rupert  the 

especial  care  of  defending  Newark. 
DIGBY,  Lord,  Oxford,  to  Prince  Rupert,  February  26  —  the  rebels   obstinately  refuse 

treaties  of  peace. 
DIGBY,  Lord,  Oxford,  to  Prince  Rupert,  Palm  Sunday  —  "  congratulates  Prince  Rupert 

on  the  good  effect  his  reputation  has  had  upon  the  rebels  at  Malmesbury  ;"  begs  to 

be  allowed  to  attend  his  Royal  Highness  on  his  Northern  expedition. 
DINGLEY,  T.,  the  Hague,  to  Prince  Rupert,  June  14  —  very  amusing  private  letter  from 

a  servant  of  the  Queen  of  Bohemia  to  a  friend  to  whom  he  proposes  "a  moral  cor- 

respondence." 
DIVES,  Lewis,  Abingdon,  to  Prince  Rupert,  January  21  —  complains  of  the  "caterpillars," 

or  Royal  soldiers,  as  worse  than  the  enemy  ;  "  will  hang  some  of  them." 
DIVKS,  Lewis,  Abingdon,  to  Prince  Rupert,  February  21  —  asks  to  enlarge  his  quarters, 

much  straitened  by  the  sheriff,  who  is  keeping  them  for  men  he  cannot  raise  ;  county 

gentlemen  much  dissatisfied. 

DIVES,  Lewis,  Abingdon,  to  Prince  Rupert,  June  6  —  enemy  move  from  Reading. 
DIVES,  Lewis,  Abingdon,  to  Prince  Rupert,  June  1  5  —  horses  coming  in  from  country. 
DIVES,  Lewis,  Abingdon,  to  Prince  Rupert,  June  23  —  enemy  moves  to  Farringdon. 
DIVES,  Lewis,  Stoney  Stratford,  to  Prince  Rupert,  October  28,  3  A.M.  —  has  received  in- 

telligence that  Essex's  army  advances  towards  him  ;  intends  to  lead  the  foot  towards 

Buckinghamshire  and  wait  Prince  Rupert's  further  pleasure. 
DIVES,  Lewis,  Stoney  Stratford,  to  Prince  Rupert,  October  28,  7.  A.M.  —  his  men  are 

drawn  up,  waiting  Prince  Rupert's  commands,  and  "  till  daylight  coming,  will  dis- 

cover what  the  enemy  doth." 
DIVES,  Lewis,  Balesbury,  to  Prince  Rupert,  November  28  —  presents  his  humble  petition 

that  his  regiment  of  foot  and  his  troop  of  horse  may  return  with  Prince  Rupert's 

regiment,  "and  not  remain  longer  in  their  bare  and  necessitous  condition." 
DIGBY,  Lord  George,  Nottingham,  to  Prince  Rupert,  September  10  —  professions  of  ser- 

vice, offers,  &c. 
From  -  to  -  ,  no  date,  September  15  —  apparently  from  Prince  Rupert's  secretary, 

to  Lord  -  ,  asking  for  2000/.  from  Parliament,  and  pleading  his  good  offices 

with  the  King  for  them. 
BRISTOL,  Lord,  to  Prince  Rupert,  (no  date)  September  —  that  the  King  grants  "  the 

horse,"  asked  for  as  his  Highness's  guard. 
From  -  ,  Newcastle,  to  Prince  Rupert,  October  7  —  congratulation  on  victory  at  .... 


EDWARDS,  Thomas,  Shrewsbury,  to  Prince  Rupert,  February  13  —  did  call  together  the 
gentry  on  Prince  Rupert's  first  letter;  thinks  Prince  Rupert  does  not  know  the  con- 
ditions; the  gentry  undertook  billeting  three  hundred  of  Lord  Capell's  horse  for  a 
month,  and  that  being  expired,  the  greater  part  refused  to  subscribe  farther;  so 
he  and  some  others  raised  480£.  for  the  payment  of  officers  and  troopers,  and  so 
continue. 

ESSEX,  Lewsham,  to  Colonel  Fiennes,  March  27  (intercepted)  —  enjoins  punishment  of 
"  Bristol  traitors." 

ESSEX,  Tame,  to  Prince  Rupert,  June  21  —  exchange  of  prisoners. 

FAIRFAX,  Sir  T.,  Manchester,  to  Earl  of  Essex,  February  24  (intercepted)  —  no  great 
return  j  his  chief  aim  has  been  to  reduce  small  garrisons  in  Cheshire  ;  the  county 


500  INDEX    AND   ABSTRACT  [l 643-4. 

remiss  in  making  levies;  Prince  Rupert  raising  forces  in  Salop;  Irish  troops  landed 
for  him  ;  Sir  Thomas  must  withdraw  from  these  parts  and  join  his  horse  to  his 
father's  foot  in  Yorkshire. 

FALKLAND,  Ashby  Lichfield,  to  Prince  Rupert,  July  10 — the  Queen  en  route  for  King's 
Norton,  Worcestershire. 

FALKLAND,  Oxford,  to  Prince  Rupert,  July  22 — enclosing  information  of  a  trumpeter 
deserted,  who  says  people  wont  obey  Parliament  ;  arms  in  Malmesbury. 

FANE,  Sir  F.,  Doncaster,  to  Sir  C.  Lucas,  February  12 — desiring  intelligence  and  wishing 
him  success. 

FANE,  Sir  F.,  Doncaster,  to  Prince  Rupert,  March — the  enemy  has  quitted  Hull 
after  demolishing  some  part  of  the  works,  &c. ;  the  people  of  Axholme  are  in  great 
fear  ;  suggests  that  they  be  pardoned  on  laying  down  their  arms. 

FINES,  John,  Cirencester,  to  Prince  Rupert,  March  17 — gives  an  account  of  the  strength 
of  the  garrison  ;  all  mount  arms. 

FIENNES,  Colonel,  London,  to  Sir  R.  Hopton,  August  1 3 — complains  that  the  articles 
of  surrender  of  Bristol  have  been  infringed  ;  expects  "  what  belongs  to  honour  and 
justice,"  "  as  the  faith  and  honour  of  the  soldiers  are  the  choicest  jewels  that  he 
carries  about  him." 

FORTH,  Brill,  to  Prince  Rupert,  Feb.  19  — will  meet  his  Royal  Highness  at  Aylesbury. 

FROHOCHIE,  Hen.,  Oxford,  to  Mr.  Powell  at  Mr.  Richard  Lees,  March  4  (private  letter) — 
his  master  is  like  to  lose  all  the  moneys  Edward  Powell  paid  to  the  Prince,  and  is 
sufficiently  laughed  at  by  every  gentleman  that  hears  of  it;  Ashburnham  will  not  pay ; 
never  had  any  money  of  the  Prince's. 

FYTON,  Robert,  Wem,  to  Sir  Thomas  Eyton,  February  28  —  asks  to  be  exchanged 
for  some  other  prisoner. 

FINES,  John,  Cirencester,  to  Prince  Rupert,  March  22 — Sir  W.  Waller  set  upon  Malmes- 
bury and  very  hard  upon  it ;  sent  help,  but  came  two  hours  too  late  ;  fears  they 
will  attack  us. 

FINES,  John,  Cirencester,  to  Prince  Rupert,  March  24 — Waller's  army  left  garrison 
in  Malmesbury  have  had  an  engagement  ;  Lord  Herbert  in  Gloucester. 

FORTTO,  Brill,  to  General  M.,  March  19 — will  march  before  light  and  meet  Prince  Rupert 
on  Aylesbury  field. 

GERRARD,  Genera],  Brill,  to  Prince  Rupert,  February  11— quaint. 

GERRARD,  General,  Worcester,  to  Prince  Rupert,  December  3 — writes  hastily  to  inform 
Prince  Rupert  that  rebels,  to  the  number  of  five  hundred,  have  invested  Boli  House. 

GERRARD,  General,  Esome,  to  Prince  Rupert,  December  13 — purposes  to  intercept  "a 
convoy  of  ammunition  and  moneys  belonging  to  the  rebels,  on  its  way  from 
Warwick  to  Gloucester." 

GERRARD,  General,  Bristol,  to  Prince  Rupert,  November  20 — acknowledges  Prince 
Rupert's  favours  in  recommending  him  to  the  command ;  "  wishes  that  some  good 
occasion  might  present  itself  wherein  he  might  be  serviceable  to  Prince  Rupert." 

GERRARD,  General,  Worcester,  to  Prince  Rupert,  December  21 — acquaints  Prince  Ru- 
pert with  the  insufficiency  of  the  garrison,  and  with  the  disaffected  state  of  the 
citizens,  who  seem  disposed  "  to  go  back "  of  their  promise  of  2000£.  to  the 
King. 

GERRARD,  General,  Worcester,  to  Prince  Rupert,  January  29 — Shrewsbury  in  ill  con- 
dition through  effects  of  blow  received  by  Lord  Byron ;  asks  for  engines,  as  their 
town  is  ill  fortified. 

GERRARD,  General,  Worcester,  to  Prince  Rupert,  February  22 — sends  the  names  of 
some  persons  able  to  lend  Prince  Rupert  moneys. 

GERRARD,  General,  Worcester,  to  Prince  Rupert,  February  28 — accounts  for  back- 
wardness in  sending  Prince  Rupert  the  required  contributions,  because  the  Com- 
missioners must  have  it  "  after  their  wills." 

GERRARD,  General,  Worcester,  to  Prince  Rupert,  March,  11 — desires  to  know  what 
course  he  is  to  pursue  towards  those  who  refuse  to  pay  the  contributions. 

GORING,  General,  York,  to  Prince  Rupert,  April  18 — expression  of  affection,  and  desire 
to  serve  Prince  Rupert. 

GORING,  General,  York,  to  Prince  Rupert,  April  22 — states  that  things  are  looking 
well ;  two  thousand  six  hundred  men. 

GORING,  General,  York,  to  Lord  Digby,  April  22— the  Queen  with  them  at  York,  very 
"hearty." 

GORING,  General,  York,  to  Mr.  H.  Percy,  April  22 — "to  sweep  away  the  rubbish 
(rebels)  that  obstruct." 


1643-4.J  OF   CORRESPONDENCE.  501 

GRANDISON,  General,  York,  to  Prince  Rupert,  July  17 — suggests  attack  of  Gloucester, 
by  boats,  from  Worcestershire. 

GRANDISON,  General,  Cirencestcr,  to  the  King,  March  23 — had  drawn  out  his  ai-my  to 
meet  the  rebels,  who  "  looked  on  and  retired  ;"  despairs  not  on  the  morrow  to  meet 
and  vex  the  enemy." 

GRANT,  W.,  Pendennis,  in  Cornwall,  to  Prince  Rupert,  October  21 — has  sent  a  good 
quantity  of  ammunition  towards  Bristol,  for  his  Majesty's  service  ;  has  a  suit  to 
Prince  Rupert,  that  he  will,  on  opportunity,  exchange  a  kinsman  of  his,  lieutenant 
in  Lord  Northampton's  regiment,  made  prisoner  at  Newbury,  "  and  now  confined 
in  Windsor  Castle." 

HAMILTON,  Duke  of,  Pershore,  to  Prince  Rupert,  January  1 — reports  himself  arrived 
here. 

HAMILTON,  Duke  of,  Worcester,  to  Prince  Rupert,  February  5 — will  complete  two  regi- 
ments ;  asks  saddles,  pistols,  &c. 

HAMILTON,  Duke  of,  Worcester,  to. Prince  Rupert,  February  6 — asks  leave  to  appoint 
garrison  to  Tewkesbury;  surrendered. 

HASTINGS,  A.,  Ashby-de-la-Zouch,  to  Prince  Rupert,  January  17 — asks  for  troops  to 
relieve  Leicester,  threatened  by  Lord  Grey. 

HASTINGS,  H.,  Ashby-de-la-Zouch,  to  Prince  Rupert,  February  9 — congratulates  (Ci- 
rencester) ;  rebels  threaten  Stafford. 

HASTINGS,  H.,  Ashby-de-la-Zouch,  to  Prince  Rupert,  (no  date,  Monday) — Lord  Grey 
"  drawing  the  water  "  hereabout ;  few  with  him  in  fear  of  his  Royal  Highness's 
approach  ;  would  run  away  on  the  first  noise  of  his  coming  across  them. 

HASTINGS,  H.,  Ashby-de-la-Zouch,  to  Prince  Rupert,  May  29 — asks  for  Lord  North- 
ampton's (Newark). 

HASTINGS,  H.,  Tamworth,  to  Prince  Rupert,  Saturday — has  sent  for  "  some  "  (perhaps 
miners)  such  as  Prince  Rupert  wished,  of  the  most  skilful  he  could  get  and  could 
procure  one  hundred  more  ;  will  be  within  one  mile  of  Lichfield  by  10  A.M.  on  the 
morrow. 

HASTINGS,  H.,  Lichfield,  to  Prince  Rupert,  August  22 — will  not  fail  to  send  the 
waggons  ;  states  the  amount  of  Cromwell's  forces  and  their  movements. 

HASTINGS,  H.,  Tutbury  Castle,  to  Prince  Rupert,  September  7 — reports  movements  of 
enemy's  forces. 

HASTINGS,  H.,  Tutbury  Castle,  to  Prince  Rupert,  Sunday — gives  an  account  of  the  re- 
capture of  Tutbury  Castle  by  the  rebels. 

HASTINGS,  H.,  Ashby-Loughborough,  to  Prince  Rupert,  October  28 — wishes  to  mani- 
fest his  "  hearty  desires  to  obey  and  serve  Prince  Rupert,  by  giving  intelligence  of 
whatever  comes  to  his  knowledge." 

HAWLEY,  Sir  F.,  Bristol,  to  Prince  Rupert,  December  14,  the  enemy,  in  great  numbers, 
have  fallen  upon  Lyme  and  Taunton,  and  ^iven  out  the  garrisons  ;  Sir  F. 
Hawley  entreats  Prince  Rupert  to  appoint  him  commander  to  all  the  horse  and 
foot  in  Somersetshire,  "  to  avoid  confusion." 

HEATH,  R.,  to  Prince  Rupert,  (no  date)  January  15  or  11 — complains  that  Mr.  Curzon 
took  two  horses. 

HERBERT,  Lord,  Ragland  Castle,  to  Lord  Glamorgan,  February  7 — about  to  enter  "  the 
forest "  and  master  "  the  Sevearn." 

HERBERT,  Lord,  Worcester,  to  Lord  Glamorgan,  July  21— Cheshire  and  Lancashire 
remain  firm  to  royalty. 

HERBERT,  Edw.,  Ragland  Castle,  to  Lord  Glamorgan,  July  25— suggests  that  ships  be 
sent  to  reduce  Milford  Haven,  which,  "  dissenting  from  all  Wales  besides,  only 
remains  refractory  ;"  offers  forest  miners  to  undermine  Bristol  Castle  if  required. 

HERBERT,  Edw.,  Ragland  Castle,  to  Lord  Glamorgan,  July  29 — asks  warrant  for  arms, 
and  reparation  for  property  taken  away  by  Waller's  soldiers. 

HERBERT,  Edw.,  Worcester,  to  Prince  Rupert,  October  2— reasons  for  Glamorgan's 
going  to  Tewkesbury. 

HERBERT,  Edw.,  Montgomery  Castle,  to  Prince  Rupert,  February  27— requests  either 
to  be  left  "  to  the  defence  of  his  own  castle,"  or,  if  Prince  Rupert  will  have  a 
garrison  there,  that  he  may  be  quartered  in  the  town  of  Montgomery. 

HERBERT,  Edw.,  Ludlow,  to  Prince  Rupert,  February  28 — excuses  himself  for  not  at- 
tending on  Prince  Rupert  until  Friday  or  Saturday. 

HERBERT,  Edw.,  Montgomery,  to  Prince  Rupert,  March  17— details  the  necessitous 
state  of  his  affairs  and  of  his  men ;  reminds  Prince  Rupert  about  his  commission  for 
the  governorship  of  Montgomery  Castle. 


502  INDEX  AND   ABSTRACT  [1G43-4. 

HERBERT,  Edvv.,  Malmesbury,  to  Prince  Rupert,  March  26 — petitions  for  an  independent 

command,  ammunition,  &c. 

HERTFORD,  Marquis  of,  Keynsham,  to  Prince  Rupert,  July  21 — expect  Rupert  at  Bristol. 
HOPTON,  Lord,  Bristol,  to  Prince  Rupert,   (no  date) — complains  of  want  of  powder 

(Oxford  mills  seem  to  have  been  destroyed),  of  money,  and  Colonel  Long  levying 

in  his  quarters. 
HOPTON,  Lord,  Bristol,  to  Prince  Rupert,  August  15 — advertises  the  arrival  of  a  store 

frigate  by  his  procurement. 
HOPTON,  Lord,  Bristol,  to  Prince  Rupert,  August  21 — encloses  Colonel  Fienne's  letter ; 

has  examined  into  complaint ;  asks  for  arms. 
HOPTON,  Lord,  Bristol,  to  Prince  Rupert,  September  1 — is  repairing  the  works  very 

slowly  for  want  of  means ;  asks  arms. 
HOPTON,  Lord,  Bristol,  to  Prince  Rupert,  September  6 — repeats  substance  of  his  former 

letter,  which,  for  his  own  safety,  the  servant  "  was  forced  to  cast  away." 
HOPTON,  Lord,  Bristol,  to  Prince  Rupert,  September  7 — asks  for  the  assistance  of  a 

lieutenant-governor ;  recommends  Sir  F.  Hawley  for  that  post ;  has  received  rein- 
forcements of  horse  and  foot,  "  but,  for  arming  and  paying,  they  are  out  of  his 

reach." 
HOPTON,  Lord,  Sudbury,  to  Prince  Rupert,  October  3 — on  his  way  to  the  relief  of 

Berkeley  Castle,  but  heard,  en  route,  of  enemy's  retreat. 
HOPTON,  Lord,  Bristol,  to  Prince  Rupert,  October  25 — reports  the  disaffected  state  of 

the  country,  and  measures  adopted  to  separate  the  rebel's  army. 
HOPTON,  Lord,  Winchester,  to  the  King,  November  8 — informs  his  Majesty  of  Essex's 

whispered  designs ;  of  his  having  conveyed  men  and  ammunition  into  Aylesbury. 
HOPTON,  Lord,  Ahresford,  to  Prince  Rupert,  December  22 — requests  that  Prince  Ru- 
pert will  send  some  other  good  regiments  "  in  place  of  those  which  he  resumes." 
HYDE,  Sir  E.,  to  Lord  Falkland,  October  29 — suggesting  that  Hampden  and  Goodwyn 

be  arrested. 
HYNES,  H.,  Banbury,  to  Prince  Rupert,  March  13 — apologises  to  Prince  Rupert  for 

saving   Lord  Northampton's  tenants  from  being  plundered  in   Lord   Northamp- 
ton's absence. 
HINES,  John,  Cirencester,  to  Prince  Rupert,  March  1 7 — a  regiment  of  men  he  has  not 

armed. 

HINES,  John,  Cirencester,  to  Prince  Rupert,  March  22 — Malmesbury  taken  by  the  rebels. 
HINES,  John,   Cirencester,   to  Prince   Rupert,   March   24— Waller  is  en  route  from 

Malmesbury. 
HINES,  John,  Farringdon,  to  Prince  Rupert,  April  25 — has  opened  Prince  Rupert's 

letter  to  Lord  Crauford. 
HINES,  John,  Leachland  (Wiltshire),  to  Prince  Rupert,  May  30 — one  of  the  hundreds 

assigned  him  is  under  contribution  to  the  Government ;  asks  for  a  warrant  to  levy 

there  also  some  additional  troops,  for  they  are  in  arrears  with  men  and  officers ; 

Waller  is  gone  for  Worcester. 
HINES,  John,  Shartrall,  to  Prince  Rupert,  January  12 — protests  that  the  late  misfortune 

befallen  his  regiment  was  no  fault  of  his ;  refers  to  the  testimony  of  eye-witnesses. 
JERMYN,  H.  Oxford,  to  Prince  Rupert,  February  11 — gains  a  favourable  report  of  (affairs 

in  his  quarters  ;  some  little  quantities  of  arms  have  arrived  from  France  ;  "  a  little 

blow  given  in  Dorsetshire  to  Colonel  Wyndham's  regiment." 
JERMYN-,  H.  Oxford,  to  Prince  Rupert,  February  15 — concerning  a  demand  for  Messrs. 

Fowler  and  Offley  to  go  and  come  from  Westminster  with  propositions  for  peace; 

desires  to  be  informed  of  Prince  Rupert's  march  northward,  in  order  to  provide  him 

with  arms  and  ammunition. 
JERMYN,  H.  Oxford,  to  Prince  Rupert,  February  22 — Lord  Manchester  marched  strong 

to  Northampton  ;  Lord  Newcastle  desires  assistance  ;  Sir  W.  Vavasour  here  on  a 

question  between  him  and  the  gentry  of  Gloucester. 

JERMYN,  H.  Oxford,  to  Prince  Rupert,  February  23 — Lord  Essex's  answer  to  be  con- 
sidered on  the  morrow. 
JERMYN,  H.  Oxford,  to  Prince  Rupert,  February  26 — by  his  Majesty's  desire,  gives 

account  of  affairs  in  the  North ;  King's  party  beaten  in  Yorkshire  ;  Newark  and 

Belvoir  in  some  measure  distressed. 
JERMYN,  H.  Oxford,  to  Prince  Rupert,   March    16 — letter   marked  as  Prince  Rupert 

suggests  ;  caused  supplies  of  ammunition  to  be  sent  to  Dudley  Castle  for  his  Royal 

Highnesses  service;  his  Majesty  thinks  Lord  Newcastle  must  fight  the  Scots,  and 

prevent  their  advance  into  Yorkshire. 


1642-3.]  OF   CORRESPONDENCE.  503 

JERMYN,  H.  Oxford,  to  Prince  Rupert,  March  15 — the  Commissioners  have  voted  six 
thousand  men  to  be  raised  in  the  counties  under  Prince  Rupert's  command  ;  Waller 
at  Lichfield  in  expectation  "  of  slipping  down  to  the  West." 

JERMYN,  H.,  Oxford,  to  Prince  Rupert,  March  24— excuses  the  slackness  of  sending 
stores  for  Prince  Rupert's  forces  ;  Irish  agents  arrived,  but  nothing  yet  known  "  of 
what  is  like  to  be  done." 

JERMYN,  H.,  Exeter,  to  Prince  Maurice— letter  in  cypher  ;  believes  Essex  intends  to  set 
down  before  this  place  ;  "  it  can  hold  out  six  weeks  or  two  months,  and  then  be 
taken  if  not  relieved." 

JEUFPE,  Lord,  Dublin,  to  Prince  Rupert,  October  16 — this  kingdom  in  a  likely  way  for 
peace  ;  no  fear  of  breach,  except  from  the  Scots,  "  from  whom  we  cannot  be  secure 
without  we  have  liberty  to  destroy  them  ;  "  "  if  they  were  provided  with  shipinge," 
could  furnish  his  Royal  Highness  with  as  many  Irish,  well  armed,  as  Prince  Rupeit 
pleases." 

KIRKE,  L.,  Bridgenorth,  to  Prince  Rupert,  March  10 — proposes  to  stop  the  cattle  which 
at  this  season  are  driven  out  of  the  town  into  Staffordshire  ;  waits  Prince  Rupert's 
further  commands. 

LONDISDALE,  Edward,  Banbury,  to  the  Earl  of  Northampton,  October  24 — an  express 
from  a  gentleman  of  quality,  signifying  that  five  columns  of  horse  had  marched  out 
of  Warwick,  that  their  troops  were  then  rendezvoused  at  Hill  Morton. 

LEVESON,  Y.,  Dudley  Castle,  to  the  King,  February  8— according  to  his  Majesty's 
command,  had  raised  the  country  ;  the  poorer  sort  came  in  freely,  but  being  unable 
to  buy  arms,  required  a  second  appearance  of  better  condition  ;  these  were  pre- 
vented by  warrants  from  Loughborough  and  Colonel  Bagot,  besides  those  of  the 
rebels  from  Stafford  and  other  places. 

LEWESFORU,  H.,  Malmesbury,  to  Prince  Rupert,  March  15 — asks  for  cannon. 

LOUGHBOROUGH,  Lord,  Ashby,  to  Prince  Rupert,  March  9 — reiterates  former  complaints 

of  Colonel  Leveson  ;  "  if  his  Majesty  does  him  not  right  in  punishing  him  according 

•to  merit.  Lord  Loughborough  is  the  unhappiest  of  any  ;"  explains  his  position  ;  "  if 

by  neglect  or  cowardice  his  Majesty's  greatness  suffered  by  him,  his  head,  not  his 

reputation  only  deserved  to  suffer.. 

LOUGHBOROUGH,  Lord,  (perhaps)  Belvoir,  to  Prince  Rupert,  (no  date) — invites  Prince 
Rupert  to  take  Leicester  and  Derby,  which  are  ill  defended  ;  offers  to  assist  with 
one  thousand  horse  and  one  thousand  foot,  and  asks  for  one  thousand  muskets. 

LOUGHBOROUGH,  Lord,  Belvoir,  to  Prince  Rupert,  (no  date) — Lord  Derby's  forces  ex- 
pected at  Leicester  ;  Cromwell  to  come  thither  suddenly  ;  Manchester  at  Hunting- 
don ;  commissioners  of  Lincoln  and  Nottingham  to  prepare  for  an  assault. 

LouGHJiORouGH,  Lord,  Belvoir,  to  Prince  Rupert,  November  29 — reports  an  advantage 
gained  by  his  Belvoir  horse  over  Fairfax  ;  asks  leave  for  Marquis  of  Ormond 
to  bring  over  his  company  from  Ireland,  and  to  furnish  Serjeants  and  corporals  for 
the  troops  he  desires  to  raise. 

MASSEY,  E.,  Gloucester,  to  Colonel  Fiennes,  February  11 — threatened  by  the  Welch, 
and  Sir  W.  Russell's  mob. 

MAURICE,  Prince,  Gloucester,  to  Colonel  Fiennes,  July  20 — concerning  attack  on  Bristol. 

MAXWELL,  George,  Berkeley  Castle,  to  Prince  Rupert,  September  8 — since  the  siege 
of  Gloucester  raised,  the  people  here  have  so  increased  their  former  baseness,  that 
he  cannot  get  the  castle  victualled  ;  so  little  trust  in  them,  that  though  "  he 
should  have  enough  to  raise  a  troop  of  horse,  he  should  almost  fear  to  have  his  throat 
cut." 

MENNES,  John,  Berkeley  Castle ,  to  Prince  Rupert,  February  2 — the  commissioners  con- 
sider the  change  more  than  the  convenience,  and  the  garrison  is  ready  to  disband  for 
want  of  pay  and  provision  ;  pray  to  be  delivered  from  the  power  of  commissioners  ; 
had  rather  be  sent  home  from  constable  to  constable. 

MENNES,  John,  Berkeley  Castle,  to  Prince  Rupert,  February  9— all  are  armed  with  pa- 
tience until  Prince  Rupert's  arrival  ;  went  to  Oswestrie  to  meet  a  troop  sent  him 
by  Lord  Byron,  which  were  claimed  by  commissioners  of  array. 

MENNES,  John,  Salop,  to  Prince  Rupert,  February  10— Lord  Byron  about  to  send  hither 
seventeen  hundred  foot  (under  Tillier  and  Broughton),  just  landed  from  Ireland : 
he  will  do  his  best  in  finding  them  provisions,  but  has  no  money;  asks  Prince  Ru- 
pert to  command  the  sheriff  to  provide  them  shoes  and  hose. 

MENNES,  John,  Elmere,  to  Prince  Rupert,   March  30— Lord  Byron  has  taken  four  out- 
garrisons  of  the  enemy  in  Flintshire.     Some  divisions  in  the  army  as  to  the  chief 
command. 
VOL.  I.  L  L 


504  INDEX   AND   ABSTRACT  [1642-3. 

MKNNKS,  John,  to  Prince  Rupert  (no  date) — no  sooner  was  Prince  Rupert  gone,  than 
the  rebels  began  to  swarm ;  took  Wellington  Castle,  which  was  wrenched  from  them 
soon  after,  and  they  themselves  defeated  by  Sir  W.  Vaughton  and  Colonel  Ellis. 

MOODY,  George,  Bury,  to  his  brother,  October  10 — sends  him  100/.,  and  promises  more  ; 
desires  him  to  borrow  some  from  the  drapers  at  Boston,  which  his  father  will  repay  ; 
will  send  a  horse  for  his  lieutenant. 

MORTON,  William,  Winchcombe,  to  his  brother,  August  3 — concerning  the  presumed  de- 
sertion of  some  officers  and  men  ;  most  of  the  blue  coats  run  away  ;  is  very  con- 
fident that  Gloucester  will  yield  if  it  is  demanded,  for  the  deserters  say  "  that  the 
town  soldiers  are  resolved  not  to  strike  a  stroke  against  the  King." 

NEILLE,  D.,  Oxford,  to  Prince  Rupert,  April  6 — congratulates  on  victory. 

NEILLE,  D.,  Abingdon,  to  Prince  Rupert,  December  19 — complains  of  troopers,  who  live 
at  free  quarters,  and  plead  Prince  Maurice's  permission. 

NEILLE,  D.,  Abingdon,  to  Prince  Rupert,  December  25 — complaining  of  Colonel  Blagge's 
dragoons. 

NEWCASTLE,  to  Prince  Rupert,  October  7 — congratulation  on  victory. 

NEWCASTLE,  to  Prince  Rupert — congratulates  for  victory. 

NEWCASTLE,  Chesterfield,  to  Prince  Rupert,  December  10— army  threatened  on  all  sides, 
so  that  if  Prince  Rupert  cannot  take  Lancashire  off  his  hands,  he  doubts  it  will  be 
too  late  to  hinder  the  great  army  of  rebels  coining  from  Scotland;  five  thousand  are 
going  to  Hull  to  entertain  the  Duke  of  Newcastle  there. 

NEWCASTLE,  Pomfret,  to  Prince  Rupert,  January  16 — Prince  Rupert  has  been  told 
he  has  great  force,  which  is  not  true  ;  Scots  advanced  as  far  as  Morpeth,  fourteen 
thousand,  as  report  goes. 

NEWCASTLE,  Pomfret,  to  Prince  Rupert,  January  21— excuses  himself  from  obeying 
orders  to  act,  his  troops  being  disorganized. 

NEWCASTLE,  Newcastle,  to  Prince  Rupert,  February  4 — "  Scots  before  the  town  with  a 
very  great  army;  his  own  not  half  that  which  was  here  Avhen  the  town  was 
rendered,"  yet  he  holds  the  town;  leaves  particulars  to  the  brave  Sir  William  Ba- 
lendine. 

NEWCASTLE  to  the  King,  Feb.  13 — marched  his  army  from  Yorkshire  in  the  thaw  and 
floods  to  Newcastle,  the  night  before  the  Scots  attacked  it  ;  the  town's  soldiers  very 
faithful,  and  drove  them  a  mile  from  the  town,  where  they  remain  raising  the  whole 
country  ;  fourteen  hundred  foot  and  two  thousand  horse  to  be  joined  by  Fairfax, 
whilst  the  Royal  army  cannot  possibly  bring  into  the  field  more  than  five  thousand 
foot  and  three  thousand  horse,  and  want  arms  and  ammunition. 

NEWCASTLE  to  Lord  Digby,  February  16 — has  signed  a  subscription,  subscribed  by 
divers  of  the  nobility  of  the  kingdom;  by  means  of  a  pass  had  forwarded  it  into 
Scotland,  and  so  his  lordship's  order  therein  shall  be  observed  without  delay; 
account  of  his  position  (as  above). 

NEWCASTLE  to  the  King,  February  1  6 — urges  his  Majesty  to  send  more  forces  to  beat 
the  Scots,  by  which  "his  game  will  be  absolutely  won;"  "if  his  Majesty  think  fit, 
they  should  be  followed,  while  truly  he  thinks  his  Majesty'  s  crowns  are  hazard- 
ed;" Sir  Thomas  Fairfax  very  strong  in  the  West  Riding;  his  father  master  of 
the  East  Riding. 

NEWCASTLE,  Lincoln,  to  Prince  Rupert,  August  7 — congratulates  on  victories, "which, 
as  they  are  too  big  for  anybody  else,  so  they  appear  too  little  for  his  Royal  Highness." 

NEWCASTLE,  Beverly,  to  Prince  Rupert,  August  29 — Prince  Rupert  will  not  allow 
himself  to  be  told  of  his  victories,  but  the  world  will  "  derive  it  to  posterity  to  his 
Royal  Higlmess's  everlasting  fame." 

NEWCASTLE,  Cottingham,  to  Mr.  Hastings,  September  18— Lord  Willoughby  and  Crom- 
well got  abroad  in  great  numbers,  taking  advantage  of  the  army's  engagement  else- 
where; proposes  to  Mr.  Hastings  to  meet  them  with  all  the  horse  and  foot  he  can 
spare,  and  join  Sir  T.  Henderson. 

NEWCASTLE,  Cottingham,  to  Prince  Rupert,  October  3— wishes  Prince  Rupert  joy  of  his 
late  great  victory,  "  which  he  is  confident  the  rebels  will  never  recover,  so  that  one 
may  salute  the  King  King  again,  and  only  by  his  Royal  Highness's  hand." 

NORTHAMPTON,  Banbury,  to  Prince  Rupert,  December  1 3 — enemy  threatens  ;  to  some 
lord  for  assistance. 

NORTHAMPTON,  Banbury,  to  the  King,  December  20— the  rebels  with  three  thousand 
horse,  and  peasants  with  pitchforks  are  coming. 

NORTHAMPTON,  Dedington,  to  Prince  Rupert,  December  22 — pursued  by  the  enemy; 
sends  Colonel  Wentworth  for  orders  to  the  Prince. 


1642-3.]  OF   CORRESPONDENCE.  505 

NORTHAMPTON,  Banbury,  to  Prince  Rupert,  December  26— asks  for  force  to  prevent  the 
rebels  reassembling. 

NORTHAMPTON,  Banbury,  to  Prince  Rupert,  December  28— asks  for  three  hundred 
dragoons  to  repel  forties  and  fifties  of  rebels,  and  to  inspirit  the  country. 

NORTHAMPTON,  Banbury,  to  Prince  Rupert,  January  4— asking  to  succeed  to  the  com- 
mand upon  his  father's  death. 

NORTHAMPTON,  Banbury,  to  Prince  Rupert,  January  4— arrests  Colonel  Wagstaff;  Lord 
Grey  threatens  Banbury  with,  troops. 

NORTHAMPTON,  Banbury,  to  Sir  J.  Astley,  February  28 — Lord  Brooke  on  his  march  to 
Stafford. 

NORTHAMPTON,  Banbury,  to  the  King's  Secretary,  March  2 — Lord  Chesterfield  besieged ; 
Warwick  Castle  weak. 

NORTHAMPTON,  Ragland,  to  Prince  Rupert,  March  7 — professes  readiness  to  send  troops 
to  Prince  Rupert. 

NEWPORT,  Shrewsbury,  to  Prince  Rupert,  February  2 — sheriff  has  given  notice  that  a 
great  magazine  of  powder  is  coming  to  the  town,  and  that  Prince  Rupert  intends  to 
make  it  his  residence ;  makes  known  to  Prince  Rupert  that  there  is  no  magazine  of 
victuals,  and  therefore  Prince  Rupert  should  not  venture  his  person  and  army  till 
one  is  provided. 

NEWPORT,  Oxford,  to  Prince  Rupert,  March  2 — occurrences  from  the  north;  Scots 
defeated  by  Sir  R.  Langsdent;  retreated  to  Alnwick ;  Irish  landed  for  the  King  ; 
Essex  come  with  five  thousand  to  Warwick. 

NEWPORT,  Oxford,  to  Prince  Rupert,  March  2— transcript  of  a  letter  from  Essex  to  Lord 
Forth  concerning  Sir  R.  Crooke  having  escaped  undressed  on  horseback  and  Sir  F. 
Norrys  taken  out  of  his  house,  both  their  houses  being  near  Reading. 

NICHOLAS,  Sir  Edward,  10  p.  M.  to  Prince  Rupert  (no  date) — his  Majesty  gives  way 
concerning  the  marching  of  the  army,  which  he  thought  should  not  move  till  they 
knew  certainly  where  the  Queen  was  ;  waits  till  Prince  Rupert  sends  him  word. 

NICHOLAS,  Sir  Edward,  to  Prince  Rupert,  October  16 — money  comes  slowly  to  Parlia- 
ment ;  said  to  be  wrangling  amongst  themselves.  Essex  has  marched  from  Windsor  : 
supposed  to  be  falling  on  Brill;  Prince  Maurice  about  Upton,  and  Waller  said  to  be 
within  half  a  mile. 

NICHOLAS,  Sir  Edward,  Oxford,  to  Prince  Rupert,  April  4 — King  negotiates  for  a  cessa- 
tion with  Parliament,  which  grants  four  more  days,  during  which  there  is  to  be 
no  plundering  on  either  side;  the  King  forbears  to  agree  to  any  cessation  north  of 
the  Trent  till  he  hears  from  the  Earl  of  Newcastle  the  state  of  his  army;  seven 
more  days  of  cessation. 

NICHOLAS,  Sir  Edward,  Oxford,  to  Prince  Rupert,  April  6 — threats  that  Essex  comes 
with  all  his  forces  from  Windsor,  Oakingham,  &c.,  Lord  Grey  from  St.  Albans  with 
those  of  Norfolk,  Suffolk,  and  Essex,  and  Cromwell  with  those  of  Cambridge  and 
Huntingdonshire,  Waller  from  Gloucester;  but  Prince  Maurice  at  Tewkesbury  keeps 
them  in  check. 

NICHOLAS,  Sir  Edward,  Oxford,  to  Prince  Rupert,  April  10— the  treaty  goes  on  here,  but 
it  is  apparent  "  the  omnipotent  powers"  have  no  desire  to  peace  as  yet;  if  the  King 
consent  not  to  the  two  propositions,  the  Commissioners  return  to  London,  and  "  he 
believes  that,  till  they  are  gone,  Essex  will  not  come  this  way." 

NICHOLAS,  Sir  Edward,  Oxford,  to  Prince  Rupert,  April  11 — Essex  cannot  stir  from 
Windsor  till  his  troops  have  pay;  Maurice  waits  at  Tewkesbury  to  meet  Waller  in 
crossing  the  Severn;  treaty  goes  on;  nothing  will  content  the  Parliament  but  their 
own  demands;  thinks  it  must  come  to  nought;  it  is  said  that  the  two  Houses  have 
desired  Essex  to  deliver  up  his  commission,  and  that  they  will  make  Hampden  their 
general. 

NICHOLAS,  Sir  Edward,  Oxford,  to  Prince  Rupert,  April  20  (partly  cipher)— urges  Prince 
Rupert  coining  without  delay;  "it  would  be  better  the  county  of  Stafford  were 
lost  than  the  town  of  Reading;"  the  governor,  Sir  A.  Aston,  disabled  by  an  accident; 
rebels  much  encouraged  thereby;  almost  environed  by  twelve  thousand  foot  and 
three  thousand  horse. 

NICHOLAS,  Sir  Edward,  Oxford,  to  Prince  Rupert,  April  21 — reiterates  arguments  for 
dispatch;  "it  is  the  opinion  here  that  if  Prince  Rupert  come  not,  Reading  is  lost;" 
Aston  past  hope  of  life. 

NICHOLAS,  Sir  Edward,  Oxford,  to  Prince  Rupert,  April  23  (the  King's  own  cipher) 
—the  King  himself  goes  to  Wallingford,  where  all  his  forces  are  to  meet  him  to 
relieve  Reading;  the  rebels  repulsed  the  King's  forces  the  last  night;  the  town  can- 

L  L  2 


506  INDEX   AND   ABSTRACT  [1642-3. 

not  hold  out  without  succour  beyond  to-morrow;  if  the  rebels  get  Reading  on  any 
terms,  thew  will  grow  very  insolent  in  London ;  if  they  fail,  they  will  give  ear  to  a 
just  and  equal  accommodation. 

NICHOLAS,  Sir  Edward,  Oxford,  to  Prince  Rupert,  April  24  (the  King's  own  cipher) — 
recommends  vigilance,  for  the  rebels  are  in  strong  parties  dispersed  in  all  parts; 
they  have  taken  up  a  quarter  of  his  Majesty's  at  Dorchester,  and  cut  in  pieces  a 
regiment  and  divers  foot  belonging  to  the  Life  Guard. 

NICHOLAS,  Sir  Edward,  Oxford,  to  the  King,  April  26  (the  King's  own  cipher) — 
has  warned  Northampton  to  be  very  vigilant  of  Waller's  movements,  who  generally 
marches  by  night;  ammunition  come  to  Newark  for  his  Majesty;  gives  his  opinion 
against  his  Majesty  drawing  off  his  forces  from  before  Reading. 

NICHOLAS,  Sir  Edward,  Oxford,  to  the  King,  April  28  (the  King's  own  cipher)— the 
Commissioners  have  sent  forces  to  defend  Brill;  the  King  of  France  not  dead, 
though  not  thought  likely  to  recover,  and  has  received  extreme  unction. 

NICHOLAS,  Sir  Edward,  to  Prince  Rupert,  May  11 — will  communicate  all  he  knows  to 
Prince  Rupert,  but,  not  being  one  of  the  close  committee  at  Court,  was  never 
thought  worthy  to  be  trusted  with  the  affairs  of  the  West,  where  Bamfield  is  to 
attend  Prince  Rupert;  disorders  and  jealousies  amongst  the  officers. 

NICHOLAS,  Sir  Edward,  to  Prince  Rupert,  May  17 — some  gentleman,  writing  from  Lon- 
don, thinks  it  would  not  be  very  difficult  to  intercept  Essex  on  his  way  from  London 
to  Reading. 

NICHOLAS,  Sir  Edward,  to  Prince  Rupert,  May  12 — money  very  hard  to  be  got  in 
London  for  rebel  army,  notwithstanding  their  great  boast  of  the  taking  of  Reading; 
King  ordered  Prince  Maurice  to  pursue  Waller  wheresoever  he  goeth. 

NICHOLAS,  Sir  Edward,  to  Prince  Rupert,  July  8 — letters  from  the  Queen  confirm  good 
news  from  the  North  of  Fairfax,  father  and  son,  being  beaten,  the  latter  valiantly 
leaving  his  wife  to  be  taken;  the  Queen,  on  her  progress  South,  took  Burton-upon- 
Trent  by  assault:  postscript  in  his  Majesty's  autograph. 

NICHOLAS,  Sir  Edward,  to  Prince  Rupert  (same  date) — long  postscript  from  the  King ; 
Essex  goes  to  Brackley,  therefore  his  Majesty  is  confident  the  best  way  for  his  wife 
will  be  Worcester,  otherwise  it  will  be  impossible  for  her  forces  to  eschew  fighting, 
and  that  before  his  Majesty  can  come  up. 

NICHOLAS,  Sir  Edward,  Oxford,  to  Prince  Rupert,  July  11 — Prince  Maurice  and  Marquis 
of  Hertford  are  at  Devizes  in  very  good  heart,  wanting  only  arms  and  ammunition ; 
the  Queen  to  bring  all  Lord  Capell's,  Colonels  Cavendish  and  Hastings',  and  the  rest 
of  the  horse  and  foot. 

NICHOLAS,  Sir  Edward,  Oxford,  to  Prince  Rupert,  July  25— rebels  beaten  from  before 
Tutbury;  Essex  within  two  miles  of  Aylesbury  ;  Waller  gone  to  London;  "they 
raise  men  apace  for  him." 

NICHOLAS,  Sir  Edward,  Oxford,  to  Prince  Rupert,  (same  date) — Waller  at  Warwick;  in 
his  passage  thither  beaten  by  Sir  W.  Russell;  rebels  stolen  away  from  Chester  with 
loss. 

NICHOLAS,  Sir  Edward,  to  the  King,  August  8 — sends  Captain  Molineuxto  his  Majesty; 
he  is  an  intimate  friend  of  Massey,  Governor  of  Gloucester,  whose  affections  are  with 
his  Majesty,  and  not  having  served,  "but  that  he  was  refused  the  employment  he  de- 
sired, if  Captain  Molineux  sees  him,  to  persuade  him  to  render  himself  and  Glou- 
cester to  his  Majesty's  hands. 

NICHOLAS,  Sir  Edward,  Oxford,  to  Prince  Rupert,  October  30  (mostly  in  cipher) — six  hun- 
dred musketeers  are  sent  from  Brill  to  Prince  Rupert,  and  50£.  worth  of  bread  ordered ; 
in  future,  provisions  should  be  taken  from  Buckingham  or  Bicester  on  account  of 
the  distance. 

NICHOLAS,  Sir  Edward,  Oxford,  to  Prince  Rupert,  October  15— rebel  forces  lately  come 
to  Bedford,  others  to  Newport  Pagnell ;  certain  that  Waller  hath  delivered  up  his 
commission;  that  Waller's  officers  and  soldiers  are  much  disgusted,  and  some  refuse 
to  march  with  Essex. 

NICHOLAS,  Sir  Edward,  Oxford,  to  Prince  Rupert,  October  27 — Prince  Rupert  to  decide 
a  question  of  precedency  between  Colonels  Gerrard  and  Bellasis. 

NICHOLAS,  Sir  Edward,  Oxford,  to  Prince  Rupert,  October  28 — Essex  has  come  to 
Hitchin;  supposed  that  he  draws  to  join  the  Earl  of  Manchester  before  approaching 
Newport;  the  King  offers  Prince  Rupert  more  forces. 

NICHOLAS,  Sir  Edward,  to  Prince  Rupert,  Oxford,  October  31 — his  Majesty  desires  Prince 
Rupert  to  hare  one  Tapper  apprehended,  and  punished  by  martial  or  common  law; 
under  pretence  of  being  a  soldier  (which  he  is  not),  he  robs  all  men. 


16*12-3.]  OF   CORRESPONDENCE.  507 

NICHOLAS,  Sir  Edward,  Oxford,  to  Prince  Rupert,  November  1 — 50/.  worth  more  bread 
ordered  to  Prince  Rupert,  which  he  is  to  send  carts  for;  the  provisions  to  be  out  of 
the  pay. 

NICHOLAS,  Sir  Edward,  Oxford,  to  Prince  Rupert,  November  3— Waller  draws  off  his 
forces  from  Basing  House  to  Basingstoke ;  sent  for  scaling-ladders. 

NICHOLAS,  Sir  Edward,  Oxford,  to  Prince  Rupert,  November  5— more  provisions  ordered 
for  Prince  Rupert's  army ;  Essex  goes  to  St.  Albans  for  winter  quarters. 

NICHOLAS,  Sir  Edward,  Oxford,  to  Prince  Rupert,  November  6 — Waller  gives  out  he  in- 
tends to  attempt  Worcester  ;  Lord  Hoptonat  Andover;  Prince  Maurice  recovered,  not 
strong;  report  that  the  King's  forces  have  driven  rebels  from  Newark. 

NICHOLAS,  Sir  Edward,  Oxford,  to  Prince  Rupert,  November  7  and  8 — concerning 
assigning  regiments;  the  five  hundred  cattle  taken  by  Prince  Rupert  to  be  sold 
at  Oxon,  and  the  money  sent  back  to  be  distributed  by  Prince  Rupert. 

NICHOLAS,  Sir  Edward,  Oxford,  to  Prince  Rupert,  November  12 — intelligence  in  cipher. 

NICHOLAS,  Sir  Edward,  Oxford,  to  Prince  Rupert,  November  16 — Lord  Capell  adver- 
tises that  the  rebels  have  taken  Holt,  by  which  Chester  is  sore  straitened;  that 
Lord  Biron  must  hasten  away,  for  then  Sir  A.  Aston  will  be  sent  to  take  his  place 
with  Prince  Rupert. 

NORTHAMPTON,  Banbury,  to  Prince* Rupert,  May  2 — advertisements  from  London,  where- 
by it  appears  Essex  is  not  well  pleased,  nor  in  a  good  condition. 

NORTHAMPTON,  Banbury,  to  Prince  Rupert,  May  2 — great  complaints  of  Sir  Henry 
Huncks,  the  governor,  on  suspicion  of  his  corresponding  with  the  rebels;  sends  him 
to  render  an  account  to  his  Royal  Highness. 

NORTHAMPTON,  Banbury,  to  Prince  Rupert,  May  8 — Captain  Kopton,  of  Colonel  Croker's 
regiment,  tore  a  warrant  of  his  brother's,  and  said  he  would  receive  orders  only  from 
his  colonel ;  Croker  also  threatens  to  drive  away  the  cattle  of  his  tenants  if  they  do 
not  pay  47^.  and  strives  to  prejudice  him  (Northampton)  in  every  way. 

NORTHAMPTON,  Banbury,  to  Prince  Rupert,  December  19  and 23 — on  the  same  subject; 
prays  for  a  protection  under  Prince  Rupert's  hand  for  his  tenants  in  the  constabulary 
of  Braiks  and  the  town  of  Long  Compton;  will,  according  to  Prince  Rupert's  com- 
mands, march  on  the  morrow  by  daybreak  to  the  relief  of  Graston. 

NORTHAMPTON,  Shillington  near  Wolverhampton,  to  Prince  Rupert,  March  27 — rebels 
now  separated,  some  to  Nantwich,  others  to  Derby,  therefore  the  less  necessity  for 
Prince  Rupert's  presence  in  these  parts,  where  provisions  are  all  spent. 

O'NEILLE,  Dan,  Bristol,  to  Prince  Rupert,  February  13 — waiting  for  ammunition 
from  Ireland  for  Prince  Rupert ;  complains  of  Prince  Rupert  taking  his  troops 
with  him  ;  if  his  Royal  Highness  does  him  not  the  favour  to  send  it  back,  he  must 
sell  his  horse  to  buy  the  others  meat. 

O'NEILLE,  Dan,  Ragland  Castle,  to  Prince  Rupert,  February  20 — has  sent  two  hundred 
horse-mails  for  the  Irish  Commissioners. 

OTTLEY,  Sir  Francis,  Shrewsbury,  to  Prince  Rupert,  January  31— prepares  for  his  Royal 
Highness's  coming,  "  whereof  the  country  is  heartily  glad." 

OTTLEY,  Sir  Francis,  Shrewsbury,  to  Prince  Rupert,  February  2 — with  the  advice  of  the 
Commissioners  and  town  authorities,  has  provided  a  temporary  magazine,  "  till  the 
castle  be  repaired  ;  some  have  been  executed  for  being  concerned  in  the  plot  of  the 
rebels  against  the  town." 

OTTLEY,  Sir  Francis,  Shrewsbury,  February  12 — a  townsman  that  was  condemned  had 
escaped  to  the  rebels  at  Wem ;  the  Provost- Marshal  in  prison  ;  council  of  war  hold 
him  guilty  of  Article  III  ;  that  there  are  troops  at  Longford  in  expectation  of 
Prince  Rupert's  march  from  Worcester. 

PORTER,  George,  York,  to  Prince  Rupert,  December  20, — excuses  himself  of  having 
merited  "  the  frown  which  Prince  Rupert  was  pleased  to  put  upon  him  at  his 
coming  away." 

PYM,  John,  Westminster,  to  Sir  W.  Waller,  March  14  (intercepted) — articles  of  peace 
uncertain. 

ROBINSON,  T.,  Savoy,  London,  to  his  father,  January  15 — very  witty  private  letter, 
concerning  parliamentary  proceedings. 

RUDGEWAY,  W.,  Chester,  to  Lord  Capell,  April  14— has  sent  ammunition  to  Prince 
Rupert,  and  writes  express  to  announce. 

RUSSELL,  John,  Bristol,  to  Prince  Rupert,  December  22 — hears  of  the  death  of  Captain 
Ventris,  and  concerning  the  consequent  promotion. 

RUSSELL,  Sir  W.,  Worcester,  to  Prince  Rupert,  July  19 — Waller  come  with  all  his  force 
to  Gloucester  ;  on  his  way  took  men  from  their  houses,  "  and  forced  them  to  come 


508  INDEX   AND   ABSTRACT  [1642-3. 

with  him,"  and  drives  men  from  their  homes  lest  he  should  compel  them  ;  asks 
that  Prince  Rupert  will  send  a  convoy  to  Tewkesbury  to  meet  the  cannon  and 
boats. 

RUSSELL,  Sir  W.,  Tewkesbury,  to  Prince  Rupert,  August  8 — come  hither  to  attend 
Prince  Rupert ;  it  is  "  imputed  to  him  as  a  fault  that  he  hath  left  Worcester,  now 
it  is  like  to  be  in  danger  ;"  beseeches  Prince  Rupert's  orders  whether  he  shall  stay 
or  return  to  that  part. 

RUSSELL,  Sir  W.,  Worcester,  to  Prince  Rupert,  February  1 — pleads  that  the  city  is  hard 


SACKVILLE,  Thomas,  Bybury,  to  Prince  Rupert,  January  6 — excuses  himself  from  service, 
being  sick  ;  sends  his  sons  instead. 

SHEDDENCOURT,  Michael,  Bristol,  to  Prince  Rupert,  February  18 — concerning  the  taffety 
for  the  colours  which  has  been  in  the  town  this  month,  but  Captain  Deane,  in  whose 
custody  it  is,  will  not  distribute  without  ready  money  ;  prays  his  Royal  Highness 
to  give  orders  for  them,  as  "  it  will  give  some  content  to  the  soldiers,  though  they 
have  no  clothes." 

SLAUGHTER,  Worcester,  to  Prince  Rupert,  July  31 — writes  by  Sir  W.  Vavasour's 
desire  to  state  the  remissness  of  the  country  under  his  command;  without  Lord  Her- 
bert's assistance  from  his  private  purse,  he  could  never  have  seated  himself  in  the 
city  of  Hereford. 

SMITH,  Christopher,  Cheerington,  to  Mr.  Spencer  Lucy,  May  1 5 — concerning  "  a  diffe- 
rence between  Colonel  Croker  and  our  town." 

SUDFORD,  Thomas,  "  My  garrison  in  Bristol  Castle,"  to  Prince  Rupert,  November  30 — 
"is  zealous  in  desire  to  wait  on  Prince  Rupert  ;"  not  advance  of  title  he  covets,  but 
his  Royal  Highness's  commission  to  reduce  him  to  his  old  duty.  • 

TRACY,  John,  Taddington,  to  Prince  Rupert,  July  10 — gives  notice  that  Waller  has 
marched  by  Evesham  with  seventeen  colours  of  horse  towards  Warwick. 

TREVOR,  Arthur,  Taddington,  to  Prince  Rupert,  February  16 —  Lord  Jermyn  very  active 
in  Prince  Rupert's  service,  and  hopes  shortly  to  have  a  present  from  himself  to  Prince 
Rupert ;  two  hundred  barrels  of  powder,  five  hundred  muskets,  three  hundred  pair 
of  pistols. 

TRACY,  Sir  H.,  Oxon,  to  Prince  Rupert,  February  ]  9 — Barnstaple,  which  submitted  to 
Prince  Maurice,  and  by  his  mediation  received  his  Majesty's  pardon,  is  now  up  in 
arms  for  Parliament,  as  is  conceived  "  by  that  son  of  perdition,  Perd  the  Recorder." 

TRACY,  Sir  H.,  Oxon,  to  Prince  Rupert,  February  22 — 200Z.  payable  by  the  county  of 
Denbigh,  to  be  assigned  to  Captain  Wake,  lying  at  Beaumaris,  where  his  men  are 
in  a  high  state  of  mutiny  for  want  of  pay;  apologies  for  intermeddling  within  his 
Royal  Highness's  charge. 

TRACY,  Sir  H.,  Oxon,  to  Prince  Rupert,  February  23 — clothing  for  his  Royal  Highness's 
servants  and  pages,  to  be  ready  at  Oxon  ;  asks  his  pleasure  ;  merchants  solicitous 
for  payment,  if  Prince  Rupert  will  not  have -his  Majesty  moved  in  it ;  Lord  Jermyn 
and  A.  T.  will  pay  all  the  sum  down — 200/. 

TRACY,  Sir  H.,  Oxon,  to  Prince  Rupert,  February  24 — Lord  Newport  is  come  ;  Lord 
Percy  cries  out  for  his  waggons,  which  Prince  Rupert  has. 

TRACY,  Sir  H.,  Oxon,  to  Prince  Rupert,  February  28 — The  King,  on  hearing  of  Prince 
Rupert's  want  of  arms  and  ammunition,  "  after  a  deep  sigh,  said, '  This  will  be  more 
terrible  to  me  than  the  parting  of  flesh  and  bones  ;' "  Lord  Jermyn  hopes  to  secure  to 
Prince  Rupert  a  good  portion  of  that  which  has  arrived  at  Dartmouth  from  Leeds, 
till  Prince  Rupert's  affairs  of  peace  and  war  are  settled  to  his  desires,  A.  T.  will 
not  cease  to  urge  his  Majesty  ;  an  interview  every  morning  in  the  garden. 

TRACY,  Sir  H.,  Oxon,  to  Prince  Rupert,  March — amusing  account  of  presenting  Prince 
Rupert's  letters  to  M.  de  Lablache  ;  fears  no  men  will  fall  to  Prince  Rupert  from 
Ireland  ;  the  Commons  engaged  in  reforming  the  army;  twelve  thousand  foot  fixed 
for  his  Majesty's  quarters,  besides  garrisons,  and  he  presumes  the  proportion  of  four 
thousand  horse. 

TRACY,  Sir  H.,  to  Prince  Rupert  (no  date) — Commons  very  hot  on  Lord  Percy;  King's 
horse  in  Lord  Wilmot's  hands ;  King  is  in  all  things  Prince  Rupert's  advocate,  and 
lets  nothing  pass  within  his  Royal  Highness's  circuit  without  special  reference  to 
him. 

TRACY,  Sir  H.,  Oxon,  to  Prince  Rupert,  March  8— Prince  Rupert's  health  and  the 
growth  of  his  army  so  much  the  expectation  of  this  place,  that  they  reckon  it  as  the 
great  reserve,  or  as  Goliah's  sword  behind  the  door ;  supposed  that  Essex's  design 
is  for  Basing  house,  whilst  Waller  slips  into  Kent. 


1042-3.]  OF   CORRESPONDENCE.  500 

TRACY,  Sir  H.,  Oxon,  to  Prince  Rupert,  March  5~  concerning  commissions  gat1  tod  for 
levies  in  Worcestershire  ;  Prince  Rupert  passionately  troubled  lest  Comfflssioners 
be  sent  into  his  jurisdiction  inconsistent  with  his. 

TRACY,  Sir  PL,  Oxon,  to  Prince  Rupert,  March  7— enclosing  papers  from  the  Lord 
Treasurer  ;  Newark  besieged  with  eight  thousand  foot  j  King  pressed  to  send 
Prince  Rupert  to  its  relief. 

TRACY,  Sir  H.,  Oxon,  to  Prince  Rupert,  March  24 — "all  things  pass  for  Lord  Hopton, 
and  nothing  for  Prince  Rupert ;  and  yet  they  expect  Prince  Rupert's  powers  equal, 
if  not  exceed,  his  lordship's  when  they  come  to  shew  hands  ;  is  in  despair  for  money 
unless  some  notable  success  open  the  purse-strings  ;"  congratulates  on  great  victory; 
"  his  Royal  Highness  absolutely  the  favourite  at  Court." 

TRACY,  Sir  H.,  Oxon,  to  William  Legge,  April  (no  date) — sends  ammunition  ;  Tewkes 
bury  retaken  by  rebels  ;  one  hundred  slain,  most  in  their  beds;  "  so  ever  fatal  hath 
security  and  love  of  clean  sheets  been  to  the  King's  army." 

VAVASOUR,  Sir  William,  Presteigne,  to  Prince  Rupert,  July  26 — had  been  lost  in  the 
opinion  of  the  country,  unless  he  had  made  an  attempt  on  Brampton  Castle;  Sir 
Robert  Herlock's  house ;  asks  Prince  Rupert  to  give  him  three  or  four  warnings 
before  his  command  to  his  rendezvous. 

VAVASOUR,  Sir  William,  Hereford,  to  Prince  Rupert,  July  30 — large  promises  from  the 
gentry  of  these  parts,  though  their  performance  for  the  present  has  been  very  little  ; 
Lord  Herbert  would  supply  funds,  but  moneys  fail  him  ;  beseeches  Prince  Rupert  to 
spare  what  ammunition  he  conveniently  can. 

VAVASOUR,  Sir  William,  Monmouth,  to  Prince  Rupert,  August  4 — hopes  to  be  master  of 
Brampton  Castle  before  he  marches  to  Prince  Rupert  ;  has  had  much  assistance  from 
Colonel  Price  and  Sir  Walter  Pye  ;  little  from  the  associated  counties. 

VAVASOUR,  Sir  William,  Brampton  Castle,  to  Prince  Rupert,  August  (i — intends  to  leave 
sufficient  force  before  the  castle  if  it  still  holds  out,  and  to  be  within  a  day's  march 
of  Gloucester  by  the  7th,  with  one  thousand  two  hundred  men,  three  hundred  horse, 
and  sixty  fine  men  ;  recommends  Sir  John  Winter  to  his  Royal  Highness's  favour. 

VAVASOUR,  Sir  William,  Bristol,  to  Prince  Rupert,  December  4 — alludes  to  some  sup- 
posed plot  against  Prince  Rupert ;  intends,  this  winter,  to  block  up  Gloucester,  and 
present  his  Royal  Highness  a  handsome  army  by  the  spring. 

VAVASOUR,  Sir  William,  Bristol,  to  Prince  Rupert,  December  9— his  designs  frustrated  by 
having  the  means  withdrawn,  "the  King  being  made  to  believe  that  twelve  hundred 
foot  and  three  hundred  and  twenty  horse  will  do  it." 

VAVASOUR,  Sir  William,  Tewkesbury,  to  Prince  Rupert,  January  6,  1643-4 — not  so 
strong  in  the  town  as  he  presumes  is  expected,  as  Lord  Herbert  will  not  allow  his 
regiment  to  join  him  ;  the  rebels  approach  as  far  as  Clemden. 

VAVASOUR,  Sir  William,  Tewkesbury,  to  Prince  Rupert,  January  7,  4  A.M.  —rebels  ad- 
vance with  their  convoy,  which  way  not  known  ;  proposes  that  Prince  Rupert  send 
some  forces  to  assist  in  forcing  them  to  retire. 

VAVASOUR,  Sir  William,  Tewkesbury,  to  Prince  Rupert,  Jan.  31— has  called  upon  Sir  W. 
Tracy  concerning  the  chief  command ;  advised  him  to  press  his  Royal  Highness 
to  accept  it  and  choose  his  own  deputy  ;  prays  Prince  Rupert  to  order  that  his  gar- 
rison at  Berkeley  Castle  should  not  take  contribution  out  of  other  parts  of  the  county. 

VAVASOUR,  Sir  William,  Worcester,  to  Prince  Rupert,  February  6— has  given  the  rebels 
a  little  blow  at  Painswick;  killed  above  one  hundred  on  the  place;  took  two  lieu- 
tenants and  twenty-eight  soldiers;  and  only  lost  one  man. 

VAVASOUR,  Worcester,  to  Prince  Rupert— sends  his  Lieutenant-Colonel  (Price)  to 
acquaint  Prince  Rupert  that  he  has  despatched  a  strong  regiment  to  ensafe  the  gar- 
rison at  Evesham  and  places  adjacent ;  himself  is  upon  his  march  into  the  forest. 

VAVASOUR,  Sir  William,  Newent,  to  Prince  Rupert,  February  17 — has  freed  the  Forest 
of  Dean,  so  that  the  rebels  have  not  one  garrison  left  in  it ;  and  has  fortified  the 
houses  ;  hears  that  the  enemy  advances  towards  Gloucester. 

VAVASOUR,  Worcester,  to  Prince  Rupert— fears  that  his  hopeful  designs  will  be  ruined 
through  the  uncertainties  at  Court ;  more  zealously  inclined  to  serve  Prince  Rupert, 
because  some  at  Court  seek  to  ruin  its  offices  ;  talk  of  hindering  his  Royal  Highness 
from  the  Presidency  of  Wales. 

WENTWORTH,  Lord  Thomas,  Buckingham,  to  Prince  Rupert,  May  15— his  men  not 
very  governable  ;  fall  extremely  to  the  old  kind  of  plundering  ;  Sir  J.  Byron  and 
himself  have  taken  a  few  sheep  and  cattle  from  a  knight  notoriously  ill-affected 
towards  his  Majesty  ;  shall  do  the  like  with  other  such,  but  not  so  ill-natured  as  to 
do  it  in  other  cases. 


510  INDEX  AND   ABSTRACT  [1642-3. 


Lord  Thomas,  Buckingham,  to  Prince  Rupert,  May  16  —  reports 
proceedings  at  the  village  of  Horwood  ;  compounded  with  the  people  not  to  plunder, 
for  100£.  ;  at  Swinburne  the  people  got  up  into  the  church  in  arms  ;  after  three 
messages,  inviting  to  come  and  lay  down  arms,  fired  the  village  and  forced  them 
out. 

WENTWORTH,  Lord  Thomas,  Brackley,  to  Prince  Rupert,November  2  —  sends  a  letter  from 
his  father,  offering  service  ;  would  have  presented  it  himself,  but  received  orders  to 
march  with  Lord  Wilmot. 

WHYTE,  Andrew,  Limerick,  to  Ingnatius  Whyte,  March  25  —  Du  Blanch  sends  France 
nine  hundred  soldiers  ;  Ignatius  is  to  go  to  Paris  till  he  hears  of  their  arrival  ; 
(secret  instructions.) 
WIDDINGTON,    William,   Gainsborough,   to   Prince   Rupert,    September   24  —  marches 

towards  Sir  J.  Henderson  with  twenty  troop  of  horse. 

R.  W.  (a  prisoner),  Windsor  Castle,  to  Prince  Rupert,  September  12  —  chief  design  of 
the  rebels  to  stop  the  clamour  of  the  hungry  soldiers,  for  which  purpose  they  intend 
to  force  2000Z.  from  Reading  ;  warns  Prince  Rupert  of  the  certain  danger,  and 
beseeches  him  to  provide  against  it  ;  cross  them  but  in  this  design,  and  they  will  dis- 
band for  want  of  means. 

WILLOUGHBY,  Philip,  Oxford,  to  Prince  Rupert,  May  7  —  account  of  Lord  Northampton's 
victory  over  the  rebels,  who  came  towards  Banbury  from  Northampton,  killed  above 
a  hundred,  took  three  hundred  prisoners,  with  the  cannon  and  ammunition;  Lord 
Northampton  lost  only  three  men. 

WILMOT,  Lord  H.,  Oxford,  to  Prince  Rupert,  May  11—  Sir  Robert  Welsh  desires  to  win 
a  fortune  in  this  expedition  into  the  West;  waits  on  Prince  Rupert  to  know  his 
pleasure. 
WILMOT,  Lord  H.,  Abingdon,  to  Prince  Rupert,  December  1,  reluctantly  obeys  route 

to  Wantage. 

WILMOT,  Lord  H.,  Wantage,  to  Prince  Rupert,  December  2—  asks  artillery. 
WILMOT,  Lord  H.,  to  Prince  Rupert,  (no  date,)  January  21,  has  given  orders  to  Prince 

Maurice  to  march  to  Brackley. 
WILMOT,  Lord  H.,  Bicester,  to  Prince  Rupert,  January  22  —  acknowledges  orders  that 

the  foot  shall  take  what  horse,  or  where,  they  can  get. 
WILMOT,  Lord  H.,  Bletchington,  to  Prince  Rupert,  June  4—  has  had  a  guard  all  night  at 

Whitby  Bridge  to  observe  the  enemy. 
WILMOT,  Lord  H  ,  Bletchington,  to  Prince  Rupert,  June  6  —  only  intelligence  that  the 

enemy  lie  still,  and  it  is  believed  will  not  stir  suddenly. 
WILMOT,  Lord  H.,  Bletchington,  to  Prince  Rupert,  June  8  —  last  night  the  guard  were 

well  nigh  cut  off  ;  asks  more  troops. 

WILMOT,  Lord  H.,  Bletchington,  to  Prince  Rupert,  June  12—  a  serjeant  at  2  A.M.  ven- 
tured within  one  mile  of  the  enemy's  quarters  at  Tame,  but  saw  not  so  much  as  a 
sentry  stirring. 
WILMOT,  Lord  H.,  Bletchington,  to  Prince  Rupert,  August  3  —  Essex  last  night  at  Chil- 

tern  ;  his  horse  at  Walton  ;  to-day  they  rendezvous  at  Bicester. 
WILMOT,  Lord  H.,  Bicester,  to  Prince  Rupert,   October  29  —according  to  his  Royal 

Highness's  commands,  has  quartered  near  Brill. 
WILMOT,  Lord  H.,  Blackthorn  Windmill,  to  Prince  Rupert,  October  30  —  is  marching  to 

Buckingham  ;  met  Colonel  Thelwall's  force  en  route  to  Prince  Rupert. 
WILMOT,  Lord  H.,  Buckingham,  to  Prince  Rupert,  October  31  —  has  quartered  six  or 

seven  miles  from  the  town  ;  will  take  care  of  the  foot. 
WILMOT,  Lord  H.,  Brackley,  to  Prince  Rupert,  November  —  prays  Prince  Rupert  to  take 

order  that  their  moneys  be  kept  for  their  own  brigade. 

WILMOT,  Lord  H.,  Woodstock,  to  Prince  Rupert,  December  1  —  enemy  has  marched 
out  of  Bicester,  and  bend  their  march  towards  Gloucester  ;  will  not  fail  to  do  all  he 
can  to  trouble  their  march. 

WILMOT,  Lord  H.,  Winchester,  to  Prince  Rupert,  December  24  —  the  march  towards 
Waller  delayed  till  Wednesday  ;  hopes  it  may  not  prove  a  day  after  the  fair,  and 
that  they  may  not  despair  of  being  relieved. 

WILMOT,  Lord  H..  Stamford,  to  Prince  Rupert,  January  1  —  news  that  the  castle  is 
lost  ;  wishes  Prince  Rupert  to  send  for  "  his  old  horse  and  men,  or  they  will  be 
utterly  ruined." 

WILMOT,  Lord  H.,  Oxford,  to  Prince  Rupert,  February  22—  gives  an  account  left  with 
him  by  Prince  Rupert  ;  has  met  with  great  difficulty,  but  hopes  the  worst  is 
passed. 


1044.] 


OF   CORRESPONDENCE.  511 


WILMOT,  Lord  IT.,  Oxford,  to  Prince  Rupert,  March  27  —  congratulates  on  great  victory, 

which  has  relieved  his  quarters,  on  which  the  enemy  pressed  very  strong  ;  hoped  to 

recruit  Prince  Rupert's  regiment,  but  has  not  received  one  penny  for  that  purpose. 

WILMOT,  Lord  H.,  Basingstoke,  to  Prince  Rupert,  March  26  —  the  King  likes  very  well 

his   Royal   Highness's  plans  for  his  journey  into  the  North,  and  for  the  disposition 

of   Malmesbury  and   those  parts  ;   leave  it  to   his  Royal  Highness,  only    Colonel 

Bamfield  suggests  if  Prince  Rupert  thinks  him  a  fit  man. 

WINCHESTER,  Earl  of,  Basingstoke,  to  the  King,  December  2  —  cannot  hold  Basingstoke 

without  assistance. 
WINTER,  Sir  John,  Chepstow,  to  Prince  Rupert,  February  28  —  mutiny  in  his  army, 

which  disbanded  for  want  of  pay. 

WOODHOUSE,  Michael,  Shrewsbury,  to  Prince  Rupert,  February  9  —  guards  ill  kept 
by  the  townspeople  ;  has  now  ordered  that  thirty  of  his  troops  should  watch 
with  as  many  of  the  townspeople  ;  a  court  martial  condemned  the  town  marshal  to 
suffer  death  in  the  place  of  one  who  was  allowed  to  escape  after  being  sentenced  to 
be  hanged  for  betraying  the  place  ;  wait  till  Prince  Rupert's  arrival. 
WOODHOUSE,  Michael,  Hopton,  to  Prince  Rupert,  March  2—  had  made  an  attempt  on 
the  castle,  and  been  beaten,  with  loss  of  one  captain,  two  soldiers,  and  sixteen  hurt  ; 
thinks  it  connot  be  taken  without  cannon. 

ASHBURNHAM,  John,  (  West,  no  date)  to  Prince  Rupert,  in  his  Majesty's  cipher;  — 
rebels  marched  at  3  A.M.  from  Shaftsbury  towards  Salisbury  ;  Manchester  at  New- 
berry;  Sir  R.  Grenville  has  beaten  the  rebels  out  of  Saltash,  after  returning  God 
thanks  for  victory;  he  intends  to  hang  three  hundred  rebels. 

ASTELEY,  Jacob,  Oxford,  to  Prince  Rupert,  August  24  —  "  conveys  his  never  decaying 

duty  and  service  ;"  has  been  a  long  time  blocked  up  by  Waller's  forces,  who  has 

displeased  the  brethren  in  London,  and  Woodmonger  Brown  sent  to  supply  his  room. 

ASTELEY,  Jacob,  Farringdon,  to  Prince  Rupert,  November  25  —  has  been  to  Crickland, 

and  finds  not  the  place  fit  to  be  fortified  ;  hears  that  Massey  is  ready  to  intercept 

any  convoy  of  money  and  clothes  that  might  come  to  them  from  Bristol. 

ASTELEY,  Jacob,  Farringdon,  to  Prince  Rupert,  November  26  —  if  Prince  Rupert  wishes 

to  fortify  some  place  between  Bristol  and  Oxford,  men,  money,  and  horses  must  be 

provided,  "  otherwise  to  be  watchful  against  an  enemy  without  and  within;  disorders 

of  soldiers  driven  to  distraction  by  want,  ready  to  cut  his  throat;  he  had  rather  starve 

in  Oxford. 

ASTELEY,  Jacob,  Cirencester,  to  Prince  Rupert,  December  1  0  —  came  yesterday  to  this 

town,  which  he  finds  very  poor,  and  the  best  houses  in  ruins. 

ASTELEY,  Jacob,  Cirencester,  to  Prince  Rupert,  December  17  —  has  great  trouble  to  get 
in  contributions  to  feed  his  men,  as  horse  from  other  parts  quarter  in  the  hundreds 
assigned  to  him  ;  Massey  threatens  to  attack  the  town  before  fortifications  are 
finished  ;  asks  for  engineer  to  assist. 

ASTELEY,  Jacob,  Cirencester,  to  Prince  Rupert,  December  18  —  complains  of  the  horse 
regiments,  who  are  content  with  nothing  allotted  them  ;  the  soldiers  will  not  work  ; 
officers  negligent. 

ASTELEY,  Jacob,  Cirencester,  to  Prince  Rupert,  December  23  —  sends  a  deputation  from 
the  chief  officers  of  the  garrison,  to  represent  its  necessities  ;  "  officers  for  long  seen 
no  money,  and  exceeding  poor."  Soldiers  received  only  9d.  a  piece  for  subsistence 
in  fourteen  days  ;  town  poorer  still. 

ASTELEY,  Jacob,  Cirencester,  to  Prince  Rupert,  December  27  —  sends  his  son  to  shew  it 
is  impossible  for  the  garrison  to  subsist  ten  days  ;  the  hundreds  assigned  lie  under 
Gloucester,  and  Massey's  other  garrisons;  therefore,  he  offers  to  resign  -his  commis- 
sion to  free  himself  from  blame. 

ASTELEY,  Jacob,  to  Prince  Rupert,  January  4  —  has  granted  a  convoy  to  Sir  H.  Bond 
and  Colonel  -  •,  upon  Prince  Rupert's  warrant  ;  fears  they  will  keep  them  alto- 
gether, and  his  garrison  will  be  totally  disabled  ;  officers  make  long  lists  of  their 
men  ;  he  has  never  seen  three  hundred  horse  together. 

BAGOT,  Richard,  Lichfield,  to  Prince  Rupert,  January  —  acquaints  Prince  Rupert  that 
Lord  Denby  is  come  to  Tamworth  with  fifteen  hundred  horse  and  foot,  eight 
pieces,  and  forty  carriages  ;  is  waiting  there  for  forces  from  Leicester  ;"  thinks 
Prince  Rupert  might  have  good  sport  in  beating  up  his  quarters. 

BAGOT,  Richard,  Lichfield,  to  Prince  Rupert,  April  7  —  will  make  provision  according  to 
Prince  Rupert's  command  ;  asks  for  two  or  three  days'  time  to  provide  the  teams, 
which  are  very  scarce  ;  Colonel  Lane  has  taken  forty  packs  from  the  rebels,  con- 
taining good  store  of  powder  and  match. 


512  INDEX   AND   ABSTRACT  [1644. 

BAGOT,  Richard,  Lichfield,  to  Lord  Loughborough,  April  22 — Colonel  Lane  intends  to 
march  with  thirty  horse ;  Lord  Loughborough  cannot  expect  any  horse  from  him  ; 
Prince  Rupert  brings  one  hundred  and  fifty  "  well  armed  and  good  men." 

BAGOT,  Richard,  Dudley  Castle,  to  Prince  Rupert,  November  21— consents  to  observe 
a  fair  correspondence  with  Colonel  Leveson  in  all  things  that  regard  Prince  Rupert's 
service  ;  refers  his  dispute  with  him  to  Prince  Rupert. 

BELLASYNE,  J.,  York,  to  Prince  Rupert,  March  26 — reports  that  Sir  T.  Fairfax  is  ready 
at  Bake  well  with  one  thousand  horse  to  fall  on  the  West  Riding,  and  join  the  rebels 
at  Hull.  If  Prince  Rupert  would  look  that  way,  he  would  give  them  a  blow  and 
reputation  to  their  affairs. 

BELASYNE,  J.,  York,  to  General  Porter,  March  27 — confident  in  General  Porter's  coming 
to  his  assistance  ;  refers  to  a  late  loss. 

BELLASYNE,  J.,  York,  to  Prince  Rupert,  March  29 — expresses  reluctance  to  obey  Lord 
Newcastle's  orders  to  march  to  Durham,  with  all  the  forces  in  the  county  (except 
York  garrison,)  and  thus  leave  it  to  be  overrun  by  Fairfax  and  his  troops. 

BELLENDEN,  W.,  Salop,  to  Prince  Rupert,  March  30,  1644 — congratulates  on  victory  of 
Newark  ;  by  the  advice  of  some  officers  has  issued  only  Is.  IQd.  per  week  for  sub- 
sistence to  each  soldier,  instead  of  3s.  allowed  by  Prince  Rupert,  which  is  sufficient 
with  the  shilling  appointed  them  in  money. 

BERKLEY,  John,  Exeter,  to  Prince  Rupert,  September  4 — is  pxirsuing  the  rebel  army, 
after  five  hundred  of  them  laid  down  their  arms,  and  lost  their  cannon  and  ammu- 
nition ;  passed  over  the  ferry  at  Saltash,  and  are  making  for  Taunton. 

BILLINGSLEY,  Francis,  Bridgenorth,  to  Prince  Rupert,  November  11 — the  sheriff,  com- 
missioners, and  justices,  have  slighted  his  requisitions  for  mounting  and  recruiting 
the  regiments  of  trained  bands  for  Salop,  in  consequence  the  soldiers,  wanting  pay, 
have  disbanded,  to  the  endangerment  of  the  town,  and  loss  of  great  part  of  the 
county,  and  the  rebels  take  advantage  to  lay  troops  there. 

BLAGGE,  Thomas,  Wallingford,  to  Prince  Rupert,  November  2 — reports  that  the  rebel 
army  is  in  two  parts,  the  one  besieging  Denningford  Castle,  the  other  marched  to- 
wards Reading  ;  they  are  so  strong  that  preserving  his  own  is  the  best  play  for  the 
moment ;  when  Prince  Rupert  joins,  he  may  beat  them  all  to  dirt. 

BLAXTON,  William,  Penelas,  Monmouthshire,  to  Prince  Rupert,  September  23 — asks 
Prince  Rupert  to  think  of  some  speedy  way  for  the  army  to  pass  the  river,  between 
Monmouth  and  Chepstow,  so  as  not  to  be  cut  off  by  Brereton's  forces  ;  requests 
Prince  Rupert  to  command  the  services  of  boats,  and  assign  quarters. 

BATTELU,  Hugh,  Hananndonery,  to  Colonel  H.  Rise,  April  11— the  rebels  from  Pem- 
broke purpose  coming  to  Carmarthen,  where  the  mayor  invites  the  Royalists  to  take 
possession  ;  garrison  of  the  rebels  in  Carew  Castle  consists  chiefly  of  his  brother's 
men  ;  offer  to  deliver  it  up  to  him. 

BAGS,  Sir  John,  Dennington  Castle,  to  William  Sec.  Nicholas,  October  31 — Waller  and 
Manchester  at  Newberry  with  eight  thousand  men  ;  "  this  poor  place  much  neg- 
lected ;"  asks  for  relief,  without  which  he  cannot  hold  out  six  days. 

BRAINSFORD,  Exeter,  to  Prince  Rupert,  September  16— entreats  Prince  Rupert  to  enforce 
the  payment  of  90/.  being  a  proportion  due  to  him  from  the  Mayor  of  Bristol ;  Prince 
Rupert's  warrant. 

BLOUNT,  Captain,  Marston  House,  Petworth,  to  Prince  Rupert,  December  5 — has  pos- 
sessed himself  of  the  house ;  very  well  seated,  and  of  much  import,  but  cannot  be 
kept  without  two  hundred  more  foot. 

BLOUNT,  Captain,  Marston  House,  Petworth,  to  Prince  Rupert,  December  18 — the  horse 
that  came  to  assist  have  left  without  his  orders,  not  being  able  to  maintain  the  house 
has  retreated  to  the  church  ;  if  Prince  Rupert  march  not  that  way,  or  at  least  stay 
not  thereabouts,  he  must  retreat  to  Worcester. 

BUCKINGHAM,  G.,  Oxford,  to  Prince  Rupert,  April  6,  (another :  no  date.) — letters  of 
apology  and  compliment. 

BYRON,  Lord,  Glemaire,  to  Prince  Rupert,  March  31  —  success  of  an  expedition  into 
Flintshire,  where  he  reduced  several  small  garrisons  between  Bangor  and  Wem,  and 
took  some  arms  and  ammunition  ;  asks  that  some  of  the  arms  taken  by  Prince 
Rupert  may  be  assigned  to  Chester. 

BYRON,  Lord,  Chester,  to  Prince  Rupert,  April  4 — congratulates  on  happy  victory,  and 
expected  return  safely  ;  a  solemn  thanksgiving  amongst  the  Roundheads  at  Nant- 
wich  and  Middlewich,  for  a  great  overthrow  his  Royal  Highness  had  received,  in 
which  his  horse  was  killed  and  he  forced  to  swim  over  a  great  river. 

BYRON,  Lord,  Chester,  to  Prince  Rupert,  April  7 — urges  Prince  Rupert's  accepting  the 


1644.]  OF   CORRESPONDENCE.  513 

presidency  of  Wales,  which  he  understands  means  are  used  underhand  to  persuade 
him  to  decline. 

BYRON,  Lord,  Chester,  to  Prince  Rupert,  April  7 — upon  request  of  the  Lancashire  gentry, 
renews  request  to  Prince  Rupert  to  look  that  way  before  Lathom  be  lost  ;  constant 
intelligence  that  once  his  Royal  Highness  appears,  the  greatest  part  of  the  rebel 
forces  will  desert  and  join  with  Prince  Rupert ;  enemy  agrees  to  exchange,  and  those 
are  to  be  paid  for,  for  whom  there  is  no  exchange. 

BYRON,  Lord,  Chester,  to  Prince  Rupert,  April  8 — concerning  the  assigning  quarters  to 
Sir  R.  Wilmot's  regiment,  and  the  allotment  of  some  proportion  to  Hawkins,  the 
man  who  makes  the  muskets  and  pikes  at  Wrexham. 

BYRON,  Lord,  Chester,  to  Prince  Rupert,  April  9  — since  these  countries  are  not  to  be 
made  happy  by  Prince  Rupert's  returning  to  his  former  command,  rejoices  that 
Prince  Maurice  has  that  appointment ;  successful  skirmish  with  the  enemy. 

BYRON,  Lord,  Chester,  to  Prince  Rupert,  May  5 — has  twenty-five  thousand  foot  armed, 
all  old  soldiers,  and  five  hundred  unarmed,  new  levied ;  if  Prince  Rupert  can  but 
look  into  Lancashire,  it  is  all  his  own  ;  Lord  Ormond  insists  on  the  taking  of  Liver- 
pool, otherwise  Prince  Rupert  can  receive  no  more  Irish  supplies. 

BYRON,  Lord,  Liverpool,  to  Prince  Rupert,  August  10 — Langdale  again  beaten  at  Mai- 
pas  ;  officers  did  as  much  as  could  be,  but  were  deserted  by  the  soldiers. 

BYRON,  Lord,  Liverpool,  to  Prince  Rupert,  August  23 — account  of  a  defeat  gained  by 
Royalists  at  Ormskirk,  near  Liverpool  ;  rebels  commanded  by  Lord  Molineux  ;  on 
the  other  side  Byron  and  Sir  M.  Langdale. 

BYRON,  Lord,  Liverpool,  to  Prince  Rupert,  August  29 — rebels  have  marched  out  of 
Manchester  and  Warrington,  and  threaten  this  town  ;  asks  for  horse  from  Chester. 

BYRON,  Lord,  Chester,  to  Prince  Rupert,  September  26 — despatches  Mr.  Trevor  to  give 
a  particular  relation  of  the  ill  success  of  the  obstinately  fought  battle  of  Montgomery, 
and  the  necessity  of  some  considerable  force  and  ammunition  in  these  parts. 

BYRON,  Lord,  Chester,  to  Prince  Rupert,  October  9 — urges  the  perilous  state  of  Liver- 
pool, where  the  soldiers  are  mutinous  for  want  of  pay;  the  ill  effects  of  the  loss  of 
that  town  on  Chester  ;  complains  that  in  Prince  Rupert's  absence  he  has  not  as, 
formerly,  the  sole  command  ;  he  stands  now  as  a  cipher  only,  to  be  made  liable  for 
any  errors  committed. 

BYRON,  Lord,  Chester,  to  Prince  Rupert,  Jan.  19— doubts  not  but  that  the  importance 
of  this  place  being  considered,  some  speedy  means  will  be  devised  for  its  relief. 

BYRON,  Richard,  Newark,  to  Prince  Rupert,  April  13 — concerning  the  enlargement 
and  exchange  of  some  prisoners  of  war. 

BYRON,  Richard,  Newark,  to  Prince  Rupert,  May  8— the  rebels  pursuing  their  good  for- 
tune in  the  taking  of  Newark,  threaten  this  town  ;  prays  that  Goring  may  have 
Prince  Rupert's  orders  to  come  to  their  relief. 

BYRON,  Richard,  Newark,  to  Prince  Rupert,  November  6— presents  to  Prince  Rupert 
the  reasons  of  four  captains  condemned  to  death  by  a  council  of  war. 

BYRON,  Richard,  Newark,  to  the  King, — has  been  superseded  in  the  governorship  ;  prays 
Prince  Rupert  that  he  may  receive  a  charge;  if  guilty,  be  punished,  if  not,  be  pub- 
licly acquitted,  as  his  disgrace  is  now  public. 

BYNISSY,  John  von,  Round  Aghton,  Salop,  to  Prince  Rupert,  August  15 — prevented  from 
entering  Bridgenorth,  where  his  quarters  are  assigned  by  Sir  L.  Kirke,  through  the 
malignance  of  the  citizens,  who  made  many  of  the  soldiers  run  away. 

CAMPION,  William,  Borstall,  to  Prince  Rupert,  January  21 — concerning  the  enemy's 
quarters  near  Aylesbury. 

CAMPION,  William,  Borstall,  to  Prince  Rupert,  January  25— has  reconnoitred  Chiltern, 
where  the  enemy  intend  to  make  a  garrison;  requires  five  hundred  men  to  man  it; 
his  fancy  invited  him  to  fire  the  house,  but  further  consideration  made  him  omit  it." 

CASHILL,  Thomas,  Galway,  to  Prince  Rupert,  March  26— laments  the  inability  of  their 
magazines  to  supply  the  arms  demanded  by  Prince  Rupert,  "  whose  good  offices  on 
behalf  of  this  people  has  won  so  much  on  them." 

CAVE,  Richard,  Camp  and  Court  of  Baconnock,  to  Prince  Rupert,  August  13— the  King 
master  here;  he  has  so  beset  Essex  that  he  will  be  forced  to  fight;  three  days  ago  he 
refused  a  gracious  message  from  his  Majesty  to  treat  for  peace. 

CAVE,  Richard,  Plymouth,  to  Prince  Rupert,  September  9— desires  to  wait  on  Prince 
Rupert  concerning  the  choice  and  early,  taking  to  winter  quarters. 

CAVE,  Richard,  Ludlow,  to  Prince  Rupert,  February  15— on  his  way  to  Prince 
Maurice  with  some  regiments  of  horse,  when  he  heard  of  the  loss  of  Malinesbury 
through  the  treachery  of  the  townspeople;  castle  still  holds  out. 


514  INDEX  AND   ABSTRACT  [1644. 

CHARLES  I.,  Oxford,  to  Prince  Rupert,  March  25 — affectionately  congratulates  on  vic- 
tory; "  earnestly  entreats  Prince  Rupert  to  eschew  Hannibal's  error,  as  he  imitates 
him  in  getting  victories." 

CHARLES  I.,  Oxford,  to  Prince  Rupert,  April  1  and  4 — refers  to  some  slight,  supposed 
by  Prince  Rupert  to  have  been  intended  by  him;  alludes  to  Hopton's  retreat  before 
Waller;  hopes  in  a  few  days  to  venture  another  blow,  and  wishes  Prince  Rupert  to 
be  near. 

CHARLES  I.,  Oxford,  to  Prince  Rupert,  April  12 — refers  him  chiefly  to  his  messenger, 
Mr.W.  Legge;  urges  his  hastening  the  levies  out  of  Wales,  and  regrets  former  delays. 

CHARLES  I.,  Oxford,  to  Prince  Rupert,  April  17 — urgent  commands  to  unite  with 
Porter  and  all  the  horse  and  foot  he  can  collect,  and  advance  into  the  West  Riding 
under  Goring,  so  as  to  hinder  the  rebels  from  advancing  northwards,  and  especially 
from  falling  upon  Newcastle's  rear. 

CHARLES  I.,  Oxford,  to  Prince  Maurice,  (same  date) — concerning  appointing  a  colonel- 
general  of  Oxford,  Monmouth,  Glamorgan,  Brecon,  Radnor,  and  especially  of  Glou- 
cestershire. 

CHARLES  I.,  Oxford,  to  Prince  Rupert,  April  19 — desires  to  appoint  a  person  of  honour 
and  interest  to  the  post  of  colonel-general  of  Gloucestershire,  now  held  by  Vavasour; 
recommends  Lord  Chandos  on  Prince  Rupert's  approbation. 

CHARLES  I.,  Oxford,  to  Prince  Rupert,  April  18 — Prince  Rupert  to  understand  that 
the  Archbishop  of  York  is  about  to  reside  in  the  remote  part  of  Wales,  and  will  be 
ready,  if  Prince  Rupert  requires  it,  to  give  him  counsel  in  all  things  concerning  his 
Majesty's  supply. 

CHARLES  I.,  to  Prince  Rupert,  (no  date) — requires  Prince  Rupert  to  send  two  thousand 
effective  men  to  Evesham  to  defend  those  parts,  and  to  march  with  the  remainder  of 
his  army  whenever  he  pleases. 

CHARLES  I.,  Oxford,  to  Prince  Rupert,  April  20— complies  with  Prince  Rupert's  pro- 
positions so  far  as  the  state  of  affairs  will  permit ;  without  the  assistance  his  Majesty 
asks  of  Prince  Rupert,  he  must  relinquish  these  parts  of  the  West,  where  Prince 
Rupert  must  remember  "  his  wife  is  gone." 

CHARLES  I.,  Oxford,  to  Prince  Rupert,  April  21 — authorises  Prince  Rupert  to  press  levies 
for  recruiting  two  thousand  men  to  supply  those  now  sent  to  his  Majesty  at  Evesham. 

CHARLES  I.,  Oxford,  to  Prince  Rupert,  April  22 — recommends  to  Prince  Rupert  the  relief 
of  Lord  Newcastle,  but  leaves  the  affair  to  his  judgment;  has  sent  Lord  Byron  for  the 
two  thousand  men,  which  he  cannot  do  without,  as  Manchester  marches  towards  him. 

CHARLES  I.,  Oxford,  to  Prince  Rupert,  April  23 — desires  Prince  Rupert  to  supply 
Loughborough  with  power  for  his  garrisons ;  recommends  to  Prince  Rupert's  care 
the  county  of  Gloucester,  now  added  to  his  command,  and  especially  to  look  on  Sir 
J.  Wintour  and  Colonel  Reyer,  who  have  employment  therein. 

CHARLES  I.,  Oxford,  to  Prince  Rupert,  May  5 — encloses  Lady  Farnham's  petitions  for 
her  husband's  exchange  for  another  prisoner  in  Ludlow  Castle  under  Prince  Rupert's 
command. 

CHARLES  I,,  Oxford,  to  Prince  Rupert,  May  8 — recommends  to  Prince  Rupert  the 
desires  of  the  committee  of  Lords  and  Commons  that  Hereford  be  fortified  against 
the  rebels,  and  have  a  governor  appointed. 

CHARLES  I.,  Oxford,  to  Prince  Rupert,  May  11 — concerning  the  replacing  of  fifty  or  sixty 
men  borrowed  from  Sir  J.  Beaumont's  regiment  for  Col.  Leveson  at  Headley  Castle. 

CHARLES  I.,  to  Prince  Rupert,  no  date  (part  of  letter) — thanks  him  for  his  freedom, 
though  not  of  his  opinion  in  all  particulars ,  "  offers  a  fancy  of  his  own  "  whether 
Prince  Maurice  should  not  in  his  absence  be  declared  general  of  horse. 

CHARLES  I.,  Worcester,  to  Prince  Rupert,  June  7 — his  chief  hope,  under  God,  in 
Prince  Rupert ;  "  had  he  been  with  him,  he  might  not  have  found  himself  in  his 
present  strait." 

CHARLES  I.,  Buckingham,  to  Prince  Rupert,  June  22 — earnestly  desires  Prince  Ru- 
pert, "  as  he  loves  his  own  safety  and  that  of  his  Majesty,"  to  send  Goring  with  all 
speed;  will  shortly  explain  the  reasons. 

CHARLES  I.,  Oxford,  to  Prince  Rupert,  June — only  adds  to  his  former  letter  "that  the 
relief  of  York  is  most  absolutely  best  for  his  affairs,  therefore  Prince  Rupert  must 
march  immediately,  either  north  or  hitherward. 

CHARLES  I.,  Evesham,  to  Prince  Rupert,  July  (part  in  cipher) — refers  to  Lord  Dives's 
relation,  which  Prince  Rupert  is  fully  to  believe. 

CHARLES  I.,  Bath,  to  Newcastle,  July  17 — regrets  the  intention  of  his  lordship  and 
General  King  to  go  beyond  seas ;  assures  Newcastle  that  his  late  ill  success  shall 


1644.] 


OF   CORRESPONDENCE.  515 


never  lessen  the  memory  of  former  services ;  if  they  persist,  will  appoint  Goring  and 
Sir  T.  Glenham  to  hold  his  command  in  his  absence. 

CHARLES  I.,  Boconnock,  to  Prince  Rupert,  August  30— requests  that  Digby,  whom  he 
sends,  may  be  taken  again  into  favour  as  a  faithful  servant  to  his  Majesty;  assures 
Prince  Rupert  that  he  has  full  confidence  in  his  affection  and  generosity. 

CHARLES  I.,  Tavistock,  to  Prince  Rupert,  September  6— sends  powder  for  third  time: 
desires  Prince  Rupert  to  discover  and  punish  former  defaulters,  and  to  bring  all  his 
forces  towards  him  "  for  another  blow,  which  may  end  our  business." 

CHARLES  I.,  Oakhampton,  to  Prince  Rupert,  September  16 — is  making  haste  eastward; 
his  army  must  on  Thursday  be  at  Broadwicke,  east  of  Exeter. 

CHARLES  I.,  Blandford,  to  Prince  Rupert,  October  11 — the  governor  of  Banbury, 
Basing,  and  Dennington  must,  if  not  relieved,  accommodate  in  a  few  days,  therefore 
desires  Prince  Rupert  to  meet  him  without  loss  of  time  at  Salisbury  with  his  army. 

CHARLES  I.,  Oxford,  to  Prince  Rupert,  January,  20 — desires  the  governor  of  Newark 
to  be  ready  to  join  Prince  Rupert,  who  has  a  special  service  in  Leicestershire,  or  to 
obey  his  orders  elsewhere. 

CHARLES  I.,  Oxford,  to  Prince  Rupert,  March  4 — refers  the  matter  of  two  papers  pre- 
sented by  Lord  Loughborough  to  Prince  Rupert,  and  puts  the  governor  of  Belvoir 
under  Prince  Rupert's  command. 

CORBETT,  J.,  Morton,  to  Colonel  Broughton,  August  23 — the  enemy's  strength  not  above 
five  hundred  foot  and  four  troops  of  horse,  largest  piece  two  thousandweight,  of 
which  they  brag  much  and  threaten  hard  they  will  swallow  us  all  up. 

COBBE,  F.,  Newark,  to  Prince  Rupert,  March  28 — concerning  Penniston  in  Yorkshire. 

CROFT,  E.,  Knaresborough,  to  Prince  Rupert,  August  1 — the  last  fight  had  been  Prince 
Rupert's  if  he  had  daylight;  York  is  still  faithful;  if  Prince  Rupert  return  into 
Gloucestershire,  his  life  for  Prince  Rupert's  he  would  make  the  rebels  tremble. 

DAVENANT,  William,  Haleford,  to  Prince  Rupert,  June  13 — dissuades  Prince  Rupert 
from  joining  the  King  in  Lancashire  instead  of  marching  to  York ;  will  have  a  bad 
effect  on  people  there,  and  the  landowners  will  not  follow  the  army  so  far  from  home; 
besides,  the  three  great  mines  will  thus  be  left  to  the  rebels. 

DERBY,  Countess  of,  Lathom,  to  Prince  Rupert,  April  1— conjures  Prince  Rupert  to  have 
pity  and  to  re-conquer. 

DIGBY,  Lord,  Oxford,  to  Prince  Rupert,  February  12 — concerning  Colonel  Gamell;  re- 
commended by  the  King  to  Prince  Rupert's  care  and  favour  in  point  of  his  regi- 
ment, and  for  the  governorship  of  Chester  Castle. 

DIGBY,  George,  Oxford,  to  Prince  Rupert,  March  25— congratulates  on  victory  at  New- 
ark; offers  propositions  for  Prince  Rupert's  further  proceedings,  whether  to  pursue 
the  enemy  in  Lincolnshire  or  to  Lancashire. 

DIGBY,  George,  Oxford,  to  Prince  Rupert,  April  3 — unwelcome  tidings  that  the  defeat 
of  Hopton  and  Forth  by  Waller  has  made  the  rebels  triumphant,  and  his  Majesty 
requires  all  his  forces  to  relieve  Prince  Maurice,  who  is  at  Lyme;  the  Queen  also  in 
peril  at  Bristol. 

DIGBY,  George,  Oxford,  April  4 — countermands  former  order;  Prince  Rupert  to  remain 
where  he  is  till  further  directions ;  that  a  good  store  of  round  shot  and  grenadines  be 
sent  to  Worcester  from  the  forge  at  Leighton,  six  miles  from  Shrewsbury. 

DIGBY,  George,  Oxford,  April  4,  (duplicate  by  another  hand)— thanks  Prince  Rupert 
for  "  so  civil  a  return  to  a  letter  that  he  did  conceive  would  so  much  displease  him." 

DIGBY,  George,  Oxford,  April  6— acknowledges  Prince  Rupert's  favour  in  giving  his 
brother  the  great  work  of  blocking  up  Plymouth;  requests  that  part  may  be  trans- 
ferred to  Sir  J.  Berkeley,  and  his  brother  have  the  horse  under  his  Royal  Highness. 

DIGBY,  George,  Oxford,  to  Prince  Rupert,  April  6— three  thousand  of  Essex's  force 
come  to  Beckonsfield;  he  expected  with  more;  daily  expectation  that  Lyme  will  fall 
into  Prince  Maurice's  hands. 

DIGBY,  George,  Oxford,  to  Prince  Rupert,  May  11— reasons  for  his  uoajesty's  retreat 
from  Abingdon  upon  the  advance  of  Essex  and  Waller,  not  upon  any  disaster,  but 
upon  mature  advice  not  to  put  anything  to  the  hazard  until  rarince  Rupert's  success 
in  the  north  or  that  of  Prince  Maurice  at  Lyme  was  heard  of. 

DIGBY,  George,  Worcester,  to  Prince  Rupert,  June  8— retreat  of  the  King  s  army  be- 
fore the  joint  forces  of  Essex  and  Waller  in  sad  condition;  sole  reliance  of  his  Ma- 
jesty on  Prince  Rupert's  happy  and  timely  success. 

DIGBY,  George,  Worcester,  to  Prince  Rupert,  June  12— intercedes  for  his  cousin,  Sir 
John  Digby,  that  he  may  be  exchanged  with  any  prisoners  made  by  Prince  Ru- 
pert "  in  that  late  noble  action"  at  Bolton. 


516  INDEX   AND   ABSTRACT  [l644. 

DIGBY,  George,  Bewdley,  to  Prince  Rupert,  June  14 — congratulates  his  Royal  Highness 
on  the  taking  of  Liverpool,  which  hath  made  a  bridge  with  Ireland ;  hath  despatched 
an  order  to  Irish  agents  to  supply  his  Royal  Highness  with  two  hundred  barrels  of 
powder. 

DIGBY,  George,  Bradbury  Down,  to  Prince  Rupert,  July  12 — by  jealousy  or  unskilful- 
ness  of  Essex,  the  two  rebel  armies  have  parted  Essex  west  as  far  as  Salisbury; 
Waller  pursuing  the  King  towards  Shrewsbury,  by  which  his  Majesty  is  able  to 
slip  back  to  Worcester,  and  either  rejoin  Oxford's  army  or  fall  on  the  enemy 
singly. 

DIGBY,  George,  Evesham,  to  Prince  Rupert,  July  12 — overtaken  by  Waller  near  Ban- 
bury,  who  well  nigh  cut  off  the  King's  rear  from  the  main  body,  but  Cleveland's 
horse  rushed  in  so  boldly  as  to  put  them  to  flight;  King  purposes  to  go  west,  and 
join  Prince  Maurice  against  Essex. 

DIGBY,  George,  Bath,  to  Prince  Rupert,  July  17  (another  same  date) — condoles  on  ill 
success  in  Yorkshire ;  the  King  laments  that  Newcastle  and  King  should  go  away 
discontented;  approves  of  the  appointment  of  Glenham  and  Goring  in  their  place; 
King's  army  so  far  on  their  way  towards  Prince  Maurice. 

DJGBY,  George,  Exeter,  to  Prince  Rupert,  July  27 — "  Essex  hoped  by  a  swift  march" 
to  clap  between  Prince  Maurice  and  Exeter;  Prince  Maurice  reached  it  first,  and 
Essex  cannot  now  hinder  his  joining  with  the  King. 

DIGBY,  Lord,  Baconnock,  to  Prince  Rupert,  August  15 — Essex  encourages  his  army 
with  hopes  of  being  joined  by  Waller  and  Browne ;  the  King  invites  them  to  make 
common  cause ;  but  Essex  "  possessed  of  such  a  frenzy  as  nothing  can  cure ;" 
last  peace  measures  ventured  upon;  Wilmot  arrested  at  the  head  of  the  army;  Goring 
declared  general ;  Lord  Percy  has  withdrawn  himself,  and  Hopton  "  possessed  of  his 
charge;"  hopes  the  ill  humours  of  the  army  will  be  allayed. 

DIGBY,  Lord,  Baconnock,  to  Prince  Rupert,  August  15 — concerning  the  ammunition 
from,  and  affairs  in,  Ireland. 

DIGBY,  Lord,  Baconnock,  to  Prince  Rupert,  September  4 — rejoices  at  Prince  Rupert's 
arrival  at  Bristol  as  much  as  at  his  Majesty's  late  victory;  Waller's  and  Essex's 
horse  now  between  us. 

DIGBY,  Lord,  Exeter,  to  Prince  Rupert,  September  23 — welcomes  Prince  Rupert's  ar- 
rival "  to  animate  the  army  with  his  spirit,  made  more  worthy  of  him  by  the  removal 
of  those  against  whom  Prince  Rupert  had  too  just  a  prejudice." 

DIGBY,  Lord,  Whitchurch,  to  Prince  Rupert,  October  21 — the  King  surprised  and  de- 
feated near  Andover  the  united  forces  of  Essex  and  Waller,  with  eight  troops  of 
Manchester;  they  dispersed  in  consequence. 

DIGBY,  Lord,  Newbury,  to  Prince  Rupert,  October  23 — this  considered  the  aptest  sta- 
tion for  his  Majesty  to  relieve  Banbury,  to  lie  safe  to  accommodate  ourselves,  and 
incommodate  the  enemy,  and  lastly  to  conjoin  with  his  Royal  Highness's  forces  in 
case  he  is  able  to  come. 

DIGBY,  Lord,  field  by  Newbury,  to  Prince  Rupert,  October  25 — his  Majesty  will  send 
no  peremptory  orders,  but  acquaints  Prince  Rupert  with  his  condition,  by  which 
Prince  Rupert  will  judge  what  is  necessary;  "  King's  army  drawn  out  under  Don- 
nington  Castle,  between  that  and  the  van  so  advantageously,  that  it  is  likely  the 
rebels  may  be  held  in  play  for  a  day  or  two." 

DIGBY,  Lord,  Newbury,  to  Prince  Rupert,  October  27 — the  enemy  began  to  shoot  "as 
if  to  play  at  shall-I,-sliall-I-not ;"  appear  very  dastardly;  urges  Prince  Rupert  to 
make  all  haste  to  aid  his  Majesty. 

DIGBY,  Lord,  Oxford,  to  Prince  Rupert,  March  5 — recommends  the  care  of  Bristol 
garrison  to  Prince  Rupert,  and  that  Berkeley  Castle  be  put  under  it;  and  that  Sir 
R.  Weston  be  made  governor. 

DIGBY,  Lord,  Oxford,  to  Prince  Rupert,  March  8 — if  Prince  Rupert  cannot  immediately 
relieve  Lathom  House,  his  Royal  Highness  is  desired  at  least  to  express  to  the 
Countess  both  his  own  and  his  Majesty's  sense  of  her  bravery,  and  to  encourage 
her  to  continue  her  resolute  defence. 

DONGAN,  William,  Camden,  (signed  *'  Poor  Firelock,")  to  Prince  Rupert,  December  23 — 
has,  according  to  Prince  Rupert's  command,  taken  possession  of  the  house;  does  not 
himself  think  it  tenable,  but  will  labour  in  it  at  the  hazard  of  me  and  mine ;  needs 
not  now  to  make  professions  of  devotion  to  Prince  Rupert;  does  not  write,  because 
he  knows  his  secretaries  impart  to  Prince  Rupert  whatever  passes. 

DUNSMORE,  Oxford,  to  Prince  Rupert,  April  4 — thanks  Prince  Rupert  for  favour  shewn 
to  his  nephew;  hopes  he  will  serve  diligently. 


1644.]  OF    CORRESPONDENCE.  517 

DUNSMORE,  Oxford,  to  Prince  Rupert,  April  10 — the  King  has  ordered  Lord  Digby  to 
draw  up  a  warrant  to  secure  Dunsmore's  nephew  the  place  of  standard-bearer  in  lieu 
of  Edward  Capell. 

DYNE,  Louis,  Abingdon,  to  Prince  Rupert,  April  8 — laments  being  doomed  to  live  in  a 
place  where  he  is  incapable  to  do  Prince  Rupert  service ;  wishes  Prince  Rupert  would 
give  him  leave  to  go  and  serve  under  him. 

DYNE,  Louis,  Baconnock,  West  Cornwall,  to  Prince  Rupert,  September  4 — "  if  Prince 
Rupert  can  draw  his  forces  this  way,  it  will  be  the  most  effectual  means  that  can  be 
imagined  for  the  establishment  of  his  Majesty's  affairs." 

DYNE,  Louis,  Sherborne,  to  Prince  Rupert,  February  13  —  has  reduced  Weymouth 
again  under  his  Majesty's  obedience;  has  sent  Sir  Walter  Hastings,  who  was  the 
foremost  man  that  entered  their  works,  to  give  an  account  of  the  action. 

ESSEX,  Lord,  Sherborne,  to  Prince  Rupert,  February  28 — acknowledges  receipt  of  a 
letter  from  Prince  Rupert,  also  the  copy  of  Lord  Hertford's  ;  desires  the  original ; 
will  grant  a  pass  to  Sir  A.  Aston  and  servants  to  go  to  Bath  for  his  health. 

EAM,  George,  Chester,  to  Prince  Rupert,  October  27 — the  mayor  of  Conway  had  not 
received  any  orders  to  provide  for  the  troops,  and  those  which  were  sent  to  Car- 
narvon were  entertained  one  month,  and  then  likewise  disposed  up  and  down  the 
country ;  for  that  reason  Lord  Byron  recalled  him. 

ELYOTT,  Thomas,  Oxford,  to  Prince  Rupert,  May  9 — King  declared  in  council  that  he 
thought  it  necessary  to  send  Prince  Charles  into  the  West,  but  never  meant  to 
recall  Prince  Maurice  till  Lyme  were  taken ;  great  dislike  to  the  measure  prevails. 

ELYOTT,  Thomas,  Oxford,  to  Prince  Rupert,  May  21 — Prince  Charles's  message  "  that 
he  shall,  by  his  good- will,  enterprise  nothing  wherein  he  has  not  his  Royal  High- 
ness's  approbation ;  has  heard  of being  carried  to  the  enemy,  if  he  does, 

he  shall  not  fail  to  oppose  it. 

ELYOTT,  Thomas,  Salisbury,  to  Prince  Rupert,  October  16 — comes  to  Salisbury,  where 
there  are  five  regiments  of  trainbands  advancing  upon  them;  beseeches  Prince 
Rupert  to  consider  how  necessary  his  presence  will  be  in  an  engagement. 

E.RNLY,  Michael,  Shrewsbury,  to  Prince  Rupert,  August  27 — intelligence  from  Lord 
Byron  the  enemy  intends  to  march  for  Chester ;  their  garrison  in  much  distemper 
through  rations  of  the  Commissioners  and  the  late  governor. 

ERNLY,  Michael,  Shrewsbury,  to  Prince  Rupert,  September  19— upon  the  treacherous  de- 
livery of  Montgomery  Castle  by  Lord  Cherburg;  he  (Ernly)  brought  thither  a  con- 
siderable force,  beat  Middleton,  and  kept  them  in  ten  days,  when  Lord  Byron 
came  with  his  army,  but  was  beaten  by  the  enemy  advancing  to  the  relief  of  the 
castle. 

ERNLY,  Michael,  Shrewsbury,  to  Prince  Rupert,  October  21 — "  since  the  disaster  at  Mont- 
gomery the  edge  of  the  gentry  very  much  blunted ;  the  country's  loyalty  strangely 
abated  ;  they  begin  to  warp  to  the  enemy's  party. 

ERNLY,  Michael,  Shrewsbury,  to  Prince  Rupert,  January  3 — can  get  nothing  paid  for 
the  subsistence  of  the  garrison ;  wants  arms  and  ammunition  ;  officers  discontented  ; 
horse  in  the  outskirts  eat  up  all  the  provisions. 

ERNLY,  Michael,  Shrewsbury,  to  Prince  Rupert — disorders  made  by  the  gentry 
under  the  pretence  of  raising  levies,  and  carrying  off  the  whole  business  contrary  to 
all  authority,  has  drawn  the  enemy  within  four  miles  of  the  town ;  on  Tuesday  next 
there  will  be  a  general  meeting  of  all  the  gentry  and  freeholders  of  the  county. 

ESSEX,  Essex-house,  to  Lord  Forth,  Feb.  19— touching  a  safe  conduct  for  Mr*  Fanshawe 
and  Mr.  Offley  to  go  to  Westminster  to  the  King,  concerning  a  treaty  of  peace. 

FANE,  Francis,  Lincoln,  to  Prince  Rupert,  April  6 — is  come  hither  by  Newcastle's 
order;  place  threatened  by  Cromwell  and  Manchester  ;  now  at  Burley;  will  do  his 
utmost  to  defend  it,  "  but  has  only  a  handful  of  old  soldiers,  besides  new  leagued 
men." 

LARENTZ,  Jacob,  Bristol,  to  Prince  Maurice,  March  9— by  Prince  Maurice's  order, 
followed  Sir  J.  Winter  to  his  house  with  forty  brave  horse;  found  not  there  the 
promised  accommodation,  and  being  led  into  action  with  a  superior  enemy,  suffered 
great  loss  ;  himself  severely  wounded. 

GRENVILLE,  John,  Bristol,  to  Prince  Rupert,  December  1 3— Barnstaple  "can  never 
keep  their  fingers  out  of  a  rebellion  ;"  asks  to  be  made  governor  of  the  town,  having 
interest  in  the  county;  offers  to  raise  one  thousand  men  for  Prince  Rupert  at  his 
own  expense,  besides  garrison. 

GLENHAM,  Thomas,  York,  to  Prince  Rupert,  June  4 — enemy's  van  marched  this  af- 
ternoon from  Long  Marston  to  Middlethorp  ;  three  generals,  by  letter,  summon 


518  INDEX   AND   ABSTRACT  [lG44. 

him  to  surrender,  but  he  refuses,  and  "  will  keep  it  for  the  King  as  long  as  he 

possibly  can." 
GLENHAM,  Thomas,  Carlisle,  to  Prince  Rupert,  October  23 — fears  former  letters  have 

miscarried;  enemy's  horse  prevents  provisions  from  entering  the  town ;  difficulty  in 

raising  money;  report  that  Montrose  had  had  happy  success  in  Scotland,  and  beaten 

Argyle. 
(J.u;E,  Henry,  Basing,  to  Prince  Rupert,  November  22 — arrived  in  the  night,  expecting 

to  be  met  by  enemy,  who  had  decamped  ;  well  provided  with  provisions,  but  want 

of  clothes  ;  garrison  insubordinate  ;  wants  it  changed. 
GERRARD,  Sir  Gilbert,  Worcester,  no  name,  April  12 — to  acquaint  Prince  Rupert  that 

the  enemy  is  within  five  miles  of  Hereford,  and  is  confident  that  his  chief  aim  is  to 

raise  the  siege  of  Brompton  Castle. 
GERRARD,  Sir  Gilbert,  Worcester,  April  21 — has  lately  been  coursing  the  Timberley; 

killed  fifty  upon  the  place,  took  thirty-eight  prisoners,  with  pillage,  which  became 

free  booty  to  the  soldiers  ;  in  sight  of  the  rebels  in  Sturton  Castle,  who  thereupon 

abandoned  it,  and  Sir  Gilbert  Gerrard  has  put  in  a  garrison  of  sixty  men  for  his 

Majesty. 
GERRARD,  Sir  Gilbert,  Worcester,  to ,  May  1 — "  certifies  that  Massey  has  marched 

out  of  Gloucester  with  one  thousand  five  hundred  horse  and  foot,  and  two  pieces  of 

cannon  ;  he  plunders  all  places  about  him  ;  Lord  Denbigh  on  the  other  side  with 

one  thousand  or  one  thousand  two  hundred  horse." 
GERRARD,  Sir  Gilbert,  Worcester,  to  Prince  Rupert,  May  7 — Massey  marches  towards 

Sudbury;   spoke  to  Colonel  Gary  to  be  ready  to  give  assistance ;  his  answer  was, 

that  he  cannot  stir  without  his  Royal    Highness's  order  ;   has    spoken   to    some 

clothiers  in  Worcester;  lowest  rate  of  cloth  13s.  the  piece,  and  thirty-six  yards  in 

the  piece. 
GERRARD,  Sir  Gilbert,  Worcester,  to  Prince  Rupert,  May  19 — want  of  money  makes  the 

works  go  slowly;  it  were  not  amiss  for  his  Royal  Highness  to  send  some  discreet 

person  to  take  charge  of  these  accounts  with  the  excise  and  delinquents  ;  Lord 

Denbigh's  force  lies  sore  upon  the  country. 
GERRARD,  Sir  Gilbert,  Worcester,  to  Prince  Rupert,  August  1 9 — gentry  of  the  country 

very  forward  in  raising  supplies ;  Lord  Denbigh's  force  lies  sore  upon  the  country; 

intend  to  make  garrison  at  the  ,  which  will  be  the  greatest  hindrance  to  his 

Majesty's  garrisons. 
GERRARD,  Sir  Gilbert,  Worcester,  to  Prince  Rupert,  September  10 — has  assisted  Colonel 

Cooke  and  Sir  William  Blakestone  with  all  the  horse  and  foot  he  could  make ; 

sends  a  letter  from  Loughborough  concerning  Manchester's  march. 
GERRARD,  Sir  Gilbert,  Worcester  to  Prince  Rupert,  October  7 — rebels  with  Cromwell 

before  Banbury  ;  not  very  strong  ;  three  thousand  horse  and  foot. 
GERRARD,  Sir  Gilbert,  Worcester,  to  Prince  Rupert,  October  20 — has  sent  men  and 

cannon  according  to  Prince  Rupert's  order ;  Banbury  in  distress. 
GORING,  George,  Newark,  to  Lord  Loughborough,  April  26 — is  surprised   that   any 

gentleman  should  dispute  his  Majesty's  orders,  therefore  that  Lord  Loughborough 

advances  with  all  possible  speed. 
GORING,  George,  Brookesby,  to  Prince  Rupert,  May  10 — lets  Prince  Rupert  know  Lord 

Newcastle's  condition  ;  has  advanced  nearer  to  Prince  Rupert,  so  that  he  cannot  be 

prevented  from  joining  with  him  or  Lord  Loughborough ;  recommends  Prince  Ru- 
pert to  keep  this  side  Trent. 

GORING,  George,  Brookesby,  to  Prince  Rupert,  June  11 — differs  from  country  gentle- 
men, who  wish  Prince  Rupert  to  remain  in  Lancashire  ;  passionately  beseeches  his 

hastening  to  relieve  Lord  Newcastle  at  York,  and  assumes  that  nothing  can  stand 

in  his  way. 
GORING,  George,  Brookesby,  to  Prince  Rupert,  June  19 — announces  five  thousand  Scots 

coming  over  the  Tweed  ;  hopes  they  will  receive  interruption  by  the  way;  rejoices 

in  Prince  Rupert's  approach  to  York,  which  must  tend  to  the  increase  of  Prince 

Rupert's  glory. 
GORING,  George,  to  Prince  Rupert,   same  date — informs  them  some  loose  troops  are 

about  Skipton,  but  in  such  numbers,  that  he  is  confident  that  the  Westmoreland 

and  Cumberland  troops  may  advnce  without  hazard  ;  asks  Prince  Rupert  to  let 

him  know  where  he  quarters  every  night. 
GORING,  George,  Skipton,  to   Prince  Rupert,  June  25 — has  got  one  thousand  arms 

out  of  the  North,  the  rest  are  promised  to  follow  ;  no  news  from  York ;  professes 

devotion  to  his  Royal  Highness. 


1044.] 


OF   CORRESPONDENCE.  519 


GORING,  George,  Skipton,  to  Prince  Rupert,  June  29— forced  by  enemy's  approach  to 
draw  off  from  Taunton,  and  endeavour  to  intercept  their  joining  ;  no  way  safe  for 
Prince  Rupert  but  by  sea,  or  this  army;  begs  to  know  Prince  Rupert's  quarters 
that  he  may  wait  on  him. 

GORING,  George,  Skipton,  to  Prince  Rupert,  August  9  —  apologies  for  not  writing 
sooner. 

GORING,  George,  to  Prince  Rupert,  August  15— been  in  pursuit  of  some  of  Essex's 
horse,  but  excuses  himself  for  letting  them  get  out  of  his  reach,  by  reason  of  his 
own  being  tired  and  disorderly. 

GORING,  George,  Okehampton,  to  Prince  Rupert,  September  5— apologies  for  not  hitherto 
waiting  on  his  Royal  Highness. 

GORING,  George,  Bristol,  to  Prince  Rupert,  October  3 — argues  against  the  army  pe- 
titioning the  King  to  put  Prince  Rupert  on  the  commission. 

GORING,  George,  Calne,  to  Prince  Rupert,  December  29 — urges  difficulty  of  obeying  his 
Majesty's  orders,  and  his  willingness  to  overcome  them. 

GORING,  George,  Sarum,  to  the  King,  January  9 — reasons  for  asking  a  separate  command 
from  his  Majesty '. 

GORING,  George,  Salisbury,  to  the  King,  January  22 — enemy  spread  almost  from  Alton 
to  Southampton;  has  beaten  up  their  quarters;  horse  escaped,  he  believes,  through 
treachery  ;  foot  most  killed  or  taken,  the  foremost  parties  on  each  side  Irish,  who 
shewed  no  quarter. 

GORING,  George,  Winchester,  to  Lord  Digby,  January  29 — complains  of  his  distance 
from  Prince  Rupert's  immediate  command  ;  of  his  being  removed  from  a  place  where 
•  he  could  have  rendered  some  service  to  the  King,  and  of  the  mutinous  state  of  his 
army. 

GORING,  George,  to  Prince  Rupert,  (without  date) — sends  twenty-two  prisoners  and  one 
captain,  taken  yesternight  ;  beseeches  Prince  Rupert  to  send  constable  to  assist 
in  detecting  the  men  who  violated  Prince  Rupert's  orders  and  protection,  that  he 
may  become  a  suitor  to  his  Royal  Highness  for  justice  upon  them. 

GORING,  George,  Wigan,  to  Prince  Rupert,  no  date  but  ]  644  —  Colonel  Fenwick's 
quarters  at  Alton  beaten  up  this  night  by  those  of  Warrington  ;  beseeches  Prince 
Rupert  to  send  some  musketeers,  or  to  remove  their  quarters. 

GORING,  George,  to  Prince  Rupert,  Wednesday,  5  A.M,  (no  date)  —  rebels  have 
this  evening  attempted  passing  over  Holeford  ;  two  of  Goring's  regiments,  under 
Blakestone,  passing  over  the  ford,  they  were  beaten  ;  prisoners  say  they  intend 
to  send  this  night  one  hundred  men  from  Warrington  to  Liverpool. 

HERBERT,  Lord,  Oxford,  to  the  Earl  of  Glamorgan,  April  2— recommends  Colonel 
Crowe,  who  will  relate  each  particular  of  the  late  action. 

HERBERT,  ,  Montgomery  Castle,  to  Prince  Rupert,  August  23 — excuses  himself 

from  indulging   "his  ambition  to  kiss  his   Royal   Highness's   most  valorous   and 
princely  hands,"  "  because  he  has  newly  entered  a  course  of  physic." 

HERBERT, ,  Ludlow,  to  Prince  Rupert,  September  5 — prays  Prince  Rupert  to  send 

some  relief  to  this  castle ;  in  the  mean  time,  writes  to  Sir  W.  Balantine  and  the 
Commissioners  of  Salop,  to  that  effect. 

HERBERT, ,  Montgomery,  to  Prince  Rupert,  September  7 — his  father  has  surrendered 

his  castle  upon  parley  with  Sir  T.  Middleton  ;  recommends  that  the  garrison  be 
sent  to  Montgomery. 

HERBERT, ,  Newport,  Monmouthshire,  to  Prince  Rupert,  November  9 — asks  that 

the  sequestration  of  all  forfeited  estates  may  be  conferred  on  him. 

HASTINGS,  Sir  H.,  Derby,  to  Prince  Rupert,  November  5 — congratulates  his  Royal 
Highness  on  success  ;  offers  to  assist  him  against  Derby  or  Nottingham  with  one 
thousand  horse,  eight  hundred  muskets,  two  hundred  pikes,  and  one  thousand  well- 
affected  subjects  ;  one  piece  of  eighteen  pound  bullet,  two  of  twelve,  and  eight 
drakes,  besides  heavy  garrisons  provided. 

HAWLEY,  Lord  Francis,  Bristol,  to  Prince  Rupert,  November  22— has  been  very  indus- 
trious to  inquire  into  the  reported  "  treachery  against  the  town,  but  can  find  nothing 
of  consequence  in  the  business;  the  Priggs  poor  miserable  people,  and  Langton  a  rich 
fellow,  but  of  lethargic  humour,  not  awake  above  once  a  week  ;"  Monmouth  taken 
by  surprise  of  the  townsmen,  with  help  of  Lord  Charles  Somerset's  garrison,  and 
that  of  Abergavenny ;  intends  to  be  there  on  Sunday. 

HAWLEY,  Lord  Francis,  Bristol,  to  Prince  Rupert,  November  29— asks  that  Colonel 
Chester  may  have  the  command  of  Devizes. 

HAWLEY,  Lord  Francis,  Bristol,  to  Prince  Rupert,  December  8— humbly  desires  that  his 

VOL.  I.  M  M 


520  INDEX  AND   ABSTRACT  [ 1644. 

Royal  Highness  will  confer  knighthood  on  Colonel  Veale,  whom  he  sends  ;  Colonel 

St.  Leger  waits  on  Prince  Rupert  with  papers  from  General  Gerrard,  who  has  some 

dispute  with  Sir  J.  Winter. 
HOGHTON,  Sir  Gilbert,  Chester,  to  Prince  Rupert,  September  26 — acquaints    Prince 

Rupert  with  passages  between  Sir  R.  Byron  and  him,  who  expresses  himself  in  very 

high  language,  and  caused  him  to  be  arrested  for  800^.,  which  they  accused  him* ' 

retaining,  of  country  money  ;  begs  that  if  any  information  be  given  to  his  Majesty. 

Prince  Rupert  will  remove  ill  opinion  against  him. 
HALTBY,  Marquis  of,  Monmouth,  to  Prince  Rupert,  September  22 — troops  of  horse  am 

four  hundred  foot  of  Lord  Denbigh's  have  advanced  within  and  joined  the  rebels  o 

Gloucester ;  sent  for  the  horse  quartered  near,  which  Sir  William  Blaxton,  beinj 

summoned  to  Prince  Rupert,  has  recalled  ;  one  troop  remains. 
HALTBY,  Marquis  of,  Bath,  to  Prince  Rupert,  October  27 — has  received  Prince  Rupert'; 

orders  to  be  at  Chippenham  on  Tuesday;  soldiers  keep  reasonably  well  together;  offi 

cers  from  Wales  meeting  for  going  home. 
HALTBY,  Marquis  of,  Oxford,  to  Prince  Rupert,  May  6— sends  the  account  of  hundred 

appointed  to  supply  500^  to  the  garrison  at  Bristol. 
HALTBY,  Marquis  of,  Bath,  to  Prince  Rupert,  December  25 — now  that  the  enemy  hai 

gone  out  of  Somerset,  will  set  to  arrange  affairs  here. 
HUTCHINSON,  Colonel  John,  Nottingham,  to  Sir  J.  Digby  and  other  gentlemen — Marcl 

26 — trusts  that  God,  who  already  restrained  the  rage  of  their  cruel  hearts  and  thi 

power  of  devouring  elements,  "  will  still  be  the  same  for  us." 
JERMYN,  Lord,  Oxford,  to  Prince  Rupert,  March  26 — Prince  Rupert's  good  success  ha 

changed  the  face  of  the  country,  and  so  also  of  the  Court,  more  than  anything  tha 

happened  since  the  beginning  of  troubles. 
JERMYN,  Lord,  Oxford,  to  Prince  Rupert  (same  date) — has  had  particular  watch  of  Lon 

Digby  ;  conjures  Prince  Rupert  to  believe  that  he  has  not  failed  in  anything  t 

him  ;  Queen  repeats  congratulations  of  former  letter. 
JERMYN,  Lord,  Oxford,  to  Prince  Rupert,  March  27 — Queen's  commands  for  the  protec 

tion  of  Sir  R.  Wynne's  houses  and  estates. 
JERMYN,  Lord,  Oxford,  to  Prince  Rupert,  April  13 — advertises  Prince  Rupert  of  th 

probable  removal  of  three  or  four  bedchamber  gentlemen  ;  may  not  be  improper  fo 

Prince  Rupert  once  more  to  mention  his  desire  in  behalf  of  William  Legge ;  th 

Queen  removes  on  Monday. 
JERMYN,  Lord,  Abergavenny,  to  Prince  Rupert,  April  20 — Queen  has  recommends 

exchange  of  four  prisoners  to  his  Majesty  ;  Prince  Rupert  will  see  answer  by  Lon 

Digby,  for  whose  duty  and  respect  Lord  Jermyn  is  answerable. 
JERMYN,  Lord,  Exeter,  to  Prince  Rupert,  June  14 — Essex's  march  this  way  has  causei 

Prince  Maurice  to  draw  his  army  (three  thousand  remaining)  from  before  Lyme 

this  place  will  hold  out  six  weeks. 
KILLIGREW,  Thomas,  Oxford,  to  Prince  Rupert,  April  2— prays  Prince  Rupert  to  lool 

on  bearer,  Mr.  Robinson,  for  a  company ;  calls  himself  "  poor  Tom." 
KIRKE,  Sir  Louis,  Bridgenorth,  to  Prince  Rupert,  March  25,  1644 — public  thanksgivinj 

here  and  at  Shrewsbury,  on  Wednesday,  for  Prince  Rupert's  success  at  Newark  th 

same  day  ;  Apsley  House  retaken  by  Colonel  Ellice. 
KIRKE,  Sir  Louis,  Bridgenorth,  to  Prince  Rupert,  March  26 — report  enclosed  of  tw 

hundred  killed  and  fifty  taken  at  Longford. 
KIRKE,   Sir   Louis,   Bridgenorth,   to   Prince   Rupert,   April   9 — asks  for   Sir   Walte 

Wrottesley's  convoy  for  plate  laid  up  in  this  garrison,  with  which  he  intends  to  pa; 

a  privy  seal  for  50J.  sent  from  Oxford. 
KIRKE,  Sir  Louis,  Bridgenorth,  to  Prince  Rupert,  April  18 — has  sent  the  shot  and  mate! 

to  Shrewsbury,  according  to  Prince  Rupert's  orders  ;  great  want  of  pay  and  pro 

visions  "  makes  soldiers  mutter  out  their  discontents;"  complains  of  resistance  on  th 

part  of  the  collector  of  contributions  at  Shiffnal,   who  incited  the  parishioners  t 

insult  and  wound  the  soldiers  sent  to  demand  it. 
KIRKE,  Sir  Louis,  Bridgenorth,  to  Prince  Rupert,  August  21 — has  received  no  answer  t 

former  letters  ;  prays  for  order  for  men  from  Shrewsbury  ;  has  written  concernin 

one  Gardiner,  whose  goods  he  had  seized  according  to  his  Majesty's  proclamation  ;  i 

he  repairs  to  Prince  Rupert,  prays  him  to  respite  the  business. 
KIRKE,  Sir  Louis,  Bridgenorth,  to  Prince  Rupert,  November  11 — since  the  taking  c 

Salop,  the  enemy  has  grown  so  bold  as  to  quarter  within  a  mile  of  the  town  ;  ha 

asked  for  assistance  from  neighbouring  garrisons,  but  receives  none  ;  prays  for  relie 

from  bis  Royal  Highness. 


1644.] 


OF  CORRESPONDENCE.  521 


KIRKE,  Sir  Louis,  Bridgenorth,  to  Prince  Rupert,  February  25— Shrewsbury  yielded 
up  by  treachery  of  the  townspeople,  which  endangers  this  garrison,  inhabitants  and 
county  in  general  being  rotten  ashes ;  for  one  thousand  men  ;  trusts,  by  God's 
assistance,  to  give  good  account. 

KIRKE,  Sir  Louis,  Bridgenorth,  to  Prince  Rupert,  February  22 — come  out  of  West- 
moreland and  Cumberland  into  Lancashire,  where  he  has  had  troublesome  quarters  ; 
he  and  Lord  Molineux  received  an  alarm  near  Kirkham,  and  have  withdrawn  the 
horse  from  the  county. 

LANGDALE,  Marmaduke,  Chester,  to  Prince  Rupert,  August  21 — horse  come  slowly  on, 
owing  to  unseasonable  weather. 

LANGDALE,  Marmaduke,  Creke,  Monmouth,to  Prince  Rupert,  October  22— thinks  Goring 
might  be  spared  for  the  North  ;  if  Newark,  Pontefract,  and  Belvoir,  be  lost,  his 
Majesty  may  account  all  North  Trent  an  enemy's  country. 

LANGDALE,  Marmaduke,  Winchester,  to  Prince  Rupert,  January  12 — has  had  a 
prosperous  march,  and  beaten  the  enemy  near  Pontefract ;  "  a  sharp  contest,  but 
God  gave  them  victory." 

LANGDALE,  Marmaduke,  Bingham,  to  Prince  Rupert,  March  6 — relates  the  defeat  of  Lord 
Byron  near  Liverpool ;  Langdale  stopped  the  progress  of  enemy,  "and  retreated 
without  the  least  disturbance;  but  of  Tilsby,  Molineux,  and  Lord  Byron's  regiment, 
the  account  is  very  short." 

LEGGE,  William,  Chester,  to  Prince  Rupert,  August  22 — asks  for  warrants  to  enable  the 
army  to  subsist. 

LEGGE,  William,  Camden,  to  Prince  Rupert,  December  25 — is  come  here  by  Prince 
Rupert's  orders  ;  finds  cattle  and  all  manner  of  provisions  eaten  up,  so  that  he 
"  rather  fears  a  famine  than  an  enemy." 

LISLE,  Sir  George,  Farringdon,  to  Prince  Rupert,  December  6 — "  that  Prince  Rupert  be 
pleased  to  give  his  commands  unto  the  governors  of  Donnington  Castle  and  Walling- 
ford,  that  they  desist  intermeddling  at  all  in  any  of  those  quarters  assigned  him  ;  " 
asks  for  pay  to  officers  and  soldiers. 

LISLE,  Sir  George,  Farringdon,  to  Prince  Rupert,  December  13 — just  returns  from 
sounding  enemy's  horse ;  quarters  at  Steneton  Drayton  ;  horse  tired  and  lame,  but 
sends  two  hundred  musketeers,  according  to  Prince  Rupert's  order. 

LEVESON,  Dudley  Castle,  to  Prince  Rupert,  December  1 — Colonel  Bagot  has  most 
contemptuously  disobeyed  his  Majesty's  order  to  pay  the  contribution  (to  Leveson), 
and  also  to  endeavour  to  get  the  contribution  of  Warwickshire  ;  prays  Prince 
Rupert  that  if  Colonel  Bagot  rest  not  content,  they  may  both  appear  before  his 
Majesty,  Prince  Rupert,  and  his  council  of  war. 

LLOYD,  Walter,  Innysmaengwyn,  to  Thomas  Owen,  April  2— Pembrokeshire  urged  the 
traitorous  covenant  also  in  Carmarthen  and  Glamorganshire. 

LLOYD,  Charles,  Farringdon,  to  Prince  Rupert,  December  1 — unfavourable  report  of 
Ramsey  as  a  proposed  garrison  ;  requires  three  months  to  fortify  it,  seven  hundred 
men  at  least  to  man  it,  and  the  moat  a  cock  might  stride. 

LLOYD,  Charles,  Farringdon,  to  Prince  Rupert,  December  8— Prince  of  Wales's  horse 
taken  from  him  by  Colonel  Lisle,  under  his  Royal  Highness's  orders  ;  all  his  ammu- 
nition seized  by  Lord  Ashley ;  impossible  to  remain  unless  he  is  supplied. 

LLOYD,  Charles,  Highworth,  to  Prince  Rupert,  December  22— ventured  to  march  with 
Goring,  that  he  may  obey  Prince  Rupert's  orders,  seeing  that  he  had  his  commission 
to  live  instead  of  staying  to  starve. 

LLOYD,  Charles,  Devizes,  to  Prince  Rupert,  January  8— has  made  Blagg's  house  unin- 
habitable ;  the  high  sheriff  of  Malmesbury  takes  infinite  pains  to  shew  himself 
obedient  to  Prince  Rupert's  commands. 

LLOYD,  Charles,  Devizes,  to  Prince  Rupert,  January  4— will  demolish  the  house,  which 
he  cannot  maintain,  after  receiving  Prince  Rupert's  letter  ;  asks  for  command  of 
Colonel  Howard's  regiment. 

LOUGHBOROUGH,  Lord,  Tutbury,  to  Prince  Rupert,  April  10— concerning  some  horses  for 
the  army  and  sending  soldiers  to  their  colours. 

LOUGHBOROUGH,  Lord,  Tutbury,  to  Prince  Rupert,  April  13  — Sir  E.  Osborne  and 
another  Yorkshire  gentleman  gone  to  Hull  to  petition  for  those  parts ;  Goring  cannot 
get  to  the  Lord  Marquis  with  Ewing's  regiment  without  sufficient  force  to  beat  Fair- 
fax by  the  way. 

LOUGHBOROUGH,  Lord,  Lichficld,  to  Prince  Rupert,  April  16— Colonel  Bagot  pursued 
some  rebels'  horse  into  Stafford  ;  took  the  captain  and  sixteen  prisoners  ;  difficult  to 
fetch  horses  for  Prince  Rupert  out  of  those  parts,  but  will  attempt  it  so  soon  as  I 
can  possibly. 

M  M  2 


522  INDEX   AND   ABSTRACT  [l644. 

LOUGHBOROUGH,  Lord,  Ashby,  to  Prince  Rupert,  September  24 — the  Scots  advancing 
upon  those  parts  of  Lancashire  where  Sir  T.  Preston  and  Sir  R.  Pattison  were, 
they  marched  away  to  Pomfret,  where  they  beat  the  rebels  lying  at  Ferrybridge,  and 
so  marched  to  Newcastle. 

LOUGHBOROUGH,  Lord,  to  Prince  Rupert  (no  date) — reasons  for  abandoning  some  gar- 
rison ;  town  attacked  by  Gell. 

LUNSFORD,  Sir  Thomas,  Oxford,  to  Prince  Rupert,  August  26 — accepts  command  under 
his  Royal  Highness,  "honoured  by  a  deep  engagement  to  him  whilst  he  \v;is  in 
prison,  and  resolved  to  express  it  by  all  the  faithful  services  he  can  fasten  on." 

MANLEV,  Roger,  Bala,  to  Lord  Byron — gives  an  account  of  the  enemy's  taking  Red- 
castle,  which  was  but  meanly  stored  and  ill  manned  ;  all  taken  except  himself,  who 
passed  through  their  guard. 

MAURICE,  Prince,  Lyme,  to  the  King,  May  9 — complains  that  Sir  J.  Berkeley  and 
Colonel  Digby  have  received  commissions  without  any  privity  of  his ;  submits  to 
his  Majesty  whether  this  be  not  a  lessening  of  the  command  which  the  King  hath 
given  him. 

MAURICE,  Prince,  Evesham,  to  Prince  Rupert,  January  16 — Mr.  Wyatt  will  give  a 
particular  account  of  Salop  affairs. 

MAURICE,  Prince,  Worcester,  to  Prince  Rupert,  January  29 — Staffordshire  desires  a 
commission  like  that  granted  by  Prince  Rupert  in  Shropshire  ;  warns  him  to  be 
cautious  in  the  business  of  the  association. 

MAYNE,  John,  Pontefract,  to  Prince  Rupert,  October  12 — sends  Captain  Smith  to  ac- 
quaint him  with  the  state  of  these  parts  ;  asks  him  to  bestow  Captain  Lister  on  him, 
whom  he  took  prisoner,  in  exchange  for  his  intimate  friend  Sir  Symon  Fanshawe. 

MENNES,  John,  Beaumaris,  to  Prince  Rupert,  October  1 8 — Merionethshire  and  Montgo- 
meryshire threatened  ;  Liverpool  in  sad  condition  ;  Cumberland  revolted  ;  White- 
haven  only  place  of  intelligence  for  the  North ;  has  discovered  some  hidden  plate  of 
Lord  Leicester's,  and  begs  it  may  be  assigned  to  his  charge. 

MOLESWORTH,  Guy,  Bridgewater,  to  Prince  Rupert,  January  23 —represents,  as  he 
has  already  done,  to  Prince  Maurice  the  miserable  condition  of  this  part  of  his  Royal 
Highness's  regiment ;  prays  for  some  speedy  course  to  be  taken,  such  as  men  may 
with  justice  expect  after  such  long  service. 

MORGAN,  Lewis,  Ragland  Castle,  to  Prince  Rupert,  October  17 — relates  an  encounter 
he  and  his  men  had  with  Colonel  Price,  who  accused  him  of  being  privy  to  the 
rising  in  Monmouthshire;  prays  for  protection  against  this  persecution. 

MYNNE,  Nicholas,  Newport,  to  William  Skippe  Ledberie,  April  1 0 — gives  him  notice  of 
eleven  troops  of  rebels  under  Colonel  Bone  being  drawn  up  at  Huntley  Heath  ;  desires 
him  to  furnish  provisions,  and  as  many  saddles  and  bridles  as  he  can  to  mount 
dragoons. 

NEWCASTLE,  Lord,  Durham,  to  Prince  Rupert,  March  25 — for  all  the  affairs  of  the  North 
refers  to  Sir  J.  Mayne ;  assures  his  Royal  Highness  that  "  the  Scots  are  as  big  again 
in  foot  as  he  is  ;  and  their  horse,  he  doubts,  much  better  than  theirs  too  ;  if  Prince 
Rupert  come  not  soon,  the  great  game  of  his  uncle's  will  be  endangered  if  not 
lost." 

NEWCASTLE,  Lord,  Durham,  to  Prince  Rupert,  March  29 — it  is  said  that  Sir  J.  Fairfax 
is  coming  into  Yorkshire  ;  if  Prince  Rupert  could  march  that  way,  hopes  it  would 
put  a  final  end  to  their  troubles. 

NEWCASTLE,  Lord,  Durham,  to  Prince  Rupert,  March  30 — infinitely  sorry  that  he  shall 
not  have  the  honour  to  wait  on  his  Royal  Highness  ;  if  Prince  Rupert  order  not 
Byron  to  march  after  Fairfax,  who  is  now  at  Leeds,  these  parts  will  be  very  shortly 
in  great  distress  ;  Scots  raising  every  eighth  man. 

NEWCASTLE,  Lord,  York,  to  the  King,  April  18— Colonel  Bellasis  defeated,  being 
taken  prisoner  with  all  his  officers  ;  might  have  been  prevented  had  Lord  Lough- 
borough  and  Colonel  Porter  assisted  according  to  order  ;  York  will  soon  be  ruined 
unless  speedily  relieved. 

NEWCASTLE,  Lord,  Oxford,  to  Prince  Rupert,  May  12 — Queen's  return  from  France ; 
great  hopes  from  thence  ;  Ormond  proceeds  in  his  treaty  with  the  Irish. 

NICHOLAS,  Edward,  Oxford,  to  Prince  Rupert,  May  12 — divisions  in  London  parlia- 
ment ;  his  Majesty  sits  in  council  at  Abingdon  ;  Prince  Maurice  repulsed  at  Lyme  ; 
Queen  sick  at  Exeter ;  Waller  at  Farnham  ;  advance  of  Essex  and  Manchester  on 
York  apprehended ;  Essex  gives  out  that  he  marches  not  this  se'nnight ;  Lord 
Denbigh  raises  forces  in  Warwick  and  Northampton. 

NICHOLAS,  Edward,  Oxford,  to  Sir  J.  Gamall,  Deputy  Governor  of  Chester,  July  21— Lord 


1644.] 


OF   CORRESPONDENCE.  523 


Hopton  and  Prince  Maurice  join  against  Essex  in  the  West  ;  Taunton  surrendered 
to  Essex  ;  Basing  House  still  bravely  defended. 

NICHOLAS,  Edward,  Oxford,  to  Prince  Rupert,  September  7 — Banbury  close  begirt  fears 
not  all  the  power  of  rebels  for  some  months  ;  works  have  been  made  very 
defensible,  so  nothing  can  hurt  if  vigilant. 

NICHOLAS,  Edward,  Oxford,  to  Prince  Rupert,  September  8 — garrison  of  rebels,  400 
in  Reading,  500  in  Aylesbury,  1500  in  Abingdon,  400  in  Newbury,  mostly  pressed 
men,  who  at  any  alarm  are  ready  to  be  gone. 

NICHOLAS,  Edward,  Oxford,  to  the  King,  October  2 — difference  between  Manchester 
and  Cromwell  ;  Sir  R.  Byron  advertised  by  some  of  the  most  knowing  men  in 
London,  that  if  his  Majesty  marched  suddenly  towards  London  or  into  Kent,  rebels 
will  be  absolutely  ruined  ;  but  they  had  such  good  friends  near  his  Majesty,  they 
would  divert  him  from  marching  into  Kent. 

NICHOLAS,  Edward,  Oxford,  to  Prince  Rupert,  October  2 — chiefly  in  cipher;  his 
Majesty  marched  against  Waller  at  Andover,  who  withdrew. 

NICHOLAS,  Edward,  Oxon,  to  Prince  Rupert,  Nov.  2 — whilst  Abingdon  is  a  garrison  of 
rebels,  they  cannot  spare  his  Majesty  any  forces  from  Oxon. 

NICHOLAS,  Sir  E.,  to  Prince  Rupert,  (no  date) — encloses  letter  from  Colonel  Leveson, 
concerning  differences  between  Lord  Loughborough,  himself,  and  Colonel  Bagot ;  his 
Majesty  thinks  the  president  necessary  in  Wales ;  considers  Sir  T.  Hannan  a  very 
fit  man  ;  a  contagious  disease  amongst  Waller's  soldiers,  so  that  they  cannot  get  men 
to  recruit. 

NORTHAMPTON,  Banbury,  to  Prince  Rupert,  January  18 — send  bearer  to  inform  Prince 
Rupert  that  enemy  hath  planted  themselves  at  Fazeley,  where,  if  they  be  suffered, 
they  will  much  annoy  his  garrison. 

NORTHAMPTON,  Banbury,  to  Prince  Rupert,  January  20 — enemy  after  "  began  to  set 
spade  in  ground,  have  left  this  intended  garrison,  and  have  marched  away  ;"  will 
make  Faulsley  House  unfitting  for  their  use. 

NORTHAMPTON,  Swindon,  to  Lord  George  Digby,  December  1 — prays  him  to  intercede 
that  his  troops  be  left  with  him  and  quartered  at  Trowbridge. 

ORMOND,  Lord,  Dublin  Castle,  to  Prince  Rupert,  March  28 — recommends  Captain  Dun- 
barre,  who  is  going  to  command  a  company  in  his  Majesty's  service. 

ORMOND,  Lord,  Dublin  Castle,  to  Prince  Rupert,  April  18 — is  preparing  three  com- 
panies for  North  Wales  under  Colonel  Trafford,  whom  he  recommends  to  Prince 
Rupert  ;  finds  less  willingness  than  he  expected  in  Roman  Catholic  subjects  of 
Ireland  in  supplying  arms  and  ammunition. 

ORMONDE,  Lord,  Dublin  Castle,  to  Prince  Rupert,  April  29 — hopes  to  send  with  Cap- 
tain Bartlet  three  hundred  men  well  armed,  and  could  supply  good  bodies  of  men 
"  if  he  had  means  of  conveyance  for  them." 

PORTER,  G.,  Lincoln,  to  Prince  Rupert,  March  24 — finds  some  cannon,  but  no  arms  or 
ammunition;  enemy  possessed  with  so  strange  a  senseless  fear,  that  they  will  not 
believe  any  place  tenable  to  which  his  Royal  Highness  will  march. 

PORTER,  G.,  Newark,  to  Prince  Rupert,  March  28 — excuses  himself  for  not  waiting  on 
his  Royal  Highness  before  he  went  ;  asks  him  to  give  the  command  of  those  parts 
to  Major  Hunks,  and  so  leave  him  free  to  march  into  Yorkshire. 

PORTER,  G.,  Lincoln,  to  Prince  Rupert,  March  30 — farther  apologies  and  regret  at 
having  displeased  his  Royal  Highness  ;  just  received  orders  to  march  with  all  the 
horse  and  foot  he  can  get  to  meet  Fairfax  in  York. 

PORTER,  G.,  Lincoln,  to  Prince  Rupert,  April  1— preparing  to  march,  but  thought  fit 
to  represent  in  the  interim  to  his  Royal  Highness  the  advantage  of  his  remaining 
here  a  short  space,  that  he  may  add  to  his  army. 

POWER,  Richard,  Barkley  Castle,  to  Prince  Rupert,  February  19 — Lord  Hopton 
endeavours  to  cross  his  Royal  Highness's  orders,  conferring  the  subsistence  of  a 
sufficient  garrison  to  this  castle  ;  represents  its  importance  to  Bristol. 

PRESTON,  John,  Newark,  to  Prince  Rupert,  October  23— finds  himself  so  dangerous 
sick,  that  he  desires  his  Royal  Highness  will  bestow  a  grant  of  hia  forces  to  Sir 
John  Gillington,  and  make  Francis  Middleton  lieutenant-governor. 

PRICEMACOMES,  Thomas,  Aske,  to  Prince  Rupert,  September  11 — backwardness  of  col- 
lectors in  paying  contribution,  whereby  the  soldiers  might  be  relieved  and  the 
officers  cherished. 

PRISE,  Herbert,  Brecon,  to  Prince  Rupert,  April  12 — invited  into  these  parts  by  gentry 
of  Carmarthen  and  Cardigan,  considering  the  impossibility  of  their  receiving  help 
otherwise,  has  marched  that  way. 


524  INDEX   AND   ABSTRACT  [1044. 

PRISE,  Herbert,  Brecon,  to  Prince  Rupert,  April  13 — withdraws  from  these  parts  to 
Herefordshire,  in  obedience  to  his  Royal  Highness,  but  represents  that  this  will 
alienate  the  faithful  subjects  in  these  parts,  and  leave  them  a  prey  to  the  rebels. 
PRISE,  Herbert,  Brecon,  to  Prince  Rupert,  May  7 — misfortune  at  Carmarthen  through 
want  of  promised  relief ;  prays  for  forces  from  Glamorganshire,  and  orders  to  seize 
arms  in  private  men's  hands. 

REDMAYNE,  John,  Pontefract  Castle,  to  Lady  Jane  Cavendish,  April  13, — believes 
the  two  arch-rebels  will  not  be  long  asunder ;  York,  insolent  in  prosperity,  is  abject 
and  distracted  in  this  time  of  adversity;  some  ships,  forsaking  their  rebellion,  have 

come  with  provisions  to  Scarborough. 
RHODES,  Joseph,  Newark,  to  Prince  Rupert,  January  10 — Colonel  Whichcote,  bearing 

a  letter  from  Lady  Byron  to  her  son,  Sir  Nicholas,  it  came  open,  and  related  Prince 

Rupert's  intention  of  associating  Rhodes  with  himself  in  government  of  Newark, 

which  he  recommends  him  to  resist  ;  prays  that  this  garrison  be  better  victualled, 

otherwise  enemy  will  take  advantage  of  their  nakedness. 
RICHMOND,  Duke  of,  Oxford,  to  Prince  Rupert,  May  26  (mostly  cipher) — affairs  in  the 

West. 
RICHMOND,  Duke  of,  Bewdly,  to  Prince  Rupert,  June  14  (cipher) — if  York  be  lost, 

greatest  blow  that  can  happen. 
RICHMOND,  Duke  of,  Baconnock,  to  Prince  Rupert,  August  15 — does  not  believe  in  plots 

at  Court  against  Prince  Rupert;  letter  in  cipher  relates  to. 
RICHMOND,  Duke  of,  Oxford,  November  to  Prince  Rupert,  12 — ambassador  (French) 

proposes  mediation  between  King  and  rebels. 
RICHMOND,  Duke  of,  Tavistock,  to  Prince  Rupert,  November  14 — cipher  concerning 

Prince  Rupert's  discontent. 

SCROPE,  Adrian,  Oxford,  to  Colonel  Browne,  Governor  of  Abingdon,  January  16 — inter- 
cedes for  a  gentlewoman  of  Lady  Rivers's;  sent  to  London  to  procure  a  pass  for 

her  mistress  from  Paris. 
SANDYS,  Samuel, Worcester,  to  Prince  Rupert,  February  19 — Prince  Maurice  took  powder 

from  him  which  was  never  replaced  ;  Colonel  Scudamore  took  Castleditch  House, 

Hereford ;  took  Colonel  Hopton,  nine  officers  and  men  prisoners. 
SANDYS,  Samuel,  Worcester,  to  Prince  Rupert,  February  22 — has  heard  that  Shrewsbury 

is  lost  through  treachery  ;  if  his  Royal  Highness  take  not  order  for  the  supply  and 

strength  of  these  parts  they  will  be  speedily  overrun. 
SCUDAMORE,  B.,  Hereford,  to  Sir  E.  Nicholas,  March  1 — suggestions  for  raising  men 

and  money,  by  distraining  them  to  employ  horse. 
SCUDAMORE,  B.,  Hereford,  to  Prince  Rupert,  March  3— concerning   disturbances   in 

Shropshire  and  neighbouring  counties. 
SCUDAMORE,  B.,  Hereford,  to  Prince  Rupert,  October  16 — prays  that  Prince  Rupert  will 

consider  the  distressed  state  of  the  county,  and  not  quarter  permanently  upon  it  ; 

also  to  supply  one  thousand  muskets. 
TILLIER,  Henry,  Shiffnall,  to  Prince  Rupert,  April  28 — has  reduced  the  rebel  garrison 

in  Long  Castle  and  College;  the  former  worth  the  keeping,  but  the  other  it  were 

better  to  demolish. 
TREVOR,  Arthur,  Oxford,  to  Prince  Rupert,  April  1 1 — justice  of  Prince  Rupert's  demand 

for  money,  "but  nothing  will  be  done  here  but  by  the  immediate  finger  of  the  King; 

professions  were  being  written  in  this  deceitful  matter,  that  wears  out  in  a  little 

travail  or  motion." 
TREVOR,  Arthur,  Oxford,  to  Prince  Rupert,  April  28 — compliments  Prince  Rupert  on 

"the  strong  magic  of  a  seasonable  victory;  Archimedes's  cylinder,  with  which  he 

pretends  to  turn  the  earth,  could  not  do  more." 
TREVOR,  Arthur,  Oxford,  to  Prince  Rupert,  March  23 — "joins  with  the  courtier,  the 

scholar,  indeed  people  of  all  ages,  all  sexes,  all  faculties,  in  bonfires,  in  congratu- 
lating Prince  Rupert  on  his  happy  success  in  the  aid  of  Newark,  by  attributing  to 

his  so  eminent  courage  and  conduct  all  on  this  side  idolatry." 
TUKE,  S.,  Uske,  to  Prince  Rupert,  September  19 — will  expect  boats  from  Bristol  for 

their  quick  passage  ;  their  broken  condition  was  made  so  much  the  worse  by  un- 
kind usage  of  Governor  of  Worcester. 
TUKE,  S.,  St.  Peere,  North  Wales,  to  Prince  Rupert,  September  20 — quartered  neai 

Chepstow;  threatened  by  enemy;  jealous  of  an  affront  from  them. 
TUKE,  S.,  St.  Reeves,  to  Prince  Rupert,  September  22 — must  despair  of  waiting  on 

Prince  Rupert  unless  he  commands  a  sufficient  number  of  boats,  and  for  the  quartering 

of  those  horse  who  cannot  now  pass. 


1044.] 


OF   CORRESPONDENCE.  525 


TUKE,  S.,  St.  Reeves,  to  Prince  Rupert,  September  24 — renews  petition  for  transporting 

and  quartering  the  remains  of  his  army. 

TUKE,  S.,  Lantermann,  Monmouth,  to  Prince  Rupert,  September  30 — "  no  trust  in  the 
country  gentry  ;  greater  part  nigling  traitors  ;"  their  tenants  rise,  disarm,  and  wound 
their  men  for  coming  to  quarters  assigned  them. 

TUKE,  S.,  Lantermann,  Monmouth,  to  Prince  Rupert,  October  1 — proposes  that  a  pro- 
portionable sum  be  raised  from  such  of  the  rich  gentry  (of  estates  of  100/.  per  annum) 
as  shall  be  presented  in  a  list  to  Prince  Rupert  for  his  maintenance  of  horse,  and  no 
way  hinder  the  contribution,  privy  seal,  or  otherwise. 

VAVASOUR,  William,  near  Painswick,  to  Prince  Rupert,  March  27 — the  King  proposed 
to  confer  on  Prince  Maurice  the  command  of  all  South  Wales  ;  at  first  he  would 
only  sign  warrants  for  the  three  counties  under  Lord  Carberry,  but  William  Vavasour 
assured  his  Majesty  that  Prince  Rupert  would  not  accept  it,  and  his  Majesty  then 
promised  when  Lord  Herbert  came  he  would  do  it. 

VAVASOUR,  William,  near  Painswick,  to  Prince  Rupert,  April  1 — in  a  good  way  to 
clear  the  county  of  the  enemy  ;  Herefordshire may  for  the  removal  of  regi- 
ment of  horse  under  Sir  M.  Woodhouse. 

VAVASOUR,  William,  Oxford,  to  Prince  Rupert,  April  6— sent  a  relation  of  taking 
Painswick  ;  prays  Prince  Rupert  to  protect  him  from  receiving  an  affront  which  is 
very  much  laboured  here  by  Lord  Herbert. 

VAVASOUR,  William,  Hereford,  to  Prince  Rupert,  April  19 — extremely  necessary  for 
Prince  Rupert  to  meet  commissioners  on  the  morrow  ;  shall  propose  a  way  for  in- 
creasing the  army  and  to  frame  a  handsome  park  of  artillery. 

VAVASOUR,  William,  Hereford,  to  Prince  Rupert,  April  13th  (another,  without  date,  on 
same   subject) — Colonel  Mynne,  through  disobedience  of  three  several  orders,  has 
caused  himself  to  be  besieged  in  two  untenable  houses,  which  must  be  battered. 
WATTS,  John,  Chircke  Castle,  to  Prince  Rupert,  December  25 — three  days  besieged 
by  rebels  ;  engineers  attempted  to  work  into  the  Castle  under  greater  plankers  and 
tables,  but  stones  from  Royalists  within  beat  them  off. 
WALLER,  Sir  William,  Chircke   Castle,  to  Prince  Rupert,  November  19 — concerning 

the  exchange  of  prisoners. 

WESTON,  Richard,  Berkeley  Castle,  to  Lord  Corke,  March  2 — prays  Prince  Rupert  to 
look  on  the  officers  of  this  garrison  ;  the  foot  have  had  no  pay  there  twelve  weeks  ; 
the  latter  none  since  the  new  governor,  Sir  C.  Lucas,  came  in  there. 
WHITE,  Henry,  Beaumaris,  to  Prince  Rupert,  December  21 — prays  for  a  warrant  from 
Prince  Rupert  for  parting  with  Lord  Leicester's  plate  left  in  his  charge,  if  he  is  to 
deliver  it  into  other  hands  ;  sought  to  be  taken  by  force. 

WILLOUGHBY,  J.,  Lincoln,  to  Sir  M.  Byron,  Governor  of  Newark,  March  23 — desires 
the  favour  of  a  "  pass  for  a  surgeon  "  to  obey  his  "  Cornell  "  made  prisoner,  and  ill 
wounded  in  the  late  action  before  Newark. 
WILLYS,  R.,  Bath,  to  Prince  Rupert,  January  7 — acknowledges  the  confirmation  of  his 

Royal  Highness's  noble  intentions  towards  him. 
WILLYS,  R.,  Worcester,  to  Prince  Rupert,  February  19 — notice  from  Newark  that  the 

rebels  are  joined  about  Nottingham,  from  Grantham,  Derby,  and  Leicester. 
WILMOT,  Oxford,  to  Prince  Rupert,  April  2 — his  Royal  Highness  will  understand   too 
soon  the  defeat  of  Lord  Hopton  received  by  Waller ;   marches  on  the  morrow 
towards  Newbury. 
WINTON,  John,  Bristol,  to  Prince  Rupert,  November  20 — the  enemy  fortified  near 

Chepstow  ;  has  prepared  two  frigates  for  defence  of  river. 

WINTON,  John,  St.  Peere,  to  Prince  Rupert,  October  26 — concerning  forces  at  Chep- 
stow, which  he  is  provisioning  and  fortifying  ;  meeting  of  commissioners  more  like 
a  fair  than  a  rendezvous  where  enemy  is  expected  ;  recommends  his  wife  to  care  of 
Prince  Rupert,  exposed  at  his  house,  and  cling  with  her  children  to  mercy  of  the 
rebels  ;  her  zeal  for  his  Majesty's  service. 

WINTOUR,  John,  St.  Peere,  to  Prince  Rupert,  October  26 — enemy  stirs,  but  hopes  they 
are  intent  upon  Abergavenny ;  Colonel  Gerrard  marches  upon  the  forest,  Glou- 
cester, is  to  be  given  out  to  deceive  the  rebels. 

WOODHOUSE,  Mr.,  Cranton,  to  Prince  Rupert,  April  6— the  rogues  made  a  sally  out  of 
the  Castle  ;  both  officers  and  men  fled  from  the  workers  ;  all  deserve  to  be  hanged  ; 
begs  to  know  whence  a  woman  taken  up  in  man's  clothes  bearing  a  letter  from  a 
Castle  to  a  man  in  the  county. 

WOODHOUSE,  Mr.,  Cranton,  to  Prince  Rupert,  April  12 — cannot  make  good  the  place 
without  assistance. 


526  INDEX   AND   ABSTRACT  [l645. 

WOODHOUSK,  Mr.,  Cranton,  to  Prince  Rupert,  April  14 — thanks  to  Prince  Rupert  for 
sending  more  men ;  hopes  towards  the  latter  end  of  the  week  to  have  the  men 
firing  ;  by  Sir  W.  Vavasour  order  was  sent  to  Colonel  Harrie's  horse  for  the  suc- 
couring Hereford  ;  Colonel  Minn  is  besieged  in  Newent. 

WOODHOUSE,  Mr.,  Clanlord  Castle,  to  Prince  Rupert,  April  1 7th — place  delivered  up, 
giving  the  rebels  their  lives. 

WOODHOUSE,  Mr.,  Ludlow  Castle,  to  Prince  Rupert,  September  5 — enemy  has  beaten 
up  Sir.T.  Gardiner's  quarters  in  Newtown  ;  the  enemy  very  strong  in  Montgomery 
and  in  Wornell. 

WOODHOUSE,  Mr.,  Ludlow  Castle,  to  Prince  Rupert,  October  5 — continued  misfortunes  ; 
Redd  Castle  delivered  up  to  the  enemy  ;  Vangries  refuses  his  house  ;  prays  his 
Royal  Highness  to  send  ammunition. 

WYATT,  Dudley,  Salop,  to  Prince  Rupert,  December  15 — is  in  bad  condition,  having 
a  false  people  to  deal  with, — people  in  the  town  understanding  nothing  but 
mutiny  ;  Prince  Maurice  about  Ruthin  to  fetch  in  provisions  ;  God  send  him  safe 
hither  ! 

WYATT,  Dudley,  Evesham,  to  Prince  Rupert,  January  15 — had  informed  Prince  Rupert 
that  the  Archbishop  of  York  had  made  Colonel  Trufford  Governor  of  Conway,  but 
was  misinformed,  it  is  Colonel  Elmlys  ;  yet  neither  he  nor  any  man's  affection  of  the 
people  cooled  by  Prince  Rupert's  absence  ;  Prince  Maurice  expected. 

WYNDHAM,  Edmund,  Bridgenorth,  to  Prince  Rupert,  September  7 — Essex's  horse  joined 
with  Middleton's  about  Kyneton  ;  some  of  his  Majesty's  horse  fell  upon  them  and 
beat  them  ;  believe  they  intend  to  march  into  Dorsetshire  and  then  join  Waller  ; 
thinks  Prince  Rupert  may  be  able  to  prevent  it. 

WYNDHAM,  Edmund,  Bridgewater,  to  Prince  Rupert,  December  14 — had  remained 
before  Taunton  till  overpowered  by  enemy,  and,  unsupported  by  his  friends,  he  had 
withdrawn,  pursued  by  enemy  in  his  retreat  ;  "  but  they  were  so  hungry  they  could 
not  come  by  any  house,  but  they  sought  for  bread,  and  by  that  means  gave  us  the 
better  opportunity  of  coming  off." 

WYNDHAM,  Edmund,  Chard,  to  Prince  Rupert,  January  6 — complains  of  having  Lord 
Hopton,  who  did  disoblige  him  (to  oust  him  of  all  command),  set  over,  when  he 
would  have  defended  the  county,  having  four  thousand  in  the  field. 

YORK,  Archbishop  of,  Conway,  to  Prince  Rupert,  January  29 — appeals  to  Prince 
Rupert's  princely  wisdom  and  justice,  and  to  the  universal  testimony  of  the  three 
counties,  how  good  and  faithful  servant  he  has  been,  not  Sir  J.  Minnes  and 
William  Wyatt,  who  want  some  other  person  to  bear  their  own  aberrations. 

ASHBURNHAM,  Lord,  Ragland,  to  Prince  Rupert,  July  9  —  concerning  appointing 
Colonel  Broughton  to  a  regiment ;  his  Majesty's  care  to  give  Prince  Rupert  con- 
tentment. 

ASHBURNHAM,  Lord,  Ragland,  to  Prince  Rupert,  July  1 1 — was  proposed  in  debate  to 
add  to  Sir  C.  Lucas's  foot  and  horse  in  order  to  hinder  the  rebels  from  provision- 
ing ;  no  farther  steps  taken  without  Prince  Rupert's  approbation. 

ASHBURNHAM,  Lord,  Ragland,  to  Prince  Rupert,  July  28— troubled  that  two  hundred 
quarters  of  corn  have  been  so  long  reaching  Prince  Rupert  at  Bristol. 

ASHBURNHAM,  Lord,  Lichfield,  to  Prince  Rupert,  August  11 — certain  intelligence  of 
Montrose's  victory  over  Bagley,  July  2. 

ASTLEY,  Sir  Jacob,  Rugby,  to  Prince  Rupert,  July  2 — affairs  of  Hereford  ;  King  has 
associated  for  defence  the  counties  of  South  Wales. 

ASTLEY,  Sir  Jacob,  Cardiff,  to  Prince  Rupert,  July  17— King  garrisons  South  Wales  ; 
he  meets  the  Monmouth  commissioners  at  Ragley. 

ASTLEY,  Sir  Jacob,  Newport,  to  Prince  Rupert,  July  30 — the  county  refuse  to  assist 
the  King,  unless  they  might  have  all  unreasonable  demands;  his  Majesty  is  at 
Cardiff. 

ASTLEY,  Sir  Jacob,  Cardiff,  to  Prince  Rupert,  August  11 — "  county  of  Glamorgan  so 
unquiet,  as  there  is  no  good  to  be  expected  ;  shall  strive  as  far  as  he  can  to  put 
things  in  order,  which  he  despairs  of,  because  it  must  be  power  to  rule  these 
people,  and  not  entreaties  with  cap  in  hand  to  such  as  deserve  the  halter." 

ASTLEY,  Sir  Jacob,  Newport,  to  Prince  Rupert,  August  15 — that  the  gentlemen  of  the 
associated  counties  of  Brecknock,  most  of  them  inclined  to  be  neutral,  and  to 
join  with  the  strongest  party ;  wishes  to  engage  them  to  join  together  to  relieve 
Hereford. 

CHARLES  I.,  Oxford,  to  Prince  Rupert,  March  7  —  desires  Prince  Rupert  to  take 
command  of  horse  and  foot  and  endeavour  to  reduce  Abingdon. 


1645.] 


OF   CORRESPONDENCE.  527 


CHARLES  I.,  Oxford,  to  Prince  Rupert,  April  7 — Writes  that  Prince  Rupert  may  not 

think  him  too  lazy,  and  to  assure  him  that  not  a  minute  is  lost  in  preparations. 
CHARLES  I.,  and  Lord  Digby,   Oxford,  to    Prince  Rupert,  April   30  —  King   cannot 
move  unless  Prince  Rupert  send  draft-horses ;  Cromwell  before  Farringdon,  "  makes 
no  doubt  of  its  holding  out  till  Prince  Rupert  releases  it." 
CHARLES  I.,  Hereford,  to  Prince  of  Wales,   June  20 — commissions  to    Lord    Goring, 

not  intended  as  a  lessening  of  Prince  Rupert's  authority. 
CHARLES  L,  Abergavenny,  to  Prince  Rupert,  July  3 — leaves  him  the  full  exercise  of 

it  (in  the  West)  by  the  advice  of  his  council. 
CHARLES    I.,   Abergavenny,   to    Prince    Rupert,  July  5  —  fully   approves   of  Prince 

Rupert's  dispatches  sent  by  Culpepper. 
CHARLES  I.,  Abergavenny,  to  Prince  Rupert,  July  6 — asks  Prince  Rupert's  opinion 

on  various  matters. 

CHARLES  I.,  Ragland,  to  Prince  Rupert,  July  7 — quartering  of  the  horse  in  North 
Wales,  where  Byron's  are,  will  prejudice  his  Majesty's  affairs  ;  prays  they  may  be 
ordered  away. 

CHARLES  I.,   Ragland,  to  Prince   Rupert,  July  11  and  18— without  Prince  Maurice, 
Worcester  in  great  disorder,  that  he  move  not  thence  till  the  rebels'  designs  be 
known. 
CHARLES  I.,  Newport,  to  Prince  Rupert,  July  24 — consults  Prince  Rupert  as  to  his 

crossing  the  water  at  Black  Rock,  and  other  matters. 

CHARLES  I.,  Ruperry,  to  Prince  Rupert,  July  26 — alludes  to  a  letter  on  "  affirmative 
and  negative  by  Lord  Digby's  hand;  if  he  knew  not  Prince  Rupert's  secret,  would 
not  at  this  time  impart  it. 

CHARLES  I.,  Cardiff,  to  Prince  Rupert,  August  4  —  better  than  his  word,  having 
ordered  two  regiments  to  march  to  him  with  all  possible  speed ;  has  hastened  sup- 
plies from  Ireland  by  Lord  Ormond. 

CHARLES  I.,  Ragland,  to  the  army  and  navy,  September  14  —  "if  it  were  not  for 
danger  of  passage,  and  that  he  knew  not  how  Bristol  could  do  without  him,  would 
wish  him  with  his  son ;  commends  his  conduct  at  this  place. 
CHARLES  I.,  Newark,  to  the  Army  and  Navy,  October  27 — revokes  Prince  Rupert's 

commissions,  and  gives  him  and  his  company  a  pass  beyond  seas. 
CHARLES  I.,  Newark,  to  Prince  Rupert,  October  30— signifies  that   Prince  Rupert's 

remaining  in  any  garrison  longer  than  necessary,  will  be  a  violation  of  his  pass. 
CHARLES  I.,  to  Prince  Rupert,  letter  without  date — surprised  to  hear  that  he  had  ap- 
pointed  Adjutant   Skimson   governor  of    Lichfield   without    advising   with   him ; 
knows  that  it  proceeds  merely  of  a  hasty  forgetfulness. 

CHARLES  I.,  Newton,  to  Prince  Maurice,  September  20 — on   the  unpleasant  subject 

of  his  brother  Rupert's  present  condition  ;  his  unhandsome  quitting  the  castle  and 

fort  of  Bristol ;  "  confident  that  this  great  error  proceeded  not  from  change   of 

affection,  but  merely  by  having  his  judgment  seduced  by  some  rotten-hearted  villains." 

CULPEPPER,  John,  Cardiff,  to  Prince  Rupert,  August  5 — concerning  general  state  of 

Devon  and  Cornwall  under  Lord  Goring. 
DIGBY,  Lord,  Oxford,  to  Prince  Rupert,  April  2 — will  be  ready  to  march  five  or  six 

days  after  the  works  come  from  Worcester. 

DiGBV,'Lord,  Oxford,  to  Prince  Rupert,  April  27 — Cromwell  threatens  to  beat  up  the 
King's  quarters,  and  prevent  his  joining  Prince  Rupert ;  suggests  whether  Prince 
Rupert  should  not  march  hither  as  strong  as  he  can. 
DIGBY,  Lord,  Oxford,  to  Prince  Rupert,  April  29— all  in  cipher. 

DIGBY,  Lord,  Lichfield,  to  Prince  Rupert,  May  5— meeting  of  the  Staffordshire 
Commissioners ;  his  Majesty's  commission  joyfully  and  cheerfully  received,  except 
by  Colonel  Leveson,  who  opposed  the  warrants. 

DIGBY,  Lord,  Hereford,  to  Prince  Rupert,  June  21— copy  of  a  letter  to  the  Prince  of 
Wales,  explaining  former  one,  which  had  been  considered  a  lessening  of  the  Prince 
of  Wales's  authority  ;  is  sent  for  Prince  Rupert's  approbation. 

DIGBY,  Lord,  to  W.  Legge,  no  date — on  the  causes  of  the  battle  of  Marston  Moor 
being  lost ;  criticism  on  Prince  Rupert's  conduct,  "  they  have  carried  on  with  such 
asperity  and  confidence  of  victory,  as  though  he  that  should  have  said  Consider,  would 
have  been  your  foe." 

DIGBY,  Lord,  Ragland  Castle,  to  Lord  Jermyn  (extract),  July  16— Prince  Rupert's 
coldness  to  him  ;  supposed  cause,  his  advising  his  Royal  Highness  to  go  to  Oxon 
from  Daintree,  instead  of  going  back  to  Harborough,  and  also  to  write  to  the  Prince 
of  Wales. 


528  INDEX   AND  ABSTRACT  [lG45. 

DIGBY,  Lord,  Ragland  Castle,  to  Prince  Rupert,  July  13 — King  concurs  in  Prince 
.Rupert's  resolutions  concerning  Bristol  ;  sends  the  debates  of  council ;  if  Prince 
Rupert's  opinion  differs,  his  Majesty  desires  he  will  hasten  over  to  him. 

DIGBY,  Lord,  Ruperry,  to  Prince  Rupert,  July  28 — information  of  Montrose's  victory 
on  the  2nd,  against  Bagley,  who  lost  one  thousand  five  hundred  men ;  Lord  Gordon 
killed  on  the  Royalist  side ;  the  King's  stay  here  uncertain. 

DIGBY,  Lord,  Ascot,  to  Lord  ,  August  27 — Protestant  demands  in  Ireland  ; 

prediction  of  the  King's  misfortunes  ;  he  believes  there  are  not  four  persons  besides 
themselves  who  would  not  purchase  their  own  and  (as  they  flatter  themselves)  the 
kingdom's  quiet  at  any  price. 

DIGBY,  Lord,  Oxford,  to  Captain  Beckman,  August  29 — much  grief  to  hear  that  he  is 
still  a  prisoner  at  Abingdon,  and  used  with  great  inhumanity. 

DIGBY,  Lord,  to  Prince  Rupert,  no  date  —  his  Majesty's  negative  resolution  to  the 
point  of  going  to  Bristol ;  as  to  the  affirmative  point,  what  to  do  he  is  yet 
uncertain. 

DORSET,  Lord,  Newport,  to  Prince  Rupert,  December  25 — earnestly  entreats  Prince 
Rupert  not  to  leave  his  Majesty  in  these  saddest  times  ;  Massey  drawn  from 
Ragland  ;  "knows  not  what  to  do;"  many  of  the  foe  lie  near  Swansea,  pelting  him 
with  their  ordnance  ;  Mitton  encroaches  on  him ;  gentry  fly  hither  for  aid  ;  "  will  be 
a  burden  well  nigh  to  break  his  neck." 

GOODWIX,  Ralph,  Bristol,  to  Barford,  May  12 — sends  an  intercepted  letter  concerning 
Massey. 

GORING,  George,  Bristol,  to  Prince  Rupert,  May  19 — hears  that  he  is  to  be  rigged  out 
with  the  foot  that  were  before  Taunton,  and  a  good  body  of  horse,  and  either 
attempt  upon  Fairfax  on  the  edge  of  Wiltshire,  or  stand  upon  the  defensive,  if 
Cromwell  be  joined  with  him. 

GORING,  George,  Bristol,  to  Prince  Rupert,  May  19 — prays  for  Mr.  O'Neille's  restora- 
tion to  Prince  Rupert's  service. 

GORING,  George,  Ash  near  Mastock,  to  Prince  Rupert,  May  19 — fears  that  Fair- 
fax and  Cromwell  will  disturb  those  parts  before  he  can  despatch  these  people 
to  attend  them. 

GORING,  Lord,  Dunster,  to  Lord  Digby,  July  12 — his  troops  defeated  in  passing  the 
river  at  Lamport,  has  caused  great  terror  amongst  the  men  ;  Fairfax,  with  eighteen 
thousand  horse  and  foot,  follow  them. 

GORING,  Lord,  Pondesford,  supposed  to  Lord  Digby,  January  25 — opposite  orders  received 
in  the  West,  his  commission  under  the  Grand  Seal  being  from  Prince  Rupert ; 
whereas,  by  the  last  instructions,  he  is  desired  to  receive  directions  from  the  uirince 
of  Wales,  who  remits  all  his  business  to  his  council  ;  assures  Prince  Rupert  that 
there  is  not  one  man  in  this  army  willing  to  obey  it  in  preference  to  Prince  Ru- 
pert's ;  prefers  to  be  laid  aside  altogether. 

H AWLKY,  H.,  Bristol,  to  Prince  Rupert,  August  1 3 — Fairfax  continues  siege  of  Sher- 
borne ;  Hereford  sends  word  that  "  it  must  be  speedily  relieved,  for  they  want  rifles, 
powder,  and  bullets." 

OSBORNE,  Henry,  Bristol,  to  Prince  Rupert,  November  9 — concerning  his  pass  to  go  be- 
yond seas;  the  King  still  at  Ludlow;  in  cipher,  relative  to  propositions  laid  before 
Parliament. 

HYDE,  Edward,  Bridgenorth,to  Prince  Rupert,  April  27 — Prince  of  Wales  here,  and  truly 
hath  spent  his  time  very  well ;  is  very  confident  that  in  a  few  days  Taunton 
will  be  taken. 

HYDE,  Edward,  Exeter,  to  Prince  Rupert,  May  21 — confident  the  King  will  have  a  very 
noble  army  from  these  parts ;  the  several  garrisons  the  best  conditioned  and  best 
fortified  in  England. 

HYDE,  Edward,  Bath,  to  Prince  Rupert,  May  27 — Barnstaple  the  most  miraculously 
fortified  place  he  knows ;  troubled  to  find  so  much  sadness  and  discontent  at  orders 
from  Court. 

JERMYN,  Lord,  Paris,  to  Prince  Rupert,  May  5 — prays  for  Prince  Rupert's  speedy  and 
safe  march  to  these  parts,  where  he  hopes  Goring  will  be  able  to  expect  his  coming  ; 
hears  from  Bridgewater  that  he  is  like  to  defend  his  quarters  ;  friendly  letter  by 
Queen's  order;  a  romance  here  in  Prince  Edward's  private  marriage  to  Princess  Ann 
of  Nemours  ;  Queen  is  much  offended ;  he  ordered  to  Holland. 

LEGGE,  Colonel,  Paris,  to  Lord  Digby,  June  30 — remonstrates  on  his  double  dealing  to- 
wards Prince  Rupert. 

LEGGE,  William,  Paris,  to  Prince  Rupert,  November  21 — frequently  moves  his  Majesty 


1G45.] 


OF   CORRESPONDENCE.  529 


to  recall  Prince  Rupert,  who  "  swears  that  if  Prince  Charles  had  done  as  you  did, 
lie  would  never  see  him  without  the  same  he  desires  from  you." 

LEVESON,  F.,  Dudley  Castle,  to  Prince  Rupert,  January  10 — ill  condition  of  the  soldiers 
since  coming  of  new  commissioners  ;  arrears  withheld,  very  prejudicial  to  his  Ma- 
jesty's affairs  in  the  present  distressed  state  of  Chester. 

LOUGHBOROUGH,  Lord,  Lichiield,  to  Prince  Rupert,  July  25 — his  designs  and  reasons 
against  Skirrnishaw's  appointment,  he  being  Colonel  Bagot's  chiefest  assistance  in 
his  opposition  against  himself ;  and  Colonel  Syke  takes  the  second  command,  as 
granted  to  him. 

LOUGHBOROUGH,  Lord,  Lichfield,  to  Prince  Rupert,  July  30 — his  reasons  for  withdraw- 
ing from  Leicester  ;  plague  left  at  Ashby. 

LUCAS,  Sir  C.,  Barkby,  to  Prince  Rupert,  July  20 — excuses  himself  for  not  bringing  his 
horse  to  his  Royal  Highness  at  Lansdown,  as  ordered. 

LUCAS,  Sir  C.,  Barkby,  to  Prince  Rupert,  July  28 — disaifected  state  of  the  garrison  ;  as 
many  women  and  children  as  soldiers  ;  asks  for  threescore  foot  and  a  faithful  officer, 
with  English  soldiers. 

LUNSFOKD,  Thomas,  Monmouth,  to  Prince  Rupert,  July  25 — this  the  only  garrison  left 
in  Gloucester,  important  to  protect  Bristol  ;  the  Scots  are  making  up  the  bridge  at 
Rope  ;  if  they  storm  him  not  till  the  promised  help  and  the  ammunition  come,  hopes 
to  give  a  good  account. 

MASSEY,  Edward,  Dudley  Castle,  to  General  Brown,  Governor  of  Abingdon,  (intercepted 
letter),  May  3 — advertises  Prince  Rupert's  and  Maurice's  march  from  Broadway  to- 
wards Oxon;  desire  that  his  Excellency  may  have  timely  notice,  also  Cromwell. 

MAURICE,  Prince,  Worcester,  to  Prince  Rupert,  July  7 — has  appointed  four  regiments, 
and  Maxwell's  troop  of  horse  to  attend  Prince  Rupert  at  Bristol ;  would  have  come 
himself,  but  this  place  threatened  by  the  Scots. 

NORTON,  William,  Worcester,  to  Prince  Rupert,  August  4 — Gloucester  summoned  by 
gentlemen  of  the  county  to  surrender;  after  long  debate  they  refused  ;  Major  Turner 
desirous  to  make  his  peace  with  Prince  Rupert. 

NICHOLAS,  Sir  E.,  Oxford,  to  Prince  Rupert,  April  29 — rebels'  success  in  beating  up  the 
quarters  near  this  city;  Cromwell  with  two  thousand  horse  and  dragoons  destroy  all 
he  can  take. 

NICHOLAS,  Sir  E.,  Oxford,  to  Prince  Rupert,  April  30 — vain  boasting  of  the  rebels  for 
petty  victories ;  Cromwell  purposes  replacing  Massey  at  Gloucester  ;  Colonel  Winde- 
bach  condemned  to  be  shot  for  delivering  up  Blackington  House  ;  reprieved  for  one 
day. 

NICHOLAS,  Sir  E.,  Oxford,  to  Prince  Rupert,  May  16 — Cromwell,  with  about  seven 
thousand  horse  and  foot,  marches  towards  Coventry ;  report  that  Goring  met  with 
Fairfax's  forces  in  the  West,  and  dispersed  them;  others  say  that  they  never  came 
near  but  ran  away  by  small  numbers. 

NICHOLAS,  Sir  E.,  Oxford,  to  Prince  Rupert,  May  22 — Fairfax  has  marched  within  three 
miles  of  his  town;  designs  to  join  Cromwell. 

NICHOLAS,  Sir  E.,  Oxford,  to  Prince  Rupert,  June  23 — Sir  F.  Fairfax  has  sent  two 
thousand  horse  with  Massey  to  the  relief  of  Taunton ;  London  rebels  very  insolent 
upon  their  late  victory,  and  extremely  adverse  to  peace  ;  the  King's  soldiers  taken 
prisoners  at  Naseby ;  turned  upon  the  convoy  at  Barnet,  and  only  six  or  seven  hun- 
dred were  conveyed  to  London. 

NICHOLAS,  Sir  E.,  Oxford,  to  Prince  Rupert,  June  26 — Fairfax's  council  designs  his  army 
for  Bristol,  and  by  their  leaving  the  ordnance  behind,  suspects  they  have  a  trea- 
cherous party  in  the  town  ;  clubmen  in  Hampshire  grow  numerous  and  very  stout. 

NICHOLAS,  Sir  E.,  Oxford,  to  Prince  Rupert,  July  11 — Scotch  army  marches  south; 
"  lie  about  Anster  and  Evesham;  they  plunder  notably  in  their  passage;"  Sussex 
hath  brought  in  to  the  Tower;  will  often  remain  there. 

NICHOLAS,  Sir  E.,  Oxford,  to  Prince  Rupert,  July  12 — about  one  thousand  men  sent  to 
the  Scots'  army,  with  30,000£.  from  London ;  apprehension  in  London  about  the 
clubmen;  orders  for  the  chiefs  to  be  hanged. 
NICHOLAS,  Sir  E,,  Oxford,  to  Prince  Rupert,  July  23 — rebels  rendezvous  at  Reading  ; 

one  thousand  to  be  sent  every  week  to  the  aid  of  Fairfax  as  long  as  needed. 
NICHOLAS,  Sir  E.,  Oxford,  to  Prince  Rupert,  January  10— dissuades  Prince  Rupert  from 

marching  into  the  north,  contrary  to  the  advice  of  the  King  and  council. 
OSBORNE,  Henry,  London,  to  Prince  Rupert,  October  4— Colonel  Rossiter  approves  of 
the  manner  of  Prince  Rupert's  direction,  but  cannot  answer  to  Parliament  for  giving 
him  a  convoy  to  Banbury. 


530  INDEX   AND   ABSTRACT  [1648. 

OSBORNE,  Plenry,  London,  to  Prince  Rupert,  November  1 — he  presents  Prince  Rupert's 
letter  to  Parliament;  they  will  consent  to  anything  to  draw  Prince  Rupert  from  join- 
ing again  with  Prince  Maurice;  Queen  spreads  report  at  Paris  that  Prince  Rupert 
sold  Bristol  for  money. 

OSBORNE,  Henry,  London,  to  Prince  Rupert,  November  9 — Parliament  grants  him  a 
pass  to  embark  at  Dover,  Rye,  Southampton,  or  Yarmouth  ;  rebels  insolent  on  their 
late  success,  and  quarrel  of  his  Majesty  and  Prince  Rupert. 

OSBORNE,  Henry,  London,  to  Prince  Rupert — has  let  the  Parliament  know  that  he 
does  not  consider  the  pass  an  answer  to  the  propositions  in  Prince  Rupert's  letter  ; 
is  desired  to  appear  before  the  House  again  on  the  morrow. 

OSBORNE,  Henry,  Ludlow,  to  Prince  Rupert,  September  5 — rebels  have  begirt  Montgo- 
mery, and  hope  Redcastle  will  fall  ;  county  very  much  altered  since  the  enemy  hath 
gained  upon  them  ;  the  malignancy  which  hath  lain  hid  in  many  men's  hearts  hath 
now  burst  forth  to  a  manifest  expression. 

Rupert,  Prince,  Bristol,  to  Duke  of  Richmond,  July  28 — wonders  at  the  King's  resolution 
of  going  to  Scotland  ;  his  Majesty  has  no  way  left  to  preserve  his  posterity,  his 
kingdom,  and  nobility,  but  by  a  treaty. 

Rupert,  Prince,  Bristol,  to  the  King,  September— acknowledges  the  King's  letter  of  the 
14th;  has  no  motive  for  becoming  an  actor  in  his  Majesty's  service,  but  considera- 
tion for  him;  prays  to  see  him. 

RUPERT,  Prince,  to  the  King,  October  30 — wonders  at  his  Majesty's  argument  against 
him  of  remaining  in  garrison  to  consume  provisions;  waits  only  for  the  pass  from 
the  Parliament  to  quit  his  Majesty  of  farther  trouble  concerning  him. 

Rupert,  Prince,  to  the  King,  (without  date) — is  sorry  that  his  former  letter  was  not  un- 
derstood ;  acknowledges  his  former  errors  upon  occasion  of  what  happened  at 
Newark. 

"A  poor  servant,"  November  25,  (without  superscription)  entreats  Prince  Rupert  to  sub- 
mit himself  to  his  Majesty. 

RUPERT,  Prince,  to  the  King — laments  his  disgrace  with  his  Majesty;  prays  for  for- 
giveness. 

RICHMOND,  Duke  of,  Cardyff,  to  Prince  Rupert,  August  3 — in  cipher. 

THORALD,  T.,  Shrewsbury,  to  Prince  Rupert — describes  the  ill  condition  of  Newark  ; 
Prince  Rupert  cannot  come  within  a  month ;  prays  if  he  have  influence  at  Oxon  to 
procure  aid  in  less  space. 

TREVOR,  Arthur,  Bristol,  to  Prince  Rupert,  April  30 — is  providing  himself  a  wardrobe,  and 
will  then  wait  on  Prince  Rupert;  Prince  of  Wales's  journey  westward  proves  very 
hopeful  ;  Colonel  Slingsby  with  his  coach  and  six  taken  whilst  waiting  upon  a  lady. 

WETSON,  Leo,  Scoutmaster  to  the  rebels,  Bridgewater,  to  Prince  Rupert,  July  22 — relates 
the  taking  of  Bridgewater  by  rebels  ;  this  letter  was  intercepted  and  forwarded  by 
Louis  Dyne  to  his  friend  Colonel  Roe. 

WALES,  Prince  of,  Launceston,  to  Prince  Rupert,  August  2 — letter,  chiefly  in  cipher,  in 
answer  to  Prince  Rupert's  to  Prince  of  Wales's  council. 

SUNDRY  PAPERS  RELATING  TO  1645. 

Commission  from  th'e   King,  appointing  Prince  Rupert  Cap  tain- General  of  the  Life- 

Guards. 

April  24 — Resolutions  of  the  associated  counties  of  Somerset,  Dorset,  Devon,  and  Corn- 
wall. 

June  15 — Order  of  battle  at  Naseby,  King's  army. 

June  25,  and  28 — Letters  to  all  these  generals  to  assemble  the  country  together;  the 
King,  Prince  Rupert,  &c.,  present. 

Articles  between  General  Leslie  of  the  Scotch  cavalry  and  Sir  H.  Stradling,  Governor  of 
Carlisle,  touching  the  delivery  of  the  castle,  city,  and  citadel. 

November  1 1 — Order  of  both  Houses  of  Parliament  in  London  for  Prince  Rupert's  and 
Prince  Maurice's  pass  beyond  seas. 

The  state  and  plan  of  Abingdon;  how  to  gain  it  ? 

BELLENDEN,  W.,  Edinburgh,  to  Prince  Rupert,  May  4 — "  the  raising  of  an  army^  long 
interrupted  by  Argyll  and  his  corrupt  associates  and  by  the  seditious  preachers  :  but 
the  colonels  are  nominated  ;  army  to  consist  of  thirty  thousand ;  rendezvous  on  the 
24th  inst.  this  side  Tay  ;  Prince  Rupert  and  Prince  Maurice  have  enemies  in  Eng- 


1648.] 


OF   CORRESPONDENCE.  531 


land,  but  their  business  here  will  be  done  by  the  Duke  of  Hamilton  and  his  brother 
Lancricke. 

BALL,  John,  Rotterdam,  to  Prince  Rupert,  December  15 — concerning  providing  pro- 
visions for  the  fleet;  the  pawning  of  the  Antelope  and  ordnance;  gives  great 
offence  here  ;  news  of  division  amongst  the  rebels. 

BAMPFVLDE,  Admiral  J.,  to  Prince  Rupert,  July  1 8— arguments  used  by  Mr.  Denham 
and   others   of  the   Presbyterian  party  against  Prince  Maurice's  accompanying  the 
Prince  of  Wales  to  England  or  Scotland. 
BANKES,  John,  and  Devy,  Rotterdam,  to  Prince  Rupert,  February  14 — will  pay  Prince 

Rupert  the  money,  as  ordered  by  Lord  Hopton  and  Sir  E.  Hyde. 

BATTEN,  W.,  Rotterdam,  to  Prince  Rupert,  November  3 — excuses  himself  from  coming 
on  board  his  Royal  Highness's  ship,  because  of  malice  against  him  ;  sends  Captain 
Gordon. 

BELLENDEN,  W.,  Hague,  to  Prince  Rupert,  January  22 — King's  affairs  prosperous  in 
Scotland  ;  "  it  is  now  probable  that  either  by  voice  or  action  the  Scots  will  have  a 
great  stroke  in  the  settling  of  his  Majesty's  affairs. 

BERKELEY,  Sir  John,  Teeling,  to  Prince  Rupert,  November  13 — writes  by  desire  of  the 
Prince  of  Wales,  who  hopes  to  be  with  Prince  Rupert  on  the  morrow  •  intends  to 
lie  this  night  at  Rotterdam  ;  artifice  used  to  prevent  his  coming. 

BLALE,  Walter,  Mayor,  Galloway,  to  Prince  Rupert,  March  3 — acknowledges   Prince 

Rupert's  letter  of  February  21,  concerning  the  supply  of  his  Majesty's  fleet ;  will 

give  their  best  assistance,  but  great  scarcity  from  supplying  ships  from  home  to 

St.  Kitts. 

BUTLER,  Edward,  Carrick,  to  Prince  Rupert,  March  19 — excuses  his  not  coming  to  kiss 

Prince  Rupert's  hands  by  illness,  devotion,  &c. 

BOSWELL,  William,  Hague,  to  Prince  Rupert,  December  31 — commands  the  ships  Mary 
and  Anne,  of  Aldborough,  bound  to  Amsterdam,  to  Prince  Rupert's  protection,  which 
he  means  to  have  "prepared  speedily  for  sea." 

CASTLEHAVEN,  Lord,  Craike,  to  Prince  Rupert,  February  1  — his  whole  time  been  em- 
ployed in  drinking  Prince  Rupert's  health;  "  hath  yet  so  much  his  wits  about  him  as 
to  congratulate  his  safe  arrival  in  this  kingdom." 
CRAVEN,  Lord,  Hague,  to  Prince  Rupert,  November  6 — cautions  Prince  Rupert  to  take 

care,  "  before  he  leaps,"  of  the  condition  in  which  he  finds  everything. 
CULPEPPER,  John,  Gravenhagh,  to  Lord  Hopton  or  Sir  E.  Hyde,  November  12 — has 
negotiated  for  provisions  for  the  fleet ;  also  for  powder  ;  the  Duke  of  York  ready  to 
undertake  the  employment ;  merchants  of  Rotterdam  ready  to  assist  the  Duke  of 
York  with  money ;  glad  that  the  state  of  the  fleet  is  so  well  changed  by  Prince 
Rupert's  presence. 

DODINGTON,  Sir  F.,  Hague,  to  Prince  Rupert,  December  1 3 — concerning  a  Captain  Van 

de  Baacke  to  be  licensed  by  Prince  of  Orange  for  Prince  Rupert's  service  ;  the  sale 

of  the  Antelope  ;  report  out  of  Ireland  that  Inchiquin  is  beaten  by  O'Neile  and 

treats  with  Parliament. 

DODINGTON,  Sir  F.,  Rotterdam,  to  Prince  Rupert,  December  19 — suggests  the  purchasing 

provisions  from  a  Dutch  vessel. 
DODINGTON,  Sir  F.,  Rotterdam,  to  Prince  Rupert,  December  23 — naval  arrangements  ; 

desires  that  Prince  Rupert's  commission  be  sufficiently  full. 

HYDE,  Sir  Edward,  Brill,  to  Prince  Rupert,  October  1 — by  desire  of  the  Prince  of 
Wales,  writes  confident  his  Royal  Highness  will  meet  with  no  interruption  from 
the  States  ;  Prince  of  Orange  is  come  to  the  Hague  on  his  way  hither. 
HYDE,  Sir  Edward,  Brill,  to  Prince  Rupert,  October  2 — whether  fire-ships  will  be  de- 
sirable at  so  great  charge  and  the  States  fleet  stationed  between  the  Prince  of  Wales 
and  that  of  Lord  Warwick  ;  Prince  of  Wales  desires  directions  from  Prince  Rupert 
with  reference  to  the  fleet. 

HYDE,  Sir  Edward,  Hague,  to  Prince  Rupert,  November  17 — disorders  of  the  navy  ; 
his  Royal  Highness  "best  knows  what  may  be  used  without  taking  notice,  and 
what  may  require  a  more  rough  remedy  ; "  refusal  of  the  Duke  of  York  to  sail  with 
the  fleet. 

HYDE,  Sir  Edward,  Hague,  to  Prince  Rupert,  November  19 — Lord  Warwick  has  come 
near  Prince  Rupert  with  his  whole  fleet ;  Prince  of  Orange  made  an  agreement  with 
Lord  Warwick  that  the  Prince's  fleet  should  have  twenty-four  hours'  sail  of  them  ; 
recommends  Lord  Hopton. 

HYDE,  Sir  Edward,  Hague,  to  Prince  Rupert,  November  24— discourses  here  of  violence 
offered  by  Van  Tromp  in  behalf  of  Lord  Warwick. 


532  INDEX   AND   ABSTRACT  [l64P>. 

HYDE,  Sir  Edward,  Hague,  to  Prince  Rupert,  November  2G — Prince  of  Wales  intends  to 
go  to  Jersey  ;  no  dispatches  from  the  King  about  the  treaty. 

HYDE,  Sir  Edward,  Hague,  to  Prince  Rupert,  November  29 — Prince  of  Wales  has  given 
a  friendly  reception  to  Batten  and  Gordon  ;  correspondences  still  go  on  between  this 
place  and  Lord  Warwick. 

HYDE,  Sir  Edward,  Hague,  to  Prince  Rupert,  December  1 — will  send  Prince  Rupert 
his  commissions  blank  ;  no  time  fixed  for  the  Prince  of  Wales's  journey  ;  plots  going 
on  to  prevent  his  going  and  to  send  the  Duke  of  York  to  France. 

HYDE,  Sir  Edward,  Hague,  to  Prince  Rupert,  December  5 — negotiations  for  shutting  the 
sluice  ;  captain  of  the  Thomas  and  others  are  false  friends  to  the  Prince  of  Wales  ; 
letters  from  London  give  less  hope. 

HYDE,  Sir  Edward,  Hague,  to  Prince  Rupert,  December  6 — the  captains  went  last  night; 
hopes  Prince  Rupert  will  succeed  in  arresting  them. 

HYDE,  Sir  Edward,  Hague,  to  Prince  Rupert,  December  11 — the  month's  provision  of 
pickled  meat  bought  from  Mr.  Webster  stewed  nought  ;  neither  money  nor  credit  to 
procure  more. 

HYDE,  Sir  Edward,  Hague,  to  Prince  Rupert,  December  15 — Lord  Willoughby  prays 
Prince  Rupert  to  employ  his  kinsman  on  board  his  ship  ;  the  captain  of  the  Thomas 
consents  that  his  ship  should  serve  the  Prince  of  Wales. 

HYDE,  Sir  Edward,  Hague,  to  Prince  Rupert,  December  30 — Prince  of  Wales  desires 
that  the  provisions,  since  not  useful  to  the  fleet,  be  sold. 

HYDE,  Sir  Edward,  Hague,  to  Prince  Rupert,  January  20 — better,  to  avoid  mistakes, 
for  Prince  Rupert  himself  to  write  to  the  Prince  of  Wales  ;  good  news  from  Ireland; 
none  from  London,  but  rumours  of  the  King  being  carried  to  St.  James's  ;  Prince  of 
Wales  thinks  of  sending  an  express  to  know  if  he  can  be  seen. 

HYDE,  Sir  Edward,  Hague,  to  Prince  Rupert,  January  21 — continued  sad  news  from 
London  ;  Lords  unanimously  voted  against  the  King's  trial ;  Commons  declared 
sovereign  power  to  be  in  them. 

HYDE,  Sir  Edward,  Hague,  to  Prince  Rupert,  February  28 — news  arrived  of  the  murder 
of  the  King  ;  received  by  the  States  with  great  detestation  of  this  horrid  wicked- 
ness ;  report  of  peace  at  Waterford,  and  of  Prince  Rupert's  arrival  there. 

HYDE,  Sir  Edward,  Hague,  to  Prince  Rupert,  Rebruary  9 — letter  of  Lord  Ormond's  to 
the  Prince  of  Wales,  upon  the  whole  cheerful,  though  some  of  the  army  are  opposed 
to  peace  with  the  Catholics  ;  encouragement  for  the  fleet  to  come  to  Cork  and  Kin- 
sale;  reminds  Prince  Rupert  of  promise  to  "  vouchsafe  him  some  memorials  and  obser- 
vations of  the  late  most  signal  actions  in  England. 

HYDE,  Sir  Edward,  Hague,  to  Prince  Rupert,  November  9 — hopes  that  on  receipt  of 
Prince  Rupert's  letter,  Prince  Charles  will  go  to  the  fleet  instead  of  to  Amsterdam. 

HYDE,  Sir  Edward,  Hague,  to  Prince  Rupert,  December  10— would  have  retained  the 
captain,  but  could  not,  so  exceedingly  sensible  as  is  everybody  with  whom  he  con- 
verses of  the  difficulties  of  all  kinds  with  which  Prince  Rupert  has  to  wrestle. 

HYDE,  Sir  Edward,  Hague,  to  Prince  Rupert,  December  10 — of  some  seamen,  who  said 
they  were  going  to  Prince  Rupert,  if  they  could  have  pay. 

HYDE,  Sir  Edward,  Hague,  to  Prince  Rupert,  January  24 — Scots  weary  of  Argyle;  if  the 
Prince  of  Wales  will  come  "he  shall  have  an  army  fit  to  conquer  the  world;  Prince  of 
Wales  presented  a  memoir  to  the  States,  which  is  likely  to  produce  some  good  effect ; 
talk  of  sending  an  Ambassador  to  London,"  who  shall  speak  big  ;  H.  Seymour  gone 
there  to  ask  a  pass  for  the  King  from  Fairfax. 

HYDE,  Sir  Edward,  Hague,  to  Prince  Rupert,  January  6— will  do  whatsoever  is  in  his 
power  to  make  his  Royal  Highness's  great  work  more  easy,  but  he  knows  what 
straits  they  are  in  for  want  of  money  ;  resolution  of  the  Lords  that  Lord  Hopton 
and  himself  should  immediately  wait  on  Prince  Rupert. 

HYDE,  Sir  Edward,  Plague,  to  Prince  Rupert,  January  27 — deliberation  of  the  Lords 
concerning  Prince  Rupert's  using  the  standards,  which  should  be  only  on  going  into 
action  ;  some  try  to  make  a  misunderstanding  between  Prince  Rupert  and  Lord 
Ormond  ;  Prince  of  Wales's  opinion  of  the  payment  of  navy  commissioners. 

HYDE,  Sir  Edward,  Hague,  to  Prince  Rupert,  December  9 — Captain  Downe  desires  com- 
mission to  take  prizes,  which  he  shall  have  as  soon  as  the  Prince  of  Wales  has  issued 
any  ;  States  listen  to  nothing  but  Sir  W.  Boswell. 

HYDE,  Sir  Edward,  Hague,  to  Prince  Rupert,  December  28 — proposes  the  navy  ordinance 
of  some  ships  to  be  left  behind  for  raising  money  ;  Prince  of  Wales  suggests  that 
all  the  vessels  might  be  unrigged  in  order  to  draw  off  Lord  Warwick  ;  embezzlement 
of  provisions  by  pursers,  carpenters,  &c. 


1648.] 


OF  CORRESPONDENCE.  533 


HYDE,  Sir  Edward,  Hagno,to  Prince  Rupert,  January  29— condition  of  the  King  grows 
every  day  worse  and  worse,  though  their  own  divines  have  declared  to  the  general 
officers  that  they  are  so  far  from  having  any  warrant  from  religion  to  proceed  against 
his  life,  that  they  will  be  in  a  state  of  damnation  if  they  venture  upon  it  ;  whether 
Prince  Rupert  should  not  make  haste  to  Ireland  with  what  ships  he  has  before  the 
fleet  comes. 

HYDE,  Sir  Edward,  Hague,  to  Prince  Rupert,  January  29— news  of  hopeful  condition  of 
affairs  in  Ireland  ;  doubts  riot  that  if  Prince  Rupert  arrives  there  in  safety  he  will 
find  all  things  to  his  wish  ;  Prince  of  Wales  will  come  to  the  fleet  as  soon  as  he 
receives  advice  from  Prince  Rupert ;  King  removed  from  Hurst  Castle  to  Windsor 
December  21. 

HOPTON,  Lord,  Helvoetsluys,  to  Prince  Rupert,  December  22— informs  Prince  Rupert  of 
an  offer  from  Captain  Griffith  to  levy  a  party  of  horse,  free  of  cost,  for  the  reduction 
of  Guernsey. 
HOPTON,  Lord,  Helvoetsluys,  to  Prince  Rupert,  January  2 — Some  boats  with  stores  are 

arrived  ;  prays  for  money  to  pay  arrears  to  baker  and  carpenter. 
HOPTON,  Lord,  Helvoetsluys,  to  Prince  Rupert,  January  5 — prays  necessity  of  despatch, 

that  the  fleet  may  sail  by  the  spring  tides  ;  concerning  provisions  and  payment. 
JOHNSON,  Jeremiah,  Sandowne  Castle,  to  the  Prince  of  Wales,  August  6 — prays  that  the 
muskets  taken  from  the  captain  of  the  Thomas  may  be  restored  to  him,  he  being 
a  loyal  subject  and  a  good  man. 

JOHNSON,  Jeremiah,  Sandowne  Castle,  to  Prince  Rupert,  August  6 — that  the  chests  and 
trunks  taken  out  of  the  bay  of  Sandwich  be  not  delivered  to  Sir  Edward  Mannings, 
who  doth  act  as  committee  of  Kent  for  Parliament. 

INCHINQUIN,  Lord,  Cork,  to  Prince  Rupert,  March  6 — not  convenient  to  grant  W.  Chad- 
leigh's  exemption  fees  for  vessels  in  harbour;  will  wait  on  Prince  Rupert  if  his  em- 
ployment of  preparing  the  army  for  the  field  will  allow. 

INCHINQUIN,  Lord,  Cork,  to  Prince  Rupert,  March  7 — requests  the  loan  of  three  hundred 
muskets  from  those  supplied  for  Prince  Rupert's  regiment,  and  to  endeavour  to  reco- 
ver arras  embezzled  or  sold  by  land  soldiery. 

INCHINQUIN,  Lord,  Cork,  to  Prince  Rupert,.  March  8 — Dublin  forces  have  great  num- 
bers offered  their  services  to  the  Lord-Lieutenant  ;0'Neille's  recruits  to  come  against 
them;  Lord  Charles  orders  to  march. 

JERMYN,  Lord,  St.  Germains,  to  Prince  Rupert,  August  8 — congratulates  Prince  Rupert 
on  his  arrival;  the  Queen  has  written  to  Prince  Rupert  on  the  subject  of  the  council; 
absence  of  Prince  of  Wales's  ship. 

JERMYN,  Lord,  Paris,  to  Prince  Rupert,  September  5 — advertised  of  Lord  Lauderdale 
being  with  the  Prince  of  Wales,  and  of  his  resolution  of  going  to  Holland  and  thence 
to  Scotland. 

JERMYN,  Lord,  St.  Germains,  to  Prince  Rupert,  September  14 — the  reason  of  the  Queen 
sending  the  bearer  to  the  Prince  of  Wales  is  her  fears  of  his  going  to  Scotland  since 
the  disasters  there;  wishes  him  to  deliberate. 

JERMYN,  Lord,  Paris,  to  Prince  Rupert,  October  16 — the  Queen  has  written  to  Lord 
Culpepper  what  she  thinks  Prince  Charles  should  do;  has  raised  two  millions  a-year 
on  the  town  of  Paris. 

JERMYN,  Lord,  Paris,  to  Prince  Rupert,  November  19 — if  Prince  Rupert  cannot  sail  for 
Ireland  with  the  whole  fleet;  recommends  him  to  take  only  the  smaller  vessels  to 
Jersey,  where  there  is  a  good  harbour. 
KATELBYE,  Thomas,  Paris,  to  Prince  Rupert,  December  14 — the  governor  of  the  Con- 

vertine  being  dead,  John  Fortescue  of  the  Antelope  asks  for  his  place. 
KENT,  Joseph,  Vincenza,  to  Prince  Rupert,  September  30 — prays  Prince  Rupert  to  pre- 
vail with  the  Prince  of  Wales  that  he  be  confirmed  in  the  consulship  of  Venice  and 
Nantes,  in  which  he  is  opposed  by  a  rebel  appointment. 

LEWKENOR,  Charles,  Rotterdam,  to  his  brother  Sir  L.  Doddington,  November  27 — prays 
him  to  intercede  with  Prince  Rupert  for  Captain  Golding,  for  whose  fidelity  he 
pledges  himself. 
LONG,  Sir  R.,  Rotterdam,  to  Prince  Rupert,  August  12 — sends  Mr.  Fredewy  to  draw  up 

such  orders  as  Prince  Rupert  shall  require. 
LONG,  Sir  R.,  the  Brill,  to  Prince  Rupert,  October  2 — signifies  that  the  Prince  of  Wales 

will  be  at  Helvoetsluys  early  on  the  morrow. 

LONG,  Sir  R.,  Rotterdam,  to  Prince  Rupert,  December  16,  1648-9— Prince  of  Wales 
arrived  with  great  difficulty  hither;  prevented  by  ice  from  proceeding  to  the 
Sluys. 


534  INDEX   AND   ABSTRACT  [  I64i 

MENNES,  John,  Helvoetsluys,  to  Prince  Rupert,  January  12 — has  tried  the  price  of  pe 

and  groats,  but  finds  them  both  too  dear;  report  spread  by  some  villains  that  the 

was  no  meat  or  pay  to  be  had  on  board  the  fleet,  which  prevent  men  from  enterii 

the  service. 
MONTROSE,  Brussels,  to   Prince  Rupert,  September  7 — declares  himself  "  a  passiona 

affecter  of  Prince  Rupert  and  all  his  ways." 
MONTROSE,  Brussels,  to  Prince  Rupert,  October  7 — acknowledges  Prince  Rupert's  "no! 

and  generous  expressions." 
MONTROSE,  Brussels,  to  Prince   Rupert,  December  14 — would  have  waited  on  Prin 

Rupert;  but,  being  summoned  by  one  who  pretends  to  have  orders  for  him  from  li 

Majesty,  thinks  it  very  fit  for  Prince  Rupert  "  that  he  should  smell  them  out." 
MONTROSE,  Brussels,  to  Prince  Rupert,  December  3  — intends  to  return  to  the  Imperi 

Court,  as  there  is  nothing  of  honour  amongst  the  stuff  here;  will  always  be  ready 

stake  all  for  the  service  of  Prince  Rupert. 
MORTON,  the  Hague,  to  Prince  Rupert,  November  15 — has  exposed  to  the  Prince 

Wales  those  propositions  which  he  had  before  represented  to  his  Royal  Highness;  tl 

Prince  of  Wales  seemed  to  relish  them  very  well. 
O'NEILLE,  D.,  Havre,  to  Lord ,  August  31 — hopes  by  Lord 's  management 

find  himself  well  advanced  in  his  Prince  Rupert's  favour;  "  if  the  last  tumult 

Paris  will  let  the  Lord  Lucas  and  his  brother-in-law,  Sir  G.  Hamilton,  they  will  1 

here  on  Wednesday  next  with  a  little  recruit  of  crowns,  "  and  we  will  beat  it  at  s< 

rather  than  stay  here." 
NEVILLE,  R.,  London,  to  Prince  Rupert,  May  16 — apparently  an  allegorical  announc 

ment  of  Cromwell's  yielding  to  some  proposition  of  Prince  Rupert. 
O'SULLIVAN,  R.,  Bantry,  to  Prince  Rupert,  January  31 — encloses  reply  to  his  letter 

Lord  Inchinquin  on  Prince  Rupert's  arrival. 
O'SULLIVAN,  R.,  Bantry,  to  Prince  Rupert,  March  14  — presents  his  nephew,  Capta 

Moragh  O'Donovan,  to  Prince  Rupert's  service. 
MADDER,  Fabian,  Baltimore,  to  Prince  Rupert,  January  26 — four  vessels  are  come  to  tli 

harbour ;  with  the  assistance  of  some  ships  from  Kinsale,  hopes  to  have  them,  ar 

then  will  wait  on  his  Royal  Highness. 
PITT,  John,  Helvoetsluys,  to  Prince  Rupert,  December — affairs  of  finance  connected  wi 

the  fleet. 
ROKEBY,  Thomas,  Calais,  to  Prince  Rupert,  May  6 — news  that  the  Duke  of  York  h 

escaped  from  St.  James's,  none  know  whither. 
ROKEBY,  Thomas,  La  Bassey,  to  Prince  Rupert,  June  24 — Prince  of  Conde's  arrival  b 

tween  Arras  and  Esperrone ;  the  siege  of  the  latter  abandoned  on  his  approach ;  h 

forces  diminished  since  he  entered  Flanders. 
VAVASOUR,  William,  Helvoetsluys,  to  Prince  Rupert,  August  1 — Goring  dissatisfied 

being  refused  a  commission;  levies  in  Embden  go  on  slowly. 
VAVASOUR,  William,  Flushing,  to  Prince  Rupert,  August  17 — has  the  promise  of  tv 

hundred  men  from  hence  on  the  payment  of  20/. 
VAVASOUR,  William,  Middleburgh,  to  Mr.  Long,  Prince  of  Wales's  secretary,  October  1 

— urges  payment  of  25 01.  for  the  troops,  otherwise  one  hundred  and  eighty  men  w: 

be  lost. 
TALBOT,  James,  Paris,  to  Prince  Rupert,  November  7 — matters  in  Ireland  may  be  easi 

appeased;  his  Royal  Highness's  presence  there  with  the  fleet  will  much  comfort  ar 

settle  that  kingdom,  and  infinitely  infest  the  enemy. 
TAAFFE,  L.,  Carrick,  to  Prince  Rupert,  February  2 — expresses  admiration  and  affectu 

for  Prince  Rupert. 
TYERS,  Galway,  to  Prince  Rupert,  March  22 — being  under  his  Majesty's  displeasure  di 

bars  him  from  waiting  on  Prince  Rupert,  yet  offers  his  bounden  duty,  and  recon 

mends  Sir  R.  Blake  as  the  best  man  to  transact  his  Royal  Highness's  business  i 

this  town. 
WAKE,  Baldwin,  Castle  Cornet,  to  Prince  Rupert,  September  14— announces  his  sal 

arrival  in  this  important  place ;  despatches  an  officer  to  give  Prince  Rupert  inform! 

tion  concerning  it. 
LEGGE,  Colonel,  Castle  Cornet,  to  Prince  Rupert,  January  15 — after  his  long  imprisoi 

ment  is  allowed  to  remain  within  twenty  miles;  whenever  he  gets  a  pass  will  be  read 

to  go  into  any  place  wherever  Prince  Rupert  can  employ  him. 
(No  name),  in  prison  at  Nottingham  Castle,  to  Prince  Rupert,  August  26 — describes  a 

action  in  which  his  troops,  engaged  gallantly  with  a  superior  force,  were  finall 

beaten,  and  he  taken  prisoner. 


1649.J  OF    CORRESPONDENCE.  535 

(No  name),  Sorlingue,  to  Prince  Rupert,  March  19— prays  Prince  Rupert  to  give  thought 

to  the  defence-  of  these  islands. 
An  address,  probably  from  Prince  Rupert  to  the  States — describes  the  state  of  the  King 

and  his  party;  and  appeals  to  their  lordships  that  these  unparalleled  proceedings 

concern  the  interests  of  all  Princes  and  States. 
BUTLER,  Edmund,  Carrick,  to  Prince  Rupert,  March  26 — a  commission  from  the  King 

confirming  the  Lord  Lieutenant  of  his  desires  earnestly  to  come  hither,  but  prevented 

by  "  the  gang"  his  Majesty  knows  of,  and  by  Scots  who  court  his  presence. 
CRAVEN7,  Lord,  Hague,  to  Prince  Rupert,  January  26 — on  affairs  in  Ireland  and  in 

Paris,  where  Prince  de  Conde  and  M.  de  Longueville  are  at  the  head. 
DODINGTON,  Sir  F.,  Rotterdam,  to  Sir  John  Minnes,  January  12 — desires  to  know  what 

day  the  fleet  is  to  sail  that  he  may  first  kiss  Prince  Rupert's  hands. 
HOPTON,  Lord,  Helvoetsluys,  to   Prince  Rupert,  January  4 — a  fellow  came  to  arrest 

the  Charles,  but  was  prevented  from  coming  on  board  ;  thinks  that  Prince  of  Wales 

should  complain  to  the  States. 
HOPTON,  Lord,  Brill,  to  Prince  Rupert,  January  10 — has  conferred  particularly  with 

Mr.  Clutterbuck  about  the  redeeming  the  ordnance  of  the  Antelope. 
HOPTON,  Lord,  Hague,  to  Prince  Rupert,  January  21 — has  his  Royal  Highness's  orders 

for  the  redemption  of  the  Antelope's  guns  from  Dekees. 
HYDE,  Sir  E.,  Hague,  to  Prince  Rupert,  March  18 — has  not  heard  of  Prince  Rupert 

since  he  left  the  Sluys,  nor  from  the  Lord ;  Lord  Byron  still  in  France,  prob- 
ably waiting  on  Duke  of  York. 
INCHIQUIN,  Lord,  Cork,  to  Prince  Rupert,  April  3  and  5 — has  received  the  signification 

of  Prince  Rupert's  pleasure  concerning  the  sale  of  the  frigate  ;  had  rather  than  300/. 

have  the  use  of  her  ;  prays  for  the  two  hundred  men  more  than  necessary  for  Scilly, 

to  be  added  to  his  brother's  troops. 
JERMYN,  Lord,  Paris,  to  Prince  Rupert,  June  25 — good  news  from  Ireland  ;  Queen 

declares  that  she  owes  her  prospects  to  him. 
JERMYN,  Lord,  Paris,  to  Prince  Rupert,  June  30 — congratulates  on  Prince  Rupert's 

taking  the  charge  of  master  of  the  horse. 
JERMYN,  Lord,  Paris,  to  Prince  Rupert,  August  1  and  19 — Queen  excuses  herself  from 

writing  to  Prince  Rupert  having  a  defluxion  in  the  eyes  ;  news  from  England  con- 
firms his  opinion  of  the  necessity  of  Prince  Charles's  going  to  Scotland. 
JERMYN,  Lord,  Paris,  to  Prince   Rupert,  no  date — prays   Prince   Rupert's  assistance 

concerning  some,  money  due  to  him  from  Duke  of  Buckingham. 
LONG,  Sir  Robert,  Paris,  to  Prince  Rupert,  January  3 — has  sent  Prince  Rupert  by  a 

servant  copies  of  his  own  and  Lord  Jermyn's  commissions. 
LONG,  Sir  Robert,  the  Hague,  to  Prince  Rupert,  January  1 3 — has  sent  Prince  Rupert  all 

the  dispatches  that  have  been  required. 
LONG,  Sir  Robert,  the  Hague,  to  Prince  Rupert,  February  28— the  King  sends  Prince 

Rupert's  new  commissions  which  will  receive  the  great  seal  when  one  is  prepared  ; 

peace  concluded  in  Ireland  ;  troubles  in  Paris. 
MONTROSE,  Duke  of,  the  Hague,  to  Prince  Rupert,  January  8 — "  being  informed  some 

new  imposture  is  like  to  delude  our  sense,  thinks  fit  to  send  this  bearer  to  receive 

his  Royal  Highness's  commands." 
MONTROSE,  Duke  of,  the  Hague,  to  Prince  Rupert,  February  8 — refers  all  relation  to 

Beaner,  "  this  gallant  honest  gentleman." 
MONTROSE,  Duke  of,  the  Hague,  to  Prince  Rupert,  February  27 — professions  of  devotion 

to  Prince  Rupert. 
MONTROSE,  Duke  of,  no  date,  to  Prince  Rupert — refers  to  matters  concerning  Nantes 

not  fully  explained. 
MENNES,  John,  Kinsale,  to  Prince   Rupert,   February  7 — Captain  of  the  Silly  urges 

Prince  Rupert's  sudden  departure  from  the  island  where  he  now  is. 
NICHOLAS,  Sir  E.,  Jersey,  to  Prince  Rupert,  November  30 — news  of  Ireland  by  way  of 

London  is,  that  O'Neille  has  joined  Montrose,  and  that  Cromwell  has,  in  conse- 
quence, raised  the    siege  of  Duncannon  and  retired  into  Dublin,  also  that  Prince 

Rupert  has  taken  six  Malaga  ships. 
O'NEiLE, ,  Thurles,  to  Prince   Rupert,  March  27— in  behalf  of  Sir  R.  Stirling, 

who  had  a  venture  in  a  prize  taken  by  Prince  Rupert  and  is  a  loyal  gentleman. 
Copy  of  a  Treaty  made  at  Turin  November  1649  between  the  King  of  England  and  the 

Duke  of  Savoy. 
GARY,  Henry  and   William   Legge,    Exeter   Gaol,   to   Prince  Rupert,  December  18 — 

that  the  Marmaduke  has  been  taken  in  the  Straits  under   Prince   Rupert's  com- 

VOL.  I.  N  N 


536  INDEX  AND  ABSTRACT  [1650. 

mand,  and  carried  into  Tallowne  ;  prays  that  Mr.  Gary  may  have  his  portion  in  the 

venture  returned,  being  related  to  Prince  Rupert's  servants. 
CARY,  Henry  and  William  Legge,  Kinsale,  to  the  King,  no  date — enemy's  fleet  lies  off 

this  harbour  ;  if  his  Majesty  has  strength  enough  it  would  be  easy  to  destroy  them 

here  ;  if  not,  advises  that  his  Majesty  makes  the  west  part  of  Limerick   or  Galway, 

where  coast  is  clear. 
CASHING,  William,   Sam -gullies  Town,  to  Mr.  Pope  on  board  the   ship  Friendship, 

December  9 — announces  a  disaster  in  the  blowing  up  of  the  stones  and  some  houses 

from  a  spark  dropped  amongst  the  powder. 
JERMYN,  Lord,  Paris,  to  Prince  Rupert,  February  G — is  glad  to  hear  of  Prince  Rupert's 

safe  arrival ;  affairs  here  so  distracted  that  it  is  impossible  to  give  a  clear  account  of 

them  ;  sends  Choqueux  to  Prince  Rupert. 
JERMYN,  Lord,  Paris,  to  Prince  Rupert,  February  18 — the  Cardinal  gone  ;  saw  Prince 

of  Conde   at   Havre  ;   not  known  what  arrangement  was  made    between  them  ; 

perfect  union  between  him,  the  Duke  of  Orleans  and  the  Queen  ;  King,  notwith- 
standing his  defeat,  is  raising  another  and  better  army. 
MARSHALL,  Captain  and  other  Officers,  His  Majesty's  ship  Honest  Seaman,  to  Prince 

Rupert,  November  4 — relates  an  affair  with  a  Spanish  vessel  off  Fayal. 
M.,  J.,  same  date,  to  Prince  Rupert — relates  loss  of  Worcester;  King  and  Duke  of 

Buckingham  escaped  to  France ;  Penn  waits  in  the  Straits  to  waylay  Prince  Rupert 

in  England  ;  Cromwell  governs  all. 
PITTS,  John,  Angra,  to  Prince  Rupert,  October  17 — news  from  Plymouth  of  the  King's 

besieging  Bristol,  and  being  beaten  ;  account  of  naval  stores  in  readiness  for  Prince 

Rupert. 
PITTS,  John.  Angra,  to  Prince  Rupert,  October  17 — some  merchants  have  brought  on 

board  four  thousand  dollars ;  they  say  they  have  sent  their  Peru  money  to  be 

exchanged  at  Marseilles. 
PITTS,  John,  Angra,  to  Prince  Rupert,  January  15,  1652 — informs  Prince  Rupert  of  the 

unbeseeming  and  dangerous  carriage  of  the  gunner  of  the  Revenge   who,  when 

drunk,  would  have  taken  tobacco  over  a  barrel  of  powder. 
NICHOLAS,  Edward,  the   Hague,  to  Prince  Rupert,  March  17 — congratulates  him  on 

safe  arrival  somewhere,  after  so  many  tedious  stonns  and  happy  deliverances  ;  his 

readiness  to  serve  Prince  Rupert. 
NICHOLAS,  Edward,  without  date  or  signature,  apparently  from  Paris,  to  Prince  Rupert — 

King  continues  extremely  earnest  to  have  his  Royal  Highness  Jiere,  but  would  have 

you  secure  your  business  when  you  call  ;  King  recommends  Colonel  Owen  and 

M.  1'AbbS  to  Prince  Rupert's  service  ;  bids  him  have  a  care  of  his  health. 
H.,  De  Vic,  Brill,  to  Prince  Rupert,  May  12,  1653— sends  Prince  Rupert  the  passport 

he  commanded  the  writer  to  ask  from  the  Archduke ;  does  not  attribute  to  the 

backwardness  of  the  latter  its  not  being  done  sooner. 
COCKS,  Robert,  Lisbon,  to  Prince  Rupert,  April  24 — long  interesting  letter  on  Prince 

Rupert's  private  affairs. 
CRAVEN,  Tim.,  Nantes,  to  Prince  Rupert,  June  2— relates  how  his  ship  was  separated 

from  Prince  Rupert's  fleet  and  wrecked  on  the  coast  of  Hispaniola. 
DRUMMOND,   Patrick,   Camphire,  to   Prince   Rupert,  May   28— has  received    Prince 

Rupert's  orders,  and  will  carefully  follow  them,  for  following  the  process. 
JERMYN,  H.,  Paris,  to  Prince  Rupert,  March  22 — congratulates  on  safe  arrival ;  Queen 

is  entirely  Prince  Rupert's  constant  friend. 
HOLDER,  Job,  Paris,  to  Prince  Rupert,  December  3 — correspondent  in  England  has  been 

lately  in  the  North,  and  hopes  to  give  such  an  account  of  his  Majesty's  aftairs  as 

may  not  be  altogether  unsatisfactory. 
HOLMES,  Robert,  his  Majesty's  ship  Hopnell,  to  Prince  Rupert,  April  1 4 — concerning  a 

breach  of  Prince  Rupert's  orders  committed  by  Captain  Fearnes  and  Mr.  Pyne  ; 

people  very  quiet,  but  seamen  few. 
HOLMES,  Robert,   Nantes,  to  Prince  Rupert,  May  3— concerning  the  removal  of  some 

goods  ;  Prince  Rupert's  return  here  expected  suddenly. 
HOLMES,  Robert,  Nantes,  to  Prince  Rupert,  May  17 — has  received  Prince  Rupert's 

commands   for    the   elephant's   teeth  ;  gets  up   mutiny  amongst    the.   French   at 

Penbeef,  which  he  pacified. 
HOLMES,  Robert,  Nantes,  to  Prince  Rupert,  May  19 — has  marched  on  M.Marshall, 

who  was  pleased,  with  very  high  expressions,  to  tell  him  that  he  will  not  fail  with 

open  arms  to  embrace  every  occasion  of  serving  Prince  Rupert,  and  orders  the  charge 

of  his  magazines  to  be  ready  for  his  stores. 


1648.] 


OF   CORRESPONDENCE.  537 


HOLMES,  Robert,  Nantes,  to  Prince  Rupert,  May  24— has  found  some  elephant's 
teeth  hid  in  the  ballast  Avhich,  with  the  sugar  and  chocolate,  sends  to  Prince 
Rupert. 

HOLMES,  Robert,  Portloney,  to  Prince  Rupert,  June  13 — complains  of  Captain  Fearns  ; 
informs  about  ordnance. 

KENT,  Joseph,  Venice,  to  Prince  Rupert,  October  18 — Flemish  so  scour  these  seas  that 
there  are  few  English  ships  left,  but  those  in  the  Venetian  service. 

LENDONE,  Robert,  Hague,  to  Prince  Rupert, — states  his  sad  condition,  and  craves  em- 
ployment under  Prince  Rupert. 

MANSELL,  John,  Hague,  to  Prince  Rupert,  April  23 — was  taken  at  the  battle  of  Wor- 
cester, and  after  five  months  imprisonment  had  come  to  Holland,  where  he  had  per- 
fected a  species  of  firework  for  shooting  into  the  sails  of  ships. 

HOLDER,  Job,  Heidelberg,  to  Prince  Rupert,  July  25 — the  Diurnall  says  "Jack  is 
beheaded,  and  another  hanged,  and  that  the  Portugals  ambassador's  brother  was 
beheaded  at  the  same  time,  and  another  English  gentleman  hanged. 

HOLDER,  Job,  Heidelberg,  to  Prince  Rupert,  August  1 — V.  Pine  has  made  an  end  of 
measuring  the  Cloysture  and  Langessel;  these  lands  to  be  confirmed  to  Prince 
Rupert  by  the  Elector. 

HOLDER,  Job,  Heidelberg,  to  Prince  Rupert,  August  8 — an  express  from  the  emperor, 
signifying  that  the  King  of  England  having  expressed  an  intention  of  coming  to  the 
Court  of  Vienna  ;  he  wishes  the  elector  to  dissuade  him  from  it. 

HOLDER,  Job,  Heidelberg,  to  Prince  [Rupert,  August  26 — recapitulates  the  subjects  of 
his  letters  to  Prince  Rupert  from  August  3rd. 

HOLDER,  Job,  Heidelberg,  to  Prince  Rupert,  September  1 — letter  of  August  2 1 ,  from 
Sir  M.  Langdale,  says  "  that  travelling  in  those  countries  begins  to  be  dangerous,  by 
reason  of  the  Swedes  forces." 

HOLDER,  Job,  Heidelberg,  to  Prince  Rupert,  October  7 — very  ill  news  from  Scotland, 
that  the  rebels  have  finished  their  work  there  as  they  have  in  Ireland." 

HOLDER,  Job,  Heidelberg,  to  Prince  Rupert,  October  14 — Elector  sent  for  him  and  com- 
plains that  Sir  Leslie  has  been  rash  and  inconsiderate  in  the  affair  at  Langessel,  and 
desires  to  write  thus  that  his  Royal  Highness  may  have  nothing  farther  to  do  with 
him. 

LANGDALE,  Marshal,  Antwerp,  to  Prince  Rupert,  March  1 1 — news  that  the  Scots  be  in 
very  good  condition,  and  had  given  the  English  rebels  a  very  good  blow. 

NICHOLAS,  E.,  Cologne,  to  Mr.  Taylor,  resident  at  Vienna  for  King  of  Great  Britain, 
November  10 — account  of  Cromwell's  accident  in  Hyde  Park  ;  the  thing  he  calls  a 
Parliament  begins  again  to  cross  his  designs  ;  to  render  his  office  hereditary  ;  divi- 
sions amongst  the  States  of  Holland ;  no  ill  news  to  us,  since  they  are  so  united  with 
the  worst  of  rebels  in  England. 

GARY,  Frederick,  Rynberck,  to  Prince  Rupert,  September  1 1 — by  Prince  j:  Rupert's 
commands  delivers  six  couple  of  hounds. 

NICHOLAS,  Edward,  Brussels,  to  Prince  Rupert,  May  6 — the  King  surprised  that  Lord 
Jermyn  should  recommend  Colonel  Bampfield,  whom  he  is  assured  is  at  this  time 
in  Cromwell's  service;  the  people  of  Ostend  have  taken  a  French  troop  sent  against 
them  by  the  French  ;  hatred  against  Cromwell  in  England  very  great,  yet  none 
will  rise  to  suppress  him  and  his  party,  unless  they  see  some  foreign  forces  landed 
to  secure  them  in  their  rising. 

PRINCE  CHARLES,  Hague,  to  Prince  Rupert,  December  2 — has  not  made  his  resolutions 
concerning  the  ships,  but  still  intends  that  those  that  can  be  made  should  put  to 
sea;  also  those  provisions  and  powder  that  were  promised. 

PRINCE  CHARLES,  Hague,  to  Prince  Rupert,  December  26 — instructions  touching  the  ex- 
ecution of  his  commission  as  admiral  of  the  fleet. 

PRINCE  CHARLES,  Hague,  to  Prince  Rupert,  January  5 — according  to  Prince  Rupert's 
desire  declares  that  whenever  the  Duke  of  York  shall  desire  authority  over  the 
fleet,  Prince  Rupert  shall  act  in  subordination  to  him. 

PRINCE  CHARLES,  Hague,  to  Prince  Rupert,  January  8 — recommends  Captain  Forier,  who 
hath  served  the  King  faithfully  in  the  north  to  service  in  the  fleet,  and  under 
Lord  Ormond. 

PRINCE  CHARLES,  Hague,  to  Prince  Rupert,  January  28 — prays  Prince  Rupert  to  see 
the  petition  of  Captain  Bing,  who  hath  been  long  on  board  the  fleet,  and  served  the 
King  faithfully. 

PRINCE  CHARLES,  Hague,  to  Sir  George  Carteret,  Bart.,  Lieutenant-Governor  of  Isle  of 
Jersey,  January  1 1 — Prince  Rupert  having  instructions  to  put  in  at  Jersey,  Prince 


538  INDEX   AND   ABSTRACT  [IG49. 

Charles  entreats  the  governor  will  not  only  give  him  his  best  advice,  but  all  the 

assistance  he  can,  in  case  he  think  fit  to  make  an  attempt  upon  Guernsey. 
PRINCE  CHARLES,  St.  Germains's,  to   Prince  Rupert,  August  3— advertised  that  the 

Governor  of  Kinsale  and  others  have  taken  money  of  Cromwell  to   betray  the 

town. 
PRINCE  CHARLES,  St.  Germains,  to  Prince  Rupert,  November  7 — recommends  the  bearer, 

Thomas  Reade,  as  will  profit  to  serve  Prince  Rupert  in  the  fleet  for  the  sale  of  the 

goods  and  merchandise  which  he  shall  take. 
PRINCE  CHARLES,  Castle  Elizabeth,  Jersey,  to  the  Marquis  of  Ormond,  November  13 — 

desires  that  means  be  afforded  Prince  Rupert  to  convert  foreign  money  into  coin  of 

the  realm  at  any  Irish  port  where  he  may  land. 
PRINCE  CHARLES,  Jersey,  to  Prince  Rupert,  November  1 5 — is  full  of  Prince  Rupert's 

opinion  concerning  his  going  to  Ireland;  desires  Prince  Rupert  to  come  to  Rochelle, 

Brest,  or  Barnett,  and  he  will  meet  him  there;  Choquee  will  give  an  account  of  all 

the  other  businesses. 
PRINCE  CHARLES,  Jersey,  to  Prince  Rupert,  December  4 — has  despatched  the  bearer, 

Choquee,  with  full  instructions  about  Prince  Charles's  journey  to  Ireland;  hears  that 

Ormond  raised  the  siege  of  Duncannon;  had  fought  with  Cromwell  and  driven  him 

to  Wexford. 
PRINCE  CHARLES,  Jersey,  to  Prince  Rupert,  January  15 — gives  Prince  Rupert  power  to 

fill  up  blank  commissions  for  captains  to  ships. 
PRINCE  CHARLES,  Jersey,  to  Prince  Rupert,  January  27 — desires  him  to  repair  to  Hel- 

voetsluys  to  act  as  a  judge  of  the  Admiralty,  or  to  appoint  a  deputy  in  his  place. 
PRINCE  CHARLES,  Hague,  to  Prince  Rupert,  misdated  January  27 — if  the  ship  now 

taken  prove  a  prize,  desires  that  at  least  300£.  worth  of  the  proceeds  be  given  to  the 

governor  of  Jersey. 
PRINCE  CHARLES,  Hague,  to  Prince  Rupert,  January  27 — having  already  disbursed 

for  the  fleet  a  considerable  part  of  those  moneys  intended  for  King  Charles's  own 

support  and  maintenance,  is  unable  to  discharge  the  debt  contracted  at  Helvoetsluys 

for  the  same,  and  must  provide  for  it  out  of  the  proceeds  of  the  ship's  goods,  if  good 

prize. 
PRINCE  CHARLES,  Hague,  to  Prince  Rupert,  January  27 — authorizes  Prince  Rupert  to 

appoint  salaries  to  the  commissioners;  is  employed  in  Ireland  to  dispose  of  goods  and 

merchandize  taken  by  his  Majesty's  fleet. 
PRINCE  CHARLES,  Hague,  to  Prince  Rupert,  January  28 — authorises  Prince  Rupert  to 

reimburse  himself  for  money  advanced  to  the  service  of  the  fleet  out  of  proceeds  of 

prizes  already  taken. 
KING  CHARLES  II.,  Hague,  to  Prince  Rupert,  March   17 — that  Prince  Rupert  will 

supply  his  Majesty  with  as  much  money  as  he  can  for  the  relief  of  his  great  and 

pressing  necessities,  in  consideration  of  a  merchant  vessel  from  Rotterdam,  belonging 

to  M.  Foord,  about  to  deliver  its  goods  to  him  in  Ireland. 
KING  CHARLES  II.,  Hague,  to  Prince  Rupert,   January  20 — professes  friendship   to 

Prince  Rupert,  and  that  any  who  shall  dare  to  whisper  anything  to  the  prejudice  of 

it,  the  reward  shall  fall  on  his  own  head. 
KING  CHARLES  II.,  Jersey,  to  Prince  Rupert,  January  31 — has  resolved  (in  consequence 

of  an  address  from  his  subjects  in  Scotland)  upon  a  new  treaty  with  them  at  Breda, 

but  assures  Prince  Rupert  that  he  will  consent  to  nothing  that  shall  diminish  his 

authority  over  the  fleet,  or  the  prosperity  of  the  navy. 
KING  CHARLES  II.,  Hague,  to  Prince  Rupert,  February  19 — urges  the  importance  of 

engaging  the  army  of  Munster   to  his   Majesty's   service  ;    desires   that    1000?. 

out  of  the  first  prize-money  be  paid  to  the  Marquis  of  Ormond  for  its  support ; 

receives  injunctions  about  Cornett  Castle. 
CHARLES   II.,   Hague,  to   Prince  Rupert,  February  27 — recommends  Thomas  Henry 

Smith  for  faithful  service  in  the  fleet. 
CHARLES  II.,  Hague,  to  Prince  Rupert,  March  6 — entreats  Prince   Rupert  to  assist 

Lord  Derby,  by  employing  ships  under  his  command  for  the  defence  of  the  Isle 

of  Man,  where  he  has  retired. 
CHARLES  II.,   Hague,  to  Prince  Rupert,   March  7 — entreats  Prince  Rupert  to  give 

General   Monk  all   the   assistance  and  encouragement  in  his  power,    being  em- 
ployed in  some  important  things,  for  his  Majesty's  service. 
CHARLES  II.,   Hague,  to  Prince  Rupert,  April  8 — recommends  three  seamen  to  be 

immediately  received  into  his  Majesty's  service. 
CHARLES  II.,  Hague,  to  Prince  Rupert,  March  18 — entreats  Prince  Rupert  to  receive 


1(557.]  OF  CORRESPONDENCE.  539 

with  favour  John  Boyle,  whom  he  has  appointed  a  commissioner  for  the  order- 
ing and  disposing  of  prize  goods. 

CHARLES  II.,  Hague,  to  Prince  Rupert,  March  20 — the  preservation  of  the  Isles 
of  Scilly  is  of  such  great  importance,  that  he  entreats  Prince  Rupert  to  contribute  all 
he  can  to  the  assistance  and  relief  of  the  Government,  and  especially  to  appoint  a 
frigate  to  be  under  his  command. 

CHARLES  II.,  Paris,  td  Prince  Rupert,  April  2— seeing  the  probability  of  his  Ma- 
jesty having  reason  shortly  to  go  to  Holland,  urges  the  necessity  of  Prince 
Rupert's  hastening  the  preparation  of  the  fleet ;  and  to  make  all  haste  hither. 

CHARLES  II.,  Paris,  to  Prince  Rupert,  June  26 — Sir  G.  Lucas  having  a  claim  for 
certain  sums  advanced  by  him  for  the  fleet,  albeit  he  cannot  produce  the  accounts, 
desires  Prince  Rupert  may,  after  satisfying  more  certain  claims,  pay  him  one 
thousand  livres  on  account. 

CHARLES  II.,  Paris,  to  Prince  Rupert,  August  2 — another  recommendation  for  Sir  G. 
Lucas,  considering  risked  condition. 

CHARLES  II.,  Palais  Royal,  Paris,  to  Prince  Rupert,  October  27 — authorizes  Prince 
Rupert  to  sell  Swallow  for  the  use  of  his  Majesty's  pressing  necessities. 

CHARLES  II.,  Paris,  to  Prince  Rupert,  November — urges  his  speedy  coming  to  him. 

CHARLES  II.,  Palais  Royal,  February  6 — fears  there  has  been  some  great  advantage 
gained  in  the  channel  by  the  rebel  fleet;  will  hasten  thither  if  his  presence  be 
acceptable. 

CHARLES  II.,  Paris,  to  Prince  Rupert,  February  19 — writes  to  meet  Prince  Rupert 
at  his  landing  at  some  French  port  to  desire  he  may  give  credit  to  what  he 
may  hear  from  the  attorney-general ;  does  not  write  more  himself,  having  lost  the 
cipher. 

CHARLES  II.,  Dunkirk,  to  Prince  Rupert,  November  12 — Bamfield,  who  has  had  the 
impudence  to  apply  to  Prince  Rupert,  is  a  spy  of  Cromwell's. 

CHARLES  II.,  Paris,  to  Prince  Rupert,  March  22 — is  surprised  with  joy  by  the  assurance 
of  Prince  Rupert's  safe  arrival  in  these  parts  ;  if  he  could  feel  like  assurance  of  his 
brother's  safety,  need  not  tell  him  how  important  it  would  be  to  his  affairs. 


END   OF    THE   FIRST   VOLUME. 


LONDON  : 

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