.'••
CM
MEMOIRS
OF
SIR EWEN CAMERON OF LOCHEILL.
<2:.// '
OF
SIR EWEN CAMERON OF LOCHEILL,
CHIEF OF THE CLAN CAMERON.
WITH AN
INTRODUCTORY ACCOUNT
OF THE HISTORY AND ANTIQUITIES OF THAT FAMILY
AND OP
THE NEIGHBOURING CLANS.
PRINTED AT EDINBURGH.
M.DCCC.XLII.
EDIXBUMB rturrua COMTAMT, SOUTH »T DAVID STREET.
PRESENTED
TO
THE PRESIDENT AND MEMBERS
OF THE
MAITLAND CLUB,
BY
WILLIAM CRAWFURD AND ROBERT PITCAIRN.
THE MAITLAND CLUB
MARCH, M.DCCC.XLII.
THE RIGHT HONOURABLE
HIS ROYAL HIGHNESS THE DUKE OF SUSSEX.
HIS GRACE THE DUKE OF ARGYLL.
JOHN BAIN, ESQ.
DAVID BALFOUR, ESQ.
ROBERT BELL, ESQ.
SIR DAVID HUNTER BLAIR, BART.
BERIAH BOTFIELD, ESQ., M.P.
SIR THOMAS MAKDOUGALL BRISBANE, BART., G.C.B.
10 HIS GRACE THE DUKE OF BUCCLEUCH AND QUEENSBERRY,
JAMES BOGLE, ESQ.
WALTER BUCHANAN, ESQ.
THE MOST NOBLE THE MARQUES,$ OF BUTE.
ALEXANDER CAMPBELL, ESQ.
THE HONOURABLE HENRY COCKBURN, LORD COCKBURN.
THE MAITLAND CLUB.
JAMES T. GIBSON-CRAIG, ESQ.
WILLIAM CRAWFURD, ESQ.
JAMES DENNISTOUN, ESQ.
JAMES DOBIE, ESQ.
20 RICHARD DUNCAN, ESQ., [TREASURER.]
WILLIAM JAMES DUNCAN, ESQ.
JAMES DUNLOP, ESQ.
JAMES EWING, ESQ., LL.D.
JOSEPH WALTER KING EYTON, ESQ.
KIRKMAN FINLAY, ESQ.
WILLIAM FLEMING, D.D.
WILLIAM MALCOLM FLEMING, ESQ.
JOHN FULLARTON, ESQ.
JOHN BLACK GRACIE, ESQ.
30 JOHN GRAHAM GILBERT, ESQ.
THE RIGHT HONOURABLE THOMAS GRENVILLE.
JAMES HAMILTON, ESQ.
LAURENCE HILL, ESQ., LL.B.
GEORGE HOUSTOUN, ESQ.
JAMES HUNTER, ESQ.
THE HONOURABLE JAMES IVORY, LORD IVORY.
JOHN CLARK KENNEDY, ESQ.
JOHN KERR, ESQ.
ROBERT ALEXANDER KIDSTON, ESQ.
40 GEORGE RITCHIE KINLOCH, ESQ.
JOHN GARDINER KINNEAR, ESQ.
JOHN LEADBETTER, ESQ.
MATTHEW LEISHMAN, D.D.
JOHN GIBSON LOCKHART, ESQ., LL.D.
THE MAITLAND CLUB.
REV. LAURENCE LOCKHART.
WILLIAM LOCKHART, ESQ., M.P.
JAMES LUCAS, ESQ.
ALEXANDER MACDONALD, ESQ.
THE VERY REV. DUNCAN MACFARLAN, D.D., [VICE-PRESIDENT.]
50 ANDREW MACGEORGE, ESQ.
ALEXANDER MACGRIGOR, ESQ.
GEORGE MACINTOSH, ESQ.
JOHN WHITEFOORD MACKENZIE, ESQ.
ROBERT MACLACHLAN, ESQ.
ARCHIBALD MACLELLAN, ESQ.
ALEXANDER MACNEILL, ESQ.
JAMES MAIDMENT, ESQ.
THOMAS MAITLAND, ESQ.
JOHN MAXWELL, ESQ.
60 WELLWOOD MAXWELL, ESQ.
WILLIAM MEIKLEHAM, ESQ.
WILLIAM HENRY MILLER, ESQ.
ROBERT MONTEITH, ESQ.
JAMES PATRICK MUIRHEAD, ESQ.
WILLIAM MURE, ESQ.
WILLIAM SMITH NEIL, ESQ.
ALEXANDER OSWALD, ESQ.
JOHN MACMICHAN PAGAN, ESQ., M.D.
WILLIAM PATRICK, ESQ.
70 HENRY PAUL, ESQ.
EDWARD PIPER, ESQ.
ROBERT PITCAIRN, ESQ.
JAMES CORBETT PORTERFIELD, ESQ.
THE MAITLAND CLUB.
HAMILTON PYPER, ESQ.
THE QUAESTOR OF THE LIBRARY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF
GLASGOW.
PHILIP ANSTRUTHER RAMSAY, ESQ.
JAMES CAMPBELL REDDIE, ESQ.
JOHN RICHARDSON, ESQ., LL.B.
WILLIAM ROBERTSON, ESQ.
80 ROBERT RODGER, ESQ.
ANDREW RUTHERFURD, ESQ., M.P.
JAMES SMITH, ESQ.
JOHN SMITH, ESQ., LL.D., [SECRETARY.]
WILLIAM SMITH, ESQ.
WILLIAM SMYTHE, ESQ.
MOSES STEVEN, ESQ.
DUNCAN STEWART, ESQ.
.ARCHIBALD SWINTON, ESQ.
SYLVESTER DOUGLAS STIRLING, ESQ.
90 WILLIAM STIRLING, ESQ.
WILLIAM STIRLING, ESQ., YR.
JOHN STRANG, ESQ.
THOMAS THOMSON, ESQ.
WILLIAM B. D. D. TURNBULL, ESQ.
DAWSON TURNER, ESQ.
PATRICK FRASER TYTLER, ESQ.
ADAM URQUHART, ESQ.
PATRICK WARNER, ESQ.
TABLE OF CONTENTS.
*,* It has been considered expedient to preserve the MARGINAL ANNOTATIONS contained in the Original
MSS. in the form of a running TABLE OF CONTENTS, so as to preserve the,whole of the "Work, as
faithfully as possible, in its original form. A few additions have been made where the narrative
has been left incomplete by the Author, which are placed within brackets. These remarks, how
ever, only apply to the Memoirs themselves, for the annotations on the margin of the Introduction
are so imperfect, that the Editor has constructed the Table to that part of the Work, and incor
porated the Author's notes ; but it has not been thought worth while to distinguish them in the
Table.
PAGE
PREFACE.
EDITOR'S INTRODUCTION, . 1
AUTHOR'S INTRODUCTION, .... *l
Origin of the Camerons, . . . . * 3
ANGUS, one of the first of the name, marries Marion, one of the daughters of
Kenneth III., . . . . . t ib.
Instrumental in saving Fleance from Macbeth, . . 4
GILLESPICK, son to Angus, assists at the restoration of King Malcolm III. — created
Baron, 26th April 1057, . . . . . ib.
Titles of honour supposed to have been first introduced by Malcolm III. — dignities
not supposed to have been then hereditary, ... 5
JOHN, of the Family of Cameron, assists King Robert Bruce in his wars — signs
the letter addressed by the Scots Nobility to the Pope in 1370 — commands a body
of forces at Halidon Hill — Genealogical list of the Chiefs of the Camerons, 6
Origin of the feud between the Clan Macintosh and the Clan Cameron — account
of the Clan Macintosh, • . 7
6
xJi TABLE OF CONTENTS.
PAGE
Account of the Clan Chattan, and discussion of the claim of the Macintoshes to be
considered the principal branch of that sept,
Macintosh obtains a charter of the lands of Glenlui and Locharkike, of which the
Camerons retain forcible possession — battle at Innernahawn, in which the Came-
rons are at first victorious, but are finally defeated,
ALLAN M'OcntERY. K. Robert III. endeavours to put an end to the feud between
the Camerons and Macintoshes— sends the Earl of March and the Earl of Craw
ford to the Highlands for that purpose — these Noblemen arrange that the dis
pute should be decided by a combat between thirty of each Clan, . 10
North Inch of Perth pitched upon for the combat — description of the engagement —
Henry Wynd, . • • ...
The Macintoshes obtain the victory, but the feud continues unsettled— mistake of
Historians in confounding the Clan Cameron with the Clan Kay — Allan M'Och-
ter/s chivalrous duel in defence of the honour of a lady — his death — Ochiltrees
said to be descended from him, . * 12
Ewen M'Allan, son to Allan M'Ochtery, dies, and is succeeded by
DONALD M'EwEX, a Chief of extraordinary merit — his name assumed as the patro-
nimic of the family — perpetually engaged in foreign or domestick wars — parti
cularly with the Lords of the Isles — account of that Family, . 13
Somerled, Thane of Argyle, marries the daughter of Olaus, one of the Norwegian
Viceroys of the Western Isles — he and bis posterity extend their authority over
the Western Highlands — Walter Lessly marries the heiress of the Earldom and
Estate of Ross — leaves a son who succeeds him as Earl, and a daughter who mar
ries the Lord of the Isles — account of their issue, . . 14
Donald Lord of the Isles, in right of his mother, claims the Earldom of Ross — en
ters into treaties with England — is defeated at Harlaw, . . 15
Subsequently makes his peace with K. James I. — again breaks out into rebellion, and
invests Inverness with 10,000 men — Donald Chief of the Clan Cameron attends
him in this expedition, . . . . .. : 16
But Donald and the Macintoshes take the first opportunity of deserting his standard
and joining the Royal army — the Earl of Ross at last submits to the King, and is
imprisoned in Tantallau Castle — dreadful conflict between the Camerous and
Macintoshes on Palm Sunday — Donald Ballach, cousin to the Earl of Ross, re
solves to avenge his confinement, and ravages the West Highlands, . 17
Defeats the Earls of Mar and Caithness at Inverlochy — Earl of Caithness killed —
Donald Ballach determining to extirpate the Camerons, their Chief flies to Ireland
— Ballach also takes shelter in Ireland on hearing of the King's approach, where he
is betrayed and beheaded — Donald, Chief of the Camerons, returns from Ireland, 18
Chases a robber, named Hector Bui M'Coan, from his country — mutual atrocities —
TABLE OF CONTENTS. xiii
PAGE
the Earl of Ross bestows Donald's estates on a younger son of the Laird of Mac
lean, called Garbh, who sends his son Ewen to take possession, but is defeated and
killed by Donald near Corpach — continued feuds with the Macintoshes — Donald
still retains possession of the disputed lands, . . . -, 19
Account of John Cameron, Bishop of Glasgow, . -» 20
EWEN M'CoiLDUY succeeds his father, Donald, defeats the Macintoshes at Craigiar-
lich — dies in a few years, and is succeeded by
DONALD Dow M'EwEN, who arranges matters with the Earl of Ross, and accompanies
him to the siege of Roxburgh — account of the Earl's power and valour — death of
the King, , . . » . .21
Singular Indenture between the Lord Forbess and the Laird of Macintosh, . •. 22
ALLAN M'CoiLDUY succeeds his father, ,» » . il.
Marries a daughter of Angus Lord of the Isles — is made Governor of the Castle
ofStrone, . * . . . .23
Celestine, his lady's uncle, gives him a grant of the lands of Kifrone — is said to
have made thirty -two expeditions into his enemy's country ; but is at last sur
prized, defeated, and slain by Macintosh and Keppoch, . . 24
Leaves a family — the Earl of Ross having broken out into a new rebellion, deprived
of the Earldom, but permitted to retain his Lordship of the Isles, . 25
EWEN M'ALLAN, SECOND, succeeds his father Allan — marries a daughter of Duncan,
Chief of the Macintoshes, but still continues at feud with them — receives grants
of land from the Lord of the Isles, .... ib.
Upon the death of Alexander, last Lord of the Isles, Ewen obtains a charter of all
the lands formerly held by him of that Family from King James IV. — follows that
Prince to Flodden, u », ...;: .- + ',. , „>.' •. 26
Escapes with his life in that engagement, and assists the Duke of Albany during the
minority of King James V., and obtains from that Prince a charter of erection of
his lands into a barony, • v- . 4.. .-./.,;'• . 27
Bestows a liberal education upon his son Donald, who goes to Court, and contracts
a great friendship with George, the fourth Earl of Huntly, who bestows large pos
sessions upon him, . >«•.'. . . . * , .28
Feud between the Camerons and Mackays — latter defeated, and Monro of Foulis
their ally killed — Ewen M' Allan sets out on a pilgrimage to Rome, but remains
in Holland, and sends his confessor to the Pope, who prescribes, as part of his pen
ance, the building of six Chapels upon his estate — also builds the Castle called Tori-
Castle, long the family residence of the Camerons, . . ! * . 29
Feud between the Frasers and Clanranald — Huntly, as Lord Lieutenant in the
North, sides with Fraser — Ewen M'Allan declines taking part in the quarrel, 30
xiv TABLE OF CONTENTS.
PAGE
Battle at Loch Loohy, in which the Frasers are defeated— alleged duplicity of
Huntljr's conduct, • •• • •
Disputes between the Camerons and Macintoshes referred to Huntly ; who, having
got Ewen M' Allan in his power, beheads him, and also some time after seizes
upon Macintosh and puts him to death — trial of Huntly for these crimes,
In consequence, deprived of many of his possessions, . »'&•
EWEN M'CoxffEL succeeds his grandfather — seduces a daughter of the Laird of
M'Dougal — is imprisoned by her father in an island in a fresh-water lake, . 33
Hia Clan resolve upon rescuing him, but he is mortally wounded in making his
escape — dies, and leaves a natural son by M'Dougal's daughter, . 34
DONALD Dow M'CoNNEL succeeds his brother — assists Queen Mary at Corrichy, ib.
Account of Huntly 's rebellion — surrender of the Castle of Inverness to the Royal
forces, and death of the Governor, Alexander Gordon, . « • 35
Death of the Marquis of Huntly, and execution of John Gordon, his eldest son —
Donald obtains a gift of the lands held by him of the family of Huntly, which
were forfeited along with the rest of their estate— marries a daughter of the Chief
of the M* Leans, but dies before the birth of his son, . . • ib.
ALLAH M'CoNinsL DUIE, his birth and misfortunes — conveyed by his nurse to Mull
— M'Gilvraw of Glencanner, his foster-father — educated by Mr Cameron, Mini
ster of Dunoon — mismanagement of his tutors — his uncle, the bastard, sent for
to manage his affairs — invasion of his territory by Macintosh, and unhappy ar
rangement made by the tutors with him, . . . , > .' 37
Attempts of the tutors to repair their mistake, and murder of one of them — execu
tion of the other by Argyle — return of Allan to Lochaber, and murder of his
uncle, the bastard — Allan again leaves Lochaber, and marries a daughter of
Stewart of Appine, . . . . ' 38
Allan's quarrel with M'Dougall of Fairlochine, and murder of Glenurchy 's eldest son
by Allan's servant, who is killed in consequence — again returns to Lochaber —
quarrel between Huntly and Murray, .... 39
Earl of Atholl, and the Lairds of Grant and Macintosh, join Murray — Earls of Errol,
Morton, and Bothwell, join Huntly — Allan's enmity to Macintosh induces him to
join Huntly, and defeats Macintosh in several engagements, . 40
Death of Earl of Murray at Dunibirstle — Earl of Argyle appointed Lieutenant-
General of the King's Forces, and defeated at Glenlivat — Allan is present at the
engagement, but with few men, . . . 41
Macintosh and Argyle attack Allan, who detains Macintosh at the River Lochy till
his provisions foil, and he is forced to retreat, . 42
The Campbells, under Ardkinlas, also advance against him, but are surprized and
repulsed — severe laws made for pacifying the Highlands, . . 43
TABLE OF CONTENTS. XV
PAGE
Difficulties brought on by Allan's connection with Huntly — he is forced to make
an agreement with Macintosh, by which Macintosh mortgages the lands in dis •
pute to Allan for 6000 merks,
Allan's feud with M'Vie Ewen, who flies to M'Lean for refuge,
Death of M'Vie Ewen — Allan revenges the death of his uncle, Chief of the Mac-
Leans, who was mortally wounded in a feud with the MacDonalds of Islay —
Allan's subsequent disgrace at Court, . . .46
Forfeiture of his lands, and rigorous manner in which the sentences are enforced —
Argyle's unsuccessful attempt to induce Allan to become his vassal in the estate
of Locheill, of which he had become the purchaser — Clanranald becomes the
mediator, . ,' » •.->'.', . . . 47
Allan forced to become a party to the extirpation of the Macgregors, • . 48
Account of the Macgregors, . . . . . 49
Translation of part of Mr Alexander Ross' History, giving a particular detail of
the transactions in which the Clan Macgregor were engaged, from 1602 and
upwards, « . » . . 50
Singular anecdote of Campbell of Auchinbreck's friendship to the Macgregors —
he forces the Marquis of Argyle to murder Campbell of Aberuchill for his trea
chery to that Clan, . . . . i . ' 53
Cruel treatment of the Macgregors, and their dispersion, . . 54
Allan at last consents to become Argyle's vassal for the lands of Locheill — Huntly's
cruel and ungrateful conduct, « . . .55
Additional treachery of the Earl of Enzie, Huntly's son, who, after having by agree
ment with Allan bought part of his forfeited estates, refuses to restore them except
ing upon the very hardest conditions — Clanranald repairs to Court to assist Allan ;
who, in the meantime, refuses to surrender the lands in dispute, uidess compelled
by force — Huntly, aware of the difficulty, tampers with the allegiance of the Ca-
merons to their Chief, and succeeds in debauching some of his Clan, . 56
Allan, discovering the conspiracy, puts sixteen of the ringleaders to death —
this the only division that ever occurred in the Clan Cameron — the Earl of Enzie,
in consequence, obtains a new sentence of outlawry against him, .'.-.' 57
The neighbouring Chiefs, however, refuse to assist in putting the sentences into
execution, in consequence of which Macintosh is imprisoned — being liberated, lie
attempts to exercise jurisdiction in Lochaber, but is resisted by Allan, who is in
consequence found guilty by the Privy Council — which forces him to enter into
terms with Huntly, . . . .• . 58
The Earl of Enzie grants charters in favour of Allan and the other principal gen
tlemen of the name of Cameron — and Huntly becomes bound to support him in
his disputes with Macintosh, . . . .59
XVJ TABLE OF CONTENTS.
PAGE
Macintosh endeavours to undermine his interest at Court, and procures an order
for a Commission of Fire and Sword to bo issued against him,
But the Commission proving inoparative, an agreement is made to refer their dif
ferences to the Earl of Argylo and others, who ordain Allan to surrender the
lands in dispute upon payment of a sum of money, but he evades performance-
enumeration of the Noblemen and others who befriended him, 61
Is reconciled with the King before his death, who grants him a remission— account
of his eldest son, John,
John marries a daughter of Campbell of Glenfalloch, and dies before his father,
leaving two children, Ewen and Allan — Donald, Allan's second son, becomes tutor
to his nephew — mention of the marriages of several of Allan's daughters — his
death — account of Cameron the Divine, . . . ' 63
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL.
BOOK FIRST.
SIR EWEN CAMERON, his birth — his mother — he lives with his foster-father till lie is
seven years old, and after that with his uncle, . . • 67
Putt under the tuition of the Marquis of Argyle at twelve years [of age, who puts
him to school at Inverary — breaking out of] the Rebellion of 1641 — [loyalty of the
family of Argyle,] and of his [the Marquis] father, who advises the King to confine
his own son — the Marquis engadged in the Rebellion— the King endeavours, in
vaine, to gain the Covenanters — remarks, . . . 68
Marquis of Montrose heads an army for the King, and gives several defeats to the
Covenanters — personal enmity between Argyle and Montrose — Argyle burns his
estate — Montrose winters at Inverary, . . . ' . 69
Marches to Lochaber, and is joyned by 300 Camerons — Argyle follows him with an
army — his design — Montrose [having left Lochaber is] recalled by old Locheill
— Argyle defeated at Inverlochey, . . . .70
His officers capitulate — he loses 1500 men and Montrose but three, with one gen
tleman — [Old] Locheill congratulates with Montrose, who stays some days with
him — Montrose defeats Sir John Hurry, May 20th, and General Bailly, 71
[Locheill still remains under Argyle's guardianship, who] takes great care of his
education — designs to settle him at Oxford — the plague in Stirling — Locheill
steals out of the coach, and rambles through the town, but is not infected — Ar
gyle stopped at Berwick, . .- . '• * ' • 72
King Charles I. defeated and routed at Nessby, . . . t' 73,
TABLE OF CONTENTS. xvii
PAGE
Argyle continues long at Berwick — Montrose invades Fyfe — Argyle goes to Castle
Campbell, which he garrisons — the M'Leans burn his estate there, by liberty
from Montrose — one of their parties insult the garrison, . . 73
[The Governor blamed by Locheill,] who is turned out of his office, . 74
Bloody Battle of Kilsyth, 15th August 1645 — all the South and North of Scotland
submits to Montrose — he relieves the prisoners, and is in hopes to retrieve the
King's affairs in England — character of Secretary Spottiswood — he brings his
Majesty's Commission to Montrose, . . . ib.
Montrose calls a Parliament, .... 75
David Leslie sent for from England, . ib.
Montrose decoyed to the South by traiterous Lords — his army leaves him, all but
700 foot and 200 horse, . V . . . ib.
He is surprized and defeated at Philiphaugh, September 13, . . 76
Montrose escapes — his foot butchered, after quarter granted — prisoners of quality —
October 28, three of them executed at Glasgow, . ib.
[Parliament meets, November 26, at St Andrews — the Marquis brings Locheill along
with him there] — his [Locheill's] custom of visiteing the prisoners — Earl of Heart-
fell and Lord Ogilby escape, .' . ' .* . . ib.
Sir Robert Spottiswood and other two under sentence of death, . 77
Locheill resolves to visite them — [he calls for the Captain of the Guard, ] who conducts
him to the prisoners — his reception by Sir Robert Spottiswood, [who gives hinf a
full explanation of the nature of the Rebellion, and an earnest exhortation to con
tinue loyal,] . f . ... . ib.
Locheill affected by the relation, .... ib.
Sir Robert's discourse thereupon — Locheill visits the other prisoners, ' . ' 79
[Their execution witnessed by Locheill, in company with the Marquis,] '. 80
Locheill talks with Argyle thereupon — Argyle's great eloquence — some particulars
of his discourse to Locheill, . . . . . 81
Locheill resolves to return home, .. 82
The King flys to the Scots army, May 5, 1646, . . . ib.
They procure an order for Montrose to disband, and at last sell the King to the
English rebells, . ,v. .... 83
Duke Hamiltoun invades England, and is routed, 18th August 1648, . ib.
Cromwell invited to Scotland — who, having returned to London, brings the King
to the scaffold, January 30, 1649, . - ''•". .' : 84
Argyle returns to Inverary, and is followed by Lessly and his army, who forceth Sir
Alexander MacDonald to fly to Ireland, 25th May 1647, « r ib.
Massacre of his Highlanders — 18 saved, whom Locheill feeds in prison — Locheill im
patient to be home — his uncle and others apply to Argyle, who parts with him, ib.
xviii TABLE OF CONTENTS.
PAGE
Character of Locheill at that time, . . • . . 85
The want of learned education then no loss to him — he returns home with pomp, ib.
He kills the last wolf in the Highlands — his exercises make him vigorous and hardy
— he delights in the recital of Montroso his actions, and thinks it a misfortune that
he could not serve under him — his first cxpeadition against Keppoch — the grounds
of the quarrell, ' . ' ,. \ . . ' .86
Which is adjusted, •. ,.: . . .87
The second against Glengarry, who agrees the dispute, . . ib.
Lochaber in full peace, while the rest of the Kingdom is in servitude — the power and
tyranny of the rulers — every parish has a tyrant whose power is absolute, . ib.
Such as were concerned in the Duke of Hamilton'? Ingadgment obliged to sit on the
repenting- stool, . . . . .88
The zeal of the nation forces them to treat with King Charles II. — the treaty clogged
with shameful conditions — Montrose landing in the North, is defeated and be
trayed, [and executed, ] . . . ,<,. ib.
lie dyed as ho lived, . . . . . 89
His magnanimous answer, on hearing his sentence read — forty of his officers executed
— [arrival of Charles II.] — the King obliged to take the Covenant before he is
allowed to land — and plagued by the Clergy — but treated with outward re
spect — Cromwell sent for— [army assembled]— the King's friends banished the
Court,. . ib
Cromwell [enters Scotland,] . . . .90
Finds them [the Royal army] well posted— the army leaves its post^-and is routed,
September 1650 — Cromwell master of all besouth Forth— the King attempts to
get rid of his troublesome masters, but returns — and is used better — his friends
admitted into the army, but on hard terms — the King endeavours to gain the
ClM8y. . . ib.
Instance of their freedom with the King, . . 9 j
Publication of the act of levy, ... 92
The King's Letter to Locheill and his friends, . . . ^
LocheilTs exertions to raise his men, . . QA
[His difficulties— procures a Warrant from the Committee of Estates, to raise his
men wherever he could find them,] 18th February 1651, ,-j
The King Generalissimo, Lesly his Lieutenant-General— the army at first hearty
and vigorous, but so ill used, that the greatest part deserted— the armys in view
of each other— several skirmishes— Generals Holburn and Brown sent to Inver-
keithing, to guard that pass with 4000 good troops— the suspected treacherv of
the Generals,
Slaughter of 700 M'Leans— the Generals abandon them to the enemy, 95
TABLE OF CONTENTS. X1X
PAGE
Locheill on his march — CromewelTs army betwixt him and the King — the King's
not above 10,000, V ' . .... . . 95
He marches into England, .... 95
The English hindered from joining by the zeal of the Clergy for their Covenant —
the Battle of Worcester, 3d September 1651 — Lessly becomes stupid— the bravery
of Middletoun and the Scotch gentrey — [their total defeat] — the King escapes mi-
racoulously— the foot either killed or taken, . , . ib.
The loss of the M'Leods, .... ib.
General Monk left in Scotland — and becomes terrible, . k 97
Account of the Moss-troopers — the Highlanders and others in arms, under the Earl
of Glencairn — his character, .... ib.
Locheill the first Chief that joyns him, . . .98
Major-General Drummond [also joins him — Monk's sickness] — their [Glencairn
and his friends] message to the King by Mr Knox — he is ordered to go by London
— where he meets with Middletoun, [who crosses the Seas with him,] and . ib.
Who presents him to the King — his Majesty in a poor state — sends Middleton to
Holland, to traffick for arms, . • . 99
Second message to the King, December 30th, 1652 — the King's answer to the
Clans — Locheill gets a Collonel's Commission — Colonel Lilburn sent against the
Earl of Glencairn, . . . . ib.
Who [Lilburn] is often repulsed, . .... 100
Locheil's behaviour — he advises fighting, November 1652 — Glencairn encamped
near the river, [Mar,] Locheill posted at a pass between him and the enemy —
Lilburn advances with his army, . . . > ib.
LocheiU sends advertisement to Glencairn, who retreats, but without leaving or-
ders, . . . . 101
The division in his army — Locheill makes good his post, and repulses the enemy ;
and attacks and defeats a separate body of their troops, but dares not pursue them —
the general unable to force the pass, makes a compass round the hills, and gets
betwixt Locheill and his friends, . . ib.
Locheill receives orders, and retreats faceing the enemy, ; . 102
[Lilburn draws up his men with a view to bring on an engagement ;] but [finding
that impracticable] returns attended by Locheill, who harasses him, and kills seve
ral of his men — Lilburn loses six times as many men as Locheill — Glencairn's
army lessens, but he beheaves bravely, . . . ib.
Locheill keeps himself free of factions, .... 103
Glencairn acquants the King of his gallantry — letter of thanks from his Majesty
to Locheill — Locheill marches to defend his country from an invasion of the Eng
lish — and makes a confederacy with Glengarry and Keppoch, . ib.
lx TABLE OF CONTENTS.
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Send* orders to raise his men—but is obliged to inarch before they can come, 104
The arrivall of the enemy— Keppoch and ho take a view of them, and see Glengary
among them— Locheill also suspects Keppoch, who endeavours to vindicat him
self— Locheill answers with asperity, and
Keppoch leaves him in a frett,
Locheill getts before the enemy, and resolves to attack them at the Pass of Cluins—
Collonel Brayn desires liberty to pass amicably— Locheill inclines to await another
opportunity of attacking them, but is perswaded by his friends to lett them pass, ib.
And [also] by General Drummond, and consents unwillingly,
He attends them in this march, without injury on either side— Glengary 'B excuse
for his defection, . '•'•
General Drummond and Locheill return to Glencairn, 107
The arrivall of Colonel M'Leod from the King — his Letter, »&.
He brings some small supplys,
Glencairn resigns the command, and returns home — Locheill joyns him [Middleton]
with a regiment of 700 [men] — Clarendon's account of his behaviour, 1654 —
[Monk supersedes Lilburn,] . • »&•
[Monk and Morgan march North,] . . • 109
[Monk's prudent measures— ho attempts to gain Locheill — but finding it in vain,
orders a garrison to be planted in his country] — the English come by sea, 110
Their number — Collonel Brayn Governor, . . • ib.
Curious situation of the Garrison — Beniviss — Gleneviss — Locheill — Loch Lochy —
Glenmore, . . . . . • HI
The Governour quickly fortifies himself, . . • .112
Locheill, on viewing his strength, retires to Achadelew — and dismisses all his men
except a guard to his person, [35 or 38 men,] . . ib.
lie keeps spies in the Garrison — by whom he was informed that a party of 300 men
was to be sent out to fell wood, . . .113
Two ships full of men sail towards him— one of them lands below him — he counts
the men in the landing — he advises with his friends — some of the young sort for
attacking them, ..... ib.
But the wisest among them disswade him, . . . 114
Some of Montrose's followers there declair that he never fought under such a disad
vantage — Locheill for attacking the English — his reasons, . . ib.
His friends consent, on condition that he and his brother stay away, . 110
Allan, his brother, bound to a tree, . . . . ib.
The English advance to the village of Achadelew — Locheil's orders to his party —
He rims the risk of being shott from a bush — but is saved by his brother, ib.
The English fire upon the Camerons, but at too great a distance — the bloody fire
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PAGE
of the Highlanders which prevents the enemy's charge a second time — the parti
culars of the action at Achadelew — the arms of the English unequall to these of
the Highlanders — the English gave way, •'- . . . 117
But are stopped by a stratagem of Locheil's — who are at last forced to fly — the
Highlanders pursue — Locheill pursues a few that fled to the wood — where he is
suddenly attacked by the English Commander, . . 118
Description of the comba,te — they enclose and fall to the ground in [each] other's
arms — and fix in a water-gang — Locheill in a dismall situation — the English offi
cer endeavours to stab him, but Locheill bites out his throat, . 119
Locheill hastes to the shoar and offers quarter — thirty-four accept — clever trick of
an Irishman — an attempt to shoot Locheill, who narrowly escapes by ducking,
[stooping] — the fury of his men thereupon — another attempt to shoot him, 120
But he is saved by his foster-brother, who receives the shott — Locheill revenges his
death, and conveys him three miles on his back in order to his interment — five of
Locheil's men killed, and 138 of the English slain — two of their party only known
to escape — whereof one served Locheill as a cook, '. . 121
Simplicity of some of the Highlanders — observations on the different motives of
courage between Highlanders and common soldiers, '. . 122
Spirit of emulation among the Highlanders — story of an Englishman — the English
neither demanded quarter nor parted with their arms — account of the soldiers in
the other ship — crewelty to an old man, who escapes, . . 123
They come to the middle of the Loch — they fire from their ship, and upon Locheil's
retiring take up the bodies — the Governour alarmed — he designs to march to the
relief of his men, but is diverted from it — his surprize on seeing their deep
wounds, ... . . . 124
Art as well as strength in using the broadsword — Locheill acquires great reputation
for his courage and conduct — his conduct in stopping his enemy's retreat censured
— the bravery of the English, . . . . .125
Their bad arms the cause of their ruin — Locheill ordered such of his men as lived
near the Garrison to submitt — which gives him an opportunity of obtaining an
other victorey — the skirmish of Auchintour, . . 126
He returns to General Middletoun, by whom he is received with great honour —
General Middleton's success — he is expected southward — character of the Earl of
London — his kind letter to Locheill, . . f^:- 127
Arrivall and adventures of Captain Wogan, . . '"-i » 128
Locheill in great friendship with him and his brave party, and shares in their honour
— they are perpetwally in action — his death — [Monk protracts the war, and avoids
general engagements, which Middleton and the Highland Chiefs wish to bring on,] 129
[But they are opposed by the Lowlanders] — Locheill has news of the Governour's
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destroying his woods— he returns home privatly with 150 men— the wood of
Stroneviss— where Locheill posts himself and his party— his conduct and policy, 130
[The attack is successful,] all the [English] officers killed— the Governor's favour
ite—his character— lamented by all that knew him— the surprize and rage of the
101
Governour, .
He resolves to revenge the death of his favourite, and marches with 1500 men
against Locheill— Locheill keeps in view of him— the Governour returns— insulted
by the Camerons, . • • . . 132
The English keep within their Garrison— Locheil's policy to train them out— one of
his stratagems — the Governour watches him, • • 133
Locheill is sent for by Middletoun— the Governour advertises General Morgan of
Locheil's journey — he travells with great caution, 134
And takes up his quarters in the mountains — account of the sheallings or sheildings
— his strange dream — the Borrowing-days — the enemy [surround the cottage
where he is sleeping] — he is surprized, but escapes the English, 135
Their strength — they pass three several guards undiscovered — some of his men and
all his valuable baggage fall into their hands — Locheill again in danger — but he
escapes — the enemy the same that were with him in the morning, . 136
Ho meets with the General, who breaks up his army, and retires to the Isles — Loch
eill, and the gentlemen with him, waite on him in the Spring, 137
The war.given over by consent — the General retires to the King — his declaration in
favours of Locheill — the Governour and his Garrison take heart, . . 138
The adventure of the hunters — many of the officers killed — account of the suburbs
of the Garrison — which furnishes the Governour with spyes — Locheill often dis
covers and hangs them, . . . .139
The fidelity of the Camerons — Locheill calls a meeting of his Clan — informs them
of the conclusion of the War— designs to make an honourable peace — his friends
approve [of] his resolution, . . . .140
Locheill meets with Macnachtan, and marches in the evening to Portachrekine —
his speech to his men — his stratagem for seizing three English Collonells lodged
there, . . . . 141
Locheill takes the three Collonels and others — Lieutenant-Collonel Campbell one
of his prisoners — their great fright ; but Locheill uses them well, . 142
They inform themselves of Locheil's actions — the isleand of Lock Arkike and Loch
described, [where his prissoners are confined] — the Forest of Glen Kingsy, to which
Locheill carries his guests by water — account of a deer-hunting, . 143
The English gentlemen agreeably diverted, and much pleased with their landlord,
for whom they conceive a great friendship — Locheill dissembles his designs — his
answer [to their exhortations to make an honourable peace,] . 144
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PAGE
Locheill gradually gives in that opinion — but declares that he will not consent that
his Clan give up their arms, or take oaths to Cromwell — Collonel Campbell under
takes that neither of these should be demanded, and ralleys Locheill, . 145
Locheill makes a draught of his terms — and employs Collonel Campbell and Sir
Arthur Forbes to treat for him with General Monk — the Treaty agreed to
by the General, . ,,. .^ . . . . .146
His letter to Locheill — he makes few alterations in the Articles — Collonel Campbell
acquits himself honourably — the Marquis of Argyle very active for Locheill, and
becomes his guarantee — the original Treaty lost, but some Articles preserved in
the General's letters, . . . . . 147
First Article, concerning oaths, consented to — second Article, concerning arms,
granted, but under limitations — Locheill allowed reparation for his woods from
the capitulation — ample indemnity granted for all cryms proceeding the Treaty
— reparation granted for all losses sustained by his tenants — discharged of all bye-
gone cess, tythes, and publick burdens, . . 148
Provision concerning Macintosh, eleventh Article [of the Treaty,] relieved of all de
mands by Macintosh for byegones, to the value of L.500 sterling — the Treaty
faithfully performed by General Monk — Articles on the other side — Locheill agrees
to the Treaty, and invites his guests to witness his submission — the order of the
ceremony, . . . . . . 149
Locheill and his friends entertained by the Governour, and his men also — quarrell
between Collonel Allan and one of Locheil's friends — submitted to the General,
and made up by the Governour — the General's letter to Locheill on his accepting
the terms, ...... 150
Several criminall suits against Locheill and his Clan — he compleans to the General,
who wrytes to the Criminal Judges — his letter — which putts an end to them — new
suites before the Sheriff — he again compleans, . . . 151
[Monk writes again,] 5th October 1655 — the General procures ane order from the
Councill and stops them, and the Camerons allowed to live in peace — Locheill
compleans that his tenants are overcharged with publick burdens — the General
procures him the management of the revenues of that country — the General
changes his address to Locheill after the Treaty, and corresponds with him there
after, ...... 152
Locheill turns young M'Martine out of his estate — the General interposes, 29th
September 1656 — Locheill brings M'Martine to his terms, and restores him —
the long wars rendered his Clan licentious — he inclines to settle a Minister among
them, but the ill oppinion he had of the Clergy keept him in suspense, 153
He wryts to the General about it, who returns a civil answer — the affair delayed
till Major Hill becomes Governor, who procures a grant from the Counceillforhis
xxiv TABLE OF CONTENTS.
PAGE
[the Minister's] support, 2d December 1657— Locheill in love with a sister of Sir
James M' Donald of Slate— character of Sir James— Locheill marries the young
bdy— the Laird of Glenurchy at the wedding— some of his retinue arrested at
Inverness for carrying arms,
But relieved by Lochoill— who communicates his privileges to all his neighbours,
by givoing them certificats— he brings his lady to Lochaber— ho and his com-
pany entertained by a Highland Bard— subject of the Poem,
Criticall account of it— charracter of the Ganlick Translation of the Poem, 156
The Poet liberally rewarded,
Ground of the criminall process at the Earl of Calender's instance against Locheill
and his Clan Lorheill procures a Letter from General Monk, in name of the
Counceill, to that Earl, . . .159
The Letter, which stops the prosecution — remark — Locheill much troubled by Mac
intosh, ...... 160
The Arbiters often meet, but cannot agree partys — Macintosh insists in a process at
law Locheill, though well supported by interest, is afraid of the issue, and applys
to the General — who, by a Letter, proposes a new form of submission to the
Judges— the General's Letter to the Civil Judges — Locheill at peace, » . . j 162
He expects good things from the General with regard to the King — and declares
for the Parliament against the army — the General sends him a Letter of thanks,
10th Dec. 1659 — and brings about the Restoration, ib.
BOOK SECOND.
Opinions of the English with regard to General Monk's march into England — the
Scots of a different opinion, and the reasons of it, . . 163
[ Monk's treatment of those suspected of loyalty,] . . 164
[The King's attempts to gain Monk, who declines to commit himself,] . 165
The General very kind to Locheill, who attends him in his expedition to London —
the General receives many addresses on his march for a free Parliament — Loch
eill loses the opportunity of holding his Majesty's stirrop att his entry — is intro
duced by the General — his gracious reception by the King — and by the Dukes,
hi* brothers, . . . . .166
He is complimented by the General with the materials of the Garrison of Inver-
lochy— Marquis of Argile condemned and forfeited, 27th May 1661— the King's
orders to his Parliament thereupon — Locbeil's claim on Swynard and Ardna-
murchan, . . .. . jgy
Huntly recovers his estate, [which had been given to Argile during the Usurpation,]
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PAGE
by way of gift from the Crown — the Parliament's Report to the King in favours
of Locheill, 24th Dec. 1662— who returns to Court, . . 168
But is disappointed by Lauderdale, who is ane enemy to the Loyalists — the justice
of Locheil's claim, • . . . . 169
Lauderdale 's design of restoreing Argile — how he disappointed Locheill — he stirs
up enemy s against him — the Earl of Callander renews his claim against Locheill, 170
Is supported by Lauderdale — Locheil's defences — [which are repelled,] . 171
Severe sentence against him — but is acquitted for want of proof — Lauderdale stirrs
up Macintosh against him, . . . .172
Original and progress of Macintosh his claim, . . . 173
Macintosh petitions the Parliament against Locheill — but is opposed by the Commis
sioner, &c. — yet obtains a decree against Locheill — not the Parliament, but the
Session the proper judges — [Locheill prevails upon the Chancellor to write to the
President of the Court of Session in his favor,] . . 175
The Chancellor his Letter to the Lords of Session — the effects of it — arguments for
Locheill, -fc>-, . . . . . . 176
Arguments for Macintosh, . . . .178
Character of Sir George Lockhart — [retained by Locheill,] . .179
Locheill complains to the King — the King's gracious answer — Locheill waits on the
Duke of Albemarle, . . . . 180
And on the Duke [of York,] &c. — the King's letter to his Commissioners in his
favour — Locheill comes to Scotland, . . . ; 18 1
Marries Sir Allan M'Lean's sister — and arrives in Lochaber — Macintosh petitions
for fire and sword aginst him, but is opposed by the Chancellour — he [Macintosh]
obtains warrand to charge Locheill to appear in fifteen days before the Council, 182
And, upon his disobedience, procures letters of fire and sword against him — Locheill
lives in peace for two years — and the Commissioners refuse to assist in executing
the letters — Macintosh trys his own Clan, . . .183
But in vain — the M'Phersons prove also refractory — Locheill sends parties into his
country, who succeed — Macintosh sends others into Lochaber, without success, 184
And resolves to agree with his Clan — Locheill stops his progress by ane order from
the Councill — Macintosh in great anger — but obeys — the partys appear — the
Chancellor's speech — both partys consent to a submission to the Councill — they
appear a second time — the Chancellor's second speech, . .185
Macintosh displeased with the Chancellor — who recommends ane agreement — the
partys meet, but cannot agree, • • • .186
They are called before the Councill a third time — the Chancellor proposes 72,000
merks, as the price of the lands in dispute — which Macintosh rejects — and as he
xxvj TABLE OF CONTENTS.
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is stealing home, is stopped bj one order from the Councill— and tricks both
them and LocheiU— Macintosh gets his Clan to subscribe a bond— character of
Uuny M'Pherson, . 187
Macintosh hires him to assist in his invading Lochaber— Macintosh is again stopt
bj the Earl of Murray— the Earlo writes to him, desireing a meeting about new
proposals— Macintosh consents — and marches into Lochaber with 1500 men —
Locheill gathers his Clan— and opposes him with 1200 men, whereof 300 are bow -
.... .188
Description of the Loch and River of Arkiko— and of the Loch and River of Lochy
— Macintosh removes two miles up Locharkike — Locheill follows, after leaving a
guard at the ford, . • • • .189
And informs his Clan of his resolution to attack Macintosh — which they approve —
and agree upon the method — character of the Earl of Breadalbane, who appears
as a mediator, ........ 190
Errocht detatchod with a party, to attack Macintosh — Locheill on his march by the
head of the Loch, to fight the enemy, is stopped by Breadalbane, who brings back
Errocht, ..... 191
And agrees the parties — on the former conditions — after a quarrel of three hundred
and sixty years — Locheill a great looser by that old feud — which obliged his pre
decessors to abandon their original estate — which was above four times the value
of his present estate — omission in the treaty, . . 192
The partys exchange swords in token of their agreement — and conclude the treaty
next spring — Locheill submits the lands to be holden of Argile — who advances
the money — misfortunes of the M' Leans — their original and progress, . 193
Some small sums wherein the Marquis was cautioner or surety for him, [M'Lean
—who also grants a bond of L.I 4,000 Scots, and anotherof L.I 6,000 Scots, to the
Marquis — the greater part of which the M' Leans allege was repaid — but the Mar
quis obtains decree for the whole, without any deduction,] . . 194
[Upon the forfeiture of the Marquis — M'Lean and his tutor apply for relief to Par
liament, who evade the claim — division of the Marquis's forfeited estate — which
includes the alleged debt by M'Lean — his neglect to make an arrangement with
the Marquis's Creditors — which might have relieved him,] . . 195
[Earl of Argile defeats the creditors, and procures letters of fire and sword against
M'Lean— weak conduct of M'Lean's tutors]— Locheill assists the M'Leans— and
falls out with Argile— [and joins Glengarry, Keppoch, and Glencoe, in protect
ing Mull from Argile's invasion,] . . ]gg
[Proclamation issued, prohibiting the Highland Chiefs from rising in arms— in which
Argile gets himself included— knowing that it would be inoperative against him
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PAGE
— Locheil's difficulty in extricating himself from this snare — he succeeds, 10th
December 1669,] . . '. . 197
[Refuses to see Argile — and upon one occasion draws a pistol to shoot him — but is
prevented by his servant — continues for three or four years to reside in Mull
during the summer — in the spring of 1674 taken ill of a bloody -flux — continues
to assist the M' Leans by his advice, so long as he is able — Glengarry undermines
him in the good opinion of the M' Leans — and advises them to invade Argile 's
territory — but, being tired of the country,] . »; 198
[Contrives a singular stratagem to put an end to the invasion — Argile, as heredi
tary Justiciary of the Isles, summons the M 'Leans to appear before his Court — and,
upon their refusal, they are declared rebels — invades Mull in 1674, and makes him
self master of it all, excepting Dowart Castle — the M'Leans still resist,] , . 199
[Locheill recovers from his malady — Argile proposes terms of reconciliation, which
his friends urge him to accept — secret correspondence between some of the lead
ing men of the Camerons and Argile — strong representations by the Clan, in fa
vor of a reconciliation,] '••••.;. ',,+• . . 200
[ Locheill agrees to an interview, and sets out for Dunstaflhage to meet Argile — who
explains his views — and pledges himself not to adopt extreme measures against the
M'Leans,] . V . . 201
[Locheil's reply — a reconciliation effected — Locheill accompanies Argile to Inver-
ary — singular instance of the zeal and fidelity of two of his followers,] , 202
[ Argile dissatisfied with Locheil's performance of the terms agreed upon, and writes
to the Lady Dowager of Locheill, complaining of his conduct,] 20th September
1675, . . „ . .,,*., 203
[Locheill suspects the sincerity of Argile's assurances — which is the reason of his con
duct — but attends him to Mull with 50 men — and receives an acquittance for part
of the money he had borrowed from the Marquis — Macintosh of Connage at
tempts to levy public burdens in Lochaber — but is forced by Locheill and Kep-
poch to leave the country — complains to the Privy Council — Locheill forced to
come to Edinburgh, to state his case — he is acquitted,] ^ 204
[Some souldiers, in attempting to levy cess, kill a woman — her death revenged by
the villagers — Locheill in] 1682 [summoned to Edinburgh, to answer for the
conduct of his men — meets the Duke of York — who receives him with great kind
ness — and requests hie sword for the purpose of knighting him — is unable to draw
it — elegant compliment which the Duke pays Locheill upon that occasion,] 205
[Upon the Duke's leaving Edinburgh the prosecution against his men recommences
— Locheill contrives to abduct the witnesses against them, and they are acquitted
—trial of the Earl of Argile,] .•_. • • • 206
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FAOE
[Hi« condemnation, forfeiture, and escape— hi« forfeiture proves a great source of
trouble to Locheill,] .... 207
[Coramiwiion granted to the Sheriff of Inverness to hold Court* in Lochaber, who
accordingly comes there with that intention — Locheil's displeasure— singular
stratagem adopted by him to put a stop to the Sheriff's proceedings,] . 208
[Which is successftil— and the Sheriff declines in future to hold Courts there— ac
count of the danger Locheill incurred of losing his estate by the forfeiture of the
Argile Family,] .... 209
[The Duke of Gordon endeavours to induce Locheill to become his vassal for part
of his hinds — but Locheill applies for a grant of the superiority himself— in this
application he is in a great measure successful — but owing to a technical blunder
the deeds require to be re- written before they can be signed — King Charles II. dies
— the Earl of Argile enters Scotland and raises a rebellion — Locheill being then in
London, is sent for by the Private Committee at Edinburgh to assist in suppress
ing this rebellion,] .... 210
[King James II. promises to attend to his interests— Locheill arrives in Scotland, and
joins the Marquis of Athol at Inverary,] . . • 21 1
[Argile encamps on the side of Lochfine opposite Inverary*— intends to surprise the
Royal Forces — who send out three reconnoitering parties, who are, however, all
ignorant of the others being sent out— Locheill strenuously recommends an im
mediate attack on Argile— which he offers to lead— the Marquis of Athol of
fended at this offer, which he refuses abruptly,] , . 212
[ Locheill ordered out that evening to reconnoitre — without being informed of any
Other parties having been sent out— mistakes the Perthshire squadron for enemies
— shots exchanged, and several of the Perthshire gentlemen killed — Locheil's
8™''] . . .213
[Consequent disturbance in the camp— idea of making Locheill a prisoner — which is
abandoned— Locheill and the Macleans withdraw themselves from the camp, and
remain all night under arms,] . . . 214
[Receives an order to return to the camp— languid operations of the Marquis of Athol
against Argile— Locheill attempts to act more vigorously— constantly thwarted,] 215
[Argile's army at last dispersed, and himself taken prisoner by a weaver— Rumbold
taken along with him,] . ^
[Royal army disbanded, 2lst June 1685— the Chancelor's letter to Locheill-. Earl
of Argile beheaded— honours heaped tipon the Marquis of Athol— who intends to
try Locheill for the misfortune at Inverary,] .
[Athol sends Captain Mackenzie of Suddy with a party of soldiers into Lochaber
with private instructions to arrest Locheill— his eldest daughter being in Edin*
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burgh, receives private information of the design^-which she communicates to
Locheill — whoconceals himself from Mackenzie, andstarts immediately for London
— which he reaches before his enemies perceive that he had left Lochaber — finds
every one at Court so strongly prepossessed against him, that he despairs even of
being able to obtain an interview with the King,] *•*> . .217
[Anecdote of Locheil's extreme modesty — Lieutenant-General Drummond informs
the King that Locheill is in London,] . . . . 218
[Character of General Drummond — the King's gracious reception of Locheill in his
dressing-room,] . . . . 219
[His Majesty commands Locheill to follow him to the Chamber of Presence — sud
den change of the behaviour of the courtiers to him — the Duke of Gordon presses
his claims against Locheill before the Court of Session,] , . 220
[Account of these claims — their extreme harshness — • Locheill complains bitterly to
the King of the Duke's conduct,] - , , . . 221
[His Majesty's severe rebuke to the Duke — who excuses himself — the King insists on
being made arbiter between them — but nothing is done owing to the Duke of Mon-
mouth's rebellion — Locheill prosecuted by one of the Marquis of Argile's creditors, ] 222
[The King, upon Mr Barclay of Ury's representation, writes to the Commissioners of
the Treasury in regard to these claims,] . . . 223
[The Duke of Gordon obliged to comply,] . . ,4 -. 224
[The King stops procedure, and upon hearing the statements of parties as referee,
decides in favour of Locheill in all points — the Duke throws every obstacle in the
way of getting the Report made out — the King offers Locheill the lands of Swy-
nard and Ardnamurchan for 40,000 merks — but the Revolution prevents the trans
action being closed — the King determined that Locheill shall be master of his
own Clan, and not subject to the Duke's Courts,] , . 225
[Report of the Lord Auditors upon this dispute,] . , . 226
[Which displeases the Duke of Gordon,] , ,. 4. 227
[The King's final award in favour of Locheill- — who imagined that his difficulties
were at an end,] . . . •-•-, 228
[Unhappy dispute between Macintosh and Keppoch — Locheill attempts to mediate,
but finding a rupture inevitable, goes to Edinburgh, in order to be out of the
way — the M'Martins, a tribe of the Camerons, much connected with the Mac-
donalds of Keppoch — and offer their services to Keppoch— Macintosh marches into
Lochaber,] . 229
[Accompanied by about a thousand men— besides a company of regular troops under
Mackenzie of Suddy— is totally defeated and taken prisoner by Keppoch, and
Mackenzie of Suddy killed — Locheill accused of being accessory to this violence,] 230
[Having received private information from Lord Tarbatthat there was an intention
XXX TABLE OF CONTENTS.
PAGE
to arrwt him, conceal* himself during the day in the jail, through the connivance
of the clerk, one of his clansmen— and makes his escape at night to Lochaber—
the breaking out of the Revolution— Locheill ordered to rendezvouse at Inverary
—•ends his eldest son John to Drummond Castle to escort the Chancelor to Loch
aber,] ... .231
[The Chancelor fails to meet them, and is taken prisoner— Locheill spends the win
ter in preparations to serve King James,] . » ' 232
BOOK THIRD.
Locheill projects a confederacy for King James — receives a letter from his Majesty, 233
The Chins agree to it and write to the King — account of affairs of State — the Coun-
cill upon the old footing — and act for King James — [a few Scotish Lords, without
authority, upon] 8th January 1688-9, [address the Prince of Orange in the name
of the people of Scotland] — Prince of Orange calls a Convention of the Estates, 234
Which vote themselves a free Parliament — Viscount of Dundee and others obliged
to retire — Dundee is informed of the confederacy [of the Clans] — which confirms
him in his design of appearing for King James — account of [Mr Philips of Amrys-
closs,] the Author of the Grameis, . . . • 235
Dundee generally encouraged — he writes to Locheill — and the Clans send a de
tachment to receive him under the command of Keppoch — Dundee marches into
the Northern Highlands — account of that country, . • ~\ 236
Dundee engages the Northern Highlanders — returns to his own country — retires
from General Mackay — marches to Inverness — but Keppoch, who maltreats the
magistrates, disappoints him, and marches home — character of Keppoch, 237
Dundee returns and receives the King's commission — surprises the Lairds of Blair
and Pollock — and marches to Dundee — Viscount Kilsyth privately favours King
James, . . . ... 238
Dundee gets new assurances of loyalty — marches to Lochaber — is received with great
honour — he writes to the King, and invites him to come to Scotland, . 239
His reasons for it — General Mackay solicits the Chins to revolt — prevails with
Grant — Macintosh neuteral — Macka/s offers to Locheill — who shows the letters
to Dundee — two expresses from Mackay taken — Dundee marches against Gene
ral Ramsay — who retires and is pursued, . . . . 240
Dundee returns and pursues Mackay — Castle of Rivan surrendered — two troopers
[arrive] from the Viscount of Kylsyth with intelligence — Captain Forbess meets
them, and discovers all to Mackay, . •-, « ./, 241
Who imprisons Kylsyth — Dundee near surprises Mackay, who quickly retreats, and
TABLE OF CONTENTS. XXXi
PAGE
is warmly pursued — Mackay abandons his Camp thrice in one day — Keppoch
burns Macintosh his house and lands, . . , 242
Is sharply reprimanded by Dundee — Keppoch's apology and submission — Dundee
at Edinglassy — is informed of Mackay's return with great accession of new forces
— and retreats with good order, , , . . . 243
Some of his men hanged by Edinglassy — and by Grant — the adventure of the Mac-
Leans at Knockbrecht, as related by the Earl of Balcarrass, . 244
Account of that action as related by Mr Philips, - . . • . 245
Knockbrecht, or the speckled rock, . . . 246
Dundee is mett by Sir Alexander M'Lean with 200 men — is invited by Locheill
into Lochaber, 20th May 1689, .. . * 247
The arrival of Sir Donald MacDonald of Slate — his character — Mr Philips' account
of him, » . , . . 248
Character of the Captain of Clanranald — his family, . . 249
Mr Philips' account of him — proposal to discipline the Highlanders — opposed by
Locheill — his reasons, . . • , f 250
Dundee drops the design — resolution of the Camerons to revenge themselves on the
Grants, . . . . t . f 252
They march into Strathspey — meet with one [of] MacDonald of Glengarry's family
— their conversation with him — MacDonald killed among the Grants, whose cattle
they carry to Lochaber, -, • • . . 253
Glengarry resents his death, and demands satisfaction from Dundee — but is refused
— and threatens to revenge himself on the Camerons — Locheill makes a jest of
his threats, . . . , , • . 254
Which end in nothing — Glengary*s policy — the Lord Murray raises 1200 Atholl
men under pretence of serveing King James — Ballachan garrisons the Castle of
Blair — and refuses to give it up without orders from Dundee, . 255
The Lord Murray solicits Mackay and his army to come and besiege it — Dundee
marches to its defence with 1800 men — Locheill stays in Lochaber waiting for
his men — but is obliged after repeated orders to joyn Dundee with the few he had
— Dundee sends to the Lord Murray, . . . 256
Who refuses to see his messengers — the Atholl men sollicite him to declare himself
in favours of King James — but he refusing, they desert him — Dundee meets Ge
neral Cannon with 300 Irish — ships with provisions sent by King James, taken
by the enemy, ..... 257
Dundee arrives at the Castle of Blair upon the 27th July 1689 — Pass of Kyly-
chranky — Dundee calls a councill of war — the Lowland officers against fighting
— their reasons, ... . . . 258
Character of Glengary, . . • :' ji : » 259
TABLE OF CONTENTS.
PAGE
Mr Philip's account of him,
Glengary's opinion and advice— Dundee desires Locheill to give his opinion— Loch-
eil's answer, . •
He advises to fight immediately, . • 263
Dundee and his Councill resolve to fight — the army's joy thereupon — Locheill, in
name of the Chiefs, begs Dundee not to risk his person— but Dundee refuses to
comply, .. ^ 264
The army marches — the order of Mackay's troops — Dundee advances within
musquet shot of the enemy, who fire upon his men in platoons, . 265
The order of Dundee's army — Locheill obliged to fight Mackay's regiment with 240
men — a regiment assigned to each clan, . . . 266
Dundee hinders his army from engageing till the sun is down — Locheill diverts their
impatience by a stratagem — the Highlanders attack the enemy — their great
resolution, ..... . 267
Sir William Wallace commands the horse — the Earl of Dunfermlin's great modesty
— Sir William Wallace his ill conduct — Dundee advances towards the enemy
with sixteen horse ; and, halting, makes signs to the rest to advance — the High
landers gain a bloody victory with the loss of a third of their number, . 268
The Earl of Leven's whole regiment, and the half of Collonel Hastings his battalion,
keep the field — the sixteen gentlemen that followed Dundee, with a few High
landers, resolve to attack the half regiment — they find Dundee's body, and while
they stop about it, are attacked by Leven's regiment — the death of Pitcurr — his .
character, . . . . . .- 269
Earl of Dunfermline's horse killed under him — they again resolve to attack the ene
my, but cannot — but these regiments are partly killed, and partly taken by the
Atholl men — snrprizeing wounds made by the broadsword, . 270
Account of Locheil's behaviour in the action — the Highlanders much fatigued
mistake of the Earl of Balcarrass, .... 271
Another mistake with respect to Sir Donald MacDonald — Sir Donald's behaviour, 272
Reasons for Balcarrass his mistakes— Dundee's death renders the victory ineffectual, 273
His descent — he serves in France and in Holland, where he lived in great esteem, t&.
He saves the life of the Prince of Orange, 1674, [by giving him his horse] — he is
made Captain of the Prince's Guards, . . . 274
And promised a regiment— but the Prince bestows it on Mr Collier— with whom
Dundee falling out he beats him with his cane — for which he is brought before
the Prince — Dundee answers resolutely and quite the service— the Prince sends
'JOO guineas for his horse— Dundee divides the gold among the Prince's grooms,
1677— (arrives in England, where] he is well received, and getts ane independent
company of horse from King Charles II., « 275
TABLE OF CONTENTS. xxxiii
PAGE
He is much in favour with King James — the influence that his appearing for King
James had upon the nation — the Chiefs resign themselves to his conduct, 276
Remarkable instance of his authority over the Highlanders — wounderfully expe
ditious and active, but jriae and deliberat in his councils — his opinion of
Locheill, . . * . 277
Ingenious tryal how the Highlanders would behave in any sudden alarm — Dundee
of great honour and veracity, and strickly religious and devout, . 278
Well learned in. the Mathematicks and the Belles Lettres, and much master of the
Epistolary stile — a great economist — but generous in the King's service — the sum
of his character, . . . i, . 279
His epitaph— the Laird of Largo [Largie] and other gentlemen killed in the battle
— the memorable death of Gilbert Ramsay, . . . 280
The Ministers of State in great consternation, . . „ 281
But the news of Dundee's death dissipates their fears — the great grief of his army
— who bury him and the other gentlemen in the Church of Blair, . 282
General Canon commands the army — which is joyned by 500 Camerons and by
many others — and augmented to 5000 men — general preparations through the
kingdome for that service — come to nothing by Dundee's death — and by the bad
conduct of General Canon, who sends the Robertsons to Perth — where they are
surprized and defeated, >. . . . . 283
Mackay marches against Canon with inferior forces — General Canon calls a Coun-
cill of war — the Chiefs oppose the Lowland officers their voting in it — Locheill
advises to fight, . . . 284
But the [Lowland] officers voting, 'tis carried against him and the Chiefs — the
army becomes dispirited and desert— Locheill retires to Lochaber, and others of
the Chiefs go home, .... 285
Canon and Mackay every day in sight of other — tho Cameronian regiment at Dun-
tell — Canon attempts to dislodge them, but with ill conduct — he beats their out-
guards and rushes into the town — the resolution of the Highlanders, . 286
Canonretreats when the enemy are upon the pointof surrendering — eighteen or twenty
of the Highlanders killed — three hundred of the enemy killed — the army discou
raged, drops away — and Canon retires to Lochaber — many of the Lowland gen
tlemen make their peace, .... 287
General Buchan arrives with letters from King James — the King's Letter to Loch
eill — that King strong in Ireland — Alexander Strachan taken — he confesses all
that he knew of King James his affairs, . . . 288
King William offers the Highlanders a cessation of arms — the Earl of Breadalbane
offered L.5000 sterling to bring it about, 20th February 1690 — but he refuses the
TABLE OF CONTENTS.
PAGE
offer— the Higlilanders thereafter agree to it— the Council accept of the offer, but
cannot effect it— the Earl of Seaforth arrives from King James,
That King's Letter to Locheill— the Highlanders in great rage that no assistance
WM «ent them, . ... 290
Many of them propose to submitt to King William— their reasons— others continue
firm to King James, .
Lochcil'a speech on that debate, • 292
The Chiefs agree to continue the war — and send General Buchan with 1200 men to
the North — he marches to Cromdale — his negligence and bad conduct — where he
is surprized and defeated, . ... 294
The bravery of the Highlanders — Buchan looses his reputation — Grant of Glen-
morriston and others submitt — [Glenmorriston's house burnt and his lands plun
dered,] 14th February 1689 — and [he] makes his peace with the Government —
the Chiefs send General Canon with 600 foot and 100 horse towards the South, 295
He surprizes a party of dragoons at Cardross — Buchan meets another strong body
of horse, and prepares to attack them — but they fly, and he pursues them to Aber
deen — Canon strengthened by 400 horse — joyns Buchan — King James defeated
in Ireland, 7th July 1690, . . .296
King William's conversation with Mackay after the battle of the Boyn — character
of General Mackay — ho was a generous enemy — but fanatical and bigoted in his
principles, . . . . . 297
Ane excellent officer — successful in all his attempts after Dundee's death — he praises
Dundee's conduct and the valour of the Highlanders — hisbehaviour after his defeat, 298
The miserable condition of his broken troops — his opinion of matters after Dundee's
death — his contempt of General Canon — he is sent for by the Council from Ire-
knd, and plants a strong garrison at Inverlochy — the Ministers of State anxious
to have peace with the Highlanders — their reasons, . . 299
They send proper persons to try their inclinations — the Chiefs incline to enter into
a treaty but with King James his permission — the Marquis of Athol and Earl of
Argile fond of being employed — Locheil's interest carries it with the Chiefs in
favours of Breadalbane, . ... 300
Who obtains full powers from King William to treat — conditions upon which the
Chiefs are willing to submit, . . .301
Argile, Ac. sent to reduce the Isles — surrender of Island- Stalker — memorable ar
ticle in that capitulation — the ministers employ all their policy to reduce the
Highland^ — and give. Commission to Collonel Hill to seize Looheil's and the
other Chiefs their estates, . . 302
15th June 1691, Sir Thomas Livingston ordered to march to the borders of the
TABLE OF CONTENTS. XXXV
PAGE
Highlands, with 10,000 men, 22d July 1691 — but is countermanded by Queen
Mary, 23d July — and challenged by King William for not proceeding, August
3 — the Queen's answer to the Council thereupon, [that] a cessation of arms was part
of the treaty — Appine seized — but sett at liberty by the Queen's orders — King
William in Flanders, . . , 303
He easily consents to the conditions of the treaty, except the demanding permission
from King James — which [he, however,] allso grants — King William writes to his
Council about it, . . ,.<.-- «, . 304
Proclamation ordered to be issued out against the Macgregors — ane ambiguous passage
in King William's letter — the Councill returns answer — and demand ane interpre
tation of that passage — memorable passage concerning a paper put into their
hands, relateing to Breadalbane, t ' f . . 305
But King William returns no answer — the forces ordered to march into the High
lands, immediatly after the treaty, 31st August — strange orders to Argile — the
treaty not well performed, but treacherous and false, . . . 306
And designed only to amuse the Chiefs — mysterious passage in the CouncilTs letter
explained — it proceeds from Glengary's design to ruin the Earl of Breadalbane —
the progress of that affair, . •;. ". * .. . 307
[Breadalbane's policy — and Glengary's treachery to him,] . . , 308
Articles charged against Breadalbane — Glengary's conduct unjustifiable — he designs
to render the treaty abortive, . . , 309
He amuses the Chiefs with false stories of invasions, &c. — letter to Locheill relating
thereto — the original of this and of several others is still extant, . .310
The Chiefs do not submit, waiting King James his answer — Maj or Meinzies only eleven
days between Paris and Dunkell — King James his letter, • t • 311
His Majesty in a bad scituation, December 30, 1691 — Locheill submits a few hours
before the expireing of the indemnity — which is used as ane excuse fornot executing
the treaty — Glengary suspected of keeping up the King's letter, . . . 312
Major Meinzies applys by Sir Thomas Livingston to the Council for a prorogation
of the dyet — but to no purpose — 16th January 1692, King William commands to
cutt off such of the Highlanders as had not submitted — [his letter,] . 313
Remarks on the foregoing letter, . . ,314
The forces enter the Highlands thereupon — description of Glencoe — troops quartered
there — the Laird of Glencoe submits to the Governor of Inverlochy, ' '. 315
And thereby thinks himself secure — [letters and instructions relative to the mas
sacre]— 1st December 1691— llth January 1691-2, . 316
TABLE OF CONTENTS.
PAGE
[ Lord Carmarthen's representation against the intended massacres,] . 317
[In part successful— massacres agreed to be restricted to Glencoe, in the meantime
—King William's order to extirpate them accordingly]— 16th January 1G91-2 —
[signed and countersigned hy his Majesty,] • • 318
[Orders sent to Major Duncanson in command of the troops quartered at Ballachol-
Us,] . • -j 319
[ His letter to Captain Campbell of Glenlyon — account of the massacre,] . ^f , 320
( Two sons of Glencoe escape— wretched state of the survivors — Glencoe's charac
ter,] . .321
[Universal horror upon hearing of the massacre,] . . 322
[Energetic measures of Locheill and the other Chiefs, who put themselves into a
posture of defence — and expel the soldiers quartered upon their estates — the troops
evacuate the Higldands — Johnston of Warriston's influence with the Committee
of Estates — he induces them at first to make no enquiry into the subject — but after
wards, in 1G95, upon a pique against the Secretary, [Lord Stair,] ho obtains an
investigation,] .... 323
[Which, however, ends in nothing — Generals Buchan and Canon leave Scotland, and
embark for Franco, 26th April 1692 — Sir John M'Loan goes to England — his
character,] .... 324
[His reception by Queen Mary — her character,] . . 325
[SHe gives Sir John a recommendation to King William — his gracious reception bj
that Prince, who informs the Duko of Argilo that he must part with Sir John's
estate, and that he himself would be the purchaser — to which the Duke readily ac
cedes,] ...... 326
[Favourable terms upon which the Duke offers the estate to Sir John M'Lean — im
prudently refused by Sir John — during the course of the negotiations the battle of
Landen takes place — after which Sir John M'Lean goes to St Germains — where
he is coldly received — and King William confirms the Earl of Argile's former
right* by a new grant — hardships endured by the family of Perth for the sake of
King James,] . . . . . . 327
[Severe and arbitrary treatment of suspected persons,] . . 328
[ Lord Drummoud arrested, and soon after many other of the principal Jacobite gentle-
mcn'l ... .329
[Character of Lord Drummond — and account of his family,] 330
[Hereditary friendship between the families of Perth and Locheill,] . 331
[Locheill much suspected by the Government— his plans to disarm its jealousy—
TABLE OF CONTENTS. xxxvil
PACE
shews great attention to the officers in garrison at Fort-William — invites them to
hunt and shoot upon his estate — singular quarrel between an English officer and
Highland duniwhassal,] . . . . 332
[They arrange a hostile meeting,] . '• . . . 334
[But are reconciled by the bystanders,] . . . 335
APPENDIX.
GENERAL INDEX.
PREFACE.
THE Editor has to regret that the present Memoirs have not
been given to the public, by one more competent to do them
justice. But particular circumstances, over which he had no
control, having devolved this task upon him, he can only
hope that the intrinsic value of the work may form some apo
logy for editorial imperfections.
Although the Memoirs cannot exactly be termed contempo
raneous, yet they were compiled so very recently after the date of
the transactions recorded, and from such unexceptionable sources
as to afford the most satisfactory guarantee for their authenticity.
While the general candour and impartiality of the narrative,
and the additional light thrown upon the manners and state of
society in Scotland during the seventeenth century, must ren
der them an acceptable addition to antiquarian literature.
There is no reason to doubt that the Author was JOHN
DRUMMOND, one of the family of Drummond of Balhaldy in
Stirlingshire ; but whether he was the grandson or great-grand-
xj PREFACE.
son of Sir Ewen Cameron, or whether he was the proprietor of
Balhaldy, or only a younger brother, does not seem perfectly
certain. •
Alexander Drummond of Balhaldy, some time previous to
the battle of Kiliiecrankic, which took place in 1689, married
Margaret, eldest daughter of Sir Ewen Cameron of Locheill.
It appears, from information collected by the late Donald
Gregory, Esq., author of the " History of the Western High
lands and Isles of Scotland," that in 1715, Alexander Drum
mond of Balhaldy, and William his eldest son, assumed, or ra
ther resumed, the name of Macgregor, and were, by a number
of individuals of the Clan Gregor, declared hereditary Chiefs of
that ancient sept, in order to enable the Clan to receive the
pension then paid by Government to every Chief. It would
also appear, from the same authority, that William Drummond
was employed as a leading Jacobite agent for many years pre
vious to the Rebellion of 1745. He was in Paris during that
Rebellion, and in 1757 married Janet, daughter of Lawrence
Oliphant of Gask, by whom he had an only son, Alexander,
and died about the year 1766. As he must have been, in all
probability, born a few years alter his father's marriage, about
1688, this account would postpone his own marriage to a very
late date, and represent him as actively .employed at a very ad
vanced period of life ; and renders it not improbable that it
might have been a son of his, named John, who has been thus
confounded with the father. Several Letters from the Drum-
PREFACE. xii
mond of Balhaldy, who acted as Jacobite agent about 1745, have
been taken from the Stuart Papers at Carl ton House, and are
to be found in the Appendix to Browne's History of the High
lands. He is also often mentioned in the other letters there
printed, though never by his Christian name, and he invariably
adopts the feigned signature of Malloch.
One of these Letters bears so extraordinary a similarity in
style and tone of thought to the present Memoirs, that it is
difficult to resist the conviction that they both emanated from
the same pen. To enable the reader to judge of this conjecture,
the letter will be found in Appendix, No. II.
The Editor has, however, learned from a lady of great age,
and connected with the family, that Alexander Drummond of
Balhaldy had two sons by Sir Ewen Cameron's daughter, one
named William, and the other John, and that John finally en
tered the Dutch service, in which it is believed he died. He
was a Roman Catholic.
The two following Letters, taken from the papers preserved
by the Balhaldy family, and addressed to Donald Cameron of
Locheill, the well-known Chief of 1745, will better explain the
nature and object of the present work, than any observations
which the Editor could make. The first of these Letters is with
out date :—
\
xlii PREFACE.
LETTER TO LOCHE1LL.
" I have at last, after great labour, finished the life of your
grandfather, Sir Ewen Cameron, and as it contained an uncom
mon variety of memorable actions, so I make no question but
it will be very entertaining to the publick. I have shown it to
several, and some of them gentlemen of the best judgment and
taste. They all agree, that it not only does great honour to
the Highlands in general, but also will make the Camerons re
nowned to all posterity, for their loyalty, fidelity, and extraor
dinary courage : That Sir Ewen, their Chief, has all the
qualities of a true hero and gallant patriot, and that he shines
through the whole in a wonderful uniformity of character,
without any mixture of those mean, ungenerous, and self-inter
ested principles that taint the reputation of the most distin
guished persons of the times he lived in : They add, that the
history of his life is a glorious commentary upon the verses
affixed to his picture ;* and that as no private gentleman in the
kingdom has afforded materials for a particular history, so
none but himself has that honour done to his memory — ex
cept we take in the great Montrose, who acted as the King's
General and Viceroy of the kingdom, and therefore no private
person.
• See the Liues as subjoined to an old engraved Portrait of Sir Ewen Cameron, quoted at p. hi. of
this Preface.
PREFACE. xliii
" The injury that Sir Alexander Murray of Stanhope did in
carrying away the first book, and other three MSS., was an ac
tion very unbecoming a gentleman. But though I can never
make up the loss of my MSS., yet I have fully repaired that of
Sir Ewen's life, from the memoirs and vouchers I had by
me. It indeed gave me immense trouble ; but still I have
the satisfaction of doing it to better purpose, and much
more correctly than the former, so that the whole is now
compiled in the best manner I could do it. I am just now
preparing materials for an introductory discourse of the anti-
quitys of the Camerons, in order to revive the memory of your
predecessors, which I expect will be as entertaining as the rest ;
and, indeed, I have a greater stock of matter than I could well
hope for. I remember William M'Pherson showed me a MS.
containing materials for a general history of the Highlands,
which he told me he had copied for Sir Duncan Campbell of
Lochnell. There were several things in it relating to your
family, and those of your neighbours, and I am convinced Sir
Duncan will not refuse you the use of it, if you will be pleased
to demand that favour. I beg you may be pleased to send a
servant express for it. He may perhaps know of others that
will be of use, which, I am convinced, he would not grudge the
trouble of procuring for you. I have written to Bishop Keith
and to M'Farlane to search the records for what they can find
relating either to Sir Ewen or his predecessors. I myself
xliv
PREFACE.
searched those of the Privy Council, where I made very im
portant discoveries, especially with regard to Sir Ewen's dis
putes with M'Intosh, and to the Earl of Breadalbane's treaty
betwixt the late King William and the Clans, whereof I am
enabled to give ane exact and authentick account, which does
great honour to Sir Ewen in particular, and to the High
landers in general. I am informed that there are several writs
in that Earl's charter-chest, not only relating to that memor
able transaction, but also to several other passages of Locheil's
life. I know I can be master of these if I please, by the favour
of Mr Campbell. I remember to have often heard that your
uncle Allan carryd over with him several valuable papers, in
order to satisfy his master of his father's services to the Crown.
If this was true, 'tis probable that he has delivered them to
your father, or, at least, that Allan's Lady can give some ac
count of them. I beg that you may not neglect to write to
your father, and make all other possible enquiry after writs
that do so much honour to your family.
" I expect to have the whole work ready for the press again
harvest next, and I'm advised to dispatch it with all expedition,
in case that part of it, which Stanhope carryd away, may fall
into the hands of some persons who may print it. Besides
that it is incorrect and erroneous in many parts, with respect
to facts, it is so far from being finished, that it is little better
than a rough draught or scroll, so that both the subject and
PREFACE. xlv
author would be affronted by such a publication. I am there
fore determined to prevent it by all possible means. You will
remember that you and your clan engaged to contribute among
yourselves the expenses of publishing it, which will be no great
burden to such a number of people. I have been conversing
with some printers about it, and they assure me that it will
stand above L.I 00; for the book will consist of above 500
pages in 8vo, whereof the introduction will take up near 100 ;
and I design that it shall be done in a large beautiful type and
fine paper. I could easily procure as many subscriptions as
will make up the expense. But that method is now thought
very dishonourable for you and the family, for it is a kind of
begging ; and as we shall be obliged to print the names of the
subscribers, so it will transmit it to posterity. The late Duke
of Gordon, though the meanest and narrowest of mankind,
chose rather to be at the charge of publishing the History of his
family than lie under such a censure. It is a wretched, dull,
confused collection in two vols., at 12s. price ; and as there is
little in it that relates particularly to the Gordons, so it is
nothing but a farrago of poor stuff, collected from public his
tory without judgment, order, or style. I was so weak as to
buy it, thinking to find something in it to my purpose ; but
I was miserably disappointed, but would not have been sur
prised had I been sooner acquainted with the author. How
ever, if you and your people don't incline to be at the charge
xlvi PREFACE.
of publishing yours, be so good as to inform me as soon as pos
sible, and I shall set about getting subscriptions, which I will
easily procure, or I shall sell the MS. to a printer, who will do
it for me, by which I will make up my charges, and have consi
derable advantage."
"TO THE HONOURABLE DONALD CAMERON OF LOCHEIL, ESQ.
«« SIR, — After finishing the Life of Sir Ewen Cameron, your
grandfather, of glorious memory, I thought the work would be
deficient without some introductory account of his predecessors
— because there are several things in it which cannot be well
understood, unless the reader is first made acquainted with
these antiquitys. Besides, as all the nobility and most of our
gentry of any long standing have lately published, at great
charges, genealogical accounts of their several families, in the
new edition we have of Mr Nisbet's Heraldry,* I thought it a loss
that yours should be unknown, since you have as just a claim to
the highest antiquity as the oldest of them. These, and some
other reasons, have worked upon me to set about the work, and
though I mett with great and almost insuperable difficulties in
adjusting the chronology, and in fixing true dates to some of
the most important actions, which proceeded from a deficiency
• This evidently refers to the Appendix of the second volume of Nisbet's Heraldry, published in the
rear 1742 ; but it is believed copies were privately circulated previously.
PREFACE. xlvii
of records and vouchers, yet I have att last brought it to such
a conclusion as I hope will satisfy the unbyassed part of man
kind, as well of the antiquity of your family, as of the bravery
and loyalty of your predecessors.
" But, as this will necessarily take up some time before it can
be published, I presumed, that a superficial prospect of these
matters would not onely be in the meantime agreeable, but also
give some idea of the discovereys I have made of the lives and
characters of these brave gentlemen that preceded you. To
have a passionate love for one's country is the character of a
generous spirit. Tis a quality peculiar to patriots and heroes.
But to love our predecessors and parents is in effect to love our
selves. We are the heirs as well of their blood as of their
family s and estates, and have a just title to whatever was theirs.
Thence arises the extream pleasure we have in hearing of any
thing that was worthily done by them. Our predecessors'
actions reflect honour upon ourselves if we have merit enough
to relish them. And as they quicken and impregnate these
seeds of virtue which we derive from their blood, so they power
fully invite us to imitate them. For example makes allways
the strongest impression when we have it from persons whom
we honour and love. In this short view you have the succes
sion of your ancestours in a genealogical line from the reign of
the great Robert the Bruce, though the antiquity of the family
is of a much higher date. Here you will have the pleasure to
xlviii PREFACE.
find, that the most polite and ingenious poet whom I have
quoted on the title-page understood nature well, and that he
spoke truth in affirming, that the qualities of the sire descend
ed to the issue. Thus, the same merit that gave your prede-
cessour, Angus, a title to match with the blood royall, broke
out with equal lustre in his son, Gillespick, and advanced him
to the dignity of Peer, among the very first that received the
honourable distinction from the Crown. The next of that suc
cession that is mentioned in antient records we find acting the
glorious part of a true patriot as well in the camp as in the cabi
net. Nor did the spirit of heroic valour degenerate in their
posterity, though the circumstances of the times sometimes putt
it out of their power to exert it in so glorious a manner. You
will find them often supporting, but never in rebellion against
the State, and I believe their enemys will be hard put to it to
discover one coward or poltroon in the whole race.
" But all this will appear much better from the Introduction
to Sir Ewen's Life, where you will meet with a fuller account
of their actions, which I have only glanced att in the abstract.
However, in order to rectify a common mistake that prevails
in the Highlands of Ewen M* Allan's destroying the charters
of the family, I have enlarged somewhat on the actions of that
prudent and brave gentleman, but more especially with respect
to the many estates and charters he acquired by the favour of
three succeeding kings, and his interest with the great Lord of
PREFACE. xlix
the Isles. I have likeways shown by what unlucky steps the
famous Allan M'Coilduy came to lose these extensive acquisi
tions, and how the remainder that is still in the possession of
the family was recovered, which induced me to touch upon
severall actions that I should have otherways omitted. In a
word, as I have led you to expect a more copious detail of all
these particulars in the foresaid Introduction, which I have il
lustrated with all such relative actions as have any connection
or dependence upon these matters, so my intention in this is
to give you such a survey of your brave predecessours, as will be
proper to insert in the register wherein the inventory of the
writes of the family is contained ; so as the one may be a com
mentary on the other. To conclude, my aim in all these writ
ings being to revive the honour and advance the interest of
yourself, family, and posterity, I presume to offer you this as a
prologue to the rest, and beg that you may accept of it with the
same goodness wherewith you used to favour,
" Dear Sir,
" Your most obedient Servant
" Balhadys, and affectionate Cousin,
" 7th March 1737; Jo. DRUMMOND."
The intention of the Author to publish this Work was never
carried into effect, probably the intrigues connected with the
projected Rebellion, in which all the parties were so deeply im-
1 PREFACE.
plicated, turned their attention from it at the time — and its un
fortunate issue caused it to be neglected. Several manuscript co-
pics were, however, made, and some years ago, the present pro
prietors of Balhaldy, upon an application from the Locheill
family, gave access to their copy, and some loose MSS., from
which the above quoted Letters and another fragment were
transcribed.
The idea of printing the MS. was first suggested from a
copy belonging to William Crawfurd, Esq. of Cartsburn, but
that being imperfect, as wanting the Introduction and First Book,
applications were respectively made to Sir Duncan Cameron
of Fassfern, Bart, Mr Cameron of Locheill, and the family of
Balhaldy, for the MSS. understood to be in their possession. Sir
Duncan Cameron and Locheill have, in the most handsome and
obliging manner, given the use of their MSS., and all other
papers in their possession, but the Editor regrets that he has
not also obtained a similar favour from the Balhaldy family.
A transcript of their MS. was, however, some years ago, made for
Charles Kirkpatrick Sharpe, Esq., access to which he has kindly
allowed the Editor ; who has also to thank William F. Skene,
Esq., for the use of another copy in his possession. All these
contain the missing part of the Cartsburn MS.
The Editor is inclined to think that the original and most
PREFACE. li
authentic MS. is that belonging to Mr Crawfurd of Cartsburn,
as it contains several passages not to be found in any of the
others ; and the circumstance of its wanting the commence
ment would seem to indicate, that it is actually the copy of
which the first book was carried off by Sir Alexander Murray.
It is bound in two volumes ; the first contains the second book
of the Memoirs, and the second volume the third, written upon
small quarto sheets, in a small, distinct, current hand. On
the fly-leaf of the first volume is written, apparently in the same
hand as the text, " August 7th, 1733, Jo. Drummond;" on the
fly-leaf of the second volume, the signature " Jo. Drummond "
is written in pencil ; excepting towards the end of the second
volume, only one side of the sheet is written upon, and there
are occasional blottings and interlineations.
Sir Duncan Cameron's MS. has never been bound, and is
written on both sides, of the same kind of paper as the Carts-
burn MS., and the first few pages, with occasional corrections
throughout, are in the same hand ; the rest in a bold modern
bussines hand, though with many old-fashioned contractions and
forms of letters ; one passage is deleted, a few sentences are
omitted, and wherever the words used are different, the read
ing of the Cartsburn MS. is almost invariably the best.
The Editor is inclined to think that Sir Duncan Cameron's
is the copy designed for press, but that it never received the
g
Hi PREFACE.
final comparison, or revision, of the Author, as, in all probability,
he intended to delay that till the work was completed, which,
unfortunately, appears never to have been done.
Mr Sharpe's copy of the Balhaldy MS. and Mr Skene's co
incide in all respects. The latter is evidently a transcript, and
the Locheill MS. an abridgment of Sir Duncan Cameron's copy.
There is, however, in the possession of the Locheill family, a
copy of part of the Introduction, which, although very imperfect,
is yet in some passages fuller than any of the others ; but as
there is no discrepancy in the sense of the different readings,
nor any material addition, the Editor has generally adopted the
most ample readings, unless where they appeared redundant.
*
It might not be altogether uninteresting to ascertain how
the apparently original MS. got into the possession of the fa
mily of Cartsburn ; but on this head nothing but conjecture can
be given. George Crawfurd, the well-known author of the
Peerage of Scotland and History of Renfrewshire, who died in
1748, was a younger son of that family, and uncle to Archibald
Crawfurd of Cartsburn, who died in 1781. Many of George
Crawford's books and papers are still in the possession of the
family ; and it seems probable, that this MS. may have been
entrusted to him for the purpose of historical research, or it
may have been deposited with him for safety during the troubles
PREFACE. liii
of 1745. What lends some colour to this last suggestion is
the circumstance of there having been some intermarriages be
tween the Crawfurds of Cartsburn and some North Country
families, which may have given rise to some intercourse with
the neighbouring proprietors. Thomas Crawfurd of Cartsburn,
son of the above-mentioned Archibald, died in 1791. He was
a person of superior literary attainments, and collected a con
siderable library, which was afterwards removed to Ratho, the
residence of the then proprietrix, the late Mrs Crawfurd, and
from thence, after her death, to Edinburgh. In 1820, when
Mr Crawfurd made a catalogue of his library, only the present
volumes could be discovered.
It is much to be regretted that the Work has been left un
finished, and that the Editor has been unable to obtain access
to the documents so often referred to in the text, as forming
the Appendix.
The Notes and Illustrations at the foot of the page form part
of the original MS., excepting where marked as by the Editor.
The NOTES at the end of the volume and the APPENDIX have
been entirely compiled by him.
The spelling is certainly of the most barbarous and uncouth
description, but, contrary to the opinion of many, the Editor
conceives that it ought to be preserved as marking the progress
of orthography, although he has great reason to fear that he has,
liv PREFACE.
upon some occasions, adhered too closely to the original, and
copied mere clerical errors ; but in a matter of this kind it is
nearly impossible to form an accurate judgment. The con
tractions, however, have been disregarded.
The running margin contained in the MS. has been printed
as a TABLE OF CONTENTS ; but as it is very incomplete, it
has been necessary to supply a great portion, which is distin
guished by brackets. A few words have also been occasionally
supplied in brackets in the text, where the meaning is obviously
defective ; but with these exceptions, the text has been closely
adhered to ; one or two words and sentences, which are deleted
in the MS. but still legible, are likewise printed within brackets.
The style is in general wonderfully correct, and although
very minute, yet it seems more from a copiousness of ideas
than redundancy of words. A number of Scotticisms occurs ; in
particular, the word " again" is almost exclusively used in place
of " against ;" although this is quite a recognised expression in
Scotland, yet it is so apt to confuse the English reader, that
the Editor has generally added the two last letters. The spell
ing of the word " Locheill " may be considered erroneous, as it
is usually spelt " Lochiel ;" but the former mode is uniformly
adopted in Sir Duncan Cameron's and the Cartsburn MSS., and
has therefore been adhered to.
In regard to the authority due to the statements in the earlier
PREFACE. lv
part of the Introduction, it may safely be asserted that the Author
has carefully studied and accurately quoted the best authorities
accessible in his time ; indeed, his account of public transactions
coincides so well with the latest and best informed historians,
as to prove him superior in candour and research to most of our
national writers of his day.
It will be observed that the Chiefs, whose lives are given, do
not correspond exactly either with the account of the Camerons
in Douglas' Baronage or with the list printed on p. 6. This list
was taken from the imperfect MS. belonging to the Locheill
family already mentioned, and ought perhaps to have appeared
as a note. The Editor regrets his inability to reconcile these
discrepancies, but must confess that he does not deem them of
any essential importance. He has been informed by one of the
highest authorities on these subjects, that the earlier generations
contained in Douglas' Baronage, when not fabulous, were not of
the Locheill family, but belonged to the family of Camerons of
Balligarnoch in Perthshire, and that the founder of the Locheill
branch was Donald Dhu- Mac Allan, the sixth Chief according to
the Memoirs.
It ought, however, to be observed, that although the Author
evidently labours under the impression that the first were of
the Locheill branch, yet he merely asserts that they were the
principal men of the name of Cameron of whom he could find
any mention in history.
Ivi PREFACE.
In giving to the public the fullest and most circumstantial
account of a Highland Chieftain of the olden time which has yet
appeared, the Editor has ventured to prefix an INTRODUCTION,
containing some general remarks regarding the manners and
state of society in Scotland during the period over which the
work extends ; — a short sketch of its principal features has also
been added, and an attempt made to supply the deficiency of
the narrative.
The FRONTISPIECE, being an engraving from the only original
portrait of Sir Ewen now extant, was executed by the direc
tions of Mr Cameron of Locheill, and presented by him to the
gentlemen who have printed this volume. For this valuable
illustration, they have to tender their best thanks to the donor.
A print taken from the same picture appeared about 1688.
Below that engraving are to be found the following lines, alluded
to by the Author in the first Letter above quoted : —
THE HONEST MAN WHOM VIRTUE SWAYS,
HIS KING ADORES, HIS GOD OBEYS ;
DOES FACTIOUS MEN'S REBELLIOUS PRIDE,
AND THREATENING TYRANTS* RAGE, DERIDE ;
HONOUR'S HIS WEALTH, HIS RULE, HIS AIK,
UNSHAKEN, FIXED, AND STILL THE SAME.
The old impressions of this engraving are now very scarce ;
but the present is a much more accurate copy of the original.
PREFACE. Ivii
The copious GENERAL INDEX has been compiled by Robert
Pitcairn, Esq., with his usual accuracy and distinctness. Those
who may wish to employ this Work as a book of reference, will
best know how to appreciate so valuable an addition.
In conclusion, the Editor begs to return his best thanks to
his various friends, who have so kindly and obligingly furnished
him with materials and advice, of which he can only regret his
having been able to make so imperfect a use. And he em
braces this opportunity of acknowledging Sir Duncan Came
ron's great kindness in allowing his MS. to be used for the press.
JAMES MACKNIGHT.
EDITOR'S INTRODUCTION.
THE singular manner in which the feudal and patriarchal systems were
for long blended in Scotland, is one of the many circumstances which
have combined to throw so much varied and romantic interest around
its dark and chequered history. The nature of the feudal system has
been so fully and ably illustrated by Guizot, Hallam, and other modern
writers, that it would be out of place here to make any observations upon
it. Unfit as it was for a permanent and perfect form of Government, it
must yet be acknowledged to have been admirably adapted for accom
plishing the regeneration of society, after the destruction of ancient civil
ization.
The patriarchal system, which in Europe was almost exclusively con
fined to Scotland, has attracted comparatively little attention ; and the
effects of the superinduction of the one system on the other has been
left almost wholly unnoticed ; although it certainly opens a field of both
curious and interesting inquiry to the student of ancient manners. No
formal investigation of this subject can here be attempted ; but the fol
lowing desultory remarks may possibly render much of the present vo
lume more intelligible to the general reader.
It would certainly appear, that at a very remote period the patri
archal system alone existed in Scotland, and that the feudal was afterwards
gradually introduced, — and this introduction took place at a much earlier
period in the Lowlands than in the Highlands. Some writers, indeed,
are of opinion, that the patriarchal system either never existed in the
a
2 EDITOR'S INTRODUCTION.
Lowlands, or was very soon abolished ; but a minute examination of
Scotish History proves this to be a mistake ; although, in the more civil
ized parts of the country, the feudal system acquired a decided preponder
ance over the patriarchal, while the patriarchal predominated in the
wilder and more remote.
One of the most important modifications which the patriarchal system
exercised upon the feudal, is to be found in the intercourse which took
place between the different ranks of society, and the feelings with which
the superior and vassal mutually regarded each other.
Guizot, in his Lectures on the Progress of Civilization in Europe, cor
rectly remarks, that one of the strongest feelings engendered in the minds
of the lower orders by the purely feudal system, was that of dread and
detestation of the aristocracy, and that the earliest opportunities were
eagerly seized upon to throw off the hated yoke. In Scotland, on the
contrary, a very different state of society has scarcely yet eradicated from
the breasts of the peasantry the feelings of respect and attachment with
which, in the olden time, they regarded the proprietors of the soil.
The following curious passage from Bishop Lesley's History* will
show, that at a very early period this difference between the lower or
ders of the Continental States and Great Britain was observed : —
* And although theis duikis in Fraunce had farre greitter rents than the
4 duikis and erles in England and Scotland commownly haif, yet haithe
4 thaire been boithe duikis and erles in athare of theis realmes, able to
4 bring als mony men of war into the fielde, as any of the Frenche
4 duikis, before remembred. For sick ernist guid willes, and lovinge
* myndes, do the people of Scotland and Ingland beare towards the greit
* peris of the realmes, that it hathe been seen and knowen, that a xxx.
* or xl. thousand men haife bene ready to serve thame at thair awne
* costis and chargis, gladlie following whether soever thaie war appointit
' to go ; a greit mony of quhilk nombre, peradventure, never sawe the
4 said nobill men in all thaire life time before, but onlie moved with ane in-
* ward affection, groundit and rulit upon custome of their auncesters.'
• Ledey, p. 26.
EDITOR'S INTRODUCTION. 3
The Bishop here extends his observation to England, where, under
many modifications, a somewhat similar state of society existed, particu
larly anterior to the reign of Henry VII.
Sir Anthony Weldon, * in speaking of the Scotish Nobility of James
VI. 's time, says, that * their followers are their fellows, their wives
' their slaves, their horses their masters, and their swords their judges.'
It is singular, that this acute and satirical author should have record
ed, as a matter of reproach, one of the few redeeming features in the so
cial system of Scotland, as then constituted.
Relationship being the foundation of the patriarchal rule, the obe
dience of the vassal was consequently deprived of all feeling of per
sonal degradation, and a reciprocal kindliness imparted to the feelings of
the superior. All parties were likewise united in considering the ad
vancement of the power and prosperity of their Clan as the greatest
object of their ambition, to which, indeed, the welfare of the country at
large was usually reckoned subordinate.
However erroneous these views may be, they were then, it ought to be
recollected, conscientiously believed and acted upon ; and it may be
questioned, if mankind have yet arrived at that point of enlightenment
which entitles them to regard such sentiments with unqualified disappro
bation.
The " Carthago est delenda" of the great Roman patriot showed
him as ignorant of the true interests of mankind as the savage Clansmen,
who " dewyssit to ruitt out this hous of Bargany out off memory ;"f
yet the former is as universally applauded as the latter is condemned.
Independent of feudal or patriarchal government, there was another
feature in Scotish society which tended greatly to modify the harshness
of the aristocracy towards the lower orders. In conducting their deadly
feuds, every advantage, both of secret stratagem and open warfare, was
deemed allowable, and few Clans were of sufficient numerical force to
prevent the life and safety of the Chief from being occasionally in the
power of the meanest of his followers, whose hand might open the wicket,
* Satire against Scotland, Abbotsford Mis. Vol. I. p. 300. f Historic of the Kennedies, p. 22.
4 EDITOR'S INTRODUCTION.
or whose voice might give the signal, which would, at an unguarded
moment, expose the Chieftain to the vengeance of his enemies. And
the most numerous tribes were subdivided into many subordinate septs,
who considered the case of each individual of their subdivision as
their own ; and injustice done to any one incurred the resentment of the
whole.
Owing to these causes, the Clansmen, of all grades, seem to have lived
upon a happy and contented footing, as far as regards their social rela
tions ; and it is not a little remarkable, that rich as Scotish tradition is
in every dark and fearful species of crime and violence, but few anec
dotes of feudal oppression are preserved. Punishments were, indeed,
severe, according to the rude notions of justice then prevalent, but they
were supported by public opinion ; nay, it may be argued, from the re
morse which a savage and profligate baron displayed for executing a
criminal found guilty of horse-stealing,* that more enlightened ideas of
criminal jurisprudence were then to be found in Scotland than prevailed
in England for centuries after.
But, while the patriarchal system thus softened the rigour of the feudal
in one respect, it aggravated it greatly in another.
Extensive landed proprietors seem everywhere to have been impatient
of the yoke of great feudal noblemen, and to have been ambitious of be
coming direct holders from the Crown. But this feeling was increased
an hundred-fold in intensity when the landed proprietor was also natu
ral governor of the inhabitants of the soil, in right of a long line of an
cestors, who had for centuries ruled them in peace, and commanded them
in war. When such an individual found himself, by a process of legal
chicanery, subjected to the command of an alien in blood, and deprived
of his rights of jurisdiction over his people, his indignation knew no
bounds ; and to rid himself at all hazards from the hateful yoke became
the aim of his existence, and in this he was cordially seconded by his
Clansmen. It may safely be said, that more blood was shed for centu
ries in the Highlands from this cause than from any other, and it was
' Vide Pitcairn's Criminal TriaU, VoL L P. L p. 513.
EDITOR'S INTRODUCTION. 5
also productive of several other important effects, which will afterwards
be adverted to.
The great Lords of the Isles were the first who seem to have as
pired to this species of power ; and many of the tribes in the Islands
and Mainland, noways connected with them in blood, were forced, or in
duced, to accept of charters from them in the feudal form ; and these
deeds were frequently the earliest titles of the estates, simple posses
sion having previously been the only right of the occupants. But the
events subsequent to the battle of Harlaw proved how little the uncer-
tian allegiance of these feudatories was to be depended upon ; as, after
that check, so many tribes revolted, or deserted to the Crown, that the
power of the Island- Princes was gradually but completely extinguished.
However, the houses of Huntly and Argyle rose upon their ruins,
and acquired a similar and equally hateful preponderance in the North
and West Highlands ; and, at a later period, the families of Atholl and
Breadalbane attained the same species of influence, though to a much
more limited extent.
The great power of the families of Sutherland and Mackay, in the
extreme North, seems to have been of a more purely patriarchal descrip
tion.
Whatever may have been the defects of such a system of society, it
certainly did not repress individual energy of character ; on the contrary,
the life of every man seems to have been one of continued and unabated
exertion. The aim of the Chief was to augment his territorial influence,
or to shake himself free from his feudal superior ; the heads of subordi
nate tribes, or powerful cadets, were continually endeavouring to establish
themselves as separate Clans ; while the lower orders and smaller pro
prietors were ambitious of becoming dependants directly upon the Chief,
in place of intermediate superiors.
In this complicated and desperate struggle, it may easily be conceived
that qualities very different from what is usually supposed were requisite
to form a Chieftain of the olden time. In place of being a reckless,
vain, and hot-headed braggadocio, he was dark, cautious, and politic in
deliberation, prompt and determined in execution. Cool, clear-headed, and
6 EDITOR'S INTRODUCTION.
sagacious, no advantage was ever overlooked ; and when the moment for
action arrived, his policy was frequently found to be allied to treachery, his
courage to ferocity, and his vengeance to cruelty. The manner in which
he was educated and trained rendered him intimately acquainted with
the habits and dispositions of all grades of his countrymen ; and he could
scarcely fail to attain considerable insight into human character in gene
ral; thus acquiring those easy and agreeable manners so well fitted to
secure popularity. Usually he was far too much habituated to the ex
ercise of power to care much about its externals, excepting in so far
as they were necessary to impress his Clansmen with proper respect for
his dignity.
The devotion with which a Chief was regarded by his Clansmen is
well known, and several new and striking illustrations of this will be
found in the present Memoirs. But this devotion was purchased by a
degree of attention to the wants and feelings of the Clan of which no
idea has hitherto been formed. Indeed, unless the Chief carried the
public opinion of his followers along with him, and succeeded in con
vincing them that his views were in accordance with their interests, he
had but little chance of securing their obedience ; while the same people,
who would have died rather than betray or desert the man who ruled
them justly in peace, and commanded them ably in war, would have
murdered or deposed him had he neglected their interests, absented him
self from the country, and dissipated his revenues in the amusements of
the capital.
The romantic and chivalrous loyalty which shed such a brilliant gleam
over the last days of feudalism in Scotland, formed no characteristic of
the Chief of the olden time. Living at a distance from the seat of go
vernment, with imperfect means of communication, and immersed in
struggles with his neighbours for power and existence, the regal autho
rity was little known, and less respected ; and the slightest pretexts for
rebellion were unhesitatingly adopted. It must, however, be acknow
ledged, that in those rude times rebellion was viewed in much the same
light as a strenuous opposition in Parliament to a government measure
would now be, and that the redress of some specific grievance, and not
EDITOR'S INTRODUCTION. 7
alteration in the form of government or limitation of the prerogative,
was intended by such rebellion.
Indeed, when it is borne in mind that the extirpation of the High
land race was seriously contemplated, even in the reign of James the
Sixth, their want of ardent loyalty is far from surprising.
The law of Scotland was long in a most anomalous state, and exer
cised a most important influence on the social system. So excellent in
theory, and so complete and well-matured in form, as almost to counte
nance the supposition of its having been the remnant of a previous and
higher state of civilization, it was so partially and wretchedly admini
stered, that it rapidly degenerated into a powerful and well-constructed
engine of oppression in the hands of the dominant faction, and became
subservient to every species of political intrigue, and every scheme of
private cupidity and aggrandisement.
When these facts are borne in mind, it will perhaps be conceded, that
the dislike which the Highlanders felt for the law, was as much to be
attributed to the palpable injustice and partiality of its administration,
as to their own turbulent and ungovernable spirit.
Indeed, as will afterwards be more fully explained, the first dawn of
loyalty in the Highlands may be ascribed to the idea so sedulously and
ingeniously inculcated by James VI., that the equity and mercy inherent
in the royal prerogative formed the most effectual protection from the
harshness and injustice of the law.
It may not be out of place here to make a few observations upon the
Military Tactics of the ancient Highlands.
While war, or the desire of destroying the lives of others, has been
so universally prevalent among savage nations, that some philoso
phers have defined it as the natural state of man, cowardice, or the in
stinct of self-preservation, has been as universally co-existent as an anta
gonist principle, without which, indeed, the human race could scarcely
have been prevented from becoming extinct. The effect of these two
conflicting principles has been to render the great problem in military
science in all ages — how, with the least possible loss, to inflict the great-
g EDITOR'S INTRODUCTION.
est possible amount of destruction on the opposing force. The ancients,
and the chivalry of the middle ages, endeavoured to effect this by the
use of defensive armour ; and the fact of its being reckoned a much greater
disgrace for a Roman soldier to lose his shield than his sword, is a proof
how strongly this maxim was inculcated by the conquerors of the ancient
world. The stealthy American savage adopted the same principle, by
fighting under the shelter of his impenetrable forests.
The Celtic nations, too poor or ignorant to adopt defensive armour to
any extent, (which was, besides, almost unsuitable for mountain warfare,)
employed a different system, and seem to have laid down the rule, that
where resistance was hopeless flight was not disgraceful— a rule, in many
respects, the most rational and scientific — yet subject to this great disad
vantage, that in their imperfectly organized armies the common soldiers
were extremely apt, during any temporary reverse, to imagine that all
chances of success were gone, and abandon the field, in spite of their of
ficers, even in the moment of victory. To this is to be attributed the
numerous panics with which Celtic armies were seized, and which con
trast so strangely with their ferocity and determination upon other occa
sions.
In addition to the habits peculiar to their Celtic origin, the subdivision of
the Highlanders into different and often hostile tribes, tended materially to
increase this feeling ; for, even when they laid aside their animosities,
and combined to resist a common enemy, still no Clan would submit to
be sacrificed to save the rest, as such a loss of men would have rendered
the survivors unable to maintain the power of their name ; while, at
the same time, the rivalry between the names tended, whenever success
was deemed practicable, to raise their courage to the highest pitch.
Whenever, therefore, the Highlanders met their adversaries upon equal
terms, they generally fought with an obstinacy and determination which
is sometimes scarcely credible, and has certainly never been exceeded ;
while the same men, if surprised or taken at a disadvantage, seldom
dreamt of resistance.
The Highlanders never attained the precision of discipline and or
ganization of regular armies, and rank and file was quite unknown.
EDITOR'S INTRODUCTION. 9
They were, however, generally arranged in divisions, corresponding
to the different Clans ; and each Clan was subdivided into the various
septs or families of which it was composed, and commanded by their
respective heads. By this means, a sufficient number of officers and
proper subordination of rank was introduced, — a most essential element
in the art of war. By dint of practice, considerable steadiness and ra
pidity of movement was generally attained ; latterly, however, almost
the only training received was at the great hunting-matches so often men
tioned in history.
The Highland arms are too well known to require particular descrip
tion ; they consisted of the bow, (ultimately laid aside for the musket,)
axe, broadsword, dirk, and^target, to which a pistol was sometimes added.
The Highland bow has commonly been reckoned smaller and weaker
than the English ; as it was, however, occasionally used as a bludgeon, it
could not have been a very insignificant weapon ; but it was only like the
musket, an auxiliary arm ; close combat being always resorted to when
practicable.
It may also be remarked, that although two-handed swords were occa
sionally employed by warriors of uncommon strength and stature, yet
the general form of the claymore was that of a single-handed, strait, cut-
and-thrust sword, rather long, and thin and flexible in the blade ; and
intended to be used in conjunction with the dagger and target. The
dirk, or dagger, was the weapon always employed by the Highlanders
upon sudden emergencies ; it was constructed upon different principles
from the sword, being thick in the blade, and only one-edged, in order
to give it greater strength and power in thrusting. They were most
deadly weapons in experienced hands, and from their form and temper,
seem to have acquired continental celebrity.
In the olden time, the sword and dagger were rarely out of the hands
of the Highlanders ; deer, and probably cattle, were slaughtered by them,
and they were carefully trained to wield them in the most effectual man
ner. From a passage in the present Memoirs, it appears that a motion,
similar to the drawing cut of the Asiatic Nations, was practised in the
b
10 EDITOR'S INTRODUCTION.
Highlands. In later times, it is believed, that regular training to the
use of arms was chiefly confined to the Duniwassals.
The assumption of the reins of Government by James VI. ultimately
produced a most important alteration on the state of the Highlands. It
is not too much to say, that the singular and inconsistent character of
that monarch has yet to be written.
It would be out of place here to attempt to supply this deficiency ;
but it may safely be asserted, that his administration in Scotland affords
proofs of talent and determination, which have been as much overlooked
by historians, as his good nature and merciful disposition has been over
rated.
With a feeble executive, an empty exchequer, and a hostile clergy, he
undertook to break the power of a savage, ferocious, and unprincipled
aristocracy, in possession of the whole military force of the kingdom ;
and bestow the blessings of peace and civilization upon a rude, illiterate,
and fanatic people. The extent to which he accomplished his objects
is perfectly astonishing, if the inadequacy of his means be taken into ac
count. But it certainly was the result of a profound unscrupulous and
systematic course of policy.
Presuming that all the aristocracy were equally turbulent and ungo
vernable, he seems only to have waited for an opportunity to get them
in his power ; and when within his talons, they were treated with pre
cisely the degree of severity which he felt himself able to inflict without
giving too great offence to their allies and dependants.
He used every inducement to procure their attendance at Court ; thus
encouraging that taste for extravagant expenditure, which, sooner or later,
he knew must ruin their territorial influence, by bartering, as Adam
Smith remarks, the solid power which they possessed over the hearts
and hands of their retainers, for scraps of lace and bits of ribbon ; and
by this means, also, he rendered himself master of their persons.
But he took care to bait his hook of Court favour for his grasping and
avaricious prey, with much more solid allurements than the usual glitter
EDITOR'S INTRODUCTION. 11
and tinsel of a Court. Fines and forfeitures inflicted on delinquents were
scattered among his rapacious favourites, with the most lavish and ap
parently heedless profusion. But these fines and forfeitures were far
more rigidly exacted than had they remained in the hands of the Crown ;
as the donatory took possession himself, or bribed some powerful ally
to do so.
In the event of any dispute arising between two parties, the one who
represented his case at Court, however absurd or unfounded his claim
might be, was almost certain of a favourable decision ; if both parties
appeared, a reference to the King was usually made, and great talent
and ingenuity displayed in reconciling their differences, and modifying
the strictness of law, by principles of mercy or equity.
By means of these measures, which have been unthinkingly blamed
by historians as the capricious acts of weakness and favouritism, many
important objects were gained ; all the aristocracy were induced to value
and seek Court favour ; the turbulent and disaffected were impoverished
and embarrassed ; and what was, perhaps, ultimately of most consequence,
the strength of the executive materially increased, by rendering a sen
tence of outlawry exceedingly formidable.
Previously, such a sentence was regarded by a great baron as a mere
farce ; but, gradually, the most powerful became unable to bear up
against the indirect inconveniences thus entailed upon them. A feudal
Chief, indeed, surrounded by his inaccessible fastnesses and the clay
mores of his faithful Clan, could defy the feeble attempts of the Govern
ment to seize his person, or attach his goods ; nay, even were he con
sidered formidable in arms, letters of fire and sword, although issued
against him, might never be put in execution. But he found all access
to the royal ear denied, all his actions misrepresented, the smallest
ebullitions of violence magnified into the grossest acts of rebellion ; his
neighbours permitted to plunder his territories without incurring any
legal penalty ; and his lands liable to be gifted away to any nobleman
sufficiently powerful to take possession.
To attempt to present himself at Court was out of the question ; did
he leave his territories with a small retinue, he would have been imme-
12 EDITOR'S INTRODUCTION.
diately seized by the first aspirant for Court favour, through whose lands
he passed. While, had he attempted to do so with a large, he would
only have increased the number of his captors, as all the neighbouring
barons would have eagerly united in that object, however they might
have quarrelled as to the division of the spoil.
The letters of fire and sword, granted to subjects against outlaws and
delinquents, have been frequently blamed ; but they were seldom executed
with much rigour, and seem usually to have been kept " in terrorem," or
employed as a pretext for extorting money, and an acknowledgment of
vassalage ; thus humbling and impoverishing one of the parties, while it
rather served as a check upon the other, as the slightest attempt at re
bellion on the part of the superior would have been the signal for the re
volt of the unwilling vassal.
Such delinquents as were too weak to offer resistance were dealt with
with very little regard either to mercy or justice. The treatment of the
celebrated Mure of Auchindrane is a striking instance of this. That re
markable man (whose moral character was quite upon a par with most
of his, contemporaries in the district where he lived) was prosecuted with
the most unrelenting and illegal severity, for being suspected of advising
a murder, the actual perpetrators of which were permitted to go un
punished. Seeing the measure of justice about to be meted to him,
he endeavoured to procure his safety by shedding additional blood ;
and at length fell a victim to the vengeance of the law. The whole
secret of these extraordinary proceedings appears to have been, that James
saw that the district would never be at peace, so long as a man of his
talents, ambition, and turbulent spirit, was alive ; while he had no friends
or kinsmen sufficiently powerful to avenge his death.
His execution of the unfortunate messenger for exposing the pictures
of himself and his Queen for sale in a contumelious position, shows how
little he was inclined to mercy ; yet, such was the veneration with which he
had contrived to imbue his subjects for his prerogative and person, that
this atrocious piece of cruelty seems to have had the sanction of public
opinion.
He thus broke the power and diminished the resources of a consider-
EDITOR'S INTRODUCTION. 13
able portion of the aristocracy ; deadly feuds were almost entirely aban
doned ; arts and commerce began to flourish in the Lowlands, and,
even in the Highlands, a taste for the blessings of peace and the comforts
of civilized life had commenced. But the rashness and bigotry of his
unfortunate son blighted all these cheering prospects, and again immersed
the country in barbarity and bloodshed.
The conduct of the son has been most erroneously ascribed to the ad
vice of the father. The limited, though perhaps acute mind of Charles,
could only comprehend the letter, not the spirit, of his father's counsels,
and James can no more be blamed for the faults of his son, than the
writings of the sages of antiquity for the eccentricities of the pedantic
simpletons who are occasionally to be found in the classic halls of Oxford
or Cambridge.
It may, indeed, be further asserted, that of all the monarchs who ever
sat on the British throne, James was the least likely to have been guilty
of his son's errors, for none ever calculated more accurately the amount
of his resources, and the extent of resistance with which he would be met.
By a most able and Machiavellian course of policy, James established
a moderate Episcopacy in Scotland. Had this been left to itself, it
would, in all probability, have remained the established religion of the
country to this day ; but the fanatic tyranny of the son ruined the schemes
of the father.
Without going into the details of these well-known and melancholy trans
actions, and without attempting to defend the dark and unprincipled con
duct of their leaders, it may safely be asserted with regard to the people,
that a more touching spectacle of a nation unwillingly forced into rebel
lion in defence of what they believed to be their dearest rights, can hardly
be conceived. The zeal and unanimity with which the people actually
coerced their Chiefs to support the royal authority, whenever they per
ceived that the person and prerogative of the monarch was aimed at by
the English, is a clear proof of this, and ought surely to entitle them to
some mercy from the pens of those historians who have so severely and
successfully exposed the conduct of the prime movers in the rebellion.
14 EDITOR'S INTRODUCTION.
The subject of the following Memoirs, whom it will be most convenient
to designate as Locheill, although he was not at first entitled to that name,
was born in the year 1629, in the middle of these troubled and exciting
times. At the period of his birth, the Clan Cameron was commanded by
his grandfather, Allan M'Connell Duibh, or Allan M'llduy, as he was
commonly called, a Chief of the greatest valour and determination, and
of such remarkable abilities and sagacity, that he is alleged to have been
possessed of supernatural powers. From a variety of causes, over few
of which he had much control, he became deeply implicated in the
numerous feuds and rebellions which took place in Queen Mary's, and
the commencement of James the Sixth's reign, and for many years the
blood of civil discord was but rarely dry upon his claymore.
The Clan Cameron was an ancient, numerous, warlike, and firmly
united tribe, chiefly inhabiting Lochaber, which lies between the terri
tories of the great houses of Huntly and Argyle. Thus situated, its Chief
could scarcely avoid taking a part in the differences which then existed
between these two powerful families.
When these differences came to an open rupture, and Argyle, armed
with the royal authority, prepared to march against Huntly, Allan
M'llduy's personal inclinations would rather have prompted him to
have joined Argyle, as there had been an ancient, though far from un
broken, friendship between their houses, but his bitter and hereditary
enemy, the Laird of Macintosh, having sided with that nobleman, Allan
united himself with Huntly, and was present at the celebrated battle of
Glenlivat ; where, however, he is alleged to have done nothing more
than defeat the corps commanded by Macintosh. Having been outlawed
and forfeited along with Huntly for his share in the Rebellion, that noble
man, with a degree of treachery and ingratitude which would be almost
incredible were it not well authenticated, upon obtaining his own pardon
and reversal of his forfeiture, was instrumental in keeping up the sen
tences against Allan, and actually claimed and obtained a part of his
estate. While these rigorous sentences were in force, some local dis
turbances arose in Lochaber, which were made a pretext for getting them
EDITOR'S INTRODUCTION. 15
executed with the utmost rigour, and in a short time he found himself
stripped of every acre of ground which had formerly belonged to him.
Against these varied and complicated misfortunes, the Chieftain
struggled with all the savage energy and perseverance so characteristic
of the age.
He at once abandoned his distant and detached lands not inhabited
by his clansmen, and by his ready obedience purchased the goodwill and
assistance of those to whom he surrendered them. Huntly, as a singular
atonement for his ungrateful conduct, accepted a commission of fire and
sword against him, which, as he did not execute, prevented this fearful
weapon of legal oppression from falling into hostile hands. And Macin
tosh, with one of those traits of high-minded generosity which occasion
ally illumine that dismal period, refused to press his claims against him
in the midst of his misfortunes.
Thus, by opposing force to force, and artifice to artifice, he at length
contrived to secure the possession of those domains which still remain
in the family, although he was reluctantly obliged to descend from his
station of a crown-holder, and become a vassal of the Marquis of Argyle,
who, having purchased the gift of his forfeiture, sold him the dominium
utile upon very easy terms, probably being anxious to detach him from
all possible connection with Huntly, and in this he completely succeeded.
For, upon the breaking out of the Civil Wars, eager to revenge himself
upon his ungrateful oppressor, he joined Argyle, and it appears that a
body of the Clan Cameron under his second son Donald, who bore the
soubriquet of Guirke, formed part of the " uncanny trewsmen " mentioned
by Baillie as having come to the convention at Perth in 1639, along with
the great Marquis.* It would also appear that some of the Clan Cameron
assisted General Middleton when he defeated Huntly at the Braes of
Glenmoriston in 1647.
Upon the royal standard being raised by Montrose, Allan's views seem
to have altered. The most rabid Tory may, indeed, forgive him for his
lukewarm loyalty, but he had no sympathy with the causes of the Re-
• Vide Gordon's History of Scots Affairs, published by the Spalding Club, Vol. II. p. 205-6.
16 EDITOR'S INTRODUCTION.
bellion, and only saw in its success the increase of the Marquis of Argyle's
already exorbitant power and influence in the Highlands.
With these views he did not join Argyle when he assembled his forces
to oppose Montrose ; on the contrary, he waited upon the last mentioned
nobleman when he passed through his country, and permitted a small
but select body of his followers to join him ; and by despatching the ex
press which informed Montrose of Argyle's arrival at Inverlochy, was the
means of bringing on that fatal conflict. This piece of service might, in
deed, have been interpreted differently, had Argyle proved victorious ;
but it is said that his supernatural powers enabled him to foretell the
result.
His eldest son John, the father of Locheill, died a few years after
his birth, and for some years previous to these last mentioned events,
the young man had been entrusted to the guardianship of the Marquis
of Argyle. Sir Walter Scott supposes that he was thus placed as a
hostage for the good conduct of the Clan ;* but admitting the plausibility
of the conjecture, it really does not appear that the Clan Cameron were
ever upon such terms with the Campbells as to render such a demand
necessary. The more probable reason seems to be, that the aged Chief
having felt the disadvantage of never having been able to appear at Court,
was determined that his grandson's education should be such as to fit
him for that purpose, while he was anxious that he should be introduced
by so powerful, and, till then, loyal a family as that of Argyle. And,
on the other hand, the Marquis eagerly seized the opportunity of con
ciliating the affections of so important a vassal.
But from whatever motives it arose, it is certain that the Marquis ful
filled his duty as a guardian with the utmost kindness and conscientious
ness. While he took care to instruct him in all useful learning, and
polite and elegant accomplishments, he left him entirely at liberty to form
his own views upon the politics and events of the times. It is pleasing
to find this instance of good taste and feeling on the part of the Marquis,
which forms some relief to the dark features of his character, recorded
• Vide Talet of a Grandfather, Second Series, VoL IL p. 94.
EDITOR'S INTRODUCTION: ir
by one whose views were so decidedly different as the author of these-
Memoirs.
A singular circumstance having excited Locheill's attention to the
great events which were passing around him, he applied to Argyle for
an explanation of some of his doubts and difficulties ; and it is not a little
creditable to the ability and impartiality of our author, that he has, upon
this occasion, put into Argyle's mouth a more able and ingenious
apology for some of the most indefensible actions of his life, than is to
be found in the works of any of his professed panegyrists.
Allan M'llduy having died about 1647, Locheill, whose principles
had now become decidedly loyal, took the earliest possible opportunity
of leaving the Marquis, and putting himself at the head of his Clan.
From some reason which does not seem very well explained, he did
not join the army which marched under David Lesley to the fatal field
of Worcester, although he had mustered his Clan for the purpose ; but
upon the Earl of Glencairn's raising the royal standard in- the Highlands,
he appeared among the first of his adherents, and soon signalized him
self by his valour and intrepidity. Glencairn, although an able soldier
and most resolute man, was not possessed of that commanding intellect
which alone could enable him to amalgamate the heterogeneous and dis
cordant materials- of which his army was composed ; nor was Middleton,
who superseded him, at all superior in any respect. The Royalists
proved, in consequence, totally unable to cope with the united and dis
ciplined veterans of Cromwell. An immense number of desultory and
unconnected skirmishes were however fought, the details of which have
been very imperfectly handed down to us, as each party only relates those
which are favourable to themselves.
The author of the following Memoirs has contented himself with merr*
tkraing a few of the most remarkable in which Locheill was engaged,
and in their graphic and circumstantial details, he certainly does the full
est and most ample justice to the admirable organization, activity, and
indomitable courage of the Republican forces.
The short but splendid career of Montrose is usually regarded by his
torians as the most brilliant epoch of the military history of the High-^
c
18 EDITOR'S INTRODUCTION.
landers, and Glencairn's rising as one of the most disastrous and inglori
ous. But the impression upon the minds of those actually engaged does
not appear to coincide with what the general results would lead us to
anticipate, for the latter inspired the Highlanders with much more con
fidence in themselves than the former.
The unwarlike and undisciplined character of the great majority of the
troops overcome by Montrose, left it still dubious how the Highlanders
would behave when opposed to tried veterans ; but, while under Glen-
cairn their efforts as a body were paralyzed by treachery, discordance,
and disorganization, they found no reason to complain of inferiority in
actual conflict.
And what is still more extraordinary, the advantages gained were attri
buted by the Highlanders, not, as is usually supposed, to physical or
mental causes, but solely to the superiority of their arms and mode of
fighting.
These novel views may possibly render some parts of the present work
not altogether uninteresting to such military readers as carry their views
of their profession beyond shakoes and pipe-clay.
It would be anticipating the narrative to give any details of these ex
ploits, or of the ingenious stratagem by which Locheill finally obtained his
honourable capitulation, and in which he displayed so much boldness and
address. In arranging the terms of this treaty he was, however, much
indebted to his old friend the Marquis of Argyle.
Whenever peace was declared, he rapidly rose in Monk's friendship
and estimation, whose sagacity easily discerned the value of such an ad
herent.
About this period Locheill married his first wife, a daughter of Mac-
donald of Slate, and the description of the wedding, together with the
strains of the Highland votary of Parnassus, form an interesting picture
of the manners of the times, and a pleasing relief from the dark scenes of
bloodshed and disorder contained in the First Book ; but the lovers of
the Gaelic have great reason to regret that the poet's verses have not been
preserved in their original tongue.
The Second Book commences with a short account of the motives by
EDITOR'S INTRODUCTION. 19
which Monk was actuated in accomplishing the Restoration, and of the
means by which he effected it. So far as it goes, it coincides entirely
with the views adopted by Guizot in his admirable sketch of that remark
able man. Some curious, and it is believed original, anecdotes illustra
tive of his profound duplicity and knowledge of human character are also
given.
After the Restoration, Locheill became involved in a variety of law
suits and disputes, some of them originating in the late wars, and others
of a much older date, so that his life was, as Pennant describes, one of
stormy tranquillity.
By far the most important was the old misunderstanding with Macin
tosh, whose family had many centuries before obtained charters to certain
lands which had been always possessed by the Camerons. Considering
the way in which charters were then obtained, and the length of time
during which the Camerons had been in possession, no one can doubt
that the mode of settlement proposed by Locheill, of giving Macintosh
a sum of money in lieu of his claim, was the most fair and equitable one.
But Macintosh, confiding in the strength of his legal rights, pushed them
to their utmost extent, and obtained an act of Parliament against Loch
eill in very stringent terms, and upon his refusal to obey, letters of fire
and sword were at last granted. But these measures were so little in
accordance with the general feeling, that ah1 the gentlemen joined in the
commission of fire and sword refused to co-operate with Macintosh, and
even his own Clan declined for long to obey him. Having at length
succeeded in overcoming their scruples, he marched against Locheill,
and found him at the head of his Clan, who were, to a man, ready to
measure the justice of their cause by the length of their swords. But
at this critical period they were reconciled by the mediation of the Earl
of Breadalbane, who himself prevailed upon Macintosh at length to ac
cept of LocheilFs terms, and displayed his great abilities, not only by
his successful mediation, but by escaping the proverbial fate of the redder
of a fray.
No sooner was this long protracted feud terminated, than Locheill
found himself engaged in fresh difficulties from his connection with the
o0 EDITOR'S INTRODUCTION.
ancient and powerful family of MacLean, with whom he became con
nected by his second marriage. Afull detail of the unhappy circumstances
by which that noble house was finally deprived of its ancient inherit
ance will here be found ; it may be mentioned that it, upon the whole,
coincides precisely with the account given in the history of the Clan
MacLean, published by " A Seneachie" in 1838, although a much more
favourable view of the conduct and motives of the Argyle family is
adopted by the present author. According to him, the folly and inca
pacity of the tutors of the young MacLean, and his own imprudent and
vacillating conduct, were the true causes of the ruin of the house.
It seems, indeed, difficult to resist the conviction that there was a
Jarge sum of money actually due to the Argyle family, in discharge df
which, they would willingly have taken the superiority of the estate, could
the pride of the Mac Leans have permitted them to make this compromise.
Considering the peculiar terms upon which Locheill stood with the
Argyle family, the steadiness with which he adhered to the interests of
the MacLeans is highly commendable.
Although Locheill seems to have always stood high in the favour both
of Charles the Second and his unfortunate brother, yet it is much to his
credit that he does not appear to have been employed in plundering the
western counties in 1678 ; but upon the breaking out of Argyle's re
bellion in 1685, he was urgently requested to join in its suppression,
which he accordingly did. An unhappy rencounter which took place
between two reconnoitring parties of the royal forces, one of which was
composed of his men, together with his known friendship for Argyle,
subjected him to great suspicion, and he had much difficulty in reinstat
ing himself in the royal favour. There really, however, does not appear
to be any reasonable doubts that the explanation given in the Memoirs
of these transactions is correct.
The forfeiture of the Marquis of Argyle involved Locheill in fresh
difficulties, for as, by the law of Scotland, the vassal forfeits with his over
lord, he had actually been labouring to effect his own ruin. Considering
the part he had taken in suppressing the rebellion, it might have been
.expected that he would have got this affair settled without any trouble ;
EDITOR'S INTRODUCTION. 21
birt a claim to his estate was reared up by the Duke of Gordon, which
he had great difficulty in resisting. In his negotiations at Court for this
rpurpose, he was much assisted by the celebrated Barclay of Ury, the
Quaker, whose sister was his third wife, and who had very great personal
influence with James ; thus showing that that unhappy monarch was not
altogether so blinded by religious bigotry as is usually imagined. Barclay
proved successful in the most material points. And had it not been for
the Revolution, would, in all probability, have achieved the great object
•of Locheill's ambition, by getting him the superiority of his estate.
Perhaps the technical account of these legal proceedings and negotia
tions, which are contained in the Second Book, may be thought dry and
tedious by the general reader ; but the minute details of the complicated
relations between superior and vassal, and the singular melange of legal
forms, political intrigue, and open violence, which constituted a Scotish
law-suit in the seventeenth century, may possibly be considered as the
most interesting to the antiquarian.
The Third Book is chiefly occupied with an account of the principal
events which took place in the Highlands from the Revolution till a
short time after the Massacre of Glencoe. The narrative is minute and
circumstantial, and interspersed with a variety of curious anecdotes;
the characters given of Dundee and the various Highland Chiefs are
particularly interesting ; while the facts are so well substantiated by the
unerring test of the public records, as to afford a satisfactory guarantee
for historical accuracy.
In the notes, the narrative is compared with Mackay's Memoirs, and
other contemporary writings, from which the reader will be enabled to
judge of the correctness of the author's views and reflections. The pro
minent part assigned to Locheill in the Rebellion of 1688-9, and subse
quent treaty, is fully corroborated by the authorities quoted in the notes.
Some singular statements are given as to the views and feelings of the
Highlanders in regard to these transactions. It appears, that towards
the close of Charles II. 's reign, the discontent of the Chieftains at the
system of subiufeudation had attained its height, and that the conse
quent evils had become so great, that James II. had conceived & plan
22 EDITOR'S INTRODUCTION.
for abolishing it by purchasing up these superiorities ; and that this was
one of the causes of his great popularity in the Highlands.
It may appear paradoxical, but the editor cannot help hazarding the
conjecture, that the motives which prompted the Highlanders to support
King James were substantially the same as those by which the promoters
of the Revolution were actuated. For it must be borne in mind, that
the law had generally proved a most partial and oppressive task-mis
tress to the Highlanders, and the freedom of the subject had only in
creased the power of the great noblemen to oppress their inferiors, who
had hitherto found the royal prerogative the safest guardian of their na
tural rights and liberties.
What renders this conjecture more plausible is the fact, that, acute
and sagacious as the Highland Chieftains certainly were, yet their atten
tion seems to have been too much engrossed by the events of the pre
sent, to permit them to concern themselves for the future ; and they
might not have reflected how dangerous arbitrary principles of govern
ment would ultimately prove to those very rights which they in the mean
time protected.
But, whatever were their motives, the Chieftains certainly adhered to
King James with the most steady and praiseworthy loyalty.
In spite of the neglect and coldness with which they were treated by
their sovereign, they rejected the most brilliant and tempting offers from
their antagonists, and, even when success was hopeless, refused to capi
tulate without the sanction of their master. The money distributed
among them by King William appears originally to have been intended
to purchase up the superiorities ; but this enlightened and judicious plan
was thwarted by the avarice and perfidy of those who had the manage
ment of the negotiation ; while the acceptance of the money cannot be
looked upon as a bribe, but as a fair remuneration for the losses they had
sustained. The fate of Ireland, and the Massacre of Glencoe, render
it certain that it was the terror of their arms alone which wrung from
their cruel and treacherous opponents the honourable pacification they
finally obtained. However, the ultimate effect of these transactions
proved extremely detrimental to the Highlands, as it prevented the
EDITOR'S INTRODUCTION. 23
Chieftains from turning their attention to the arts of peace, and induced
them to maintain upon their lands many more inhabitants than were ne
cessary for its cultivation, with the view of enhancing their military in
fluence.
The lower orders in the Highlands, although an indolent race, were
naturally peaceful in their inclinations ; and the Chieftains and great
feudal lords appear latterly to have been obliged to employ every means,
both of argument, persuasion, and authority, to keep up the military
spirit of their followers. A striking illustration of this will be found in
No. I. of the Appendix ; from which it appears how harsh and oppres
sive the system of heritable jurisdictions had become about 1715, and
what a powerful instrument of compulsion it was ; and, indeed, the publi
cation of the Athol Correspondence has effectually proved that the patri
archal power of the Chieftains was, in 1745, totally inefficacious in raising
their men, and that it was only by the strictest exercise of feudal autho
rity that an army was set on foot.
But to return from this digression. Nothing memorable occurred
in the life of Locheill after the events which terminate the present MS.
His age and infirmities rendered him unable to take any share in the Re
bellion of 1715. It appears from the papers connected with the prosecu
tion raised against his grandson, Cameron of Fassfern, in 1755, that he
was in possession of a Plantation in the West Indies, which he made
over to his family, along with his other property, some years before his
death.
The following account of the last years of his life was copied by Miss
Cameron of Locheill from the Balhaldy Papers ; it is evidently intend
ed to have formed the substance of the conclusion of the work, but has
not been incorporated into any of the MSS. to which the Editor has
had access.
24 EDITOR'S INTRODUCTION.
FRAGMENT OF AN ACCOUNT OF THE DEATH OF SIR EWEN CAMERON,
COPIED FROM THE BALHADIE PAPERS.
His eyes retained their former vivacity, and his sight was so good in
his ninetieth year that he could discern the most minute object, and read
the smallest print ; nor did he so much as want a tooth, which to me
seemed as white and close as one would have imagined they were in the
twentieth year of his age.
In this state he was when I had the good fortune to see him in 1716 ;
and so great was his strength at that time, that he wrung some blood
from the point of my fingers with a grasp of his hand. He was of the
largest size ; his bones big, his countenance fresh and smooth, and he
had a certain air of greatness about him, which struck the beholders with
awe and respect. His cousin, Sir [John] M'Lean, used to say of him,
that as often as he saw Sir Ewen Cameron, so often did the idea of the
great Louis of France seize his imagination. Simon, Lord Fraser of
Lovat, likewise his great friend and relation, affirmed the same thing;
and said the resemblance was nearer than commonly that between two
brothers ; with this difference, that Sir Ewen was of a darker complexion,
more brawny, and of a larger size. That Lord was one of his greatest
admirers ; and upon the news of his death, wrote a letter of condolence
to the present Locheill, wherein he compared him to the most generous
patriots and noblest heroes of antiquity.
The story I am going to relate would be absolutely incredible, if it
were net vouched by a multitude of witnesses. Very early that morn
ing whereon the Chevalier de St George landed at Peterhead in the
North of Scotland, attended only by Allan Cameron, one of the gentle
men of his bedchamber, Sir Ewen started, .as it were, in a surprise from
his sleep, and called out so loud to his lady (who lay by him in another
bed) that his King was landed, that his King was arrived, and that his
son Allan was with him, that she awaked ; and inquiring if he wanted
anything, he repeated the same thing over and over again, and command
ed a large bonfire, to be. put on, and the best liquor in the house, ta be.
EDITOR'S INTRODUCTION. 25
brought out to his lads, (for so he commonly called his Clan, ) for to make
merry and drink his King's health. — The lady, who at first fancied that
he was raving, did not much notice him ; but he was so instant and po
sitive, and commanded with such authority, that she was in the end
obliged to obey. Not only his grandchildren and domestics, but all the
people of the neighbourhood, were convened to that solemnity, which
they celebrated with uncommon festivity and mirth, until the next day
was near spent. His lady was so curious, that she noted down the
words upon paper, with the date ; which she a few days after found ve
rified in fact, to her great surprise. I do not pretend to account for this
visionary kind of revelation.
The like befell him in his youth, whereby he was saved from an im
minent danger, as I have noticed ; and all I shall say upon the matter is,
that it seems no conclusive argument against the truth of a fact, that it
cannot be accounted for, unless it shall be made out, that all the secrets
of nature, and the wonderful dispensations of Providence, are revealed to
human understanding. In the present case, Sir Ewen's waking through
his sleep, his expressing the words, and giving the orders here related,
stand not only vouched by the lady and a servant that lay near him, but
likewise by the multitude convened to the solemnity, who all came and
kissed their Chiefs hand, and informed themselves of the truth of it, from
himself. Besides, contrary to his usual custom, he talked of nothing
else all the next day ; gave orders from time to time to carry out more
liquor to his lads, and said that he should see his son Allan, but should
never have the honour of seeing his King !
To conclude the life of this remarkable man, he enjoyed a continued
state of health from his birth to his death, excepting the flux I have men
tioned in 1674, which lasted a whole year, and he died of a high fever
in February 1719, after a glorious and honourable life of ninety years.
His blood was never drawn either [by the] enemy or a chirurgeon, and
but once that we hear of by an accident of tramping upon a sharp, small
pointed knife, which ran quite through the thick of his foot, and which
befell him in his younger days, while he kept the mountains. This knife
chancing to break at the handle where it joins the blade, he caused one
d
26 EDITOR'S INTRODUCTION.
of his attendants pull it out with his teeth, and the blood following it
with a great gush, struck the gentleman full in the mouth, which gave
Locheill so much diversion, that he said merrily, that if the knife had
given him a sore foot, it had likewise given that gentleman sore teeth and
a foul mouth !
Some hours before he died, his fever left him, and his memory and
judgment returned, and he discoursed as sensibly as ever he was known
to do in his greatest vigour. He called his sons, Major Donald and
Ludovick Cameron, of whom, and his other sons, we shall hereafter
say something, and all his other friends and domestics that chanced to be
about him ; — to each of whom he spoke a word or two, and then re
commended to them, in general, religion, loyalty, patriotism, and the love
of their friends. In a word, his exit was suitable to his life, and he left a
memory behind him so glorious, that his name is still mentioned in those
countries with the utmost veneration and respect.
The reader will best form a character of this gentleman from his ac
tions, and therefore we shall only touch on some few particulars that are
not so, obvious to his observation. Being only in the eleventh year of
his age, when the grand Rebellion against King Charles I. broke out, it
was impossible that he could be educated agreeably to his genius and
rank ; and though the Marquis of Argyle, his guardian, designed to
have sent him to Oxford, yet the Civil Wars being then in their greatest
fury, he was obliged to keep him about his person ; and, indeed, took
all the care of him that those busy times would permit. The conversa
tion with Secretary Spottiswoode inspiring him thereafter with a gene
rous ambition of acting the patriot, he retired to his own country ; where
his habitation was for the most part in the mountains, and his conversa
tion only with such company as could but . . . . .. ';,' , *-.
This narrative contradicts Pennant's assertion, that LocheiPs faculties
were latterly impaired, and it makes no mention of the cradle in which
that author, and after him Sir Walter Scott, General Stewart, and others,
allege he was rocked. The fact of his mind being entire is also cor-
EDITOR'S INTRODUCTION. 27
roborated by Patten, in his History of the Rebellion of 1715, published
in 1717.
At the period when the Tales of a Grandfather were published, every
inquiry was made to ascertain if any tradition regarding the cradle exist
ed, but none was found, although it was said that he had lost the use
of his lower limbs, and turned himself in bed by the assistance of a rope
and pulley. At the same time, it is proper to mention, that the per
son who supplied Pennant with his information was, in every other re
spect, perfectly accurate.
The nature of these remarks will, it is hoped, free the Editor from
the charge of being an indiscriminate " laudator temporis acti." Yet
he will venture to say, that, even in the present age, when the interests
of mankind, and the mode of attaining the objects of social existence,
are so much better understood, the activity, energy, and determination
of the feudal baron, and patriarchal chief, may still be a model to their
posterity.
It is much to be regretted that none of the Author's notices of Sir
E wen's family have been preserved ; but the following brief account of
his descendants may perhaps form an appropriate conclusion to the pre
sent remarks.
Sir Ewen left at least three sons, John, Allan, and Ludovick ; the
Editor has been unable to find any allusion to Donald, who is mention
ed in the Balhaldy fragment. There were also eleven daughters, all
married to Chiefs, or landed proprietors.
John, the eldest, appears, like his grandfather, to have had a greater
genius for civil than for military affairs ; he commanded the Clan Came
ron in 1689 after the battle of Killiecrankie, when Sir E wen's age ren
dered him unable to support the fatigues of the harassing and inglorious
system of hostilities adopted by General Canon, contrary to his advice
and remonstrances. In 1696, Sir Ewen made over the greater part
of his estates to him, reserving his own liferent, as appears from deeds
still extant. He was a zealous Jacobite, and was deeply implicated
in every scheme for restoring the exiled family. About 1706, a warrant
was issued to apprehend him as guilty of high treason ; but it does not
28 EDITOR'S INTRODUCTION.
appear that it was ever put in execution. He again commanded the Clan
in the Rebellion of 1715 ; but before going out, he took the precaution of
making over his estates to his son Donald.
His conduct on that occasion seems to have given but little satisfac
tion either to his father or the Clan, and it is reported, that they ex
pressed an unwillingness again to serve under him. Being forfeited for his
share in that rebellion, he retired to France, and never returned to Scot
land, (although the contrary has sometimes been erroneously asserted,)
but died, it is supposed, at Boulogne at a very advanced age, in 1747.
During the whole course of his long life, he was actively engaged in the
service of the exiled family. A servant of his, named Duncan Cameron,
was one of the seven persons who accompanied the Chevalier to Scotland
in 1745, in order to assist them in their disembarkation, by his know
ledge of the localities. Duncan's account of the voyage was preserved
by Bishop Forbes, and partly printed by Mr Chambers in his Jacobite
Memoirs.
Allan, the second brother, is generally supposed to have been at first
a Lieutenant in the 21st Scots Fusileers, and to have been present with
his regiment at the battle of Killiecrankie ; but the Editor has been un
able to find any other authority for this than tradition. However, he soon
left the royal army, and retired to France. In 1715, he was summoned
to appear at Edinburgh, along with other gentlemen of Jacobite princi
ples, as Lieutenant Allan Cameron of Locheill ; but, of course, did not
obey. He attended the Chevalier de St George from France in De
cember 1715, and landed with him at Peterhead, and again accompanied
him when he left Scotland. He was despatched to the Highlands in
1725, and was employed in keeping up a correspondence with the High
land Chieftains till about 1730, when he again appears to have returned
to France, and lived with the Chevalier de St George, and certainly
died before 1745.
Ludovick, of Torrcastle, so called from his residing there, acted as
young Locheil's Major in 1745, and died in France.
John (Sir E wen's eldest son) had five sons, who grew up to man
hood ; viz. Donald, of 1745, whose character and exploits it is needless
to enlarge upon, as they now form part of the history of his country, he
EDITOR'S INTRODUCTION. 29
became proprietor of the estates of the family in 1706, during the life
of his grandfather Sir Ewen, by a conveyance from his father as already
mentioned, and died a Colonel in the French service, in 1748. 2.
John of Fassfern, who became a merchant, and was for some time resi
dent in the West Indies. He was successful in business, and although
he did not join in the Rebellion of 1745, yet he appears to have mate
rially aided his brother by supplying him with the sinews of war. Fall
ing under the odium of Government, he was, upon very slender evi
dence, and after very arbitrary proceedings, found guilty of abstracting
documents connected with the claims upon the forfeited estate of Loch-
eill, which were alleged to have been forged, and banished from Scot
land by an Act of Sederunt of the Court of Session for ten years, during
which time he resided at Alnwick. He was grandfather to the present
Sir Duncan Cameron of Fassfern. 3. Dr Archibald Cameron, whose ex
ertions in the cause of the Stuart family, and melancholy fate, are too well
known to admit of their being here recapitulated. 4. Alexander, who
died a priest. 5. Ewen, who died a planter in Jamaica.
The whole of the family estates were declared forfeited by Act of Par
liament, and annexed to the Crown in the year 1746.
Donald had two sons, John, who succeeded to his father's regiment in
France, and afterwards came to the Highlands, but died a very young man.
2. Charles, who succeeded his brother, and obtained from the Crown
leases of parts of the forfeited estates of the family upon very easy terms ;
he received a commission in the 7 1st Highlanders when first embodied,
and raised a company of his clansmen. When the regiment was ordered
on foreign service, he was in London dangerously ill ; but, hearing that
his men refused to embark without him, he hurried to Glasgow, where they
were quartered, and had the satisfaction of finding that the eloquence of
Colonel Fraser of Lovat, their commander, had persuaded them to re
turn to their duty ; but the exertion proved too much for his health, and
he died shortly afterwards.
It is said, that he was received in Glasgow with great pomp and en
thusiasm, as it was generally supposed that it was his father who pre
vented that city from being plundered in 1745.
30 EDITOR'S INTRODUCTION.
lie married a lady of the name of Marshall, and had a large family,
but only two survived ; viz. Donald, born in the year 1769» to whom the
family estates were restored in 1784, by Act of Parliament, and a
daughter named Anne, who was married to Vaughan Forster, Esq., a
Major in the Army, and died lately, leaving a son, Charles Forster, Esq.
Donald of 1769 was married to the Honourable Anne Abercromby,
(who still survives,) daughter of General Sir Ralph Abercromby, Bart.,
and had a family of two sons and two daughters ; viz. Donald, the present
representative of the family, formerly a Captain in the Grenadier Regi
ment of Guards, and who is married to the Lady Catherine Vere Louisa
Hobart ; Alexander, Mary Anne, and Matilda. The present Locheill
and Lady Vere Cameron have a family of sons and daughters.
AUTHOR'S INTRODUCTION
TO
INTRODUCTION
TO THE
LIFE OF SIR EWEN CAMERON OF LOCHEILL,
CHIEF OF THE CLAN CAMERON ;
CONTAINING
THE ANTIQUITYS OF THAT FAMILY, WITH SOME ACCOUNT OF
THE NEIGHBOURING CLANS.
AUTHOR'S INTRODUCTION.
THE CAME RONS have a tradition, that they are originaly descended from
a younger son of one of the Kings of Denmark, who assisted at the re
storation of King Fergus the Second in the year 404, and that Prince
was called Cameron from his crooked nose, as the word imports, which
name he transmitted to his posterity. But it seems more probable that
they are of the aborigines, the antient Scots or Caledonians, that first
planted the country.
I. ANGUS.
But whatever their original may be, it is certain they are very antient.
A learned antiquary informs us, that Angus,* their ancestour, marryed
* Kenneth was grandson to Ethus, King of Scotland, by his second son, Doir M'Aodh, who was
born in 870, in the twelfth of King Constantino the Second, his uncle. This Doir was, on the acces
sion of Constantino the Third, his brother, to the throne, created Thane of Lochaber in 903, and
dyed in 936, aged sixty-six, which fell out in the thirty-third of bis said brother's reign. The fore-
named Kenneth, the son of Doir, was born in 960, the second of the reign of Indulph, and dyed in
1030, which was the seventieth of his age; leaving issue by Dunclina, daughter to King Kenneth the
Third, his wife : —
I. Bancho, or Banquho, who succeeded him in his estate and honours. /*
II. Alexander, progenitor of the antient Earles of Lennox.
III. Castisa, married to Donald, Thane of Southerland, ancestour to the antient Earles of that name.
IV. Gunera, married to Malcolm, Lord of Bute.
V. Marion, married to Angus, or 2Eneas, ancestour of the Camerons.
VI. Beatrix, married to Hugh, alias Aodh, M'Ean, ancestour of the Douglasses. — Vide Mr David
Svmson's Genealogical and Chronological Account of the Stuarts ab initio, edit. Edinburg. 1713.
4 AUTHOR'S INTRODUCTION TO
Marion, one of the daughters of Kenneth III., and sister of the famous
Bancho, Thane of Lochaber, which is a proof that he was a person of
rank and dignity even at that time.* For Bancho was a Prince of the
Blood Royal, and Governor of one of the largest provinces in the king
dom, the country of Lochaber being said to have comprehended at that
tune ah1 that extensive tract of land between the river of Spey and the
West Seas, and has the honour to have one of the most illustrious fami
lies in Europe descended of him in a direct line,— I mean that of the
Royal House of Stewart, as all our historians agree.
II. GILLESPICK.
As this Angus is said to have been instrumental in saveing Fleance,
the son of Bancho, his lady's nephew, from the cruelty of the usurper
Macbeath, so his own son Gillespick, or Archibald, was one of these loyal
patriots who assisted at the restoration of King Malcolm III., sur-
named Kenmore, the true heir of the Crown, in anno 1057.
That illustrious Prince was no sooner seated on the throne of his an-
cestours, than he gratefuly rewarded all those who had most eminently
distinguished themselves in that important service ; and, among many
others, we find that this Gillespick was advanced to the dignity of Lord
Baron,f 25th of Aprill 1057.
• Viz. in anno 1030.
| " Malcomns Scotorum Rex 86"" Sconse Coronatus anno 1061. Inde Forfarum Generate indixit
concilium volens ut primores quod antea non fuerat aliarum more gentium a praediis suis cognomina
capercnt quosdam vero etiam Comites (vulgo Earles) quosdam Barones (vulgo Lords) alios Milites aut
Equites Auratos (vulgo Martiall Knights) creavit MacDuffum Fifse Thanum Fifae Comitem Patritium
Dumbarum,Marchiarum Comitem ; alios quoque viros prsestantes, Montethise, Atholiae, Marrue, Catha-
nesue, Rossis', Angusiae, dixit comites, Johannem Soulcs, Davidem D'Ardier ab Abernethiae, Simonem a
Tueddell, Gulielmum a Douglas, Gillespium Cameron, Davidem Briechen Hugonem a Caldella Barones
earn dirersis aliis equites Auratos perplures pauci vero Thani rclictse." — This account we have from
an extract out of the antient registers and monuments of Icolmkill, quoted by Mr Home of Godscroft in
his History of the Douglasses. Mr Home adds, that the above extract, out of the said Registers,
was sent to George Buchanan when he was writing his History, whereof John Reid, his amanuensis,
having reserved a copy, did communicate it to diverse afterwards. — Hist. Douglas, p. 11, edit. Edin.
1644. That Buchanan saw, and made use of, this note seems very plain from the account he gives of
this meeting or Parliament at Forfar, the 25th of April 1057. See his History, Lib. vii. Vit. Malcol. HI.
r MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL. 5
It is generally agreed that this King was the first who introduced titles
of honour into Scotland, and gave property to his subjects of the lands
they possessed. Before this time they were no more than tenents to
the Crown, nor had the nobility* any other honours but what they
derived from their being chiefs of their respective clans, or from their
offices and magistracys, whereof the principalf were Abthanes and
Thanes. The first of these was superintendant of the Royal Revenues,
and his office was the same with that of Lord High Steward^ afterwards ;
and the other had the care of particular provinces committed to them,
and very much resembled our Lords Lieutenents. It was, no doubt,
very honorable for the Camerons to be among the first chiefs that were
dignifyed by the Crown, when faction and intrigue prevailed so little at
Court, and when rank and merit onely could entitle them to so early a
promotion.
But dignitys,§ it seems, were not then hereditary, but ended with the
lives of the persons on whom they were conferred, though often renewed
to the son, and it had been happy for succeeding princes that they had
continued that practice, and made honor and merit go always hand in
hand. Antiently the chiefs or heads of familys were the Proceres
Regni, or the prime nobility.
The Highlanders are the onely people of Scotland that are free from
mixture. They are obstinatly tenatious of their antient customs ; and
honor their chiefs, as such, to this day, by giveing them the title of
* The word nobility comprehended the gentry as well as these who were dignifyed with titles. It is
still so in France, for both are called the noblesse, and are only distinguished by adding the words
Grand and Petite.
f Titles were nothing originaly but offices of dignity. Thus Thegn, or Theyn, signifys in the
Teutonick a chief servant, which Latine historians have changed into Thanus, from which the word Thane,
as we write it in modern orthography.
J Steward is a compound of two words, and was antiently written Stead-ward, which is of the same
signification with Prorex or Viceroy, because he supplyed the king's stead or place. The word Earle is
likeways a compound of Ear, (honour,) and Ethel, (noble,) now abridged in Erel, or Earle, Honourable,
and Noble. See Verstigan upon these words.
§ These dignitys of the first creation all disappear in the next generation, except the Earles of
March and Fife, whose titles seem to have been renewed to their heirs. Nor will it be easy to fix upon
the time when titles became hereditary.
C AUTHOR'S INTRODUCTION TO
Dtiurn,* which is the same with Dominus in Latine, and Lord with us,
and is the highest in the Celtick or Gaulick, for they address God in
the same word.
III. JOHN.
After this, we hear nothing of the Camerons till the heroik reign of
Robert the First, anno 1306. Their chief, named John, surnamed
Ochtery, served that illustrious King in all his wars, and he is one of
these generous patriots that subscribes the famous letter which was sent
by the Scots nobility to the Pope in 1320, wherin they plead their
King's title to his Crown, and the independency of his kingdom, with a
spirit and zeal that is justly admired by posterity :f Nor was this brave
gentleman less active in the service of King David the Second, the
son and successor of the renouned King Robert. He commanded a
body of that Prince's troops, (probably his own clan,) and was posted
in the third ward| or division of the army at the rash and unfortunat
battle of Halidounhill, 15th July 1333, and continued to serve in these
wars till the English were expelled the kingdome, and the King fully
settled on his throne.
From the above John Ochtery there is a succession of seventeen
chiefs in a lineal descent to Donald, who died in 1748, viz. : —
I. ALLAN M'OCHTERY, Son to John.
II. EWEN M' ALLAN, 1st.
III. DONALD M'EwEN, 1st.
IV. EWEN M'CONELL.
* The appellative Dtiuin is purly Celtick, and that of Lord isoriginaly Teutonick. Verstigan says,
that it was antiently written Laford, from the word Laf, (which we now write Loaf,) and ford, and sig
nify* an«: affordcr of bread. It is said to be the onely one with us that does not como from ane office
originaly. The word Laird, now in use with us to signify the proprietor of ane estate in lands, is a
corruption, or rather a wrong pronunciation, of the word Lord, and was given to none but chiefs and
great barons;— simple proprietors of lands were called Goodmen, and the Highlanders still continue that
distinction.
| See tho original, which is still extant in the Advocates' Library.
t Abercromby's History, Vol. II. p. 27, in Vita Davidis II., for which he quotes several English
authors.
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL. 7
V. DONALD Dow M'CONELL, his Brother, 1st.
VI. EWEN M'CONELL DuiE.
VII. DONALD M'EwEN, 2d.
VIII. ALLAN M'CONELL DUIE, 1st.
IX. EWEN M'ALLAN, 2d.
X. DONALD M'EwEN, 2d.
XI. EWEN M'CONELL.
XII. DONALD Dow M'CONELL, 2d, his Brother.
XIII. ALLAN M'CONELL DUIE, 2d.
XIV. JOHN M<ALLAN.
XV. EWEN M'!AN, or SIR EWEN.
XVI. JOHN M'EwEN.
XVII. DONALD M'!AN.
In the above reign of David II. the bloody wars between this Clan and
another in the neighbourhood, called the Clan Macintosh, had their begin
ning, and proved of the longest continuance, and perhaps the bloodyest
that ever happened between parties of their power. Before this time the
chiefs were not onely serviceable to the crown, but lived in peace and unity
among themselves, and in submission to the laws. But after the Lords
of the Isles, of whom by and by we shall give ane account, usurpt an il
legal authority over them, they were obliged to submit to his great power.
But before we proceed farther, it seems proper to give some account
of the Clan Macintosh, and of the grounds of their quarrell with the
Camerons, in which we shall, for want of better authority, be obliged
to follow that of Macintosh of Kinraura, who wrote the history of his
chiefs family, though his veracity is not allways to be depended on.
That author says, that the Macintoshes are descended from one Schaw
or Sheagh, a younger son of Duncan MacdufF, the second of that
name, Earle of Fife, and great-grandson to the famous Duncan Macduff
who killed the tyrant Macbeath. That the said Schaw got ane estate near
Inverness from King Malcolm IV., in the year 1163, for his bravery in
a battle against the people of Murray who were in rebellion, and that
8 AUTHOR'S INTRODUCTION TO
he was called Macintosh from his being the son of a Thane or Earl, as
the word itself imports, which has still continued to his posterity. The
sirname of Schaw is likewayes said to have had its beginning about the
same time from one Duncan Macduff, sirnamed M'Sheagh ; he was
grandson to the Earl of Fife, and second cousine to Macintosh.
The same writter affirms that Angus sixth Laird of Macintosh did, in
March 1291, marry Eve, only child to Gillespick, chief of the Clan Chat-
tan, and by her gott the estate of Glenlui and Locharkike, with the chief-
tainry of the Clan Chattan, who were even then a people in great repute.
This Clan Chattan bring their descent from a German extract, and there
are several very antient and noble familys that call themselves branches of
that stock, whereof the Earl of Sutherland, chief of that name, and the
Earl Marishall, likewayes chief of the Keiths, are the most considerable.
That branch of the Clancattan which now inhabite the country of
Badenoch, but are formerly said to have lived in Lochaber, whereof
Macintosh claims the chieftanrey, is called the Clanvuirich or Macpher-
sons, from one of their predecessors, who was a churchman, and bore
the office of Parson during the life of ane elder brother.
The Chief of this tribe, who is known by the title of the Laird of
Cluny, though, with other neighbouring Chiefs, he joyned Macintosh in
their common quarrell against the Camerons, often disputed the matter,
and alleaged, [1 .] That whatever title Macintosh might have to the estate,
by vertue of his marriage with the heiress I have mentioned, yet he
could have non to the Clanchattan, seeing he neither assumed the
name nor arms of that family. 2cfo, That neither estate nor Clan can
goe by ane heiress in the Highlands, where the Salique law takes place in
all great families, as much as it does in France, and that he being the heir-
male of Gillespick, or Gillspatrick, as others call him, though by a colla
teral branch, is legally entituled to the chieftainry, and with it ought to
have had the estate. And, 3/zo, That Macintosh cutt off his clan,* de
signing himself Captain of the Clan Chattan, for neither the Earls of Mar
ishall, Sutherland, nor any others who claimed their descent from that
' Sic in MS — May the author's meaning not be, — was cut off from his claim of? — Edit
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL. 9
stock, would acknowledge him* as their Chief, but as they severally sett up
for themselves, so he (Cluny) had the same privelidge, seeing Macintosh,
by his title of Captain of the Clanchattan, which included the whole,
could have no better right to lord it over him than he had over the rest,
of whose blood and lineage they denyed him to be. Besides all this,
Cluny controverted his marriage with the forementioned heiress, and as
serted that he gott the estate not by vertue of that, but of an iniquitous
decree of the Lord of the Isles, of whom we shall hereafter inform the
reader.
But, however the case was, it is certain that the house of Macintosh
was of great power and figure in the North, and that the Chiefs of that
name have thought their clame to the estate I have mentioned so good,
that they disputed their title to that part of it called the estate of Glen-
lui and Locharkike with the Cameron s, from generation to generation,
allmost to the utter ruine of both familys.
If the Camerons had any other right to the estate in question but
simple possession, I know not. All I can say of the matter is, that
very few, especially in these parts, could alleage a better at that time.
The Macintoshes, however, pretend, that, besides the story of the mar
riage, they had a charter or patent to those lands from the Lord of the
Isles in anno 1337, and that it was confirmed by King David II. in
February 1359. But the Camerons, it would seem, had little regard to
these rights ; for, in 1370, says my author, they invaded the Macintoshes,
and having carried away a great booty of cattle, and such other
goods as fell in their way, they were persued and overtaken att a place
called Innernahawn, by Lachlan, then Laird of Macintosh, who was
routed, and who had a whole branch of his Clan called the Clan Day cutt
off to a man.
That unhappy tribe payed dear for the honour they had in being pre
ferred that day to the van of the battle, in opposition to the Macphersons,
that claimed it ; and so far resented the injury which they thought was done
them, that they would not ingadge att all. But Macintosh, having some-
1
* He died the 7th May 1370.
10 AUTHOR'S INTRODUCTION TO
thing of a poetical geneius, composed certain ridiculous rhymes, which he
gave out were made in derision of their cowardice by the Camerons, and
thereby irritated them to such a degree of furry against them, that they
returned next morning, attacked and defeated them, while they were
burryed in sleep and security after their late victorey.
IV. ALLAN M'OCHTRY.
Allan, sirnamed M'Ochtry, was then Chief of the Camerons, and had
some years before succeeded the forementioned John, his father, in the
command. He lost many of his followers in this route, and among
others his kinsman, Charles M'Gillery, ancestor of that tribe of the Ca
merons called the Clan M'Gillery. That is, the family of the Gilbert-
sons or Gibsons. The place where this happened is from him called Cor-
riecharlich, that is, Charles his cony, or hollow.
The Camerons did not long delay to revenge themselves on their ene
mies, and, in a word, their conflicts were so frequent, and at the same
time so feirce and bloody, that they made no small noise att court. For
the partys, besides their own strength, had many friends and allys that
joyned them ; so that they often brought considerable armys to the
field.
Robert the Third then satt upon the throne. He was a Prince of a
mild and peaceable temper, and so valetudinarey, that he was obliged to
mannage all his affairs by his ministers. His brother, the Duke of Al-
baney, an active and vigilant Prince, governed att Court ; and two of his
principall nobility, Thomas Dunbar Earl of March, and James Lindsay
Earl of Crawford, commanded his troops. These two generals were
sent to the Highlands to settle these commotions ; but finding that they
could not execute their orders by force, without risking the loss of their
army, they endeavoured to bring the rivall Chieffs to some reasonable
terms of agreement ; and, after many overtures, fell upon a proposall that
was very agreeable to both. It was in a word this : That thirty of each
side should fight before the King and Court, without any other arms but
their swords, and that the party that should happen to be defeated should
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL. 11
have ane indemnity for all past offences ; and that the conquerors, besides
the estate in dispute, should be honoured with the royall favour. By
this method, continued they, the plea will be determined in a manner
that will testifie your submission and loyalty to the Crown, and give the
world a lasting proofe of the courage and bravery of the partys.
Pursuant to this treaty, both the Chiefs appeared at Court, and all
preliminary s being adjusted, the King ordered a part of the North Inch,
or plain upon the banks of the river, near the city of Perth, to be enclosed
with a deep ditch, in form of an amphitheatre, with seats or benches
for the spectators, his Majesty himself being to sitt judge of the field.
The fame of this extraordinary combate soone spreading over the king-
dome, drew infinite crouds from all parts to witnes so memorable an
event. The combatants appeared resolute and fearless, but when they
were just ready to engage, one of the Macintoshes, who had withdrawn
himself for fear, was amisseing. Whereupon the King commanded that
one of the Camerons should be removed ; but all of them expressing
a great unwillingness to be exempted from the common danger, one of the
spectators, named Henry Wynd, a saddler and citizen of Perth, pre
sented himself before the King, and ofFerred to supply the place of the
absent coward, on condition that if his party came off with victorey that
he should have a half French crown of gold for his reward.
The parties being now equall, to it they fell, and fought with all the
rage and furry that hatred, revenge, and an insatiable thrist of glory, could
inspire into the breasts of the feirsest of mankind. Like lyons and
tigers they tore and butchered one another, without any regaird to their
own safety, and the reader will find it easier to imagine than to express
the various passions, that agitated the breasts of the spectators in the
different scens of so bloody a tragedy. The King, a good-natured
Prince, was seized with an inexpressible horrour, nor were there any pre
sent who were not shoked at the crewell spectacle. But it was observed
that Henry Wynd distinguished himself above all others during this fu
rious conflict ; as he was not spirited and disordered by the same pas
sions with the rest of the party, so he employed his strength, and direct
ed his courage, with more discretion and play ; and to his conduct it was
12 AUTHOR'S INTRODUCTION TO
principally ascribed, that they at last had the advantage of their antago
nists. For of the Macintoshes ten (but they all mortally wounded) sur
vived ; and only one of the Camerons escaped ; he, having the good for
tune to remain unhurt, had the address to save himself by swiming
over the river of Tav, nor were the miserable victors in a condition to
prevent him. The brave mercenary, Henry Wynd, likewayes survived
without so much as a scratch on his body. His valure is still famous
among his countreymen, and gave rise to a proverb, which is commonly
repeated when any tliird person unnecessarily engadges himself in the
quarells of others — " He comes in like Henry Wynd for his own hand."
Such was the issue of this memorable combate, which, though it did
not putt an end to the differance betwixt the rivall Clans, yet the most
fierce and turbulent among them being destroyed, it suspended the effects
of it for several years thereafter.
I know that some of our historians have, by their ignorance of High
land affairs, named ane imaginary people whom they call the Clankey, and
not the Clan Cameron, as party to Macintosh in the above skirmish ; but
besides, a constant and uniform tradition, the forecited historian is posi
tive that the Macintoshes were never at variance, nor engaged in war
with any other clan but the Camerons, and that all their antient MSS.
agree in the same thing, and expressly mention the Camerons as their
party in this ; add to this, that the best Highland Antiquarys deny that
there ever was such a people as the Clankey in these parts, or, if there
was, they were so mean and obscure, that there is not so much as a
vestige or memory of them in the Highlands.
Allan M'Ochtry, the forementioned Chief of the Camerons, did not
long survive it.* Besyds the wars wherein he was continually engadged,
he, according to the humouf of Knight- Errantry that then generally pre
vailed, fought a duel in vindication of the honour of an injured lady, and
she, in gratitude to her deliverer, has celebrated his valure in an elegant
song, which is still sung with pleasure by his posterity. From him the
Family of the Ochiltrys are said to be descended, though, I presume,
upon no other grounds than a meer similitude of sound.
• JV..B.-- This duel bapncd in the time of Ewen his sone, though misplaced by mistake.
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL. 13
V. EWEN M'ALLAN.
He was succeeded by his son Ewen, who died soon thereafter, [and]
was followed by Donald, surnamed M'Ewen from his father.* This
last [Allan M'Ochtry] had to his wife a lady of the name of Drummond,
a daughter of the House of Stobhall, by whom he had two sons, who
succeeded him, the one after the other.
41
VI. DONALD M'EWEN.
Donald, the youngest, was a gentleman of extraordinary prudence and
valour, and acquired so great a reputation among his people, that the
Chiefs, his descendants, assumed his name, and still call themselves
M'Coilduys, that is, the sons of Black Donald, which has since con
tinued to be the patronimick of the family. He was perpetually engaged
either in domestick or foreign wars ; but that which gave him the greatest
trouble was the disturbance raised by the Lord of the Isles, of whom,
and of the original cause of these troubles, it seems necessary to give
some previous account.
Donald, surnamed Bane from his fair complection, the unworthey
brother of the great Malcolm Kenmore, having, during the usurpation of
Macbeath, resided in the Ebridse or Western Isles, afterwards formed a
designe upon the Crown in prejudice of his brother's children ; and for
that purpose, obtained assistance from Magnus King of Norway, upon
condition that, when he came to be King, he would make over these Isles
* He [Allan M'Ochtry] marryed to his Lady a younger daughter of Sir John Drummond of Stobhall,
predecessor to the present Duke of Perth. Lieutenant-General Drummond, Viscount of Strathallan, in
his Genealogical Account of the Drummonds, says, that this Lady was maryed to the Lord of the Isles.
But this must be a mistake. For that Lord was maryed to a daughter of the Earl of Ross, in whose
right his sone claimed that Earldome in default of male issue, which brought on the Battle of Harlaw, as
will by and by appear. The mistake seems to proceed from this, that there being a tradition in the
family that one of these daughters was married to a Highland chief, the General has thought it proper
to bestow her on the greatest then in being. The Lady's sister, Annabella, was Queen to Robert III.,
and mother to K. James I.
14 AUTHOR'S INTRODUCTION TO
to him. Magnus, pursuant to this bargain, being putt in possession, he
and his successors enjoyed them 167 years, that is, till the year 1263.
That Alexander the Third of Scotland having defeated Haco King of
Norroway, at the battle of Larges, compelled him, upon a treaty, to restore
them to his Crown. The treaty was afterwards ratifyed by the articles
of marriage between Margaret Princes of Scotland, and Erick, the sone and
successor of Haco, in July 1281, and often confirmed by succeeding kings.
While the Northvegians possessed these Isles they governed them by
a deputy, or Viceroy, whom their historians honour with the title of
King. The famous Somerled, Thane of Argyle, having marryed the
daughter of Olaus, one of these petty kings, he, in his lady's right, be
came King of the Isles, and his posterity governed them even after they
were restored to the Crown of Scotland, in a state of independency,
without any disturbance, for several ages thereafter. Nor were they satis
fied with their Isles, but extended their authority over all the Highland
Continent, and disposed of the property of the lands att their pleasure.
They had their ordinarey residence att the Castle of Ardtornish in Morvine,
where they lived in a state of royalty. For, by reason of the long and
bloody wars that followed the death of Alexander the Third, our kings
had not lazure to looke after them, and their exorbitant power was at
last so confirmed that it would have been no easie matter to reduce them.
However, I find that they and the other Highlanders frequently assisted
our kings in their wars against England, and performed all the other
dutys of faithfull and loyall subjects ; nor did they comitt any act of
hostility till they were provocked to it by the following act of injustice.
The honours and estate of the antient Earls of Ross having devolved
upon Walter Lessly, who marryed the heiress, he had by her one
onely sone who succeeded him, and a daughter, who was married to the
Lord of the Isles. That sone afterwards tooke a wife, one of the fore-
mentioned daughters of Robert Duke of Albany, and Regent of Scot
land for K. James I., then a captive in England. By her he had no
issue but a deformed girle, who, after her father's death, having shutt
herself up in a monastry, resigned the honours and estate of her family
in favours of John Earl of Buchan, the Governour's second sone.
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL. 15
This was a manifast injustice done to Donald Lord of the Isles, who,
being the sone of Margaret, sister to the last Earl, became, upon the death
of his cousine, the undoubted heir of that opulent house ; and he resolved
to have by force what he could not obtain by justice.
A war with England, and the rebellion of the Earl of March, favouring
his designs, he and his brother John went by sea to the Court of Eng
land with 100 horse in their retinue, in 1400,* and entered into a
league with Henry the Fourth, which five years thereafter was renewed
between them by their Commissioners, as it was again in 1411, when the
forces of the South were employed in defending the Borders. The reason
why the intended war was so long delayed seems to be, that he waited
the death of the heiress his cousine, which probably hapned not long
before ; for while the right remained in her person, he had no reason to
complean.
But whatever may be in this, he thought it full time now to take pos
session, and, therefore, having compelled all the neightbouring Clans to
list in his service, and among them the forementioned Donald, Chief
of the Camerons, he soone found himself at the head of 10,000 resolute
men. The people of Ross received him joyfully as their rightfull lord,
nor could he have been much blamed had he stopt here, but his views
increasing with his success, he pushed forward his conquests till he ar
rived at the village of Harlaw, within ten miles of the City of Aber
deen, having ravaged the countrey all the way he marched.
But here his progress was stopt by Alexander Stewart, a Prince of the
Blood, and Earl of Mar, in right of his lady, who having, by orders of the
Governour his uncle, conveened all the nobility and gentrey, betwixt the
rivers of Tay and Spey, came suddenly upon him, and engaged in a
battle so obstinate, feirce, and bloody, that few such are recorded in his-
torey. Both armys fought while there remained men in either to fight,
and the few that escaped the terrible carnage owed their safety to the
obscurity of the night, which forced them at last to separate.
The Earl of Mar continued all night on the fatal field, but not so much
* Feed. Ang. Tom. viii. p. 146, ibid. 410.
16 AUTHOR'S INTRODUCTION TO
in testimoney of his victorey, as that he was not in a condition to leave it.
But Donald retreated to the Highlands with the miserable remains of
his shattered troops, and the next year, upon the newes of the great pre
parations that were makeing by the Goveraour to invade him by land
and sea, he found it his intrest to submitt on such terms as he could
obtain.
It is probable, that the compeatition concerning the honours and estate
of Ross was by this treaty submitted to K. James I. who was crowned
in May 1423. If it was so, he had justice done him, for we find his sone
Alexander sitting in quality of Earl of Ross upon the jury of Duke Mur
doch, who succeeded his father in the government of Scotland, and of
two of his sons, who were all condemned and executed in 1425.
It is no small proofe of the power and grandure of that great Lord, that
the Kings of France and England speake of him in a style suitable only
to soveraign dignety ; for he is mentioned in several treatys as ally to
both. The first no doubt doeing him that honour as a powerfull subject
of Scotland,, and the other as his antient ally when at varieance with it.
But the government recovering vigour under the wise administration of
James the First, he was much humbled and reduced by that active and
brave Prince in 1427, and sent to Perth, where, though he was tryed and
convicted of several crymes, yet the good King pardoned and dismissed
him upon promise of beheaving himself as a loyal subject in time comeing.
But power is always fatal to the repose of such as consult their passions
more than their reason ; the proud Earl soon forgot the favour, but re
membered the indignity that he imagined was putt upon him, and no
sooner returned home than he meditated revenge. Having employed the
following year in preparing to execute his designs, he fell down upon the
town of Inverness with an army that all authors agree exceeded 10,000
men, and reduceing it to ashes, invested the castle, where he was first
arrested. But his Majesty quickly conveened an army, and marched
against him in person.
U28. Donald, Chief of the Clan Cameron, was obliged, with most of the
other Clans, to attend the Earl in this expeadition. He had lost many
of his men att the battle of Harlaw, but being fully satisfied of the jus-
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL. 17
tice of that cause, he did not think that he had done any wrong ; for, if
the Governour'ssone unjustly detained theEarldome of Ross by force, the
Earl had a more plausible title to recover it by the same means, seeing
he could not obtain justice by the ordinary course of law. But the
present irruption he looked upon as a downright rebellion ; and, there
fore, though he was compelled to joyn the resenting Earl in these unlawfull
measures, yet he resolved to take the first opportunity that offered of
doeing his duty ; and, pursuant to that resolution,* he deserted the Earl
and joyned the royall army, as soon as he could doe it with safety. The
Macintoshes did the same, and the consequence was, that the Earl, find
ing himself too weak after so great a defection, fled first into Lochaber,
and then to the Isles.
The King resolved to follow his advantage, and commanded a fleet to be
prepared ; but the Earl was so terrifyed with the noise of the preparations
that were making against him, that he putt himself in his Majesty's mercy,
and was committed to the Castle of Tantallan, from which he was soon there
after released at the Queen's desire, who earnestly interceded for him.
Though the Camerons and Macintoshes agreed in their principles of
loyalty, yet their former quarrell about the estate divided them as much
as ever, and brought them to ane engadgement on Palm Sunday, which
was fought with that obstinacey and furry, that most of the Macintoshes,
and almost the whole tribe of the Camerons, were cutt to peices.f
In the meantime, the news of the Earl of Ross his confinement reaching
the Isles, Donald Ballach, his first cousine, whom he had left governour in
his absence, resented it as such an indignity putt upon the family, that, in
the wildness of his furry, he broke out of his Isles upon the Continent at
the head of a considerable army, and spread ruine and desolation through
all the neightbouring countreys.
The Earl of Mar, the same (brave General who commanded att
* Duse Tribus Clan Chattan et Clan Cameron Alexandrum Insularum reliquerunt et partes Regis
probe sequuti sunt. Joan. Major, Hist. lib. 6, cap. xii.
f \6th Oct. 1430. " Catanei et Cameronii qui superioribus annis Alexandrum deseruerunt, orto, inter
ipsos, dissidio, tanta contentione animorum et virium pugnarunt ut multis Cataneorum trucidatis, Came
ronii pene omnes extinct! fuerunt." Buchanan, lib. x.
C
18 AUTHOR'S INTRODUCTION TO
Harlaw, and the Earl of Caitliness, were sent with an army to
suppress him ; and having encampt at Inverlochy, were obliged to
detatch several partys to bring in provisions, which occasioned the
miscarriage of their enterprize. For Donald having intelligence of the
absence of so many of their troops, embarked his men hi long boats,
which he had provided for the purpose, and landing them in the night,
surprized and defeated them with a horrible slaughter. The Earl of
Caithness was killed, and the Earl of Mar obliged to safe his life by a
speedy retreat.
Having now no enemy to oppose him, he turned his fury against the
Camerons, and wasted all Lochaber with fire and sword. Donald their
Chief drew all this mischief upon him and his Clan for doeing their duty.
The reader has already heard how he deserted the Earl of Ross, and
joyned the King att Inverness. To this he added afresh cause of resent
ment ; for he not only positivly refused to assist in the present rebel
lion, but he openly declaired for the King, and was drawing his men to
gether in order to join his generals, when they were unhapily defeated,
as I have said.
This double defection enraged the victorious Ballach to such a degree
of fury, that he came to a resolution of extirpating the whole Clan, but
they wisely gave way, and retreated to the mountains, till the storm
blew over. Donald their Chief was obliged to take shelter in Ireland,
though some say that he went not thither till some time thereafter that
he was condemned to banishment, by an unjust decree of the Earl of
Ross, and the Counceil or Parliament, as some people affect to call it.
But Ballach had little reason to boast of his rebellion and barbarity.
For the King marching in person to the Highlands, his men deserted
him, and he himself was obliged to fly into Ireland, where his head was
cutt off, and sent to his Majesty by one Odo, with whom he resided. No
less than 300 of his crewel emissarys were afterwards seized, and
hanged upon gibbetts, which effectually putt an end to the rebellion.
Donald, Chief of the Camerons, was soon recalled from Ireland by the
groans of the people, who were crewelly oppressed and plundered by a
robber from the north, called Hector Bui M'Coan, who, with a party
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL. 19
of ruffians, tooke the opportunity of his absence to infest the countrey.
Being joyned by a sufficient party of his clan, he pursued the robbers,
who fled upon the news of his arival, and overtook them at the head of
Lochness. But Hector with his prisoners, for he had taken many, and
among them Samuel Cameron of Gleneviss, head of an antient tribe of
that clan, escaped him by takeing sanctuary in a strong house called
Castle Spiriten, where he barbarously murdered them. In revenge of
their death, Donald caused two of Hector's sons, with others of their
gang who had falen into his hands, to be hanged in view of the father,
a wretch so excessively savage, that he refused to deliver them by way of
exchainge, though earnestly pressed to it.
But Donald had more powerfull enemies to dale with, for the Earl of
Ross had forfeited him of his estate, and that part of it called Locheill he
bestowed upon John Maclean, sirnamed Garbh, from his gigantick size.
He was one of the younger sons of Lachlan, third Laird of Maclean,
who, in name of patrimoney, gave him the Isleand of Coll, which his pos
terity still possesses. Ewen, the sone of this John, tooke the opportunity
of Donald's absence to possess himself of the estate, and from thence
had the sirname of Abrach. But he enjoyed it not long, for he lost
it with his life in an action near Corpach, where Donald, becomeing
master of the charters he had from the Earl of Ross, destroyed them,
and chaced all his followers out of Lochaber.
Donald's next bussiness was with the Macintoshes. Alexander, then
Chief of that clan, had not only reconciled himself with the Earl, but so
far insinuated himself into his favours, that he obtained from him a charter
to the disputed lands of Glenlui and Locharkicke, and some time
thereafter procured a grant of the Stewartry and Bailliarey of all Lochaber.
In a word, he tooke possession of the estate, which occasioned many
feirce skirmises, and the issue was, that the Macintoshes were in the
end obliged to retire into their own countrey. The rest of his estate,
which had been likewaise given away, he sone recovered, and possessed
in peace during his life.
In his time flourished the famous John Cameron, Bishop of Glasgow,
a gentleman of great learning, and a profound statesman. He was
20 AUTHOR'S INTRODUCTION TO
Chancelour of Scotland, and first minister to King James the First.
Some will have him to be brother, and others first cousine, to the chief.
The offices of honour and trust that his wise and learned soveraigne
was pleased to confer upon him, are sufficient testimoneys of his genius
and charracter. For, as he was a Prince of the greatest abilitys of any
in that age, so he directed all his views to the civilizeing of his coun-
trey, and to the improvement of religion, learning, and arts ; and as
he was a great judge of men, he employed non but such as answered his
ends of government. All this, though there were no other docu
ments extant, as indeed there are many, makes it surprizing that
Buchanan, the most polite and elegant of all modern writters, should
brand this prelate with a charracter the most vicious and odious that ever
stained the mitre. He calls him a wretch so abandoned to his insatiable
avarice, that he oppressed and pillaged his tenants and vassalls by all
the barbarous wayes- of injustice and extortion ; and adds, that the Divine
vengeance overtooke him in a manner fitter to be repeated by John
Knox and his disciples, than by a historian of his rank and charracter.
However, I have inserted his own words at the foot hereof, and shall now
proceed to give a more authentick account of his life.* ( Here ane account
of B. Cameron is to be inserted.f )
• " In tarn pcrturbato regni statu, idem, qui in cseteros vulgatus erat morbus, Ecclesiasticum ordi-
nom suo contagio affecit. Joannes Cameronus Glascuse Episcopus, in suse ditionis (quse in primis ampla
est) agricolas, multa crudelitatis et avaritiae exempla ipse ediderat ; multa per eos, quorum in inarm
summa rerum erat prodenda curaverat: ut dominis iniquo judicio circumventis bona ad eum redirent,
omniumque, qua? populariter fiebant, malorum aut auctor aut fautor credibatur. Ejus viri dignum vita
nefarie acta fuisse tradunt exitium. Pridie natalem Christi cum in villa quadam sua, ad septem millia
passuum a Glascua distante, quiesceret, vocein ingentem audire visus, se ad tribunal Christi, ut causam
diceret, vocantis. Ex ea repent ina perturbatione somno cxcussus famulos excitat, illatoque lumine assi-
dere jubc-t. Ipse, libro in manum sumpto cum legere occsepisset, eadem itcrum audita vox omnium
animos stupore defixit. Deinde cum longe vehementius atque horribilius insonuisset. Episcopus, ingenti
gemitu edito lingua exserta, mortuus in lectulo est inventus. Hoc tarn perspicuum divina- ultionis exem-
plum, ut neque temere affinnare nee rcfellere est animus ; ita cum ab aliis sit proditum, et constant!
rumore pervulgatuin, omittere visum non est." Buchanan, lib. xi.
t The words within the parenthesis are written on the margin of Sir Duncan Cameron's MS., and
in the same hand ; but the account itself is not to be found in any of the MSS. to which the Editor has
had access — Edit.
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL. 21
VII. EWEN M'COILDUY.
But to return to the Chief. He was succeeded by his sone Ewen,
who was no wayes inferior to his father in militarey conduct ; he had fre
quent skirmishes with the Macintoshes, and defeated them in a consi
derable action at a place called Craigiarlich, in the Brea of Badenoch,
where Lachlan, one of the laird's brothers, was mortally wounded, and
Malcolm, another of them, and Angus, their near relation, were killed,
besides many others. This Ewen lived but a few years, and had
Donald, his brother, for his successor.
VIII. DONALD DOW M'EWEN.
The first bussiness of consequence he sett about was to make his peace
with the Earl of Ross, and having succeeded in this to his mind, he
attended that great lord at the head of his Clan to the seige of Rox
burgh, which was then invested by King James the Second. The Earle
had, in 1456, brock out into a new rebellion, and was in the issue, upon
his submission, forfeited of a part of the Earldom of Ross, which was
annexed to the Crown. But now, to testify his loyalty, and to expiat
former crimes, he marched at the head of a very considerable body of
resolute men, andjoyned his Majesty, who was exceedingly pleased to see
his army increased by so powerfull a reinforcement. He was in trewth
the greatest subject in the kingdom, and had all the Isles, and the
greatest part of the Highlands, at his devotion, or commanded them
by his power. The King employed him in several expeaditions into
England, from which he brought plenty of provisions for the army ;
and the more effectually to insinuate himself into his Majesty's
favour, he offered, in the general invasion, which the King had
resolved to make after finishing the seige into the enemy's countrey,
to march a whole mile before the royall army, and to bear the
first shoke of the English valour. But the King's sudden death putt an
end to that, and to all his other designs, for he was some dayes there
after* killed by the splinter of a cannon, which some say he ordered to
« 3d August 1460.
22 AUTHOR'S INTRODUCTION TO
be fired for the joy of the brave Earl of Huntly's arrivall, for whom his
Majesty had justly the greatest esteem. However, the seige was con
tinued, and the town reduced by the masculine Queen, who came im-
mediatly with the young King in her arms to encourage the army.
Non beheaved more gallantly in this service than the Earl of Ross
and his followers, and it had been happy for him that he had continued
to act thereafter as much in his duty. In the forementioned Historey of
the Family of Macintosh, there is a reraarcable instance of the sovereigne
authority he had over his vassalls, which, though somewhat forreign to my
subject, I cannot omitt. It is in an Indenture of Association and Friend
ship between the Lord Forbess and Duncan Laird of Macintosh, where
the former makes this exception : — " The said Lord Forbess and his
party keepand yr alleageance to our Sovereign Lord the King ;" and
the latter, on the contrarey, makes thus — " and the said Duncan, &c.,
keepand their alleagance to the Earl of Ross," without any mention of
the King. By which it appears that he acknowledged no other authority
but that of the Earl.
•«
IX. ALLAN M'COILDUY.
To Donald succeeded Allan, sirnamed M'Coilduy, from his father's
dark complexion. This patronimick is still retained by his posterity, as
I have formerly observed, though, for distinguishing them, they are
severally distinguished by their fathers after the manner of the Grsecians,
and other antient people, who observed the same custome. This cus-
tome, in the reign of the famous Malcolm Kenmore, and for severall
ages thereafter, prevailed through all parts of the kingdome, as it gene
rally did in all other countreys that were originally peopled by the Celts
or Gauls. " Sunt qui tradunt turn primum cseptum, ut nobiliores,
ab agris cognomina sumerent, quod quidem falsum puto cum ea consue-
tudo ne mine quidem apud priscos Scotos sit recepta. Tota turn
Scotia prisco sermone et institutis uteritur. Loco vero cognominis more
Graecorum, patris nomen proprio subjeciebant ut ex eventu aliquo no-
tave corporis aut animi, vocabulum affingebant. Eademq. turn fuisse
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL. 23
morem Gallis indicant ilia Regia nomina Crassi, Calvi, Balbi : Item
multarum nobilium in Anglia familiarum cognomina. Eorum maxime qui
circa eadem haec tempora Gulielmum Normanum secuti, in Anglia sedes
posuerunt, apud reliquos etiam Gallos sero mos cognomina ab agris
dicend. receptus videtur, ut ex Froissardi scriptoris minime contem-
nendo, historia intelligi potest."
For the Highlanders did not till of late years take their designa
tions or titles from their estats, but, in their primative simplicity,
satisfied themselves with their father's names, instead of all other
designation or sirname. Some, it is true, were nicknamed from the
complection or collour of their hair ; but these were but few, and be
sides, they added to it the name of their father, and sometimes of their
grandfather, the reason being, that it was impossible, where so maney
of the same tribe and name lived together, without any mixture, to dis
tinguish them in any other manner. The chief was, among his own
clan, called, by way of eminencey, by the title of Dtiurn, that is, Lord,
though we falsely translate it Laird, which is the same with Esquire in
England. But, among others, they were named by the general patro-
nimick of the family ; and, in charters and other wryts, they were de
signed Captains of their severall clans, as the reader will soone have a
better opportunity of observing.
But to return to Allan M'Coilduy. His wife was Marion, daughter
to Angus,* Lord of the Isles, and grandchield to the Earl of Ross, by
whom he was made heritable governour or constable of the Castle of.
Strone, a very strong place hi the Earldome of Ross. In this charge he
beheaved so well, that, in reward of his courage and fidelity, Celestine,
the lady's uncle, who designs himself of the Isles, Lord of Lochalie,
and brother to the Earl of Ross, added to it a grantf of the 12°° merk
* This Angus was eldest sone to the Earl of Ross, Lord of the Isles, having been the title of the person
next in succession.
f The charter is granted to his beloved kinsman, Allan, the sone of Donald Duff, or Dow, Captain of
the Clan Cameron, and to the heirs-male lawfully begotten, or to be begotten, between him and Marion,
lawfull daughter to Angus, Lord of the Isles, and, in default of these, to his other heirs-male by any
subsequent marriage, and these failzieing, to the heirs-male of Evren, his brother-german ; and if these
24 AUTHOR'S INTRODUCTION TO
land of Kifrone, and gave him a patent or charter, bearing date att Inver-
lochy, the penult day of Novemb. 1472.
It would seem that the castle and lands annexed to it were a part of
the patrimonial estate of this Celestine, otherwayes it is inconceivable
how he could alienat them without consent of his brother.
This Allan M'Coilduy had the charracter of one of the bravest cap
tains in his time, which was chiefly the reason of his being so great a
favourite of the great Lord I have just now mentioned. He is said
to have made 32 expeaditions into his enemy's countrey for the 32
years that he lived, and three more, for the three-fourths of a year that
he was in his mother's womb : whatever trewth may be in this, it is cer
tain that his good fortune failed him in the end. For, being too much
elated with his former successes, he again made preparations for another
invasion ; of which his next neighbour, Keppoch,* (who, for I know not
what reason, had conceived an enmity against Allan, ) having informa
tion, he advised Macintosh of the designe, and promiseing to follow him
in the rear with all the men he could raise, formed a plott for cutting
him and his party to pices. Allan had no notice of the contrivance,
and dispiseing an enemy which he had so often insulted, proceeded in his
intended invasion. Macintosh was prepared to oppose him, butartefully
delayed engageing, till Keppoch came up and attacked him in the rear. In
short, the Camerons were obliged, after an obstinate fight, and the death
of their Chief, who was killed during the heat of the action, to give way,
in their turn, to the superior numbers of the confederats.
Allan, by the lady I have mentioned, had two sons and three daughters.
should also happen to faile, the Castle and estate were, by a provisionary clause, to return to the granter
and his heirs. The onerous cause or reason inductive of the grant, was for the foresaid Allan his
faithful! defending and keeping of the said Castle of Strone, and the witnesses were Lachlan M'Lean of
Doward, Ewen, the sone of Donald of Argaur, &c. This charter, with these following, is recorded in
the publick registers, and the originals of some, and the extracts of others, are in Locheil's charter-
chest.
Keppoch, BO designed from an estate he has of that name, commands a tribe of the M'Donalds in
that part of Lochaber bordering upon Badenoch, called the Breas. He is said to be descended from
John de Insulis, who married a daughter of K. Robert the Second, and is tenant to Macintosh for ane
estate which he and his predecessors have long possessed in these parts.
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL. 25
Of the youngest of these sons, named John, is the Family of Callaurd,
now a considerable tribe of the Camerons, descended.
The confusions that happned during the minority of James the Third,
having encouraged John the last Earl of Ross to breck out into a new
rebellion, he was in the issue, by his own consent, and the authority
of Parliament, which mett in Jully thereafter, deprived of the Earldom
of Ross, which was annexed to the Crown, but continued in the title
and possession of Lord of the Isles, and of a great many other lands
mentioned in a charter still extant, dated att Edinburgh, the 16th De
cember 1478.
X. EWEN M'ALLAN, 2d.
After the death of Allan, Ewen, his sone, sirnamed from him M' Allan,
tooke possession of his estate and command. He proved equall to any of
his predecessors in the vigour of his mind and body. But though in order
to facilitate the adjusting matters with Macintosh, he marry ed Marjory,
daughter to Duncan, then Chief of that name, yet all his endeavours to
bring about an agreement proveing ineifectuall, the war brock out
with more fury than before. Many and bloody were the conflicts be
tween them, and great actions are related on both party s. But the
Camerons, being commanded by a Chief who had the advantage of all his
neightbours in conduct and spirit, it is no wonder if they proved gene
rally too hard for their enemy s.
But notwithstanding of these continuall wars, Ewen had prudence
enough not to neglect the improvement of his fortune. He continued in
friendship with the great Lord of the Isles, to whom he was nearly related
by his mother, and thereby considerably augmented his estate ; for he
obtained from him a charter* of several lands in Lochalce, Lochcarion,
and Strone, lying in that part of the Earldome of Ross which was excepted
from the forfeiture, and restored by the charter I have already mentioned.
In August following, Ewen procured another patent or charter of the
* This charter is of certain hereditarey lands, as they are termed hi the charter, extending to a 14
merk land of old extent, whereof the particulars would be too tedious to enumerate.
D
26 AUTHOR'S INTRODUCTION TO
lands of Locheill,* which was a part of the lordship of Lochaber, and
then lay within the shyre of Inverness.
It is probable, that antiently the Highland Chiefs had no other title to
their estats but possession, and that the Lords of the Isles haveing by
degrees made themselves masters of the whole, obliged them to hold their
lands either as tenants or vassalls to them. And this seems to be the rea
son, that though it is certain that the most antient familys in the kingdome
are those of the Highland Chiefs ; yet there are but very few charters of
any considerable antiquity to be mett with among them. But whatever
may be in this conjecture, the family I am wry ting of can produce non
older than those I have mentioned, whereby it is now impossible to dis
cover what the extent of their estate formerly was. However, the death
of this Alexander, who was the last Lord of the Isles, f sett them all
att liberty, and obliged them, pursuant to a late act of Parliament, either
to take out new charters to their estats, or to gett the old confirmed by
the Crown, under no less a penalty than that of forfeiting them.
Ewen M' Allan, who was a wise and vigelent Chief, did not neglect
his intrest, but immediatly sett out on a journey to Court, which was
then att Edinburgh, and procured from King James the Fourth a confir
mation of all these charters on the 24th October 1495, in presence of all
the great Officers of the Crown, and of many other noble Lords, spirituall
and temporall, who are all designed witnesses to it. Having, on this
occasion, continued some time att Court, he insinuated himself much
into the favour of that generous Prince, and served him faithfully in all
his wars, and particularly att the fatall battle of Flowdon, where his
Majesty and the flower of the Scots nobility and gentrey were killed, and
among them the brave Hector Maclean of Doward, with many of his
Clan, September 9, 1513. An excess of bravery in the Highlanders,
• Of the 30 merk land of Locheill, and is dated in the Isleand of Kie, otherwaise called Icolmkill.
They are both of the same tenour, and are given to our dear kinsman, Ewen, the sone of Allan, the sone
of Donald, Captain of the Clan Cameron, and the onerous causes are for service, &c. performed, and to
be performed ; and both these charters are granted by Alexander, Lord of the Isles, and of Lochaber.
t N.B. — Locheill by his mother was heir of line to that great house, and his successors carryed their
arms quartered with their own till of late.
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL. 27
if we may believe our historians, contributed not a little to the disorder
of the Scots army. For the Earl of Huntly, who conducted the forces
of the North, having defeated Sir Edmund Howard and 3000 men under
his command, it raised an unwarry emulation in the Highlanders, who,
having the Earles of Lennox and Argyll att their head, thought nothing
impossible for them to effect, and therefore, without regaird to order or
dissipline, brocke furiously in upon a strong and well formed body of
the enemy, who stood their ground like old soldiers as they were, till
Sir Edward Stanely fell down, from a hill which he had traversed, upon
the backs of them, and cutt great numbers of them to peices.
However, Ewen M4 Allan had the good fortune to come off safe, though
with the loss of some of his Clan, and in the disturbances that followed,
in the minority of James the Fifth, assisted John Duke of Albany,
Governour of the kingdom, as he did afterwards the King himself in all
his wars, domestick and forreign, whereby he grew so much in favour
att Court, that for his good and faithfull services to the Crown, as the
charter has it, he procured his whole estate, which lay much dispersed,
to be united into a free barroney, with many ample priveledges, called
the Barroney of Locheill. The village of Banavii is declaired the prin-
cipall messuage, as the terme is, that is, the place for takeing infeft-
ment, and the few-duty or the revenue payable yearly to the Crown is
the same that he and his predecessors used formerly to pay. This
charter bears date January 9> 1521.
This is the first time that I find any of the Chiefs of this family
designed by the title of Locheill in a charter, their former designation
being Captain of the Clan Cameron, without mention of their estate.
Locheill (for so I shall afterwards call them) was personaly present when
he obtained this new erection, as appears from the charter, and had af
terwards the address so to mannage his intrest at Court, that his Ma
jesty was pleased to compliment him with another very considerable
estate.* And the contents of the patent or charter is a lasting proofe
• The lands in this charter are those of Inverlochy, Turlyady, Drumflowr, Auchentouerbeg, extend
ing to a 13 merk land of old extent, as also the lands of Invergarry, Balnant, Lagan, and Achadrome
extending to a 12 merk land of old extent, lying within the lordship of Lochaber, and sherriffdome of In-
28 AUTHOR'S INTRODUCTION TO
of the wise policy of that excellent Prince ; for, resolveing at once to
improve the revenue of the Crown and policy of the kingdome, he
joyned with his Parliament in annexing all the lands that antiently be
longed to it to his own patrimoney. The wars with England, and the
long minoritys of proceeding Kings, having affoarded the Lords of the
Isles ane opportunity of usurping these in the Highlands, his father, K.
James IV., obliged all those who possessed, by charters from these Lords,
to confirm them, and to take their lands holden of the Crown, and this
wise Prince bestowed the rest upon such of his subjects as had best
merited of him by their services, but with an augmentation of the few-
dutys, and under condition that they improved them in the manner
mentioned in the foregoing charter, whereby he not only increased the
royall revenue, but also exceedingly beautifyed and enritched his countrey.
Locheill finding the advantage of being known and favoured at Court,
was carefull to bestow a liberal education on his children, but especially
on his eldest sone Donald, who, being a youth of pregnant parts, came
soone to have a relish for the elegancys and politnes of life. His father's
estate was such as enabled him to live in a rank equall to any of the
young chiefs, his cotemporarys, and his own behaviour soon gott him a
charracter among the courtiours. But the person with whom he contract
ed the most intimatt friendship was George the fourth Earl of Huntly.
This Lord was then a young man, in so great a reputation att Court, that
his Majesty honoured him with the government of the kingdome, during
a voyage of gallantry that he made to the French Court in August 1535,
in order to mary Magdalen, the eldest daughter of France, to whom he
had been formerly betrothed. So much was Donald in favour with
that Earl, that he complimented him with a valuable estate conterminous
with his own, and lying eastward of the lake and river of Lochy. The
charter is given by George Earl of Huntly to the Honourable Donald
Cameron, sone and heir apparent to Ewen Cameron, alias Allanson, of
Locheill, of the lands of Letterfinlay, Stronabaw, and Lyndaly, lying
The few-duty was 40 merks yearly, and the obtainer was, by the rcdendo of his charter, ob
liged to build a good dwelling-house, with a hall, kitchine, office-houses, pigeon-house, orchard, garden
incloseurs, and other policys, agreeable to the nature of the ground.
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL. 29
within the lordship of Lochaber, and sherriffdome of Inverness.* The
holding is blench, and bears date att Edinburgh, 16th February 1534.
This young gentleman was married to a daughter of the Laird of Grant's, f
by whom he had two sons, Ewen and Donald, who both afterwards
succeeded to the estate.
Besides the other wars wherein Locheill was engaged, he had also a
ruffle with the Barron of Rea, Chief of the Mackays, a people living
many miles north of Lochaber. What the quarrall was, I know not, but
it drew on an invasion from the Camerons, and that ane engagement,
wherein the Mackays were defeated, and the Laird of Foules, Chief of
the Monros, who assisted them, killed upon the spot.
Hitherto Locheill had success in all his attemps. The vigour of his
genius and courage bore him through all his difficulty s. He had a
flourishing family and an opulent fortune, but the death of his eldest
sone Donald, which happned about this time, plunged him into so deep
a melancholey, that he, on a sudden, resolved to give up the world, and
apply himself to the works of religion and peace. To expiat for former
crims, he sett out on a pilgramage to Rome ; but arriveing in Holland,
he found himself unable to bear up against the fatigue of so long a jour
ney, and, therefore, sent one M'Phaill, a priest, who was his chaplain
and confessor, to doe that job for him with the Pope. One part of the
penance enjoyned him by his Holiness was to build six chappells to as
many saints, which he performed. Some of them are still extant, and the
ruins of the rest are yet to be seen in Lochaber and the bordering coun-
treys. He also built a castle on the banks of the river of Lochey, called
Tore Castle, from the rock on which it was situated. Macintosh after
wards designed himself by this castle, because it was built upon the
* Locheill was formerly possessed of the estate of Knoidart, in the shyre of Argyle, and of the 10 merk
land of Gleneveiss in Lochaber, with the estate of Mammore, in the same countrey, as appears by the
writes of the family.
Whereby that family had, besides the other estats I have mentioned, the possession of all
Lochaber, except a small part of the borders of it possessed by Keppoch.
f This family bad its origionall about the year 1300. The first laird was Patrick, the sone of Grigor,
whose only daughter and heir was married to Andrew Stewart, of whom the name of Grant is said to
be descended. It is now a powerfull family, and very opulent.
30
grounds in dispute. However, it became the seat of the family of Loch-
eill, till it was demolished by Sir Ewen Cameron, with a view of building
a more convenient house.
While Locheill was thus peaceably employed, there fell out ane acci
dent, which, though he was not concerned in it, gave occasion to the
disgust that the Earl of Huntly then conceived against him, [which] in
the end coast him his life. The origional of it is said to be thus :
The Laird of Moydart, commonly called the Captain of Clanronald,
Chief of a tribe of the Macdonalds, having marryed a daughter of the
Lord Lovate, an autient Barren, and Chief of the sirname of Fraser, had
by her a sone, and afterwards taking some disgust at the lady, he turned
her off, and tooke to wife a daughter of Maclean of Doward, whom he
stole from her father.
Lovate resenting the indignety putt upon his daughter, tooke care
of her and her sone ; and when the young gentleman was come to
age, resolved upon the death of his father, to have him putt in pos
session of the estate, as his lawful heir. The Earl of Huntly was
then 'Lord Lieutenant, and in a manner sovereign of the north. To
him the Lord Lovate made his complaint, and prevailed with him to
march in person att the head of a considerable body of troops into
those parts, to see that peice of justice done. Huntly was excessively
proud and ambitious, and made use of his great power to compell
all the neighbouring Chiefs into a dependance upon him, either as
vassalls or followers. Locheill chanceing to waite upon him by way
of compliment in his march, and excuseing himself for not attending
him as her Majesty's Lieutenant in that expeadition, as well on account of
his age as of the friendship he had for both partys, the Earl was highly
offended, and resolved with himself to take the first opportunity that
offered to ruin him. However, he then politicaly dissembled his resent
ment, and marched forward.
Clanrannald in the meantime prepared for his defence, but, finding
himself unable to resist so great a power, he wisely gave way to the
torrent, and submitted upon terms. But no sooner was Huntly gone,
than he dispossessed the young gentleman; and hearing that Lovate
had separated from the main body, and marched home by himself, he
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL. 31
pursued, and overtooke him at the end of Loch Lochay, near Lagan-
Achadrome, where the partys engaged with that fury, that Lovate, his
sone, and almost all his clan, were cutt to pices, and very few of the
other side survived.
Some authors alleage that Huntly had privatly encouraged the Mac-
donalds to commit this outrage, in resentment of Lovate's refuseing to
join him in his quarrells against the Earl of Argyll ; for, after the deathe
of Alexander, last Lord of the Isles, whom we have formerly mentioned,
the Macdonalds, who were united under him as their Chief, could not
agree among themselves with respect to a successor ; but the heads of
their several tribs sett up separatly for themselves, whereby their power
being brocke, the House of Argyll grew great upon their ruins, and en
deavoured to worm themselves by degrees into the command of the
West, as that of Huntly did of the North.
From the same cause did Huntly 's resentment against Locheill, who
always favoured Argyll, proceed. But William, Laird of Macintosh,
was more obsequious, and attended him in the forementioned expeadi-
tion. He was a gentleman of very fine qualitys, and much distinguished
for his spirit and politeness.
The change of LocheilFs conduct, and religious manner of living,
made him imagine that he had now a proper opportunity of revengeing
the many affronts formerly putt upon his father, and thereafter upon his
tutors, during his own minority ; but also of ending the war, by forceing
him to submitt to such terms as should be proposed. He was then
Huntly's Deputy-Lieutenant, and Justiciar for Inverness and the southern
part of that shyre, which affoarding him a pretext for raising what number
of men he pleased, he marched into Lochaber at the head of about
2000 men, but with such privacey and expeadition, that he thought to
have surprized Locheill before he could be in a condition to oppose him ;
but in this he was mistaken, for he found his antagonist, old and religious
as he was, prepared to dispute their difference by the sword.
But neither party being much inclined to fight, they, in their present
humour, agreed to a treaty, and because they could not settle upon the
conditions, they choise to submitt them to Huntly as a dissinterested
32 AUTHOR'S INTRODUCTION TO
mediator. That crafty Earl had so artfully desembled his resentment,
that Locheill sincerly belived him to be much his friend, and made no
scruple of waiting upon him on this occasion. But his credulity coast
him his life, for the revengefull Earl no sooner had him in his power,
than he ordered him to be confined, patch't up a kind of sham tryall
against him, for I know not what pretended crims, and commanded his
head [to be cutt off] at a place called the Bogue of Geight.
Thus dyed Ewen M' Allan, a Chief of the greatest abilitys of any in his
time. He is still famous in these parts for his courage and military con
duct ; for the greatest part of his life was employed in warlick adven
tures, either in the service of the Crown, or in his own private quarrells.
However, he was so far from neglecting the government and policy
of his countrey, that his people increased in numbers and ritches, as his
estate did in value and extent. In a word, he omitted no opportunity
of serving the intrest of his family ; and in this was much wiser than
any of his predecessors, that he was carefull to secure his large and ex
tensive possessions to his posterity by authentick charters, whereof I have
recited all those I have found extant.
If Macintosh was in concert with Huntly, to bring him to the tragical
end I have mentioned, the Camerons were, some years thereafter, fully
revenged on both. But the charracter we have of this Macintosh inclines
me to believe him innocent, and that the unhappy fate he mett with pro
ceeded from the very same cause that brought on the tragedie of his
rivall chief ; for the haughty and ambitious Earl having gott him in his
power, murdered him in the very same manner, 23d August 1550 ; and
Buchanan affirms that the crime was, that he had refused to submitt
himself and his family to the servitude of dependancey and vassalage to
the Earl ; though that others alleaged that Macintosh had entered into
a plott for takeing away the life of that Lord.
1W7. Some years thereafter the Earl was brought to a tryall for these mur
ders, and for his conduct with respect to Clanronald. The Earl of
Cassells, then Lord Treasurer, and uncle to the late Macintosh, was the
prosecuter, and the issue was, that he was keept under closs confine
ment till he divested himself of the Earldome of Murray and Lordship of
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL. 33
Abernethey, whereof he had lately procured a gift from the Crown, and
of the customs of Orkney, Shetland, Mar, and Strathdee, and of all his
offices, governments, and jurisdictions. Besides, he was banished for
five years, but this last part of his sentance was changed into a pecuneary
mulct. Many in the Counceill were inclined to have putt him to
death, but the government was then in such a crazy state, and the king
dom so divided between the French and English factions, and by the
chainge of religion, that it was not thought safe to give the enemys to the
publick peace such an accession of strength as the relations, vassalls, and
friends of this powerfull Earl would naturally bring them. But neither
the danger of life, nor the great loss he sustained, were sufficient to
moderat his excessive ambition, which at length brought him to that
death which he had just now escaped, as shall be hereafter observed.*
XL EWEN M'CONNELL.
Ewen M* Allan had four sons, whereof three survived him, and was
succeeded by Ewen, his grandchield by his eldest sone. Of him I find
nothing memorable, but his unfortunate death ; for being in his younger
years much enamoured of a daughter of the Laird of Macdonald,
[M'DougalI,f] he found the young lady so complisant that she fell
with chield by him. The father dissembled his resentment, and artfully
drew Locheill to a communing in the Island Nacloich, where, having
previously concealled a party of men, he made him prisoner upon his re-
fuseing to marry her, and shutt him up in the Castle of Inch- Connel, in
Lochow, a fresh-water lake, at a good distance from Lochaber, to which
his friends could not have easie access, on account of the difficulty of
provideing themselves with boats.
As soon as the newes came to Lochaber, his clan resolved to hazard
all for his relief, and having made necessary preparations, his foster-
* Earl of Arran demitted his Regency, Aprill 1555.
| This was a powerfull family in the days of John Baliol, their ancestor, John Argyle of Lome,
having maryed the sister of dimming, Earl of Athol, did, on that account, party the English faction,
and vigurously opposed the immortall K. Robert Bruce, whereby he ruined himself and his posterity.
However, they still bear out the figure of gentlemen, and are much respected in their own countrey.
£
34 AUTHOR'S INTRODUCTION TO
father,* Martine M'Connochey of Lattir Finlay, chieftain of the M 'Mar
tins, an antient and numerous tribe of the Camerons, putt himself at the
head of a chosen party, and sone made himself master of the castle.
Locheill was then playing att cards with his keeper or goveraour, named
M*Arthure, and was so overjoyed at his approaching delivery, that ob
serving him much allarmed at the noise made by the assaliants, he over-
heastily discovered the designe, for which he payed dear. For the villan,
to satisfie his own and his master's resentment, immediatly extinguished
the lights, and thrusting his durk or poynyeard below the table which
stood between them, wounded him in the belly.
His deliverers, in the meantime, rushing into his apartment, carryed
him to their boats, where, the night being cold, he called for an oar in
order to heat himself by exercise. But upon streatching his body, he
became first sensible of his wound, which soone thereafter proved mortall.
His party having landed, and putt him to bed, returned to the castle,
and, in revenge of his death, dispatched M'Arthure and all the men that
were with him.
He 'left behind him one sone by M'DougalTs daughter, and was suc
ceeded by his brother Donald, who was one of those loyal Chiefs that
assisted Q. Mary at the battle of Corrichy, the cause of it was this : —
XII. DONALD DOW M'CONNELL.
Aug. 20, 1561. That lovely Princes having, after the death of Francis II., her hus
band, returned, found the kingdome in great confusion ; but in order to
quiett the minds of her people by her royall presence, she resolved to
visite all the parts of it. Her first minister was James, Prior of St An
drews, her naturall brother, on whom she bestowed the Earldome of
Murray. But Huntly, from whom that Earldome had been lately taken
• It is an antient customc among the Highland chiefs, and other gentlemen of figure, to comitt the
care of their children, as soon as they are weaned, to the principal gentlemen of the clan, and other near
relations, who from thence are called foster-fathers. These children commonly remain with them till
about 12 years of their age, and often much longer, and are generally so well used, that there arises a
friendship between them and the several familys where they are fostered, that equalls that of the nearest
relations. They have alwayes portions assigned them in cattle, which amounts to a great value before
they are of age.
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL. 35
on the occasion I have mentioned, conceived a deadly enmity against
the Prior for accepting it without his consent, and endeavured, by all
the wayes of detraction and other courses familiar enough in the Courts of
Princes, to ruine his intrest with the Queen. But all these faileing, he
made other attemps to destroy him, which otherwaise proved abortive.
The Queen was often at a loss how to beheave with respect to him ; for
being head of the Popish faction, he was powerfully protected by the
Pope, the Cardinel of Lorain, and the Queen's uncles, the great Duke
of Guise and his brother, who not only interceeded for him, but pro
posed a match between her Majesty and John Gordon, the Earl's second
sone, the elder having been already marry ed in the House of Hamiltoun.
How her Majesty relished this proposall, is no where said ; but the
young man being then in disgrace for wounding the Lord Ogilvy in the -A-0- 1562.
great street of Edinburgh, had made his escape out of prison, and the
Countess his mother, a crafty and ambitious lady, having interceeded for
him with the Queen, her Majesty would hear of nothing in his behalf
till he again entered his person into waird. But Mr Gordon, instead of
giveing obedience, hasted to the North, and gathering about 1000 horse,
marched towards Aberdeen, where the Queen then was, with a view of
making himself master of her person, imagining that it would not be diss-
agreeable to her Majesty to be forced into the match, nor are there
wanting some that alleage, that Huntly and his sone had private in-
couragement to proceed as they did in order to free her Majesty from
the government of her naturall brother the Earl of Murray, whom, as
those authours give out, she already began to hate.
But, be this as it will, it is certain that the Queen appeared much of
fended att their insolence, but dissembling her resentment, she proceed
ed to Inverness, where, designeing to lodge in the Castle, was denyed ac- SevL 1562>
cess by Alexander Gordon the Governour. The next morning her Ma
jesty was joyned by many of the neightbouring clans, who flocked to her
relief from all quarters, upon a rumour that she was in danger, and even
Huntly was deserted by his followers as soon as they had any suspition Dec- 20» —
of his designs ; with these the Castle being quickly reduced, the Gover
nour was hanged for his insolence and rebellion.
36 AUTHOR'S INTRODUCTION TO
Locheill, who was at a great distance, could not come up so soon as
the rest, but arrived before the battle of Corrichy, which happned a
28, IMS. few days thereafter. For the Queen being now sufficiently strong, re
turned to Aberdeen, and Huntly, blinded by his ambition and his ex-
tream hatred to the Earl of Murray, was mad enough to prosecute his
designs, though only 300 of his followers stuck by him. In a word, he
was defeated, his party cutt to peices, himself being old and corpulent,
taken and stiffled to death by the weight of his armour, and the crowd
that pressed about him. His sone, John Gordon, being likewayes
made prisoner, was condemned and beheaded next day att Aberdeen,
to the great grief of many of the spectators, for he was a very hansome
youth of a gracefull deportment, and had given several proofs of his con
duct and courage.
In Januwary following, George, now Earl of Huntly, was convicted and
forfeited in parliament. By the laws of Scotland, the vassalls forfeited
with the supperiors, which gave Locheill some uneasieness on account of
the estate which his father had obtained from the late Earl, lying eastward
of the* lake and river of Lochey before mentioned. But the Queen upon
application was pleased to restore that estate as a reward due to his
loyalty, and to his faithfull services on that and other occasions. The
6, 1563. charter, however, differed in this from the former, that the tenour, which
was blench few before, was now chainged into a waird ; but enobled
with all the immunitys and priviledges that the Earl and his predecessors
formerly enjoyed.
His lady was daughter to the Laird of Maclean, by whom he had a
sone named Allan, who was born after his death, and succeeded in his
estate and command.
XIII. ALLAN M'CONELL DUIE.
He was, from his cradle to his grave, involved in a continued laberynth
of troubles, which proceeded origionaly from the ill conduct and ambi
tion of his tutors, whose views were suspected to extend furder than the
gimple administration of his affairs, which was all they could pretend to
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL. 3Y
by their office. These were Donald and John Camerons, two of the
younger sones of the famous Ewen M'Allan, grand-uncles to the minor,
and the predecessors of the Familys of Errocht and Kenlochiell, now
considerable tribes of that clan. In a word, the conduct of these gen
tlemen were such, that Locheil's nurse, for the safety of his person,
conveyed him privatly to Mull, where he remained during his infancey
under the tutelage of Lachlan Maclean of Doward his uncle, who
thereafter made choise of M'Gilvraw of Glencanner to be his foster-
father. With this gentleman he, according to custome, continued till he
was fitt for schoole, and the care of his education was intrusted to Mr
John Cameron, Minister of Dunune, his kinsman, and a person of great
probity and learning, by whom he was trained up in the Protestant Re
ligion, which then began to gett footing in the Highlands. He was fa
ther to the great Cameron, who was then the most famous Protestant
divine then living.
Though the safety of the young Chief was thus secured, the conduct
of the tutors keept all in confusion att home, for they acted more like
proprietors than administrators. The rents and revenues of the estate,
which was very large, they applyed to their own use, and having formed
a faction among the Camerons, whom they corrupted by bribs and offices
to an absolute dependence on their intrest, they lorded it over the rest
of the Clan with intolerable insolence and cruelty. To make head
against them, the opposite faction called home Donald M'Ewan, the
bastard sone of him that was killed in the Isle of Lochow. He then
lived with the Laird of Grant, a daughter of that house having been his
grandmother, and had the reputation of a youth of good sense and spirit.
His arrivall in Lochaber occasioned a kind of civil war, whereof Lachlan,
then Laird of Macintosh, taking advantage, marched into the country at
the head of such a body of men, as the tutors, in their present situation,
were unable to resist, and obliged them to submitt to a treaty whereby
the estate in dispute was sett to them on lase for a certain number of
years, for the yearly payment of 80 merks Scots, an inconsiderable rent.
But such, however, as gave Macintosh all the right and title to the estate
that they could bestow, or be demanded during the minority of the Chief.
38 AUTHOR'S INTRODUCTION TO
The tutors were sensible enough of the false step they had made, but
as necessity had forced them into it, so they resolved to repudiat the
contract, by a new invasion into the enemy's countrey, and in order to
unite the Clan, they agreed to submitt all differances to the mediation of
friends ; this brought about a meeting of the partys att the old Castle of
Inverlochy, where Donald the elder brother was barbarously murdered,
by which their mutuall resentment and hatred was kindled into greater
fury than before. To suppress the other tutor, Donald the bastard had
recourse to his grandfather, the Laird of M'Dougall, who prevailed with
the Earl of Argyle, Justice- General, to espouse the quarrell. In short,
the tutor was seized and beheaded at Dunstaffnage, a very old building,
and one of the seats of the antient Scots Kings, before the destruction
of the Picts.
In the meantime Locheill, then a youth of about 17 years, being solicit
ed by the heads of the opposite faction, returned to Lochaber, where he
was so mannaged and imposed upon by their artifice and cunning, that
he gave way to the death of the bastard, whom they accused not only as
authoc of the murder of the tutors, but as guilty of more criminal designs
of depriving himself of his life and fortune, upon pretence that he was
no bastard, but the sone of a lawfull marriage.
Whatever trewth was in these suggestions, his death was generally
resented. Locheill leaving the management of his affairs to some of his
nearest relations, gave out that he was to return to his Governour att
Dunune, but stopt by the way att Appine,* where he was in love with
one of his landlord's daughters, whom he soone thereafter marryed. She
was a hansome young lady, and so absolutely gained upon his affections
by an excess of beauty, witt, and good nature, that he continued fond of
her while she lived.
Choiseing to reside att Appine till matters were fully settled at home,
he fell into a missfortune that very near coast him his life.
The Laird of Glenurchy, predecessor to the Earl of Breadalbane,
• Appine is head of a tribe of the Stewarts in that neighbourhood. His predecessor was a natural
sooe of Stewart, Lord Lorn, a Prince of the Blood Royall, but begott on a lady of distinction. He is
head of all the Stewarts of that countrey, who are one way or other descended of his family.
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL. 39
chanceing to hold a Barren Court in that neighbourhood, Locheill
went thither to divert himself, and there accidentally meeting with one
M'Dougall of Fairlochine, a near relation of the hastard's, he challanged
him upon some unmannerly expressions which he had formerly droped
against him with relation to that gentleman's death. But M'Dougall,
instead of excuseing himself, gave such a rude answer as provocked
Locheill to make a blow at him with his sword, and some of the bystand
ers, willing to prevent the consequences, seized and held him fast, while
he made a most violent struggle to get loose, one of his servants happen
ing to come up at the same time, and seeing his master in the hands of
so many people, fancyed that he was apprehended by Glenurchy's orders,
whom he foolishly suspected to have designs upon his life. This putt
the fellow into such a rage, that he had not patience to examine into the
matter. But encountering with Archbald, Glenurchy's eldest sone,
whom the noise of the bustle had drawn thither in that unlucky juncture,
he barbarously plunged his durk into his heart. The multitude upon
this turned their swords against the unhappy fellow. But he, with his
durk in the one hand, and his sword in the other, defended himself with
that incredible valour, that it is likely he would have escaped by the
favour of the approaching night, if he had not, as he retreated backward,
stumbled upon a pleugh, that tooke him behind, and brought him to the
ground, where he was cutt to pices.
No sooner had the inraged multitude dispatched the servant, than
they run furiously upon the master, who, though he received several
wounds, had the good fortune, after a vigorous and gallant defence, to
make his escape, wherein he was much assisted by the darkness of the
night, which covered his retreat.
The newes of this and several other adventures made his Clan im
patient to have him among them. All their divisions were now at an
end, and their Chief was of sufficient age and capacity to mannage his own
affairs, so that he was welcomed to Lochaber with universall joy.
In the year 1590, there brock out a dreedfull enmity and fewd be
tween the Earls of Huntly and Murray ; the last was sone to the Regent,
whom we have formerly mentioned.
40 AUTHOR'S INTRODUCTION TO
The reader has already heard of the first grounds of dissention be
tween these familys ; and the present quarrell proceeded from Murray's
protecting a gentleman of the name of Grant, who had killed one Gor
don a common fellow, upon I know not what provocation. To this was
added some other causes of dissention which inflamed the ulcerated
minds of the partys to such a degree of rage and fury, that they involved
all the North in blood and confusion.
Confederaceys were formed on both sides. The Earl of Atholl, the
Lairds of Grant and Macintosh, and many others, joyned Murray ; and
Huntly had the Earls of Erroll, Mortown, and Bothwell, of his party.
But as these rather gave reputation than strength to his party, so he be
came solicitous to ballance the power of his antagonists, by engageing
the neighbouring Clans in that service.
Att first he had publick authority on his side as Sheriff of the County
of Inverness. Besides, he had express orders from Court to bring the
criminal to justice, so that the Macphersons and others, his vassalls and
tenants, willingly declaired in his favours. Both partys courted Locheill
by all* manner of carresses. But his enmity to Macintosh, the heredi
tary enemy of his family, soon determined him to joy n Huntly, who was
exceedingly liberall of his promises and engagements on that occasion,
as appears from the indenture* between them, which is still extant.
Locheill, in pursuance of this confederacy, invaded Macintosh, and
ravageing his countrey with fire and sword, returned with a great bootty.
Macintosh pursued and engaged him in Badenoch, but was overthrown
with a hugh slaughter. Upon the back of this followed another invasion,
and the Macintoshes were again defeated in the moor of Drymen, a hill
betwixt Badenoch and Lochaber. This last is commonly called the
snow fight, on account of the great quantity of snow that then covered
the hills.
Huntly resolving to repair the old Castle of Rivan in Badenoch, a
By this indenture, Locheill obliges himself to assist Huntly against all his enemys ; but more espe
cially against the Macintoshes and Grants ; and the Earl, on his part, is bound to reward him for his
services to his own satisfaction, and not to enter into terms of agreement without a mutual consent. It
bean date 6th March 1590.
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL. 41
countrey belonging to himself, prevailed with Locheill to guard the work,
which occasioned many bloody skirmishes. But the difficultys that the
Earl mett with by the enemy's intercepting his convoyes and carriages,
obligeing him to desist before he had quite finished his fortifications,
Locheill and his Clan attended him on his march homeward as far as
Strathdown. For the enemy had convened in great numbers to cutt off
his retreat. But Locheill not only dissapointed them, but in his return
to Lochaber ravaged the Macintoshes, and carried off a ritch booty.
The death of the Earl of Murray, who was killed by Huntly att Duni-
birstle, on the 7th February 1591, gave the enemys of the last so much
advantage over him att Court, that he and his adherents were declaired
enemys to the state, and forfeited, and proscribed by a decree of Parlia
ment. However, the war still continued, and Huntly, as head of the
Popish faction, the better to collour his designs, added the pretext of re
ligion to his former quarrells. In a word, for I designe to touch upon
these affairs no further than my subject obliges me, the Earl of Argyll sept. 7, 1594.
being appointed his Majesty's Leutenant- General in that war, marched
against him att the head of a powerfull army, and invested the Castle of
Rivan. But the Macphersons, who were in garrison, defended the place
with so much bravery, that he could not reduce it, though Argyle
was already 10,000 strong, and these too the best troops in the High
lands ; yet the Forbesses, Mackenzies, and many others from the North,
being on their march to joyn him. But Huntly, to prevent their con
junction, resolved to fight, though att the disadvantage of near ten to
one, if we may believe Archbishop Spottiswood, who gives us the de- sept. 27, 1594.
taill of these transactions. They engaged att Glenlivat, where Argyle
was routed with the loss of 700 of his men, besides severals of his rela
tions and other gentlemen who were killed on the spott. The Mac
leans were the only people of his side that gained honour that day, for
after the rest were fled they sustained the shocke of the enemy for a long
time, and at last retired in good order, in spight of the pursuers.
Locheill, who was unwilling to serve against Argyll, whom he favour
ed, had but a few of his men in this action. However, he engaged Mac
intosh his battalion, which he defeated, and pursued with great eager-
42 AUTHOR'S INTRODUCTION TO
ness, and did Huntly such service as merited a different reward from
that which he afterwards gott.
Huntly got nothing by his victorey, for the King, who had now taken
the government into his own hands, marched to the North in person
sone after the battle, and ordered several of Huntly's houses and those
of his party to be demolished, which obliged him to leave the kingdome.
But he was recalled in June, 1597, and was with the Earls of Erroll and
Angus, two of his confederats, restored to their estates and dignitys, att
a parliament which mett in December thereafter.
Macintosh, in the meantime, resolving to be revenged on Locheill,
prevailed with the Earl of Argyle, whose sister he had marryed, to
invade him from the West, while he with all the forces he could raise
attacked him at the same time from the North, whereby he doubted not
but he would oblige his antagonist to submitt to such terms as he would
be pleased to give him.
Locheill knew nothing of this confederacey, but was so much on his
guard, that Macintosh, who was exact as to his time, found him pre
pared to stop his passage over the great river of Lochy ; which neither
of the partys daring to foard, they continued in inaction for several
days. But provisions at last failing, Macintosh was reduced to very
great straits, for Locheil's party daily increased, and there was no ac
counts of the assistance he expected, so that, disparing in the end, he
was obliged to take the advantage of the night to retreat.
Locheill suspecting that there might be a stratagem in this precipitant
motion, pursued with great caution, till he being convinced that his
enemy s retired in good earnest, he would have willing [ly] overtaken and
engaged them when they were out of his reach.
No sooner had he returned to the Isle of Locheill where he then
lived, than he was informed of the arivall of another body of enemy s
from the West, which did not a litle surprize him. For he was far
from expecting an invasion from that quarter. They were commanded
by the Laird of Ardkinlas, a gentleman of an antient family, and one
of the principall of the name of Campbell. He drew up his men, which
were about 800, att a place called Achinlourbeg, opposite to the isleand,
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL. 43
and being informed that the Macintoshes were gone, he reteired to a place
where he was covered on all sides, called Inchdoricher, and resolved
there to pass the night.
Locheill, who had that morning dispersed, immediatly issued out
orders for conveening them again with all hast, and with his ordinary
servants, which were eleven in all, he stoll by private wayes to the place
where the Campbells were encamped, and having dilligently viewed them,
a fancy took him that there was a possibility of frighting them with the
few he had about him without running much danger. For they [were]
surrounded by hills and woods in all parts ; with this view, he drew up
his men att proper distances from one another, and commanded them to
fire all at once upon a signal, and then to fall flatt upon their faces to the
ground. These orders they exactly performed to the great surprize of
the enemy, and continued to repeat them round the camp till they were
allarmed from all quarters. Some few of the enemy were killed, but
their astonishment and fear was much greater than their loss, and fancied
that they were farr surrounded. They neither durst adventure to re-
treate, nor had they courage enough to stand. In this pickle they con
tinued till day appearing, they returned to their own countrey, without
doing harm as they marched.
But the severe laws that were made for reduceing the Highlands,
and for settling the peace of these parts, gave him more uneasieness than
all the power of his enemys, and in the end did him more mischief;
for besides many others, the Ministers of State observing that the pub-
lick was defrauded of the Crown Rents and Revenues in many parts,
procured an Act of Parliament commanding all chiefs and proprietors
of estats in the Isles and Highlands holding of the Crown, to appear*
personally in the Court of Exchequer before the 20th May following,
under the pain of forfeiture, and not only to exhibite all their charters
and rights, but also to find baill and suerty to pay the Crown revenues ;
to redress all party s injured of losses and damages formerly sustained,
and to live peaceably in time comeing.
This was a mortifying blow to Locheill, for he was not in a condition
* December 15, 1597.
44 AUTHOR'S INTRODUCTION TO
to appear, on account of the sentance of forfeiture and proscription be
fore mentioned, which was not yet taken off, whereby he lossed one of
the best estates in the Highlands. All this was owing to his enemy
Macintosh, which engaged him hi the fatall league with the Earl of
Huntly, who not only neglected Locheill contrair to express stipulation,
when he made his pace with the King, but even, with the greatest in
gratitude, tooke advantage of his missfortunes, as we shall see by and by.
Locheill left nothing undone to procure a remission in order to enable
himself to give obedience to the Act of Parliament. But the time was
so short, and the avarice of the Courtiers so great, (for they made a
good mercat of these forfeitures, ) that he could not prevaill. In a word,
the act was rigorously executed, and many honest gentlemen, against
whom nothing could be said, suffered, some in parts and some in their
whole estates, and even Macintosh, who had served the Earl of Murray
and the Protestant intrest with so much zeal, was forfeited off a part of
his, because he could not, att the time appointed, produce the rights, which
were then in the hands of some of his friends.
Lofcheill finding himself thus in the greatest danger of being stript of
his whole estate, and forseeing that he would soone be surrounded by a
multitude of new enemys, in so far as it would be the intrest of all
who shared in it to suppress and keep him low. He judged it wise to
make up matters with Macintosh, who was willing to accept of any terms
in order to have his right of property to the lands in dispute assertained
by a treaty ; nor did Macintosh neglect his opportunity, for immediatly
after his return from Edinburgh, where the Court then was, and where
he obtained new charters to the greatest part of his estate, by giveing
obedience to the Act of Parliament, he invaded Lochaber att the
head of a good body of men, but being stopt in the way by Locheill,
who was prepared to receive him, friends on both sides interposed, and
brought about an agreement, wherein the partys consented to the follow
ing articles : —
Macintosh mortgaged to Locheill and his heirs one half of the lands
in dispute for the sume of 6000 merks, and gave him the other half for
the service of the men liveing upon them. The contract was for 19
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL. 45
years ; Locheil's former title reserved intire, but forfeitable with the money
in case he should occasion a rupture of the friendship and aimity then
between them by any subsequent invasion or act of hostility, and Mac
intosh became bound to preserve the same under very severe penalty s.
While Locheill was bussied in projecting methods for saving or re
covering other parts of his estate, there fell out an accident that discon
certed all his measures, and drew new enemy s upon him.
Donald M'lan of Ardnamurchan, head of a tribe of the Macdonalds,
who inhabited that and the neighbouring countreys, having been be
trothed to one of his daughters, was most basely murdered by his own
uncle, while he was providing himself in an equipage suitable to the
solemnity of his wedding, which, according to custome, he designed to
have celebrated with some magnificence. The barbarous murder[er]
was commonly known by the name of M'Vie Ewen. He was a person
of gigantick size and incredible strength, and possest the country of
Swynard by way of lase from his nephew, whom he killed, not in resent
ment of any injurey, but with a villanous view of succeeding to him in
his estate and command as his next heir.
The bridgroom was a youth for whom Locheill had the highest
esteem, on account of his excellent qualitys, and therefore no sooner
heard of his death, [than] he resolved to revenge it upon the bloody
author, who, in dread of his resentment, fled with all his goods and cattle
to Mull, where he putt himself under the protection of Lawchlane More,
Laird of Maclean, his near relation by his mother. But Locheill, upon
information of his precipitate flight, pursued with the few men he had
about him, which did not exceed sixty, and became master of his goods.
But notwithstanding of all the haste he had made, M'Vie Ewen himself
escaped him by ferrying over the Sound of Mull, a narrow passage or
firth that divides that island from Morvine.
Maclean, who had beheld all that had passed from the opposite shoar,
immediatly dispatched Hector Maclean, his eldest sone, with 220 men,
and M'Vie Ewen himself, to recover the goods ; so that Locheill, see
ing himself under a necessity of fighting, posted his men to such advan
tage as made up his defect of number. The audacious M'Vie Ewen
46 AUTHOR'S INTRODUCTION TO
was armed capapie, and advanced with an air that spoke the highest con
tempt of his enemy ; but being overheated by the weight of his armour,
he raised his helmet to take in fresh air, which one of LocheiFs archers
observing, so nicely nicked his opportunity, that he peirced him deep hi
the forehead with an arrow, whereby he dyed immediatly.
The death of their champion so dispirited his party, that Locheill had
an easy victorey over them. Hector and twenty of his followers were
made prisoners, whom he immediatly dismissed, ransom free. But he
narrowly escaped Maclean himself, who during the action ferryed over
from Mull, and persued with a greater number than he was able to en
gage-
Maclean was at that time engaged in a war against the Macdonalds
of Islay, in which being soon thereafter mortally wounded, he was ex-
treamly grieved that he had so much offended his nephew, Locheill,
ufor," said he, " [he] is the only Chief in the Highlands of courage, con
duct, and power, sufficient to revenge my death, and I am confident,
that if I hud not injured and provocked him in the manner I have done,
he weuld not have allowed himself much rest till he had effected it."
Locheill was no sooner informed of these expressions and of the death
of his uncle, than he resolved to revenge it, and marching against his
enemys at the head of his Clan, defeated them in a bloody battle, and
tooke Hector Maclean of Lochbuy, who sided them against his Chief,
with sevefals of his followers, prisoners of war. His resentment against
these for parting the Macdonalds against their own kinsman was so great,
that he detained them in chains for six months thereafter. But Loch-
buy had soone an opportunity of being evens with him, as the reader
shall hear in a more proper place.
This adventure gave Locheil's enemys great advantage over him att
Court, where his sone John, who had a genius admirably turned for the
mannagement of civill affairs, was bussily employed in negotiating for him,
and was in a fair way of succeeding. But those who had putt in for the
severall shares of his fortune that lay conterminous with their own, exag
gerated matters so, that they in the end prevailled. The Lord Kintaill,
predecessor to the Earle of Seaforth, gott the estates of Lochale, Loch-
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL. 47
carreon, and Strone, from Sir Alexander Hay, then Secretary of State,
who was the King's donatory to these and all the other forfeitures. The
lands of Lagan, and Achadrome, Invergary, Balnane, and others, were
obtained by the Laird of Glengarry, and Barron of Lovate, and his
several estats in Lochaber fell to the share of others, as shall by and
by be more particularly observed. In a word, he was stript of the
whole except the disputed lands of Glenluy and Locharkike, which he
still peaceably injoyed by virtue of his late treaty with Macintosh, where
of I have already given some account.
In this unlucky situation, Locheill found it prudent to make up mat
ters with these who obtained rights to his northern estates, because they
ly at a distance, and were not inhabited by his own people. Besides, it
was impossible for him to grapple with so many at one time. But, as
to those in Lochaber, he resolved to retain the possession att all hazards,
which was the chief motives that induced him to transact with the gen
tlemen I have named ; one of the articles in all these treatys bearing an
obligation upon them to assist him in defending the rest.
The estate of Locheill was purchased from the Secretarey, by the fore-
mentioned Hector Maclean of Lochbuy, for a very small sume, which
was given by way of compliment. But that gentleman finding, after
several fruitless attemps, that he was not in a condition to attain to the
possession, made it over to the Earl of Argyle, in 1609, for the sume of
4100 merks, which was the very same that he had payed for it himself.
Argyl's designe in this purchass was not probably to keep the estate for
himself, but seems rather to have been [with] a view of augmenting his
power, by forceing Locheill to hold it of himself before he consented to
restore it ; several communings hereupon ensued. But the partys not
agreeing upon the terms, they were att last submitted to his Majesty : —
and Clanrannald, whose mother Locheill had some years before marryed,
was employed to negotiat for him att Court.
That monarch had succeeded to the Crown of England in 1603,
though he was a Prince naturally mercyfull and just, yet he was some
what too credulous, and very apt to take impression from such as were
about him, whereby he was often exposed to the artifice of subtile and
48 AUTHOR'S INTRODUCTION TO
designeing polititians ; many innocent persons sufferred by this foible.
But especially, after his goeing to England, where, being at a distance,
he had not the opportunity to examine matters as he ought, and pro
bably would have done had he been nearer. Of this the unfortunate
Clan Macgregor, of whom we shall soone give an account, affoard us a
melancholy instance.
The King was so prejudged against them, that he resolved to have them
utterly extirpated, and not only gave the Earl of Argyle a commission
to performe that bloody work, but wrote to all the Chiefs and other men
of power in the Highlands to assist him vigerously — promising high re
wards to such as should contribute most to their destruction. Locheill
was often sollicited to joyn in that crewell confederacey, but he was too
well acquanted with their storey to comply, till the necessity of his
affairs obliged him. For his Majesty would hear of nothing in his justi
fication upon any other terms, so that he was in the end forced to enter
into indentures with the Earl of Argyle as his Majesty's Lieutenant, and
the Earl of Dunbar, Lord Treasourer, whereby the King became obliged,
not only to restore him to his estate holding of the Crown, but likeways
to receive him as his tenant and vassall for the lands of Glenlui and
Locharkicke ; and, in a word, to free him from all dependence and vas
salage of any sort. The contract contains severall other conditions hi
favours of Locheill, who, though he never designed to injure the pro
scribed Macgrigors, his faithfull friends, yet he thought there was no
crime in imbraceing that opportunity to recover his estate, and ingratiat
himself with his Majesty. Clanrannald was also a party in all these
contracts, in behalf of his father-in-law, whom he served with an uncom
mon zeall. He was a youth of extraordinary quality s, a polite courtier,
and very adroite in the mannagement of business. He had formerly, in
name of Locheill, agreed with the Earl of Argyle, with respect to the
Barroney of Locheill, whereof the terms were submitted to his Majesty.
With these two contracts he sett out ; and upon his arivall at Salisburry,
where the Court then was, he found a ready complyance, from his
Majesty, with all his demands ; for his indignation against the Macgri
gors was nothing abated, as appears by his letter to Locheill, wherein,
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL. 49
after reciteing Clanrannald's negotiations, with the conditions of the two
indentures, his Majesty is pleased to ratify them in the most ample man
ner, and assures him that, upon performances of the services thereby
stipulated, they should be executed and fulfilled, and the charters and
rights to his estate expedited, according to law. " Your neighbour
(continues his Majesty) hath likewayes shewen unto us the articles sett
down and agreed upon betwixt the Earl of Argyle and him, concerning
the prosecution of our said service, whereby the Earl hath submitted
unto us his right and title acclaimed by him to your lands of Locheill,
and hath promitted to underly, and perform what we shall decern
thereanent. You may be very glade that the Earl hath taken this course,
for we shall so determine in that matter for your wellfair and security,
as in reason, equity, and justice, we ought to doe ; and if your right to
these lands be not good, we will be a means that the Earl shall make
the same better ; and, therefore, we will desire you, as you would have
us blott out of our memorey your former life, and to esteem and protect
you, as our own vassall, tenant,, and good subject. That you goe on
faithfully and carefully in this service, and prosecute the same to the
finall end thereof, in such form as you shall receive directions from the
Earl of Argyle our Leutenant ; and, in the meantime, that you seek
all good occasions whereby you may do some service by yourself, and
how soon the same is ended, you shall doe well to repair unto us, that
you may receive your promised reward, and understand our furder plea
sure concerning such other services as we shall employ you in," &c.
His Majesty also promises to cause the Marquess of Huntly doe him
justice, with respect to a differance that shall fee hereafter explained.
These Macgrigors, against whom the King was so furiously incensed,
were one of the most antient Clans in the Highlands, and are said to be
descended from the Royall Family of our Kings, about the middle of
the ninth centurey. They possessed a great part of that country which
lyes at the back of the Grampian mountains, and thereabouts ; and as
they were a very warlick and brave people, so they faithfully served the
Crown in most of the wars, civill and foreign, that our Kings were en
gaged in. The true case of their mine proceeded from the cunning and
50 AUTHOR'S INTRODUCTION TO
policy of their neightbours, who having first raised and fomented quar-
rells between them and other rivall Clans, missrepresented their actions in
such a manner to the Government, that they in the end gott them pro
scribed, and doomed to utter destruction ; and all this with a most base
and avaritious view of shareing their estats among them, in wliich they
succeeded but too well.
The best account of the origionall and progress of their missfortunes
that I have mett with, is in a MS. History of the Family of Sutherland,
written by Mr Alexander Ross, one of the Professors of the University
of Aberdeen. He flourished at that very time, and wrote his history [a]
few years thereafter. His relation of that tragedy, which he mentions
only in passant, as a very memorable event, agrees exactly, so far as it
goes, with the traditionall accounts we have of it current in the countrey,
and it is a loss to the curious that it is not more full. The translation I
have made of that passage from the Latine origionall, being almost lite-
rail, is as follows : —
" In the spring of the year 1602, there happned great dissentions
and troubles between the Laird of Luss, Chief of the Colquhouns, and
Alexander, Laird of Macgrigor. The origional of these quarells pro
ceeded from injurys and provocations, mutually given and received. Not
long before Macgrigor, however, inclining to have them ended in friendly
communings, marched att the head of 200 of his Clan to Leven, which
borders upon Luss, his countrey, with a view of settling matters by the
mediation of friends. But Luss had no such intention, and projected
his measures with a different view ; for he privatly drew together a body
of 300 horse and 500 foot, composed partly of his own Clan and their
followers, and partly of the Buchanans, his neightbours, and resolved to
cutt off Macgrigor and his party to a man, in case the issue of the con
ference did not answer his inclinations. But matters fell out otherwaise
than he expected ; and though Macgrigor had previous information of
all his insiduous designs, yet desembling his resentment, he keept the
appointment, and parted good friends in appearance.
" No sooner was he gone than Luss, thinking to surprize him and his
party in full security, and without any dread or apprehension of his
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL. 51
treachery, followed with all speed, and came up with him at a place
called Glenfron. Macgrigor, upon the allarm, divided his men into two
partys, the greatest whereof he commanded himself, and the other he
committed to the care of his brother John, who, by his orders, led them
about another way, and attacked the Colquhouns in the flank. Here it
was fought with great resentment and bravery on both sides for a con
siderable time ; and notwithstanding the vast disproportion of numbers,
Macgrigor in the end obtained an absolute victorey. So great was the
route, that 200 of the Colquhouns were left dead upon the field, most of
the leading men killed, and a multitude of prisoners taken.* But what
seemed most surprizing and incredible in this defeatt was, that none of
the Macgrigors were amissing except John, the Laird's brother, and one
common fellow, though indeed many of them were wounded.
" The newes of this slaghter having shortly reached his Majesty's
ears, he was exceedingly incenced against the Macgrigors. They had
no friends att Court to plead their cause and molify his resentment, by
making a fair state of their case. But instead of facts being placed in
their proper light, everything was represented there in the blackest
colours, and no person contradicting these insidious informations, the
unhappy Macgrigors were involved in a great many troubles. For the
King immediatly commanded the whole tribe to be denounced rebells
and proscribed. He furder impowered the Earl of Argyle and the
Campbells to hunt them out, and drag them, without any furder tryall,
to punishment ; nor indeed did they spare either Industrie or expence
in the execution of their commissions.
* It is said that while they were preparing to engage, some boys that were on their road to the school
of Dumbartan, which was then very famous, chanceing to arrive, the Laird of Macgregor, to prevent
their falling into danger, ordered them to be shutt up in a barn, and left one of his own servants, named
[Cameron], to attend them ; but that the barbarous wretch, enraged to be so debar'd from shareing
in the honour of the action, and foolishly imagining it a mark of infamy and cowardice to be sett over a
few boys, while his comerads were fighting, like one in a frenzy, turned his furry againt those innocents,
and inhumanly murdered them with his durk. It is likewayes added, that they were mostly the sons of
gentlemen of distinction, and that their mournfull parents afterwards unitted in bringing vengeance on
those whom they thought to be the authors of the execrable tragedy. What trewth may be in this
story I know not, but it is constantly averred that this was the pretext that was principally made use of
for the destruction of the Macgregors.
52 AUTHOR'S INTRODUCTION TO
44 Pursuant to which, there happned' a remarkable conflict at a place
called Pentoick, where Robert Campbell, sone to the Laird of Glenor-
chey, with 200 chosen men, attacked 60 of the Clan Gregar. In this ac
tion, only two of the Macgrigars, but of the Campbells no less than seven
of their principall gentlemen and many of the meaner sort fell upon the
field, though they had afterwards the assurance to give it out, that they
themselves had the victory. In a word, after a great many crewell
murders and fierce skirmishes, the Macgrigors were in the end much
humbled, and though many of them were killed, yet many more of the
Campbells lost their lives on these occasions.
" But att length Argyle, by specious pretences and fair promises, en
ticed the Laird of Macgrigor to come to a friendly conference, and there
undertooke to goe along with him in person to Court to be his advocat
himself, and to represent the case in such a manner that he made no
doubt of reconceiling him and his Clan to K. James. But all this was meer
trick and deceit. For though he actually sett out, and proceeded on his
pretended journey as far as Berwick, he suddenly changed his mind
and returned to Edinburgh, where he caused the credulous old man and
thirty of his relations to be publickly executed. By this examplary
punishment, Argyle imagined that he would not only putt an end to the
present troubles, but also open to himself a door for extinguishing the
whole name and tribe of the Macgrigors. But things fell out otherwayes
than he expected."
This last part of the story is more fully related. The Laird of
Auchinbreck being either sone-in-law or otherwayes nearly related to
Macgrigar, often solicited the Earl of Argyle to befriend him, and pre-
vailled so far that his Lordship agreed to an interview, in order to con
cert measures for obtaining a pardon from the King, and gave his word
of honour, that Macgrigar and such of his friends as were pleased to
attend him should be secure of their lives and libertys in all events.
This Argyle, father to the famous Marquess, had the charracter of
great honour and integrity, so that Auchinbreck, who was trewely a
worthy and ane honest man, after some deficulty prevailed with Macgrigor
and his friends to trust themselves, though under the sentance of out-
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL. 53
law-ry and proscription, to the honour and faith of the very person
who was employed to destroy them, and it is still commonly said, that
Argyle was at first sincere, and truely designed to have performed his
promise. But he had the weakness incident to easy and indolent tem
pers, of allowing himself to be too much swayed and mannaged by his
favourits.
The person in whom he confided most was one Mr Campbell of Aber-
uchell, a cadet of the House of Lawers, who mannaged the affairs of his
estate, as fris chamberlane or stewart. This gentleman, who acted more
upon the principils of intrest than of honour, was smooth, cunning, and
insinuating, and by his artfull conduct wholly guided the counceills of
his master. He bore a great enmity to the Macgrigars upon former
grudges, and as he saw no advantage that could accrue either to him or
to his master by saving them, so he thought that he or his friends
might probably share in their spoils if they were destroyed. In a word,
intrest and revenge working equally in his breast, he used so much arte,
policy, and cunning, that he at length persuaded the Earl to chainge his
former resolution, and to treat Macgrigor and his friends in the manner
related by Mr Ross. But the generous Auchinbreck, who was neither
of their counceill or company, was no sooner made acquainted with the
last scene of this tragedy, than he vowed revenge upon the author. With
this view, he posted to Edinburgh, and watching a proper opportunity
when the Earl and his Chamberlane were by themselves, he first ubraid-
ed his Chief with his breach of faith and honour, and then suddenly
clapping a cocked pistol to his breast, putt him to the crewell necessity
of stabing his friend and confident through the hart with his own hand.
Nor did he think this extraordinary proofe of his innocence and re
sentment sufficient to satisfie the friends of the injured, till he putt
himself into their hands, and offered, with his own blood, to attone for
the misfortunes which he had innocently occasioned by this unlucky per
suasion and advice.
Thus far Mr Ross. But not only Argyle, Glenurchy, and the rest
of the Campbells, were employed in this barbrous proscription, but 'all
the Lords and Chiefs from the West to the North Seas ; so that [it] is
impossible they could have stood out against such a number of enemys,
54 AUTHOR'S INTRODUCTION TO
if they had been all spirited with the same zeal that those who had an
eye upon their estates and possessions were acted by.
But the trewth is, that many thought they were unjustly persecuted ;
and were so far from executing their commissions, that they assisted and
protected them from the violence of their persecutors. To such a hight
of barbarity were matters carryed by some, that a pryce being sett upon
heads of the proscribed Clan by the Counceil, several hundred were
murdered who had no relation to that name, some for greed of the
promised reward, and others in resentment of former quarrells ; and se-
verals no doubt out of a mistaken zeale for the publick service conspyr-
ing to their destruction.
The severity of this tyranical persecution obliged multitudes of them
to abandon their habitations ; and they reteired to such places as they
imagined would best affoard them security and protection. The better sort
made the best bargains they could with their enemys, and gave up their
estats and possessions for small compositions. By these transmigrations
they came, in the end, to be scattered through all parts of the kingdome,
wherfe their posterity are still to be found under different names, and
even many of them have lost the very memorey of their origional. Such of
them as remained in their own countrey continued for many years to make
head against the furry of their enemys, till, being at last stript of all they
had, they grew barbarous and desperat, and were obliged to comitt se
veral violences and enormitys for their subsistence ; so that, in the suc
ceeding reigne, their name was suppressed by act of parliament, and
they severally obliged, after sixteen years of age, to make compearance
yearly on the 24th of Jully before the Counceil, and to find caution
for their good behaviour, under the pain of being again proscribed and
outlawed. And thus they continued, till the merite of their services
under the great Montrose procured them the freedom of other good
subjects.
They are still pretty numerous in the Highlands, but scattered and
dispersed over all parts of it ; but especially in these that ly adjacent to
their antient possessions. Few of them have estats there, but many of
them are to be found in other parts of the kingdom, who are possessed
of opulent fortuns ; and some of that race have since made a consider-
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL. 55
able figure both in the civill and militarey government, though covered
under borrowed names.
As to Locheill, he did them no harm. They had often served him in
his wars, and he was too well acquainted with their story to act the bar
barous part that was injoyned him by the commission. In a word, ra
ther than be concerned in such horrid butcherys, he choise to transact
with Argyle by himself for recovering a legall title to the estate of Loch
eill ; and submitted, in the end, to terms which he had often refused —
that is, he agreed to renounce his former title, and to take a charter from
the Earl in favours of his sone John, holding the estate of him and his
heirs taxt-waird, and paying yearly the sume of 100 merks Scots of few-
duty. This bargain was concluded on the 22d August 1612 ; and the
sume which he payed to Argyle, as the pryce of [the] lands, was the fore-
mentioned 400* [merks] which the Lord had given to Lochbuy for it, as
is before noticed.
The reader has been already informed of the services that Locheill
did to the Earl of Huntly in his wars against the Earl of Murray, and
of the obligations that that Lord was bound to by indenture, not only to
reward him to his own satisfaction, but also to consent to no treaty of
peace without his approbation and consent. The Earl, as has been be
fore observed, was sone after the battle of Glenlivet restored to the
King's favour, and advanced to the dignity of Marquess ; but he tooke
no care of his confederat, but abandoning him to his ill fortune, occa
sioned the loss of a very opulent estate, and drew after it a traine of
missadventures that were likely to have terminated in the utter mine of
himself and his family. Nor was this all ; for Locheill, having, in order
to save the rest of his estates in Lochaber, which were very considerable,
employed the Marquess his eldest sone, the Earl of Enzie, in whom he
had absolute confidence, to putt in for the gift of them from the King's
donator, at such prices as could be agreed upon, his Lordship accepted
of the service, and made the purchases accordingly ; but, as he had
* 4100. Vide p. 47 — Edit.
56 AUTHOR'S INTRODUCTION TO
acted in this affair only as Locheil's trustee, so it was not doubted that
he would resigne them in favours of his sone John, as soone as it should
be demanded.
But the Earl acted upon more interested principils than was imagined,
for he resolved either to keep these estates to himself, or, if he did re
store them, it was upon such conditions of dependence and servitude as
he knew Locheill would not consent to, nor could all the application
made by himself and by his friends prcvaill upon that Lord to doe him
justice. These lands were then, as they still are, wholly possessed by
Camerons ; and Locheill knowing that none other durst inhabite them
without his consent, resolved to keep the possession which he then en
joyed as landlord, and which, in these circumstances, he believed it would
be no easy matter to force him to give up.
Thus were affairs situated, when Clanrannald was commissioned to
negotiat for him at Court ; and his Majesty was so bent upon the extir
pation of the Macgrigors, that, in order to engage him in that service,
he not only, as is before mentioned, consented to all his demands, but
also to cause the Marquess of Huntly to restore these estates : but Loch
eill, abhoring the service, continued to possess in the manner I have re
lated. He thought it no crime to defend his own, and the better to
enable himself, he engadged the assistance of severals of his neightbours,
and particularly of Glengarry, to whom he marryed one of his daughters,
and for her portion gave him the lands of Knoidart, reserving an annuity
with the supperiority to himself, and likewayes the lands of Laggan and
Achadrome, Invergarry, and Balnane ; of which last Glengarry had
procured formerly the gift from the Secretary, Sir Alexander Hay, as I
have before hinted.
Huntly was aware of the deficulty of getting into possession by force,
and therefore did not make any attempt that way. But he tooke more
effectuall measures, and these were by debauching severals of Locheal's
nearest relations, the sons of the late tutors, and others of that faction,
whom by underhand practices he carryed over so intearly to his intrest,
that they accepted of leases of these estates from him, and engaged them
selves not only to make good their possessions, but likewayes to re-
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL. 57
nounce all manner of dependance upon their Chief ; and so absolutely
to become his creatures, as to fight for him to the last drop of their blood
against all mortalls.
When Locheill came to discover this defection, which had been all
along managed with the greatest privacey, he was surprized and con
founded, in a manner that is easier to be imagined than described. If
they were allowed to proceed, he saw that his ruine was finished ; for,
as they had already gained over many of the meaner sort to their party,
so he knew that they would increass in strength and numbers, whereby
his authority and reputation would be lost, and his family shrink into
nothing. The conspirators, besides, to cover their cryms, added new
guilt to their perfidy, patcht up some abominable title, and gave out that
the head of their faction was the trew heirs of Ewen M* Allan, and had
consequently a just clame to the estate and Chieftanrey. What kind of
logick they made use of to sett aside the posterity of the elder brother I
know not, but it is certain that they had a powerfull faction in the Clan,
which abetted their intrest att first ; but the greatest part of them, being
made sensible of their error, were easily reclaimed, and not only return
ed to the obedience of the Chief, but assisted him in destroying their
leaders, who continued obstinate to the last ; for he commanded sixteen
of them to be putt to the sword, and by that terrible and examplary Sept. 1614.
punishment pulled up a faction by the root, that began att his very birth,
and continued till that time. Though it is true that from his taking the
management of affairs into his own hands, he so far suppressed it by his
authority, that it seemed wholly hushed, till it was again revived by the
cunning and policy of the Marquess of Huntly and his sone, who knew
well how to make their own use of such people. And here it is to be
observed, that this is the only division that is to be heard [of] among that
Clan.
The newes of this slaughter, which must be allowed to have been more
O '
necessary than justifiable, soone reaching the Marquess and his sone, the
Earl of Enzie, they resolved not to putt up [with] the affront, and threat-
ned to have him and his Clan treated in the very same manner with their
friends the Macgregars. They made a hideous representation of matters
H
58
att Court, and having obtained a new sentence of outlawry and pro
scription against them, they applyed to all the Chiefs in the North for
their assistance in executing it. However, they were all heard, and even
Macintosh, who thought with the rest that Locheill had done nothing
wrong, was so generous as to refuse his concurrence, alleageing for ex
cuse, that by his treaty with Locheill he could not attack him without
incurring the penalty, which was the loss of the lands in dispute, as he
then pretended. That gentleman, having by this drawn the Marquess
his indignation upon him, was some time thereafter, by his intrest, ar-
reasted and confined to the Castle of Edinburgh, upon this pretext, that
he had not found suerty for the peaceable behaviour of his Clan, as he
was by law obliged.
But this friendship between him and Locheill did not long subsist, for
having marched into Lochaber in 1616 at the head of his Clan, in order,
as he gave out, to hold courts as heritable stewart of that lordship, Loch
eill, upon his approach, guarded all the foords of Locheil, and opposed
his crossing that river. This Macintosh interpreted as a breatch of the
forementioned treaty, which expired this year ; and applyed to the Lords
of the Privy Counceill, who, by their decree, found that Locheill was
lyable in the mulct or penalty, and not only decreed and ordained him
to remove, but also granted Letters of Intercommuning or Outlawry
against all the inhabitants of the disputed lands.
This brought on several invasions from Macintosh, who gained nothing
by them ; but forced Locheill, who was unable to grapple with so many
enemys, to the crewel necessity of giveing ear to some proposals of agree
ment offerred by the Marquess of Huntly and his sone, who now began
to preferr their intrest to their resentment.
Several persons of the highest quality acted as mediators between the
partys, and bestirred themselves so effectually, that they in the end
brought them to submitt to the following articles : — ls£, That there
should be friendship and amity between them, and that Locheill should
renounce all his former rights to the several estates in dispute. 2rf, That
the Marquess and his sone should, in liew of his clame, give to his sone
John a charter of the lands of Mammore, holden of themselves and their
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL. 59
heirs, for payment of 20 merks Scots yearly of few-duty, and the service
,of the men living upon them, as often as it should be required. 3d,
That the said Marquess and his sone and their heirs should not disspo-
sess the present tenants of the estats that were by this bargain adjudged
to them, but continue the said tenants in their several possessions for
the same rents that they formerly payed to Locheill. And, 4th, To pre
vent future quarrells, it was stipulated that all differances that should
thereafter happen to arise between the partys contractors should be re
ferred to the decision of 'Alexander Earl of Drumfermling, Lord Chan-
celour, John Earl of Perth, Thomas Lord Binny, and several others
named in the Indenture, who were the persons that acted as mediators ;
and in default of them, to the sentance and decree of the Lords of the
Justiciarey.
Pursuant to this treaty, there was a charter granted to Locheil's
forementioned son John, by George Earl of Enzie, with consent of the
Marquess his father, which bears date the 24th March 1618.
There was another important article then agreed upon, which I had
almost omitted ; for the Marquess and his sone consented likewayes to
give charters to Camerons of Letter-Finlay, Gleneviss, Ballanit, and
some others of Locheil's friends, of the several lands they then and for
merly possessed, as tenants and vassalls to their Chief, and which still
continue with their posterity.
By this dissadvantageous bargain Locheill lost near two-thirds of his
estate lying eastward and south of the loch and river of Lochy, which
to this day remains with the House of Gordon. Such was the issue of
this fatall leauge with this ungratefull Marquess, and such was the re
ward he received for all the blood, trouble, and lands which he lost in
his service.
Having thus made up matters with Huntly in the best manner he could,
that Lord became engaged to support and assist him against Macintosh,
his competitor, which he performed to the outmost of his power ; for he
hated Macintosh, and gave him all the vexation and trouble that possibly
he could. That gentleman, being now convinced, from repeated proofs,
60 AUTHOR'S INTRODUCTION TO
that he would never make out his designs by the strength of his own
Clan, resolved to take another course, and sett out on a journey to Court,
where he found his Majesty very much inclined to favour him, on ac
count of his services against the Macgrigers, which he exaggerated
much beyond the trewth. He made loud complaints against Locheill, as
a person that contemned the royall authority, and who scorned to live by
any other lawes than his own. In short, he described him as a common
robber and oppressor, destitute of all humanity; and filled the King's ears
with such horned notions of his barbarity and crewelty, that he obtained
the following letter to the Counceil, which I have hepe transcribed on
purpose to show how easie it is for designeing people to mine the most
innocent at the Courts of Princes, when there are non to vindicat them.
" JAMES R.
" Right Trusty and Right Well-beloved Cousins and Councelers,
and Right Trusty and Well-beloved Councelours, we greet you well.
—Whereas Allan M'Coiliduy, in contempt of us and our Government,
standeth out in his rebellion, oppressing his neightbours, and beheaving
himself as if there were neither King nor law in that our kingdom : it
is our pleasure that ye ratify what acts you have heretofore made against
him ; and furder, that ye expede a Commission in due form, to Sir Lach-
lan Macintosh, the Lord Kintaill, the Laird of Grant, and such others
as the said Sir Lawchlan shall nominate, to prosecute the said Allan with
fire and sword, till they have apprehended him, or at least made him an
swerable to our laws ; and that ye direct strick charges to all these of the
Clan Chattan, wheresoever inhabiting, to follow the said Sir Lawchlan
in that service ; also, that ye charge the Marquess of Huntly and the
Lord Gordon, as Sheriffs of Inverness, to be aiding and assisting to our
said Commissioners : Moreover, that charges be directed to the friends
of the Earl of Argyle, and all others next adjacent to the said Allan,
in nowayes to assist him ; with certification, that whosoever shall aid,
assist, relieve, or intercommon with him, shall be accounted partakers
of his rebellion, and be punished accordingly with rigour : And the pre-
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL. 61
mises commending to your special care, as ye will doe us acceptable ser
vice, we bid you fair well. Given att our Palace of Whitehall, the
6th day of May, 1622."
But notwithstanding of this letter, and of the rigorous Commissions
and orders issued out in consequence of it by the Lords of the Prive
Counceill, Macintosh gained nothing in effect by all his expence and dil-
ligence, but the honour of Knighthood, which his Majesty was then
pleased to conferr upon him : For Locheill, having by this time made up
matters with the Lord Kintaill, with respect to the estates I have men
tioned, their antient friendship was renewed in such a manner, that his
Lordship declined the Commission. The Laird of Grant was much
more his friend, and though Sir Lauchlan was his sone-in-law, yet he was
so far from injureing him that he did him several important servieces.
The Lord Barron of Lovate was the antient and hereditary friend of his
family ; the Marquess of Huntly and his sone were not in good terms
with Macintosh ; and the other gentlemen, to whom the like Commis
sions were directed, being equally unwilling to serve him, he was at last
obliged once more to try his fortune att the head of his own Clan.
Locheill was prepared to receive him, and his men were very keen to
measure the justice of their cause by the length of their swords ; but he
himself being unwilling to oppose the Royal Commission, a treaty was
artefully sett on foot, and the partys agreed to submit all their differ-
ances to the Earl of Argyll, the Laird of Grant, and some other arbi
trators.
Locheill, by this, designed no more but to gett rid of his present dif-
ficultys ; and though there was a decree pronounced, adjudgeing the
estate to Macintosh, who, in lieu thereof, was thereby ordained to pay
Locheill certain sums of money, yet he cunningly shifted the ratification,
and continued in possession till his title became once more legall, as
shall hereafter be shewen, when we come to the conclusion of that an
tient controversie, in the life of his grandsone Sir Ewen.
In all his troubles, he was vigorously supported by the Earls of Ar-
gyle and Perth, and the Lord Madderty, who espoused his intrest with
a zeall that seemed to be inspyred with the truest affection and friend-
62 AUTHOR'S INTRODUCTION TO
ship. The Marquess of Huntly and the Earl of Enzie his sone, like-
wayes shewed him great favour after the reconcilment I have mention
ed, nor were the Lairds of Glengarry and Clanrannald, his sons-in-law,
the Lairds of Grant, and others of his neightbours, less active in promot
ing his intrest. Many of the letters that passed between him and these
noble persons are still extant. They were collected by his grandson ;
and as they generally relate to the passages I have pointed att, so the
most important transactions of his life may be collected from them, and
some other wryts that are still to be found in the family. By this it
appears that the Lord Madderdy, brother to the Earl of Perth, was
surety for him in all his transactions in the Low-Countrey, and that he
had the custody of his charters and such other papers as it was thought
could not be safely keept at home, in these troublesome times.
He had the good fortune to be reconciled with his Majesty before his
death. This favour he owed chiefly to the friendship of the Earls [of]
Argyle and Perth, who represented matters in such a light, that the
King gave him a full remission for all the illegall and irregular steps of
his life, which are therein recited. It is dated the 28th June 1624,
which was the last year of that King's life. His Majesty was likewayes
pleased to wryte to his Counceil to receive him and his Clan as his most
loyall and dutifull subjects ; and because he woud be obliged, in obe
dience to the laws, to goe in person to Edinburgh in order to find
surety for his Clan, the King furder commands them to issue forth Let
ters of Protection, dischargeing the Lords of Session and Justiciary and
all other judges to sustain proces against him and his said clan for
years, for any cause, civill or criminall, proceeding that date.
The only person that now gave him trouble was the Laird of Macin
tosh ; but he had too much cunning and mettle for him. The recitall
of the adventures that befell him in his frequent journeys to Drummond
Castle, the principall seat of the family of Perth, his adress and cunning
in eluding the stratagems made use of by Macintosh to become master
of his person while he was an outlaw, would be entertaining to the reader,
if my intended brevity allowed place for them, in so short ane abstract.
His eldest sone, John, has been often mentioned ; he [was] a gentle-
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL. 63
man of exquisite judgement, and had a genius happily turned for the
management of civill affairs. He seldome mistooke his measures ; and
had not the cross accidents I have mentioned very often disconcerted
his projects, it is probable that he would not only have recovered the
antient patrimony of the family, but also have advanced it to a degree
of ritches and splendour beyond what it ever enjoyed. He died sixteen
years before his father, and by his Lady, Mrs Margaret Campbell,
daughter to Robert Campbell, then of Glenfalloch, afterwards of Glen-
urchy, whom he married in October 1626, he left behind him two sons
and two daughters.
The actions of Ewen, his eldest sone, are the subject of the following
Memoirs ; and Allan, his younger sone, proving also a gentleman of
courage and parts, was maryed to Mrs Jean Macgrigor, sister to James,
Laird of Macgrigor, in August 1666, and died young.
Locheil's second sone, Donald, became afterwards tutor to his nephew,
and acquitted himself of that charge with singular probity and honour.
Of him is the family of Glendesary, now a very considerable tribe of the
Camerons, descended. We shall hereafter have occasion to mention him.
Besides these, he had many daughters ; one whereof was marryed to
the Laird of Glengarry, another to the Captain of Clanrannald, a third
to the Laird of Appine, a fourth to Maclean of Ardgour, a fifth, if I am
not mistaken, to Macdonald of Keppoch, and the rest to other gentlemen
of that neightbourhood, whose names doe not just now occur.
His charracter, with what furder remains to be said of Locheill, we re
serve to a more proper place ; for he outlived the battle of Inverlochy,
and died about the year 1647, in a very advanced age.
But before we conclude this Introduction, it will be proper to give
some account of a clergeyman of his name, whose extraordinary genius
and parts rendered him so famous, that he was distinguished by the name
of The Great Cameron. He was the sone of Mr John Cameron, Mi
nister of Dunune, the same who was Governour to Locheill, as we have
formerly related. He passed his greener years in the University of
Glasgow, and leaving his own countrey while he was very young, ar
rived att Burdeaux, in 1600, where some of his Religion observing his
64 AUTHOR'S INTRODUCTION, &c.
great qualitys, and the progress he had made in learning, sent him to
study Divinity att their proper expences. He afterwards became a Mi
nister of their Church. But the place where he gott most reputation
was at Samur, where he taught Divinity for three years. Being of
oppinion that Calvin's tenets concerning grace, free-will, and predestina
tion, were very harsh, his judgement inclined more to those of Arminius ;
and herein he was followed by so many learned men among the Protest
ants of these parts, such as Amarat, Capell, Bochart, Daille, and others,
that the Calvinists spoke of the Schoole of Samour as of a party opposite
to theirs.
Cameron published many learned Treatises in support of his opinion,
all in a copious and neat stile, whereby he became one of the most famous
men of that age. But the books that got him the greatest charracter
were printed after his death ; and, in particular, his most learned and
judicious Remarks upon the New Testament, which were published
under the title of Morothecum Evangelicum, and were afterwards insert
ed in the Criticks of England.
MEMOIRS
OF
THE LIFE AND ACTIONS OF SIR EWEN CAMERON
OF LOCHEILL,
CHIEF OF THE CLAN CAMERON ;
CONTAINING
ANE ACCOUNT OF THE MOST MATERIAL TRANSACTIONS IN THE HIGHLANDS,
FROM THE YEAR 1629, TO THE TREATY OF AUCHALADER, BETWEEN
THE LATE KING WILLIAM AND THE CLANS.
TO WHICH IS ADDED,
AN INTRODUCTOREY ACCOUNT OF THE ANTIQUITIES OP THE
CAME RONS.
Justum et tenacem propositi virum,
Non civium ardor prava jubentium,
Non vultus instantis tyranni
Mente quatit solida, neque Austcr,
Dux inquieti turbidus Adriaa,
Nee fulminantis magna raanus Jovis :
Si fractus illabatur orbis,
Impavidum ferient ruinae.
HOH.
MEMOIRS OFLOCHEILL,
BOOK FIRST.
CONTAINING THE MOST MATERIAL PASSAGES OF HIS LIFE,
FROM HIS BIRTH TO THE RESTORATION.
SIR EWEN CAMERON.
SIR EWEN CAMERON was born in February 1629, at a seat of the Earl
of Breadalban's, called Castle Culchorn, and situated in ane Island of
Lochow, a fresh-water lake in Glenorchey. His mother was a daughter
of that family, and aunt to the late famous Earl John ; a beautifull lady,
and of great spirit and vivacity. He lived with his foster-father for the
first seven years, according to an old custome in the Highlands, where
by the principall gentlemen of the Clan are intituled to the tuition of the
Chiefs children during their pupillarity. Nor does it alwaise end there,
for these foster-fathers are often at the charges of their education, and
when they return them to their fathers, they give them portions equall
to any of their own children. This friendly custome is very benefitiall
to the younger children ; for their portions being in cows, and sett aside
for them while they are very young, they encrease to a great value be
fore the young gentlemen arive att majority.
Sir Ewen's foster-father was Mr Cameron of Latter-Finlay, an antient
gentleman, and captain of a numerous tribe of the Clan- Cameron, call
ed by his patronimick, the Tribe of the Mackmartins. The care of his
.* MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL.
education, after this, divolved upon his uncle, who acted as his guardian,
and by his dilligence and industrey, preserved the remains of the estate,
which was almost wholly lost by the misfortune of his grandfather
Allan, who survived his eldest sone many years, but was so old and in
firm that he gave over all bussiness. About the twelfth year of his age,
he was committed to the tuition of the Marques of Argyle ; who, sus
pecting that his education might be neglected by his uncle, resolved to
be at that trouble himself ; and having with some difficulty prevailed with
his friends to part with him, putt him to school at Inverarey, under the
inspection of a gentleman of his own appointment.
This happned about the beginning of the year 1641, the year on which
the fatal rebellion brock out against the unfortunate K. Charles the First.
The family of Argyle, as it was wholy indebted to the Crown for the
vast power and ritches to which it had arrived, so the predecessors of
this Marquis had, on all occasions, distinguished themselves by their
loyalty ; nor indeed had the King a more faithfull servant than the late
Earl, who went so far as to advise his Majesty to committ his sone, the
Lord "Lorn, then att London, to the Tower ; and said, plainly, that if
he neglected that opportunity, his sone, the Lord Lorn, wowld wind him
a pirn, that is, he wowld creat the King a great dale of trouble ; but
that generous Prince wowd not herken to the father's advice, and the
son, who was soon informed of it, quickly putt himself out of danger by
a speedy retreat into his own countrey, where he soon gave the King
cause enough to repent of his clemency, for he was deeply embarked in
the rebellion, and as he was a person of the greatest genius, and of
the most unfathomable policy and cunning, so he soon became head of
the Covenanters, and conducted their affairs as he pleased.
The good King did everything in his power to sooth these obstinate
rebells into their duty. He came to Scotland in August 1641, and not
only granted them redress of all their pretended grivances, but preferred
them to all the valuable posts in the nation, loaded them with dignities
and honours, and bestowed the whole revenue of the Crown among them
in grants and pensions. But nothing wowld doe ; the ferment must
work itself, and in a more tradgicall ; and it was observed, that as the
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL. 69
King was most bountifull and gratious to his greatest enemys, so the
more they tasted of his goodness and generosity, they became the more
obstinate and inveterat in their malice. By this, we may see that it's
wisdome to dissable our enemys, and cherish our friends ; for gratitude
and love are virtues of too sublime and generous a nature to be expect
ed from mercenary and corrupt minds. A canker in the soule resembles
a feaver in the body, and is only to be carried off by severe bleeding,
and by exhausting that substance and strength, and drawing away those
juices that nourish it.
But in spight of the general spirit of madness and enthusiasm that
threw the kingdom into such horible convulsions, there were still some
that had strength of constitution enough to recover, and to make a glo
rious attonment for their past failieings. The most conspicuous of
these was the great Marquess of Montrose, who, though at first born
away by the torrent, was soon conscious of his error, and imbraced the
royall cause with that zeal and success, that if his Majesty had not been
imposed upon by some great men whom he trusted, it is probable that
Montrose would have given his countreymen work enough at home, and
thereby prevented the fatal conjunction of the two rebellious nations.
Supported, however, by the loyal Clans and a few Irish who had no arms
till they took them from the enemy, he performed wonders, and gave
them so maney bloody defeats, that he reduced all on the North side
of the river of Forth to the King's obedience.
Besides their being of opposite partys, there was a personal enmity be
tween him and Argyle, which occasioned great mischief to the countrey ;
for Argyle having putt himself upon the head of a numerous army of
the Covenanters, and joyned to them a good body of his own Highland
ers, he marched northward, and not only ravaged, burnt, and desolated
Montrose's own lands, but likewaise those of his adherents and follow
ers. These outrages drew the odium of the countrey upon the authors,
and provocked Montrose to retaliate them ; for marching through Bread-
albane, he tooke up his winter quarters att Inverarey, where he allowed
his suldiers to live at discretion. But the inhabitants, who knew their
master's guilt, having carried off their effects, and abandoned their
70 MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL.
dwellings before he arrived, it was not in their power to doe much harm.
From thence directing his march to Lochaber, he halted at Inverlochay,
where old Locheill, (who was then better known by the name of Allan
M'Coildui, of Lochaber,) attended by the principall gentlemen of his
Clan, waited on him, and added 300 of his name to the army. This
party was commanded by a brave young gentleman, who bore the office
of Lieutenant-Collonell, and acquitted himself with great honour and
courage while the war lasted.
No sooner was Montrose gone, than Argyle arived with a consider
able army of his own Highlanders, and others who were pleased to fol
low him, and encamped almost upon the same ground where his enemies
had been the night before. He had the more assurance of success, that
Sir Duncan Campbell of Auchinbreck, the eldest cadet of his family,
and a gentleman of great bravery, and Collonellof one of the Scots regi
ments then in Ireland, whom he called over one purpose, and several
other officers of note attended him in that expeadition. His designe was
to follow Montrose slowly upon the rear ; while Major- General Bailly,
and Sir John Hurry, advanced upon his front, at the head of a powerfull
army from the North ; so that, being inclosed between two armys,
whereof any one was more than double his own in numbers, they
imagined that he and all his followers cowld not escape being cutt to
peices.
Montrose was by this time advanced as far as Stratharick, which is
thirty long miles of very bad road from Inverlochay, where he was over
taken by an express from Locheill, (Bishop Guthrey calls him Allan
M'Coildui, of Lochaber,) informing him of Argyle's arivall and designs,
and advising him to return with all expeadition and fight him, before his
northern enemy s had time to advance. Montrose did not hesitate upon
the matter, but turning about, marched with that wonderfull quickness,
that, arriving about 12 o'clock at night, he satt down by Argyle that
night, and early the next morning attacked and routed him with a great
slaughter. The gentlemen and officers of the name of Campbell be-
heaved with all imaginable bravery, but were so soon deserted by the
commons, that the slaughter fell heavey upon them ; the few that escaped
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL. 71
betook themselves to the old Castle of Inverlochay, and defended them
selves till they procured terms for life and liberty, which Montrose the
more readily granted, that he knew that many of them were forsed into
these measurs against their will.
This memorable battle was fought on the 2d February 1645. Of Ar-
gyl's men there fell about 1500, and of Montrose's only three common
suldiers, and the gallant Sir Thomas Ogilvie, sone to the Earl of Airly,
a youth of exceeding great merite. Allan M'Coildui was a spectator of
this action, and waited on the victorious General after his return from
the pursute. Montrose acknouledged the great service was done him in
the seasonable advertizement he received, and accepted of the invitation
of staying in that friendly countrey for three or four days, to refresh his
wearied troops, which were plentifully supplyed with all necessareys.
Several young gentlemen of the name of Cameron having joyned the
party of their own Clan, already mentioned, he marched northward, and
after several noble exploits, had the good fortune to encounter and defeat
Sir John Hurry, who, besids five old regiments and some troops of
horse, had a multitude of Sutherlands, and other Northern Highlanders
with him, at a village called Aldearn ; and this victorey was the more
memorable, that the Macleans and others of Montrose's best troops
were either otherwaise imployed, or at home upon forloffs.
Upon the 2d of Jully thereafter, he obtained another victorey over
Major-Generall Bailly att Alford, who came against him with more
powerfull forces, by express orders from those turbulent spirits who satt
at the helm of affairs, to revenge the former defeate. Both these victoreys
were absolute and bloody, and struck the government with terror and
amazement.
It may seem surprizing to the reader, that, notwithstanding the Came-
rons and their Chief sided openly with that hero, and that old Locheill,
though unable to serve in these wars on account of his age and other
mfirmitys, was, however, the true instrument that drew on the battle of
Inverlochay, which coast Argyle the lives of so many of his friends, and
brock all his measures, as was then loudly talked of. I say, it may seem
strange that the Marques of Argyle should, in such circumstances, con-
72 MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL.
tinue his favour for that Clan, and his friendship and care in educating
their young Chief, whom we shall hereafter name by the title of Locheill.
His grandfather, Allan, about this time having ended his life, his
Lordship had omitted nothing that he thought could contribute to the
improvement of the tine qualities which he daily found increaseing in
his young ward. He was now fourteen out, of a good grouth, health-
full, vigorous, and sprightly. Though he had a good genius for letters,
and a quick conception, yet his excessive fondness for hunting, shooting,
fenceing, and such exercises, so carried his mind that he showed no in
clination for his book, which obliged his preceptor often to execute his
authority. The Marques, who was then at the head of the State, being,
soone after his defeate at Inverlochy, obliged to travel southward, tooke
his pupill along with him, designeing before he returned to settle him at
the University of Oxford. Passing throw Stirling, he thought it proper
to stop while he and his companey tooke some refreshment, but durst
not venture out of his coach for the pestilence, which had already almost
desolated that town, and raged with excessive furry through all Brittain.
But Locheill, not easily bearing to be so long confined, stole unperceived
out of the coach, and rambled through the town without any apprehen
sion of the risk he run. Though his Lordship was the first that mist
him, he was not much concerned, imagining that his ward was diverting
himself with some of his retinue that were on horseback without ; but
finding upon enquirie that he was not with them, he became very uneasie,
and sent several servants in quest of him ; but was much more troubled
when, after their return, they informed, that they found him in a house
where the whole family was infected. However, a few days shewed that
Locheill had, by the Divine mercy, escaped it.
His Lordship, after staying some days att Edinburgh, proceeded in his
journy to England, found it convenient to stop at Berwick, not daring to
venture furder into England, as well on account of the plague, as of the
Civil Wars, which at the same time affected that countrey. Though
the King's affairs were then declining, yet he had several armys on foot,
and was possessed of many towns ; and as his Majestic was in all parts
victorious at first, so it is more than probable that he wowld have con-
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL. 73
tinued so, if the fatall union of the Covenanters' Army with that of the
English Parliament had not casten the ballance. But the unhappy Battle
of Nesby soon following, at once routed that unfortunate Monarch, and
opned a door for tyraney and oppression.
The Marquess of Argyle stayed long att Berwick, where his ward often
run the risk of getting his brains dashed out in quarrells which he was
daily engadged in with the youth of that town ; so soon did he begin to
act the patriot, and to imploy his courage in vindication of the honour
of his countrey, which commonly occasioned these childish combats. But
his patron, the Marquess, being at length informed of them, to prevent
unhappy consequences, wowld not allow him to stirr out of doors, with
out a guard of two or three servants about him.
Montrose, in the meantime, haveing recruited his army, formed a de-
signe of invadeing Fife, in order to suppress that rebellious country ;
which, obligeing Argyle to return to Scotland, he left Berwick, and
touching at Edinburgh, went streight to Castle Campbell, a strong house
of his own, where he placed a garrison, in order to protect a consider
able estate, which he had on the borders of Fife, called the parishes of
Muchard and Dollars. While he stayed here, he had the mortifications
to see all that countrey ravaged, and the villages laid in ashes, by the
Macleans his neightbours, whom he had used in the like manner while
they were absent in the service of the Crown.
This happned in Montrose his march from Kinross towards Stirling.
His hatered to Argyle, as well on account of the cause he was engadged
in, as of the injuries he had done him, prevailed with him to permitt the
Macleans to step aside, and to comitt that outrage ; and these people
were so incensed against the Marquess for the burning their Chiefs
estate, and other mischiefs which he had done to that family, that, to
make quick work of it, they divided themselves into small partys, and
so spreading themselves over the countrey, they spaired nothing that
came in their way. One of these partys had the boldness to march up
to the very walls of the Castle, and to insult the garrison, which, though
six times their number, had not the courage so much as to fire a gun
at them, or even to look them in the face. Locheill, who al waves
K
74 MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL.
attended his guardian, having attentively observed what passed, told the
governour, that he and his garrison deserved to be hanged for their
cowardice ; and then addressing himself to Argyle, " For what purpose,
my Lord," said he, " are these people keept here ? Your Lordship sees
the countrey destroyed, that they may be easily cutt to pieces, one by
one, without their being capable to unite and assist one another ; but your
fellows are so unfitt for the bussiness for which they were brought here,
that they have not courage so much as to look over the walls !" Argyle
made little answer at that time ; but when the Macleans were gone, after
satisfieing their revenge to the full, he chid the governour, and turning
him out of his office, "putt another in his place. This he thought neces-
sarey to cover the reproach that was brought upon himself, by being eye
witnes of the desolation of his own lands, without atempting to relive
them ; and he inclined that the blame should fall upon the governour.
The Marquess, within a few days thereafter, putt himself upon the
head of the Covenanters' Army, which being joyned by 1200 of his own
Highlanders, and 3000 Fife men, they followed Montrose, who had
crossed the river of Forth some five or six myls above Stirling, and waited
for them at Kilsyth. Here they were defeated with a most terrible
slaughter ; and the consequence of this great victorey, wherein 7000 of
the Covenanters were killed, was, that the whole kingdom submitted to
the conqueror. The nobility and gentry flocked to him from all parts ;
the citys of Edinburgh, Glasgow, and generally all on the South and
West sides of the Firth and Clyde, made their submissions ; and the
Marquess of Argyle, and others who satt at the helm, fled to Berwick for
their safety.
Montrose having reli ved all who were confined by the Covenanters for
their loyalty, dispatched the principall of the nobility and gentry to their
several countrey s, to conveen their vassals, and levey what forces they
could, but especially horse, which he wanted most ; and expected soon
to be at the head of such an army, as wowld enable him to retrive his
Majestie's affairs in England, which were then in a very bad situation.
He was much incouraged in his designs by the arivall of Sir Robert
Spotiswood, Secretary of State for Scotland, from the King, a person of
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL. 75
great honour and merit, ane eminent lawer, and an able statsman. He
was sone to the famous Archbishop Spotiswood, and being in his younger
years bred to the law, he made a good figure at the bar, and was after
wards advanced to the office of President of the Court of Session ;
wherein he accquired great reputation by his integrity and knowledge.
When the Rebellion brock out, he relived to the King, and upon the Earl
of Lannerk's defection, was made Secretary of State. He brought a com
mission from his Majesty to Montrose, constituting him Captain- Gene
ral and Deputy- Governour of Scotland, with ample powers to hold Par
liaments, creat Knights, &c. ; and soon thereafter falling into the ene
my's hands, he, for this very peice of service, lost his head, in the man
ner that shall be by and by related.
Thus invested with the royall authority, Montrose issued out writs
for calling a Parliament, which he appointed to meet at Glasgow upon
the 20th of October thereafter. But before that time, the scene changed,
and his enernys soon effected, by their treachery, what they cowld not
doe by their valour ; for these that fled to Berwick, having wrote to
David Lesslie, who commanded the Scots horse in the service of the
English rebells, then imployed in the seige of Heriford in Wales, to
march speedily to their relief, he returned answer, that he would soone
come with such a body of good troops as wowld cutt Montrose to pices ;
and desired them to endeavour, in the meantime, to draw him furder
Southward. This they not only effected, by means of some treacherous
Lords, who pretended great loyalty to the King, but also by proper in
struments, raised a kind of mutiny in his army. Macdonald, who com
manded the Irish, and whom Montrose had knighted but a few days before,
was the first that left him with the greatest part of those troops, under
pretence of revenging his father's death, whom he said Argyle had mur
dered. The Athol men, and other Northern Highlanders, likewaise
followed his example ; and in a few days thereafter he was obliged to
permitt the rest to retire to their several homes for some days, in order
to repair their houses, which the enemy had burnt ; whereby his army
was reduced to 700 foot, and 200 gentlemen on horseback, who had
lately joyned him.
76 MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL.
However, with these he marched to Philliphaugh, where matters were
so mannaged by these traiterous Lords, who pretended to be his friends,
that he was surprized and defeated by David Lesslie, who tooke the ad
vantage of a fogy morning, and inclosed and surrounded him with 6000
horse, before it was heard he was in that neightbourhood. Montrose
himself escaped with about 150 horse ; and his foot withdrew to a little
hold which they mentained till quarters was granted them by Lessly, but,
being disarmed and brought to a plain, they were all inhumanly butcher
ed by the instigation of the barbarous preachers that attended him.
Among others were taken the Earl of Heartfell, predecessor of the
Marquis of Annandale, the Lords Drummond and Ogilby, Sir Robert
Spotiswood, William Murray, brother to the Earl of Tullibardine, Alex
ander Ogilby of Inverwharrity, and Collonell Nathaniell Gordon, whom
they reserved for a more solemn death. They executed three of them
at the cross of Glasgow, to witt, Sir William Rollock, Sir Philip Nisbit,
and Inverwharrity, though but a youth, scarse 18 years old ; and Mr
David Dick, one of their principall apostles, was so pleased with the
sight of this trajedy, that he said, in a rapture of joy, " The work goes
bonnily on !" which afterwards passed into a proverb.
The Parliament meeting at St Andrews, upon the 26th November
thereafter, they brought the rest of the prissoners thither to receive their
doom. The Marquess of Argyle brought Locheill with him to this
bloody assembly. Though that gentleman was yet too young to make
any solid reflections on the conduct of his guardian, yet he soon con
ceived an aversion to the crewelty of that barbarous faction. He had a
custome of visiteing the state prissoners as he travelled from city to city ;
but as he was ignorant of the reasons why they were confined, so he
cowld have no other view in it but satisfie his curiosity ; but he had
soon an opportunity of being fully informed.
The first that were appointed to open the trajedy was the Earl of
Heartfell and the Lord Ogilby. But the last having had the good for
tune to make his escape on the night proceeding the day designed for his
execution, by exchaingeing cloaths with his sister, who supplyed his
place till he was gone ; and Argyle, conceiving that he was favoured by
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL. 77
the Hamiltons, his relatives, did, in meer spite to them, safe the Earl of
Hartfell, whose blood they thristed for.
Ogilby's escape occasioned Sir Robert Spotiswood and the other two
who were under sentance of death with him, to be confined in so strick
a manner, that even their nearest friends and relations were discharged
access. Locheill had, after his usewall manner, formed a designe of
seeing them before their execution ; and the difficulty of effecting it in
creased his curiosity, and added to his resolution. He took ane oppor
tunity, when the Marquess was bussy, and walking alone to the castle,
where they were confined, he called for the Captain of the Guard, and
boldly demanded admittance. The Captain, doubtfull what to doe, and
excuseing himself by the strickness of his orders, " What !" said Loch
eill, " I thought you had knowen me better than to fancy that I was in
cluded in these orders ! In plain terms, I am resolved not only to see
these gentlemen, but expect you will conduct me to their apartments."
These words he spoke with so much assurance, that the Captain, afraid
of Argyl's resentment if he dissobliged his favourite, ordered the doors
to be opned, and leading the way into Sir Robert's room, excused him
self that he could not stay, and retired.
That venerable person appeared no way dejected, but received his
visitant with as much cheerfulness as if he had enjoyed full liberty. He
viewed him attentively all over ; and having informed himself who he
was, and of the occasion of his being in that place, " Are you," said he,
" the sone of John Cameron, my late worthy friend and acquaintance, and
the grandchield of the loyall Allan M'Coildui, who was not only instru-
mentall in procuring that great victorey to the gallant Marquess of Mon-
trose, which he lately obtained at Inverlochy, but likewaise assistant to
him in the brave actions that followed, by the stout party of able men
that he sent along with him?" And then, imbraceing him with great
tenderness, he asked how he came to be putt in the hands of the Mar
quess of Argyle ? And Locheill, having satisfied him as well as he could —
" It is surprizeing to me," said he, "that your friends, who are loyall
men, should have intrusted the care of your education to a person so
opposite to them in principles, as well with respect to the Church as to
78 MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL.
the State ! Can they expect you will learn any thing at that school but
treachery, ingratitude, enthusiasm, creuelty, treason, disloyalty, and
avarice?"
Locheill excused his friends, and answering Sir Robert, that Argyle
was as civil and carefull of him as his father cowd possibly be, asked him
why he charged his benefactor with such vices ? Sir Robert answered,
that he was sorey he had so much reason ; and that, though the civility
and kindness he spoke of were dangerous snares for one of his years, yet
he hoped, from his own good disposition, and the loyalty and good princi
pals of his relations, he wowld imitate the example of his predecessors,
and not of his patron. He then proceeded to open to him the history
of the Rebellion from its first breacking out, and gave him a distinct view
of the tempers and charracters of the different factions that had conspired
against the Mytre and Crown ; explained the nature of our constitution,
and insisted much on the piety, innocence, and integrety of the King.
In a word, he omitted no circumstance that he judged proper to give a
clear idea and conception of the state of affairs, which he related with
great order. Locheill was surprized at the relation, and listened with
attention. Every part of it affected him ; and he felt such a strange
variety of motions in his breast, and conceived such a hatred and anti
pathy against the perfideous authors of these calamitys, that the im
pression continued with him during his life.
Sir Robert was much pleased to observe that his discourse had the
designed influence. He conjured him to leave Argyle as soon as possi
bly he could ; and exhorted him, as he valued his honour and prosperity
in this life, and his immortal hapiness in the nixt, not to allow himself to
be seduced by the artefull insinuations of subtile rebells, who never want
plausible pretexts to cover their treasons ; nor to be ensnaired by the hy-
pocriticall sanctity of distracted enthusiasts ; and observed, that the pre
sent saints and apostels, who arrogantly assumed to themselvs a title to
reform the Church, and to compell mankind to belive their impious, wild,
and indiggested notions, as so many articles of faith, were either exces
sively ignorant and stupid, or monsterously selfish, perverse, and wicked.
" Judge alwayes of mankind," said he, " by their actions ; there is no
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL. 79
knowing the heart. Religion and virtue are inseperable, and are the
only sure and infalible guids to pleasure and happiness. As they teach
us our several dutys to God, to our neightbour, to our selvs, and to our
King and countrey, so it is impossible that a person can be indued with
either, who is deficient in any one of these indispensible duties, whatever
he may pretend. Remember, young man, that you hear this from one
who is to die to-morrow, for endeavouring to perform these sacred obli
gations, and who can have no other intrest in what he says, but a reall
concern for your prosperity, hapiness, and honour !"
Several hours passed away in these discourses before Locheill was aware
that he had stayed too long. He tooke leave with tears in his eyes, and
a heart bursting with a swell of passions which he had not formerly felt.
He was nixt conducted to the appartment of Collonell Nathaniel Gordon,
a hansom young gentleman, of very extraordinary qualities, and of great
courage and fortitude ; and having condoled with him for a few moments,
he went to that of William Murray, a youth of uncommon vigour and
vivacity, not exceeding the nineteenth year of his age. He bore his miss-
fortune with a heroick spirit, and said to Lochiell, that he was not
airraid to die, since he died in his duty, and was assured of a happy im
mortality for his reward. This gentleman was brother to the Earl of
Tulliebardine, who had intrest enough to have saved him ; but it is
affirmed by cotemporary historians, that he not only gave way to, but
even promotted, his tryall, in acquanting the Parliament, which then de
murred upon the matter, that he had renounced him as a brother, since
he had joyned that wicked crew, (meaning the royallists,) and that he
wowld take it as no favour to spare him. Of such violence was that
faction, as utterly to extinguish humanity, unman the sowle, and drain
off nature herself. And it may be observed, that an ungoverned zeale
for religion is more fruitfull of mischief than all the other passions putt
together.
The nixt day the bloody sentance was executed upon these innocents.
Two preachers had, for some days preceeding, endeavoured to prepare
the people for the sacrafice, which, they said, " God himself required,
to expiate the sins of the land !" And because they dreaded the influ-
*a MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL.
ence that the dicing words of so eloquent a speaker as Sir Robert Spotis-
wood might have upon the hearers, they not only stopt his mouth, but
tormented him in the last moments of his life with their officious exhor
tations and rapsodies.
Locheill beheld the trajedy from a window opposite to the scaffold, in
companey with the Marquess and other heads of the faction. The
scenes were so moveing that it was impossible for him to conceal his ex
cessive griefe, and indeed the examplearey fortitude and resignation of the
sufferrers drew tears from a great maney of the spectators, though pre
possessed against them as accursed wretches, guilty of the most enormous
cryms, and indicted by God himself, whose Providence had retaliated
upon themselves the mischiefs they had so often done to his servants.
When the melancholy spectakle was over, Locheill, who still conceal
ed the visite he had made them, tooke the freedom to ask my Lord
Argyle " what their cryms were ? For," said he, " nothing of the crimi-
nall appeared from their behaviour. They had the face and courage of
gentlemen, and they died with the meekness and resignatione of men
that were not consious of guilt. We expected to have heard an open
confession of their cryms from their own mouths ; but they were not
allowed to speak, though I am informed that the most wicked robbers
and murderers are never debaredthat freedom !"
His Lordship, who was surprized to hear such just and natural obser
vations come from so young a person, and willing to efface the impres
sions that such objects commonly make upon generous minds, employed
all his arte and eloquence, whereof he was a great master, to justifie the
conduct of his party, and to paint the actions of his antagonists in the
most odious collours. And because he on no other occasion, that we
hear of, ever endeavoured to byass the mind of his pupill either in
favours of one faction or other, I shall here recite a few of the particu
lars, which will give the reader some light into the policys and argu
ments made use of by that party in defence of their procedure :— He
said, that the behaviour of the sufferers did not proceed from their in
nocence, but from certain confirmed oppinions and principils which were
very mischivious to the publick, and had produced very fatall effects :
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL. 81
That the cryms of robbry, murder, theft, and the like, were commonly
comitted by mean people, and were too glaring, ugly, and odious in their
nature, to bear any justification, and that, therefor, it was for thebenefite
of mankind that the criminal should be allowed to recite them in publick ;
because the designe was not to make converts, but to strick the audience
with horrour : That the Provost did wisely, in not allowing the criminals
to speake, and especially Sir Robert Spotiswood, for he was a man of
very pernitious principals, a great statesman, a subtile lawyer, and very
learned and eloquent, and, therefore, the more capable to deduce his
wicked maxims and dangerous principales in such an artfull and insinnuat-
ing manner, as wowld be apt to fix the attention of the people, and to
impose upon their understanding : There is such a simpathy in human
nature, and the mind is so naturally moved by a melancholy object, that
whatever horour we may have at the cryme, yet we immediatly forgett
it, and pity the criminall when he comes to suffer : The mind is then so
softned, that it is very apt to take such impressions as an artefull speaker
is inclined to impress upon it : The misery of his condition is an advo
cate for his sincerity ; and we never suspect being imposed upon by a
person who is so soon to die, and who can have no intrest in what he
endeavours to convince us of ; and yet experience shows us great num
bers who dye in the most palpible and pernitious errors, which they are
as anxious to propogate even at the point of death, as they were former
ly when their passions were most high.
His Lordship then proceeded to open the cause of the wars, and ac
cused the King and his Ministers as the sole authors. He alleaged that
the Massacre of the Protestants in Ireland was by his Majestie's warrand :
That all the oppressions in England, the open encroachments upon the
civil and ecclesiasticall libertys of Scotland, and all their other grivances,
were the effects of the King's assumeing an absolute andtyranical autho
rity over the lifes, libertys, and property s of the subject : He inveyed
against Montrose and his followers, not only as the abettors of slavery
and tyrany, but as common robbers, and the publick enemys of man
kind : He said, that the malefactors who were executed were guilty of
the same cryms, and that they justly suffered for murder, robery, sacra-
L
82 MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL.
lege, and rebellion : In a word, he plead his cause with such a perswa-
sive eloquence, and with such seeming force of argument and reason,
that his discourse wowld have doubtless made dangerous impressions
upon the mind of his young pupill, if it had not been wholly prepossessed
by the more solid reasonings of Sir Robert Spotiswood. That great man
had fully informed him of all that was necessarey to prevent his being
thereafter imposed upon ; and there is such a beautifull uniformity in truth,
that it seldome misses to prevail with the generous and unprejudiced.
But Locheill did not then think it proper to return much answer, or
to open his true sentiments of the matter. All he said was, that he was
informed that Montrose was a very brave man, and that, though he had
killed many in battle, yet he never heard of any that he had putt to
death in cold blood : That he wondered that so good a man as the
King was said to be could be guilty of so much wickedness ; and that
he believed it either to be the missrepresentations of his enemys, or the
doeings of these that mannaged for him : -That he was too young, but
he thought it hard that any man should suffer for what he believed to
be true ; and that if the gentlemen whom he saw goe to death with so
much courage, were guilty of no other crimes but fighting for the King
whom they ouned for their master, and differing in points of religion,
he thought that our laws were too severe !
Locheill, after this, resolved to take the first opportunity of returning
to Lochaber. He was now 1? years old ; and the horrour of so maney
executions, the injustice he thought done to the King, and the aversion
he had conceived against his enemys, inflamed him with a violent desire
of exerting himself in that cause, and of joining Montrose, who now
again began to make a figure.
But, by this time, the unfortunate King was reduced, not knowing
how to dispose upon himself. He retired from Oxfoard, which was
then goeing to be beseiged, in the disguise of a servant, attended by two
of his domesticks, and desperatly threw himself into the arms of the
Scots army at Newark.
But these impious rebells, instead of being brought to a sense of their
duty by the King's misfortunes, were so lost to all shame and humanity,
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL. 83
that they made their advantage of his miserys ; and obligeing him first
to order Montrose to disband, they stript him of all that their insatiable
avarice and ambition could demand, and at last sold him to the English
Parliament. Trew it is, that the clamours of the nation, which was ge-
neraly loyall, and the fears that the English, who were then in a treaty
with the King, wowld adjust matters with his Majesty, obliged them at
last to come to an agreement with him, in spight of their mad Clergy.
The issue was, that a noble army was soon raised, wherewith they in
vaded England, under the command of the Duke of Hamilton ; but he
being as defective in conduct as he was in loyalty, suffered himself to
be surprized and routed at Prestoun, in a most shamefull manner. This
army was never properly engadged ; and was so far from having been
drawn up in the order of battle, that there was no less than 38 miles be
tween its front and its rear ! Besides, the chief Commanders were leading
traytors ; and non had a commission in it, that had not taken the Cove
nant, and appeared in arms against the King. Numberless were the
prissoners that fell into Cromewell's hands in this scandelous engadge-
ment ; and among the rest, the Duke had the missfortune to be one,
and at last to fall a sacrafice to these very rebells whom he had too faith
fully served during his life.
This success of Cromewell's was very agreeable to Argyle ; the
Clergy, and others their adherents ; who in the meantime raised an army,
in the Western parts of the kingdom, in order to favour his designs ;
but upon the return of the fugitives from England, who were favoured
in their retreat by General Monroe and a good body of veterian troops
under his command, the differance was made up by a scandalous treaty ;
and Cromewell and Lambert were invited into Scotland to assist them
in new-modelling the State, which Argyle and the Kirk governed after
this, with an absolute authority, till the kingdom fell into the hands of
the English. Cromewell, having got Berwick and Carlile (which had
then Scots garrisons, and might have retarded his progress for a consi
derable time) delivered to him by their orders, he returned to London
with his army, and mannaged matters so, by its assistance, that he forced
84 MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL.
the Parliament to bring the King to an open tryall, like a common male
factor, and sone after to the block ; by which, to the everlasting scan-
dale of the British Nations, he removed the only obstacle that stood be
tween him and his ambitious designs.
But to return : As soon as Montrose had disbanded, by the King's
orders, Argyle returned to Inverarey, and had been soon followed by
David Lessly and his army, they marched against Sir Alexander Mac-
donald and his Irish, who still stood out in Kintyre, being joyned by
some of the people of that country. They were reckoned to be about
1400 foot, and two troops of horse. Macdonald skirmished with Lessly
from morning till night ; but the nixt morning, having boats prepared, he
and his Irish fled into the Isles, and from thence into Ireland.
The countrey people submitted, upon quarters granted for life and li
berty ; but one Mr John Newy, a bloody preacher, seconded by the
Marquess, prevailed upon Lessly to breake his word ; and, after dissarming
them, to putt them all to the sword without mercy. But Lessly, struck
with horrour at so barbarous a carnage, turning about to Newy, who
was walking with the Marquess over the ankles in blood, said, " Now,
Mess-John, have you not, for once, gotten your fill of blood?" These
words saved 18 persons, who were carryed prissonersto Inverarey, where
they had been suffered to starve, if Locheill, who privately visited them
once a day, had not ordered victuals to be secretly conveyed to them, by
his own servants and others in whom he cowld confide.
Though the Marquess continued his civilitys to Locheill, yet he still
grew more and more anxious to return home. He was unwilling,
however, to dissoblige his kind guardian, by signifying his inclinations,
but choose to write privately to his uncle to demand his return, under
some pretence or other ; and a promise to send him back, when his
Lordship should think fitt. This occasioned a meeting of the principall
gentlemen of the name of Cameron, who soon thereafter addressed
the Marquess in a body, while he was reduceing Castle Tyrim, in Moy-
dart, the last that held out for the King in those parts. His Lordship
the more easily complyed, that he forsaw he wowld quickly have bussi-
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL. 85
ness enough upon his hands, in settling the State, which then chainged
as often as the moon.
Locheill was then in the eighteenth year of his age, healthfull, and
full of spirit, and grown up to the hight of a man, though somewhat
slender. Though he had made no great progress in letters, yet his na
tural quickness, and the polite company among whom he had the good
fortune to be bred, so formed his behaviour, and polished his conversa
tion, that he seemed to anticipate several years of his age. The truth
is, the want of ane accademicall education was an advantage to him,
whatever losses he might afterwards sustain by that defect ; and the rea
son is obvious, for the time1 imployed in words and terms is of no fur-
der advantage, than as it layes a fundation for the nobler acquisition of
substantiall knowledge ; and befor youth advance to any tolerable reflec
tion, they commonly exceed that age ; and in place of a just and solid
reasoning, they acquire crude and undegisted notions, which renders
them disagreeably conceited and self-sufficient. Besides, as their
masters are generaly more conversant with books then with men, as no
wonder if they are somewhat stiff and pedantick in their manners and
conversation, and it is natural enough for youth to imitate the persons
by whom they are taught : add to this, that those with whom they con
verse are such as themselves, and experience shows us, that some years
must interveen before they can intirly lay aside the habits contracted in
their youth, and form themselves into the mode, by the study of man and
manners. — But as Locheill had the misfortune not to be much troubled
with books, by the iniquity of the times, so his early introduction into
good companey gave him this advantage above those of his years, that
he was sooner ripe for company and action, and more adroit in the exer
cises befitting a gentleman, wherein the Marquess was very carefull to
have him trained by expert masters.
He was conducted into Lochaber with great pomp by his Clan, where
of the greatest part mett him at the distance of an easie day's journey
from home. They were much pleased to see their young Chief even
exceed the accounts they had of him ; but what gave them greatest joy
86 MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL.
was, that he still continued in the principals of his predicessors, without
any corruption of byass to the faction among whom he was educated.
His greatest diversion was hunting, whereof he was so keen, that he de
stroyed all the wolfs and foxes that infested the countrey. He killed,
with his own hand, the last wolf that was seen in the Highlands. He
had a noble forrest that contrabuted much to his pleasure ; and the con-
tinwall fatigue and hardships that he exposed himself to, in that manly
and hailthfull exercise, soon made him so vigorous and robust, and so
easy under all manner of want and inconveniencys, that he not only en
joyed continwall hailth, but acquired strength and constitution enough to
surmount all the difficultys that afterwards befell him.
He was so much delighted with the recitall of Montrose his actions,
that he keept Collonell Cameron, who commanded the party of his Clan,
that served under that hero, about him in all his diversions. That
gentleman was in no small reputation for the gallantry of his behaviour ;
and as he had received severall wounds in the service, so his Chief had
intrest afterwards to procure him a pension from King Charles II.,
which he enjoyed during life. There was no circumstance of these
wars but Locheill informed himself of, with the most inquisitive curi
osity ; and was so charmed with the valure and conduct of the illustrious
General, that he often bewailed his misfortune, in the want of opportuni
ty of being trained up in that noble school : but, being still in hopes that
so generous a patriot wowld not long delay to make another vigorous ef
fort for the relief of his miserable countrey, he resolved chierefully to
joyn him at the head of his Clan. Nor was he much out in his conjec
tures, though the event did not answer, as we shall see by and by.
The first occasion he had of acting the Chief was against Macdonald
of Keppoch, a gentleman who commands a tribe of the Macdonalds in
the braes or mountainous parts of Lochaber. The quarell proceeded
from Keppoch, who, in contempt of his youth, and the lasie temper of
his uncle, refused to pay an annuity due on a mortgage which Locheill
had on a certain portion of his estate, called Glenroy ; but the young
Chief having invaded his countrey, at the head of some hundreds of the
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL. 87
Camerons, Keppoch, though prepared to oppose with all the force he
cowld raise, yet seeing the other resolute, thought it wiser to doe him
justice than to allow matters to be pushed to an extremity.
An errand of the same nature soon thereafter browght him into Cnoi-
dard, [Knoidart ?] M'Donald of Glengary, a Chief of considerable note
in that neightbourhood, was proprietar of the countrey ; and, upon some
pretext or other, refused to pay to Locheill some arrears of few-duty, or
yearly revenue, which he owed to him as his supperior of that countrey.
However, the dispute ended in a treaty, which Glengarry observed so
well, that Locheill was never thereafter putt to furder trouble on that
account.
Locheill had, all this time, the pleasure to see his people happy in a
profound peace, while the rest of the kingdom groaned under the most
crewell tyraney that ever scourged and afflicted the sons of men. The
jayles were cram'd full of innocent people, in order to furnish our gover-
nours with blood, sacrafices wherewith to feast their eyes ; the scaffolds
daily smoked with the blood of our best patriots ; anarchey swayed with
an uncontroverted authority, and avarice, crewelty, and revenge, seemed
to be Ministers of State. The bones of the dead were digged out of their
graves, and their living friends were compelled to ransome them att ex
orbitant sums. Such as they were pleased to call Malignants, they were
taxed and pillaged att discretion, and if they chanced to prove the least
refractorey or deficient in payments, their persons or estats were im-
mediatly seazed.
The Committee of the Kirk satt at the helm, and were supported by a
small number of fanaticall [persons,] and others who called themselves
the Committee of the Estats, but were truely nothing else but the bar
barous executioners of their wreath and vengeance. Nor were they ill
satisfied with their office, on account of the profits it brought them, by
fines, sequestrations, and forfeiturs, besides the other opportunities it
gave them of amassing ritches. Every parish had a tyrant, who made
the greatest Lord in his district stoop to his authority. The Kirk was
the place where he keept his court ; the pulpit his throne or tribunall
from whence he issued out his terrible decrees ; and ] 2 or 14 soure,
88 MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL.
ignorant enthusiasts, under the title of elders, composed his councill. If
any, of what quality so ever, had the assurance to dissobey his edicts,
the dreadfull sentence of excommunication was immediately thundied
out against him, his goods and chattells confiscated and seazed, and he
himself being looked upon as actwally in the possession of the devill,
and irretriveably doomed to eternal perdition, all that conversed with
him were in no better esteem.
The late Invasion under Duke Hamilton gave them a good oppor
tunity of displaying their authority ; for that attempt having been made
against their will, they compelled every one that escaped to sitt severall
Sundays in sackcloath before them, mounted, as a spectakle of reproach
and infamey, upon the stool of repentance, in view of " the elect," for so
they call the most zealous of their dissiples ; and to undergo such other
pennance as they were pleased to impose. But in spight of all this, the
generall zeall of the nation to have back their King was so great, that
those at the helm were forced to comply ; but they tooke care to clogg
the treaty with such rude and barbarous conditions, that his Majesty
wowld not have consented to their terms, if he had not been over-ruled
by the advice of the Queen his mother, and of the Prince of Orange, his
brother-in-law.
But before the King arrived, they gave him a proofe of the treatment
he was to expect, and entertained the nation with a trajedy that struck
all good men with the outmost horrour ; for the great Marquess of Mon-
trose having landed, about the begining of the year 1650, with a few
forreigners and some arms and ammunition, which he had made a shift
to provide himself with, was surprized and defeated by the fatal dilli-
gence of one Collonel Strachan, before he had time to gett to his friends,
the loyall Clans, who were all prepared to have joyned him. Many of
the Scots officers who attended him were made prissoners, and he him
self fell into Strachan' s hands by the treachrey of a villan whom he con
fided in. He was brought to Edinburgh, and after being insulted over,
and treated with all the circumstances of cruelty that the malice of his
enemys could contrive, he was condemned to be hanged, drawn, and
quartered, and his head to be hung upon the Tolbooth of Edinburgh,
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL. 89
and his limbs on the most conspicuous citys of the kingdom. This great
man dyed as he lived, with all the fortitude and magnanimity of a hero.
When his sentance was read to him, he told his barbarous judges, that
he was prouder to have his head sett upon the place it was appointed to
be, than he could have been to have his picture hung in the King's bed
chamber : That he was so far from being troubled that his limbs were to
be hung in four citys of the kingdome, that he heartily wished that he
had flesh enough to be sent to every city in Christendom, as a testimoney
of the cause for which he suffered ! About forty of his officers, though
generaly of the best blood of the nation, were at the same time executed
in several quarters of the kingdom.
The King was no sooner arrived in the Forth, than he was, as a well-
come, compelled to subscrive the Covenant ; and two days thereafter all
his servants were removed from him, and others, more to the teaste of
the rulers, putt in their place, He was pestered perpetually by their
clergy, and forced to attend their preachings and prayers, which, as they
were commonly bitter invectives against the idolatry of his mother, the
actions of his father, and his own malignity, could not but be very dis-
quietfull to a young Prince of his genius and spirit. He was allowed to
meddle in no affairs of state ; but in other things he was treated with all
the submission and respect due to a great King.
The English Parliament had exact information of all that past, and
sent Cromewell with a powerfull and victorious army against them ; nor
doe our best historians scruple to affirm, that he was invited by the
heads of the antimonarchial faction which governed all at Court, for,
insteade of uniting their councills, and concerting reasonable measures
for opposing that most formidable enemy, they tooke a course quite
contrarey, and banished all the loyal party from the court and camp, ad
mitting neither officer nor suldier that had served in Duke Hamilton's
o
engadgement, to list in that body of troops which they soon drew to
gether, and which, the Earl of Clarandon says, was plentifully provided
with all things but conduct and courage !
The Preachers exercised the whole authority in this army, and pro
mised victorey as confidently, and in as positive terms, as if God All-
M
90 MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL.
mighty had directed them to declair it. The King was fond to have had
the command ; but he was allowed no more but to see it for an hour or
two, and then forcibly removed, the Ministers declaring, that the sul-
diers, who were delighted to see their prince, "trusted too much in the
arm of flesh !"
Cromewell entered Scotland in Jully, and when he came up with the
enemy, he found them so advantageously posted near Dunbar, that he
run the greatest risk of being either starved or defeated, had they known
how to have made use of the advantage ; but, depending upon their in-
trest with God Allmighty, and the power of their prayers, they foolishly
decamped, and followed the retreating enemy, who turned upon them
and defeated them with a terrible slaughter. By this bloody victorey,
Cromewell became master of all that fruitfull countrey on the south sides
of the Forth and Clyde.
Though the King had no less reason to rejoice in the destruction of so
great a number of his enemys, yet he was still so uneasie, that he once
attempted to have made his escape from them to General Middletoun,
in the Highlands, who was prepared to receive him upon the head of the
loyall Clans ; but his Majestic, having been prevailed upon to return, he
was afterwards used with more discretion.
Matters being now mannaged with some more moderation, our poli
ticians consented that the loyall party should be received into the army,
on condition, that such of them as had not given satisfaction to the Kirk
for serving the crown, should consent to humble themselves, and suffer
pennance for that cryme ; but, at the same time, they recommended it
to the collonells of the shyrs, (as they are termed in the act,) not to
make choise of such to serve as officers, if they could find others well
qualified to supply their places. Many chose to submitt, rather than to
lose ane opportunity of serving the King, who, on his part, did every
thing in his power to ingratiat himself with his fanatick masters, and
succeeded so far, that some of the more moderate begun to inculcat,
from the pulpit, the obedience due from subjects to their Sovereign.
Many diverting storys are told of their behaviour to his Majesty ; nor
seems it much out of the road to intertain the reader with one example,
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL. 91
that he may be thereby enabled to form some judgement of their intoler
able insolence.
His Majesty, not being permitted to concern himself much in his oun
affairs, he had but little bussiness upon his hands ; and it seems no great
wounder if a prince of his age and vivacity now and then diverted him
self with such of the fair sex as excelled in spirite and beauty. As he
had been often repremanded for those freedoms, so he was obliged to be
on his guard for fear of giving too great offence to his imperious go-
vernours ; but often forgeting himself, it happned that some of the fra
ternity passing by to one of their meetings, chanced to observe his Ma
jesty, in a window of his Pallace, fondling and toying with one of his fair
mistresses, in a manner that they tooke to be very undecent and sinfull
to one who had taken the holy Covenant. They were no sooner mett,
than their moderator, in his prayers, told over the whole story to God
Allmighty ; and after he had done, the first tiling that was proposed
to be considered was, How the King should be punished, for giveing so
much scandall to the godly ? Matters were at first carried so high, that
nothing less wowld serve, than that his Majesty should be cited to com-
pear befor them, and be obliged to make an publick acknowledgement
of his iniquity. Some went still furder, and moved, that since God was
no respecter of persons, his Majestic should therefore be compelled to
doe public penance before the Congregation of the Elect, and suffer a
rebuke from the pulpite, which, in the stile of that time, was called " The
Chair of Verity." But more moderate counsells privailling, in the end
it was carry ed by a majority, that one of their number should be deli-
gated to reprimand him in his chamber.
In these Assemblys there were still some sober and wise men, who,
being heartily grieved at such insolent proceedings, did often, by their
prudence, prevent the consequences. One of these, observing that
none of the brotherhood seemed fond of executeing the commission, and
rightly judgeing, that, in place of offending, it gave him an opportunity
of obligeing his Majesty, tooke an adroit method of getting himself nomi
nated to be the person. Being introduced to the King, who received
him very graciously, he, in a very civill and submissive manner, informed
92 MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL.
his Majesty, that he came upon a very impertinent errand from his
bretheren, which he thought needless to communicat ; but humbly begged
that his princely goodness would pardon his presumption, in suggesting
an old proverb, which imported, that " when one inclined to kiss his
neightbour's wife, it was proper to shutt all the doors and windows !'
The King, who was very quick, easily understood the meaning of the
whole, and not only thanked the Minister for his discretion in acquitting
himself of his commission, but ever after distinguished him, and in the
end promotted him to a bishoprick.
The act for leveying another army was, in the meantime, published
over the kingdome ; and the Clans were inveeted to serve in it. His
Majesty was pleased to honour some of the principall Chiefs with par
ticular letters ; and because that to Locheill bears so lively an immage
of the miserable state of that part of the countrey that Cromewell pos
sessed, it seems proper to insert it at full length.
" CHARLES R.
44 Right Trusty and Well-beloved Cousin, and Trusty and Well-
beloved, wee greet you well. — The condition and calamity of this king
dom cannot but be too well known unto yow. Ane insolent enemy
having gott so great ane advantage against the forces that were raised for
the defence of it, and having overrun the parts upon the South sides of
the Forth and the Clyde, and having of late also gotten into their hands
the Castle of Edinburgh, by the treachery of those that commanded in
it ; which city they before desolated, ruined the Church, and maliciously
and insolently burnt our Palace there. These injureys, and the maney
other grivious pressures lying upon our good subjects in the Sowth, East,
and Westeren Shyrs, cry alowd for relief, assistance, and revenge.
Therefore we have, with the Estates of our Parliament, been consulting
and adviseing for remedys ; and have emited the act of levey which
comes to your Shyrs, and which we thought fitt to accompaney with our
oun letter : Conjureing and desireing you, by all the bands of your duty
to God, love to your countrey, and respect to our person, that yow will
speedely and effectwally rise and putt yourselves in arms for the relief of
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL. 93
your distressed bretheren, and to revenge their bloodshed by the sword
in diverse corners of the countrey ; besides the multitudes starved to
death in prissons, and famished and dying every day for want of bread
in each town and village. These things, we know well, exceedingly
affect yow ; therefore we will not lay any thing more before yow but our
own resolution, which is, either, by the blessing and assistance of God,
to remedy and recover these evils and losses, revenge what these inso
lent enemys have crewelly and wickedly done, vindicat this hitherto un-
conquered Nation from the ignominy and reproach it lyes under ; or to
lay down our life in the undertaking, and not to survive the ruine of our
people, for whose protection and defence we wowld give, if we had them,
as many lives as we have subjects. And we are assured and pers waded
you will not be wanting in your duties, but will chearfully come to offer
your lives for the defence of your Religion, your countrey, your King,
your own honours, your wives, your children, your liberty, and will be
worthey your forefathers and predecessors, and like them in their virtue,
and brave defending their countrey. Wee will, therefore, in assurance
you will strive who shall be soonest in sight of the enemy, march with
the present forces we have towards Stirling, (where the nixt assault will
certainly be, ) and either make good that place till yow come to us, or die
upon the place ; and if the handfull we carrey with us shall be overborn
by greater numbers throwgh your slackness in comeing to our assistance,
yow will have the shame that yow have not already come upon the call
of a redoubled defeat given to your naturall and covenanted bretheren,
and that yow have not now used extraordinary dilligence, being so ear
nestly prest by your King on his part. But we confidently expect from
yow all imaginable expressions and effects of duty, dilligence, loyalty, and
courage. And so. we bid yow heartily fairwell. Given att our Court
att Perth, the 24th of December 1650, and in the second year of our
reign." — Directed on the back, " To our Right Trusty, and RJght
Well-beloved Ewen Cameron of Locheill, and to the rest of the Gentle
men and Friends of the Name of Cameron."
Locheill was fully determined to exert himself on this occasion, and de
signed early in the Spring to have joyned the King ; but meeting with
94 MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL.
several obstructions in raising such of his Clan as lived on other people's
Feb. 18, 1651. Iand8j he applyed to the Marquess of Argyle, who procured a warrand
from the Committee of State, impowering him to raise his men wher
ever he could find them.
The nation concurred so heartily in this service, that there was soon
a good army drawn together. His Majesty himself had the name of
General, though he had little of the power. David Lessly was appoint
ed his Lieutenant- General, and Middletoun commanded the horse,
whereof the greatest part were gentlemen volunteers. The army was in
the begining very numerous, and appeared every way equall to the enemy,
expressing on all occasions the greatest keeness to be led against them ;
but they were so wearyed out by delays, starved with hunger, and the
order of discipline so much neglected, that many of them being near
home, and without pay or any manner of subsistence, except what they
were obliged to take by force, dropt away. Good occasions of fighting
were neglected, by the cowardice or treachery of their fanatick Generalls,
and the best and bravest of their troops sent upon desperate and ill-con
certed, exploits ; but the worst of all was, that they were in perpetwall
division among themselves ; and all their councills and designs betrayed
to the enemy.
The King's army was encamped in the Park of Stirling, and had
Cromewell in view during the moneths of June and Jully. There pass
ed several light skirmashes between considerable partys of them, in all
which, the King's troops beheaved with great bravery ; but his numbers
were now so decreased, that he durst not engadge in a generall battle.
The enemey, being possessed of all on the South side of the Firth, the
King had dispatched Major- Generals Brown and Holburn, with a brave
body of 4000 horse and foot, to guard a passage of the Firth at Inver-
keithing, in order to prevent the enemy's crossing the river ; nor wowld
they have failled to have made good their post, had their commanders
been as honest as their troops were stout and loyall. The foot were all
chosen men, and consisted mostly of such of the Clans, and other High
landers as had very often signalized themselves under the great Mon-
trose ; and it is to this day affirmed by many, that they were sent to
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL. 95
that post on purpose to gett their throts cutt, in meer resentment of
their haveing been so faithfull to that hero.
The fanatick Generals, I have named, are said to have corresponded
with Fairfax, who commanded nixt to Cromewell, and who was allowed
to transport his troops over that Firth, before it was known that he de
signed it. The gallant Sir Hector Maclean of Dowart, with above 700
of his Clan, were sacrificed on the spott. Such was the courage of these
brave people, that they often repulsed the enemy, till at last, overpower
ed by numbers, they fell, every man in their ranks. Few or none
escaped the carnage, except the treacherous Generalls who fled with the
horse upon the first appearance of the enemy. The Buchanans like-
waise sufferred much ; but many of them having deserted their colours
before their march from Stirling, their loss of men was the less consi
derable. Nor did the enemy buy their victorey at a cheap rate ; but
they wowld have payed much dearer for it, had the Highlanders been
putt into a posture of defence before they were attacked ; but that does
not seem to have been the design of their Generalls, who gave them
selves no trouble about their safety, but left them a prey to their mercie-
less enemy s.
The destruction of so maney of the King's best troops spread in a few
days over the whole kingdom, and mett Locheill, as he was on his
march with about 1000 of his men, to joyn the Roy all Standart.
Whither the occasion of so long a delay proceeded from the distrust he
had of those that governed the King's councills, or from some other
reason, I know not ; but before he could reach Stirling, Cromewell in
tercepted his march, and the King was obliged to pursue such measures
as nothing but the desperate state of his affairs cowld putt him upon.
His army, which at first amounted to near 30,000 men, was now duin-
dled away to 10,000 ; and his enemy, by crossing the Forth, having gott be
tween him and his Northern friends, from whom he soone expected a power-
full reinforcement, his Majesty, by the advice of his counceill of war, tooke
up an adventerous resolution of marching into England ; and began his
march so quickly, that he was a good way advanced before the enemy had
the least notice of it. He had reason to expect that his small army wowld
96 MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL.
encreass all the way as he marched by the resorte of his English sub
jects ; but he was dissapointed by the unseasonable zeale of the Com
mittee of Ministers that fataly attended him : For they, observing that
the Covenant was little regairded, after they entered England, without
the King or any of his CouncilTs knowledge, sent orders to Generall
Massay, who marched before with a body of the English, in order to ad
vertise the Loyalists of his Majesty's advance, to publish a Declaratione
importing the King and his army's zeall for the Covenant, and dis
charging him to receive or intertain any soldiers among his troops, but
such as would subscribe it. Though immediat orders were sent to coun
termand the publication, yet it tooke air, and the King's precipitant mo
tion deprived those that had lived at any distance, of an opportunity of
being better informed, till it was too late.
Cromewell left Scotland about three days after the King, and tooke
time to augment his army, before he attacked him in the city of Worces
ter. Lessly, instead of acting the part of a Generall, became so stupid and
benum'd upon the enemy's advance, that he cowld give no orders, which
soon putt all into the outmost confusion. He was much suspected of
treachery ; but the matter was never examined into. Middletoun, who
commanded the horse, which almost consisted of brave gentlemen vo
lunteers, made a stout and gallant resistance. He made a great slaugh
ter among the enemy, and bate them in all points where he was attacked ;
but great numbers of his troops being at last killed, himself wownded,
and Duke Hamilton, who charged on the same body, having his leg
brocke by a musquett shott, he was overpowered and made prissoner,
with many of his principall officers, and others, who deserved a better
fate.
The King escaped by the miracolous interposition of Divine Provi
dence ; and, after lurking maney days from house to house in a peasant's
habite, happily got over into France, in November thereafter.
Many of the horse made good their retreat into Scotland ; but the poor
foot were either killed in the battle, knocked on the head by the countrey
people, as they endeavoured to gett home, or, after a miserable confine
ment, transported for slaves into forraign Plantations. The M'Leods
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL. 97
lost many men in this fatall engadgenient, and several others of the
Clans shared their fate ; nor were the Scots at home in a much better
condition, for Cromewell having left General Monk behind him, with
10,000 men to subdue that defenceless countrey, he gave him orders to
seize and incarcerate as many of the nobility and gentry as he could get
into his hands, to bridle the licentious tongues of the clergy, and to putt
all to the sword that opposed him, nor to exempt any place that made re
sistance from a general plunder. All these rules he observed with the
outmost rigour, and soon made himself as terrible as man could be.
This barbarous cruelty forced all those that escaped from Worcester,
and others of the loyall gentry, to betake themselves to the mountains ;
from whence, as often as they had occasion, they sallyed doun in small
partys, and surprized and cutt off such of the English as were detach
ed in small commands, or that plundered the countrey. Their courage
incressed with their success ; and though they had not strength enough
to engadge great bodys, being obliged to live dispersed, for want of pro
visions, yet they often watched, during the night, near Generall Monk's
out-garrisons ; and, surprizeing them in the morning, by various strata
gems and tricks putt all to^the sword, whereby they destroyed maney of
the enemy. These gentlemen were generaly known by the name of
Moss-troopers. They provided themselves in arms and horses, at the ex-
pence of the English ; and the countrey willingly affoarded them provi
sions. Many hardy, brave, and memorable exploits are related of this
people. Their attempts were generally when the enemy were in
greatest security ; and the terrour of them spreading universally over
the kingdome, they came to be esteemed the protecters of the countrey
by saving the poor people from being plundered.
But the only body of men that stood out for the King, and rendered
themselves considerable, were those that putt themselves under the com
mand of the Earl of Glencairn, in the Northern parts of the Highlands.
He was a Lord of great gallantrey and courage ; and though he was at
first, by the giddiness of the times, carryed into all the madness andex-
travaganceys of the rebellious Covenanters, yet, upon discovery that
their impious designs were levelled against the Crown and Monarchey,
N
98 MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL.
he became a sincere penitent, and joyned the King with a true zeal for
his service, after his retreate from Worcester, where he behaved bravely.
He sett up the Royall Standart about the beginning of whiter thereafter,
and early in the spring 1652 tooke the fields, at the head of such of the
Clans and others as were willing to share his fate.
Locheill was the first Cheif that joyned him ; and he having brought
a body of 700 stout men with him, was soon followed by others ; so that
his little army began quickly to grow into such reputation, that several
of the nobility, among whom was the Lord Lorn, eldest sone to the
Marquess of Argyle, many Moss-troopers and Lowland gentrey repaired
to him. They were likewaise joyned by Major- General Drummond,
sone and heir to the Lord Maderty, who had lately returned from Mus-
covey, where, though he served in that quality with good reputation, yet
the news of the King's being in Scotland at the head of an army drew
him thither, in order to imploy his valour in defence of his countrey.
Glencairn was much incouraged in his undertaking by General Monk's
being seized with a violent seekness, which held him all winter, and re-
ducecj him to that weakness, that he was obliged to return into England
for the repair of his hailth.
His Lordship was no sooner certified of the King's arrivall in France,
than he and the gentlemen that were then with him dispatched one Mr
Knox, an Episcopall Minister, the Lord Clarendon calls him a Viccar,
a person well known to the King, with information to his Majesty of
what they resolved to doe for his service, " with assurances (continues
that elegant historian) that they wowld never swerve from their duty ;
and that they wowld be able, during the winter, to infest the enemy from
their quarters ; and that if General Middletoun might be sent to them,
with some supply of arms, they wowld have an army ready again the
Spring, strong enough to meett with Monk."
Though these gentlemen had heard of Middleton's escape from the
Tower, yet they knew not then where he was ; they .therefore ordered
Mr Knox to goe by London to visite the Lords and other prissoners hi
the Tower, and to take directions from them how he was to proceed.
He had the good fortune to meet with Middletoun, who still continued
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL. 99
to lurk among his friends in that city ; but soone thereafter he found an
opportunity of crosseing the seas, and, carrying Mr Knox with him, pre
sented him to his Majesty.
The King was then in a most indegent condition, and was so far from
being able to incourage his friends with the supplys they wanted, that
he was much putt to it to find bread for his oun family ; but, notwith
standing of those straits, his Majesty sent Generall Middletoun soon
thereafter into Holand, to try what he could doe by his credite among
some Scots merchants and officers that resided there ; but this occasion
ing delay, Glencairn and his officers did, about the middle of Jully, again
send over one Captain Smith ; who, having mett with many missfortunes
and difficultys in his journey, cowld not deliver his commissions and
letters till the middle of November thereafter.
By him, his Majesty sent a commission to the Earl of Glencairn to
command the army till the General's arrivall, and returned a very
gracious answer to the letter which the Chieffs had wrote to him from
the mountains, of the 12th of Jully preceeding ; and assured them, that
nothing should be wanting that he could possibly procure for their assist
ance and incouragement. He accquants them of Middleton's being sent
into Holland, recommends unity and concord among themselves, in very
pressing terms ; and, least he should have made some alterations in the
command that they had agreed among themselves to execute, he sent
them blank commissions, authorizeing themselves to fill up the names.
His Majesty concludes with recommending Captain Smith, the bearer,
who, besides the faithfull discharge of his trust, was so modest as to
choise rather to receive such a command as they should think fitt to
assigne him, than to leave his name inserted in one of the commissions
for a charge that his Majesty esteemed him worthey of.
In the distribution of these commissions, Locheill had that of a Collo-
nell assigned him ; nor indeed could they well give him less, seing he
brought more men with him than any other person in that army.
Colloneall Dean succeeded Monk in the command of the army ; but
he was soon recalled to be Admirall of the Fleet, in the Dutch war ;
and Collonell Lilburn, though much inferrior both in conduct and cour-
100 MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL.
age, was intrusted with the government. Though he had an army of
veterian troops, commanded by good officers, and all the Castles and
strong places in the Highlands well garrisoned, yet he was so frighted
with the news he daily received from the Highlands, that he sent most
dismall accounts of the matter to the juncto that then governed, and putt
them into some consternation. By their orders, he marched with all his
forces towards the Highlands. But that Lord beheaved with such pru
dence and conduct, that though his army did not exceed 3000 men, yet
he often repulsed the enemy with great bravery, and putt Lilburn to
more trouble than was found in the reduction of all the rest of the king-
dome.
It was here that Locheill, then about the twenty- second year of his
age, gave the first specimen of his vigour and courage. He was alwayes
the first that offered himself in any dangerous peice of service ; and in
all that he undertooke accquitted himself with such conduct and valour,
that he gained great glory and reputation. His greatest fault was, an
excess of forwardness ; and, if his advice had been followed, Glencairn
wowlol have quickly putt all to the hazard of a battle ; but others, not
being so fond of fighting, it was thought honourable enough to defend
themselves against so formidable an enemy.
About the end of this year, Locheill and his men were in imminent
danger of being all cutt in peices, on the following occasion. Glencairn
and his army having encamped themselves at a village called Tullich
at Breamar, near a river of that name, Locheill and his men were posted
at a pass which lay at some distance, in order to prevent their being
surprized by the enemy, who were possessed of a garrison within a few
miles of them. He placed out guards and centrys at proper places,
whom he often visited in person ; and, notwithstanding of his youth, did,
in all his conduct, perform the part of a vigilent and prudent officer.
Early the nixt morning, as he was sending for orders from the General,
his scouts came to him in great heaste, with information that the enemy
advanced at a quick pace, but they cowld not give any certain account
of their numbers. Having given orders to call in his men from their
several posts, he ascended a hill that was near him, and had a full view
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL. 101
of them. Lilburn was there in person, with his army, and having
luckily made a halt, in order to form his troops, he gave Locheill time
enough to advertise Glencairn, who immediately retreated to a marass or
bogg at two miles distance ; where he secured himself from all danger of
the enemy's horse, which he was most affraid of, but forgot to give Loch
eill orders to retire. This was occasioned by the confusion that often at
tends such allarms ; and it was particularly unlucky for Glencairn, that
he had too many with him of equall quality with himself. These were
for the most part so delicate, that they were unable to bear the hardships
of such campaigns ; besides, that they were too proud and assumeing to
obey commands, and were so splitt into factions that they distracted all
his councills.
Locheill, in the meantime, posted his men so advantageously that he
not only sustained the attack of the enemy, who charged him with great
fury, but drove them back several tunes with considerable loss. One
half of his men had bows ; and these he posted against the horse, which
they galled exceedingly with their arrows, for they were excellent arch
ers, and seldom missed their aim. The ground was rugged and uneven,
and covered with much snow, which not only rendered the horse in a man
ner useless, but also gave the foot suldiers very uneasie footeing. Besides,
they cowld not attack him but in one place, he being posted in a narrow
passage betwixt two mountains. All these advantages abated much of
the English fury ; and Locheill, finding that thay were not invincible,
notwithstanding of their numbers, he drew out 200 of his men, whom, in
the situation they were in, he could not otherwaise imploy ; and, having
ordered a sufficient officer to mentain the pass with the rest, he, upon
their head, charged a body of the enemy who were separated from their
friends by a hill, and quickly brock them ; but, wanting men to support
him, and affraid of being surrounded, he durst not pursue them.
The English General, perceiving that he could not force his passage,
and angry at the loss of his men, whom the Highlanders killed without
much danger to themselves, drew off about one-half of his troops, and,
being conducted by guids, which he brought along with him, fetched a
compass round the hills, and so got between Locheill and his friends.
102 MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL.
But by this time, LocheiTs Quarter-master, whom he had sent after
Glencairn for orders, happening to return, brought notice that his Lord
ship was now in absolute security, with orders to make the best retreat
he cowld. Upon this, he retired gradwally up the hill with his face on
botli sides to the enemy, who durst not pursue him, on account of the
ruchness [roughness] of the ground and the snow that covered it. The
passage being thus opned, Lilburn drew up his own men and marched
towards the Highland army ; but, finding that he could not force them
to an engadgement as they were then posted, and the season of the year
not allowing him to continue in the field, he returned to Inverness,
where he had his head-quarters ; and by the way putt sufficient garri
sons into the Castle of Rivan of Badenoch, and other strong houses, pro
per for his purpose. Locheill attended him for several miles, and as
often as the ground favoured him, he harrassed them in their march,
killed severall men and horse with his arrows and shott, and haveing
seen them fairly out of that neightbourhood, returned in triumph to
Glencairn, who received him as his deliverer.
This sharp conflict lasted for several hours ; and though Locheill had
some of his men killed and more wounded, yet the enemy lost six times
as maney, besydes horses.
Early the nixt Spring, his Lordship again tooke the field ; but his
army, instead of increasseing, as he expected, daily diminished, being much
disscouraged by the want of all manner of provisions and support ; but
more by the violent factions and divisions which still continued among
them, and daily grew worse. Several gentlemen dropt away and made
their peace, and many of the Moss-troopers choise rather to shift for
themselves near their oun home, than to be thus tormented. Besides,
they saw that there wowld be little fighting, where there were so many
different oppinions. However, Glencairn keept up the face of an army
till the arivall of Generall Middletoun ; and though he durst not
venture to engadge in a generall battle, yet he repulsed the enemy as
often as he was attacked, bate up their quarters, destroyed and burnt
several garrisons, and every way beheaved like a worthey and gallant
man.
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL. 103
Locheile was the only person of note that keept himself disingadged
from these factions ; for, in order to avoyde them, he chose allwayes the
most distant posts, which often gave him occasion to be in action ; and
the success he had, on all occasions, made the General no less fond of
imploying him. Nor was that Lord forgetful of his honour in the ac
counts he sent his Majesty, this summer, of the state of his affairs in
Scotland, as appears from the following Letter, wherewith the King was
pleased to honour him, by the return of their express, which came to
their hands about the end of that year :
UTO OUR TRUSTY AND WELL-BELOVED THE LAIRD OF LOCHEILL.
" CHARLES R.
" Trusty and well-beloved, wee greet yow well. Wee are informed
by the Earl of Glencairn with what notable courage and affection to us
yow have beheaved yourself at this time of tryall, when our intrest, and
the honour and liberty of your countrey, is at stake ; and therefore we
cannot but express our hearty sense of such your good courage, and re
turn yow our princely thanks for the same : And we hope all honest
men, who are lovers of us or their countrey, will follow your example,
and that yow will unite together in the wayes we have directed ; and
under that authority we have appointed to conduct yow, for the prose
cution of so good a work. So we doe assure yow we shall be ready, as
soone as we are able, signally to reward your service, and to repair the
losses yow shall undergoe for our service ; and so we bid yow fairwell.
Given att Chantilly, the 3d day of November 1653, in the fifth year of
our reigne."
Soon after dispatching the gentlemen by whom his Majesty sent this
and other letters, Locheill was obliged to march to the reliefe of his
oun countrey, which, he had certain information, was soon to be in
vaded by the enemy from Inverness. Glengary had, before this time,
abandoned the service upon some discontent ; but appeared willing to
joyn Locheill in the common defence of their countrey, and Keppoch
also entered into that confederacey. Their meeting was at a place called
104 MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL.
Glenturrit, where they agreed to raise all the men under their re
spective commands, and appointed their rendezvouze to be, upon the first
accounts of the enemy's motion, upon the moore above Aberchalder,
which is four miles from Killiwhimmine, where Fort- Augustus now
stands, and about twenty from Inverness.
Many of Locheil's men live at a greate distance from Lochaber, which
obliged him immediatly to send orders to conveen them. Locheill, at
this time, had allowed his men to retire home for some days, not expect
ing to hear of the enemy so soone ; but before they had time to come
up, he was informed that the enemy were in motion. This gave him no
small trouble ; but, being in hopes that with the men he had about him,
which were about 400, and the assistance he expected from Glengarey
and Kappoch, he should be able to engadge them, or at least to harrasse
and stope their advance till his oun people came up, he sett out without
loss of time, and upon his arival, found Keppoch and his men att the
place appointed ; but there was no account of the other, though he lived
in the neighbourhood.
Soone thereafter, the English troops advanced, and encamped on the
plain below. They were about 1500 foot, and some troops of horse,
commanded by Collonell Brayn. Curiosity pushing the two gentlemen
to take a narrower view, they posted themselves at a place where they
could descern all that passed, and were in the outmost surprize and con
fusion to see Glengary, whom they expected soone to be with them,
walking and discourseing with the English Commander, in the very centre
of his troops. Locheill was at a loss how to proceid in such a critical
juncture, and became suspicious that Keppoch was also in the concert.
Having, upon his return to his men, lett some passionate words drop in
his anger, signifyeing as much, Keappoch endeavoured by all means to
purge himself, giveing new assurances of his fidelity, and bitterly in
veighing against his kinsman ; but Locheill, answering smartly that he
could not promise more than Glengarry had done the day before, and
that he could not think himself safe, while he had reason enough to sus
pect, that if he attacked the enemy in the front, the M 'Donalds wowld
charge himself in the rear. Keppoch was so provocked, as indeed he
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL. 105
had some reason, that he left him in a frett, and returned home with his
men.
The English shortly thereafter decamping, directed their march to
the Wood of Glastery, at the other end whereof there is a narrow pass
or defile, called the Pass of Clunes, where Locheill, depending upon the
advantage of the ground, and the valour of his men, resolved to attack
them. His intimate accquantance with these parts gave him an easie
opportunity of getting before them with his nimble Highlanders, and of
posting himself in the manner he had projected ; but Collonell Brayn,
being either advertized of, or suspecting LocheilPs designs, (for Glen-
gary still attended him, ) thought it proper to stop when he came near
the place, and to send him a message by one John Macdonald, a rela
tion of Glengarry's, desireing liberty to march peaceably through the
countrey, and assureing him that he had no designe of injureing either
him or his people, if he was not provocked.
Locheill tooke some time to deliberat upon the matter with the
gentlemen he had about him. His oun oppinion was, that he should re
turn no answer, but notice and watch some other opportunity of engadge-
ing, wherewith these roads would furnish him many, before they return
ed ; and if they stayed any time, the rest of his men wowld be with him,
and enable him to attack them at all hazards. But his friends were of
a different oppinion : They argued, that since his designs were now dis
covered, the enemy had strength enough to force their way ; especially,
seeing they had his oun neightbours to conduct, and perhaps to assist
them ; that the arrivall of his men, who had been sent for but one day
before, was uncertain ; and that since there was no injury to be done to
the countrey, it wowld be wisest to allow them a free passage ; that his
cituation differed much from what it was the year before, when he de
fended the pass in Breamar, for there was not only a necessity of stop
ping the enemy, in order to save the army, which otherwayes wowld
have been surprized, in the confusion they were in, and probably cutt to
peices ; but the season of the year, the snow that was on the ground,
and the advantage of the scituation, rendered it practicable ; but that
there being no necessity of exposeing themselves just now, it wowld be
o
106 MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL.
meer rashness and foolhardiness to provock ane enemy that offered them
no injurey.
General Drummond, whom I have frequently mentioned, attended
him in this expedition, as well on account of the hereditary friendship
that still continued between their familys, as that Locheill inclined he
should, to prevent disputes, command the confederated Clans, though he
was dissapointed by Glengary's defection. This General being of the
last oppinion, Locheill, after some more debate, gave way to the advice
of his friends, but with great unwillingness. However, he keept in
view of the enemy while they stayed in that countrey ; for having
encamped one night beside the old Castle of Inverlochy, where, it after
wards appeared, they designed to place a garrison, they the nixt morn
ing began their march back to Inverness ; Locheill still waiting on
them, till they were out of his countrey, without giveing or receiving in
jury on either side.
The excuse that Glengary made afterwards for his defection was,
that the sudden advance of the enemy having disconcerted then* mea
sures, he judged it wiser to submitt, and embrace the offers of peace
that were made him, than to expose his country to rapine and plunder ;
for, as he could not conveen his oun men, so Locheill cowld far less
have time to draw his, that lived so remote, into a body, so as to make
head against the enemy. The trewth of the matter was, that he, know
ing that they did not designe to settle in his neightbourhood, thought him
self not enough concerned in the quarrell, either to hazard his oun or
the lives of his people on that occasion. This gave birth to such a dryness
between the two Chiefs, that they were never thereafter sincerely re
conciled. It is informed, that Glengary, who left Glencairn upon some
pretended disgust, had some time before privatly submitted to Lilburn,
and upon promise of great rewards, discovered the confederacey between
him, Locheill, and Keppoch ; and that his advice occasioned Bryan's sud
den march into Lochaber : That by his intelligence, the enemy had notice
of Locheil's possessing himself of the Pass of Clunes, a narrow passage
or defile, between two high mountains, of near a my le in length, covered
with wood on both sides, and commonly called " The Dark Myle ;" and
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL. 107
that he had nothing in the end for his reward but contempt, at which he
was so petted, that he soone thereafter went abroad to the King, who,
having no information of his late doeings, upon the meritt of his former
services advanced him to the Peerage.
But whatever exceptions may be to his integrity, it is certain he was
a person both of courage and genius. Upon his leaving the kingdom,
his estate was forfeited, and Argyle having got a gift of the forfeiture,
complimented it to Locheill after his capitulation ; but he made no fur-
der use of it, than to preserve it intire for the leg all ouner. Argyl's
disposition of it to Locheill is still extant, and is to be seen in the hands
of M'Kenzie of Rose-end.
Locheill, in companey with Generall Drummond, returned to Glen-
cairn's army, where there hapned some brisk skirmises between them
and the English, in which both partys showed abundance of courage, but
without any memorable event or remarkable accident.
This winter, Lieutenant- Collonell M'Leod, who had been sent in the
summer preceeding to his Majesty, and to General Middletoun, who was
still in Holand, returned to the Highlands, where he found Glencairn
and his army dispersed into such quarters as the country affoarded, and
brought with him letters of instructions from the King, with the well-
come newes that Middletoun was soone to be over among them, and
that he was to bring them considerable supply s.
Locheill had a letter from his Majesty, which I have before recited,
and another from the Generall confirming the same newes, and assureing
[him] of his Majesty's princely favour. The General was as good as his
word, and arived in Caithness about the first of March, from which he
sent Locheill the short note that follows :
" HONOURED SIR, — The King is very sensible of your affection to him,
and I am confident how soone he is in a capacity, will liberally reward
your services. I doe not at all doubt of your constant resolution to
prosecute that service vigerously with all your power for the King's in-
trest, and your country's honour, and I doe assure yow that no man shall
108 MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL.
be more ready to assist yow in any thing than, &c. (Subscribed) JOHN
MIDDLETONE. Toung, March 1654.
« p. S. I expect that yow, with your friends, will not faill to come con
siderably, to joyn me, as soon as yow are advertized by the Earl of Glen-
cairn of his march towards me."
Middletoune brought with him a few Scotch officers, and a small sup
ply of arms and ammunition, which he, after much trouble, gott upon
the credite and contribution of the Scots merchants and officers I men
tioned.
Glencairn immediatly gave up the command of his small army, and,
after fighting a duel with one of his own officers, which he refused to
doe till he was in a private state, he made his peace with General Monk,
and thereafter lived peaceably at home, still retaining his affection and
loyalty to his Majestic.
Locheill obeyed the General's orders, and joyned him with a full
regiment of good men. They immediatly entered upon action, and
bravely fought, and defeated several considerable bodys of the enemy.
It is a* pity we have not the particulars. The Earl of Clarendon, who
was no friend to the Scots, assures us that by the gallant actions he per
formed during this campaign, he made it manifast what he wowld have
done could he have brought over the 2000 men, and the arms and other
supplys he expected to have carryed along with him, — and if others had
performed half their promises.
Dr Skinner, in his Life of General Monk, says, that Middletoun's
army amounted to 8000 or 9000 men, headed by officers of the principal
nobility and gentrey of the nation ; and that Cromewell, who had now
made himself master of the government, and who could better dessemble
his hatered than his fears, not knowing how far this insurrection might
suddenly prevaill in a nation restless and dissatisfied at the late severitys,
and that were watching all occasions to recover again the loss of their
reputation, with the liberty of their countrey, thought Lilburn a person
of too little courage to be trusted at this time with so strong and tough
ane employment. He therefore made choise of General Monk, who was
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL. log
now grown famous by seaveral most glorious victoreys which he had the
year preceeding obtained over the Dutch at sea, with whom the new
Commonwealth was then at war.
The General arrived in Scotland about the 23d of Aprile 1654. The
first thing he sett about was to fill his magazins with all manner of pro
visions and warlike stores, and the places he fixed upon as most proper
for his purpose were Leith, Perth, and Inverness. He marched his
army into the Highlands in two distinct bodys, having about 2500 foot
and 600 horse in each party ; whereof he commanded one himself, and
gave the other to the famous General Morgan, one of the bravest officers
of those times. He left besides another party of horse and foot to range
about in the countrey, in order, as well to cutt off all communication
between Middletoune and the Loyalists in those parts, as to prevent their
raiseing of more forces.
By this prudent conduct, Middletone and his army were reduced to
the greatest hardships, without any hopes of a relief; for, being hemmed
in on all sides, and having no garrison nor retreate for his men, he was
obliged to defend himself in the open countrey, where, besides other
difficultys, he was much distressed for want of provisions. This occasion
ed many fierce conflicts, wherein our young Chief had alwayes the hon
our to distinguish himself. His men seemed to be spirited by his ex
ample, and in the end became so hardy and resolute, that they dispised all
danger, while he was on their head. There was little blood drawn all
that campaign where he was not present ; for he chose to be in that
part of the army that opposed General Morgan, who, being an active and
brave officer, seldome allowed rest to his enemy s.
Monk left no means unessayed to lessen and divide the Highland
army. As he marched throw the countreys of those that were in arms,
he destroyed all before him with fire and sword. Such of their houses
as were tenible, he garrisoned and plentifully furnished with all manner
of provisions, and built forts and barracks in other convenient places, in
order to restrain them more. By these, and the like methods, he drew
off great numbers ; but he carryed away many more by his gentleness
and clemency to those that were willing to accept of terms ; for he de-
110 MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL.
manded no other conditions but to live peaceably, and to give up their
arms, which many joyfully submitted to.
As Locheill was the most distinguished Chieff, in that army, for
bravery and spirit, Monk left no methods unpractized to bribe him into
a submission. He made him so many engadgeing offers and proposealls,
that severals of his best friends were surprized that he so much as hesi
tated in accepting them. Among others, he offered to buy the estate of
Glenluy and Locharkike for him, to pay all his debts, and to give him
what post in the army he pleased. But finding that course inefectwal, he
came to a resolution of executing a former project of planting such a
strong garrison at Inverlochy, as should either give him the country to
his mercy, or force the active and enterprising Chieff to return home to
its defence. Nor was he out in his judgement ; for Locheill had timely
notice, and marched streight into Lochaber, where, after having raised
more men, he resolved to fight the enemy in their march from Inverness,
that being the rout he was informed they were to take ; and General
Middletoune drew his forces that way, in order to support him.
But the sudden arrivall of the English, by sea, quickly disconcerted
all their measurs. Locheill was indebted to his friend the Marquess of
Argyle, who, it is reported, first advised the settling of a garrison in
Lochaber for this dissapointment. That political Lord soone convinced
General Monk of the danger that his troops wowld run, if they march
ed by Inverness ; and advised him to obviate that inconveniency by im-
barking them at a convenient port on the West Seas, and offered pro
per persons to pilote them safely to the place they intended. This ad
vice was so effectwally executed, that the troops landed safely at Inver
lochy, even while it was given out with assurance, that they were to
come by the North. They came in five vessells, besides carriage boats,
with a year's provision, and great plenty of materials for errecting the
designed fort. The same Collonell Brayn, who was in that countrey the
former year, was appointed Governour of the garrison, which then con
sisted of 2000 effective troops, commanded by the most resolute and
skilfull officers in Generall Monk's army. They were attended by a
great number of workmen, with servants, wifes, and children.
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL. ill
The scituation of this Garrison is so singular and currious, that it de
serves to be described ; besides, the following relation makes it neces-
sarey : — It stands upon the South syde of a small gulf of that arm of the
sea called Locheill, where, by the turn of the mountains, it forms itself in
to an angle, and receives the great and rapid river of Lochy ; which from
the North, or opposite side, rushes into it with such force and violence, that
it preserves its streams intire, without any mixture, for a long way. The
fort is scituated upon a plain allmost levell with the sea. On the oposite
shears there is another, of a much larger extent, upon the same levell,
which widens, and exceedingly beautifies the prospect. These plains are
surrounded with mountains, which were then covered with wood, and
watered with many springs and ri volets.
Behind the fort there arises a huge mountain, of a prodigeous hight,
called Beniviss, at that time addorned with a variety of trees and bushes,
and now with a beautifull green. Its ascent is prety steep, though
smooth. The top or summit is plain, covered with perpetwall snow,
and darkned with thick clouds.
On the East, the prospect opens into a glen or valley betwixt two
mountains, beawtified with diversity of trees, shrubs, and bushes, be
sides many lovely greens, with a river at the bottom ; which, after be
ing brocken by a heap of misscheapen stones, glides away in a clear
stream, and wandring through woods, vales, and rocks, in many wind
ings, looses it self in the sea.
On the West, the Lake, or arm of the sea called Locheill, extends it
self five long miles through two ridges of hills, riseing on both sides,
with many woods, greens, mosses, and torrents, falling doun with great
noise and force from the rocks and precipices, and terminats the view
by another mountain, which appears like a vast cloud in a distant re
gion-
Opposite to the Fort, on the North, the afore-mentioned river of
Lochy conducts the eye to a large fresh-water Lake, of the same name,
from which it rises for six miles foreward, almost in a direct line. This
Lake is of a great breadth ; and streaching it self twelve miles furder
Northward, receives another river, which continues the prospect till it
112 MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL.
guides yow to a second Lake, near Glengary, where the eye looses it self
in the immensity of the view.
The high mountains on both sides these lochs and rivers, opening like
huge walls on either hand, yeald a curious variety of savage prospects for
near fourty miles, in almost a streight vista ; the vast wideness whereof,
making the several turnings of the mountains rather diversifey the scene,
than obstruct the eye. This great opening is called by the generall
name of Glenmore. The extreamitys of these mountains gradwally de-
clyning from their several summitts, open into glens or outletts, where
yow have various views of woods, rivers, plains, and laiks, and the tor
rents, or falls of water, which every here and there tumble down the
presipices, and, in many places, seem to breck through the clifts and
cracks of the rocks, strick the eye more agreeably than the most curious
artifioiall cascades.
In a word, the number, extent, and variety of the several prospects ;
the verdure of the trees, shrubs, and greens ; the odd wildness of the
hills, rocks, and precipeces ; with the noise of the rivoletts and torrents,
brecking and foaming among the stones, in such a diversity of collowrs
and figures ; the shineing smoothness of the seas and laiks, the rapidity
and rumling of the rivers falling from shelve to shelve, and forceing
their streams through a multitude of obstructions, have something so
charmingly wild and romantick as even exceeds discription.
The neighbourhood of these woods furnished the Governour of Inver-
lochy with such plenty of materialls, that in less than 24 hours after his
landing he secured his troops from all danger of being attacked. Loch-
eill came with all his men to a wood in the neighbourhood the nixt day,
with a full resolution to engadge him ; but having himself taken a view
of his works from ane adjacent eminence, he found it impracticable, and
retired three miles Westwards to a wood on the North side of Locheill,
called Achadelew. Here, having advised with his friends, it was judged
proper to dismiss the men for some days, as well in order to remove
their cattle to greater distances from the enemy, as to furnish themselves
with provisions ; which, by their being long together, were quite ex
hausted. He retained only thirty- two young gentlemen and his oun ser-
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL. 113
vants about him as a guard to his person, amounting in all to thirty-five,
or, as others say, to thirty-eight persons. He could fix upon no place
more convenient to attend the return of his men ; having not only a
safe retreate into the wood in case of any sudden danger, but likewaise,
the garrison so much in his view, that the smalest party could not be
detatched, without having timely notice of its motion. Besids, he had
ordered proper persons to attend in the garrison, who dilligently inform
ed themselves of all that passed. These insinuated themselves so cun
ningly into a familiarity with the soldiers by frank offers of their ser
vices, that they were not in the least suspected, and were of great use.
By these, Locheill had privatly notice that the Governour, incouraged
by his dismissing his men, was that very day, being the fifth after his
arrivall, to send out a detatchment of 300 men, attended by some work
men, as well in order to bring in some fresh provisions, as to fell a good
quantity of old oak trees, which, he was informed, were to be found in
great plenty on both sides of the Loch. Though Locheill was much
displeased at himself for dismisseing so many of his men, yet, pushed
on by his curiousity, he assended an eminence, from whence he had a
full prospect of all their works ; and soon thereafter discovered two
ships, full of soldiers, saileing towards the wood, where he and his men
lay concealed. These ships, as he afterwards found, contained an equall
number of troops. One of them anchored on this, and the other on the
opposite shoar. Resolving to have a nearer view, he, by the favour of
the wood, found means to post himself in such a short distance of the
place where they landed, that he counted them as they drew up, and
their number was about 140 men, besids officers and workmen with axes
and other instruments. Having thus fully satisfied himself, he returned
to his friends, and asked their oppinion, what they ought to doe, "now
that such a party of the enemy had offered their throats to be cutt," as
he expressed himself. The far greater party were young men, firy,
hott-headed, full of viggour and courage, and fond of every opportunity
of pleaseing their young Chieff, whom they almost adored. These dis
covering his inclinations, were for attacking the English (or " Sassa-
noch," that is, Saxons, as they call them in their language) att all
p
114 MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL.
hazards, without weighting the consequences ; but the few wiser, and
of more experience, disswaded him from it by all the arguments they
could fall upon. They said, that the vast inequality of their numbers
rendered the attempt madd and ridicoulous : That, supposeing them
cowards, yet they were strangers, and the very dispare of escapeing by
flight wowld oblige them to fight for their lives ; and being more than
four to one, it wowd be surprizing if they did not surround, and cutt there
assailants to pices : But here, the combate wowld still be more hazard
ous and desperate ; for the enemy were all choise old troops, hardned,
and inspirited by long practice, and perpetwall success in war, and com
manded by experienced officers, who knew well how to imploy these ad
vantages ; so that it wowd be a sufficient proofe of their oun courage to
fight such an enemy upon equal terms. Upon the whole, that their
best advice was immediatly to dispatch such persons as he their Chief
should pitch upon, to call for the assistance of more men, and then to
fight when they reasonably could expect success.
There were one or two present who had served under Montrose.
Lochem asked their oppinions separatly, but they declaired, that they
never knew him engadge under so great a dissadvantage of force ; be
sides, that they looked upon this enemy to be of a character supperior
to any that Montrose had occasion to dale with ; for, though he seldome
fought but where there were some regiments of old soldiers against him,
yet the greater part were commonly such as neither listed themselves out
of zeall for the Covenant, or were otherwayes forced, and, therefore, not
to be compared with veterane troops.
But, notwithstanding of all this, Locheill was so resolute that he
wowld not be disswaded from the hazardous attempt. Whither pushed
on by an excess of courage, or by a youthfull spiritt of emulation, (for he
had Montrose alwaise in his mouth, ) it is certain that he never appeared
absolutely inexorable but on this occasion. He upraided his friends as
enemys to his and their own glory, in magnifying dangers, where, he said,
there was so little reason : He alleaged that he had allowed the same
enemy to escape, by their advice, when he had an opportunity of cutting
them to pices ; and that, had they been then treated as they deserved,
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL. 115
they neither wowld have had the boldness to fix themselves in the heart
of his countrey, nor the insolence to cutt doun his woods without his
leave ; but they should not have one tree of his without paying for it
with their blood : That if they were not chastized, the Camerons, who
were the only free people within the three kingdoms, wowld soone find
themselves in a miserable state of servitude, at the mercy of bloody en
thusiasts, who had enslaved their countrey, and embrued their impious
hands in the blood of their Sovereign, and still thristed for that of his
few remaining subjects : That, however they magnified their courage,
yet it might be remembered by severals, who were present, that they
had oftener than once tryed it with success in conflicts more hazard
ous ; and, particularly, att Brea of Marr, where he himself defended a
pass with a handfull, against an army of them : He furder alleaged,
that the enemy, being in absolute security, wowld be so confounded
and stupified on a bold, sudden, and unexpected attack, that they
wowld imagine every tree in the wood a Highlander with a broad
sword in his hand, and cutting their throats : That they had no other
arms but heavey musquets, which wowld be useless after the first fire ;
and that it wowld be their oun faults if they allowed them tune to make
a second : That supposeing that he and his party should be obliged to
retreate, which was the worst that could happen, it was easie for them
to retire furder into the wood, through which the enemy durst not follow
them, for fear of ambushes ; and though they should, yet the Highland
ers, who were much nimbler, had the adjacent mountains for their secu
rity : That, as to the propossall of sending for more men, they knew
that to be impracticable ; for those in the neightbourhood were by this
time in the remote mountains with their cattle, and the rest lived at too
great a distance to affoard assistance at that time ; but that he truely
belived there was no need of their aid, for if every one there wowld
undertake to kill his man, which he expected they wowd doe with their
shott, he said that he wowld answer for the rest !
Locheill delivered himself in such a manner that non of his party
made furder opposition. They all declaired that they were ready to
march wherever he should command them, though to certain death ; on
116 MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL.
condition that he and his younger brother Allan, who was then a strip-
pling, wowld agree to absent themselves from that danger. They said,
that as all the hopes of the Clan depended on their safety, so they in-
treated him to be prevailed upon in so reasonable a demand. Locheill
could not patiently hear the propossall with regaird to himself ; but com
manded that his brother should be bound to a tree ; and that since he
could not spare any of his men, a little boy, who was accidentaly with
them, should be left to attend him. Though these orders were executed,
yet the brave youth soon forced the boy to unloose him, and by that
means had the good fortune to save his brother's life, as we shall see by
and by.
In the meantime, his scouts brought him notice that the enemy having
continued for a short space where they landed, marched slowly along
the shoar about half a mile furder Westward, and were now advanced
to the village of Achadelew, where they were pillageing the houses and
catching the poultry. Locheill, judgeing this the proper season for
attacking them, while they were in some disorder, drew up his party in
a long line, one man deep, and desired them to march softly, to prevent
dissordering themselves, while they were intangled among the trees, till
they came in view of the enemy, and to keep up their shott till they
touched their breasts with the muzells of their peices. About one half
of .his men had bows, and were exelent archers. These he ordered to
doe the same, and mixed them among his firelocks. But his men were
too young and foreward to observe the first part of these orders with
necessarey exactness. They marched so quick, or rather ran with such
a pace, that Locheill, who, by some accident or other, was obliged to
stay a little behind, ran a very great risk (before he could overtake
them) of being shott from a bush, where one of the enemy lurked : but
his brother Allan came luckily up in the very point of time, and shott
the fellow, while he had his gun at his eye, levelled directly att Locheill,
who had not observed him.
The English, who, it seems, had been timeously advertised by some of
their stragglers, were in very good order when the Camerons came in
view of them. They received them with a general discharge of their
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL. 11?
musquetts, though at such a distance that they did no harm ; and the
Highlanders were up with them before they could again load their pices,
and powering their shotts into their very bossoms, killed above thirty of
them with that bloody fire. They then fell on with their swords, and
laid about them with incredible fury. The enemy sustained the shoke
with equall bravery, though with less success.
That manner of fighting was new and surprizeing to them. Att first,
they acted interely upon the defencive ; and, by holding their musquetts
cross their foreheads, endeavoured to defend themselves from the terrible
blows of the broad-sword. But the Highlanders stricking them below,
they were soon obliged to chainge that method. Some of them chose
to make use of their swords, with which they struck at their enemys,
with great strength and furey ; but their blows were mostly ineffectwall,
the Highlanders receiving them on their targets or shields ; and the
mettle and temper of their blades was so bad, that they sone bent in
their hands, and became useless, which exposed them to innevitable
death. Others of them thrust their bayonets into the muzles of their
peices, as the custome then was ; but these were no less unsuccessful!,
for the more violently they pusht, the more firmly they fastned and stuck
in the targets, and left the users naked and defenceless. Those that
clubbed their musketts did some more misschief, but faired little better
in the end ; for though they made some sure blows, yet these peices
were at that time so clumsey and heavy, that they seldom could recover
them for a second strock ; besides, the Highlanders covering them [selves]
with their targets, commonly broke their force. But the supperiority of
their numbers gave such advantages, as enabled them to keep the con
flict long in suspense. Though their ranks were often peirced, disorder
ed, and broke, yet they as often rallyed, and returned to the charge,
which exceedingly surprized the Highlanders, who were not accustomed
with such long and doubtfull actions ; and it is more than probable,
that, had the English weapons been equall to the courage of the men,
their enemys had payed dear for their rashness.
But their numbers at last decressing, by the slaughter of their best
men, they began gradwally to give ground, but not so as to fly ; for, with
118 MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL.
their faces to their enemys, they still keept in a body retreating, though
in disorder, and fighting with invincible obstinacy and resolution. But
Locheill, to prevent their escapeing to their vessell, fell upon this stra-
teem. He commanded two or three of his men to run before, and
from a bush of wood, to call out so as to make them imagine that
another party of Highlanders intercepted their retreat. This tooke so
effectwally that they stopt ; and animated by rage, madness, and dispare,
they renewed the skirmish with greater fury than before. They were
still supernumerary to the Highlanders, by more than a half, and want
ed nothing but proper arms to make Locheill repent that he did not
give way to their escape. They no more regairded their safety, and
with their clubbed musquets fetched such stroks as would have browght
their enemys to the ground, if they had been aimed with as much dis
cretion as they were layed on with force. But this served only to
heasten their distruction ; for, exerting all their strength hi making these
blows, the sway of their heavey musquetts, which commonly struck
against the ground, rendering them unable to recover themselves, the
Highlanders made use of the advantage, and stabbed them with their
durks or poynards, while they were thus naked and defenceless ; where
by they quickly diminished then- numbers, and forced them again to
betake themselves to their heels.
Being thus broken and dispersed, they fled as fear or chance directed
them. The Highlanders pursued with as little judgement. In one place
yow might have seen five Highlanders engadged with double that num
ber of Englishmen ; and in another, two or three Englishmen defending
themselves against twice as many of their enemys. But the greatest
part made to the shoar, where we shall leave them for a moment, and
follow the young Chieff, who mett with a most surprizeing adventure.
It was his chance to follow a few that fled into the wood, where he
killed two or three with his own hand, non having pursued that way but
himself. The officer who commanded the party had likewayes fled thi
ther, but concealing himself in a bush, Locheill had not noticed him.
This gentleman, observing that he was alone, started suddenly out of
his lurking-place, and attacked him in his return, threatning, as he rush-
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL. 119
ed furiously upon him, to revenge the slaughter of his countreymen by
his death. Locheill, who had also his sword in his hand, received him
with equall resolution. The combate was long and doubtfull ; both
fought for their lives ; and as they were both animated by the same
fury and courage, so they seemed to manage their swords with the same
dexterity. The English gentleman had by far the advantage in strength
and size, but Locheill exceeding him in nimbleness and agility, in the
end tript the sword out of his hand. But he was not allowed to make
use of this advantage ; for his antagonist flyeing upon him with incre
dible quickness, they inclosed and wrestled till both fell to the ground
in other's arms. In this posture they struggled, and tumbled up and
doun till they fixt in the channell of a brooke, betwixt two straite banks,
which then, by the drouth of summar, chanced to be dry. Here Loch
eill was in a most dismall and desperate scituation ; for being under
most, he was not only crushed under the weight of*his antagonist, (who
was an exceeding big man,) but likewayes sore hurt, and bruized by
many sharp stones that were below him. Their strength was so far
spent, that neither of them could stirr a limb ; but the English gentle
man, by the advantage of being uppermost, at last recovered the use
of his right hand. With it he seized a dagger that hung at his belt,
and made severall attempts to stab his adversarey, who all the while held
him fast ; but the narrowness of the place where they were confyned,
and the posture they were in, rendering the execution very difficult,
and almost impracticable, while he was so straitly embraced, he made a
most violent effort to disingadge himself ; and in that action, raiseing
his head and streaching his neck, Locheill, who by this had his hands
at liberty, with his left suddently seized him by the right, and with the
other by the collar, and jumping at his extended throat, which he used
to say, " God putt in his mouth," he bitt it quitt throw, and keept such
hold of his grip, that he brought away his mouthfull ! This, he said,
was the sweetest bite ever he had in his lifetime ! The reader may
imagine in what a pickle he would be, after receiving such a gush of
warm blood, as naturally flowed from so wide ane orifice.
However, he had soone an opportunity of washing himself, for heasten-
120 MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL.
ing to the shear, he found his men chin-deep in the sea, endeavouring
to destroy the remander of the enemy, who still attempted to recover
their vessell, which road near the shoare att ane anchor ; and inclining
to save these few gleanings of so noble a victorey, he with great diffi
culty stopt the furey of his men, and offered quarters. They all sub
mitted, being about thirty-five in number. The first that delivered his
arms was an Irishman, who having briskly offered his hand to Locheill,
bad him adiew, and ran away with so much speed, that, notwithstanding
he was warmly pursued, he made his escape to Inverlochy, which is
three long miles of stoney and uneven roade, from the village where
they first engadged. Besides that, he had the rapid river of Lochy to
cross before he was in safety. It is reported of this fellow, that the dan
ger he had run — when he addressed God by prayer, which every soldier
was in those religious times obliged to doe, he alwayes adjected this pe
tition — " That God In his mercy wowld be pleased to keep him out of
the hands of Locheill and his bloody crew !"
Before the rest gave up their arms, one of them had the boldness to
attempt to shoote Locheill, who having by good fortune observed him,
while he had his gun at his eye, plunged himself into the sea at the mo
ment when the fellow drew the tricker. This he the more easily effect
ed, that he was chin-deep in the water ; and even in that circumstance,
his escape was so narrow, that a part of the hair of his hind-head was
cut, and the skin a little ruffled by the ball.
After this, the Camerons showed no more mercy. They flew upon
them like tigers, and cutt them to peices, wherever they could come
at them. In vain did Locheill interpose his authority ; their ears
were deafe to everything but the dictats of fury and revenge. Nor in
deed did the English, after so manifast a violation of the laws of wars,
seem to expect any better treatment ; for one of them, whom the Ca
merons guessed to be an officer by his dress, having gott on board the
ship, resolved to accomplish what the other had failled in ; and that he
might make himself the surer of his aime, he rested his peice upon the
ledge of the vessell. Locheill observed him, and judgeing that he had no
other chance of escapeing but by duiking, as he did before, he keepthis
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL. 121
eye closs upon the fingre that he had at the tricker. But his foster-brother,
who was hard by, happining at the same time to take notice of the dan
ger his Chief was in, and preferring his safety to his own, immediatly
threw himself before him, and received the shott in his very mouth and
breast. This is perhaps one of the most astonishing instances of affec
tion and love that any age can produce ! If fortitude and courage are
qualitys of so heroick and sublime a nature, what name shall we invente
for a noble contempt of life, generously thrown away in preservation of
one of a much greater value ?
Locheill revenged the death of this brave youth with his own hand,
and after the utter distraction of the whole party, excepting the Irish
man, and one other person, whom we shall hereafter mention, he carried
him three long miles upon his own back, and interred him in theburriall-
place of his family, — after the most honourable manner he could con
trive.
The Camerons, after finishing of this hard day's labour, found them
selves not only extreamly fatigued, but likewaise the greatest part of
them were bruised and wownded. They lost only five of their number,
whereof four were slain in the action, and the fifth sacraficed himself in
the unprecedented manner I have related. Locheill having, out of cu
riosity, ordered the few that had escaped being hurt or wownded to count
the bodys of the enemy that lay scattered up and doun the fields, and to
take care of such as appeared not to be mortally wownded, he found the
exact number of the slain to be 138 ; whereby he judged that the whole
party did not much exceed that calcule ; for, excepting the workmen that
run away at the first charge, he knew of non that escaped but the Irish
man lately mentioned, and one other man, whom he himself saved, and
who, in gratitude, served him afterwards faithfully as his cook while he
lived. He had some difficulty to save this prissoner from the furry of his
landlady with whom he lodged that night. This womanlived upon the side
of Locheill, at a small distance from Achadelew, and having lossed one of
her sons, a very hansome young man, in the action, she, in the trans
ports of her grief, tooke a fancy in her head that possibly this might
be the man that killed her sone ; and so, without furder examening mat-
Q
122 MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL.
ters, flew upon him, and wowld have undoubtedly strangled him, if
Locheill had not interposed, and secured his safety by sending him to
another house, under a guard. The nixt day Locheill sent him to the
garrison to visite his friends, and to inform Collonell Bryan how affairs
had happned ; and he not only executed his commission very faithfully,
but returned himself within a day or two thereafter, and conceived such
ane affection for his new master, that he served him ever after with the
greatest zeall and fidelity while he lived. This much I thought due to
the memorey of so honest a man. It is a proofe that virtue and honour
may be found in the meanest breast.
He was much diverted with the simplicity of some of his men, while
they were viewing the dead. They had been, some way or other, pre-
possesed with a fancy that the English had some excressence shooting
out from their rumps, in form of tailes ; which made some of the meaner
sort examine several of the dead bodys, with great curiousity and exact
ness.
Several other amuseing storeys are related of this action. I shall
only trouble the reader with two, whereof the one showes the temper of
common soldiers, and the other of the Highlanders ; the courage of the
first being meerly mechanicall, and flowing from dissipline and habite, as
serving simply for bread ; and that of the last, from the notions they
have of honour and loyalty, and of the services which they think they
owe to their Chief, as the root of the family, and the commone father
and protector of the name. As this has something of greatness and
generosity in the principle, so the actions flowing from it participate of
the same spirit. Of this we have already had an illustrious example ;
and, indeed, the almost unequalled bravery of the Camerons, during the
terrible and extraordinary skirmish I have described, examplify the same
in a number of persons. Nor did it less appear hi the generous emula
tion that spirited them to exert the outmost efforts of their strength and
courage before their young Chief. One of them having shott an arrow
at too great a distance, and Locheill observing that it did not peirce deep
enough to kill the man, cryed out, that "it came from a weak arm ;"
at which the Highlander thought himself so affronted, that, dispiseing
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL. 123
all danger, he rushed among the thick of the enemy, and recovering his
own arrow, plunged it into the man's body to the feathers ! This action
wowld have coast him his life, if Locheill had not quickly detatched a
party to his relief.
The other instance is this : The English, after their defeat, being
hard put to it by the pursueing enemy, they plunged into the sea, in
hopes of recovering their ships. One of them, observing that a peice of
beeff and some small bisketts had dropt out of his pocketts by the floating
of the laps of his coat, he, preferring the recovery of his provisions to
the safety of his life, fell a fishing [for] them, and had his head divided
into two parts by the blow of a broad-sword, as he was putting the first
morsell of it into his mouth.
I shall make one other observation on the courage of these people,
before we dismiss them ; and that is, that, even after they were in abso
lute dispare of escapeing, not one of them (excepting the person whom
Locheill saved) called for quarters ; nor did they, in all the fright and
confusion they were in, part with their arms but with their lives.
In the mean time, the soldiers that were in the other ship we have
mentioned landed on the shore opposite to Auchadelew, but somewhat
more Westward. The people of the nixt villages having discovered
them before they arived, desserted their houses, and carryed off their
cattle and other goods to the mountains ; so that these soldiers found
only ane old feeble man, whom they not only used with great inhumanity,
but because he wowld not, or perhaps could not, make the discoverys
they wanted of him, they determined to hang him, and were prepareing
ropes when they heard the noise of the fire on the opposite shoar. This
having fixt their attention, gave the poor man an opportunity of crawle-
ing away to the nixt bushes, where he concealed himself from their
crewelty. The Loch, at that place, being not much above one mile
broad, they saw the other side very distinctly, but there being many
bushes and shrubs, and the ground somewhat uneven, on account of
certain hillocks and hollow places, they could not descern particular
objects with that exactness as to make a sure discovery. In order,
thereafter, to have a nearer view, they again imbarked, and made gently
124 MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL.
to the middle of the Loch, from whence they plainly saw that their friends
were ingadged, that they were chaced up and down, and very hard putt
to it by the prevailing enemy. But, suspecting that the Highlanders
were very numerous, and the officer that commanded them being proba
bly more cautious than stout, they satisfied themselves with fireing from
their ship, though at too great a distance to have any effect. In a word,
they continued there till Locheill retired with his men, and then they
adventured to land, and beheld the dismall fate of then* countreymen,
whose bodys they putt on board^the other empty vessell, which they
hailed along with them to Inverlochy.
The Governour had the first accounts of his men's being attacked
from the workmen, who fled in the beginning ; which exceeding per
plexed him. Though he and his counceill were far from thinking that
they cowld come in time to the relief of his party, yet they resolved to
doe all in their power, and to march out with their whole garrison ; but,
before they had time to sett out, the Irishman, so often mentioned, ar
rived almost dead with fear and fatigue, and informed that all his men
were cutt off. The ships cam up in the evening, and brought the dis
mall proofs along with them.
The astonishment of the Governour and his officers, upon seeing the
dead bodys exposed, is inexpressible. The deep wownds and terrible
slashes that appeared on these mangled carcasses seemed to be above
the strength of man. Some had their heads cutt doun a good way into
the neck ; others had them divided across by the mouth and nose ;
many, who were struck upon the collar-bone, shewed ane orifice or gash
much wider than that made by the blow of the heavyest hatchett ; and
often the shearing blade, where the blow was full, and mett with no ex
traordinary obstruction, penetrated so deep as to discover part of the
intrails. There were some that had their bellys laid open, and others
with their arms, thighs, and leggs, lopt off in anamazeing manner. Se
veral bayonetts were cutt quitt through, and musquitts were pierced
deeper than can be well imagined. The Governour and maney of his
officers had formerly had occasion to see the Highlanders of several
clans and countreys, but they appeared to be no extraordinarey men
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL. 125
neither in size or strength. The Camerons they had observed to be of
a peice with the rest, and they wondered where Locheill could find a suf
ficient body of men of strength and brawn to give such an odd variety
of surprizeing wownds. But they did not know that there was as much
arte as strength in fetching these strocks ; for, where a Highlander
layes it on full, he draws it with great address the whole length of the
blade, whereas an unskilfull person takes in no more of it than the
breadth of the place where he hitts. He is likewayes taught to wownd
with the point, or to fetch a back-strock, as occasion offers ; and as in all
these he knows how to exert his whole vigour and strength, so his blade
is of such excellent temper and form as to answer all his purposes.
Various were the accounts that spread abroad of this action in the
beginning ; but time at last bringing the treuth to light, it became the
general admiratione of the whole kingdome. Locheill was by all partys
extolled to the skyes as a young hero of boundless courage and extraor
dinary conduct. His presence of mind, in delivering himself from his
terrible English antagonist, who had so much the advantage of him in
every thing but vigour and courage, by biteing out his throat, was in
every person's mouth ; as it is, indeed, often talked off to this day. Nor
was the generosity of his foster-brother, who willingly sacraficed his oun
life for the preservation of his Chief, less the wonder and astonishment
of mankind. The only part of Locheil's conduct I have heard blamed,
was his artfull stoping his enemy s, who were still double his number, in
their retreat, that being contrair to the prudent maxim of giveing a golden
bridge to a retiring foe ; but there must be still some allowance made
for the fire of youth, and for noble ardor of mind that a young warriour
is possessed with, in the heat of his courage.
The English, on the other hand, were more pityed than blamed.
They did all that men could doe in the circumstances they were in. Not
a single man of them betrayed the least cowardice, but fought it out
with invincible obstinacy, while any of them remained to make opposi
tion ; and their frequent attempts upon the Chiefs life, even after
quarters were offered, shews that their fortitude and courage remained
so firm to the last, that they disdained to be the survivors of a defeate,
126 MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL.
which they looked upon as shemfull and ignominious. In short, they
were not conquered, but destroyed ; and their mine may be atributed
to these two reasons ; the first, that they lost the use of their shott by
fireing att too great a distance, for there was not so much as one High
lander killed or wownded by it ; the second, that they had no arms
suited to the nature of the combate, their heavey musquetts serving
them rather to retard the victorey, than to destroy the enemy.
Locheill, immediatly after this exploite, resolving to return to Ge
neral Middletoun, commanded such of his men as lived near -the Garri
son to submitt themselves, and make their peace with the Governour,
on condition, that he demanded no other terms but to live peaceably.
By this wise conduct, he secured his people from being ruined during
his absence ; but while he waited the return of his men, he mett with
another opportunity of cutting off a party of the enemy, which happned
on this occasion.
The submission I just now mentioned, having partly removed the
fears that the Garrison lay under, the Governour began to send out
partys to bring in materials for carrying on his fortifications ; and Loch
eill, being informed of what passed, resolved to make use of the opportu
nity that their security gave him, and posted himself in a convenient sta
tion within less than half a mile Westward of the Garrison. That
same morning, the Governour sent out a command of 200 men, upon I
know not what errand ; and Locheill, to make surer of them, detatched
twenty of his to a private place betwixt them and their friends ; and or
dered them to sally suddenly out, and intercept them in case they should
chance to fly that way, as they naturally wowld.
The enemy, having advanced in good order, to a village called Auch-
intoure, Locheill, who was prepared, rushed upon them with a sudden
furry, and easily brock them ; for the fatall memorey of Auchadelew had
so benumbed their courage, that they made no resistance, but fled at
the first charge. The twenty men I mentioned gave them a full fire
in the breast, and then attacked them with their swords ; but they
wowld not be stopt. In a word, they lost one half of their number.
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL. 12?
Locheill, having pursued them to the very walls of their fort, he made
some few of them prissoners, whom he destributed among such of his
men as lived out of the reverence of the Garrison.
A few days thereafter, he marched Northward, at the head of a gal
lant party, and was received by the General and his friends there with
great triumph and joy. The noise of the success in Lochaber and of some
others that the General had lately obtained, gave them hopes of being
soon in a condition to open their way into the South, where they were
sure that the King had many friends ; for the severity of General
Monk's Government was such, that the people were keen to have ane
opportunity of freeing themselves from that untolerable servitude. Nor
was less expected, as appears from the following letter to Locheill from
his cousine, the Earl of Loudon. This Lord was a person of consider
able parts ; and though he was deeply engadged in the Rebellion, and a
great friend of the Marquess of Argyl's, who was his Chief, yet, from
the King's being in Scotland, he became privatly his friend, and keept
a correspon dance with the Loyalists. He bore the office of Chancelor
during the bloody reign of the Covenant ; and it seems that the King
continued him in that post ; at least he acted as Chancellour in the year
1649.
"TO MY MUCH HONOURED AND LOVING COUSINE, THE LAIRD OF LOCHEILL.
" LOVING COUSINE,
" I hop this will find yow with the Generall, who will communicate
to yow all occurances and intelligence from this part of the countrey ;
which makes me forbear to trouble yow at this time with a long letter,
hopping to see yow shortly towards this part. The signall proof yow
have given of your affection to the King's service, and true valure in op
posing and rancountering the rebells that entered your countrey, I
trust, will be keept in thankfull remembrance by his Majesty, and hath
endeared yow to all who love their King or countrey ; and your come-
ing alongst with the General, and constancey in the King's service, will
procure such recompense and marks of favour to yourself and family
128 MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL.
from him, as will make yow think all your pains and hazards yow can
be at well bestowed : Which is all I have to wryte at present, but to
entreat yow to hasten these other letters to my Lord General, if he be
not with yow, assureing yow that I will, upon all occasions, be ready to
approve my self,
" Your most affectionat cousin e,
"Sept. 9, 1654. (Signed) LOWDON."
About this time, the famous Captain Wogan arrived in the Highland
camp. He was a very handsom gentleman, of the age of three or four
and twenty. When he was a youth of fifteen or sixteen years, he had
been, by the corruption of some of his nearest friends, engadged in
the Parliament service against the King, where the eminencey of his
courage made him so much taken notice of, that he acquired a great
reputation, and was beloved by all ; but so much in the friendship of
General Ireton, under whom he had the command of a troop of horse,
that no man was so much in credit with him. But being improved in
age and understanding, and falling into the conversation of sober men,
he began, by degrees, to discover his error ; and the barbarous murder
of the King gave him so great a detestation and horrour of these impi
ous rebells, that he thought of nothing but to repair his oun reputation
by taking vengeance of those who had cousined [cozened] and misled him.
The fame of the Marquess of Ormond's uniteing with the Irish in
favours of the King quickly drew him thither, and he behaved with such
signall valour, that that noble Lord gave him the command of his own
Guards, and every man the testimony of his deserving it. He came
over with the Marquess into France, and being restless to be in action,
no sooner heard of Middletoun's being arrived in Scotland, than he re
solved to be with him. It was with the greatest difficulty that he could
prevail with his Majestic to allow him, and to grant commissions for him
self and some other resolute young gentlemen that were willing to ac-
companey him. The very nixt day after obtaining his dispatches, he and
his companions, being seven or eight in number, went out of Paris to
gether, and tooke post for Calais. They landed att Dover, continued
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL. 129
their journey to London, and walked the town, [and] stayed there about
three weeks, till they had bought horses. In a word, they were full
four-score horse, well armed, when they left that city, and marching by
easy journeys, but out of the common roads, they arived safely in Scot
land, where they beat up some of the enemy's quarters that lay in their
way, and without any misfortune joyned General Middletoune in the
Highlands.
They were received with all the honour and respect due to such a gal
lant companey of loyall adventurers, and performed many brave actions
with Mr Woggan at their head. Locheill sone contracted a most inti
mate friendship with him, and several others of his party, and often
shared in the honour of their adventures. No garrison of the enemy was
secure within many miles of them, and as they were perpetwally in ac
tion, so they became a terror even to the most adventerous of the rebells.
But poor Woggan chanceing, in one of these desperat encounters, to
receive a small wound, which he at first neglected, it became at last in-
cureable by the excessive fatigue he daily underwent, and the want of
skillfull surgeons, so that he died of it, to the great grief of the General,
and all who knew him. His comerads continued till the end of the war,
and some few of them adventured to return to their own countrey by
land, and from thence found their way to the King, and the rest accom-
paneyed the General.
Monk, in the mean time, observed his former cautious conduct, and
was resolved, without risking the hazard of a general battle, to spin out
the war in such a manner, as in the end to compell the Highlanders,
whom he knew to be destitute of all means of supporting themselves,
either to submitl!' or starve. He still keept his army in two distinct bodys,
and within four days' march of each other. They were plentifully sup-
plyed with all things, while Middletoun, who daily observed the decay of
his forces, and the ruine of the countrey, and was in great want, was no
less earnest to come to a battle with one or other of these armys. He
was vigourously seconded by Locheill and most of the other Chiefs, who
were keen to open a passage by their swords for their friends in the Low-
countrey to joyn them, and to free themselves from the ravage and fury
R
130 MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL.
of a crewall enemy, that daily destroyed their countrey with fire and
sword. But it was Middletoun's misfortune to have too many of the no
bility, and others who had been trained up in luxury, faction, and rebel
lion, in that divided army. These gentlemen being heartily wearey of the
hardships and dangers they were daily exposed to by that fatigueing war,
were more anxious to save themselves than to serve their King, and to
doe honour to their countrey. They opposed the very motion of a battle
with the greatest vechemencey and eagerness, upon pretence, that if they
should have the good fortune to engadge one party with success, the
other, being fresh, might advance upon them before they should be in a
condition to recover themselves, to the hazard and loss of their whole
army.
Locheill having, in the mean time, certain information from his friends
in Lochaber, that the Governour of Inverlochy tooke the advantage of
his absence to destroy his woods, and that he was resolved, before he ex
pected him into the countrey, to provide himself in as much as wowld
serve him for fireing during all the nixt winter and spring, he obtained
leave from the Generall to pay him a private visite, on condition that he
left the greatest part of his men behind him. He sett out in the night
time, in as private a manner as possible, on the head of 150 of his men ;
and arrived in his own countrey undiscovered, where he was soon inform
ed of such circumstances as enabled him to putt his designs in execu
tion. ,
The wood they were then imployed hi cutting grew on the side of
the great mountain Beneviss, at some more distance than a mile East
ward of the Garrison, at a place called Stroneviss, which being a slop
ping ground at the foot of that mountain, and ending in a kind of point,
seems to be ane excressence growing out of it. Locheill marched to this
place early in the morning, and posted his men in the following order : —
He divided them into three partys ; one of them, consisting of sixty men,
he commanded himself, and tooke up his men in a bush of wood, which
the troops, that were sent along with the hewers, usewally fronted ; other
two, of thirty men each, he posted on the right and left in concealed
places, and commanded them to issue out of their stations, as soon as
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL. 131
they gott the signal, with a great shout, calling out, " Advance ! ad
vance !" as if the wood were full of men* A fourth, of the same number,
he sent to a pass betwixt the wood and the Garrisson, where he ordered
them to ly concealed, and not to stirr from their posts, unless they saw
that the enemy made great resistance ; but if they gave way, he com
manded them to intercept their flight ; and, after giveing them a full dis
charge in their breasts, to attack them with their swords, and to let as
few escape as possible, but not to kill any that threw down their arms
and demanded quarters ; for he alwayes endeavoured to putt a stop to
the barbarous custome of refuseing mercy to a vanquished enemy.
The English, to the number of four hundred or five hundred men,
came out at the time expected, and marching without any fear or dis
turbance, tooke their usewall post. Locheill had layed his measures so
well, that every thing happned as he projected, and the enemy was
routed with a dismall slaughter. The noise that his several partys made
as they issued out of the wood, with the echoeing of the hills, joyned
with the loud musick of a great number of bagpyps, frighted them so
that they made no great resistance. They fancy ed that numerous bodys
of Highlanders were powering in upon them from all parts, and they saw
no safety but in their heels. About one hundred of them fell upon the
spott, and the rest being stopt in their flight by the party posted between
them and the Garrisson, the slaughter was again renewed with greater
distruction than before. They were pursued to the very ports of their
Garrisson, not a third of their whole number escapeing ; and all this
acted before the Governour had the information they were attacked.
There was one thing very remarkable in this action, that not a single
officer belonging to that party escaped being killed ; and the reason was,
that they were the only persons that had courage to make resistance.
Among them there fell a near relation of, and one so beloved by the
Governour, that he was usewally called his darling. He was a youth of
extraordinary learning and parts ; and though he was one of the bright
est geniuses and greatest wits of the age, yet he had so much humanity,
sweetness, and modesty in his temper, that he was hatted by none, and
admired by every person of trew taste. Locheill, when he came after-
132 MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL.
wards to be informed of the fate of this young gentleman, regrated it ex
ceedingly, saying, that " it was a great pitty that so fine a youth had
been among such bad companey."
It is not easy to express the surprize of the Governour upon seeing
the small remains of his party return so suddenly, all covered over with
blood and wounds ; but when he heard of the death of his darling, his
passions swelled into such a rage and fury, that, unable to contain him
self, he swore to revenge it upon the bloody authors ; and early the nixt
morning ordered his whole Garrisson troops to be drawn out. They
were above 1500 men, besides 100 more who were mostly invalids,
whom he left to keep the fort in his absence ; for, by the General's care,
he was so well recruited that all his former losses were made up. It
was no doubt a mortifying sight for him to behold all the way that he
passed strewed with the carcasses of his men, deformed by a variety of
ghastly wownds, and many of them weltering in their blood in the last
agoneys of life ; but the woefull memorey of his darling suspended all
other reflections.
Locheill, having timely information of the Governour' s motion, was
almost as angry as he, that he had not sufficient strength to entertain
him. However, he did not think it proper to retreat, but betakeing
himself to strong ground, he keept still in view of his enemy as he
marched round the mountains with his pyps playing and collowrs flying.
As he was well acquanted with the several turnings of the hills, so he
watched all opportunitys, and being allwayes upon the higher ground,
and some times at a very small distance, he imagined that the enemy,
who were in a manner strangers, might possibly come to intangle them
selves among the woods, or fall into narrow paths and other obstructions,
and inconvenienceys, (whereof there are many in these roads,) as might
affoard him an occasion of attacking them. But he was dissapointed of
his hopes. For the Governour, after traversing these rugged wayes for
many hours, thought it adviseable to turn homewards, and by the help
of good guides brought back all his men safe to their Garrisson, heartily
fatigued, and much afronted at their fruitless expedition ; for they had
suffered many insults from the Camerons, who, as oft as the ground
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL. 133
favoured them with a nearer approach, called out to them to " advance !"
That, if the Governour wanted to speak with their Chief, he was there !
— and the like.
His name now carryed so much terrour with it, that they very seldome
hereafter gave him opportunitys of doeing them much harm ; but he
watched them so dilligently that he now and then snapped up small
party s, but not considerable enough to deserve a particular detaile. The
many stratagems he used to train them out, the cold and fatigue he suf-
ferred, with several amuseing adventures that befell him on these occa
sions, are to this day the common topicks of conversation in these
parts. I shall take notice of one of them, which, though not more cun
ning, seems still more memorable than the rest, on account of the con
sequence. A good part of the revenue of his estate being payed in
cattle, and commonly sold to drovers, who dispose upon them to others
in Lowland mercats, he imployed a subtile fellow, who haunted the
Garrison, to whisper it adroitly among the suldiers, that a drove be
longing to himself was on a certain day to pass that way, and that Loch-
eill himself, being now returned to General Middletoun, it might be
easily made prize of. In a word, the fellow managed it so, that it came
to the Governour 's ears, who gave private orders to seize the cattle.
Again [st] the day prefixt, Locheill ordered some cowes with their
calfs to be driven, with seeming caution and privacy, to a place at a pro
per distance from Inverlochy ; but before they came there, the calfs
were taken from their mothers, and were driven separatly a short way
before them, though alwayes in their eye. This, as it gave from a dis
tance the appearance of two droves, so it occasioned a reciprocal lowing
and bellowing, which being reverberated by the adjacent hills and rocks,
made a very great noise. The souldiers were quickly allarmed, and ran,
without observing much order, as to a certain prey ; but Locheill, who
lurked with his party in a bush of wood near by, rushing suddenly upon
them, with loud crys, and [had] the killing of them all the way to the Gar-
risson. The Governour was so angry at the frequent tricks putt upon
him, and he fell upon a way of watching him so narrowly, that he soon
brought him into very great danger of either being killed or made prisson-
134 MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL.
er ; for a few days thereafter, he had an express from General Middle-
toun, with the woefull account of the defeat of a detatchment of his army
at Lochgarry, by Major- General Morgan, who, with a considerable army,
surprized and killed many of his men while they thought themselves in
absolute security.
The loss was not so great as the discouragement ; for his former suc
cess, joyned with Locheil's in Lochaber, had not only increased the
hopes of the Loyalists, who sent him more frequent assurances of their
being prepared to joyn him, as soon as he appeared in the countrey ; but
gave him the boldness to invite the King over again, the nixt spring, to
head the army in person ; and to assure his Majesty, that upon his ap
pearance he wowld soon find the whole kingdom, (where the servitude
they groaned under had intirely putt an end to all the jarring factions
that formerly ruined all, ) ready to declair in his favours as one man.
But the unhappy ruffle I have mentioned putt ane end to all these pro-
miseing appearances. The Generall, by the same express, ordered Loch-
eill to attend him immediatly, but not so much with a view of continue-
ing the* warr, as of concerting measures for concludeing it as honourably
as they could in their present circumstances.
Though Locheill prepared for his journey with all imaginable privacey,
yet the Governour gott notice of it, and sent informatione of it to Ge
neral Morgan, insinuating the great service he wowld doe their common
master, if he had the good luck either to take or kill him. Locheill
was well enough apprysed of his great danger, and, therefore, [marched]
not only through the most secret and inaccessible parts by day, but sleept
all night in the mountains, with centries posted in convenient places for
his security. He had about 300 good men in his retinue, with pro
visions to serve them till then* returne.
Having reached the countrey called Breamar, he took up his quar
ters in certain small hutts, which are everywhere to be mett with in the
mountains, and are commonly knowen by the name of sheallings, which
seems to be a corruption of the word sheildings. They are built occa
sionally for the shelter of cow-herds and dary-maids, who reside there
in during the siimmar season ; and as they are often obliged to remove
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL. 135
from place to place for the conveniencey of pasturage, so these hutts are
nothing but a few sticks, with the lower end fixt in the earth, and
bound together, at the tops, with small rops or woodies, and slightly
coverred over with turff. Such was Locheil's quarters, where the
fatigue of the day, and a strong constitution, made him sleep soundly
upon a bed of sweet hadder during the night, with the crops turned
upwards, without any other bed-cloaths but his plaid. Nixt morning,
before he awaked, he was intertained with a dream or vision, which look
ed like an inspiration from heaven to save him, by a kind of miracle,
from the hands of his enemys. He imagined that a man of a low sta
ture, but pretty thick, with a reid grizely beard, and dissordered counte
nance, came to him, and stricking him smartly upon the breast, called
out, " Locheill, gett up, for the borrowing-days will be soon upon
yow !" These are the three last days of March, which being commonly
tempestous, prove fatal to sheep, lambs, and such other cattle as are
much weakned by the severity of the preceeding winter. They are
said to be borrowed from Aprile, which is the reason why they bear that
name among the vulgar.
Locheill, who, as he had no regaird to dreams, so, though he awaked,
fell quickly asleep again, but the same person comeing to him a second
time, gave him, as he imagined, another box on the same part, calling
out as before, but somewhat louder. Upon this he started from his
sleep, and beliving that a gentleman of his retinue, who lay by him, in
another bed, had done this for his diversion, he chid him heartily ; but
upon the other's denying it, he again fell fast asleep, for he had been ex-
treamly fatigued the day before ; but the little red-bearded man appear"
ed a third time, and doubling the weight of his blow, cryed allowd, as
in a fright, " Arise quickly, Locheill, arise, for the borrowing-days are
already upon yow !" Att this he gott up from his bed in amaze, and be
fore he had time to putt on his hose, he was surprized with ane account
that all the fields were covered with horse and foot, and that a party of
them were just entering the door.
Without asking questions, he left the cottage with precipitation, and
luckily escaping to the top of the nixt hill, he had there leisure to view
13G MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL.
the numbers of his enemys. They consisted of one regiment of dragoons,
which General Morgan had, upon the information I have mentioned,
sent into those parts with orders to joyn some companeys of foot from
the Castle of Killdrummy, a strong old house, once the seat of the Earls
of Mar, where they lay in garrisson ; promiseing the officer that com
manded them a great reward if he brought in Locheill, either dead or
alive. How the officer came to stumble upon him in that retired place,
is still unknown ; but it is certain that he advanced through roads where
it was thought no horses could pass, with so much secrecey and caution,
that he got unobserved through three several guards of Locheil's people,
(who, it wowd seem, were asleep, ) and surrounded the cottage before any
person knew of his being there. Some of Locheil's men, with all his
baggage, wherein were several valuable things, and among them a great
quantity of unsett diamonds, besides a duzon of silver spoons curiously
wrought, and on which the whole decalogue was ingraved with great art,
fell into the enemy's hands.
Locheill, though he continued his journey with all imaginable caution,
was the same day very near precipitating himself into a danger as great
as that he had escaped ; for, when he came towards the evning to ap
proach the place where General Middletoun had appointed to meet him,
he perceived a great body of horse and foot advanceing directly to him ;
but takeing them to be his friends, marched on till he came within mus-
quett shott of them ; nor did he discover them to be of the enemy till
they saluted him with a discharge of their carrabins. Locheil's party
returned the salute, killed a few of them, and quickly retiring to a neight-
bouring hill, he drew up his party, and resolved to fight them, in case
they attacked him under such a disadvantage of ground. But the enemy
retiring, he sleept all night upon the top of a high mountain, where,
being secure from horse, he was not much affraid of foot. He after
wards found that those were the very same people that had visited him
in the morning ; for he having for his security made a compass round,
and marched upon the highest and most inaccessible parts of the moun
tains till he came near to his appointment, the enemy, who had keept an
eye upon him, marching by nearer wayes, gott before him, and wowld have
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL. 137
undoubtedly succeeded in their designes, had not they fired too soon, and
the night favoured his retreat.
He did not loose so much as one man ; and the nixt day mett with
the General, with whom he stayed a few days, and returned privatly
into Lochaber ; for the season was now too far advanced to keep the
fields longer, and the General having, in a counceill of war, determined
to retire all winter into the Isles, with a few English gentlemen and
other strangers who cowd not otherwayes live in security, the army brock
up, and shifted for themselves in the best manner they could. Some of
them went with Locheill into Lochaber ; others of them joyned the Moss
troopers, which afterwards became very numerous ; and others lurked
among their friends till the spring of the year, that they made their
peace.
Dr Skinner, whom I have formerly mentioned, gives us the trew
secret that induced the General to give over the war : — " The Usurper,
Oliver," says he, "being not yet warm in his seat, and knowing how
many enemys he had both to his person and fortune, and had greatly
apprehended their riseing in the Highlands as a prelude to a furder in
surrection in England, and having greater and more necessarey affairs
upon him than prosecuting a war in the Highlands, had by his secret
agents attempted some of the Scotch nobility and gentery in the army,
and lett them know, that for then* heasty riseing he was content to
accept their submission ; and upon laying down their arms, and return
ing quietly to their houses, they should be restored to their estats and
fortuns ; which being offered to them in the midst of so many straits,
besides the decay of their forces, and the ill posture of their affairs, in
duced them not to putt all to hazard upon so great dissadvantage, but
rather submitt, for the present, in expectation of some more fortunate
opportunity for recovering their liberty, and restoreing their King."
Nothing memorable happening Locheill this winter, he and the gentle
men that were with him waited upon the General, whom they found att
Dunvegan, the principall seat of the family of Macleod, in the Isles of
Skye, many Chiefs and other officers likewayes attending him. After
long deliberation, it was concluded, that the best course they could
138 MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL.
take was to submitt themselves before their utter mine was finished,
seeing the King was not in a condition to support them, either with
men, money, or arms. The General, in consequence of this resolution,
crossed the seas into France ; but a few days before he embarked, he
presented Locheill with the following declaration :—
" JOHN MIDDLETOUNE, Leutenant- General nixt and immediatly under
his Majesty, and Commander in Chief of all the forces, raised and to be
raised within the Kingdom of Scotland. Seeing the Laird of Locheill
htr«howed so much true loyalty and affection to his Majesty, and the
good of this kingdom, as never to have submitted to the enemy, but to
have acted against them, and charefully to have ingadged in this late war
at the first undertaking of it, wherein he has been very active, and has
given frequent proofs of his fidelity, courage, and conduct, and hath con
stantly stood out to the very last, notwithstanding all difficultys, I find
myself obliged to be carefull of his honour, preservation, and concern
ments ; and, therefore, doe hereby declair my hearty approbation of his
good services, and that I shall not be wanting in giveing testimoney of it
to his Majesty, and elsewhere upon all occasions : And withall, I doe
hereby allow and desire him to take such speedy course for his safety,
by capitulation, as he shall see fitt, seeing inneveetable and invincible
necesity hath forsed us to lay aside this war, and that I can doe nothing
else for his advantage. In testimony whereof, I have signed and sealed
these presents att Dun vegan, the last day of March, 1655.
(Signed) " MIDDLETONB."
In the mean time, his friends at Inverlochy began to take more liberty
than they formerly did : They had no enemy to fear while he was absent ;
and the officers being informed that the fields and hills abounded with great
variety of game, they sometimes ventured to take their diversion that
way, but still in bodys, and guarded by a good number of troops. Loch
eill had notice of all that passed as soon as he arrived, and quickly con-
veening a party of his usewall followers, he attended at a convenient place
till he was informed that another hunting-match was agreed upon.
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL. 139
Their former success having now removed all their fears, they, for their
better diversion, resolved to hunt separatly, and made wagers about their
game. Many of the principall officers were ingadged in this match, and
each company had a small party of souldiers attending them, having pre
viously aggreed upon a place near the Garrison where they were to meet
at night.
Locheill having, from a convenient post, taken exact notice of their
several routs, with the numbers of the partys, he divided his men into
as maney, and dispatched them with orders to follow at some distance,
till they cowld find their oppertunitys ; and then, falling suddenly upon
them, to allow as few to escape as possible. These orders were execut
ed with that success, that the greatest part of them were killed, and the
rest made prissoners. The loss of so many officers was new matter of
astonishment and grief to the Governour ; who, from the fatall proofe,
concluding that his enemy was returned, discharged all hunting-matches
for that season, and tooke such precautions that Locheill found few
more opportunitys of injureing him. For the Governour, having now
got himself accquanted with the scituation of the countrey, fell upon
means of getting exact intelligence of all that passed. The Garrison, as
I have elsewhere hinted, consisting of two regiments, and these of 1000
men each, they had many followers, besides their wives and children.
These people building them houses, at a proper distance from the fort,
they gradwally increased by the accession of others of desperat circum
stances, whom the hopes of gain, and the security of living safe from the
prosecutions of their defrauded creditors, allured from all parts of tbeking-
dom ; so that this subburbs of the Garrison wowld have soon increased
into a tolerable mercat town in those remote parts, if the restoration of
the Royall Family had not putt a stop to it.
It was no great difficulty for the Governour to find, among such a con
fluence of needy desperadoes, many bold, cunning fellows, proper
enough for spyes and intelleginurs. Locheill no sooner mett with them,
as he often did, but he commanded them to be hanged without delay.
But still their numbers increased, and he found himself so unsafe, by the
continwall watch they keept upon his motions, that it was at least danger-
140 MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL.
ous for him to lodge near the precincts of the Garrison. Such of his
own people as settled among them, or lived in the neighbourhood, not
exceepting the very meanest, continueing still faithfull to him, he made
use of them as counter-spyes ; and by their means it was that he so
often discovered those mercenary villans, and very frequently escaped
being surprized himself.
Some dayes after the affair with the officers, he called together some
of the principall gentlemen of his Clan, and accquanted them with the
resolution of giveing over the war for that time, of the departure of the
General, and of many other particulars relateing thereto. He told them
that he was now the only Chief that stood out, and that he inclined still
to continue in that scituation, if he thought that he could doe any service
to his King or countrey, but as all these agreeable hopes had intirely
vanished by the general submission of all that he could expect any
assistance or support from, the nixt thing that he was to consider was
the present intrest of his friends and followers : That, as they had been
long in a state of war, so their countrey was much impoverished, and that,
therefore, he was determined to take the first opportunity of bringing
about an honourable peace : That he hoped soon to have it in his power,
but th'at the methods he had projected were not yet to be discovered ;
because, as a great dale depended on chance, so there was a necessity of
keeping all private till the execution ; and if he failed in that, he was re
solved to waite another occasion, for he wowld not submitt untill he had
his terms at his own makeing, which was a favour not to be obtained till
he was in a condition to compell the enemy to come into his measures.
As those gentlemen were still more and more pleased with the be
haviour of their Chief, whom they now looked upon as a person of the
greatest capacity and conduct, as well in the forming as in the execution
of his designs, so they unanimously submitted themselves to his judge
ment, and intreated him to accept of their assistance in executing what
ever he had projected. Locheill made choise of such of them as he
judged most proper for his designs, and desired the rest to be in readie-
ness, in case they should be called for. With these and fifty more in
his companey, he sett out, with the greatest caution and privacey ima-
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL. 141
ginable, for Cowall, a cowntrey which lyes opposite to Inverarey.
The cause of this sudden expedition proceided from an express he had
received the day before from the Laird of M'Naghtan, a near relation of
his oun, with whom he keept a closs correspondance, who lived in the
neighbourhood of Inverarey. He was Chief of his name, eminent for
his loyalty and bravery, and of the greatest honour and integrity. He
was a constant follower of the great Montrose, and afterwards joyned in
all the ensueing wars. He rendered himself so obnoxious to the Mar
quess of Argyle his neightbour, that he was obliged to sculk long among
the mountains with the Moss-troopers, who were to be found in every
place where there were English troops.
Locheill, observing his former cautious method of travelling, still keept
the tops of the mountains, and never trusted himself all night to a house.
He mett with M'Naghtan at the place appointed, and having conversed
privatly with him for some hours, he continued there till the approach
of the evening without discovering his intentions. When he thought he
had just as much time as was necessarey for executing what he and
M'Naghtan had concerted, he marched silently with his men to a village
upon the sea-side, about four miles distant from Inverarey, called Portuch-
rekine ; where arriving about one in the morning, he expressed him
self to his party in the following terms : — " Att a small distance from
this," said he, "there is an inn, where I am informed that there are three
English Collonells lodged this very night. They were delegated by
General Monk with a commission to survey the state of all the Garrisons
and fortified places in this part of the Highlands. They have been
already at Invereray, where I watched all opportunitys to have made
them prissoners ; but they were so much upon their guard, that they
both went and came by sea, by which it was impossible to come att them.
However, I hope they have given us now a fairer opportunity of seizeing
them ; for, being now on their return to make their report, they lodge
securely without any apprehension of our being so near them. They
have a strong guard of suldiers with them, but they are dispersed through
the neighbouring villages for conveniencey of quarters. It is probable
they may have a centry at the door, and some officers and servants lodged
142 MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL.
with them in the house, and, therefore, to prevent resistance, I have con
trived the following stratagem, which may be executed quickly, easily,
and without danger of alarming then* guards. The house being built of
lyme and stones, it will be no easie matter to breck throw the wall, or to
force open the door; we most therefore steall softly to it, and after seizeing
the centry, (if there be any,) we must each of us take hold of the timber
or kebbers that support the roofe at the back side of it, and pulling all
at once, there will be an opening large enough for us all to jump hi att
the same time, and to make every person in the house our prissoners,
without distinction. If we faill in this, we must putt fire to the thatch
of the roofe, by which we will either "destroy them, or become masters
of their persons. If their guards are allarmed, which is the worst that
can happen, I expect yow will beheave after your ordinary manner ; but
be sure to make as maney prissoners as possibly ye can, that being the
chief thing I presently aim att."
Locheill, having thus lett his party into his designs, they marched
softly to the inn, where they found all quiet, and executed the projected
stratagem with that expedition and success, that they were in a moment
masters of every person within it. Without staying to examine the quality
of their prisoners, (who were all in the outmost surprize and confusion,-)
they hurryed them away to a boat, which M'Naghtan had provided for
them, and having ferryed them to the opposite side, they were not
allowed to halt till Locheill had them in a place of security. Besides
the three Collonells I have mentioned, he had (with all their servants)
severall other officers of note, and among them one Lieutenant- Collonell
Duncan Campbell, a gentleman of his accquantance.
It were in vaine to attempt to describe the condition of these gentle
men, when they found themselves in the power of their enemys, whom
they considered as savages, and the most fierce and barbarous of man
kind ; but Locheill, after the first hurry was over, made them soon
change their oppinion by the civ ill and humane treatment which he gave
them. Though their quarters were bad, yet they found such a plenty
of intertainment that surprised them. Their servants were used in the
same way, and Locheill ordered his people not only to entertain them in
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL. 143
the most agreeable manner, but even to distinguish them according to
the rank that they had in their master's service. In a word, as the loss
of their liberty was the only hardship they had reason to complein off,
so they quickly recovered their spirits, and began to converse with ease
and freedom.
The fame of Locheil's actions had spread itself over the kingdom, so
that non cowld be ignorant of his conduct and bravery. But the horible
executions made upon their countreymen in these several rancounters, in
spired them with a notion that he was crewell and bloody in his temper.
Besydes the relations they had of them, being either from enemy s, or
from persons that were not well accquanted with the particular circum
stances, it is no wonder if they were missrepresented. They were there
fore curious to hear matter of fact from those that were present. But
Locheil's excessive modesty often deprived them of that opportunity ;
they became the more fond of the relation, in which, being at last satis
fied by Lieutenant- Collonell Cameron whom I formerly mentioned, they
were equally surprized at the boldness of his undertakings, and the
singularity of his adventures.
The place where these gentlemen were confined was ane Isle in a fresh
water Loch of twelve miles in length, and covered with woods on both
sides. It is called Locharkike, and lyes about ten miles north of the
Garrison. The scituation of it is from West to East. It never freezes,
and its water is admirably light and delicat, being well stored with
salmond and other fishes. Att the head of it is a large forrest of red
deer, where there is besides great abundance of other game. Locheill,
who omitted no civility that he thought wowld add to the pleasure of
his guests, carried them to the head of the Loch in a boat, where he was
mett by some hundreds of his men, whom he had ordered to be con-
veened for that purpose. These people, streatching themselves in a line
along the hills, soon inclosed great numbers of deer, which, haveing
driven to a place appointed, they guarded them so clossly within the
circle which they formed round them, that the gentlemen had the plea
sure of killing them with broad-swords, which was a diversion new and
uncommon to them. They passed some days in this forrest very agree-
144 MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL.
ably, and were regaled with variety of venison and wild-fowl. They
were much diverted with the activitey and address of the Highlanders
in all these exercises, and instead of the barbarians they were represent
ed to be, they found them a quick and ingenious people, of great vigour
and hardiness.
But what pleased them above all things was their Landlord. His
politeness, his good sense, his modesty and witt, joyned with an uncom
mon vivacity and cheirfulness, and a certain anxiety which he showed
on all occasions of intertaining his guests according to their several
tastes and humours, made him daily grow in their esteem, and laid the
foundation of a friendship which afterwards continued and improved to
their mutwall satisfaction. They often tooke occasion to represent to
him the necessity of entering into a treaty with their General, whose
carracter they drew in the fairest light, though not above his reall meritt :
-They alleaged that he had now gained glorey enough, and had given
abundant testimoneys of his zeall and attatchment to the Family of the
Stewarts ; and that it was now high time that he wowld looke to him
self : That though it might be possible for him to save himself from his
enemys by the advantage of his scituation, yet what could he expect from
it, but to add to his oun and the miserys of his people ; and to deprive
himself of all the pleasures that were suitable to his age and caracter ?
That as there were none then of his party in arms but himself, so he
cowd expect no support nor assistance from any : The whole kingdom
was subjected and disarmed, and the General had so many good troops
posted through all parts of it, that he could intertain no hopes of future
commotions in favours of the exiles.
Though the drift of all Locheil's present designs was to bring about
an honourable treaty of peace, yet as he wanted to be advised and court
ed into it, so he at first politically desembled his intentions, and gave
them such answers as made them suspect but small fruits from their me
diation and advices : — He said, that no wise man cowd trust his safety
in the hands of their Protector, whose whole life was one continued scene
of rebellion, ambition, perfidy, hypocricy, avarice, and crewelty. He
charged him with all the blood that had been shed during the Civil Wars,
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL. 145
and with the horid murder of the best of Kings : He alleaged that he had
not only, under the specious pretext of preserving our Religion and li-
bertys, deprived us of both, but likewayes that he continued to tyranize
over the lives and fortunes of the King's best subjects, with more barba
rity than ever the Grand Seniour exercised over his Eastern slaves. He
then enlarged upon the duty of good subjects, upon the love and regaird
that an honest man ought to have for his countrey and the happiness of
his fellow-subjects, and upon the obligations that we are under, as Christ
ians, of performing all these dutys, according to our different abilities
and circumstances : He said, that though he was in no condition of
doing any reall service to his Prince, as affairs were then scituated, yet
that Providence, which watched over kings and kingdoms, and often
made use of the most wicked instruments to punish the guilt of nations,
he hoped in a short time wowld favour them with oppertunitys of serving
their King and countrey effectivaly ; and that, in the mean time, it was still
in his power to preserve his conscience and honour unstained, and to con
tinue in that innocence, loyalty, and integrity of character, that became
an honest man and good subject."
These conferrences being often renued, Locheill allowed himself
gradwally to give way to their reasonings, and Collonell Campbell as-
sumeing the priviledges that he thought his former friendship and fami
liarity intitled him to, insisted so strenously in the debate, that Locheill
seemed to be so far overcome by the strength of his arguments, that he
acknowleged that it wowld be for his oun and his people's intrest to
submitt, provided they could procure such articles as wowld sute with
their honour and the advantage of their countrey ; but that, for his oun
part, before he would consent to the dissarming of himself and his people,
and to involve them in the horrid guilt of perjurey by abjureing the
King, his master, and taking oaths to the Usurper, that he was resolved
to live as an outlaw, fugitive, and vagabound, without regaird to conse
quences !
The Collonell replyed : That if he wowld only show an inclination
to submitt, there should be no oaths imposed upon him ; that he should
have the terms at his own making, and offerred to undertake for the
T
146 MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL.
performance. He alleaged that there was such a contradiction between
the judgements that one wowld form of Locheill, from his words and
actions in the ordinary occurrences of life, and in his politicks, as wowld
not be easie to reconceill : He was wise, cautious, and deliberat in the
one, but, in the other, he was not only blind to his own intrest, but ob
stinate and inflexible to the advice of others who demonstrated the ab
surdity of his notions : " Can there be any thing," said he, " more ridi
culous, than to expose one's self to dangers and miserys, out of ane hu-
morsome view of opposeing a Government that he cannot harm — a Go
vernment that has not only established itself upon the mine of its enemys,
but that has also become the terrour of the most powerfull potentates of
Europ ? The most formidable of her Monarchs doe not think it below
their dignity to court our friendship ; and yet the Chief of a Highland
Clan thinks it a stain upon his honour, to imbrace the peace and friend
ship that is offered upon terms of his own making !"
Locheill smiled at his friend's railery, and promised to return an an
swer, with a draught of his proposealls, the nixt day, after adviseing with
his friends. He was as good as his word, and the Collonell was the
person he fixed upon to carry these proposealls to Generall Monk. He
was, "however, designed to joyn Sir Arthur Forbes (then a state pris-
soner in the Castle of Edinburgh, and Locheil's particular friend) in
commission with him, and to doe nothing without the advice and con-
currance of the Marquess of Argyle, who still honoured him with his
friendship as much as ever. He wrote to both, and withall delivered
written Instructions, allowing his commissioners pretty much liberty of
altering or receding from most of the articles excepting two, which re
lated to the delivery up of his arms, and swearing oaths, which he called
preliminarey ones.
The Collonell sett out about the begining of May, and made such
dispatch, that he ended with the General again [st] the 19th, and re
turned to Lochaber about the 22d, bringing the following Letter with
him to Locheill :—
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL. 147
" SIR,
" I have this day agreed upon such articles as I shall grant
for the comeing in of yourself and party, upon the powers yow gave to
Liewtenant-Collonell Duncan Campbell to treat for yow, in regaird it
was not held fitt that Sir Arthur Forbess (being a prissoner) should
be joyned in commission with him. In case yow shall declair your ap
probation of these Articles, within fourteen dayes after the date here
of, I am content they shall stand good, and be performed to yow, other -
wayes not. I remain, &c. (Signed) GEORGE MONK.
" Dalkeith, 19th May 1655."
That General being, himself, a person of great worth and honour, had
conceived no small esteem for Locheill, and, on that account, made
very few and inconsiderable alterationes in the Articles that were sent
to him.
Collonell Campbell acquitted himself with great honour and prudence
in his negotiation. He gave the General an exact and faithfull historey
of Locheil's adventures, and concluded with a relation of the surprize-
ing manner how they were seized, and of the civilities and intertain-
ments they afterwards mett with. In a word, he omitted nothing that
he thought wowld exalt his friend with the General, and ingratiate him
in his favours. The Marquess of Argyle likewayes bestirred himself in
this affair. After concerting matters with the Collonell and Sir Arthur
Forbess, he waited upon the General at Dalkeith, and explained every
article in such a manner, that he shewed there was a necessity of grant
ing them, or that otherwayes Locheill could not live in peace ; whereby
he wowld be obliged to stand out, which wowld occasion no small dis
turbance in those parts. His Lordship became guarantee for the per
formance on Locheil's part.
It is a loss that we have not all the particulars of this very honour
able treaty. They were destroyed, with many other valuable records, in
a house of Locheil's, which was afterwards burnt by accident. How
ever, the most matterial of the Articles are still preserved in General
Monk's letters to him, from which I shall extract them.
148 MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL.
The first and second I have already mentioned as preliminary Arti
cles. The first bore that Locheill, in name of himself and of all his Clan
and followers, were willing to submitt themselves to the General, and
to live in peace, on condition that his excellencey demanded no oaths
nor other assurances but his word of honour for the performance. This
was granted without any ammendment. — The second, that he himself,
and all his friends and followers of the Clan Cameron, should be allowed
to carrey and use their arms as formerly, before the warr brock out ;
they behaveing themselves peaceably. This Article was consented to
in general ; but restricted in these two particulars : — 1st, That Loch-
eil's traine, when he travelled out of the Highlands, should not exceed
twelve or fourteen armed men, besides his ordinary servants, without a
permitt from the General, or any other succeeiding him in that office : —
2d/y, That the gentlemen of the Clan should not travell any where out
of their oun countrey with more than a certain number of armed men,
to which they were limited ; nor were the Camerons allowed to goe from
home armed, above a restricted number in company.
The other articles I cannot class in order ; but the most material of
them are as follows : — The Governour had destroyed a great dale of his
green woods ; of these Locheill demanded reparation, not only for bygons,
but in time comeing. The General ordered it from the date of the
capitulation, but for no more. We shall hear more of this hereafter.
Locheill demanded a free and ample indemnity for all riots, depredations,
cryms, and others of the like nature, comitted by him or his men during
the late wars, and preceeding the present treaty ; which was granted, as
we shall have furder occasion to observe by and by. It was alwayes
W 9 V
articled and agreed to, that reparation should be made to such of his ten
ants, Clan, and following, as had suffered in any manner by the soldiers
of the Garrison, &c. Locheil's tenants were owing the cess, tyths, and
other publick burdens, from the breacking out of the Rebellion to that
time : Locheill was discharged of these by the treaty, on condition that
he payed in time comeing.
The famous dispute between him and Macintosh subsisted at that
time and long afterwards, as shall be related hi its proper place. Loch-
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL. 149
eil's father had made some agreement about it, but that gentleman dying,
he began to trouble himself after the peace, which Locheill forseeing,
he endeavoured to guard against by ane article in the treaty. What
Locheil's demand was with respect to this does no where appear ; but
there is ane extract of this particular article (which is the eleventh in
number) still extant, whereof the words are as follows : — " That the said
General Monk shall keep the Laird of Locheill free from any bygone
duties to William Macintosh of Torcastle, out of the lands pertaining to
him in Lochaber, (not exceeding the sume of five hundred pound ster
ling,) the said Laird of Locheill submitting to the determination of
General Monk, the Marquess of Argyle, and Collonell William Bryan,
or any two of them, what satisfaction he shall give to Macintosh for the
aforsaid lands in time comeing."
I am sorey that I cannot satisfie the curious reader with respect to
the remaining Articles. All I can add is, that they were wholly in
favours of Locheill, and that they were faithfully performed. The
General demanded no more, on his part, but that Locheill showd make
his appearance at the head of his Clan before the Governour of Inver-
lochy, laying doun their arms in name of King Charles II., take them
up in that of the Stats, without mentioning the Protector : That he
should afterwards keep the peace, pay publick burdens, and suppress all
riots, tumults, thefts, and depredations.
Locheill, being satisfied with the Articles as they were agreed to by
the General, in the first place sett all his prissoners att liberty, but re
solving to perform the ceremoney of laying doun his arms before he re
turned answer, he begged the English gentlemen to honour him with
their company, that they might bear witnes of his ready complyance
with the General's orders, which they wiUingly agreed to.
Having conveened his Clan, at least such of them as did not reside at
a very great distance, he putt himself upon their head, and marched to
Inverlochay in good order, attended by these gentlemen. They were
dressed in their best cloaths, after the Highland mode, ranged in com-
paneys under the command of the Chiftans or Captains of their re
spective tribs, and armed in the same manner as if they were marching
150 MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL.
to battle. So soon as they began to appear, the Governour drew out
his Garrison, and putt them in order upon a large plain, near the fort.
The Camerons advanced with their pyps playing, and collours flying,
and drew up in two lines opposite to the troops ; where, after Locheill
and the Governour had mutwally saluted one another, and adjusted the
manner of the ceremoney, the Articles of the treaty were read and pub
lished with many loud huzzas, and no small appearance of joy on both
sides.
It is surprizeing how soon these bitter enemys were reconciled. The
Governour had ane entertainment prepared for Locheill and his princi-
pall friends ; and likewaise treated his men with a plentyfull dinner upon
the green, in the same order that they stood. Locheill wowld not allow
his men to mix among the souldiers, least they should quarell in their
cups. But all his care could not prevent an unlucky affair that fell out
between one of his gentlemen and Lieutenant-Collonell Allan, ane officer
of the Garrison. They differed in some disputs while they were at
their bottle ; and being heated on both sides, matters proceeded to a
challange. To prevent the consequences, the Collonell was putt under
ane arrest, and Locheill having undertaken for his friend, the case was
submitted to the General, who recommended the examination of it to the
Governour, by whom the partys were agreed.
Locheill the same day wrote to the General ; and the Governour
being then ordered to attend him, he and the officers I have mentioned
sett out for Dalkeith the nixt day. The General was much pleased
with Locheil's ready complyance, and sent him the letter that follows :
" SIR,
" I have received your letter, dated the 26th May, by which
I perceive yow have confirmed the Articles concluded upon your part by
Lieutenant- Collonel Duncan Campbell ; and I have spoken to Collonell
Bryan to examine the bussiness that hath happned between Lieutenant-
Collonell Allen and some of your friends. I hope that yow will see
your people to live orderly and peaceably, and to pay their cess as the
rest of the countrey does, and to be carefull that your Clans keep no
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL. 151
brocken people among them, nor disturb tbe peace of the countrey.
This is all at present from, &c. (Subscribed) GEORGE MONK.
" Dalkeith, 5th June 1655."
No sooner was this treaty of peace spread abroad, than numberless
prosecutions were raised against the Camerons for cryms and delinquen
cies committed by them during the late war ; and some went so far as
to pretend to call them to ane account for things done while they served
under Montrose.
Locheill had immediatly recourse to the General, who not only com
manded the army, but was likewayes soone therafter Preses to the Coun-
ceil of State, that governed all publick affairs ; whereby, having suffi
cient authority to make good the Articles on his part, he wrote to the
Criminal Judges, then rideing their circuitt at Inverness, in these terms :
" RIGHT HONOURABLE,
" The greatest part of the people of Lochaber being included in the
Articles made upon the comeing in of the Laird of Locheill, whereby it
is concluded, that neither himself nor any of his party shah1 be ques
tioned for any thing done during the late wars ; and being informed, that
there are diverse suits commenced against several of the people of
Lochaber, for things done in Montrose his time, I desire yow, for the pre
servation of fewds and occasioning new troubles, yow will not give way
to any suites to be heard that relate to any action done in the said time,
before his capitulation. I remain your very affectionat friend and ser
vant, (Subscribed) GEORGE MONK.
" Dalkeith, 20th September, 1655."
Though this letter answered the designe with these Judges, yet others,
who had been injured in the same manner, commenced new actions
against them before the sherriff of Inverness, which again obliged Loch
eill to apply to the General ; who, being now personaly acquanted with
him, from hencefurth became in good earnest his friend and protector.
Locheill laid his whole grivances before him, and was redressed in
152 MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL.
every particular. Though the General commonly wrote in a very laco-
nick stile, yet his letter on this occasion relates to so many different mat
ters, that it is too long to have a place here. He was so carefull to pre
vent the consequences of the suites depending before the sherriff of In
verness, that he not only procured an order from the Counceill discharge-
ing that Judge to sustain proces for any cryme comitted preceeding the
first of June 1655, but least that should miscarey, he sent a double of it,
attested by himself and the Clerk of Counceill, directed to Collonell Wil
liam Bryan, Governour of Inverlochy, but advised him to dispatch a
trustee of his oun, with orders to deliver it to the Judge, whom, if he did
not comply, he promised to prosecute before the Counceill for his dis-
sobedience.
These repeated orders having putt an effectwallstopto so many trouble
some suites, the Camerons were at quiet for some years.
Lochiell had frequently complained that his estate was overvalued with
respect to publick burdens. The General sent him many letters with re
spect to that particular ; and still advised him to pay them in the manner
they were then laid on, least the Marquess of Argyle his warrantee
should be putt to trouble by his non-performance, which might be con
structed as a breach of the Articles of his capitulation ; but assured him
of redress, in case his people payed more than what was their legall
share : But Locheill, not being fully satisfied with this, the General
procured him the mannagement of all the publick revenues of that coun-
trey, and in order to make it easie, wrote to the Commissioners for valua
tion of the shyre in his favours, which putt an end to that question. He
likewayes ordered him payment for all the green woods made use of by
the Governour of Inverlochy since the treaty. The reader will find
many of his letters relative to the above, and other following particulars,
in the Appendix, to which he is referred. But it may be proper to ob
serve here, that the General changed his addresses after executing of
the treaty, for the first letters he wrote him were directed simply " To
the Laird of Locheill, alias M'Coldui," (the patronimick of the family.)
But after that, his addresses are sometimes " To Collonell Ewen Came-
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL. 153
ron, Laird of Locheill ;" and at others he adds the epithete, " Honour
able." He continued a closs correspondence with him till the Restora
tion, and afterwards gave him many proofs of his friendship, which he
honoured him with while he lived. But to return.
There having happned some difference between Locheill and young
M'Martine of Letter-Finlay, one of the principall gentlemen of his
Clan, concerning the supperiority of that estate, which he inclined to
have held of himself, the matter proceeded so far that he turned the
young man out of his estate, and forced him to quitt that countrey.
Old M'Martine, the father, joyned his Chief, and all his tribe followed
his example. The General, having been informed of what passed, inter
posed, by a letter, and desired him to restore the gentleman to his lands,
unless he had some just grounds for keeping them. He answered him
at the same time, that he had no quarell with him on that account, nor
wowld on any other, if he beheaved himself as he ought to doe. But
Locheill, by his authority and prudence, rnannaged matters so that he
brought that gentleman to his oun terms, and putt him again in posses
sion of all that he had taken from him. Non of his Clan ever after this
presumed to despute his pleasure, and General Monk was so well satis
fied with his conduct, and the reasons he gave for mentaining a necessary
authority, that he never middled more in any thing relating to the go
vernment of his Clan.
The libertys these people had been indulged, during the long and
bloody wars that preceeded, rendered them so loose and licentious, that
it was not an easy affair to manage them. Their Chief was now and
then obliged to use some severitys that he very much dissliked. He
began to think that the setting of a Minister of sense and piety among
them might be of some service in reclaming them ; but the turbulent
tempers of the Clergeymen of these times, joyned with their stupidity
and ignorance, their avarice, pride, and crewelty, whereof he had seen
so many instances while he was with the Marquess of Argyle, gave him
so bad ane oppinion of them, that he was affraid to admitt any into the
countrey ; out of a just apprehension that they might, in time, infuse a
spirite of enthusiasim and dissobedience into his people, under the dis-
u
154 MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL.
guise of trew religion. This having keept him long in suspense, he was
at last made believe that there was some possibility of finding out such
a person as he wanted ; and wrote to the General about it. But not
withstanding that he received ane answer as favourable and civil as he
possibly could expect, yet his aversion to the Presbyterian Clergy made
him so backward and cold in the affair, that nothing was effectwally
done, till Major John Hill was appointed Governour of Inverlochy in
place of Bray en.
This gentleman being of a more religious temper than his predecessor,
prevailed with him to admitt of one whom he recommended ; and in
order to gain his complyance the more easily, he obtained a grant from
the Counceil of eighty pounds yearly for the support of that, and the
Minister he had chosen for the nixt parish, under pretence that there
was not a sufficiency of tyths to mentain him. This act is signed by
General Monk, in name and by order of the Counceil.
Notwithstanding all the wars and difficultys that Locheill had been
ingadged in, he found time to indulge his passion for a beautifull young
lady with whom he was several years in love. She was the sister of Sir
James M'Donald of Slate, the reputed heir of the antient Lords of the
Isles, and Chief of the McDonalds. As this gentleman was blessed with
a very opulent fortune, which his family still possesses, so he had dis
tinguished himself in the late wars by his loyalty and courage ; and was
in truth a Chief of great merite. Though Locheill was a fond lover,
and had often visited his fair mistress, yet he did not think it convenient
to marry her till now, that his affairs were pretty well settled. The
matrimonial contract bears date the 24th February 1657 ; and the wed
ding is still memorable for its magnificence, and the great confluence of
loyall gentrey that were inveeted to it from all parts. Among these
was a cousine-german of the bridegroom's, the young Laird of Glenurchy,
who was already conspicuous for that profound judgement, penetration,
and capacity, that afterwards accquired him so high a charracter, and
advanced him into the Peerage, in the reign of King Charles II., under
the title of the Earle of Breadalbane. Some of his retinue had the
missfortune to be arrested, as they passed throw Inverness, for carrying
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL. 155
arms ; but Locheill having certified that they were of his Clan, and
shown that they were intituled to the use of their arms by his treaty
with the General, they were all liberated. Nor seems it improper here
to be observed, that this privelidge was of great use to the neightbour-
ing Clans, for he generously communicated it to all that demanded the
favour, by granting certificats that they were Camerons ; so that,' in a
short time, his name became so numerous as to spread itself over a great
part of the Highlands.
He soon thereafter brought his lady to Lochaber, and was complimented
by his Clan with a sume equall at least to all the charges of that expen
sive wedding. Att this meeting he was agreeably intertained by a
Highland Bard, who sung or recited his verses after the manner of the
antients, and who inherited no small portion of their spirite and simpli
city. He laboured under the common missfortune of the brotherhood
of Parnassus, and came all the way from Breamar, or thereabouts, to
petition for three cows that had been taken from him in the late wars.
He artefully introduced himself by a panegyrick on the Chief ; and
while he magnify s his power, he ingeniously compliments his Clan,
whose friendship and protection he begs : He makes frequent mention
of those qualitys that were most for his purpose with cunning enowgh,
for as pity, generosity, and compassion, are virtues inseperable from great
sowls, so they answered his aim in opening the hearts of those whom he
petitioned.
The Poem is wrote in a strong, nervous, and masculine stile, abound
ing with thoughts and images drawn from such simple objects as he had
either seen or occasionaly heard of ; but expressed in a manner peculiar
to the emphasis and genius of the Gaulik, for he understood no other
language. Here is no ostentation of learning, no allusions to antient
fable or mythology, no far-fetched similes, nor dazeling metaphors brought
from imaginary or unknown objects. These are the affected ornaments
of modern poetry, and are more properly the issue of arte and study
than of nature and genius. But the beauty of this consists in that agree
able simplicity, in that glow of imagination and noble flame of fancy, which
gives life and energy to such compositions ; but which, I am afraid, is
156 MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL.
lost in the following translation. As I attempted it with no other view
but to gratifie the curious, so I have, for their furder satisfaction, given
also a literall version, in prose, which the reader will find in the" Appendix.
Though neither resembles the original more than the naked and diss-
figured carcass of a murdered hero does a living one in full vigour and
spirite ; for the Gaulick has all the advantages of an original language.
It is concise, copious, and pathetick ; and as one word of it expresses
more than three of ours, so it is well known how impossible it is to pre
serve the full force and energy of a thought or image in a tedious cir
cumlocution. The translation is as follows :
To Abrian shears I wing my willing flight,
To see with wondring eyes the matchless Knight,
The generous Chief, who the brave Clan commands,
And waves his bloody banner o're the lands.
The Hero, to whom all that's great belongs :
The glorious theam of our sublimest songs,
Whose manly sport, the savage is to trace,
Inur'd to toyle, and hard'ned in the chase.
Strong as an eagle, with resistless blows
He falls impetuous on his fiercest foes.
His fiercest foes beneth his arm must dye,
Or quick as birds before the falcon flye.
Keen to attack, the approach of danger fires ;
A mighty foe, still mightyer force inspires ;
His courage swells the more that dangers grow,
And still the Hero rises with the foe.
Oft I, young Chief, have heard thine actions told,
Thy person prais'd, thy generous name extoPd ;
Now to my eyes, these graces stand confest,
With which kind Fame my ravished eares possess'd.
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL. 157
See ! his fresh looks with manly beautys glow,
His brawn and air, his strength and vigour show,
In just proportion every feature shines,
And goodness softens the majestick lines,
The charms of modesty through all we trace,
And winning sweetness smiles in every grace.
What numerous Tribes thy lov'd commands obey ?
In shining helms, and polished armour gay ;
Brave champions all, whose brawny arm s doe weild
The offencive broad-sword and defencive shield.
Ah ! many a foe has then laid victime been,
And hapless widows mourn their edge too keen,
Immortal Chief ! with early triumphs croun'd,
Thy conduct guids, thy courage gives the wound.
Matchless the guns, the bows well-backed and long,
Pointed the shafts, the sounding queavers strong ;
Dreadfull the swords, and vigurous are the hands
Of our well-bodied, feirce, and numerous bands —
Bands, whose resistless fury scours the field,
Greedy of slaughter, and unknown to yield !
Hence your fierce Camerons, (for that name they bear, )
As masters rule, and lord it every where.
Ev'n of such pow'r might sceptred Monarchs boast !
Happy when guarded by so brave ane hoaste ;
Ane hoast, whose matches no one Chief can tell,
In arms to equall, or in strength t' excell.
O lett me, Sir, their lov'd protection gain,
For this I came, nor did I come in vaine !
Great as their courage is, their generous mind,
To want still liberal, and to suffering kind !
158 MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL.
But first to thee, Great Chief, I make my moan ;
Heroick Ewen ! Thow sone of prudent John,
Illustrious Allan's heir, with beauty crown'd,
And as a lyon bold, when foes surround.
If, or your judgement does approve my song,
Or, if my sufferings claim redress of wrong-
Three cows well-fed, (nor more, alas ! had I,)
With drink and food sustain' d my poverty ;
These I demand, oh ! they the victims are
Of lawless ravage, and destructive war.
Nor I to those with doubtfull hopes complain,
Whose liberal hands did former wants sustain.
My losses, now repeated, aids demand,
Since I nor milk, nor other cow command —
Else I all summer must on herbage dine,
And in the cold of shivering winter pine !
Brave Callaurt, with the shineing armour shone,
I nixt adress : To thee I make my moane.
Yow to the field, the embattled warriours lead,
And hear with pitty when poor sufferrers plead ;
Your nat'ral goodness does my hopes secure,
Nor need I tell yow more, but that I'm poor !
With thee I joyne brave Dougal's worthy heir,
And Martin's sone, who all the virtues share.
Witness, O ! Heavens ! how I esteem the three,
So much enobled by their ancestry !
Locheill and his company were very generous to the poor Poet ; for
besides his three cowes, they gave him 300 merks in money, in order
to incourage his vein. It was unlucky for him that he did not mention
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL. 159
more of these gentlemen, for those he omitted were not so liberal as the
rest. However, he returned home very well contented, and made all the
rocks and woods resound with the praises of Locheill and his Camerons, in
his poeticall compositions, which are still highly esteemed in these parts,
and are often the agreeable intertainment of the ingenious.
About the begining of the last war, a detatchment of the army hap-
pning to meet with Sir Alexander Livingstone, natural sone to the
Earl of Callander, as he, with a good number of servants and followers,
were travelling through those moors betwixt Badenoch and Athole, at
tacked and defeated them ; whereby they became master of a great dale
of valuable mov cables, which that gentleman was conveying home from
Inverness, where they had been for the greater security depositated
during the fury of the preceeding wars.
All that Locheill got of this booty was a fine horse, which he after
wards gifted to the Laird of M'Naghtan. Neither the General nor he
condemned the action, in so far as the Earl, to whom these goods belong
ed, had alwayes acted against King Charles I. on the side of the Cove
nant ; and though it is possible that he might have joyned the present
King, yet they tooke that for no proofe of his loyalty, because the great
est part of the Covenanted Lords were forced into that service against
their will, by the general torrent of the nation, which almost unanimous
ly declaired for their Soveraign ; nor was any person thought trewely
loyall, but such as afterwards gave more evident testimonys of it.
However the matter was, the Earl, having gott information that seve
ral Camerons were in that party, and that their Chief (though not there
in person) was complimented with his son's horse, he raised action before
the Criminal Judges against Locheill, as accessorey, and against his men,
as actors in the alleaged robbery. Before the day of appearance, Loch
eill having thought it proper to apply to his ordinary protector the Gene
ral, he procured the following letter or order from the Counceill to the
Earl:
160 MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL.
"Mr LORD,
" His Highness' Counceill here are given to understand that your
Lordship hath raised criminall letters against Ewen Cameron of Locheill
and others, for ane alleaged ryot done against Sir Alexander Living-
stoune in the year 1650 : Upon consideration whereof, and of the prac
tice in former times, for those intrusted with the Government of this na
tion, to give indemnity to all thefts and robberys comitted in time of
war, that so such things, being in oblivion, the publick peace might be the
better preserved : The said Counceil, looking on it as of consequence to
the publick peace that men be not criminally prosecuted for things of that
nature, done in time of the war, have thought fitt to signify unto your
Lordship their sense thereof j and for the reasons aforsaid to desire
your Lordship to desist prosecution against the said Laird of Locheill,
or others, for any alleaged riot in the year 1650, being in the time of
war ; or otherwaise, to shew cause to the Counceill to the contrairy.
Signed in name and by order of the Counceill.
(Signed) " GEORGE MONK.
"Edinburgh, 8th Aprile, 1658."
Directed on the foot, " To the Right Hon. the Earl of Callander."
This letter stopt the prosecution for this time, but his Lordship was
pleased to move it again after the Restoration, by a petition to the Par
liament, as shall be observed in its due place. But here, however, it
will be proper to notice, that the above accident was in [16] 51, and not
in [16] 50, as the letter bears ; for the complaint to the Parliament setts
furth the matter to have happned after the sack of Dundee, and when
the English were become masters of the kingdome, which agrees with
the time when the Highlanders began the last war, which was in the end
of harvest 1651, as is before related.
The reader has been already informed of the obligation that Locheill
was under by the eleventh Article of his treaty to submitt the yearly re
venue he should be obliged to pay to Macintosh for the disputed lands
of Glenluy and Locharkike, from the date of the said treaty, to the
Marqueiss of Argyle, the General, and Collonell Bryan. The General
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL. 161
had, agreeably to the said treaty, satisfied Macintosh of all he could ac-
claym preceeding it ; but there was no agreeing of the partys for the
time to come. The arbiters had frequent meetings about it, as appears
from many of the General's letters ; but Macintosh, insisting obstinatly
for the absolute property, and Locheill being no less resolute, on the
other hand, to retain the possession, as his predecessors had done, but
still willing to pay him a sum of money in consideratione of his clame,
the matter brock up, and Macintosh applyed for a legall remedy. Loch
eill was strongly supported by many of the great ones ; but as his
antagonist had plainly the advantage of him in point of law, so he was
justly apprehensive of being casten in the end, and judged it adviseable
to protract the time by taking another course.
Oliver, the Usurper, was now dead, and the General, his friend, was
become absolute master of the kingdom, which he governed with great
prudence and moderation. Though he was willing to serve Locheill in
every thing that was honourable, and had taken all the methods he
could think on to prevaill with Macintosh to accept of the sume offered,
yet he wowld not derogatt from his integrity, by influenceing the Judges
in a matter which the law ought to determine. However, he thought
it no wrong to propose a submission in another shape, and in order to
bring it about, he wrote to the Judges in the following words : —
" RIGHT HONOURABLE,
" Understanding that there is a bussiness depending before yow, be
tween the Laird of Locheill and the Laird of Macintosh, which has con
tinued these three hundred years in dispute, and hath coast the effusion
of much blood ; I, therefore, make bold humbly to offer my oppinion
to yow, that, for the ending of that bussiness, and for the peace of the
country, that, if your Lordships shall so think fitt, it may be referred to
two such as they shall agree among themselves, and on whom yow shall
think fitt to be oddsman between them ; or, in case they shall not agree
themselves to name any, that then yourselves will name some fitt persons
to end that differance between them. This will be the best way, in my
oppinion, to determine the bussiness, both for their satisfaction and the
x
162 MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL.
peace of the country. So, craving pardon of yow for this boldness, I
remain your very humble servant, (Signed) GEORGE MONK.
"Dalkeith, 20th May 1659."
We hear no more of this affair till the year 1661 again, which time
the reader shall have a full historey of its progress and end.
Locheill enjoyed a profound peace during the remainder of this year.
He formed his politicks with respect to the different party s in the State,
agreeable to what he thought most for the King's intrest. He alwayes
expected good things from the General ; and was no sooner informed of
the desputs between the Parliament and the Generals of the English
army, and that General Monk had sided with the former, than he de-
claired that he wowld support him to the outmost of his power, as will
appear from a letter of thanks inserted in the Appendix, which was wrote
him on that memorable occasion. Locheill was not dissapointed in his
hopes of the good General, who having already projected the Restoration
of the Royall Family, mannaged that grand affair with so much secrecy,
prudence, and true policy, that he effected it again the nixt spring, to
the general satisfaction and joy of the three kingdoms.
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL,
BOOK SECOND.
CONTAINING THE MOST MATERIAL PASSAGES OF HIS LIFE,
FROM THE RESTORATION TO THE REVOLUTION.
SIR EWEN CAMERON.
IT will be naturally expected that, in the happy reign of King Charles
II., Locheill would enjoy the fruits of his loyalty with that tranquillity
and peace which was the general consequence of the Restoration. But
things fell out otherways, and his troubles and difficultys multiplyed so
fast upon him, that fortune seemed resolved to putt his fortitude and
patience to a full proofe, by the necessity of a continued exercise of
these virtues.
It is the general opinion of English writers, that the great General
Monk's design in marching his troops into England, extended no fur
ther than to crush the factions that then rent the Government asunder,
and that the Restoration was brought about by a happy concurrence of
circumstances which he did not forsee. But the Scots, who had a nearer
view of his conduct, especially dureing the last two years of his admini
stration, are generally of a different opinion ; for, though the scituation
of the times obliged him to play the politician, and to proceed with the
greatest caution and secrecy imaginable, yet, from weighing circumstan
ces, and ballanceing his actions, it seems no hard matter to draw a
rational, though not ane absolutely certain conclusion.
164 MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL.
Not to trouble the reader with a particular history of his manage
ment, dureing the period I have mentioned, I shall only touch att some
few things which seem most proper to the purpose, and leave it to himself
to form a judgement. As his education and principles were loyall, so it
is well known that he served the King with great courage and fidelity,
till absolute necessity forced him to accept of a Commission hi the Par
liament's army ; and though it is true that he seemed equally faithfull to
the Usurpers, yet that might proceed from the impossibility he saw
there was of doeing any reall service to his Prince by returning to his
duety till a proper opportunity offered ; and, indeed, it was observed,
that immediatly after the death of Cromewell, he began seriously to
apply himself not onely to discover the strength and resolution of that
party which stood affected to the King and Monarchy, but allso to
search into the humours, dispositions, and characters of the leading men
among them.
His most ordinary method was, to seize and incarcerat their persons,
and after keeping them in jayle for some time, where they were used
with great severity ; often personally, and some times by the most rugged
and surly of his officers, he endeavoured to extort a confession of what
was land to their charge. If they persisted in a positive deny all, he
threatned them with the boot, a kind of torture then and long after
wards used in Scotland, and att the same time told them, with a rough
assurance, that he had intercepted their letters, and had witnesses to
prove the facts, and the like. His common charge was, that they cor
responded with the King, or with the exiles, or that they harboured his
agents ; and many other things of the like nature. Such as confessed
he dismissed immediatly, telling them that nothing but their ouning their
guilt could have saved their lives ; and it was observed, that from that
moment he never more noticed them. But his carriage to those that
stood their tryall with resolution and courage was such that soon con
vinced them that they were hi his favour and esteem. He allowed
them and their servants the use of their arms, invited them to his
table, and entertained them with ane openess of countenance, and a
freedom that was extreamly engageing ; besides, he not only assured
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL. 165
them of his friendship and protection, but on all occasions expressed ane
inclination to serve them.
The King, encouraged by the information he often had of the Gene
ral's civilitys to his friends in Scotland, sent to him some of his nearest
relations, with orders to engage him, if possible, to declare himself; .but
he, with his usewal circumspection, declined giveing a positive answer ;
and though he dismissed these agents without letting them into the
secrets of his intentions, yet the King never dispaired of assistance from
that quarter. The General, however, lett slip no opportunity of in
gratiating himself with the Loyalists ; but such as he knew to be friends
to the Government, and more especially the fanatical Clergy, he bridled
and suppressed in a manner that made both his person and conduct ex-
treamly odious to them. Besides, as he was exceedingly carefull to
purge his army of all republicans and fanaticks, and to substitute others
in their places, whom he knew would be obedient, so he not onely, in a
publick manner, obtained promises and assurances from the nation in
general that they would be ready to stand by and assist him in all
events ; but allso, in particular, from the Chiefs of Clans and others who
were any way considerable either for their personal merit, or for their
power and interest.
Now, if he had not, even att that time, formed designs of serveing the
King, is it reasonable to think, that he would have been att so much
pains to gain the friendship, and to secure the assistance of persons who
had given the Government so much disturbance, and who continued so
unalterably fixed in their principles of loyalty, that he durst never have
trusted them in any other than that service ? The gentry in general, and
a great many of the commons, were armed by his licences, whereof
thousands of copys are still extant, and the two last years of his go
vernment were so mild and moderat, except with respect to the Clergy,
whose petulant and licentious tongues he curbed on all occasions, that
the nation would not have willingly chainged it for any other, but that
of their natural Prince.
Besides the numerous instances that might be given of his civilitys
and respect to the Highland Chiefs, and others who had exerted them-
166 MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL.
selves most vigorously in the Royall cause, his friendship for Locheill,
whereof I have given many instances, was extreamly remarkable. But
whether his confidence proceeded so far as to open his mind, and dis
cover his resolutions of restoreing the King, or whether Locheill, fro
his conduct and other hints, onely guessed att his designs, is what I am
not sufficiently informed of to assert ; but certain it is, that Locheill
understood as much, as he frequently afterwards told. So much was
he attatched to the General's person and interest, that he attended him
all the way to London in that famous expedition, which, in common
gratitude for the great deliverance it brought us, we ought to think the
happy effects of a loyall and generous resolution to serve his exiled So
vereign and enslaved country.
The people of England seemed to expect from his hands the deliver
ance he soon gave them. They came in crouds as he cautiously march
ed forwards, praying for success to his designs, and presenting petitions
for a free and full Parliament. He treated Locheill all the way with
great friendship and civility ; and as he was his guest on the road, so,
when he reatched London, he was no less carefull to see him provided
with all necessarys. He had him allong with him on all occasions where
he had ane opportunity of doeing him honour ; and when the King made
his triumphant entry into London, the General desired Locheill to keep
all the way as near to him as possibly he could ; and when his Majesty
alighted, it was his own fault but he held the King's stirrop, as he had
ane inviteing opportunity to have done. This effect of his modesty, or
rather bashfulness, he had soon reason to repent of ; for another, who
had more assurance, gott before him and performed that office, for which
he was royally rewarded. The General, who was then allmost adored
like a god, did him the honour to introduce him to kiss his Majesty's
hands, by whom he was received most graciously ; for, as his character
was not unknown to the King, so the Generall had the goodness to in
form him, in a few words, of his merit and services. He was likeways
introduced by him to the Dukes of York and Glocester ; the former of
which, having had the history of his actions from General Middletoun,
and, particularly, of the accident of his biteing out the English gentleman's
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL. 167
throat at the skirmish of Achatelew, which was then much talked of
att Court, received him with very destinguishing marks of esteem and
favour, and very often thereafter took pleasure to jest with him upon
that and the other adventures of his youth.
Orders haveing been immediatly thereafter issued out by the General
for drawing off the Garrison of Inverlochy, he made a present to Loch-
eill of the houses and other materials that could not be carried away by
shipping, and ordered Collonel Hill, then Governour, to deliver up the
keys of the said Garrison to him. The grant bears date from Cock-
pitt, where the Generall constantly resided, the 18th of June 1660.
The famous Marquess of Argile being soon thereafter brought to his
tryall before the Parliament of Scotland, was condemned and forfeited,
and the sentence putt in execution ; nor could all the great power and
interest that the Duke of Lauderdale had att Court ward off this ter
rible blow, though he afterwards found means to save the honours and
estate of the family to his son. The King, who designed that no inno
cent person should suffer by this forfeiture, sent orders to his Parliament
to hear the complaints of all such as had been injured or oppressed by
the Marquess dureing the Rebellion, and to receive the claims of all his
lawfull creditors, whom his Majesty ordered to be redressed of their
losses, and satisfyed of their just debts out of his estate, which now be
longed to the Croun by the forfeiture.
Among a multitude of others, Locheill had a considerable claim upon
a part of Argyle's estate ; whereof he was in the end dissappointed, by
the contrivance of that pernicious minister, the Duke of Lauderdale ;
whose wicked politicks, in the event, proved fatall not only to the Loyal
ists, but even to the Royall Family itself. No claim could be more just
and legall than that of Locheil's. Donald Cameron, his uncle, who
acted as his tutor in his nonage, and two of his relations of the same
name, having, in the years 1650 and 1660, lent to the Marquess the
sume of 16,345 merks, for their security of the repayment obtained a
wadsett or morgage on a part of the Marquess of Huntly's estate, which
then was in Argile's possession by vertue of a gift or grant thereof
from the Scots Parliament in the year .... But because these gen-
168 MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL.
tlemen did not think that a morgage on a forfeited estate was a sufficient
security for their money, the Marquess of Argile gave them warranty,
in case of eviction, on the lands of Swinart and Ardnamurchan, which
was a part of his own ; and they haveing accordingly realized their tittle
by infeftment, made it over to Locheill.
The Marquess of Argile had, while in possession of Huntly's estate,
bought and acquired right to several very considerable debts owing by
that family, and thereupon procured the estate to be adjudged to him by
a decree of Parliament, whereby he possessed it as well in virtue of this
legall tittle as that of the forsaid forfeiture ; but Huntly, upon the King's
Restoration, in order to elude the said legall tittle founded upon the
debts bought in against him by Argile, managed matters so, that, instead
of accepting back his estate in the way of justice, he procured a new
grant of it from the Crown, as falling into his Majesty's hands by Argile's
forfeiture. Huntly, being thus repossessed of his estate, free of all the
heavy debts that formerly affected it, Locheill was obliged, for satisfac
tion of the mony owing him by Argile, to have recourse upon the war
ranty-lands of Swinart and Ardnamurchan, and gave in his claim to
the Parliament ; for which purpose he had returned to Scotland about
the end of the year 1661. The case having been examined in Parlia
ment, all the members agreed that the claim was just and legall, and
made a favourable report of it to his Majesty ; wherein, after high en
comiums upon Locheil's gallant behaviour in his Majesty's service
dureing the Usurpation, they humbly submitt it to his Majesty's con
sideration, " If it will not be ane act of equity and justice becomeing his
royall goodness, to grant him a charter of the warranty-lands suitable to
the extent of the sum."
Full of the assurance of success, he returned to Court, and though he
had the great Generall Monk, now created Duke of Albemarle, the Earle
of Middletoun, and generally all the Loyallists of both nations, to be
friend and assist him with their interest at Court, yet neither the
authority of the Scots Parliament, nor the united application of so many
great men who had merited so highly of the Crown, nor the justice and
equity of the demand, nor even the King's most solemn promises, were
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL. 169
of weight enough to ballance the mischiveous policy of one subtile and
designing man.
The person I mean was the Duke of Lauderdale, who was then
Secretary of State for Scotland, and managed all the affairs of that king-
dome att his pleasure. He was a man of great ability s ; but seemed, by
his actions, to have conceived ane irreconcileable enmity against all
those who had most eminently merited of the Crown, and to have im-
ployed all his great talents in opposition to them. He is commonly
charged with forming his schemes of policy upon this false maxim, that
true loyalists and patriots were attached to the Croun from duety and
principle, which were sufficient motives to secure their fidelity and services,
but that the enemys of the Royall Family, being wholly acted by interest,
were to be loaded with favours, and gained by obligations ; as if persons
of no principle were capable of gratitude, and as if men of honour and
probity were divested of human passions, and uncapable of resentment ;
nor is it to be imagined that a society will nourish, or even can subsist
for any time, where vice is rewarded and virtue neglected.
But whoever was the author of this accursed policy, it is certain that
the Court went too much into it ; by which means, great numbers of
these unhappy gentlemen, who, for their services to the Crown, and their
zeale for the Royall Family, had lost their estates by the tyranny of the
Usurpers, were suffered to languish away the remainder of their lives in a
shamefull poverty, to have their familys ruined, and their names destroy
ed ; while those who had been instrumentall in drawing on them and
their country these and numberless other miserys, lived in full affluence,
and enjoyed the fruits of their wickedness.
Though Locheill had some better fortune, and escaped being totally
ruined, which in a great measure he owed to the friendship of the Mar-
quiss of Argile, and afterwards to the protection of General Monk ; yet
he was a very great sufferer, by being obliged to support the men that
he imployed in the King's service at his own charges ; and by the other
unavoydable calamitys of war. His present demand was not as a reward
of his services, though he certainly deserved much more, but claimed in
payment of a just debt, and which he had unavoydably recovered, had
170 MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL.
not the Marquess been forfeited. He had many reasons for his fondness
in attaining to the possession of the warranty-lands I have mentioned ;
but his principall motive, besides the legall tittle he had to them, was, that
they were wholly possessed by a part of his own Clan.
But the Duke of Lauderdale, his perpetual enemy, though his en
deavours in favours of the Marquess of Argile proved ineffectuall ; yet
he resolved not to abandon the son, whom he had a more colourable
pretence to support ; and haveing then projected methods for restoreing
him to his father's estate and honours, he craftily dissapoynted not only
Locheill, but all others who had any claim upon the forfeiture.
The first methods he took against Locheill was to protract time,
with a view of wearying and fatigueing him by a fruitless attendance and
expence ; but the King, being perpetually dunned by the continued appli
cation of the greatest men of his Court, att last ordered Lauderdale to
present the signature or grant of these lands to be superscribed by his
Majesty, according to the usewal form ; and this being a part of his of
fice, as principall Secretary of State, he was obliged, after repeated
orders, to comply at last. But when the grant came to be laid before
the King, he took care that there should not be as much ink in the pen
as would suffice to write the superscription, so that, when his Majesty
had wrote the word " Charles," he wanted ink to add " Rex ;" and
though the King often called for more, yet by misfortune there was non
in the companey.
Lauderdale having thus gained his point, for this time, fell upon other
contrivances to dissapoynt Locheil's making a second application ;
which were, to stirr up new enemys, and to imploy him elsewhere, by
giveing him aboundance of work to deffend himself from their attacks ;
whereby he effectually carryed his designs ; for, before Locheill had
done with them, Lauderdale finished his schemes of settleing Argyle's
family, by procureing a gift of the Marquess his forfeiture to the Earl,
his son, and his younger children ; whereof we shall have occasion to
speak more fully hereafter.
The reader has been already informed, that, in the year 1651, Sir
Alexander Livingstone, natural son to the Earl of Callendar, with some
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL. 171
attendants and servants, was attacked by a detachment of the Highland
army in the Brea of Mar, where, after a skuffle, wherein Sir Alexander
was wounded, he was plundered of a good deale of plate, cloaths, papers,
and other moveables, which he was carrying to some place of security.
Among those were some of Locheil's men, which the Earl of Callender
judgeing to be sufficient grounds for prosecuting Locheill as art and
part, that is, as accessory to the riot, in so far as by law he was answer
able, and bound for the peaceable behaviour of his Clan, he accordingly
raised a criminal process against him in the year 1658 ; but was stopt by
Generall Monk, who procured ane order of the then Councill for that pur
pose ; which the reader will find in the Appendix.
The Duke of Lauderdale of new encouraged my Lord Callender to
apply to the Scots Parliament for redress of that loss ; assureing him,
that he could never find a better opportunity than while the Earls of
Glencairn and Middleton, the one Chancellour, and the other Commis
sioner, were both att Court, and Rothes, who was of his Grace's faction,
presideing in their place.
The Earl of Callendar finding himself so powerfully supported, peti
tioned the Parliament in January 1661 ; and, notwithstanding it was
plead for Locheill that he could not be lyable either as principall or ac
cessory to that riot, in so far as it was committed by a detatchment of
the King's troops in the time of ane open war, where he was neither pre
sent in person, nor gave any orders about it ; that he att most was but the
Collonell of one regiment, for which he could not be made answerable in
law, while not onely his regiment, but the whole army, was commanded
by the King's Generall, who sent out that detatchment, and invested
others with the command, whereby it was out of his power to have pre
vented what happened ; and that if any person was criminal, it was either
the General, or the person authorized by him : I say, notwithstanding
that all this, and a great deale more, was argued for him, both by his law-
ers and his friends in the Parliament, yet so powerfully did Lauderdale' s
faction work there, in the absence of the Commissioner and Chancellour,
that upon the Earl of Callendar' s offering to prove that Locheill actually
172 MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL.
received some part of the goods, the Parliament, by a majority of votes,
found him guilty, and lyable in the restitution ; and furder declared by
their sentence, that upon Calender's makeing out the fact alleadged,
they would receive his oath in litem, that is, a proofe of the extent of
his damages by his own oath. This sentence was exceedingly severe,
not to say illegall, for, supposeing that Locheill had committed that vio
lence in the time of peace, att any time proceeding May 1660 ; yet his
Majesty's indemnity having pardoned what was criminal in the action,
he could be onely lyable in simple restitution, but not to the extent or
value that the party putt upon his losses, as made out by his own oath !
The Parliament further granted commission to the Sherriff of Cro-
marty, and to the Commissioner for the burgh of Montrose, to examine
the witnesses to be adduced by the Earl of Callendar for proveing that
Locheill had received a part of these goods ; but his Lordship being un
able to make out that poynt, Locheill, after a great deale of trouble and
charges, was acquitted, in spite of all that Lauderdale and his faction
could doe against him. And thus we see that he was worse used by a
loyall Parliament, called by a King for whom he had often hazarded both
his life and fortune, than he formerly was by the Usurpers, who, rightly
judgeing of the affair by the time and circumstances of action, would
not so much as sustain process against him.
But before the commencement of this action, Lauderdale had stirred
up a more powerfull antagonist against him, the antient and hereditary
enemy of his family, who laid claim to a great part of his estate. This
was the Laird of Macintoish, who, though the Chief of a powerfull Clan,
had for the most part behaved as neuterall dureing the Usurpation ; and,
therefore, haveing no pretence to any favour by the merit of his actions,
would not have adventured to attack, at that time, a person so well be
friended by the Loyalists, had he not been supported by the prevailling
interest of Duke Lauderdale.
The originall and progress of this dispute is narrated in the Introduc
tion ; and, therefore, it will be sufficient to putt the reader hi mind, that
Angus or ^Eneas Macintoish, haveing, in the year 1291, married the
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL. 173
heiress of the Clan Chattan, thereby acquired ane opulent estate, whereof
the Macintoishes pretend that the 40 merk lands of Glenlui and Lochar-
kik, in Lochaber, was a part.
Few Chiefs in the Highlands had any other charters for their estates
in those days but their swords ; and the Camerons pretending some tittle
or other to that estate, disputed the matter with the Macintoishes, for
near the space of 400 years. The Camerons still keept the possession,
notwithstanding that Macintoish did, in the year 1337, obtain a charter
of that estate from M'Donald, Lord of the Isles, whose exorbitant power
extended over the greatest part of the Highlands, and had that charter
confirmed by King David Bruce, att Scoon, in anno 1359. The Came
rons contravert these facts, and pretend that these charters were never
produced in judgement, where their authentickness might have been
tryed ; but, supposeing them to be true deeds, yet they haveing still re
tained the possession, they alleadged that their right to the estate was
preferable on that account. However the matter was, the feud still
continueing betwixt the two familys, it cost Macintoish the lives of three
of his predecessors, and of several thousands of his Clan and following.
But Macintoish, finding that all his attempts by force proved ineffec-
tuall, resolved to make an essay of what he could doe by law, wherein
he had, indeed, better success. With this view, Sir Lachlan Macintoish,
then Chief of that Clan, and heretable Steward of the lordship of Loch
aber, did, in the year 1617, march into that country with a considerable
body of men, under the pretence of holding Courts ; but was attacked
by Allan Cameron of Locheill, defeated and chaced out of the country.
Upon this, he entered a complaint before the King's Privy Councill,
where there being none to vindicate Allan, who was afraid to appear,
as well on account of his action against Macintoish, as of some other
matters of the same kind, for which he could not well answer in law,
there were letters, that is, ane order or warrand issued out to charge
Allan to surrender himself prisoner, till he was tryed for the crimes
whereof he was accused.
But Allan, still apprehensive of the consequence of surrendering him
self, thought fitt not to obey the charge, and Macintoish making use of
174 MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL.
that advantage, obtained a decree for putting him in possession of the
controverted estate, with letters of outlawry and fire and sword, (that
is, ane order directed to the King's sherriffs, and other persons of power,
to attack the criminals with fire and sword,) against Allan, his Clan, and
all others his abbetters and assistants.
But Macintoish, after a great deale of trouble, not succeeding by force,
had the good fortune to seize the person of Allan's eldest son John, as
he was on his journy to Edinburgh, to solicite his father's business by
the interest of the family of Perth, and other great men who befriended
him in his misfortunes. The young gentleman was incarcerated and
detained prisoner in Edinburgh for no less than the space of three years.
The Councill, notwithstanding of all the intercessions made for him,
haveing absolutely refused to dismiss him untill he found sufficient caution
and surety, that Sir Lachlan Macintoish should not onely be admitted
to the peaceable possession of the estate, but all so that he should enjoy
it free from all disturbance of the Clan Cameron for the future. [This
forced Allan to compromise the matter, by the mediation of severall per
sons of quality ; and, indeed, he had ane easier bargain than could have
been reasonably expected, as affairs were then scituated.]
Thus matters continued till the death of Sir Lachlan ; and the
Laird of Grant, Chief of a powerfull family of that name, acting as tutor
to Macintoish his son, then a minor, did not onely liberat Mr Cameron
from his long confinement, but allso made over to him a right of mor-
gage which he had obtained upon these lands, in order to ingage him in
the quarrell, from the late Sir Lachlan. But William Macintoish his
son, haveing liberat that estate from the said morgage, according to the
forms of law, by consigning the sum of 18,000 merks, for which it was
impignorated, in the hands of the Provost of Inverness, obtained a de
cree thereupon against Sir Ewen Cameron of Locheill, who was then a
child, before the Lords of Session, in March 1639, where none appeared
to defend.
Thus were affairs scituated, in January 1661, when Macintoish, en
couraged by the Duke of Lauderdale and his faction, and supported by
the Earle of Weems, from whose family the Macintoishes say they are
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL. 175
descended, took the opportunity of addressing the Parliament by a
petition ; wherein he charges the Camerons with rebellion, sedi
tion, and many other the like crimes ; because they had hitherto keept
him from the possession of ane estate, to which he believed he and his
predecessors had so good a tittle in law. The Parliament referred the
tryal of the case to a committee of their own number, commonly then
called " The Lords on the Bills ;" but the Earl of Middleton, the
King's Commissioner, and his party, (who were all cavaliers, and of the
Tory faction,) opposed the petition with that vigour, that Macintoish
began to dispair of succeeding. But, luckily for him, both Commis
sioner and Chancellour haveing been called to Court in the May follow
ing, Lauderdale's faction prevailed so effectually, in their absence, that,
on the fifth day of June thereafter, Macintoish obtained a decree of Par
liament, adjudgeing the estate in contraversy to him, and decreeing
Locheill not only to divest himself thereof, but allso to find surety that
neither he nor his Clan should, for the future, molest Macintoish nor
his tenants in the peaceable possession thereof, under the penal sum of
20,000 merks.
Locheill, who was then at Court, bussyed in soliciting for a grant of
the warrantie-lands I have often mentioned, and of a pension of three
hundred pounds sterling for life, which his Majesty then granted him,
but never made effectuall, was much allarmed with the news of Macin
toish his success. The Parliament was not properly judges of the matter,
except in the case of ane appeale from the Court of Session, which is the
Supream Judicatory in Scotland in all civill actions, and especially in
all pleas respecting lands and other heritable rights. This Court claim
ed the cognizance of Locheil's affair, and were seconded in it by the
Commissioner and Chancellour ; but the contrarey party, takeing ad
vantage of their absence, proceeded! to sentence. However, Locheill,
who never believed that the Parliament would have incroached so far
upon the priviledges of the Session, prevailed with the Chancellour, who
has, by his office, the power of presideing in all the Courts of Scotland,
to write the following letter to that Court in his favours :
176 MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL.
" MY LORDS,
** Since I came to this place, I understand his Majesty has taken such
notice of the Laird of Locheill his faithfull service done to him, that
he has proposed a way for composeing the difference betwixt Macintoish
and him, which will shortly come to your hands : I shall desire you,
therefore, if Macintoish offer to take advantage of Locheill his absence,
or to prevent his Majesty's commands by insisting hi ane action before
you against Locheill now in his absence, that you continue the action
untill yow know his Majesty's further pleasure, which will be signified
to yow by my return. This being all at present,
" I am, my Lords, &c. (Signed) GLENCAIRNE.
"London, 7th June 1661."
Directed, " For the Lord President,
and Lords of Session, now sitting
att Edinburgh."
The Lords of Session, haveing intimated the Chancellour's letter to the
Parliament and Privy Councill, all further procedure was stopt till July
1662, when Macintoish obtained a decree of removeing against Locheill
and his Clan, before the Lords of Session, in consequence of the former
sentence by the Parliament. But perhaps the reader will not think the
case sufficiently explained, unless he has some of the principal arguments
in law, which the partys made use of before the Parliament, layed down
before him. I shall therefore endeavour, in this place, to satisfy him as
to that poynt ; and in order to make them the more intelligible, I shall
lay aside all the harsh terms of law that commonly embarrass such plead
ings.
It was argued for Locheill, the defendent, that he and his predeces
sors had been for these three hundred years and upwards in possession of
the estate in dispute ; and that though Macintoish pretends that he has a
charter from the Lords of the Isles, confirmed by King David Bruce,
yet these charters are now of no force, since neither he, the plaintiffe,
nor his predecessors, ever had possession by virtue of them : — 2<%, That
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL. 177
though the plaintiffe founds a separate tittle upon the decrees of the
Court of Session and other Judges in his favours, yet all these decrees
are surreptitious, and were stolen out against the defendant when the
kingdome was in confusion by Civil Wars and other calamitys, which
rendered it unsafe for him to appear and defend ; and that, therefore,
he had raised action before the Court of Session for having these decrees,
and all consequent thereupon, found and declared to be voyd and null,
agreeable to aneact of this present Parliament, entituled. ["Act rescinding
and annulling the pretended Parliaments in the years 1640, 1641, &c."] : —
3dly, That as to the morgage, to which the defendant's father had right
from the Laird of Grant, it was onely ane accessory tittle, and can never
insinuate any approbation of the plaintiff's claim, in so far as by the deed
of conveyance it is expressly declared, that the accepting of that deed
should in no manner invalidate or prejudge his other tittles to that estate :
— 4thly, That the defendant's right to the estate was still good and legall
even by that deed of morgage, in so far as it was never yet lawfully re
deemed, by payment of the mony for which the lands were said to be
impignorated. The order of redemption used in the hands of the Pro
vost of Inverness was onely simulated, and elusory ; the mony was not
actually payed down nor consigned, and though it had, yet since by our
law all such consignations are upon the hazard of the consigner, it is
certain that the subsequent death and bankruptcy of that Provost must
be to the plaintiff's loss, and not to the defendent's, who had no hand in
the matter : — 5thly, That the decree, declareing the estate to be redeem
ed, is null ; att least there is action raised by the defendent for annulling
it upon these obvious grounds in law ; 1st, That he being then a child,
neither he nor his tutor were legally summoned to defend, the summonds
bearing the citation to have been made att the merkatt-cross of Inverness,
and not att his dwelling-house ; 2<%, That he was not obliged to answer
to that Judge, the estate in dispute lyeing and he liveing in a seperate
jurisdiction ; 3<%, As the decree was obtained in absence of the defend
ant, so it is otherways defective, seeing it does not mention the mony to
have been produced att the bar, as it ought to have been, nor that it
178 MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL.
was decreed to be payed to the defendent or to his tutor in the manner
directed by law.
To these arguments it was answered for Macintoish, That with respect
to the 1st, the dependent's and his ansestors' long possession was by force
and violence, which the law could not justify ; that he was willing to
putt his case, and risk it upon the authentickness of the charters from
the Lord of the Isles and King David, if his Judges thought it proper ;
but as, att present, he did not found his right to the estate upon these
antient writes, so it was intearly out of the question, whither he or his
predecessors ever attained to the possession by virtue of them or not : —
To the 2rf, that the defendent was summoned to defend his pretended
right according to the rules of law, and that, if he did not appear, it was
his own fault : That though the times were then beginning to be trouble
some, yet the Rebellion was not actually broke out, and the Judges con
tinued to act in his late Majesty's name and by his authority, so that he
had nothing to plead for himself on that score : That however the decrees
he pretends to quarrell might be lyable to objections, yet they were still
valid and good in law till anulled by the sentence of a Judge competent ;
and that the action before the Court of Session was meerly elusory, and
calculated for no other end but to retard the business in hand ; but that
all shifts and pretences of that kind were foolish and idle before the High
Court of Parliament, which had a legislative authority : — To the 3d,
that though the defendent might have had some tittle to the estate from
his long and violent possession, yet he had effectualy renounced it by
accepting of the right of morgage from the Laird of Grant, that being
a plain acquescance in the plantifPs tittle of absolute property : That the
cautionary clause in Grant's conveyance was useless and impertinent,
because the law could never enable him to make over the deed of mor
gage in any other terms than he had it himself; and though it had been
conveyed and transmitted through a hundred different hands, yet no
clause or stipulation they could make could prejudge the plantiff, who
had them all bound to the observance of the conditions in the originall
contract :— To the \ih it was answered, that the order of redemption was
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL. 179
executed according to our practice ; and that, if the defendant's tutor
was remiss and negligent in receiving his mony from the Provost, in
whose hands it was legally consigned, it was his own fault, for the Pro
vost's death and bankruptcy did not happen till after the plantiffe had
obtained his decree, declareing the estate to have been lawfully freed
and redeemed from the morgage, and had likeways procured another
decree before the Lords of Session for removeing the defendent and his
Clan from the possession, and executed all the diligence against him re
quired by our law : — And to the 5th, that whatever defects or even
nullity s may be in the decree there mentioned, yet it is still valid and
sufficient till rescinded by the authority of a proper judicatory ; and
if the case were brought to a second tryall, it would soon appear
that all the defects and nullitys under which it is said to labour were
but chimerical inventions, without any foundation in truth, or argument
in law.
These, and the like, were the arguments used by the partys before
the Estates of Parliament. Locheill had imployed the famous Sir
George Lockart, a lawer of the greatest abilitys for eloquence and
knowledge that ever appeared att the bar. The renouned Sir George
M'Kenzie, in the character he gives of this great man, says that he
built his arguments like a well-compacted and cemented vault, impene
trable in all its parts ; and that his invention furnished him with more
matter than he had words to express ; and that his words flowed thicker
upon him than he could easily pronounce. Besides, he was a great master
in the art of moveing the passions, and spoke with such a wounderfull ve
hemence and force of action, that he commanded silence whenever he
opened his mouth, and att once charmed and convinced the audience.
Had Sir George Lockart' s advice been followed in due time, it is pro
bable that Locheill would have carryed his cause ; but he neglecting to
reduce and annull the several decrees I have mentioned, Macintoish had
plainly the better of him, in point of law ; which undoubtedly had no
small influence in the decision.
In the meantime, Locheill, who still continued att Court, was not idle.
He very well knew his weakness, and endeavoured to make up that def-
180 MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL.
ficiency by the power of interest. By a petition, which the reader will
find in the Appendix, he supplicated his Majesty, who gave him a pri
vate audience, and who heard the whole matter with great patience, so
to interpose his authority as to oblige Macintoish to accept of such a sum
of monv as the Councill should judge proper in liew of his pretensions
to the estate in question. He further accquainted his Majesty, that as
his Clan were, and had been, in the possession for many centurys of
years, so he knew that they would never part with their antient dwellings
without a great deale of bloodshed ; and that since he clearly forsaw the
consequence, he had more than reason to apprehend that this would be
the last time that he should have the honour of seeing his Majesty.
That he had been a great part of his youth a fugitive and outlaw for his
attempting to serve his Majesty ; but that that gave him no great pain,
because he suffered in a glorious cause, and onely shared in the common
calamity of his countrey, but that henceforth he must resolve to live
among hills and deserts, a fugitive and vagabound, meerly because he
was Chiefe of a Clan, for whom, though he was bound by the law, yet he
was sure he could not answer when they came to be dispossessed by the
antient enemy of his family.
His Majesty, haveing heard all this with his usewall goodness, answer
ed, " Locheill, I know that yow was a faithfull servant to the Crown,
and that yow have often, with great bravery, hazarded your life and for
tune in that cause ; fear not that yow shall be long an outlaw, whatever
shall happen in that quarrell, while I have the power of granting a remis
sion : But as to the affair of law and private right, I will not meddle
with it, but shall wryte to my Councill to endeavour to compromise
matters, so as to prevent publick disturbance. In the mean time, I still
think it your interest to hinder Macintoish his attaining to possession ;
and I assure yow that neither life nor estate shall be in danger while I
can save them."
Locheill, much encouraged by this gracious assurance from his Ma
jesty, continued to make his court to the Duke of Albemarle, to whom
he related all that had past, and to whom he chiefly recommended it to
prevent Macintoish his getting any favour att Court. That Duke frankly
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL. 181
promised to doe him all the services that he possibly could do him ;
and assured him that he would make his affairs his own.
Locheill had the honour to be well known to the Duke of York, and
it was in a great measure to his Royall Highness his intercession that he
was beholden for the gracious assurances his Majesty was pleased to give
him of a full remission, in case matters came to extremity. He had
likeways the goodness to recommend him to the Earl of Clarendon, then
Prime Minister of State, and to several other grandees of the Court ;
whereby Locheill began to think himself pretty secure in all events.
But still he found the Earl of Lauderdale ane irreconcileable enemy.
That Lord opposed the King's writeing to his Commissioner as long as he
could ; but the King, haveing positively determined it should be done,
the following letter was sent to his Lordship :
" CHARLES REX.
" Right Trusty and Well-beloved Cousine and Counsellour, wee greit
yow well. — We haveing formerly written to our Privy Councill about the
difference likely to arise betwixt the Lairds of Macintoish and Locheill,
we are still of the same opinion, that though we will not meddle in the
point of law or right, which (we are informed) is already determined,
yet we have thought fitt to recommend to your care, to endeavour so to
settle and agree them as the peace of those parts be not disturbed.
Given att Hampton Court, the 30th May 1662, and of our reign the
14th year.
"By His Majesty's command, (Signed) LAUDERDAILL.
" To our Right Trusty and Right Well-beloved
Cousin and Counseller, the Earl of Middle-
ton, our Commissionour to our Parliament of
Scotland."
Locheill arrived att Edinburgh about the same time, and hearing
that Macintoish had obtained a diligence, that is, a warrand for seizeing
and incarcerating him, he was obliged to supplicate the Councill by pe-
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL.
tition for a personal protection, which he could obtain for no longer
time than to the 24th of June. Dureing that short time he married the
sister of Sir Allan M'Lean of Dowart, a young lady of great beauty and
merite, whom he loved most tenderly while she lived. And haveing
done what he could to secure his interest with his friends in the Parlia
ment and Privy Councill, he left the town before his protection was
expired, and arrived safely with his young lady in Lochaber, where he
lived for some years in a most profound peace.
In the meantime, Lauderdale's faction bore such sway in the Privy
Councill, that his Majesty's Letter was not read till the 4th of Septem
ber following. This gave Macintosh ane opportunity to petition the
Councill for a Commission of fire and sword against Locheill and his
friends ; but the Commissioner and Chancellour opposed the reading of
his petition with that vigour and firmness, that he could not prevaill for
that time. The sum of their arguments were, that the giveing of such a
Commission would be plainly to oppose his Majesty's most gracious in
tentions of reconcileing the partys, as he had signifyed both to his Com
missioner and Privy Councill under his Royall hand : That if once Mac
intosh were armed with authority, he would undoubtedly execute it with
vigour ; and considdering that the partys were old irreconcileable enemys,
of no small power and interest, the Clans would divide into factions in
favours of the party they affected, and sett the whole Highlands in a
flame : And that, therefore, the Councill ought by all means to en
deavour ane amicable adjoustment of affairs, whereby all these evils would
be prevented.
But Lauderdale's interest still prevaileing more and more att Court,
the Earle of Rothes was named Commissioner for the nixt session of
Parliament, in place of the Earl of Middletown ; and it mett, accordingly,
on the 18th day of January 1663. Macintosh had none now but the
Chancellour to oppose him, so that he att length obtained warrand to
charge Locheill to appear before the Privy Councill upon 15 days
warning, with certification, that, if he failed, their Lordships would issue
out Letters of fire and sword against him. But Locheill, who was in
formed by the Chancellour how matters went, not thinking it proper to
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL. 183
give obedience, the forsaid Commission of fire and sword was upon
the 25th .... issued out against him and all his abetters, and the Mar
quess of Montrose, the Earles of Caithness, Murray, Athole, Erroll, Mari-
shall, Mar, Dundee, Airly, Aboyn, and severall other great men, both
in the Highlands and Lowlands, are authorized as Commissioners to
putt it to execution. Att the same time, Letters of concurrence and inter-
communeing, or outlawry, were issued out against him, and the whole
name of Cameron ; and all the men, between 60 and 16 years of age,
within the shires of Inverness, Ross, Nairn, and Perth, are ordered to
conveen in arms, and to putt the law in execution against these rebells
and outlaws, when Macintoish should think fitt to call them together.
One would now think that when near one half of the kingdome was
armed against a private gentleman and his family, that it was scarcely
in the power of fortune to save them from utter ruine ; especially when
that power was to be conducted by ane enemy who was become implac
able on account of the losses, affronts, and disappointments that he and
his ancestours had received att the hands of the persons whom he was to
attack. But we shall see that Providence had ordered matters other-
ways, and that Locheill and his Clan not onely enjoyed a profound peace
for the two following years, but even had the address to bring things
about to the issue they desired.
The first thing Macintoish sett about, after his arrivall att his oun house
of Dunachton, was to write to all the great men I have mentioned, pray
ing them to be in readdiness to execute the King's commands ; and not
satisfied with this, he visited them one by one ; but after all, he could
not so much as prevaile with one of them, receiving this answer in gene
ral—That Locheill was a gentleman for whom they had a very great
esteem ; that they thought it would be hard to dissposess him of an
estate that he and his predecessors had so long enjoyed ; that he had
best accept of a sum of money in liew of his pretentions, since Locheill
was willing to give it ; and that otherwayes he would find it no easie
matter to come to his purpose, and save his honour. Thus dissapointed,
he resolved to try his fortune with his oun Clan, and such auxiliarey
184 MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL.
forces as he could draw together from his friends and neighbours. But
Locheill, who neglected nothing that he deemed proper for his interest,
had so artfully mannaged matters with the leading men of the Macin
toshes, by secret agents, that their Chief was surprized and confounded
to find them so divided in their oppinions, and refractory to his com
mands, that two-thirds of them refused to follow him. He att first
threatned to force them by vertue of the authority wherewith the law had
invested him ; but finding rough courses inefectwal, he then attempted
to mollify and gain them by fair words and large promises. He was now
so harrassed with unreasonable petitions and extravagant demands, that
he often said, all the estate he was master of, and the one he was to re
ceive, were both insufficient to satisfie their avarice.
But if the Macintoshes were troublesome and dissobedient, it is no
wounder if he found the Clan Vuirich or M'Phersons much more so.
This Clan was a branch of the antient Chattans, of whom I have given
an account in the Introduction. They so far looked upon themselves as
ane independent people, that they brought the matter to a dispute before
the Councill in the year 1672, whereof we shall hereafter take occasion
to speak fully in the proper place, and had the good fortune to get them
selves freed from the yoaks of the Macintoshes, by a sentence of that
Court.
While Macintoish was thus employed, Locheill, to make an essay of
his mettle, dispatched several small partys into his countrey, with orders
to carry off the best of the cattle they could fall upon, from such of the
Clan as continued attatched to his interest. These haveing generally suc
ceeded, Macintoish, in revenge of the affront, sent a body of choise men
into Lochaber, and commanded them to surprize and seize as many, but
especially the leading men of the Camerons, as possibly they could. His
view was to force Locheill into a compliance with his demands, by de
taining them prissoners, and threatning their lives. But his party having
lurked long in the mountains to no purpose, returned home with the
jxx>r satisfaction of killing two cowherds, whom they accidentely mett,
while they were looking after their cattle in these parts. This project
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL. 185
failing, he resolved to reconcile himself with his Clan and friends att any
price ; and, in the end, effected it, by complying even with their most
exorbitant demands.
Locheill, who forsaw the event, and was fully informed of what passed,
fell upon another way to obstruct his designs. He had, by this time, so
far insinuated himself into the favour of many of the leading Lords of
the Parliament and Privy Councill, that he, in January 1665, procured
an order subscribed by the Duke of Rothes, then Commissioner to the
Parliament, commanding Macintoish to attend them att Edinburgh within
the short time therein prefixt ; and dischargeing him to putt his commis
sion of fire and sword in execution till the pleasure of the Councill was
further made known. Macintoish, who obeyed with great reluctance,
compleaned bitterly of his useage att his arival, but had no other answer
but a positive command to attend there till Locheill, whom the Councill
had just then sent for, should have time to come up.
The partys were, upon the day appointed, conveened before the Com
missioner, Chancellour, Officers of State, and all the other great men
then in authority, in a full Councill, where his Majestic' s letter being
read in their hearing, the Chancellour accquanted them with the reasons
of their being called for, and said : That his Majesty's royall zeall for the
wellfair and happiness of his people, and the particular commands which he
had been graciously pleased to lay upon his Parliament and Councill, to
endeavour a reconcealment between the partys by way of compromise, so
as the publick peace and tranquility which they happily enjoyed under
his auspicious government might not be disturbed, could not miss to have
a due influence on persons so well affected to their Sovereign, and dis
pose them to agree to such measures, as should seem agreeable to justice
and the wisdome of his Majesty's Councill. And the Chancelour,
haveing asked them if they were willing to submitt the controversie be
twixt them to the arbitration of the Councill, they answered in the
affirmative, and were dismissed for that time.
Two days thereafter the Councill called the partys again before them,
and the Chancelour resuming the discourse, accquanted them that they
had now fully informed themselves of the value of the estate in question,
2 A
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL.
and of all the particulars of the dispute : That the Councill, haveing
seriously deliberated on the affair, were of oppinion, that, seeing Locheill
and his predecessors had enjoyed these lands for so long a time, and
that they were possessed by his Clan, that they lay contiguous to the
rest of his estate, and were att the distance of so many mil^s from that
of Macintoish's, the partys should agree upon a certain equitable pryce ;
wherein regaird ought to be had, as well to the yearly rents of the estate,
as to the other considerations before noticed ; for whatever Macintosh's
original right to these lands might be, it was not so good but that it
afforded grounds for a long and a heriditary quarrell between the familys,
which had occasioned much disturbance and a great issue of blood.
That though Macintosh had gott the better in point of law, yet, for any
thing that appeared, it proceeded rather from the advantages that were
taken either from the unhappy circumstances that LocheiPs family were
often by missfortune involved in, or from the publick confusions of the
State, than from any preferrance of naturall right or tittle that had yet
been heard of : That Locheil's continued possession seems to have given
him the priority on that score ; and that, in as far as he could judge of
the affair, he was sincearly of oppinion, that whatever the Chief might
doe, in obedience to his Majesty's laws, yet his Clan would never allow
any but themselves to inhabite these lands in peace : And that, there
fore, he thought it for the publick good that things should be adjusted
on the plan he had proposed. — Macintoish heard this speech with great
indignation ; but he could not make a better of the case, as it then stood ;
he saw that the Councill had come in unanimously to that scheme, and
that non pretended to contradict or oppose it. The Chancelour, haveing
finished, recomended it to the partys, in very pressing terms, to endea
vour, by the mediation of their friends, to fix upon a price ; and if they
could not agree, the Councill would doe their best to adjust the differ-
ance.
The partys, with great numbers of friends and lawers on both sides,
mett very often ; but were still so wide of one another, that there did
not appear the least probability of any agreement at that time. Within
eight dayes thereafter they were for a third time called before the Coun-
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL. 187
cill ; and the Chancelour, haveing informed himself of what passed att
these meetings, and of what Locheill would willingly give as the last
offer, proposed the sum of 72,000 merks to be payed to Macintoish for
his clame upon that estate ; and this sum, he said, he tooke to be a just
medium between the demands 'of the one, and the offers of the other.
The Councill were of the same oppinion, and severall of the members
spoke in favours of it, adding some new proposalls of their own, by way
of amendment ; but Macintoish was so far from consenting, that he could
not even hear what was said with patience .
Being att length dismissed, he resolved to steall privately out of the
town ; but haveing got all things ready with the greatest secrecy, he had
the mortification, just when he was setting out, to be arreasted by an
order from the Councill, till he found caution that he, his Clan, and fol
lowers, should keep the publick peace. This he interpreted as ane indi
rect command to give over doeirig himself justice by force of arms. He
knew well from whom this blow had come ; and, therefore, att once to
elude the order, and trick his adversary, he disenabled his intentions, and
voluntarly offered to delay the execution of his commission against Loch
eill for a year longer, on condition that the Councill would dispence
with his finding caution for any others but his oun tenants. Loch
eill agreed to the proposeall, and the Councill dismissed him. But he
was soon sensible of his error in takeing his adversary's simple word for
the performance. For no sooner had Macintoish reached home, than he
inveited all the leaders of his Clan, with their friends and followers, to ane
entertainment, except the M'Phersons ; where, by ane obsequious conde-
scendance to all their demands, he prevailed with them to subscrive a
bond obligeing themselves to follow him to Lochaber when required.
But the most difficult task yet remained ; for the M'Phersons still stood
out, and without them he could doe nothing of moment. Cluny, their
Chief, was a person of honour and courage, and had several times
brought a body of 500 men to the field, where non behaved more gal
lantly in the service of their King and countrey. As he resolved never
to accknowledge any dependance on Macintoish, so he had no inclination
to the service he demanded of him ; so that it stood Macintoish the four
188 MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL.
following months before he could bring him to his terms, which were a
renounciation of any tittle or pretence he had to the Chief ship, and a
premium of L.100 sterling for his service in that expeadition.
Locheill, in the meantime, was not ignorant of what past ; and in
order to perplex his antagonist a little more, he wrote to his friend the
Earl of Murray, Sherriff-principall of Inverness-shyre, to hold his Cir
cuit Courts in Badenoch, Strathspey, and other places where the Mac-
intoishes, Macphersons, and their followers, lived, and to order such of
them as were his vassalls to attend ; by which they would be then ef-
fectwally hindered from joyning Macintoish. This stratagem was im-
mediatly putt in execution, nor could Macintoish, at any rate, prevaill
with the Earl to dissmiss his men till he had made his tower throw all the
different parts of his jurisdiction ; which he performed at great leisure,
and then marched towards Inverness, to adjust a differance between the
Lord Macdonald's men and that toun ; which haveing performed, he, on
the 27th August 1665, wrote to Macintoish to come to him, and hear
certain new proposealls which he had to offer in behalf of Locheill.
Macintoish, after some difficulty, consented ; and sett out at the head
of 800 men, appointing Cluny and the Macphersons to meet and joyn him
at the (Distance of a day's journey from Lochaber. Having triffled away
some time with the Earl of Murray, and being joyned by all his auxiliareys,
consisting of Shaws, Ferquarsons, and some others his antient friends
and allyes, he began his march for Lochaber with a body of 1500 good
men ; and passing through the wood called Glasrey, he encamped on the
plain of Cluins on the West side of the river of Airkike.
Locheill, having heard that Macintoish was on his march, thought it
was full time to provide for his defence ; and in a few dayes got together
his whole Clan, who, haveing been prepared beforehand, and willing for
the service, were sooner with him than he expected. He was likeways
joyned by a small party of the M'lans of Glencoe, and another of
M'Grigors, who offered their services as volunteers, and found upon the
muster that he had gott 900 armed with guns, broad-swords, and targes,
and 300 more who had bows in place of guns ; and it is remarkable, that
these were the last considerable companey of bowmen that appeared in
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL. 189
the Highlands. With these he marched streight to Achnacary, and
encamped on the bank of the river of Arkike, immediatly opposite to
Macintoish.
This river is fordeable only att one place, on each side of which the
partys were incamped ; and taking its rise from a great fresh- water Lake
or Loch, which streatches itself twelve miles further Westward, after a
short course of one mile through a beautifull plain, disimbogues itself into
another large Loch lyeing South and North, of ane equall length with the
former. This last Loch, which bears the name of Loch Lochy, extends
itself about three miles Southwards from the mouth of Arkike ; and from
the end or mouth of this Loch issues the great river of Lochy, which,
after a very rapid course of about eight miles further South, looses itself
in that arm of the sea on which the Fort of Inverlochy is scituated. So
strong and rapid is the current, at the mouth of this river, that it dartes
its streams, and rushes with such force and violence into the sea, that it
preserves itself intear for a considerable way, and retains its former fresh
ness, as if it were unwilling to lose itself. The whole length of this
Loch and river of Lochy from South to North is upwards of twenty
long miles ; and that of the Loch and river of Airkike from East to
o
West is thirteen miles of Scots measure. So that it was impossible for
the partys, as they were scituated, to come suddenly to blows.
Locheill, being master of the countrey, had it manifastly in his power,
either soon to oblige his adversary to abandon his enterprize for the want
of provisions, or otherways to fatigue his men by a long and difficult
march of twenty-four miles, through narrow, brocken, and stoney roads,
by the head of Loch Arkike ; the other way by Loch Lochy being still
much longer, and shutt up at the end by the sea, unless they attempted
the fords of the river of Lochey ; which would have been a dangerous
interprize.
Macintoish was sensible enough of his bad scituation, and two days
after his arivall, removed his camp to a little village two miles West
ward, on the side of Loch Arkick ; and Locheill, after throwing up a
trench att the ford of Arkike, which he left fifty men to guard, keept pace
with him, and encamped on the opposite side. Here haveing called a
19o MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL.
rouncill of war, he informed his friends of his resolution of determining
the quarell by a decisive action, to which he was encouraged by his
Majesty's most gracious* assurance of a remission : He added, that as he
had full confidence in the courage of his men from former tryalls, so he
had no apprehension of the event, notwithstanding of the enemy's odds of
number : That all the promiseing appearances were on their side ; they
were masters of the country, all of one name and family, except a few
hr.ue volunteers, and interested in the affair almost equally with him
self : That, on the other hand, he knew he had a very brave enemy to
engage ; but then, they did not think themselves much concerned in the
quarrell, and non of them, excepting the Macphersons, had ever seen
blood : That all but the Macintoshes, who did not exceid six or seven
hundred at most, were strangers and auxiliareys, and allured into the ser
vice, rather by interest and hyre than by their own inclinations : That
even the Macintoshes themselves had expressed no great readieness to
serve, and it was well known that many of them had so little regard to
their Chiefs honour and interest, that they took the advantage of his
necessity, and forced him to divide a good part of his estate among them
before they would comply : That, however, as he was fully determined
to fight, so he hoped non of them would pretend to oppose him, unless
they could bring some convinceing reasons for a contrary course : That
if any of them wanted inclination to engage, and had not putt on a £xt
resolution to die or conquer, he begged of them to retire, and he would
afford them such opportunitys as would save their honour. — The Came-
rons expressed some kind of ane uneasiness and concern att the last part
of this speech, that their Chief should so much as suspect that any of them
would desert him when his honour and interest, joyned with that of the
whole name, was att stake : They unanimously approved his resolution,
and desired him to lead them on, and they would convince him that they
were no worse men than they formerly were against the publick enemy s
of the kingdome. Hereupon they agreed upon the measures they were
to take, and resolved in part to putt them in execution that very night.
In the mean time, the Earl of Breadalbane, who was cousine-german
to both the Chiefs, and a person of ane extensive genius and vast capa-
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL. 191
city, haveing resolved to interpose in the quarrell, marched into Loch-
aber att the head of three hundred men, and offered himself as a me
diator. He was well acquanted with the tempers, capacitys, interests,
and views of the partys, and knew how to make the proper use of it ;
but whither he applyed first to Locheill or Macintoish, is what I am not
sufficiently assured of to affirm, but certain it is, that Locheill, in conse
quence of his former resolution, detatched Allan Cameron of Errocht with
a strong body of choise men to surprize and attack the enemy on the
very night that Breadalbane arrived.
Errocht' s orders were to ferry over his men in some boats provided for
the purpose, to a little island in Locherkike, almost within a muskett shot
of that side of the Loch on which Macintoish was posted ; and some
hours before breck of day to waft his men over to a certain place, fitt for
concealing them, till he could make his proper disposition for attacking
the enemy ; but if he found them upon their guard, his orders were to
retire privatly, and to post himself on a certain strong ground which was
pointed out to him, and where, in the worst event, he could defend him
self, till Locheill, who was to decamp that night, and to march round by
the head of the Loch, which was a journey of sixteen or seventeen miles,
could arive with the main body to his reliefe.
This detatchment was ferryed over to the island in the manner con
certed, and Locheill was just entering upon his march, when the Earl
of Breadalbane, who had been for some hours preceeding with Macin
toish, arrived, and brought back Errocht, whom he mett in the Isle,
along with him. Locheill, though much fretted at the disconcerting his
measures, was still resolved to fight the enemy the very nixt day, and
to continue his march ; but Breadalbane told him roundly, that he was
equally allyed to them both ; that he came there to act the part of a
mediator, and whoever of them proved refractorey, he would not onely
joyn with the other against him, but also would bring all the power that
Argile was master of with his own into the quarrell : And he there
upon showed a Commission he had from the Earl of Argile to that pur-
poise.
Locheill found himself under the necessity of consenting ; and his
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL.
firm resolution of fighting had this good effect, that it hastened on the
agreement, and in a manner compelled Macintoish, who was pusht on by
his people, to consent to those very proposealls that had been formerly
made by the Privy Councill, and afterwards by the Earl of Murray,
whereof I have already given ane account.
This agreement was concluded on the 20th of September 1665, about
three hundred and sixty years after the commencement of the quarrell ;
which was perhaps of the longest duration of any mentioned in history, and
considdering the strength of the partys, as bloody as any that has been
heard of. Though Macintoish gained nothing, yet Locheill and his pre
decessors were exceeding great loosers by it, for they were so intent
and keen in defending their possession of that estate, that they either
gave away or abandoned their originall inheritance, which was four times
above this in value, as their original Charters from the Lords of the
Isles, all confirmed by King James IV., with the Charters granted by
succeeding Princes, errecting the whole into a free Barroney, with many
large powers and priviledges, testify to this day ; and all this besides
the loss of the pension of three hundred pounds sterling per annum,
that I have mentioned, and of Swinart and Ardnamurchan, which now
belonged to the Earl of Argile, with the rest of his father's forfeiture,
by a gift from the Crown, in the manner I shall soone have occasion to
relate.
However, as matters were now scituated, the present transaction with
Macintoish was as good as Locheill could reasonably have expected it ;
for, besides the yearly rents of the lands, which far exceeded the interest
of the pryce he payed for them, he had fine old woods of oak and firr on
both sides of Loch Erkike, and on other parts of that estate, worth
four times the value of that sum. But still there was a materiall om-
mission in this bargain, which afterwards, in the year 1688, coast Loch
eill both trouble and expences ; for he, haveing, from the redeeming of
the morgage in March 1639, possessed the estate without paying any
rent, to the time of this agreement, he was accountable to Macintoish
for all the years of that intervall, which, ammounting to a considerable
sum, ought to have been expressly comprehended in the treaty. Be
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL. 193
this as it will, the present differances being thus adjusted, the two Chiefs
had a friendly conference the nixt day, and exchainged swords, in testi-
money of a sincere reconciliation, under mutwall promises of ane inviol
able friendship for the future. The leading gentlemen of the two Clans
used the same form of ceremoney, and Locheill, haveing entertained
them all for some days in his house in the best manner he could, diss-
missed them, in appearance, very well satisfied.
The spring following, he mett Macintosh att Edinburgh, where the
treaty was ratified in presence of the Earls of Argile and Breadal-
bane ; and the first moyety of the sum agreed upon payed. Argyle ad
vanced the money without any obligation of interest, on condition,
that Locheill would consent to hold these lands of his Lordship, for the
yearly payment of one hundred pounds Scots of few-duty, and for the
service of 100 men in arms when required. These conditions Loch
eill with great unwillingness submitted to ; but the necessity of finding
money to pay Macintosh was too urgent to be long disputed. It is
true the Marquess of Atholl offered him money, but still upon harder
conditions ; and Locheill refuseing his overture, occasioned some small
resentment on Athol's side, as we will see hereafter ; but without any
just ground, seeing the obligations he lay under to Argyl's father and
himself were sufficient motives to determine him, though the terms
had been equall. The service of the men the late Earl of Argile dis-
penced with, by a writt under his hand ; and he had likewayes gott rid
of the vassalage, by the favour of King James VII., if the intrigues of
the then Duke of Gordon had not prevented it. By this bargain with
Argile, Locheill was soone thereafter brought under many difficultys
and troubles, with relation to his friends, the M 'Leans. The missfor-
tunes of this antient and honourable family have too near a relation to
my subject to be passed over in silence : But we must look back some
years, in order to trace them from their original.
The Marquess of Argile haveing procured from the Lords of the Trea-
sourey a grant of the tyths of Argyleshyre, with a Commission to collect
several arrears of the few-duty, cesses, taxations, and supply, and some
new impositions laid on the subject by the rebellious Parliament, under
2 B
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL.
the names of ammunition, and contribution-money, and the like, did
take out a decree against Sir Lachlane M'Lean of Dowart, Chief of the
M'Leans, for his quota of these arrears, and for some small sums wherein
the Marquess was cautioner or suerty for him ; and haveing, after the
ordinary course of legall diligence, made himself master of his person,
forced him, in the year 1042, to grant bond for L.I 4, 000 Scots, and to
subscrive a doqueted accompt for L. 16, 000 more, bearing interest. The
M'Leans alleadge, that, between the years 1652 and 1659, they payed
L.22,000 of that debt, partly to the Marquess himself, and partly to the
Lady Anne his daughter, who had ane assignement to it from her father,
besides L. 10, 000 which Sir Hector, who succeeded Sir Lachlane, had
payed to himself in 1651. But this seems improbable; for non but
fools would have delivered such sums without receipts or acquit cances.
All the executions that followed on the bonds would have been by our
law reduced, that is, annulled, upon application to the proper judge,
if such had been exhibited before him ; and it is not presumable that
the Marquess would have, in good policy, proceeded to ultimate dilli-
gence, while he knew that such strong evidences were extant against
him, that would in time make void the whole. Besides, the scituation
of M'JLean's affairs, during the course of the Rebellion, fortifyes this pre
sumption ; for, being deeply engadged in the service of the Crown in
all the attempts that were made by the Royalists, while the Usurpation
lasted, they suffered such losses by the depredations of the enemy, by
the expences of supporting their people, by the totall neglect of their
affairs att home while they were engaged abroad, and by many other un
avoidable callamitys of a furious Civill War of so long a continuance,
that it seems enough if they subsisted themselves, though they had not
been pressed by any such debts.
But, however the case may be, it is certain that the Marquess tooke
no notice of these payments, and that, in the year 1659, he obtained a
decree, adjudgeing and decreeing the property of M' Lean's whole estate
to belong to him and his heirs, for payment of the accumulate sum of
L.85,000 Scots ; nor was there any abatement or deduction allowed for
the L.32,000, said to have been payed as above.
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL. 195
The Marquess being forfeited in May 1661, M'Lean and his tutor
did, in consequence of his Majesty's orders to his Parliament to redress
all such as had been injured or oppressed by the Marquess, dureing the
Rebellion, out of his forfeiture, applyed to the Parliament, and proved the
extent of their losses to have far exceeded the sum for which the forsaid
decree was obtained ; but the process was stopt, upon I know not what
pretence, by his Majesty's Advocat-general, before the sentance or de
cree was pronounced.
M'Lean's view of compensating the debt in the adjudication being
dissapointed, my Lord Lauderdale procured a gift of the forfeiture from
his Majesty to the Earl of Argile and his creditors, to be applyed in
the following manner: — 1st, L. 15, 000 of free yearly rent was granted
to the Earl himself : 2c%, Allowance was made for payment of morgages
or proper wadsetts : 3dly, For such debts as were owing by the Earl
himself, or for which he was bound joyntly with his father : \ihly, For
my Lady Marchioness her provisions, by her marriage-settlements, and
for the portions of the younger children of the family : And the remain
der of the estate was appoynted to be equally divided among the late
Marquess his creditors.
Agreeably to this scheme, there was a commission directed to the
Earl of Seaforth and some others for examining into the rentall or yearly
revenues of the estate, and making the settlement accordingly : And by
the report, there remained nothing for paying these creditors but this
debt of M'Lean's, which is there stated to ammount, att Martimas 1665,
to the sume of L. 121, 000 Scots, including interest and charges; and
another sume of L. 20, 000 owing to that family by the Captain of Clan-
ranald ; which two sumes, the Commissioners haveing decreed to belong
to the creditors, the Earl declaired himself willing to devest himself of
any right that he had to them, which, indeed, was none, since they fell
to the Crown by the forfeiture, and were not returned to the heir of the
family by the gift. And here it is to be remarked, that M'Lean had a
fair opportunity offered him of getting out of Argyl's hands, by a trans
action with the creditors, who never received one sixpence of the sums
owing them by the Marquess. This unaccountable negligence of
196 MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL.
M'Lean and his managers gave the Earl of Argyle a handle for seizing
their opulent fortune ; for, without taking notice of the creditors, who
likewayes neglected their concerns, he infeft himself upon the fore men
tioned adjudication, and having executed the ordinary course oflegall
dilligence, he procured letters of fire and sword against them, for getting
into the possession by force.
It was unlucky for the family of M'Lean that the Chief was then a
child, and his tutor a person who seems to have been absolutely unfitt
for mannageing his affairs att such a juncture ; for, instead of settling
matters by a composition, or attempting to redress them by law, which
he had ane easey opportunity of doeing, either by making a handle of
the Marquess his creditors, or by examening into Argyle's originall tittle,
which the law would have annulled upon production of the accquit-
tances and receipts before mentioned, if any such were ; I say, instead of
settleing matters by one or other of these methods, he vainly squandered
away his pupill's money, and ruined the poor people by keeping them
in arms, and hyring the neighbouring Clans to march in considerable
bodys into the Isle of Mull to defend it from the invasion threatned by
the Earl of Argyle.
Had Locheill been acted by principles of interest, he would un
doubtedly have continued newterall, and though Argyle prevailed upon
him to come some dayes to Inverarey, yet all the offers he made him
were inneffectwall to make him desert his friends. He was, it is true,
very much at the Earl's mercy, as his vassall in a good part of his estate,
and his debitor in a great sum of money. His Lordship demanded pay
ment of the debt, and the men he was obliged to send him, threatning,
if he did not comply, to execute the law against him with the outmost
rigour : He answered, that he had not the money, nor would he imploy
his men against his friends. And so parting, without taking leave, he
hastned to Lochaber, where, joyning the Lord M 'Donald of Glengary,
the Lairds of Keppoch, Glencoe, and others, they marched into Mull,
and prevented Argyl's invasion for that year.
This riseing in arms without legall authority, is no less a cryme than
rebellion in the construction of law. His Lordship compleaned to the
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL. 197
Councill, and in order to prevent such opposition for the future, he
prevailed with them to issue out a long proclamation upon the 29th July
1669, whereby all former acts with respect to the Highland Chieftains
are enumerated and ratified, and those who were complained on as most
turbulent are ordered to find annuall caution for keeping the peace ; and
among these were his Lordship of Argyle, the Lairds of Locheill,
M'Lean, and others. The Earl allowed himself to be comprehended in
the proclamation out of policy. None could oppose a proclamation so
seemingly impartiall, and as, on that account, it passed without contra
diction, so it could have no effect against him, seeing he was authorized
by law in what he intended to act against the M' Leans.
But Locheill was under some difficulty before he could extricate him
self out of this snare. He was then under caption, that is, a warrand
was out for seizeing his person for the debt he owed Argyle, which
made it dangerous for him to adventure on a journey to Edinburgh, as
being pretty certain that the Earl would doe all he could to gett him
into his clutches : But still he thought it more dangerous not to obey
the orders of the Councill ; and, therefore, in October, he stole privatly
into Edinburgh, and upon the 28th of that month obtained a personall
protection from the Councill, in spite of what Argyle, who was himself
a Councelor, could doe in opposition.
But still his difficulty did not end here ; for, being fully determined
not to abandon the M' Leans till matters were some way adjusted between
them and the Earl, he forsaw that he would be obliged to continue in
arms, whereby his cautioners, who by law behooved to be persons re-
sideing in the Low-countrey, would be made lyable to the penalty. To
elude this difficulty, he applyed to the Councill by petition, praying
their Lordships, that, in respect that he had used his outmost endeavours
with his friends in the Low-country to become cautioners for him, and
that they had all refused, their Lordships would be pleased to accept of
Highland caution. Argyle, who saw into the design, opposed it strenu
ously ; but Locheil's interest prevailed, and the petition was granted.
Though he continued att Edinburgh for the greatest part of the win
ter, and received several invitations from Argile to an interview, yet he
19s MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL.
positively refused to see him ; and was so much offended att his crewelty
to the M'Leans, and the affront he putt upon him by the caption I just
now mentioned, that he drew a pistoll to shoot him as he was stepping
into his coach, in order to attend the Councill ; but was luckily hindered
by his servant, who being at his back, suddenly wrested the pistoll out of
his hands.
Early in the spring following he made a second expeadition into Mull,
where he stayed all the summar, and continued to doe so for the three
or four next succeeding years ; his Lordship not haveing adventured to
doe any thing by way of force all that while.
In the spring of the year 1674 he was taken ill of a dangerous bloody-flux,
which he had drawn upon himself by the cold and other inconvenienceys
he had suffered in serving his friends the M'Leans. His illness continue-
ing for the whole year following, he became so extenuated that his phy-
sitians at last dispared of his life. While he wjis able to speak or write,
he never failled to assist the tutor of M'Lean with his best advice ; but
his distemper increaseing, the tutor, who was a credulous good-natured
man, was easily imposed upon by the subtility of my Lord M 'Donald,
who, out of meer emulation, bore him no good will, and cunningly in
sinuated to the tutor that he was too much in friendship with the Earl of
Argile, to be sincere in his affection to the M'Leans : In short, he gave
such a malitious turn to all his actions, and so mannaged the easey tem
per of the innocent well-meaning man, that he brought matters in the
end to ane absolute rupture. Locheil's advice was slighted, the men
whom he had in that service neglected, and a small pension which was
assigned him in payment of his lady's portion out of M 'Lean's estate
was stopt. While Locheil's advice was followed, the M'Leans con
tinued simply on the defensive, without injuring any person, but now
when the conduct was committed to his Lordship, as if he wanted to
provock the Earl of Argyle, and to draw the hatered of their neightbours
upon the people whom he served, he advised them to invade the Earl's
country, where they did nothing but plunder a few innocent persons
who had never injured them. Being in the end wearyed of that coun-
trey, and inclineing to return to his oun, as haveing done enough for
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL. 199
that year's pension, (for he had a considerable one payed him yearly out
of M* Lean's estate,) he contrived matters so that a few wild horses
making a great noise in the night, as they run precipitantly by the place
where they lay encampt, they were surprized with such a pannick that
they betooke themselves to their heels, and immediatly dispersed.
In the mean time, the Earl of Argile took a new and more effectwal
method to attain to his designs. Being Hereditary Justiciarey of the
Isles, he issued out summondses against all the gentlemen of the name
of M'Lean, and against as many of the commons as he could find names
for, to appear before his Justice Court for treasonable convocation in
arms, making leagues, subscriving bonds for that end, and garrissoning
houses and castles, &c., to stand their try alls, and to find landed gentle
men cautioners for them within six days after they were charged.
The unfortunate M 'Leans, knowing that his Lordship, their mortall
enemy, was to be both Judge and party, did not obey ; whereupon they
were immediatly declared rebells to his Majesty, outlawed, and had a
new commission of fire and sword issued out against them. They were
watched with the greatest strickness, in order to cutt off all intercourse
between them and the Lords of the Councill, who onely could redress
them. Such of them as fell into the enemy's hands were very ill-used, and
threatned with death ; and the whole name, cooped up within their
Isleand, were almost starved to death for want of provisions, which their
auxiliareys had wholly eaten up.
The Earl, sufficiently apprysed of their misery, invaded the Isle with
a good body of men, and found no opposition ; but the house of Dowart,
a strong old Castle, being garrisoned, he published ane indemnity which
he had obtained on purpose, remitting all crimes committed by them pre-
ceedingthe 18th of September 1674, on condition that they gave him im-
mediat possession of M 'Lean's estate, and delivered up the castle ; with
both which their miserable scituation obliged them to comply. Argile,
having thus gott possession, endeavoured to prevaill with M'Lean's vas-
salls to renounce their interest in that family, and to accept of new
Charters from him, which they obstinately refused to doe ; and forseeing
that their troubles were not yet over, they again betook themselves to
•_>,,,. MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL.
arms, and called in my Lord Macdonald and others to their assistance, and
so much were they irritated against their new master and the Camp
bells, that his Lordship of Macdonald easily prevailed with them to make
the invasion upon Argile I have mentioned. This procedure gave the
Earl a new handle for prosecuting them and their abbetters before his
own Justice Court, whereby they were again reduced to their former
miserys, wherein they continued till the year 1676, that the Councill
commanded them to disperse, and brought the matter to a tryall before
themselves.
Locheill, in the mean time, recovering from his long indisposition,
(which, by the by, was the onely malady he was ever troubled with in his
life,) my Lord Argile tooke advantage of his resentment against his
Lordship of Macdonald and the Macleans, and sent some of his friends
under the pretence of a visite to propose a reconciliation. The gentlemen
employed in this aifair, being of Locheil's near relation, were so power
fully seconded by the Camerons, that in the end they obtained his con
sent to ane interview, to which he was inveited by a most obligeing letter
from the Earle.
Before this time, there had been a secrete correspondence carryed on
between some of the leading men of the Camerons and the Earle, where
of Locheill knew nothing till his recovery. These friends daily repre
sented to him, that no less than the safety of his Clan and family de
pended upon this agreement ; that the sum of money he owed to Ar
gile was more than double the extent of that wherein the Macleans were
originally indebted ; that he was his vassall in a great part of his estate ;
and that it was odds but he would be brought to the same misery, if he
did not wisely prevent it ; that he had been now ane outlaw, on their ac
count, for five years successively, his honour was suspected, and his ser
vices slighted ; but supposeing matters otherwayes, what could he doe
for them ? Argile was now in possession ; he had power sufficient to
preserve it ; and was seconded in it by the laws of his country ; that if he
resolved to serve them effectually, he must doe it by his friendship and
interest with Argile as a mediator, for it was impossible he could effect-
uat any thing as ane enemy.
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL. 201
Locheill sett out in the beginning of June 1675 for the Castle of Dun-
staffnage, where his Lordship already waited him. This is probably one
of the oldest buildings extant in the Kingdome, and was, in antient
times, one of the seats of our first Kings before the destruction of the
Piets. Att Appine Locheill was mett by some of the principall gentle
men of the name of Campbell, who were ordered by his Lordship to at
tend him during that short voyage, a journey by land haveing been
thought too fatigueing in the state he was in. He was very well received
by Argile, who, after the first compliments were over, asked him how
he came to conceive such a mortall enmity against a person who had
been so much his friend ? Locheill answered, that he never had any per
sonal hatred against his Lordship, though he had to his designs. Ar
gile replyed, that he hoped he was now fully sensible that he had chosen
the wrong side by the returns of gratitude made him for so many years'
service. "I proposed nothing, my Lord," said Locheill, " but to save
my oppressed friends from absolute ruine. I expected no reward, and
I knew they could give me non ; but now, since they seem to slight the
small services I could doe them, I think myself obliged to meddle no
more in their affairs till they come under other managers." His Lordship
said, in answer to this, that he had never proposed to ruine them, but
their own folly would soon doe it without him ; that he had oftener than
once offered them very easy terms, which they had hitherto vainly re
jected, out of a fancy that they could defend themselves by the sword ;
that after his Lordship had adjusted matters with the late Sir Allan, and
agreed to restrict his whole claim to the estate of Morvine, which did
not amount to one half of the value of the sum he owed him, he, the
said Sir Allan, followed the advice of three or four interested people of
his name, and threw up the bargain ; that, as he thought both his honour
and interest at stake, he was determined to bring the affair to a conclu
sion, whatever trouble it coast him ; that, even after all that, if he had
reasonable people to dale with, he would be still willing to enter into a
transaction, and accept of any part of M' Lean's estate of near a suitable
value, in place of all he could charge him with.
Locheill readily answered, that if his Lordship would be pleased to
2c
202 MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL.
assure him, upon his word of honour, thathe had no other view but to ob
lige the M'Leans to enter into such terms as should seem reasonable to
the friends on both sides, he would make no scruple to attend him into
Mull, when he pleased ; but that his Lordship was not to expect he
would ever act the part of ane enemy in that service ; for, however the
tutor had used him, his innocent young cousine M'Lean had never done
him any injury, and that, even though he inclined to act against him, his
men would not follow him. Argile subjoyned, that he wanted no more
but his countenance in the matter, to show them that they had not him
to trust to in support of their foolish measures ; that he valued not my
Lord Macdonald nor his adherents, and that Locheill might rest himself
assured that he would be as willing as the M' Leans or their friends
could wish him to conclude the affair by a reasonable transaction, After
several conferences to this purpose, his Lordship entered into a con
tract with Locheill, whereby the latter obliged himself to waite upon his
Lordship in person into the Isle of Mull, attended with fifty men, for
which his Lordship became engaged to submitt all claims and demands
on both sides to certain friends after performance. This contract bears
date 5th June 1675.
Affairs being thus adjusted, his Lordship inveited Locheill to pass a
few days with him att Inverarey, where there happned ane adventure,
which, though of no consequence in itself, will probably divert the reader.
Locheill, haveing accepted the invitation, had, it seems, for some days,
neglected to get himself sheaved, which the Earl observing, offered him
the service of a French valet de chambre, whom he affirmed to be very
adroit in the mannagement of his razer ; and there being no company
then present, prevailed with his guest to sett aside ceremoney, and to
allow himself to be sheaved in the room where they were. There
chanceing to be two Highland fellows of the name of Cameron, and of
their Chiefs retinue, in waiting att the door, the Earl, who was then walk
ing through the room, observed that they stood closs together, and pressed
hard upon the door with their backs. When the valet had performed
his work, his Lordship asked Locheill by way of jest, if it was his cus-
tome to keep a guard-de-corps about him while he was a sheaving ? The
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL. 203
other, asking the reason of so odd a question, " I have," replyed his
Lordship, " observed a very misterious conduct in these two fellows of
yours all the while the valet was a sheaving you. They stood, in a me
nacing posture, pressing hard upon the door, as if they had designed to
hinder others to enter the room. One of them had his eyes closs fixt
upon me, and the other on the valete ; and I am convinced there must
be something of meaning in so strange a behaviour." "Be so good,
my Lord," answered Locheill, "as to inquire their meaning att them
selves ; for, I assure your Lordship, they had no orders from me, nor
did I so much as know of their being there." The Earl having questioned
them on the matter, one of them answered, with a brisk assurance,
that they, knowing well that there had been a differance between his
Lordship and their Chief on account of the assistance he had given the
M' Leans, they began to suspect, when the valet was called for, that there
might be a designe of murdering their Chief under the cover of that ser
vice, seeing he had a servant of his own who used to performe it ; and that,
therefore, they were determined, if their suspition proved true, first to
dispatch his Lordship, and then the valet. " But," said his Lordship,
"what doe ye imagine would have become of yourselves, if yow had
done such a thing ?" "That we did not think upon," answered the
other briskly, "but we were resolved to revenge the murder of our Chief!"
The Earl praised their zeal for their Chief's safety, gave each of them
money, and so dismissed them ; telling Locheill that he believed there
was no Prince in the world that had so loving and faithfull subjects.
Locheill, being returned to Lochaber, acquanted his lady with all that
passed between Argile and him ; and assured her, that though he had
engaged himself to waite on him in person, yet all his Clan were att
her service. This lovely lady was then big of her third son, Allan,
(of whom we shall have occasion to speak hereafter,) and dyed sone
after her delivery.
By several of Argile's letters to Locheill, it appears that his Lordship
was not well satisfied with his performance of the articles in the contract.
In one of these, directed to the Lady Dowager of Locheill, he compleans
bitterly of her son's ingratitude in not giveing him the concurrence he
204 MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL.
had promised ; and to convince her of the treuth of what he asserted, he
sent her inclosed a copy of that contract. It would seem that Locheill
suspected the sincerity of his Lordship's assurances, that he was willing
to settle the affair by ane easy composition ; but if that was the case,
Locheill was in the misstake, for his Lordship haveing, without any re
sistance, obtained absolute possession of M'Lean's whole estate, came
soon thereafter to ane agreement, and confined all his pretentions to the
Isleand of Tyree, which was att that time worth about L.300 sterling
of yearly rent ; but under condition, that if he was disturbed by M'Lean
or his successors in the enjoyment, his tittle to the whole estate should
revive, and that bargain become void.
Locheill waited upon his Lordship into Mull, attended by 50 men, as
he had engaged ; and, indeed, the Earl was as generous to him as he had
promised ;* for he gave him a full acquittance for L.20,000 of the sum
wherein he was indebted to his Lordship, and the discharge bears date
the 26th October 1678, which seems to have been the year wherein the
differance between that Lord and the M'Leans was finally concluded.
One Macintoish of Connage gave some small interruption to the peace
and quiete that Locheill and his people enjoyed for some years. This
person haveing officiously obtained commission to uplift some old arrears
of cess and other publick impositions due by that neighbourhood,
marched into Lochaber att the head of a good body of such people as he
could engage to attend him ; but hearing that Locheill, Keppoch, and
others, were resolved not to allow him to harrasse the country people,
he sent a small party before him to see if the coast was clear, but these
being mett and dissarmed in a wood, he returned, and compleaned to
the Councill. This, however, coast Locheill a journey to Edinburgh,
where the crime mostly urged against him was his haveing sucli a num
ber of men in arms, as the plantiff offered to prove he had att that time ;
but Locheill easily extricated himself, by alleageing, that he had con-
veened these men in order to bring a certain person to justice who had
lately murdered a man in that neighbourhood.
Sometime thereafter, a party of souldiers, who had marched into that
• " N.B — This is ane error."
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL. 205
countrey upon the same errand, chanceing to kill a woman while she
was hindering them to seize her cattle, a few men of that village gott
together, killed two of the souldiers, and chassed the rest out of Loch-
aber. Locheill, who happened to be then with the Laird of Struan,
Chief of the Robertsons in Rannoch, being soon thereafter summoned
• o
to appear before his Majesty's Privy Councill to answer for his men, was
obliged to return to Edinburgh, where he had the good fortune to find
his Royall Highness the Duke of York. That Prince soon gave Loch
eill a publick testimoney of his favour and esteem, for he not only re
ceived him with marks of distinction, but also, in a full court, honoured
him with his conversation, and putt many pleasant questions to him con
cerning the adventures of his youth. He likewayes complimented him
upon his conduct in his affairs with Macintoish, and said, that he was
well pleased to hear that he had brought it to such a happy issue ; and
that though the King his brother had bought that estate for him, since it
was so long in the possession of his family, and so conveniently scituated
for his Clan, it would have been but a small reward for his services ! In
the end, he demanded his sword, which Locheill haveing delivered, the
Duke attempted to draw it ; but it would not doe, for the sword, it seems,
was somewhat rusty, and but little used, as being a walking sword, which
the Highlanders never make use of in their own countrey. The Duke,
after a second attempt, gave it back to Locheill with this compliment,
that his sword never used to be so uneasy to draw when the Croun
wanted its service ! Locheill, who was modest even to excess, was so
confounded, that he could make no return to so high a compliment ; and
knowing nothing of the Duke's intention, he drew the sword, and re
turned it to his Royal Highness, who, addressing himself to those about
him, " You see, my Lords," said he smiling, " Locheil's sword gives
obedience to no hand but his own !" And thereupon was pleased to
Knight him. So many expressions of favour soon drew after it that of
the courtiers, who affected to magnify his exploits, and to compliment him
on every triffle ; so true it is, that, Regis ad exemplum totus componitur
orbis ; for we have a certain vanity in imitateing our supperiors. While
his Royall Highness stayed att Edinburgh, the killing of the souldiers
•j.»»i MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL.
was never so much as mentioned ; and truely Locheill thought that the
Councill had intirely dropt it, otherways it is probable that he would
have prevailed with the Duke to have interceeded for him. But no
sooner was he gone, than his enemys tooke the advantage, and pusht the
prosecution against him and his Clan with outmost rigour.
This unlucky accident putt him to no small trouble and expense. He
was obliged to bring a great many of the gentlemen of his name to Edin
burgh, and it is certain that the poor fellows who were actwally guilty,
as well as those who were accessorey to the cryms they were accused of,
had run the riske of their lives, had not Locheill saved them by a strata
gem : — Two dayes before that appointed for examining the witnesses,
he imployed proper persons to insinuate themselves into the accquant-
ance of such as he was most affraid of, and to entertain them, under the
greatest expressions of friendship, with such liquors as they found most
to their taste ; and after they had made them drunk, to continue them
in that state till the tryall was over. These fellows performed their part
so well, that they had all the material witnesses not only drunk, but fast
asleep in ane obscure house all that day on which they should have been
sworn and examined. By this means the pannels, that is, the persons
accused, were all acquitted for want of evidence against them, and Loch-
eiFs enemys dissapointed of their revenge.
But what made the greatest noise, at this time, was the famous tryall
of the Earl of Argile, for the explication he putt upon the oath called the
Test. This oath being designed as a bullwark to the Protestant Reli
gion, a clause was added condemning all resistance, and for renounce-
ing the Covenant, &c. ; and all Officers in Church and State were or
dained to take it. The Earl of Argile was then a Privy Counseller, and
one of the Commissioners of the Treasury ; and in order to qualify him
for these offices, he was obliged to take that oath. He had formerly ex
pressed some reluctance against it, but in the end was satisfyed to swear
it, under the following sense and meaning, which he subscrived : "I take
it as far as it is consistant with itself, or with the Protestant Religion,
and I declair that I mean not to bind up myself not to wish or endeavour
any alteration I think to the advantage of the Church or State." The
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL. 207
Council!, observing that by his equivocall paraphraze, his Lordship
seemed to endeavour to sett the subjects loose from their obedience, and
to perpetuate schism in the Church, and faction in the State, in so far
as every man's opinion was to be his rule with respect to his loyalty to
the King, and submission to the laws, they became earnest suiters to the
Earl to pass from his declaratione ; representing, that all such as putt
limitations upon their alleadgeance were, by Act of Parliament, guilty
of high treason, and that the reasonableness of laws was not to be dis
puted after they were enacted. But the Earl continueing obstinat, he
was prosecuted for high treason before the Parliament ; and the ques
tion being concerning the relevancey of the lybell, or the point of law,
whither the charge ammounted to high treason or not, it was given
against him after a vigorous debate, wherein eight or nine of our most
eminent lawers did, by orders from the Councill, assist him. His jury
consisted of eleven of the principall nobility and four gentlemen, where
of many were his own relations, and their verdict run in these terms :
" They all, in one voice, find the Earl of Argile guilty and culpable of
the crimes of high treason, leasing-making, and leasing- telling ; and find,
by plurality of votes, the said Earl innocent, and not guilty of perjury."
Many people thought these proceedings against the Earl very severe ;
but it is agreed upon by all our historians, as well English as Scotch, and
even by Bishop Burnet, who was no enemy to the Earl of Argile, that
the King designed to have remitted the sentance, as he soon thereafter
gave his estate among his children and creditors. But his Lordship was
indulged so much liberty in the Castle of Edinburgh, even after he was
condemned, that he found an easy opportunity of making his escape into
Holland ; where we shall leave him till we have further occasion of en-
largeing on his actions in his own country.
The Earl's forfeiture proved a fruitfull source of new troubles to Loch-
eill, as we shall see by and by ; after relating a small adventure that
happned in his own country. He had been alwayes remarkably diligent
to suppress theft and robery ; and for that end entered into contracts
with all his neightbours, whereby the partys mutwally became engaged
not only to assist one another in searching for and apprehending them,
j,.s MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL.
but also to punish the guilty with severity ; and, indeid, the licentious
ness occasioned by the troubles required all this care and diligence, and
Locheil's was such that he soon purged his country of that vennine.
However, there was a Commission under the Great Scale in August 1682,
which was afterwards renued by proclamation from the Councill in Sep
tember 1685, issued out to the Sherriff of Inverness-shyre, to hold Cir
cuit or Itinerent Courts through the Highlands for the tryeing and
punishing all such delinquents.
The Sherriff marched into Lochaber att the head of seven hundred
men for the security of his person and Court ; and was so far from con-
fineing himself to his Commission, that he received and very arbitrarly
determined in all complaints brought before him for crims committed
during the Civil Wars and confusions in the kingdome. Locheill,
among others, was summoned to this Court. He appeared with a body
of four hundred men under pretext of guarding the Judge, but in reallity
to save his people from injustice and oppression. He forsaw that the
SherrifFs haughty and tiranick procedure would be attended with trouble ;
and to prevent it, he could fall upon no method so effectwall as that of
dismissing the Court by some politicall contrivance or other. He singled
out three or four of the most cunning and sagacious, but withall the
most mischievous and turbulent amongst his followers. Under pretence
of inquireing into their conduct, with these he walked a short way from
the place where the Court was sitting, and pretending to be very thought-
full and serious, he dropt these words in their hearing, as if he had been
meditating and speaking to himself: " Well, — this Judge will mine us
all. — He must be sent home — I wish I could doe it ! — Is there non of
my lads so clever as to raise a rabble and tumult among them, and sett
them together by the ears ? It would send him a-packing. — I have seen
them raise mischief when there were not so much need for it !"
The fellows I have mentioned catcht at those expressions with great
greediness. They quickly mixt among the SherrifPs train, and in three
moments thereafter, Locheill had the pleasure of seeing that vast croud
of people in an uproare. The crys of murder and slaughter resounded
from all quarters. Severall thousands of swords and durks were drawn,
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL. 209
and yet non knew the quarrell, and such a dreadful noise and confusion
of tongues ensued, with the rattle of swords and other weapons strikeing
against one another, that the meeting resembled a company of Bedlamits
brocke loose from their cells with their chains rattleing about them !
The Sheriff, in the meantime, and all the members of his court, were in
a hideous fright, and, observing Locheill marching towards them att the
head of his men with their swords drawn, they run to him in great haste
and begged his protection, which he readily granted, and guarded them
out of the country.
Any person who had been a spectator of this uproare, and seen such
a number of swords glanceing in the air, (for besides those that the judge
brought with him, there came a great confluence of other people from
all parts of the country, ) would have been apt to have imagined that
hundereds would have lost their lives ; and yet onely two were killed,
and a few wounded, in that noisy squabble, The fellows who began the
fray, when they found the flame of sedition and tumult sufficiently
kindled, stole artefully off, and joyned their oun people, whom Locheill
keept in a body by themselves att some distance ; and the Sheriffe, who,
after the strickest screutiny, could never inform himself how the quarrell
began, thought himself so much obliged to Locheill for the safety he
had afforded him in his retreat, that he procured him the thanks of the
Councill for that service. However, he declined holding courts in that
country ever after, though his commission was renewed to him about
three years thereafter.
It will seem surprizeing to posterity that the forfeitures of the Mar
quess and Earl of Argile should, by an odd caprice of fortune, putt
Locheill in danger of looseing his whole estate, and involve him in a
share of the punishment, though he was innocent of the guilt. The
case was this : The Duke of Gordon was either proprietor or supperior
of all that part of Lochaber lyeing on the East side of the Loch and
river of Lochy, excepting that portion of it called the Breas, that is, the
higher parts of it, which belongs to Macintoish, and is and has been for
several ages rented by Macdonald of Keppoch. The other side of the
river is Locheil's property, and held of the family of Argile ; and the
2 D
210 MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL.
superiority was consequently a part of his forfeiture. The Duke of York
had often signified to Locheill, that he judged it a great hardship that such
a person as he should be dependent upon any but the Sovereign, and
promised to take hold of the first opportunity to free him from that kind
of servitude. But the Duke of Gordon, haveing formerly obtained a gift
from the Crown of the Marquess of Argile's forfeiture, 'in so far as ex
tended to the estate of Huntly, included therein the lordship of Loch-
aber, whereof Locheil's fortune was a part ; and infefted himself therein
according to the forms of law : And though he often attempted to pre-
vaill with Locheill to become his vassal for that part of his estate which
held of Argile, as he formerly was for that called Mammore, yet
Locheill, encouraged by his Royall Highness his promises, resolved to
apply to the Crown for a grant of the superiority to himself.
With this view, he immediatly posted to the Court, where the Duke
of York sollicited so effectually in his behalf, that he not onely obtained
the grant, but also a promise of the lands of Swynard and Ardnamur-
chan, so soon as the writings could be gott ready. Locheill having sent
this signature or grant to gett the seals appended to it, and otherways
expedited, in the usewall forms, it was quarrelled in Exchequer by the
Duke of Gordon's lawers, as containing in it some lands pertaining in
property to his Grace. The error proceeded really from Locheil's oun
doers, who had inadvertently copied the signature from ane old charter,
wherein these lands, now belonging to the Duke, were disponed to Loch
eil's predicessors by the Crown. Locheill, thus dissapointed by the in
advertency of his lawers, had the draught of a new signature sent him
by the very next post ; but King Charles dyeing in the mean time, and
the Duke succeeding, the hurry and chainges att Court protracted the
bussiness till Argile's invasion, which threw all into confusion.
The newes of Argile's landing ariveing att Court about the begining
of May 1685, made such a noise, that people of all ranks and degrees
were in the utmost confusion and consternation. The King sent for
Locheill immediatly, and had a long conference with him upon that sub
ject, in his oun cabanet. His Majesty shewed him a representatione
from his Private Committee att Edinburgh, signifying that it would con-
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL. 211
tribute much to his service to send Locheill immediatly home, in order
to assist in suppressing that Rebellion. Locheill, thereupon, humbly as
sured his Majesty that he was ready att all times chearfully to obey his
royall commands ; and that, though he were not obliged in duty and al-
leageance, yet that the hazarding his life and fortune would be too mean
a return of gratitude for so many expressions of his royall goodness.
The King replyed, that a person who had served the publick so faithfully
deserved much more, both of the royall favour and bounty, than he had
yet received ; but that he would find a proper season to testify the es
teem he had of his merite, and in the mean time recommended to him
to assist in defeating the rebellious designs of the common enemy with
his usewall zeale and bravery ; and the King haveing asked Locheill what
his oppinion was of that affair, he frankly told his Majesty, that though
the strength of the rebels was much magnifyed at that distance, yet he
so well knew the scituation of these parts, and the loyalty of the people
in general, that he was certain it would end in their mine : That Argile
was indeed very powerful while engaged in the service of the Crown ;
but that there was no danger to be apprehended when he attempted any
thing against it : And this he was so confident of, that he undertook,
with the assistance of the M'Leans, of whose loyalty and bravery he had
still the best oppinion, to defeat all his designs.
The King answered, that he doubted not his willingness and capacity
to execute what he offered ; but that his Councill, haveing already or
dered the raising .of forces, and recommended the Marquess of Athole,
then Lord Leutenant of the shires of Argile and Tarbat, as a proper
person to command them, he was unwilling to contradict their oppinion,
and ordered Locheill to make what haste he could into his own country
to joyn him ; promiseing, upon the word of a King, not to forget his ser
vices, nor his affair with the Duke of Gordon.
Locheill came post to Scotland ; and haveing on the 20th of May re
ceived his commission from the Privy Councill, and made such dispatch
that he raised 300 of his men, sent orders to as many more to follow
him ; and was the first Chief that joyned the Marquess of Athol at In-
veraray, where the rendesvouzewas appoynted, and where, in a few dayes,
2)2 MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL.
there were more men than were necessary for that service, which made
Locheill return such of his as were on their march to joyn him ; for Ar
gil's small army did not much exceed 1500 men. They were all High
landers, except a few Dutch officers and Scotch fugitives. With these
he encamped on that side of Lochfine which is opposite to Inverarey ;
and from thence designed to have surprized and attacked the King's
troops in the night, he being master of all the boats on Lochfine, as after
wards was discovered from some of their confessions. To prevent such
attempts, my Lord Atholl commanded fifteen of Lord William Murray s
troop of horse, consisting of Perthshyre gentlemen, with ane officer, to
post themselves att a ferry called Kilbride, which is about three miles
from the town, in order to watch the motions of the enemy. A party of
the Macleans were posted about the distance of a mile from them, and
between them and the town were the Brea-of-Mar men ; and, what was
surprizeing, non of these partys knew of the others being out.
In the meantime, the Marquess continued att Invereray without doe-
ing any thing. His Councill of war advised to attack the enemy before
they had time to gather more strength ; and Locheill, who was keen to
have ane opportunity of obligeing his indulgent Sovereign, offered to per
form that service without any other assistants but the Macleans. The
Marquess misstook Locheil's offer for a reflection on his conduct ; in so
much that, with ane air of anger and resentment, he answered, that Locheill
it would seem had a very great confidence in himself ; — that he had the
honour to command the King's troops, and that he was resolved to miss
no opportunity to discharge himself faithfully of that duty. This sharp
repulse made a great noise in the camp ; and as all such accidents are
commonly augmented, there went about a current report of the Mar
quess his informing the Councill, that he had such grounds to suspect
that the Earl of Breadalbane and Sir Ewen Cameron were in concert
with Argile, that he durst not adventure to attack him.
As one missfortune comes ordinarly on the back of another, it hap-
pned that Locheill was ordered by Major- General Buchan to march out
with his men, towards the evening, and reconnoitre the fields, without
being any ways informed of the partys I have mentioned ; nor could he
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL. 213
know any thing of them, for they had taken their posts but some few
hours before. When Locheill came in view of the first party he took them
for enemys, and prepared to attack them ; but, upon a nearer approach,
daylight not being yet quite spent, he began to decern their collours,, and
soon understood his mistake. He had also very near fallen into the
same errour, when he advanced towards the M' Leans, but they being
his neightbours, he came likeways to know them. Some of the gentle
men of that name joyned him for company's sake ; and as they marched
forward, it being now dark night, they descerned several fires att a dis
tance, and some people on horseback rideing about them. Hereupon
they concluded that the enemy had taken the advantage of the night to
ferry over the Loch, att that narrow passage ; but, in order to be better
informed, Locheill ordered two of his men to take a full view of them
from ane adjacent eminence, and in the mean time prepared to attack
them att all adventures. When his spyes returned, they confirmed him
in his oppinion, and assured him that their numbers exceeded 1000,
among which they observed severals on horseback ; for, att the place
where the gentlemen were posted, there being a great deale of shrubs
and bushes, they by the light of the fires misstook them att a distance for
so many men. The gentlemen, in the mean time, hearing a noise, and
being therewith allarmed, advanced a little forward, and called out to
stand. But Locheill, convinced that they were of the enemy, making
no answer, one of them rashly fired a pistoll, and wounded one of the
Camerons, whereupon the rest fell upon them, and would have un
doubtedly cutt them all to pieces, had not Mr Cameron of Callart acci-
dentily known Mr Lynton of Pendrich, as he lay on his back, endeavour
ing to defend himself from the blows of the broad-sword, by a blunder-
bush which he held with both hands across his body. This happy dis
covery saved the rest of these loyall gentlemen, whereof four or five were
killed and severals wounded. Locheill was so affected at this melancholy
accident, that he could speak none for some moments, and never was
known to weep but on this occasion. So strong was the impression that
it made on him, that even to the last hour of his life he could not hear
of it without fetching a deep sigh.
214 MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL.
Mean time, the allarm was brought to the camp, that the enemy have-
ing ferryed undiscovered over the Loch, had surprized and cutt the gen
tlemen to peices. All things were in the outmost hurry and confusion,
and the army was immediatly ordered to march ; but before they were
att any great distance from the town, they were informed of the matter
as it happned. The Marquess, upon his return, called a councill of war ;
and this accident being joyned with the malicious report I have men
tioned, so far confirmed many in their suspitions of treachrey, that some
had the rashness to propose the ordering out a strong detatchment of the
troops, and to make Locheill and his men all prissoners ; and the Lord
Murray, the Marquess, his eldest son, offered to performe that service.
But Mr Murray of Struan being present in the councill, opposed the
motion as not onely dangerous, but distinctive of the King's interest ;
for, said he, " Such a man as Locheill, upon the head of such a body of
men, will not be easily made a prissoner by force. The M'Leans and
M 'Donalds will probably joyn him ; whereby the King will not onely be
deprived of the service of his best troops, but a division made in the army,
whereof the common enemy will no doubt take the advantage. Besides,
it would not only be unjust, but even barbarous, to condemn so many
people, who came there to serve their Prince, without being heard ; and,
it is more than probable, that when the matter comes to be discovered,
it will come out wholly to be ane accident, occasioned by some mistake
or other." This oppinion prevailed, and the councill brock up without
comeing to any violent resolution.
Locheill, all this while, keept his men aside, and was joyned by the
M 'Leans. After the first motions of his passion were over, he began
to deliberat on what he should do, and soon determined himself not to be
made a prissoner. If he was to suffer, he resolved that it should be by
the sentence of his master and Sovereign, who had hitherto honoured
him with his royall favour. The M4 Leans encouraged him in this reso
lution, and generously offered to stand by him in all fortunes. He ad
vanced near to the camp, that he might the more easily inform himself
of what passed, and drew up his men in two lines, with orders to the
left to wheel about in case of being attacked ; that so, being joyned back
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL. 215
to back, they might make two fronts. In this posture they stood all that
night, and for most of the day following ; and towards the evening had
orders to joyn the army, with full assurance of safety ; for by this time
the Marquess had informed himself fully of the matter, which he owned
to Locheill to be a meer accident, for which he was not to be blamed,
and signified as much in a letter he wrote on that subject to my Lord
Tarbat, who intimated it to the Councill.
The enemy continueing still on the opposite side of the Loch, att the
house of Ardkinglaws, and there happening a light skirmish between a
party of theirs, and another commanded by Captain Mackenzie of Suddy,
Locheill, who laid hold on all opportunitys of shewing his zeale in that
service, made what haste he could to have joyned him, with a designe, if
possible, to have drawn on ane engagement ; but before he came up
with them, he was commanded to return by ane express order from the
Marquess. In two days thereafter, the enemy retreated towards a place
called Glenderrowen ; and the King's troops marched to Ardkinglaws,
which they had deserted, and followed them till they arrived att the
mouth or entry of the glen ; and, had they proceeded with any tollerable
speed to the place where the enemy was posted, they might either have
killed or made them all prissoners. But, instead of marching directly
through the glen, the army was ordered to turn about by the foot of the
hill, and direct their course towards Stralachlan ; by which means the
passage was left open for their escape.
The nixt day the army was ordered to march back the same way, and
to enter the glen, after the enemy were gone ; and the same night Loch
eill was ordered to march with a strong detatchment of the Clans, to
prevent Argile's crossing the ferry of Portnadernag, Though he
marched all that night with the greatest expedition, yet Argile crossed
the ferry before they could come up with them. Nixt day, however,
he surprized the Laird of Isleand-greig, with his son and others of the
rebells, whom he delivered prissoners upon his return to the Marquess.
Argile was soon thereafter taken by a weaver, who attacked him att the
foard of Inchinnan near Glasgow, as he was crosseing that small river,
and used him barbarously. Rumbald, the maltster, who had formerly
216 MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL.
been concerned in the Reyhouse Plot, and many other leading men of
that party, were apprehended about the same time and sent to Edin
burgh.
The army disbanded on the 21st of June 1685, with orders to attend
the Marquess att Glasgow on the 7th of July thereafter, and Locheill
parted with him good friends, in appearance.
The troubles being thus settled, the Councill wrote letters of thanks
to all the principall persons who had been most active in that service.
That to Locheill was in this form :
" RIGHT HONOURABLE,
" These are warranding yow to disband the men under your command,
and to return them home, with thanks for your harty concurrance in his
Majesty's service ; and to desire yow to be ready to come out when his
Majesty's service, and your oun interest, shall require it. This, in name
of the Councill, is injoyned yow by your most humble servant,
(Subscribitur) " PERTH, CANCELL. /. P. Z>."
The Earl of Argile was beheaded publickly att the cross of Edinburgh,
upon the first of July thereafter, without any new process against him,
for big actuall rebellion. The reason that lawers give for not bringing
him to a second tryall is, that haveing been condemned already for the
crime of High Treason, he could not, by law, be tryed again for the
very same crime of Treason, for which he already stood convicted, the
law haveing exhausted its revenge by the first sentance. But truely the
matter seems indifferent ; for if his sentance for the first crime seemed
too severe, the second filled up the measure of his iniquity.
Great were the honours that were heaped upon the Marquess of
Athole. He was admitted into the Privy Councill, appointed Keeper of
the Great Seall, and had several other offices bestowed upon him,
whereby he came to be in great power and authority. Though his
Lordship seemed satisfied of Locheil's innocence with respect to his
missfortune att Invereray, yet he inclined, upon I know not what new
grounds, to have him brought to a tryall for it before the Councill. He
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL. 217
transmitted a very unfavourable representation of it to the King, and ob
tained a warrand for apprehending him. But, as he knew that this de
sign was not easily to be executed by force, he procured ane order for
Captain Mackenzie of Suddey, for marching into that country with his
companey, under pretext of suppressing some disorders which he al-
leadged had lately happened there ; but his private orders were to sur
prize Locheill, and bring him prissoner to Edinburgh. His eldest
daughter, Mrs Margaret, being then in the city, had secretly informa
tion of the designe against her father from some of his friends in the
Privy Councill, and immediatly dispatched one Cameron, a souldier in
the City Guards, with letters advertizeing him of his danger. The mes
senger ariving in due time, Locheill stept aside while the Captain made
his visite, and being fully determined to ride post to Court, to which he
was much incouraged by letters from several of his friends there, and par
ticularly from the Earl of Breadalbane, intimating that he was still in
favour with his Majesty, and that the information against him was not
near so invidious as was given out by some who inclined to sow discord
between him and the Marquess of Athol. He sett out that very day,
and having conversed with some of his principall friends in Edinburgh
as he passed by, he took post horses, and arrived att London before it
was known to his antagonists that he had left Lochaber.
He found his friends att Court so prepossessed with the notions of his
guilt, which had been industriously spread about by his adversarys in
the most odious colours, and so firmly perswaded that the King would
not see him, but abandon him to the common course of law, that they
all one by one, after repeated application, absolutely refused to introduce
him, and many of them seemed even afraid to converse with him, though
in the most cautious and private manner.
Robert Barclay of Ury, the famous Quaker, and great favourite of
King James, a person of very extraordinary parts, whose sister Locheill
had married some few months before, wrote in his favours to several of
the English Nobility, with whom he was very intimate and familiar, as he
was even with his Majesty. All these declined to do him that peice of
service, though they mostly offered him their friendship with all the
2 E
218 MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL.
good offices they could do him in private. Mr Barclay, in his letter to
Locheill, advises him to endeavour by all means to obtain private access
to the King, and not to trust the clearing of his innocencey to any second
band ; and to remember the Earl of Middletoun's reproofe with respect
to his foolish modesty, which was the onely bar to his advancement, and
had been so often the ruine of his affairs. The reproofe alluded to in
this letter happened on this occasion : Locheill, the last time he was att
Court, happening in companey with Mr Drummond of Balhaldys, who
soon thereafter married his eldest daughter, to make a visite to the
Earl of Middletoun, he, among other things, solicited his Lordship to
interceed for him with the King for dispatch in his affairs. The Earl,
who had observed from his Majesty's speaking with Locheill for some
minutes, every time that he chanced to see him, and from many other
marks of distinction, in what high degree of favour he was with his Ma
jesty, answered, that he was surprized how he, who was the distinguish
ed favourite att Court, came to demand his Lordship's small interest ; for,
to his certain knowledge, nothing stood in his way to the highest prefer
ment but his oun excessive modesty ! " And it seems very odd to me,
(said he, ) that a person indued with your prudence, judgement, and for
titude, should be so bashfull in his oun affairs as to want resolution to
demand common justice from a Prince so prepossessed in your favours
that he can deny yow nothing : But the treuth is, yow have not the as
surance to look any person that is your superior stedfastly in the face,
except he has a naked sword in his hand !" Locheill answered, that
having passed the greatest part of his youth in the hills, his Lordship
knew he had not the benefite of a courtly education.
This was indeed Locheil's greatest foible, which he never could gett
the better of, though he often attempted it. This very Earl of Middle
toun, however, deserted him on the occasion I am speaking of, and
among all his friends att Court he could find non that had courage
enough to serve him, except Leutenant- General Drummond, who att
the same time undertooke no more than to accquant his Majesty that
Locheill was in the city. This General was a son of the Lord Maderty,
and being in his younger days bred up in the Muscovite service, he left
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL. 219
it during the Rebellion in order to serve the King, and joyned General
Middletoun and the other Loyalists of these times. After the death of
General Dalziell, he was, in reward of his merite, made General of the
Scotch forces, and afterwards created Lord Viscount of Strathallan by
King Charles II. He was ane honest man, a faithfull and sincear friend,
and ane incorruptible patriot ; besides, he distinguished himself by his
learning and parts, and wrote a genealogical history of the Drummonds
with judgement and spirite, but it has not yet been printed.
The Lord Strathallan, haveing, as he promised, informed the King
of his friend's being in town, his Majesty desired to see him nixt morn
ing, while he was in his dressing-room ; and being accquanted that he
had been several days there, and that all his accquantances had declined
to introduce him, " Tell him," said the King, "that he needed non to
introduce him to us, and that we expected the first visite !" These ex
pressions of his Majesty's goodness was more than Locheill expected.
He punctwaly obeyed his orders, and throwing himself att the King's
feet, said, that he came there as a criminal with a rope about his neck,
to putt himself and all his in his royall mercy. His Majesty gave him
his hand to kiss, and commanding him to rise, intimated that he had
heard of his missfortune, and that accidents of that nature had often
fallen out among the best disciplined troops ; and subjoyned, that as he
believed his zeall in that service had occasioned it, so nothing but his
being guilty of actwall rebellion would ever convince him that he could
be dissloyall. Locheill expressed the deep sense he had of his Ma
jesty's royall goodness in the best manner he could ; and his Majesty
haveing desired him to relate the particulars of their late expedition
against Argile, he did it in few words, and in the most modest manner,
and carefully avoyding all reflections on the conduct of others, he related
his oun missfortune in such terms as made his Majesty say, that he
ought rather to have been pityed and conforted for so afflicting ane acci
dent than accused ; and that it was wholly owing to his Generals, who
ought to have informed him of the posts of the several partys, which
would have effectwally prevented it.
His Majesty being dressed, he commanded Locheill to follow him
220 MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL.
closs att his back; and when he had walked into the middle of the
Chamber of Presence, where there was a very splendid and numerous
Court : " My Lords and Gentlemen," said the King in a very gay man
ner, " I advise yow to have a care of your purses, for the King of the
Thieves is att my back !" And then, turning about to Locheill, he
said he would be glade to see him often while he stayed in town, and
thanked him for his faithfull service in the late Rebellion. Never was
there a brighter example of the servile complaisance of courteours than
Locheill had on this occasion ; for he now had them all about him, con
gratulating him upon his Majesty's favour, and offering him their ser
vices, though, the very day before, he could find but one among them
that would serve him so far as barely to mention his name to his Majes
tic. The King, on his part, lett slip no opportunity of testifying his es
teem. Sir Ewen never appeared in Court but his Majesty spoke two or
three words to him ; and if he chanced to meet with him elsewhere, he
had always the goodness to inquire about his health, and now and then
to putt some jocose question to him, such as, if he was contryving how
to steall any of the fine horses he had seen in his Majestie's stables, or
in those of his courtiers ?
In the mean time, Locheill was informed by his brother-in-law, Mr
Barclay, that the Duke of Gordon had taken advantage of his absence
to raise ane action against him before the Court of Session, for reduce-
ing or annulling the rights and tittles he had to his whole estate. I am
far from thinking that his Grace had any view of ever attaining to the
possession of that estate ; but his designs seem to have been, to com-
pell Locheill freely to give him the superiority, rather than run the
hazard of looseing the property. The Duke had two different pleas
against him : The first was for these lands that held of Argile, and the
other for the estate of Mammore, which held of himself. To both these
he pretended right by virtue of his late Majesty's gift of that part of
Argil's forfeiture, but by different tittles in law. His claim to the first
was founded upon that antient law, whereby, in horrour of treason, the
vassall forfeited equally with the supperior ; the law presumeing that
his principall strength consisted in his vassalage : Besides, by the few-
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL. 221
dall law, the supperior and vassall were undistinguished persons, and the
superior's charters comprehended both as absolute proprietor ; and that
grant becomeing voyd, and returning to the crown by his crime, the
whole lands therein contained fell with his forfeiture.
The Duke of Gordon, in order as well to strengthen his tittle to the
estate he claimed by the Marquess of Argile's forfeiture, as to procure
a right to the estate of Glenlui and Locharkike, whereof the late Earl
his son had accquired the superiority, as I have related, did, upon the
15th January 1685, procure a grant from King Charles of both estates ;
and did again, on the 29th of January 1686, obtain from King James a new
signature or grant of both. The King knew nothing of Locheil's inte
rest in the affair, and highly resented his being imposed upon by the
Duke, as we shall have occasion hereafter to observe. The Duke's pre
tence to the estate of Mammore holding of himself flowed from this, that
Locheill had neglected, while the Marquess of Argile was in possession
of the estate of Huntly, to get his charters confirmed by the supperior ;
who, besides his pretended right by Huntly's forfeiture, had adjudged it
for his debts, as we have elsewhere hinted ; whereby Locheill, being in
nonentry, that is, having possessed without paying the fees due to the
superior on his entering to that possession, and without procuring a con-
firmatione of his charter and infeftment in his own person, the estate re-
cognosced, that is, the rights became voyd, and the estate returned to the
superior. Nothing could be more unjust than this claim, for, though
Duke Gordon had approven of Argile's right to his estate, by refuseing
to have it restored to him by ane act of justice, and choiseing to get a
gift of it from the crown, as Argile's property, in order to elude the pay
ment of his father's debts, yet Locheill thought it a breatch of thealled-
geance he owed to his Sovereign to accept of a confirmatione of his right
from any superior, whose original possession flowed from no better tittle
than ane unjust and ane illegall sentance of forfeiture pronounced by a
rebellious Parliament. This was, in effect, to make loyalty a crime, and
to make the predecessor's debts beneficiall to the son.
Locheill complained bitterly to the King of this harsh useage ; and
told his Majesty, in plain terms, that, if the Duke prevailed, he would
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL.
be worse punished for his loyalty than others, not even excepting the
leaders, had been for their rebellion ! The King answered, that it was
true that both he and his brother had been imposed upon, but that he
would make him amends. And Duke Gordon being then att Court, his
Majesty called for him, and spoke to him in terms that did not satisfie
his Grace, accuseing him of no less than the makeing him the author of
a barbarous injustice by the surreptitious grant that he had obtained of
Locheil's estate. The Duke excused himself the best way he could ;
and to mitigate his Majesty's displeasure, pretended that he designed to
make no further use of it than to ascertain his right of superiority, which
Sir Ewen himself could not disclaime. The King replyed, that he would
receive his excuse, on condition that he would submitt the matter in
controversie to himself, as arbitrator betwixt them. This the Duke
could not refuse ; and Locheill most willingly consented ; a submission
was drawn up in form, and all further procedure was stopt.
But the Duke of Monmouth's invasion, and other troubles interveen-
ing, nothing was done in this affair till about the spring of the year
1688, that Mr Barclay went to Court and solicited the matter, Locheill
haveing returned to Scotland about the begining of 1686, after subscrib
ing the submission to the King.
The Duke of Gordon's was not the only process Locheill was vexed
with on account of this forfeiture. He was likeways prosecuted att the
instance of one George Seaton, for a debt owing by the Marquess of Ar-
gile, to which he had obtained right by decree of the Commissioners and
Trustees appointed by his late Majesty for dividing the estate, reall and
personall, of the late Earl among his own and his father's creditors.
Locheill, being then debtor to the Earl, these Trustees ordered that Mr
Seton should be payed his claim out of that debt ; but the Duke of Gor
don haveing also a claim to all contracts and obligations between the late
Earl and Locheill, in virtue of the grant I have mentioned, insisted like-
W^s in ane action against him for the same very thing before the Court
of Session. The King had formerly, in a letter to the Lords Commis-
sionars of the Treasury, signified his pleasure with respect to that
debt, and to all other contracts, obligations, &c. wherein Locheill was
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL. 223
bound to the late Earl, which his Majesty declaired he did not intend
should be included in the Duke's gift, and therefore commanded that
they should be discharged. But the Duke haveing shifted giveing obe
dience, Mr Barclay complained of it to the King ; and informed his Ma
jesty fully of the state of the dispute betwixt the partys, as also of Mr
Seaton's claime. The King answered, that he would not suffer Loch-
eill to be wronged either by the Duke or by any other person ; that he
would have that affair adjusted speedily ; and that the Duke was to
waite on him that afternoon in order to excuse his not obeying the letter.
And the Earl of Perth, then Chancellour, haveing afterwards informed
Mr Barclay, that all that his Grace had to say was to accuse Locheill
of I know not what, as he had formerly threatned, he was carefull to at
tend, and was much satisfyed to hear the King cutt him short, ere he had
well begun, by telling his Grace that he needed not to insist upon that,
for he believed Locheill to be a very honest and loyall man ; that he had
alwayes served him faithfully ; and that he would hear no accusations
against him. The King was as good as his word ; for, the very next
post, Mr Barclay sent down the following letter from his Majesty to the
Commissionars of his Treasury, which I have inserted att length, because
it will give the reader some further light into the matters then in dis
pute :
" JAMES R.
" Right Trustie, &c. — Whereas, 4>y a letter, bearing date the 30th day
of Jully 1687, we thought fitt to signifie to the Lords Commissioners of
our Treasury our royall will and pleasure, that Sir Ewen Cameron of
Locheill should have new rights and charters of the property of his lands
formerly held by him of the late Earl of Argile, and fallen in our hands
by reason of his forfeiture, renewed and given unto him by George
Duke of Gordon, our donatory in the superiority thereof, for a small
and easey few-duty, not exceeding four merks for every 1000 merks of
free rent, as the said letter more fully bears ; and did also order that a
fuh1 and sufficient discharge should be given to the said Sir Ewen Ca
meron of all debts, sums of money, and others due by him out of the
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL.
saids lands to the late Earl of Argile, notwithstanding they be now in
cluded in the said Duke his gift : And we being now informed that
some questions have been moved against the said Sir Ewen about the
sume of 10,000 merks due by him to the said late Earl of Argile, as a part
of the price of the said lands, viz. whither this sum was by our said Letter
meant and ordered to be discharged, and whither the same be included in
a former gift granted by us to the Duke of Gordon of theforsaids lands,
as said is, which bears that we therein make over unto him the right and
effect of all contracts and minutes made and past betwixt the said late
Earl and the said Sir Ewen. Therefore, and to the effect that our will
and pleasure in this matter may be more clearly and distinctly known,
and that the said Sir Ewen may enjoy the full benefitt of the favour that
we intended for him, we thought fitt hereby to signify unto you, that as,
by our aforsaid former gift, we did not intend to dispone unto the said
Duke of Gordon all sums of money due by the said Sir Ewen to the said
late Earl of Argile, so it was our purpous and pleasure, in our aforsaid
letter, that the said Sir Ewen should be discharged and exonered thereof,
and particularly of the forsaid sum of 10,000 merks due by him to the
said late Earl, as said is : Wherefore, it is our further will and pleasure,
that ye take care that the said Sir Ewen Cameron be not troubled nor
mollested by any person or persons whatsoever upon account of the for
said sum, nor any demand thereof made from him, in whole or in part,
but that he be fully exonered and discharged for the same att all hands,
and in all time comeing, notwithstanding of any procedure that may have
been already or hereafter may be made against him att the instance of
any person whatsoever ; for such is our will and pleasure. And so we
bid you heartily fairwell. Given att our Court att Whitehall, the 21st
day of May 1688, and of our reign the 4th year.
" By His Majesty's Command,
(Subscrived) "MELFORT."
The Duke of Gordon, finding himself under a necessity of complying
with his Majesty's pleasure, subscrived the discharge on the22d of August
thereafter ; and a state of Mr Seaton's claim was sent to the King, who
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL. 225
stopt all further procedure. Mr Barclay, in the mean time, solicited
Locheil's affairs with such success, that the King gave them a hearing
in presence of the Marquess of Powis, and the Earls of Murray and
Melfort ; and, in the end, determined in favours of Locheill in all points.
The Duke haveing made several objections, his Majesty commanded
these three Lords to hear both partys att more length, and to make a
report of their oppinion to himself: " The King" (says Mr Barclay in
one of his letters) "launched out into Locheil's praises, and said parti
cularly, which I believe mortifyed the Duke very much, that he was
convinced that * Locheill, besides the great services he had done against
the English, had served him very faithfully in the late Rebellion against
Argile.' The Duke made a profound bow, and said, that he submitted
with joy to the King's pleasure, since it was in favours of a person for
whom his Majesty had so high ane esteem." However, his Grace op
posed the referees their making a report as far as possibly he could ; and
his obstinacey and the insatiable desire he had to have Locheil's estate,
says Mr Barclay, gave them and him unspeakable trouble.
The Earl of Balcarrass becomeing master of the lands of Swynard
and Ardnamurchan, in satisfaction of a claim he had upon the family of
Argile, by a decree of the fore-mentioned Commissioners, and a grant
from the King in consequence thereof, made ane offer of them to Mr
Barclay in behalf of Locheill, for the sum of 40,000 merks. Though
this bargain was soon thereafter concluded, yet the Revolution prevented
his attaining to the enjoyment.
The Lords Auditors gave the Duke and Mr Barclay a hearing with
respect to those lands which Locheill formerly held of Argile ; and Mr
Barclay haveing presented a charter drawn up in terms of the King's deci
sion, to be subscrived before them by his Grace, he quarreled it on this
account, that it did not mention Locheil's lands to ly within his regality.
The Marquess of Powis answered, that the King intended it to be so ;
which being contradicted by the Duke, that point was again brought be
fore his Majesty, " who" (to use Mr Barclay's words) "positively de
termined that he would not have Locheill nor any of his people lyable to
the Duke's courts, for he would have Locheill master of his own Clan,
2F
_>jt, MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL.
and onely accountable to him or his Councill for them, and to have no
further to doe with his Grace then to pay him his few-duty.' This was
a point gained meerly by the Duke's obstinacey, for Locheill neither
proposed nor expected such ane immunity ; and the King, who highly
commended Locheill on all occasions, resolved to leave no further place
for disputes between his Grace and him, " and plainly insinuats," says
Mr Barclay, " that he does all this to make him amends for haveing
given away his supperioritys, which I am sure he repents."
To give the reader a fuller view of this famous decision, which made
a very great noise att that time, it seldom occurring that Kings interrest
themselves so far in private affairs as his Majesty did in this, I shall
here transcribe the Lords Auditors their report, which runs in these
terms:
" Their haveing been of late some controversies betwixt his Grace the
Duke of Gordon and the Laird of Locheill, occasioned by reason of a
grant or charter made by the King to the said Duke, wherein were com
prehended certain lands, which, by order of his said Majesty, were to be
reconveyed to the aforsaid Locheill ; which, the more effectwally now
to perform, his Majestic hath onely referred the whole method of exe
cuting the said grant to the Lord Marquess of Powis, and the Earls of
Murray and Mellfort, Secretarys of State for the Kingdom of Scotland,
by and with the consent of the aforsaid Duke of Gordon, and of Mr
Barclay, agent for the said Locheill, who hath fully impowered him to
act in all matters thereunto relating as conclusively as if he himself were
present. We, the said referees, haveing mett and perused the charter
presented by Mr Barclay to the said Duke, as to the lands formerly held
of the late Earl of Argile, and haveing received his exceptions against
it, with the said Barclay's answers, and the Duke's replys thereunto ;
and haveing considered of what was said on the one and the other side,
doe, with all submission, find, and are of oppinion :
4 1st, That it is agreeable to his Majesty's inclinations and orders to us,
that the Duke sign the said charter, he being allowed three years (to
be filled up in the blank of the declaration given to the said Duke by
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL. 227
the said Barklay) to inspect and re'ctify the rent-rolls, if amiss ; and
twenty-four merks Scots be filled up for the few-duty in the charter,
payable by Locheill to the said Duke.
" 2<%, That the said Barclay sign such a penal bond or obligation, as
shall be presented to him by us, forfeitable in case the said Locheill
make not good the tittles and estates to all persons claiming under him,
within the space of one year after the date hereof, (according to the de
termination and approbation of the Lord Chancelour, Lord President
of the Kingdom of Scotland, and Lord Justice-Clerk ;) they paying first
to him a just proportion of all his charges, in order to the procurement
of this charter, rateably, according to each party's respective estate and
tittle.
" 3c%, We likewayes find, by his Majesty's express command to us,
that Locheill, under his Majesty onely, is to have the absolute command
of his oun Clan ; and that, therefore, he be exempted from all other
Jurisdictions, Regalitys of Courts, or obligations to the aforsaid Duke,
other than the payment of the aforsaid few-duty of twenty-four Scotch
merks : Provided, nevertheless, that att the same time the above said
Duke be fully secured and indemnifyed from all obligations of any
charge or expense whatsomever, by reason of any depredations, riots,
thefts, or other causes whatever, that he is, or may, for the future, be
lyable to upon the account of any misdemeanours or miscarriages done
or committed, or that shall be done or committed, att any time hereafter,
by all or any of the tenants of the aforsaid Locheill.
" To conclude : In evidence of this our oppinion and Report in this
matter, (so far as relates to that part of the controversey as onely concerns
the lands formerly held by Locheill of the said late Earl of Argile, ) we
have hereunto subscrived our names, the 23d day of Jully 1688.
( Subscrived) " Powis.
" MORRAY.
" MELFORT."
The Duke of Gordon was much displeased with this Report ; and in
order to delay the matter a little longer, he ordered his Dutchess to make
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL.
a visile to the Marchioness of Fowls, and to prevail! with her to inter-
ceed witli her Lord to delay giveing it to the King for some dayes :
But the Marquess absolutely refused to comply, assuring her that it
was the King's commands that it should not be delayed ; upon which
the Duke said, that he would receive the intimation from non but his
Majesty.
The Court removing that day to Windsour, Mr Barclay waited on his
Majesty within two days thereafter, where, to the no small vexation of
his Grace, he was obliged by the King to subscrive the charter, accord
ing to the above Report, in his Majesty's presence : And another of the
same tenour for the lands of Mammore, being there presented to him,
he also signed it ; but, haveing made some alterations in it which the
King would not admitt of, but ordered another to be writt immediatly,
he subscrived not onely that charter, but also the immunity and accquit-
tance from his Courts before mentioned, wherein he narrates : " That
he haveing lately submitted all contraverseys and claims between him and
Locheill to his Majesty's determination and decision, and that the King,
after hearing his Grace, and Robert Barclay, trustee for Locheill, the
better to enable him for his Majesty's service, had decreed and declared
that the said Locheill, his vassalls, tenants, and servants, shall not be
subject to his Grace's Regality, nor to any other Court or Jurisdiction
under him ; but that he and they shall ever depend solely on his Ma
jesty and his successors, Kings of Scotland, any gift or charter granted
to his Grace by the late King or his present Majesty notwithstanding :
And seeing that it was just and reasonable that the said Locheill and
his forsaids should be secured, conformably to the King's will and plea
sure, he therefore discharges and exoners him and his aforsaids from all
dependance upon and subjection to him and his Courts," &c., in very
ample form.
Locheill, haveing thus happily concluded his affairs by the favour and
indulgence of his most gracious and bountifull Sovereign, imagined that
his troubles were now att ane end, and that he would enjoy the fruits of
his good fortune in quiet and peace. He was now absolute and inde-
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL. 229
pendent master of his fortune and Clan. He was clear of all debts, ex
cepting some inconsiderable sums to his oun people, who were equally
flourishing ; and his Majesty, in order to better his circumstances, had
not only designed to purchass for him the lands of Swynard and Ardna-
murchan from the Earl of Balcarras, and to errect them into a baroney,
with ample priviledges ; but also to give him a bailliarey or jurisdiction
over his Clan and followers ; and gave orders to Mr Barclay to get the
charter drawn up in the most ample form : But, in the mean time,
there was a cloud gathering in a quarter from which his Majestic least
expected it, that soon thereafter brock upon him and his kingdoms,
and putt all into confusion ; and there fell out, att this time, ane acci
dent in Lochaber which threatned some troublesome consequences to
Locheill.
We have already hinted that Macdonald of Keppoch had possessed
ane estate belonging to the Laird of Macintoish, in property, as his kindly
tenant, for many centurys of years ; but there was so much of force and
violence in this possession, that Macintoish could look upon himself no
further as master, than that he some times received such small sums
in name of yearly rents as Keppoch was pleased to give ; wherefore,
haveing formed a resolution to dispossess him, he executed the law in the
ordinary course, and prepared to invade him. Locheill interposed as a
mediator between the partys, but to no purpose ; and, forseeing what
would happen, he resolved to meddle no more in the affair, but retired
to Edinburgh, and there attended the issue.
There lives in Keppoch's neightbourhood a numerous tribe of the Ca-
merons, that goe by the patronimick name of the M'Martines. These
people, by frequent intermarriages with the Macdonalds of Keppoch, be
ing nearly allyed to, and in great friendship with them, on account of
the neighbourly interchainge of good offices that commonly passed be
tween them, and finding that Locheill their Chief had left the countrey
without signifying his mind, they and many other of the Camerons inter
preted this silence as a consent, and offered their service to Keppoch.
Macintoish marched into the Brea of Lochaber att the head of about
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL.
1000 men of his Clan and allys, besides a company of the King's troops
under the command of the fore-mentioned Captain Mackenzie of Suddy,
who joyned him by order of the Councill. Though Keppoch hadnot much
above half this number, yet relying on the courage of his men, and the
interest that many of them had in the quarrell, he had the boldness to
encounter Macintoish, and though the skirmish was fierce and bloody,
yet Macintoish had the missfortune to be defeated with the loss of many
of his followers, and made a prissoner. Captain Mackenzie (who had
the charracter of a fine gentleman, and brave officer) was also killed in
that action. Keppoch, before he dismissed his prissoner, obliged him
to renounce his tittle to the lands in dispute ; and the Revolution hap
pening the next year, saved him and his people from the resentment of
the Government ; and matters were in process of time adjusted between
them upon a more equall footing.
The newes of these troubles soon reached the Councill ; and Locheill,
being by law bound for the men he had there, was in no small fears of
being called to ane account for them. He advised the matter with the
Viscount of Tarbat, his friend and relation, who was a Privy Counselour ;
and his Lordship, who knew that Locheill had several enemys in the
Councill, haveing some suspitions that they would exert themselves on
that occasion, promised to advertize him by a sign from a window of the
Councill Chamber, where they were to conveen on that very account, if
he was in any danger of being confined. The Councill being mett,
there was ane Information read, wherein Locheill was accused not onely
as accessory to, but even as principall author of the blood that was shed,
in so far as it was notorious, that Keppoch durst not have attacked Mac
intoish with his oun followers without the assistance of the Camerons,
for whose crimes Locheill was obliged to answer ; that though he stayed
att Edinburgh himself, yet that was but a cover ; and even his absence
was charged upon him as a crime, because it was impossible but he knew
of Macintoish his designs, which made too much noise for any to be ig
norant of; and, therefore, he ought to have stayed in the country, and
endeavoured to have preserved the peace, as the law obliged him. In
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL. 231
short, it was carryed by a plurality of votes, that he should be immedi
ately arrested and committed to prison till a further tryall ; and a warrand
was issued out to the Magistrates to putt the decree in execution.
But Locheill was before-hand with them ; for, haveing had the signe
from my Lord Tarbatt as they concerted ; — after some perplexity where
to conceall himself, a lucky thought struck him in the head, of retireing
into the Tolbooth, or city jayle, under pretext of visiteing one of the
prissoners. As non could suspect that he would choise such a place of
concealment, so he communicated the reason of his being there to none
but to James Cameron the Clerk ; who, favouring his designes, he con
tinued there till it was dark night, and stealing out by private ways, gott
safely to Lochaber.
About the beginning of October thereafter, he had a letter from the
Chancelour, signifying that the Prince of Orange was prepareing to in
vade England with a great fleet ; and desireing him to march into Ar-
gileshyre with as many of his men as he could suddenly gett together,
and to joyn Sir John Drummond of Macheny, who was then att Inver-
arey as Lord Lewtenant of that shire. This order was seconded by
another from the Privy Councill of the 4th of that month. The ren-
dezvouze was at a place called Killimichaell, where several of the people
of that country joyning them, their whole party ammounted to about
twelve hundred men. They effectwally keept that country in obedience,
till they were informed by the Chancelour that the King, after finding
himself betrayed and deserted on all hands, had retired into France.
While they stayed there, Locheill was, by the Lord Leutenant, putt
in the possession of Swynard and Ardnamurchan, agreeably to a war-
rand from the Earl of Balcarras, bearing date the 3d October 1688 ; and
he had thereafter a new grant or charter of that estate from the King
soon after his arrivall in Ireland.
Locheill sent his eldest son John with 300 of his men from Inverarey
towards Drummond Castle, att the desire of the Chancelour, who was
resolved to retire to Lochaber under his protection, and from thence to
embarque for Ireland, where he expected to find the King again [st] the
spring following. It was unlucky for his Lordship that he chanced in the
232 MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL.
mean time to alter his designs ; for, haveing taken shipping att Kirkaldy,
a town on the coast of Fife, he was there made prissoner, and confined in
the castle of Stirling. Thus dissapoynted, he returned to Lochaber,
where he continued all that winter, meditating how he could best serve
the King ; and the nixt Book will shew us how he accquitted himself of
his loyalty, and of the obligations of honour and gratitude by which he
was bound to that unfortunate Prince.
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL.
BOOK THIRD.
CONTAINING THE MOST MATERIAL PASSAGES OF HIS LITE,
FROM THE REVOLUTION TO HIS DEATH.
SIR EWEN CAMERON.
LOCHEILL employed himself dureing the winter in projecting measures
for forming a confederacy in favours of King James, and was much en
couraged in his designs by a letter of the 29th of March 1689, which he
received from his Majesty, who had some short time before arrived in
Ireland.
This letter bears ane order to be ready att a call, with all his friends
and followers, to joyn his forces att such time and place as should be
appoynted ; with ane assurance, that his Majesty would reimburse what
charges he should be putt to ; that he would stand to his former decla
rations in favours of the Protestant Religion, and the liberty and property
of the subject ; that he would aboundantly reward such as served him
faithfully, and punish such as did not ; and that he would send Com
missions with a power of nameing his own officers.
After receiveing this Letter, Locheill made a visite to all the Chiefs
that were near him, and wrote to those att a distance, and found them
all heartily inclined to joyn with him in a confederacy for restoreing King
*l I
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL.
James. They had afterwards a general meeting, and agreed so well in
every poynt, that they appoynted their rendezvouze to be again[st] the
13th of May following, in Lochaber, att a place called Dalmacommer, near
Locheil's house. They informed King James of their resolutions, and
prayed him to send them a proper person to head them, assureing him
of their loyalty, and of their willingness to hazard life and fortune in his
service.
The odd and sudden turn that affairs then tooke was surprizeing to
many. The Revolutioners played their game with such cunning and
artifice, as infused a generall fear of Popery into the multitude, and ren
dered even those who abhorred all chainges in the State as unactive as if
they had not been concerned in the matter.
The Councill att first was very unanimous in favours of King James,
and concurred in every thing that was offered for his service. The noise
of a foreign war seemed for some time to have banished their jealousys
and fears ; and the gentlemen and burgesses sent new offers of their
duety to all quarters of the country. The militia was ordered to be
raised and modelled, the Castles of Edinburgh and Stirling plentifully
furnished, and the whole kingdome putt into a posture of defence.
It is true, indeed, that some few Scotch Lords, who happned to be
att London when the Prince of Orange arrived, took upon them to ad
dress his Highness in name of the people of Scotland, but then they
had no authority for doeing so, and the Scots Ministry stood then just
as it had done formerly, without any seeming inclination to a revolt.
His Highness haveing, in his own name, issued out writts for calling
a Convention of the Estates of Scotland, many were afraid to answer the
summonds, least, if the affair had miscarried, it might have been con
strued High Treason ; and for the very same reason, many who obey
ed soon deserted the Convention, when they came to reflect on the au
thority by which it was conveened.
These things gave the Presbiterians ane opportunity of acting without
opposition ; but their numbers were so small, that the Convention looked
liker a Committee than a representation of the kingdome. The first
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL. 235
thing they did was to vote themselves a free Parliament, and then to
offer the Crown and Government to the Prince of Orange, which he
most graciously accepted of.
The Viscount of Dundee, Sir George Mackenzy, and some others,
opposed these proceedings with great eloquence and vigour, and endea
voured to have gott the Convention adjourned to Stirling ; hut haveing
certain information that six or seven men of these wild Cameronians, who
came in great multitudes from the West, conducted by Daniel Ker, bro
ther to Kersland, under pretence of guarding the Convention, were mett
in a house, with intention to murder the two great men I have named,
they were obliged to retire. Dundee went away with about fifty horse
in his company ; and as he passed by the Castle, the Duke of Gordon,
then Governour, made a sign from the walls to speak with him att the
Western side of the Castle. Though the place was extreamly steep and
high, yet his Lordship made a shift to inform the Duke of all that he
had then resolved on, and begged him to hold out the Castle till it was
relieved, which his Grace positively promised to doe.
That night he lay att Dunblain, where he was informed by Mr Drum-
mond of Balhaldys of the confederacy of the Clans, and of all their reso
lutions in favours of King James. These agreeable news confirmed him
in his designs. He marched home to his own house att Didop, and
though there was a Lyon Herald and trumpet sent after him by the
Councill, ordering him to return under the pain of high treason, yet he
excused himself under pretence of his lady's being near her time ; but
hearing that General Mackay had, upon his refusall, sent a strong party
to apprehend him, he retreated into the Duke of Gordon's country,
where the Earl of Dunfermline joyned him with about sixty horse.
It is presumed that the reader will not be displeased to have a parti
cular account of the actions of this great man, especially in so far as they
have a connection with the subject in hand. Besides the assistance I
have from the Earl of Balcarrass his Memoirs of these wars, and the se
veral relations I have had of them from many who were eye-witnesses,
I have before me a Manuscript copy of ane Historical Latine Poem,
called " The Grameis," written in imitation of Lucan's Pharsalia, (but
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL.
unfinished, ) by Mr Philips of Amrycloss, who had the office of Standard-
Bearer during that famous expedition. This author joyned Dundee in
the retreat I have mentioned ; as he intimates in these words, " Ipse
ego militiam" tyc. :
" I too attend the illustrious Graeme along !
The King, my sword, his hero, claimed my song :
Such rare examples antient times affoard,
Thus tunefull Ennius waits on Scipio's sword.
The muses cluster round, nor less my theme,
Equal their merit, and their cause the same."
Dundee's retreat from the Convention gave the allarm to the whole
nation, and such was the high opinion generally intertained of his con
duct and courage, that he had private intimation sent him from all quar
ters, that so soon as his Lordship could gett a body of troops together,
and that the season of the year was fitt for action, they would risk their
lives and fortunes under his command, in King James his service. And
to this they were incouraged by the appearances of success that that
unfortunate Prince had then in Ireland. From the North he sent ane ex
press to Locheill, to inform himself of the scituation of affairs there ;
which haveing been intimated to all the Chiefs in that neightbourhood,
they agreed to send ane detatchment of 800 men, under the command of
Macdonald of Keppoch, to conduct his Lordship into that country. Dun
dee, unwilling to loose the time that he knew his express would take
before his return, made a toure through the Northern Highlands, and
soon engaged the people of these parts in that service. Of these our
Poet says :
Ad Boream eternis horrentia arva pruinis, fyc. :
* To the cold Highlands, where feirce Boreas reigns,
And crusts the hills with snow, with ice the plains,
We march, and call to arms the Grampian race,
Who their loved Sovereign's cause with joy embrace.
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL. 237
They, nixt to Heaven, the Royall name adore,
And impious traitors even as Hell abhore !
Nor dare such monsters breath on Abria's shore.
But doomed to dye, by various means and wayes,
His forfeite life the bloody ransome payes."
Dundee, who loved allways to be in action, haveing with great expe
dition traversed a good part of these Northern countreys, and engaged
most part of the men of note to be ready att a call to joyn in his Mas
ter's service, returned by long marches to his own house, where he found
his lady in child-bed. But even after all his fatigue, he was again ob
liged quickly to take the field, and retreat Northward from Generall
Mackay, who was advanceing with considerable force to attack him. In
this march, he had, by the return of his express, ane answer from the
Clans. They gave him new assurances of their zeale for the service, in
vited him into their countrey, and informed him of the detatchment they
had sent to receive him on the borders of the Highlands.
Impatient to meet with these Chiefs, he immediately changed his
course, and marched directly to Inverness, and found Keppoch, who,
instead of executing his commission, satt down before that toun, seized
the Magistrats, and most wealthy citizens, and obliged them to pay him a
sum of mony for their ransome, before he consented to dismiss them.
His Lordship was extreamly provocked, and expostulated the matter with
him in very sharp terms. He told him that such courses were extreamly
injurious to the King's interest, and that, instead of acquireing the cha
racter of a patriot, he would be looked on as a common robber, and the
enemy of mankind ! Keppoch excused himself the best way he could,
pretended that the toun was owing him sums equall to what he had re
ceived, and in place of conducting my Lord Dundee in the manner he
was commissioned, he retreated into his oun country.
I have already informed the reader that Keppoch commands a tribe of
the Macdonalds who live in the Breas of Lochaber. He was a gentle
man of good understanding, of great cunning, and much attached to
King James, but indulgeing himself in too great libertys with respect to
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL.
those with whom he was att variance, his Mowers became excessively
licentious, and thought they had a good tittle 'to mine and undoe their
Chiefs enemys, by all the wayes they could.
Dundee, being thus dissapointed, returned to the Lowlands, by the
way of Badenoch ; where he received Letters from King James, with a
Commission to command his troops in Scotland, besides other Letters
and Commissions directed to the several Highland Chiefs, which his
Lordship immediatly dispatched to them. He found the Macphersons
of Badenoch very keen and hearty in their inclinations for that service,
and that they waited onely ane order from the Duke of Gordon, their
superior, to joynthe rest of his vassalls, which he daily promised to send.
Leaveing Mackay behind him in the North with 800 foot, the Col
chester regiment of horse, and four troops of dragoons, he returned with
such expedition, that before it was known he had left the Highlands, he
surprized the Lairds of Blair and Pollock att Perth, with one of the new-
raised troops ; and haveing seized their horses and arms, made them
selves and several other officers his prisoners. From thence he march
ed into Angus, putt all the disaffected under contribution ; and, comeing
up with the same quickness to the toun of Dundee, he had allmost sur
prized the Lords Hollo and Kylsith, who commanded some troops there.
Hollo, upon the first allarm, made his escape ; but Kylsith, who secretly
favoured that interest, wanted onely ane opportunity to joyn him. So
says the Poet I have mentioned :
" The town resists ; but Livingstoune, who lov'd
The King in secret, and Dundee approv'd,
That he might here a fitt occasion find
T' unite in action, as they did in mind,
To his oun troop three hundred burghers joyns,
And bad them fight their way thro' hostile lines.
But they refused."
Dundee, being unwilling to lose time before a town which he had
not strength enough to force, traversed several countreys, and had assu-
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL. 239
ranees from all the gentlemen, and many of the commons, as he passed,
of their readiness to joyn him so soon as he appeared with the Clans ;
and being in the end much pressed by letters from Locheill to goe into
Lochaber, he marched streight through Rannoch to that country, with
the good wishes and benedictions of the people as he went along. After
a very difficult march he arrived safely at the Brea of Lochaber, whereof
our Poet gives this dismall discription :
" Nil prefer monies, et saxa, et amnes lacusque," fyc.
11 Arriv'd on Abria's skirts, we nothing spy
But mountains frouning in the cloudy sky,
And rugged rocks which round in fragments lye ;
Impetuous torrents rage in vales below,
And pools and lakes, their lazy waters show.
Thin cotages the unequall fields adorn,
O'erspread with briars, and rough with prickly thorn ;
With warring winds and storms the air is toss'd,
And the ground hard'ned with perpetwal frost !
A desart wild, impatient of the plough,
Where nought but thistles, shrubs, and bushes grow,
And barren heath : And on the mountains high
Deep snow in frozen beds afflicts the eye ;
While streams benumb' d with cold forgett to flow,
Stiffen in ice, and into solid grow !"
His Lordship was received by Locheill with all imaginable honour and
respect, and was furnished with a house att about a mile's distance from
his own, and all the other conveniencys that the country could possibly
affoard him. Here, haveing had answers from the Chiefs, with assu
rances that they would not fail to waite on his Lordship with their seve
ral Clans again [st] the day appointed for the rendezvouze, he sent ane ac
count to King James of the present circumstances of affairs, praying his
Majesty to come over in person to Scotland, where he generally had the
240 MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL.
hearts of the people, and where his Irish troops, who were worth little
in their own country, united with his French auxiliarys and Highlanders,
would perform wounders, and compose a very formidable army, that
would soon make him master of his enemys. He begged his Majesty to
reflect on the behaviour of the few naked Irish that served under the
great Montrose ; how different it was from that of their countrymen who
were commanded att the very same time by the Marquess of Ormond !
But that if he did not think it proper to come himself, at least to hasten
over the Duke of Berwick with the succours he had been pleased so
often to promise.
In the mean time, General Mackay was att great pains to sollicite the
Clans to a revolt ; but he prevailed with non but the Laird of Grant,
who was so zealous in that service, that he levyed a regiment att his oun
charges, and thereby brought heavy debts on his estate, which was then
very opulent. The Laird of Macintoish declaired for neither side ; and
some others of the Northern Clans followed his example. But that
General left no stone unturned to gain Locheill. He offered him a great
sum of mony in hand, the government of Inverlochy, the command of
a regiment, with what tittles of honour and dignitys he should choise ;
and assured him that King William had empowered him to make these
offers.' But Locheill, without opening the Letters, brought them to my
Lord Dundee, and begged that he would be pleased to dictate the an
swers.
Before the Isleanders and others of the distant Clans had time to come
up, Dundee's people took two severall expresses from Mackay to Col-
lonell Ramsay, ordering him to march with all speed through the coun
try of Atholl, and joyn him att Inverness. To prevent this conjunction,
Dundee resolved immediatly to attack Ramsay, who commanded a
body of 1200 horse and foot of the best troops of their army. He had
then about 1800 men, whereof one half belonged to Locheill ; and
though he marched with his usewall expedition, yet Ramsay, haveing
gott information of his advance, retreated with that haste and disorder
that he blew up his ammunition, and marched day and night till he was
quite out of the country. Dundee pursued him many miles, and return-
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL. 241
ing into Badenoch he soon had newes of Mackay's arrival!, and haveing
taken the oppinion of his officers, he resolved to give him battle ; but
Mackay also made so quick a retreat, that it was impossible to come up
with him till it was dark night, and the next morning he was out of his
reach.
The enemy's escape gave his Lordship some trouble, but since he
could not make a better of it att that time, he sent Keppoch, with a de-
tatchment, to summond the garrison of the Castle of Rivan in Badenoch
to surrender. Mackay had some few days before putt some men into
it ; and Captain Forbess, who commanded them, though he made some
difficulty att first, yet att last gave it up upon terms, that he and his gar
rison should be allowed to march away bagg and baggage.
Two troopers in the mean time arriveing from the Viscount of Kilsyth,
brought intelligence, that Mackay being reinforced by the junction of
some fresh men, was on his march to attack the Highlanders, whom he
believed to be att a much greater distance ; but that if his Lordship
would use expedition enough, he might that very night surprize and cutt
them to peices, while they were under no apprehension of his being so
near them. One of these troopers, whose name was Provensall, further
informed his Lordship, that he and his .comerade belonged to that regi
ment of Scots Dragoons, which was formerly commanded by the Earl
of Dunmore ; and that they had orders from their officers to assure
him that they were all ready to live and dye with him in that service ;
that before they left England, all the souldiers of that regiment intended
to have quitted and dispersed, as his Lordship's oun troop had done ; but
haveing assurances from their officers, and, particularly, from Captain
Murray, in whom they had great confidence, that the designe of keep
ing them together was truely for King James his service, they made a
sham kind of complyance, but resolved to keep their oath of alledgiance,
and never to serve King William. Dundee incouraged these troopers
in their loyall intentions, and promised to execute my Lord Kilsyth's
advice without loss of time, assuring them that he would be with them
before nixt morning ; but the afore-mentioned Captain Forbess haveing
unluckily happned to meet these two men as they were comeing with
2 H
242 MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL.
their intelligence to Dundee, informed Mackay, who, upon their return,
immediately clapt them under arreast, seized my Lord Kilsyth, whom
they keept confined for many years thereafter, and disposed of that regi
ment, so that they were never capable of doeing any service to their old
master.
Notwithstanding of this intelligence, Dundee gott up with Mackay,
and came in sight of him just as he was decamping ; and, in order to
gett betwixt him and the Lowlands, he marched up Glenlivet, and
turned doun Strathdown, and would have undoubtedly intercepted and
forced him to ane engagement, if the darkness of the night, among these
high mountains, had not favoured his retreat ; for though Mackay, in
formed by Gordon of Edenglassy of Dundee's march, retreated, or ra
ther fled with the greatest quickness imaginable, yet Dundee marched
with that expedition, that he came in sight of him about four in the after
noon ; but such were the difficultys he encountered in that fatigueing
march, that it was eleven att night before he could get up with him, and
was informed next day, that the enemy were att the distance of twelve
long miles before nixt morning.
Mr Philips assures us, that the Highlanders came up so closs with
them at the foot of Glenlivet, that they raised a great shout, and threw
off their plaids in order to attack them ; but they continueing their flight,
Dundee detatched Captain Frazer with a troop of horse and some foot, to
fall upon their rear and provock them to a skirmish, but to no purpose,
for they still marched the faster till night gave them security. Thus did
Dundee, says that author, force them to abandon their camp three times
in one day —
" Uno eodemque die, ter castris exuit hostem /"
Dureing this march, Keppoch, whose enmity to Macintoish I have
formerly mentioned, took ane opportunity of doeing him and his tenants
a great deale of mischief; for, without communicating his intentions to
any person, he slipt away unobserved with his followers, and ravaged
and destroyed the country, and, burning his oun house of Dunachton,
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL. 243
returned laden with booty. Dundee, who in his march had observed the
country all in a flame, but had not then time to inquire into the matter,
was in a very great rage when he was informed of the authors. He told
Keppoch, in presence of all the officers of his small army, that he would
much rather choise to serve as a common souldier among disciplined
troops, than command such men as he, who seemed to make it his busi
ness to draw the odium of the country upon him : That though he had
committed these outrages in revenge of his oun private quarrell, yet it
would be generally believed that he had acted by authority : That since
he was resolved to doe what he pleased, without any regard to com
mand, and the publick good, he begged that he would immediatly begone
with his men, that he might not hereafter have ane opportunity of af
fronting the Generall at his pleasure, or of making him and the better
disposed troops a cover to his robberys — Keppoch, who did not expect
so severe a rebuke, humbly begged his Lordship's pardon, and told him
that he would not have abused Macintoish so, if he had not thought him
ane enemy to the King, as well as to himself ; that he was heartily sorry
for what was past, but since that could not be amended, he solemnly pro
mised a submissive obedience for the future, and that neither he nor any
of his men should att any time thereafter stirr one foot without his Lord
ship's positive commands.
Dundee, after so fatigueing a march, thought it proper to refresh his
wearyed troops, by allowing them a few days rest att Edenglassy. They
found plenty of provisions which had been provided for Mackay and his
army ; but he had not rested here above two days, when certain infor
mation was brought by some officers of the Scots Dragoons who had
made a shift to gett to the Highland army, that Mackay being now
strengthned by Collonel Ramsay's Regiment of Dragoons, and ane Eng
lish Regiment of Foot, had turned the chace, and was on a full march
to attack the Highlanders, whom he expected to find in disorder. His
Lordship was sitting att dinner, with his principall officers, when this
intelligence was brought him. He advised with them immediatly about
the course they were to take, and it was unanimously agreed to by the
Generall and his officers to retreat to the hills, not so much on account
244 MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL.
of the enemy's superiority in numbers, which exceeded theirs by more
than a half, but because of their strength in horse, which the Highlanders
att that time feared above all things. But it was, however, agreed to
conceal the reasons that putt them upon these measures, least the High
landers should suspect their own strength, and dread that of their enemys,
which might probably intimidate them, and sink their spirits, which were
then much elated.
The army was immediatly drawn out without any noise or hurry ;
and the reason assigned for their return was, to attend the generall ren-
dezvouze, to which it was said the most distant Clans were already ar
rived. This prudent conduct had the effect designed, though it lost
Dundee a few of his followers ; for, being ignorant of their danger, and
resolveing not to leave ane enemy's countrey empty-handed, a few stayed
behind, with designe of carrying with them some of the most portable
moveables they could fall upon. Some of them were surprized by Gor
don of Edenglassy, who hanged them up to the nixt trees ; and others
of them were used in the same manner by the Laird of Grant, who had
espoused Mackay's party with more than ordinary zeale and keenness.
Dundee retreated towards the hills in very good order, and keept such
a strong rear-guard, that Mackay, who made but very slow marches, durst
not venture to attack him. As he was thus marching along the banks
of the river Spey to the country of Badenoch, two hundred of Sir John
M'Lean's Isleanders, under the command of M'Lean of Lochbuy, who
were comeing to meet him, ran the risk of being cutt in peices by three
hundred English Dragoons that were closs on them before they knew
them for enemys. It was then night, and the Lord Dundee, who was
informed of their march, being afraid they might mistake their way, de-
tatched Macdonald of Glencoe to conduct them to his camp. Though
they were att no great distance when they were thus surprized, yet the
river of Spey being between them and their friends, they were obliged
to throw off their plaids, as their custome is, and to 'force their way to
wards a neightbouring hill called Knockbrecht, or the speckled hill, where
they drew up. The officer who commanded the Dragoons, finding that
there was no possibility of ascending the hill on horse-back, commanded
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL. 245
his men to light and attack them on foot ; but the Macleans disdaining
to be insulted, fell doun upon them with sword in hand, cutt severalls
of them to pieces before they could recover their sadles, killed the com
manding officer, made many prissoners, and seized more of their horses,
and haveing given them the chace for a good way, they early nixt morn
ing entered Dundee's camp mostly mounted on the enemy's horses in a
triumphant manner. Mr Philips says, that he having the command of a
party which guarded the foard of Spey that night, had the honour to con
duct them to the Generall, who, haveing been alarmed with the noise of
their firing dureing a part of the night, was drawing out his army to come
to their relief. This author differs in several particulars from my Lord
Balcarrass, from whom I have taken the above account of that brisk
action. As this is, perhaps, one of the most elegant passages of the
whole poem, I have translated it for the pleasure of my readers, referring
them to the Appendix for the original :
" Meanwhile, Lochbuy, from the rocky Isle
Of warlick Mull, advanced to joyn Dundee.
Three hundred brave M 'Leans composed his train ;
A generous loyal Clan, whose faithfull blood,
Untainted, filled his vains ! Quiet he marched along
The banks of Spey, in silence of the night.
The Royall camp unknown, a stranger he,
And unacquainted, in the gloomy shade
Upon a hostile troop of Belgick horse,
Th' advanced guards, whom he believed his friends,
Erroneous fell. Stop ! — the hoarse sentry bauld
In horrid Dutch, and streight upon them fir'd.
The rest allarm'd, a thundering pale of shot
Discharg'd, and tore the air with fire and smoake.
The brave M 'Leans the compliment return' d,
And scattered flameing death among the foe :
Then forming in a wedge, their thickest lines
They peirc'd, and through the furious squadron broke
•_M,i MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL.
With sword in hand ; nor halted they untill
They gain'd a neightbouring eminence, a rock,
Whose frouning top among the clouds conceal'd
Show'd all its battered sides, with ragged stones
And fragments huge perplex'd, and tooke its name
From blood which their impervious surface stain' d :
Where, as with ramparts fenc'd, secure they lodg'd
Superior to the foe. Thither in haste,
(And with collected force of different lands,
Germans, Dutch, English, rebell Scots, and Danes,)
The adverse troops persue. Oft did they aim
With fire and sword to storm the rugged camp ;
But all in vain ! With spears, and darts, and stones,
And rocks, which, tumbleing doun with hideous din,
O'erwhelm'd both horse and man, they headlong drove
The insulting foe, who, with their mangled limbs,
And brains, and blood, the ragged flints besmear' d !
Their leader, daring, haughty, fierce, and proud,
In war delighted, and with keenest rage
• His foe pursued : Great Brittain's Southern shoare,
His boasted clime ; the English horse obeyed
His awfull word, and rough Batavian troops, —
His shining neck a golden collar graced,
And from his shoulder hung a scarlet sash,
Over a purple robe conspicuous far
With golden lace, and rich imbroiderys shone.
Enrag'd to see his baffled troops repell'd,
And scattered 'mongst the rocks their tatter' d limbs,
He gnash' d his teeth ; and, mad with fury bauld,
* Come doun, ye thieves ! Ye barbarous crew, descend !
* And on the equall plain your courage prove,
' Nor lurk behind these rocks, if ye are men !'
Then, as impelled by rage, of all delay
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL. 247
Impatient, furious he commands his troops
The precipice t' ascend, and drive them down,
Or leave their battered carcasses a prey
To wolfs and dogs — and fearless leads them on.
But undismay'd the stout M'Leans beheld
The audacious foe, and with firm hearts resolv'd
By manly deeds to answer boastings vain.
And quick as thought to his unerring eye
His thoundering peice a warriour bold apply 'd,
Whence, as from fate, a whizzing bullet flew
With fire and sulphure wing'd, and att the mouth
Of the proud boaster entering, peirc'd his lungs
With rapid speed, and att the lower end
Its passage made. Doun to the earth he fell,
And rowleing round his languid eyes, his soule
Furth issueing with his blood, dissolved in air !"
Dundee, in the meantime, allarmed with the noise of their shot, which
was much augmented by the echoeing of the hills, and doubtfull of the
event, prepared to relieve them ; which he thought might bring on a
generall engagement. But day soon thereafter appearing, he had infor
mation of all that happned. The army, continueing its march to Loch-
aber, met Sir Alexander M'Lean, who was son to the Bishop of the
Isles, and who brought with him two hundred men out of Argileshire,
belonging mostly to M'Donald of Largoe and Gallusky. They halted
two days att Keppoch, where the scarcity of provisions in these barren
parts obliged the General to dismiss all his men, upon their giveing as
surance that they would be all ready to joyn him upon twenty-four hours
advertisement, excepting the few horses he had with him, and those that
came with Sir Alexander M'Lean, whom he retained as a guard to his
person. From thence Locheill invited the General back to his old
quarters att Strone, assureing him that while there was a cow in Loch-
aber, neither he nor his men should want. However, they had difficulty
248 MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL.
enough to subsist themselves in any tollerable manner, the cattle being
yet very lean, and all the market towns and countrys, from whence pro
visions could be had, possessed by the enemy. A few days after their
arrival the Isleanders, under the command of Sir Donald M'Donald of
Slate, who brought with him about seven hundred men, and those be
longing to the Captain of Clanrannald, who had near six hundred, con
ducted by his tutor, joyned his Lordship.
Sir Donald is by some esteemed the Chief of the brave and numerous
sirname of M'Donald, as the direct descendant of the antient Earls of
Ross ; and many arguments from historey and old records are adduced
in support of this opinion, though it is, however, much controverted. He
was a person of great honour and integrity, and conducted all his ac
tions by the strickest rules of religion and morality. Unalterable in his
attachment to the Royall Family, he lett slip no opportunity of express
ing his zeall in that service, and that without any other view than of ful
filling his duty. He looked upon his Clan as his children, and upon the
King as the father of his country ; and as he was possessed of a very
opulent fortune, handed down to him from a long race of very noble an-
cestours, so he lived in the greatest affluence, but with a wise economy.
Mr Philips describes the appearance he made att the general rendez-
vouze in the following manner :
" Nixt from the Northern world's remotest shoars,
Where, round th' Ebudae, boisterous Ocean roars,
The great Sir Donald, Lord of many Isles,
Whose youthful grace in vigorous manhood smiles,
Marched o'er the ample field, and of his line,
In his bright train five hundred warriours shine,
Well ann'd and fierce, whom from the Skeyan shoar,
In long flatt-bottom'd boats, he wafted o'er."
The Captain of Clanrannald was then a youth under the guardianship
of a tutor ; but even then gave very promiseing hopes of the character
he afterwards attained to. Notwithstanding of the tenderness of his
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL. 249
years, he would needs follow the royall standart that he might be early
initiated into King James his service, which he never deserted. After the
present troubles were over he traveled into France for his education,
which was particularly taken care of by the late King James, and soone
became one of the most accomplished gentlemen of this or perhaps any
other preceeding age. After he had shined for some years in the Court
of St Germans, he, by his Master's interest, obtained a command in the
French service, under the Duke of Berwick, and accquired to himself a
considerable reputation in that army. After the peace he returned to the
Court of St Germans, where he fell deeply in love with a young lady
who then made a great figure there, and who was no less distinguished
by her uncommon beauty, and the graces of her person, than by the
vivacity of her witt, and the sweetness of her temper ; besides that her
prudence and conduct gave no small reputation to her judgement, and
added much to the lustre of her charms. Two such persons, who
seemed formed by nature for each other, could not well miss to conceive
that mutuall esteem that soon introduces love among people of distin
guished merite ; and the event showed that no couple were ever more
happily matched. Some time after his marriage he returned to his own
country, which lyes among the remotest of the Western Isles ; and though
almost out of the world, yet the reputation this happy pair gained by the
elegancy and politeness of their taste, drew companey from all parts of
the kingdom, and formed a kind of a little court which made no small
noise in these parts. This fine gentleman was afterwards killed at the
battle of ShernTmoor, and had the happiness, in the last scene of his
life, to be equally lamented by friends and foes. He lyes interred att
Innerpeffery, in the burying-place of the antient and noble family of
Perth.
The House of Clanrannald is also a descendant of the Earle of Ross,
but whether in the direct or collateral line, I shall not take upon me to
determine. The tittle of " Captain" was antiently born by all the High
land Chiefs ; but it is now in disuse, and this family is the onely one of
figure that now retains it. We shall dismiss him with tne character our
poet gives him in his greener years :
2 i
250 MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL.
" Clanrannald nixt, a Chief of noted name,
To great Dundee from distant regions came ;
And though his tender bloom just then began
To shew the sex, and enter into man,
When sprightly nature, ere the down appears,
To sportive passions warms the youthfull years ;
Yet then, so much his country's love possesed,
Such thirst of fame inspyred his glowing breast,
That his great soule left lagging Time behind,
Where all the future hero early shin'd :
And to the dangerous fields of honour led
All those his Isles, all those his Moydart bred.
A brave brigade, in which five hundred shine
In all the valour of great Donald's line 1"
I shall have hereafter occasion to mention some others of the principall
gentlemen that were ingaged in that quarrell. And, in the meantime, to
proceed.
Dundee, being thus strengthened by the accession of the Mac-
donalds, made a proposal to his councill of war of imploying the time
that they waited the arivall of the rest of the Clans in disciplining
their men. The young Chiefs and all the Lowland officers highly
approved of the motion, but Locheill, now past the sixtyeth year of his
age, was of a different opinion. He informed the councill, " That as from
his youth he had been bred up among the Highlanders, so he had
made many observations upon the natural! temper of the people and their
method of fighting : That to pretend to alter any thing in their old cus-
tomes, whereof they are exceedingly tenatious, would intirely ruin
them, and make them no better than new-raised troops ; whereas he was
firmly of oppinion, that with their own Chiefs and natural Captains on
their head, under the conduct of such a General as my Lord Dundee,
they were equall to as many of the best disciplined veterane troops in the
kingdome : That they had given repeated proofs of this dureing the whole
course of Montrose his victoreys, and that in the skirmishes wherein he
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL. 251
himself had been engaged, he had still the good fortune to route the ene
my, though allways much superior to him in numbers. Besides, in all his
conflicts with the Cromelians, [Cromwellians,] he had still to doe with old
souldiers, whose courage had been fatall to the King and kingdome : And
that the M 'Leans had given ane evidence, in their late skirmish att Knock-
brecht, that they were capable not onely to defend themselves against,
but even to defeat a greater body of the present enemey's best troops :
That since his Lordship, and perhaps few of the Low-countrey gentlemen
and officers in the councill, have ever had the opportunity of being pre
sent att a Highland engagement, it would not be amiss to give them a
general hint of their method ; that it was the same with the antient Gauls,
their predecessors, who made so great a figure in the Roman History ;
and that he believed all the antients made use of the broad-sword and
targe in the same manner that they did att present ; though the Romans
and Grecians taught their troops a certain kind of discipline, to inure
them to obedience ; and that the Scots, in general, have never made such
a figure in the field since they gave over these weapons : That the High
landers are the onely body of men that retain the old method, excepting
in so far that they have of late taken the gun instead of the bow to in
troduce them into action : That so soohe as they are led against the
enemy, they come up within a few paces of them, and haveing discharged
their peices in their very breasts they throw them down, and draw their
swords : That the attack is so furious, that they commonly peirce their
ranks, putt them into disorder, and determine the fate of the day in a
few moments : That they love alwayes to be in action, and that they
have such confidence in their leaders, that even the most dareing and des-
perat attempt will not intimidate them if they have courage enough to
lead them on ; so that all the miscarriages of the Highlanders are to be
charged on some defect of conduct in their officers, and not either on
want of resolution or discipline in them." Andhe further observed, "That,
as a body of Highlanders conducted by their own Chiefs are commonly
equall to any foot whatsoever, so, when they come to be disciplined in
the modern way, and mixt with regular troops under stranger officers,
they are not one straw better than their neightbours ; and the reason he
252 MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL.
assigned for this change was, that, being turned out of their ordinary me
thod, and not haveing the honour of their Chief and Clan to fight for,
they lose their naturall courage when the causes that inspired it are re
moved. Besides, when, by the harsh rules of discipline, and the savage
severity of their officers in the execution of them, they come to be reduced
to a state of servitude, their spirits sink, and they become meer formal
machines, acted by the impulse of fear. He concluded, that, however
necessarv military discipline might be in standing armys, yet, since it was
not proposed that theirs was to continue any longer than while the pre
sent posture of affairs rendered it necessary, they had not time to habi
tuate it, so as to make it easy and usefull to them ; and that, therefore,
it was his oppinion that, in all events, it was better to allow them to fol
low the old habite wherein they were bred, than to begin to teach a new
method which they had not time to acquire."
Locheil's oppinion determined the councill ; and my Lord Dundee,
upon recollecting all that he had said, declared that as he was certain of
victorey from men of so much naturall courage and ferocity, so he would
not have made the motion, had he been as well accquanted with them
as Locheill had now made him ; and that, as every thing he had advanced
canyed conviction along with it, so, though it did not, yet, as there is no
argument like matter of fact, he thought himself obliged to take them
on the word of one who had so long and so happy ane experience.
While Dundee thus awaited the arrivall of these men whom he had al
lowed to goe home for want of provision, and of many others who had
sent him assurances that they would be with him again [st] the time he
had appointed for the general rendezvouze of the whole, a party of the
Camerons entered into a resolution of revengeing themselves on the
Grants, who, as is formerly mentioned, had hanged two or three of that
name without any further provocation than that of a party quarrell, re
serving their vengeance against Gordon of Edinglassy to a more proper
opportunity. They were encouraged in their designe by the anger that
they observed their Chief had conceived for the loss of his men, and
they presumed that the General (as they alwayes called my Lord Dun
dee, whom they loved nixt to their Chief) would not be displeased, if
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL. 253
they, in the circumstances he was in, could supply him with a drove of
cattle from the enemy's country. However, they resolved not to run the
risk of demanding liberty, least they should be refused, but marched pri-
vatly in a considerable body to the country of Urquhart, where they
found the Grants in arms ready to oppose them. There happned to be
among them one Macdonald, of Glengary's family, though living in
that country, who imagined that the simple merite of his name, and the
Clan to which he belonged, was enough to protect himself and the whole
name of Grant from the revenge of the Camerons. Confident of this,
he came boldly up to them, and acquainting them with his name and
genealogy, he desired, that, on his account, they would peaceably depart
the country, without injureing the inhabitants, his neightbours and friends.
To this it was answered, that if he was a true Macdonald, he ought to
be with his Chief in Dundee's armey in the service of his King and
countrey : That they were att a loss to understand why they should,
on his account, extend their friendship to a people who had but a few
dayes before seized on several of their men, and hanged them without
any other provocation than that they served King James, which was con-
trarey to the laws of war, as well as of common humanity : That as
they had indeed ane esteem for him, both for the name he bore, and the
gentleman to whom he belonged, so they desired that he would instantly
seperate himself and his cattle from the rest of his companey, whom they
were resolved to chastize for their insolence. But the Macdonald re-
plyed, that he would run the same fate with his neightbours ; and, daring
them to doe their worst, departed in a huff.
The Camerons, without further parly, attacked the Grants, and have-
ing killed some and dispersed the rest, they made themselves masters of
their cattle and goods, and carried them in triumph to Lochaber. The
General and their Chief connived att the action, both on account of the
provocation they had, and of the supply of provisions which they had
brought, and generously distributed among the army. But the fore-
mentioned Macdonald haveing had the ill-fate to be killed in the skir
mish, Glengary resented his death so highly, that in a great rage he
went to the Lord Dundee, and demanded satisfaction on Locheill and
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL.
the Camerons. Surprised att the oddness of the thing, his Lordship
asked, What manner of satisfaction he wanted ? " For," said he, " I
believe it would puzzle the ablest judges to fix upon it, even upon the
supposition that they were in the wrong;" and added, that, "if there
was any injury done, it was to him, as Generall of the King's troops, in
so far as they had acted without commission." Glengary answered,
that they had equally injured and affronted both ; and that, therefore,
they ought to be punished, in order to deter others from following their
example. Dundee replyed, that had they been troops regularly payed
and disciplined, undoubtedly they would have been lyable to such a pun
ishment as the council of war should have inflicted on them ; but as
they lived upon themselves, and were unacquainted with military laws, all
that he can pretend to doe was to save the country, in general, from
ravages and depredations of that nature. But, in the present case, the
provocation they had was great, they resented a common quarrell, and
had distributed the booty, which came seasonably enough to supply their
urgent necessitys. Besides, they had troubled non but the King's open
and declared enemys, and though it was irregularly done, yet he thought
it good policy to connive att it. But, on the other hand, he could not
conceive the offence they had done Glengarry ! They had, it was true,
killed & fellow of his Clan, who was of the enemy's party, and would not
seperate from them. " If such ane accident," continued his Lordship,
" is a just ground for raising disturbance in our small army, we shall not
dare to engage the King's enemys, least there may chance to be some
of your name and following among them who may happen to be killed."
This affair made a great noise in the camp. Such as were not ac
quainted with Glengary 's temper and policy, began to be apprehensive
of the event ; for he threatned highly, that since he could not have it
from the General, he would take revenge att his oun hand. And, when
it was objected, that he would not be able to make it good, since his fol
lowers were not near equall to Locheil's in numbers, he answered, that
the courage of his men would make up that defect. But Locheill
laught att the storey, and said merrily, that he hoped that a few dayes
would give him ane opportunity of exerting that superiority of valour
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL. 255
he boasted off so loudly against the common enemy ; and that he would
be exceedingly well-pleased to be outdone in the generous emulation.
The event showed that Locheill made a right judgement of the man.
For, though they all dined, as they usewally did, with Dundee that very
day, yet Glengary neither then nor ever afterwards so much as men
tioned the matter, which, from that moment, was hushed, and the partys
seemed as good friends as ever. For the truth is, Glengary, who was a
person of profound judgement and great courage, acted meerly out of
policy, and meant nothing more by the great noise he made, but to in
gratiate himself with his people, by humouring their vanity, and shewing
them that the least injury offered to the very meanest of them was
equally his own quarrell ; by which means, he gained so upon his com
mons, that they assisted him to suppress and humble such of the better
sort as pretended either to rivall or contradict him.
In this posture were King James his affairs about the middle of July
1689, when the Lord Murray, son to the Marquess of Atholl, so often
mentioned, arrived in Atholl ; where he gave out that he was determined
to joyn Dundee in his late Majesty's service with all the power he was
able to raise, and soon got together a body of 1200 good men. With
these, he pretended he would defend his country, till the Highland army
should be in a condition to march. But Stewart of Ballachan, a depend
ant on the family of Atholl, began very early to entertain suspicious
thoughts of his intentions ; and haveing specifyed the reasons of his jea-
lousys to the Viscount of Dundee, he, by his orders, putt himself and a
party of his followers into the Castle of Blair, a strong house, and one
of the seats of the family of Atholl, and well scituated to keep open the
communication between the army and the people of that country, who
declared in favours of King James. The Lord Murray, who knew the
importance of the place, haveing, upon his arrivall, summoned the Go-
vernour to open the gates, was answered, that seeing he had garrisoned
the house by his General's orders for the King's service, he was resolved
to keep it till he was commanded to give it up.
Enraged to be refused access to his own house, and that too by one of
j;,,i MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL.
his own vassalls, he wrote very instant letters to General M'Kay, who
was then in the South, to march with all heast to his assistance, and re
duce the castle ; shewing, at the same time, of what use and importance
it would be to their designs. M'Kay immediatly upon this drew to
gether his army, consisting of six or seven regiments of foot, and two
new-levyed troops of English horse, and marched straight into Atholl.
Dundee, having had repeated information of M 'Kay's advance, and
knowing well that if the castle was reduced, it would cutt off all inteli-
gence betwixt the Northern and Western Highlands, besides that he
justly putt the highest value upon the loyalty and courage of the Atholl
men, he resolved by all means to prevent it ; and made such haste with
the Clans that he had about him, amounting to about eighteen hundred
men in all, that he arrived before the enemy ; haveing left orders for the
rest of his army to follow him with all speed, though the day appointed
for their rendezvouze was not yet come.
Locheill had non then but his Lochaber men with him, and they did not
exceed 240 ; but upon the first allarm had dispatched his eldest son John
and severall other messengers into the adjacent countrys of Morvine,
Swynart, Ardnamurchan, and other places, through which the Camerons
are dispersed, to bring them up with all hast. But Dundee, being every
moment advertized of the quick advance of the enemy, he was affraid
there might be a necessity of engageing them before Locheill could ar
rive, if he stayed in Lochaber till these men joyned him. Unwilling,
therefore, to want the advice and assistance of a person who had given
so many repeated proofs of his great abilitys in manageing of Highland
ers, he sent express upon express, commanding him to follow with the
men he had about him, and to leave the care of the rest to his son. While
his Lordship waited for Locheill, who came to him before he entered
Atholl, he dispatched Major William Graham and Captain Ramsay to
the Lord Murray, (who had not vouchsafed to send any return to the let
ters he had formerly wrote to him,) with orders to represent to his Lord
ship the honours and advantages he might procure to himself and his
family, if he would heartily joyn him in King James his service. That
it would be ane easy matter to reduce all Scotland, inclinable of itself to
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL. 257
throw off the present yoak ; that if they succeeded in the first attempt,
it should be made known to the King that it was owing to him onely, but
that if he refused so glorious ane opportunity of exerting his loyalty to
his late kind and indulgent master, who had, even dureing the short time
that he exercised the Royal authority, so highly distinguished that family
by the honourable and beneficiall imployments which he had heaped upon
his father ; he begged him to considder how much such a monstrous peice
of ingratitude would reflect upon his own and his father's honour.
But his Lordship was deaffe to all arguments, and would not so much
as see the messengers, nor return them ane answer ; but they had wisely
taken care to inform his men of the import of their commission, which
was every way agreeable to their inclinations. They were soon convinced,
from the treatment of these gentlemen, that his Lordship had been all
the while imposeing on them, and therefore, in order to discover his reall
intentions, they addressed him all in a full body, and prayed him either
to joyn with my Lord Dundee in King James his service, or otherwayes
they threatned instantly to leave him. But his Lordship thought it not
proper to give them any other return, but a command to waite his orders ;
and they being, on the other hand, already determined how to proceed,
without further ceremony, run to the river of Tumble which was near
them, filled their bonnets with water, and drank King James his health
with many loud huzzas and acclamations, and so deserted him in a full
body.
Dundee was, in the meantime, on a quick march to Atholl, but before
he entered that country, Major- General Cannon overtook him with three
hundred new-raised, naked, undisciplined Irishmen ; which had this bad
effect, that the Clans, who had been made believe they were to be sup
ported by a powerfull army from Ireland, with arms, ammunition, and
all other provisions, saw themselves miserably dissappoynted ; but they
were still further discouraged, when they heard that the ships that King
James had sent over with great plenty of meale, beefe, butter, cheese,
and other necessarys, were taken by English ships in the Isle of Mull,
where General! Cannon had loytered so long, that the enemy had infor
mation of their arrival.
2 K
258 MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL.
But the brave Lord Dundee was not to be discouraged by accidents of
this nature. He had gained so upon the affections of his small army, that,
though half starved, they marched forward as chearefully as if they had not
felt the least effects of want. He arrived attthe Castle of Blair upon the
27th day of July, and had intelligence that M'Kay with his army had
already entered the Pass of Gillychranky. " This was a narrow path att
the foot of a steep, rugged mountain, with a precipice and river below,
and a high hill on the opposite side, where three men with great difficul
ty could walk abreast. It is several miles hi length, and though the late
Duke of Atholl has been att the trouble of making it passable by coaches
and carriages, yet to this day, ane army might be stopt in its march by a
few resolute men posted at the mouth or issue of it, and other convenient
places ; nor is there any other way to march ane army into Atholl from
the South but by this pass or defile.
Dundee, before he proceeded further, haveing thought it proper to have
the advice of his councill, called all his principall officers together, and
laid the case before them according to the information he had received ;
and the question was, whether they should continue beside the Castle
of Blair, the preservation whereof was the occasion of their sudden
march, untill their troops arrived, which behooved to be within a few
days, 'the very nixt, or that succeeding it, being the day on which their
general rendezvouze was appointed, or whether they should march
directly forward and fight the enemy ?
The old officers, who had been bred to the command of regular troops,
were unanimously of the first oppinion, alleadgeing that it was neither
prudent nor cautious to risk ane engadgement against ane army of disci
plined men that exceeded theirs in number by more than a half : That
as the reputation and success of their arms depended upon the first battle,
so they thought it was wise to attend the arivall of their men, and to try
their courage by some light skirmishes before they adventured on a ge
neral action : That by this means, they would in a manner secure a
victory which would not only give ane eclat to their arms, but likeways
intimidate the King's enemys, and raise the spirits of his friends, who
with impatience waited the event of their first attempt : That the High-
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL. 259
landers, though hardy and brave, were but raw undisciplined troops, who
had never seen blood ; besides that, they had been wasted and spent by
want of provisions, discouraged by their late disappointments, and the re
mains of their strength exhausted and drained off by their last long,
quick, and fatigueing march, deprived not onely of the comforts, but even
of the common necessarys of life : That they had, indeed, performed
wounders in Montrose his wars ; but then, as they had not laboured under
the above inconveniencys, so att first they had onely to doe with militia,
who were in every respect inferior to themselves ; but att present, they
were to fight a numerous, well-disciplined body of regular troops, con
ducted by ane old, experienced General, and encouraged and heartned
by plenty and aboundance : And that though the Highlanders might be
their equalls, which was even a kind of presumption to imagine, yet that
it would be next to madness to fancy them their supperiors in any one
quality that belonged to a souldier. That, therefore, it was their oppi-
nion, that since the General had already accomplished his design by
covering the Castle of Blair from the seige wherewith it was threatned,
they ought by all means not onely to attend the arivall of their men, but also
to give them time to recover their strength and spirits by necessary rest ;
and that, in the meantime, it were proper to awake and rouze up their
courage by some brisk attacks and light skirmishes, wherein especial care
ought to be taken that they should allways have the advantage.
Such was the oppinion of these gentlemen ; and it seemed supported
by so many strong reasons, that it for some time occasioned a general
silence : But, att last, Alexander Macdonald of Glengary, a gentleman
of no small reputation, took the opportunity of declareing his sentiments
in that debate. His family is likeways a branch of the antient Lord of
the Isles, and though he and severall others putt in their claim for the
Chief ship of the whole Clan of Macdonald, yet it seems but indifferently
founded. The late Glengary, predecessor to him we speak of, was a
very faithfull follower of the Great Montrose, and, while the troubles
lasted, adhered so firmly to that cause, that upon the Restoration he was
dignifyed with the tittle of Lord Macdonald of Aros ; and had he be
haved himself with the same integrity to his neightbours as he did to
260 MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL.
his Prince, he had dyed with a very unblemished character. Haveing
no male issue of his oun body, he intailed his estate upon this Alexander
Macdonald and his heirs, though it is alleadged by some, that the family
of Ochterraw was nearer in blood ; but, indeed, there was such a like-
ness and resemblance in their geniuses and tempers, that, by this succes
sion, onely the body, and not the spirit and disposition of the Chiefe,
seemed to be changed ; and if ever the Pithagorean transmigration of
soules obtained credit from such a similitude of manners and humours,
there is a greater appearance of reason for it in the present case than
often occurs. For, he no sooner became master of the estate, than he
shewed himself a very zealous asserter of the royall cause, and traced
after his predecessor's footsteps in all his conduct. He was, like him, a
person of great penetration and good natural parts, but affected more to
act in the manner of a politician than in that of ane open, frank, and
sincear neightbour. Most of his actions might well admitt of a double
construction ; and what he appeared generaly to be was seldome what
he really was. Meer triffles seemed to be of the greatest consequence
under his management ; and he loved to meddle with no affair but what
bore some distant view of honour or profite : such of his neightbours as
were inferior to him in estate or command he cajolled and flattered, so
that they became, in a manner, dependant on him, while he had use for
their service ; but that over, he seldome gave himself the trouble of re
turning their favours by suitable expressions of gratitude ; yet, still he
had that address and dexterity in his conduct, as to reingage them as
often as he had occasion, and still the blame of any ill-useage they mett
with was artfully charged upon themselves. By this means he ordi-
narly made as good a figure in the field as some of his neightbours that
had double his command and following. With his supperiors and
equalls he lived in constant emulation and jealousey, and governed his
Clan with the authority and state of ane independent Prince. The
leaders and captains of tribes he suppressed and keept doun, and sel
dome allowed any of them the honour of being admitted into his coun-
cill ; but with his commons he affected great popularity ; and, what was
odd, he was not only negligent of his person, but even of the economy
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL. 261
of his house and family, and the reason he gave for it was, that he loved
not to deviate from the customes of his predecessors. Though he was
ingaged in every attempt that was made for the restoration of King
James and his family, yet he managed matters so that he lossed nothing
in the event. The concerts and ingagements he entered into with his
neightbours, in the issue of any undertaking for the common good, he
observed onely in so far as suited with his oun particular interest, but
still he had the address to make them bear the blame while he carried
the profite and honour. To conclude, he was brave, loyall, and woun-
derfully sagacious and long-sighted ; and was possessed of a great many
shineing qualitys, blended with a few vices, which, like patches on a
beautifull face, seemed to give the greater eclat to his character. Mr
Philips represents him att the general rendezvouse in the following
manner :
" First from the North, Glengary trades the plain,
And brought three hundered with him in his train.
All feirce and brave, in bloom of youth they shine,
And from the mighty Donald boast their line.
In triple folds, which many colours grace,
Short tartan vests their manly sides imbrace :
Loose from their shoulders hangs the various plade
Girt round their loyns, in artfull foldings laid ;
A helmet guards their head, their limbs and thighs,
Naked, are open to the wind and skyes.
On a proud steed the Chief himself appears,
His brawny arm his dreaded fauchion bears,
A large broad belt from his right shoulder shines
In polished plate, and to the left declines.
O'er armour, which refulgent mettals grace ;
And flowing vest shone bright with golden lace.
A hundered more, his brother Allan led,
In belted plaids, and tartan doublets clad,
262 MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL.
With rullions on their feet, and from afar
Dreadfull in all the implements of war ;
While to their thighs their threatning broad-swords hung,
And belts and shields with brazen trappings rung."
Glengary differed in oppinion from the officers whom I have men
tioned. He represented that though the Highland army had suffered
much by the want of provisions, and from the fatigue they had been putt
to, yet these hardships did not affect them in the same manner that they
commonly did souldiers who are bred in ane easyer and more plentifull
course of life : That the Generall would find them both ready and able
to engage, and perhaps defeat ane equal number of the enemy's best
troops : That as nothing delighted them more then hardy and adventu
rous exploits, so it was his oppinion that they should march immediatly,
and endeavour to prevent the enemy's getting through the pass : That,
if they could be there in time, it would be ane easy matter to stop their
advanceing into the country till they were able to give them battle : That,
supposeing them already clear of the Pass, yet to waite there till they
were attacked by M'Kay would so discourage their men, that they
would soon grow of no value, and lose that spirite and resolution which
commonly accompanys agressors : And that, finally, his advice was all-
ways to keep the army in sight of the enemy, and to post them in such
strong ground, as might not onely be a defence to them from sudden at
tacks, but also enable them to make quick salleys, and engage partys of
them in brisk skirmishes, as often as opportunity offered.
The Chiefs in generall subscribed to this oppinion ; but Dundee,
haveing observed that Locheill was all this while silent, refused to de
clare his oppinion till the other gave his : "For," said he, " he has not
onely done great things himself, but has had so much experience, that he
cannot miss to make a right judgement of the matter, and, therefore, his
shall determine mine !" Locheill answered, that his Lordship much
overrated the small things he had done, for they were but little tumult
uous sallys and skirmishes, without any order or conduct, and that the
success he had was rather owing to the intrepidity and courage of his
men than to any thing in himself; and that, therefore, no example
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL. 263
could be taken from them. That the reason he had not spoke was, that
he had already determined himself to submitt to his Lordship's conduct,
which was so exactly adapted to the genius of the Highlanders, that he
needed no advice ; but that, since he had commanded him to give his
oppinion, it was in one word — "To fight immediatly, — for our men,"
said he, " are in heart ; they are so far from being afraid of their enemy,
that they are eager and keen to engage them, least they escape their
hands, as they have so often done. Though we have few men, they are
good, and I can venture to assure your Lordship that not one of them
will faill yow. It is better to fight att the disadvantage of even one to
three, than to delay it till M'Kay's dragoons and cavalry have time to
joyn him. To pretend to stop them in the Pass is a vain project, for
they have undoubtedly gott through it ere now, and to march up to
them and not immediatly to fight, is to expose ourselves to the want of
provisions, seeing we can spare no men for forageing ; besides, we will dis
cover that, even in our oun oppinion, we are unequall to the enemy, which
would be of dangerous consequence among Highlanders. If the enemy
shall be allowed time to march up and offer to attack us, and we retreat,
it will be still worse. If your Lordship thinks proper to delay fight
ing, and wait the arrivall of our men, my oppinion is, that we immedi
atly retreat again to the mountains and meet them ; for I will not pro
mise upon the event, if we are not the aggressors. But be assured, my
Lord, that if once we are fairly engaged, we will either lose our army,
or carry a compleat victorey. Our men love allways to be in action.
Your Lordship never heard them complain either of hunger or fatigue
while they were in chace of their enemy, which att all times were equall
to us in number. Employ them in hasty and desperat enterprizes, and
yow will oblige them ; and I have still observed, that when I fought
under the greatest disadvantage of numbers, I had still the compleatest
victoreys. Let us take this occasion to shew our zeall and courage in
the cause of our King and countrey, and that we dare to attack ane
army of Fanaticks and Rebells att the odds of near two to one. Their
great superiority in number will give a necessary reputation to our vic
torey ; and not only fright them from meddling with a people conducted
•_i,;i MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL.
by such a General, and animated by such a cause, but it will incourage
the whole kingdome to declare in our favours."
Ane advice so hardy and resolute could not miss to please the gener
ous Dundee. His looks seemed to brighten with ane air of delight and
satisfaction all the while Locheill was a-speaking. He told his coun-
cill that they had heard his sentiments from the mouth of a person who
had formed his judgement upon infallible proofs drawn from a long
experience, and ane intimate acquaintance with the persons and sub
ject he spoke of. Not one in the companey offering to contradict their
General, it was unanimously agreed to fight.
When the news of this vigorous resolution spread through the army,
nothing was heard but acclamations of joy, which exceedingly pleased
their gallant General ; but, before the councill broke up, Locheill begged
to be heard for a few words : " My Lord," said he, "I have just now
declared, in presence of this honourable company, that I was resolved
to give ane implicite obedience to all your Lordship's commands ; but,
I humbly beg leave, in name of these gentlemen, to give the word
of command for this one time. It is the voice of your councill, and
their orders are, that yow doe not engage personally. Your Lordship's
bussiness is to have ane eye on all parts, and to issue out your commands
as yow shall think proper ; it is ours to execute them with prompitude
and courage. On your Lordship depends the fate not onely of this
little brave army, but also of our King and country. If your Lordship
deny us this reasonable demand, for my oun part, I declare that neither
I, nor any I am concerned in, shall draw a sword on this important occa
sion, whatever construction shall be putt upon the matter !"
Locheill was seconded in this by the whole councill ; but Dundee
begged leave to be heard in his turn : " Gentlemen," said he, " as I am
absolutely convinced, and have had repeated proofs of your zeale for the
King's service, and of your affection to me, as his General and your
friend, so I am fully sensible that my engageing personaly this day
may be of some loss if I shall chance to be killed ; but I beg leave of yow,
however, to allow me to give one < Shear-darg' (that is, one harvest-day's
work) to the King, my master, that I may have ane opportunity of con-
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL. 265
vincing the brave Clans that I can hazard my life in that service as freely
as the meanest of them. Ye know their temper, Gentlemen, and if they
doe not think I have personal courage enough, they will not esteem me
hereafter, nor obey my commands with cheerfulness. Allow me this
single favour, and I here promise, upon my honour, never again to risk
my person while I have that of commanding you."
The Councill, finding him inflexible, broke up, and the army marched
directly towards the Pass of Killychranky, which M'Kay had gott clear
of some short time before. Att the mouth of the Pass, there is a large
plain which extends itself along the banks of the river, on the one side ;
and on the other rises a rugged, uneven, but not very high mountain.
M'Kay still drew up his troops, as they issued out of that narrow de
file, on the forsaid plain ; and that he might be capable to flank Dundee
on both sides, in case of ane attack ; he ordered his battle ah1 in one line,
without any reserves, and drew up his field-batallions three men deep
onely, which made a very long front ; for, as I have said already, his
army consisted of no less than 3500 foot, and two troops of horse.
Haveing thus formed his lines, he commanded his troops, that were much
fatigued with the quick march they had been obliged to make, to prevent
being stopt in the Pass, to sitt down upon the ground in the same order
they stood, that they might be somewhat refreshed.
Dundee keept the higher ground, and when his advanced guards came
in view of the plain, they could discover no enemy ; but still as they
came nearer they observed them to start to their feet, regiment by re
giment, and waite the attack in the order above described. But Dundee
never halted till he was within a musquet-shot of them, and posted his
army upon the brow of the hih1 opposite to them ; whence, having ob
served distinctly their order, he was necessitated to change the disposi
tion of his battle, and inlarge his intervals, that he might not be too
much out-winged. But before he could effect this, the enemy began
to play upon him with some field-peices they had brought with them for
the seige they intended, and then their whole army fired upon them in
platoons, which run along from line to line for the whole time Dundee
2 L
•2i ir, MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL.
took up in disposing of his troops ; which he performed in the following
order : —
Sir John M'Lean, then a youth of about eighteen years of age, with
whose character I shall hereafter take ane opportunity to entertain the
reader, was posted with his battalion on the right; on his left the
Irishmen I have mentioned under the command of Collonell Pearson ;
nixt them the Tutor of Clanranald, with his battalion. Glengary, with
his men, were placed nixt to Clanranald's ; the few horses he had were
posted in the centre, and consisted of Low-country gentlemen, and some
remains of Dundee's old troop, not exceeding fourty in all, and these
very lean and ill-keept. Nixt them was Locheill ; and Sir Donald's
battalion on the left of all. Though there were great intervals betwixt
the battalions, and a large void space left in the centre, yet Dundee
could not possibly streatch his line so as to equall that of the enemy ; and,
wanting men to fill up the voyd in the centre, Locheill, who was posted
nixt the horse, was not onely obliged to fight M'Kay's own regiment, which
stood directly opposite to him, but also had his flank exposed to the fire
of Leven's battalion, which they had not men to engage, whereby he
thereafter suffered much. But, what was hardest of all, he had none of his
Clan with him but 240, and even 60 of these were sent as Dundee's ad
vanced guard, to take possession of a house from which he justly appre
hended the enemy might gall them, if they putt men into it. But
there was no helping the matter. Each Clan, whither small or great,
had a regiment assigned them, and that, too, by Locheil's own advice, who
attended the Generall while he was makeing his disposition. The de-
signe was to keep up the spirite of emulation in poynt of bravery ; for,
as the Highlanders putt the highest value upon the honour of their familys
or Clans, and the renoun and glory acquired by military actions, so the
emulation between Clan and Clan inspires them with a certain generous
contempt of danger, gives vigour to their hands, and keeness to their
courage.
The afternoon was well advanced before Dundee had gott his army
formed into the order I have described. The continual fire of the enemy
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL. 267
from the lower ground covered them, by a thick cloud of smoake, from
the view of the Highlanders, whereof severals dropping from time to time,
and many being wounded, they grew impatient for action. But the sun
then shineing full in their faces, the Generall would not allow; them to
engage till it was nearer its decline.
Locheill, as well to divert as to incourage them, fell upon this stra
tagem. He commanded his men, who, as I have said, were posted in
the centre, to make a great shout, which being seconded by those who
stood on their right and left, ran quickly through the whole army, and
was returned by some of the enemy ; but the noise of the cannon and
musquets, with the prodigious echoeing of the adjacent hills and rocks,
in which there are several caverns and hollow places, made the High
landers fancy that their shouts were much brisker and louder than that
of the enemy, and Locheill cryed out, " Gentlemen, take courage. The
day is our own. I am the oldest commander in the army, and have
allways observed something ominous and fatall in such a dead, hollow,
and feeble noise as the enemy made in their shouting. Ours was brisk,
lively, and strong, and shews that we have courage, vigour, and strength.
Theirs was low, lifeless, and dead, and prognosticates that they are all
doomed to dye by our hands this very night !" Though this circumstance
may appear triffleing to ane inadvertant reader, yet it is not to be imagined
how quickly these words spread through the army, and how wounder-
fully they were incouraged and animated by them.
The sun being near its close, Dundee gave orders for the attack, and
commanded, that so soon as the M 'Leans began to move from the right,
that the whole body should, att the same instant of time, advance upon
the enemy. It is incredible with what intrepidity the Highlanders endured
the enemy's fire ; and though it grew more terrible upon their nearer
approach, yet they, with a wounderfull resolution, keept up their own, as
they were commanded, till they came up to their very bosoms, and,
then poureing it in upon them all att once, like one great clap of thounder,
they threw away their guns, and fell in pell-mell among the thickest of
them with their broad-swords. After this the noise seemed hushed ;
268 MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL.
and the fire ceaseing on both sides, nothing was heard for some few mo
ments but the sullen and hollow clashes of broad-swords, with the dis-
mall groans and crys of dyeing and wounded men.
Dundee himself was in the centre with the horse, which were then
commanded by Sir William Wallace of Craigie. The gallant Earl of
Dumfermline had formerly that charge, but that very morning, Sir Wil
liam having presented a commission from King James, that noble Earl
calmly resigned, much to the dissatisfaction of Dundee ; and from this
small incident, it is affirmed, flowed the mine and disappointment of that
undertaking. When they had advanced to the foot of the hill, on which
they were drawn up, Sir William Wallace, either his courage faileing him,
or some unknown accident interposeing, instead of marching forward after
his Generall, ordered the horse to wheele about to the left, which not
onely occasioned a halt, but putt them into confusion. Dundee, in the
mean time, intent upon the action, and carryed on by the impetuosity
of his courage, advanced towards the enemy's horse, which were posted
about their artillery in the centre, without observeing what passed be
hind, untill he was just entering into the smoak. The brave Earl of
Durafermline, and sixteen gentlemen more, not regarding the unaccount
able orders of their Collonell, followed their Generall, and observed him,
as he was entering into the smoake, turn his horse towards the right,
and raiseing himself upon his stirrops, make signes by waveing his hatt
over his head for the rest to come up. The enemy's horse made but
little resistance. They were routed and warmly pursued by those few
gentlemen ; and as to Wallace and those with him, they did not appear
till after the action was over.
The Highlanders had ane absolute and compleat victorey. The pur-
sute was so warm that few of the enemy escaped ; nor was it cheap
bought to the victors, for they lossed very near a third of their number,
which did not ammount fully to two thousand men before they engaged.
It was formerly observed that Dundee was so far out-numbered by
M'Kay, that he was obliged to streatch his front as near equall to his
enemy's as possibly he could, in order to prevent being flanked ; but
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL. 269
this he could not effectuat so ; but still there was a large voyd space in
the centre, opposite to which the battalion commanded by the Earl of
Leven was posted ; and which, there being none to attack, remained still
enteare : besides, on M'Kay's right there was another battalion con
ducted by Collonell Hastings that outstreatched Dundee's lines so far
on the left, that there was onely half of it assaulted and cutt off, and the
other stood still on the field of battle. The sixteen gentlemen I have
mentioned returning from the pursute of the enemy's horse, were much
surprised to find these men standing entire, and upon the very ground
where they were first posted. The brave Earl of Dumfermling proposed
to gather about fifty or sixty Highlanders, whom they observed strag-
gleing through the field of battle looking after their dead friends, and to
attack them. Though none of the companey could speak Gaulick, (as
the Highlanders call their language, ) yet Mr Drummond of Balhaldys,
being son-in-law to Locheill, and haveing some acquaintance among
them, made a shift to get so many of them together, that they adventured
to march against Hastings' half battalion. But that of Leven's, which
stood att some distance, observeing this motion, advanced to their assist
ance ; and the Highlanders, whereof many were rather followers of the
army than souldiers refuseing to engage, the gentlemen were obliged to
retreat, and on their way discovered the body of their noble General, who
was just breathing out his last. The fatall shott, that occasioned his
death, was about two hand's-breadth within his armour, on the lower part
of his left side ; from which the gentlemen concluded, that he had re
ceived it while he raised himself upon his stirrops, and streatched his
body in order to hasten up his horse, as I have related. Observeing
still some small remains of life, they halted about the body to carry it off,
but Leven' s battalion advanceing in the interim, fired smartly upon them,
and wownded Mr Haliburton of Pitcurr so mortally that he dyed within
two days thereafter. He was a gentleman of that resolution that he dis
sembled it for the time, and retired with the rest. He was Chief of the
name, and of considerable note in the county of Angus, where he joyned
my Lord Dundee on his first setting out. Mr Philips gives us the fol
lowing account of him : —
270 MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL.
" Brave Haliburton here the hero joyn'd,
Tho' great his limbs, yet greater was his mind :
To noblest sires his antient line he ow'd,
'And lived conspicuous 'mongst the great and good.
His Prince he loved ; but to the Belgick foe,
Implacable did his resentment glow.
Allong a troop of hardy youth he led,
And 'bove them all conspicuous by the head,
Dundee he followed, to the Royall aid."
When the Earl of Dunfermline, who had then his horse shott under
him, and the other gentlemen, had gott themselves out of the reatch of
the enemy's shott, and poured out a flood of tears on the hearse of their
great General, they discovering some Highlanders that had returned from
the pursute, again employed Mr Drummond to gather as many of them
as he could, in order to attack these men. He having prevailed with
about sixty of them to follow him, met, as he returned, some of the Chiefs,
with a few of their men, who likeways joyned him ; and, marching all in
a body towards the enemy, they found them possessed of a gentleman's
house that was near the field of battle, from which it was in vain to at-
tempt«to dislodge them. About the middle of the night, the army re
turned from the pursute, but the enemy took the opportunity of retreat
ing in the dark, and as they were marching through the Pass, the Atholl
men, whom I have mentioned, keeping still in a body, attacked them,
killed some, and made all the rest prisoners ; so that of the troops that
M'Kay brought with him the sixth man did not escape. No less than
eighteen hundred of them were computed to fall upon the field of battle.
When day returned, the Highlanders went and took a view of the field
of battle, where the dreadfull effects of their fury appeared in many hor
rible figures. The enemy lay in heaps allmost in the order they were
posted ; but so disfigured with wounds, and so hashed and mangled, that
even the victors could not look upon the amazeing proofs of their own
agility and strength without surprise and horrour. Many had their heads di-
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL, 271
vided into two halves by one blow ; others had their sculls cutt off above
the eares by a back-strock, like a night-cap. Their thick buffe-belts were
not sufficient to defend their shoulders from such deep gashes as allmost
disclosed their entrails. Several picks, small swords, and the like wea
pons, were cutt quite through, and some that had scull-capes had them
so beat into their brains that they died upon the spott.
The Highlanders, as I have said, payed dear enough for their victory ;
but it was remarked that few or none of them were killed after they drew
their swords, and that the greatest part of them fell within a few paces
of their enemy when they received the last fire, before they themselves
discharged ; after which, their loss was inconsiderable.
Locheill lost in this action one hundred and twenty of his men, which was
just one half of his number, and was occasioned by a furious fire that he re
ceived in the flank from Leven's battallion, which, as the reader has been
told, had no enemy to engage. His post was against M'Kay's own regi
ment, which he routed and destroyed in a manner that few of them ever re
turned to their colours. So keen was he that day, that he spoke to his men
one by one, and tooke their several engagements either to conquer or dye.
He was then past the sixty-third year of his age, but strong, healthfull,
and vigorous. His men obeyed him so readily, when he commanded
them to march, that he was not able to keep pace with them ; but, leave-
ing them to the protection of God, he satt down by the way, and deliber-
atly pulling off his shoes that pinched him, had the agility to gett up
with them just as they drew their swords.
The Highlanders had been so fatigued by that day's work and the
proceeding marches, that after the pursute was over, they were unwill
ing to return to the field of battle till they were somewhat recovered by
a little rest, and it was with no small difficulty that Locheill prevailed,
in the end, with their Chiefs to lead them back. By this it appears how
unjustly the Earl of Balcarrass (though otherways ane impartial author)
has charged them with looseing the fruits of so important a victory by
their unseasonable avarice. His Lordship alleadges, that so soone as
they came among the enemy's baggage, they stopt and allowed M'Kay
and several other eminent persons to escape, while they were employed
272 MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL.
in riffleing it ; and that if the troops that keept the field had beheaved
as they ought to have done, they might have fallen upon them, and
changed the fate of the day. But as I have had occasion to talk with
severall gentlemen, and others who lived in that neightbourhood, and
who knew the most minute circumstances of that glorious action, and
likeways with several of the Chiefs, besides Low-country gentlemen
and others who were eye-witnesses to all that passed, so from their con
curring accounts of it, I can assure my readers, that the Highlanders
pursued so far, that they could not distinguish friends from foes before
they gave over, though the rout began about the setting of the sun :
That they were so excessively fatigued, that they inclined to rest them
selves there during the dead of the night : That it was midnight ere
they returned, which gave opportunity to these troops to attempt their
escape, as I have related : And that they neither saw the enemy's bag
gage nor the field of battle, till the sun was some hours up nixt morning.
And what is a further proof of that Lord's mistake — it is universally
agreed, that the Earl of Leven, though not attacked, and generally all
those that had horses, fled so early, that some of them rode thirty miles
that night ; and M'Kay, as soon as he saw his troops broken, went off
with a few horses in such time, that, notwithstanding of the badness of
the rdad, he sleept that night in the Castle of Weems in Kaynoch ; so
that, unless several partys had been posted before hand in proper places, it
was impossible to prevent their escape.
That noble author is likeways guilty of another mistake, in chargeing
the loss of the brave Viscount of Dundee upon the cowardice of Sir
Donald Macdonald's men. I have already informed the reader of the
circumstances of that tragical event, from the relation of severalls of the
sixteen gentlemen who accompanyed him in the last moments of his life ;
and shall now give ane account of the behaviour of these Macdonalds,
from as good authority.
Sir Donald and his battalion were posted on the left of the Highland
army, and had the misfortune to have their flank exposed to the fire of
Hastings' regiment ; and Sir Donald, observing several of his men to fall,
and that there were some houses and dykes opportunely scituated to
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL. 273
cover his men from the fire, while the army was a forming. He com
manded them to sitt down, in which posture they continued till orders
were given to engage. But the aid-du-camp who carried these orders
not haveing courage enough to pass through the intervall betwixt them and
Locheil's men, where the enemy's fire was very hott, he called out to
such of them as were nearest, that the Generall wanted them, and they
not understanding the orders, and their being entangled among dykes
and houses, occasioned some confusion, but they quickly recovered them
selves, and charged with so much bravery that they cutt off the regiment
that was assigned them. Now, if the reader will reflect on the extent
of Dundee's front, occasioned by the great intervals that were left be
tween the battalions, and that Sir Donald was posted on the extremity
of the left wing, he will not imagine it probable that Dundee, who
charged in the centre, would make signs, att so great a distance, for Sir
Donald to advance, who could not possibly perceive him. The truth
seems to be, that the Earle of Balcarrass, who then was a prisoner of
state in the Castle of Edinburgh, hearing that Dundee was shott as he
was makeing signs for his people to come up, and not haveing ane oppor
tunity of conversing with any of them I have mentioned, mistook the
matter, and charged the misfortune of his death on the wrong persons ;
which 1 am convinced he would have rectifyed, if he had given us another
edition of his Memoirs.
But the true reason why this victory became ineffectuall was the un
seasonable death of the great Dundee. He seemed formed by Heaven
for great undertakeings, and was in ane eminent degree possessed of all
those qualitys that accomplish the gentleman, the statesman, and the
souldier. He was descended from the antient and noble family of Mon-
trose, a family fruitfull of heroes, and illustrious by the great persons that
have adorned it. The gentleman I speak of had ane education suitable
to his birth and genius. After he had finished the course of his studys
att home, he travelled into France for his further improvement ; and
haveing a strong inclination to acquire some knowledge in the military
art, he served several years as a volunteer in the French army, under
2M
274 MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL.
the famous Marishall Turenne. But the Prince of Orange being a
nephew, and afterwards a son-in-law, of the Koyall Family of Great Brit-
tain, he passed over into Holland, where he soon recommended himself
to that Prince, who complimented him with a coronet's command in his
horse-guards.
He was then ane Esquire, under the tittle of John Graham of Claver-
house, but the vivacity of his parts, and the delicacy and justness of his
understanding and judgement, joyned with a certain vigour of mind and
activity of body, distinguished him in such a manner from all others of
his rank, that though he lived in a superior character, yet he acquired
the love and esteem of all his equalls, as well as of those who had the ad
vantage of him in dignity and estate.
In this station he had ane opportunity of adding to his reputation by
performing a very remarkable service to the Prince of Orange, then his
master ; for being, in the year 1674, dismounted by the enemy att the
battle of St Nuffe, and in the greatest danger of being either killed or
made a prisoner, the gallant Mr Graham rescued him out of their hands,
mounted him upon his own horse, and carryed him safely off. Mr Phi
lips, among others of his actions att that time, takes notice of this vigor
ous exploit, and introduces him complaining of the injustice he received
att that Court, in words to this purpose :
" When the feirce Gaule thro' Belgian stanks yow fled,
Fainting, alone, and destitute of aid,
While the proud victor urg'd your doubtfull fate,
And your tir'd courser sunk beneath your weight —
Did I not mount yow on my vigorous steed,
And save your person by his fatal speed ?
For life and freedome then by me restor'd,
I'm thus rewarded by my Belgick Lord.
Ingratefull Prince !"
The Prince, in reward of this service, gave him a Captain's Commis
sion, and promised him the first regiment that should fall in the way ;
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL. 275
and some years thereafter, there happning a vacancy in one of the Scotch
regiments, he stood candidate for it, not onely upon the assurance of that
promise, but also of the letters he procured from King Charles and the
Duke of York, recommending him to the Prince, in very strong terms.
But, notwithstanding of all this, the Prince preferred Mr Collier, a son
of the Earl of Portmore, to the regiment. The Prince then resided att
his Palace of the Loo ; and Captain Grahame, who was absent while
this intrigue was carrying on, chanceing to meet Mr Collier in the Pal-
lace Court, expostulated the matter in very harsh terms, and gave him
some blows with his cane. The Prince either saw or was soon informed
of what passed, and ordering Captain Grahame, who had been seized by
the officer of the guards, to be brought before him, he asked him how he
dared to strick any person within the verge of his Palace ? The Cap
tain answered, that he was indeed in the wrong, since it was more his
Highness his business to have resented that quarrel than his ; because
Mr Collier had less injured him in dissappointing him of the regiment,
than he had done his Highness in making him breck his word. Then re
ply ed the Prince, in ane angry tone, " I make yow full reparation, for I
bestow on yow what is more valuable than a regiment, when I give yow
your right arm !" The Captain subjoyned, that since his Highness had
the goodness to give him his liberty, he resolved to employ himself else
where, for he would not serve a Prince longer that had brock his word.
The Captain having thus thrown up his commission, was prepareing
in haste for his voyage, when a messenger arrived from the Prince with
two hundred guineas for the horse on which he had saved his life.
The Captain sent the horse, but ordered the gold to be distributed
among the grooms of the Prince's stables. It is said, however, that his
Highness had the generosity to wryte to the King and the Duke, re
commending him as a fine gentleman, and a brave officer, fitt for any
office, civil or military.
He was well received upon his arrivall in England, and soon there
after preferred by the King to the command of one of the Independent
troops of horse, that were raised in the year 1677» to suppress the tumul
tuous Assemblys of the Fanaticks in the West of Scotland. He acquitted
_,;,, MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL.
himself so well of this commission, that about the end of King Charles
his reign, he was admitted into the Privy Councill, and created a Peer
by the tittle of Lord Viscount of Dundee.
He was much in favour with King James during his short reign, and
when that unfortunate Prince was obliged to leave England, Mr Philips
says, that he gave the charge of transporting the Queen and Prince after
him to France to the Lord Dundee, " whjch'was," continues that author,
" the highest testimony of his favour and confidence."
Upon the meeting of the Convention of Estates, great numbers of fa-
naticks crouded into Edinburgh, under pretence of guarding it. ; and
they having formed severall designes against the lives of all those that
opposed the violent proceedings of the Convention, his Lordship and
many others quitted the city in the manner I have mentioned. No sooner
were his intentions of heading the Royalists divulged abroad, than a
spirit of loyalty diffused itself through the nation. The people were att
first lulled asleep with a notion, that the Prince of Orange designed no
thing further by his invasion, than to force King James to dismiss his
Popish Counsellors, as he had declared in his manifesto ; for they could
not be persuaded that the King's own nephew, and son-in-law, would
ever contrive his mine. But as soon as their eyes were opened, they sent
assurances to the Lord Dundee that they were all ready to joyn him ;
and had that brave man outlived that glorious victory which his death
rendered fatall to the party, the world would have been soon convinced
how far the proceedings of the new patriots suited with the inclinations
of the people.
Great were the preparations that were makeing for his reception in all
parts. His vigour and conduct in chaceing M'Kay and his army from
place to place, with inferior numbers, was the general talk and wonder of
the kingdom. He knew so well to adapt himself to the humours and
inclinations of the people whom he commanded, that there was a general
harmony and agreement among all the officers of his little army, and so
great was the confidence they reposed in his conduct, that they resigned
themselves intirely to his pleasure, without searching into his designes.
Though the Highlanders are in general a high-spirited and proud
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL. 277
people, and of ane unruly and stubborn temper, yet the authority he
had over them was surprizing, even to those who were best accquanted
with them. To give the reader ane instance of it : It was his usewall
custome to steall out privatly and visite his out-guards and sentrys in
person, in order to keep them to exact duty; and though he never
punished delinquents, yet he used such artfull methods, as soon made
them very observant of his orders ; by which means he was never catched
napping. One night, in one of these salleys, he chanced to meet two
fellows, each with a mutton on his back, returning to the camp. Though
the great wants they suffered rendered such pilfery in a manner neces
sary, yet he reprimanded them in very sharp words, and threatned them
with death if they committed such cryms for the future. One of the
fellows, mistakeing Dundee, who was not much distinguished by his
dress, for one of his troopers, was so provoked with his threatnings,
that he satt down upon his knees, putt his gun to his eye, and would
have infallibly shott him dead, had not his comerade cryed to him to
" Hold !" for "it was the General." The poor fellow was so struck
with the horrour of his crime, that he dropt down dead upon the spott.
So quick was he in all his marches, that M'Kay, his antagonist, used
to say, that all intelligence with respect to him was useless ; for he
often had him beating up his quarters, when ne believed him to be att
fifty or sixty miles distance from him.
Though he was exceedingly forward, yet he was far from being rash ;
and his conduct att the battle of Killiecranky shows how deliberatly
and wisely he took his measures ; and the onely step that he is to be
blamed in was his too much eagerness in exposeing his person ; but
that he did with a view of gaining a reputation among the Highlanders,
whom he humoured in all things.
He advised with Locheill on every occasion, and always followed his
oppinion ; and so much did he confide in his sufficiencey that he often
declared that he was the fittest person in the kingdome to command that
army. They both loved fighting and adventurous actions, and were
never known to differ in any one poynt ; and Dundee said often that
278 MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL.
be could never have managed ane army so different in customes, hu
mour, and discipline from those with whom he was bred, if it had not
been for the lessons he daily had from him.— While he was att Edinglassy,
chanceing to inquire att Locheill, " How the Highlanders would behave
in case of a sudden allarm ?'* " Yow had best make a tryall, my Lord,"
answered Locheill, "and I believe yow will find, upon the proof, that
they will, in every shape, answer the character I have given of them !"
His Lordship, approveing the advice, commanded my Lord Dunferm-
line to steall with as much privacy as possible with the horse to a cer
tain riseing ground that lay att some distance, and after lurking behind
it for sometime, to draw them up in a line, one man deep, and to appear
suddenly on the ridge of it, in as formidable a manner as he could contrive.
All being executed according to orders, his Lordship was wounderfully
pleased to see his men, upon the news of the enemy's advance, fly to
their several colours with all the allacrity and promptitude imaginable,
cryeing out to be immediatly led against them, and not to allow the
cowardly dogs again to escape.
His Lordship was so nice in point of honour, and so true to his word,
that he never was known for once to breck it. From this exactness it
was that he once lossed the opportunity of ane easy victory over M'Kay,
in Stfathspey, by dismissing Captain Forbess ; who, meeting the two
troopers sent by the Lord Kilsyth, not onely discovered that intelligence,
but the neighbourhood of the Highland army, as I have formerly related.
This is the onely reall error chargeable on his conduct, while he com
manded in this war. But this is the more excuseable that it proceeded
from a principle of religion, whereof he was strictly observant ; for, be
sides family-worship, performed regularly evening and morning in his
house, he retired to his closet att certain hours, and employed himself
in that duty. This I affirm upon the testimony of severals that lived
in his neightbourhood in Edinburgh, where his office of Privy Counsellour
often obliged him to be ; and, particularly, from a Presbyterian lady
who lived long in the storey or house immediatly below his Lordship's,
and who was otherways so rigid in her opinions, that she could not believe
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL. 279
a good thing of any person of his persuasion, till his conduct rectified
her mistake, and even had such influence as to prevaill with her in the
end to marry a gentleman who was a high-flyeing Churchman.
His Lordship continued the same course in the army ; and though
somewhat warm, upon occasions, in his temper, yet he never was heard
to swear. He had made a considerable progress in the Mathematicks,
especially in those parts of it that related to his military capacity ; and
there was no part of the Belles Lettres which he had not studyed with
great care and exactness. He was much master in the epistolary way
of writeing ; for he not onely expressed himself with great ease and plaine-
ness, but argued well, and had a great art in giving his thoughts in few
words. And this chiefly appears when he had occasion to wryte to such
gentlemen as he knew M'Kay had been tampering with ; where he fre
quently not onely answers all that was then pled in favours of the Revo
lution, but also lays before them the duty and obedience they owed to
King James, as their naturall Sovereign, with great perspicuity and
strength of argument, in the compass of a small page or two.
He was, in his private life, rather parsimonious than profuse ; and
observed ane exact economy in his family. But in the King's service
he was liberal and generous to every person but himself ; and freely be
stowed his own money in buying provisions to his army : And, to sum
up his character in two words, he was a good Christian, ane indulgent
husband, ane accomplished gentleman, ane honest statesman, and a
brave souldier — and, as he had few equalls among his countrymen in
these first qualitys, so he had no supperior in the last.
His memory is celebrated by some of the best Foreign, as well as Bri
tish writers. But leaveing the reader to peruse these att leisure, I shall
here intertain him with a few lines written in elegant Latine by the fa
mous Dr Archibald Pitcairn,* that great favourite of Apollo and the
Muses, and beautifully translated by Mr Dryden, the greatest genius of
his age :
* See the original in the Appendix.
280 MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL.
" O last and best of Scots, who didst maintain
Thy country's freedom from a foreign reigne,
New people fill the land now thow art gone,
New gods the temples, and new kings the throne !
Scotland and thow didst hi each other live,
Thow wouldst not her, nor could she thee survive.
Farewell, who dyeing didst support the State,
And couldst not fall but with thy country's fate."
Besides the death of Pitcur, which I have already related, the Laird
of Largo, a young gentleman of about twenty-fours years of age, of great
hopes, and Chieftane of a branch of the M 'Donalds of Kyntyre, was also
killed in the heat of the action, with several gentlemen of the same fa
mily. There like ways fell att the same time a brother of Glengary's,
five near relations of Sir Donald M 'Donald, several gentlemen of the
M' Leans, and a multitude of others whom it were tedious to recount.
But the death of Gilbert Ramsay was attended with such remarkable
circumstances that they deserve to be related. He was a young gentle
man bred to the law, which, haveing studyed att Leyden with great ap
plication, he, about the same time that the King left England, past his
tryalls, and was admitted Advocate with the general applause of that
learned Faculty. The confusions that followed made him quitt the bar,
where it was expected he would soone become eminent, and joyn my
Lord Dundee, whom he attended in quality of a volunteer, with great
cheerfullness. After that General had made his disposition, and while
they waited his orders to engage, the gallant Earl of Dunfennline call
ing for some spirits, and, filling a dram with his own hand, drank " A
health to the King, and success to his arms." And when it came in
course to Mr Ramsay, betook the glass in his hand, and addressing himself
to his Lordship, " I assure you, my Lord," said he, " that this day we
shall have a glorious victory over the King's enemys ; but I shall not
have the pleasure of seeing it." And, haveing thus spoke, he pledged
the health, and drank his glass.
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL. 281
The gentlemen who were nixt him observeing ane unusewal flush
and disorder in his countenance, which they had not formerly taken no
tice of, inquired seriously into the reasons of his expressing himself so.
He answered frankly, that he had a dream that morning, immediately
before he awaked, wherein not onely the action itself, with everything that
was to happen remarkable about it, but allso the order of the troops on
both sides was fully represented to him ; and that there was not a person
of any note to fall there but he saw their wounds bleeding : That every
circumstance that had hitherto happened was a confirmation of what he
saw before in his sleep ; and that he was now fully convinced that the
remaining part would come to pass in the same manner. The Lord
Dunfermline, and the gentlemen on both hands, joyned their endeavours
to prevaill with him not to engage, but he was obstinate, and said that
he was determined to acquitt himself of a duty which he thought indis-
pensibly incumbent on him, seeing his Majesty was deserted by those
who ought by their offices to have served him ; adding, that he could
meet death without the least apprehension, and that he had related his
dream meerly on account of its novelty. — Soon after this, the army be
gan to move, and Mr Ramsay, being one of these sixteen that followed
my Lord Dundee, fell by Mr Drummond's right hand, where he was first
posted.
I have been the more particular in discribing this action in all its cir
cumstances, because I have observed that none who have wrote of these
times have, either out of partiality, or for want of information, been
pleased to favour the world with a full and genuine relation of it.
But the greatest proof of the importance of it is the general consterna
tion wherewith all those of the contrary party were seized, upon the
first news of M'Kay's defeat. The Duke of Hamilton, Commissioner
for the Parliament, which then satt att Edinburgh, and the rest of the
Ministry, were struck with such a panick, that some of them were for re-
tireing into England ; others into the Western Shires of Scotland,
where all the people, almost to a man, befriended them ; nor knew they
whither to abandone the Government, or to stay a few days untill they
2N
282 MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL.
saw what use my Lord Dundee would make of his victory. They
knew the rapidity of his motions, and were convinced that he would al
low them no time to deliberat. On this account, it was debated, whether
such of the nobility and gentry as were confyned for adhering to their
old master, should be immediately sett att liberty or more closely
shutt up ; and though the last was determined on, yet the greatest Re-
volutioners among them made private and frequent visits to these prison
ers, excuseing what was past, from afatall necessity of the times, which ob
liged them to give a seeming complyance, but protesting that they all-
ways wished well to King James, as they should soon have occasion to
show, when my Lord Dundee advanced.
But the news of that great man's death quickly dissipated all their
fears, and the short-lived loyalty of these politicians shortly thereafter
was changed into ane affected biggotry, and ill-nature against all who dif
fered from them in opinion ; so true it was, what Dr Pitcairn said of
him in the forementioned verses :
" Te moriente, novos accepit Scotia cives,
Accepitque novos, te moriente^ deos /" —
-*
" New people fill the land, now thou art gone,
New gods the temples, and new kings the throne !"
The nixt morning after the battle, the Highland army had more the
air of the shattered remains of broken troops than of conquerours, for
here it was litterally true, that
" The vanquished triumphed, and the victors mourned."
The death of their brave Generall, and the loss of so many of their
friends, were inexhaustible fountains of grief and sorrow. They closed
the last scene of this mournfull tragedy in obsequys of their lamented
Generall and of the other Gentlemen who fell with him, and interred them
in the church of Blair of Atholl with a real funeral solemnity, there not
being present one single person who did not participate in the general
affliction.
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL. 283
General Canon, who was the oldest officer there, took upon him
the command of that melancholy army ; and the third day after the battle,
which was the same on which the rendezvouze had been appointed by
the Lord Dundee, they were joyned by five hundred of Locheil's men,
conducted by his son John and his cousine Glendissery, two hundred
of the Stewarts of Appine, a party of M'Gregors, commanded by
M*Grigor of Roroe, two hundred and fifty of the M'Phersons, as many
of the M 'Donalds of the Breas of Lochaber and Glencoe, and the whole
men of Atholl ; and haveing marched the day following to the Brea of
Mar, they were likeways joyned by the people of that country, and by
the Farquarsons, Frazers, with the Gordons of Strathdown and Glenli-
vet ; so that the army amounted now to five thousand brave men. Be
sides these, the Northern Shires were all in arms, and the greatest part
of the Low-country gentry, through all parts of the kingdome, were ready
to joyn them, and expected their advance with impatience ; and it was
generally computed that, before they arrived at the Borders of England,
they would be forty thousand men strong at least ; so general was the
inclination at that time to have restored King James. But so soon as
Dundee's death was generally known, the scene changed, and all those
mighty preparations, and that universall spirit of Jacobitism, vanished into
nothing.
The first thing the new General attempted miscarried, for want of
conduct ; for, haveing detached a party of Struan Robertson's men,
and some of those he had from the Brea of Mar, to Perth, with orders
to seize a considerable quantity of meale and other provisions which the
enemy had left there, they loytered so long after they had executed their
orders, that M'Kay had intelligence of their being in those parts, and of
the bad order they keept ; and marching against them with a strong body
of horse and dragoons, surprized and defeated them. It is true their
loss did not exceed thirty men, and that they made good their retreat to
the mountains, notwithstanding they were warmly pursued by a regi
ment of horse for many miles ; yet it not onely exposed their want of
conduct, but also showed that they were not invincible, as their late be-
,, , MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL.
haviour att the battle of Kilychranky made many people fondly believe
tlu-y were.
M'Kay had so well accquanted himself with the abilitys and characters
of their general officers, that he now boldly adventured to march against
them with inferior numbers, though he had often fled from Dundee when
he was att least equally strong ; and advanced within a few miles of them.
The neighbourhood of the enemy makeing it necessary for them to ad
vise how they were to proceed, a councill of war was held in the old
castle of Auchindown, where the first thing that fell under debate was,
whither the Low-country officers, who acted as volunteers without
any command, had a tittle to sitt and vote ? And a second question was
started, whether or not they should fight M'Kay, whose strength con
sisted chiefly in horse, immediatly ; or, if they should, in consequence
of the commands they there received from King James, march to Kintyre
and the Western Shires in order to suppress them ?
Locheill and the Chiefs argued strenuously against these officers haveing
votes in their councill, for these reasons : 1st, They were unacquainted
with the Highland discipline, customes, and manner of fighting, which,
differing widely from what they were bred to among regular troops, might
make their votes of pernicious consequence : 2dly, As it was unreason
able that simple Captains and subalterns, who brought no accessions of
strength to the army but their own persons, should have equall powers
with those that actually had regiments, or att least very considerable
bodys of good men ; so these officers being supernumerary to the High
land Chiefs, it was in their power to carry matters as they pleased, in
prejudice of those who had the actual command. — However, they
agreed that the advice of these gentlemen should be demanded before
any question of importance should be determined. As to the second poynt,
Locheill, who took upon him to speak first, as being the oldest Chief
and of most experience of any there, was of opinion, that, seeing they
acted by King James his authority, his commands were not to be dis
puted ; but that seeing his Majesty could not att that distance rightly
understand the present scituation of his affairs here, he declared that they
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL. 285
ought immediately to fight M'Kay, and then march Westward : That
he saw no reason to delay fighting ; they had the marrow of the High
lands about them, flushed with victory, and eager for a new opportu
nity of exerting their valour, and of revenging the death of their late
hrave General, and of so many of their friends : That if they expected
the Northern Shires and Lowland gentry to joyn them, they must doe
something to incourage them, and to establish the reputation of their
new General : That though the enemy had more horse, yet the late cow
ardly flight of those att Kilychranky had removed all the fears that the
Highlanders had formerly of them ; and that, for his part, he was so
little apprehensive of them, that he was willing to fight all they had with
his own Clan, assisted by the three hundred horse that had of late joyn-
ed them ; and, in a word, if they lossed this opportunity, when M'Kay
had no more than equall numbers, and began a cowardly retreat, when
it was in their power to serve the King effectually, and gain honour to
themselves, they would not onely loose their friends, their reputation, and
their army, which would dayly diminish, but they would even become
the jest and diversion of the kingdome.
Notwithstanding of what was said by Locheill, who was vigorously
supported by the other Chiefs, it was carried in the councill of war, not
onely that the Lowland officers should vote, but that they should march
through Aberdeenshire, and over the Carnamount, without fighting
the enemy. It will be hard to assign any other reason for this ridicu
lous march, excepting that of increasing their army by the conjunction of
their Northern friends ; but the event showed that they mistook their
measures, for this retreat proved so fatall to their affairs, that the army
became dispirited, and dayly diminished, when they saw every thing goe
cross to their inclinations, and M'Kay's reputation encreased so, that
the Government was in no further apprehensions of danger from that
quarter.
Locheill, seeing the King's orders neglected, and that nothing was to
be expected but fatigue from their ill-concerted measures, retired to
Lochaber, in order to repose himself; and left the command of his men
to his son, who continued with them dureing that inglorious campaign.
M MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL.
Sir Donald [M'Donald of Sleat] and several others Mowed the same
example, and left the care of their men to their nearest relations.
General Canon's army was now so reduced, that he was obliged to
betake himself to the mountains ; and so marched round the skirts of
the Highlands, while M'Kay keept the plains below, every day in sight
of each other, exchanging bravadoes to fight, but the one durst as little
goe up to the high-ground, as the other descend to the low ; so that
they were in mutual fear of each other.
Thus they continued for the space of a month, till Canon had in
telligence that the Cameronian regiment, so called from their follow
ing one Cameron, ane extravagant Fanatick Preacher, amounting to
1200 men, and commanded by Lieutenant- Collonel Cleland, had taken
possession of Dunkell, with a designe to destroy the country of Atholl.
To prevent this, he resolved to dislodge them, and might have easily ef
fected it, had he used a little policy, and sent a small party of five or six
hundred men to have trained them out of the town, where they were
strongly fortifyed, and keept the army att a short distance, as he could
easily have done, without the enemy's getting any intelligence, the people
thereabouts being all his friends. But he, without regard to good policy,
marched his army, which was now dwindled away to about three thou
sand men, in a full body to their trenches, beat the enemy's out-guards,
and entering the town in the very face of their fire, without any thing to
cover them, brock through all opposition, and rushed in upon such of
them as were posted in the lesser houses, where they putt all they found
to the sword without any mercy. Never was there, on any occasion,
more resolution and less conduct shown than in this ; and so surprize-
ing was their boldness, that they stood naked in the open streets exposed
to the enemy's fire, and killed them in the windows, till they cleared
the town of them, and drove them into the Marquess of Athol's house,
which, being a strong place, they were not to be beaten from that post
so easily. So little did their General reflect on what he was to doe, that
though he had several cannons and field-pieces which had been taken
from the enemy, yet when he came to apply them, he had not so many
balls as he had guns. However, the bravery of his men, in a great mea-
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL. 287
sure, supply ed his defect in conduct ; and had he had patience to have
stood to the attack, he would infallibly have carryed his poynt, and co
vered his weakness by the happy effects of a bold temerity ; for, be
sides the loss of their two commanding officers, Cleland and Fullartoun,
both brave men, who, with many others, were killed ; notwithstanding of
the strength of their post, their ammunition was all spent to a shott, and
they upon the very poynt of surrendering att discretion, when the General
commanded his men, even against their own inclinations, to retire.
Many of the Highlanders were wounded, but not above eighteen or
twenty of them killed, which looked like a miracle ; but the true reason
was, that the enemy's shott somewhat resembled thunder, in this, that it
had more noise than effect ; for, observeing that the Highlanders putt
their guns to their eye, and that they seldome mist their mark, they had
not courage to expose themselves, but shott att random, whereby they did
little execution. There were above three hundred of them killed, and a
great many more wounded ; but the greatest part of this slaughter was
of those who were slain att first in the little and less tenible houses of
the toun.
By this weak conduct, Canon suffered so extreamly in his reputa
tion, and his men were so dispirited by his misimploying their valour,
that, the winter now approaching, they dropt away, and he in the end
obliged to retreat to Lochaber, where the remainder were dismissed, ex
cepting the few Irishmen whom I have mentioned, and the Lowland
officers, who were dispersed into such quarters as the country afforded.
Nor did the Low-country gentlemen entertain, after this, the least hopes
of success, unless they gott a General that was capable to conduct them.
Several of them had proceeded so far, that they knew not how to re
treat ; and Mr Drummond of Balhaldys, who, from the beginning of the
war, had keept close with them, haveing stole privately, after the affair of
Dunkell, into his oun country, was, by a Letter from the Councill of
the 20th December, thereafter commanded to attend their pleasure
again [st] the 14th of the nixt month ; which, in common prudence, ob
liged him and many others to make their submissions by accepting of
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL.
thebenifite of the indemnity, till King James his affairs should be better
conducted, and in a more promiseing posture.
I have already mentioned the arivall of General Buchan from Ireland.
He brought with him some provisions for the army, and Letters for the
Chiefs from King James. That to Locheill bears date the last day
of November 1689, and contains^ in substance, a gracious acknow
ledgement of his and the other Chiefs their zeal and bravery in his ser
vice, and hi their successfull endeavours to advance his interest ; for
which he returns them his hearty thanks, and expects that they will
goe on in the same manner. He desires him not to be discouraged att
the charges he was putt to on that account, seeing the happy posture of
affairs, both att home and abroad, would not onely soon enable him to re
pay all, but likeways to distinguish him by particular marks of his
royall favour : He says that he was immediatly to send over the Earl of
Seaforth to head his friends and followers, and promises to send the
Duke of Berwick with considerable forces to their assistance as soon as
the season would permitt : He assures him of full protection in religion,
laws, and libertys ; and recommends unity among themselves, and a sub
mission to their superior officers.
King James was then very strong in Ireland, and was att that time
determined, by the advice of his friends and Councill, to sett on foot a
considerable army in Scotland ; and on arrivall of the French fleet,
which he dayly expected, to send over the Duke of Berwick with 8000
Irish troops to command in chief. All this, and a great many more
particulars, appears from the confession of one Mr Alexander Strachan,
who was dispatched with letters and instructions to the Highlanders a
few days after Buchan ; but being seized att Glasgow, and carryed pri
soner to Edinburgh, he confessed all that he knew of King James his af
fairs, and delivered up what papers he had about him to the Councill,
upon assurance of life and fortune. He likeways carried letters from
the Earl of Seaforth to the Countess of Errole, and some others ; who
were immediately confined, and very ill used.
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL. 289
This winter all was pretty quiet in the Highlands ; and King William,
in order to have affairs settled in Scotland before he went to Ireland,
offered the Highlanders a cessation of arms, whereof the Lord Tarbat had
the management ; but he, for I know not what reasons, not inclineing to
appear openly in that affair, persuaded the councill, that the Earl of
Breadalbane, being not onely well accquanted with, but also nearly re
lated to most of the Chiefs, was much properer than he for that nego
tiation, and prevailed with them to issue out their orders for him to at
tend their pleasure. The Earl shifted them for some time, upon several
pretexts ; but being in the end obliged to appear, the councill commu
nicated King William's orders, and offered him L.5000 sterling, with
several other rewards, to bring about the cessation : But he, being de
termined not to meddle without consent of King James his friends att
Edinburgh, and they judgeing it highly detrimentall to that Prince's in
terest, generously refused to concern himself; but these gentlemen,
haveing more maturely reflected on the posture of affairs in the High
lands, which was then in [a] very naked and defenceless condition, and
considered that the proposed cessation of arms would allow them full
time to provide for their security, and to receive the powerfull succours
that were then promised them from Ireland, they changed their mind,
and desired Breadalbane to offer his service.
The councill gladely accepted of the offer, but they haveing intimated
his former refusall to King William, could conclude nothing without
new orders ; and desired the Earl to waite on that King, and settle mat
ters with him before he went over to Ireland. But King William was
gone before the Earl's arrival!, which brought the project to nothing.
The Earl of Seaforth arrived early this spring in the Highlands, but
brought nothing with him butt Letters and Commissions to the Chiefs.
That the reader may have a fuller view of the circumstances of affairs att
that time, I shall here insert King James his Letter to Locheill, which
was directed thus :
2 o
290 * MEMOIRS OF LOCHEJLL.
"TO OUR TRUSTY AND WELL-BELOVED SIR EWEN CAMERON OP LOCHEILL.
" JAMES R.
"The supplys yow desire in yours of the 14th of
February from Inverlochy, yow may find, by what we have already
writt, we were intent upon sending yow ; for without them we neither
did expect that our service there could much advance, or our friends in
the Lowlands be encouraged to joyn yow. But as the transportation of
horse is matter of difficulty, so we could come to no certain resolution
till the arrival of the French fleet, which is with us. Now, we shall
take all necessary measures, and loose as little time as we can in exe
cuting them ; and must, in the interim, depend upon yow to keep our
people there in heart ; for we know the power and interest yow have
with them, and that yow can, by a long experience, show them how cheer
fully to suffer in a royall cause. How much yow have laboured in ours ;
how freely yow have spent your substance, and generously exposed your
oun and people's lives for it, we are fully informed of, and do give our
royall word that we are not onely resolved to repair your losses, but also
to increase your fortune, which in our present circumstances we doe not
question to be soon able to effect ; for we have daily instances of a con-
timieing Providence over us and our affairs. All your possessions, we
are satisfied, are now more imployed for the publick good than your
private advantage. We have therefore sent yow the inclosed order
about the purchass yow have made from the Lord Balcarrass ; and so we
bid yow heartily farewell. Given att our Court att Dubline Castle, the
31st day of March 1690, and in the sixth year of our reign."
.".'•. ' '. H ' " "; '' '•)
The Chiefs conveened upon the arrivall of the Earl of Seaforth, and
along with Generals Buchan and Canon, Colonel Brown, and the other
officers I have often mentioned, held a grand councill, in order to con
cert how they were to proceed in the following campaign. But they
were generally so enraged att finding themselves dissappointed of the re
lief they expected of men, arms, and other provisions of war, that many
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL. 291
of them proposed to offer their submissions to King William, upon terms
which they were then very sure to obtain : " For how is it possible," said
they, " for us to resist ane established Government to which all Great Brit-
tain has already submitted ? Our ruined country will be soon made the
seat of a bloody war ; against which we have neither men, arms, nor pro
visions, to defend ourselves ; our people are already reduced to the last
extremity of poverty and want ; there are two regiments of men to be
garrisoned in the heart of the country, ready on all occasions to destroy
the poor inhabitants ; and the Government can place as many more gar
risons through the several parts of it as they please, without our being
able to hinder it. In a word, we can expect nothing but the finishing
of our ruine, and the rendering ourselves absolutely incapable to serve
King James, when opportunity shall offer, if we make further resistance ;
whereas, by a prudent submission, we shall at least save the small re
mains that is still left us."
Many of them still proceeded further, and alleadged that King James
had given them up as a prey to their enraged enemys, by abandoning
them in the naked state they were in : That it was downright folly and
madness to allow themselves to be led like so many sacrifices to the
slaughter, in the service of a Prince who fed them with empty promises,
which it was probable he never would be able, and perhaps never in-
clineable, to perform ; whereof the preceeding reign had furnished them
with many melancholy instances : That there was nothing easyer than
to waft over some thousands of the Irish, which were, in truth, no better
than raw, undisciplined militia, in their own country, though they proved
excellent souldiers in this : And that since the King did wilfully, after
all the remonstrances that had been made to him and his Ministers, ne
glect his own affairs, it was now high time for them to look to them
selves, and to observe the first principles of nature, which was self-pre
servation.
Such were the sentiments of many there ; but still the brave Sir Do
nald Macdonald of Slate, Sir John M'Lean of Dowart, and the young
Captain of Clanrannald, continued firm to their former resolutions ; and
Locheill, whose age, wisdome, and experience, gave him a great as-
,,rj MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL.
cendant over their inclinations, and often determined their debates, de
livered himself to the following purpose :— That the several speeches he
had heard were not onely surprizeing, but even shokeing to him : That
some there seemed to have renounced their duty and alledgeance, as
well as the respect they owed to the majesty of their Sovereign : That
he was loath so much as to suspect that any of them had been tamper
ing with the enemy, but he was almost convinced that they had been de
ceived by the subtility of pretended friends : That whatever might be
the sentiments of men who were acted by no other principles but that of
interest, he was certain that it was his duty, as a subject who had sworn
alledgiance to King James, to serve and obey him as long as he was ca
pable : That as he was the lawfull successor of the most antient and il
lustrious race of Monarchs in the world, so he could not transfer his al
ledgiance without a direct violation of the laws of God and man :
That though a successful! rebellion might change the names of things,
yet it could never alter the nature of truth and justice, nor transform a
violent intrusion to that of a lawfull possession ; and that, for his part,
he was resolved that the dictates of his conscience should be the rule of
his actions : That though the case were doubtfull, yet, as a Highland
Chief, he thought himself bound to King James by the strongest tyes of
gratitude : That they all knew what that Prince had done, or att least
was resolved to doe, if ever it pleased God to restore him to the throne
of his ancestors. " Nor are the last expressions of his royall goodness,"
continued he, " ever to be forgott, which he has been graciously pleased
to transmitt to us by the Earl of Seaforth. Our countrymen are the
onely persons he is to trust with the military part of the Government of
this kingdome ; we are to have his pay as souldiers, with ane indulgence
either to live att home, with our commands, or where it shall be most
agreeable ; and if any of us have capacitys for offices in the Civil Go
vernment, we have his royall promise for it that we shall be preferred,
according to our merits, to posts of honour and profite ; our children
are to be educated under his royall eye, our country to be enriched and
our familys aggrandized ; so that, though our duty did not oblige us, the
natural tyes of gratitude and generosity ought to prevaill over all other
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL. 293
considerations, to make us endeavour in some measure to requit his
royall favours."
He nixt proceeded to answer the objections against continuing the
war, and showed them, that " though they had suffered some difficulty s,
yet they were not equall to those which their late brave General, the
Lord Dundee, had born with so much cheerfullness : That they had
received some support from his Majesty, but that great man never had
gott any ; and that such examples as he ought to be the illustrious ob
jects of their imitation : That he himself, while yet a stripling, had, in
the service of King Charles, suffered more than any of them did att pre
sent : That though he was offered posts and preferments, and all the
other temptations whereby subtile and designeing men ordinarly debauch
people from their duty, yet he would not consent to lay down his arms
while he thought there was one man in the King's dominions that owned
his authority, and that, after all, he obtained such articles of peace
as more resembled a treaty between two Princes of equall strength, than
one betwixt a formidable tyrant and a private gentleman that had none
but a few friends of his own family to support him : That if they resol
ved to save their familys, it must not be by a shamefull abandoning their
distressed master, but by a close union among themselves, and a firm
resolution to bear up against all adversitys : That they might assure
themselves the Government had no favour for them, and that they
would grant no terms that were honourable unless they were forced to
it ; but that then it was ridiculous to speak of it while the King was att
the head of a great army, and was supported by the most powerfull King
in Europe, except they were determined to preferr their ease to their
honour, and show themselves to be the most contemptible cowards alive :
That though the scituation of affairs might have delayed the promised
succours, yet they might assure themselves that his Majesty would make
good his royall word ; and that, as they were subjects, it was their duty
to attend his pleasure, and not to pretend to give laws, nor to stand upon
conditions. For my own part, gentlemen," continued he, "I am re
solved to be in my duty while I am able ; and though I am now ane old
man, weakened by fatigue, and worn out by continuall trouble, yet I
294 MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL.
am determined to spend the remainder of my life after my old manner,
among mountains and caves, rather than give up my conscience and
honour by a submission, lett the terms be never so inviteing, until! I
have my master's permission to do it ; and no argument, or view of in
terest or safety, shall prevaill with me to change this resolution, what
ever may be the event."
After this discourse, which was delivered with great warmth and zeale,
none present had the assurance to speake any more of peace. It was
unanimously agreed, that untill the season of the year was further ad
vanced, and the seed thrown into the ground, before they made their ge
neral rendezvouze, Major- General Buchan, who was now to have the
command, should march with a detatchment of twelve hundred men
towards the borders of the Lowlands, and invite such as were inclined
to joyn him, and to amuse the enemy and fatigue their troops by beat
ing up their quarters, and allarming them with sudden and unexpected
incursions.
None of the Chiefs attended this party, which was ready about the
middle of Aprile, and marched towards Straspey. That country is
plain, and Sir Thomas Livingstoun, who commanded in M'Kay's ab
sence, was in their neighbourhood with seventeen troops of dragoons,
nine hundred of Grant's men, and three regiments of foot ; and though
Buchan had timely information, and was advised by his councill to
march to the woods of Glenlochy, where they could not be attacked but
under great disadvantage, yet he would not hearken to this advice, but
the next day, which was the first of May 1690, marched to Cromdale,
and quartered his men in the neigh tbouring villages. He, however, sent
two hundred of his best men, under the command of two officers, Grant
and Brody, to guard the fords of the Spey, and they were so well post
ed that they might have stopt the enemy in the crossing that great river,
till Buchan and his party were in a posture of defence ; but they were
as negligent as their Generall, and allowed Sir Thomas, with his whole
body, to cross the river and surprize the Highlanders in their beds.
There were about one hundred of them killed in the first hurry and
confusion ; but as they soon recovered themselves, they formed into
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL. 295
partys, made head against the enemy, and fought with that desperat re
solution in their shirts, that Sir Thomas was glade to allow them to re
treat without attempting to pursue them.
Though the loss on both sides was pretty equall, yet the ill conduct of
General Buchan so discouraged the Lowland gentlemen, that not a man
of them thought fitt to joyn with him ; and even some of his own party,
such as M 'Donald of Largo and M'Alaster of Loup, finding every thing
run cross to their opinions, thought it their safest course to submitt,
which they did on the 16th of June thereafter.
Though the Grants generally followed their Chief, yet the Laird of
Glenmoristoun, a considerable gentleman of that name, sided with the
Highlanders, and with a party of one hundred and fifty men continued
with them till the conduct of their Generals took away all hopes of
success. The enemy was so enraged against him that they burnt his
own seat to the ground, plundered his people, and made such horrible
devastations that the poor gentleman was obliged to offer some proposals
of submissions. The councill did thereupon send orders to the fore-
named Sir Thomas Livingstoune, commander att Inverness, as he is de
signed in the said order, to grant him and the Laird of Straglass a safe-
conduct, in order to a treaty ; but discharged him to conclude anything till
he acquainted them. However, the government was so anxious to di
minish that party, that all their demands were granted ; but the particulars
doe not appear from the records of the Privy Councill, which are my
principall guides in this and the subsequent parts of these Memoirs.
Notwithstanding of the forementioned disaster, the Highland Chiefs
dispatched General Canon with a party of six hundred foot and one
hundred horse towards the South, which frighted the Ministers of
State in a surprizeing manner ; for they not onely sent ane express to
General M'Kay, then in Ireland, to return home with all hast to sup
press the Highlanders, but posted four thousand five hundred of the
choise of the West-country militia, with some regiments of horse, in the
places most exposed, and ordered all the rest of their disciplined troops
towards the North to cover those countrys. General Canon hovered
long on the Braes of Perthshire, and falling down suddenly into the
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL.
Low-country, he passed the fords of Forth, surprized a party of dragoons
commanded by the Lord Cardross, killed some, and chased the rest into
the parks of Stirling.
Att the same time, General Buchan, with a party of the Clans, march
ed towards Aberdeenshire, where, encountering with a strong body of
horse and dragoons, commanded by the Master of Forbess and Colonel
Jackson, he resolved to attack them, and, what may seem strange, his
defeat att Cromdale added to his resolution ; for, haveing observed with
what boldness and address his men had attacked Livingstoun's dragoons,
and stopt them in their career of victory, he found that they were no
more a terror to them, and resolved to make use of this opportunity in
order to make a second essay of their courage in this kind of engage
ment. The same reason that encouraged him intimidated the enemy ;
for, though att first they appeared as if they designed to fight, yet,
changeing their minds of a sudden, they wheeled about and gallopt away
as fast as whip and spur could drive their horses, and haveing reatched
Aberdeen, they allarmed the town with the frightfull cry that the High
landers were att hand. But Buchan had neither strength nor materials
fitt for attacking the town, though no less was expected, and the walls
planted with warlick engines as if they had been immediately to be be-
aeiged.
These excursions keept the Government in a continual fright, which
was much augmented by the news of three or four hundred horse, all
gentlemen of the county of Lennox, their haveing joyned Canon ; who,
after he had hovered for some time about Menteith and the countrys
adjacent, marched Northward, and joyned General Buchan.
Such was the scituation of King James his affairs in Scotland, when
the news of his being defeated att the river of Boyn arrived. This ac
tion in a manner determined the fate of that war ; and as the conduct
of King James his Generals was very weak, so that of King William
was bold and successful. The Irish behaved as they ordinarly doe in
their own country, that is, they gave way upon the first appearance of
the enemy. The 7000 French auxiliarys performed nothing memor
able, though they afterwards gave King William some trouble, before
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL. 297
he could reduce that kingdome to a totall submission. In a word, the
issue of this famous battle opened King James his eyes, and made him
sensible of the errour he had committed in not following the Viscount of
Dundee's advice, which was to have come over with his army to Scot
land in person, or otherways to have sent over such a number of the
Irish as, in conjunction with the clans, would have formed ane army of
twenty thousand men, which his Lordship thought sufficient, as affairs
were then scituated, to have reduced all Brittain to his obedience. The
few that were sent over with Generall Canon, though raw, undisci
plined, half-starved, and armless, were not inferior to the clans in cour
age. They fought att Kilychranky the second or third day after their
joyning Dundee's army, defeated ane intear battalion of disciplined troops,
and on all occasions thereafter behaved with the same resolution ; which
shews of what service ane army of them might have been in any part of
Brittain.
King William, haveing observed Generall M' Kay's gallantry and con
duct at the Boyn, thanked him for his good service after the battle was
over ; but added, that he was much surprised how he came to show so
much valour and conduct there, and so little of either att Kilychranky,
where he was shamefully defeated by a handfull of rude undisciplined
militia. To which M'Kay answered, that he was sorry his Majesty
should have any occasion to suspect his courage ; but that, however, he
might, by way of justification, adventure to say, that, if that rude un
disciplined handfull of militia that fought against him att Killychranky,
had been posted upon the banks of the Boyn under the same officers,
his Majesty would have found difficulty to have passed the river that
day.
To give a character of this Generall, whom we shall not have much
occasion hereafter to mention, he bears that of being a very generous
enemy, a good officer, and very zealous in the service of his master. It
appears by many of his letters still extant, that he was no scholar, and
that he either was, or politically appeared to be, infected with the silly
cant and mean notions of Religion that generally prevailed among those
of his faction. He railed against King James in terms very unsuitable
2p
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL.
to the politeness of a gentleman, and extolled King William for qualitys
that debased his character, and diminished his reall worth. He talked
of him, always, not as one that had the libertys of Europe att heart, but
as if he had assumed the zeal and biggotry of Calvine and Knox, and
invaded England, and wrested the scepter from his unfortunate father-
in-law, on purpose to establish Presbitery in Scotland. Now, as most
of the gentlemen to whom he wrote were of the Church party, he ought
to have made use of arguments more adapted to their tempers and char
acters. With respect to the different tittles of the two Kings, he muster
ed up all the fictions that were then politicaly contrived to gull the
rabble, as arguments sufficient to make them declare in favours of King
William, and to convince them that King James had forfeited his right to
the crown. He insisted on his being a Papist himself, his favouring of
popery, and his abandoning the Government, and the like, but had not
the address to show them upon what principles, religious or politicall,
they could, as subjects and Christians, renounce their alledgiance to the
one, and transferr it to the other.
But as such matters seem not to have been his talent, he made a better
figure in his military character, for, after the death of Dundee, he suc
ceeded in all his enterprizes, and undoubtedly performed very great ser
vices to King William ; but while he had that Generall to deale with,
he was chased from place to place, and was perpetually on the retreat,
and though he had ane army equall, and sometimes superior to the enemy,
yet he had much adoe to keep up the character of his party.
He was, as I have said, a very generous enemy ; and, however he
differed in his politicks and principles from the Highlanders, yet he always
commended their valour and loyalty to their old master, and justly ac
knowledged the brave Dundee, their Generall, to be one of the best
officers, as well as the most accomplished gentleman of his time.
After his defeat att Killychranky, when he saw his army intearly
broken and dispersed, he was in such a consternation that for some mo
ments he remained, as it were, stupid and undetermined what to doe ; but
being afraid of falling into the enemy's hands, he made off with whip and
spur, and never halted untill he arrived at the Laird of Weems his house
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL. 299
in Apnadow, and the next night he came to Drummond Castle. The day
following he was joyned by about two hundred of his broken troops, but
those in such a miserable plight, and so gashed and deformed with their
wounds, that they moved the compassion of their greatest enemy s. So
great, however, was the fright of these wretches, that they travelled all
that night, some of them bound with ropes, or supported by their come-
rades on their horses, and others trailing their limbs after them, and cry
ing out with the smart of their wounds. In this dolorous state they
arrived att Stirling, where they could hardly fancy themselves secure ;
and their General often said that he made no doubt but Dundee was
either killed or dangerously wounded, since his quarters were not beat up
that morning att Drummond.
When he had ane account of his death, by a letter from the Laird of
Weems, he said to the bystanders, that he now looked upon his defeat
to be of greater consequence, and more beneficial to his master's interest,
than the most absolute victory could have been : " For," said he, " the
Highlanders will allow none of their own Chiefs to command as General ;
and they have no other officer that either can conduct them, or that so
much as knows how to make proper use of so important a victory." So
confirmed was he in this oppinion, that, haveing gott what troops he could
together, he marched against Generall Canon, who was much stronger
than he, and challenged him to fight in the manner I have related. Soon
after the battle of the Boyn, being sent for by the Scots Privy Councill,
he returned, and about the end of September thereafter, he marched
Northward with ane army of twenty battalions and squadrons, and plant
ed a garrison of two compleat regiments att Inverlochy, under the com
mand of Collonell Sir John Hill, who had been formerly Governour there
about the end of Cromwell's Usurpation.
Though the Highlanders had not forces sufficient to oppose so strong a
body of troops, yet there was still a party on foot, which gave the Mini
sters of State some uneasiness. As they affected to appear fond of their
new form of Government and King, so they were exceedingly anxious to
have both fully established by a peace. They were daily allarmed with
the news of some sudden incursion, and of the surprise and defeat of
300 MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL.
partys of the troops. They were no less vexed to see a party still on
foot, that acted by and acknowledged no other authority but that of their
late master ; and they even thought it might be of dangerous conse
quence, in case the King of France inclined to invade Brittain in favours
of King James. Besides, they were fond to have it believed that they
had proceeded all along, and formed their new schemes, upon the incli
nations of the people, which so great a part of the kingdome still stand
ing out plainly contradicted.
Upon these considerations, they resolved to bring about a treaty att
any rate ; and sent severall persons, who were in friendship with both
partys, to sound the minds of the Chiefs. These gentlemen, though in
clinable enough to end the miseries of their people, who were intirely
cutt off from all intercourse with the rest of the kingdome, by ane honour
able peace, yet they would not hearken to any proposalls without per
mission from King James. The Ministers att first thought themselves
affronted by so bold a demand ; but the Chiefs continueing obstinate,
they found there was a politicall necessity of complying. They, there
fore, upon the 8th of September 1690, issued out a peremptory order to
the Earls of Breadalbane and Menteath to attend their pleasure ; and
haveing deliberatly advised with these Lords, they fixt upon the first
as the most proper for the negotiation.
The Marquess of Atholl and Earl of Argile were also equally ambi
tious of that honour. They imagined that besides the service done to
the Government, it would be no small proof of their power and interest
with the Highland Chiefs, who then made a considerable noise in the
world. These Lords courted them by all manner of caresses and pro
mises ; but Locheill, who bore a great sway in all their councills, pre
vailed with them to declare in favours of Breadalbane, who was not onely
his intimat friend, but his very near relation. Glengary allone stood
out, and joyned interest with the Marquess of Atholl, whom he befriend
ed with so warm a zeale that he shutt his eyes to the common interest,
and did no small prejudice to his country.
The Earl of Breadalbane, haveing obtained full powers from King Wil-
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL. 301
liam, had severall meetings with the Chiefs att a place called Achal-
lader, upon the confines of that Earl's country, where they agreed upon
the following Articles, as the conditions on which they were willing to
lay down their arms :
" 1st, As a preliminary Article, they demanded full power and liberty
to send such a person as they should make choise of to the Court of St
Germans upon the Government's charges, in order to lay the state of
their affairs before King James, and to obtain his permission and war-
rand to enter into that treaty.
" 2dly, This Article being granted, they nixt demanded the sum of
L. 20, 000 sterling, to refund them of the great expences and losses
they had sustained by the war. In order to obtain this, they represent
ed that the people were so impoverished, that it would be impossible to
keep them from makeing depredations on their Low-country neightbours,
unless they were enabled to stay att home, and to apply themselves to
agriculture, and the improvement of their country.
" 3dly, That King William should, att the publick charges, free them
from all manner of vassalage and dependence on the great men their
neightbours, as King James was to have done, for which they produced
his Letters ; that being thereby freed from the tyranny and oppression of
these superiours, they might hav their sole dependence on the crown,
and be enabled effectually to suppress thieveing, and imploy their people
in the service of their country.
"4thly, That King James his officers might have full liberty either to
remain att home, or to goe into foreign service, as they pleased, and that
they, and all others engaged in his interest, should not onely have pass
ports for that purpose, but also be carryed to the port of Havre de
Grace, att the charges of the Government.
" 5thly, That they be all allowed to weare and use their arms, as they
were formerly wont to doe ; and that no other oaths should be putt to
them excepting simply that of the alleadgeance ; and that they should
have a full and free indemnity for all crimes whatsoever committed by
them, or any of them, dureing the wars ; and that, in the meantime,
there should be cessation of arms."
801
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL.
Such were the Articles and terms of surrender that the Chiefs agreed
upon, and delivered to the Earl of Breadalbane, in order to be obtained
from King William, who was then in Flanders ; others being in Ireland
imployed in reduceing the towns that still keept out, under French gar
risons, for King James.
But about the end of September, and before this treaty was sett on
foot, the Earl of Argile was ordered by the councill to march with his
own regiment to Stirling ; and if there was no descent, as was then
threatned, to proceed, in conjunction with that commanded by the Earl
of Glencairn, to Argileshire, in order to reduce the Isles. Major Fer
guson had been sent thither in the spring proceeding, with a detached
party of the troops, besides six hundred of Argile's Highlanders, under
the command of Sir James Campbell of Ardkinglass, who was also ap
pointed Governour of Dunstaffnage. Argile continued for many months
in these parts, but we hear of nothing performed by him, except the re
duceing of the Castle of Isleand- Stalker, keept out by Stewart of Ard-
sheall for King James, and surrendered upon very honourable terms,
upon the 9th of October following.
In this capitulation, there was one very singular article, whereby Ar
gile obliged himself to free Ardsheall of a debt of 6000 merks Scots,
owing" by him to the Earl of Perth, as a part of the price of the lands of
Glencoan formerly fewed from the said Earl ; but it does not appear
from the records out of which I have extracted the above and following
transactions, which of the two Earls was to be the loser by this bargain.
The Ministers seem to have bent the whole force of their policy on
the reduction of the Highlands. The Privy Councill Records are full
of their orders, acts, and resolutions, all tending to the same poynt.
They had formerly pronounced ane act of sequestration against Locheill
and the other Chiefs, and now, on the 20th November, in order to putt it
in execution, they recommended it to the Lords Commissioners of the
Treasury, to give a Commission to Colonel Hill, Governour of Fort-
William, (as they now began to name the garrison of Inverlochy,) to up
lift these gentlemen's rents. Though this commission was issued out,
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL. 303
and the Governour not bound thereby to find surety for the monys, as
is ordinary in such factorys, yet he durst not execute it, but remained
confined within the walls of his Fort till the treaty of peace was con
cluded.
In the mean time, in order to awe the Highlanders into a complyance,
Sir Thomas Livingston had orders, by express commands from King
William, to march and encamp his army (amounting then to 10,000 men,
whereof a third part were horse and dragoons) in some convenient place
on the borders of the Highlands, but not to cornmitt any acts of hosti
lity till further orders. While Sir Thomas was on his march, he was
countermanded by the Duke of Leinster, then General of the Scots forces,
who intimated to him that he acted by the particular order and direc
tion of Queen Mary. Sir Thomas, being next in command under the
Duke, not onely obeyed, but sent orders to the Earl of Argile, who was
then in Mull with considerable forces, to superceed all hostilitys, and
to observe a cessation of arms. The very nixt day Sir Thomas was sur
prized by a letter from the Master of Stair, Secretary of State, then in
Flanders with King William, by whose commands it was writt, chal-
lengeing him for not marching and encamping as he was ordered by his
Majesty. The matter being layed before the Lords of the Privy Coun-
cill, they wrote to Queen Mary to know her pleasure ; and she returned
answer, that the Earl of Breadalbane's negociation with the Highlanders
was done by his Majesty's command ; that a cessation of arms was a part
of that treaty, and that the Duke of Linster's orders to Sir Thomas was
by her direction.
It happned some time before, that Stewart of Appine, haveing de
tained a souldier belonging to the garrison of Inverlochy as his pri
soner, he was surprized and taken with some others by that Governour,
and sent by sea to Glasgow, by orders from the Privy Councill ; who,
haveing transmitted ane information thereof to the Queen, she gener
ously commanded them to be sett att liberty.
King William was then employed in carrying on a bloody war against
France, in conjunction with most of the other powers of Europe. He
had use for all his troops, and being on that account exceedingly anxious
;IMI MEMOIRS OF LOCHEJLL.
to get rid of the Highland war, the Earl of Breadalbane found a more
6MJ complyance with all the conditions demanded by the Chiefs than
he expected. The greatest deraurr was made att granting the liberty of
sending to King James, that haveing the appearance of continueing their
alledgeance to that unfortunate Prince, even after a submission, which
might be interpreted to be made by his authority. But that article beine
att last consented to among the rest, Sir George Barclay, a brigadeir, and
Major Duncan Meinzies, were, by King William's permission, dispatched
by the Chiefs to the Court of St Germans, to lay the case before King
James, and to know his pleasure.
In consequence of this, King William did, upon the 27th of August, by
a long letter, inform his Councill of this negociation, and signifyed that
as the vassalage and dependence of severals of the Highland Chiefs upon
others in their neighbourhood, had occasioned many feuds and differ
ences among them, which obliged them to neglect the improveing and
cultivating their country ; therefore, that he was graciously pleased not
onely to pardon, indemnify, and restore all that had been in arms, who
should take the oath of alledgeance before the first of January nixt, but
was likewayes resolved to be att some charges to purchass the lands and
superiority s which were the subjects of these debates and animosity s att
the filll and just availl, whereby they might have their immediat and in-
tire dependence on the Crown : That since none was to sustain any reall
prejudice, he would take it as ane ill service done to him and the coun
try if any concerned should, through obstinacy or frowardness, obstruct
a settlement so advantageous to his service and the publick peace ; and
that he expected from their Lordships the outmost application of his
authority to render the designe effectuall. He then orders them to
emitt a very ample and full Indemnity, without any other limitation or
restriction, but that all who tooke the benefite of it should be obliged to
take the oath of alledgeance to him and his Queen before the first of
January 1692, in presence of their Lordships, or of the Sheriffs or their
deputys of the respective shires where they lived ; and their clerks are
ordered to transmitt lists of all them that took the benefite of it to the
Councill ; and the obstinat are ordained to be prosecuted by the seve-
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL. 305
rity of law. He likeways orders another proclamation to be issued out
against the clan M'Grigor, ordaining all heritors who have any of that
name in their lands to give up lists of them to the clerks of the Privy
Councill, and to find surety for them.
In this letter, there is a certain obscure and ambiguous passage, which
seems to leave the souldiers att liberty to treat the Highlanders, after
their submission, in the same manner as they might have done before
that time : The words are — " That ye communicate our pleasure to the
Governour of Inverlochy and other commanders, that they be exact and
diligent in their several posts ; but that they show now no more zeale
against the Highlanders after their submission than they ever have done
formerly, when these were in open rebellion."*
The Councill immediatly issued out these proclamations ; and in their
answer, which they sent upon the 29th of that month, take no notice of
the first part of their King's Letter, but acquaint his Majesty with their
obedience in emitting the proclamations and in communicating his pleasure
to the Governour of Inverlochy, &c., in the terms of his said letter. But
the words I have recited being somewhat unclear, may perhaps be other-
ways understood than was intended : They therefore humbly beg his
Majesty's pleasure may be more particularly signified therein. They
likeways represent that it is probable the Highlanders will take the li
berty, after publication of the indemnity, to disperse themselves through
the country, and repair to Edinburgh in the interval between that and
the first of January, and take occasion to pervert the leiges from their
duty, and influence them to their way ; they therefore beg to know
if he will allow them to pass up and down the country, or if they must
keep themselves within their own bounds during that time : They
likeways advise the garrisoning of several Castles in the Highlands, and
conclude thus : — " We have sent likeways to the Master of Stair, Se
cretary of State, to be communicated to your Majesty, the copy of a pa
per relating to the Earl of Breadalbane's transactions with the High-
* N.B. — This is the first hint or insinuation of the designed massacre that soon followed.
2Q
HI MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL.
landers, presented to the Duke of Hamilton, our President, by Sir
Thomas Liveingston, which was given him by Major Forbess, as he en
tered in councill yesterday, who declared he had received the same from
Collonell Hill, his Collonell ; as also the Earl of Kintore presented us a
paper much to the same purpose, which he declared was received by him
from one who had it from Lieutenant-Collonell Gordon, nephew to
Buchan, who commanded the rebells, as a copy of these articles sent him
by his uncle ; both which copys are attested by the Duke of Hamilton,
our President. These papers, containing matters of high importance to
your Majesty's Government, and peace and security of your good sub
jects, we thought fitt to transmitt the same to your Majesty, as being the
duty of," &c.
King William did not think it proper to return ane answer to this letter,
or, if he did, it is not to be found among the records of that time ; but
the consequences shew that he inclined that these words, in his letter,
" that they show now no more zeale against the Highlanders, after their
submission, than they have ever done formerly, when these were in open
rebellion," should be explained in the literal meaning, which imports
that they should be still used as enemys and rebells : For the barbarous
massacre of Glencoe happened a few months thereafter ; and it appears
by at letter from the Councill, of the 9th December 1691, to the Lords
Chief Justices of Ireland, with whom they keept a correspondence, that
the forces were, immediatly after publication of the indemnity, ordered
to march towards the Highlands to compell the chiefs to submitt ; be
sides, there is ane order directed from their Lordships to the Earl of
Argile, commanding him to march immediatly to the Castles of Dowart,
Cairnburg, and others within his bounds, and to require them to be de
livered up, under the severest penal tys of law ; and though delivered
up, if they within refused to take the oath of alledgiance, to imprison
them, and prosecute them as traitors.
That the Highlanders were abused and cheated in the execution of
the articles of their treaty with King William (who never performed any
of them but three) plainly appears from this, that though by the preli-
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL. 307
minary article they were allowed to send to St Germans for King James
his permission to lay doun their arms, yet the Indemnity that was issued
out in consequence of that treaty, and King William's Letter to his
Councill, which I have recited, and was the warrand upon which it pro
ceeded, did not allow them time to waite the return of their commission
ers, but circumscribed them to the first of January, without so much as
mentioning it : And we see Argile's orders to treat the people of Mull
in the manner just now recited, bears date two days after the publi
cation, that being on the 29th, and the other on the 31st of August ;
whereby it is plain that King William meant no more in yielding to the
conditions of that treaty but to amuze them, and to catch them in the
snare which he (with so much art and policy) contrived to ruine them ;
but as it is to be presumed that some of his Ministers were lett into his
Majesty's secret designs, so the sequel will further explain the matter,
and shew that he did not mistake his measures.
The misteryin the passage of the Council's Letter to his Majesty re
lating to the Earl of Breadalbane, which I have inserted verbatim, falls
nixt to be unriddled. — I have formerly mentioned the competition be
tween the Marquess of Atholl and Earl of Breadalbane, with respect to
their being employed in bringing about the treaty, and that Glengary
not onely sided with the former, but stood obstinatly out against the
general voice of the other Chiefs. When these two, whom I may call the
Dunmoirie, since none else joyned them, found that Breadalbane carried
the poynt, they resolved to imploy all their address and policy to render
the treaty abortive, and to be revenged on the Earl, betwixt whom and
the Marquess there were some old grudges.
The methods the Earl tooke to bring the Chiefs to his lure gave them
a handle against him, and the contrivances they fell upon to bring about
the other were drawn from the scituation of affairs, and the terms of the
Indemnity. Eor the Earl, haveing observed that the offers made by the
Earl of Argile and Marquess of Athole consisted of lands, money, or su-
perioritys, and that they were rejected by the Chiefs, who scorned to
sell themselves, because they [thus] brought no advantage to the common
cause, which they were determined not to abandon, while there remained
HI MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL.
any hopes of their King being restored, his Lordship resolved to manage
the matter with more craft and subtility, and to insinuate himself into
their favours by falling in with their tempers and sentiments.
With this view, he talkt to them of nothing but his loyalty to King
James, praised those who had so gallantly supported his interest, and pro
fessed that as his inclinations were allways turned that way, so, though
he had been obliged to show a little outward complaysance to King
William, in order to save himself and his family from mine, yet that he
was determined to exert himself upon the first favourable opportunity in
such a vigorous manner, that they and all the world should see that he
knew the interest of his King and country.
Such, and many the like speeches he often repeated, as well in pri
vate as att their publick meetings. He was seconded by my Lord Tar-
bat, then Justice-Clerk, a person of profound penetration and subtility,
who pretended secretly to favour the same interest and principles. Two
such heads united could not well miss to succeed, especially when they
had to doe with plain honest gentlemen, to whom they were so nearly re
lated in blood, and with whom they keept up the countenance of a sin
cere friendship. In a word, they managed matters so artfully, that even
Locheill himself believed them to be in earnest of the same principles
and opinion with himself, (as there is still some probability they were,)
which determined him absolutely in their favours ; and his interest car-
ryed it with all the other Chiefs except Glengary.
When the Earl had brought matters to this poynt, he watched all op-
portunitys that favoured his designs, and finding their party dayly to dimi
nish in strength and reputation by the bad conduct of their Generals, he
prevailed with them to agree to a cessation of arms, and by degrees
brought them to yield to the conditions which I have already sett down.
But the Marquess of Athole and Laird of Glengary, haveing observed all
Hreadalbane's procedure with the exactest regard, they resolved to lay
hold on his speeches and professions of loyalty to King James, and of
his assurances to the Chiefs to be ready to joyn that interest with all his
power on the first proper occasion, as the most effectuall means to mine
him with King William. Glengary carryed some of the Lowland Offi-
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL. 309
cers, and particularly General Buchan, who stayed in his house, to his
interest. The greatest part of them being against entering into any
treaty, because they had nothing to lose, and Glengary pretended to be
of the same opinion. By their means it was, that the papers mentioned
in the passage of the Council's Letter, already noticed, was dropt into
their hands. Whether Breadalbane went so far with the Chiefs as to
enter into a private treaty with them, and to subscribe the articles, or
if he satisfyed them with verball promises and assurances, is what I
cannot determine ; but the paper sent to King William in the afore
mentioned Letter contains as follows :
PRIVATE ARTICLES.
"1st, If there be ane invasion from abroad, or a riseing of his Majes
ty's subjects in Brittain, then the agreement is null.
" 2d, If his Majesty does not allso approve the agreement, it is allso null.
" 3d, And to that purpose there is a passport to be granted to two
gentlemen to acquaint the King therewith, in all haste.
" 4th, That if the forces goe abroad, then we will rise.
" 5th, That if King William and Queen Mary doe deny all or any of
the Articles agreed on, then my Lord Breadalbane is to joyn us with
1000 men ; which he promised to perform both on oath and honour."
It is plain, from the last words of the fifth Article, that the above have
been gathered from his expressions ; — and though it is probable that his
Lordship expressed himself often in terms as plain, yet Glengary cannot
be justifyed in makeing use of them in the manner he afterwards did,
seeing he was of the party in whose favours they were made ; and that
being allways present, they were spoke in confidence and secrecy, which
ought to have putt a scale upon his lips, and not used as tools to bring
ruine upon the speaker, as they were afterwards likely to have done in
1695.
Haveing thus wrecked their malice upon the person, they att the same
310 MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL.
time employed their outmost cunning and policy to render his negotia
tions useless. They observed that the Chiefs were by the Indemnity
circumscribed to the first of January, though they were positive not to
take the benefit* of it untill the return of their commissioners from King
James. All they had to doe, in such a scituation, was to contrive means
to get that time over, without their submitting in the terms prescribed.
To effect this, they artfully raise rumours of a powerfull invasion soon
to be made by the King of France in favours of King James. Many
Letters are shown from pretended correspondents, abroad and att home,
confirming these agreeable news, and often condescending on particulars
that carryed ane air of probability. They contrive methods to impose
upon others in the same manner, so that Locheill had many letters sent
to him from different hands, who were all catched in the same snare, and
really believed as they wrote, diswading him from entering into any mea
sures with the Government.
That the reader may the better see into their management and policy,
whereby they imposed upon many who were affected to that interest,
though otherways not over credulous, I shall here insert one of these
letters, which was directed to Locheill from one Charles Edwards, late
Chaplain to the Viscount of Dundee, but it neither bears the date nor
place* from which it was wrote :
" SIB, — Your good and great friend commanded me to shew yow that
Breadalbane designes to ruine King James his interest and all that belongs
to him, particularly yourself. He entreats yow not to trust to his fair
pretences, for his intentions are palpable and clear to all the world now.
All the fair storys he told yow att Achalader against the Government
were on purpose to deceive yow ; therefore, meddle no more with him,
neither directly or indirectly, for there never was any thing that troubled
the King more than the late cessation, which yow may expect to hear
from himself very soon. Your friend desired me to shew yow that he
expects yow will stand it out now as well as yow did in the late troubles,
and not to make any manner of capitulation untill yow receive com
mands from your master : And, withall, he says yow can never receive
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL. 311
your master's countenance, friendship, or favour, if yow make any capitu
lation till yow receive his orders, for now there are eleven of the con-
federats broken off. Munster has declared for France, Denmark has
called home his forces, Sweden has given his answer, that the reason
why he has raised so many forces is for the peace of Christendome. The
Pope has given a vast sum of money to King James, which yow may ex
pect to have a share of very shortly. This yow may assure your self of
from," &c.* (Signed) " CHARLES EDWARDS."
Though all the forces of the kingdome were either dispersed in garri
sons through the Highlands, or quartered on their confines in order to
fright them, yet not one of the Chiefs tooke the benifite of the Indem
nity till the arivall of their commissionars from King James. They re
turned by London, as they had engaged themselves by the treaty, be
fore they were allowed to sett out in a vessell belonging to the Govern
ment ; and Brigadeir Barclay haveing shown King James his Letter to
the Ministers of State, the Secretary keept the principall, and sent a
double, attested by the brigadeir and Major Meinzies, to General Buchan,
to whom it was directed. Major Meinzies was charged with this com
mission ; and haveing come post from London, arrived att Dunkell
eleven days after setting out from Paris, and some few days before the
Indemnity expired. He was so fatigued that he could proceed no fur
ther on his journey, but was obliged to send it by ane express to General
Buchan, who was then att Glengary, and who did not send Locheill his
coppy till about thirty hours before the time was out. King James his
letter is as follows :
"JAMES R.
" Right trusty and well-beloved, we greet yow well.
We are informed of the state of our subjects in the Highlands, and of the
condition that yow and our other officers there are in, as well by our
trusty and well-beloved Sir George Barclay, brigadeir of our forces, as by
* N.B. — The original of this and several others is still extant.
;9feF-
312 MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL.
our trusty and well-beloved Major Duncan Meinzies : And therefore we
have thought fitt hereby to authorize yow to give leave to our said subjects
and officers, who have hitherto behaved themselves so loyally in our
cause, to doe what may be most for their own and your safety. For
doeing whereof this shall be your warrant : And so we bid yow farewell.
St Germans, this 12th day of December 1691, and in the seventh year
of our reign.
" By his Majesty's command,
( Subscribed) " MELFORD."
Directed,—" To our trusty and well-beloved
General Major Thomas Buchan, or to the
Officer commanding-in-chief our Forces in
our antient Kingdome of Scotland."
So far from being true were the rumours and storys spread abroad by
Glengary, that his scituation att St Germans was not very good. He
sent no other private instructions to his friends, but that he did not incline
any of them should cross the seas into France, but the Generals Buchan
and Canon, and Sir George Barclay, who then chose to reside att Lon
don, where he had some rich friends.
Locheill gott to Inverary the very day on which the Indemnity ex
pired, where the Sherriff of the shyre resided, and with great reluctance
tooke the benefite of it ; which, though it saved him from a prosecution,
yet King William made use of this long delay as a pretence to defraud
him (as he did all the other Chiefs) of his share of the L.20,000 ster
ling, promised and due to him by the treaty, and of the superiority of his
estate, which he stood engaged to purchases in the manner I have related.
Though Locheill cannot be said to have suffered much by Glengary 's
resentment against Breadalbane, since he was from the beginning deter
mined not to submitt without King James his consent, except we shall
suppose it trew, as it was suspected, that General Buchan keept up his
Majestic' s Letter by that gentleman's influence for several days, on pur
pose to defraud him of the benefite of the Indemnity, yet it is certain that
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL. 313
the poor country soon thereafter felt the terrible effects of that mischi-
veous policy ; for not onely the Chiefs, but many of the inferiour gen
tlemen and commons, were so buyed [buoyed] up with these false
storys, that they did not submitt within the limited time, in expectation
of more agreeable employment ; and though the King's Letter opened
their eyes, yet it came so late to their hands that it was of no use to
them.
Major Meinzies, who, upon his arrival, had observed the whole forces
of the kingdome ready to invade the Highlands, as he wrote to General
Buchan, forseeing the unhappy consequences, not only begged that Ge
neral to send expresses to all parts with orders immediatly to submitt,
but allso wrote to Sir Thomas Livingston, praying him to supplicate the
Councill for a prorogation of the time, in regard that he was so excess
ively fatigued that he was obliged to stop some days to repose a little ;
and that though he should send expresses, yet it was impossible they
could reach the distant parts in such time as to allow the severall per
sons concerned the benefite of the Indemnity, within the space limited ;
besides, that some persons haveing putt the Highlanders in a bad tem
per, he was confident to perswade them to submitt, if a further time
were allowed. Sir Thomas presented this Letter to the Councill on
the 5th of January 1692, but they refused to give any answer, and or
dered him to transmitt the same to Court.
King William, who thought himself no further bound by the capitula
tion than suited his interest, returned for answer ane order to Sir
Thomas to destroy and cutt them off without mercy, and, att the same
time, sent the following Letter to the Councill :
" WILLIAM R.
" RIGHT TRUSTY, &c. — Whereas we haveing signifyed the outmost of
mercy, gentleness, and compassion, to these Highlanders who have con
tinued so long in open rebellion, whereof many of their leaders stand
convicted by our parliament and condemned as traitors : Now, that all
of them have refused the favourable and advantageous offers we made
them, and several of their Chieftanes and many of their Clans have not
taken the benefite of our gracious Indemnity, we consider it indispen-
2R
314 MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL.
sible for the well of that our kingdome to apply the necessary severitys
of law. To that end, we have given Sir Thomas Liveingston orders
to employ our troops (which we have already conveniently posted) to
cutt off these obstinate rebells by all manner of hostility ; and we doe
require you to give him your assistance and concurrence in all other
things that may conduce to that service ; and because these rebells, to
avoyd our forces, may draw themselves, their familys, goods, or cattle,
to lurk or be concealed among their neightbours : Therefore, we re
quire and authorize you to emitt a proclamation to be published att the
mercat crosses of these or the adjacent shires where the rebells reside,
dischargeing, upon the highest penaltys the law allows, any resett, corre
spondence, or intercommuneing with these rebells. You will know, be
fore these come to your hands, who have taken the benefite of the In
demnity, and are thereby safe, and who have not, that the names of the
leaders, in particular, and their clans and tenants in general, who have
been all engaged and involved with them, may be expressed, that no
body through ignorance may be insnared. And not doubting of your
care in what may concern the vigorous execution of this our service, we
bid you heartily fairwell. Given att our Court att Kengsingtoun the
llth January 1691-2, and of our reign the 3d year.
" By his Majesty's command,
(Subscribed) " Jo. DALRYMPLE."
By this Letter, it appears that the first design of King William and
his Councellors was to destroy all the Highlanders who had not sub
mitted before the time fixt in the Indemnity, without regard to the
treaty ; whereby they were not obliged to lay doun their arms untill they
had King James his permission. But King William designed that
treaty (as we have formerly observed) onely as a lure to decoy them into
his snare ; and it is more than probable that the effects of the barbarous
policy of these times had been more generall, if the horrour wherewith
all Europe was struck att the bloody beginning of it in Glencoe, and
the hardy and desperate resolution that the Chiefs entered into of unite-
ing for the common defence, had not putt ane early stop to it : For it is
clear from that Letter, that the cruell design was not onely to extend
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL. 315
to the leaders and their men who had been actually in arms, but even
to their wives, children, servants, and goods, who were all doomed to
fall promiscuously in that bloody sacrifice ; otherways, what can be the
meaning of the proclamation dischargeing the leiges to harbour these mi
serable creatures, or so much as to correspond with them, under the
highest penaltys of law ? Does not the preamble to the orders for that
proclamation explain the intention and design of it beyond all doubt ? It
begins thus : — " And because these rebells, to avoyd our forces, may
withdraw themselves, their familys, goods, or cattle, to lurk or be con
cealed among their neightbours ; therefore," &c.
But if there remains any doubt from the words, the facts that followed
will serve as a commentary upon them ; for, in consequence of the above,
and other more severe orders that followed, (for I am informed that the
Councill did not think it proper to register all the orders of that time,)
the forces entered the Highlands from the severall parts where they were
formerly posted for that purpose, and were quartered upon the people,
who knew nothing of their intentions.
The country of Glencoe is, as it were, the mouth or inlett into Loch-
aber from the south, and the inhabitants are the first we meet with that
appeared unanimously for King James. They are separated from Bread-
albane on the South by a large desert, and from Lochaber by ane arm
of the sea on the North ; on the East and West it is covered by high
rugged and rocky mountains, almost perpendicular, riseing like a wall on
each side of a beautifull valley, where the inhabitants reside. A party
of the troops were quartered here, as in other parts of the Highlands,
and they were so civilly used, that they began to contract a friendship
and intimacy with their several landlords and domesticks. The Laird
of Glenco having been, like the rest of his countrymen, flushed and
blown up with the false hopes which the rumours I have mentioned ge
nerally infused, had neglected to take the Indemnity ; but upon the in
timation of King James his Letter had surrendered himself to the Go-
vernour of Inverlochy, who gave him a certificate thereof ; the weather
being then so excessively stormy, that there was no possibility of travel
ing to Inveraray, where the Sherriff resided, and who was the onely person
authorized by the Indemnity to receive the submissions of those within
316 MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL.
his shire. But the Governour of Inverlochy haveing taken it upon him
to administrate the oath of alledgiance to him, and to give him a certifi
cate, the poor gentleman thought himself absolutely secure, and dreaded
nothing less than the fate he soone thereafter mett with from his bloody
guests, especially considering that the very day after that limited by the
Indemnity he prevailed upon Sir James Campbell of Ardkinglass, Sher-
riff of the shire, to administrate the oaths required.
I have formerly hinted, that the designs of the Court were against the
whole body of the Highlanders, as afterwards evidently appeared, when
the bloody fact came to be publickly examined into by the Parliament,
on the occasion that shall be by and by mentioned. There was then
nine Letters produced from the Lord Stair, one of the Scots Secretarys
who attended the Court, to Sir Thomas Livingstone, Collonell Hill,
and Lieutenant-Collonell Hamilton, and two setts of Instructions to
them, both super and subscribed by King William ; but all these being
published att full length in the severall printed accounts we have of that
tragedy, I shall onely recite such passages of them as I think will putt it
in a clear light.
In the first of these Letters, (December 1, 1691,) directed to Lieu
tenant- Colonell Hamilton, there are these words : — " The winter is the
onely season in which we are sure the Highlanders cannot escape us,
nor carry their wives, bairns, and cattle, to the mountains." In another
to him, of the third of the same month, he says : — "It is the onely time
that they cannot escape yow, for human constitution cannot indure to be
long out of houses. — This is the proper season to maule them, in the cold,
long nights." And in a third to Sir Thomas Livingstone, of the seventh
of January, he tells them that the design was, " to destroy intearly the
country of Lochaber, Locheil's lands, Keppoch's, Glengary's, Appine,
and Glencoe." — " I assure yow," continues he, " your power shall be
full enough, and I hope the souldiers will not trouble the Government
with prisoners !" The Secretary was, indeed, as good as his word,
for the first Instructions (January 11, 1691-2) for a general massacre
bore, in express terms, ane order to Sir Thomas Livingstone to " putt
all the Highlanders who had not taken the oaths to fire and sword,"
They are the same that were mentioned hi his Majesty's Letter to his
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL. 317
Privy Councill, formerly recited, as appears from the dates, and were at
tended with one from the Secretary to Sir Thomas Livingston, wherein
he makes further ecclaircissements, and takes notice of the King's super
and subscribeing them, either with a view of giveing the whole glory to
his Majesty, or to keep himself free from a future prosecution.
But before Sir Thomas had time to putt his orders in execution, it
happened luckily for the poor Highlanders, that the Lord Carmarthen,
afterwards Duke of Leeds, was informed by the Secretary of the con
tents, which putt him upon a resolution of attempting to gett them coun
termanded. He represented to his Majesty, that the orders were not
onely contrary to the laws of all civilized nations, but allso to good policy ;
for King James was sett aside for attempting to gett above the laws, and
yet the most arbitrary of his actions came not near such a method of proce
dure. That the Highlanders were governed by the same laws with the rest
of the kingdome, and if his Majesty inclined to gett rid of them, he might
easily effect it under a cover of law, by a tryall before the Parliament ;
but that fire and sword would sound very harshly in the ears of such
as pretend to be a free people, such words haveing never been heard from
any of our native Kings. To this it was answered : That the High
landers, being not onely in ane actuall rebellion, but in arms, att open
war with the Government, they had excepted themselves from the bene-
fite of the law, and therefore might be justly punished by that of the
sword : That his Majesty's royall mercy was sufficiently evidenced by
his gracious condescention to their own terms, and by even rewarding
them for their being in rebellion : That they had refused these most
bountifull offers, and that they were now to be destroyed as wild savages,
sucking the blood, and preying upon the goods of their fellow-subjects,
they being all thieves and robbers, hated and detested by the rest of the
kingdome : That their utter destruction would be agreeable to all peace
able and honest people ; and that to attempt to bring it about by a legall
tryall, would serve onely to putt them upon their guard, unite them more
closely, and render them desperat, whereof the consequences might not
onely prove troublesome, but even dangerous : That the method of pun
ishing them most for his Majesty's interest was that which would strike
318 MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL.
most terrour, and that none could be more so than ane effectual! execu
tion of the orders already issued out.
However, after some more debate, it was agreed to restrick the orders
to a part for that time, thereby to make ane easy essay how that terrible
method would relish with the three kingdoms. Their reasons for fixing
upon Glencoe were principally two ; the first was, their scituation, which
rendered the execution easy ; the second was, that the Secretary had con
ceived a particular hatred against that tribe upon some former quarrell,
as appears from one of his letters to Hamilton, first quoted ; wherein
he has these words :— " Just now Argyle tells me that Glencoe hath not
taken the oaths, att which I rejoice. It is a great work of charity to be
exact in rooting out that damnable sett." — " I have no great kindness
for Keppoch and Glencoe, and it is well these people are in mercy."
There is a slur drawn over this last paragraph, which, however, still re
mained legible.
This new resolution occasioned second Instructions to be drawn up,
(January 16, 1691-2,) and the article concerning Glencoe (which was
the fourth) runs in these words :
" WILLIAM R.
" As for M'lan of Glencoe and that tribe, if they can
be well distinguished from the rest of the Highlanders. It will be proper,
for vindication of publick justice, to extirpate that sett of thieves.
" W. R."
It was remarkable that his Majesty was pleased to distinguish that ar
ticle by signing and countersigning it himself, in place of his Secretary,
who seems to have had a double view in adviseing his master to it ; as
well forseeing that it would not onely screen himself from unlucky
consequences, but allso make the actors more zealous in performing that
service. These Instructions were directed to Sir Thomas Livingston
and Collonell Hill, and the last had likeways a letter from the Secre
tary, pointing out the particular method how they were to be executed,
and enjoyning dispatch and secrecy.
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL. 319
These gentlemen, haveing commanded the troops to be disposed in
proper posts, issued out their orders to Lieutenant-Collonel Hamilton
for the execution ; who thereupon wrote the following letter to Major
Robert Duncanson, who was quartered with a part of Argile's regiment
att Ballacholis, which is on the north side of the Ferry, and almost op
posite to Glencoe :
" Ballacholis, February 12, 1692.
" SIR, — Persuand to the commander-in-chief and my Collonel's orders
to me, for putting in execution the service commanded against the rebells
in Glencoe, wherein yow with the party of the Earl of Argile's regiment
under your command are to be concerned, yow are therefore forthwith
to order your affairs, so as that the several posts already assigned by yow
be, by yow and your several detatchments, fallen in action with pre
cisely, by five o'clock to-morrow morning, being Saturday ; att which
time I will endeavour the same with those appointed from this regiment
for the other places. It will be most necessary that yow secure these
avenues on the south side, that the old fox, nor none of his cubs, may gett
away. The orders are, that none be spared from 70 of the sword, nor
the Government troubled with prisoners. This is all untill I see you,
from your humble servant, (Signed) JAMES HAMILTON.
" P.S. — Please order a guard to secure the Ferry and the boats there ;
and the boats must be all on this syde the Ferry, after your men are over."
" For their Majesty's service. For Major
Robert Duncanson, of the Earl of Ar
gile's Regiment."
This Duncanson was of a sullen, brutal, and savage nature, and well
qualifyed for such a service. His orders to the Captain that command
ed in Glencoe were as follows :
320 MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL.
" Ballacholis, IZth February 1692.
" SIB,— Yoware hereby ordered to fall upon the rebells, the M'Donalds
of Glencoe, and putt all to the sword under 70. Yow are to have spe
cial care that the old fox and his sons doe, upon no account, escape your
hands. Yow are to secure all the avenues, that no man escape. This
yow are to putt in execution att five o'clock in the morning precisely,
and by that time, or very shortly after it, I'll strive to be att yow with
a stronger party. If I doe not come to yow att five, yow are not to
tarry for me, but to fall on. This is by the King's speciall command,
for the good and safety of the country, that these miscreants be cutt off
root and branch. See that this be putt in execution without feud or
favour, else yow may expect to be treated as not true to the King's Go
vernment, nor a man fitt to carry a commission in the King's service.
Expecting yow will not faill in the fulfilling hereof, as yow love your
self, I subscrive these with my hand.
(Signed) " ROBERT DUNCANSON."
" For their Majesty's service. To Captain
Robert Campbell of Glenlyon."
«
The bloody work began at the hour appointed, while all the destined
victims were fast asleep. The first they despatched was Glencoe him
self, who haveing upon the noise started from his bed, was shott while
he was pulling on his britches, and fell back in his lady's arms. The
poor gentlewoman gave a dreadfull shriek, and expyred some few hours
thereafter. They then served all within the family in the same manner,
without distinction of age or person. In a word, for the horrour of
that execrable butchery must give pain to the reader, they left none alive
but a young child, who being frighted with the noise of the guns, and
the dismall shrieks and crys of its dyeing parents, whom they were a
murdering, gott hold of Captain Campbell's knees, and wrapt itself with
in his cloake ; by which, chanceing to move compassion, the Captain in
clined to have saved it, but one Drummond, ane officer arriveing about
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL. 321
the breck of day with more troops, commanded it to be shott by a file of
musketeers. Nothing could be more shokeing and horrible than the pros
pect of these houses bestrewed with mangled bodys of the dead, covered
with blood, and resounding with the groans of wretches in the last agonys
of life.
Two sons of Glencoe's were the onely persons that escaped in that
quarter of the country ; for, growing jealous of some ill designs from
the behaviour of the souldiers, they stole from their beds a few minutes
before the tragedy began, and chanceing to overhear two of them dis-
courseing plainly of the matter, they endeavoured to have advertised their
father, but finding that impracticable, they ran to the other end of the
country and allarmed the inhabitants. There was another accident that
contributed much to their safety ; for the night was so excessively stormy
and tempestuous, that four hundred souldiers who were appointed to mur
der these people, were stopt in their march from Inverlochy, and could
not gett up till they had time to save themselves. To cover the defor
mity of so dreadfull a sight, the souldiers burnt all the houses to the
ground, after haveing riffled them, carryed away nine hundred cows, two
hundred horses, numberless herds of sheep and goats, and every thing
else that belonged to these miserable people. Lamentable was the case
of the women and children that escaped the butchery. The mountains
were covered with a deep snow, the rivers impassable, storm and tem
pest filled the air, and added to the horrours and darkness of the night,
and there was no houses to shelter them within many miles.
Thus fell Glencoe, and all that neightbourhood of his people, as it
were att one blow. He was a person of great integrity, honour, good
nature, and courage ; and his loyalty to his old master, King James, was
such, that he continued in arms from Dundee's first appearing in the
Highlands, till the fatal treaty that brought on his ruine. He was
strong, active, and of the biggest size ; much loved by his neightbours,
and blameless in his conduct. He gained so far upon two of the officers
that lodged with him, that they refused to be concerned in the murder,
and would have advertized him, had they known the matter soon enough
2s
322 MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL.
themselves. They were for this disobedience sent prissoners to Glas
gow, and long confyned.
Glencoe's family is a branch of the antient M'Donalds (or, as they are
commonly called, the M'lans) of Ardnamurchan. The tribe is not nu
merous, but very resolute, hardy, and stout, and have the least vanity of
any of that great and powerfull clan. The fore-mentioned Secretary
seems to have had a particular aversion against all the name ; for he
says, in one of his letters (January 16, 1691-2) to Sir Thomas Living
stone, that, for his part, he could have wished the M'Donalds had not
divided, that is, that they had all excluded themselves from mercy by
not timeously accepting of the Indemnity.
To finish the character of Glencoe, Mr Philips represents him att the
first general randezvouze in the following manner :
Nixt with a dareing look and warlike stride
Glencoe advanced : His rattleing armour shone
With dreadfull glare : His large, broad, brawny back
A thick bull's-hide impenetrably hard,
Instead of cloaths invest, and though allong
Twice fifty of gigantick limbs and size
The warrior led, feirce, hardy, wild, and strong,
Yet his vast bulk did like a turret rise
By head and shoulders o'er the surly crew.
Round, in his left, his mighty shield he twirled,
And in his right, his broad- sword brandished high,
Which flashed like lightning with affrighting gleams.
His visage boisterous, horribly was graced
With stiff mustachios like two bending horns,
And turbid firey eyes, as meteors red,
Which fury and revenge did threaten round.
Inexpressable was the surprize and amazement wherewith the High
landers, and indeed all mankind, were struck, as soon as the news of
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL. 323
this tragedy were spread abroad. Locheill, who lived att no great dis
tance, sent immediat orders to drive away all the souldiers that were
quartered upon his people. His neightbours followed his example, and
expresses were dispatched from Clan to Clan, for uniteing in the common
defence, so soon as the season would permit. In the mean time, they
keept strick guards upon all the avenues, inlets, and posts, from which
they could apprehend any danger ; and were resolved to trust their safety
to their swords, seeing they could depend no more upon Articles, Treaty s,
and Proclamations. Glencoe's two sons, with the remainder of that tribe,
betook themselves to arms, and being joyned by some others, they keept
together in small partys while they thought themselves in dangers, and
for the women and children, they took sanctuary among their neight
bours.
The detestable authors of this barbarous massacre were so scandal
ized and affronted by the general voice of mankind, that they thought
fitt to proceed no further, and evacuated the Highlands of all their troops,
except such as were posted in strong houses and other garrisons ; where
by, the Chiefs finding themselves secure, proceeded no further in their
intended confederacy.
James Johnstoun of Weariston was second Secretary of State, and
satt att the helm. The Convention of the Estates, I have mentioned,
being turned into a Parliament, for it would then have been dangerous to
have called a new one, he ruled them att his pleasure, though many of them
were much enraged att the murder of so many innocents, and inclined to
have brought the actors to ane account, while the horrour of the thing
was fresh ; yet, such was Mr Johnston's power and influence over
them, that he, knowing well where the crime would land, suppressed all
their murmurs, and saved the criminals from a tryall. But, happening
thereafter to conceive ane implacable malice against his rival Secretary,
whom he envyed the honour he enjoyed in his master's favour, in order
to satisfy his revenge by exposeing his antagonist, though att the expense
of his Prince's honour, he, in the summer session of the year 1695, which
was near three years after the bloody fact, brought it to a publick ex
amination before the Parliament. It was then, and not till then, that
324 MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL.
the true authors were discovered, and all the springs and machinations of
that execrable contrivance was brought to light. The Parliament voted it
murder ; but, upon examination of the Letters and Instructions I have
mentioned, they, by a second vote, acquitted Sir Thomas Livingston,
Collonell Hill, and their associates, as not exceeding their Instructions.
But as the Secretary designed no more by this sham tryall, but the expose-
ing of his collegue to publick infamey, which he fully effected by the
publication of the aforesaid writts, so the affair ended, and all the crimi-
nalls escaped, under the shelter of the great person that authorised them.
The Generals Buchan and Canon, with their officers, haveing ap-
plyed for permission (March 23, 1692) to transport themselves abroad,
they obtained, by a recommendation from the Councill, a pass from the
Chancellour for the ship that was to carry them from the Port of Leith
to that of Havre de Grace. The Councill, after the Murder of Glen-
coe, refused no favour to any of that party ; and even went so far as,
upon application by the Laird of Grant, who was one of their number,
to grant allowances to several persons who were comprehended in the
general capitulation to continue att home without takeing the publick
oaths, because they were not clear to swear them. This remarkable act
bears date March 23, 1692.
Sir John M'Lean took the opportunity of this favourable disposition
to apply for liberty to goe to the Court of England, (April 26, 1692.)
His petition was presented by the Earl of Argile, and granted by the
Councill upon condition that he surrendered the Castle of Dowart, and
the other places that he still keept out for King James, to his Lordship
before delivery.
Sir John's family and scituation I have already given ane account
of. He was of a person and disposition more turned for the Court and
the camp, than for the business of a private life. There was a natural
vivacity and politeness in his manner, which he afterwards much im
proved by a courtly education ; and as his person was well made and
gracefull, so he took care to sett it off by all the ornaments and luxury
of dress. He was of a sweet temper, and good natured. His witt
lively and sparkleing, and his humour pleasant and facetious. He loved
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL. 325
books, and acquired the languages with great facility, whereby he
cultivated and enriched his understanding with all manner of learning,
but especially the belles lettres ; add to this, a natural elegancy of expres
sion, and ane inexhaustible fancy, which, on all occasions, furnished him
with such a copious variety of matter, as rendered his conversation allways
new and entertaining. But with all these shineing qualitys, the natural
indolence of his temper, and ane immoderat love of pleasure, made him
unsuiteable to the circumstances of his family. No person talked of affairs
private or publick with a better grace, or more to the purpose, but he
could not prevaill with himself to foe att the least trouble in the execution.
He seemed to know every thing, and from the smallest hint so pene
trated into the circumstances of other people's business, that he often did
great services by his excellent advice, and he was of a temper so kind
and obligeing, that he was fond of every occasion of doeing good to his
friends, while he neglected many inviteing opportunity s of serving himself.
Sir John had the good fortune to be taken notice of att Court by
Queen Mary. She was naturally a good Princess, and had all the sweet
ness of the Royal Family of the Stewarts in her blood. She had a
warm side to all her father's friends ; but knowing how much the Scots
in general, but especially the Highlanders, were detested by the King
her husband, she had too much reservedness and modesty in her temper
to interpose in their behalf. But while she commanded herself, which
was as often as her husband was in Flanders, she served them as far as
was consistent with the policy of that Court. By her authority it was
that Sir Thomas Livingstone was stopt in his march to the Highlands
after the cessation, though he was positively commanded to it by King
William ; and that Appine and some other prisoners were sett att liber
ty, as has been formerly observed ; and now she had the goodness to
make use of the present opportunity of serving Sir John M'Lean.
He was the onely person of his party that went to Court, which no
doubt contributed much to his being so particularly observed by the
Queen, who haveing received him most graciously, honoured him fre
quently with her conversation, and said many kind and obligeing things
to him. Sir John, on his part, acquitted himself with so much polite-
326 MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL.
ness and address, that her Majesty soon began to esteem him. He took
the proper occasion to inform her of the misfortunes of his family, and
artfully insinuated that he and his predecessors had drawn them all upon
themselves by the services they had endeavoured to perform to her
grandfather, father, and uncle. She answered, that the antiquity and
merite of his family were no strangers to her ears ; and that though she had
taken a resolution never to interpose betwixt her father's friends and the
King her husband, yet she would distinguish him so far as to recom
mend his fortunes to his Majesty, by a letter under her own hand ; and
that she doubted not but that it would have some influence, since it
was the first favour of that nature which she had ever demanded.
Her Majesty's indulgence quickly procured him the compliments of
many of the courtiers, who offered their services with great appearance of
sincerity. He made a good enough figure while he remained among them ;
but his inclinations leading him to the army, he intimated his designs to
her Majesty, and begged the honour of her commands. The good Queen
made good her promise, and wrote to her husband in his favours in very
strong terms. Soon after his arrival in Flanders, he got himself intro
duced to that warlike Prince, who received him in a manner that sur
prized all who were acquainted with his temper. He said to Sir John,
that lie must be a great favourite of the Queen's, since she had taken
such notice of him, as, contrary to her usewal reservedness, to recom
mend his fortunes to him : That, as he was the first that had come with
so powerfull ane intercession, he was resolved to distinguish him by the
care he would take of his fortune ; and ordered him to give him a me
moir of his demands in writeing ; and, in the meantime, promised him
the command of the first vacant regiment.
Sir John was much carressed while he continued in the army ; and King
William not onely honoured him with his countenance, but told Argile
that he must part with Sir John's estate, and that he himself would be
the purchaser. The Earl of Argile was a person of a frank, noble, and
generous disposition. He loved his pleasures, affected magnificence,
and valued money no further than as it contributed to support the ex-
pence which the gallantry of his temper daily putt him to. He several
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL. 327
<imes offered very easy terms to Sir John, and particularly, he made ane
overture of quitting all his pretentious to that estate, on condition of sub
mitting to be the Earl's vassall for the greatest part of it, and of paying
him two thousand pounds sterling, which he had then by him in ready
money ; but the expensive gayety of Sir John's temper made him un
willing to part with the money, and the name of a vassall suited as ill
with his vanity, which occasioned that and several other proposals to
be refused.
However, as the generous Earl was noways uneasy to part with the
estate, so he, with his usewall frankness, answered King William, that
his Majesty might all ways command him and his fortunes ; and that he
submitted his claim upon Sir John's estate, as he did every thing else, to
his royall pleasure. But before this transaction could be concluded, the
battle of Landen happened to be fought between the confederat and
French armys, wherein the last proveing victorious, Sir John, upon a
fancy that the King of France would take that opportunity of restoreing
King James, went immediatly after the action to the Court of St Ger-
mains, where he was but coldly received.
King William inquired after Sir John with some anxiety, being afraid
that he was either killed or made prisoner by the enemy ; but informing
himself afterwards where he was, he confirmed the Earl of Argile's for
mer rights to the estate by a new grant, whereby that Lord's successors
possess it without any disturbance to this day.
Such were the fortunes of those that appeared for King James, and
though there were after this several plots and conspiracys entered into
in his favours, both in England and Scotland, yet they commonly ended
in the destruction of those that managed them, and served as a pretence
to draw the bridle harder upon the mouths of such as were suspected to
befriend them. But none suffered more for that unfortunat Prince
than the noble family of Perth. I have already mentioned the Chancel-
lour' s being taken in Fife, and his confinement in the Castle of Stirling.
He continued there, some times att more, and some times att less liberty,
according to the different posture of affairs, till after the defeat of the
338
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL.
French fleet att La Hogg, which procured him a permission to transport
himself abroad into France.
The Chancellour was not well out of their clutches when severe orders
arrived from Court against the Non-jurants, (July 19, 1692,) though
there is no mention of any motion they had made. The Indemnity was
no protection to the most innocent and quiet. All those who had gone
to France since King William's descent into Brittain are ordered to be
prosecuted, and a process of high treason to be raised against the Duke
of Gordon, and all others who had been about King James. The Earl
of Seaforth is also involved in the same calamity, for his invasion from
Ireland, and his Majesty ordains four hundred pounds sterling to be
payed to the lawers who should assist the sollicitor in these cruell pro
secutions. The jayles were immediatly filled with such of the nobility
and gentry as refused to swear the publick oaths ; and all the disaffected
are proceeded against with the outmost rigour and severity, as appears
from the Council's Answer to King William's Letter. But his Majesty,
not satisfied with this, did by another Letter (November 24, 1692)
redouble his rigid commands against these unhappy persons, and added
many others to the list of the proscribed, among whom was the young
Clanrannald, who, it seems, had not taken the Indemnity. That excellent
youth thought himself secure by the remoteness of his residence, but
being allarmed by a citation from the Coimcill, he retired into France,
where he remained till he became one of the most accomplished gentle
men of the age.
About the end of 1694, or beginning of 1695, the young Lord Drum-
mond, son to the Chancelour, arrived from France. He was imme
diatly obliged to make his appearance before the Privy Councill, (Feb
ruary 24, 1695,) and not onely to give security orbaill of one thousand
pounds sterling for himself, but also of two hundred pounds for his va
let de chambre and footman, while they continued in his Lordship's
service.
The discovery of the Assassination Plott, as it is called, putting all
again into a ferment, drew new troubles after it. Though there were no
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL. 329
orders out against my LordDrummond, (for he was then allowed no other
tittle, although his father was created a Duke before King James left Eng
land,) yet his Lordship, justly apprehensive of being made prisoner, retired
himself out of the way, and, meeting accidentally with Captain Grant, ane
officer in the Lord Murray's regiment, he (the Captain) inquired who
he was ? But his Lordship, who was incog., and inclined to conceall him
self, not knowing of what regiment Grant was, answered, that he be
longed to the army as well as himself; and Grant, still officiously insist
ing to know to what regiment he belonged, his Lordship, by misfortune,
said, that he was of the Lord Murray's. Grant, who understood this to be
false, without further ceremony made him prisoner, and though his Lord
ship immediatly discovered himself, and demanded his warrand, yet
Grant would not part with him. Such were the misery s of these times,
that the greatest personages were att the mercy of every inferior officer,
and insolence and oppression were the qualitys that recommended them
most. For the Councill not onely approved of Grant's illegall procedure
by a solemn act, (March 26, 1696, ) but gave warrand to committ his Lord
ship to the Castle of Stirling. Though he had the fortune to make his
escape some few days thereafter, yet that was of nobenefite, for he was not
onely summoned by the Councill to enter his person into custody, (April
10, 1696,) but the Lord Advocate sued him upon his baill-bond, though he
had not incurred the penalty, for his Lordship was neither accused of
breaking the peace, nor of refusing to appear, which were the conditions
of the bond ; on the contrary, his former committment voyded the obliga
tions, and the bond became thereby extinct. But such was the violence of
the times, that the Councill gott over all objections, condemned him in
the fine, granted warrand to denounce him rebell, and to seize his move-
able goods for the payment. His Lordship, however, haveing, by the
advice of his friends in the Councill, surrendered himself within a short
time thereafter, they did him the justice to return him his bond, and
committed him to the Castle of Edinburgh, (June 12, 1696.) In a few
days thereafter, (June 18, 1696,) he had the company of many of his
principall friends, among whom were the Viscount of Strathallan, the
Laird of Loggie-Drummond, and others of his nearest relations ; and
2x
330 MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL.
on the 3d of September thereafter, there was ane order issued out to
search his papers.
In a word, that noble Lord was miserably harrassed all this reign.
He represented a family which had allways been a blessing to the coun
try where it resided ; and he himself was possessed of so many amiable
uualitys, that he was too generally beloved not to. be suspected by such
zealous Ministers. He was humble, magnificent, and generous, and
had a certain elevation and greatness of soule, that gave ane air of dignity
and grandeur to all his words and actions. He had a person well turned,
gracefull, and genteele ; and was, besides, the most polite and best bred
Lord of the age. His affability, humanity, and goodness, gained upon
all with whom he conversed ; and as he had many friends, so it was not
known that he had any personall enemy s. He had too much sincerity
and honour for the times. The crafty and designing are allways apt
to cover their vices under the mask of the most noble and sublime vir
tues ; and it is naturall enough for great souls to believe that every per
son of figure truely is what he ought to be ; there being something so
wretchedly mean in dissimulation and hypocrisy, that a person of true
honour thinks it even criminal to suspect that any he converses with is
capable of debuseing* the dignity of his nature so low as to be guilty of
sucfoignoble and vile practises. None could be freer of these, nor, indeed,
of all other vices, than the noble person I speak of. The fixt and un
alterable principles of justice and integrity, which he allways made the
rules of his conduct, were transmitted to him with his blood, and are
virtues inherent and hereditary in the constitutions of that illustrious
family.
To give the reader ane undeniable proof of the generous maxims of
that house, it will be proper to notice, that by the laws of Scotland no
person succeeding to ane estate is, in a legal sense, vested in the pro
perty, untill he serves himself heir to the person from whom he derives
his tittle. The heir often took the advantage of this, when creditors
were negligent, and passing by his father, and perhaps his grandfather,
* Q. " reducing."— Edit.
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL. 331
served heir to him who was last infefted ; for, unless they were actually
seased of the estate, according to the forms of law, they were no
more then simple possessors, and could not incumber the lands with any
deeds or debts ; whereby the heir gott clear of all that interveened be
twixt himself and the person who he represented by his service. This
was ane unjustifiable practice, which the dilligence of creditors might
allways have prevented, and which is now wholly corrected by ane act
of parliament obligeing every one possessing ane estate to pay the debts
of his predecessors, as well as his own, whither representing them by a
service or not.
But the house of Perth was always so firmly attached to honour and
justice, that there are no less than fifteen or sixteen retoures descending
linealy from father to son, extant among their records. Now, a retoure
is a write returned from the Court of Chancery, testifyeing the service of
every succeeding heir ; and is, therefore, ane unexceptionable evidence
of paying his predecessor's debts, and of performing his obligations and
deeds.
Such has been, and still is, the uniform practice of these truly noble
Lords. The house of Mont rose, and, perhaps, some others of the an-
tient Nobility, have followed the same course, which will not onely entaill
a blessing upon their family and posterity, but will likeways be a per
petual memorial of their integrity, honour, and antiquity.
The reader will not be surprised att this seeming digression, when he
is informed that there was a hereditary friendship between the house of
Perth and the Chiefs of the Clan Cameron, which I have elsewhere
taken notice of; and as this is evident from innumerable Letters and
other writes still to be seen among Locheil's papers, so it would have
been ane injustice done to the gentleman whose life I write, to have
passed over in silence ane honour whereof he was allways proud. But
there was still a better reason for mentioning the late Duke of Perth ;
for he, in effect, became head of the Clans, after his first appearance,
and it was the jealousy that our Ministers of State conceived from this
powerfull union, which they allways suspected and dreaded, that occa-
332 MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL.
sioned the perpetual troubles wherein he was involved during the re
mainder of his life.
Locheill drunk deeply of this bitter cup ; for, being still ingaged in
all the plots and designs that were sett on foot for the service of his
beloved King James, it is no great wonder if the Government keept a
jealous and watchfull eye over all his motions. The Goveraour of Inver-
lochy was their informer ; but Locheill, to disarm his jealousy as much
as possible, not onely commanded his people to humour and serve him
in all his demands, but allso endeavoured by all means and ways to in-
sinuat himself into his friendship. [He often sent him compliments
of venison and other raritys of that country.] He made him many fa
miliar visits, drunk merrily with his officers, as if his head had been
disingaged of all business ; and not onely tooke the diversions of hunting,
fishing, and such exercises with them himself, but gave them the full li
berty of his forrests, woods, &c. to divert themselves in all pleasures ;
by which methods he very soon gained his ends.
In one of these visits, there happened ane adventure which I shall re
cite for the entertainment of the reader. Chanceing one day to be in
the fields with one of these officers, who had formerly commanded att
Inverlochy, during Cromwell's Usurpation, and discourseing occasion
ally on these troublesome times, the officer, among other remarks, took
notice that the men were even diminished in their size, and that they
had lost much of that spirit, brawn, and vigour, which they formerly
had : " And for example" — said he, looking on those who attended
Locheill — " is there any there that has the strength to give such blows
as our men received att Achadalew, and the other rancounters that we
daily had with yow ? In these days we thought that a company of
our men were not matches for twenty of yours ; but att present I can't
hinder myself from thinking that twenty of ours would beat a company
of such as these, who seem neither to have strength nor courage."
Locheill, who never talked magnificently of himself, nor of anything
that belonged to him, said, that he believed the officer might have good
reasons for what he alleadged, but that still he could not allow himself to
think that the odds was quite so great, seeing he had had some late try-
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL. 333
alls of their courage att the battle of Killycranky, and on other occasions.
That he was far from thinking that the misfortunes of the English att
Achadalew, and thereafter, proceeded either from want of strength, cour
age, or good discipline, but from other obvious causes, such as the in
equality of their arms, their not being acquainted with the old way of
fighting, and their being commonly surprized ; besides, continued he,
we may observe from the historys of all ages, that once ane army is
soundly beaten, the men become so dispirited, that it is hardly possible
to recover them dureing that war. Such was your case ; for, after the
defeat your people received att Achadelew, it was observeable that they
would not so much as look our people in the face ; and yet the brave re
sistance they made before they were so intimidated shows that they
were as stout, and valued their lives as little, or rather less, than their
enemys did.
Among those that attended Locheill there was one, whose name I
have forgott, that was of the same age with himself, of a moderat size,
and somewhat slender, but hardy, brave, and vigorous. He had been
a constant companion to his Chief in all his enterprizes, and particularly
att Achadalew, where he made the first essay of his courage. He was
a gentleman by birth, though not of the first rank ; and his Chief never
went from home, but, besides his ordinary servants, he had him and
half-a-dozen such about him, in whose fidelity and courage 'he could,
with safety, confide.
This person (whom I shall call Donald) had no other language but
the Gaulick ; but observeing that in the conversation between his Chief
and the officer, the latter frequently looked upon him and his compa
nions with a kind of contempt, he began immediatly to suspect the truth
of the matter ; and being upon inquiry informed by his Chief of all that
passed : — " What !" said he, looking upon the officer with indignation and
fury, " does that Englishman fancy that twenty of his men are matches
for fifty of us ? If you'll be pleased to allow us, we'll soon show him
the contrary. Pray, Sir, tell that proud man, that, old as I am, if he has
courage to venture his person, 1 will yet give him such a blow as he
shall remember while he lives."
334 MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL.
The officer, who, by Donald's action and gesture, partly anticipated
his meaning, haveing his words interpreted by Locheill, answered, that,
though he feared no man upon earth, yet it would be a reflection upon
him, who was ane officer, to fight with a common fellow.
Locheill, knowi ng well that these words would offend Donald as much
M tny that had yet passed, jestingly explained them in the worst and
most vilifyeing sense, which enraged him so, that he swore by God
and his Chief, that he could count his ancestours for ten generations back.
That there was not one coward among them, and that, if it were not for
the respect that he bore to his Chief, he would teach that proud man bet
ter manners, and to his cost lett him know he was of better blood than
himself.
The officer was much surprized to observe Donald so transported
with fury, and haveing asked Locheill what occasioned it, was inform
ed, that he thought himself highly affronted in haveing his birth and
quality called in question : " But," added he, " there needs be no
scruple as to that point, for though he is a poor, yet is he a brave and
faithfull relation of mine." The officer, haveing now no pretence to
shift the challenge, accepted it, a glove was cutt, a place appointed, and
certain articles agreed upon for regulating the combate.
The day being come, the partys appeared in the field. Donald had
the honour to be attended by his Chief, with a certain number of his
friends, armed after the ordinary manner ; and the officer had as many
gentlemen of the same regiment, who were to be judges of what past.
The officer stript to the shirt, and though the gentlemen on both sides
endeavoured to divert the matter from proceeding further, yet he ap
peared inflexible, alleadgeing that he had been too long a souldier to be
affraid of any man. Donald, on the other side, being no less earnest,
stepped aside with some of his fellows, and prepared for action. He threw
off his shoes, plade, and every thing else that might encumber him, and
retained nothing but a short tartan jackett, which the Highlanders wear
commonly nixt their shirts. While he was thus makeing ready, one of
the bystanders told him, that he was goeing to engage in a very un-
equall combat, the officer haveing the advantage of fighting with a small
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL. 335
sword, which he could att one push thrust through his body, before the
other could possibly fetch a stroke with his chly-more ; whereby death was
inevitable. To this Donald answered, very unconcernedly, that he knew
all that very well before hand ; but that, haveing come there with a full
resolution of ending his life honourably, he had determined himself to re
ceive the thrust, which he wished might peirce so fully through his body,
as that he might gett hold of the sword on the other side, where he was
resolved to keep it fast till he gave the proud Sassanoch such a blow,
that if it did not immediatly dispatch him, he would att least feel the
smart of it while he lived.
Ane Irish officer, who out of curiosity went to take a sight of Donald,
and who, from his being long conversant among the Highlanders, under
stood the Gaulick equally well with the Irish, which, indeed, is but a
different dialect of the same language, chanceing to overhear this dis
course, run quickly to the other company, and, addressing himself to
Donald's antagonist, " Sir," said he, " 'tis now full time that yow putt
your affairs in order, and take leave of your friends, for the desperate
Highlander that is to be your party in the combate is resolved that yow
shall both dye." And thereupon repeated what he had overheard.
All the company, except Locheill, (who knew before hand what was
resolved,) were struck with wonder; and the officer himself, looking
somewhat pale upon the strange recital, they again took the opportunity
to sollicite the makeing up the matter ; and the Governour, happening
to come up to them att that very point of time, added authority to advice,
and ordered matters so, that he (the officer) acknowledged before the
company that he was much in the wrong in what he had said ; that he
sincearly believed Donald himself, and all the Clan, to be as hardy, robust,
and brave as men could be ; and that since he had done no personal in
jury to Donald, he hoped that the publick declaration that he had made
would be thought sufficient to satisfy his honour.
Locheill was the more willing that the affair should be made up, that
he was apprehensive, that in case both, or either of them, fell in the
combat, it might raise ill blood, which might prove dangerous in the pre
sent scituation of his affairs. He therefore commanded Donald to ac-
336 MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL.
cept of the appology, and to make another in his turn, signifying that he
had mistaken his antagonist's meaning, which he was now convinced was
intended neither to the dishonour of Locheill nor his Clan. Hereupon
the partys embraced, though Donald often declared that he never did
any thing with more reluctance. But the presence of his Chief obliged
him to consent. His antagonist was more generous, and was so sin-
cearly reconciled, that he ever after shewed the greatest friendship and
respect for him imaginable, and on all occasions magnified his resolution
and bravery.
FINIS.
NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS
.
TO
MEMOIRS OF LOCHEILL.
2 u
NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS.
I. EDITOR'S INTRODUCTION.
From the remorse which a savage and profligate Baron displayed — p. 4.
THE circumstance alluded to is to be found in the confession of the Laird of Ormiston,
one of the accomplices in the murder of Darnley. In it he says, " Alswa, in a raige,
I hangit a poor man for an horse, with mony uther wickit deeds, for the quhilk I aske
my God mercy." It is almost to be regretted that this fine specimen of the feudal savage
suffered death for no greater crime ; for whatever might have been the guilt of his mur
derers, Darnley certainly deserved his fate.
The heads of subordinate tribes and powerful Cadets — p. 5.
The " Historie of the Kennedies" may be quoted as an illustration of this position, as
it is almost entirely occupied with an account of the struggles of the powerful Family of
Bargany to throw off their allegiance to the Family of Cassillis.
The two following extracts form admirable specimens of the feelings and conduct of
the lower and middling classes. In their graphic and dismal details, it is difficult to
find any trace of the subdued and servile spirit which characterises these ranks in the
merely feudal system.
" At this tyme the Laird of Colzeone caussit me Lord sett ane tak to ane Mackewine of
the land of ... quhilk me Lord had promesitt befoir to Patrik Richartt. This
340 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS.
Patrick Richartt was foster-broder to the Maister of Caissillis, and for that caus the Mais-
t*r send to this Mackewine and forbad him to tak that man's rowme our his heid, or ellis
h« raid gar all his haruis clattir. This Mackewine being ane prowd cairll, and heflEand
Colzeone and the Schereff of Galloway to maynteyne him, said he wold tak ony land me
Lord icoW sett kirn. The Maister reseaffing this ansuer, in ane readge forgaddiring
with this Mackewine slajis him."
•• In this tvme the Laird of Dromaquhryne, M'Alexander, come to me Lord of Cais
sillis, and tuik ane tak of his teyndis of Dromaquhryne ouer the Laird [of Girvandmaynis'
heid ;] quhais hous had euer bene tonaudis to me Lord of CaissUlis' house of theis teyndis,
and the Lairdis of Dromaquhryne had thame off him againe for service ; bot this Dro-
maaukryne being ane proud manne, \cald be note tennant to me Lord himself andhis man.
This Laird of Girwandmaynis com to me Lord, and said his Lordship had [done
him wrangc i] in setting of his teyndis to his awin man owr his heid, and for ony
gaynis he sail reap be that deid, the samin salbe bot small, my Lord ansuerit and said,
Ye dar nocht find fait with him, for, and ye do, we knaw quhair ye duell. The uther
raid, and he byde be that deid he suld repent the same, do for him quha lykitt. Me
Lord said, Ye dar nocht steir him for your craig, and bad him gang to his yett. The
Laird of Girwandmayuis rydis his wayis, and thinking that the Laird of Dromaquhryne
wald cum efter him, he stayitt, and his tua serwandes with him, one ane inuir, callit
Craiddow, behind an know quhill that he saw him cuming. His broder, the Laird of
Corseclayis, being with him and Olifer Kennedy of ... bot thai strak neuer ane
straik in his defense. Girvandmaynis perseiwis him and his twa men with him, callit
Gilbert M'Fiddis and Williame M'Fidderis, ane boy quha wes the spy. Thay com to
them on horseback, and strak him with swordis on the heid, and slew him."
The manner in which he tea* educated and trained — p. 6.
Allusion is here made to the custom of bringing up the Chieftains in the houses of fos
ter-fathers, of which a particular description will be found in the body of the work.
And commanded by their respective heads — p. 9.
The following passage, extracted from a MS. History of the Mackenzie*;, at one time
preserved in the Advocates' Library, and of which Mr J. W. Mackenzie, W.8. is in
possession of an imperfect copy, (the use of which he has kindly allowed the Editor,)
shows that considerable strictness of discipline and knowledge of the duties of officers
was acquired by the Highlanders even at a very remote period.
" Alexander Mackenzie of Coull being sent from the camp to the hills, with a party of
NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 341
six score chosen men that he had still with him, going on every onesett after as he con-
reaned the goods, he had ane brisk skirmish with the inhabitants of Morar, striving to
hinder him in a straight pass that he had the goods to drive through, and he himself hav
ing gotten the pass before any of his company, and killed ane of the inhabitants of the pass.
John Dhu Mackinninich vich Muchie being the next that came up of his company, offerred
to shoot him, saying, that it was presumption in him to be so forward as to kill men be
fore his men came up to him ; withal saying, that he loved not a captain that was swifter
than his shouldiers, in respect that if he were killed before the shouldiers came up, that
the shouldiers might be overthrown for lack of a captain, and if they were put to the
retreat, he wished the captain not to have more speed than his shouldiers."
By dint of practice, <bc. — p. 9.
General Hawley, in the contemptible harangue he is said to have delivered to the
chief Officers of the Crown at Holyroodhouse, after the Battle of Falkirk, says, that he
never saw troops manoeuvre better than the Highlanders ; but they had no training pre
vious to their rising in arms only a few months before.
The Highland Sou:— p. 9.
The following passage, also extracted from Mr Mackenzie's MS., proves the use occa
sionally made by the Highlanders of the bow : —
" Donald Mackinnich gave such race against him that he could not draw hig bow to
shoot him, but struck him in the shouldier with the bow, wherewith he brack the bow,
and struck him flat to the ground ; and before he could get up he stabbed him with his
durk."
The general form of the Claymore, &c. — p. 9.
In estimating the relative efficiency of arms, it seems to be very frequently lost sight
of, that, in the ancient times, and during the Middle-ages, the broadsword, in the hands
of a foot soldier, at least, was always supposed to be combined with the shield ; which
enables the swordsman to raise his arm, so as to give a more effectual cut than he can
possibly do if he is also forced to parry with the same weapon.
In the ballad of The Bridge of Dee, the Highlanders are described as being " pretty
men"
" To handle sword and shield."
, l-j NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS.
In Kemp's Nine Daies Wonder, published by the Camden Society, a " Laudator tern-
— *. —J.*^*t • • vMAslfk #/\ Avnlaifn
aeti" is nude to exclaim,
Oh 'twas a goodly matter then
To tee your sword and buckler men.
***********
And now a man is but a pricke,
A boy armed with a poating stick,
Will dare to challenge cutting Dick.
Maurice, Prince of Orange, the Due de Rohan, and Lord Orrery, laid great stress
upon the use of the target. (Vide Lord Orrery's Art of War, p. 26.)
It is also a mistake to suppose that the claymore was exclusively a Highland weapon ;
it was used all over Scotland until fire-arms became prevalent. Beague, in his Account
of the Siege of Haddington, describes the Scotish forces, Highland and Lowland, as be
ing similarly armed with long swords, large bows, and targets. And Patten, in his Nar
rative of an Expedition to Scotland, describes the Scotish swords, without making any
distinction between Highland and Lowland, " as notably broad and thin, and so made for
slicing, that, as I never saw none so good, so think I it hard to find any better."
Seem to have acquired Continental celebrity — p. 9.
In the graphic and circumstantial account of the assassination of the Due de Guise in
1588. printed by Capefigue in his admirable History of the League,* it is mentioned that
Henry III., after explaining to his friends his intention of assassinating the Duke that
morning, and obtaining their concurrence, enquired which of them had poignards. There
were eight present thus armed, of which that of Periac (an enthusiastic Gascon) was a
Hcotiih one. In the attack made upon their victim it was not till struck by Periac in
the small of the back that he uttered a piercing shriek for mercy, which reached the ears
of his brother the Cardinal, who was confined in an adjoining room.
A body of the Clan Cameron under his second son Donald, &c. — p. 15.
The passage in Gordon's History is so curious, and so well illustrates the narrative,
that it is here given.
" All these thinges wer concluded about this tyme at a great meeting of the Covenant-
* Capcfigup's History of the League, Paris Edition, rol. v. p. 165.
NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 343
ers in Saint Johnstoun ; to which meeting likewayes Argylle did invite and bring some
of the Cheife of the Clan Cameron, specially Donald Cameron, (second sonne to Allan
Cameron, Mack na Toiche [M'llduy,]) known commonly under the name of Donald
Guirke, for having in his younger years (as the fame goes) stabbed a country neighbour
upon some small disobligement, for the which barbarous act he is said to have been highly
commended by his father Allan as ane hopefull youthe. Allan himself being too weall
known for to have drivne that trade of throat-cuttinge amongst his neighbours in Loch-
aber, and a known sorcerer and avowed.
" That which engadged the Clan Cameron to Ardgyle was not anie antipathie that they
had to the Bishops or Service-Book, &c., more than their neighbours the Ardgyle men,
being that most of the people in these places are barbarouse, or if they incline to anie
profession, it is mostly to Poperie. But the Clan Cameron joyned with the Covenanters
in opposition to Huntlye's familye, to whom most of them are vassalls in Lochaber, and
had been several times before crubbed by the Earles of Huntly by force of arms, which
made them now glad for to lay holde upon anye occasion of revenge. Besyde this, Ardgyle
had ane eye to these places, either to weackne Huntly, as seeing much of his greatnesse
did consist in his Highland following, or if he could get a pretext for to gripp to Huntly's
Highland laundes himself, as afterward he did. But all such at that tyme were welcome
to the Covenant ; albeit, afterward, about the time of Charles II. his incoming, anno
1650, they changed their, principles, and Argylle was accessory to the purging out as
knowing and civill men out of the King's army, as either the Argylle men or the Loch
aber men wer. Yet lett it be remembered that a pairt of the Clan Cameron at this tyme
and long afterward, owned the King's quarrell, for most of the Highlanders are inclyned,
being left to themselves, to be Royallists, happy, at least, though they have little learning,
that they have not learned to distinguish themselves out of their loyalty by notions un
known till the latter ages."
It would also appear that some of the Clan Cameron assisted General
Middleton, &c. — p. 15.
The authority for this statement will be found in the Appendix, No. III. This en
gagement is mentioned by Sir Robert Gordon, in his History of the Family of Sutherland.
Vide p. 537, though nothing is there said of the Clan Cameron being present. Both in
the Appendix and the last quoted work, it is mentioned that the Laird of Harthill was
there made prisoner. Sir Walter Scott, in his notes to the Ballad of the Gallant
Grahames, in the Border Minstrelsy, states that he could find no trace of the manner in
which this gentleman was taken. He may now be considered as accounted for.
; j MOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS.
AUTHOR'S INTRODUCTION.
The Camerons have a tradition — p. 1.
There arc many anecdotes concerning the supposed founder of this family which the
author's good taste and IOTO of voracity has induced him to omit. Some of them will be
found in the Life of Dr Archibald Cameron, published in 1753.
From the above John Ochtery — p. 6.
This paragraph and the subsequent list is taken from the imperfect MS. copy of the
Introduction belonging to the Locheill family mentioned in the preface, and is not found
in Sir Duncan Cameron's MS.
Macintosh of Kinraura — p. 7.
The Editor has been informed that a Latin MS., a copy of which is preserved in the
Advocates' Library, entitled " De Origino et Incremento Macintoshiorum Epitome," but
without any name, is the work hero alluded to. From the very cursory inspection which
he has«been enabled to make, it appears (excepting as afterwards noticed) to coincide
with the statements in the text.
If the Camerons had any other right, Ac. — p. 9.
It will appear from a subsequent note, that the right of the Camerons was better
founded than even the author supposes, and that the authenticity of the deeds under
which the Macintoshes claimed the lands is somewhat doubtful.
/ know that some of our historians, Ac. — p. 12.
The late Mr Gregory, in his History of the Western Highlands, &c., has followed the
author in making the Camerons the unsuccessful party in this celebrated conflict ; but
Mr Skene, in his work on the Highlands, contends that it must have been fought between
NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 345
the Macintoshes and the Macphersons. The Editor cannot pretend to throw any new
light upon this subject, but it may be observed, that the author wrote at a time when
tradition was still universal in the Highlands ; and the side allotted to the Camerong
affords the strongest internal evidence of its correctness in the present instance. Had the
Camerons been described as the victors, it would have been very different.
The Editor has been unable to discover any argumentative passage regarding this
combat in the history of the Macintoshes above quoted, but, excepting the Clan Cameron
and the " Glenchai," (who are mentioned as having fought at the North Inch,) no allu
sion is made to any other Clan with whom the Macintoshes were at variance at that
period ; possibly " Glenchai" may be an abbreviation for " Glen" or Clan Cameron ; at
all events, more dissimilar names are used as synonymous in Celtic history. It would
be difficult, were we not otherwise informed, to recognise in " Ewen Allanson," " Allan
M'Coilduy," or " Allan Mac na-toiche," Ewen and Allan Cameron, or to discover that
the Clan Vuirich were the Macphersons.
This duel happened in the time of Ewen his sone — p. 12.
It would be a curious coincidence of history with Sir Walter Scott's delightful fiction,
if this combat actually took place immediately after the death of a great and celebrated
Chieftain, and during the life of one who was not in any way distinguished.
Donald M' Ewen — p. 13.
The text here does not very clearly express, whether Donald the sixth chief was the
younger son of Ewen the fifth Chieftain, or his younger brother. It appears more pro
bable, that he was his younger brother, as he is generally mentioned in history as
Donald Dhu M' Allan ; and the text, though not very plain, seems to indicate that signi
fication, so that probably M'Ewen has been a clerical error for M* Allan ; but as the
words supplied are inserted in brackets, the reader can form his own judgment upon
the meaning and accuracy of the text. This Chief is the thirteenth in the genealogical
account of the Camerons, given in Douglas's Baronage ; — for ^the reason stated in the
preface, it seems probable that the author is nearest the truth. Donald is also considered
by some as the first who raised the Locheill family to the dignity of head of a Clan,
though it is certain that they must have possessed considerable power and influence pre
viously.
346 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS.
By her he had no it$ue, Ac. — p. 14.
The following curious anecdote regarding these transactions, taken from the MS.
history of the family of Mackenzie, already mentioned, will, it is hoped, form an accept
able illustration of the text. It is much to bo regretted, that its commencement is
awanting.
•• Womaa of little beautie. I believe the cause of his not marrieing her was for
Knew that Robert Duke of Albanie, then Governour of Scotland, intended €o
any that would marrie her, haveing intentioun to settle that estate one his owne second
son. When the Ilerotrix knew that she could not attain to her desire, she dissembled
her grife, and made merrie till night. He haveing got to bed, when he was in sound
sleep, she came and lay with him in the bed ; then her friends and servants came in
with light, and cryed, ' Now, M'Kenzie, we are witnesses that thou art Earle of Ross !'
He leaping from the bed that he was not Earle of Ross, nor ever should
be in that condition. Imsdiatly they laid hands upon him, and imprisoned him in a
chamber within the Castle, took his speciall a&ender and tortoured him till he told them
that [the] house of Islandonnan would never be rendered by M'Cauly, then Constable of
it, till he would gett the ring that was about M'Kenzie 's finger.
" Then they went to M'Kenzie and took the ring off his finger, which they sent im-
mediatly with a partio to Ellandounan, as a sign to M'Cauly to render the Hand to
that partie. When they came to [the] Ille, they presented M'Cauly with the ring, telling
him that his master had sent them to receave the house ; that his master and their lady
had agreed in all tearms for marrieing, and that he was to live with her within tho
Castle of Dingwall, till order would be hade for their marriage ; and that least he would
pas from his condescendence, that they as the Heretrix' servants, were to keep his house,
till the marriage were fulfilled in all requisite Ceremony of the Church. M'Cauly be
lieving what they said to be true, because he got tho ring, delivered them the house,
but he hard the contrare when he came out, to wit, that his master was imprisoned, and
that tho ring was taken of him by force. Then he took beggar's apparel, and came to
tho Castle of Dingwall, sought almcs under the window of the chamber where his master
was imprisoned. His master, knowing his voice, looked out and asked what became of
the house ? He told him he had delivered it upon the sight of the ring. Then he asked
his master if there were any way of releveing him out of that prison ? He answered, that
there was a crooked aver, one which the lady stoode ; if that aver could be apprehended,
it might be it would relive him. He understood this aver to be Alexander Lesslie, tho
Laird of BaUnagown, the lady's ounclo ; ho was ane aged man, and keeped himself pri-
vat in tho house of BaUnagown. lie did not come out but once every morning, that he
came to a wood that was hard beside the house of Ballnagown. to retreat himself.
NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 317
M'Cauly came home, gathered a partie that he knew to be faithfull to him, came
straight to the wood of Ballnagown the Laird timeous in the morning, he
apprehended him away with him. The alarm goes through the country, that
the Laird was taken away ; the country gathers, follows M'Cauly, especialy the Ding-
walls and Munroes. M'Auly, seeing them likely to overtake them, send away two of
the men with the Laird, and stood with the rest of his men to defend a pass that was
hard by, which pass was called from that day Balloch-eri-Broigie, the pursuers being
forced to lay their shoes one their hearts, to keep them from the arrows of the defenders.
" The two men that M'Auly sent with the Laird, hearing the fight begun, they thought
it below their manhood to wait on the Laird, and therefore resolved to ty him to a tree
in the wood that was hard by, and to take their part of the play with their commerads ;
and according to their resolutione, they did bind the Laird in the wood, and retired to
the fight themselves ; but at last M'Auly, haveing spent all his arrows, and the country
gathering more arid more against him, he was forced to quit the pass, and when he had
quite himself of the enimie, he asked the two, what they did with the Laird ? They
answered, they left him bound in the wood. In the conflict of Balloch-en-Broig, the
Laird of Killdin with seven score of his men was killed, and almost all the name of
Monroe, having lost thirteen that was to succeed Lairds of famillies, ane after ane other.
But M'Auly finding that they left the Laird in the wood, retires again to the wood, and
by Providence finds the Laird where he was left. He makes hast away with him,
comes to the marches of Kintaill, where he meets with fourthie men of the Heretrix,
carrieing provision to the house. He putts them all to the sword, takes their burdens
one his back, and one the back of so many of his company as he pleased to bring with
him. The place where he apprehended them is called yett Aldnabalagan. Straight
with these burdens, he and his company came to Ellandounan. Haveing his armes un
der his clothes, to play that Constable like for like, he cryed to open the gates, that they
were wearied with long travell, that they travelled none but in the night, for fear to be
apprehend[ed.]
" The sillie Constable thinking them to be the carriage-boys, letts them all have entries,
but how soon they put of their burdens, they apprehended the Constable and such as he
had with him. How soon M'Auly provided the house in all things necessary for a long
seige, he sent word to the Heretrix, to deliver his master to his libertie from prisone,
otherways he would hang her ouncle. The lady, seeing him obstinate, she did sett him
at liberty, for to gett her ouncle back again. Of this, Alexander Lessly, the Clanlan-
drers got the lands of Ballnagown, aud How now they are
called Rosses, I believe, is unknown to themselves they have -
taken their surname from the country they live in.
" This Heretrix of Ross married the Lord of the Isles, for which he aclaimed the Earl
dom of Ross, which occasioned the battle of Harlaw, which was fought in the year 1411.
"\Vhen this lady's son Alexander, Lord of the Isles and Earle of Ross, came to perfit
348 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS.
age, hi* mother being still ane instrument of mischeife, moved her son to vex his neigh
bour*, which made King James the First come in persone to Inverness-shire. He appre-
hioded Alexander in the year 1420. He brought him prisoner to Pearth, where he was
accused of oppression, and many barbarous cruelties he used against the Ring's free
subject* ; but such was the King's clemancie in hopes of his amendament, that he re
leased him. But benefits obliedges not ignoble mindes, for no sooner was he returned
to h« own territories, but interpreting imprisonment as a shame and dishonour to a
man of qualitio and power, he gathered together a number of his people and came to In-
rernesn, brunt the town, and beseidgod the Castle. At the surmize of which all the
well affected gentlemen of neighbouring shires gathered to armes, whilk moved him to
disband and goe to the Isles, and from thence to Ireland ; but the King preveened him,
in setting a price one his head, and sen ling parties to keep all passages from him. At
last he begann to interceed with his friends at Court. Sundrie did attempt the King's
clomenc v, but ho would not grant nor assure them of any favour, till Alexander in per -
sone as a supplicant, would render himself and his estate to his disposure. This finding
no waj to escape, and being destitute of all help, he was emboldened to come to Edinburgh
privatly one Ester day, wrapped in a mourning garment, and concealed amongst the
multitude. The King comoing from the Church of Holyrood House, ho fell prostrat at
his knees, beseeching for grace ; which at the requist of the Queen ho obtained, for he gott
his life and privat estate safe, providing he would doe no more harme. William Doug
las, Earlo of Angus, was apointcd to keep him, and that within the Castle of Tantallan.
His mother, that sturred him to all this mischeife, was committed to the Isles of St
Colmo."
Apparently, the Chronicler of the Mackenzies has fallen into some confusion regard
ing the .exact lady who " set her cap'' so unsuccessfully at Mackenzie.
The account given in the text corresponds precisely with that given in Tytler's His
tory of Scotland, and the authorities there quoted.*
The name of the Ileretrix of Ross, who married Walter Leslie, was Euphemia. Her
son, afterwards Earl of Ross, was named Alexander ; and her daughter, who married
Donald Lord of the Isles, Margaret, or Mary,t
It would at first appear that it is of this Margaret that the anecdote was written, but
it can scarcely be her, for the following reasons : 1st, The author says shortly after, " It
made me write this passage of Euffam Leslie, and her husband and sone, to show how
fortunate Alexander Imrich was in not marrying this woman." 2d, The Lady is called
llerttrix of Ross, and is described as being in full possession of the estate, but this could
not have been the Lady of the Lord of the Isles, who had not even a claim to the Earl
dom till the death or resignation of her niece, the deformed Countess, which did not
take place till after her marriage.
• Vidt Yol. lit p. 170. f Vide Gregory's Highlands and Ides, p. 30.
NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 349
The Mackenzie's lover must thus either have been the Lady who married Walter Les
lie, or her grand- daughter, the deformed Countess, whose name was also Euphemia.
The mention of the battle of Beallich-ne-Broig favours the supposition that it was
the grandmother, at least if we can suppose the engagement mentioned under that name,
bj Sir Robert Gordon, in his History of the Family of Sutherland,* to be the one here
alluded to. On the other hand, the dreaded interference of the Duke of Albany certainly
refers to the grand-daughter.
The chronicler has evidently confounded Alexander Earl of Ross, son of Euphemia,
who married Walter Leslie, with Alexander Lord of the Isles and Earl of Ross, the son
of her daughter Margaret, by her husband, Donald Lord of the Isles, who commanded
at Harlaw, and thus attributed to the mother the ambition and misfortunes of her
daughter.
Perhaps the most probable conjecture is, that the luckless heroine was the deformed
Countess, who, after the bad success of her bold stroke for a husband, may be supposed
to have retired in disgust from a world, where her wealth and charms made so slight an
impression.
Donald Lord of the Isles, who being the sone, <kc. — p. 15.
This seems to be a mistake, as both Tytler and Gregory consider Donald as the hus
band, not the son of Margaret. Vide the passages of these authors already quoted.
It is an indenture, &c, — p. 22.
The author seems here to have made an oversight, for in the copy of this indenture,
inserted in the MS. History of the Macintoshes, already quoted, the allegiance of both
parties is in a previous clause reserved to the King. The deed is, however, so confused
and verbose, that the mistake is far from astonishing.
Angus Lord of the Isles — p. 23.
A clerical mistake for Alexander, (vide Gregory, p. 59.)
• Vide Gordon's History, p. 36, who gives the date about 1295, almost too early to have connec
tion with any of the parties, but the circumstances are extremely similar ; and from the vague^manner
in which the date is stated, it may not have taken place till many years subsequent to that period.
350 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS.
And procured from King James the Fourth a confirmation, Ac.— p. 26.
Thia charter is mentioned in an old inventory still in the possession of the Locheill
family, bearing the following title : —
" At Edinburgh, the xx. day of October, ye yeir of God M.D.lxiiii.
" Donald Dow M'Conall M'Ewen, Laird of Locheill, has left yir evidents and
writtings underwritten, to Maister John Spens, burges of Edinburgh."
And bears date at Edinburgh, Ac. — p. 29.
This charter is likewise included in the above mentioned inventory.
And overtook him at the end of Loch Lochy, Ac. — p. 31.
Both Sir Robert, Gordon in his History of the Family of Sutherland, (vide p. 1 10,) and
Bishop Leslie, (vide p. 184,) mention that " Ewen Allanson" was present with his Clan
in that engagement, and supported Clanranald.
But the Queen, upon application, Ac. — p. 36.
This' charter is dated 6th March 1563, [and is contained in the inventory already
quoted.
Macintosh mortgaged to Locheill — p. 44.
This contract appears, from another old inventory of the Locheill family, to have been
dated 27th Septemberfc1598.
As ^appears by his letter to Locheill — p. 48.
This letter is mentioned in the inventory as " Item, ane letter from King James to
Allan Cameron, wherein the King promeiss to free him of Macintosh, and that he
hald all. and may hald this land of the King."
NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 351
And left one of his own servants named [Cameron] — p. 51.
The word " Cameron," which is inserted in brackets, is deleted in Sir Duncan Came
ron's MS., but is still legible. Whether the author was sensible he was wrong, or was
unwilling to fasten the odium of this horrid cruelty upon a Cameron, must now remain
uncertain.
But the generous Auchiribreck, &c. — p. 53.
This extraordinary anecdote must, as far as the Editor is aware, rest upon the autho
rity of the author ; it seems in the highest degree improbable.
That gentleman having by this drawn, &c. — p. 58.
It appears from a letter contained in the Letters and State Papers during the reign
of James the First, presented by Adam Anderson, Esq., to the Abbotsford Club, that
Macintosh's ostensible crime was, that a number of his Clan who were vassals of the
Earl of Murray, believing that Macintosh, as their chief, was legally answerable for
their conduct, had entered into a bond to do nothing without his sanction. This, however,
having been interpreted as an act of disobedience to their feudal superior, Macintosh
was imprisoned. In the above mentioned letter, addressed to King James the Sixth,
dated 3d August 1614, he states these circumstances, and enlarges upon the hard
ship and difficulty of his case, and prays for liberation, which seems to have been
granted. The history of the Macintoshes, however, like the author, ascribes his con
finement to the Marquis of Huntly.
And died about the year 1647, at a very advanced age — p. 63.
It would be impossible to conclude the history of Allan M'Coilduy without giving
the two following highly characteristic letters, which first appeared in Hailes' Memorials,
and have since been quoted by various authors.
It appears that a party of the Camerons, having, in a predatory incursion, attempted
to carry off the property of Grant of Moynes, were repulsed with considerable loss — and
their aged Chieftain made the following explanation and apology.
NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS.
" RIGHT Lovuco
•• Mr heart/ recommendation* being remembered to your honour, I have received
your honour 's letter, concerning this misfortunate accident that never fell out betwixt our
houses, the like before in no man's days, but praised be God I am innocent of the same,
and my friends, both in respect that they gi't [went] not within your honour's bounds, but
[only 1 to Murray-land, where all men take their prey ; nor knew not that Moynes was a
Grant, but thought that he was a Murray-man, and if they knew him they would not
itir his lands more than the rest of your honour's bounds in Strathspey. Sir, I have
gotten such a loss of my friends, which I hope your honour will consider, for I have
eight dead already, and I have twelve or thirteen under cure, whilk I know not who
shall die or who shall live of the same. So, Sir, whosoever has gotten the greatest loss,
I am content that the same be repaired to [at] the sight of friends that loveth us both alike ;
and there is such a trouble hero among us, that we cannot look to the same for the
present time, while [until] 1 wit who shall live of my men that is under cure. So not
further troubling your honour at this time, for your honour shall not be offended at my
friend's innocence,
" Sir,
" I rest yours,
" Glenlecharrig, 18th October 1645. ALLAN CAMERON OP LOCHEILL."
"TO THE EARL OF SEAFORTH.
'• RIGHT HONOURABLE LORD,
" I have received your Lordship's letter concerning the unhappy accident that is fall
en betwixt the Laird of Grant's men and my kinsmen, which came to our loss, both un
known to me, because I was in Argylo in the meantime ; for the Laird of Grant was
the only man I love best in the North, because I came lately out of his house, and it
[there] came no ill betwixt us sinsyne [since] till this unhappiness came lately ; therefore,
I am willing to refer it to friends that will wish our well both sides, and specially your
Lordship be the principal friend there. But my poor friends had nothing but the de
fender's part, because they were in force to fight or die. Not to trouble your Lordship
with many words to further occasion, committing your Lordship to God's protection, «fec.
" Lochairkeag, the 27th October 1645. ALLAN CAMERON OF LOCHEILL."
NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 353
NOTES TO BOOK FIRST.
And were in the utmost surprize and confusion to see Glengarry, &c. — p. 104.
This singular anecdote certainly proves how much of Cromwell's success in the High
lands was due to the want of zeal, unanimity, and mutual confidence, among the High
land Chieftains. Glengarry is described by Sir Walter Scott, in his Notes to the History
of Glencairn's expedition, as the very soul of the confederacy.
Others of them thrust their bayonets, &c. — p. 117.
The mention of bayonets here may be deemed an anachronism, but, in point of fact,
according to recent German authorities, that weapon was invented about 1640. In all
probability, it would be first tried in a country like the Highlands, where the lance or
pike would be frequently found inconvenient. Pennant, in his sketch of Sir Ewen's life,
states that bayonets were used at Achadalew, and he has never been contradicted.
This woman lived, &c. — p. 121.
One is almost tempted to exclaim, that this incident must have been borrowed from the
onslaught made by Dame Glendinning and the faithful Tibbie upon the unhappy
Euphuist in the Monastery.
Re was much diverted, &c. — p. 122.
Can the tradition of the Kentish Longtails have penetrated to the Highlands ? Vide
Robin Goodfellow, reprinted for the Percy Society, p. 4.
One of them observing that apiece of beef, &c. — p. 123.
The whole annals of modern warfare do not present an instance of more perfect indiffer
ence to danger. The coolness of the seamen on board the Monarch at Copenhagen, who
eat the provisions scattered by the Danish shot, was scarcely equal to it.
2T
354 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS.
The astonishment of the Governour and his officers, Ac.— p. 124.
Frightful as is the description here given of the wounds inflicted by the broadsword, it
does not seem greater than is usually stated regarding such combats. It is mentioned by
PluUrch, that the Greeks, after their first engagement with the Romans, were struck
with a similar consternation when they saw the corses of their comrades fearfully
mangled by the Roman scymitara.
But they did not know that there was as much art as strength, <bc — p. 126.
This description of the mode in which the Highlanders used the broadsword is new and
curious ; it is similar to that still practised by the Asiatics.
The day before from the Laird of MacNachtane — p. 141.
MacNanghtane was the name of a small but independent sept which has been settled
in Argyllshire, from a very remote period, but their power and influence have long been
absorbed by the Argyll family, from whom they differed most uniformly and decidedly
in political principles. The lastlineal descendant of this " ancient and honourable house "
filled the situation of Collector of Customs at Crail or Anstruther, about the middle of
last century, where ho was celebrated for his agreeable and convivial qualities. As a
memento of the former influence of his family, he 'got a fac-simile executed of a charter
in favour of one of his ancestors in 12 , and which is still preserved in the Register
Office. A copy of this he presented to Dr James Macknight, the author of the Harmony
of the Gospels, who was understood to be of the clan, and in whose family it still re
mains. The newspaper which mentioned his death, and which the Editor has seen and
quotes from memory, contains the following curious remark: " This family having always
been extremely loyal, is now consequently rery low."
This is certainly not what is supposed to be the usual consequence of loyalty, though
in Scotland it has generally held true.
This act is signed by General Monk, Ac. — p 153.
There was an act passed in 1661, in favour of Lieutenant-Colonel Hill, which narrates
that an order of the Council in power during the Usurpation had been issued for the
payment of eighty pounds sterling per annum, for the support of the Clergy in Loch-
NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 355
aber, and that Colonel Hill had also advanced them sixty pounds, which is thereby
ordered to be repaid him. ( Vide Thomson's Acts, vol. vii. p. 267, No. 287.)
Locheill enjoyed a profound peace, &c. — p. 162.
After the honourable pacification obtained by Locheill, he appears, as mentioned in the
text, to have continued upon good terms with General Monk, and also to have obtained
from Argyll the gift of the forfeited estate of Glengarry, which was bestowed upon that
nobleman by the Committee of Estates.
Some years ago there was found among the loose papers in the Register Office a sup
plication by Locheill to the Committee of Estates, in which the services rendered by
the Clan Cameron to the rebels are enumerated, and a request made for the gift of the
estate of Glengarry. This supplication is mentioned by Sir Walter Scott in his Notes
to Fountainhall's Diary, (vide p. 142.) The publication of the present work has been
delayed for a considerable time, in order to obtain a copy of it, but it has gone amiss-
ing, and after a long and careful search has not yet been found.
In all probability, it narrates the circumstances connected with the conduct of
Allan M'Coilduy, already explained, and was probably presented in concert with Ar
gyll and Glengarry himself, in order to prevent the estate from falling into unfriendly
hands. In support of this, it ought to be remembered, that Glengarry was put in pos
session of his estate at the Restoration, by an act simply rescinding the forfeiture.
( Vide Thomson's Acts, vol. vii. p. 163.) But, wherever any difficulty was experienced
in getting back estates so forfeited, the legislature passed severe statutes against the pos
sessors ; and an act of this nature was actually passed against Locheill for refusing to
give up possession of part of the Marquis of Huntly's property. ( Vide Thomson's Acts,
vol. vii. p. 412.)
BOOK II.
And liad that charter confirmed, &c. — p. 173.
It is the opinion of some eminent antiquarians, that the authenticity of the charter by
King David, in favour of the Macintoshes, is dubious ; but, it is perfectly inexplicable,
that in all this dispute, no allusion whatever is made to the charter, dated 9th January
356 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS.
1527, granted bj King James V. in favour of Ewen M'AlIan, which contains the very
kail ia fMftion.
From this the legal title of the Camerons seems quite clear. As the charter is verj
short, it is here printed.
CARTA EUGENH ALANL*
Jan. 9, 1527.
" JACOBUS Dei gratia Rex Scotorum omnibus probis hominibus totius terns suae clericis
et laicis salutem Sciatis quia quadraginta mercate terrarum de Glenlie et Locharcaig cum
demidietato balliatus de Lochabor et suis pertincn. jacen. infra dominium de Lochaber
et vicecomitatum de Innerncss quondam Alano Donald patri dilecti nostre Eugenii Alani
hereditarie spectan. per eum de predecessoribus nostris, nostris in capite tente in inanibus
nostris ct dictorum nostrorum predecessorum per spatium quinquaginta annorum ratione
non introitus per decessum diet, quondam Alani exteterunt. Et nos nuper pro bono et
gratuito sorvitio nobis per dictum Eugenium impresso et impendendo et pro certa com-
positionc pocuniso nostro thesaurio per eum nomine nostro pro firmis et proficiis dictarum
terrarum cum domidietatc officii ballivatus predicti et suis pertinen. de dictis terminis
elapsis persolut. Dedimus et concessimus ac tenore prsesentis cartae nostrso damus et
concedimus dicto Eugenio hereditarie totas ct integras dictas terras cum demidietate
hujusmodi ballivatus de Lochaber et suis pertinen. jacen. infra dictum nostrum vicecomi-
tatum de Innerness. Tenendas et habcndas tolas et integras prsedict. terras de Glenlie
et Locharkaig cum suis pertinen. ad quadraginta mcrcat. : terranim ut pnemittitur una
cum demidietate dicti officii ballivatus de Lochaber prarfato Eugenio haeredibus suis et
assignatis de nobis et successoribus nostris in feodo et hrcreditate in perpetuum. Per
« •nines rectas metas suas et antiquas et demissas prout jacen. in longitudine et latitudine
in boscis planis mosis marressiis viis semetis aquis stagnis molis pratis pasciis ct pas-
turis molendinis multuris et eorum sequelis aucupationibus venationibus piscationibus
petariis turbariis carboriis carbonariis lapicidiis lapide et callie fabulibus brassinis brueriis
genestis cum airiis et earum enitibus hcrezeldis bludoytis et merchetis mulierum cum
romrauni pastura libero introitu et exitu ac cum omnibus aliis et singulis libertatibus
fommoditatibus proficiis assiamentis et justis pertinen. suis quibuscunque tarn non no-
ininatis quam nominatis tarn subtus terra quam super terram procul et prope ad prsedict.
terras cum demidietate dicti ballivatus officii cum pertinent, spectan. sui juste spectare
ralen quomodolibet in futurum libere quiete plenarie integre honorifice bene et in pace
sine aliqua revocatione obstaculo contradictione seu impcdimcnto quocunque. Red-
' Reg. Mag. Sig. Lib. xxii. R. 51.
NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 357
dendo inde annuatim dictus Eugenius et hseredes et assignati sui nobis et successoribus
nostris unum denarium usualis monetse regni nostri in festo Penthecostes super solum
dictarum ten-arum nomine albe firme si petatur tantum. In cujus rei testimonium
huic prsesenti cartae nostrse magnum sigillum nostrum apponi precepimus Testibus Re-
verendissimo Reverendisque in Christo patribus Jacobo Saucti Andrese Archiepiscopo
Georgio Episcopo Dunkelden. Gavino Episcopo Aberdonen. nostrorum rotulorum registri
et consilii clerico dilectis consanguineis nostris Archibaldo Comite Angusiaa Domino
Douglas Jacobo Comite Arraniae Domino Hamiltoun Georgio Comite de Rothes Domino
Lesley venerabilibus in Christo patribus Patricis Priore ecclesise metropolitans) Sancti
Andreae Alexandro Abbate Cambuskjnneth dilectis familiaribus nostris Archibaldo
Douglas de Kilspindy thesaurario nostro Magistro Thomas Erskine de Haltoun Secreta-
rio nostro et Jacobo Colvile de Uchiltre compotorum nostrorum rotulatore et nostri can-
cellarii directore. Apud Edinburgh nono die mensis Januarii anno Domini millesimo
quingentesimo vicesimo septimo et regni nostri decimo quinto."
On the 5th day of June thereafter, &c. — p. 175.
A clerical error for July. The act is dated 5th July 1661, and will be found in Thom
son's Acts, vol. vii. p. 295. When the existence of the above charter is borne in mind,
its terms are certainly puzzling. It contains a circumstantial narration of the dis
putes between Allan M'Coilduy and the Macintoshes, corroborating the statements in
the text.
It was argued for Locheill the defendant, &c. — p. 176.
It seems most inexplicable, that no notice was ever taken in the course of the pleadings
of the Charter in 1527, above printed.
And three hundred more, who had bows in place of guns, &c. — p. 188.
This is almost the last mention of the use of the bow in actual warffcre.
\
Though he continued at Edinburgh, &c. — p. 1 97.
This paragraph is only to be found in the Cartsburn MS. ; — it is deleted in Sir Duncan
Cameron's MS., and not in Mr Sharpe's.
358 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS.
For hi$ Lordikip having, without any retistance, Ac.— p. 204.
It appears from the following letter, addressed by Argyll to Campbell of Kilberry, and
which the present proprietor has kindly permitted to be printed, that so late as Decem
ber 1678, Argyll found it necessary to maintain an armed force in Mull,
Dunsta/nage, 9th December 78.
LOVING CrsL.v,
I desyre to be also easie to your pairtie, and toprovyde alse weele for them as I can,
q'for, these are to desyre you not to cross at the Connel, but to quarter to-morrow at
night in Benedraloch, quher I shall send you ineall, and upon Friday morning I shall
••ause boats wait on you near Rownafynart, to cross you over to Lessmore, quher ye may
quarter in warm housses till you and I goe together to Mull. I have sent to such of
your pairtie as are alreadie crossed, to return to you.
I rest,
Your loving Cusen,
For Kilbenrie. ARGYLL.
But Locheill easily extricated himself, by alleging, <£c. — p. 204.
The supplication presented by Locheill upon this occasion is still preserved in the
Register Office. It is, however, dated in 1669, some years previous to the period it is
introduced in the text. The supplication is as follows :
(A.I). 1669, Aug. 24<A.)
" TO THE KIGHT HONOURABLE THE LORDS OF HIS MAJESTIfi's PRIVIE COUNCILL,
"THE SUPPLICATIONS OF EWINE CAMERONE OF LOCHEILL,
" UUHBLIE SHEWETH,
" That wliair I and severally of the gentlemen and others in Lochabbere, being cited
to compeir before your Lordships in May last, upon a most groundles misinformatione
givno by Alexander Macintosh of Connage, pretending that we had convocat to oppose
his Majestic 's forces, and your Lordships were pleased at that time, upone considera
tions represented to your Lordships in a petitione givne in then, to dispense with the com-
pearance of the multitud, upon your petitioner's undertakeing that a few of the gentlemen
should compeire this day. In obedience whairunto, I have come with those gentlemen
NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 359
to attend your Lordships' pleasour thairanent. As also, for further cleiring your Lord
ships anent our innocence of any such crymes, thair are witness present in toune, who,
it's hoped, will verifie, that the occasione of our meitting was the slaughter of a countre-
man that happened at that time. And your Lordships haveing prorogat the day till the
8th of July next onlie ; and seeing, that when I was attending your Lordships heere last,
some of the nam of Macintosh takeing advantage of my absence, did commit a great de-
predatione upon a gentleman of my nam, whome I entreat to pursue before your Lordships,
with all imaginable diligence, and which is impossible for me to insiste in till the first
Councill day in Agust. Against which tyme, God willing, I shall attend your Lordships
anent both the persuits.
" May it therefore please your Lordships, upon consideratione of the premiss, to dis
pense with any furthere compearance of the said gentlemen, who are now heere, upon my
compearance, the said first Councill day of Agust ; and if your Lordships pleases to
examine the witneses who are heere, for cleiring the occasione of any meetting that was
at the tyme of the alledged convocatione, as also to delay the said matter till your pe-
titionere come to insist in the said persute, to be intented for the said depredatione.
And in regaird that some of the persones that are guiltie and accessorie thairto are
idle, louse vagabonds, who have no certaine residence ; therefore, that your Lordships
would be pleased to grant Letters in common form, for citing them at the mercat
crosses of the head burghs of the shyres whairin they haunt, and your Lordships'
answers, &c.
" Your Lordships' petitioner's protectione being expyred, it is humblie [craved] the
same may be renewed till the said pursuits be discussed."
(Marked on the back,) — " Petitione the Laird of Lochill to Lords of his Majestic 's
Privie Councill, 24th August, 1669."
In the end, he demanded his sword, &c. — p. 205.
Sir Walter Scott, in his Tales of a Grandfather, narrates this anecdote somewhat dif
ferently, and postpones it to a later period of Locheil's life. His authority is Crichton's
Memoirs, as published by Swift. ( Vide Sir Walter's Edition of Swift's Works, vol.
xii. p. 65.) There can, however, belittle doubt, that the present version is the correct
one.
It certainly tends to shew that it was not then the custom for Highland Chiefs to ap
pear at Court in the Celtic garb.
This unlucky accident put him to no small trouble, <fcc. — p. 206.
The following extracts from FountainhalTs Decisions must allude to this.
" November I'ith, 1682. — Complaints being exhibited against Cameron of Locheill and
some of his clan, for sorning, robbing, deforcing, and doing violence and affronts to a
360 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS.
party of the King's forces, who came there to uplift the cess and taxation : The Lords or-
dained them to be presently disarmed, of their swords, pistols, and skien-durks, and to
be socurelj imprisoned."
•• November 30<A, 1682. At Privy Council, Cameron of Locheill, mentioned 14th No
vember, 1682, is fined, as the head of that clan, in L.100 sterling, for the deforcement
and violence offered by his men to the King's forces, when they came there to exact the
taxations, and three of them are referred to the Criminal Court to be pursued for their
lire*, as guilty of treason, for opposing the King's authority ; the Clerk- Register became
cautioner for Locheill. This w<u done, as was thought, to cause him give way to Huntley's
getting a footing in Lochaber. "
How could men possibly respect laws so administered ? Such hints as those throw
more light upon tho disorderly state of the Highlands than volumes of formal disquisi
tions.
Or to wish— p. 206.
11 Or" must surely here be a clerical error for " not."
That the Earl of Braedalbane and Sir Ewen Cameron were in concert with Argyle,
<frc.— p. 212.
These suspicions were certainly proved by subsequent events to be ridiculous, and
came with a peculiarly bad grace from the Marquis of Athol. But Locheil's known
friendship and connection with the Argyll Family gave them colour ; and possibly some
correspondence may have taken pjace between Argyll and Locheill upon their private
affairs. ( Vide FountainhalTs Diary, p. 142.)
But Locheill, convinced that they were of the enemy, &c. — p. 213.
This unfortunate mistake subjected Locheill, as afterwards appears, to great incon
venience and suspicions ; but it really appears to have been entirely accidental. It is
thus mentioned by Fountainhall, in his Historical Observations, who terms it a " very sad
and unwarrantable mistake."
" Sir Ewen Cameron of Lochyell's men, throw mistake in not understanding the word,
being Irishes, atleist Hylandmen, fall upon a partie of the Perthshire gentlemen, to the
number of twelve, commanded by John Graeme, Postmaster, and under pretence of
their being Argyl'smen, (whether the mistake was innocent or wilful to get their spoyll,)
they kill five of them, viz., Pearson of Kippen-Crosse, Paull Dog of Ballingrue, Linton
of Pittendriech, Naper of Balquhaple, &c. This was a very sad and unwarrantable mis
take, and deserved a severe rebuke." ( Vide p. 177.)
Vide also Crichton's Memoirs, as above quoted.
NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 301
And used him barbarously — p. 215.
Vide FountainhalTs Diary, p. 51.
He had the boldness to encounter Macintoish, <fcc. — p. 230.
This is remarkable as being the last great Clan battle which took place in the High
lands. It is also remarkable as being the first field in which Donald M'Bane, the well-
known swordsman, made his appearance.
Donald's account of the engagement is too naive and graphic to be omitted. It may,
however, be premised, that Donald, having no taste for literary pursuits, was bound an ap
prentice to a tobacco- spinner in Inverness, but finding himself scrimped of his commons
by his mistress, he enlisted in Mackenzie of Buddy's corps. Upon Donald's first coming-
in sight of the Highlanders, he wished that he " had been spinning tobacco."
" Then both parties ordered their men to march up the hill. A company being in
the front, we drew up in a line of battle as we could, our company being on the right. We
were no sooner in order but there appears double our number of the Macdonalds, which
made us then to fear the worst, at least, for my part, I repeated my former wish, (I
never having seen the like.) The Macdonalds came down the hill upon us, without
either shoe, stocking, or bonnet on their head ; they gave a shout, and then the fire be
gan on both sides, and continued a hot dispute for an hour. Then they broke in upon
us with their sword and target, and Lochaber axes, which obliged us to give way. Seeing
my Captain sore wounded, and a great many more with their heads lying cloven on every
side, I was sadly affrighted, never having seen the like before. A Highlandman at
tacked me with sword and targe, and cut my wooden handled bayonet out of the muzzle
of my gun ; I then clubed my gun, and gave him a stroak with it, which made the butt
end to fly off. Seeing the Highlandmen to come fast upon me, I took my heels, and run
thirty miles before I looked behind me. Every person I saw or met I took him for my
enemy."
The following letter, preserved in the Register Office, also alludes to these transactions.
Keppach, August 3, 1688.
MY LORD,
I came to this place six dayes agoe, and the first two nights, these rebells in this
countrey lay darned and did not appear, but since, they, with ther wicked accomplices
and ther broken relations, from all the countreyes about, have convocate themselves to a
great number, and doe behave themselves most contemptuously, insomuch that this same
day, they have seased on some of the King's souldiers, and his Messenger-at-Arms dis-
2 z
362 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS.
armed, threatened and ffettered them. My friends and I are here making up a little
fort, in which we are to leave some men for secureing me in my possessione, this being
the only most probable means for reduceing the rebells, and had it not been for this, we
had been at them ere now ; besides that the spates here are impassible ; but how sone as
the waters fall, we hope to make accompt of them. All my concurrence from the seve-
rall shyres allowed by the Councell did faill me, except such of my own relations as are
with me, and Captain Mackenzie of Siddy, and his company. The M'Phersoues in
Badinoch, after two citationes, disobeyed most contemptuously. I thought it my duty to
acquaint you heirof, quhairby your Lordship may tak any course your Lordship pleases,
by making it knoweu to the Councill ; and I am,
" My Lord,
" Your Lordship's most humble and obedient servant,
(Signed) " J. MACINTOSHE
of Torcastell."
(Addressed)
" For the Earle of Perth,
Lord Hich Chancellor
off Scotland,
" Edinburgh. These."
The Macintoshes are always represented in the present Memoirs as supported by the law.
They were, however, quite like their neighbours, in regard to the respect they paid to it.
Spalding, in the commencement of his History, describes them as being guilty of one of
the most diverting instances of greed, violence, and treachery, that was ever perpetrated.
«
To none but to James Cameron, &c. — p. 231.
One is almost again tempted to remark, that this incident must have been borrowed
from Rob Roy.
BOOK III.
It ii true, indeed, that some few Scotch Lords, Ac. — p. 234.
Although the following letter, which was found among the papers belonging to the Fa
mily of Campbell of Kilberry, contains much that is private and unintelligible, yet it
may not prove an altogether uninteresting illustration of the events alluded to in the text.
NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 363
Edinburgh, May 1st, 1689.
SIR,
The day before the bearer came here, the Earl of Argyll, Skellmorlie, and Sir John
Dalrymple, (the day before that,) went away to London with the offer of the Crown to
King William. So soon as I got yours, I went instantly into the Convention, and caused
deliver yours (which ye sent to Argyll) to Duke Hamilton, who instantly caused read it,
and the enclosed orders were appointed to be sent to Loup and you. I think truly the case
is hard, being poor merchandmen, and is supposed has no other design but trade, yet you
must obey the States' orders ; but I doubt not but you will be as spare ing of the poor
men's goods and as discreet to them as you can. Kingstoun was here, and spoke to Duke
Hamiltoun. I assure you I was at a deal of trouble in this affair, and the more with
Clerks, because there was no money to be given them. The Convention is adjourned till
the 20th instant ; there are a great many forces comeing here from England, besyd what
are come already. It is lyke if their be nothing to doe with them heir, they and more
will goe to Ireland. I suppose ye may expect about five hundreth men from this to Kin-
tyre shortly, if not more. General Major Mackay is gone North with some forces in
pursuit of Dundee, but our news this day is, that Dundee, after he went to Murray, is
upon his march back, for he could not get, (as is said,) even amongst the Gordons, anie to
join with him. I shall add no more, but that
I am, your affectionate Cusing to serve you,
Jo. CAMPBELL.
For Angus Campbell of Kilberrie.
He was a gentleman of good understanding, efcc.— - p. 237.
An ingenious article which appeared in the Dublin University Magazine, entitled
" Last Days of Dundee," contains characters of the Highland Chieftains who fought with
him at Killiecrankie. As the author does not mention his authorities, it is impossible to
judge of their authenticity, but there is a remarkable contrast between these delineations
and the text.
Leaving Mackay behind him in the North — p. 238.
The Editor believes that Mackay 's Memoirs, and the other authentic accounts of this
campaign, will be found to agree in general with the statements in the text ; but it would
be in vain to attempt to harmonize the descriptions of the various marchings and counter-
marchings which took place previous to the battle of Killiecrankie.
364 MOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS.
The Laird of Macintosh declairedfor neither party, <fcc.— p. 240.
The conduct of Macintosh upon this occasion proves that Lauderdale was mistaken
in the relative estimate he formed of Macintosh's and Lochoil's loyalty. ( Vide Ap
pendix, No. III.)
But that General left no stone unturned to gain Locheill, <fcc.— p. 240.
Those who accuse Locheill, as has often been done, of self-interested motives in join
ing Dundee, would do well to peruse pages 18 and 19 of Mackay's Memoirs, and com
pare that passage with the account given in the text of Locheil's connection with the
Marquis of Argyll. It is too long to admit of being quoted fully, but the concluding
paragraph may be given :— " However, the General, during his abode in the North,
having known the King's mind as to the Viscount of Tarbat's proposition, wrote to
Lochiel at two several times, but had no return, notwithstanding that he proposed fairly to
Aim under the present government ; he wrote also to a gentleman, Chief of one of the Fa
milies of the Macdonalds, called Glengary, who returned him a civil ansuer, but instead
of hearkening to his propositions, proposed to him the example of General Monk to imi
tate, who restored King Charles."
It thus appears, that Locheill might have had all he required from either of the Mo-
narchs, and his demands being nothing more than a complete title to his own property,
do not »eem very exorbitant.
Before the Islanders, &c. — p. 240.
Somewhere about this time, it is mentioned both by Mackay, p. 24 of his Memoirs,
and Lord Balcarras, that the Highland infantry, said to be commanded by Locheill, made
a precipitate retreat from Mackay, who was then very strong in cavalry.
Two troopers in the meantime, &c. — p. 241.
(Vide Mackay's Memoirs, p. 30.) — The coolness with which this great military saint
recommends (tide p. 240) that Provensall and Murray, two of the suspected dra
goons, should be put to the torture, is truly edifying. This circumstance, when taken
in conjunction with his determination to burn and destroy Atholl and the country
of the Mackenzie's, and his recommendation to extirpate the Lochaber men, (vide pages
NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 3(35
102, 270, 271,) prove that his idea of the duties of a Commander were even more cruel
than those of Dundee, who never upon any occasion recommended or practised either
torture or military devastation. But according to the present enlightened ideas, what
is the extremity of cruelty in a Prelatist and Jacobite, is quite proper and necessary
in a Whig and Revolutionist.
Dureing this march Keppoch, &c. — p. 242.
Dundee has been repeatedly accused of this act of severity, but the present vindication
is entitled to some weight. Even had he authorized it, he would have been no worse
than Mackay.
Two hundred of Sir John Maclean's Meanders, <&c. — p. 244.
Vide Mackay's account of this skirmish, pp. 38 and 39, in which he makes the loss of
the Highlanders very severe. But whatever may have been the loss on either side, it
contributed materially to raise the spirits of the Mountaineers.
Repulsing dragoons on ground where their horses could not act was, after all, no
very astonishing featj but so far from having that unbounded confidence in themselves
that is generally attributed to them, the Highlanders, like all raw troops, felt considerable
awe for their disciplined and completely appointed opponents, and were delighted to find
that they could meet them upon any terms.
But Locheill, now past the sixtieth year of his age, &c — p. 250.
Locheil's opinion upon" this subject, and description of the Highland tactics, is ex
tremely curious. Perhaps it may not be uninteresting to contrast it with General Mac
kay's statement upon the same subject, who describes them as never fighting against
regular forces, upon " any thing of equal terms, without a sure retreat at their back, par
ticularly if their ennemies be provided of horse ; and to be sure of their escape in case of
a repulse, they attack bare-footed, without any cloathing but their shirts and a little
Highland dowblet, whereby they are certain to outrun any foot, and will not readily en
gage where horse can follow the chase any distance. Their way of fighting is to divide
themselves by Clans, the Chief or principal man being at their heads, with some distance
to distinguish betwixt them. They come on slowly till they be within distance of firing,
which, because they keep no rank or file, doth ordinarly little harm. When their fire is
over they throw away their firelocks, and every one drawing a long broadsword with his
NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS.
Urge, such M hare them, on his loft hand, they fall a running toward the ennemy, who,
if he stand firm, thej nerer fail of running with much more speed back again to the
hills." (Fufcp. 51.)
How feu- the General was correct in his ideas may bo gathered from the subsequent
conduct of the Highlanders at Sheriffinuir, Prestonpans, Falkirk, and Culloden, all of
which battles were fought upon open and level plains, without any hills in the rear of
the positions.
But Alexander MacDonald of Glengarry, Ac. — p. 259.
What a contrast is the present character and account of Glengarry to that which is
usually given ; — indeed, it would seem that if the gallant and eccentric individuals who
are usually denominated the last of the Chiefs, had appeared among their more cool and
sagacious progenitors, they would have passed for little better than mountebanks.
Dundee kept the higher ground — p. 265.
This sentence is only to be found in the Cartsburn MS.
Discovered the body of their noble General — p. 269.
The account of Dundee's death here given tends to throw discredit on the authenticity
of the letter he is alleged to have written after his wound, and in this the text coincides
with the most accurate historians.
Now, if the reader will but reflect — p. 273.
This sentence is likewise only to be found in the Cartsburn MS. Lord Balcarras,
however, does not say that Dundee made signs, but that he was in the act of riding to
Sir Donald's battalion. But it may be observed, that as the MacDonalds were posted
on the extreme left, Dundee, in riding to them, would have exposed his right, not his
left side ; but there can be no doubt that the fatal shot was received under the left arm.
How singular that the MacDonalds here, without the slightest difficulty, took up that
very position which, being assigned them at Culloden, was one of the principal causes of
the defeat of the Highlanders.
NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 367
But the death of Gilbert Ramsay — p. 280.
This singular and striking anecdote must, it is believed, rest upon the authority of
the text. Ramsay's death seems, however, to have excited some attention, for it is men
tioned by Mackay, p. 265, where he says, " both Dundie, Pitcur, one Ramsay, and others,
were killed at the first onset."
The gallant Earl of Dunfermline's love for ardent spirits appears not to have diminished
during the course of his campaigns. Mackay says, (p. 277,) " Colonell Canan is in no
reputation or esteem by them, for he and Dumfermling doe nothing but drink acquavity,
as I'm informed."
But notwithstanding of all this — p. 275.
It is commonly supposed that Mackay was Dundee's fortunate competitor upon this
occasion. But the account here given is so circumstantial, that it is probably correct.
He was much master in the epistolary way of writing — p. 279.
Possibly the account of the battle of Drumclog, which is the only letter of Dundee's
which the Editor has seen, may have been an exception to his usual style. But a more
wretched production, both in point of composition and orthography, was never penned.
1 have been the more particular, &c. — p. 281.
This is the most circumstantial account of this remarkable engagement which has yet
appeared, and seems perfectly well authenticated. From it it appears that the High
land Chiefs were even more uncertain than General Mackay as to the conduct of their
troops, only the Highlanders took a different mode of animating their men. Locheil's
going to every man in his Clan, and taking his solemn promise either to do his duty
or die, may well be opposed to General Mackay's assurance, " that if they kept firm
and close they should quickly see their enemys take the hills for refuge." ( Vide p. 63.)
We question if Donald M'Ba^, or any soldier who had previously seen the Highlanders
fight, would have received this as a fact, and he totally omitted to give any reason why
their adversaries would act in this manner. Indeed, the General admits that when he thus
confidently predicted victory, he had not had experience " of their way of nor firmity
368 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS.
infyktwg" (vide p. 45,) and that his troops were not well trained or armed to en-
roanter such an adversary, (vide p. 114.)
It also appears that it was solely owing to there not being a sufficient number of High-
la nders to attack the whole of Mackay's army, that part of them maintained their ground
for a short time. This circumstance has been very differently represented. Mackay gives
an explanation which he concludes by saying it was partly owing to their being English,
•• preferring," he says, " the English commonality in my judgment in matter of courage
to the Scots," (vide p. 59.) This is certainly candid, and the General is borne out by the
fact, that at no period of their history did the Lowland Scots display so little courage as
when fighting for Kirk and Covenant.
It likoways is proper to mention, that an old Highlander, in describing the engage
ment to Burt, (rufehis Letters from the Highlands, vol. ii. p. 226,) says that there was an
English regiment which the Highlanders did not care to attack ; — the object of the shrewd
old Celt was obviously to underrate the prowess of his countrymen, to render Govern
ment less anxious about their conduct.
But the truth is, nothing more thoroughly demonstrates the utter consternation into
which both officers and men were thrown, than the fact that such a circumstance should
have been reckoned any thing more than a bare and imperfect performance of their duty.
Lord Balcarras is much nearer the truth when he says, that had they chosen they might
have fallen on the flank of the Highlanders and defeated them. No one can read Gene
ral Mackay's description of their retreat without seeing that they were quite as unfit to
resist an attack as their slaughtered brethren, (vide p. 58.)
Whether this defeat was owing to an unreasonable and unmeaning panic, as is gene
rally alleged, or, as has been occasionally hinted, to the men finding their weapons utterly
unfit to encounter the Highlanders in close combat, is a question of no practical import-
Mice since the universal disuse of the sword and target in regular armies. But whether
modern troops would have fared better may be judged of from the fact, that these cowardly
and ill disciplined men (as they are usually called) killed more of their adversaries by
three vollies than was ever done by a similar number during the whole of the last war.
As to fixing the bayonet, the old bayonet, when fixed, was a much better weapon than the
modern, (if there be any correctness in the laws of mechanical action,) and the High
landers, after receiving tlie last fire of their opponents, gave their own fire, threw down
their musquets, drew their swords and daggers, and adjusted their targets. If the regular
forces could not fix their bayonets in that time, what is the use of attempting to train men
at all ? It is also much to be questioned if any of those columns, which in modern engage
ments are represented as being driven back so shattered and discomfited by the fire of their
opponents, as to be physically unable to close, ever lost, like the Camerons, one half of
their number.
The present Memoirs amply prove that the Highlanders themselves attributed their
success solely to the superiority of their arms and mode of fighting.
NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 3(59
At the battle of the Boyne the victors mustered 36,000 men, and lost about 500. The
vanquished amounted to 33,000 men, and lost about 800, in all 69,000 combatants and
1300 killed. ( Vide Dublin University Magazine, April 1842, p. 486.)
At Killiecrankie the Highlanders amounted to little more than 1800 men, their loss
was 600 ; the Royal forces to about 3500, their loss 1800. The whole number of com
batants being thus 5300, and the total loss 2400. That is, at the Boyne about one man
in fifty fell ; at Killiecrankie nearly every second man perished. Yet the carnage of
the Boyne and the skirmish of Killiecrankie are expressions frequently employed by his
torians.
Donald M 'Bane's account of the latter engagement may not be unacceptable to some
readers. It is as follows : —
" At length our enemy made their appearance on the top of a hill. We then gave a
shout, daring them, as it were, to advance, which they quickly did to our great loss.
When they advanced we played our cannon for an hour upon them ; the sun going down
caused the Highlandmen to advance on us like madmen, without shoe or stoking, cover
ing themselves from our fire with their targes ; at last they cast away their musquets,
drew their broadswords, and advanced furiously upon us, and were in the middle of us
before we could fire three shots a piece, broke us, and obliged us to retreat. Some fled
to the water, and some another way, (we were for most part new men ;) I fled to the
baggage, and took a horse in order to ride the water ; there follows me a Highlandman
with sword and targe, in order to take the horse and kill myself. You'd laught to see how
he and I scampered about. I kept always the horse betwixt him and me ; at length he
drew his pistol, and I fled ; he fired after me. I went above the Pass, where I met with
another water very deep ; it was about 18 foot over betwixt two rocks. I resolved to jump
it, so I laid down my gun and hat and jumped, and lost one of my shoes in the jump.
Many of our men was lost in that water and at the Pass."
Donald, who continued in the army, served in Flanders during the whole of the Duke
of Marlborough's wars, and his adventures form the most naive and interesting autobio
graphy of a private soldier that has yet been published, and certainly prove that the
British army in those days was in a state of frightful moral degradation. Donald turned
a most skilful swordsman, and his love for duels became so great, that he frequently fought
four or five in a day.
He wound up his career by defeating, (when at the advanced age of 67,) in single com
bat, a young Irishman, who was then the champion swordsman of Great Britain. After
this, Donald coolly remarks that he will fight no more, but repent of his former
wickedness.
The details of this singular rencontre were recovered by the indefatigable Mr Cham
bers, and appeared in an early number of the Journal, and are here repeated.
" At the time Bane engaged the prize-fighter, alluded to in the last page of his life, it
was usual for persons of that description, when expert in the art, to go from place to place
bidding defiance to all opponents, and after remaining a certain time, if no one entered the
3A
370 VTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS.
lists against them, either to extort a sum from the place, or compel the inhabitants of
it to raise among them what the adventurer would accept as the price of his leaving
them. O'Brian, the person alluded to, was then the most renowned champion of his pro
fession, had beat all those at the Bear-Garden and elsewhere, wherever he appeared, and
was dreaded bv every one. Ho had then reached Edinburgh in the course of his gladia-
1 .-in-uit, and been in it for some weeks. The then Duke of Hamilton, jealous of
the honour of his country, as no one appeared as its champion, had sent for Bane, with
a view of learning from him if any one could bo got to take up the then formidable bra
vado, and happened, when Bane arrived at Holyroodhouse, to have with him the Field-
Marbhall, Johu Duko of Argyle, the latter of whom, as an old brother soldier, took upon
him to introduce the matter by shortly telling him how things stood, and adding, that
unless O'Brian was matched soon, as that day was the last of those in which he had
paraded the streets of Edinburgh, bidding defiance to its inhabitants, and to all Scotland,
at any weapon whatever, he would leave the city in all probability in another week or so,
but not until he had obtained a purse of money, as usual at other places, by way of reward
for his stay, and for not affording him any opponent to try his skill. Has ho a drum ?
said Bane. Yes, said the Duke, and a devilish clever strong fellow he is. You may make
yourself easy as to that, says Bane, for I have broken his drum already, which was liter
ally the case, for meeting him ut the foot of the West Bow, and hearing to an end his
bravado speech and intimation of defiance, Bane could no longer command his usual
spirit, but forgetting his years and the consequences, he drove his foot through the bot
tom, and at same time his fist through the drum-head, which of course produced a
challenge and acceptance from Bane and O'Brian, to fight it at that day week, which ac
cordingly took place, as stated in the last page of his life. The stage was erected in St
Ann's Yards, at the back of the then Palace Bowling-Green, and at the end of conflict,
was nearly covered with gold and silver, thrown on it by the spectators, to reward Bane
for his courageous conduct in overcoming at the small sword, broad sword, back sword,
fauchion, &c. Bane, it is said, was advised by the Duke, as his adversary was most
formidable, to keep himself for a few days sober, by way of preparing him to meet his an
tagonist with the best prospect of success. This advice it is said he followed, by keep
ing himself intoxicated, at the expense of a sum of money bestowed upon him by way of
earnest by their Graces, till the very morning in which he had to meet his hitherto unvan-
quished opponent. His dissipation, however, had no other effect than to render him on
that occasion more steady and attentive, and the spectators, who were numerous of all
classes, and many of whom had witnessed similar conflicts in various parts of the world,
all declared that Bane's exertions, considering his years, outdid every thing that was
looked for from such a veteran, when opposed to such a hitherto unvanquished conqueror,
and a man of the agility, strength, and years of his antagonist, in a trial of skill that
lasted for several hours."
The pencils of our national painters have been employed upon less characteristic sub
ject*, than in depicting the athletic form of the hoary and enraged veteran demolishing
NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 371
the drum, and the astonishment of the Irishman and his assistant at seeing themselves
thus bearded.
It is true their loss did not exceed thirty men, &c. — p. 283.
General Mackay states the loss of the Highlanders at 120 killed, and 30 prisoners.
( Vide p. 64.)
Many of the Highlanders were wounded, but not above 18 or 20 killed p. 287.
The details of this action have been very differently given, but the text seems as well
authenticated as any other statement. Mackay agrees with the author in the number of
the Highlanders killed, but accuses them of bad behaviour. ( Vide p. 70.)
An account published from a contemporary MS., in an early number of Blackwood's
Magazine, admits the great determination of the Highlanders, and states their loss at
300 or 400 men. This account also mentions the foolish anecdote about the High
landers declining to engage with fiends, which has been so often repeated, but says that
it was picked up merely as a report, by some prisoners who had escaped from the High
land army, and who, in all probability, did not understand Gaelic.
In fact, although the Cameronians certainly performed their duty well and steadily, yet
nothing but the extreme dread which the Highland claymore inspired all those who
came near it, could ever have magnified the defence of Dunkeld into the brilliant affair
it is usually reckoned. Those who dilate upon the great gallantry of the Cameronians
have omitted to take any notice of what Mackay states on p. 69, viz., " The enemy had
not such prejudice at any of the forces as at this regiment whom they call the Camero-
nian Regiment, whose oppression against all such as were not of their own sentiment made
them generally hated and feared in the Northern countries."
And Locheill, whose age, wisdom, and experience — p. 291.
Locheill is represented by Mackay as one of " the wisest of them whose cunning en
gaged others." ( Vide p. 18.) The present speech is shortly stated by Lord Balcarras,
but is not in every respect marked by Locheil's usual sagacity. No one ever doubted
the extent and magnificence of King James' promises ; it was his performance of them
(should he ever have possessed the capacity) which formed the true difficulty.
|7| NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS.
He either too*, or politically appeared to be — p. 297.
None of Mark ay's letters hitherto published bear any reference to the subject here
allmli'd to; but it may bo remarked, that ho considered that there existed no essential
difference between Presbyterianism and Episcopacy, and regretted that the cause of
Protestantism should suffer from such unmeaning dissensions. ( Vide p. 288 and 292.)
It is however possible, that being, from his long residence abroad, but little acquainted
with the feelings of the Highlanders on these subjects, he may have mistaken Catholics
and Episcopalians for violent Presbyterians, and addressed them in a style more in ac
cordance with their supposed prejudices than his real sentiments.
He tea* tn such a consternation, <L'c. — p. 298.
Mackay 's behaviour after his defeat has generally been considered extremely cool and
self-possessed ; but even by his own account, he never halted till he reached the Laird of
Weem's house.
In tlie first of these letters — p. 316.
All these letters have been already printed. The present narrative of the Massacre
of Glencoe, which is very minute, certainly confirms the assertion, (which has been some
times made,) that it was the intention of Government to extirpate the Highlanders,
by the same fiendish combination of treachery and cruelty.
Nothing can be more erroneous than any attempt to justify this atrocious massacre,
by comparing it to the letters of fire and sword, which were so common in the preceding
reigns.
These letters, though often issued, were seldom executed, and when they were put in
force, loss of life was scarcely known. The forces appointed to execute them approached
the country at a proper season and in a hostile manner, so that the inhabitants had time
to make their escape, and carry off their cattle and valuable goods. The burning of their
wretched hovels was scarcely reckoned an inconvenience, and the destruction of their
scanty crops a much milder punishment than had they been forced to raise a sum of money.
Not to mention that Glencoe, having complied with the terms, was entitled to the benefit
of the indemnity.
The simple fact that men accustomed to the system of letters of fire and sword viewed
the Massacre of Glencoe with horror and detestation, ought to convince the most scepti
cal that there existed an essential difference between them.
NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 373
It appears from the account given of the unfortunate Glencoe's death, that Highland
Gentlemen then wore the Lowland costume.
He often sent him complements, &c. — p. 332.
This sentence is only to be found in the Cartsburn MS. ;it is deleted, but still legible.
Donald on the other side — p. 334.
From the description of this singular dispute, it appears that to enable the combatants
to meet on equal terms, the Highlander had laid aside his target, thereby depriving his
mode of fighting of half its emciency — a virtual acknowledgment that against sword
and target the sword alone has no chance.
*„* The Editor regrets that upon p. 28 of the Introduction he has inadvertently styled Allan Came
ron Locheil's second son, while it appears from p. 203 of the text that he was his third, but of the second,
who it is believed was named Donald, no particulars have been learned.
CONTENTS.
No. I. — Memoir concerning the State of the Highlands in 1716.
No. II. — Extract from a Letter addressed by Drummond of Balhaldy to Mr Edgar,
dated 31st May 1747.
No. III. — Memorandum supposed to have been written by Lord Lauderdale, concerning
the behaviour of Macintosh and Locheill during the great Civil Wars.
No. IV. — Petition by Sir John Grant of Freuchie to the Secret Council, dated 19th
December 1622.
No. V. — Dr Pitcairn's Epitaph on Dundee.
No. VI — Two Letters from Argyll to Gentlemen of his Clan, relative to the Pacification
of the Highlands in 1690.
APPENDIX.
No. I.
MEMOIR REGARDING THE STATE OF THE HIGHLANDS. — 1716.
[This curious Document is written in an old-fashioned hand, and marked on the back, " Copy Eraser's
Scheme for Civilizing Scotland."
It has been attributed, by very competent authority, to the pen of the celebrated Lord Lovat ; and
there are certainly many circumstances which render this conjecture far from improbable. On
the other hand, the whole tenor of Lord Lovat 's life was so decidedly opposed to the maxims en
forced in the present Memorial, that to consider him the authorVould be to suppose him endowed
with an almost incredible degree of duplicity.
During his last moments, he was much more annoyed by the passing of the act abolishing heritable
jurisdictions than by the ruin of the Stuart Family ; and nothing seemed to give him so great con-
solation as the idea that he was one of the greatest Chiefs in the Highlands. His conduct to his
vassals, within a few years after the date of the present Memoir, may be judged of by the follow
ing extract from Burt's Letters : —
" This Chief does not think the present abject disposition of his Clan towards him to be sufficient;
but entertains that tyrannical and detestable maxim, that to render them poor will double the tye
of their obedience ; and, accordingly, he makes use of all oppressive means to that end. To pre
vent any diminution of the number of those who do not offend him, he dissuades from their pur
pose all such as show an inclination to traffick, or to put their children out to trades, as know
ing they would, by such an alienation, shake off at least good part of their slavish attachment to
him and his family. This he does (when downright authority fails) by telling them how their an
cestors chose to live sparingly, and be accounted a martial people, rather than submit themselves
to low and mercenary employments, like the Lowlanders, whom their forfathers always despised
for the want of that warlike temper which they (his vassals) still retained." — ( Vide Burt's Let
ters, vol. i. p. 57.)]
IT being the present thoughts of them at the helm of affairs, how to reduce the Scots
Highlanders, who have been the principall instrument of the late unaturall rebellion,
3s
378 APPENDIX.
from their ignorant, barbarous, and warlik disposition, to a state of knowledge, industry,
and obedience, I think myself bound in duty, as a sincere weoll-wisher to the established
Government, and the regard I have for my native country, to accquaint and inform them
of the true and reall causes of the misery of these wretched people, the reasons of their
being made the instruments of all rebellion, and what infallible remedies may be pre
sently applyed, which will tend to their own benefit, the improvement of their country,
and the perpetual peace and tranquillity of the whole Iseland.
In the Highlands there are a great many Lords and Chiftains, who have lands feued
out by ron tract and charters to their vassalls, in which redendos the vassall is bound (besides
a feu-duty of money) to give his superior personall service, with all the feiiceablemen of the
land under armcs, at all hostings and huntings, and to attend him upon all his honour
able occasions, with a great many other obligations and hardships, only fitted to these
barbarous times, and too long here to be narrated.
Here are so many heretable collonells, and yea severalls of them brigadeers, who
have their brigads, their whole officers and souldiers listed by contract, not only to
themselves but their heirs, can bring them together at their pleasure, and commonly are
served and followed by them in all mischievous expeditions, without their asking any
questions.
It must be acknowledged, indeed, that these hostings, huntings, and being bred to the
use of armes, were long necessary before the Union of the Crouns ; since the Scots were
never capable to maintain regullar forces sufficient to defend them from so powerfull a
nation as the English, who were frequently in war with them. But since this cause is
happily removed, and that there is a regullar army now mantained, at the charge of the
whole Iseland, I do not see the reason why any of the remains of these (now destructive)
barbarities should longer subsist, or power left in the hands of any subject ever to re
vive them. But I return from this digression, and proceeds.
Ane other handle these great ones have for oppressing their vassalls and kinsmen, and
thereby forcing them into their measures, is, that severall have great jurisdictions, where
their own and their whole vassalls' lands are erected in regallities, stewartries, and bail-
liaries, where the Lords and Gentlemen install what judges they think proper, and these
fittest for their purpose.
In these barbarous, countries, where there are few people of education, or any that
has the least knowledge of law, except their patron's direction and pleasure, the judges
are commonly ignorant and partial! ; they have neither councill nor acturnies, or the least
form or order in their courts. Nothing there to be seen but parties with their armed
friends and relations at their backs, of purpose that the judge may regaird them, and pro
portion his justice to their capacity, in either serving his Worship or my Lord ; but when
the plea chances to be betwixt this great man and any of his vassalls, or their tenants,
jnrtice is then enteerly laid aside, there being a long list of contumacies, fines, inact-
APPENDIX. 379
merits, breach of lawborrows, &c. always treasured up against the day that my Lord or
Chiftain has some notable piece of service to be done, which, when proposed, the poor
gentleman thinks himself straitned, either out of duty to some neighbour concerned, or
out of conscience, not being convinced of the lawfullness of the thing, immediately the
Bailly and Forrester (that Court of Inquisitors) are called, the former with the extracts
of their court books, and the latter with a bundell of bonds, that from time to time the
poor man was obliged to give for his beasts straying into the forrest, which charge alto
gether commonly amounts to more than the value of his escheat, so that by the male
administration in these judicatories, these miserable and much to be lamented persons
are either necessitat to give obedience to their superiors, (though never so unjust com
mands,) or that moment their cattell and domicellare poinded and distressed, and them
selves, wives, and children, left in a desolate and starving condition.
A third great handle these superiors have for oppressing their vassalls and kinsmen,
and thereby forceing them into their measures, and of worse consequence for disturb
ing the publick peace, than any of the former, is their forrests. When any of these
great men has any designe, either against the government or his neighbours, immedi-
atly he appoints a great deer-hunting, where, besides his own vassalls and their tennants,
who are bound to be present, he invites a great many people of all ranks in the neigh
bourhood fittest for his purpose, and whom he thinks to hook into his measures, which
invitation imports their bringing all their fenceable men under armes, where there is a
great emulation betwixt every clan and familly, he being esteemed the hero of the hunt
ing and the great man's favourite, who appears most formidable and gay in his number,
armes, and apparell. Thus these huntings are the pretext, when treason is may be the
purpose, and where they have the opportunity not only to lay the plot and contrivance,
but also to view and see the materialls fitt for putting the same in execution.
If any of these neighbouring clans or famillies should chance to be so busied in time
of harvest, or about any other affairs, so as that he cannot gratify this great man in giv
ing obedience to his invitation, immediatly the Lord or Chiftain 's forrester is called for to
range his whole bounds and forrest, that he may get hold of some of the recusants'
cattell, (it being impossible to hinder promiscuous feeding in these barren mountains,)
which are immediatly taken and made escheat of, so that the poor gentleman is obliged
to address himself to the Lord or Chiftain, and is frequently obliged to attend severall
days before he obtain the favour of ane audience, and at last is forced to ransom them
with a sum of money, besides his faithfull promises of future service and obedience, so
that the forrest serves all turns, is one of the certain reasons why all ranks of people in
the Highlands keep up the use of armes, and is one of the greatest occasions of inslave-
ing the inferior people ; and all this to gratify the ambition and vainglory of a few great
men, who are hereby capacitate, at their pleasure, to disturb the peace of the Common
wealth.
All these horrible oppressions of the great ones by their superiorities, jurisdictions.
APPENDIX.
and forrerta, keep not only the common[s,] but the whole body of the gentry, inextream
want and poverty, which makes them desperat, and is the grand reason why they are so
apt and ready upon all occasions to be fond of rebellions or any insurrections, whereby
they hare a fair chance to better their fortunes, whereas no disaster that can befall them
will much wow their condition. Meantime, these great men themselves swell from the
degree of subjects to be petty princes ; they must be hired to do their duty, and their
haughtienes and clame to their Prince's favour is allwayes proportioned to their capacity
of giving disturbance to the Government.
It has been certainly a great oversight in former reigns, where many, if not all these
great famillies, at some time or other, have been forfeited for rebellion, that their estates
and dependencies were not annexed to yo Crown, rather than given (as was allwayes
the custome) to gratiofy the ambition of their then prevailing neighbours, which made
the cure much worse than the diseases, as grace goes not by generation, neither does
loyalty, so that one king's bounty to a loyall subject has frequently been found to be a
mortall weapon in the hand of his rebellious son.
I shall not presume (since I believe it needless) to give caveat at this juncture to so
wise and sharp-sighted a ministry from splitting on the foresaid rock. There will not be
want of aboundance of people in the Highlands, that upon the old score will at present
plead merit, and endeavour to agrandizo their famillies upon their neighbour's ruin ; this
is but grafting and propagating a new imp of rebellion, where the old rotten branch
was cutt off, in preferring a privat person's interest to the publick good, and will be
wholly inconsistant with the following (and I may say infallible) propositions.
There is yet ane other most hellish pollicy made use of by these great Lords and Chif-
tains for keeping the whole commons, and vast numbers of the meaner gentry, allwayes
in their primative state of ignorance and barbarity ; and that is their discouraging schoolls
and learning in their countries, as also the gentlemen from breeding any of their sons to
trades, they being perfectly convinced that the former of these might instill in them
some of the principalls of Christianity, which would be ane utter destruction to all their
schemes and purposes, and the latter would let them see so much of the world, that they
could never again think of subjecting themselves to so unsupportable a yoak.
These people being keept industriously thus ignorant, their whole conversation runs
upon martiall achievements, deer huntings, and even valuing themselves upon their wicked
expeditions and incursions on their innocent Low Country neighbours. They have all got
a notion and inviollable maxim handed down to them from their forefathers, that they
being the only ancient Scotsmen, that whole nation belongs to them in property, and
look on all the Low Countrymen as a mixture of Danes, Saxons, Normans, and English,
who have by violence robed them of the best part of their country, while they them
selves are pened up in the most mountaineous and barren parts thereof to starve, there
fore think it no injustice to committ dayly depredations on them, makeing thereby con-
•cience to interrupt their illegal possession, (as they call it,) in case it should prescribe
APPENDIX.
into a right. There are severall Lords and Chiftains (to my knowledge) who wink and
connive at this Anti- Christian principall and practice, since they know it does not a
little contribute to keep up the warlike disposition of their followers. The reason why
I narrate this foolish (though reall) story is, because thereby the Government may be
informed of the genius and inclination of these people, as weell as the efficient causes
thereof, that they may be the more capable to apply fitt remedies, to eradicate every
simptom of so mortall a gangerine in the Commonwealth.
The cause of my knowledge that the foresaids are all matter of fact, and the true rea-
sone of all the disorders in these countries. I was born and bred in the Highlands, and
have lived there the most of my time. I have with much regrate been eye witness to
repeated instances of the most of all the above narated grivances, has travelled through
most of the high countries and iselands, and finds the same maxims for tyranny and
power in the great ones, ignorance, irreligion, and poverty amongst the inferior ranks,
generally to prevaill through the whole.
It is humbly proposed, that the whole superiorities in the Highlands and northern
counties of Scotland (which is the source of all the maladies) be enteerly taken away,
and all persons to hold immediatly of the Crown.
That these superiors who have continued firm in their duty to the Government may
have a pecuniall mulct, equivalent to the value of his feu-duties and other emoluments,
to be paid to him, either by the Government (the vassall paying the usual redendos
yearly to the Exchequer) or by the vassalls, and they freed of the said yearly payments,
whichever of these the wisdom of the nation thinks fittest.
That the Crown may come in place of the forfeited superiors, and that their vassalls
may pay the usuall feu-duties and other emoluments yearly to the Exchequer.
It is also proposed, that the whole heritable jurisdictions in the Highlands, such as
regallities, stewartries, &c., be taken away, equivalents being given to those that have
continued in duty as said is, that hereafter all the leidges without distinction, both in
criminal! and civill actions, be judged by the Lords of Session, Lords of Justiciary,
Sheriffs and Justices of the Peace.
It is further proposed as to the forrests, that all the forrest deer in the nation shall be
destroyed and extirpat, it being most evident that so long as there is any alive in those
places, there will be allways huntings and convocations, with all their bad consequences,
and the samen will still be a handle, and give great atitude to the great persons, (who
are keepers thereof,) not only to oppress the whole neighbourhood as is above narrated,
but will allwayes force and oblige them into their measures ; this matter will be the more
easie performed, that there is no emolument due by the King to these forresters, since
they are only but heretable keepers, the propriety of the deer still remaining in the
Crown ; but granting there were some consideration due them, it is in his Majestie's and
the parliament's power to dispone to those who have continued firm in their duty to
the Government the heritage of the ground, (formerly their forrest,) to be improven and
3S2 APPENDIX.
disposed off as they haro a mind. A« for the other forrests, which the keepers by the
late rebellion hare forfeited, the Government can sell and dispose of them by apretiation
in different parcells to all the adjacent heritors, according to their contiguity, or other
wajes. as they think fitt. It is true these forrests were usefull for the diversion of the
Scottish Kings before the Union of the Crowns, when their perpetuall residence was in
that nation ; but now since our Kings does and will allwayes reside in England, I know
no manner of use for them ; neither do I think it consists with the peace or safety of the
iseland, that there should be the least vestagos left of any thing that does so much pro-
pagate the old Scottish barbarity and oppression.
Hereby all in these parts will be equally frco-born subjects, and no man will depend
one aneother, neither does it occur, how it can be in the power of any person (these fore-
mentioned causes being removed) to commit any such hardship upon his neighbours, as
to force him into any measures but what his own naturall inclination and duty will in
cline him.
If these people were but once possest of the advantage of freeholding, and that the
hade paved out some money as ane equivalent for their feu-duties and emoluments, it
would not only tend greatly to the improvement of their interests and country, but be a
guaranty against the interest of any Popish Pretender to the eud of the world, (just as
that of disposing of the church lands to the laity at the Reformation was the only effectual!
means of keeping out Popery,) since these Highlanders most certainly concludes that, upon
any such unhappy revolution, as a Popish Pretender his comeing to the throne, that all
the maxims of this Government would be overturned, the forfeited great ones restored,
with greater immunities and privileges than ever, and, consequently, see themselves
stript of their independancy and freedome, and re-installed in their primative state of
slavery and misery. I am so much convinced, as said is, that this will be so effectuall
a guaranty, that, on the other hand, (though anned and in a power,) they would fight
to the last drop of their blood for their liberty, and for the established Government that
protected them in it.
It is likewayes proposed, that the whole Highlands and north country of Scotland be im
mediately disarmed, and that there be ane act of Parliament made, that no man in these
countries ever hereafter shall carry or make use of any, under such pains as the wisdome
of the Government shall think proper, with ane exception of a small walking sword, and
foulling-pieces togentelmen of estates. That there be so many of the Justices of the Peace
or others in every county appointed to see this law put in execution, with strict directions
(the disarming being once over) that the transgressors be punished without any mercy.
This will be the finishing stroak to put ane end to all rebellions, oppressions, chieftan-
cies, depredations, huntings, dependancies, family feuds, and every disturbance what-
somever, and the vast time formerly spent in these useless and vitious employments, all
clear gained for to be used in industry, policy, and the improvement of the country.
There is one thing yet to be proposed, which is absolutely necessary for compleating
APPENDIX.
this great and worthy designe, which is, that the Government should give encourage
ment for setleiug schoolls and seminaries of learning in that (hitherto so much neglect
ed) part of the world.
The Scots Society for Propagating Christian Knowledge have laid a noble founda
tion, and have already made provision for severall schoolmasters, but the extream po
verty of these countries makes it necessary there be a fund appointed for maintaining
poor children, before that charitable and Christian design can be brought to any perfec
tion.
This Memoir might have been mad full and correct, if there had been more time to
goe about it, being only the product of the spare hours of two or three days. In case
there be objections made 'gainst all or any of the propositions, the author is willing to
confer with any person upon the subject, and expects to give him full satisfaction, or if
there be any proposall by the Government for that design, not contained in this paper,
he shall give his sincere thoughts of the feasibility, and make what remarks and improve
ments thereon lies in his power ; but the author is not to be detected or known.
No. II.
EXTRACT OF A LETTER — MR DRUMMOND OF BOCHALDY TO MR EDGAR.
Paris, 31st May 1747.
Our good friend Lord Lovat is indeed no more ! His Majesty has lost in him ane able
and zealous asserter of his just rights, one of the best heads and hearts that was in his
dominions ; his country has lost one of the greatest and best patriots it had at any time,
and his relations and intimate acquaintances a most faithful friend in all their necessities
and wants. There have been many exceptions made against his character, which the
necessities of the times, and the particular unhappy situation of his family at his setting
out into the world, can only account for. But to consider his whole life in gross, we
must allow him to have been one of the ablest men, of the soundest head, firmest mind,
and best heart, that our country has at any time produced ; one who never lost the point
he had in view, whose surprizing presence of mind, in all events, gave occasion to his
seizing opportunities of succeeding in things by the ablest thought impracticable, and
quite out of the sight of the common rate of mankind. His equality and rather cheer
fulness than dejection of mind in the last days of life, and the easy civil behaviour with
resignation, with which he became a sacrifice to his duty and the royal cause, have re
conciled the world to him. Every mortal is now satisfied that his sentiments were
always the same, equally just and honourable, and that the innumerable difficulties he
;.j APPENDIX.
had to conquer in the settlement of his clan and private family, made it necessary to
corer them, bv means that often rendered his character equivocal in the eyes of the world.
We liare now only in lieu of him his son, a youth of sense, spirit, and application, bred
up in right sentiments, which I am hopeful will not be perverted by the trials he under-
Met, or the designing artful wickedness that now surrounds him. If he could be re
covered out of their hands, I am certain it is firmly inculcated by his father that he
trust, and be absolutely directed in every thing by your friend Walker.*
As for the infamous Secretary,! you mention he is so low and now so publick a traitor,
that he cannot but appear to have been a disgraceful instrument in the hands of CredonJ
and Trebby,§ the first so blinded with the furious ambition of governing his young master
and his affairs, that he appears to have choose to see our unhappy young Prince perish,
and all nature with him, rather than that the world should doubt of the ascendant he
had over his mind, at the same time that he wished, I believe, seriously a restoration ;
but such a one as would have laid the foundation of endless miseries to our unhappy
i.-laii'l. The second, who now succeeds by the influence the first had, is a monster of a
quite different turn ; trick, falsehood, deceit, and imposition, joined to these qualities
that make up a thorough sycophant, such as fawning on every one he knows, particularly
those he hates most, and never contradicting or opposing any man's opinion, are the
rules of his policy ; but so silly and dreaming, that in his desire of entertaining or
pleasing either himself or those he happens to be with, however hated by him, he drops
imperfect insinuations, from which, in a few days, you gather all he has in his heart ;
and such a fool, that in companys where he thinks himself safe of his country people, he
insinuates that it is not their interest there be any restoration while the King lives,
which he says cannot be long, and thus introduces the Prince's health. One of these
entertainments he dayly frequently happened to be later at noon than ordinary at my
Lady Redmond's house, which occasioned the Lady Kenmare visiting there, and her
being introduced to the company, before dinner was over ; she soon after was surprized
and shocked to hear them begin the Prince's health after dinner without mentioning
the King. Her Ladyship could not bear it, and said it was new to her to see people
forget the respect due to the King. Kelly immediately answered, Madam, you are old-
fashioned ; these fashions are out of date. She said that she really was old-fashioned,
and hoped God would preserve her always sense and duty enough to continue so ; on
which she took a glass, and said, God save and preserve our King, and grant him long
life and a happy reign over us.
Murray's evidence is now become less to be dreaded than at first ; the many lies he
has mixed with some truths are so glaring, that even Hanoverian English begin to blush
to lay great stress on what he says. This renders our apprehensions less on a certain
subject I wrote to you of.
* Drummond here means himself. | Murray. J Sir Thomas Sheridan. § Kelly.
APPENDIX. 385
Lord George Murray is not yet arrived here. I am hopeful we will find in him, when
he does arrive, some thing equal to the character men of best sense and greatest spirit
were in the Prince's army give of him.
No. III.
THE TRUE INFORMATION OF THE RESPECTIVE DEPORTMENTS OF THE LAIRDS OF
MAKINTOSHE AND OF EVAN CAMERON OF LOCHZEILD, IN REFERENCE TO THE
LATE UNNATURAL WARRS.
1. First, As to Mackintoshe his deportment in time of the intestine warrs, (although
hee was unable for the feilds by reason of his bodily infirmity, yet) hee assisted the
King's cause, by his kinsmen and followers, according to his power, for three hundred
or thereabouts of the specialliste of his kinsmen, vassalls, and tennants, were constantly
with Montrose in most of his expeditions, and were the first family in Scotland that
joyned with him in that service, and stayed constantly with him till hee departed the
kingdome, and in the year 1648 Makintosche (for his loyalty) was intrusted with the
Garrison of Inverlochy.
Item, Evan Cameron of Lochzield, during the time aforesaid, did constantly adhere to
the late Marquis of Argyle, and his tutor, kinsmen, and followers, were so far ingaged
against the King's cause, that they routed the Marquis of Huntly in the braes of Glen-
moristoun in the year 1647, and killed several of the Marquis his followers, and took
certaine of the speciallist of them prisoners ; such as the young Lairds of Newtoun,
Jorden, Hairtehill, and the Lairds of Ennermarky, and divers others who thereafter were
executed in Edinburgh.
2. Secondly, As concerning Makintoshe his sufferings for the King's cause, first, His
lands in Brealochaber were twice burnt, and harryed by the late Marquesse of Argyle
in the years 1639 and 1645, and were rendered useless to him for the space of fifteene
yeares thereafter ; 2dly, His tennants and lands in Badeanoch were totally harryed and
wasted by the name of Fraser in the yeare 1646 for their adhering to Montros ; 3<%,
His lands of Glenlug and Locharkag have been violently kept from him from the very
begining of the troubles by the Clan Cameron, by means of them then in authority on
whom they depended.
Item, Evan Cameron of Lochzield, for his adhering to the Covenanters against the
King, was rewarded with the guift of the now Lord Mackdonald's forfaulture, and next
was countenanced in the violent possessing of Makintoch his lands and rents in Lochaber
as aforesaid.
3c
APPENDIX.
3. Thirdly, A* concerning Makintosche his deportment and sufferings in time of the
usurpacon,>r*<, He refused to take the tender ; 2<% He refused to embrace the office
of a Justice of Peace under the usurpers ; 3<% He refused (being invited upon promise
of repowessing him in his estate in Lochaber) to raise in arms against the King's party
in anno 1655 ; and, 4thly, He never had any comerce or communication with the Eng
lish, and for that cause was constantly crossed by the English in all his lawsuits.
Item, Lochzeild (after he had closed his capitulation with the usurpers) entered into
BO strict a league and friendship with them, that for his cause they divided Lochaber and
the places adjacent, from the Shires of Interness and Pertth, and made the said Loch-
zield both Sheriffe, Comissarie, Commissioner, and Justice of Peace of these places,
who thereby not only enriched himself, but also did the usurpers several good offices, by
helping to reduce the Highlanders under their obeidience ; 2dly, He was assisted in all
his lawsuits against Makintosche by the usurpers. So as Makintosche and his whole kin
aud friends were forced to deliver their arms to the Garrison of Inerness, but Loch-
zield and the whole name of Clangameron were tolerated to bear arms in any part within
the kingdome, except only within the garrisons.
It ia confest that Lochzield's friends killed some English at yre first coming to Loch-
abor to plant a garrison there, but that was not done out of any loyalty, but merely to
terrify the English from planting a garrison in that place, to the effect they might have
the greater freedom to rob and spoile the country according to the accustomed manner.
No. IV.
PETITION BY SIB JOHN GRANT OF FREUQUHY TO THE SECRET COUNCIL.
A. D. 1622. December 19.
My Lords of Secret Counsell, unto your Lordships humelie menis and shewis, I your
servitor, Sir Johnne Grant of Freuquhy, That quhair in the lait commissoun grantit
be your Lordships to umquhille Sir Lauchlane M'Intosche of Dunnaughtane, and some
otheres noblemen and barones mentionat thairintill, aganes AllaneM'Ceanduye, thespe-
cile concurrence that was allowit thaim, was the said Sir Lauchlane his awne kin of
the Clanchattane, becaus thay haveing the cheif interesse in that mater, your Lordships
wyslie thoght that thay wald be most earnest in the prosequistioun of the service. (Lyke
as the said service cheiflie depends upon the concurrence.) And now, as I am informed,
the Lord Gordoun, in the prosequistioun of the service commitit to him aganes the
Earle of Caithnes, is to crave the concurrence of his removable tennants, of whome the
APPENDIX. 387
Clanchattane are the principal!, (and he intends to begin his service about that same
very tyme that I intend to go fordwart aganis Allane,) and if he sal haif the concurrence
of his tennentes of the Clanchattane, who dur not sitt his charge yf ho be armed with
auctoritie aganes thame, the executioun of my commissioun will prove voyd, because the
Clanchattane are the specile personis upon whose assistance I rely, seeing the actioun
is in a maner thair awne, quhairunto I am onlie accessorie in favour of my young sister
sone, thair Cheif ; thairfor I beseche your Lordschips that the concurrence of the Clan
chattane be specilie reserved out of the Lord Gordoun's commissioun, and that I may
haif eikit to my commissioun, the concurrence of the whole inhabitants within the bounds
of Moydar, Glengarrie, Morrar, Strathgarrik, Atholl, Rannoch, and Balquhidder,* be
cause these are the boundis most ewest and neir to Lochquhabor, quhair Allane dwellis.
And that ane act of Councill be extendit to that effect, and your Lordships' answer.
(On the back of the foregoing petition,)
Apud Edinburgh, decimo nono December 1622, fiat ut petitur.
GEO. CANCELL.
No. V.
EPITAPH ON DUNDEE BY DR PITCAIRN.
Ultime Scotorum potuit quo sospite solo
Libertas patriae salva fuisse tuae
Te moriente novos accepit Scotia cives
Accepitque novos te moriente Decs.
Ilia tibe superesse negat, tu non potes illi
Ergo Caledoniae nomen inane vale
Tuque Vale Gentis priscae fortissimo Ductor
Ultime Scotorum, atque ultimo Grame vale.
No. VI.
TWO LETTERS FROM ARGYLE RELATIVE TO THE SETTLEMENT OP THE WEST
HIGHLANDS IN 1690.
The two following letters, which were found among the papers belonging to the family
of Campbell of Kilberry, are connected with the account given of the expedition under
Major Fergusson, and the capture of Isleandstalker.
* " And Balquhidder" is deleted, but still legible.
388 APPENDIX.
No. I.
For
Anffut Campbell of Kilberry, Donald MacNeiU of Crear, Duncan Campbell of
Coulgaltro.
LovBiifO COCSIJJE, Edinburgh, February 1690.
We have desyred Ardkinlass, our Sheriff- Deputt, a while agoe to call a meitt-
ing of the gentlemen of the country for setling some number of men upon the braies, for
securing themselves against robberies and depredations, and att the same tyme we wrott
to them for that effect. Wee hope ye have found the good effect of raising these men,
which was ordered to guard the country, and wee desyre ye faill not to concur to see them
weill payed of what was promised them then for their service.
Wee have desyred Ardkinlass againe to call a meetting of you all to meitt at Inveraray,
at «uch tyme as he shall appoint, that ye may consider what is proper for you now to do
for securing the peace of the country. It will be our advantage and yours how effectuall
and speedilye ye look to this. Wee are sensible of the great trouble and expense ye are
all at for the security of the country. Wee miss noe occasion to represent this to the
Government, and shall endeavour all wee can to get you eased, and to save you from as
much ezpence and trouble as possible. Wee hope to see you all shortly, and in the
meantvme wee desyre you over again not to fail to concur heartily for securing the peace
of the country ; and in soe doeing you will oblidge
Your loveing C using,
<
ARGYLL.
Inverary, 20th February 1690.
Conform to the within written letter, I desyre ye may be at Inverary the last day of
this moneth precisely, to meet with the rest of the gentlemen of the shyre, where ye shall
be attended by
Your humble Servant,
CAMPBELL OF ARDKINLASS.
APPENDIX. 389
No. II.
For Angus Campbell of Kilberrie.
LOVEING COUSEIN, Edinburgh, ±th June 1690.
Their Majesties' Privy Councill hes [ordered] us to cause raise six hundred men
to goe to Dunstaffnage, to [meet] Major Ferguson there. That this may be the better
effectuatt, wee ordered Sir Colin Campbell of Ardkinlass to goe from this to [meet] you
at Inverary, upon Thursday, the 12th day of this instant, for appoynting these men to
be raised, and for other [things pertaining] to the good of the country, wee entreat you
faill [not to come] there at that tyme, and give your advyse, assistance, and [concur-
rance] in this matter, wee expect that all of you will readily [comply] with the desyre of
the Councill, both for the coun trey's [good and] ours, and wee hope by your active con-
currance in this [to have the] shyre exeemed from their resting public burdens, those
[who] will not concurr, they may expect little favor of this nature, [and a dale of] trouble
for their dissobedience, that at present they may [avoid.] There is four hundred bolls
of victual ordered to be sent for maintaining these six hundred men,
and what else [they will] need, Major Ferguson will see them provided in. [What] farther
wee have to say in this matter, and what directions [are necessary] thereanent, shall be
sent by Ardkinlass. We rest
Your loveing Cousin,
ARGYLL.
I own I have ever found you most readie in what concerned me, I desyre you upon
this occasion [to be very] active, and I have ordered you the command of the partie.
%* The following extract from Gordon's History, printed by the Spalding Club,
ought to have appeared at p. 343, but the third volume, which contains the passage, was
not issued till the whole of the present work, excepting this sheet, had gone to press.
" Therfor this expeditione against thoise Highlanders was prosecuted for advancement
of his privatt designe, either by drawing off such as he could, and macking them for his
interest. Thes wer cheefly the Clan Cameron in Lochaber, who, albeit for the most pairt
Huntly's vassalls or tenents, yet ther had been stryfe betwixt Huntly and them in the
former tymes, which had come the length of bloodshedd and murder upon ther part, after
that they had been reduced and punished by old Huntly ; but their resentment stucke
still in ther stomaches, wherein they were right Highlanders, viz., uncertaine friends
for many generationes. Argylle knew that thoise feared Huntly, but loved him not ;
390 APPENDIX.
therefor he wrought upon ther humours, and bj them first wormd himselfe into thes
place*. And although it be weall known that thes Clan Cameron, for the generality c,
(whatever may be saido of particular persones of that name, ther civilityeor godlinesse,)
are rery fair from relishing the covenant, and were so then, yet some of the most pro
fligate murderers amongst them wer by Argylle his meanes tackne under the protectione
of the Covenantors. And it is very weall knowne that in the yeares following thes Clan
Cameron for the most part joyned themselves openly to Argylle, and persecuted Huntlye
ther maister, who, anno 1647, fledd to Lochaber for shelter." — (Vide Gordon's Scots
Affairs, vol. iii. p. 163.)
INDEX.
INDEX.
A.
ABERCHALDEB, 104.
Abercromby's History, 6, n.
Aberdeen, city of, 15, 16, 35, 36.
ABERNETHY, LORD, David, 4, n.
Lordship of, 33.
ABOYNE, EABL of, 183.
Abrach. See M'Lean.
Abthanes, 5.
Achadelew, wood of, 112; extraordinary exploit of
Locheill and his party of 35, who defeat 300 Eng
lish with a loss of five men, — 138 English slain, 113-
122, 126; recounted at Court, 167, 332, 333.
Achadrome, (Lagan,) 27, n., 31, 47, 56.
Achallader, meeting of the Highland Chiefs with Earl
of Breadalbane, and Articles for surrender to King
William III., 301, 310.
Achnacary, 189.
.•Eneas, or Angus, ancestor of the Camerons, 3.
AIBLY, EARL of, 71, 183.
ALBANY, DUKE of, 10; Robert, Regent, 14; Mur
doch, 16; John, 27.
ALBEMABLE, EABL of, 168, 180. See Monk.
Aldearn, village of, 71.
ALEXANDER III., KING, 14.
Alford, 71.
Allan, Lieutenant-Colonel, put under arrest, 150;
Letter to Locbeill from Gen. Monk as to him, 151.
Amarat, 61.
ANGUS, EABL of, 4, n., 42.
ANNANDALE, MARQUIS of, 76.
APPENDIX TO MEMOIBS, 377.
Appine, Laird of. See Stewart
Ardkinlas, Laird of. See Campbell.
— — House of, 215.
Ardnamurchan, 168, 192, 210, 225, 229, 231.
Ardsheall, singular article as to, 302.
Ardtornish, Castle of, 14.
ABGYLL, EABL of, 27, 31, 33, n., 38 ; routed at Glen-
livat, 41, 42; obtains part of Locheill's estates, 47;
persecutes the Clan Grigor, 48-55, 60, 61, 62, 300;
ordered to march to Stirling, 302; in Mull, 393;
ordered to get Castles of Dowart and Cairuburg de
livered up for King William III., 306; informs the
Secretary that Glencoe had not taken the Oaths,
318; King reconciles him and Sir John M'Lean,
326 ; M'Lean goes to St Germains, 327 ; which in
duced King to ratify charters to Argyll, ib.
— — MARQUIS of, 68, 70, 71, 73 ; takes command of
3D
394
INDEX.
Covenanter*' army, 74; defeated by Montrose at
KiUytl., if, ; in Parl. at St Andrews, 76; witnesses
Fraa. SpottUwood's execution, 80; returns to In-
verary, 84 ; with Lesly proceeds against Macdonald
in Kiniyre, ii. ; bis prisoners, ib. ; authorises Loch-
rill to raise men to serve Charles II., 94, 107 ; ad
vises a Garrison at Inverlochy, &c., 110, 127, 146,
147, 149, 152, 153, 100; beheaded, 167, 191, 192;
gets grant of tithes of Argyleshire, 193; procures
letters of fire and sword against the M'Leans, 196 ;
threatens invasion or Mull, ib. ; invites Locheill to
an interview, 197; who refuses, 198 ; again proceeds
•gainst the M'Leans, 199; takes Castle of Dowart,
meeting with Locheill at DunstafTnage, 201 ; Ar
gyll's trial, 206 ; condemned, 207 ; escapes to Hol
land, I'D. ; forfeiture, 209 ; gift of his forfeiture to
Duke of Gordon, 210 ; returns after death of Charles
II., I'D. ; takes command of Covenanters against
James VII., ib. ; they encamp on Lochfine, 212 ; he
is taken by a weaver at Inchinnan ford, 215; be
headed at Cross of Edinburgh, 216 ; letter to Camp
bell of Kilbcrry, 358, 363 ; two letters as to pacifi
cation of Highlands, 1690, 387-390.
Argyll, Thane of, Somerled, 14.
Arkike. See Loch Arkike.
Anninius, 64.
ARRAN, EARL of, 33, n.
Assassination plot discovered, 338.
Atholl, country of, 159.
EARL of, 4, n. ; Curaing, 33, n., 40, 183.
MARQUIS of, 193; on death of Charles II. is ap
pointed to command forces of James VII., 211 ;
is joined by Locheill at Inverary, t'6. ; made Keeper
of Great Seal, 216, 217; his son pretends to join
Dundee, 255 ; Castle of Blair taken for King James
VII., ib. ; Dundee arrives there, 258 ; the Came
raman Regiment beaten into his house, which they
defend, 286 ; attack of Dunkeld by Gen. Cannon,
I'D. ; he retires, 287, 300, 307.
Atholl-men under Montrose, 75 ; desert Lord Murray,
and join Viscount Dundee, 257; at Killikranky,
270; they reinforce Gen. Cannon cfter Dundee's
death, 283.
Auchenbreck, Laird of. See Campbell.
Auchentouer (Auchinlour)-beg, 27, n., 42.
Auchindoun, Castle of, council of war after Killikranky
by Gen. Cannon, &c., supporters of King James
VII., 284; their discordant opinions, i6. ; Locheill
leaves the army, 285.
B.
BADFNOCH, country of, 8; Braes of, 21, 24, n.,40;
Castle of Rivan, (see Ruthven,) 159, 188, 244.
Bailley, Major-Gen., 70; defeated, 71.
BALCARRAS, EARL of, 225, 229, 231 ; his Memoirs,
235, 245, 271 ; a state prisoner in Edinburgh Castle,
273; sells lands to Locheill, 290, 364, 366.
Ballach, Donald, his raid, 17; his bead sent to King
James I. by Odofrom Ireland, 18.
Balliol, John, 33, n.
Balnant, (Balnane, Ballanit,) 27, n., 47, 56, 59.
Banavii, village, 27.
Bane, Donald, retires to Western Islands, 13.
Banquho, Thane of Lochaber, 3, 4.
Barclay, Sir George, Brigadier, sent by the Chiefs to
St Germain*, 304 ; shews his credentials to King
James VII., 31 1 ; the King's Letter, ib., 312; re
tire* to London, 16.
Barclay of Ury, Robert, the Quaker, 217; his sister
becomes third wife to Locheill, ib., 220 ; manages
Locheill's affairs with great address, 222-228.
Bard, Highland, 155-158.
Barons, or Lords, origin of, 4, n.
Bayonets, use of by Highlanders, 353.
Be nnevis described, 111, 130.
Berwick, 72, 73, 74, 75 ; Cromwell there, 83.
DUKE of, 240, 249; King James VII. promises
to send forces with him, 288.
BINNY, (Binning,) LORD, 59.
Blair, Laird of, 238.
Castle of, 255, 258, 259.
in Atholl, Kirk of, Viscount Dundee buried
there, 282.
Bochart, 64.
Bogue of Geight, 32.
Boot, torture of the, 164.
Borrowing-days, what, 135.
INDEX.
395
BOTHWELL, EARL of, 40.
Bourdeaux, 63.
Bowmen, Highland, 101, 102, 188, 341.
Bows and arrows used by nearly one half of Locheill's
men, 101, 102, 188, 251, 357.
Boyne, Battle of the, forces of James VII. defeated
there, 296 ; mode of Highlanders' fighting there, 369.
BREADALBANE, EARL of, 38, 67, 154, 190, 191, 193,
217; offered L.oOOOto procure cessation of arms in
the Highlands, 289 ; ordered to attend on pleasure
of Privy Council, 300 ; meets the Highland Chiefs,
301 ; Articles agreed on for their surrender to King
William III., ib., 302 ; employed by King, 303;
Chiefs send messengers to James VII. at St Ger-
mains, 304 ; King William III. issues an Indemnity,
ib. ; subsequent proceedings, 305, 307, 309, 312;
in concert with Locheill against Argyll, 360.
Braemar, skirmishing between Locheill and Lilburn's
army, 100-102, 115, 134, 171, 212.
Braes of Badenoch, &c. See Badenoch, &c.
Brayn, (Bryan,) Colonel William, 104, 105, 106;
made Governor of Inverlochy, 110, 122, 130; his
troops cut up by Locheill at Stronevis, 130-134,
149, 150, 152, 160.
BRECHIN, LORD, David, 4, n.
Broadsword, use of by the Highlanders, 251, 262,
267, 268, 270, 271, 341, 354.
Brown, Major- General, 94; at Convention of Chiefs,
290.
BUCHAN, EARL of, second son of the Regent Albany,
14.
— - Major- General Thomas, 212; arrives from Ire
land, bringing provisions and letters to the Chiefs
from King James VI I. 288 ; at Convention of
Chiefs, 290 ; gets command of army of King James
VII., 294; marches to Cromdale, ib. ; Living
stone surprises them, and compels them to retreat,
295 ; the Chiefs disgusted, Largo and Loup send in
their submission, ib. ; marches into Aberdeenshire,
and defeats Master of Forbes and Jackson's dra
goons, &c., 296; his nephew, Lieut- Col. Gordon,
306, 307; receives King James VII. 's letters to
Highland Chiefs, permitting them to accept the In-
demnity, 311; delayed by the General, which was
followed by the most disastrous consequences, 313;
permitted to go abroad by Privy Council, 324 ; gets
passport for Havre de Grace, ib.
Buchanan, the Clan, 50 ; suffer severely by Fairfax,
95.
George, 4, 17, 20.
Buff-belts, thick, cut through by Highlanders' broad
swords, 274.
BUTE, LORD of, 3.
c.
CAIRNBURG, Castle of, ordered to be delivered up to
Argyll for King William III., 306.
CAITHNESS, EARL of, 4, n., 18; killed, ib., 183.
Calais, 128.
CALDER, LORD, Hugh, 4, n.
CALLANDER, EARL of, 159; Letter from Gen. Monk,
160, 170, 171,172.
Calvin, 64.
CAMERON, a Fanatic Preacher, leader of The Came-
ronian Regiment, 286.
Allan, brother of Locheill, 63 ; saves Locheill's
life, 116.
Allan M'Ochtery, 6, 10, 12, 173, 174.
M'Conell, (M'Coill.) Duie I., 7, 22, 36,
60.
353.
.Cameron, Angus, 3, 21.
Dr Archibald, 344.
of Callaurd, (Callart,) 25, 213.
— Colonel, commands the Clan under Montrose,
86; gets pension from King Charles II., ib., 143.
Donald, 37.
Donald M'lan, 7.
Hon. Donald, 28.
Donald, uncle to Locheill, 63; appointed his
tutor, ib., 167; mortgage, ib.
Donald (Dow) M'Ewen L, 6, 13, 15, 21.
IL, ib., 7, 345.
Dow M'Conell L, 7.
II., {ft.
Sir Duncan, his MS. of this History, 20, n.
of Errocht, 37; Allan, 191.
Ewen M' Allan L, 6, 13.
396
INDEX.
Cameron, Ewen M' Allan II., ft, 7,25,28; Royal
Charter in hie favour, 1527, 356.
— M'Conell, 6.
(or M'Coill) Duie, 7, SI.
— _— M'lan, or Sir Ewen, ib.
&» EWKN, 30, 63; bit Memoir*, 67-336; birth
and education with Marquis of Argyll, 67, 68; fond
of hunting, tic., 72, 86; visits Sir Robert Spottis-
wood under sentence of death, 77 ; returns to Loch-
aber, 82 ; received by bis Clan with pomp, 85 ; kills
last wolf in Scotland, 86 ; forces Keppoch to pay
annuity on Glenroy, ib. ; and Glengarry to pay
arrears of feu-duty, 87; invited by Charles II. to
join the Royal army, 92, 93; is intercepted in his
march by Cromwell, 95 ; joins Glencairn in the
North, 98; appointed Colonel, 99; nearly half of
his men have bows and arrows, 101 ; his exploits, ib.-
102; his valour at Puss of dunes, 105, 106 ; Gen.
Middle-ton's Letter, 107 ; Monk tries to bribe him
by repurchasing his estates, paying his debts, &c.,
1 10 ; Monk plants garrison at Inverlochy, ib. ;
Locheill returns to Lochaber, ib. ; unparalleled
slaughter of the English at Acliadelew, Locheill and
35 followers defeat 300 and slay 138, with a IMS of
only five men, 1 13-122 ; bis life saved by his brother
Allan, 116; again is saved by diving, 120; again
by a Clansman receiving the shot, 121 ; Letter from
Lord Chancellor Lowdoun, 127, 128; co-operates
with Gen. Middleton, 129, 130 ; skirmish at Stron-
evis, 130, 131, 132; is saved by a strange dream,
135, 136? Gen. Middleton's Declaration as to his
loyalty, 138 ; Locheill gives a grand hunting match,
138, 139; surprises and takes three English Colo
nels prisoners, 141, 142; proposals to Gen. Monk,
146; his reply, 1*7; conditions of Locheill's agree
ment, 148, 149; form of surrender, 150; quarrel
between one of the Clan and Col. Allan, ib. ; Gen.
Monk's Letter, 151; marries (1st) sister of Sir
James Mac Donald of Slate, 154, 155; poem on bis
marriage, t'6-158; introduced at Court after Re
storation, 166; and to Dukes of York and Glou
cester, ib. ; mortgage for 16,345 merksby Locheill's
tutor in his non-age, 167 ; trouble thence ensuing,
ifi. et teq. ; intrigues of Lauderdale to defeat his
getting redress, 169 et seq.; narrative of feuds be-
twren Clan Cameron and Laird of Macintosh, 173
et teq. ; Chancellor Glcncairn's Letter for settling
thii difference, 176; proceedings before Court of
Session as to this, ib -179 ; Locheill again at Court,
179; intimacy with Duke of York, 181; King's
Letter to settle dispute with Macintosh, ib. ; Loch
eill arrives in Edinburgh, ib. ; marries (2dly) sister
of Sir Allan M'Lean of Dowart, 182; arrives in
Lochaber with his lady, ib. ; Letters of fire and
sword issued against him and his Clan, 183; fend
with Macintosh settled after 360 years of strife, 192 ;
involved with Marquis of Argyll in dispute with the
M'Leans, 194 et seq. ; is invited to an interview
with Argyll, 197; refuses, 198; meets Argyll at
Dunstaflnage, 201 ; settles terms of agreement be
tween Argyll and the M'Leans, 202 ; visits Argyll
at Inverary, ib. ; curious anecdote of two of his fol
lowers, 203 ; loses his second wife, ib. ; again at
Court, 285 ; is knighted, to. ; on death of Charles
II. is sent for by James VII., 210; raises troops,
211 ; skirmishing on banks of Loch fine, 212; un
fortunate adventure, 213; Letter of thanks from
Privy Council, 216; stratagem to surprise him in
Lochaber, 217; escapes and arrives in London, ib. ;
marries (3dly) a sister of Robert Barclay of Ury,
" the famous Quaker," ib. ; interview with the King,
219, 220; Duke of Gordon's proceedings against
Locheill, 220-223 ; King James VII. names Com
missioners to settle dispute, ii.-228 ; returns to
Lochaber, 229 ; Macintosh invades Brae of Loch
aber, 229 ; is taken prisoner by Keppoch, 230 ; re
nounces title to disputed lands, ib. ; is set free, ib. ;
Locheill made answerable for this, ib. ; Privy Coun
cil order him to be tried, 231 ; he escapes to Loch
aber, ib. ; James VII. writes him from Continent
after he fled from England, 233 ; steps taken, ib.
et seq. ; invites Viscount of Dundee to Lochaber,
239 ; they invite King James VII. to come to Scot
land, il>. ; Gen. Mackay makes offers to Locheill,
240; Locheill receives Viscount Dundee at Strone,
247 ; dissuades Dundee from attempting to disci
pline the Highlanders, 251, 252, 253; his Clan
revenge themselves on the Grants, 252, 253 ; enters
the Pass of Killikranky, 258; advises Dundee to
attack Mackay, 263 ; Battle of Killikranky, with
Locheill's exploits, 263-273; loses 120 men at that
battle, 271 ; sends his son John with 500 Camerons
to reinforce Gen. Cannon after Killikranky, 283 ;
army then 5000 strong, ib. ; misconduct of Cannon,
ib. et seq. ; Council of War at Auchindoun Castle,
284 ; Locheill leaves army in disgust, 285 ; bis son
John remains with them, ib. ; Letter from King
James VII., 288, 290; Chiefs meet Earl of Sea-
forth and the Generals, &c., ib. ; many of them
withdiaw, but Locheill and others remain faithful,
292 ; Locheill's speech, i°6.-294 ; act of sequestra
tion by 1'rivy Council against him, 302; Viscount
INDEX.
397
Dundee's Chaplain writes him of plots for his ruin,
310, 31 1 ; Locheill does not get King James* Letter
to accept of indemnity till 30 hours before the time
expired, ib. ; King's Letter, ib., 312; Locheill
arrives at Inverary the day the indemnity expired,
and accepts of it, il>. ; is defrauded of his share of the
L. 20,000, ib. ; his conduct after Massacre of Glcn-
coe, 323; intimacy between the Chiefs of Clan
Cameron and House of Perth, 331 ; troubles con
sequent on Massacre of Glencoe, 332 ; watched by
Governor of Inverlochy, ib. ; singular challenge by
an English Officer of one of Locheill's followers, 333-
336 ; sketch of Locheill's life by Pennant, 353, 355 ;
his supplication to Privy Council, 1669, 358 ; his
Clan disarmed, and he fined, 360; Memorandum by
Earl of Lauderdalc as to Locheill and Macintosh,
Apr. ; true information as to Laird of Macintosh
and Locheill's conduct during " the late unnatural
wars," 385, 386.
CAMERON, LORD, Gillespick, 4, ib. n.
. of Glendissery, 63 ; cousin to Locheill, accom
panies John, son to the Chief, with 500 men, and
joins Gen Cannon, 283.
— — of Glenevis, Samuel, 19.
" The Great," 63 ; his works, &c., 64.
James, aids Locheill's escape from Edinburgh,
231, 362.
John, eldest son of Locheill, sent with 300 men
to protect Lord Chancellor, 231; sent with 500
Camerons after Killikranky, 283.
— — John, Bishop of Glasgow, 19, 20.
— — — Minister of Dunoon, 37, 63.
. surnamed Ochtery, 6, 37.
M'Allan, 7, 174.
— — — M'Ewen, 7.
'. of Kenlocheill, 37.
Lachlan, 21.
of Letter Finlay, 28, 59, 67.
Malcolm, 21.
Margaret, daughter of Locheill, 217.
Cameronian Regiment, 1200 strong, take possession
of Dunkeld, 286; Gen. Cannon tries to dislodge
them, ib. ; he retires, 287 ; their exploits at Dunkeld,
371.
Cameronians, " Wild," (Sectarians,) attend the Con
vention when Prince of Orange offered Crown, 235 ;
six or seven intend to murder Sir George M'Kenzie
and Viscount Dundee, ib.
Camerons, Clan of the, their origin, 3 ; great fight with
Macintoshes at North Inch of Perth, 1 1 ; another
battle on Palm Sunday, 171 ; rtvenge themselvc-s on
the Grants, 252, 253; disarmed, 360. See Sir
Ewen Cameron.
Campbell of Aberuchill, 53.
— — of Ardkinglass, 42 ; Sir James, Governor of
Dunstaffhage, commands Argyll's Highlanders, 302;
Sheriff' of Inverness-shire administers the oath of
indemnity, 316; Sir Colin, 388, 389.
— — of Auchinbreck, 52 ; Sir Duncan, 70.
Castle, 73.
— Lieutenant- Colonel Duncan, taken prisoner by
Locheill, 142; argument with Locheill, 145, 146;
carries proposals to Gen. Monk, 146 ; Monk's reply,
147, 150.
of Glenfalloch, Robert, 63.
— — of Glenlyon, Robert, his instructions for execut
ing the Massacre of Glencoe, 320.
of Glenurchy, 38, 39, 52, 53, 63.
of Kilberry, letter by Argyll to him, 388, 389,
390.
. of Lawers, 53.
Mrs Margaret, 63.
Campbells employed to hunt the MacGrigors, 51.
Cannon, Major- General, 257 ; joins Dundee with 300
raw Irish, ib. ; takes command after death of Vis
count Dundee at Killikranky, 283 ; by his miserable
misconduct the army is broken up, ib- et seq. ; men
sent to Perth to seize provisions, defeated, 283 ;
council of war at Auchindown Castle, 284 ; discord
ant opinions, ib., 285 ; Locheill leaves them in dis
gust, ib. ; the General betakes himself to the moun
tains, 286 ; tries to relieve Dunkeld, ib. ; withdraws
his men after mismanaging the attack, 287 ; his army
falls to pieces, 287, 288 ; at Convention of Chiefs,
290 ; Gen. Buchan takes command from him, 294 ;
is sent South to Perthshire, 295 ; passes the Forth,
and defeats Lord Cardross' cavalry, &c., 296; in
vited to go to France, 312 ; gets permission to go
abroad, 324 ; Privy Council grant him passport from
Lord Chancellor for Havre de Grace, ib.
Capell, 64.
Captains of Clans, 23.
Carlisle, Cromwell there, 83,
CARMARTHEN, LORD, (afterwards Duke of Leeds,)
317 ; remonstrates with King William III. against
sanctioning Massacre of Glencoe, ib. ; his arguments,
and the King's replies, ib.
Carnamount, army of King James VII. inarches over,
285.
CASSILLIS, EARL of, 32.
Castisa, married to Thane of Sutherland, 3.
Celtstine of the Isles, 23, 24.
898
INDEX.
" Chair of Verity," (the pulpit,) 91.
Cbantilly, 10.1
CHARLES I., KINO, 68 ; Mcaptt from Oxford in dis-
gui«e of • ftervant, 82 ; joint Scots army rt Newark,
tit. ; %ol<J to Kngluh Parliament, 83 ; beheaded, 8k
II.. 86; arrive* in the Forth, 89; subscribes the
Covenant, i&. ; bij army opposed by Cromwell, 89 ;
dmied command of army, 90 ; defeated at Dunbar,
10. . taken to task for toying with a mistress, 9 1 ;
invites Highland Clans to join him, !)?, 9.3; his
army raited, 94; marches into England, 96; he
escapes to France, ib. ; writes Locheill, 103; Re
storation, 162, 163; Locheill introduced at Court,
16C; dies, 210; recommends Claverhouse, 275.
Chattan, Clan, a See Clan.
Chiefs, titles to their estates, 26.
Civil Wars in England and Scotland, 72 et teq.
Chins, Captains of, 23 ; Highland Clans invited to join
Royal army, 92.
Clan Cameron, Captain of, 27. See Cameron.
— — — exploits of, passim.
Campbell, 70. See Argyll.
Charles, 10.
— — Chattan, its origin, 8 ; titles of " Captain " and
" Chief" of, 9, 17, 173, 184.
. ..— Colquhoun, 50.
— — Day cut off at Innernahawn, 9.
i Farquharson. See Farquharson.
— Fraser. See Lovat.
Grigor. Sec Macgrigor.
Key, K.
M< Cillery, (Gilbertsons or Gibsons,) 10.
Clanrannald, Captain of, 30, 63; sends 600 men to
join Viscount Dundee, 248 ; adheres to fortunes of
King James VII., 291 ; young Clanrannald retires
to France, 328.
Chief of, 30, 32, 47, 48, 56, 62.
Tutor of, commands a battalion at Killikranky,
266.
Clan Vuirich, (MacPhersons,) 8.
CLAMNDON, EARL of, 89, 98, 108; Locheill intro
duced to him, 181.
Claymore. See Broadsword.
Cleland, Lieutenant-Colonel, commands the Cameron-
ian Regiment, 286 ; is killed in defending Dunkeld,
•^7.
Clergy, Presbyterian, power exercised by, during
Usurpation, &c., 87, 89, 90, 91.
Clunes, (Cluines,) Pass of, Locheill's valour at, 105,
106; " the dark mile," ib., 188.
Cluny, Laird of, (Chief of the MacPhersons,) 8.
Clyde, river, 7*, 90, 92.
Collier, Mr, son of Earl of Portmore, 275.
Colquhoun, Laird of Luss, 50 ; fight between his Clan
and the MacGrigors, ib., 51.
CONST ANTINE II., KING, 3.
— — — III., KING, ib.
Convention at Stirling offers crown to Prince of
Orange, 235 ; " Wild" Cameronians there mean to
assassinate Sir G. M'Kenzie and Viscount of Dun
dee, ib. ; of Estates in Edinburgh, 276.
Corpach, action near, 1 9.
Corriecharlich, 10.
Corrichy, battle of, 34, 36.
Covenant taken by Charles II., 89, 114.
Covenanters' army, 73 ; defeated at Kilsyth, 74 ; rout
of Preston, 83, 145, 149 ; termed " The Fanaticks,"
275; "The Cameronian Regiment" of 1200 men,
286.
Cowall, 142.
Craigiarlich, action at, 21.
CRAWFORD, EARL of, James Lindsay, 10.
Cromarty, Sheriff of, 172.
Cromdale, Gen. Buchan marches to, 294 ; Livingston
attacks them, and they retreat, 295.
CROMWELL, OLIVER, PROTECTOR, defeats Duke of
Hamilton at Preston, 83 ; returns to London, ib. ;
Charles I. beheaded, 84 ; proceeds against army of
Charles II., 89 ; his victory at Dunbar, 90 ; intercepts
Locheill in bis march to join Charles II., 95; de
feats King's troops at Worcester, 96 ; makes choice
of Monk to command in Scotland, 108, 144-146;
Restoration of Charles II., 162, 163; dies, 161.
Culloden, Battle of, 366.
D.
DAILLE, 64.
Dalkeith, Gen. Monk there, 147.
Daknacommer, 234.
Dalrymple. See MASTER OF STAIR.
Sir John, 363.
Dalziel, General, 219.
INDEX.
399
Dark Mile, The, at the Pass of Clunes, 106.
DAVID II., KING, 7, 9.
BBUCE, KING, 173.
Day, Clan, cut off, 9.
Dean, Colonel, succeeds Gen. Monk, 99 ; afterwards
Admiral, ib.
DENMARK, KING of, 311.
Dick, Mr David, 76.
Dignities, origin of, 4, 5.
Discipline of Highland soldiers rejected by Locheill,
250, 251, 252.
Dollar, parish of, 73.
DOUGLAS, LORD, William, 4.
Dover, 128.
Dowart, Castle of, taken, 199 ; ordered to be delivered
up to Argyll for King William III., 306. See
M'Lean.
Dream, Locheill saved in consequence of one, 135,
136.
Drumflowr, 27, n.
Drummond, an officer at Massacre of Glencoe, orders
a child (of Glencoe's?) to be shot, 321.
Anabella, QUEEN to King Robert III., 13, «.
— — of Balhaldys, 218; marries eldest daughter of
Locheill, ib. ; Viscount of Dundee visits him, 235 ;
his gallant conduct at Killikranky, 269, 270, 281 ;
retires, after affair of Dunkeld, to his home, 287 ;
cited by Privy Council, ib. ; accepts indemnity, 288 ;
Letter to Mr Edgar, 383.
— — Castle, 62, 231; Gen. Mackay sleeps there se
cond night after Killikranky, 299.
«— — Lieutenant- General, 218; was son of Lord Mad-
derty, ib. ; created Viscount Strathallaii, 219.
— — of Logic Drummond, 329.
— — LORD, taken at Philiphaugh, 76.
(Duke. of Perth,) son of Lord Chancellor, re
turns from France, 328 ; escapes with difficulty,
329; committed to Edinburgh Castle, ib. See
Perth.
— — of Macheny, Sir John, Lord Lieutenant of Ar-
gyleshire, 231.
Major- General, 98, 106, 107.
of Stobhall, Sir John, 13.
Dtiurn, Dominus, or Lord, 6, 23.
Dudhope, the seat of Viscount of Dundee, 235.
Dumblane, Viscount of Dundee there, 235.
Dunachtan, seat of Macintosh, 183.
DUNBAR, EARL of, 48.
— — town of, defeat of army of Charles II. by Crom
well at, 90.
Duncanson, Major Robert, his instructions for execut
ing Massacre of Glencoe, 319; his letter to Captain
Campbell of Glenlyon, 320.
Dunclina, daughter of King Kenneth III., 3.
DUNDEE, VISCOUNT of, 183, 235; requests Duke of
Gordon to hold out Castle of Stirling, 235 ; goes to
Balhaldys, and thence to Dudhope, ib. ; " Grameis,"
a Latin Poem, in honour of Viscount Dundee, ib. ;
an account of it, 236 et seq. ; puts Colonel Ramsay
to the rout, 240, 241 ; Mackay retreats in conse
quence, ib. ; pursues Gen. Mackay by Glenlivet,
&c., 242 ; halts at Edenglassy, 243 ; retreats to the
hills on Mackay being reinforced, 244 ; gallant affair,
in which the M'Leans defeat a party of Mackay's
dragoons, 245-247; joined by Sir Don. M' Donald
of Slate with 700, and Captain of Clanrannald with
600 men, 248 ; council of war, 250 ; Locheill's ad
vice taken, 252 ; the Camerons attack the Grants,
253 ; Mackay advances, 256 ; Lord Murray's men
desert and join Dundee, and drink health of King
James VII. out of the river of Tummel, 257 ; Dun
dee is joined by Major- Gen. Cannon, ib. ; arrives
at Castle of Blair, 258; Locheill enters Pass of Killi
kranky, ib. ; Lorheill advises an attack on Mackay }
263; Battle of Killikranky, t'6-273; sketch of Dun
dee's military education, ib.-2S\ ; his punctilious sense
of honour, 278; his religion, ib., 279 ; death of Dun
dee, 268, 282 ; panic in Edinburgh on getting tidings
of Mackay's defeat, 281, 282; Viscount of Dundee
is buried in the church of Blair in Atholl, ib. ; what
followed, 283 et seq. ; his chaplain, Charles Edwards,
writes Locheill as to Breadalbane's schemes for his
ruin, 310, 311 ; Dr Pitcairn's Epitaph on, 387.
DUNFERMLING, EARL of, 59 ; joins Viscount Dundee
with 60 horse after crown offered to Prince of
Orange, 235 ; resigns command of horse before
Battle of Killikranky, 268 ; cowardly conduct of Sir
William Wallace of Craigie, ib. ; Dunfermling's
gallant conduct as a volunteer at Killikranky, 269,
280, 281 ; his love for ardent spirits, 367.
Dunkeld, Major Menzies arives there in 1 1 days from
Paris, and forwards letters from King James VII.
to Chiefs, to accept of Indemnity, 311.
DUNMORE, EARL of, 241.
Dunnibirstle, Earl of Morton slain at, 41.
Dunoon, 37, 38.
Dunstaffnage, Castle of, 38, 201 ; Governor of,
302.
Dunvegan, 137, 138.
Dutch troops, 212.
400
INDEX.
E.
EARL*, origin of, 4, n., 5, «.
Ebrid*, Western Island*, 13.
Edrnglassy, Viscount of Dundee rests at, 243, 278.
Edgar, Mr, 1 etter from Drummond of Balbaldys to,
Ar
Edinburgh, Castle of, 68 ; in bands of Covenanters,
92 ; Argyll escapes to Holland, 207 ; put in posture
of defence, 234.
City, 72 ; submits to Montrose after Battle of
Kilsyth, 74 ; Montrose banged, drawn, and quar
tered, 88, 89.
Edwards, Charles, Chaplain to Viscount Dundee,
writes Locheill of plots for bis ruin, 310, 311.
Elect, The, 88, 91.
England, Invasion of, by Duke of Hamilton and Co
venanters, 83, 88 ; routed at Preston, 83.
English, remarkable defeat and slaughter of a party at
Achodelew, 113-122.
ENZIE, EABL of, George, 55, 57, 62.
EaaoL, EABL of, 40, 42, 183.
COUNTESS of, Letters from Earl of Seaforth inter
cepted as to forces to be sent by King James VII.,
288 ; she is confined, ib.
Esquire, title of, 23.
ETHUS, KING, 3.
F.
FAIBFAX, General, overthrows the M 'Leans, &c., 95.
Falkirk, Battle of, 366.
Fanatics in the West of Scotland. See Covenanters.
Farquharsons, 188 ; a number join Gen. Cannon after
Viscount Dundee's death at Killikranky, 283.
Fuotn IL, KINO, 3.
Ferguson* Major, 302, 389.
Fighting, mode of, used by Highlanders, 101, 102,
117, 124, 125, 188, 250, 251, 252, 202, 267, 268,
270, 271, 278, 296, 297, 332-336, 365-371.
Fleance, son of Banqubo, 4.
Fife, Thane of, M'Dufi, 4, n., 5, n.
— — EABL of, 5, n. ; Scbaw, or Sheagh, second son
of, ancestor of the Macintoshes, ib., 7.
Sir Arthur, a prisoner, 146, 147.
Forbes, Captain, surrenders Castle of Hi van in Bade-
nocb, 241; taken prisoner and dismissed by Dun
dee, 278 ; informs Mackay of his movements, ib.
Loai), 22.
Major, 306.
— — MASTER of, his and Jackson's dragoons fly before
Gen. Bucban, and take refuge in Aberdeen, 296.
Forbeses, 41.
Fort- Augustus, 104.
Fort- William, Castle of Inverlochy termed, in compli
ment to King William III., 302.
Forth, river of, 69, 74, 90, 92, 94, 95.
Foster-fathers, 33, 34, n., 67.
Foulis, Chief of. See Vonro.
FRANCE, KING of, 28 ; his daughter Magdalene gives
protection to King Charles II., 96; threatens in
vasion of England in favour of King James II.,
310 ; Minister declares for, 31 1.
FRANCIS II. of France, 34.
French Auxiliaries, 7000, sent to strengthen James
VII., 296.
Fraser, Clan, Chief of. See Lovat. A number join
Gen. Cannon after Viscount Dundee's death at
Killikranky, 283.
Captain, 242.
Froissard, 23.
Fullarton, Major? one of the commanding officers of
the Cameraman Regiment, killed at Dunkeld,
287.
INDEX.
401
G.
GARBH. See M'Lean.
Gibson. See Clan Gillery.
Gilbertsons. See Clan Gillery.
Gillichranky. See Killikranky.
GLASGOW, BISHOP of, 19, 20.
— city submits to Montrose after battleof Kilsyth, 74.
— — University, 63.
Glastery, (Glasrey,) wood of, 105, 188.
GLENCAIRN, EARL of, commands army of Charles II.
in North, 97 ; is joined by Locheill, 98 ; Lord Lorn,
&c., also join him, ib. ; sends to King in France,
ib. ; Locheill's exploits, 99-102; Glencairn takes
the field in spring, 102, 107; retires from army,
108; created Chancellor, 171 ; his Letter in favour of
Locheill, 176; sent to Argyllshire to reduce the
Isles for King William III., 302.
Glencoe, description of the country of, 315.
Laird of, 315.
Massacre of, 306; King William III. grants
warrant for the destroying of certain Highlanders,
313, 314; explanation, by Author, of circumstances
preceding the Massacre, ib., 315-318; warrant for
the Massacre, ib. ; its execution, 318-322 ; univer
sal execration against the authors and perpetrators,
323, 324 ; two of Glencoe's sons escape, 321 ;
Secretary Johnstoun brings it before Parliament,
323 ; who vote it to be murder, 324 ; Sir Thomas
Livingstone, Colonel Hill, &c., acquitted, ib., 372.
Glenderrowen, 215.
Glenfruin, battle at, 51.
Glengarry, Laird of, 47, 56, 62, 63; settles with
Locheill, 87; leaves Royal cause, 103, 104; sub
mits to Lilburn, 106, 253, 259 ; leads his men at
Killikranky, 266 ; his conduct when Highland
Chiefs called on to surrender to King William III.,
300, 307, 308, 309, 311, 312; warrant for destroy
ing his lands, 316, 353; Sir Alexander, 259, 366.
Glenlivat, battle of, 41, 55 ; Viscount Dundee marches
through, 242. See Gordon.
Glenlochy, woods of, 294.
Glenlui, lands of, 8, 9, 19, 47, 48, 160, 173, 221.
Glenmore, 111.
Glennevis, in Lochaber, 29, 59, 112.
Glenroy, 86.
Glen turrit, 104.
Glenurcby, Laird of, 38, 39, 52, 154; created Earl of
Breadalbane, ib.
district of, 67.
GLOUCESTER, DUKE of,l 66 ; Locheill introduced to, ib.
Goodman, meaning of, 6, n.
Gordon, Alexander, Governor of Inverness, 35.
Colonel Nathaniel, taken at Fhilipbaugb, 76 ;
is visited in prison by Locheill, 77 ; is nephew to
General Buchan, 306.
DUKE of, 193, 209; gets gift of Argyll's for
feiture, 210, 21 1 ; suits against Locheill, 220-223;
King names Commissioners to adjust dispute, ib.-
228; solicited by Viscount of Dundee to hold out
Stirling Castle after Crown offered to Prince of
Orange, 235, 238 ; process of high treason to be led
against him, 328.
of Edinglassie, 242; Viscount Dundee rests
there, 243; hangs stragglers from Viscount Dundee's
army, 244, 252, 278.
of Glenlivet, his men join General Cannon after
Viscount Dundee's death, 283.
House, (Family of,) 59. See Huntly.
John, 35 ; beheaded, 36.
LORD, 60.
of Strathdown, men of his name join General
Cannon after Killikranky, 283.
Grahame of Claverhouse, 274. See Dundee.
Grameis, a Latin Poem, in praise of the Viscount of
Dundee, 235 ; some account of it, 236, et seq. See
Dundee.
Grampian mountains, 49.
Grant, Captain, apprehends Lord Drummond, 329.
of Freuchie, 352; petition to Privy Council,
anno 1 622, 386, 387.
— — of Glenmorriston joins Gen. Bucban's army in
support of James VII., 295; his house burnt, &c.,
ib. ; he submits and gets safe-conduct, ib.
Laird of, 28 and «., 37, 40, 60, 61, 62, 174,
177; levies a regiment to join Gen. Mackay against
King James VII., 240 ; hangs stragglers from army
of Viscount of Dundee, 244 ; 900 of bis men with
Sir Thomas Livingstone, (then in command of Mac
kay 's army,) 294 ; gets allowances for several of his
Clan to remain without taking oaths after Massacre
of Glencoe, 324.
3 )•:
402
INDEX.
Gnutt of MO/MM, 351.
GraaU, UM Cbn Cameron revenge tbemielres on the,
868,953.
GUISE, DUKK of, 35.
Gunera, married to Lord of Bute, 3.
Gutliry, Bishop, 70.
H.
HACO, KlNO of Norway, 13.
Haliburton of Pitcur, killed at Killikrnnky, 269, 270.
HAMILTON, DUKE of, 83 ; invades England, ib. ;
routed at Proton, ib., 89 ; wounded at battle of
Worcester and taken prisoner, 96 ; King's Commis-
at Parliament, 281 ; panic in Edinburgh
Killikranky, ib. ; President of the Privy Coun
cil, 306, 363; patronize* M'Bane when he van
quished the Irish priie-fighter, 370.
— Lieutenant- Colonel James, instructions for the
Massacre of Glencoe, &c., 316 ; his Letter to Major
Duncanson for the Massacre, and to spare none
from the age of 70, and " not to trouble Government
with any prisoners," 319.
Hampton Court, 181.
HarUw, battle of, 13, n., 15, 16, la
H AMTELL, EARL of, taken at Philiphaugh, 76.
Hastings, Colonel, commanded a battalion at Killi-
kranky, 269.
Havre de Grace, 324.
Hay, Sir Alexander, 47, 56.
Hereford, siege of, 75.
HENRY IV., KING of England, 15.
Hie, or Icolmkill, 26.
Highland Bard, 155-158.
Highlanders, customs, &c., 5; mode of fighting, 101,
102, 124, 125, 188, 251, 262, 267, 268, 270, 271,
278, 296, 297, 332-336, 365, 367, 371 ; Locheill
dissuaded Dundee from attempting their regular
discipline, 250.
Highlands, Memoir concerning state of, in 1716, 377;
letters as to pacification of, in 1690, APP.
Hill, Major [Colonel Sir] John, 154; appointed Go
vernor of Inverlochy, ib. ; delivers keys to Locheill,
167 ; again stationed at Inverlochy, 299; ordered to
proceed rigorously against Chiefs who did not accept
of the indemnity, 305, 306 ; Laird of Glencoe sur
renders to Governor, and takes the oath of indemnity,
not being able from state of weather to reach Inver
ness, and gets certi6cate, 315; his instructions for
Massacre of Glencoe, 316; King superscribes and
subscribes the warrant, 318; the Secretary also writes
"enjoining dispatch and secrecy," ib. ; acquitted of
murder by Parliament, 324; watches Locheill, 332 ;
act for Clergy in Lochaber, 354. See Glencoe.
Holburn, Major- Guueral, 94.
Holland, 29.
Home of Godscroft, 4, n.
Honour, titles of, 5.
Howard, Sir Edmund, defeated, 27.
Hunting the wolf, 86; a match in Highlands, 138
139, 143, 144.
HUNTLY, COUNTESS of, 35.
EARI, of, 22, 27; George, 28, 30, 32, 34, 36,
39 ; indenture with Locheill, 40, 44, 49, 55, 60,
62.
MAKQUESS of, 55, 56, 57, 58, 59 ; mortgage for
16,345 merks in Locheill's non-age, and troubles
thence ensuing, 1 67, et seq.
Hurry, Sir John, 70 ; defeated, 71.
I.
ICOUUILL, registers of, 4, n. ; islands of, 26.
Inch Connel, Castle of, 33.
Inchdoricher, 43.
Inchinnan, ford of, near Glasgow, Marquess of Argyll
taken by a weaver, 215.
Indemnity proclaimed by King William IIL to High-
land Chiefs, 304; but those who did not surrender
to be severely dealt with as rebels, 305, 306; none
of the Chiefs accept until King James VII. 's letter
arrives, 311 ; L.20,000 to be divided among Chiefs
who accepted in time, 312 ; Locheill defrauded, ib. ;
owing to the state of the weather, Governor of Inverl
lochy takes Laird of Glencoe's submission, 313; and
oath, 314. See Glencoe.
INDEX.
403
Indenture between Locheill and Iluntly, 40, and n.
INDULPH, KING, 3.
Innernahawn, Clan Day cut off at, 9.
Innerpeffrey, burial place of family of Perth, 249.
Intercommuning, Letters of, 58.
Inverary, 68, 69, 141 ; forces of Argyll and James
VII. meet there, 212, 231 ; Locheill accepts of in
demnity there, 312.
Invergarry, 27, n. 47, 55.
Inverlochy, 18,24; battle of, 63, 70, 71, 72, 124,
133, 138, 189.
Castle of, 38, 71, 106, 240, 297; called Fort-
William, 302.
— — Garrison of, planted by General Monk, 110 ; its
strong position described, 111-113, 138; delivered
with materials to Locheill, 167.
— — Governor of. See Brayn. Hill.
Inverness, Castle of, 35.
Provost of, 174 ; all within 60 and 16 to proceed
against Clan Cameron, 1 83 ; feud with Lord Mac-
donald and townsmen, 188.
Inverness, Sheriff of, 188, 208, 209; authorized by
indemnity to take submission of the Chiefs, 315.
Sheriff of, 30, 60, 151, 152 ; Earl of Murray,
188.
Town of, 16, 18, 26, 104 ; one of Monk's depots,
109, 110, 151,159.
Ireland, Lord Chief Justice of, 306.
— — Massacre of Protestants, 81 .
Ireton, General, 128.
Isleand-Greig, Laird of, 215.
Isleand-na-cloich, 33.
Isleand-Stalker, Castle of, 302.
ISLES, BISHOP OF THE, 247 ; his son, Sir Alexander
M'Lean, ib.
KING OF THE, 14.
LORDS OF THE, 7, 9, 23, 25, 26, 28 ; (Mac-
donald,) 173, 192, 349.
Alexander, 26.
' Donald, 15; Angus, 23.
Marion of the, 23.
J.
JACKSON, Colonel, his and Master of Forbes' dragoons
put to flight by General Buchan, 296.
JAMES I., KING, captive in England, 14, 16, 20.
. II. KING, 21 ; killed at siege of Roxburgh, ib. ;
his Queen continues the siege, 22.
III., KING, 22, 25.
IV., 26; killed at Flodden, ib., 28, 192.
V., 27.
— — VI., 42 ; succeeds to throne of England, 47.
— — — VII., 193; succeeds to throne, 210; applies to
Locheill, ib. ; proceedings of his adherents, 211, et
sci/- ; grants interview to Locheill in London, 219,
220; escapes to France, 231 ; defeated at Battle of
the Boyne, 296. See Dundee, Mackay, &c.
Johnstoun of Warriston, Under Secretary of State, 323 ;
his conduct after Massacre of Glencoe. 323 ; out of
revenge to Master of Stair brings it before Parlia
ment, 323 ; Parliament vote it to be murder, 324 ;
acquit Sir Thomas Livingstone, Colonel Hill, &c.,
ib.
K.
KEITHS, a branch of the Clan Chattan, 8.
Kenmare, Lady, 384.
KENNETH III., KING, 3, 4.
Keppoch. See MacDonald.
Ker of Kersland, 235 ; his brother Daniel heads the
Cameronians at Stirling, ib.
Key, Clan, 12.
Kie, (Hii, or I.) See Icolmkill.
Kifrone, 24.
Kilbride, ferry of, on Lochfine, 212.
Kildrummy, Castle of, 136.
Killikranky, (Gillychranky,) Pass of, 258; Mackay *s
army enter the Pass, ib. ; council of war held by
Viscount Dundee to intercept them, it. -265 ; battle
INDEX.
265; panic in Edinburgh on gelling tiding* of
Ifackay's overthrow, ib. ; the troop* were many of
Item rmw and undisciplined, 297, 338 ; mode of
Highlanders' Bghting there, 369.
K.ll.michael, force, of Jamet VII. rende«vous there,
*31.
Killiwhimminc, 104.
Kilsyth, battle of, Montrose defeat* Argyll, 7000
Covenanters slain, 74.
VIJCOUNT, 238. 2*1 ; taken prisoner, 212, 278.
Kinross. 73.
KINTAILL, Loan, 46, 60, 61.
KINTORK, EABL of, 306.
Kirk, Committee of, oppressive proceedings of, 87.
Kirkaldy, 232.
Knight-errantry, 12.
Knights, Mania), (Equites Aurati,) 4.
Knockbrecht, hill of, 244; gallant attack by die Mac-
Leans on Mackay's dragoons, »6., 245, 251.
Knoidart, 29, n., 50, 87.
Knoi, John, 20.
Mr, Episcopal Minister sent to France to Charles
II., 98.
L.
LAGAN, 27, M., 47, 56.
Achndromie, 31, 47.
1 41 Hogue, defeat of French fleet at, 328.
I-aird, origin of the term, 6, n., 23.
I,ambert, General, 83.
LANARK, KARL of, 75.
I*anden, battle of, between Confederate and French
armies, 327.
Largo, (Largie,) Laird of, 247; killed at Killikrankie,
280.
Largt, battle of, 14.
LAUDERDALE, DOCK of, 167; his intrigues against
Locluill/IG9, etsetj., 174, 181.
EABI. of, Memorandum by, as to Civil Wars,
AIT.
Litos, DcKBof, 317.
LKINSTER. DUKE of, General of King William's forces
in Scotland, 303.
I.ciih, IU9.
LK.VNOX, KARL of, 27.
- KARLS of, 3.
— — Gentlemen of, join Gen. Cannon, and march
North to unite with Gen. Buchan, 20C.
Lessly, Gen. David, 75 ; defeats Montrose at Philip-
haugh, 76; expedition with Argyle to Kintyre, 84;
he and Middleton command King's army, (Charles
1 1,) 94; inarch into England, 9H ; defeated, ib. ;
King escape* to France, ib.
Walter, Earl of Uoss, 1*.
I.etterfinlay, i8, 34, 59.
l.i YEN. KARL of, at Killikranky, 269, 271, 272.
Lieutenant, Lord, office of, 5.
LUburn, Colonel, succeeds Gen. Monk on his return
to England, 99 ; opposes Glencairn, 100 ; skirmishes
with him and Locbeill, t'6.-102.
Livingstone, Sir Alexander, his goods plundered by the
Camerons, 159; letter from General Monk, 160;
trouble arising out of this at Court, 170, et seq.
Sir Thomas, commands in Mackay's absence,
294 ; surprises Buchan's men in their beds, ib. ;
they retreat, 295 ; Privy Council appoint him
Commander at Inverness, ib. ; sent into Highlands
with 10,000 men, 303 ; writes Privy Council, 306 ;
written to, that Highland Chiefs did not get their
notices to accept of indemnity in time, &c., 313;
writes to Privy Council, who forward papers to Lon
don, 16. ; rigorous order by King William III. " to
destroy and cut them off without mercy," ib., 314;
his instructions from Secretary of State for Massacre
of Glencoe, 316-318 ; King's warrant superscribed
and subscribed by the King, 318; acquitted of
murder by Parliament, 324.
Lochaher, Braes of, 86, 237.
country of, 8; wasted, ib., 18, 19, 26, 29, 31,
33, 37, 55, 58, 70, 104, 110, 130, 134, 137, 151 ;
rejoicings on marriage of Locheill, 155-158; ren
dezvous of Macintosh, &c., against Clan Cameron,
188, 205; Sheriff holds Courts there, attended by
700 armed men, 208, 209 ; they fly, owing to a mock
riot, ib. ; attempt to surprise Locheill, 217; he
goes to Court, ib. ; warrant for destroying the coun
try, 316; act for Clergy in, 354.
— — Stewartry of, 19.
Heritable Steward of, 173.
— — Thane of, Banquho, 3, 4.
Lochalce, (Lochalsh,) 25.
INDEX.
405
Lochale, 46.
Lochalie, Lord of, 23.
Locharkike, 8, 9, 19, 47, 48, 143, 160, 173, 189, 191,
192, 221.
Lochbuy, Laird of. See M 'Lean.
Lochcarion, 25.
Lochcarron, 47.
Locheill, an arm of the sea, described, 111.
Estate of, 19, 26, 17, 47.
Isle of, 42.
— — Laird of, passim. See Cameron.
Lochfine, 212.
Lochgarry, part of Middleton's troops defeated at, 134.
Lochness, 19.
Lochow, 33, 36, 67.
Lochy, Loch, 28, 31, 36, 42, 59, 123, 189, 209.
river, 28, 31, 36, 42, 59; described, 111.
Lockhart, Sir George, retained by Locheil), 179.
Logic- Drummond, Laird of, 329.
London, Cromwell returns to, 83, 129.
Loo, palace of the, 275.
Lords, or Barons, origin of, 4, 6, n., 23.
• of the Isles. See Isles.
LOEN, LORD, (Stewart,) 38, n. ; (Campbell,) 68; joins
Glencairn in the North, 98.
LORRAINE, CARDINAL, 35.
LOUDOUN, EARL of, (Lord Chancellor,) 127; his
letter to Locheill, ib., 128.
LOVAT, LORD, 30; Chief of the Erasers, ib., 47, 61.
Loyalists, 109.
Luss, 50.
Laird of. See Colquhoun.
Lyndaly, 28.
Lynton of Pendrich, 213.
M.
MACALISTER of Loup follows fortunes of James VII.,
295; in disgust sends in his submission, ib.
M'Aodh, Doir, 3.
M'Arthur, 34.
M 'Bane, the noted swordsman, 361, 367 ; his account
of Killikranky, 369-371 ; defeats O'Brian the prize
fighter, 370.
MACBETH, KING, 4.
M'Coan, Hector Bui, a robber, 18, 19.
M'Coil, (M'Connell,)-duy, Allan. See Cameron.
M'Coilduys, 13. See Cameron.
M'Connell, Ewen, &c. See Cameron.
M'Connochey of Letterfinlay, 44 ; was Chief of the
M'Martines, ib.
Mac Donald, Sir Alexander, commands the Irish under
Montrose, 75 ; Lessly and Argyle follow him to
Kintyre, 84 ; he flies to Ireland, ib-
Allan, brother of Glengarry, 261.
of Ardnamurchan, Donald M'lan, 45; murdered,
ib., 322.
of Clanrannald See Clanrannald.
of Gallusky, 247.
of Glencoe, 188, 196; 250 of the Clan join Gen.
Cannon after Killikranky, 283 ; massacred with a
number of his Clan, &c. See Glencoe ; two of his
sons escape, 321; character of Glencoe, ib., 322;
his sons take arms with Highland Chiefs for mutual
defence, 323.
MacDonald of Glengarry. See Glengarry.
of Islay, 46.
John, 105.
of Kyntyre, 280.
of Largoe, (Largie,) 247 ; killed at Killikranky,
280 ; his heir sends in his submission, 295.
LORD, of Glengary, 196, 198, 200; of Aros,
259.
LORD OF THE ISLES. See Isles.
of Keppoch, 24, 29, n., 63, 86, 103, 104, 196,209,
229; takes Macintosh prisoner in Lochaber, 230,
236; takes Castle Revan in Badenoch, 241 ; rava
ges Macintosh's country, and burns house of Dun-
achtan, 242 ; is reprimanded by Viscount of Dun
dee, 243; warrant for destroying his country, 316;
barbarous exultation of the Secretary that Glencoe
and Keppoch had not taken the oaths, 318.
M'Vic Ewen, 45 ; shot, 46.
of Moydart, Captain of Clanrannald, 30.
of Ochterraw, 260.
— — of Slate, Sir James, his sister marries Locheill,
154-158; Sir Donald sends 700 to join Viscount
Dundee, 248 ; his conduct at Killikranky, 266 ; his
men charged with cowardice, 272 ; how they were
i- 6
INDEX.
.hinted, <*., 873; tern •« nt»r rtlatiom « Kill*-
kranky, 880; torn tn« army i« etarf* of kinsmen,
886 ; at Contention of Cr-eft, 891 ; molvei to ad-
bar* to King James VII., 16.
Macdonalds, particular, of a Clan battle, 361, 362.
M'Dougall, Laird of, 33, and n., 38.
of Fairtoehiiw, 39.
M'Duff, Thane of Fife, 4 } slaya Macbeth, it., 7. See
Hfc
M'Ean, Hugh, «/NU Aodb, ancestor of the Douglasses,
&
M*OiHery, Clan, 10.
M'GilTrmw of Glcncanner, 37.
Macgrigor, Clan of, 48; cruel proceedings against
them, i'6.-55, 60, 188; to be pumicd, 305.
Aleiander, Laird of, 50 ; 6ght with Colquhouns
•t Glenfruin, 51 ; shamefully betrayed by Argyle,
and he and 30 of his Clan executed, 52 ; James, 63.
John, 51.
Mra Jean, 63.
of Roroe, commands a party of the Clan to rein
force General Cannon after Killikranky, 283.
M'lan of Ardnamurchan, Donald, 45. See Mac-
donald.
of Gleocoe, 188.
Macintosh, Clan, 7 ; origin of the name, 8 ; quarrel
with the Camerons, &c., ib. ; title of " Captain "
and "Chief "of Clan Chattan, 9; defeated, and
Clan Day cut off, it. ; great fight with the Came-
roos at the North Inch of Perth, 11, it., 17 ; battle
on Palm Sunday, to., 19, 22, 29 ; William, 31, 32,
37, 40 ; defeated at Drymen Moor, (called " The
snow fight,") it. ; plundered by Locheill, 41 ; dis
putes with Locheil! as to his lands, &c., 44, e< «cg.,
58, 59, 148, 160 ; narrative of feuds, 173, &c.
— of Connage, 204.
Sir Lauchlan, Chief of the Clan, 60, 62, 173;
origin of dispute with Locbeill, 172, efseo. ; King's
letter recommending settlement, 181 ; his procnring
letters of fire and sword against Clan Cameron, 183,
*t teq- i feud reconciled after 360 years of strife,
192; marches into Lochaber, 229 ; is made prisoner
by Keppoch, 230 ; refuses to join troops of King
James VII. or Gen. r.Jackay for King William III.,
240 ; his country ravaged by Keppoch, 242 ; Dun-
achtan burnt, ib., 364 ; memorandum by Earl of
Lauderdale, AFP. ; information as to his and Loch-
eill's deportment " during the late unnatural wars,"
385,386.
of Kinraura, his History of the Clan, 7, 344.
. Marjory, 25.
Macintosh, of Torr Castle, William, 149 ; his account
of a Clan battle, 361, 362.
William, 174.
M'Kay, Chief of, (Lord Rae.) 29.
Mackay, General, 235, 236; is joined by Laird of
Grant with a regiment, 240; retreats before Viscount
of Dundee, 241 ; reinforced, ib. ; pursued by Dun
dee, 242, 243; is again reinforced, and advances
against Highlanders, ib. ; some of his dragoons de
feated by the MacLeans, 245 ; informed that Castle
of Blair occupied for King James VII., 255; ad
vances to Atholljtt. ; enters the Pass of Killikranky,
258 ; Viscount Dundee proposes to intercept his
forces there, ib. ; he holds council of war, I'D.. 265 ;
battle of Killikranky, 263-273; sleeps at Weems
Castle, (Apnadow,) in llannocli, the night of battle,
273 ; panic in Edinburgh on his defeat at Killi
kranky, 281, 2i2 ; surprises and defeats a party sent
to Perth to seize provisions, 283 ; prepares to ad
vance against the enemy, 284 ; Gen. Cannon's coun
cil of war and contrary opinions break up the army,
it., 285 ; Locbeill leaves them, t'6. ; Privy Council
send for him from Ireland, 295 ; defends himself
before William III. after Battle of the Boyne, 297 ;
his character, t'6., 298 ; particulars of the rout after
Killikranky, 298, 299 ; arrives in Scotland, and
marches North with 20 battalions and squadrons,
363.
Mackays, the Clan defeated, 29.
M'Kcnzie of Rose-end, 107.
Sir George, 179, 235.
of Suddy, Captain, 215, 217; is killed when
aiding Macintosh in an inroad into Lochaber, 230 ;
Macintosh made prisoner, to. ; bis corps at a Clan
fight, 361, 362.
M'Kenzies, 41.
M'Lean, Sir Allan, his sister married to Locheill, 182 ;
dispute with the Marquess of Argyll, 194, et seq. ;
invasion of Mull threatened, 196; prevented by Loch
eill, i'&. ; Castle of Dowart taken, 189; new com
mission of fire and sword, t'6. ; meeting between
M'Lean and Locheill, 201 ; terms of agreement ad
justed, 202 ; Sir John, sends men to aid Viscount
Dundee, 244 ; gallant attack on Mackay's dragoons,
ib., 245, 247 ; his battalion at Killikranky, 266 ;
at convention of Chiefs, 291 ; resolves to adhere to
fortunes of King James VII., t'6. ; Castle of Dowart
ordered to be delivered up to Argyll for King William
III., 306; gets permission to go to England after
Massacre of Glencoe, 324 ; on condition of surrender
ing Castle of Dowart, &c., ib. ; his character, ib.,
INDEX.
407
325; a favourite at Court, ib. ; acquits himself with
great address, 326; King procures reconciliation with
Argyll, 327; he imprudently goes to St Gennains,
ib. ; King confirms the charters to Argyll, ib,
M'Lean, of Argaur, (Ardgower,) 24, n., 63.
— — Clan, 71 ; ravage Marquess of Argyll's country
around Castle Campbell, &c., 73, 74; 700 of them
slain by Fairfax, 95; many of them slain at Killi-
kranky, 280.
of Coll, 19.
of Doward, 24, n. ; Sir Hector, 26, 30, 37 ; 700
of his Clan slain by Fairfax, 95; Sir Lacblaue, 194.
Ewen Abrach, 19.
John Garbh, 1 9.
Sir John, bis Islanders, 365.
Laird of, (Chief of the Clan,) Lachlan, 19, 36;
gallant conduct of his Clan at Glenlivat, 41, 45, 46.
of Lochbuy, Hector, 46, 47, 55 ; commands 200
MacLeans against General Mackay, 244.
MacLeod, Lieutenant- Colonel, 107.
MacLeods, suffer heavily at Worcester, 96, 97 ; seat
of Dun vegan, 137.
M'Martines, Chief of the, ("a tribe of the Camerons,)
33, 67, 229.
of Letterfinlay, 153.
MacNachtan, Laird of, 141, 142, 159, 345.
M'Ochtery. See Cameron.
MacPhail, a priest, 29.
MacPherson, Clan, 8, 40, 41, 184, 187, 188, 190.
of Cluny, (Chief of the Clan,) 8, 188.
MacPhersons of Badenoch, 238; 250 of the Clan join
General Cannon after Killikranky, 283.
M'Sheagh, 8.
MADDERTY, LORD, 61, 62, 98.
MAGDALENE, PRINCESS, of France, 28.
MAGNUS, King of Norway, 13, 14.
Major's History, 17, n.
MALCOLM III., (Canmore,) KING, 4, 22.
IV., 7.
Malignants, 87.
Mammore, 29, n., 58, 210, 220, 221.
MARCH, EARL of, Dunbar, 4, 10, 15.
MARGARET, PRINCESS of Scotland, marries Erick, son
of Haco, 15.
of the Isles, 15.
Marion of the Isles, 23.
MARISCHALL, EARL, a branch of the Clan Chattan, 8,
183.
Marothecum Evangelicum, 64
MARK, EARL of, 4; Alexander, ib., 15, 18; killed,
ib. ; seat of Kildrummy, 136, 183.
Marr, Brae of. See Braemar.
customs of, 33.
MARY QUEEN OF SCOTS, 34, 38.
QUEEN of William III., 303; interests herself
in the affairs of the Highlands, 325.
Massacre of Glencoe. See Glencoe.
Massay, General, 96.
MELFORT, EARL of, 224.
Memoir as to state of Highlands in 1716, 377.
Menteith, troops of James VII. there, 296.
Menzies, Major Duncan, sent to St Germains by High
land Chiefs, 304 ; King James VII. sends him back
with letters, 311 ; posts from Paris in eleven days,
ib., 312 ; implores General Buchan to forward
notices to all the Chiefs without delay, 313.
MIDDLETON, EARL of, General, 90 ; wounded and
taken prisoner at Worcester, 96 ; escapes from Tower
of London, 98 ; visits Charles II. in France, ib. ;
sent to Holland, 99, 107 ; returns to Scotland, 107;
his letter to Locheill from Caithness, ib. ; assumes
command of King's army, 108 ; co-operates with
Locheill to oppose Monk, 110, 128, 129, 133; part
of his troops defeated at Lochgarry, 134, 136; to
winter in the Isles, 1 37 ; his declaration as to Locb-
eill's loyal services, 138, 166; created Lord High
Commissioner to Scottish Parliament, 171, 175;
King recommends settlement of disputes between
Locheill and Macintosh, 181, 219.
Monk, General, oppresses the Scots (under Cromwell)
while Scottish army in England, 97 ; his army ha
rassed by the moss-troopers, ib. ; sick and returns to
England, 98 ; succeeded first by Colonel Dean and
then by Lilburn, 99; gets submission of Glencairn,
108 ; gets chief command in Scotland, 109 ; tries
to divide Highland army, ib. ; endeavours to bribe
Locheill, 110; plants garrison at Inverlochy, ib.,
127, 129; Locheill makes proposals to him, 146;
his letter to Locheill, 147, 149, 153 ; letter to Earl
of Callander, 160, 162; aids the Restoration of
King Charles II., 163; created Earl of Albemarle,
168.
Monro of Foulis, Chief of the Monros, killed, £9.
General, 83.
MONTEITH, EARL of, 4 ; ordered to aid Privy Council
in procuring surrender of Highland Chiefs, 300.
MONTROSE, MARQUESS of, 69, 70, 71, 73; defeats
Argyll at Kilsytb, 74; made Captain General, &c.,
75 ; calls a Parliament at Glasgow, ib. ; defeated
by Lesly at Philipbaugh, 76 ; Montrose's troops
butchered, after quarter granted, ib. ; his victory at
Inverlochy, 77; disbands by order of Charles I.,
408
INDEX.
84; Undt with a few foreign troops, 88; defeated,
i A. ; hanged, drawn, and quartered, 4c., ib., 89,
114, 183; honourable conduct of that Houie, 331.
MORAY, EARL of. See Murray.
Morgan, GwenU, 109, 134, 136.
MORTON, EARL of, 40.
Monren, 14, 45.
Mem trooprn haras* the English army, 96, 98, 137,
141.
Moydart, Laird of, Captain of Clanrannald, 30.
— Castle Tyrim, in, 84.
Muchard, (Muckart,) 73.
MuU, Island of, 37, 45 ; invasion by Argyll threat-
cued, 196; Do wart Castle taken, 199, 202, 204 ;
ships with supplies for King James VII.'s troops
taken, 257.
Munster declares for France, 311.
MURRAY, (MORAY,) EARL of, James, (REGENT,) 34,
35, 39, 40; " The Bonny Earl" murdered, 41, 55,
183; is Sheriff Principal of Inverness, 188, 225,
227.
Captain, 241.
Earldom of, 32.
— — LORD, son to Marquess of Atliol, 255 ; pretends
to join Viscount Dundee, ib. ; Locheill presses him
to declare for King James VII., 256; his men de
sert him, and drink King James' health out of the
river Tummel, 257 ; his Regiment, 329.
— Lord William, 212; his troop of horse, i'.
of Struan, 214.
— William, brother to Tullibardin, taken at Philip-
haugb, 76 ; visited in prison by Locheill, 79 ; is exe
cuted, ib.
N.
NAIRN, all between age of sixteen and sixty to proceed
against Clan Cameron, 183.
Naseby, battle of, 13.
Newark, Charles I. joins Scots army at, 82.
Newy, Mr John, a preacher, prevails on Lessly to
butcher the people in Kintyre, 84.
Nisbit, Sir Philip, taken at Philiphaugb, 76 ; executed
at Cross of Glasgow, ib.
Nobility, what, 5.
Non-jurants, 328.
NOTES AMD ILLUSTRATION! by Editor, 339.
o.
O'BRIAN, the prize-fighter, vanquished by Donald
M'Bane, 370.
Ochiltrees, whence descended, 12.
Odo sends Donald Ballach's head to King James I.
from Ireland, 18.
OGILVY, LORD, wounded, 35 ; taken at Philipbaugh,
76; escapes in disguise in his sister's clothes, ib.
— Sir Thomas, killed, 71.
— of Innerwharrity, Alexander, taken at Philip-
baugb, 76; executed at the Cross of Glasgow, ib.
OLAUS, KING OF THE ISLES, marries daughter of So-
merled, 14.
ORANGE, PRINCE of, 88 ; prepares to invade England,
231 ; address by some Scotch Nobles on his arrival
in London, 234, 274, 276. See Cromwell. Monk.
William III.
Orkney, customs of, 33.
OR MONO, MARQUESS of, 128, 240.
Oxford, University of, 72.
INDEX.
409
P.
PACIFICATION of the Highlands in 1690, Letters from
Marquess of Argyll, &c., APP.
Palm Sunday, battle between the Camerons and Mac
intoshes on, 17, 345.
Paris, 128.
Parliament held at St Andrews, 76.
Pass in Braemar, 105.
of Clunes, 105.
of Killikranky, 258; Battle of, 263-273.
Pearson, Colonel, commands Irish at Killikranky, 266.
Pennant, his sketch of Sir Ewen Cameron, 353.
Pentoick, conflict at, 52.
Perth, great fight between the Camerons and Mac
intoshes on the North Inch of, 1 1, 345 ; Charles II.
there, 93; one of Monk's depots, 109; all between
sixteen and sixty to proceed against Clan Cameron,
183.
city of, 16, 238.
DUKE of, (Lord Drummond,) 328, 329, 330,
331 ; intimacy between House of Perth and Chiefs
of Clan Cameron, ib,
EARL of, John, 59, 61, 62 ; Lord Chancellor,
223 ; Lochiell sends 300 men to protect him, 231 ;
he is taken prisoner and sent to Stirling Castle, 232 ;
burial place at Innerpeffrey, 249, 302, 327, 362.
See DRCTMMOND, LORD.
Pestilence in Britain, 72.
Philiphaugh, Battle of, 76 ; execution of the victims
taken, ib.,' 80.
Philips of Amrycloss, Standard-bearer to Viscount
of Dundee, 236 ; is author of " Grameis," a Latin
Poem in honour of Dundee, ib,
Pitcairn, Dr Archibald, his Latin lines on Viscount
Dundee, 279; translated by Dryden, 280, 282; his
Epitaph on Dundee, 387.
Plague in Britain, 72.
Pollock, Laird of, 238.
POPE, THE, 29,35, 311.
PORTMORE, EARL of, 275T'
Portnadernag, 215.
Portuchrekine, 141; three English Colonels taken
there by Locheill, ib., 142.
POWESS, MARQUESS of, 225, 228.
Preachers, power exercised by them, 87, 89, 90, 91.
Presbyterians, Convention offer the Crown to Prince of
Orange, 234.
Preston, Duke of Hamilton routed at, 83.
Prestonpans, Battle of, 366.
Proceres Regni, 5.
Protestants of Ireland, Massacre of, 81.
Provensall, a trooper, 241, 364.
Pulpit styled " The Chair of Verity," 91.
R.
RAE, LORD, Chief of the Mackays, 29.
Ramsay, Gilbert, a volunteer with Viscount Dundee
at Killikranky, 280 ; remarkable presentiment of his
death, ib., 281 ; killed, ib., 367.
Colonel, (of Dragoons,) 240 ; is put to the
rout by Viscount Dundee, ib., 241; reinforces
Mackay, 243.
Rannoch, 205.
Redmond, Lady, 384.
Reid, John, 4, «.
Repentance, stool of, 88.
Revolution, anno 1688, 230.
Rivan, Castle of, in Badenoch. See Ruthven.
ROBERT I., KING, 6, 33, n.
II., KING, 24, n.
ROBERT ILL, KING, 10; his Queen, Arabella Drum
mond, ib., 13.
Robertson of Struan, (Chief of the Clan,) 205 ; a party
of his men, sent by Gen. Cannon after Killikranky
to seize provisions at Perth, surprised and defeated
by Mackay, 283.
ROLLO, LORD, 238.
Rollock, Sir William, taken at Philiphaugb, 76; exe
cuted at Cross of Glasgow, ib.
Rome, pilgrimage to, 29.
Ross, Mr Alexander, author of MS. History of the
Sutherlands, in Latin, 50.
. County of, all between sixteen and sixty to pro
ceed against Clan Cameron, 183.
— — EARL of, 4, 13, n., 14 ; competition for estates
3r
!! >
INDEX.
of, ib., 16, 17, 18, 19; 21, 22, 23; John, list Earl,
16., 25 ; thought to be rtprwented by Sir Don. Mac-
donald of SUte, 248 ; alto claimed by Clanrannald,
NA
KOTHU, EAAL of, 171 ; High Commi*iion«r to Scot-
tiab Parliament, 182.
Don of, 185.
Roxburgh, siege of, 21.
Rumbald the Maltster, 215; taken, 216.
Ruthven, Castle of, (in Badenoch.) 40, 41, 102 ; is
summoned to surrender, 241 ; Captain Forbes sur
renders, ib.
Ryehouse Plot, 216.
S.
OTH, repentance in, 88.
Salique Law, 8.
Samur, University of, 64.
Scfaaw, or Sheagb, ancestor of the Macintoshes, 7.
— origin of family of, 8.
Scone, 173.
SEAPOETH, EARL of, 46, 195; to be sent by King
James VIL to head his followers, 288; arrives in
Highlands, 289, 292.
Shaws, tribe of, 188.
Shear-darg, i. e. a day in harvest, 264.
Sheridan, Sir Thomas, 384.
Sheriffmuir, Battle of, 249, 366.
Shetland, 33.
Skelmorlie, Laird of, 363.
Skinner, Dr, Life of Monk, 108, 137.
Skyt , Isle of, 137.
Smith, Captain, sent by Glencairn to Charles II. in
Francf, 99.
Snow-fight, the, 40.
Somerled, Thane of Argyle, 14.
SOCLES, LORD, John, 4.
Spey, river of, 15, 244; ford of, 245.
Spiriten, Castle, 19.
Spottiswood, Archbishop, 41, 75.
Sir Robert, Secretary of State, 74 ; Lord Presi
dent, 75; taken at Philiphaugb, 76; his interview
with young Locheill, 77-79 ; executed, 80.
St Andrews, city of, Parliament held in, 76.
Prior of, 34.
Si Germains, Court of, 249, 304, 307, 312.
St Nuff, Battle of, 274.
STAIR, MASTER of, Secretary of State, 303, 305 ; his
Warrant superscribed by King William III. to cut
off without mercy those Chiefs who were too late in
accepting of Indemnity, 313, 314; nine Letters and
two sets of Instructions superscribed and subscribed
by King William III. for Massacre of Glencoe,
316; abstract of them, ib.-3 18; the King's War
rant, 318.
Stanley, Sir Edward, 27.
Steward, Lord High, 5 ; origin of word steward, ib.
Stewart of Appin, head of a tribe of the Stewarts, 38,
n., 63; 200 of the Clan accompany Locheill's son
to reinforce Gen. Cannon after Killikranky, 283 ;
taken by order of Privy Council, 303; liberated
by Queen's command, ib. ; orders to destroy his
lands, 316.
of Ballachan, enters Castle of Blair, and keeps it
for Viscount Dundee, 255.
of Ardsheall, keeps out Castle of Island-Stalker
for King James VIL, 302.
Stirling, Castle of, Lord Chancellor, Perth, imprisoned
there, 232; put iu a posture of defence, 234.
town of, 73, 74, 93; army of Charles II. en
camps in the Park, 94.
Stool of Repentance, 88.
Strachan, Alexander, seized at Glasgow with instruc
tions from King James VIL, 288.
— — Colonel, defeats and captures Marquess of
Montrose, 88.
Stralachlan, 215.
STRATHALLAN, VISCOUNT, 13, n., 219; visits Lord
Drumraond, a prisoner in Edinburgh Castle, 329.
Stratharick, 70.
Strathdee, 33.
Strathdown, 41, 242. See Gordon.
Straglass, Laird of, gets a safe-conduct from Privy
Council after affair of Cromdalv, 295.
Strathspey, district of, 188, 278, 294.
Stronabow, 28.
Strone, Castle of, 23, 24, n., 25.
lands of, 47.
Stroneviss, skirmish there, 130, 131, 132.
Struan, Laird of. See Robertson.
Stuart, Royal House of, 3, 4.
INDEX.
411
Sutherland, Clan, 71.
EAKL of, 3 ; Chief of Clan Chattan, 8.
Family of, MS. History, by Mr Alexander Ross,
in Latin, 50.
Sutherland, Thane of, 3.
SWEDEN, KING of, 311.
Swinart, (Sunart.) 168, 192, 210, 225, 229, 231.
Symson, David, 3.
T.
TANTALLON, Castle of, 17.
TARBAT, VISCODNT, 230; helps Locheill's escape,
231 ; is Lord Justice- Clerk, 308, 364.
Targes, Targets, or Shields, used by the Highlanders,
117, 188, 251, 262, 366.
Tay, river, 12, 15.
Thane of Argyll, Somerled, 14.
of Fife, M'Duff, 4, n.
of Lochaber, 3, 4, n.
of Sutherland, 3.
Thanes and Abthanes. 5.
Titles of honour, 5.
Torr Castle, 29.
Torture of the boot, 164.
TUEDDELL, LORD, Simon, 4.
TULLJBARDINE, EARL of, 76 ; his brother executed, 79.
Tullich at Braemar, skirmishes between Locheill and
Lilburnat, 100-102.
Tummel, (Tumble,) river, 257; Lord Murray's men
desert and drink King James VII. 's health, ib.
Turenne, Marischall, 274.
Turlyady, 27, n.
Tyree, Island of, 204.
Tyrim Castle, in Moydart, 84.
V.
VERITY, The Chair of, (the pulpit,) 91.
Versfcigan, 5, n.
Vuirich, Clan, or MacPhersons, 8, 40, 41, 184.
MacPherson.
See
w.
'WALLACE of Craigie, Sir William, commands horse at
Killikranky, 268 ; his cowardly conduct, ib,
Weems, Castle of, (Apnadow,) in Rannoch, Gen.
Mackay sleeps there the night after Battle of Killi
kranky, 272 ; next night at Drummond Castle, 299.
WEMYSS, EARL of, 174.
Western Islands, 13 ; possessed by the Norwegians,
ib., 14, 249.
WILLIAM THE CONQUEROR, KING, 23.
WILLIAM III., KING, Revolution, 1688, some of the
proceedings in Scotland, 231, et seq., 241 ; offers a
cessation of arms to the Highlanders, 289 ; Earl of
Breadalbane offered L.5000 to procure this, ib. ;
King goes to Ireland, ib, ; victory over troops of
James VII. at Battle of the Boyne, 296; in Flan
ders, 302, 303 ; accepts of surrender by Highland
Chiefs, and proclaims Indemnity, 304 ; Clan Mac-
Grigor to be pursued, 305 ; Clans not submitting to
be treated as rebels, ib., 306 ; private articles, 309 ;
threatened invasion of England by King of France
in favour of James VII., 310 ; Indemnity offered
to Highland Chiefs permitted to be accepted of by
King James VII., 311; L.20,000 to be given
among those Chiefs who accepted in time, 312;
7m~—
INDEX.
defrauded, ib. ; cruel measures adopted gyll, 327; harsh proceedings against the Non-jur-
those who were too late, 313 ; Warrant for ants, 328.
the daatiuttion of (be Highland Chiefs who did not Windsor, 228.
take the Indemnity, 3 1 3, 3 14 ; Warrant for the Mas- Wogan, Captain, 1 28, 1 29.
•acre of Olencoe superscribed and subscribed by the Wolf, the last one in Scotland killed by Locheill,
King, 318; Sir John M'Lean introduced, and a fa- 86.
vnurite at Court, 325, 326 ; King gets Argyll to Worcester, Battle of, King Charles II. defeated, and
give up M'Lean'* estate, ib. ; M'Lean madly goes flies to France, 96.
to 8t Germain*, and grants are confirmed to Ar- Wynd, Henry, II.
Y.
YOK, DOKK of, Locheill introduced to, 166 ; iheir intimacy, 181, 205, 210 ; patronises Viscount Dundee, 275.
FINIS.
F.ni.fBDHGH I'RIXTIMO f OMPASV, 12, 8OCTH ST DAVID STREET.
L.
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