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Full text of "Memoirs of Sir Ewen Cameron of Locheill, Chief of the Clan Cameron : with an introductory account of the history and antiquities of that family and of the neighbouring clans"

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*,* It has been considered expedient to preserve the MARGINAL ANNOTATIONS contained in the Original 
MSS. in the form of a running TABLE OF CONTENTS, so as to preserve the,whole of the "Work, as 
faithfully as possible, in its original form. A few additions have been made where the narrative 
has been left incomplete by the Author, which are placed within brackets. These remarks, how 
ever, only apply to the Memoirs themselves, for the annotations on the margin of the Introduction 
are so imperfect, that the Editor has constructed the Table to that part of the Work, and incor 
porated the Author's notes ; but it has not been thought worth while to distinguish them in the 





Origin of the Camerons, . . . . * 3 

ANGUS, one of the first of the name, marries Marion, one of the daughters of 

Kenneth III., . . . . . t ib. 

Instrumental in saving Fleance from Macbeth, . . 4 

GILLESPICK, son to Angus, assists at the restoration of King Malcolm III. created 

Baron, 26th April 1057, . . . . . ib. 

Titles of honour supposed to have been first introduced by Malcolm III. dignities 

not supposed to have been then hereditary, ... 5 

JOHN, of the Family of Cameron, assists King Robert Bruce in his wars signs 

the letter addressed by the Scots Nobility to the Pope in 1370 commands a body 

of forces at Halidon Hill Genealogical list of the Chiefs of the Camerons, 6 

Origin of the feud between the Clan Macintosh and the Clan Cameron account 

of the Clan Macintosh, . 7 




Account of the Clan Chattan, and discussion of the claim of the Macintoshes to be 
considered the principal branch of that sept, 

Macintosh obtains a charter of the lands of Glenlui and Locharkike, of which the 
Camerons retain forcible possession battle at Innernahawn, in which the Came- 
rons are at first victorious, but are finally defeated, 

ALLAN M'OcntERY. K. Robert III. endeavours to put an end to the feud between 
the Camerons and Macintoshes sends the Earl of March and the Earl of Craw 
ford to the Highlands for that purpose these Noblemen arrange that the dis 
pute should be decided by a combat between thirty of each Clan, . 10 

North Inch of Perth pitched upon for the combat description of the engagement 
Henry Wynd, . ... 

The Macintoshes obtain the victory, but the feud continues unsettled mistake of 
Historians in confounding the Clan Cameron with the Clan Kay Allan M'Och- 
ter/s chivalrous duel in defence of the honour of a lady his death Ochiltrees 
said to be descended from him, . * 12 

Ewen M'Allan, son to Allan M'Ochtery, dies, and is succeeded by 

DONALD M'EwEX, a Chief of extraordinary merit his name assumed as the patro- 
nimic of the family perpetually engaged in foreign or domestick wars parti 
cularly with the Lords of the Isles account of that Family, . 13 

Somerled, Thane of Argyle, marries the daughter of Olaus, one of the Norwegian 
Viceroys of the Western Isles he and bis posterity extend their authority over 
the Western Highlands Walter Lessly marries the heiress of the Earldom and 
Estate of Ross leaves a son who succeeds him as Earl, and a daughter who mar 
ries the Lord of the Isles account of their issue, . . 14 

Donald Lord of the Isles, in right of his mother, claims the Earldom of Ross en 
ters into treaties with England is defeated at Harlaw, . . 15 

Subsequently makes his peace with K. James I. again breaks out into rebellion, and 
invests Inverness with 10,000 men Donald Chief of the Clan Cameron attends 
him in this expedition, . . . . .. : 16 

But Donald and the Macintoshes take the first opportunity of deserting his standard 
and joining the Royal army the Earl of Ross at last submits to the King, and is 
imprisoned in Tantallau Castle dreadful conflict between the Camerous and 
Macintoshes on Palm Sunday Donald Ballach, cousin to the Earl of Ross, re 
solves to avenge his confinement, and ravages the West Highlands, . 17 
Defeats the Earls of Mar and Caithness at Inverlochy Earl of Caithness killed 
Donald Ballach determining to extirpate the Camerons, their Chief flies to Ireland 
Ballach also takes shelter in Ireland on hearing of the King's approach, where he 
is betrayed and beheaded Donald, Chief of the Camerons, returns from Ireland, 18 
Chases a robber, named Hector Bui M'Coan, from his country mutual atrocities 



the Earl of Ross bestows Donald's estates on a younger son of the Laird of Mac 
lean, called Garbh, who sends his son Ewen to take possession, but is defeated and 
killed by Donald near Corpach continued feuds with the Macintoshes Donald 
still retains possession of the disputed lands, . . . -, 19 

Account of John Cameron, Bishop of Glasgow, . - 20 

EWEN M'CoiLDUY succeeds his father, Donald, defeats the Macintoshes at Craigiar- 
lich dies in a few years, and is succeeded by 

DONALD Dow M'EwEN, who arranges matters with the Earl of Ross, and accompanies 
him to the siege of Roxburgh account of the Earl's power and valour death of 
the King, , . . . .21 

Singular Indenture between the Lord Forbess and the Laird of Macintosh, . . 22 

ALLAN M'CoiLDUY succeeds his father, , . il. 

Marries a daughter of Angus Lord of the Isles is made Governor of the Castle 
ofStrone, . * . . . .23 

Celestine, his lady's uncle, gives him a grant of the lands of Kifrone is said to 
have made thirty -two expeditions into his enemy's country ; but is at last sur 
prized, defeated, and slain by Macintosh and Keppoch, . . 24 

Leaves a family the Earl of Ross having broken out into a new rebellion, deprived 
of the Earldom, but permitted to retain his Lordship of the Isles, . 25 

EWEN M'ALLAN, SECOND, succeeds his father Allan marries a daughter of Duncan, 
Chief of the Macintoshes, but still continues at feud with them receives grants 
of land from the Lord of the Isles, .... ib. 

Upon the death of Alexander, last Lord of the Isles, Ewen obtains a charter of all 
the lands formerly held by him of that Family from King James IV. follows that 
Prince to Flodden, u , ...; : .- + ',. , >.' . 26 

Escapes with his life in that engagement, and assists the Duke of Albany during the 
minority of King James V., and obtains from that Prince a charter of erection of 
his lands into a barony, v- . 4.. .-./.,;' . 27 

Bestows a liberal education upon his son Donald, who goes to Court, and contracts 
a great friendship with George, the fourth Earl of Huntly, who bestows large pos 
sessions upon him, . >.'. . . . * , .28 

Feud between the Camerons and Mackays latter defeated, and Monro of Foulis 
their ally killed Ewen M' Allan sets out on a pilgrimage to Rome, but remains 
in Holland, and sends his confessor to the Pope, who prescribes, as part of his pen 
ance, the building of six Chapels upon his estate also builds the Castle called Tori- 
Castle, long the family residence of the Camerons, . . ! * . 29 

Feud between the Frasers and Clanranald Huntly, as Lord Lieutenant in the 
North, sides with Fraser Ewen M'Allan declines taking part in the quarrel, 30 



Battle at Loch Loohy, in which the Frasers are defeated alleged duplicity of 
Huntljr's conduct, 

Disputes between the Camerons and Macintoshes referred to Huntly ; who, having 
got Ewen M' Allan in his power, beheads him, and also some time after seizes 
upon Macintosh and puts him to death trial of Huntly for these crimes, 

In consequence, deprived of many of his possessions, . '& 

EWEN M'CoxffEL succeeds his grandfather seduces a daughter of the Laird of 
M'Dougal is imprisoned by her father in an island in a fresh-water lake, . 33 

Hia Clan resolve upon rescuing him, but he is mortally wounded in making his 
escape dies, and leaves a natural son by M'Dougal's daughter, . 34 

DONALD Dow M'CoNNEL succeeds his brother assists Queen Mary at Corrichy, ib. 

Account of Huntly 's rebellion surrender of the Castle of Inverness to the Royal 
forces, and death of the Governor, Alexander Gordon, . 35 

Death of the Marquis of Huntly, and execution of John Gordon, his eldest son 
Donald obtains a gift of the lands held by him of the family of Huntly, which 
were forfeited along with the rest of their estate marries a daughter of the Chief 
of the M* Leans, but dies before the birth of his son, . . ib. 

ALLAH M'CoNinsL DUIE, his birth and misfortunes conveyed by his nurse to Mull 
M'Gilvraw of Glencanner, his foster-father educated by Mr Cameron, Mini 
ster of Dunoon mismanagement of his tutors his uncle, the bastard, sent for 
to manage his affairs invasion of his territory by Macintosh, and unhappy ar 
rangement made by the tutors with him, . . . , > .' 37 

Attempts of the tutors to repair their mistake, and murder of one of them execu 
tion of the other by Argyle return of Allan to Lochaber, and murder of his 
uncle, the bastard Allan again leaves Lochaber, and marries a daughter of 
Stewart of Appine, . . . . ' 38 

Allan's quarrel with M'Dougall of Fairlochine, and murder of Glenurchy 's eldest son 
by Allan's servant, who is killed in consequence again returns to Lochaber 
quarrel between Huntly and Murray, .... 39 

Earl of Atholl, and the Lairds of Grant and Macintosh, join Murray Earls of Errol, 
Morton, and Bothwell, join Huntly Allan's enmity to Macintosh induces him to 
join Huntly, and defeats Macintosh in several engagements, . 40 

Death of Earl of Murray at Dunibirstle Earl of Argyle appointed Lieutenant- 
General of the King's Forces, and defeated at Glenlivat Allan is present at the 
engagement, but with few men, . . . 41 

Macintosh and Argyle attack Allan, who detains Macintosh at the River Lochy till 

his provisions foil, and he is forced to retreat, . 42 

The Campbells, under Ardkinlas, also advance against him, but are surprized and 
repulsed severe laws made for pacifying the Highlands, . . 43 



Difficulties brought on by Allan's connection with Huntly he is forced to make 
an agreement with Macintosh, by which Macintosh mortgages the lands in dis 
pute to Allan for 6000 merks, 

Allan's feud with M'Vie Ewen, who flies to M'Lean for refuge, 

Death of M'Vie Ewen Allan revenges the death of his uncle, Chief of the Mac- 
Leans, who was mortally wounded in a feud with the MacDonalds of Islay 
Allan's subsequent disgrace at Court, . . .46 

Forfeiture of his lands, and rigorous manner in which the sentences are enforced 
Argyle's unsuccessful attempt to induce Allan to become his vassal in the estate 
of Locheill, of which he had become the purchaser Clanranald becomes the 
mediator, . ,' .->'.', . . . 47 

Allan forced to become a party to the extirpation of the Macgregors, . 48 

Account of the Macgregors, . . . . . 49 

Translation of part of Mr Alexander Ross' History, giving a particular detail of 
the transactions in which the Clan Macgregor were engaged, from 1602 and 
upwards, . . . 50 

Singular anecdote of Campbell of Auchinbreck's friendship to the Macgregors 
he forces the Marquis of Argyle to murder Campbell of Aberuchill for his trea 
chery to that Clan, . . . . i . ' 53 

Cruel treatment of the Macgregors, and their dispersion, . . 54 

Allan at last consents to become Argyle's vassal for the lands of Locheill Huntly's 
cruel and ungrateful conduct, . . .55 

Additional treachery of the Earl of Enzie, Huntly's son, who, after having by agree 
ment with Allan bought part of his forfeited estates, refuses to restore them except 
ing upon the very hardest conditions Clanranald repairs to Court to assist Allan ; 
who, in the meantime, refuses to surrender the lands in dispute, uidess compelled 
by force Huntly, aware of the difficulty, tampers with the allegiance of the Ca- 
merons to their Chief, and succeeds in debauching some of his Clan, . 56 

Allan, discovering the conspiracy, puts sixteen of the ringleaders to death 
this the only division that ever occurred in the Clan Cameron the Earl of Enzie, 
in consequence, obtains a new sentence of outlawry against him, .'.-.' 57 

The neighbouring Chiefs, however, refuse to assist in putting the sentences into 
execution, in consequence of which Macintosh is imprisoned being liberated, lie 
attempts to exercise jurisdiction in Lochaber, but is resisted by Allan, who is in 
consequence found guilty by the Privy Council which forces him to enter into 
terms with Huntly, . . . . . 58 

The Earl of Enzie grants charters in favour of Allan and the other principal gen 
tlemen of the name of Cameron and Huntly becomes bound to support him in 
his disputes with Macintosh, . . . .59 



Macintosh endeavours to undermine his interest at Court, and procures an order 
for a Commission of Fire and Sword to bo issued against him, 

But the Commission proving inoparative, an agreement is made to refer their dif 
ferences to the Earl of Argylo and others, who ordain Allan to surrender the 
lands in dispute upon payment of a sum of money, but he evades performance- 
enumeration of the Noblemen and others who befriended him, 61 

Is reconciled with the King before his death, who grants him a remission account 
of his eldest son, John, 

John marries a daughter of Campbell of Glenfalloch, and dies before his father, 
leaving two children, Ewen and Allan Donald, Allan's second son, becomes tutor 
to his nephew mention of the marriages of several of Allan's daughters his 
death account of Cameron the Divine, . . . ' 63 


SIR EWEN CAMERON, his birth his mother he lives with his foster-father till lie is 
seven years old, and after that with his uncle, . . 67 

Putt under the tuition of the Marquis of Argyle at twelve years [of age, who puts 
him to school at Inverary breaking out of] the Rebellion of 1641 [loyalty of the 
family of Argyle,] and of his [the Marquis] father, who advises the King to confine 
his own son the Marquis engadged in the Rebellion the King endeavours, in 
vaine, to gain the Covenanters remarks, . . . 68 

Marquis of Montrose heads an army for the King, and gives several defeats to the 
Covenanters personal enmity between Argyle and Montrose Argyle burns his 
estate Montrose winters at Inverary, . . . ' . 69 

Marches to Lochaber, and is joyned by 300 Camerons Argyle follows him with an 
army his design Montrose [having left Lochaber is] recalled by old Locheill 
Argyle defeated at Inverlochey, . . . .70 

His officers capitulate he loses 1500 men and Montrose but three, with one gen 
tleman [Old] Locheill congratulates with Montrose, who stays some days with 
him Montrose defeats Sir John Hurry, May 20th, and General Bailly, 71 

[Locheill still remains under Argyle's guardianship, who] takes great care of his 
education designs to settle him at Oxford the plague in Stirling Locheill 
steals out of the coach, and rambles through the town, but is not infected Ar 
gyle stopped at Berwick, . .- . ' * ' 72 

King Charles I. defeated and routed at Nessby, . . . t ' 73, 



Argyle continues long at Berwick Montrose invades Fyfe Argyle goes to Castle 
Campbell, which he garrisons the M'Leans burn his estate there, by liberty 
from Montrose one of their parties insult the garrison, . . 73 

[The Governor blamed by Locheill,] who is turned out of his office, . 74 

Bloody Battle of Kilsyth, 15th August 1645 all the South and North of Scotland 
submits to Montrose he relieves the prisoners, and is in hopes to retrieve the 
King's affairs in England character of Secretary Spottiswood he brings his 
Majesty's Commission to Montrose, . . . ib. 

Montrose calls a Parliament, .... 75 

David Leslie sent for from England, . ib. 

Montrose decoyed to the South by traiterous Lords his army leaves him, all but 

700 foot and 200 horse, . V . . . ib. 

He is surprized and defeated at Philiphaugh, September 13, . . 76 

Montrose escapes his foot butchered, after quarter granted prisoners of quality 

October 28, three of them executed at Glasgow, . ib. 

[Parliament meets, November 26, at St Andrews the Marquis brings Locheill along 
with him there] his [Locheill's] custom of visiteing the prisoners Earl of Heart- 
fell and Lord Ogilby escape, .' . ' .* . . ib. 
Sir Robert Spottiswood and other two under sentence of death, . 77 
Locheill resolves to visite them [he calls for the Captain of the Guard, ] who conducts 
him to the prisoners his reception by Sir Robert Spottiswood, [who gives hinf a 
full explanation of the nature of the Rebellion, and an earnest exhortation to con 
tinue loyal,] . f . ... . ib. 
Locheill affected by the relation, .... ib. 
Sir Robert's discourse thereupon Locheill visits the other prisoners, ' . ' 79 
[Their execution witnessed by Locheill, in company with the Marquis,] '. 80 
Locheill talks with Argyle thereupon Argyle's great eloquence some particulars 

of his discourse to Locheill, . . . . . 81 

Locheill resolves to return home, .. 82 

The King flys to the Scots army, May 5, 1646, . . . ib. 

They procure an order for Montrose to disband, and at last sell the King to the 

English rebells, . , v . .... 83 

Duke Hamiltoun invades England, and is routed, 18th August 1648, . ib. 

Cromwell invited to Scotland who, having returned to London, brings the King 

to the scaffold, January 30, 1649, . - ''". .' : 84 

Argyle returns to Inverary, and is followed by Lessly and his army, who forceth Sir 

Alexander MacDonald to fly to Ireland, 25th May 1647, r ib. 

Massacre of his Highlanders 18 saved, whom Locheill feeds in prison Locheill im 
patient to be home his uncle and others apply to Argyle, who parts with him, ib. 



Character of Locheill at that time, . . . . 85 

The want of learned education then no loss to him he returns home with pomp, ib. 
He kills the last wolf in the Highlands his exercises make him vigorous and hardy 
he delights in the recital of Montroso his actions, and thinks it a misfortune that 
he could not serve under him his first cxpeadition against Keppoch the grounds 
of the quarrell, ' . ' ,. \ . . ' .86 

Which is adjusted, . ,. : . . .87 

The second against Glengarry, who agrees the dispute, . . ib. 

Lochaber in full peace, while the rest of the Kingdom is in servitude the power and 

tyranny of the rulers every parish has a tyrant whose power is absolute, . ib. 
Such as were concerned in the Duke of Hamilton'? Ingadgment obliged to sit on the 

repenting- stool, . . . . .88 

The zeal of the nation forces them to treat with King Charles II. the treaty clogged 
with shameful conditions Montrose landing in the North, is defeated and be 
trayed, [and executed, ] . . . ,<,. ib. 
lie dyed as ho lived, . . . . . 89 
His magnanimous answer, on hearing his sentence read forty of his officers executed 
[arrival of Charles II.] the King obliged to take the Covenant before he is 
allowed to land and plagued by the Clergy but treated with outward re 
spect Cromwell sent for [army assembled] the King's friends banished the 
Court,. . ib 
Cromwell [enters Scotland,] . . . .90 
Finds them [the Royal army] well posted the army leaves its post^-and is routed, 
September 1650 Cromwell master of all besouth Forth the King attempts to 
get rid of his troublesome masters, but returns and is used better his friends 
admitted into the army, but on hard terms the King endeavours to gain the 

ClM 8y. . . ib. 

Instance of their freedom with the King, . . 9 j 

Publication of the act of levy, ... 92 

The King's Letter to Locheill and his friends, . . . ^ 

LocheilTs exertions to raise his men, . . QA 

[His difficulties procures a Warrant from the Committee of Estates, to raise his 

men wherever he could find them,] 18th February 1651, ,-j 

The King Generalissimo, Lesly his Lieutenant-General the army at first hearty 
and vigorous, but so ill used, that the greatest part deserted the armys in view 
of each other several skirmishes Generals Holburn and Brown sent to Inver- 
keithing, to guard that pass with 4000 good troops the suspected treacherv of 
the Generals, 

Slaughter of 700 M'Leans the Generals abandon them to the enemy, 95 



Locheill on his march CromewelTs army betwixt him and the King the King's 
not above 10,000, V ' . .... . . 95 

He marches into England, .... 95 

The English hindered from joining by the zeal of the Clergy for their Covenant 
the Battle of Worcester, 3d September 1651 Lessly becomes stupid the bravery 
of Middletoun and the Scotch gentrey [their total defeat] the King escapes mi- 
racoulously the foot either killed or taken, . , . ib. 

The loss of the M'Leods, .... ib. 

General Monk left in Scotland and becomes terrible, . k 97 

Account of the Moss-troopers the Highlanders and others in arms, under the Earl 
of Glencairn his character, .... ib. 

Locheill the first Chief that joyns him, . . .98 

Major-General Drummond [also joins him Monk's sickness] their [Glencairn 
and his friends] message to the King by Mr Knox he is ordered to go by London 
where he meets with Middletoun, [who crosses the Seas with him,] and . ib. 
Who presents him to the King his Majesty in a poor state sends Middleton to 

Holland, to traffick for arms, . . 99 

Second message to the King, December 30th, 1652 the King's answer to the 
Clans Locheill gets a Collonel's Commission Colonel Lilburn sent against the 
Earl of Glencairn, . . . . ib. 

Who [Lilburn] is often repulsed, . .... 100 

Locheil's behaviour he advises fighting, November 1652 Glencairn encamped 
near the river, [Mar,] Locheill posted at a pass between him and the enemy 
Lilburn advances with his army, . . . > ib. 

LocheiU sends advertisement to Glencairn, who retreats, but without leaving or- 
ders, . . . . 101 

The division in his army Locheill makes good his post, and repulses the enemy ; 
and attacks and defeats a separate body of their troops, but dares not pursue them 
the general unable to force the pass, makes a compass round the hills, and gets 
betwixt Locheill and his friends, . . ib. 

Locheill receives orders, and retreats faceing the enemy, ; . 102 

[Lilburn draws up his men with a view to bring on an engagement ;] but [finding 
that impracticable] returns attended by Locheill, who harasses him, and kills seve 
ral of his men Lilburn loses six times as many men as Locheill Glencairn's 
army lessens, but he beheaves bravely, . . . ib. 

Locheill keeps himself free of factions, .... 103 

Glencairn acquants the King of his gallantry letter of thanks from his Majesty 
to Locheill Locheill marches to defend his country from an invasion of the Eng 
lish and makes a confederacy with Glengarry and Keppoch, . ib. 



Send* orders to raise his menbut is obliged to inarch before they can come, 104 

The arrivall of the enemy Keppoch and ho take a view of them, and see Glengary 
among them Locheill also suspects Keppoch, who endeavours to vindicat him 
self Locheill answers with asperity, and 

Keppoch leaves him in a frett, 

Locheill getts before the enemy, and resolves to attack them at the Pass of Cluins 
Collonel Brayn desires liberty to pass amicably Locheill inclines to await another 
opportunity of attacking them, but is perswaded by his friends to lett them pass, ib. 

And [also] by General Drummond, and consents unwillingly, 

He attends them in this march, without injury on either side Glengary 'B excuse 
for his defection, . '' 

General Drummond and Locheill return to Glencairn, 107 

The arrivall of Colonel M'Leod from the King his Letter, &. 

He brings some small supplys, 

Glencairn resigns the command, and returns home Locheill joyns him [Middleton] 
with a regiment of 700 [men] Clarendon's account of his behaviour, 1654 
[Monk supersedes Lilburn,] . & 

[Monk and Morgan march North,] . . 109 

[Monk's prudent measures ho attempts to gain Locheill but finding it in vain, 
orders a garrison to be planted in his country] the English come by sea, 110 

Their number Collonel Brayn Governor, . . ib. 

Curious situation of the Garrison Beniviss Gleneviss Locheill Loch Lochy 
Glenmore, . . . . . HI 

The Governour quickly fortifies himself, . . .112 

Locheill, on viewing his strength, retires to Achadelew and dismisses all his men 
except a guard to his person, [35 or 38 men,] . . ib. 

lie keeps spies in the Garrison by whom he was informed that a party of 300 men 
was to be sent out to fell wood, . . .113 

Two ships full of men sail towards him one of them lands below him he counts 
the men in the landing he advises with his friends some of the young sort for 
attacking them, ..... ib. 

But the wisest among them disswade him, . . . 114 

Some of Montrose's followers there declair that he never fought under such a disad 
vantage Locheill for attacking the English his reasons, . . ib. 
His friends consent, on condition that he and his brother stay away, . 110 
Allan, his brother, bound to a tree, . . . . ib. 
The English advance to the village of Achadelew Locheil's orders to his party 

He rims the risk of being shott from a bush but is saved by his brother, ib. 

The English fire upon the Camerons, but at too great a distance the bloody fire 



of the Highlanders which prevents the enemy's charge a second time the parti 
culars of the action at Achadelew the arms of the English unequall to these of 
the Highlanders the English gave way, '- . . . 117 

But are stopped by a stratagem of Locheil's who are at last forced to fly the 
Highlanders pursue Locheill pursues a few that fled to the wood where he is 
suddenly attacked by the English Commander, . . 118 

Description of the comba,te they enclose and fall to the ground in [each] other's 
arms and fix in a water-gang Locheill in a dismall situation the English offi 
cer endeavours to stab him, but Locheill bites out his throat, . 119 

Locheill hastes to the shoar and offers quarter thirty-four accept clever trick of 
an Irishman an attempt to shoot Locheill, who narrowly escapes by ducking, 
[stooping] the fury of his men thereupon another attempt to shoot him, 120 

But he is saved by his foster-brother, who receives the shott Locheill revenges his 
death, and conveys him three miles on his back in order to his interment five of 
Locheil's men killed, and 138 of the English slain two of their party only known 
to escape whereof one served Locheill as a cook, '. . 121 

Simplicity of some of the Highlanders observations on the different motives of 
courage between Highlanders and common soldiers, '. . 122 

Spirit of emulation among the Highlanders story of an Englishman the English 
neither demanded quarter nor parted with their arms account of the soldiers in 
the other ship crewelty to an old man, who escapes, . . 123 

They come to the middle of the Loch they fire from their ship, and upon Locheil's 
retiring take up the bodies the Governour alarmed he designs to march to the 
relief of his men, but is diverted from it his surprize on seeing their deep 
wounds, ... . . . 124 

Art as well as strength in using the broadsword Locheill acquires great reputation 
for his courage and conduct his conduct in stopping his enemy's retreat censured 
the bravery of the English, . . . . .125 

Their bad arms the cause of their ruin Locheill ordered such of his men as lived 
near the Garrison to submitt which gives him an opportunity of obtaining an 
other victorey the skirmish of Auchintour, . . 126 

He returns to General Middletoun, by whom he is received with great honour 
General Middleton's success he is expected southward character of the Earl of 
London his kind letter to Locheill, . . f^ : - 127 

Arrivall and adventures of Captain Wogan, . . '"-i 128 

Locheill in great friendship with him and his brave party, and shares in their honour 
they are perpetwally in action his death [Monk protracts the war, and avoids 
general engagements, which Middleton and the Highland Chiefs wish to bring on,] 129 

[But they are opposed by the Lowlanders] Locheill has news of the Governour's 



destroying his woods he returns home privatly with 150 men the wood of 
Stroneviss where Locheill posts himself and his party his conduct and policy, 130 
[The attack is successful,] all the [English] officers killed the Governor's favour 
itehis character lamented by all that knew him the surprize and rage of the 


Governour, . 

He resolves to revenge the death of his favourite, and marches with 1500 men 
against Locheill Locheill keeps in view of him the Governour returns insulted 
by the Camerons, . . . 132 

The English keep within their Garrison Locheil's policy to train them out one of 
his stratagems the Governour watches him, 133 

Locheill is sent for by Middletoun the Governour advertises General Morgan of 
Locheil's journey he travells with great caution, 134 

And takes up his quarters in the mountains account of the sheallings or sheildings 
his strange dream the Borrowing-days the enemy [surround the cottage 
where he is sleeping] he is surprized, but escapes the English, 135 

Their strength they pass three several guards undiscovered some of his men and 
all his valuable baggage fall into their hands Locheill again in danger but he 
escapes the enemy the same that were with him in the morning, . 136 

Ho meets with the General, who breaks up his army, and retires to the Isles Loch 
eill, and the gentlemen with him, waite on him in the Spring, 137 

The war.given over by consent the General retires to the King his declaration in 
favours of Locheill the Governour and his Garrison take heart, . . 138 

The adventure of the hunters many of the officers killed account of the suburbs 
of the Garrison which furnishes the Governour with spyes Locheill often dis 
covers and hangs them, . . . .139 

The fidelity of the Camerons Locheill calls a meeting of his Clan informs them 
of the conclusion of the War designs to make an honourable peace his friends 
approve [of] his resolution, . . . .140 

Locheill meets with Macnachtan, and marches in the evening to Portachrekine 
his speech to his men his stratagem for seizing three English Collonells lodged 
there, . . . . 141 

Locheill takes the three Collonels and others Lieutenant-Collonel Campbell one 
of his prisoners their great fright ; but Locheill uses them well, . 142 

They inform themselves of Locheil's actions the isleand of Lock Arkike and Loch 
described, [where his prissoners are confined] the Forest of Glen Kingsy, to which 
Locheill carries his guests by water account of a deer-hunting, . 143 

The English gentlemen agreeably diverted, and much pleased with their landlord, 
for whom they conceive a great friendship Locheill dissembles his designs his 
answer [to their exhortations to make an honourable peace,] . 144 



Locheill gradually gives in that opinion but declares that he will not consent that 
his Clan give up their arms, or take oaths to Cromwell Collonel Campbell under 
takes that neither of these should be demanded, and ralleys Locheill, . 145 

Locheill makes a draught of his terms and employs Collonel Campbell and Sir 
Arthur Forbes to treat for him with General Monk the Treaty agreed to 
by the General, . ,,. .^ . . . . .146 

His letter to Locheill he makes few alterations in the Articles Collonel Campbell 
acquits himself honourably the Marquis of Argyle very active for Locheill, and 
becomes his guarantee the original Treaty lost, but some Articles preserved in 
the General's letters, . . . . . 147 

First Article, concerning oaths, consented to second Article, concerning arms, 
granted, but under limitations Locheill allowed reparation for his woods from 
the capitulation ample indemnity granted for all cryms proceeding the Treaty 
reparation granted for all losses sustained by his tenants discharged of all bye- 
gone cess, tythes, and publick burdens, . . 148 

Provision concerning Macintosh, eleventh Article [of the Treaty,] relieved of all de 
mands by Macintosh for byegones, to the value of L.500 sterling the Treaty 
faithfully performed by General Monk Articles on the other side Locheill agrees 
to the Treaty, and invites his guests to witness his submission the order of the 
ceremony, . . . . . . 149 

Locheill and his friends entertained by the Governour, and his men also quarrell 
between Collonel Allan and one of Locheil's friends submitted to the General, 
and made up by the Governour the General's letter to Locheill on his accepting 
the terms, ...... 150 

Several criminall suits against Locheill and his Clan he compleans to the General, 
who wrytes to the Criminal Judges his letter which putts an end to them new 
suites before the Sheriff he again compleans, . . . 151 

[Monk writes again,] 5th October 1655 the General procures ane order from the 
Councill and stops them, and the Camerons allowed to live in peace Locheill 
compleans that his tenants are overcharged with publick burdens the General 
procures him the management of the revenues of that country the General 
changes his address to Locheill after the Treaty, and corresponds with him there 
after, ...... 152 

Locheill turns young M'Martine out of his estate the General interposes, 29th 
September 1656 Locheill brings M'Martine to his terms, and restores him 
the long wars rendered his Clan licentious he inclines to settle a Minister among 
them, but the ill oppinion he had of the Clergy keept him in suspense, 153 

He wryts to the General about it, who returns a civil answer the affair delayed 
till Major Hill becomes Governor, who procures a grant from the Counceillforhis 



[the Minister's] support, 2d December 1657 Locheill in love with a sister of Sir 
James M' Donald of Slate character of Sir James Locheill marries the young 
bdy the Laird of Glenurchy at the wedding some of his retinue arrested at 
Inverness for carrying arms, 

But relieved by Lochoill who communicates his privileges to all his neighbours, 
by givoing them certificats he brings his lady to Lochaber ho and his com- 
pany entertained by a Highland Bard subject of the Poem, 

Criticall account of it charracter of the Ganlick Translation of the Poem, 156 

The Poet liberally rewarded, 

Ground of the criminall process at the Earl of Calender's instance against Locheill 

and his Clan Lorheill procures a Letter from General Monk, in name of the 

Counceill, to that Earl, . . .159 

The Letter, which stops the prosecution remark Locheill much troubled by Mac 
intosh, ...... 160 

The Arbiters often meet, but cannot agree partys Macintosh insists in a process at 

law Locheill, though well supported by interest, is afraid of the issue, and applys 

to the General who, by a Letter, proposes a new form of submission to the 
Judges the General's Letter to the Civil Judges Locheill at peace, . . j 162 

He expects good things from the General with regard to the King and declares 
for the Parliament against the army the General sends him a Letter of thanks, 
10th Dec. 1659 and brings about the Restoration, ib. 


Opinions of the English with regard to General Monk's march into England the 

Scots of a different opinion, and the reasons of it, . . 163 

[ Monk's treatment of those suspected of loyalty,] . . 164 

[The King's attempts to gain Monk, who declines to commit himself,] . 165 

The General very kind to Locheill, who attends him in his expedition to London 
the General receives many addresses on his march for a free Parliament Loch 
eill loses the opportunity of holding his Majesty's stirrop att his entry is intro 
duced by the General his gracious reception by the King and by the Dukes, 
hi* brothers, . . . . .166 

He is complimented by the General with the materials of the Garrison of Inver- 
lochy Marquis of Argile condemned and forfeited, 27th May 1661 the King's 
orders to his Parliament thereupon Locbeil's claim on Swynard and Ardna- 
murchan, . . .. . jgy 

Huntly recovers his estate, [which had been given to Argile during the Usurpation,] 



by way of gift from the Crown the Parliament's Report to the King in favours 
of Locheill, 24th Dec. 1662 who returns to Court, . . 168 

But is disappointed by Lauderdale, who is ane enemy to the Loyalists the justice 
of Locheil's claim, . . . . 169 

Lauderdale 's design of restoreing Argile how he disappointed Locheill he stirs 
up enemy s against him the Earl of Callander renews his claim against Locheill, 170 

Is supported by Lauderdale Locheil's defences [which are repelled,] . 171 

Severe sentence against him but is acquitted for want of proof Lauderdale stirrs 
up Macintosh against him, . . . .172 

Original and progress of Macintosh his claim, . . . 173 

Macintosh petitions the Parliament against Locheill but is opposed by the Commis 
sioner, &c. yet obtains a decree against Locheill not the Parliament, but the 
Session the proper judges [Locheill prevails upon the Chancellor to write to the 
President of the Court of Session in his favor,] . . 175 

The Chancellor his Letter to the Lords of Session the effects of it arguments for 
Locheill, -fc>-, . . . . . . 176 

Arguments for Macintosh, . . . .178 

Character of Sir George Lockhart [retained by Locheill,] . .179 

Locheill complains to the King the King's gracious answer Locheill waits on the 
Duke of Albemarle, . . . . 180 

And on the Duke [of York,] &c. the King's letter to his Commissioners in his 
favour Locheill comes to Scotland, . . . ; 18 1 

Marries Sir Allan M'Lean's sister and arrives in Lochaber Macintosh petitions 
for fire and sword aginst him, but is opposed by the Chancellour he [Macintosh] 
obtains warrand to charge Locheill to appear in fifteen days before the Council, 182 

And, upon his disobedience, procures letters of fire and sword against him Locheill 
lives in peace for two years and the Commissioners refuse to assist in executing 
the letters Macintosh trys his own Clan, . . .183 

But in vain the M'Phersons prove also refractory Locheill sends parties into his 
country, who succeed Macintosh sends others into Lochaber, without success, 184 

And resolves to agree with his Clan Locheill stops his progress by ane order from 
the Councill Macintosh in great anger but obeys the partys appear the 
Chancellor's speech both partys consent to a submission to the Councill they 
appear a second time the Chancellor's second speech, . .185 

Macintosh displeased with the Chancellor who recommends ane agreement the 
partys meet, but cannot agree, .186 

They are called before the Councill a third time the Chancellor proposes 72,000 
merks, as the price of the lands in dispute which Macintosh rejects and as he 



is stealing home, is stopped bj one order from the Councill and tricks both 
them and LocheiU Macintosh gets his Clan to subscribe a bond character of 
Uuny M'Pherson, . 187 

Macintosh hires him to assist in his invading Lochaber Macintosh is again stopt 
bj the Earl of Murray the Earlo writes to him, desireing a meeting about new 
proposals Macintosh consents and marches into Lochaber with 1500 men 
Locheill gathers his Clan and opposes him with 1200 men, whereof 300 are bow - 

.... .188 

Description of the Loch and River of Arkiko and of the Loch and River of Lochy 
Macintosh removes two miles up Locharkike Locheill follows, after leaving a 
guard at the ford, . .189 

And informs his Clan of his resolution to attack Macintosh which they approve 
and agree upon the method character of the Earl of Breadalbane, who appears 
as a mediator, ........ 190 

Errocht detatchod with a party, to attack Macintosh Locheill on his march by the 
head of the Loch, to fight the enemy, is stopped by Breadalbane, who brings back 
Errocht, ..... 191 

And agrees the parties on the former conditions after a quarrel of three hundred 
and sixty years Locheill a great looser by that old feud which obliged his pre 
decessors to abandon their original estate which was above four times the value 
of his present estate omission in the treaty, . . 192 

The partys exchange swords in token of their agreement and conclude the treaty 
next spring Locheill submits the lands to be holden of Argile who advances 
the money misfortunes of the M' Leans their original and progress, . 193 

Some small sums wherein the Marquis was cautioner or surety for him, [M'Lean 
who also grants a bond of L.I 4,000 Scots, and anotherof L.I 6,000 Scots, to the 
Marquis the greater part of which the M' Leans allege was repaid but the Mar 
quis obtains decree for the whole, without any deduction,] . . 194 

[Upon the forfeiture of the Marquis M'Lean and his tutor apply for relief to Par 
liament, who evade the claim division of the Marquis's forfeited estate which 
includes the alleged debt by M'Lean his neglect to make an arrangement with 
the Marquis's Creditors which might have relieved him,] . . 195 

[Earl of Argile defeats the creditors, and procures letters of fire and sword against 
M'Lean weak conduct of M'Lean's tutors] Locheill assists the M'Leans and 
falls out with Argile [and joins Glengarry, Keppoch, and Glencoe, in protect 
ing Mull from Argile's invasion,] . . ]gg 

[Proclamation issued, prohibiting the Highland Chiefs from rising in arms in which 
Argile gets himself included knowing that it would be inoperative against him 



Locheil's difficulty in extricating himself from this snare he succeeds, 10th 
December 1669,] . . '. . 197 

[Refuses to see Argile and upon one occasion draws a pistol to shoot him but is 
prevented by his servant continues for three or four years to reside in Mull 
during the summer in the spring of 1674 taken ill of a bloody -flux continues 
to assist the M' Leans by his advice, so long as he is able Glengarry undermines 
him in the good opinion of the M' Leans and advises them to invade Argile 's 
territory but, being tired of the country,] . ; 198 

[Contrives a singular stratagem to put an end to the invasion Argile, as heredi 
tary Justiciary of the Isles, summons the M 'Leans to appear before his Court and, 
upon their refusal, they are declared rebels invades Mull in 1674, and makes him 
self master of it all, excepting Dowart Castle the M'Leans still resist,] , . 199 

[Locheill recovers from his malady Argile proposes terms of reconciliation, which 
his friends urge him to accept secret correspondence between some of the lead 
ing men of the Camerons and Argile strong representations by the Clan, in fa 
vor of a reconciliation,] '.;. ',,+ . . 200 

[ Locheill agrees to an interview, and sets out for Dunstaflhage to meet Argile who 
explains his views and pledges himself not to adopt extreme measures against the 
M'Leans,] . V . . 201 

[Locheil's reply a reconciliation effected Locheill accompanies Argile to Inver- 
ary singular instance of the zeal and fidelity of two of his followers,] , 202 

[ Argile dissatisfied with Locheil's performance of the terms agreed upon, and writes 
to the Lady Dowager of Locheill, complaining of his conduct,] 20th September 
1675, . . . .,,*., 203 

[Locheill suspects the sincerity of Argile's assurances which is the reason of his con 
duct but attends him to Mull with 50 men and receives an acquittance for part 
of the money he had borrowed from the Marquis Macintosh of Connage at 
tempts to levy public burdens in Lochaber but is forced by Locheill and Kep- 
poch to leave the country complains to the Privy Council Locheill forced to 
come to Edinburgh, to state his case he is acquitted,] ^ 204 

[Some souldiers, in attempting to levy cess, kill a woman her death revenged by 
the villagers Locheill in] 1682 [summoned to Edinburgh, to answer for the 
conduct of his men meets the Duke of York who receives him with great kind 
ness and requests hie sword for the purpose of knighting him is unable to draw 
it elegant compliment which the Duke pays Locheill upon that occasion,] 205 

[Upon the Duke's leaving Edinburgh the prosecution against his men recommences 
Locheill contrives to abduct the witnesses against them, and they are acquitted 
trial of the Earl of Argile,] ._. 206 



[Hi condemnation, forfeiture, and escape hi forfeiture proves a great source of 
trouble to Locheill,] .... 207 

[Coramiwiion granted to the Sheriff of Inverness to hold Court* in Lochaber, who 
accordingly comes there with that intention Locheil's displeasure singular 
stratagem adopted by him to put a stop to the Sheriff's proceedings,] . 208 

[Which is successftil and the Sheriff declines in future to hold Courts there ac 
count of the danger Locheill incurred of losing his estate by the forfeiture of the 
Argile Family,] .... 209 

[The Duke of Gordon endeavours to induce Locheill to become his vassal for part 
of his hinds but Locheill applies for a grant of the superiority himself in this 
application he is in a great measure successful but owing to a technical blunder 
the deeds require to be re- written before they can be signed King Charles II. dies 
the Earl of Argile enters Scotland and raises a rebellion Locheill being then in 
London, is sent for by the Private Committee at Edinburgh to assist in suppress 
ing this rebellion,] .... 210 

[King James II. promises to attend to his interests Locheill arrives in Scotland, and 
joins the Marquis of Athol at Inverary,] . . 21 1 

[Argile encamps on the side of Lochfine opposite Inverary* intends to surprise the 
Royal Forces who send out three reconnoitering parties, who are, however, all 
ignorant of the others being sent out Locheill strenuously recommends an im 
mediate attack on Argile which he offers to lead the Marquis of Athol of 
fended at this offer, which he refuses abruptly,] , . 212 

[ Locheill ordered out that evening to reconnoitre without being informed of any 
Other parties having been sent out mistakes the Perthshire squadron for enemies 
shots exchanged, and several of the Perthshire gentlemen killed Locheil's 

8''] . . .213 

[Consequent disturbance in the camp idea of making Locheill a prisoner which is 

abandoned Locheill and the Macleans withdraw themselves from the camp, and 

remain all night under arms,] . . . 214 

[Receives an order to return to the camp languid operations of the Marquis of Athol 

against Argile Locheill attempts to act more vigorously constantly thwarted,] 215 
[Argile's army at last dispersed, and himself taken prisoner by a weaver Rumbold 

taken along with him,] . ^ 

[Royal army disbanded, 2lst June 1685 the Chancelor's letter to Locheill-. Earl 

of Argile beheaded honours heaped tipon the Marquis of Athol who intends to 

try Locheill for the misfortune at Inverary,] . 

[Athol sends Captain Mackenzie of Suddy with a party of soldiers into Lochaber 

with private instructions to arrest Locheill his eldest daughter being in Edin* 



burgh, receives private information of the design^-which she communicates to 
Locheill whoconceals himself from Mackenzie, andstarts immediately for London 
which he reaches before his enemies perceive that he had left Lochaber finds 
every one at Court so strongly prepossessed against him, that he despairs even of 
being able to obtain an interview with the King,] **> . .217 

[Anecdote of Locheil's extreme modesty Lieutenant-General Drummond informs 
the King that Locheill is in London,] . . . . 218 

[Character of General Drummond the King's gracious reception of Locheill in his 
dressing-room,] . . . . 219 

[His Majesty commands Locheill to follow him to the Chamber of Presence sud 
den change of the behaviour of the courtiers to him the Duke of Gordon presses 
his claims against Locheill before the Court of Session,] , . 220 

[Account of these claims their extreme harshness Locheill complains bitterly to 
the King of the Duke's conduct,] - , , . . 221 

[His Majesty's severe rebuke to the Duke who excuses himself the King insists on 
being made arbiter between them but nothing is done owing to the Duke of Mon- 
mouth's rebellion Locheill prosecuted by one of the Marquis of Argile's creditors, ] 222 

[The King, upon Mr Barclay of Ury's representation, writes to the Commissioners of 
the Treasury in regard to these claims,] . . . 223 

[The Duke of Gordon obliged to comply,] . . , 4 -. 224 

[The King stops procedure, and upon hearing the statements of parties as referee, 
decides in favour of Locheill in all points the Duke throws every obstacle in the 
way of getting the Report made out the King offers Locheill the lands of Swy- 
nard and Ardnamurchan for 40,000 merks but the Revolution prevents the trans 
action being closed the King determined that Locheill shall be master of his 
own Clan, and not subject to the Duke's Courts,] , . 225 

[Report of the Lord Auditors upon this dispute,] . , . 226 

[Which displeases the Duke of Gordon,] , ,. 4 . 227 

[The King's final award in favour of Locheill- who imagined that his difficulties 
were at an end,] . . . --, 228 

[Unhappy dispute between Macintosh and Keppoch Locheill attempts to mediate, 
but finding a rupture inevitable, goes to Edinburgh, in order to be out of the 
wa y the M'Martins, a tribe of the Camerons, much connected with the Mac- 
donalds of Keppoch and offer their services to Keppoch Macintosh marches into 
Lochaber,] . 229 

[Accompanied by about a thousand men besides a company of regular troops under 
Mackenzie of Suddy is totally defeated and taken prisoner by Keppoch, and 
Mackenzie of Suddy killed Locheill accused of being accessory to this violence,] 230 

[Having received private information from Lord Tarbatthat there was an intention 



to arrwt him, conceal* himself during the day in the jail, through the connivance 
of the clerk, one of his clansmen and makes his escape at night to Lochaber 
the breaking out of the Revolution Locheill ordered to rendezvouse at Inverary 
ends his eldest son John to Drummond Castle to escort the Chancelor to Loch 
aber,] ... .231 
[The Chancelor fails to meet them, and is taken prisoner Locheill spends the win 
ter in preparations to serve King James,] . ' 232 


Locheill projects a confederacy for King James receives a letter from his Majesty, 233 

The Chins agree to it and write to the King account of affairs of State the Coun- 
cill upon the old footing and act for King James [a few Scotish Lords, without 
authority, upon] 8th January 1688-9, [address the Prince of Orange in the name 
of the people of Scotland] Prince of Orange calls a Convention of the Estates, 234 

Which vote themselves a free Parliament Viscount of Dundee and others obliged 
to retire Dundee is informed of the confederacy [of the Clans] which confirms 
him in his design of appearing for King James account of [Mr Philips of Amrys- 
closs,] the Author of the Grameis, . . . 235 

Dundee generally encouraged he writes to Locheill and the Clans send a de 
tachment to receive him under the command of Keppoch Dundee marches into 
the Northern Highlands account of that country, . ~\ 236 

Dundee engages the Northern Highlanders returns to his own country retires 
from General Mackay marches to Inverness but Keppoch, who maltreats the 
magistrates, disappoints him, and marches home character of Keppoch, 237 

Dundee returns and receives the King's commission surprises the Lairds of Blair 
and Pollock and marches to Dundee Viscount Kilsyth privately favours King 
James, . . . ... 238 

Dundee gets new assurances of loyalty marches to Lochaber is received with great 
honour he writes to the King, and invites him to come to Scotland, . 239 

His reasons for it General Mackay solicits the Chins to revolt prevails with 
Grant Macintosh neuteral Macka/s offers to Locheill who shows the letters 
to Dundee two expresses from Mackay taken Dundee marches against Gene 
ral Ramsay who retires and is pursued, . . . . 240 

Dundee returns and pursues Mackay Castle of Rivan surrendered two troopers 
[arrive] from the Viscount of Kylsyth with intelligence Captain Forbess meets 
them, and discovers all to Mackay, . -, ./, 241 

Who imprisons Kylsyth Dundee near surprises Mackay, who quickly retreats, and 



is warmly pursued Mackay abandons his Camp thrice in one day Keppoch 
burns Macintosh his house and lands, . . , 242 

Is sharply reprimanded by Dundee Keppoch's apology and submission Dundee 
at Edinglassy is informed of Mackay's return with great accession of new forces 
and retreats with good order, , , . . . 243 

Some of his men hanged by Edinglassy and by Grant the adventure of the Mac- 
Leans at Knockbrecht, as related by the Earl of Balcarrass, . 244 

Account of that action as related by Mr Philips, - . . . 245 

Knockbrecht, or the speckled rock, . . . 246 

Dundee is mett by Sir Alexander M'Lean with 200 men is invited by Locheill 
into Lochaber, 20th May 1689, .. . * 247 

The arrival of Sir Donald MacDonald of Slate his character Mr Philips' account 
of him, . , . . 248 

Character of the Captain of Clanranald his family, . . 249 

Mr Philips' account of him proposal to discipline the Highlanders opposed by 
Locheill his reasons, . . , f 250 

Dundee drops the design resolution of the Camerons to revenge themselves on the 
Grants, . . . . t . f 252 

They march into Strathspey meet with one [of] MacDonald of Glengarry's family 
their conversation with him MacDonald killed among the Grants, whose cattle 
they carry to Lochaber, -, . . 253 

Glengarry resents his death, and demands satisfaction from Dundee but is refused 
and threatens to revenge himself on the Camerons Locheill makes a jest of 
his threats, . . . , , . 254 

Which end in nothing Glengary*s policy the Lord Murray raises 1200 Atholl 
men under pretence of serveing King James Ballachan garrisons the Castle of 
Blair and refuses to give it up without orders from Dundee, . 255 

The Lord Murray solicits Mackay and his army to come and besiege it Dundee 
marches to its defence with 1800 men Locheill stays in Lochaber waiting for 
his men but is obliged after repeated orders to joyn Dundee with the few he had 
Dundee sends to the Lord Murray, . . . 256 

Who refuses to see his messengers the Atholl men sollicite him to declare himself 
in favours of King James but he refusing, they desert him Dundee meets Ge 
neral Cannon with 300 Irish ships with provisions sent by King James, taken 
by the enemy, ..... 257 

Dundee arrives at the Castle of Blair upon the 27th July 1689 Pass of Kyly- 
chranky Dundee calls a councill of war the Lowland officers against fighting 
their reasons, ... . . . 258 

Character of Glengary, . . :' ji : 259 



Mr Philip's account of him, 

Glengary's opinion and advice Dundee desires Locheill to give his opinion Loch- 
eil's answer, . 

He advises to fight immediately, . 263 

Dundee and his Councill resolve to fight the army's joy thereupon Locheill, in 
name of the Chiefs, begs Dundee not to risk his person but Dundee refuses to 
comply, .. ^ 264 

The army marches the order of Mackay's troops Dundee advances within 
musquet shot of the enemy, who fire upon his men in platoons, . 265 

The order of Dundee's army Locheill obliged to fight Mackay's regiment with 240 
men a regiment assigned to each clan, . . . 266 

Dundee hinders his army from engageing till the sun is down Locheill diverts their 
impatience by a stratagem the Highlanders attack the enemy their great 
resolution, ..... . 267 

Sir William Wallace commands the horse the Earl of Dunfermlin's great modesty 
Sir William Wallace his ill conduct Dundee advances towards the enemy 
with sixteen horse ; and, halting, makes signs to the rest to advance the High 
landers gain a bloody victory with the loss of a third of their number, . 268 

The Earl of Leven's whole regiment, and the half of Collonel Hastings his battalion, 
keep the field the sixteen gentlemen that followed Dundee, with a few High 
landers, resolve to attack the half regiment they find Dundee's body, and while 
they stop about it, are attacked by Leven's regiment the death of Pitcurr his . 
character, . . . . . .- 269 

Earl of Dunfermline's horse killed under him they again resolve to attack the ene 
my, but cannot but these regiments are partly killed, and partly taken by the 
Atholl men snrprizeing wounds made by the broadsword, . 270 

Account of Locheil's behaviour in the action the Highlanders much fatigued 

mistake of the Earl of Balcarrass, .... 271 

Another mistake with respect to Sir Donald MacDonald Sir Donald's behaviour, 272 

Reasons for Balcarrass his mistakes Dundee's death renders the victory ineffectual, 273 

His descent he serves in France and in Holland, where he lived in great esteem, t&. 
He saves the life of the Prince of Orange, 1674, [by giving him his horse] he is 

made Captain of the Prince's Guards, . . . 274 

And promised a regiment but the Prince bestows it on Mr Collier with whom 
Dundee falling out he beats him with his cane for which he is brought before 
the Prince Dundee answers resolutely and quite the service the Prince sends 
'JOO guineas for his horse Dundee divides the gold among the Prince's grooms, 
1677 (arrives in England, where] he is well received, and getts ane independent 
company of horse from King Charles II., 275 



He is much in favour with King James the influence that his appearing for King 
James had upon the nation the Chiefs resign themselves to his conduct, 276 

Remarkable instance of his authority over the Highlanders wounderfully expe 
ditious and active, but jriae and deliberat in his councils his opinion of 
Locheill, . . * . 277 

Ingenious tryal how the Highlanders would behave in any sudden alarm Dundee 
of great honour and veracity, and strickly religious and devout, . 278 

Well learned in. the Mathematicks and the Belles Lettres, and much master of the 
Epistolary stile a great economist but generous in the King's service the sum 
of his character, . . . i, . 279 

His epitaph the Laird of Largo [Largie] and other gentlemen killed in the battle 
the memorable death of Gilbert Ramsay, . . . 280 

The Ministers of State in great consternation, . . 281 

But the news of Dundee's death dissipates their fears the great grief of his army 
who bury him and the other gentlemen in the Church of Blair, . 282 

General Canon commands the army which is joyned by 500 Camerons and by 
many others and augmented to 5000 men general preparations through the 
kingdome for that service come to nothing by Dundee's death and by the bad 
conduct of General Canon, who sends the Robertsons to Perth where they are 
surprized and defeated, >. . . . . 283 

Mackay marches against Canon with inferior forces General Canon calls a Coun- 
cill of war the Chiefs oppose the Lowland officers their voting in it Locheill 
advises to fight, . . . 284 

But the [Lowland] officers voting, 'tis carried against him and the Chiefs the 
army becomes dispirited and desert Locheill retires to Lochaber, and others of 
the Chiefs go home, .... 285 

Canon and Mackay every day in sight of other tho Cameronian regiment at Dun- 
tell Canon attempts to dislodge them, but with ill conduct he beats their out- 
guards and rushes into the town the resolution of the Highlanders, . 286 

Canonretreats when the enemy are upon the pointof surrendering eighteen or twenty 
of the Highlanders killed three hundred of the enemy killed the army discou 
raged, drops away and Canon retires to Lochaber many of the Lowland gen 
tlemen make their peace, .... 287 

General Buchan arrives with letters from King James the King's Letter to Loch 
eill that King strong in Ireland Alexander Strachan taken he confesses all 
that he knew of King James his affairs, . . . 288 

King William offers the Highlanders a cessation of arms the Earl of Breadalbane 
offered L.5000 sterling to bring it about, 20th February 1690 but he refuses the 



offer the Higlilanders thereafter agree to it the Council accept of the offer, but 
cannot effect it the Earl of Seaforth arrives from King James, 

That King's Letter to Locheill the Highlanders in great rage that no assistance 
WM ent them, . ... 290 

Many of them propose to submitt to King William their reasons others continue 
firm to King James, . 

Lochcil'a speech on that debate, 292 

The Chiefs agree to continue the war and send General Buchan with 1200 men to 
the North he marches to Cromdale his negligence and bad conduct where he 
is surprized and defeated, . ... 294 

The bravery of the Highlanders Buchan looses his reputation Grant of Glen- 
morriston and others submitt [Glenmorriston's house burnt and his lands plun 
dered,] 14th February 1689 and [he] makes his peace with the Government 
the Chiefs send General Canon with 600 foot and 100 horse towards the South, 295 

He surprizes a party of dragoons at Cardross Buchan meets another strong body 
of horse, and prepares to attack them but they fly, and he pursues them to Aber 
deen Canon strengthened by 400 horse joyns Buchan King James defeated 
in Ireland, 7th July 1690, . . .296 

King William's conversation with Mackay after the battle of the Boyn character 
of General Mackay ho was a generous enemy but fanatical and bigoted in his 
principles, . . . . . 297 

Ane excellent officer successful in all his attempts after Dundee's death he praises 
Dundee's conduct and the valour of the Highlanders hisbehaviour after his defeat, 298 

The miserable condition of his broken troops his opinion of matters after Dundee's 
death his contempt of General Canon he is sent for by the Council from Ire- 
knd, and plants a strong garrison at Inverlochy the Ministers of State anxious 
to have peace with the Highlanders their reasons, . . 299 

They send proper persons to try their inclinations the Chiefs incline to enter into 
a treaty but with King James his permission the Marquis of Athol and Earl of 
Argile fond of being employed Locheil's interest carries it with the Chiefs in 
favours of Breadalbane, . ... 300 

Who obtains full powers from King William to treat conditions upon which the 
Chiefs are willing to submit, . . .301 

Argile, Ac. sent to reduce the Isles surrender of Island- Stalker memorable ar 
ticle in that capitulation the ministers employ all their policy to reduce the 
Highland^ and give. Commission to Collonel Hill to seize Looheil's and the 
other Chiefs their estates, . . 302 

15th June 1691, Sir Thomas Livingston ordered to march to the borders of the 



Highlands, with 10,000 men, 22d July 1691 but is countermanded by Queen 
Mary, 23d July and challenged by King William for not proceeding, August 
3 the Queen's answer to the Council thereupon, [that] a cessation of arms was part 
of the treaty Appine seized but sett at liberty by the Queen's orders King 
William in Flanders, . . , 303 

He easily consents to the conditions of the treaty, except the demanding permission 
from King James which [he, however,] allso grants King William writes to his 
Council about it, . . ,.<.-- , . 304 

Proclamation ordered to be issued out against the Macgregors ane ambiguous passage 
in King William's letter the Councill returns answer and demand ane interpre 
tation of that passage memorable passage concerning a paper put into their 
hands, relateing to Breadalbane, t ' f . . 305 

But King William returns no answer the forces ordered to march into the High 
lands, immediatly after the treaty, 31st August strange orders to Argile the 
treaty not well performed, but treacherous and false, . . . 306 

And designed only to amuse the Chiefs mysterious passage in the CouncilTs letter 
explained it proceeds from Glengary's design to ruin the Earl of Breadalbane 
the progress of that affair, . ;. ". * .. . 307 

[Breadalbane's policy and Glengary's treachery to him,] . . , 308 

Articles charged against Breadalbane Glengary's conduct unjustifiable he designs 
to render the treaty abortive, . . , 309 

He amuses the Chiefs with false stories of invasions, &c. letter to Locheill relating 
thereto the original of this and of several others is still extant, . .310 

The Chiefs do not submit, waiting King James his answer Maj or Meinzies only eleven 
days between Paris and Dunkell King James his letter, t 311 

His Majesty in a bad scituation, December 30, 1691 Locheill submits a few hours 
before the expireing of the indemnity which is used as ane excuse fornot executing 
the treaty Glengary suspected of keeping up the King's letter, . . . 312 

Major Meinzies applys by Sir Thomas Livingston to the Council for a prorogation 
of the dyet but to no purpose 16th January 1692, King William commands to 
cutt off such of the Highlanders as had not submitted [his letter,] . 313 

Remarks on the foregoing letter, . . ,314 

The forces enter the Highlands thereupon description of Glencoe troops quartered 
there the Laird of Glencoe submits to the Governor of Inverlochy, ' '. 315 

And thereby thinks himself secure [letters and instructions relative to the mas 
sacre] 1st December 1691 llth January 1691-2, . 316 



[ Lord Carmarthen's representation against the intended massacres,] . 317 

[In part successful massacres agreed to be restricted to Glencoe, in the meantime 
King William's order to extirpate them accordingly] 16th January 1G91-2 
[signed and countersigned hy his Majesty,] 318 

[Orders sent to Major Duncanson in command of the troops quartered at Ballachol- 

Us,] . -j 319 

[ His letter to Captain Campbell of Glenlyon account of the massacre,] . ^f , 320 
( Two sons of Glencoe escape wretched state of the survivors Glencoe's charac 
ter,] . .321 
[Universal horror upon hearing of the massacre,] . . 322 
[Energetic measures of Locheill and the other Chiefs, who put themselves into a 
posture of defence and expel the soldiers quartered upon their estates the troops 
evacuate the Higldands Johnston of Warriston's influence with the Committee 
of Estates he induces them at first to make no enquiry into the subject but after 
wards, in 1G95, upon a pique against the Secretary, [Lord Stair,] ho obtains an 
investigation,] .... 323 

[Which, however, ends in nothing Generals Buchan and Canon leave Scotland, and 
embark for Franco, 26th April 1692 Sir John M'Loan goes to England his 
character,] .... 324 

[His reception by Queen Mary her character,] . . 325 

[SHe gives Sir John a recommendation to King William his gracious reception bj 
that Prince, who informs the Duko of Argilo that he must part with Sir John's 
estate, and that he himself would be the purchaser to which the Duke readily ac 
cedes,] ...... 326 

[Favourable terms upon which the Duke offers the estate to Sir John M'Lean im 
prudently refused by Sir John during the course of the negotiations the battle of 
Landen takes place after which Sir John M'Lean goes to St Germains where 
he is coldly received and King William confirms the Earl of Argile's former 
right* by a new grant hardships endured by the family of Perth for the sake of 
King James,] . . . . . . 327 

[Severe and arbitrary treatment of suspected persons,] . . 328 

[ Lord Drummoud arrested, and soon after many other of the principal Jacobite gentle- 
mcn 'l ... .329 

[Character of Lord Drummond and account of his family,] 330 

[Hereditary friendship between the families of Perth and Locheill,] . 331 

[Locheill much suspected by the Government his plans to disarm its jealousy 



shews great attention to the officers in garrison at Fort-William invites them to 
hunt and shoot upon his estate singular quarrel between an English officer and 
Highland duniwhassal,] . . . . 332 

[They arrange a hostile meeting,] . ' . . . 334 

[But are reconciled by the bystanders,] . . . 335 



THE Editor has to regret that the present Memoirs have not 
been given to the public, by one more competent to do them 
justice. But particular circumstances, over which he had no 
control, having devolved this task upon him, he can only 
hope that the intrinsic value of the work may form some apo 
logy for editorial imperfections. 

Although the Memoirs cannot exactly be termed contempo 
raneous, yet they were compiled so very recently after the date of 
the transactions recorded, and from such unexceptionable sources 
as to afford the most satisfactory guarantee for their authenticity. 
While the general candour and impartiality of the narrative, 
and the additional light thrown upon the manners and state of 
society in Scotland during the seventeenth century, must ren 
der them an acceptable addition to antiquarian literature. 

There is no reason to doubt that the Author was JOHN 
DRUMMOND, one of the family of Drummond of Balhaldy in 
Stirlingshire ; but whether he was the grandson or great-grand- 


son of Sir Ewen Cameron, or whether he was the proprietor of 
Balhaldy, or only a younger brother, does not seem perfectly 

Alexander Drummond of Balhaldy, some time previous to 
the battle of Kiliiecrankic, which took place in 1689, married 
Margaret, eldest daughter of Sir Ewen Cameron of Locheill. 
It appears, from information collected by the late Donald 
Gregory, Esq., author of the " History of the Western High 
lands and Isles of Scotland," that in 1715, Alexander Drum 
mond of Balhaldy, and William his eldest son, assumed, or ra 
ther resumed, the name of Macgregor, and were, by a number 
of individuals of the Clan Gregor, declared hereditary Chiefs of 
that ancient sept, in order to enable the Clan to receive the 
pension then paid by Government to every Chief. It would 
also appear, from the same authority, that William Drummond 
was employed as a leading Jacobite agent for many years pre 
vious to the Rebellion of 1745. He was in Paris during that 
Rebellion, and in 1757 married Janet, daughter of Lawrence 
Oliphant of Gask, by whom he had an only son, Alexander, 
and died about the year 1766. As he must have been, in all 
probability, born a few years alter his father's marriage, about 
1688, this account would postpone his own marriage to a very 
late date, and represent him as actively .employed at a very ad 
vanced period of life ; and renders it not improbable that it 
might have been a son of his, named John, who has been thus 
confounded with the father. Several Letters from the Drum- 


mond of Balhaldy, who acted as Jacobite agent about 1745, have 
been taken from the Stuart Papers at Carl ton House, and are 
to be found in the Appendix to Browne's History of the High 
lands. He is also often mentioned in the other letters there 
printed, though never by his Christian name, and he invariably 
adopts the feigned signature of Malloch. 

One of these Letters bears so extraordinary a similarity in 
style and tone of thought to the present Memoirs, that it is 
difficult to resist the conviction that they both emanated from 
the same pen. To enable the reader to judge of this conjecture, 
the letter will be found in Appendix, No. II. 

The Editor has, however, learned from a lady of great age, 
and connected with the family, that Alexander Drummond of 
Balhaldy had two sons by Sir Ewen Cameron's daughter, one 
named William, and the other John, and that John finally en 
tered the Dutch service, in which it is believed he died. He 
was a Roman Catholic. 

The two following Letters, taken from the papers preserved 
by the Balhaldy family, and addressed to Donald Cameron of 
Locheill, the well-known Chief of 1745, will better explain the 
nature and object of the present work, than any observations 
which the Editor could make. The first of these Letters is with 
out date : 


xlii PREFACE. 


" I have at last, after great labour, finished the life of your 
grandfather, Sir Ewen Cameron, and as it contained an uncom 
mon variety of memorable actions, so I make no question but 
it will be very entertaining to the publick. I have shown it to 
several, and some of them gentlemen of the best judgment and 
taste. They all agree, that it not only does great honour to 
the Highlands in general, but also will make the Camerons re 
nowned to all posterity, for their loyalty, fidelity, and extraor 
dinary courage : That Sir Ewen, their Chief, has all the 
qualities of a true hero and gallant patriot, and that he shines 
through the whole in a wonderful uniformity of character, 
without any mixture of those mean, ungenerous, and self-inter 
ested principles that taint the reputation of the most distin 
guished persons of the times he lived in : They add, that the 
history of his life is a glorious commentary upon the verses 
affixed to his picture ;* and that as no private gentleman in the 
kingdom has afforded materials for a particular history, so 
none but himself has that honour done to his memory ex 
cept we take in the great Montrose, who acted as the King's 
General and Viceroy of the kingdom, and therefore no private 

See the Liues as subjoined to an old engraved Portrait of Sir Ewen Cameron, quoted at p. hi. of 
this Preface. 

PREFACE. xliii 

" The injury that Sir Alexander Murray of Stanhope did in 
carrying away the first book, and other three MSS., was an ac 
tion very unbecoming a gentleman. But though I can never 
make up the loss of my MSS., yet I have fully repaired that of 
Sir Ewen's life, from the memoirs and vouchers I had by 
me. It indeed gave me immense trouble ; but still I have 
the satisfaction of doing it to better purpose, and much 
more correctly than the former, so that the whole is now 
compiled in the best manner I could do it. I am just now 
preparing materials for an introductory discourse of the anti- 
quitys of the Camerons, in order to revive the memory of your 
predecessors, which I expect will be as entertaining as the rest ; 
and, indeed, I have a greater stock of matter than I could well 
hope for. I remember William M'Pherson showed me a MS. 
containing materials for a general history of the Highlands, 
which he told me he had copied for Sir Duncan Campbell of 
Lochnell. There were several things in it relating to your 
family, and those of your neighbours, and I am convinced Sir 
Duncan will not refuse you the use of it, if you will be pleased 
to demand that favour. I beg you may be pleased to send a 
servant express for it. He may perhaps know of others that 
will be of use, which, I am convinced, he would not grudge the 
trouble of procuring for you. I have written to Bishop Keith 
and to M'Farlane to search the records for what they can find 
relating either to Sir Ewen or his predecessors. I myself 



searched those of the Privy Council, where I made very im 
portant discoveries, especially with regard to Sir Ewen's dis 
putes with M'Intosh, and to the Earl of Breadalbane's treaty 
betwixt the late King William and the Clans, whereof I am 
enabled to give ane exact and authentick account, which does 
great honour to Sir Ewen in particular, and to the High 
landers in general. I am informed that there are several writs 
in that Earl's charter-chest, not only relating to that memor 
able transaction, but also to several other passages of Locheil's 
life. I know I can be master of these if I please, by the favour 
of Mr Campbell. I remember to have often heard that your 
uncle Allan carryd over with him several valuable papers, in 
order to satisfy his master of his father's services to the Crown. 
If this was true, 'tis probable that he has delivered them to 
your father, or, at least, that Allan's Lady can give some ac 
count of them. I beg that you may not neglect to write to 
your father, and make all other possible enquiry after writs 
that do so much honour to your family. 

" I expect to have the whole work ready for the press again 
harvest next, and I'm advised to dispatch it with all expedition, 
in case that part of it, which Stanhope carryd away, may fall 
into the hands of some persons who may print it. Besides 
that it is incorrect and erroneous in many parts, with respect 
to facts, it is so far from being finished, that it is little better 
than a rough draught or scroll, so that both the subject and 


author would be affronted by such a publication. I am there 
fore determined to prevent it by all possible means. You will 
remember that you and your clan engaged to contribute among 
yourselves the expenses of publishing it, which will be no great 
burden to such a number of people. I have been conversing 
with some printers about it, and they assure me that it will 
stand above L.I 00; for the book will consist of above 500 
pages in 8vo, whereof the introduction will take up near 100 ; 
and I design that it shall be done in a large beautiful type and 
fine paper. I could easily procure as many subscriptions as 
will make up the expense. But that method is now thought 
very dishonourable for you and the family, for it is a kind of 
begging ; and as we shall be obliged to print the names of the 
subscribers, so it will transmit it to posterity. The late Duke 
of Gordon, though the meanest and narrowest of mankind, 
chose rather to be at the charge of publishing the History of his 
family than lie under such a censure. It is a wretched, dull, 
confused collection in two vols., at 12s. price ; and as there is 
little in it that relates particularly to the Gordons, so it is 
nothing but a farrago of poor stuff, collected from public his 
tory without judgment, order, or style. I was so weak as to 
buy it, thinking to find something in it to my purpose ; but 
I was miserably disappointed, but would not have been sur 
prised had I been sooner acquainted with the author. How 
ever, if you and your people don't incline to be at the charge 

xlvi PREFACE. 

of publishing yours, be so good as to inform me as soon as pos 
sible, and I shall set about getting subscriptions, which I will 
easily procure, or I shall sell the MS. to a printer, who will do 
it for me, by which I will make up my charges, and have consi 
derable advantage." 


SIR, After finishing the Life of Sir Ewen Cameron, your 
grandfather, of glorious memory, I thought the work would be 
deficient without some introductory account of his predecessors 
because there are several things in it which cannot be well 
understood, unless the reader is first made acquainted with 
these antiquitys. Besides, as all the nobility and most of our 
gentry of any long standing have lately published, at great 
charges, genealogical accounts of their several families, in the 
new edition we have of Mr Nisbet's Heraldry,* I thought it a loss 
that yours should be unknown, since you have as just a claim to 
the highest antiquity as the oldest of them. These, and some 
other reasons, have worked upon me to set about the work, and 
though I mett with great and almost insuperable difficulties in 
adjusting the chronology, and in fixing true dates to some of 
the most important actions, which proceeded from a deficiency 

This evidently refers to the Appendix of the second volume of Nisbet's Heraldry, published in the 
rear 1742 ; but it is believed copies were privately circulated previously. 

PREFACE. xlvii 

of records and vouchers, yet I have att last brought it to such 
a conclusion as I hope will satisfy the unbyassed part of man 
kind, as well of the antiquity of your family, as of the bravery 
and loyalty of your predecessors. 

" But, as this will necessarily take up some time before it can 
be published, I presumed, that a superficial prospect of these 
matters would not onely be in the meantime agreeable, but also 
give some idea of the discovereys I have made of the lives and 
characters of these brave gentlemen that preceded you. To 
have a passionate love for one's country is the character of a 
generous spirit. Tis a quality peculiar to patriots and heroes. 
But to love our predecessors and parents is in effect to love our 
selves. We are the heirs as well of their blood as of their 
family s and estates, and have a just title to whatever was theirs. 
Thence arises the extream pleasure we have in hearing of any 
thing that was worthily done by them. Our predecessors' 
actions reflect honour upon ourselves if we have merit enough 
to relish them. And as they quicken and impregnate these 
seeds of virtue which we derive from their blood, so they power 
fully invite us to imitate them. For example makes allways 
the strongest impression when we have it from persons whom 
we honour and love. In this short view you have the succes 
sion of your ancestours in a genealogical line from the reign of 
the great Robert the Bruce, though the antiquity of the family 
is of a much higher date. Here you will have the pleasure to 

x lviii PREFACE. 

find, that the most polite and ingenious poet whom I have 
quoted on the title-page understood nature well, and that he 
spoke truth in affirming, that the qualities of the sire descend 
ed to the issue. Thus, the same merit that gave your prede- 
cessour, Angus, a title to match with the blood royall, broke 
out with equal lustre in his son, Gillespick, and advanced him 
to the dignity of Peer, among the very first that received the 
honourable distinction from the Crown. The next of that suc 
cession that is mentioned in antient records we find acting the 
glorious part of a true patriot as well in the camp as in the cabi 
net. Nor did the spirit of heroic valour degenerate in their 
posterity, though the circumstances of the times sometimes putt 
it out of their power to exert it in so glorious a manner. You 
will find them often supporting, but never in rebellion against 
the State, and I believe their enemys will be hard put to it to 
discover one coward or poltroon in the whole race. 

" But all this will appear much better from the Introduction 
to Sir Ewen's Life, where you will meet with a fuller account 
of their actions, which I have only glanced att in the abstract. 
However, in order to rectify a common mistake that prevails 
in the Highlands of Ewen M* Allan's destroying the charters 
of the family, I have enlarged somewhat on the actions of that 
prudent and brave gentleman, but more especially with respect 
to the many estates and charters he acquired by the favour of 
three succeeding kings, and his interest with the great Lord of 

PREFACE. xlix 

the Isles. I have likeways shown by what unlucky steps the 
famous Allan M'Coilduy came to lose these extensive acquisi 
tions, and how the remainder that is still in the possession of 
the family was recovered, which induced me to touch upon 
severall actions that I should have otherways omitted. In a 
word, as I have led you to expect a more copious detail of all 
these particulars in the foresaid Introduction, which I have il 
lustrated with all such relative actions as have any connection 
or dependence upon these matters, so my intention in this is 
to give you such a survey of your brave predecessours, as will be 
proper to insert in the register wherein the inventory of the 
writes of the family is contained ; so as the one may be a com 
mentary on the other. To conclude, my aim in all these writ 
ings being to revive the honour and advance the interest of 
yourself, family, and posterity, I presume to offer you this as a 
prologue to the rest, and beg that you may accept of it with the 
same goodness wherewith you used to favour, 
" Dear Sir, 

" Your most obedient Servant 

" Balhadys, and affectionate Cousin, 

" 7th March 1737; Jo. DRUMMOND." 

The intention of the Author to publish this Work was never 
carried into effect, probably the intrigues connected with the 
projected Rebellion, in which all the parties were so deeply im- 


plicated, turned their attention from it at the time and its un 
fortunate issue caused it to be neglected. Several manuscript co- 
pics were, however, made, and some years ago, the present pro 
prietors of Balhaldy, upon an application from the Locheill 
family, gave access to their copy, and some loose MSS., from 
which the above quoted Letters and another fragment were 

The idea of printing the MS. was first suggested from a 
copy belonging to William Crawfurd, Esq. of Cartsburn, but 
that being imperfect, as wanting the Introduction and First Book, 
applications were respectively made to Sir Duncan Cameron 
of Fassfern, Bart, Mr Cameron of Locheill, and the family of 
Balhaldy, for the MSS. understood to be in their possession. Sir 
Duncan Cameron and Locheill have, in the most handsome and 
obliging manner, given the use of their MSS., and all other 
papers in their possession, but the Editor regrets that he has 
not also obtained a similar favour from the Balhaldy family. 
A transcript of their MS. was, however, some years ago, made for 
Charles Kirkpatrick Sharpe, Esq., access to which he has kindly 
allowed the Editor ; who has also to thank William F. Skene, 
Esq., for the use of another copy in his possession. All these 
contain the missing part of the Cartsburn MS. 

The Editor is inclined to think that the original and most 


authentic MS. is that belonging to Mr Crawfurd of Cartsburn, 
as it contains several passages not to be found in any of the 
others ; and the circumstance of its wanting the commence 
ment would seem to indicate, that it is actually the copy of 
which the first book was carried off by Sir Alexander Murray. 
It is bound in two volumes ; the first contains the second book 
of the Memoirs, and the second volume the third, written upon 
small quarto sheets, in a small, distinct, current hand. On 
the fly-leaf of the first volume is written, apparently in the same 
hand as the text, " August 7th, 1733, Jo. Drummond;" on the 
fly-leaf of the second volume, the signature " Jo. Drummond " 
is written in pencil ; excepting towards the end of the second 
volume, only one side of the sheet is written upon, and there 
are occasional blottings and interlineations. 

Sir Duncan Cameron's MS. has never been bound, and is 
written on both sides, of the same kind of paper as the Carts- 
burn MS., and the first few pages, with occasional corrections 
throughout, are in the same hand ; the rest in a bold modern 
bussines hand, though with many old-fashioned contractions and 
forms of letters ; one passage is deleted, a few sentences are 
omitted, and wherever the words used are different, the read 
ing of the Cartsburn MS. is almost invariably the best. 

The Editor is inclined to think that Sir Duncan Cameron's 
is the copy designed for press, but that it never received the 



final comparison, or revision, of the Author, as, in all probability, 
he intended to delay that till the work was completed, which, 
unfortunately, appears never to have been done. 

Mr Sharpe's copy of the Balhaldy MS. and Mr Skene's co 
incide in all respects. The latter is evidently a transcript, and 
the Locheill MS. an abridgment of Sir Duncan Cameron's copy. 

There is, however, in the possession of the Locheill family, a 
copy of part of the Introduction, which, although very imperfect, 
is yet in some passages fuller than any of the others ; but as 
there is no discrepancy in the sense of the different readings, 
nor any material addition, the Editor has generally adopted the 

most ample readings, unless where they appeared redundant. 


It might not be altogether uninteresting to ascertain how 
the apparently original MS. got into the possession of the fa 
mily of Cartsburn ; but on this head nothing but conjecture can 
be given. George Crawfurd, the well-known author of the 
Peerage of Scotland and History of Renfrewshire, who died in 
1748, was a younger son of that family, and uncle to Archibald 
Crawfurd of Cartsburn, who died in 1781. Many of George 
Crawford's books and papers are still in the possession of the 
family ; and it seems probable, that this MS. may have been 
entrusted to him for the purpose of historical research, or it 
may have been deposited with him for safety during the troubles 

PREFACE. liii 

of 1745. What lends some colour to this last suggestion is 
the circumstance of there having been some intermarriages be 
tween the Crawfurds of Cartsburn and some North Country 
families, which may have given rise to some intercourse with 
the neighbouring proprietors. Thomas Crawfurd of Cartsburn, 
son of the above-mentioned Archibald, died in 1791. He was 
a person of superior literary attainments, and collected a con 
siderable library, which was afterwards removed to Ratho, the 
residence of the then proprietrix, the late Mrs Crawfurd, and 
from thence, after her death, to Edinburgh. In 1820, when 
Mr Crawfurd made a catalogue of his library, only the present 
volumes could be discovered. 

It is much to be regretted that the Work has been left un 
finished, and that the Editor has been unable to obtain access 
to the documents so often referred to in the text, as forming 
the Appendix. 

The Notes and Illustrations at the foot of the page form part 
of the original MS., excepting where marked as by the Editor. 
The NOTES at the end of the volume and the APPENDIX have 
been entirely compiled by him. 

The spelling is certainly of the most barbarous and uncouth 
description, but, contrary to the opinion of many, the Editor 
conceives that it ought to be preserved as marking the progress 
of orthography, although he has great reason to fear that he has, 


upon some occasions, adhered too closely to the original, and 
copied mere clerical errors ; but in a matter of this kind it is 
nearly impossible to form an accurate judgment. The con 
tractions, however, have been disregarded. 

The running margin contained in the MS. has been printed 
as a TABLE OF CONTENTS ; but as it is very incomplete, it 
has been necessary to supply a great portion, which is distin 
guished by brackets. A few words have also been occasionally 
supplied in brackets in the text, where the meaning is obviously 
defective ; but with these exceptions, the text has been closely 
adhered to ; one or two words and sentences, which are deleted 
in the MS. but still legible, are likewise printed within brackets. 

The style is in general wonderfully correct, and although 
very minute, yet it seems more from a copiousness of ideas 
than redundancy of words. A number of Scotticisms occurs ; in 
particular, the word " again" is almost exclusively used in place 
of " against ;" although this is quite a recognised expression in 
Scotland, yet it is so apt to confuse the English reader, that 
the Editor has generally added the two last letters. The spell 
ing of the word " Locheill " may be considered erroneous, as it 
is usually spelt " Lochiel ;" but the former mode is uniformly 
adopted in Sir Duncan Cameron's and the Cartsburn MSS., and 
has therefore been adhered to. 

In regard to the authority due to the statements in the earlier 


part of the Introduction, it may safely be asserted that the Author 
has carefully studied and accurately quoted the best authorities 
accessible in his time ; indeed, his account of public transactions 
coincides so well with the latest and best informed historians, 
as to prove him superior in candour and research to most of our 
national writers of his day. 

It will be observed that the Chiefs, whose lives are given, do 
not correspond exactly either with the account of the Camerons 
in Douglas' Baronage or with the list printed on p. 6. This list 
was taken from the imperfect MS. belonging to the Locheill 
family already mentioned, and ought perhaps to have appeared 
as a note. The Editor regrets his inability to reconcile these 
discrepancies, but must confess that he does not deem them of 
any essential importance. He has been informed by one of the 
highest authorities on these subjects, that the earlier generations 
contained in Douglas' Baronage, when not fabulous, were not of 
the Locheill family, but belonged to the family of Camerons of 
Balligarnoch in Perthshire, and that the founder of the Locheill 
branch was Donald Dhu- Mac Allan, the sixth Chief according to 
the Memoirs. 

It ought, however, to be observed, that although the Author 
evidently labours under the impression that the first were of 
the Locheill branch, yet he merely asserts that they were the 
principal men of the name of Cameron of whom he could find 
any mention in history. 


In giving to the public the fullest and most circumstantial 
account of a Highland Chieftain of the olden time which has yet 
appeared, the Editor has ventured to prefix an INTRODUCTION, 
containing some general remarks regarding the manners and 
state of society in Scotland during the period over which the 
work extends ; a short sketch of its principal features has also 
been added, and an attempt made to supply the deficiency of 
the narrative. 

The FRONTISPIECE, being an engraving from the only original 
portrait of Sir Ewen now extant, was executed by the direc 
tions of Mr Cameron of Locheill, and presented by him to the 
gentlemen who have printed this volume. For this valuable 
illustration, they have to tender their best thanks to the donor. 

A print taken from the same picture appeared about 1688. 
Below that engraving are to be found the following lines, alluded 
to by the Author in the first Letter above quoted : 


The old impressions of this engraving are now very scarce ; 
but the present is a much more accurate copy of the original. 


The copious GENERAL INDEX has been compiled by Robert 
Pitcairn, Esq., with his usual accuracy and distinctness. Those 
who may wish to employ this Work as a book of reference, will 
best know how to appreciate so valuable an addition. 

In conclusion, the Editor begs to return his best thanks to 
his various friends, who have so kindly and obligingly furnished 
him with materials and advice, of which he can only regret his 
having been able to make so imperfect a use. And he em 
braces this opportunity of acknowledging Sir Duncan Came 
ron's great kindness in allowing his MS. to be used for the press. 



THE singular manner in which the feudal and patriarchal systems were 
for long blended in Scotland, is one of the many circumstances which 
have combined to throw so much varied and romantic interest around 
its dark and chequered history. The nature of the feudal system has 
been so fully and ably illustrated by Guizot, Hallam, and other modern 
writers, that it would be out of place here to make any observations upon 
it. Unfit as it was for a permanent and perfect form of Government, it 
must yet be acknowledged to have been admirably adapted for accom 
plishing the regeneration of society, after the destruction of ancient civil 

The patriarchal system, which in Europe was almost exclusively con 
fined to Scotland, has attracted comparatively little attention ; and the 
effects of the superinduction of the one system on the other has been 
left almost wholly unnoticed ; although it certainly opens a field of both 
curious and interesting inquiry to the student of ancient manners. No 
formal investigation of this subject can here be attempted ; but the fol 
lowing desultory remarks may possibly render much of the present vo 
lume more intelligible to the general reader. 

It would certainly appear, that at a very remote period the patri 
archal system alone existed in Scotland, and that the feudal was afterwards 
gradually introduced, and this introduction took place at a much earlier 
period in the Lowlands than in the Highlands. Some writers, indeed, 
are of opinion, that the patriarchal system either never existed in the 



Lowlands, or was very soon abolished ; but a minute examination of 
Scotish History proves this to be a mistake ; although, in the more civil 
ized parts of the country, the feudal system acquired a decided preponder 
ance over the patriarchal, while the patriarchal predominated in the 
wilder and more remote. 

One of the most important modifications which the patriarchal system 
exercised upon the feudal, is to be found in the intercourse which took 
place between the different ranks of society, and the feelings with which 
the superior and vassal mutually regarded each other. 

Guizot, in his Lectures on the Progress of Civilization in Europe, cor 
rectly remarks, that one of the strongest feelings engendered in the minds 
of the lower orders by the purely feudal system, was that of dread and 
detestation of the aristocracy, and that the earliest opportunities were 
eagerly seized upon to throw off the hated yoke. In Scotland, on the 
contrary, a very different state of society has scarcely yet eradicated from 
the breasts of the peasantry the feelings of respect and attachment with 
which, in the olden time, they regarded the proprietors of the soil. 

The following curious passage from Bishop Lesley's History* will 
show, that at a very early period this difference between the lower or 
ders of the Continental States and Great Britain was observed : 

* And although theis duikis in Fraunce had farre greitter rents than the 
4 duikis and erles in England and Scotland commownly haif, yet haithe 
4 thaire been boithe duikis and erles in athare of theis realmes, able to 
4 bring als mony men of war into the fielde, as any of the Frenche 
4 duikis, before remembred. For sick ernist guid willes, and lovinge 

* myndes, do the people of Scotland and Ingland beare towards the greit 

* peris of the realmes, that it hathe been seen and knowen, that a xxx. 

* or xl. thousand men haife bene ready to serve thame at thair awne 

* costis and chargis, gladlie following whether soever thaie war appointit 
' to go ; a greit mony of quhilk nombre, peradventure, never sawe the 
4 said nobill men in all thaire life time before, but onlie moved with ane in- 

* ward affection, groundit and rulit upon custome of their auncesters.' 

Ledey, p. 26. 


The Bishop here extends his observation to England, where, under 
many modifications, a somewhat similar state of society existed, particu 
larly anterior to the reign of Henry VII. 

Sir Anthony Weldon, * in speaking of the Scotish Nobility of James 
VI. 's time, says, that * their followers are their fellows, their wives 
' their slaves, their horses their masters, and their swords their judges.' 
It is singular, that this acute and satirical author should have record 
ed, as a matter of reproach, one of the few redeeming features in the so 
cial system of Scotland, as then constituted. 

Relationship being the foundation of the patriarchal rule, the obe 
dience of the vassal was consequently deprived of all feeling of per 
sonal degradation, and a reciprocal kindliness imparted to the feelings of 
the superior. All parties were likewise united in considering the ad 
vancement of the power and prosperity of their Clan as the greatest 
object of their ambition, to which, indeed, the welfare of the country at 
large was usually reckoned subordinate. 

However erroneous these views may be, they were then, it ought to be 
recollected, conscientiously believed and acted upon ; and it may be 
questioned, if mankind have yet arrived at that point of enlightenment 
which entitles them to regard such sentiments with unqualified disappro 

The " Carthago est delenda" of the great Roman patriot showed 
him as ignorant of the true interests of mankind as the savage Clansmen, 
who " dewyssit to ruitt out this hous of Bargany out off memory ;"f 
yet the former is as universally applauded as the latter is condemned. 

Independent of feudal or patriarchal government, there was another 
feature in Scotish society which tended greatly to modify the harshness 
of the aristocracy towards the lower orders. In conducting their deadly 
feuds, every advantage, both of secret stratagem and open warfare, was 
deemed allowable, and few Clans were of sufficient numerical force to 
prevent the life and safety of the Chief from being occasionally in the 
power of the meanest of his followers, whose hand might open the wicket, 

* Satire against Scotland, Abbotsford Mis. Vol. I. p. 300. f Historic of the Kennedies, p. 22. 


or whose voice might give the signal, which would, at an unguarded 
moment, expose the Chieftain to the vengeance of his enemies. And 
the most numerous tribes were subdivided into many subordinate septs, 
who considered the case of each individual of their subdivision as 
their own ; and injustice done to any one incurred the resentment of the 


Owing to these causes, the Clansmen, of all grades, seem to have lived 
upon a happy and contented footing, as far as regards their social rela 
tions ; and it is not a little remarkable, that rich as Scotish tradition is 
in every dark and fearful species of crime and violence, but few anec 
dotes of feudal oppression are preserved. Punishments were, indeed, 
severe, according to the rude notions of justice then prevalent, but they 
were supported by public opinion ; nay, it may be argued, from the re 
morse which a savage and profligate baron displayed for executing a 
criminal found guilty of horse-stealing,* that more enlightened ideas of 
criminal jurisprudence were then to be found in Scotland than prevailed 
in England for centuries after. 

But, while the patriarchal system thus softened the rigour of the feudal 
in one respect, it aggravated it greatly in another. 

Extensive landed proprietors seem everywhere to have been impatient 
of the yoke of great feudal noblemen, and to have been ambitious of be 
coming direct holders from the Crown. But this feeling was increased 
an hundred-fold in intensity when the landed proprietor was also natu 
ral governor of the inhabitants of the soil, in right of a long line of an 
cestors, who had for centuries ruled them in peace, and commanded them 
in war. When such an individual found himself, by a process of legal 
chicanery, subjected to the command of an alien in blood, and deprived 
of his rights of jurisdiction over his people, his indignation knew no 
bounds ; and to rid himself at all hazards from the hateful yoke became 
the aim of his existence, and in this he was cordially seconded by his 
Clansmen. It may safely be said, that more blood was shed for centu 
ries in the Highlands from this cause than from any other, and it was 

' Vide Pitcairn's Criminal TriaU, VoL L P. L p. 513. 


also productive of several other important effects, which will afterwards 
be adverted to. 

The great Lords of the Isles were the first who seem to have as 
pired to this species of power ; and many of the tribes in the Islands 
and Mainland, noways connected with them in blood, were forced, or in 
duced, to accept of charters from them in the feudal form ; and these 
deeds were frequently the earliest titles of the estates, simple posses 
sion having previously been the only right of the occupants. But the 
events subsequent to the battle of Harlaw proved how little the uncer- 
tian allegiance of these feudatories was to be depended upon ; as, after 
that check, so many tribes revolted, or deserted to the Crown, that the 
power of the Island- Princes was gradually but completely extinguished. 

However, the houses of Huntly and Argyle rose upon their ruins, 
and acquired a similar and equally hateful preponderance in the North 
and West Highlands ; and, at a later period, the families of Atholl and 
Breadalbane attained the same species of influence, though to a much 
more limited extent. 

The great power of the families of Sutherland and Mackay, in the 
extreme North, seems to have been of a more purely patriarchal descrip 

Whatever may have been the defects of such a system of society, it 
certainly did not repress individual energy of character ; on the contrary, 
the life of every man seems to have been one of continued and unabated 
exertion. The aim of the Chief was to augment his territorial influence, 
or to shake himself free from his feudal superior ; the heads of subordi 
nate tribes, or powerful cadets, were continually endeavouring to establish 
themselves as separate Clans ; while the lower orders and smaller pro 
prietors were ambitious of becoming dependants directly upon the Chief, 
in place of intermediate superiors. 

In this complicated and desperate struggle, it may easily be conceived 
that qualities very different from what is usually supposed were requisite 
to form a Chieftain of the olden time. In place of being a reckless, 
vain, and hot-headed braggadocio, he was dark, cautious, and politic in 
deliberation, prompt and determined in execution. Cool, clear-headed, and 


sagacious, no advantage was ever overlooked ; and when the moment for 
action arrived, his policy was frequently found to be allied to treachery, his 
courage to ferocity, and his vengeance to cruelty. The manner in which 
he was educated and trained rendered him intimately acquainted with 
the habits and dispositions of all grades of his countrymen ; and he could 
scarcely fail to attain considerable insight into human character in gene 
ral; thus acquiring those easy and agreeable manners so well fitted to 
secure popularity. Usually he was far too much habituated to the ex 
ercise of power to care much about its externals, excepting in so far 
as they were necessary to impress his Clansmen with proper respect for 

his dignity. 

The devotion with which a Chief was regarded by his Clansmen is 
well known, and several new and striking illustrations of this will be 
found in the present Memoirs. But this devotion was purchased by a 
degree of attention to the wants and feelings of the Clan of which no 
idea has hitherto been formed. Indeed, unless the Chief carried the 
public opinion of his followers along with him, and succeeded in con 
vincing them that his views were in accordance with their interests, he 
had but little chance of securing their obedience ; while the same people, 
who would have died rather than betray or desert the man who ruled 
them justly in peace, and commanded them ably in war, would have 
murdered or deposed him had he neglected their interests, absented him 
self from the country, and dissipated his revenues in the amusements of 
the capital. 

The romantic and chivalrous loyalty which shed such a brilliant gleam 
over the last days of feudalism in Scotland, formed no characteristic of 
the Chief of the olden time. Living at a distance from the seat of go 
vernment, with imperfect means of communication, and immersed in 
struggles with his neighbours for power and existence, the regal autho 
rity was little known, and less respected ; and the slightest pretexts for 
rebellion were unhesitatingly adopted. It must, however, be acknow 
ledged, that in those rude times rebellion was viewed in much the same 
light as a strenuous opposition in Parliament to a government measure 
would now be, and that the redress of some specific grievance, and not 


alteration in the form of government or limitation of the prerogative, 
was intended by such rebellion. 

Indeed, when it is borne in mind that the extirpation of the High 
land race was seriously contemplated, even in the reign of James the 
Sixth, their want of ardent loyalty is far from surprising. 

The law of Scotland was long in a most anomalous state, and exer 
cised a most important influence on the social system. So excellent in 
theory, and so complete and well-matured in form, as almost to counte 
nance the supposition of its having been the remnant of a previous and 
higher state of civilization, it was so partially and wretchedly admini 
stered, that it rapidly degenerated into a powerful and well-constructed 
engine of oppression in the hands of the dominant faction, and became 
subservient to every species of political intrigue, and every scheme of 
private cupidity and aggrandisement. 

When these facts are borne in mind, it will perhaps be conceded, that 
the dislike which the Highlanders felt for the law, was as much to be 
attributed to the palpable injustice and partiality of its administration, 
as to their own turbulent and ungovernable spirit. 

Indeed, as will afterwards be more fully explained, the first dawn of 
loyalty in the Highlands may be ascribed to the idea so sedulously and 
ingeniously inculcated by James VI., that the equity and mercy inherent 
in the royal prerogative formed the most effectual protection from the 
harshness and injustice of the law. 

It may not be out of place here to make a few observations upon the 
Military Tactics of the ancient Highlands. 

While war, or the desire of destroying the lives of others, has been 
so universally prevalent among savage nations, that some philoso 
phers have defined it as the natural state of man, cowardice, or the in 
stinct of self-preservation, has been as universally co-existent as an anta 
gonist principle, without which, indeed, the human race could scarcely 
have been prevented from becoming extinct. The effect of these two 
conflicting principles has been to render the great problem in military 
science in all ages how, with the least possible loss, to inflict the great- 


est possible amount of destruction on the opposing force. The ancients, 
and the chivalry of the middle ages, endeavoured to effect this by the 
use of defensive armour ; and the fact of its being reckoned a much greater 
disgrace for a Roman soldier to lose his shield than his sword, is a proof 
how strongly this maxim was inculcated by the conquerors of the ancient 
world. The stealthy American savage adopted the same principle, by 
fighting under the shelter of his impenetrable forests. 

The Celtic nations, too poor or ignorant to adopt defensive armour to 
any extent, (which was, besides, almost unsuitable for mountain warfare,) 
employed a different system, and seem to have laid down the rule, that 
where resistance was hopeless flight was not disgraceful a rule, in many 
respects, the most rational and scientific yet subject to this great disad 
vantage, that in their imperfectly organized armies the common soldiers 
were extremely apt, during any temporary reverse, to imagine that all 
chances of success were gone, and abandon the field, in spite of their of 
ficers, even in the moment of victory. To this is to be attributed the 
numerous panics with which Celtic armies were seized, and which con 
trast so strangely with their ferocity and determination upon other occa 

In addition to the habits peculiar to their Celtic origin, the subdivision of 
the Highlanders into different and often hostile tribes, tended materially to 
increase this feeling ; for, even when they laid aside their animosities, 
and combined to resist a common enemy, still no Clan would submit to 
be sacrificed to save the rest, as such a loss of men would have rendered 
the survivors unable to maintain the power of their name ; while, at 
the same time, the rivalry between the names tended, whenever success 
was deemed practicable, to raise their courage to the highest pitch. 

Whenever, therefore, the Highlanders met their adversaries upon equal 
terms, they generally fought with an obstinacy and determination which 
is sometimes scarcely credible, and has certainly never been exceeded ; 
while the same men, if surprised or taken at a disadvantage, seldom 
dreamt of resistance. 

The Highlanders never attained the precision of discipline and or 
ganization of regular armies, and rank and file was quite unknown. 


They were, however, generally arranged in divisions, corresponding 
to the different Clans ; and each Clan was subdivided into the various 
septs or families of which it was composed, and commanded by their 
respective heads. By this means, a sufficient number of officers and 
proper subordination of rank was introduced, a most essential element 
in the art of war. By dint of practice, considerable steadiness and ra 
pidity of movement was generally attained ; latterly, however, almost 
the only training received was at the great hunting-matches so often men 
tioned in history. 

The Highland arms are too well known to require particular descrip 
tion ; they consisted of the bow, (ultimately laid aside for the musket,) 
axe, broadsword, dirk, and^target, to which a pistol was sometimes added. 

The Highland bow has commonly been reckoned smaller and weaker 
than the English ; as it was, however, occasionally used as a bludgeon, it 
could not have been a very insignificant weapon ; but it was only like the 
musket, an auxiliary arm ; close combat being always resorted to when 

It may also be remarked, that although two-handed swords were occa 
sionally employed by warriors of uncommon strength and stature, yet 
the general form of the claymore was that of a single-handed, strait, cut- 
and-thrust sword, rather long, and thin and flexible in the blade ; and 
intended to be used in conjunction with the dagger and target. The 
dirk, or dagger, was the weapon always employed by the Highlanders 
upon sudden emergencies ; it was constructed upon different principles 
from the sword, being thick in the blade, and only one-edged, in order 
to give it greater strength and power in thrusting. They were most 
deadly weapons in experienced hands, and from their form and temper, 
seem to have acquired continental celebrity. 

In the olden time, the sword and dagger were rarely out of the hands 
of the Highlanders ; deer, and probably cattle, were slaughtered by them, 
and they were carefully trained to wield them in the most effectual man 
ner. From a passage in the present Memoirs, it appears that a motion, 
similar to the drawing cut of the Asiatic Nations, was practised in the 



Highlands. In later times, it is believed, that regular training to the 
use of arms was chiefly confined to the Duniwassals. 

The assumption of the reins of Government by James VI. ultimately 
produced a most important alteration on the state of the Highlands. It 
is not too much to say, that the singular and inconsistent character of 
that monarch has yet to be written. 

It would be out of place here to attempt to supply this deficiency ; 
but it may safely be asserted, that his administration in Scotland affords 
proofs of talent and determination, which have been as much overlooked 
by historians, as his good nature and merciful disposition has been over 

With a feeble executive, an empty exchequer, and a hostile clergy, he 
undertook to break the power of a savage, ferocious, and unprincipled 
aristocracy, in possession of the whole military force of the kingdom ; 
and bestow the blessings of peace and civilization upon a rude, illiterate, 
and fanatic people. The extent to which he accomplished his objects 
is perfectly astonishing, if the inadequacy of his means be taken into ac 
count. But it certainly was the result of a profound unscrupulous and 
systematic course of policy. 

Presuming that all the aristocracy were equally turbulent and ungo 
vernable, he seems only to have waited for an opportunity to get them 
in his power ; and when within his talons, they were treated with pre 
cisely the degree of severity which he felt himself able to inflict without 
giving too great offence to their allies and dependants. 

He used every inducement to procure their attendance at Court ; thus 
encouraging that taste for extravagant expenditure, which, sooner or later, 
he knew must ruin their territorial influence, by bartering, as Adam 
Smith remarks, the solid power which they possessed over the hearts 
and hands of their retainers, for scraps of lace and bits of ribbon ; and 
by this means, also, he rendered himself master of their persons. 

But he took care to bait his hook of Court favour for his grasping and 
avaricious prey, with much more solid allurements than the usual glitter 


and tinsel of a Court. Fines and forfeitures inflicted on delinquents were 
scattered among his rapacious favourites, with the most lavish and ap 
parently heedless profusion. But these fines and forfeitures were far 
more rigidly exacted than had they remained in the hands of the Crown ; 
as the donatory took possession himself, or bribed some powerful ally 
to do so. 

In the event of any dispute arising between two parties, the one who 
represented his case at Court, however absurd or unfounded his claim 
might be, was almost certain of a favourable decision ; if both parties 
appeared, a reference to the King was usually made, and great talent 
and ingenuity displayed in reconciling their differences, and modifying 
the strictness of law, by principles of mercy or equity. 

By means of these measures, which have been unthinkingly blamed 
by historians as the capricious acts of weakness and favouritism, many 
important objects were gained ; all the aristocracy were induced to value 
and seek Court favour ; the turbulent and disaffected were impoverished 
and embarrassed ; and what was, perhaps, ultimately of most consequence, 
the strength of the executive materially increased, by rendering a sen 
tence of outlawry exceedingly formidable. 

Previously, such a sentence was regarded by a great baron as a mere 
farce ; but, gradually, the most powerful became unable to bear up 
against the indirect inconveniences thus entailed upon them. A feudal 
Chief, indeed, surrounded by his inaccessible fastnesses and the clay 
mores of his faithful Clan, could defy the feeble attempts of the Govern 
ment to seize his person, or attach his goods ; nay, even were he con 
sidered formidable in arms, letters of fire and sword, although issued 
against him, might never be put in execution. But he found all access 
to the royal ear denied, all his actions misrepresented, the smallest 
ebullitions of violence magnified into the grossest acts of rebellion ; his 
neighbours permitted to plunder his territories without incurring any 
legal penalty ; and his lands liable to be gifted away to any nobleman 
sufficiently powerful to take possession. 

To attempt to present himself at Court was out of the question ; did 
he leave his territories with a small retinue, he would have been imme- 


diately seized by the first aspirant for Court favour, through whose lands 
he passed. While, had he attempted to do so with a large, he would 
only have increased the number of his captors, as all the neighbouring 
barons would have eagerly united in that object, however they might 
have quarrelled as to the division of the spoil. 

The letters of fire and sword, granted to subjects against outlaws and 
delinquents, have been frequently blamed ; but they were seldom executed 
with much rigour, and seem usually to have been kept " in terrorem," or 
employed as a pretext for extorting money, and an acknowledgment of 
vassalage ; thus humbling and impoverishing one of the parties, while it 
rather served as a check upon the other, as the slightest attempt at re 
bellion on the part of the superior would have been the signal for the re 
volt of the unwilling vassal. 

Such delinquents as were too weak to offer resistance were dealt with 
with very little regard either to mercy or justice. The treatment of the 
celebrated Mure of Auchindrane is a striking instance of this. That re 
markable man (whose moral character was quite upon a par with most 
of his, contemporaries in the district where he lived) was prosecuted with 
the most unrelenting and illegal severity, for being suspected of advising 
a murder, the actual perpetrators of which were permitted to go un 
punished. Seeing the measure of justice about to be meted to him, 
he endeavoured to procure his safety by shedding additional blood ; 
and at length fell a victim to the vengeance of the law. The whole 
secret of these extraordinary proceedings appears to have been, that James 
saw that the district would never be at peace, so long as a man of his 
talents, ambition, and turbulent spirit, was alive ; while he had no friends 
or kinsmen sufficiently powerful to avenge his death. 

His execution of the unfortunate messenger for exposing the pictures 
of himself and his Queen for sale in a contumelious position, shows how 
little he was inclined to mercy ; yet, such was the veneration with which he 
had contrived to imbue his subjects for his prerogative and person, that 
this atrocious piece of cruelty seems to have had the sanction of public 

He thus broke the power and diminished the resources of a consider- 


able portion of the aristocracy ; deadly feuds were almost entirely aban 
doned ; arts and commerce began to flourish in the Lowlands, and, 
even in the Highlands, a taste for the blessings of peace and the comforts 
of civilized life had commenced. But the rashness and bigotry of his 
unfortunate son blighted all these cheering prospects, and again immersed 
the country in barbarity and bloodshed. 

The conduct of the son has been most erroneously ascribed to the ad 
vice of the father. The limited, though perhaps acute mind of Charles, 
could only comprehend the letter, not the spirit, of his father's counsels, 
and James can no more be blamed for the faults of his son, than the 
writings of the sages of antiquity for the eccentricities of the pedantic 
simpletons who are occasionally to be found in the classic halls of Oxford 
or Cambridge. 

It may, indeed, be further asserted, that of all the monarchs who ever 
sat on the British throne, James was the least likely to have been guilty 
of his son's errors, for none ever calculated more accurately the amount 
of his resources, and the extent of resistance with which he would be met. 

By a most able and Machiavellian course of policy, James established 
a moderate Episcopacy in Scotland. Had this been left to itself, it 
would, in all probability, have remained the established religion of the 
country to this day ; but the fanatic tyranny of the son ruined the schemes 
of the father. 

Without going into the details of these well-known and melancholy trans 
actions, and without attempting to defend the dark and unprincipled con 
duct of their leaders, it may safely be asserted with regard to the people, 
that a more touching spectacle of a nation unwillingly forced into rebel 
lion in defence of what they believed to be their dearest rights, can hardly 
be conceived. The zeal and unanimity with which the people actually 
coerced their Chiefs to support the royal authority, whenever they per 
ceived that the person and prerogative of the monarch was aimed at by 
the English, is a clear proof of this, and ought surely to entitle them to 
some mercy from the pens of those historians who have so severely and 
successfully exposed the conduct of the prime movers in the rebellion. 


The subject of the following Memoirs, whom it will be most convenient 
to designate as Locheill, although he was not at first entitled to that name, 
was born in the year 1629, in the middle of these troubled and exciting 
times. At the period of his birth, the Clan Cameron was commanded by 
his grandfather, Allan M'Connell Duibh, or Allan M'llduy, as he was 
commonly called, a Chief of the greatest valour and determination, and 
of such remarkable abilities and sagacity, that he is alleged to have been 
possessed of supernatural powers. From a variety of causes, over few 
of which he had much control, he became deeply implicated in the 
numerous feuds and rebellions which took place in Queen Mary's, and 
the commencement of James the Sixth's reign, and for many years the 
blood of civil discord was but rarely dry upon his claymore. 

The Clan Cameron was an ancient, numerous, warlike, and firmly 
united tribe, chiefly inhabiting Lochaber, which lies between the terri 
tories of the great houses of Huntly and Argyle. Thus situated, its Chief 
could scarcely avoid taking a part in the differences which then existed 
between these two powerful families. 

When these differences came to an open rupture, and Argyle, armed 
with the royal authority, prepared to march against Huntly, Allan 
M'llduy's personal inclinations would rather have prompted him to 
have joined Argyle, as there had been an ancient, though far from un 
broken, friendship between their houses, but his bitter and hereditary 
enemy, the Laird of Macintosh, having sided with that nobleman, Allan 
united himself with Huntly, and was present at the celebrated battle of 
Glenlivat ; where, however, he is alleged to have done nothing more 
than defeat the corps commanded by Macintosh. Having been outlawed 
and forfeited along with Huntly for his share in the Rebellion, that noble 
man, with a degree of treachery and ingratitude which would be almost 
incredible were it not well authenticated, upon obtaining his own pardon 
and reversal of his forfeiture, was instrumental in keeping up the sen 
tences against Allan, and actually claimed and obtained a part of his 
estate. While these rigorous sentences were in force, some local dis 
turbances arose in Lochaber, which were made a pretext for getting them 


executed with the utmost rigour, and in a short time he found himself 
stripped of every acre of ground which had formerly belonged to him. 

Against these varied and complicated misfortunes, the Chieftain 
struggled with all the savage energy and perseverance so characteristic 
of the age. 

He at once abandoned his distant and detached lands not inhabited 
by his clansmen, and by his ready obedience purchased the goodwill and 
assistance of those to whom he surrendered them. Huntly, as a singular 
atonement for his ungrateful conduct, accepted a commission of fire and 
sword against him, which, as he did not execute, prevented this fearful 
weapon of legal oppression from falling into hostile hands. And Macin 
tosh, with one of those traits of high-minded generosity which occasion 
ally illumine that dismal period, refused to press his claims against him 
in the midst of his misfortunes. 

Thus, by opposing force to force, and artifice to artifice, he at length 
contrived to secure the possession of those domains which still remain 
in the family, although he was reluctantly obliged to descend from his 
station of a crown-holder, and become a vassal of the Marquis of Argyle, 
who, having purchased the gift of his forfeiture, sold him the dominium 
utile upon very easy terms, probably being anxious to detach him from 
all possible connection with Huntly, and in this he completely succeeded. 
For, upon the breaking out of the Civil Wars, eager to revenge himself 
upon his ungrateful oppressor, he joined Argyle, and it appears that a 
body of the Clan Cameron under his second son Donald, who bore the 
soubriquet of Guirke, formed part of the " uncanny trewsmen " mentioned 
by Baillie as having come to the convention at Perth in 1639, along with 
the great Marquis.* It would also appear that some of the Clan Cameron 
assisted General Middleton when he defeated Huntly at the Braes of 
Glenmoriston in 1647. 

Upon the royal standard being raised by Montrose, Allan's views seem 
to have altered. The most rabid Tory may, indeed, forgive him for his 
lukewarm loyalty, but he had no sympathy with the causes of the Re- 

Vide Gordon's History of Scots Affairs, published by the Spalding Club, Vol. II. p. 205-6. 


bellion, and only saw in its success the increase of the Marquis of Argyle's 
already exorbitant power and influence in the Highlands. 

With these views he did not join Argyle when he assembled his forces 
to oppose Montrose ; on the contrary, he waited upon the last mentioned 
nobleman when he passed through his country, and permitted a small 
but select body of his followers to join him ; and by despatching the ex 
press which informed Montrose of Argyle's arrival at Inverlochy, was the 
means of bringing on that fatal conflict. This piece of service might, in 
deed, have been interpreted differently, had Argyle proved victorious ; 
but it is said that his supernatural powers enabled him to foretell the 

His eldest son John, the father of Locheill, died a few years after 
his birth, and for some years previous to these last mentioned events, 
the young man had been entrusted to the guardianship of the Marquis 
of Argyle. Sir Walter Scott supposes that he was thus placed as a 
hostage for the good conduct of the Clan ;* but admitting the plausibility 
of the conjecture, it really does not appear that the Clan Cameron were 
ever upon such terms with the Campbells as to render such a demand 
necessary. The more probable reason seems to be, that the aged Chief 
having felt the disadvantage of never having been able to appear at Court, 
was determined that his grandson's education should be such as to fit 
him for that purpose, while he was anxious that he should be introduced 
by so powerful, and, till then, loyal a family as that of Argyle. And, 
on the other hand, the Marquis eagerly seized the opportunity of con 
ciliating the affections of so important a vassal. 

But from whatever motives it arose, it is certain that the Marquis ful 
filled his duty as a guardian with the utmost kindness and conscientious 
ness. While he took care to instruct him in all useful learning, and 
polite and elegant accomplishments, he left him entirely at liberty to form 
his own views upon the politics and events of the times. It is pleasing 
to find this instance of good taste and feeling on the part of the Marquis, 
which forms some relief to the dark features of his character, recorded 

Vide Talet of a Grandfather, Second Series, VoL IL p. 94. 


by one whose views were so decidedly different as the author of these- 

A singular circumstance having excited Locheill's attention to the 
great events which were passing around him, he applied to Argyle for 
an explanation of some of his doubts and difficulties ; and it is not a little 
creditable to the ability and impartiality of our author, that he has, upon 
this occasion, put into Argyle's mouth a more able and ingenious 
apology for some of the most indefensible actions of his life, than is to 
be found in the works of any of his professed panegyrists. 

Allan M'llduy having died about 1647, Locheill, whose principles 
had now become decidedly loyal, took the earliest possible opportunity 
of leaving the Marquis, and putting himself at the head of his Clan. 

From some reason which does not seem very well explained, he did 
not join the army which marched under David Lesley to the fatal field 
of Worcester, although he had mustered his Clan for the purpose ; but 
upon the Earl of Glencairn's raising the royal standard in- the Highlands, 
he appeared among the first of his adherents, and soon signalized him 
self by his valour and intrepidity. Glencairn, although an able soldier 
and most resolute man, was not possessed of that commanding intellect 
which alone could enable him to amalgamate the heterogeneous and dis 
cordant materials- of which his army was composed ; nor was Middleton, 
who superseded him, at all superior in any respect. The Royalists 
proved, in consequence, totally unable to cope with the united and dis 
ciplined veterans of Cromwell. An immense number of desultory and 
unconnected skirmishes were however fought, the details of which have 
been very imperfectly handed down to us, as each party only relates those 
which are favourable to themselves. 

The author of the following Memoirs has contented himself with merr* 
tkraing a few of the most remarkable in which Locheill was engaged, 
and in their graphic and circumstantial details, he certainly does the full 
est and most ample justice to the admirable organization, activity, and 
indomitable courage of the Republican forces. 

The short but splendid career of Montrose is usually regarded by his 
torians as the most brilliant epoch of the military history of the High-^ 



landers, and Glencairn's rising as one of the most disastrous and inglori 
ous. But the impression upon the minds of those actually engaged does 
not appear to coincide with what the general results would lead us to 
anticipate, for the latter inspired the Highlanders with much more con 
fidence in themselves than the former. 

The unwarlike and undisciplined character of the great majority of the 
troops overcome by Montrose, left it still dubious how the Highlanders 
would behave when opposed to tried veterans ; but, while under Glen- 
cairn their efforts as a body were paralyzed by treachery, discordance, 
and disorganization, they found no reason to complain of inferiority in 

actual conflict. 

And what is still more extraordinary, the advantages gained were attri 
buted by the Highlanders, not, as is usually supposed, to physical or 
mental causes, but solely to the superiority of their arms and mode of 

These novel views may possibly render some parts of the present work 
not altogether uninteresting to such military readers as carry their views 
of their profession beyond shakoes and pipe-clay. 

It would be anticipating the narrative to give any details of these ex 
ploits, or of the ingenious stratagem by which Locheill finally obtained his 
honourable capitulation, and in which he displayed so much boldness and 
address. In arranging the terms of this treaty he was, however, much 
indebted to his old friend the Marquis of Argyle. 

Whenever peace was declared, he rapidly rose in Monk's friendship 
and estimation, whose sagacity easily discerned the value of such an ad 

About this period Locheill married his first wife, a daughter of Mac- 
donald of Slate, and the description of the wedding, together with the 
strains of the Highland votary of Parnassus, form an interesting picture 
of the manners of the times, and a pleasing relief from the dark scenes of 
bloodshed and disorder contained in the First Book ; but the lovers of 
the Gaelic have great reason to regret that the poet's verses have not been 
preserved in their original tongue. 

The Second Book commences with a short account of the motives by 


which Monk was actuated in accomplishing the Restoration, and of the 
means by which he effected it. So far as it goes, it coincides entirely 
with the views adopted by Guizot in his admirable sketch of that remark 
able man. Some curious, and it is believed original, anecdotes illustra 
tive of his profound duplicity and knowledge of human character are also 

After the Restoration, Locheill became involved in a variety of law 
suits and disputes, some of them originating in the late wars, and others 
of a much older date, so that his life was, as Pennant describes, one of 
stormy tranquillity. 

By far the most important was the old misunderstanding with Macin 
tosh, whose family had many centuries before obtained charters to certain 
lands which had been always possessed by the Camerons. Considering 
the way in which charters were then obtained, and the length of time 
during which the Camerons had been in possession, no one can doubt 
that the mode of settlement proposed by Locheill, of giving Macintosh 
a sum of money in lieu of his claim, was the most fair and equitable one. 
But Macintosh, confiding in the strength of his legal rights, pushed them 
to their utmost extent, and obtained an act of Parliament against Loch 
eill in very stringent terms, and upon his refusal to obey, letters of fire 
and sword were at last granted. But these measures were so little in 
accordance with the general feeling, that ah 1 the gentlemen joined in the 
commission of fire and sword refused to co-operate with Macintosh, and 
even his own Clan declined for long to obey him. Having at length 
succeeded in overcoming their scruples, he marched against Locheill, 
and found him at the head of his Clan, who were, to a man, ready to 
measure the justice of their cause by the length of their swords. But 
at this critical period they were reconciled by the mediation of the Earl 
of Breadalbane, who himself prevailed upon Macintosh at length to ac 
cept of LocheilFs terms, and displayed his great abilities, not only by 
his successful mediation, but by escaping the proverbial fate of the redder 
of a fray. 

No sooner was this long protracted feud terminated, than Locheill 
found himself engaged in fresh difficulties from his connection with the 


ancient and powerful family of MacLean, with whom he became con 
nected by his second marriage. Afull detail of the unhappy circumstances 
by which that noble house was finally deprived of its ancient inherit 
ance will here be found ; it may be mentioned that it, upon the whole, 
coincides precisely with the account given in the history of the Clan 
MacLean, published by " A Seneachie" in 1838, although a much more 
favourable view of the conduct and motives of the Argyle family is 
adopted by the present author. According to him, the folly and inca 
pacity of the tutors of the young MacLean, and his own imprudent and 
vacillating conduct, were the true causes of the ruin of the house. 

It seems, indeed, difficult to resist the conviction that there was a 
Jarge sum of money actually due to the Argyle family, in discharge df 
which, they would willingly have taken the superiority of the estate, could 
the pride of the Mac Leans have permitted them to make this compromise. 

Considering the peculiar terms upon which Locheill stood with the 
Argyle family, the steadiness with which he adhered to the interests of 
the MacLeans is highly commendable. 

Although Locheill seems to have always stood high in the favour both 
of Charles the Second and his unfortunate brother, yet it is much to his 
credit that he does not appear to have been employed in plundering the 
western counties in 1678 ; but upon the breaking out of Argyle's re 
bellion in 1685, he was urgently requested to join in its suppression, 
which he accordingly did. An unhappy rencounter which took place 
between two reconnoitring parties of the royal forces, one of which was 
composed of his men, together with his known friendship for Argyle, 
subjected him to great suspicion, and he had much difficulty in reinstat 
ing himself in the royal favour. There really, however, does not appear 
to be any reasonable doubts that the explanation given in the Memoirs 
of these transactions is correct. 

The forfeiture of the Marquis of Argyle involved Locheill in fresh 
difficulties, for as, by the law of Scotland, the vassal forfeits with his over 
lord, he had actually been labouring to effect his own ruin. Considering 
the part he had taken in suppressing the rebellion, it might have been 
.expected that he would have got this affair settled without any trouble ; 


birt a claim to his estate was reared up by the Duke of Gordon, which 
he had great difficulty in resisting. In his negotiations at Court for this 
rpurpose, he was much assisted by the celebrated Barclay of Ury, the 
Quaker, whose sister was his third wife, and who had very great personal 
influence with James ; thus showing that that unhappy monarch was not 
altogether so blinded by religious bigotry as is usually imagined. Barclay 
proved successful in the most material points. And had it not been for 
the Revolution, would, in all probability, have achieved the great object 
of Locheill's ambition, by getting him the superiority of his estate. 

Perhaps the technical account of these legal proceedings and negotia 
tions, which are contained in the Second Book, may be thought dry and 
tedious by the general reader ; but the minute details of the complicated 
relations between superior and vassal, and the singular melange of legal 
forms, political intrigue, and open violence, which constituted a Scotish 
law-suit in the seventeenth century, may possibly be considered as the 
most interesting to the antiquarian. 

The Third Book is chiefly occupied with an account of the principal 
events which took place in the Highlands from the Revolution till a 
short time after the Massacre of Glencoe. The narrative is minute and 
circumstantial, and interspersed with a variety of curious anecdotes; 
the characters given of Dundee and the various Highland Chiefs are 
particularly interesting ; while the facts are so well substantiated by the 
unerring test of the public records, as to afford a satisfactory guarantee 
for historical accuracy. 

In the notes, the narrative is compared with Mackay's Memoirs, and 
other contemporary writings, from which the reader will be enabled to 
judge of the correctness of the author's views and reflections. The pro 
minent part assigned to Locheill in the Rebellion of 1688-9, and subse 
quent treaty, is fully corroborated by the authorities quoted in the notes. 

Some singular statements are given as to the views and feelings of the 
Highlanders in regard to these transactions. It appears, that towards 
the close of Charles II. 's reign, the discontent of the Chieftains at the 
system of subiufeudation had attained its height, and that the conse 
quent evils had become so great, that James II. had conceived & plan 


for abolishing it by purchasing up these superiorities ; and that this was 
one of the causes of his great popularity in the Highlands. 

It may appear paradoxical, but the editor cannot help hazarding the 
conjecture, that the motives which prompted the Highlanders to support 
King James were substantially the same as those by which the promoters 
of the Revolution were actuated. For it must be borne in mind, that 
the law had generally proved a most partial and oppressive task-mis 
tress to the Highlanders, and the freedom of the subject had only in 
creased the power of the great noblemen to oppress their inferiors, who 
had hitherto found the royal prerogative the safest guardian of their na 
tural rights and liberties. 

What renders this conjecture more plausible is the fact, that, acute 
and sagacious as the Highland Chieftains certainly were, yet their atten 
tion seems to have been too much engrossed by the events of the pre 
sent, to permit them to concern themselves for the future ; and they 
might not have reflected how dangerous arbitrary principles of govern 
ment would ultimately prove to those very rights which they in the mean 
time protected. 

But, whatever were their motives, the Chieftains certainly adhered to 
King James with the most steady and praiseworthy loyalty. 

In spite of the neglect and coldness with which they were treated by 
their sovereign, they rejected the most brilliant and tempting offers from 
their antagonists, and, even when success was hopeless, refused to capi 
tulate without the sanction of their master. The money distributed 
among them by King William appears originally to have been intended 
to purchase up the superiorities ; but this enlightened and judicious plan 
was thwarted by the avarice and perfidy of those who had the manage 
ment of the negotiation ; while the acceptance of the money cannot be 
looked upon as a bribe, but as a fair remuneration for the losses they had 
sustained. The fate of Ireland, and the Massacre of Glencoe, render 
it certain that it was the terror of their arms alone which wrung from 
their cruel and treacherous opponents the honourable pacification they 
finally obtained. However, the ultimate effect of these transactions 
proved extremely detrimental to the Highlands, as it prevented the 


Chieftains from turning their attention to the arts of peace, and induced 
them to maintain upon their lands many more inhabitants than were ne 
cessary for its cultivation, with the view of enhancing their military in 

The lower orders in the Highlands, although an indolent race, were 
naturally peaceful in their inclinations ; and the Chieftains and great 
feudal lords appear latterly to have been obliged to employ every means, 
both of argument, persuasion, and authority, to keep up the military 
spirit of their followers. A striking illustration of this will be found in 
No. I. of the Appendix ; from which it appears how harsh and oppres 
sive the system of heritable jurisdictions had become about 1715, and 
what a powerful instrument of compulsion it was ; and, indeed, the publi 
cation of the Athol Correspondence has effectually proved that the patri 
archal power of the Chieftains was, in 1745, totally inefficacious in raising 
their men, and that it was only by the strictest exercise of feudal autho 
rity that an army was set on foot. 

But to return from this digression. Nothing memorable occurred 
in the life of Locheill after the events which terminate the present MS. 
His age and infirmities rendered him unable to take any share in the Re 
bellion of 1715. It appears from the papers connected with the prosecu 
tion raised against his grandson, Cameron of Fassfern, in 1755, that he 
was in possession of a Plantation in the West Indies, which he made 
over to his family, along with his other property, some years before his 

The following account of the last years of his life was copied by Miss 
Cameron of Locheill from the Balhaldy Papers ; it is evidently intend 
ed to have formed the substance of the conclusion of the work, but has 
not been incorporated into any of the MSS. to which the Editor has 
had access. 



His eyes retained their former vivacity, and his sight was so good in 
his ninetieth year that he could discern the most minute object, and read 
the smallest print ; nor did he so much as want a tooth, which to me 
seemed as white and close as one would have imagined they were in the 
twentieth year of his age. 

In this state he was when I had the good fortune to see him in 1716 ; 
and so great was his strength at that time, that he wrung some blood 
from the point of my fingers with a grasp of his hand. He was of the 
largest size ; his bones big, his countenance fresh and smooth, and he 
had a certain air of greatness about him, which struck the beholders with 
awe and respect. His cousin, Sir [John] M'Lean, used to say of him, 
that as often as he saw Sir Ewen Cameron, so often did the idea of the 
great Louis of France seize his imagination. Simon, Lord Fraser of 
Lovat, likewise his great friend and relation, affirmed the same thing; 
and said the resemblance was nearer than commonly that between two 
brothers ; with this difference, that Sir Ewen was of a darker complexion, 
more brawny, and of a larger size. That Lord was one of his greatest 
admirers ; and upon the news of his death, wrote a letter of condolence 
to the present Locheill, wherein he compared him to the most generous 
patriots and noblest heroes of antiquity. 

The story I am going to relate would be absolutely incredible, if it 
were net vouched by a multitude of witnesses. Very early that morn 
ing whereon the Chevalier de St George landed at Peterhead in the 
North of Scotland, attended only by Allan Cameron, one of the gentle 
men of his bedchamber, Sir Ewen started, .as it were, in a surprise from 
his sleep, and called out so loud to his lady (who lay by him in another 
bed) that his King was landed, that his King was arrived, and that his 
son Allan was with him, that she awaked ; and inquiring if he wanted 
anything, he repeated the same thing over and over again, and command 
ed a large bonfire, to be. put on, and the best liquor in the house, ta be. 


brought out to his lads, (for so he commonly called his Clan, ) for to make 
merry and drink his King's health. The lady, who at first fancied that 
he was raving, did not much notice him ; but he was so instant and po 
sitive, and commanded with such authority, that she was in the end 
obliged to obey. Not only his grandchildren and domestics, but all the 
people of the neighbourhood, were convened to that solemnity, which 
they celebrated with uncommon festivity and mirth, until the next day 
was near spent. His lady was so curious, that she noted down the 
words upon paper, with the date ; which she a few days after found ve 
rified in fact, to her great surprise. I do not pretend to account for this 
visionary kind of revelation. 

The like befell him in his youth, whereby he was saved from an im 
minent danger, as I have noticed ; and all I shall say upon the matter is, 
that it seems no conclusive argument against the truth of a fact, that it 
cannot be accounted for, unless it shall be made out, that all the secrets 
of nature, and the wonderful dispensations of Providence, are revealed to 
human understanding. In the present case, Sir Ewen's waking through 
his sleep, his expressing the words, and giving the orders here related, 
stand not only vouched by the lady and a servant that lay near him, but 
likewise by the multitude convened to the solemnity, who all came and 
kissed their Chiefs hand, and informed themselves of the truth of it, from 
himself. Besides, contrary to his usual custom, he talked of nothing 
else all the next day ; gave orders from time to time to carry out more 
liquor to his lads, and said that he should see his son Allan, but should 
never have the honour of seeing his King ! 

To conclude the life of this remarkable man, he enjoyed a continued 
state of health from his birth to his death, excepting the flux I have men 
tioned in 1674, which lasted a whole year, and he died of a high fever 
in February 1719, after a glorious and honourable life of ninety years. 
His blood was never drawn either [by the] enemy or a chirurgeon, and 
but once that we hear of by an accident of tramping upon a sharp, small 
pointed knife, which ran quite through the thick of his foot, and which 
befell him in his younger days, while he kept the mountains. This knife 
chancing to break at the handle where it joins the blade, he caused one 



of his attendants pull it out with his teeth, and the blood following it 
with a great gush, struck the gentleman full in the mouth, which gave 
Locheill so much diversion, that he said merrily, that if the knife had 
given him a sore foot, it had likewise given that gentleman sore teeth and 
a foul mouth ! 

Some hours before he died, his fever left him, and his memory and 
judgment returned, and he discoursed as sensibly as ever he was known 
to do in his greatest vigour. He called his sons, Major Donald and 
Ludovick Cameron, of whom, and his other sons, we shall hereafter 
say something, and all his other friends and domestics that chanced to be 
about him ; to each of whom he spoke a word or two, and then re 
commended to them, in general, religion, loyalty, patriotism, and the love 
of their friends. In a word, his exit was suitable to his life, and he left a 
memory behind him so glorious, that his name is still mentioned in those 
countries with the utmost veneration and respect. 

The reader will best form a character of this gentleman from his ac 
tions, and therefore we shall only touch on some few particulars that are 
not so, obvious to his observation. Being only in the eleventh year of 
his age, when the grand Rebellion against King Charles I. broke out, it 
was impossible that he could be educated agreeably to his genius and 
rank ; and though the Marquis of Argyle, his guardian, designed to 
have sent him to Oxford, yet the Civil Wars being then in their greatest 
fury, he was obliged to keep him about his person ; and, indeed, took 
all the care of him that those busy times would permit. The conversa 
tion with Secretary Spottiswoode inspiring him thereafter with a gene 
rous ambition of acting the patriot, he retired to his own country ; where 
his habitation was for the most part in the mountains, and his conversa 
tion only with such company as could but . . . . .. ';,' , *-. 

This narrative contradicts Pennant's assertion, that LocheiPs faculties 
were latterly impaired, and it makes no mention of the cradle in which 
that author, and after him Sir Walter Scott, General Stewart, and others, 
allege he was rocked. The fact of his mind being entire is also cor- 


roborated by Patten, in his History of the Rebellion of 1715, published 
in 1717. 

At the period when the Tales of a Grandfather were published, every 
inquiry was made to ascertain if any tradition regarding the cradle exist 
ed, but none was found, although it was said that he had lost the use 
of his lower limbs, and turned himself in bed by the assistance of a rope 
and pulley. At the same time, it is proper to mention, that the per 
son who supplied Pennant with his information was, in every other re 
spect, perfectly accurate. 

The nature of these remarks will, it is hoped, free the Editor from 
the charge of being an indiscriminate " laudator temporis acti." Yet 
he will venture to say, that, even in the present age, when the interests 
of mankind, and the mode of attaining the objects of social existence, 
are so much better understood, the activity, energy, and determination 
of the feudal baron, and patriarchal chief, may still be a model to their 

It is much to be regretted that none of the Author's notices of Sir 
E wen's family have been preserved ; but the following brief account of 
his descendants may perhaps form an appropriate conclusion to the pre 
sent remarks. 

Sir Ewen left at least three sons, John, Allan, and Ludovick ; the 
Editor has been unable to find any allusion to Donald, who is mention 
ed in the Balhaldy fragment. There were also eleven daughters, all 
married to Chiefs, or landed proprietors. 

John, the eldest, appears, like his grandfather, to have had a greater 
genius for civil than for military affairs ; he commanded the Clan Came 
ron in 1689 after the battle of Killiecrankie, when Sir E wen's age ren 
dered him unable to support the fatigues of the harassing and inglorious 
system of hostilities adopted by General Canon, contrary to his advice 
and remonstrances. In 1696, Sir Ewen made over the greater part 
of his estates to him, reserving his own liferent, as appears from deeds 
still extant. He was a zealous Jacobite, and was deeply implicated 
in every scheme for restoring the exiled family. About 1706, a warrant 
was issued to apprehend him as guilty of high treason ; but it does not 


appear that it was ever put in execution. He again commanded the Clan 
in the Rebellion of 1715 ; but before going out, he took the precaution of 
making over his estates to his son Donald. 

His conduct on that occasion seems to have given but little satisfac 
tion either to his father or the Clan, and it is reported, that they ex 
pressed an unwillingness again to serve under him. Being forfeited for his 
share in that rebellion, he retired to France, and never returned to Scot 
land, (although the contrary has sometimes been erroneously asserted,) 
but died, it is supposed, at Boulogne at a very advanced age, in 1747. 

During the whole course of his long life, he was actively engaged in the 
service of the exiled family. A servant of his, named Duncan Cameron, 
was one of the seven persons who accompanied the Chevalier to Scotland 
in 1745, in order to assist them in their disembarkation, by his know 
ledge of the localities. Duncan's account of the voyage was preserved 
by Bishop Forbes, and partly printed by Mr Chambers in his Jacobite 

Allan, the second brother, is generally supposed to have been at first 
a Lieutenant in the 21st Scots Fusileers, and to have been present with 
his regiment at the battle of Killiecrankie ; but the Editor has been un 
able to find any other authority for this than tradition. However, he soon 
left the royal army, and retired to France. In 1715, he was summoned 
to appear at Edinburgh, along with other gentlemen of Jacobite princi 
ples, as Lieutenant Allan Cameron of Locheill ; but, of course, did not 
obey. He attended the Chevalier de St George from France in De 
cember 1715, and landed with him at Peterhead, and again accompanied 
him when he left Scotland. He was despatched to the Highlands in 
1725, and was employed in keeping up a correspondence with the High 
land Chieftains till about 1730, when he again appears to have returned 
to France, and lived with the Chevalier de St George, and certainly 
died before 1745. 

Ludovick, of Torrcastle, so called from his residing there, acted as 
young Locheil's Major in 1745, and died in France. 

John (Sir E wen's eldest son) had five sons, who grew up to man 
hood ; viz. Donald, of 1745, whose character and exploits it is needless 
to enlarge upon, as they now form part of the history of his country, he 


became proprietor of the estates of the family in 1706, during the life 
of his grandfather Sir Ewen, by a conveyance from his father as already 
mentioned, and died a Colonel in the French service, in 1748. 2. 
John of Fassfern, who became a merchant, and was for some time resi 
dent in the West Indies. He was successful in business, and although 
he did not join in the Rebellion of 1745, yet he appears to have mate 
rially aided his brother by supplying him with the sinews of war. Fall 
ing under the odium of Government, he was, upon very slender evi 
dence, and after very arbitrary proceedings, found guilty of abstracting 
documents connected with the claims upon the forfeited estate of Loch- 
eill, which were alleged to have been forged, and banished from Scot 
land by an Act of Sederunt of the Court of Session for ten years, during 
which time he resided at Alnwick. He was grandfather to the present 
Sir Duncan Cameron of Fassfern. 3. Dr Archibald Cameron, whose ex 
ertions in the cause of the Stuart family, and melancholy fate, are too well 
known to admit of their being here recapitulated. 4. Alexander, who 
died a priest. 5. Ewen, who died a planter in Jamaica. 

The whole of the family estates were declared forfeited by Act of Par 
liament, and annexed to the Crown in the year 1746. 

Donald had two sons, John, who succeeded to his father's regiment in 
France, and afterwards came to the Highlands, but died a very young man. 
2. Charles, who succeeded his brother, and obtained from the Crown 
leases of parts of the forfeited estates of the family upon very easy terms ; 
he received a commission in the 7 1st Highlanders when first embodied, 
and raised a company of his clansmen. When the regiment was ordered 
on foreign service, he was in London dangerously ill ; but, hearing that 
his men refused to embark without him, he hurried to Glasgow, where they 
were quartered, and had the satisfaction of finding that the eloquence of 
Colonel Fraser of Lovat, their commander, had persuaded them to re 
turn to their duty ; but the exertion proved too much for his health, and 
he died shortly afterwards. 

It is said, that he was received in Glasgow with great pomp and en 
thusiasm, as it was generally supposed that it was his father who pre 
vented that city from being plundered in 1745. 


lie married a lady of the name of Marshall, and had a large family, 
but only two survived ; viz. Donald, born in the year 1769 to whom the 
family estates were restored in 1784, by Act of Parliament, and a 
daughter named Anne, who was married to Vaughan Forster, Esq., a 
Major in the Army, and died lately, leaving a son, Charles Forster, Esq. 

Donald of 1769 was married to the Honourable Anne Abercromby, 
(who still survives,) daughter of General Sir Ralph Abercromby, Bart., 
and had a family of two sons and two daughters ; viz. Donald, the present 
representative of the family, formerly a Captain in the Grenadier Regi 
ment of Guards, and who is married to the Lady Catherine Vere Louisa 
Hobart ; Alexander, Mary Anne, and Matilda. The present Locheill 
and Lady Vere Cameron have a family of sons and daughters. 









THE CAME RONS have a tradition, that they are originaly descended from 
a younger son of one of the Kings of Denmark, who assisted at the re 
storation of King Fergus the Second in the year 404, and that Prince 
was called Cameron from his crooked nose, as the word imports, which 
name he transmitted to his posterity. But it seems more probable that 
they are of the aborigines, the antient Scots or Caledonians, that first 
planted the country. 


But whatever their original may be, it is certain they are very antient. 
A learned antiquary informs us, that Angus,* their ancestour, marryed 

* Kenneth was grandson to Ethus, King of Scotland, by his second son, Doir M'Aodh, who was 
born in 870, in the twelfth of King Constantino the Second, his uncle. This Doir was, on the acces 
sion of Constantino the Third, his brother, to the throne, created Thane of Lochaber in 903, and 
dyed in 936, aged sixty-six, which fell out in the thirty-third of bis said brother's reign. The fore- 
named Kenneth, the son of Doir, was born in 960, the second of the reign of Indulph, and dyed in 
1030, which was the seventieth of his age; leaving issue by Dunclina, daughter to King Kenneth the 
Third, his wife : 

I. Bancho, or Banquho, who succeeded him in his estate and honours. /* 
II. Alexander, progenitor of the antient Earles of Lennox. 

III. Castisa, married to Donald, Thane of Southerland, ancestour to the antient Earles of that name. 

IV. Gunera, married to Malcolm, Lord of Bute. 

V. Marion, married to Angus, or 2Eneas, ancestour of the Camerons. 

VI. Beatrix, married to Hugh, alias Aodh, M'Ean, ancestour of the Douglasses. Vide Mr David 
Svmson's Genealogical and Chronological Account of the Stuarts ab initio, edit. Edinburg. 1713. 


Marion, one of the daughters of Kenneth III., and sister of the famous 
Bancho, Thane of Lochaber, which is a proof that he was a person of 
rank and dignity even at that time.* For Bancho was a Prince of the 
Blood Royal, and Governor of one of the largest provinces in the king 
dom, the country of Lochaber being said to have comprehended at that 
tune ah 1 that extensive tract of land between the river of Spey and the 
West Seas, and has the honour to have one of the most illustrious fami 
lies in Europe descended of him in a direct line, I mean that of the 
Royal House of Stewart, as all our historians agree. 


As this Angus is said to have been instrumental in saveing Fleance, 
the son of Bancho, his lady's nephew, from the cruelty of the usurper 
Macbeath, so his own son Gillespick, or Archibald, was one of these loyal 
patriots who assisted at the restoration of King Malcolm III., sur- 
named Kenmore, the true heir of the Crown, in anno 1057. 

That illustrious Prince was no sooner seated on the throne of his an- 
cestours, than he gratefuly rewarded all those who had most eminently 
distinguished themselves in that important service ; and, among many 
others, we find that this Gillespick was advanced to the dignity of Lord 
Baron,f 25th of Aprill 1057. 

Viz. in anno 1030. 

| " Malcomns Scotorum Rex 86"" Sconse Coronatus anno 1061. Inde Forfarum Generate indixit 
concilium volens ut primores quod antea non fuerat aliarum more gentium a praediis suis cognomina 
capercnt quosdam vero etiam Comites (vulgo Earles) quosdam Barones (vulgo Lords) alios Milites aut 
Equites Auratos (vulgo Martiall Knights) creavit MacDuffum Fifse Thanum Fifae Comitem Patritium 
Dumbarum,Marchiarum Comitem ; alios quoque viros prsestantes, Montethise, Atholiae, Marrue, Catha- 
nesue, Rossis', Angusiae, dixit comites, Johannem Soulcs, Davidem D'Ardier ab Abernethiae, Simonem a 
Tueddell, Gulielmum a Douglas, Gillespium Cameron, Davidem Briechen Hugonem a Caldella Barones 
earn dirersis aliis equites Auratos perplures pauci vero Thani rclictse." This account we have from 
an extract out of the antient registers and monuments of Icolmkill, quoted by Mr Home of Godscroft in 
his History of the Douglasses. Mr Home adds, that the above extract, out of the said Registers, 
was sent to George Buchanan when he was writing his History, whereof John Reid, his amanuensis, 
having reserved a copy, did communicate it to diverse afterwards. Hist. Douglas, p. 11, edit. Edin. 
1644. That Buchanan saw, and made use of, this note seems very plain from the account he gives of 
this meeting or Parliament at Forfar, the 25th of April 1057. See his History, Lib. vii. Vit. Malcol. HI. 


It is generally agreed that this King was the first who introduced titles 
of honour into Scotland, and gave property to his subjects of the lands 
they possessed. Before this time they were no more than tenents to 
the Crown, nor had the nobility* any other honours but what they 
derived from their being chiefs of their respective clans, or from their 
offices and magistracys, whereof the principalf were Abthanes and 
Thanes. The first of these was superintendant of the Royal Revenues, 
and his office was the same with that of Lord High Steward^ afterwards ; 
and the other had the care of particular provinces committed to them, 
and very much resembled our Lords Lieutenents. It was, no doubt, 
very honorable for the Camerons to be among the first chiefs that were 
dignifyed by the Crown, when faction and intrigue prevailed so little at 
Court, and when rank and merit onely could entitle them to so early a 

But dignitys, it seems, were not then hereditary, but ended with the 
lives of the persons on whom they were conferred, though often renewed 
to the son, and it had been happy for succeeding princes that they had 
continued that practice, and made honor and merit go always hand in 
hand. Antiently the chiefs or heads of familys were the Proceres 
Regni, or the prime nobility. 

The Highlanders are the onely people of Scotland that are free from 
mixture. They are obstinatly tenatious of their antient customs ; and 
honor their chiefs, as such, to this day, by giveing them the title of 

* The word nobility comprehended the gentry as well as these who were dignifyed with titles. It is 
still so in France, for both are called the noblesse, and are only distinguished by adding the words 
Grand and Petite. 

f Titles were nothing originaly but offices of dignity. Thus Thegn, or Theyn, signifys in the 
Teutonick a chief servant, which Latine historians have changed into Thanus, from which the word Thane, 
as we write it in modern orthography. 

J Steward is a compound of two words, and was antiently written Stead-ward, which is of the same 
signification with Prorex or Viceroy, because he supplyed the king's stead or place. The word Earle is 
likeways a compound of Ear, (honour,) and Ethel, (noble,) now abridged in Erel, or Earle, Honourable, 
and Noble. See Verstigan upon these words. 

These dignitys of the first creation all disappear in the next generation, except the Earles of 
March and Fife, whose titles seem to have been renewed to their heirs. Nor will it be easy to fix upon 
the time when titles became hereditary. 


Dtiurn,* which is the same with Dominus in Latine, and Lord with us, 
and is the highest in the Celtick or Gaulick, for they address God in 
the same word. 


After this, we hear nothing of the Camerons till the heroik reign of 
Robert the First, anno 1306. Their chief, named John, surnamed 
Ochtery, served that illustrious King in all his wars, and he is one of 
these generous patriots that subscribes the famous letter which was sent 
by the Scots nobility to the Pope in 1320, wherin they plead their 
King's title to his Crown, and the independency of his kingdom, with a 
spirit and zeal that is justly admired by posterity :f Nor was this brave 
gentleman less active in the service of King David the Second, the 
son and successor of the renouned King Robert. He commanded a 
body of that Prince's troops, (probably his own clan,) and was posted 
in the third ward| or division of the army at the rash and unfortunat 
battle of Halidounhill, 15th July 1333, and continued to serve in these 
wars till the English were expelled the kingdome, and the King fully 
settled on his throne. 

From the above John Ochtery there is a succession of seventeen 
chiefs in a lineal descent to Donald, who died in 1748, viz. : 

I. ALLAN M'OCHTERY, Son to John. 
II. EWEN M' ALLAN, 1st. 



* The appellative Dtiuin is purly Celtick, and that of Lord isoriginaly Teutonick. Verstigan says, 
that it was antiently written Laford, from the word Laf, (which we now write Loaf,) and ford, and sig 
nify* an: affordcr of bread. It is said to be the onely one with us that does not como from ane office 
originaly. The word Laird, now in use with us to signify the proprietor of ane estate in lands, is a 
corruption, or rather a wrong pronunciation, of the word Lord, and was given to none but chiefs and 
great barons; simple proprietors of lands were called Goodmen, and the Highlanders still continue that 

| See tho original, which is still extant in the Advocates' Library. 

t Abercromby's History, Vol. II. p. 27, in Vita Davidis II., for which he quotes several English 


V. DONALD Dow M'CONELL, his Brother, 1st. 


X. DONALD M'EwEN, 2d. 
XII. DONALD Dow M'CONELL, 2d, his Brother. 




In the above reign of David II. the bloody wars between this Clan and 
another in the neighbourhood, called the Clan Macintosh, had their begin 
ning, and proved of the longest continuance, and perhaps the bloodyest 
that ever happened between parties of their power. Before this time the 
chiefs were not onely serviceable to the crown, but lived in peace and unity 
among themselves, and in submission to the laws. But after the Lords 
of the Isles, of whom by and by we shall give ane account, usurpt an il 
legal authority over them, they were obliged to submit to his great power. 

But before we proceed farther, it seems proper to give some account 
of the Clan Macintosh, and of the grounds of their quarrell with the 
Camerons, in which we shall, for want of better authority, be obliged 
to follow that of Macintosh of Kinraura, who wrote the history of his 
chiefs family, though his veracity is not allways to be depended on. 

That author says, that the Macintoshes are descended from one Schaw 
or Sheagh, a younger son of Duncan MacdufF, the second of that 
name, Earle of Fife, and great-grandson to the famous Duncan Macduff 
who killed the tyrant Macbeath. That the said Schaw got ane estate near 
Inverness from King Malcolm IV., in the year 1163, for his bravery in 
a battle against the people of Murray who were in rebellion, and that 


he was called Macintosh from his being the son of a Thane or Earl, as 
the word itself imports, which has still continued to his posterity. The 
sirname of Schaw is likewayes said to have had its beginning about the 
same time from one Duncan Macduff, sirnamed M'Sheagh ; he was 
grandson to the Earl of Fife, and second cousine to Macintosh. 

The same writter affirms that Angus sixth Laird of Macintosh did, in 
March 1291, marry Eve, only child to Gillespick, chief of the Clan Chat- 
tan, and by her gott the estate of Glenlui and Locharkike, with the chief- 
tainry of the Clan Chattan, who were even then a people in great repute. 

This Clan Chattan bring their descent from a German extract, and there 
are several very antient and noble familys that call themselves branches of 
that stock, whereof the Earl of Sutherland, chief of that name, and the 
Earl Marishall, likewayes chief of the Keiths, are the most considerable. 

That branch of the Clancattan which now inhabite the country of 
Badenoch, but are formerly said to have lived in Lochaber, whereof 
Macintosh claims the chieftanrey, is called the Clanvuirich or Macpher- 
sons, from one of their predecessors, who was a churchman, and bore 
the office of Parson during the life of ane elder brother. 

The Chief of this tribe, who is known by the title of the Laird of 
Cluny, though, with other neighbouring Chiefs, he joyned Macintosh in 
their common quarrell against the Camerons, often disputed the matter, 
and alleaged, [1 .] That whatever title Macintosh might have to the estate, 
by vertue of his marriage with the heiress I have mentioned, yet he 
could have non to the Clanchattan, seeing he neither assumed the 
name nor arms of that family. 2cfo, That neither estate nor Clan can 
goe by ane heiress in the Highlands, where the Salique law takes place in 
all great families, as much as it does in France, and that he being the heir- 
male of Gillespick, or Gillspatrick, as others call him, though by a colla 
teral branch, is legally entituled to the chieftainry, and with it ought to 
have had the estate. And, 3/zo, That Macintosh cutt off his clan,* de 
signing himself Captain of the Clan Chattan, for neither the Earls of Mar 
ishall, Sutherland, nor any others who claimed their descent from that 

' Sic in MS May the author's meaning not be, was cut off from his claim of? Edit 


stock, would acknowledge him* as their Chief, but as they severally sett up 
for themselves, so he (Cluny) had the same privelidge, seeing Macintosh, 
by his title of Captain of the Clanchattan, which included the whole, 
could have no better right to lord it over him than he had over the rest, 
of whose blood and lineage they denyed him to be. Besides all this, 
Cluny controverted his marriage with the forementioned heiress, and as 
serted that he gott the estate not by vertue of that, but of an iniquitous 
decree of the Lord of the Isles, of whom we shall hereafter inform the 

But, however the case was, it is certain that the house of Macintosh 
was of great power and figure in the North, and that the Chiefs of that 
name have thought their clame to the estate I have mentioned so good, 
that they disputed their title to that part of it called the estate of Glen- 
lui and Locharkike with the Cameron s, from generation to generation, 
allmost to the utter ruine of both familys. 

If the Camerons had any other right to the estate in question but 
simple possession, I know not. All I can say of the matter is, that 
very few, especially in these parts, could alleage a better at that time. 
The Macintoshes, however, pretend, that, besides the story of the mar 
riage, they had a charter or patent to those lands from the Lord of the 
Isles in anno 1337, and that it was confirmed by King David II. in 
February 1359. But the Camerons, it would seem, had little regard to 
these rights ; for, in 1370, says my author, they invaded the Macintoshes, 
and having carried away a great booty of cattle, and such other 
goods as fell in their way, they were persued and overtaken att a place 
called Innernahawn, by Lachlan, then Laird of Macintosh, who was 
routed, and who had a whole branch of his Clan called the Clan Day cutt 
off to a man. 

That unhappy tribe payed dear for the honour they had in being pre 
ferred that day to the van of the battle, in opposition to the Macphersons, 
that claimed it ; and so far resented the injury which they thought was done 
them, that they would not ingadge att all. But Macintosh, having some- 


* He died the 7th May 1370. 


thing of a poetical geneius, composed certain ridiculous rhymes, which he 
gave out were made in derision of their cowardice by the Camerons, and 
thereby irritated them to such a degree of furry against them, that they 
returned next morning, attacked and defeated them, while they were 
burryed in sleep and security after their late victorey. 


Allan, sirnamed M'Ochtry, was then Chief of the Camerons, and had 
some years before succeeded the forementioned John, his father, in the 
command. He lost many of his followers in this route, and among 
others his kinsman, Charles M'Gillery, ancestor of that tribe of the Ca 
merons called the Clan M'Gillery. That is, the family of the Gilbert- 
sons or Gibsons. The place where this happened is from him called Cor- 
riecharlich, that is, Charles his cony, or hollow. 

The Camerons did not long delay to revenge themselves on their ene 
mies, and, in a word, their conflicts were so frequent, and at the same 
time so feirce and bloody, that they made no small noise att court. For 
the partys, besides their own strength, had many friends and allys that 
joyned them ; so that they often brought considerable armys to the 

Robert the Third then satt upon the throne. He was a Prince of a 
mild and peaceable temper, and so valetudinarey, that he was obliged to 
mannage all his affairs by his ministers. His brother, the Duke of Al- 
baney, an active and vigilant Prince, governed att Court ; and two of his 
principall nobility, Thomas Dunbar Earl of March, and James Lindsay 
Earl of Crawford, commanded his troops. These two generals were 
sent to the Highlands to settle these commotions ; but finding that they 
could not execute their orders by force, without risking the loss of their 
army, they endeavoured to bring the rivall Chieffs to some reasonable 
terms of agreement ; and, after many overtures, fell upon a proposall that 
was very agreeable to both. It was in a word this : That thirty of each 
side should fight before the King and Court, without any other arms but 
their swords, and that the party that should happen to be defeated should 


have ane indemnity for all past offences ; and that the conquerors, besides 
the estate in dispute, should be honoured with the royall favour. By 
this method, continued they, the plea will be determined in a manner 
that will testifie your submission and loyalty to the Crown, and give the 
world a lasting proofe of the courage and bravery of the partys. 

Pursuant to this treaty, both the Chiefs appeared at Court, and all 
preliminary s being adjusted, the King ordered a part of the North Inch, 
or plain upon the banks of the river, near the city of Perth, to be enclosed 
with a deep ditch, in form of an amphitheatre, with seats or benches 
for the spectators, his Majesty himself being to sitt judge of the field. 

The fame of this extraordinary combate soone spreading over the king- 
dome, drew infinite crouds from all parts to witnes so memorable an 
event. The combatants appeared resolute and fearless, but when they 
were just ready to engage, one of the Macintoshes, who had withdrawn 
himself for fear, was amisseing. Whereupon the King commanded that 
one of the Camerons should be removed ; but all of them expressing 
a great unwillingness to be exempted from the common danger, one of the 
spectators, named Henry Wynd, a saddler and citizen of Perth, pre 
sented himself before the King, and ofFerred to supply the place of the 
absent coward, on condition that if his party came off with victorey that 
he should have a half French crown of gold for his reward. 

The parties being now equall, to it they fell, and fought with all the 
rage and furry that hatred, revenge, and an insatiable thrist of glory, could 
inspire into the breasts of the feirsest of mankind. Like lyons and 
tigers they tore and butchered one another, without any regaird to their 
own safety, and the reader will find it easier to imagine than to express 
the various passions, that agitated the breasts of the spectators in the 
different scens of so bloody a tragedy. The King, a good-natured 
Prince, was seized with an inexpressible horrour, nor were there any pre 
sent who were not shoked at the crewell spectacle. But it was observed 
that Henry Wynd distinguished himself above all others during this fu 
rious conflict ; as he was not spirited and disordered by the same pas 
sions with the rest of the party, so he employed his strength, and direct 
ed his courage, with more discretion and play ; and to his conduct it was 


principally ascribed, that they at last had the advantage of their antago 
nists. For of the Macintoshes ten (but they all mortally wounded) sur 
vived ; and only one of the Camerons escaped ; he, having the good for 
tune to remain unhurt, had the address to save himself by swiming 
over the river of Tav, nor were the miserable victors in a condition to 
prevent him. The brave mercenary, Henry Wynd, likewayes survived 
without so much as a scratch on his body. His valure is still famous 
among his countreymen, and gave rise to a proverb, which is commonly 
repeated when any tliird person unnecessarily engadges himself in the 
quarells of others " He comes in like Henry Wynd for his own hand." 

Such was the issue of this memorable combate, which, though it did 
not putt an end to the differance betwixt the rivall Clans, yet the most 
fierce and turbulent among them being destroyed, it suspended the effects 
of it for several years thereafter. 

I know that some of our historians have, by their ignorance of High 
land affairs, named ane imaginary people whom they call the Clankey, and 
not the Clan Cameron, as party to Macintosh in the above skirmish ; but 
besides, a constant and uniform tradition, the forecited historian is posi 
tive that the Macintoshes were never at variance, nor engaged in war 
with any other clan but the Camerons, and that all their antient MSS. 
agree in the same thing, and expressly mention the Camerons as their 
party in this ; add to this, that the best Highland Antiquarys deny that 
there ever was such a people as the Clankey in these parts, or, if there 
was, they were so mean and obscure, that there is not so much as a 
vestige or memory of them in the Highlands. 

Allan M'Ochtry, the forementioned Chief of the Camerons, did not 
long survive it.* Besyds the wars wherein he was continually engadged, 
he, according to the humouf of Knight- Errantry that then generally pre 
vailed, fought a duel in vindication of the honour of an injured lady, and 
she, in gratitude to her deliverer, has celebrated his valure in an elegant 
song, which is still sung with pleasure by his posterity. From him the 
Family of the Ochiltrys are said to be descended, though, I presume, 
upon no other grounds than a meer similitude of sound. 

JV..B.-- This duel bapncd in the time of Ewen his sone, though misplaced by mistake. 



He was succeeded by his son Ewen, who died soon thereafter, [and] 
was followed by Donald, surnamed M'Ewen from his father.* This 
last [Allan M'Ochtry] had to his wife a lady of the name of Drummond, 
a daughter of the House of Stobhall, by whom he had two sons, who 
succeeded him, the one after the other. 



Donald, the youngest, was a gentleman of extraordinary prudence and 
valour, and acquired so great a reputation among his people, that the 
Chiefs, his descendants, assumed his name, and still call themselves 
M'Coilduys, that is, the sons of Black Donald, which has since con 
tinued to be the patronimick of the family. He was perpetually engaged 
either in domestick or foreign wars ; but that which gave him the greatest 
trouble was the disturbance raised by the Lord of the Isles, of whom, 
and of the original cause of these troubles, it seems necessary to give 
some previous account. 

Donald, surnamed Bane from his fair complection, the unworthey 
brother of the great Malcolm Kenmore, having, during the usurpation of 
Macbeath, resided in the Ebridse or Western Isles, afterwards formed a 
designe upon the Crown in prejudice of his brother's children ; and for 
that purpose, obtained assistance from Magnus King of Norway, upon 
condition that, when he came to be King, he would make over these Isles 

* He [Allan M'Ochtry] marryed to his Lady a younger daughter of Sir John Drummond of Stobhall, 
predecessor to the present Duke of Perth. Lieutenant-General Drummond, Viscount of Strathallan, in 
his Genealogical Account of the Drummonds, says, that this Lady was maryed to the Lord of the Isles. 
But this must be a mistake. For that Lord was maryed to a daughter of the Earl of Ross, in whose 
right his sone claimed that Earldome in default of male issue, which brought on the Battle of Harlaw, as 
will by and by appear. The mistake seems to proceed from this, that there being a tradition in the 
family that one of these daughters was married to a Highland chief, the General has thought it proper 
to bestow her on the greatest then in being. The Lady's sister, Annabella, was Queen to Robert III., 
and mother to K. James I. 


to him. Magnus, pursuant to this bargain, being putt in possession, he 
and his successors enjoyed them 167 years, that is, till the year 1263. 
That Alexander the Third of Scotland having defeated Haco King of 
Norroway, at the battle of Larges, compelled him, upon a treaty, to restore 
them to his Crown. The treaty was afterwards ratifyed by the articles 
of marriage between Margaret Princes of Scotland, and Erick, the sone and 
successor of Haco, in July 1281, and often confirmed by succeeding kings. 
While the Northvegians possessed these Isles they governed them by 
a deputy, or Viceroy, whom their historians honour with the title of 
King. The famous Somerled, Thane of Argyle, having marryed the 
daughter of Olaus, one of these petty kings, he, in his lady's right, be 
came King of the Isles, and his posterity governed them even after they 
were restored to the Crown of Scotland, in a state of independency, 
without any disturbance, for several ages thereafter. Nor were they satis 
fied with their Isles, but extended their authority over all the Highland 
Continent, and disposed of the property of the lands att their pleasure. 
They had their ordinarey residence att the Castle of Ardtornish in Morvine, 
where they lived in a state of royalty. For, by reason of the long and 
bloody wars that followed the death of Alexander the Third, our kings 
had not lazure to looke after them, and their exorbitant power was at 
last so confirmed that it would have been no easie matter to reduce them. 
However, I find that they and the other Highlanders frequently assisted 
our kings in their wars against England, and performed all the other 
dutys of faithfull and loyall subjects ; nor did they comitt any act of 
hostility till they were provocked to it by the following act of injustice. 
The honours and estate of the antient Earls of Ross having devolved 
upon Walter Lessly, who marryed the heiress, he had by her one 
onely sone who succeeded him, and a daughter, who was married to the 
Lord of the Isles. That sone afterwards tooke a wife, one of the fore- 
mentioned daughters of Robert Duke of Albany, and Regent of Scot 
land for K. James I., then a captive in England. By her he had no 
issue but a deformed girle, who, after her father's death, having shutt 
herself up in a monastry, resigned the honours and estate of her family 
in favours of John Earl of Buchan, the Governour's second sone. 


This was a manifast injustice done to Donald Lord of the Isles, who, 
being the sone of Margaret, sister to the last Earl, became, upon the death 
of his cousine, the undoubted heir of that opulent house ; and he resolved 
to have by force what he could not obtain by justice. 

A war with England, and the rebellion of the Earl of March, favouring 
his designs, he and his brother John went by sea to the Court of Eng 
land with 100 horse in their retinue, in 1400,* and entered into a 
league with Henry the Fourth, which five years thereafter was renewed 
between them by their Commissioners, as it was again in 1411, when the 
forces of the South were employed in defending the Borders. The reason 
why the intended war was so long delayed seems to be, that he waited 
the death of the heiress his cousine, which probably hapned not long 
before ; for while the right remained in her person, he had no reason to 

But whatever may be in this, he thought it full time now to take pos 
session, and, therefore, having compelled all the neightbouring Clans to 
list in his service, and among them the forementioned Donald, Chief 
of the Camerons, he soone found himself at the head of 10,000 resolute 
men. The people of Ross received him joyfully as their rightfull lord, 
nor could he have been much blamed had he stopt here, but his views 
increasing with his success, he pushed forward his conquests till he ar 
rived at the village of Harlaw, within ten miles of the City of Aber 
deen, having ravaged the countrey all the way he marched. 

But here his progress was stopt by Alexander Stewart, a Prince of the 
Blood, and Earl of Mar, in right of his lady, who having, by orders of the 
Governour his uncle, conveened all the nobility and gentrey, betwixt the 
rivers of Tay and Spey, came suddenly upon him, and engaged in a 
battle so obstinate, feirce, and bloody, that few such are recorded in his- 
torey. Both armys fought while there remained men in either to fight, 
and the few that escaped the terrible carnage owed their safety to the 
obscurity of the night, which forced them at last to separate. 

The Earl of Mar continued all night on the fatal field, but not so much 

* Feed. Ang. Tom. viii. p. 146, ibid. 410. 


in testimoney of his victorey, as that he was not in a condition to leave it. 
But Donald retreated to the Highlands with the miserable remains of 
his shattered troops, and the next year, upon the newes of the great pre 
parations that were makeing by the Goveraour to invade him by land 
and sea, he found it his intrest to submitt on such terms as he could 

It is probable, that the compeatition concerning the honours and estate 
of Ross was by this treaty submitted to K. James I. who was crowned 
in May 1423. If it was so, he had justice done him, for we find his sone 
Alexander sitting in quality of Earl of Ross upon the jury of Duke Mur 
doch, who succeeded his father in the government of Scotland, and of 
two of his sons, who were all condemned and executed in 1425. 

It is no small proofe of the power and grandure of that great Lord, that 
the Kings of France and England speake of him in a style suitable only 
to soveraign dignety ; for he is mentioned in several treatys as ally to 
both. The first no doubt doeing him that honour as a powerfull subject 
of Scotland,, and the other as his antient ally when at varieance with it. 
But the government recovering vigour under the wise administration of 
James the First, he was much humbled and reduced by that active and 
brave Prince in 1427, and sent to Perth, where, though he was tryed and 
convicted of several crymes, yet the good King pardoned and dismissed 
him upon promise of beheaving himself as a loyal subject in time comeing. 

But power is always fatal to the repose of such as consult their passions 
more than their reason ; the proud Earl soon forgot the favour, but re 
membered the indignity that he imagined was putt upon him, and no 
sooner returned home than he meditated revenge. Having employed the 
following year in preparing to execute his designs, he fell down upon the 
town of Inverness with an army that all authors agree exceeded 10,000 
men, and reduceing it to ashes, invested the castle, where he was first 
arrested. But his Majesty quickly conveened an army, and marched 
against him in person. 

U28. Donald, Chief of the Clan Cameron, was obliged, with most of the 

other Clans, to attend the Earl in this expeadition. He had lost many 
of his men att the battle of Harlaw, but being fully satisfied of the jus- 


tice of that cause, he did not think that he had done any wrong ; for, if 
the Governour'ssone unjustly detained theEarldome of Ross by force, the 
Earl had a more plausible title to recover it by the same means, seeing 
he could not obtain justice by the ordinary course of law. But the 
present irruption he looked upon as a downright rebellion ; and, there 
fore, though he was compelled to joyn the resenting Earl in these unlawfull 
measures, yet he resolved to take the first opportunity that offered of 
doeing his duty ; and, pursuant to that resolution,* he deserted the Earl 
and joyned the royall army, as soon as he could doe it with safety. The 
Macintoshes did the same, and the consequence was, that the Earl, find 
ing himself too weak after so great a defection, fled first into Lochaber, 
and then to the Isles. 

The King resolved to follow his advantage, and commanded a fleet to be 
prepared ; but the Earl was so terrifyed with the noise of the preparations 
that were making against him, that he putt himself in his Majesty's mercy, 
and was committed to the Castle of Tantallan, from which he was soon there 
after released at the Queen's desire, who earnestly interceded for him. 

Though the Camerons and Macintoshes agreed in their principles of 
loyalty, yet their former quarrell about the estate divided them as much 
as ever, and brought them to ane engadgement on Palm Sunday, which 
was fought with that obstinacey and furry, that most of the Macintoshes, 
and almost the whole tribe of the Camerons, were cutt to peices.f 

In the meantime, the news of the Earl of Ross his confinement reaching 
the Isles, Donald Ballach, his first cousine, whom he had left governour in 
his absence, resented it as such an indignity putt upon the family, that, in 
the wildness of his furry, he broke out of his Isles upon the Continent at 
the head of a considerable army, and spread ruine and desolation through 
all the neightbouring countreys. 

The Earl of Mar, the same ( brave General who commanded att 

* Duse Tribus Clan Chattan et Clan Cameron Alexandrum Insularum reliquerunt et partes Regis 
probe sequuti sunt. Joan. Major, Hist. lib. 6, cap. xii. 

f \6th Oct. 1430. " Catanei et Cameronii qui superioribus annis Alexandrum deseruerunt, orto, inter 

ipsos, dissidio, tanta contentione animorum et virium pugnarunt ut multis Cataneorum trucidatis, Came 
ronii pene omnes extinct! fuerunt." Buchanan, lib. x. 



Harlaw, and the Earl of Caitliness, were sent with an army to 
suppress him ; and having encampt at Inverlochy, were obliged to 
detatch several partys to bring in provisions, which occasioned the 
miscarriage of their enterprize. For Donald having intelligence of the 
absence of so many of their troops, embarked his men hi long boats, 
which he had provided for the purpose, and landing them in the night, 
surprized and defeated them with a horrible slaughter. The Earl of 
Caithness was killed, and the Earl of Mar obliged to safe his life by a 
speedy retreat. 

Having now no enemy to oppose him, he turned his fury against the 
Camerons, and wasted all Lochaber with fire and sword. Donald their 
Chief drew all this mischief upon him and his Clan for doeing their duty. 

The reader has already heard how he deserted the Earl of Ross, and 
joyned the King att Inverness. To this he added afresh cause of resent 
ment ; for he not only positivly refused to assist in the present rebel 
lion, but he openly declaired for the King, and was drawing his men to 
gether in order to join his generals, when they were unhapily defeated, 
as I have said. 

This double defection enraged the victorious Ballach to such a degree 
of fury, that he came to a resolution of extirpating the whole Clan, but 
they wisely gave way, and retreated to the mountains, till the storm 
blew over. Donald their Chief was obliged to take shelter in Ireland, 
though some say that he went not thither till some time thereafter that 
he was condemned to banishment, by an unjust decree of the Earl of 
Ross, and the Counceil or Parliament, as some people affect to call it. 

But Ballach had little reason to boast of his rebellion and barbarity. 
For the King marching in person to the Highlands, his men deserted 
him, and he himself was obliged to fly into Ireland, where his head was 
cutt off, and sent to his Majesty by one Odo, with whom he resided. No 
less than 300 of his crewel emissarys were afterwards seized, and 
hanged upon gibbetts, which effectually putt an end to the rebellion. 

Donald, Chief of the Camerons, was soon recalled from Ireland by the 
groans of the people, who were crewelly oppressed and plundered by a 
robber from the north, called Hector Bui M'Coan, who, with a party 


of ruffians, tooke the opportunity of his absence to infest the countrey. 
Being joyned by a sufficient party of his clan, he pursued the robbers, 
who fled upon the news of his arival, and overtook them at the head of 
Lochness. But Hector with his prisoners, for he had taken many, and 
among them Samuel Cameron of Gleneviss, head of an antient tribe of 
that clan, escaped him by takeing sanctuary in a strong house called 
Castle Spiriten, where he barbarously murdered them. In revenge of 
their death, Donald caused two of Hector's sons, with others of their 
gang who had falen into his hands, to be hanged in view of the father, 
a wretch so excessively savage, that he refused to deliver them by way of 
exchainge, though earnestly pressed to it. 

But Donald had more powerfull enemies to dale with, for the Earl of 
Ross had forfeited him of his estate, and that part of it called Locheill he 
bestowed upon John Maclean, sirnamed Garbh, from his gigantick size. 
He was one of the younger sons of Lachlan, third Laird of Maclean, 
who, in name of patrimoney, gave him the Isleand of Coll, which his pos 
terity still possesses. Ewen, the sone of this John, tooke the opportunity 
of Donald's absence to possess himself of the estate, and from thence 
had the sirname of Abrach. But he enjoyed it not long, for he lost 
it with his life in an action near Corpach, where Donald, becomeing 
master of the charters he had from the Earl of Ross, destroyed them, 
and chaced all his followers out of Lochaber. 

Donald's next bussiness was with the Macintoshes. Alexander, then 
Chief of that clan, had not only reconciled himself with the Earl, but so 
far insinuated himself into his favours, that he obtained from him a charter 
to the disputed lands of Glenlui and Locharkicke, and some time 
thereafter procured a grant of the Stewartry and Bailliarey of all Lochaber. 
In a word, he tooke possession of the estate, which occasioned many 
feirce skirmises, and the issue was, that the Macintoshes were in the 
end obliged to retire into their own countrey. The rest of his estate, 
which had been likewaise given away, he sone recovered, and possessed 
in peace during his life. 

In his time flourished the famous John Cameron, Bishop of Glasgow, 
a gentleman of great learning, and a profound statesman. He was 


Chancelour of Scotland, and first minister to King James the First. 
Some will have him to be brother, and others first cousine, to the chief. 
The offices of honour and trust that his wise and learned soveraigne 
was pleased to confer upon him, are sufficient testimoneys of his genius 
and charracter. For, as he was a Prince of the greatest abilitys of any 
in that age, so he directed all his views to the civilizeing of his coun- 
trey, and to the improvement of religion, learning, and arts ; and as 
he was a great judge of men, he employed non but such as answered his 
ends of government. All this, though there were no other docu 
ments extant, as indeed there are many, makes it surprizing that 
Buchanan, the most polite and elegant of all modern writters, should 
brand this prelate with a charracter the most vicious and odious that ever 
stained the mitre. He calls him a wretch so abandoned to his insatiable 
avarice, that he oppressed and pillaged his tenants and vassalls by all 
the barbarous wayes- of injustice and extortion ; and adds, that the Divine 
vengeance overtooke him in a manner fitter to be repeated by John 
Knox and his disciples, than by a historian of his rank and charracter. 
However, I have inserted his own words at the foot hereof, and shall now 
proceed to give a more authentick account of his life.* ( Here ane account 
of B. Cameron is to be inserted.f ) 

" In tarn pcrturbato regni statu, idem, qui in cseteros vulgatus erat morbus, Ecclesiasticum ordi- 
nom suo contagio affecit. Joannes Cameronus Glascuse Episcopus, in suse ditionis (quse in primis ampla 
est) agricolas, multa crudelitatis et avaritiae exempla ipse ediderat ; multa per eos, quorum in inarm 
summa rerum erat prodenda curaverat: ut dominis iniquo judicio circumventis bona ad eum redirent, 
omniumque, qua? populariter fiebant, malorum aut auctor aut fautor credibatur. Ejus viri dignum vita 
nefarie acta fuisse tradunt exitium. Pridie natalem Christi cum in villa quadam sua, ad septem millia 
passuum a Glascua distante, quiesceret, vocein ingentem audire visus, se ad tribunal Christi, ut causam 
diceret, vocantis. Ex ea repent ina perturbatione somno cxcussus famulos excitat, illatoque lumine assi- 
dere jubc-t. Ipse, libro in manum sumpto cum legere occsepisset, eadem itcrum audita vox omnium 
animos stupore defixit. Deinde cum longe vehementius atque horribilius insonuisset. Episcopus, ingenti 
gemitu edito lingua exserta, mortuus in lectulo est inventus. Hoc tarn perspicuum divina- ultionis exem- 
plum, ut neque temere affinnare nee rcfellere est animus ; ita cum ab aliis sit proditum, et constant! 
rumore pervulgatuin, omittere visum non est." Buchanan, lib. xi. 

t The words within the parenthesis are written on the margin of Sir Duncan Cameron's MS., and 
in the same hand ; but the account itself is not to be found in any of the MSS. to which the Editor has 
had access Edit. 



But to return to the Chief. He was succeeded by his sone Ewen, 
who was no wayes inferior to his father in militarey conduct ; he had fre 
quent skirmishes with the Macintoshes, and defeated them in a consi 
derable action at a place called Craigiarlich, in the Brea of Badenoch, 
where Lachlan, one of the laird's brothers, was mortally wounded, and 
Malcolm, another of them, and Angus, their near relation, were killed, 
besides many others. This Ewen lived but a few years, and had 
Donald, his brother, for his successor. 


The first bussiness of consequence he sett about was to make his peace 
with the Earl of Ross, and having succeeded in this to his mind, he 
attended that great lord at the head of his Clan to the seige of Rox 
burgh, which was then invested by King James the Second. The Earle 
had, in 1456, brock out into a new rebellion, and was in the issue, upon 
his submission, forfeited of a part of the Earldom of Ross, which was 
annexed to the Crown. But now, to testify his loyalty, and to expiat 
former crimes, he marched at the head of a very considerable body of 
resolute men, andjoyned his Majesty, who was exceedingly pleased to see 
his army increased by so powerfull a reinforcement. He was in trewth 
the greatest subject in the kingdom, and had all the Isles, and the 
greatest part of the Highlands, at his devotion, or commanded them 
by his power. The King employed him in several expeaditions into 
England, from which he brought plenty of provisions for the army ; 
and the more effectually to insinuate himself into his Majesty's 
favour, he offered, in the general invasion, which the King had 
resolved to make after finishing the seige into the enemy's countrey, 
to march a whole mile before the royall army, and to bear the 
first shoke of the English valour. But the King's sudden death putt an 
end to that, and to all his other designs, for he was some dayes there 
after* killed by the splinter of a cannon, which some say he ordered to 

3d August 1460. 


be fired for the joy of the brave Earl of Huntly's arrivall, for whom his 
Majesty had justly the greatest esteem. However, the seige was con 
tinued, and the town reduced by the masculine Queen, who came im- 
mediatly with the young King in her arms to encourage the army. 

Non beheaved more gallantly in this service than the Earl of Ross 
and his followers, and it had been happy for him that he had continued 
to act thereafter as much in his duty. In the forementioned Historey of 
the Family of Macintosh, there is a reraarcable instance of the sovereigne 
authority he had over his vassalls, which, though somewhat forreign to my 
subject, I cannot omitt. It is in an Indenture of Association and Friend 
ship between the Lord Forbess and Duncan Laird of Macintosh, where 
the former makes this exception : " The said Lord Forbess and his 
party keepand yr alleageance to our Sovereign Lord the King ;" and 
the latter, on the contrarey, makes thus " and the said Duncan, &c., 
keepand their alleagance to the Earl of Ross," without any mention of 
the King. By which it appears that he acknowledged no other authority 
but that of the Earl. 


To Donald succeeded Allan, sirnamed M'Coilduy, from his father's 
dark complexion. This patronimick is still retained by his posterity, as 
I have formerly observed, though, for distinguishing them, they are 
severally distinguished by their fathers after the manner of the Grsecians, 
and other antient people, who observed the same custome. This cus- 
tome, in the reign of the famous Malcolm Kenmore, and for severall 
ages thereafter, prevailed through all parts of the kingdome, as it gene 
rally did in all other countreys that were originally peopled by the Celts 
or Gauls. " Sunt qui tradunt turn primum cseptum, ut nobiliores, 
ab agris cognomina sumerent, quod quidem falsum puto cum ea consue- 
tudo ne mine quidem apud priscos Scotos sit recepta. Tota turn 
Scotia prisco sermone et institutis uteritur. Loco vero cognominis more 
Graecorum, patris nomen proprio subjeciebant ut ex eventu aliquo no- 
tave corporis aut animi, vocabulum affingebant. Eademq. turn fuisse 


morem Gallis indicant ilia Regia nomina Crassi, Calvi, Balbi : Item 
multarum nobilium in Anglia familiarum cognomina. Eorum maxime qui 
circa eadem haec tempora Gulielmum Normanum secuti, in Anglia sedes 
posuerunt, apud reliquos etiam Gallos sero mos cognomina ab agris 
dicend. receptus videtur, ut ex Froissardi scriptoris minime contem- 
nendo, historia intelligi potest." 

For the Highlanders did not till of late years take their designa 
tions or titles from their estats, but, in their primative simplicity, 
satisfied themselves with their father's names, instead of all other 
designation or sirname. Some, it is true, were nicknamed from the 
complection or collour of their hair ; but these were but few, and be 
sides, they added to it the name of their father, and sometimes of their 
grandfather, the reason being, that it was impossible, where so maney 
of the same tribe and name lived together, without any mixture, to dis 
tinguish them in any other manner. The chief was, among his own 
clan, called, by way of eminencey, by the title of Dtiurn, that is, Lord, 
though we falsely translate it Laird, which is the same with Esquire in 
England. But, among others, they were named by the general patro- 
nimick of the family ; and, in charters and other wryts, they were de 
signed Captains of their severall clans, as the reader will soone have a 
better opportunity of observing. 

But to return to Allan M'Coilduy. His wife was Marion, daughter 
to Angus,* Lord of the Isles, and grandchield to the Earl of Ross, by 
whom he was made heritable governour or constable of the Castle of. 
Strone, a very strong place hi the Earldome of Ross. In this charge he 
beheaved so well, that, in reward of his courage and fidelity, Celestine, 
the lady's uncle, who designs himself of the Isles, Lord of Lochalie, 
and brother to the Earl of Ross, added to it a grantf of the 12 merk 

* This Angus was eldest sone to the Earl of Ross, Lord of the Isles, having been the title of the person 
next in succession. 

f The charter is granted to his beloved kinsman, Allan, the sone of Donald Duff, or Dow, Captain of 
the Clan Cameron, and to the heirs-male lawfully begotten, or to be begotten, between him and Marion, 
lawfull daughter to Angus, Lord of the Isles, and, in default of these, to his other heirs-male by any 
subsequent marriage, and these failzieing, to the heirs-male of Evren, his brother-german ; and if these 


land of Kifrone, and gave him a patent or charter, bearing date att Inver- 
lochy, the penult day of Novemb. 1472. 

It would seem that the castle and lands annexed to it were a part of 
the patrimonial estate of this Celestine, otherwayes it is inconceivable 
how he could alienat them without consent of his brother. 

This Allan M'Coilduy had the charracter of one of the bravest cap 
tains in his time, which was chiefly the reason of his being so great a 
favourite of the great Lord I have just now mentioned. He is said 
to have made 32 expeaditions into his enemy's countrey for the 32 
years that he lived, and three more, for the three-fourths of a year that 
he was in his mother's womb : whatever trewth may be in this, it is cer 
tain that his good fortune failed him in the end. For, being too much 
elated with his former successes, he again made preparations for another 
invasion ; of which his next neighbour, Keppoch,* (who, for I know not 
what reason, had conceived an enmity against Allan, ) having informa 
tion, he advised Macintosh of the designe, and promiseing to follow him 
in the rear with all the men he could raise, formed a plott for cutting 
him and his party to pices. Allan had no notice of the contrivance, 
and dispiseing an enemy which he had so often insulted, proceeded in his 
intended invasion. Macintosh was prepared to oppose him, butartefully 
delayed engageing, till Keppoch came up and attacked him in the rear. In 
short, the Camerons were obliged, after an obstinate fight, and the death 
of their Chief, who was killed during the heat of the action, to give way, 
in their turn, to the superior numbers of the confederats. 

Allan, by the lady I have mentioned, had two sons and three daughters. 

should also happen to faile, the Castle and estate were, by a provisionary clause, to return to the granter 
and his heirs. The onerous cause or reason inductive of the grant, was for the foresaid Allan his 
faithful! defending and keeping of the said Castle of Strone, and the witnesses were Lachlan M'Lean of 
Doward, Ewen, the sone of Donald of Argaur, &c. This charter, with these following, is recorded in 
the publick registers, and the originals of some, and the extracts of others, are in Locheil's charter- 

Keppoch, BO designed from an estate he has of that name, commands a tribe of the M'Donalds in 
that part of Lochaber bordering upon Badenoch, called the Breas. He is said to be descended from 
John de Insulis, who married a daughter of K. Robert the Second, and is tenant to Macintosh for ane 
estate which he and his predecessors have long possessed in these parts. 


Of the youngest of these sons, named John, is the Family of Callaurd, 
now a considerable tribe of the Camerons, descended. 

The confusions that happned during the minority of James the Third, 
having encouraged John the last Earl of Ross to breck out into a new 
rebellion, he was in the issue, by his own consent, and the authority 
of Parliament, which mett in Jully thereafter, deprived of the Earldom 
of Ross, which was annexed to the Crown, but continued in the title 
and possession of Lord of the Isles, and of a great many other lands 
mentioned in a charter still extant, dated att Edinburgh, the 16th De 
cember 1478. 


After the death of Allan, Ewen, his sone, sirnamed from him M' Allan, 
tooke possession of his estate and command. He proved equall to any of 
his predecessors in the vigour of his mind and body. But though in order 
to facilitate the adjusting matters with Macintosh, he marry ed Marjory, 
daughter to Duncan, then Chief of that name, yet all his endeavours to 
bring about an agreement proveing ineifectuall, the war brock out 
with more fury than before. Many and bloody were the conflicts be 
tween them, and great actions are related on both party s. But the 
Camerons, being commanded by a Chief who had the advantage of all his 
neightbours in conduct and spirit, it is no wonder if they proved gene 
rally too hard for their enemy s. 

But notwithstanding of these continuall wars, Ewen had prudence 
enough not to neglect the improvement of his fortune. He continued in 
friendship with the great Lord of the Isles, to whom he was nearly related 
by his mother, and thereby considerably augmented his estate ; for he 
obtained from him a charter* of several lands in Lochalce, Lochcarion, 
and Strone, lying in that part of the Earldome of Ross which was excepted 
from the forfeiture, and restored by the charter I have already mentioned. 
In August following, Ewen procured another patent or charter of the 

* This charter is of certain hereditarey lands, as they are termed hi the charter, extending to a 14 
merk land of old extent, whereof the particulars would be too tedious to enumerate. 



lands of Locheill,* which was a part of the lordship of Lochaber, and 
then lay within the shyre of Inverness. 

It is probable, that antiently the Highland Chiefs had no other title to 
their estats but possession, and that the Lords of the Isles haveing by 
degrees made themselves masters of the whole, obliged them to hold their 
lands either as tenants or vassalls to them. And this seems to be the rea 
son, that though it is certain that the most antient familys in the kingdome 
are those of the Highland Chiefs ; yet there are but very few charters of 
any considerable antiquity to be mett with among them. But whatever 
may be in this conjecture, the family I am wry ting of can produce non 
older than those I have mentioned, whereby it is now impossible to dis 
cover what the extent of their estate formerly was. However, the death 
of this Alexander, who was the last Lord of the Isles, f sett them all 
att liberty, and obliged them, pursuant to a late act of Parliament, either 
to take out new charters to their estats, or to gett the old confirmed by 
the Crown, under no less a penalty than that of forfeiting them. 

Ewen M' Allan, who was a wise and vigelent Chief, did not neglect 
his intrest, but immediatly sett out on a journey to Court, which was 
then att Edinburgh, and procured from King James the Fourth a confir 
mation of all these charters on the 24th October 1495, in presence of all 
the great Officers of the Crown, and of many other noble Lords, spirituall 
and temporall, who are all designed witnesses to it. Having, on this 
occasion, continued some time att Court, he insinuated himself much 
into the favour of that generous Prince, and served him faithfully in all 
his wars, and particularly att the fatall battle of Flowdon, where his 
Majesty and the flower of the Scots nobility and gentrey were killed, and 
among them the brave Hector Maclean of Doward, with many of his 
Clan, September 9, 1513. An excess of bravery in the Highlanders, 

Of the 30 merk land of Locheill, and is dated in the Isleand of Kie, otherwaise called Icolmkill. 
They are both of the same tenour, and are given to our dear kinsman, Ewen, the sone of Allan, the sone 
of Donald, Captain of the Clan Cameron, and the onerous causes are for service, &c. performed, and to 
be performed ; and both these charters are granted by Alexander, Lord of the Isles, and of Lochaber. 

t N.B. Locheill by his mother was heir of line to that great house, and his successors carryed their 
arms quartered with their own till of late. 


if we may believe our historians, contributed not a little to the disorder 
of the Scots army. For the Earl of Huntly, who conducted the forces 
of the North, having defeated Sir Edmund Howard and 3000 men under 
his command, it raised an unwarry emulation in the Highlanders, who, 
having the Earles of Lennox and Argyll att their head, thought nothing 
impossible for them to effect, and therefore, without regaird to order or 
dissipline, brocke furiously in upon a strong and well formed body of 
the enemy, who stood their ground like old soldiers as they were, till 
Sir Edward Stanely fell down, from a hill which he had traversed, upon 
the backs of them, and cutt great numbers of them to peices. 

However, Ewen M 4 Allan had the good fortune to come off safe, though 
with the loss of some of his Clan, and in the disturbances that followed, 
in the minority of James the Fifth, assisted John Duke of Albany, 
Governour of the kingdom, as he did afterwards the King himself in all 
his wars, domestick and forreign, whereby he grew so much in favour 
att Court, that for his good and faithfull services to the Crown, as the 
charter has it, he procured his whole estate, which lay much dispersed, 
to be united into a free barroney, with many ample priveledges, called 
the Barroney of Locheill. The village of Banavii is declaired the prin- 
cipall messuage, as the terme is, that is, the place for takeing infeft- 
ment, and the few-duty or the revenue payable yearly to the Crown is 
the same that he and his predecessors used formerly to pay. This 
charter bears date January 9> 1521. 

This is the first time that I find any of the Chiefs of this family 
designed by the title of Locheill in a charter, their former designation 
being Captain of the Clan Cameron, without mention of their estate. 
Locheill (for so I shall afterwards call them) was personaly present when 
he obtained this new erection, as appears from the charter, and had af 
terwards the address so to mannage his intrest at Court, that his Ma 
jesty was pleased to compliment him with another very considerable 
estate.* And the contents of the patent or charter is a lasting proofe 

The lands in this charter are those of Inverlochy, Turlyady, Drumflowr, Auchentouerbeg, extend 
ing to a 13 merk land of old extent, as also the lands of Invergarry, Balnant, Lagan, and Achadrome 
extending to a 12 merk land of old extent, lying within the lordship of Lochaber, and sherriffdome of In- 


of the wise policy of that excellent Prince ; for, resolveing at once to 
improve the revenue of the Crown and policy of the kingdome, he 
joyned with his Parliament in annexing all the lands that antiently be 
longed to it to his own patrimoney. The wars with England, and the 
long minoritys of proceeding Kings, having affoarded the Lords of the 
Isles ane opportunity of usurping these in the Highlands, his father, K. 
James IV., obliged all those who possessed, by charters from these Lords, 
to confirm them, and to take their lands holden of the Crown, and this 
wise Prince bestowed the rest upon such of his subjects as had best 
merited of him by their services, but with an augmentation of the few- 
dutys, and under condition that they improved them in the manner 
mentioned in the foregoing charter, whereby he not only increased the 
royall revenue, but also exceedingly beautifyed and enritched his countrey. 
Locheill finding the advantage of being known and favoured at Court, 
was carefull to bestow a liberal education on his children, but especially 
on his eldest sone Donald, who, being a youth of pregnant parts, came 
soone to have a relish for the elegancys and politnes of life. His father's 
estate was such as enabled him to live in a rank equall to any of the 
young chiefs, his cotemporarys, and his own behaviour soon gott him a 
charracter among the courtiours. But the person with whom he contract 
ed the most intimatt friendship was George the fourth Earl of Huntly. 
This Lord was then a young man, in so great a reputation att Court, that 
his Majesty honoured him with the government of the kingdome, during 
a voyage of gallantry that he made to the French Court in August 1535, 
in order to mary Magdalen, the eldest daughter of France, to whom he 
had been formerly betrothed. So much was Donald in favour with 
that Earl, that he complimented him with a valuable estate conterminous 
with his own, and lying eastward of the lake and river of Lochy. The 
charter is given by George Earl of Huntly to the Honourable Donald 
Cameron, sone and heir apparent to Ewen Cameron, alias Allanson, of 
Locheill, of the lands of Letterfinlay, Stronabaw, and Lyndaly, lying 

The few-duty was 40 merks yearly, and the obtainer was, by the rcdendo of his charter, ob 
liged to build a good dwelling-house, with a hall, kitchine, office-houses, pigeon-house, orchard, garden 
incloseurs, and other policys, agreeable to the nature of the ground. 


within the lordship of Lochaber, and sherriffdome of Inverness.* The 
holding is blench, and bears date att Edinburgh, 16th February 1534. 
This young gentleman was married to a daughter of the Laird of Grant's, f 
by whom he had two sons, Ewen and Donald, who both afterwards 
succeeded to the estate. 

Besides the other wars wherein Locheill was engaged, he had also a 
ruffle with the Barron of Rea, Chief of the Mackays, a people living 
many miles north of Lochaber. What the quarrall was, I know not, but 
it drew on an invasion from the Camerons, and that ane engagement, 
wherein the Mackays were defeated, and the Laird of Foules, Chief of 
the Monros, who assisted them, killed upon the spot. 

Hitherto Locheill had success in all his attemps. The vigour of his 
genius and courage bore him through all his difficulty s. He had a 
flourishing family and an opulent fortune, but the death of his eldest 
sone Donald, which happned about this time, plunged him into so deep 
a melancholey, that he, on a sudden, resolved to give up the world, and 
apply himself to the works of religion and peace. To expiat for former 
crims, he sett out on a pilgramage to Rome ; but arriveing in Holland, 
he found himself unable to bear up against the fatigue of so long a jour 
ney, and, therefore, sent one M'Phaill, a priest, who was his chaplain 
and confessor, to doe that job for him with the Pope. One part of the 
penance enjoyned him by his Holiness was to build six chappells to as 
many saints, which he performed. Some of them are still extant, and the 
ruins of the rest are yet to be seen in Lochaber and the bordering coun- 
treys. He also built a castle on the banks of the river of Lochey, called 
Tore Castle, from the rock on which it was situated. Macintosh after 
wards designed himself by this castle, because it was built upon the 

* Locheill was formerly possessed of the estate of Knoidart, in the shyre of Argyle, and of the 10 merk 
land of Gleneveiss in Lochaber, with the estate of Mammore, in the same countrey, as appears by the 
writes of the family. 

Whereby that family had, besides the other estats I have mentioned, the possession of all 
Lochaber, except a small part of the borders of it possessed by Keppoch. 

f This family bad its origionall about the year 1300. The first laird was Patrick, the sone of Grigor, 
whose only daughter and heir was married to Andrew Stewart, of whom the name of Grant is said to 
be descended. It is now a powerfull family, and very opulent. 


grounds in dispute. However, it became the seat of the family of Loch- 
eill, till it was demolished by Sir Ewen Cameron, with a view of building 
a more convenient house. 

While Locheill was thus peaceably employed, there fell out ane acci 
dent, which, though he was not concerned in it, gave occasion to the 
disgust that the Earl of Huntly then conceived against him, [which] in 
the end coast him his life. The origional of it is said to be thus : 

The Laird of Moydart, commonly called the Captain of Clanronald, 
Chief of a tribe of the Macdonalds, having marryed a daughter of the 
Lord Lovate, an autient Barren, and Chief of the sirname of Fraser, had 
by her a sone, and afterwards taking some disgust at the lady, he turned 
her off, and tooke to wife a daughter of Maclean of Doward, whom he 
stole from her father. 

Lovate resenting the indignety putt upon his daughter, tooke care 
of her and her sone ; and when the young gentleman was come to 
age, resolved upon the death of his father, to have him putt in pos 
session of the estate, as his lawful heir. The Earl of Huntly was 
then 'Lord Lieutenant, and in a manner sovereign of the north. To 
him the Lord Lovate made his complaint, and prevailed with him to 
march in person att the head of a considerable body of troops into 
those parts, to see that peice of justice done. Huntly was excessively 
proud and ambitious, and made use of his great power to compell 
all the neighbouring Chiefs into a dependance upon him, either as 
vassalls or followers. Locheill chanceing to waite upon him by way 
of compliment in his march, and excuseing himself for not attending 
him as her Majesty's Lieutenant in that expeadition, as well on account of 
his age as of the friendship he had for both partys, the Earl was highly 
offended, and resolved with himself to take the first opportunity that 
offered to ruin him. However, he then politicaly dissembled his resent 
ment, and marched forward. 

Clanrannald in the meantime prepared for his defence, but, finding 
himself unable to resist so great a power, he wisely gave way to the 
torrent, and submitted upon terms. But no sooner was Huntly gone, 
than he dispossessed the young gentleman; and hearing that Lovate 
had separated from the main body, and marched home by himself, he 


pursued, and overtooke him at the end of Loch Lochay, near Lagan- 
Achadrome, where the partys engaged with that fury, that Lovate, his 
sone, and almost all his clan, were cutt to pices, and very few of the 
other side survived. 

Some authors alleage that Huntly had privatly encouraged the Mac- 
donalds to commit this outrage, in resentment of Lovate's refuseing to 
join him in his quarrells against the Earl of Argyll ; for, after the deathe 
of Alexander, last Lord of the Isles, whom we have formerly mentioned, 
the Macdonalds, who were united under him as their Chief, could not 
agree among themselves with respect to a successor ; but the heads of 
their several tribs sett up separatly for themselves, whereby their power 
being brocke, the House of Argyll grew great upon their ruins, and en 
deavoured to worm themselves by degrees into the command of the 
West, as that of Huntly did of the North. 

From the same cause did Huntly 's resentment against Locheill, who 
always favoured Argyll, proceed. But William, Laird of Macintosh, 
was more obsequious, and attended him in the forementioned expeadi- 
tion. He was a gentleman of very fine qualitys, and much distinguished 
for his spirit and politeness. 

The change of LocheilFs conduct, and religious manner of living, 
made him imagine that he had now a proper opportunity of revengeing 
the many affronts formerly putt upon his father, and thereafter upon his 
tutors, during his own minority ; but also of ending the war, by forceing 
him to submitt to such terms as should be proposed. He was then 
Huntly's Deputy-Lieutenant, and Justiciar for Inverness and the southern 
part of that shyre, which affoarding him a pretext for raising what number 
of men he pleased, he marched into Lochaber at the head of about 
2000 men, but with such privacey and expeadition, that he thought to 
have surprized Locheill before he could be in a condition to oppose him ; 
but in this he was mistaken, for he found his antagonist, old and religious 
as he was, prepared to dispute their difference by the sword. 

But neither party being much inclined to fight, they, in their present 
humour, agreed to a treaty, and because they could not settle upon the 
conditions, they choise to submitt them to Huntly as a dissinterested 


mediator. That crafty Earl had so artfully desembled his resentment, 
that Locheill sincerly belived him to be much his friend, and made no 
scruple of waiting upon him on this occasion. But his credulity coast 
him his life, for the revengefull Earl no sooner had him in his power, 
than he ordered him to be confined, patch't up a kind of sham tryall 
against him, for I know not what pretended crims, and commanded his 
head [to be cutt off] at a place called the Bogue of Geight. 

Thus dyed Ewen M' Allan, a Chief of the greatest abilitys of any in his 
time. He is still famous in these parts for his courage and military con 
duct ; for the greatest part of his life was employed in warlick adven 
tures, either in the service of the Crown, or in his own private quarrells. 
However, he was so far from neglecting the government and policy 
of his countrey, that his people increased in numbers and ritches, as his 
estate did in value and extent. In a word, he omitted no opportunity 
of serving the intrest of his family ; and in this was much wiser than 
any of his predecessors, that he was carefull to secure his large and ex 
tensive possessions to his posterity by authentick charters, whereof I have 
recited all those I have found extant. 

If Macintosh was in concert with Huntly, to bring him to the tragical 
end I have mentioned, the Camerons were, some years thereafter, fully 
revenged on both. But the charracter we have of this Macintosh inclines 
me to believe him innocent, and that the unhappy fate he mett with pro 
ceeded from the very same cause that brought on the tragedie of his 
rivall chief ; for the haughty and ambitious Earl having gott him in his 
power, murdered him in the very same manner, 23d August 1550 ; and 
Buchanan affirms that the crime was, that he had refused to submitt 
himself and his family to the servitude of dependancey and vassalage to 
the Earl ; though that others alleaged that Macintosh had entered into 
a plott for takeing away the life of that Lord. 

1W7. Some years thereafter the Earl was brought to a tryall for these mur 

ders, and for his conduct with respect to Clanronald. The Earl of 
Cassells, then Lord Treasurer, and uncle to the late Macintosh, was the 
prosecuter, and the issue was, that he was keept under closs confine 
ment till he divested himself of the Earldome of Murray and Lordship of 


Abernethey, whereof he had lately procured a gift from the Crown, and 
of the customs of Orkney, Shetland, Mar, and Strathdee, and of all his 
offices, governments, and jurisdictions. Besides, he was banished for 
five years, but this last part of his sentance was changed into a pecuneary 
mulct. Many in the Counceill were inclined to have putt him to 
death, but the government was then in such a crazy state, and the king 
dom so divided between the French and English factions, and by the 
chainge of religion, that it was not thought safe to give the enemys to the 
publick peace such an accession of strength as the relations, vassalls, and 
friends of this powerfull Earl would naturally bring them. But neither 
the danger of life, nor the great loss he sustained, were sufficient to 
moderat his excessive ambition, which at length brought him to that 
death which he had just now escaped, as shall be hereafter observed.* 


Ewen M* Allan had four sons, whereof three survived him, and was 
succeeded by Ewen, his grandchield by his eldest sone. Of him I find 
nothing memorable, but his unfortunate death ; for being in his younger 
years much enamoured of a daughter of the Laird of Macdonald, 
[M'DougalI,f] he found the young lady so complisant that she fell 
with chield by him. The father dissembled his resentment, and artfully 
drew Locheill to a communing in the Island Nacloich, where, having 
previously concealled a party of men, he made him prisoner upon his re- 
fuseing to marry her, and shutt him up in the Castle of Inch- Connel, in 
Lochow, a fresh-water lake, at a good distance from Lochaber, to which 
his friends could not have easie access, on account of the difficulty of 
provideing themselves with boats. 

As soon as the newes came to Lochaber, his clan resolved to hazard 
all for his relief, and having made necessary preparations, his foster- 

* Earl of Arran demitted his Regency, Aprill 1555. 

| This was a powerfull family in the days of John Baliol, their ancestor, John Argyle of Lome, 
having maryed the sister of dimming, Earl of Athol, did, on that account, party the English faction, 
and vigurously opposed the immortall K. Robert Bruce, whereby he ruined himself and his posterity. 
However, they still bear out the figure of gentlemen, and are much respected in their own countrey. 


father,* Martine M'Connochey of Lattir Finlay, chieftain of the M 'Mar 
tins, an antient and numerous tribe of the Camerons, putt himself at the 
head of a chosen party, and sone made himself master of the castle. 
Locheill was then playing att cards with his keeper or goveraour, named 
M*Arthure, and was so overjoyed at his approaching delivery, that ob 
serving him much allarmed at the noise made by the assaliants, he over- 
heastily discovered the designe, for which he payed dear. For the villan, 
to satisfie his own and his master's resentment, immediatly extinguished 
the lights, and thrusting his durk or poynyeard below the table which 
stood between them, wounded him in the belly. 

His deliverers, in the meantime, rushing into his apartment, carryed 
him to their boats, where, the night being cold, he called for an oar in 
order to heat himself by exercise. But upon streatching his body, he 
became first sensible of his wound, which soone thereafter proved mortall. 

His party having landed, and putt him to bed, returned to the castle, 
and, in revenge of his death, dispatched M'Arthure and all the men that 
were with him. 

He 'left behind him one sone by M'DougalTs daughter, and was suc 
ceeded by his brother Donald, who was one of those loyal Chiefs that 
assisted Q. Mary at the battle of Corrichy, the cause of it was this : 


Aug. 20, 1561. That lovely Princes having, after the death of Francis II., her hus 
band, returned, found the kingdome in great confusion ; but in order to 
quiett the minds of her people by her royall presence, she resolved to 
visite all the parts of it. Her first minister was James, Prior of St An 
drews, her naturall brother, on whom she bestowed the Earldome of 
Murray. But Huntly, from whom that Earldome had been lately taken 

It is an antient customc among the Highland chiefs, and other gentlemen of figure, to comitt the 
care of their children, as soon as they are weaned, to the principal gentlemen of the clan, and other near 
relations, who from thence are called foster-fathers. These children commonly remain with them till 
about 12 years of their age, and often much longer, and are generally so well used, that there arises a 
friendship between them and the several familys where they are fostered, that equalls that of the nearest 
relations. They have alwayes portions assigned them in cattle, which amounts to a great value before 
they are of age. 


on the occasion I have mentioned, conceived a deadly enmity against 
the Prior for accepting it without his consent, and endeavured, by all 
the wayes of detraction and other courses familiar enough in the Courts of 
Princes, to ruine his intrest with the Queen. But all these faileing, he 
made other attemps to destroy him, which otherwaise proved abortive. 
The Queen was often at a loss how to beheave with respect to him ; for 
being head of the Popish faction, he was powerfully protected by the 
Pope, the Cardinel of Lorain, and the Queen's uncles, the great Duke 
of Guise and his brother, who not only interceeded for him, but pro 
posed a match between her Majesty and John Gordon, the Earl's second 
sone, the elder having been already marry ed in the House of Hamiltoun. 

How her Majesty relished this proposall, is no where said ; but the 
young man being then in disgrace for wounding the Lord Ogilvy in the -A- - 1562. 
great street of Edinburgh, had made his escape out of prison, and the 
Countess his mother, a crafty and ambitious lady, having interceeded for 
him with the Queen, her Majesty would hear of nothing in his behalf 
till he again entered his person into waird. But Mr Gordon, instead of 
giveing obedience, hasted to the North, and gathering about 1000 horse, 
marched towards Aberdeen, where the Queen then was, with a view of 
making himself master of her person, imagining that it would not be diss- 
agreeable to her Majesty to be forced into the match, nor are there 
wanting some that alleage, that Huntly and his sone had private in- 
couragement to proceed as they did in order to free her Majesty from 
the government of her naturall brother the Earl of Murray, whom, as 
those authours give out, she already began to hate. 

But, be this as it will, it is certain that the Queen appeared much of 
fended att their insolence, but dissembling her resentment, she proceed 
ed to Inverness, where, designeing to lodge in the Castle, was denyed ac- Se v L 1562> 
cess by Alexander Gordon the Governour. The next morning her Ma 
jesty was joyned by many of the neightbouring clans, who flocked to her 
relief from all quarters, upon a rumour that she was in danger, and even 
Huntly was deserted by his followers as soon as they had any suspition Dec - 20 
of his designs ; with these the Castle being quickly reduced, the Gover 
nour was hanged for his insolence and rebellion. 


Locheill, who was at a great distance, could not come up so soon as 
the rest, but arrived before the battle of Corrichy, which happned a 
28, IMS. few days thereafter. For the Queen being now sufficiently strong, re 
turned to Aberdeen, and Huntly, blinded by his ambition and his ex- 
tream hatred to the Earl of Murray, was mad enough to prosecute his 
designs, though only 300 of his followers stuck by him. In a word, he 
was defeated, his party cutt to peices, himself being old and corpulent, 
taken and stiffled to death by the weight of his armour, and the crowd 
that pressed about him. His sone, John Gordon, being likewayes 
made prisoner, was condemned and beheaded next day att Aberdeen, 
to the great grief of many of the spectators, for he was a very hansome 
youth of a gracefull deportment, and had given several proofs of his con 
duct and courage. 

In Januwary following, George, now Earl of Huntly, was convicted and 

forfeited in parliament. By the laws of Scotland, the vassalls forfeited 

with the supperiors, which gave Locheill some uneasieness on account of 

the estate which his father had obtained from the late Earl, lying eastward 

of the* lake and river of Lochey before mentioned. But the Queen upon 

application was pleased to restore that estate as a reward due to his 

loyalty, and to his faithfull services on that and other occasions. The 

6, 1563. charter, however, differed in this from the former, that the tenour, which 

was blench few before, was now chainged into a waird ; but enobled 

with all the immunitys and priviledges that the Earl and his predecessors 

formerly enjoyed. 

His lady was daughter to the Laird of Maclean, by whom he had a 
sone named Allan, who was born after his death, and succeeded in his 
estate and command. 


He was, from his cradle to his grave, involved in a continued laberynth 
of troubles, which proceeded origionaly from the ill conduct and ambi 
tion of his tutors, whose views were suspected to extend furder than the 
gimple administration of his affairs, which was all they could pretend to 


by their office. These were Donald and John Camerons, two of the 
younger sones of the famous Ewen M'Allan, grand-uncles to the minor, 
and the predecessors of the Familys of Errocht and Kenlochiell, now 
considerable tribes of that clan. In a word, the conduct of these gen 
tlemen were such, that Locheil's nurse, for the safety of his person, 
conveyed him privatly to Mull, where he remained during his infancey 
under the tutelage of Lachlan Maclean of Doward his uncle, who 
thereafter made choise of M'Gilvraw of Glencanner to be his foster- 
father. With this gentleman he, according to custome, continued till he 
was fitt for schoole, and the care of his education was intrusted to Mr 
John Cameron, Minister of Dunune, his kinsman, and a person of great 
probity and learning, by whom he was trained up in the Protestant Re 
ligion, which then began to gett footing in the Highlands. He was fa 
ther to the great Cameron, who was then the most famous Protestant 
divine then living. 

Though the safety of the young Chief was thus secured, the conduct 
of the tutors keept all in confusion att home, for they acted more like 
proprietors than administrators. The rents and revenues of the estate, 
which was very large, they applyed to their own use, and having formed 
a faction among the Camerons, whom they corrupted by bribs and offices 
to an absolute dependence on their intrest, they lorded it over the rest 
of the Clan with intolerable insolence and cruelty. To make head 
against them, the opposite faction called home Donald M'Ewan, the 
bastard sone of him that was killed in the Isle of Lochow. He then 
lived with the Laird of Grant, a daughter of that house having been his 
grandmother, and had the reputation of a youth of good sense and spirit. 
His arrivall in Lochaber occasioned a kind of civil war, whereof Lachlan, 
then Laird of Macintosh, taking advantage, marched into the country at 
the head of such a body of men, as the tutors, in their present situation, 
were unable to resist, and obliged them to submitt to a treaty whereby 
the estate in dispute was sett to them on lase for a certain number of 
years, for the yearly payment of 80 merks Scots, an inconsiderable rent. 
But such, however, as gave Macintosh all the right and title to the estate 
that they could bestow, or be demanded during the minority of the Chief. 


The tutors were sensible enough of the false step they had made, but 
as necessity had forced them into it, so they resolved to repudiat the 
contract, by a new invasion into the enemy's countrey, and in order to 
unite the Clan, they agreed to submitt all differances to the mediation of 
friends ; this brought about a meeting of the partys att the old Castle of 
Inverlochy, where Donald the elder brother was barbarously murdered, 
by which their mutuall resentment and hatred was kindled into greater 
fury than before. To suppress the other tutor, Donald the bastard had 
recourse to his grandfather, the Laird of M'Dougall, who prevailed with 
the Earl of Argyle, Justice- General, to espouse the quarrell. In short, 
the tutor was seized and beheaded at Dunstaffnage, a very old building, 
and one of the seats of the antient Scots Kings, before the destruction 
of the Picts. 

In the meantime Locheill, then a youth of about 17 years, being solicit 
ed by the heads of the opposite faction, returned to Lochaber, where he 
was so mannaged and imposed upon by their artifice and cunning, that 
he gave way to the death of the bastard, whom they accused not only as 
authoc of the murder of the tutors, but as guilty of more criminal designs 
of depriving himself of his life and fortune, upon pretence that he was 
no bastard, but the sone of a lawfull marriage. 

Whatever trewth was in these suggestions, his death was generally 
resented. Locheill leaving the management of his affairs to some of his 
nearest relations, gave out that he was to return to his Governour att 
Dunune, but stopt by the way att Appine,* where he was in love with 
one of his landlord's daughters, whom he soone thereafter marryed. She 
was a hansome young lady, and so absolutely gained upon his affections 
by an excess of beauty, witt, and good nature, that he continued fond of 
her while she lived. 

Choiseing to reside att Appine till matters were fully settled at home, 
he fell into a missfortune that very near coast him his life. 

The Laird of Glenurchy, predecessor to the Earl of Breadalbane, 

Appine is head of a tribe of the Stewarts in that neighbourhood. His predecessor was a natural 
sooe of Stewart, Lord Lorn, a Prince of the Blood Royall, but begott on a lady of distinction. He is 
head of all the Stewarts of that countrey, who are one way or other descended of his family. 


chanceing to hold a Barren Court in that neighbourhood, Locheill 
went thither to divert himself, and there accidentally meeting with one 
M'Dougall of Fairlochine, a near relation of the hastard's, he challanged 
him upon some unmannerly expressions which he had formerly droped 
against him with relation to that gentleman's death. But M'Dougall, 
instead of excuseing himself, gave such a rude answer as provocked 
Locheill to make a blow at him with his sword, and some of the bystand 
ers, willing to prevent the consequences, seized and held him fast, while 
he made a most violent struggle to get loose, one of his servants happen 
ing to come up at the same time, and seeing his master in the hands of 
so many people, fancyed that he was apprehended by Glenurchy's orders, 
whom he foolishly suspected to have designs upon his life. This putt 
the fellow into such a rage, that he had not patience to examine into the 
matter. But encountering with Archbald, Glenurchy's eldest sone, 
whom the noise of the bustle had drawn thither in that unlucky juncture, 
he barbarously plunged his durk into his heart. The multitude upon 
this turned their swords against the unhappy fellow. But he, with his 
durk in the one hand, and his sword in the other, defended himself with 
that incredible valour, that it is likely he would have escaped by the 
favour of the approaching night, if he had not, as he retreated backward, 
stumbled upon a pleugh, that tooke him behind, and brought him to the 
ground, where he was cutt to pices. 

No sooner had the inraged multitude dispatched the servant, than 
they run furiously upon the master, who, though he received several 
wounds, had the good fortune, after a vigorous and gallant defence, to 
make his escape, wherein he was much assisted by the darkness of the 
night, which covered his retreat. 

The newes of this and several other adventures made his Clan im 
patient to have him among them. All their divisions were now at an 
end, and their Chief was of sufficient age and capacity to mannage his own 
affairs, so that he was welcomed to Lochaber with universall joy. 

In the year 1590, there brock out a dreedfull enmity and fewd be 
tween the Earls of Huntly and Murray ; the last was sone to the Regent, 
whom we have formerly mentioned. 


The reader has already heard of the first grounds of dissention be 
tween these familys ; and the present quarrell proceeded from Murray's 
protecting a gentleman of the name of Grant, who had killed one Gor 
don a common fellow, upon I know not what provocation. To this was 
added some other causes of dissention which inflamed the ulcerated 
minds of the partys to such a degree of rage and fury, that they involved 
all the North in blood and confusion. 

Confederaceys were formed on both sides. The Earl of Atholl, the 
Lairds of Grant and Macintosh, and many others, joyned Murray ; and 
Huntly had the Earls of Erroll, Mortown, and Bothwell, of his party. 
But as these rather gave reputation than strength to his party, so he be 
came solicitous to ballance the power of his antagonists, by engageing 
the neighbouring Clans in that service. 

Att first he had publick authority on his side as Sheriff of the County 
of Inverness. Besides, he had express orders from Court to bring the 
criminal to justice, so that the Macphersons and others, his vassalls and 
tenants, willingly declaired in his favours. Both partys courted Locheill 
by all* manner of carresses. But his enmity to Macintosh, the heredi 
tary enemy of his family, soon determined him to joy n Huntly, who was 
exceedingly liberall of his promises and engagements on that occasion, 
as appears from the indenture* between them, which is still extant. 

Locheill, in pursuance of this confederacy, invaded Macintosh, and 
ravageing his countrey with fire and sword, returned with a great bootty. 
Macintosh pursued and engaged him in Badenoch, but was overthrown 
with a hugh slaughter. Upon the back of this followed another invasion, 
and the Macintoshes were again defeated in the moor of Drymen, a hill 
betwixt Badenoch and Lochaber. This last is commonly called the 
snow fight, on account of the great quantity of snow that then covered 
the hills. 

Huntly resolving to repair the old Castle of Rivan in Badenoch, a 

By this indenture, Locheill obliges himself to assist Huntly against all his enemys ; but more espe 
cially against the Macintoshes and Grants ; and the Earl, on his part, is bound to reward him for his 
services to his own satisfaction, and not to enter into terms of agreement without a mutual consent. It 
bean date 6th March 1590. 


countrey belonging to himself, prevailed with Locheill to guard the work, 
which occasioned many bloody skirmishes. But the difficultys that the 
Earl mett with by the enemy's intercepting his convoyes and carriages, 
obligeing him to desist before he had quite finished his fortifications, 
Locheill and his Clan attended him on his march homeward as far as 
Strathdown. For the enemy had convened in great numbers to cutt off 
his retreat. But Locheill not only dissapointed them, but in his return 
to Lochaber ravaged the Macintoshes, and carried off a ritch booty. 

The death of the Earl of Murray, who was killed by Huntly att Duni- 
birstle, on the 7th February 1591, gave the enemys of the last so much 
advantage over him att Court, that he and his adherents were declaired 
enemys to the state, and forfeited, and proscribed by a decree of Parlia 
ment. However, the war still continued, and Huntly, as head of the 
Popish faction, the better to collour his designs, added the pretext of re 
ligion to his former quarrells. In a word, for I designe to touch upon 
these affairs no further than my subject obliges me, the Earl of Argyll sept. 7, 1594. 
being appointed his Majesty's Leutenant- General in that war, marched 
against him att the head of a powerfull army, and invested the Castle of 
Rivan. But the Macphersons, who were in garrison, defended the place 
with so much bravery, that he could not reduce it, though Argyle 
was already 10,000 strong, and these too the best troops in the High 
lands ; yet the Forbesses, Mackenzies, and many others from the North, 
being on their march to joyn him. But Huntly, to prevent their con 
junction, resolved to fight, though att the disadvantage of near ten to 
one, if we may believe Archbishop Spottiswood, who gives us the de- sept. 27, 1594. 
taill of these transactions. They engaged att Glenlivat, where Argyle 
was routed with the loss of 700 of his men, besides severals of his rela 
tions and other gentlemen who were killed on the spott. The Mac 
leans were the only people of his side that gained honour that day, for 
after the rest were fled they sustained the shocke of the enemy for a long 
time, and at last retired in good order, in spight of the pursuers. 

Locheill, who was unwilling to serve against Argyll, whom he favour 
ed, had but a few of his men in this action. However, he engaged Mac 
intosh his battalion, which he defeated, and pursued with great eager- 


ness, and did Huntly such service as merited a different reward from 
that which he afterwards gott. 

Huntly got nothing by his victorey, for the King, who had now taken 
the government into his own hands, marched to the North in person 
sone after the battle, and ordered several of Huntly's houses and those 
of his party to be demolished, which obliged him to leave the kingdome. 
But he was recalled in June, 1597, and was with the Earls of Erroll and 
Angus, two of his confederats, restored to their estates and dignitys, att 
a parliament which mett in December thereafter. 

Macintosh, in the meantime, resolving to be revenged on Locheill, 
prevailed with the Earl of Argyle, whose sister he had marryed, to 
invade him from the West, while he with all the forces he could raise 
attacked him at the same time from the North, whereby he doubted not 
but he would oblige his antagonist to submitt to such terms as he would 
be pleased to give him. 

Locheill knew nothing of this confederacey, but was so much on his 
guard, that Macintosh, who was exact as to his time, found him pre 
pared to stop his passage over the great river of Lochy ; which neither 
of the partys daring to foard, they continued in inaction for several 
days. But provisions at last failing, Macintosh was reduced to very 
great straits, for Locheil's party daily increased, and there was no ac 
counts of the assistance he expected, so that, disparing in the end, he 
was obliged to take the advantage of the night to retreat. 

Locheill suspecting that there might be a stratagem in this precipitant 
motion, pursued with great caution, till he being convinced that his 
enemy s retired in good earnest, he would have willing [ly] overtaken and 
engaged them when they were out of his reach. 

No sooner had he returned to the Isle of Locheill where he then 
lived, than he was informed of the arivall of another body of enemy s 
from the West, which did not a litle surprize him. For he was far 
from expecting an invasion from that quarter. They were commanded 
by the Laird of Ardkinlas, a gentleman of an antient family, and one 
of the principall of the name of Campbell. He drew up his men, which 
were about 800, att a place called Achinlourbeg, opposite to the isleand, 


and being informed that the Macintoshes were gone, he reteired to a place 
where he was covered on all sides, called Inchdoricher, and resolved 
there to pass the night. 

Locheill, who had that morning dispersed, immediatly issued out 
orders for conveening them again with all hast, and with his ordinary 
servants, which were eleven in all, he stoll by private wayes to the place 
where the Campbells were encamped, and having dilligently viewed them, 
a fancy took him that there was a possibility of frighting them with the 
few he had about him without running much danger. For they [were] 
surrounded by hills and woods in all parts ; with this view, he drew up 
his men att proper distances from one another, and commanded them to 
fire all at once upon a signal, and then to fall flatt upon their faces to the 
ground. These orders they exactly performed to the great surprize of 
the enemy, and continued to repeat them round the camp till they were 
allarmed from all quarters. Some few of the enemy were killed, but 
their astonishment and fear was much greater than their loss, and fancied 
that they were farr surrounded. They neither durst adventure to re- 
treate, nor had they courage enough to stand. In this pickle they con 
tinued till day appearing, they returned to their own countrey, without 
doing harm as they marched. 

But the severe laws that were made for reduceing the Highlands, 
and for settling the peace of these parts, gave him more uneasieness than 
all the power of his enemys, and in the end did him more mischief; 
for besides many others, the Ministers of State observing that the pub- 
lick was defrauded of the Crown Rents and Revenues in many parts, 
procured an Act of Parliament commanding all chiefs and proprietors 
of estats in the Isles and Highlands holding of the Crown, to appear* 
personally in the Court of Exchequer before the 20th May following, 
under the pain of forfeiture, and not only to exhibite all their charters 
and rights, but also to find baill and suerty to pay the Crown revenues ; 
to redress all party s injured of losses and damages formerly sustained, 
and to live peaceably in time comeing. 

This was a mortifying blow to Locheill, for he was not in a condition 

* December 15, 1597. 


to appear, on account of the sentance of forfeiture and proscription be 
fore mentioned, which was not yet taken off, whereby he lossed one of 
the best estates in the Highlands. All this was owing to his enemy 
Macintosh, which engaged him hi the fatall league with the Earl of 
Huntly, who not only neglected Locheill contrair to express stipulation, 
when he made his pace with the King, but even, with the greatest in 
gratitude, tooke advantage of his missfortunes, as we shall see by and by. 

Locheill left nothing undone to procure a remission in order to enable 
himself to give obedience to the Act of Parliament. But the time was 
so short, and the avarice of the Courtiers so great, (for they made a 
good mercat of these forfeitures, ) that he could not prevaill. In a word, 
the act was rigorously executed, and many honest gentlemen, against 
whom nothing could be said, suffered, some in parts and some in their 
whole estates, and even Macintosh, who had served the Earl of Murray 
and the Protestant intrest with so much zeal, was forfeited off a part of 
his, because he could not, att the time appointed, produce the rights, which 
were then in the hands of some of his friends. 

Lofcheill finding himself thus in the greatest danger of being stript of 
his whole estate, and forseeing that he would soone be surrounded by a 
multitude of new enemys, in so far as it would be the intrest of all 
who shared in it to suppress and keep him low. He judged it wise to 
make up matters with Macintosh, who was willing to accept of any terms 
in order to have his right of property to the lands in dispute assertained 
by a treaty ; nor did Macintosh neglect his opportunity, for immediatly 
after his return from Edinburgh, where the Court then was, and where 
he obtained new charters to the greatest part of his estate, by giveing 
obedience to the Act of Parliament, he invaded Lochaber att the 
head of a good body of men, but being stopt in the way by Locheill, 
who was prepared to receive him, friends on both sides interposed, and 
brought about an agreement, wherein the partys consented to the follow 
ing articles : 

Macintosh mortgaged to Locheill and his heirs one half of the lands 
in dispute for the sume of 6000 merks, and gave him the other half for 
the service of the men liveing upon them. The contract was for 19 


years ; Locheil's former title reserved intire, but forfeitable with the money 
in case he should occasion a rupture of the friendship and aimity then 
between them by any subsequent invasion or act of hostility, and Mac 
intosh became bound to preserve the same under very severe penalty s. 

While Locheill was bussied in projecting methods for saving or re 
covering other parts of his estate, there fell out an accident that discon 
certed all his measures, and drew new enemy s upon him. 

Donald M'lan of Ardnamurchan, head of a tribe of the Macdonalds, 
who inhabited that and the neighbouring countreys, having been be 
trothed to one of his daughters, was most basely murdered by his own 
uncle, while he was providing himself in an equipage suitable to the 
solemnity of his wedding, which, according to custome, he designed to 
have celebrated with some magnificence. The barbarous murder[er] 
was commonly known by the name of M'Vie Ewen. He was a person 
of gigantick size and incredible strength, and possest the country of 
Swynard by way of lase from his nephew, whom he killed, not in resent 
ment of any injurey, but with a villanous view of succeeding to him in 
his estate and command as his next heir. 

The bridgroom was a youth for whom Locheill had the highest 
esteem, on account of his excellent qualitys, and therefore no sooner 
heard of his death, [than] he resolved to revenge it upon the bloody 
author, who, in dread of his resentment, fled with all his goods and cattle 
to Mull, where he putt himself under the protection of Lawchlane More, 
Laird of Maclean, his near relation by his mother. But Locheill, upon 
information of his precipitate flight, pursued with the few men he had 
about him, which did not exceed sixty, and became master of his goods. 
But notwithstanding of all the haste he had made, M'Vie Ewen himself 
escaped him by ferrying over the Sound of Mull, a narrow passage or 
firth that divides that island from Morvine. 

Maclean, who had beheld all that had passed from the opposite shoar, 
immediatly dispatched Hector Maclean, his eldest sone, with 220 men, 
and M'Vie Ewen himself, to recover the goods ; so that Locheill, see 
ing himself under a necessity of fighting, posted his men to such advan 
tage as made up his defect of number. The audacious M'Vie Ewen 


was armed capapie, and advanced with an air that spoke the highest con 
tempt of his enemy ; but being overheated by the weight of his armour, 
he raised his helmet to take in fresh air, which one of LocheiFs archers 
observing, so nicely nicked his opportunity, that he peirced him deep hi 
the forehead with an arrow, whereby he dyed immediatly. 

The death of their champion so dispirited his party, that Locheill had 
an easy victorey over them. Hector and twenty of his followers were 
made prisoners, whom he immediatly dismissed, ransom free. But he 
narrowly escaped Maclean himself, who during the action ferryed over 
from Mull, and persued with a greater number than he was able to en 
Maclean was at that time engaged in a war against the Macdonalds 

of Islay, in which being soon thereafter mortally wounded, he was ex- 
treamly grieved that he had so much offended his nephew, Locheill, 
u for," said he, " [he] is the only Chief in the Highlands of courage, con 
duct, and power, sufficient to revenge my death, and I am confident, 
that if I hud not injured and provocked him in the manner I have done, 
he weuld not have allowed himself much rest till he had effected it." 

Locheill was no sooner informed of these expressions and of the death 
of his uncle, than he resolved to revenge it, and marching against his 
enemys at the head of his Clan, defeated them in a bloody battle, and 
tooke Hector Maclean of Lochbuy, who sided them against his Chief, 
with sevefals of his followers, prisoners of war. His resentment against 
these for parting the Macdonalds against their own kinsman was so great, 
that he detained them in chains for six months thereafter. But Loch- 
buy had soone an opportunity of being evens with him, as the reader 
shall hear in a more proper place. 

This adventure gave Locheil's enemys great advantage over him att 
Court, where his sone John, who had a genius admirably turned for the 
mannagement of civill affairs, was bussily employed in negotiating for him, 
and was in a fair way of succeeding. But those who had putt in for the 
severall shares of his fortune that lay conterminous with their own, exag 
gerated matters so, that they in the end prevailled. The Lord Kintaill, 
predecessor to the Earle of Seaforth, gott the estates of Lochale, Loch- 


carreon, and Strone, from Sir Alexander Hay, then Secretary of State, 
who was the King's donatory to these and all the other forfeitures. The 
lands of Lagan, and Achadrome, Invergary, Balnane, and others, were 
obtained by the Laird of Glengarry, and Barron of Lovate, and his 
several estats in Lochaber fell to the share of others, as shall by and 
by be more particularly observed. In a word, he was stript of the 
whole except the disputed lands of Glenluy and Locharkike, which he 
still peaceably injoyed by virtue of his late treaty with Macintosh, where 
of I have already given some account. 

In this unlucky situation, Locheill found it prudent to make up mat 
ters with these who obtained rights to his northern estates, because they 
ly at a distance, and were not inhabited by his own people. Besides, it 
was impossible for him to grapple with so many at one time. But, as 
to those in Lochaber, he resolved to retain the possession att all hazards, 
which was the chief motives that induced him to transact with the gen 
tlemen I have named ; one of the articles in all these treatys bearing an 
obligation upon them to assist him in defending the rest. 

The estate of Locheill was purchased from the Secretarey, by the fore- 
mentioned Hector Maclean of Lochbuy, for a very small sume, which 
was given by way of compliment. But that gentleman finding, after 
several fruitless attemps, that he was not in a condition to attain to the 
possession, made it over to the Earl of Argyle, in 1609, for the sume of 
4100 merks, which was the very same that he had payed for it himself. 
Argyl's designe in this purchass was not probably to keep the estate for 
himself, but seems rather to have been [with] a view of augmenting his 
power, by forceing Locheill to hold it of himself before he consented to 
restore it ; several communings hereupon ensued. But the partys not 
agreeing upon the terms, they were att last submitted to his Majesty : 
and Clanrannald, whose mother Locheill had some years before marryed, 
was employed to negotiat for him att Court. 

That monarch had succeeded to the Crown of England in 1603, 
though he was a Prince naturally mercyfull and just, yet he was some 
what too credulous, and very apt to take impression from such as were 
about him, whereby he was often exposed to the artifice of subtile and 


designeing polititians ; many innocent persons sufferred by this foible. 
But especially, after his goeing to England, where, being at a distance, 
he had not the opportunity to examine matters as he ought, and pro 
bably would have done had he been nearer. Of this the unfortunate 
Clan Macgregor, of whom we shall soone give an account, affoard us a 
melancholy instance. 

The King was so prejudged against them, that he resolved to have them 
utterly extirpated, and not only gave the Earl of Argyle a commission 
to performe that bloody work, but wrote to all the Chiefs and other men 
of power in the Highlands to assist him vigerously promising high re 
wards to such as should contribute most to their destruction. Locheill 
was often sollicited to joyn in that crewell confederacey, but he was too 
well acquanted with their storey to comply, till the necessity of his 
affairs obliged him. For his Majesty would hear of nothing in his justi 
fication upon any other terms, so that he was in the end forced to enter 
into indentures with the Earl of Argyle as his Majesty's Lieutenant, and 
the Earl of Dunbar, Lord Treasourer, whereby the King became obliged, 
not only to restore him to his estate holding of the Crown, but likeways 
to receive him as his tenant and vassall for the lands of Glenlui and 
Locharkicke ; and, in a word, to free him from all dependence and vas 
salage of any sort. The contract contains severall other conditions hi 
favours of Locheill, who, though he never designed to injure the pro 
scribed Macgrigors, his faithfull friends, yet he thought there was no 
crime in imbraceing that opportunity to recover his estate, and ingratiat 
himself with his Majesty. Clanrannald was also a party in all these 
contracts, in behalf of his father-in-law, whom he served with an uncom 
mon zeall. He was a youth of extraordinary quality s, a polite courtier, 
and very adroite in the mannagement of business. He had formerly, in 
name of Locheill, agreed with the Earl of Argyle, with respect to the 
Barroney of Locheill, whereof the terms were submitted to his Majesty. 
With these two contracts he sett out ; and upon his arivall at Salisburry, 
where the Court then was, he found a ready complyance, from his 
Majesty, with all his demands ; for his indignation against the Macgri 
gors was nothing abated, as appears by his letter to Locheill, wherein, 


after reciteing Clanrannald's negotiations, with the conditions of the two 
indentures, his Majesty is pleased to ratify them in the most ample man 
ner, and assures him that, upon performances of the services thereby 
stipulated, they should be executed and fulfilled, and the charters and 
rights to his estate expedited, according to law. " Your neighbour 
(continues his Majesty) hath likewayes shewen unto us the articles sett 
down and agreed upon betwixt the Earl of Argyle and him, concerning 
the prosecution of our said service, whereby the Earl hath submitted 
unto us his right and title acclaimed by him to your lands of Locheill, 
and hath promitted to underly, and perform what we shall decern 
thereanent. You may be very glade that the Earl hath taken this course, 
for we shall so determine in that matter for your wellfair and security, 
as in reason, equity, and justice, we ought to doe ; and if your right to 
these lands be not good, we will be a means that the Earl shall make 
the same better ; and, therefore, we will desire you, as you would have 
us blott out of our memorey your former life, and to esteem and protect 
you, as our own vassall, tenant,, and good subject. That you goe on 
faithfully and carefully in this service, and prosecute the same to the 
finall end thereof, in such form as you shall receive directions from the 
Earl of Argyle our Leutenant ; and, in the meantime, that you seek 
all good occasions whereby you may do some service by yourself, and 
how soon the same is ended, you shall doe well to repair unto us, that 
you may receive your promised reward, and understand our furder plea 
sure concerning such other services as we shall employ you in," &c. 

His Majesty also promises to cause the Marquess of Huntly doe him 
justice, with respect to a differance that shall fee hereafter explained. 

These Macgrigors, against whom the King was so furiously incensed, 
were one of the most antient Clans in the Highlands, and are said to be 
descended from the Royall Family of our Kings, about the middle of 
the ninth centurey. They possessed a great part of that country which 
lyes at the back of the Grampian mountains, and thereabouts ; and as 
they were a very warlick and brave people, so they faithfully served the 
Crown in most of the wars, civill and foreign, that our Kings were en 
gaged in. The true case of their mine proceeded from the cunning and 


policy of their neightbours, who having first raised and fomented quar- 
rells between them and other rivall Clans, missrepresented their actions in 
such a manner to the Government, that they in the end gott them pro 
scribed, and doomed to utter destruction ; and all this with a most base 
and avaritious view of shareing their estats among them, in wliich they 
succeeded but too well. 

The best account of the origionall and progress of their missfortunes 
that I have mett with, is in a MS. History of the Family of Sutherland, 
written by Mr Alexander Ross, one of the Professors of the University 
of Aberdeen. He flourished at that very time, and wrote his history [a] 
few years thereafter. His relation of that tragedy, which he mentions 
only in passant, as a very memorable event, agrees exactly, so far as it 
goes, with the traditionall accounts we have of it current in the countrey, 
and it is a loss to the curious that it is not more full. The translation I 
have made of that passage from the Latine origionall, being almost lite- 
rail, is as follows : 

" In the spring of the year 1602, there happned great dissentions 
and troubles between the Laird of Luss, Chief of the Colquhouns, and 
Alexander, Laird of Macgrigor. The origional of these quarells pro 
ceeded from injurys and provocations, mutually given and received. Not 
long before Macgrigor, however, inclining to have them ended in friendly 
communings, marched att the head of 200 of his Clan to Leven, which 
borders upon Luss, his countrey, with a view of settling matters by the 
mediation of friends. But Luss had no such intention, and projected 
his measures with a different view ; for he privatly drew together a body 
of 300 horse and 500 foot, composed partly of his own Clan and their 
followers, and partly of the Buchanans, his neightbours, and resolved to 
cutt off Macgrigor and his party to a man, in case the issue of the con 
ference did not answer his inclinations. But matters fell out otherwaise 
than he expected ; and though Macgrigor had previous information of 
all his insiduous designs, yet desembling his resentment, he keept the 
appointment, and parted good friends in appearance. 

" No sooner was he gone than Luss, thinking to surprize him and his 
party in full security, and without any dread or apprehension of his 


treachery, followed with all speed, and came up with him at a place 
called Glenfron. Macgrigor, upon the allarm, divided his men into two 
partys, the greatest whereof he commanded himself, and the other he 
committed to the care of his brother John, who, by his orders, led them 
about another way, and attacked the Colquhouns in the flank. Here it 
was fought with great resentment and bravery on both sides for a con 
siderable time ; and notwithstanding the vast disproportion of numbers, 
Macgrigor in the end obtained an absolute victorey. So great was the 
route, that 200 of the Colquhouns were left dead upon the field, most of 
the leading men killed, and a multitude of prisoners taken.* But what 
seemed most surprizing and incredible in this defeatt was, that none of 
the Macgrigors were amissing except John, the Laird's brother, and one 
common fellow, though indeed many of them were wounded. 

" The newes of this slaghter having shortly reached his Majesty's 
ears, he was exceedingly incenced against the Macgrigors. They had 
no friends att Court to plead their cause and molify his resentment, by 
making a fair state of their case. But instead of facts being placed in 
their proper light, everything was represented there in the blackest 
colours, and no person contradicting these insidious informations, the 
unhappy Macgrigors were involved in a great many troubles. For the 
King immediatly commanded the whole tribe to be denounced rebells 
and proscribed. He furder impowered the Earl of Argyle and the 
Campbells to hunt them out, and drag them, without any furder tryall, 
to punishment ; nor indeed did they spare either Industrie or expence 
in the execution of their commissions. 

* It is said that while they were preparing to engage, some boys that were on their road to the school 
of Dumbartan, which was then very famous, chanceing to arrive, the Laird of Macgregor, to prevent 
their falling into danger, ordered them to be shutt up in a barn, and left one of his own servants, named 
[Cameron], to attend them ; but that the barbarous wretch, enraged to be so debar'd from shareing 
in the honour of the action, and foolishly imagining it a mark of infamy and cowardice to be sett over a 
few boys, while his comerads were fighting, like one in a frenzy, turned his furry againt those innocents, 
and inhumanly murdered them with his durk. It is likewayes added, that they were mostly the sons of 
gentlemen of distinction, and that their mournfull parents afterwards unitted in bringing vengeance on 
those whom they thought to be the authors of the execrable tragedy. What trewth may be in this 
story I know not, but it is constantly averred that this was the pretext that was principally made use of 
for the destruction of the Macgregors. 


44 Pursuant to which, there happned' a remarkable conflict at a place 
called Pentoick, where Robert Campbell, sone to the Laird of Glenor- 
chey, with 200 chosen men, attacked 60 of the Clan Gregar. In this ac 
tion, only two of the Macgrigars, but of the Campbells no less than seven 
of their principall gentlemen and many of the meaner sort fell upon the 
field, though they had afterwards the assurance to give it out, that they 
themselves had the victory. In a word, after a great many crewell 
murders and fierce skirmishes, the Macgrigors were in the end much 
humbled, and though many of them were killed, yet many more of the 
Campbells lost their lives on these occasions. 

" But att length Argyle, by specious pretences and fair promises, en 
ticed the Laird of Macgrigor to come to a friendly conference, and there 
undertooke to goe along with him in person to Court to be his advocat 
himself, and to represent the case in such a manner that he made no 
doubt of reconceiling him and his Clan to K. James. But all this was meer 
trick and deceit. For though he actually sett out, and proceeded on his 
pretended journey as far as Berwick, he suddenly changed his mind 
and returned to Edinburgh, where he caused the credulous old man and 
thirty of his relations to be publickly executed. By this examplary 
punishment, Argyle imagined that he would not only putt an end to the 
present troubles, but also open to himself a door for extinguishing the 
whole name and tribe of the Macgrigors. But things fell out otherwayes 
than he expected." 

This last part of the story is more fully related. The Laird of 
Auchinbreck being either sone-in-law or otherwayes nearly related to 
Macgrigar, often solicited the Earl of Argyle to befriend him, and pre- 
vailled so far that his Lordship agreed to an interview, in order to con 
cert measures for obtaining a pardon from the King, and gave his word 
of honour, that Macgrigar and such of his friends as were pleased to 
attend him should be secure of their lives and libertys in all events. 

This Argyle, father to the famous Marquess, had the charracter of 
great honour and integrity, so that Auchinbreck, who was trewely a 
worthy and ane honest man, after some deficulty prevailed with Macgrigor 
and his friends to trust themselves, though under the sentance of out- 


law-ry and proscription, to the honour and faith of the very person 
who was employed to destroy them, and it is still commonly said, that 
Argyle was at first sincere, and truely designed to have performed his 
promise. But he had the weakness incident to easy and indolent tem 
pers, of allowing himself to be too much swayed and mannaged by his 

The person in whom he confided most was one Mr Campbell of Aber- 
uchell, a cadet of the House of Lawers, who mannaged the affairs of his 
estate, as fris chamberlane or stewart. This gentleman, who acted more 
upon the principils of intrest than of honour, was smooth, cunning, and 
insinuating, and by his artfull conduct wholly guided the counceills of 
his master. He bore a great enmity to the Macgrigars upon former 
grudges, and as he saw no advantage that could accrue either to him or 
to his master by saving them, so he thought that he or his friends 
might probably share in their spoils if they were destroyed. In a word, 
intrest and revenge working equally in his breast, he used so much arte, 
policy, and cunning, that he at length persuaded the Earl to chainge his 
former resolution, and to treat Macgrigor and his friends in the manner 
related by Mr Ross. But the generous Auchinbreck, who was neither 
of their counceill or company, was no sooner made acquainted with the 
last scene of this tragedy, than he vowed revenge upon the author. With 
this view, he posted to Edinburgh, and watching a proper opportunity 
when the Earl and his Chamberlane were by themselves, he first ubraid- 
ed his Chief with his breach of faith and honour, and then suddenly 
clapping a cocked pistol to his breast, putt him to the crewell necessity 
of stabing his friend and confident through the hart with his own hand. 
Nor did he think this extraordinary proofe of his innocence and re 
sentment sufficient to satisfie the friends of the injured, till he putt 
himself into their hands, and offered, with his own blood, to attone for 
the misfortunes which he had innocently occasioned by this unlucky per 
suasion and advice. 

Thus far Mr Ross. But not only Argyle, Glenurchy, and the rest 
of the Campbells, were employed in this barbrous proscription, but 'all 
the Lords and Chiefs from the West to the North Seas ; so that [it] is 
impossible they could have stood out against such a number of enemys, 


if they had been all spirited with the same zeal that those who had an 
eye upon their estates and possessions were acted by. 

But the trewth is, that many thought they were unjustly persecuted ; 
and were so far from executing their commissions, that they assisted and 
protected them from the violence of their persecutors. To such a hight 
of barbarity were matters carryed by some, that a pryce being sett upon 
heads of the proscribed Clan by the Counceil, several hundred were 
murdered who had no relation to that name, some for greed of the 
promised reward, and others in resentment of former quarrells ; and se- 
verals no doubt out of a mistaken zeale for the publick service conspyr- 
ing to their destruction. 

The severity of this tyranical persecution obliged multitudes of them 
to abandon their habitations ; and they reteired to such places as they 
imagined would best affoard them security and protection. The better sort 
made the best bargains they could with their enemys, and gave up their 
estats and possessions for small compositions. By these transmigrations 
they came, in the end, to be scattered through all parts of the kingdome, 
wherfe their posterity are still to be found under different names, and 
even many of them have lost the very memorey of their origional. Such of 
them as remained in their own countrey continued for many years to make 
head against the furry of their enemys, till, being at last stript of all they 
had, they grew barbarous and desperat, and were obliged to comitt se 
veral violences and enormitys for their subsistence ; so that, in the suc 
ceeding reigne, their name was suppressed by act of parliament, and 
they severally obliged, after sixteen years of age, to make compearance 
yearly on the 24th of Jully before the Counceil, and to find caution 
for their good behaviour, under the pain of being again proscribed and 
outlawed. And thus they continued, till the merite of their services 
under the great Montrose procured them the freedom of other good 

They are still pretty numerous in the Highlands, but scattered and 
dispersed over all parts of it ; but especially in these that ly adjacent to 
their antient possessions. Few of them have estats there, but many of 
them are to be found in other parts of the kingdom, who are possessed 
of opulent fortuns ; and some of that race have since made a consider- 


able figure both in the civill and militarey government, though covered 
under borrowed names. 

As to Locheill, he did them no harm. They had often served him in 
his wars, and he was too well acquainted with their story to act the bar 
barous part that was injoyned him by the commission. In a word, ra 
ther than be concerned in such horrid butcherys, he choise to transact 
with Argyle by himself for recovering a legall title to the estate of Loch 
eill ; and submitted, in the end, to terms which he had often refused 
that is, he agreed to renounce his former title, and to take a charter from 
the Earl in favours of his sone John, holding the estate of him and his 
heirs taxt-waird, and paying yearly the sume of 100 merks Scots of few- 
duty. This bargain was concluded on the 22d August 1612 ; and the 
sume which he payed to Argyle, as the pryce of [the] lands, was the fore- 
mentioned 400* [merks] which the Lord had given to Lochbuy for it, as 
is before noticed. 

The reader has been already informed of the services that Locheill 
did to the Earl of Huntly in his wars against the Earl of Murray, and 
of the obligations that that Lord was bound to by indenture, not only to 
reward him to his own satisfaction, but also to consent to no treaty of 
peace without his approbation and consent. The Earl, as has been be 
fore observed, was sone after the battle of Glenlivet restored to the 
King's favour, and advanced to the dignity of Marquess ; but he tooke 
no care of his confederat, but abandoning him to his ill fortune, occa 
sioned the loss of a very opulent estate, and drew after it a traine of 
missadventures that were likely to have terminated in the utter mine of 
himself and his family. Nor was this all ; for Locheill, having, in order 
to save the rest of his estates in Lochaber, which were very considerable, 
employed the Marquess his eldest sone, the Earl of Enzie, in whom he 
had absolute confidence, to putt in for the gift of them from the King's 
donator, at such prices as could be agreed upon, his Lordship accepted 
of the service, and made the purchases accordingly ; but, as he had 

* 4100. Vide p. 47 Edit. 


acted in this affair only as Locheil's trustee, so it was not doubted that 
he would resigne them in favours of his sone John, as soone as it should 
be demanded. 

But the Earl acted upon more interested principils than was imagined, 
for he resolved either to keep these estates to himself, or, if he did re 
store them, it was upon such conditions of dependence and servitude as 
he knew Locheill would not consent to, nor could all the application 
made by himself and by his friends prcvaill upon that Lord to doe him 
justice. These lands were then, as they still are, wholly possessed by 
Camerons ; and Locheill knowing that none other durst inhabite them 
without his consent, resolved to keep the possession which he then en 
joyed as landlord, and which, in these circumstances, he believed it would 
be no easy matter to force him to give up. 

Thus were affairs situated, when Clanrannald was commissioned to 
negotiat for him at Court ; and his Majesty was so bent upon the extir 
pation of the Macgrigors, that, in order to engage him in that service, 
he not only, as is before mentioned, consented to all his demands, but 
also to cause the Marquess of Huntly to restore these estates : but Loch 
eill, abhoring the service, continued to possess in the manner I have re 
lated. He thought it no crime to defend his own, and the better to 
enable himself, he engadged the assistance of severals of his neightbours, 
and particularly of Glengarry, to whom he marryed one of his daughters, 
and for her portion gave him the lands of Knoidart, reserving an annuity 
with the supperiority to himself, and likewayes the lands of Laggan and 
Achadrome, Invergarry, and Balnane ; of which last Glengarry had 
procured formerly the gift from the Secretary, Sir Alexander Hay, as I 
have before hinted. 

Huntly was aware of the deficulty of getting into possession by force, 
and therefore did not make any attempt that way. But he tooke more 
effectuall measures, and these were by debauching severals of Locheal's 
nearest relations, the sons of the late tutors, and others of that faction, 
whom by underhand practices he carryed over so intearly to his intrest, 
that they accepted of leases of these estates from him, and engaged them 
selves not only to make good their possessions, but likewayes to re- 


nounce all manner of dependance upon their Chief ; and so absolutely 
to become his creatures, as to fight for him to the last drop of their blood 
against all mortalls. 

When Locheill came to discover this defection, which had been all 
along managed with the greatest privacey, he was surprized and con 
founded, in a manner that is easier to be imagined than described. If 
they were allowed to proceed, he saw that his ruine was finished ; for, 
as they had already gained over many of the meaner sort to their party, 
so he knew that they would increass in strength and numbers, whereby 
his authority and reputation would be lost, and his family shrink into 
nothing. The conspirators, besides, to cover their cryms, added new 
guilt to their perfidy, patcht up some abominable title, and gave out that 
the head of their faction was the trew heirs of Ewen M* Allan, and had 
consequently a just clame to the estate and Chieftanrey. What kind of 
logick they made use of to sett aside the posterity of the elder brother I 
know not, but it is certain that they had a powerfull faction in the Clan, 
which abetted their intrest att first ; but the greatest part of them, being 
made sensible of their error, were easily reclaimed, and not only return 
ed to the obedience of the Chief, but assisted him in destroying their 
leaders, who continued obstinate to the last ; for he commanded sixteen 
of them to be putt to the sword, and by that terrible and examplary Sept. 1614. 
punishment pulled up a faction by the root, that began att his very birth, 
and continued till that time. Though it is true that from his taking the 
management of affairs into his own hands, he so far suppressed it by his 
authority, that it seemed wholly hushed, till it was again revived by the 
cunning and policy of the Marquess of Huntly and his sone, who knew 
well how to make their own use of such people. And here it is to be 
observed, that this is the only division that is to be heard [of] among that 

The newes of this slaughter, which must be allowed to have been more 

O ' 

necessary than justifiable, soone reaching the Marquess and his sone, the 
Earl of Enzie, they resolved not to putt up [with] the affront, and threat- 
ned to have him and his Clan treated in the very same manner with their 
friends the Macgregars. They made a hideous representation of matters 



att Court, and having obtained a new sentence of outlawry and pro 
scription against them, they applyed to all the Chiefs in the North for 
their assistance in executing it. However, they were all heard, and even 
Macintosh, who thought with the rest that Locheill had done nothing 
wrong, was so generous as to refuse his concurrence, alleageing for ex 
cuse, that by his treaty with Locheill he could not attack him without 
incurring the penalty, which was the loss of the lands in dispute, as he 
then pretended. That gentleman, having by this drawn the Marquess 
his indignation upon him, was some time thereafter, by his intrest, ar- 
reasted and confined to the Castle of Edinburgh, upon this pretext, that 
he had not found suerty for the peaceable behaviour of his Clan, as he 
was by law obliged. 

But this friendship between him and Locheill did not long subsist, for 
having marched into Lochaber in 1616 at the head of his Clan, in order, 
as he gave out, to hold courts as heritable stewart of that lordship, Loch 
eill, upon his approach, guarded all the foords of Locheil, and opposed 
his crossing that river. This Macintosh interpreted as a breatch of the 
forementioned treaty, which expired this year ; and applyed to the Lords 
of the Privy Counceill, who, by their decree, found that Locheill was 
lyable in the mulct or penalty, and not only decreed and ordained him 
to remove, but also granted Letters of Intercommuning or Outlawry 
against all the inhabitants of the disputed lands. 

This brought on several invasions from Macintosh, who gained nothing 
by them ; but forced Locheill, who was unable to grapple with so many 
enemys, to the crewel necessity of giveing ear to some proposals of agree 
ment offerred by the Marquess of Huntly and his sone, who now began 
to preferr their intrest to their resentment. 

Several persons of the highest quality acted as mediators between the 
partys, and bestirred themselves so effectually, that they in the end 
brought them to submitt to the following articles : ls, That there 
should be friendship and amity between them, and that Locheill should 
renounce all his former rights to the several estates in dispute. 2rf, That 
the Marquess and his sone should, in liew of his clame, give to his sone 
John a charter of the lands of Mammore, holden of themselves and their 


heirs, for payment of 20 merks Scots yearly of few-duty, and the service 
,of the men living upon them, as often as it should be required. 3d, 
That the said Marquess and his sone and their heirs should not disspo- 
sess the present tenants of the estats that were by this bargain adjudged 
to them, but continue the said tenants in their several possessions for 
the same rents that they formerly payed to Locheill. And, 4th, To pre 
vent future quarrells, it was stipulated that all differances that should 
thereafter happen to arise between the partys contractors should be re 
ferred to the decision of 'Alexander Earl of Drumfermling, Lord Chan- 
celour, John Earl of Perth, Thomas Lord Binny, and several others 
named in the Indenture, who were the persons that acted as mediators ; 
and in default of them, to the sentance and decree of the Lords of the 

Pursuant to this treaty, there was a charter granted to Locheil's 
forementioned son John, by George Earl of Enzie, with consent of the 
Marquess his father, which bears date the 24th March 1618. 

There was another important article then agreed upon, which I had 
almost omitted ; for the Marquess and his sone consented likewayes to 
give charters to Camerons of Letter-Finlay, Gleneviss, Ballanit, and 
some others of Locheil's friends, of the several lands they then and for 
merly possessed, as tenants and vassalls to their Chief, and which still 
continue with their posterity. 

By this dissadvantageous bargain Locheill lost near two-thirds of his 
estate lying eastward and south of the loch and river of Lochy, which 
to this day remains with the House of Gordon. Such was the issue of 
this fatall leauge with this ungratefull Marquess, and such was the re 
ward he received for all the blood, trouble, and lands which he lost in 
his service. 

Having thus made up matters with Huntly in the best manner he could, 
that Lord became engaged to support and assist him against Macintosh, 
his competitor, which he performed to the outmost of his power ; for he 
hated Macintosh, and gave him all the vexation and trouble that possibly 
he could. That gentleman, being now convinced, from repeated proofs, 


that he would never make out his designs by the strength of his own 
Clan, resolved to take another course, and sett out on a journey to Court, 
where he found his Majesty very much inclined to favour him, on ac 
count of his services against the Macgrigers, which he exaggerated 
much beyond the trewth. He made loud complaints against Locheill, as 
a person that contemned the royall authority, and who scorned to live by 
any other lawes than his own. In short, he described him as a common 
robber and oppressor, destitute of all humanity; and filled the King's ears 
with such horned notions of his barbarity and crewelty, that he obtained 
the following letter to the Counceil, which I have hepe transcribed on 
purpose to show how easie it is for designeing people to mine the most 
innocent at the Courts of Princes, when there are non to vindicat them. 


" Right Trusty and Right Well-beloved Cousins and Councelers, 
and Right Trusty and Well-beloved Councelours, we greet you well. 
Whereas Allan M'Coiliduy, in contempt of us and our Government, 
standeth out in his rebellion, oppressing his neightbours, and beheaving 
himself as if there were neither King nor law in that our kingdom : it 
is our pleasure that ye ratify what acts you have heretofore made against 
him ; and furder, that ye expede a Commission in due form, to Sir Lach- 
lan Macintosh, the Lord Kintaill, the Laird of Grant, and such others 
as the said Sir Lawchlan shall nominate, to prosecute the said Allan with 
fire and sword, till they have apprehended him, or at least made him an 
swerable to our laws ; and that ye direct strick charges to all these of the 
Clan Chattan, wheresoever inhabiting, to follow the said Sir Lawchlan 
in that service ; also, that ye charge the Marquess of Huntly and the 
Lord Gordon, as Sheriffs of Inverness, to be aiding and assisting to our 
said Commissioners : Moreover, that charges be directed to the friends 
of the Earl of Argyle, and all others next adjacent to the said Allan, 
in nowayes to assist him ; with certification, that whosoever shall aid, 
assist, relieve, or intercommon with him, shall be accounted partakers 
of his rebellion, and be punished accordingly with rigour : And the pre- 


mises commending to your special care, as ye will doe us acceptable ser 
vice, we bid you fair well. Given att our Palace of Whitehall, the 
6th day of May, 1622." 

But notwithstanding of this letter, and of the rigorous Commissions 
and orders issued out in consequence of it by the Lords of the Prive 
Counceill, Macintosh gained nothing in effect by all his expence and dil- 
ligence, but the honour of Knighthood, which his Majesty was then 
pleased to conferr upon him : For Locheill, having by this time made up 
matters with the Lord Kintaill, with respect to the estates I have men 
tioned, their antient friendship was renewed in such a manner, that his 
Lordship declined the Commission. The Laird of Grant was much 
more his friend, and though Sir Lauchlan was his sone-in-law, yet he was 
so far from injureing him that he did him several important servieces. 
The Lord Barron of Lovate was the antient and hereditary friend of his 
family ; the Marquess of Huntly and his sone were not in good terms 
with Macintosh ; and the other gentlemen, to whom the like Commis 
sions were directed, being equally unwilling to serve him, he was at last 
obliged once more to try his fortune att the head of his own Clan. 
Locheill was prepared to receive him, and his men were very keen to 
measure the justice of their cause by the length of their swords ; but he 
himself being unwilling to oppose the Royal Commission, a treaty was 
artefully sett on foot, and the partys agreed to submit all their differ- 
ances to the Earl of Argyll, the Laird of Grant, and some other arbi 

Locheill, by this, designed no more but to gett rid of his present dif- 
ficultys ; and though there was a decree pronounced, adjudgeing the 
estate to Macintosh, who, in lieu thereof, was thereby ordained to pay 
Locheill certain sums of money, yet he cunningly shifted the ratification, 
and continued in possession till his title became once more legall, as 
shall hereafter be shewen, when we come to the conclusion of that an 
tient controversie, in the life of his grandsone Sir Ewen. 

In all his troubles, he was vigorously supported by the Earls of Ar- 
gyle and Perth, and the Lord Madderty, who espoused his intrest with 
a zeall that seemed to be inspyred with the truest affection and friend- 


ship. The Marquess of Huntly and the Earl of Enzie his sone, like- 
wayes shewed him great favour after the reconcilment I have mention 
ed, nor were the Lairds of Glengarry and Clanrannald, his sons-in-law, 
the Lairds of Grant, and others of his neightbours, less active in promot 
ing his intrest. Many of the letters that passed between him and these 
noble persons are still extant. They were collected by his grandson ; 
and as they generally relate to the passages I have pointed att, so the 
most important transactions of his life may be collected from them, and 
some other wryts that are still to be found in the family. By this it 
appears that the Lord Madderdy, brother to the Earl of Perth, was 
surety for him in all his transactions in the Low-Countrey, and that he 
had the custody of his charters and such other papers as it was thought 
could not be safely keept at home, in these troublesome times. 

He had the good fortune to be reconciled with his Majesty before his 
death. This favour he owed chiefly to the friendship of the Earls [of] 
Argyle and Perth, who represented matters in such a light, that the 
King gave him a full remission for all the illegall and irregular steps of 
his life, which are therein recited. It is dated the 28th June 1624, 
which was the last year of that King's life. His Majesty was likewayes 
pleased to wryte to his Counceil to receive him and his Clan as his most 
loyall and dutifull subjects ; and because he woud be obliged, in obe 
dience to the laws, to goe in person to Edinburgh in order to find 
surety for his Clan, the King furder commands them to issue forth Let 
ters of Protection, dischargeing the Lords of Session and Justiciary and 
all other judges to sustain proces against him and his said clan for 
years, for any cause, civill or criminall, proceeding that date. 

The only person that now gave him trouble was the Laird of Macin 
tosh ; but he had too much cunning and mettle for him. The recitall 
of the adventures that befell him in his frequent journeys to Drummond 
Castle, the principall seat of the family of Perth, his adress and cunning 
in eluding the stratagems made use of by Macintosh to become master 
of his person while he was an outlaw, would be entertaining to the reader, 
if my intended brevity allowed place for them, in so short ane abstract. 

His eldest sone, John, has been often mentioned ; he [was] a gentle- 


man of exquisite judgement, and had a genius happily turned for the 
management of civill affairs. He seldome mistooke his measures ; and 
had not the cross accidents I have mentioned very often disconcerted 
his projects, it is probable that he would not only have recovered the 
antient patrimony of the family, but also have advanced it to a degree 
of ritches and splendour beyond what it ever enjoyed. He died sixteen 
years before his father, and by his Lady, Mrs Margaret Campbell, 
daughter to Robert Campbell, then of Glenfalloch, afterwards of Glen- 
urchy, whom he married in October 1626, he left behind him two sons 
and two daughters. 

The actions of Ewen, his eldest sone, are the subject of the following 
Memoirs ; and Allan, his younger sone, proving also a gentleman of 
courage and parts, was maryed to Mrs Jean Macgrigor, sister to James, 
Laird of Macgrigor, in August 1666, and died young. 

Locheil's second sone, Donald, became afterwards tutor to his nephew, 
and acquitted himself of that charge with singular probity and honour. 
Of him is the family of Glendesary, now a very considerable tribe of the 
Camerons, descended. We shall hereafter have occasion to mention him. 
Besides these, he had many daughters ; one whereof was marryed to 
the Laird of Glengarry, another to the Captain of Clanrannald, a third 
to the Laird of Appine, a fourth to Maclean of Ardgour, a fifth, if I am 
not mistaken, to Macdonald of Keppoch, and the rest to other gentlemen 
of that neightbourhood, whose names doe not just now occur. 

His charracter, with what furder remains to be said of Locheill, we re 
serve to a more proper place ; for he outlived the battle of Inverlochy, 
and died about the year 1647, in a very advanced age. 

But before we conclude this Introduction, it will be proper to give 
some account of a clergeyman of his name, whose extraordinary genius 
and parts rendered him so famous, that he was distinguished by the name 
of The Great Cameron. He was the sone of Mr John Cameron, Mi 
nister of Dunune, the same who was Governour to Locheill, as we have 
formerly related. He passed his greener years in the University of 
Glasgow, and leaving his own countrey while he was very young, ar 
rived att Burdeaux, in 1600, where some of his Religion observing his 


great qualitys, and the progress he had made in learning, sent him to 
study Divinity att their proper expences. He afterwards became a Mi 
nister of their Church. But the place where he gott most reputation 
was at Samur, where he taught Divinity for three years. Being of 
oppinion that Calvin's tenets concerning grace, free-will, and predestina 
tion, were very harsh, his judgement inclined more to those of Arminius ; 
and herein he was followed by so many learned men among the Protest 
ants of these parts, such as Amarat, Capell, Bochart, Daille, and others, 
that the Calvinists spoke of the Schoole of Samour as of a party opposite 
to theirs. 

Cameron published many learned Treatises in support of his opinion, 
all in a copious and neat stile, whereby he became one of the most famous 
men of that age. But the books that got him the greatest charracter 
were printed after his death ; and, in particular, his most learned and 
judicious Remarks upon the New Testament, which were published 
under the title of Morothecum Evangelicum, and were afterwards insert 
ed in the Criticks of England. 












Justum et tenacem propositi virum, 
Non civium ardor prava jubentium, 
Non vultus instantis tyranni 

Mente quatit solida, neque Austcr, 
Dux inquieti turbidus Adriaa, 

Nee fulminantis magna raanus Jovis : 
Si fractus illabatur orbis, 
Impavidum ferient ruinae. 






SIR EWEN CAMERON was born in February 1629, at a seat of the Earl 
of Breadalban's, called Castle Culchorn, and situated in ane Island of 
Lochow, a fresh-water lake in Glenorchey. His mother was a daughter 
of that family, and aunt to the late famous Earl John ; a beautifull lady, 
and of great spirit and vivacity. He lived with his foster-father for the 
first seven years, according to an old custome in the Highlands, where 
by the principall gentlemen of the Clan are intituled to the tuition of the 
Chiefs children during their pupillarity. Nor does it alwaise end there, 
for these foster-fathers are often at the charges of their education, and 
when they return them to their fathers, they give them portions equall 
to any of their own children. This friendly custome is very benefitiall 
to the younger children ; for their portions being in cows, and sett aside 
for them while they are very young, they encrease to a great value be 
fore the young gentlemen arive att majority. 

Sir Ewen's foster-father was Mr Cameron of Latter-Finlay, an antient 
gentleman, and captain of a numerous tribe of the Clan- Cameron, call 
ed by his patronimick, the Tribe of the Mackmartins. The care of his 


education, after this, divolved upon his uncle, who acted as his guardian, 
and by his dilligence and industrey, preserved the remains of the estate, 
which was almost wholly lost by the misfortune of his grandfather 
Allan, who survived his eldest sone many years, but was so old and in 
firm that he gave over all bussiness. About the twelfth year of his age, 
he was committed to the tuition of the Marques of Argyle ; who, sus 
pecting that his education might be neglected by his uncle, resolved to 
be at that trouble himself ; and having with some difficulty prevailed with 
his friends to part with him, putt him to school at Inverarey, under the 
inspection of a gentleman of his own appointment. 

This happned about the beginning of the year 1641, the year on which 
the fatal rebellion brock out against the unfortunate K. Charles the First. 
The family of Argyle, as it was wholy indebted to the Crown for the 
vast power and ritches to which it had arrived, so the predecessors of 
this Marquis had, on all occasions, distinguished themselves by their 
loyalty ; nor indeed had the King a more faithfull servant than the late 
Earl, who went so far as to advise his Majesty to committ his sone, the 
Lord "Lorn, then att London, to the Tower ; and said, plainly, that if 
he neglected that opportunity, his sone, the Lord Lorn, wowld wind him 
a pirn, that is, he wowld creat the King a great dale of trouble ; but 
that generous Prince wowd not herken to the father's advice, and the 
son, who was soon informed of it, quickly putt himself out of danger by 
a speedy retreat into his own countrey, where he soon gave the King 
cause enough to repent of his clemency, for he was deeply embarked in 
the rebellion, and as he was a person of the greatest genius, and of 
the most unfathomable policy and cunning, so he soon became head of 
the Covenanters, and conducted their affairs as he pleased. 

The good King did everything in his power to sooth these obstinate 
rebells into their duty. He came to Scotland in August 1641, and not 
only granted them redress of all their pretended grivances, but preferred 
them to all the valuable posts in the nation, loaded them with dignities 
and honours, and bestowed the whole revenue of the Crown among them 
in grants and pensions. But nothing wowld doe ; the ferment must 
work itself, and in a more tradgicall ; and it was observed, that as the 


King was most bountifull and gratious to his greatest enemys, so the 
more they tasted of his goodness and generosity, they became the more 
obstinate and inveterat in their malice. By this, we may see that it's 
wisdome to dissable our enemys, and cherish our friends ; for gratitude 
and love are virtues of too sublime and generous a nature to be expect 
ed from mercenary and corrupt minds. A canker in the soule resembles 
a feaver in the body, and is only to be carried off by severe bleeding, 
and by exhausting that substance and strength, and drawing away those 
juices that nourish it. 

But in spight of the general spirit of madness and enthusiasm that 
threw the kingdom into such horible convulsions, there were still some 
that had strength of constitution enough to recover, and to make a glo 
rious attonment for their past failieings. The most conspicuous of 
these was the great Marquess of Montrose, who, though at first born 
away by the torrent, was soon conscious of his error, and imbraced the 
royall cause with that zeal and success, that if his Majesty had not been 
imposed upon by some great men whom he trusted, it is probable that 
Montrose would have given his countreymen work enough at home, and 
thereby prevented the fatal conjunction of the two rebellious nations. 
Supported, however, by the loyal Clans and a few Irish who had no arms 
till they took them from the enemy, he performed wonders, and gave 
them so maney bloody defeats, that he reduced all on the North side 
of the river of Forth to the King's obedience. 

Besides their being of opposite partys, there was a personal enmity be 
tween him and Argyle, which occasioned great mischief to the countrey ; 
for Argyle having putt himself upon the head of a numerous army of 
the Covenanters, and joyned to them a good body of his own Highland 
ers, he marched northward, and not only ravaged, burnt, and desolated 
Montrose's own lands, but likewaise those of his adherents and follow 
ers. These outrages drew the odium of the countrey upon the authors, 
and provocked Montrose to retaliate them ; for marching through Bread- 
albane, he tooke up his winter quarters att Inverarey, where he allowed 
his suldiers to live at discretion. But the inhabitants, who knew their 
master's guilt, having carried off their effects, and abandoned their 


dwellings before he arrived, it was not in their power to doe much harm. 
From thence directing his march to Lochaber, he halted at Inverlochay, 
where old Locheill, (who was then better known by the name of Allan 
M'Coildui, of Lochaber,) attended by the principall gentlemen of his 
Clan, waited on him, and added 300 of his name to the army. This 
party was commanded by a brave young gentleman, who bore the office 
of Lieutenant-Collonell, and acquitted himself with great honour and 
courage while the war lasted. 

No sooner was Montrose gone, than Argyle arived with a consider 
able army of his own Highlanders, and others who were pleased to fol 
low him, and encamped almost upon the same ground where his enemies 
had been the night before. He had the more assurance of success, that 
Sir Duncan Campbell of Auchinbreck, the eldest cadet of his family, 
and a gentleman of great bravery, and Collonellof one of the Scots regi 
ments then in Ireland, whom he called over one purpose, and several 
other officers of note attended him in that expeadition. His designe was 
to follow Montrose slowly upon the rear ; while Major- General Bailly, 
and Sir John Hurry, advanced upon his front, at the head of a powerfull 
army from the North ; so that, being inclosed between two armys, 
whereof any one was more than double his own in numbers, they 
imagined that he and all his followers cowld not escape being cutt to 

Montrose was by this time advanced as far as Stratharick, which is 
thirty long miles of very bad road from Inverlochay, where he was over 
taken by an express from Locheill, (Bishop Guthrey calls him Allan 
M'Coildui, of Lochaber,) informing him of Argyle's arivall and designs, 
and advising him to return with all expeadition and fight him, before his 
northern enemy s had time to advance. Montrose did not hesitate upon 
the matter, but turning about, marched with that wonderfull quickness, 
that, arriving about 12 o'clock at night, he satt down by Argyle that 
night, and early the next morning attacked and routed him with a great 
slaughter. The gentlemen and officers of the name of Campbell be- 
heaved with all imaginable bravery, but were so soon deserted by the 
commons, that the slaughter fell heavey upon them ; the few that escaped 


betook themselves to the old Castle of Inverlochay, and defended them 
selves till they procured terms for life and liberty, which Montrose the 
more readily granted, that he knew that many of them were forsed into 
these measurs against their will. 

This memorable battle was fought on the 2d February 1645. Of Ar- 
gyl's men there fell about 1500, and of Montrose's only three common 
suldiers, and the gallant Sir Thomas Ogilvie, sone to the Earl of Airly, 
a youth of exceeding great merite. Allan M'Coildui was a spectator of 
this action, and waited on the victorious General after his return from 
the pursute. Montrose acknouledged the great service was done him in 
the seasonable advertizement he received, and accepted of the invitation 
of staying in that friendly countrey for three or four days, to refresh his 
wearied troops, which were plentifully supplyed with all necessareys. 

Several young gentlemen of the name of Cameron having joyned the 
party of their own Clan, already mentioned, he marched northward, and 
after several noble exploits, had the good fortune to encounter and defeat 
Sir John Hurry, who, besids five old regiments and some troops of 
horse, had a multitude of Sutherlands, and other Northern Highlanders 
with him, at a village called Aldearn ; and this victorey was the more 
memorable, that the Macleans and others of Montrose's best troops 
were either otherwaise imployed, or at home upon forloffs. 

Upon the 2d of Jully thereafter, he obtained another victorey over 
Major-Generall Bailly att Alford, who came against him with more 
powerfull forces, by express orders from those turbulent spirits who satt 
at the helm of affairs, to revenge the former defeate. Both these victoreys 
were absolute and bloody, and struck the government with terror and 

It may seem surprizing to the reader, that, notwithstanding the Came- 
rons and their Chief sided openly with that hero, and that old Locheill, 
though unable to serve in these wars on account of his age and other 
mfirmitys, was, however, the true instrument that drew on the battle of 
Inverlochay, which coast Argyle the lives of so many of his friends, and 
brock all his measures, as was then loudly talked of. I say, it may seem 
strange that the Marques of Argyle should, in such circumstances, con- 


tinue his favour for that Clan, and his friendship and care in educating 
their young Chief, whom we shall hereafter name by the title of Locheill. 

His grandfather, Allan, about this time having ended his life, his 
Lordship had omitted nothing that he thought could contribute to the 
improvement of the tine qualities which he daily found increaseing in 
his young ward. He was now fourteen out, of a good grouth, health- 
full, vigorous, and sprightly. Though he had a good genius for letters, 
and a quick conception, yet his excessive fondness for hunting, shooting, 
fenceing, and such exercises, so carried his mind that he showed no in 
clination for his book, which obliged his preceptor often to execute his 
authority. The Marques, who was then at the head of the State, being, 
soone after his defeate at Inverlochy, obliged to travel southward, tooke 
his pupill along with him, designeing before he returned to settle him at 
the University of Oxford. Passing throw Stirling, he thought it proper 
to stop while he and his companey tooke some refreshment, but durst 
not venture out of his coach for the pestilence, which had already almost 
desolated that town, and raged with excessive furry through all Brittain. 
But Locheill, not easily bearing to be so long confined, stole unperceived 
out of the coach, and rambled through the town without any apprehen 
sion of the risk he run. Though his Lordship was the first that mist 
him, he was not much concerned, imagining that his ward was diverting 
himself with some of his retinue that were on horseback without ; but 
finding upon enquirie that he was not with them, he became very uneasie, 
and sent several servants in quest of him ; but was much more troubled 
when, after their return, they informed, that they found him in a house 
where the whole family was infected. However, a few days shewed that 
Locheill had, by the Divine mercy, escaped it. 

His Lordship, after staying some days att Edinburgh, proceeded in his 
journy to England, found it convenient to stop at Berwick, not daring to 
venture furder into England, as well on account of the plague, as of the 
Civil Wars, which at the same time affected that countrey. Though 
the King's affairs were then declining, yet he had several armys on foot, 
and was possessed of many towns ; and as his Majestic was in all parts 
victorious at first, so it is more than probable that he wowld have con- 


tinued so, if the fatall union of the Covenanters' Army with that of the 
English Parliament had not casten the ballance. But the unhappy Battle 
of Nesby soon following, at once routed that unfortunate Monarch, and 
opned a door for tyraney and oppression. 

The Marquess of Argyle stayed long att Berwick, where his ward often 
run the risk of getting his brains dashed out in quarrells which he was 
daily engadged in with the youth of that town ; so soon did he begin to 
act the patriot, and to imploy his courage in vindication of the honour 
of his countrey, which commonly occasioned these childish combats. But 
his patron, the Marquess, being at length informed of them, to prevent 
unhappy consequences, wowld not allow him to stirr out of doors, with 
out a guard of two or three servants about him. 

Montrose, in the meantime, haveing recruited his army, formed a de- 
signe of invadeing Fife, in order to suppress that rebellious country ; 
which, obligeing Argyle to return to Scotland, he left Berwick, and 
touching at Edinburgh, went streight to Castle Campbell, a strong house 
of his own, where he placed a garrison, in order to protect a consider 
able estate, which he had on the borders of Fife, called the parishes of 
Muchard and Dollars. While he stayed here, he had the mortifications 
to see all that countrey ravaged, and the villages laid in ashes, by the 
Macleans his neightbours, whom he had used in the like manner while 
they were absent in the service of the Crown. 

This happned in Montrose his march from Kinross towards Stirling. 
His hatered to Argyle, as well on account of the cause he was engadged 
in, as of the injuries he had done him, prevailed with him to permitt the 
Macleans to step aside, and to comitt that outrage ; and these people 
were so incensed against the Marquess for the burning their Chiefs 
estate, and other mischiefs which he had done to that family, that, to 
make quick work of it, they divided themselves into small partys, and 
so spreading themselves over the countrey, they spaired nothing that 
came in their way. One of these partys had the boldness to march up 
to the very walls of the Castle, and to insult the garrison, which, though 
six times their number, had not the courage so much as to fire a gun 
at them, or even to look them in the face. Locheill, who al waves 



attended his guardian, having attentively observed what passed, told the 
governour, that he and his garrison deserved to be hanged for their 
cowardice ; and then addressing himself to Argyle, " For what purpose, 
my Lord," said he, " are these people keept here ? Your Lordship sees 
the countrey destroyed, that they may be easily cutt to pieces, one by 
one, without their being capable to unite and assist one another ; but your 
fellows are so unfitt for the bussiness for which they were brought here, 
that they have not courage so much as to look over the walls !" Argyle 
made little answer at that time ; but when the Macleans were gone, after 
satisfieing their revenge to the full, he chid the governour, and turning 
him out of his office, "putt another in his place. This he thought neces- 
sarey to cover the reproach that was brought upon himself, by being eye 
witnes of the desolation of his own lands, without atempting to relive 
them ; and he inclined that the blame should fall upon the governour. 

The Marquess, within a few days thereafter, putt himself upon the 
head of the Covenanters' Army, which being joyned by 1200 of his own 
Highlanders, and 3000 Fife men, they followed Montrose, who had 
crossed the river of Forth some five or six myls above Stirling, and waited 
for them at Kilsyth. Here they were defeated with a most terrible 
slaughter ; and the consequence of this great victorey, wherein 7000 of 
the Covenanters were killed, was, that the whole kingdom submitted to 
the conqueror. The nobility and gentry flocked to him from all parts ; 
the citys of Edinburgh, Glasgow, and generally all on the South and 
West sides of the Firth and Clyde, made their submissions ; and the 
Marquess of Argyle, and others who satt at the helm, fled to Berwick for 
their safety. 

Montrose having reli ved all who were confined by the Covenanters for 
their loyalty, dispatched the principall of the nobility and gentry to their 
several countrey s, to conveen their vassals, and levey what forces they 
could, but especially horse, which he wanted most ; and expected soon 
to be at the head of such an army, as wowld enable him to retrive his 
Majestie's affairs in England, which were then in a very bad situation. 

He was much incouraged in his designs by the arivall of Sir Robert 
Spotiswood, Secretary of State for Scotland, from the King, a person of 


great honour and merit, ane eminent lawer, and an able statsman. He 
was sone to the famous Archbishop Spotiswood, and being in his younger 
years bred to the law, he made a good figure at the bar, and was after 
wards advanced to the office of President of the Court of Session ; 
wherein he accquired great reputation by his integrity and knowledge. 
When the Rebellion brock out, he relived to the King, and upon the Earl 
of Lannerk's defection, was made Secretary of State. He brought a com 
mission from his Majesty to Montrose, constituting him Captain- Gene 
ral and Deputy- Governour of Scotland, with ample powers to hold Par 
liaments, creat Knights, &c. ; and soon thereafter falling into the ene 
my's hands, he, for this very peice of service, lost his head, in the man 
ner that shall be by and by related. 

Thus invested with the royall authority, Montrose issued out writs 
for calling a Parliament, which he appointed to meet at Glasgow upon 
the 20th of October thereafter. But before that time, the scene changed, 
and his enernys soon effected, by their treachery, what they cowld not 
doe by their valour ; for these that fled to Berwick, having wrote to 
David Lesslie, who commanded the Scots horse in the service of the 
English rebells, then imployed in the seige of Heriford in Wales, to 
march speedily to their relief, he returned answer, that he would soone 
come with such a body of good troops as wowld cutt Montrose to pices ; 
and desired them to endeavour, in the meantime, to draw him furder 
Southward. This they not only effected, by means of some treacherous 
Lords, who pretended great loyalty to the King, but also by proper in 
struments, raised a kind of mutiny in his army. Macdonald, who com 
manded the Irish, and whom Montrose had knighted but a few days before, 
was the first that left him with the greatest part of those troops, under 
pretence of revenging his father's death, whom he said Argyle had mur 
dered. The Athol men, and other Northern Highlanders, likewaise 
followed his example ; and in a few days thereafter he was obliged to 
permitt the rest to retire to their several homes for some days, in order 
to repair their houses, which the enemy had burnt ; whereby his army 
was reduced to 700 foot, and 200 gentlemen on horseback, who had 
lately joyned him. 


However, with these he marched to Philliphaugh, where matters were 
so mannaged by these traiterous Lords, who pretended to be his friends, 
that he was surprized and defeated by David Lesslie, who tooke the ad 
vantage of a fogy morning, and inclosed and surrounded him with 6000 
horse, before it was heard he was in that neightbourhood. Montrose 
himself escaped with about 150 horse ; and his foot withdrew to a little 
hold which they mentained till quarters was granted them by Lessly, but, 
being disarmed and brought to a plain, they were all inhumanly butcher 
ed by the instigation of the barbarous preachers that attended him. 

Among others were taken the Earl of Heartfell, predecessor of the 
Marquis of Annandale, the Lords Drummond and Ogilby, Sir Robert 
Spotiswood, William Murray, brother to the Earl of Tullibardine, Alex 
ander Ogilby of Inverwharrity, and Collonell Nathaniell Gordon, whom 
they reserved for a more solemn death. They executed three of them 
at the cross of Glasgow, to witt, Sir William Rollock, Sir Philip Nisbit, 
and Inverwharrity, though but a youth, scarse 18 years old ; and Mr 
David Dick, one of their principall apostles, was so pleased with the 
sight of this trajedy, that he said, in a rapture of joy, " The work goes 
bonnily on !" which afterwards passed into a proverb. 

The Parliament meeting at St Andrews, upon the 26th November 
thereafter, they brought the rest of the prissoners thither to receive their 
doom. The Marquess of Argyle brought Locheill with him to this 
bloody assembly. Though that gentleman was yet too young to make 
any solid reflections on the conduct of his guardian, yet he soon con 
ceived an aversion to the crewelty of that barbarous faction. He had a 
custome of visiteing the state prissoners as he travelled from city to city ; 
but as he was ignorant of the reasons why they were confined, so he 
cowld have no other view in it but satisfie his curiosity ; but he had 
soon an opportunity of being fully informed. 

The first that were appointed to open the trajedy was the Earl of 
Heartfell and the Lord Ogilby. But the last having had the good for 
tune to make his escape on the night proceeding the day designed for his 
execution, by exchaingeing cloaths with his sister, who supplyed his 
place till he was gone ; and Argyle, conceiving that he was favoured by 


the Hamiltons, his relatives, did, in meer spite to them, safe the Earl of 
Hartfell, whose blood they thristed for. 

Ogilby's escape occasioned Sir Robert Spotiswood and the other two 
who were under sentance of death with him, to be confined in so strick 
a manner, that even their nearest friends and relations were discharged 
access. Locheill had, after his usewall manner, formed a designe of 
seeing them before their execution ; and the difficulty of effecting it in 
creased his curiosity, and added to his resolution. He took ane oppor 
tunity, when the Marquess was bussy, and walking alone to the castle, 
where they were confined, he called for the Captain of the Guard, and 
boldly demanded admittance. The Captain, doubtfull what to doe, and 
excuseing himself by the strickness of his orders, " What !" said Loch 
eill, " I thought you had knowen me better than to fancy that I was in 
cluded in these orders ! In plain terms, I am resolved not only to see 
these gentlemen, but expect you will conduct me to their apartments." 
These words he spoke with so much assurance, that the Captain, afraid 
of Argyl's resentment if he dissobliged his favourite, ordered the doors 
to be opned, and leading the way into Sir Robert's room, excused him 
self that he could not stay, and retired. 

That venerable person appeared no way dejected, but received his 
visitant with as much cheerfulness as if he had enjoyed full liberty. He 
viewed him attentively all over ; and having informed himself who he 
was, and of the occasion of his being in that place, " Are you," said he, 
" the sone of John Cameron, my late worthy friend and acquaintance, and 
the grandchield of the loyall Allan M'Coildui, who was not only instru- 
mentall in procuring that great victorey to the gallant Marquess of Mon- 
trose, which he lately obtained at Inverlochy, but likewaise assistant to 
him in the brave actions that followed, by the stout party of able men 
that he sent along with him?" And then, imbraceing him with great 
tenderness, he asked how he came to be putt in the hands of the Mar 
quess of Argyle ? And Locheill, having satisfied him as well as he could 
" It is surprizeing to me," said he, "that your friends, who are loyall 
men, should have intrusted the care of your education to a person so 
opposite to them in principles, as well with respect to the Church as to 


the State ! Can they expect you will learn any thing at that school but 
treachery, ingratitude, enthusiasm, creuelty, treason, disloyalty, and 

Locheill excused his friends, and answering Sir Robert, that Argyle 
was as civil and carefull of him as his father cowd possibly be, asked him 
why he charged his benefactor with such vices ? Sir Robert answered, 
that he was sorey he had so much reason ; and that, though the civility 
and kindness he spoke of were dangerous snares for one of his years, yet 
he hoped, from his own good disposition, and the loyalty and good princi 
pals of his relations, he wowld imitate the example of his predecessors, 
and not of his patron. He then proceeded to open to him the history 
of the Rebellion from its first breacking out, and gave him a distinct view 
of the tempers and charracters of the different factions that had conspired 
against the Mytre and Crown ; explained the nature of our constitution, 
and insisted much on the piety, innocence, and integrety of the King. 
In a word, he omitted no circumstance that he judged proper to give a 
clear idea and conception of the state of affairs, which he related with 
great order. Locheill was surprized at the relation, and listened with 
attention. Every part of it affected him ; and he felt such a strange 
variety of motions in his breast, and conceived such a hatred and anti 
pathy against the perfideous authors of these calamitys, that the im 
pression continued with him during his life. 

Sir Robert was much pleased to observe that his discourse had the 
designed influence. He conjured him to leave Argyle as soon as possi 
bly he could ; and exhorted him, as he valued his honour and prosperity 
in this life, and his immortal hapiness in the nixt, not to allow himself to 
be seduced by the artefull insinuations of subtile rebells, who never want 
plausible pretexts to cover their treasons ; nor to be ensnaired by the hy- 
pocriticall sanctity of distracted enthusiasts ; and observed, that the pre 
sent saints and apostels, who arrogantly assumed to themselvs a title to 
reform the Church, and to compell mankind to belive their impious, wild, 
and indiggested notions, as so many articles of faith, were either exces 
sively ignorant and stupid, or monsterously selfish, perverse, and wicked. 
" Judge alwayes of mankind," said he, " by their actions ; there is no 


knowing the heart. Religion and virtue are inseperable, and are the 
only sure and infalible guids to pleasure and happiness. As they teach 
us our several dutys to God, to our neightbour, to our selvs, and to our 
King and countrey, so it is impossible that a person can be indued with 
either, who is deficient in any one of these indispensible duties, whatever 
he may pretend. Remember, young man, that you hear this from one 
who is to die to-morrow, for endeavouring to perform these sacred obli 
gations, and who can have no other intrest in what he says, but a reall 
concern for your prosperity, hapiness, and honour !" 

Several hours passed away in these discourses before Locheill was aware 
that he had stayed too long. He tooke leave with tears in his eyes, and 
a heart bursting with a swell of passions which he had not formerly felt. 
He was nixt conducted to the appartment of Collonell Nathaniel Gordon, 
a hansom young gentleman, of very extraordinary qualities, and of great 
courage and fortitude ; and having condoled with him for a few moments, 
he went to that of William Murray, a youth of uncommon vigour and 
vivacity, not exceeding the nineteenth year of his age. He bore his miss- 
fortune with a heroick spirit, and said to Lochiell, that he was not 
airraid to die, since he died in his duty, and was assured of a happy im 
mortality for his reward. This gentleman was brother to the Earl of 
Tulliebardine, who had intrest enough to have saved him ; but it is 
affirmed by cotemporary historians, that he not only gave way to, but 
even promotted, his tryall, in acquanting the Parliament, which then de 
murred upon the matter, that he had renounced him as a brother, since 
he had joyned that wicked crew, (meaning the royallists,) and that he 
wowld take it as no favour to spare him. Of such violence was that 
faction, as utterly to extinguish humanity, unman the sowle, and drain 
off nature herself. And it may be observed, that an ungoverned zeale 
for religion is more fruitfull of mischief than all the other passions putt 

The nixt day the bloody sentance was executed upon these innocents. 
Two preachers had, for some days preceeding, endeavoured to prepare 
the people for the sacrafice, which, they said, " God himself required, 
to expiate the sins of the land !" And because they dreaded the influ- 


ence that the dicing words of so eloquent a speaker as Sir Robert Spotis- 
wood might have upon the hearers, they not only stopt his mouth, but 
tormented him in the last moments of his life with their officious exhor 
tations and rapsodies. 

Locheill beheld the trajedy from a window opposite to the scaffold, in 
companey with the Marquess and other heads of the faction. The 
scenes were so moveing that it was impossible for him to conceal his ex 
cessive griefe, and indeed the examplearey fortitude and resignation of the 
sufferrers drew tears from a great maney of the spectators, though pre 
possessed against them as accursed wretches, guilty of the most enormous 
cryms, and indicted by God himself, whose Providence had retaliated 
upon themselves the mischiefs they had so often done to his servants. 

When the melancholy spectakle was over, Locheill, who still conceal 
ed the visite he had made them, tooke the freedom to ask my Lord 
Argyle " what their cryms were ? For," said he, " nothing of the crimi- 
nall appeared from their behaviour. They had the face and courage of 
gentlemen, and they died with the meekness and resignatione of men 
that were not consious of guilt. We expected to have heard an open 
confession of their cryms from their own mouths ; but they were not 
allowed to speak, though I am informed that the most wicked robbers 
and murderers are never debaredthat freedom !" 

His Lordship, who was surprized to hear such just and natural obser 
vations come from so young a person, and willing to efface the impres 
sions that such objects commonly make upon generous minds, employed 
all his arte and eloquence, whereof he was a great master, to justifie the 
conduct of his party, and to paint the actions of his antagonists in the 
most odious collours. And because he on no other occasion, that we 
hear of, ever endeavoured to byass the mind of his pupill either in 
favours of one faction or other, I shall here recite a few of the particu 
lars, which will give the reader some light into the policys and argu 
ments made use of by that party in defence of their procedure : He 
said, that the behaviour of the sufferers did not proceed from their in 
nocence, but from certain confirmed oppinions and principils which were 
very mischivious to the publick, and had produced very fatall effects : 


That the cryms of robbry, murder, theft, and the like, were commonly 
comitted by mean people, and were too glaring, ugly, and odious in their 
nature, to bear any justification, and that, therefor, it was for thebenefite 
of mankind that the criminal should be allowed to recite them in publick ; 
because the designe was not to make converts, but to strick the audience 
with horrour : That the Provost did wisely, in not allowing the criminals 
to speake, and especially Sir Robert Spotiswood, for he was a man of 
very pernitious principals, a great statesman, a subtile lawyer, and very 
learned and eloquent, and, therefore, the more capable to deduce his 
wicked maxims and dangerous principales in such an artfull and insinnuat- 
ing manner, as wowld be apt to fix the attention of the people, and to 
impose upon their understanding : There is such a simpathy in human 
nature, and the mind is so naturally moved by a melancholy object, that 
whatever horour we may have at the cryme, yet we immediatly forgett 
it, and pity the criminall when he comes to suffer : The mind is then so 
softned, that it is very apt to take such impressions as an artefull speaker 
is inclined to impress upon it : The misery of his condition is an advo 
cate for his sincerity ; and we never suspect being imposed upon by a 
person who is so soon to die, and who can have no intrest in what he 
endeavours to convince us of ; and yet experience shows us great num 
bers who dye in the most palpible and pernitious errors, which they are 
as anxious to propogate even at the point of death, as they were former 
ly when their passions were most high. 

His Lordship then proceeded to open the cause of the wars, and ac 
cused the King and his Ministers as the sole authors. He alleaged that 
the Massacre of the Protestants in Ireland was by his Majestie's warrand : 
That all the oppressions in England, the open encroachments upon the 
civil and ecclesiasticall libertys of Scotland, and all their other grivances, 
were the effects of the King's assumeing an absolute andtyranical autho 
rity over the lifes, libertys, and property s of the subject : He inveyed 
against Montrose and his followers, not only as the abettors of slavery 
and tyrany, but as common robbers, and the publick enemys of man 
kind : He said, that the malefactors who were executed were guilty of 
the same cryms, and that they justly suffered for murder, robery, sacra- 



lege, and rebellion : In a word, he plead his cause with such a perswa- 
sive eloquence, and with such seeming force of argument and reason, 
that his discourse wowld have doubtless made dangerous impressions 
upon the mind of his young pupill, if it had not been wholly prepossessed 
by the more solid reasonings of Sir Robert Spotiswood. That great man 
had fully informed him of all that was necessarey to prevent his being 
thereafter imposed upon ; and there is such a beautifull uniformity in truth, 
that it seldome misses to prevail with the generous and unprejudiced. 

But Locheill did not then think it proper to return much answer, or 
to open his true sentiments of the matter. All he said was, that he was 
informed that Montrose was a very brave man, and that, though he had 
killed many in battle, yet he never heard of any that he had putt to 
death in cold blood : That he wondered that so good a man as the 
King was said to be could be guilty of so much wickedness ; and that 
he believed it either to be the missrepresentations of his enemys, or the 
doeings of these that mannaged for him : -That he was too young, but 
he thought it hard that any man should suffer for what he believed to 
be true ; and that if the gentlemen whom he saw goe to death with so 
much courage, were guilty of no other crimes but fighting for the King 
whom they ouned for their master, and differing in points of religion, 
he thought that our laws were too severe ! 

Locheill, after this, resolved to take the first opportunity of returning 
to Lochaber. He was now 1? years old ; and the horrour of so maney 
executions, the injustice he thought done to the King, and the aversion 
he had conceived against his enemys, inflamed him with a violent desire 
of exerting himself in that cause, and of joining Montrose, who now 
again began to make a figure. 

But, by this time, the unfortunate King was reduced, not knowing 
how to dispose upon himself. He retired from Oxfoard, which was 
then goeing to be beseiged, in the disguise of a servant, attended by two 
of his domesticks, and desperatly threw himself into the arms of the 
Scots army at Newark. 

But these impious rebells, instead of being brought to a sense of their 
duty by the King's misfortunes, were so lost to all shame and humanity, 


that they made their advantage of his miserys ; and obligeing him first 
to order Montrose to disband, they stript him of all that their insatiable 
avarice and ambition could demand, and at last sold him to the English 
Parliament. Trew it is, that the clamours of the nation, which was ge- 
neraly loyall, and the fears that the English, who were then in a treaty 
with the King, wowld adjust matters with his Majesty, obliged them at 
last to come to an agreement with him, in spight of their mad Clergy. 
The issue was, that a noble army was soon raised, wherewith they in 
vaded England, under the command of the Duke of Hamilton ; but he 
being as defective in conduct as he was in loyalty, suffered himself to 
be surprized and routed at Prestoun, in a most shamefull manner. This 
army was never properly engadged ; and was so far from having been 
drawn up in the order of battle, that there was no less than 38 miles be 
tween its front and its rear ! Besides, the chief Commanders were leading 
traytors ; and non had a commission in it, that had not taken the Cove 
nant, and appeared in arms against the King. Numberless were the 
prissoners that fell into Cromewell's hands in this scandelous engadge- 
ment ; and among the rest, the Duke had the missfortune to be one, 
and at last to fall a sacrafice to these very rebells whom he had too faith 
fully served during his life. 

This success of Cromewell's was very agreeable to Argyle ; the 
Clergy, and others their adherents ; who in the meantime raised an army, 
in the Western parts of the kingdom, in order to favour his designs ; 
but upon the return of the fugitives from England, who were favoured 
in their retreat by General Monroe and a good body of veterian troops 
under his command, the differance was made up by a scandalous treaty ; 
and Cromewell and Lambert were invited into Scotland to assist them 
in new-modelling the State, which Argyle and the Kirk governed after 
this, with an absolute authority, till the kingdom fell into the hands of 
the English. Cromewell, having got Berwick and Carlile (which had 
then Scots garrisons, and might have retarded his progress for a consi 
derable time) delivered to him by their orders, he returned to London 
with his army, and mannaged matters so, by its assistance, that he forced 


the Parliament to bring the King to an open tryall, like a common male 
factor, and sone after to the block ; by which, to the everlasting scan- 
dale of the British Nations, he removed the only obstacle that stood be 
tween him and his ambitious designs. 

But to return : As soon as Montrose had disbanded, by the King's 
orders, Argyle returned to Inverarey, and had been soon followed by 
David Lessly and his army, they marched against Sir Alexander Mac- 
donald and his Irish, who still stood out in Kintyre, being joyned by 
some of the people of that country. They were reckoned to be about 
1400 foot, and two troops of horse. Macdonald skirmished with Lessly 
from morning till night ; but the nixt morning, having boats prepared, he 
and his Irish fled into the Isles, and from thence into Ireland. 

The countrey people submitted, upon quarters granted for life and li 
berty ; but one Mr John Newy, a bloody preacher, seconded by the 
Marquess, prevailed upon Lessly to breake his word ; and, after dissarming 
them, to putt them all to the sword without mercy. But Lessly, struck 
with horrour at so barbarous a carnage, turning about to Newy, who 
was walking with the Marquess over the ankles in blood, said, " Now, 
Mess-John, have you not, for once, gotten your fill of blood?" These 
words saved 18 persons, who were carryed prissonersto Inverarey, where 
they had been suffered to starve, if Locheill, who privately visited them 
once a day, had not ordered victuals to be secretly conveyed to them, by 
his own servants and others in whom he cowld confide. 

Though the Marquess continued his civilitys to Locheill, yet he still 
grew more and more anxious to return home. He was unwilling, 
however, to dissoblige his kind guardian, by signifying his inclinations, 
but choose to write privately to his uncle to demand his return, under 
some pretence or other ; and a promise to send him back, when his 
Lordship should think fitt. This occasioned a meeting of the principall 
gentlemen of the name of Cameron, who soon thereafter addressed 
the Marquess in a body, while he was reduceing Castle Tyrim, in Moy- 
dart, the last that held out for the King in those parts. His Lordship 
the more easily complyed, that he forsaw he wowld quickly have bussi- 


ness enough upon his hands, in settling the State, which then chainged 
as often as the moon. 

Locheill was then in the eighteenth year of his age, healthfull, and 
full of spirit, and grown up to the hight of a man, though somewhat 
slender. Though he had made no great progress in letters, yet his na 
tural quickness, and the polite company among whom he had the good 
fortune to be bred, so formed his behaviour, and polished his conversa 
tion, that he seemed to anticipate several years of his age. The truth 
is, the want of ane accademicall education was an advantage to him, 
whatever losses he might afterwards sustain by that defect ; and the rea 
son is obvious, for the time 1 imployed in words and terms is of no fur- 
der advantage, than as it layes a fundation for the nobler acquisition of 
substantiall knowledge ; and befor youth advance to any tolerable reflec 
tion, they commonly exceed that age ; and in place of a just and solid 
reasoning, they acquire crude and undegisted notions, which renders 
them disagreeably conceited and self-sufficient. Besides, as their 
masters are generaly more conversant with books then with men, as no 
wonder if they are somewhat stiff and pedantick in their manners and 
conversation, and it is natural enough for youth to imitate the persons 
by whom they are taught : add to this, that those with whom they con 
verse are such as themselves, and experience shows us, that some years 
must interveen before they can intirly lay aside the habits contracted in 
their youth, and form themselves into the mode, by the study of man and 
manners. But as Locheill had the misfortune not to be much troubled 
with books, by the iniquity of the times, so his early introduction into 
good companey gave him this advantage above those of his years, that 
he was sooner ripe for company and action, and more adroit in the exer 
cises befitting a gentleman, wherein the Marquess was very carefull to 
have him trained by expert masters. 

He was conducted into Lochaber with great pomp by his Clan, where 
of the greatest part mett him at the distance of an easie day's journey 
from home. They were much pleased to see their young Chief even 
exceed the accounts they had of him ; but what gave them greatest joy 


was, that he still continued in the principals of his predicessors, without 
any corruption of byass to the faction among whom he was educated. 

His greatest diversion was hunting, whereof he was so keen, that he de 
stroyed all the wolfs and foxes that infested the countrey. He killed, 
with his own hand, the last wolf that was seen in the Highlands. He 
had a noble forrest that contrabuted much to his pleasure ; and the con- 
tinwall fatigue and hardships that he exposed himself to, in that manly 
and hailthfull exercise, soon made him so vigorous and robust, and so 
easy under all manner of want and inconveniencys, that he not only en 
joyed continwall hailth, but acquired strength and constitution enough to 
surmount all the difficultys that afterwards befell him. 

He was so much delighted with the recitall of Montrose his actions, 
that he keept Collonell Cameron, who commanded the party of his Clan, 
that served under that hero, about him in all his diversions. That 
gentleman was in no small reputation for the gallantry of his behaviour ; 
and as he had received severall wounds in the service, so his Chief had 
intrest afterwards to procure him a pension from King Charles II., 
which he enjoyed during life. There was no circumstance of these 
wars but Locheill informed himself of, with the most inquisitive curi 
osity ; and was so charmed with the valure and conduct of the illustrious 
General, that he often bewailed his misfortune, in the want of opportuni 
ty of being trained up in that noble school : but, being still in hopes that 
so generous a patriot wowld not long delay to make another vigorous ef 
fort for the relief of his miserable countrey, he resolved chierefully to 
joyn him at the head of his Clan. Nor was he much out in his conjec 
tures, though the event did not answer, as we shall see by and by. 

The first occasion he had of acting the Chief was against Macdonald 
of Keppoch, a gentleman who commands a tribe of the Macdonalds in 
the braes or mountainous parts of Lochaber. The quarell proceeded 
from Keppoch, who, in contempt of his youth, and the lasie temper of 
his uncle, refused to pay an annuity due on a mortgage which Locheill 
had on a certain portion of his estate, called Glenroy ; but the young 
Chief having invaded his countrey, at the head of some hundreds of the 


Camerons, Keppoch, though prepared to oppose with all the force he 
cowld raise, yet seeing the other resolute, thought it wiser to doe him 
justice than to allow matters to be pushed to an extremity. 

An errand of the same nature soon thereafter browght him into Cnoi- 
dard, [Knoidart ?] M'Donald of Glengary, a Chief of considerable note 
in that neightbourhood, was proprietar of the countrey ; and, upon some 
pretext or other, refused to pay to Locheill some arrears of few-duty, or 
yearly revenue, which he owed to him as his supperior of that countrey. 
However, the dispute ended in a treaty, which Glengarry observed so 
well, that Locheill was never thereafter putt to furder trouble on that 

Locheill had, all this time, the pleasure to see his people happy in a 
profound peace, while the rest of the kingdom groaned under the most 
crewell tyraney that ever scourged and afflicted the sons of men. The 
jayles were cram'd full of innocent people, in order to furnish our gover- 
nours with blood, sacrafices wherewith to feast their eyes ; the scaffolds 
daily smoked with the blood of our best patriots ; anarchey swayed with 
an uncontroverted authority, and avarice, crewelty, and revenge, seemed 
to be Ministers of State. The bones of the dead were digged out of their 
graves, and their living friends were compelled to ransome them att ex 
orbitant sums. Such as they were pleased to call Malignants, they were 
taxed and pillaged att discretion, and if they chanced to prove the least 
refractorey or deficient in payments, their persons or estats were im- 
mediatly seazed. 

The Committee of the Kirk satt at the helm, and were supported by a 
small number of fanaticall [persons,] and others who called themselves 
the Committee of the Estats, but were truely nothing else but the bar 
barous executioners of their wreath and vengeance. Nor were they ill 
satisfied with their office, on account of the profits it brought them, by 
fines, sequestrations, and forfeiturs, besides the other opportunities it 
gave them of amassing ritches. Every parish had a tyrant, who made 
the greatest Lord in his district stoop to his authority. The Kirk was 
the place where he keept his court ; the pulpit his throne or tribunall 
from whence he issued out his terrible decrees ; and ] 2 or 14 soure, 


ignorant enthusiasts, under the title of elders, composed his councill. If 
any, of what quality so ever, had the assurance to dissobey his edicts, 
the dreadfull sentence of excommunication was immediately thundied 
out against him, his goods and chattells confiscated and seazed, and he 
himself being looked upon as actwally in the possession of the devill, 
and irretriveably doomed to eternal perdition, all that conversed with 
him were in no better esteem. 

The late Invasion under Duke Hamilton gave them a good oppor 
tunity of displaying their authority ; for that attempt having been made 
against their will, they compelled every one that escaped to sitt severall 
Sundays in sackcloath before them, mounted, as a spectakle of reproach 
and infamey, upon the stool of repentance, in view of " the elect," for so 
they call the most zealous of their dissiples ; and to undergo such other 
pennance as they were pleased to impose. But in spight of all this, the 
generall zeall of the nation to have back their King was so great, that 
those at the helm were forced to comply ; but they tooke care to clogg 
the treaty with such rude and barbarous conditions, that his Majesty 
wowld not have consented to their terms, if he had not been over-ruled 
by the advice of the Queen his mother, and of the Prince of Orange, his 

But before the King arrived, they gave him a proofe of the treatment 
he was to expect, and entertained the nation with a trajedy that struck 
all good men with the outmost horrour ; for the great Marquess of Mon- 
trose having landed, about the begining of the year 1650, with a few 
forreigners and some arms and ammunition, which he had made a shift 
to provide himself with, was surprized and defeated by the fatal dilli- 
gence of one Collonel Strachan, before he had time to gett to his friends, 
the loyall Clans, who were all prepared to have joyned him. Many of 
the Scots officers who attended him were made prissoners, and he him 
self fell into Strachan' s hands by the treachrey of a villan whom he con 
fided in. He was brought to Edinburgh, and after being insulted over, 
and treated with all the circumstances of cruelty that the malice of his 
enemys could contrive, he was condemned to be hanged, drawn, and 
quartered, and his head to be hung upon the Tolbooth of Edinburgh, 


and his limbs on the most conspicuous citys of the kingdom. This great 
man dyed as he lived, with all the fortitude and magnanimity of a hero. 
When his sentance was read to him, he told his barbarous judges, that 
he was prouder to have his head sett upon the place it was appointed to 
be, than he could have been to have his picture hung in the King's bed 
chamber : That he was so far from being troubled that his limbs were to 
be hung in four citys of the kingdome, that he heartily wished that he 
had flesh enough to be sent to every city in Christendom, as a testimoney 
of the cause for which he suffered ! About forty of his officers, though 
generaly of the best blood of the nation, were at the same time executed 
in several quarters of the kingdom. 

The King was no sooner arrived in the Forth, than he was, as a well- 
come, compelled to subscrive the Covenant ; and two days thereafter all 
his servants were removed from him, and others, more to the teaste of 
the rulers, putt in their place, He was pestered perpetually by their 
clergy, and forced to attend their preachings and prayers, which, as they 
were commonly bitter invectives against the idolatry of his mother, the 
actions of his father, and his own malignity, could not but be very dis- 
quietfull to a young Prince of his genius and spirit. He was allowed to 
meddle in no affairs of state ; but in other things he was treated with all 
the submission and respect due to a great King. 

The English Parliament had exact information of all that past, and 
sent Cromewell with a powerfull and victorious army against them ; nor 
doe our best historians scruple to affirm, that he was invited by the 
heads of the antimonarchial faction which governed all at Court, for, 
insteade of uniting their councills, and concerting reasonable measures 
for opposing that most formidable enemy, they tooke a course quite 
contrarey, and banished all the loyal party from the court and camp, ad 
mitting neither officer nor suldier that had served in Duke Hamilton's 


engadgement, to list in that body of troops which they soon drew to 
gether, and which, the Earl of Clarandon says, was plentifully provided 
with all things but conduct and courage ! 

The Preachers exercised the whole authority in this army, and pro 
mised victorey as confidently, and in as positive terms, as if God All- 



mighty had directed them to declair it. The King was fond to have had 
the command ; but he was allowed no more but to see it for an hour or 
two, and then forcibly removed, the Ministers declaring, that the sul- 
diers, who were delighted to see their prince, "trusted too much in the 
arm of flesh !" 

Cromewell entered Scotland in Jully, and when he came up with the 
enemy, he found them so advantageously posted near Dunbar, that he 
run the greatest risk of being either starved or defeated, had they known 
how to have made use of the advantage ; but, depending upon their in- 
trest with God Allmighty, and the power of their prayers, they foolishly 
decamped, and followed the retreating enemy, who turned upon them 
and defeated them with a terrible slaughter. By this bloody victorey, 
Cromewell became master of all that fruitfull countrey on the south sides 
of the Forth and Clyde. 

Though the King had no less reason to rejoice in the destruction of so 
great a number of his enemys, yet he was still so uneasie, that he once 
attempted to have made his escape from them to General Middletoun, 
in the Highlands, who was prepared to receive him upon the head of the 
loyall Clans ; but his Majestic, having been prevailed upon to return, he 
was afterwards used with more discretion. 

Matters being now mannaged with some more moderation, our poli 
ticians consented that the loyall party should be received into the army, 
on condition, that such of them as had not given satisfaction to the Kirk 
for serving the crown, should consent to humble themselves, and suffer 
pennance for that cryme ; but, at the same time, they recommended it 
to the collonells of the shyrs, (as they are termed in the act,) not to 
make choise of such to serve as officers, if they could find others well 
qualified to supply their places. Many chose to submitt, rather than to 
lose ane opportunity of serving the King, who, on his part, did every 
thing in his power to ingratiat himself with his fanatick masters, and 
succeeded so far, that some of the more moderate begun to inculcat, 
from the pulpit, the obedience due from subjects to their Sovereign. 
Many diverting storys are told of their behaviour to his Majesty ; nor 
seems it much out of the road to intertain the reader with one example, 


that he may be thereby enabled to form some judgement of their intoler 
able insolence. 

His Majesty, not being permitted to concern himself much in his oun 
affairs, he had but little bussiness upon his hands ; and it seems no great 
wounder if a prince of his age and vivacity now and then diverted him 
self with such of the fair sex as excelled in spirite and beauty. As he 
had been often repremanded for those freedoms, so he was obliged to be 
on his guard for fear of giving too great offence to his imperious go- 
vernours ; but often forgeting himself, it happned that some of the fra 
ternity passing by to one of their meetings, chanced to observe his Ma 
jesty, in a window of his Pallace, fondling and toying with one of his fair 
mistresses, in a manner that they tooke to be very undecent and sinfull 
to one who had taken the holy Covenant. They were no sooner mett, 
than their moderator, in his prayers, told over the whole story to God 
Allmighty ; and after he had done, the first tiling that was proposed 
to be considered was, How the King should be punished, for giveing so 
much scandall to the godly ? Matters were at first carried so high, that 
nothing less wowld serve, than that his Majesty should be cited to com- 
pear befor them, and be obliged to make an publick acknowledgement 
of his iniquity. Some went still furder, and moved, that since God was 
no respecter of persons, his Majestic should therefore be compelled to 
doe public penance before the Congregation of the Elect, and suffer a 
rebuke from the pulpite, which, in the stile of that time, was called " The 
Chair of Verity." But more moderate counsells privailling, in the end 
it was carry ed by a majority, that one of their number should be deli- 
gated to reprimand him in his chamber. 

In these Assemblys there were still some sober and wise men, who, 
being heartily grieved at such insolent proceedings, did often, by their 
prudence, prevent the consequences. One of these, observing that 
none of the brotherhood seemed fond of executeing the commission, and 
rightly judgeing, that, in place of offending, it gave him an opportunity 
of obligeing his Majesty, tooke an adroit method of getting himself nomi 
nated to be the person. Being introduced to the King, who received 
him very graciously, he, in a very civill and submissive manner, informed 


his Majesty, that he came upon a very impertinent errand from his 
bretheren, which he thought needless to communicat ; but humbly begged 
that his princely goodness would pardon his presumption, in suggesting 
an old proverb, which imported, that " when one inclined to kiss his 
neightbour's wife, it was proper to shutt all the doors and windows !' 
The King, who was very quick, easily understood the meaning of the 
whole, and not only thanked the Minister for his discretion in acquitting 
himself of his commission, but ever after distinguished him, and in the 
end promotted him to a bishoprick. 

The act for leveying another army was, in the meantime, published 
over the kingdome ; and the Clans were inveeted to serve in it. His 
Majesty was pleased to honour some of the principall Chiefs with par 
ticular letters ; and because that to Locheill bears so lively an immage 
of the miserable state of that part of the countrey that Cromewell pos 
sessed, it seems proper to insert it at full length. 


44 Right Trusty and Well-beloved Cousin, and Trusty and Well- 
beloved, wee greet you well. The condition and calamity of this king 
dom cannot but be too well known unto yow. Ane insolent enemy 
having gott so great ane advantage against the forces that were raised for 
the defence of it, and having overrun the parts upon the South sides of 
the Forth and the Clyde, and having of late also gotten into their hands 
the Castle of Edinburgh, by the treachery of those that commanded in 
it ; which city they before desolated, ruined the Church, and maliciously 
and insolently burnt our Palace there. These injureys, and the maney 
other grivious pressures lying upon our good subjects in the Sowth, East, 
and Westeren Shyrs, cry alowd for relief, assistance, and revenge. 
Therefore we have, with the Estates of our Parliament, been consulting 
and adviseing for remedys ; and have emited the act of levey which 
comes to your Shyrs, and which we thought fitt to accompaney with our 
oun letter : Conjureing and desireing you, by all the bands of your duty 
to God, love to your countrey, and respect to our person, that yow will 
speedely and effectwally rise and putt yourselves in arms for the relief of 


your distressed bretheren, and to revenge their bloodshed by the sword 
in diverse corners of the countrey ; besides the multitudes starved to 
death in prissons, and famished and dying every day for want of bread 
in each town and village. These things, we know well, exceedingly 
affect yow ; therefore we will not lay any thing more before yow but our 
own resolution, which is, either, by the blessing and assistance of God, 
to remedy and recover these evils and losses, revenge what these inso 
lent enemys have crewelly and wickedly done, vindicat this hitherto un- 
conquered Nation from the ignominy and reproach it lyes under ; or to 
lay down our life in the undertaking, and not to survive the ruine of our 
people, for whose protection and defence we wowld give, if we had them, 
as many lives as we have subjects. And we are assured and pers waded 
you will not be wanting in your duties, but will chearfully come to offer 
your lives for the defence of your Religion, your countrey, your King, 
your own honours, your wives, your children, your liberty, and will be 
worthey your forefathers and predecessors, and like them in their virtue, 
and brave defending their countrey. Wee will, therefore, in assurance 
you will strive who shall be soonest in sight of the enemy, march with 
the present forces we have towards Stirling, (where the nixt assault will 
certainly be, ) and either make good that place till yow come to us, or die 
upon the place ; and if the handfull we carrey with us shall be overborn 
by greater numbers throwgh your slackness in comeing to our assistance, 
yow will have the shame that yow have not already come upon the call 
of a redoubled defeat given to your naturall and covenanted bretheren, 
and that yow have not now used extraordinary dilligence, being so ear 
nestly prest by your King on his part. But we confidently expect from 
yow all imaginable expressions and effects of duty, dilligence, loyalty, and 
courage. And so. we bid yow heartily fairwell. Given att our Court 
att Perth, the 24th of December 1650, and in the second year of our 
reign." Directed on the back, " To our Right Trusty, and RJght 
Well-beloved Ewen Cameron of Locheill, and to the rest of the Gentle 
men and Friends of the Name of Cameron." 

Locheill was fully determined to exert himself on this occasion, and de 
signed early in the Spring to have joyned the King ; but meeting with 


several obstructions in raising such of his Clan as lived on other people's 
Feb. 18, 1651. Iand8j he a pplyed to the Marquess of Argyle, who procured a warrand 

from the Committee of State, impowering him to raise his men wher 
ever he could find them. 

The nation concurred so heartily in this service, that there was soon 
a good army drawn together. His Majesty himself had the name of 
General, though he had little of the power. David Lessly was appoint 
ed his Lieutenant- General, and Middletoun commanded the horse, 
whereof the greatest part were gentlemen volunteers. The army was in 
the begining very numerous, and appeared every way equall to the enemy, 
expressing on all occasions the greatest keeness to be led against them ; 
but they were so wearyed out by delays, starved with hunger, and the 
order of discipline so much neglected, that many of them being near 
home, and without pay or any manner of subsistence, except what they 
were obliged to take by force, dropt away. Good occasions of fighting 
were neglected, by the cowardice or treachery of their fanatick Generalls, 
and the best and bravest of their troops sent upon desperate and ill-con 
certed, exploits ; but the worst of all was, that they were in perpetwall 
division among themselves ; and all their councills and designs betrayed 
to the enemy. 

The King's army was encamped in the Park of Stirling, and had 
Cromewell in view during the moneths of June and Jully. There pass 
ed several light skirmashes between considerable partys of them, in all 
which, the King's troops beheaved with great bravery ; but his numbers 
were now so decreased, that he durst not engadge in a generall battle. 
The enemey, being possessed of all on the South side of the Firth, the 
King had dispatched Major- Generals Brown and Holburn, with a brave 
body of 4000 horse and foot, to guard a passage of the Firth at Inver- 
keithing, in order to prevent the enemy's crossing the river ; nor wowld 
they have failled to have made good their post, had their commanders 
been as honest as their troops were stout and loyall. The foot were all 
chosen men, and consisted mostly of such of the Clans, and other High 
landers as had very often signalized themselves under the great Mon- 
trose ; and it is to this day affirmed by many, that they were sent to 


that post on purpose to gett their throts cutt, in meer resentment of 
their haveing been so faithfull to that hero. 

The fanatick Generals, I have named, are said to have corresponded 
with Fairfax, who commanded nixt to Cromewell, and who was allowed 
to transport his troops over that Firth, before it was known that he de 
signed it. The gallant Sir Hector Maclean of Dowart, with above 700 
of his Clan, were sacrificed on the spott. Such was the courage of these 
brave people, that they often repulsed the enemy, till at last, overpower 
ed by numbers, they fell, every man in their ranks. Few or none 
escaped the carnage, except the treacherous Generalls who fled with the 
horse upon the first appearance of the enemy. The Buchanans like- 
waise sufferred much ; but many of them having deserted their colours 
before their march from Stirling, their loss of men was the less consi 
derable. Nor did the enemy buy their victorey at a cheap rate ; but 
they wowld have payed much dearer for it, had the Highlanders been 
putt into a posture of defence before they were attacked ; but that does 
not seem to have been the design of their Generalls, who gave them 
selves no trouble about their safety, but left them a prey to their mercie- 
less enemy s. 

The destruction of so maney of the King's best troops spread in a few 
days over the whole kingdom, and mett Locheill, as he was on his 
march with about 1000 of his men, to joyn the Roy all Standart. 
Whither the occasion of so long a delay proceeded from the distrust he 
had of those that governed the King's councills, or from some other 
reason, I know not ; but before he could reach Stirling, Cromewell in 
tercepted his march, and the King was obliged to pursue such measures 
as nothing but the desperate state of his affairs cowld putt him upon. 

His army, which at first amounted to near 30,000 men, was now duin- 
dled away to 10,000 ; and his enemy, by crossing the Forth, having gott be 
tween him and his Northern friends, from whom he soone expected a power- 
full reinforcement, his Majesty, by the advice of his counceill of war, tooke 
up an adventerous resolution of marching into England ; and began his 
march so quickly, that he was a good way advanced before the enemy had 
the least notice of it. He had reason to expect that his small army wowld 


encreass all the way as he marched by the resorte of his English sub 
jects ; but he was dissapointed by the unseasonable zeale of the Com 
mittee of Ministers that fataly attended him : For they, observing that 
the Covenant was little regairded, after they entered England, without 
the King or any of his CouncilTs knowledge, sent orders to Generall 
Massay, who marched before with a body of the English, in order to ad 
vertise the Loyalists of his Majesty's advance, to publish a Declaratione 
importing the King and his army's zeall for the Covenant, and dis 
charging him to receive or intertain any soldiers among his troops, but 
such as would subscribe it. Though immediat orders were sent to coun 
termand the publication, yet it tooke air, and the King's precipitant mo 
tion deprived those that had lived at any distance, of an opportunity of 
being better informed, till it was too late. 

Cromewell left Scotland about three days after the King, and tooke 
time to augment his army, before he attacked him in the city of Worces 
ter. Lessly, instead of acting the part of a Generall, became so stupid and 
benum'd upon the enemy's advance, that he cowld give no orders, which 
soon putt all into the outmost confusion. He was much suspected of 
treachery ; but the matter was never examined into. Middletoun, who 
commanded the horse, which almost consisted of brave gentlemen vo 
lunteers, made a stout and gallant resistance. He made a great slaugh 
ter among the enemy, and bate them in all points where he was attacked ; 
but great numbers of his troops being at last killed, himself wownded, 
and Duke Hamilton, who charged on the same body, having his leg 
brocke by a musquett shott, he was overpowered and made prissoner, 
with many of his principall officers, and others, who deserved a better 

The King escaped by the miracolous interposition of Divine Provi 
dence ; and, after lurking maney days from house to house in a peasant's 
habite, happily got over into France, in November thereafter. 

Many of the horse made good their retreat into Scotland ; but the poor 
foot were either killed in the battle, knocked on the head by the countrey 
people, as they endeavoured to gett home, or, after a miserable confine 
ment, transported for slaves into forraign Plantations. The M'Leods 


lost many men in this fatall engadgenient, and several others of the 
Clans shared their fate ; nor were the Scots at home in a much better 
condition, for Cromewell having left General Monk behind him, with 
10,000 men to subdue that defenceless countrey, he gave him orders to 
seize and incarcerate as many of the nobility and gentry as he could get 
into his hands, to bridle the licentious tongues of the clergy, and to putt 
all to the sword that opposed him, nor to exempt any place that made re 
sistance from a general plunder. All these rules he observed with the 
outmost rigour, and soon made himself as terrible as man could be. 

This barbarous cruelty forced all those that escaped from Worcester, 
and others of the loyall gentry, to betake themselves to the mountains ; 
from whence, as often as they had occasion, they sallyed doun in small 
partys, and surprized and cutt off such of the English as were detach 
ed in small commands, or that plundered the countrey. Their courage 
incressed with their success ; and though they had not strength enough 
to engadge great bodys, being obliged to live dispersed, for want of pro 
visions, yet they often watched, during the night, near Generall Monk's 
out-garrisons ; and, surprizeing them in the morning, by various strata 
gems and tricks putt all to^the sword, whereby they destroyed maney of 
the enemy. These gentlemen were generaly known by the name of 
Moss-troopers. They provided themselves in arms and horses, at the ex- 
pence of the English ; and the countrey willingly affoarded them provi 
sions. Many hardy, brave, and memorable exploits are related of this 
people. Their attempts were generally when the enemy were in 
greatest security ; and the terrour of them spreading universally over 
the kingdome, they came to be esteemed the protecters of the countrey 
by saving the poor people from being plundered. 

But the only body of men that stood out for the King, and rendered 
themselves considerable, were those that putt themselves under the com 
mand of the Earl of Glencairn, in the Northern parts of the Highlands. 
He was a Lord of great gallantrey and courage ; and though he was at 
first, by the giddiness of the times, carryed into all the madness andex- 
travaganceys of the rebellious Covenanters, yet, upon discovery that 
their impious designs were levelled against the Crown and Monarchey, 



he became a sincere penitent, and joyned the King with a true zeal for 
his service, after his retreate from Worcester, where he behaved bravely. 
He sett up the Royall Standart about the beginning of whiter thereafter, 
and early in the spring 1652 tooke the fields, at the head of such of the 
Clans and others as were willing to share his fate. 

Locheill was the first Cheif that joyned him ; and he having brought 
a body of 700 stout men with him, was soon followed by others ; so that 
his little army began quickly to grow into such reputation, that several 
of the nobility, among whom was the Lord Lorn, eldest sone to the 
Marquess of Argyle, many Moss-troopers and Lowland gentrey repaired 
to him. They were likewaise joyned by Major- General Drummond, 
sone and heir to the Lord Maderty, who had lately returned from Mus- 
covey, where, though he served in that quality with good reputation, yet 
the news of the King's being in Scotland at the head of an army drew 
him thither, in order to imploy his valour in defence of his countrey. 
Glencairn was much incouraged in his undertaking by General Monk's 
being seized with a violent seekness, which held him all winter, and re- 
ducecj him to that weakness, that he was obliged to return into England 
for the repair of his hailth. 

His Lordship was no sooner certified of the King's arrivall in France, 
than he and the gentlemen that were then with him dispatched one Mr 
Knox, an Episcopall Minister, the Lord Clarendon calls him a Viccar, 
a person well known to the King, with information to his Majesty of 
what they resolved to doe for his service, " with assurances (continues 
that elegant historian) that they wowld never swerve from their duty ; 
and that they wowld be able, during the winter, to infest the enemy from 
their quarters ; and that if General Middletoun might be sent to them, 
with some supply of arms, they wowld have an army ready again the 
Spring, strong enough to meett with Monk." 

Though these gentlemen had heard of Middleton's escape from the 
Tower, yet they knew not then where he was ; they .therefore ordered 
Mr Knox to goe by London to visite the Lords and other prissoners hi 
the Tower, and to take directions from them how he was to proceed. 
He had the good fortune to meet with Middletoun, who still continued 


to lurk among his friends in that city ; but soone thereafter he found an 
opportunity of crosseing the seas, and, carrying Mr Knox with him, pre 
sented him to his Majesty. 

The King was then in a most indegent condition, and was so far from 
being able to incourage his friends with the supplys they wanted, that 
he was much putt to it to find bread for his oun family ; but, notwith 
standing of those straits, his Majesty sent Generall Middletoun soon 
thereafter into Holand, to try what he could doe by his credite among 
some Scots merchants and officers that resided there ; but this occasion 
ing delay, Glencairn and his officers did, about the middle of Jully, again 
send over one Captain Smith ; who, having mett with many missfortunes 
and difficultys in his journey, cowld not deliver his commissions and 
letters till the middle of November thereafter. 

By him, his Majesty sent a commission to the Earl of Glencairn to 
command the army till the General's arrivall, and returned a very 
gracious answer to the letter which the Chieffs had wrote to him from 
the mountains, of the 12th of Jully preceeding ; and assured them, that 
nothing should be wanting that he could possibly procure for their assist 
ance and incouragement. He accquants them of Middleton's being sent 
into Holland, recommends unity and concord among themselves, in very 
pressing terms ; and, least he should have made some alterations in the 
command that they had agreed among themselves to execute, he sent 
them blank commissions, authorizeing themselves to fill up the names. 
His Majesty concludes with recommending Captain Smith, the bearer, 
who, besides the faithfull discharge of his trust, was so modest as to 
choise rather to receive such a command as they should think fitt to 
assigne him, than to leave his name inserted in one of the commissions 
for a charge that his Majesty esteemed him worthey of. 

In the distribution of these commissions, Locheill had that of a Collo- 
nell assigned him ; nor indeed could they well give him less, seing he 
brought more men with him than any other person in that army. 

Colloneall Dean succeeded Monk in the command of the army ; but 
he was soon recalled to be Admirall of the Fleet, in the Dutch war ; 
and Collonell Lilburn, though much inferrior both in conduct and cour- 


age, was intrusted with the government. Though he had an army of 
veterian troops, commanded by good officers, and all the Castles and 
strong places in the Highlands well garrisoned, yet he was so frighted 
with the news he daily received from the Highlands, that he sent most 
dismall accounts of the matter to the juncto that then governed, and putt 
them into some consternation. By their orders, he marched with all his 
forces towards the Highlands. But that Lord beheaved with such pru 
dence and conduct, that though his army did not exceed 3000 men, yet 
he often repulsed the enemy with great bravery, and putt Lilburn to 
more trouble than was found in the reduction of all the rest of the king- 

It was here that Locheill, then about the twenty- second year of his 
age, gave the first specimen of his vigour and courage. He was alwayes 
the first that offered himself in any dangerous peice of service ; and in 
all that he undertooke accquitted himself with such conduct and valour, 
that he gained great glory and reputation. His greatest fault was, an 
excess of forwardness ; and, if his advice had been followed, Glencairn 
wowlol have quickly putt all to the hazard of a battle ; but others, not 
being so fond of fighting, it was thought honourable enough to defend 
themselves against so formidable an enemy. 

About the end of this year, Locheill and his men were in imminent 
danger of being all cutt in peices, on the following occasion. Glencairn 
and his army having encamped themselves at a village called Tullich 
at Breamar, near a river of that name, Locheill and his men were posted 
at a pass which lay at some distance, in order to prevent their being 
surprized by the enemy, who were possessed of a garrison within a few 
miles of them. He placed out guards and centrys at proper places, 
whom he often visited in person ; and, notwithstanding of his youth, did, 
in all his conduct, perform the part of a vigilent and prudent officer. 
Early the nixt morning, as he was sending for orders from the General, 
his scouts came to him in great heaste, with information that the enemy 
advanced at a quick pace, but they cowld not give any certain account 
of their numbers. Having given orders to call in his men from their 
several posts, he ascended a hill that was near him, and had a full view 


of them. Lilburn was there in person, with his army, and having 
luckily made a halt, in order to form his troops, he gave Locheill time 
enough to advertise Glencairn, who immediately retreated to a marass or 
bogg at two miles distance ; where he secured himself from all danger of 
the enemy's horse, which he was most affraid of, but forgot to give Loch 
eill orders to retire. This was occasioned by the confusion that often at 
tends such allarms ; and it was particularly unlucky for Glencairn, that 
he had too many with him of equall quality with himself. These were 
for the most part so delicate, that they were unable to bear the hardships 
of such campaigns ; besides, that they were too proud and assumeing to 
obey commands, and were so splitt into factions that they distracted all 
his councills. 

Locheill, in the meantime, posted his men so advantageously that he 
not only sustained the attack of the enemy, who charged him with great 
fury, but drove them back several tunes with considerable loss. One 
half of his men had bows ; and these he posted against the horse, which 
they galled exceedingly with their arrows, for they were excellent arch 
ers, and seldom missed their aim. The ground was rugged and uneven, 
and covered with much snow, which not only rendered the horse in a man 
ner useless, but also gave the foot suldiers very uneasie footeing. Besides, 
they cowld not attack him but in one place, he being posted in a narrow 
passage betwixt two mountains. All these advantages abated much of 
the English fury ; and Locheill, finding that thay were not invincible, 
notwithstanding of their numbers, he drew out 200 of his men, whom, in 
the situation they were in, he could not otherwaise imploy ; and, having 
ordered a sufficient officer to mentain the pass with the rest, he, upon 
their head, charged a body of the enemy who were separated from their 
friends by a hill, and quickly brock them ; but, wanting men to support 
him, and affraid of being surrounded, he durst not pursue them. 

The English General, perceiving that he could not force his passage, 
and angry at the loss of his men, whom the Highlanders killed without 
much danger to themselves, drew off about one-half of his troops, and, 
being conducted by guids, which he brought along with him, fetched a 
compass round the hills, and so got between Locheill and his friends. 


But by this time, LocheiTs Quarter-master, whom he had sent after 
Glencairn for orders, happening to return, brought notice that his Lord 
ship was now in absolute security, with orders to make the best retreat 
he cowld. Upon this, he retired gradwally up the hill with his face on 
botli sides to the enemy, who durst not pursue him, on account of the 
ruchness [roughness] of the ground and the snow that covered it. The 
passage being thus opned, Lilburn drew up his own men and marched 
towards the Highland army ; but, finding that he could not force them 
to an engadgement as they were then posted, and the season of the year 
not allowing him to continue in the field, he returned to Inverness, 
where he had his head-quarters ; and by the way putt sufficient garri 
sons into the Castle of Rivan of Badenoch, and other strong houses, pro 
per for his purpose. Locheill attended him for several miles, and as 
often as the ground favoured him, he harrassed them in their march, 
killed severall men and horse with his arrows and shott, and haveing 
seen them fairly out of that neightbourhood, returned in triumph to 
Glencairn, who received him as his deliverer. 

This sharp conflict lasted for several hours ; and though Locheill had 
some of his men killed and more wounded, yet the enemy lost six times 
as maney, besydes horses. 

Early the nixt Spring, his Lordship again tooke the field ; but his 
army, instead of increasseing, as he expected, daily diminished, being much 
disscouraged by the want of all manner of provisions and support ; but 
more by the violent factions and divisions which still continued among 
them, and daily grew worse. Several gentlemen dropt away and made 
their peace, and many of the Moss-troopers choise rather to shift for 
themselves near their oun home, than to be thus tormented. Besides, 
they saw that there wowld be little fighting, where there were so many 
different oppinions. However, Glencairn keept up the face of an army 
till the arivall of Generall Middletoun ; and though he durst not 
venture to engadge in a generall battle, yet he repulsed the enemy as 
often as he was attacked, bate up their quarters, destroyed and burnt 
several garrisons, and every way beheaved like a worthey and gallant 


Locheile was the only person of note that keept himself disingadged 
from these factions ; for, in order to avoyde them, he chose allwayes the 
most distant posts, which often gave him occasion to be in action ; and 
the success he had, on all occasions, made the General no less fond of 
imploying him. Nor was that Lord forgetful of his honour in the ac 
counts he sent his Majesty, this summer, of the state of his affairs in 
Scotland, as appears from the following Letter, wherewith the King was 
pleased to honour him, by the return of their express, which came to 
their hands about the end of that year : 



" Trusty and well-beloved, wee greet yow well. Wee are informed 
by the Earl of Glencairn with what notable courage and affection to us 
yow have beheaved yourself at this time of tryall, when our intrest, and 
the honour and liberty of your countrey, is at stake ; and therefore we 
cannot but express our hearty sense of such your good courage, and re 
turn yow our princely thanks for the same : And we hope all honest 
men, who are lovers of us or their countrey, will follow your example, 
and that yow will unite together in the wayes we have directed ; and 
under that authority we have appointed to conduct yow, for the prose 
cution of so good a work. So we doe assure yow we shall be ready, as 
soone as we are able, signally to reward your service, and to repair the 
losses yow shall undergoe for our service ; and so we bid yow fairwell. 
Given att Chantilly, the 3d day of November 1653, in the fifth year of 
our reigne." 

Soon after dispatching the gentlemen by whom his Majesty sent this 
and other letters, Locheill was obliged to march to the reliefe of his 
oun countrey, which, he had certain information, was soon to be in 
vaded by the enemy from Inverness. Glengary had, before this time, 
abandoned the service upon some discontent ; but appeared willing to 
joyn Locheill in the common defence of their countrey, and Keppoch 
also entered into that confederacey. Their meeting was at a place called 


Glenturrit, where they agreed to raise all the men under their re 
spective commands, and appointed their rendezvouze to be, upon the first 
accounts of the enemy's motion, upon the moore above Aberchalder, 
which is four miles from Killiwhimmine, where Fort- Augustus now 
stands, and about twenty from Inverness. 

Many of Locheil's men live at a greate distance from Lochaber, which 
obliged him immediatly to send orders to conveen them. Locheill, at 
this time, had allowed his men to retire home for some days, not expect 
ing to hear of the enemy so soone ; but before they had time to come 
up, he was informed that the enemy were in motion. This gave him no 
small trouble ; but, being in hopes that with the men he had about him, 
which were about 400, and the assistance he expected from Glengarey 
and Kappoch, he should be able to engadge them, or at least to harrasse 
and stope their advance till his oun people came up, he sett out without 
loss of time, and upon his arival, found Keppoch and his men att the 
place appointed ; but there was no account of the other, though he lived 
in the neighbourhood. 

Soone thereafter, the English troops advanced, and encamped on the 
plain below. They were about 1500 foot, and some troops of horse, 
commanded by Collonell Brayn. Curiosity pushing the two gentlemen 
to take a narrower view, they posted themselves at a place where they 
could descern all that passed, and were in the outmost surprize and con 
fusion to see Glengary, whom they expected soone to be with them, 
walking and discourseing with the English Commander, in the very centre 
of his troops. Locheill was at a loss how to proceid in such a critical 
juncture, and became suspicious that Keppoch was also in the concert. 
Having, upon his return to his men, lett some passionate words drop in 
his anger, signifyeing as much, Keappoch endeavoured by all means to 
purge himself, giveing new assurances of his fidelity, and bitterly in 
veighing against his kinsman ; but Locheill, answering smartly that he 
could not promise more than Glengarry had done the day before, and 
that he could not think himself safe, while he had reason enough to sus 
pect, that if he attacked the enemy in the front, the M 'Donalds wowld 
charge himself in the rear. Keppoch was so provocked, as indeed he 


had some reason, that he left him in a frett, and returned home with his 

The English shortly thereafter decamping, directed their march to 
the Wood of Glastery, at the other end whereof there is a narrow pass 
or defile, called the Pass of Clunes, where Locheill, depending upon the 
advantage of the ground, and the valour of his men, resolved to attack 
them. His intimate accquantance with these parts gave him an easie 
opportunity of getting before them with his nimble Highlanders, and of 
posting himself in the manner he had projected ; but Collonell Brayn, 
being either advertized of, or suspecting LocheilPs designs, (for Glen- 
gary still attended him, ) thought it proper to stop when he came near 
the place, and to send him a message by one John Macdonald, a rela 
tion of Glengarry's, desireing liberty to march peaceably through the 
countrey, and assureing him that he had no designe of injureing either 
him or his people, if he was not provocked. 

Locheill tooke some time to deliberat upon the matter with the 
gentlemen he had about him. His oun oppinion was, that he should re 
turn no answer, but notice and watch some other opportunity of engadge- 
ing, wherewith these roads would furnish him many, before they return 
ed ; and if they stayed any time, the rest of his men wowld be with him, 
and enable him to attack them at all hazards. But his friends were of 
a different oppinion : They argued, that since his designs were now dis 
covered, the enemy had strength enough to force their way ; especially, 
seeing they had his oun neightbours to conduct, and perhaps to assist 
them ; that the arrivall of his men, who had been sent for but one day 
before, was uncertain ; and that since there was no injury to be done to 
the countrey, it wowld be wisest to allow them a free passage ; that his 
cituation differed much from what it was the year before, when he de 
fended the pass in Breamar, for there was not only a necessity of stop 
ping the enemy, in order to save the army, which otherwayes wowld 
have been surprized, in the confusion they were in, and probably cutt to 
peices ; but the season of the year, the snow that was on the ground, 
and the advantage of the scituation, rendered it practicable ; but that 
there being no necessity of exposeing themselves just now, it wowld be 



meer rashness and foolhardiness to provock ane enemy that offered them 

no injurey. 

General Drummond, whom I have frequently mentioned, attended 
him in this expedition, as well on account of the hereditary friendship 
that still continued between their familys, as that Locheill inclined he 
should, to prevent disputes, command the confederated Clans, though he 
was dissapointed by Glengary's defection. This General being of the 
last oppinion, Locheill, after some more debate, gave way to the advice 
of his friends, but with great unwillingness. However, he keept in 
view of the enemy while they stayed in that countrey ; for having 
encamped one night beside the old Castle of Inverlochy, where, it after 
wards appeared, they designed to place a garrison, they the nixt morn 
ing began their march back to Inverness ; Locheill still waiting on 
them, till they were out of his countrey, without giveing or receiving in 
jury on either side. 

The excuse that Glengary made afterwards for his defection was, 
that the sudden advance of the enemy having disconcerted then* mea 
sures, he judged it wiser to submitt, and embrace the offers of peace 
that were made him, than to expose his country to rapine and plunder ; 
for, as he could not conveen his oun men, so Locheill cowld far less 
have time to draw his, that lived so remote, into a body, so as to make 
head against the enemy. The trewth of the matter was, that he, know 
ing that they did not designe to settle in his neightbourhood, thought him 
self not enough concerned in the quarrell, either to hazard his oun or 
the lives of his people on that occasion. This gave birth to such a dryness 
between the two Chiefs, that they were never thereafter sincerely re 
conciled. It is informed, that Glengary, who left Glencairn upon some 
pretended disgust, had some time before privatly submitted to Lilburn, 
and upon promise of great rewards, discovered the confederacey between 
him, Locheill, and Keppoch ; and that his advice occasioned Bryan's sud 
den march into Lochaber : That by his intelligence, the enemy had notice 
of Locheil's possessing himself of the Pass of Clunes, a narrow passage 
or defile, between two high mountains, of near a my le in length, covered 
with wood on both sides, and commonly called " The Dark Myle ;" and 


that he had nothing in the end for his reward but contempt, at which he 
was so petted, that he soone thereafter went abroad to the King, who, 
having no information of his late doeings, upon the meritt of his former 
services advanced him to the Peerage. 

But whatever exceptions may be to his integrity, it is certain he was 
a person both of courage and genius. Upon his leaving the kingdom, 
his estate was forfeited, and Argyle having got a gift of the forfeiture, 
complimented it to Locheill after his capitulation ; but he made no fur- 
der use of it, than to preserve it intire for the leg all ouner. Argyl's 
disposition of it to Locheill is still extant, and is to be seen in the hands 
of M'Kenzie of Rose-end. 

Locheill, in companey with Generall Drummond, returned to Glen- 
cairn's army, where there hapned some brisk skirmises between them 
and the English, in which both partys showed abundance of courage, but 
without any memorable event or remarkable accident. 

This winter, Lieutenant- Collonell M'Leod, who had been sent in the 
summer preceeding to his Majesty, and to General Middletoun, who was 
still in Holand, returned to the Highlands, where he found Glencairn 
and his army dispersed into such quarters as the country affoarded, and 
brought with him letters of instructions from the King, with the well- 
come newes that Middletoun was soone to be over among them, and 
that he was to bring them considerable supply s. 

Locheill had a letter from his Majesty, which I have before recited, 
and another from the Generall confirming the same newes, and assureing 
[him] of his Majesty's princely favour. The General was as good as his 
word, and arived in Caithness about the first of March, from which he 
sent Locheill the short note that follows : 

" HONOURED SIR, The King is very sensible of your affection to him, 
and I am confident how soone he is in a capacity, will liberally reward 
your services. I doe not at all doubt of your constant resolution to 
prosecute that service vigerously with all your power for the King's in- 
trest, and your country's honour, and I doe assure yow that no man shall 


be more ready to assist yow in any thing than, &c. (Subscribed) JOHN 
MIDDLETONE. Toung, March 1654. 

p. S. I expect that yow, with your friends, will not faill to come con 
siderably, to joyn me, as soon as yow are advertized by the Earl of Glen- 
cairn of his march towards me." 

Middletoune brought with him a few Scotch officers, and a small sup 
ply of arms and ammunition, which he, after much trouble, gott upon 
the credite and contribution of the Scots merchants and officers I men 

Glencairn immediatly gave up the command of his small army, and, 
after fighting a duel with one of his own officers, which he refused to 
doe till he was in a private state, he made his peace with General Monk, 
and thereafter lived peaceably at home, still retaining his affection and 
loyalty to his Majestic. 

Locheill obeyed the General's orders, and joyned him with a full 
regiment of good men. They immediatly entered upon action, and 
bravely fought, and defeated several considerable bodys of the enemy. 
It is a* pity we have not the particulars. The Earl of Clarendon, who 
was no friend to the Scots, assures us that by the gallant actions he per 
formed during this campaign, he made it manifast what he wowld have 
done could he have brought over the 2000 men, and the arms and other 
supplys he expected to have carryed along with him, and if others had 
performed half their promises. 

Dr Skinner, in his Life of General Monk, says, that Middletoun's 
army amounted to 8000 or 9000 men, headed by officers of the principal 
nobility and gentrey of the nation ; and that Cromewell, who had now 
made himself master of the government, and who could better dessemble 
his hatered than his fears, not knowing how far this insurrection might 
suddenly prevaill in a nation restless and dissatisfied at the late severitys, 
and that were watching all occasions to recover again the loss of their 
reputation, with the liberty of their countrey, thought Lilburn a person 
of too little courage to be trusted at this time with so strong and tough 
ane employment. He therefore made choise of General Monk, who was 


now grown famous by seaveral most glorious victoreys which he had the 
year preceeding obtained over the Dutch at sea, with whom the new 
Commonwealth was then at war. 

The General arrived in Scotland about the 23d of Aprile 1654. The 
first thing he sett about was to fill his magazins with all manner of pro 
visions and warlike stores, and the places he fixed upon as most proper 
for his purpose were Leith, Perth, and Inverness. He marched his 
army into the Highlands in two distinct bodys, having about 2500 foot 
and 600 horse in each party ; whereof he commanded one himself, and 
gave the other to the famous General Morgan, one of the bravest officers 
of those times. He left besides another party of horse and foot to range 
about in the countrey, in order, as well to cutt off all communication 
between Middletoune and the Loyalists in those parts, as to prevent their 
raiseing of more forces. 

By this prudent conduct, Middletone and his army were reduced to 
the greatest hardships, without any hopes of a relief; for, being hemmed 
in on all sides, and having no garrison nor retreate for his men, he was 
obliged to defend himself in the open countrey, where, besides other 
difficultys, he was much distressed for want of provisions. This occasion 
ed many fierce conflicts, wherein our young Chief had alwayes the hon 
our to distinguish himself. His men seemed to be spirited by his ex 
ample, and in the end became so hardy and resolute, that they dispised all 
danger, while he was on their head. There was little blood drawn all 
that campaign where he was not present ; for he chose to be in that 
part of the army that opposed General Morgan, who, being an active and 
brave officer, seldome allowed rest to his enemy s. 

Monk left no means unessayed to lessen and divide the Highland 
army. As he marched throw the countreys of those that were in arms, 
he destroyed all before him with fire and sword. Such of their houses 
as were tenible, he garrisoned and plentifully furnished with all manner 
of provisions, and built forts and barracks in other convenient places, in 
order to restrain them more. By these, and the like methods, he drew 
off great numbers ; but he carryed away many more by his gentleness 
and clemency to those that were willing to accept of terms ; for he de- 


manded no other conditions but to live peaceably, and to give up their 
arms, which many joyfully submitted to. 

As Locheill was the most distinguished Chieff, in that army, for 
bravery and spirit, Monk left no methods unpractized to bribe him into 
a submission. He made him so many engadgeing offers and proposealls, 
that severals of his best friends were surprized that he so much as hesi 
tated in accepting them. Among others, he offered to buy the estate of 
Glenluy and Locharkike for him, to pay all his debts, and to give him 
what post in the army he pleased. But finding that course inefectwal, he 
came to a resolution of executing a former project of planting such a 
strong garrison at Inverlochy, as should either give him the country to 
his mercy, or force the active and enterprising Chieff to return home to 
its defence. Nor was he out in his judgement ; for Locheill had timely 
notice, and marched streight into Lochaber, where, after having raised 
more men, he resolved to fight the enemy in their march from Inverness, 
that being the rout he was informed they were to take ; and General 
Middletoune drew his forces that way, in order to support him. 

But the sudden arrivall of the English, by sea, quickly disconcerted 
all their measurs. Locheill was indebted to his friend the Marquess of 
Argyle, who, it is reported, first advised the settling of a garrison in 
Lochaber for this dissapointment. That political Lord soone convinced 
General Monk of the danger that his troops wowld run, if they march 
ed by Inverness ; and advised him to obviate that inconveniency by im- 
barking them at a convenient port on the West Seas, and offered pro 
per persons to pilote them safely to the place they intended. This ad 
vice was so effectwally executed, that the troops landed safely at Inver 
lochy, even while it was given out with assurance, that they were to 
come by the North. They came in five vessells, besides carriage boats, 
with a year's provision, and great plenty of materials for errecting the 
designed fort. The same Collonell Brayn, who was in that countrey the 
former year, was appointed Governour of the garrison, which then con 
sisted of 2000 effective troops, commanded by the most resolute and 
skilfull officers in Generall Monk's army. They were attended by a 
great number of workmen, with servants, wifes, and children. 


The scituation of this Garrison is so singular and currious, that it de 
serves to be described ; besides, the following relation makes it neces- 
sarey : It stands upon the South syde of a small gulf of that arm of the 
sea called Locheill, where, by the turn of the mountains, it forms itself in 
to an angle, and receives the great and rapid river of Lochy ; which from 
the North, or opposite side, rushes into it with such force and violence, that 
it preserves its streams intire, without any mixture, for a long way. The 
fort is scituated upon a plain allmost levell with the sea. On the oposite 
shears there is another, of a much larger extent, upon the same levell, 
which widens, and exceedingly beautifies the prospect. These plains are 
surrounded with mountains, which were then covered with wood, and 
watered with many springs and ri volets. 

Behind the fort there arises a huge mountain, of a prodigeous hight, 
called Beniviss, at that time addorned with a variety of trees and bushes, 
and now with a beautifull green. Its ascent is prety steep, though 
smooth. The top or summit is plain, covered with perpetwall snow, 
and darkned with thick clouds. 

On the East, the prospect opens into a glen or valley betwixt two 
mountains, beawtified with diversity of trees, shrubs, and bushes, be 
sides many lovely greens, with a river at the bottom ; which, after be 
ing brocken by a heap of misscheapen stones, glides away in a clear 
stream, and wandring through woods, vales, and rocks, in many wind 
ings, looses it self in the sea. 

On the West, the Lake, or arm of the sea called Locheill, extends it 
self five long miles through two ridges of hills, riseing on both sides, 
with many woods, greens, mosses, and torrents, falling doun with great 
noise and force from the rocks and precipices, and terminats the view 
by another mountain, which appears like a vast cloud in a distant re 
Opposite to the Fort, on the North, the afore-mentioned river of 
Lochy conducts the eye to a large fresh-water Lake, of the same name, 
from which it rises for six miles foreward, almost in a direct line. This 
Lake is of a great breadth ; and streaching it self twelve miles furder 
Northward, receives another river, which continues the prospect till it 


guides yow to a second Lake, near Glengary, where the eye looses it self 
in the immensity of the view. 

The high mountains on both sides these lochs and rivers, opening like 
huge walls on either hand, yeald a curious variety of savage prospects for 
near fourty miles, in almost a streight vista ; the vast wideness whereof, 
making the several turnings of the mountains rather diversifey the scene, 
than obstruct the eye. This great opening is called by the generall 
name of Glenmore. The extreamitys of these mountains gradwally de- 
clyning from their several summitts, open into glens or outletts, where 
yow have various views of woods, rivers, plains, and laiks, and the tor 
rents, or falls of water, which every here and there tumble down the 
presipices, and, in many places, seem to breck through the clifts and 
cracks of the rocks, strick the eye more agreeably than the most curious 
artifioiall cascades. 

In a word, the number, extent, and variety of the several prospects ; 
the verdure of the trees, shrubs, and greens ; the odd wildness of the 
hills, rocks, and precipeces ; with the noise of the rivoletts and torrents, 
brecking and foaming among the stones, in such a diversity of collowrs 
and figures ; the shineing smoothness of the seas and laiks, the rapidity 
and rumling of the rivers falling from shelve to shelve, and forceing 
their streams through a multitude of obstructions, have something so 
charmingly wild and romantick as even exceeds discription. 

The neighbourhood of these woods furnished the Governour of Inver- 
lochy with such plenty of materialls, that in less than 24 hours after his 
landing he secured his troops from all danger of being attacked. Loch- 
eill came with all his men to a wood in the neighbourhood the nixt day, 
with a full resolution to engadge him ; but having himself taken a view 
of his works from ane adjacent eminence, he found it impracticable, and 
retired three miles Westwards to a wood on the North side of Locheill, 
called Achadelew. Here, having advised with his friends, it was judged 
proper to dismiss the men for some days, as well in order to remove 
their cattle to greater distances from the enemy, as to furnish themselves 
with provisions ; which, by their being long together, were quite ex 
hausted. He retained only thirty- two young gentlemen and his oun ser- 


vants about him as a guard to his person, amounting in all to thirty-five, 
or, as others say, to thirty-eight persons. He could fix upon no place 
more convenient to attend the return of his men ; having not only a 
safe retreate into the wood in case of any sudden danger, but likewaise, 
the garrison so much in his view, that the smalest party could not be 
detatched, without having timely notice of its motion. Besids, he had 
ordered proper persons to attend in the garrison, who dilligently inform 
ed themselves of all that passed. These insinuated themselves so cun 
ningly into a familiarity with the soldiers by frank offers of their ser 
vices, that they were not in the least suspected, and were of great use. 

By these, Locheill had privatly notice that the Governour, incouraged 
by his dismissing his men, was that very day, being the fifth after his 
arrivall, to send out a detatchment of 300 men, attended by some work 
men, as well in order to bring in some fresh provisions, as to fell a good 
quantity of old oak trees, which, he was informed, were to be found in 
great plenty on both sides of the Loch. Though Locheill was much 
displeased at himself for dismisseing so many of his men, yet, pushed 
on by his curiousity, he assended an eminence, from whence he had a 
full prospect of all their works ; and soon thereafter discovered two 
ships, full of soldiers, saileing towards the wood, where he and his men 
lay concealed. These ships, as he afterwards found, contained an equall 
number of troops. One of them anchored on this, and the other on the 
opposite shoar. Resolving to have a nearer view, he, by the favour of 
the wood, found means to post himself in such a short distance of the 
place where they landed, that he counted them as they drew up, and 
their number was about 140 men, besids officers and workmen with axes 
and other instruments. Having thus fully satisfied himself, he returned 
to his friends, and asked their oppinion, what they ought to doe, "now 
that such a party of the enemy had offered their throats to be cutt," as 
he expressed himself. The far greater party were young men, firy, 
hott-headed, full of viggour and courage, and fond of every opportunity 
of pleaseing their young Chieff, whom they almost adored. These dis 
covering his inclinations, were for attacking the English (or " Sassa- 
noch," that is, Saxons, as they call them in their language) att all 



hazards, without weighting the consequences ; but the few wiser, and 
of more experience, disswaded him from it by all the arguments they 
could fall upon. They said, that the vast inequality of their numbers 
rendered the attempt madd and ridicoulous : That, supposeing them 
cowards, yet they were strangers, and the very dispare of escapeing by 
flight wowld oblige them to fight for their lives ; and being more than 
four to one, it wowd be surprizing if they did not surround, and cutt there 
assailants to pices : But here, the combate wowld still be more hazard 
ous and desperate ; for the enemy were all choise old troops, hardned, 
and inspirited by long practice, and perpetwall success in war, and com 
manded by experienced officers, who knew well how to imploy these ad 
vantages ; so that it wowd be a sufficient proofe of their oun courage to 
fight such an enemy upon equal terms. Upon the whole, that their 
best advice was immediatly to dispatch such persons as he their Chief 
should pitch upon, to call for the assistance of more men, and then to 
fight when they reasonably could expect success. 

There were one or two present who had served under Montrose. 
Lochem asked their oppinions separatly, but they declaired, that they 
never knew him engadge under so great a dissadvantage of force ; be 
sides, that they looked upon this enemy to be of a character supperior 
to any that Montrose had occasion to dale with ; for, though he seldome 
fought but where there were some regiments of old soldiers against him, 
yet the greater part were commonly such as neither listed themselves out 
of zeall for the Covenant, or were otherwayes forced, and, therefore, not 
to be compared with veterane troops. 

But, notwithstanding of all this, Locheill was so resolute that he 
wowld not be disswaded from the hazardous attempt. Whither pushed 
on by an excess of courage, or by a youthfull spiritt of emulation, (for he 
had Montrose alwaise in his mouth, ) it is certain that he never appeared 
absolutely inexorable but on this occasion. He upraided his friends as 
enemys to his and their own glory, in magnifying dangers, where, he said, 
there was so little reason : He alleaged that he had allowed the same 
enemy to escape, by their advice, when he had an opportunity of cutting 
them to pices ; and that, had they been then treated as they deserved, 


they neither wowld have had the boldness to fix themselves in the heart 
of his countrey, nor the insolence to cutt doun his woods without his 
leave ; but they should not have one tree of his without paying for it 
with their blood : That if they were not chastized, the Camerons, who 
were the only free people within the three kingdoms, wowld soone find 
themselves in a miserable state of servitude, at the mercy of bloody en 
thusiasts, who had enslaved their countrey, and embrued their impious 
hands in the blood of their Sovereign, and still thristed for that of his 
few remaining subjects : That, however they magnified their courage, 
yet it might be remembered by severals, who were present, that they 
had oftener than once tryed it with success in conflicts more hazard 
ous ; and, particularly, att Brea of Marr, where he himself defended a 
pass with a handfull, against an army of them : He furder alleaged, 
that the enemy, being in absolute security, wowld be so confounded 
and stupified on a bold, sudden, and unexpected attack, that they 
wowld imagine every tree in the wood a Highlander with a broad 
sword in his hand, and cutting their throats : That they had no other 
arms but heavey musquets, which wowld be useless after the first fire ; 
and that it wowld be their oun faults if they allowed them tune to make 
a second : That supposeing that he and his party should be obliged to 
retreate, which was the worst that could happen, it was easie for them 
to retire furder into the wood, through which the enemy durst not follow 
them, for fear of ambushes ; and though they should, yet the Highland 
ers, who were much nimbler, had the adjacent mountains for their secu 
rity : That, as to the propossall of sending for more men, they knew 
that to be impracticable ; for those in the neightbourhood were by this 
time in the remote mountains with their cattle, and the rest lived at too 
great a distance to affoard assistance at that time ; but that he truely 
belived there was no need of their aid, for if every one there wowld 
undertake to kill his man, which he expected they wowd doe with their 
shott, he said that he wowld answer for the rest ! 

Locheill delivered himself in such a manner that non of his party 
made furder opposition. They all declaired that they were ready to 
march wherever he should command them, though to certain death ; on 


condition that he and his younger brother Allan, who was then a strip- 
pling, wowld agree to absent themselves from that danger. They said, 
that as all the hopes of the Clan depended on their safety, so they in- 
treated him to be prevailed upon in so reasonable a demand. Locheill 
could not patiently hear the propossall with regaird to himself ; but com 
manded that his brother should be bound to a tree ; and that since he 
could not spare any of his men, a little boy, who was accidentaly with 
them, should be left to attend him. Though these orders were executed, 
yet the brave youth soon forced the boy to unloose him, and by that 
means had the good fortune to save his brother's life, as we shall see by 
and by. 

In the meantime, his scouts brought him notice that the enemy having 
continued for a short space where they landed, marched slowly along 
the shoar about half a mile furder Westward, and were now advanced 
to the village of Achadelew, where they were pillageing the houses and 
catching the poultry. Locheill, judgeing this the proper season for 
attacking them, while they were in some disorder, drew up his party in 
a long line, one man deep, and desired them to march softly, to prevent 
dissordering themselves, while they were intangled among the trees, till 
they came in view of the enemy, and to keep up their shott till they 
touched their breasts with the muzells of their peices. About one half 
of .his men had bows, and were exelent archers. These he ordered to 
doe the same, and mixed them among his firelocks. But his men were 
too young and foreward to observe the first part of these orders with 
necessarey exactness. They marched so quick, or rather ran with such 
a pace, that Locheill, who, by some accident or other, was obliged to 
stay a little behind, ran a very great risk (before he could overtake 
them) of being shott from a bush, where one of the enemy lurked : but 
his brother Allan came luckily up in the very point of time, and shott 
the fellow, while he had his gun at his eye, levelled directly att Locheill, 
who had not observed him. 

The English, who, it seems, had been timeously advertised by some of 
their stragglers, were in very good order when the Camerons came in 
view of them. They received them with a general discharge of their 


musquetts, though at such a distance that they did no harm ; and the 
Highlanders were up with them before they could again load their pices, 
and powering their shotts into their very bossoms, killed above thirty of 
them with that bloody fire. They then fell on with their swords, and 
laid about them with incredible fury. The enemy sustained the shoke 
with equall bravery, though with less success. 

That manner of fighting was new and surprizeing to them. Att first, 
they acted interely upon the defencive ; and, by holding their musquetts 
cross their foreheads, endeavoured to defend themselves from the terrible 
blows of the broad-sword. But the Highlanders stricking them below, 
they were soon obliged to chainge that method. Some of them chose 
to make use of their swords, with which they struck at their enemys, 
with great strength and furey ; but their blows were mostly ineffectwall, 
the Highlanders receiving them on their targets or shields ; and the 
mettle and temper of their blades was so bad, that they sone bent in 
their hands, and became useless, which exposed them to innevitable 
death. Others of them thrust their bayonets into the muzles of their 
peices, as the custome then was ; but these were no less unsuccessful!, 
for the more violently they pusht, the more firmly they fastned and stuck 
in the targets, and left the users naked and defenceless. Those that 
clubbed their musketts did some more misschief, but faired little better 
in the end ; for though they made some sure blows, yet these peices 
were at that time so clumsey and heavy, that they seldom could recover 
them for a second strock ; besides, the Highlanders covering them [selves] 
with their targets, commonly broke their force. But the supperiority of 
their numbers gave such advantages, as enabled them to keep the con 
flict long in suspense. Though their ranks were often peirced, disorder 
ed, and broke, yet they as often rallyed, and returned to the charge, 
which exceedingly surprized the Highlanders, who were not accustomed 
with such long and doubtfull actions ; and it is more than probable, 
that, had the English weapons been equall to the courage of the men, 
their enemys had payed dear for their rashness. 

But their numbers at last decressing, by the slaughter of their best 
men, they began gradwally to give ground, but not so as to fly ; for, with 


their faces to their enemys, they still keept in a body retreating, though 
in disorder, and fighting with invincible obstinacy and resolution. But 
Locheill, to prevent their escapeing to their vessell, fell upon this stra- 
teem. He commanded two or three of his men to run before, and 
from a bush of wood, to call out so as to make them imagine that 
another party of Highlanders intercepted their retreat. This tooke so 
effectwally that they stopt ; and animated by rage, madness, and dispare, 
they renewed the skirmish with greater fury than before. They were 
still supernumerary to the Highlanders, by more than a half, and want 
ed nothing but proper arms to make Locheill repent that he did not 
give way to their escape. They no more regairded their safety, and 
with their clubbed musquets fetched such stroks as would have browght 
their enemys to the ground, if they had been aimed with as much dis 
cretion as they were layed on with force. But this served only to 
heasten their distruction ; for, exerting all their strength hi making these 
blows, the sway of their heavey musquetts, which commonly struck 
against the ground, rendering them unable to recover themselves, the 
Highlanders made use of the advantage, and stabbed them with their 
durks or poynards, while they were thus naked and defenceless ; where 
by they quickly diminished then- numbers, and forced them again to 
betake themselves to their heels. 

Being thus broken and dispersed, they fled as fear or chance directed 
them. The Highlanders pursued with as little judgement. In one place 
yow might have seen five Highlanders engadged with double that num 
ber of Englishmen ; and in another, two or three Englishmen defending 
themselves against twice as many of their enemys. But the greatest 
part made to the shoar, where we shall leave them for a moment, and 
follow the young Chieff, who mett with a most surprizeing adventure. 

It was his chance to follow a few that fled into the wood, where he 
killed two or three with his own hand, non having pursued that way but 
himself. The officer who commanded the party had likewayes fled thi 
ther, but concealing himself in a bush, Locheill had not noticed him. 
This gentleman, observing that he was alone, started suddenly out of 
his lurking-place, and attacked him in his return, threatning, as he rush- 


ed furiously upon him, to revenge the slaughter of his countreymen by 
his death. Locheill, who had also his sword in his hand, received him 
with equall resolution. The combate was long and doubtfull ; both 
fought for their lives ; and as they were both animated by the same 
fury and courage, so they seemed to manage their swords with the same 
dexterity. The English gentleman had by far the advantage in strength 
and size, but Locheill exceeding him in nimbleness and agility, in the 
end tript the sword out of his hand. But he was not allowed to make 
use of this advantage ; for his antagonist flyeing upon him with incre 
dible quickness, they inclosed and wrestled till both fell to the ground 
in other's arms. In this posture they struggled, and tumbled up and 
doun till they fixt in the channell of a brooke, betwixt two straite banks, 
which then, by the drouth of summar, chanced to be dry. Here Loch 
eill was in a most dismall and desperate scituation ; for being under 
most, he was not only crushed under the weight of*his antagonist, (who 
was an exceeding big man,) but likewayes sore hurt, and bruized by 
many sharp stones that were below him. Their strength was so far 
spent, that neither of them could stirr a limb ; but the English gentle 
man, by the advantage of being uppermost, at last recovered the use 
of his right hand. With it he seized a dagger that hung at his belt, 
and made severall attempts to stab his adversarey, who all the while held 
him fast ; but the narrowness of the place where they were confyned, 
and the posture they were in, rendering the execution very difficult, 
and almost impracticable, while he was so straitly embraced, he made a 
most violent effort to disingadge himself ; and in that action, raiseing 
his head and streaching his neck, Locheill, who by this had his hands 
at liberty, with his left suddently seized him by the right, and with the 
other by the collar, and jumping at his extended throat, which he used 
to say, " God putt in his mouth," he bitt it quitt throw, and keept such 
hold of his grip, that he brought away his mouthfull ! This, he said, 
was the sweetest bite ever he had in his lifetime ! The reader may 
imagine in what a pickle he would be, after receiving such a gush of 
warm blood, as naturally flowed from so wide ane orifice. 

However, he had soone an opportunity of washing himself, for heasten- 


ing to the shear, he found his men chin-deep in the sea, endeavouring 
to destroy the remander of the enemy, who still attempted to recover 
their vessell, which road near the shoare att ane anchor ; and inclining 
to save these few gleanings of so noble a victorey, he with great diffi 
culty stopt the furey of his men, and offered quarters. They all sub 
mitted, being about thirty-five in number. The first that delivered his 
arms was an Irishman, who having briskly offered his hand to Locheill, 
bad him adiew, and ran away with so much speed, that, notwithstanding 
he was warmly pursued, he made his escape to Inverlochy, which is 
three long miles of stoney and uneven roade, from the village where 
they first engadged. Besides that, he had the rapid river of Lochy to 
cross before he was in safety. It is reported of this fellow, that the dan 
ger he had run when he addressed God by prayer, which every soldier 
was in those religious times obliged to doe, he alwayes adjected this pe 
tition " That God In his mercy wowld be pleased to keep him out of 
the hands of Locheill and his bloody crew !" 

Before the rest gave up their arms, one of them had the boldness to 
attempt to shoote Locheill, who having by good fortune observed him, 
while he had his gun at his eye, plunged himself into the sea at the mo 
ment when the fellow drew the tricker. This he the more easily effect 
ed, that he was chin-deep in the water ; and even in that circumstance, 
his escape was so narrow, that a part of the hair of his hind-head was 
cut, and the skin a little ruffled by the ball. 

After this, the Camerons showed no more mercy. They flew upon 
them like tigers, and cutt them to peices, wherever they could come 
at them. In vain did Locheill interpose his authority ; their ears 
were deafe to everything but the dictats of fury and revenge. Nor in 
deed did the English, after so manifast a violation of the laws of wars, 
seem to expect any better treatment ; for one of them, whom the Ca 
merons guessed to be an officer by his dress, having gott on board the 
ship, resolved to accomplish what the other had failled in ; and that he 
might make himself the surer of his aime, he rested his peice upon the 
ledge of the vessell. Locheill observed him, and judgeing that he had no 
other chance of escapeing but by duiking, as he did before, he keepthis 


eye closs upon the fingre that he had at the tricker. But his foster-brother, 
who was hard by, happining at the same time to take notice of the dan 
ger his Chief was in, and preferring his safety to his own, immediatly 
threw himself before him, and received the shott in his very mouth and 
breast. This is perhaps one of the most astonishing instances of affec 
tion and love that any age can produce ! If fortitude and courage are 
qualitys of so heroick and sublime a nature, what name shall we invente 
for a noble contempt of life, generously thrown away in preservation of 
one of a much greater value ? 

Locheill revenged the death of this brave youth with his own hand, 
and after the utter distraction of the whole party, excepting the Irish 
man, and one other person, whom we shall hereafter mention, he carried 
him three long miles upon his own back, and interred him in theburriall- 
place of his family, after the most honourable manner he could con 

The Camerons, after finishing of this hard day's labour, found them 
selves not only extreamly fatigued, but likewaise the greatest part of 
them were bruised and wownded. They lost only five of their number, 
whereof four were slain in the action, and the fifth sacraficed himself in 
the unprecedented manner I have related. Locheill having, out of cu 
riosity, ordered the few that had escaped being hurt or wownded to count 
the bodys of the enemy that lay scattered up and doun the fields, and to 
take care of such as appeared not to be mortally wownded, he found the 
exact number of the slain to be 138 ; whereby he judged that the whole 
party did not much exceed that calcule ; for, excepting the workmen that 
run away at the first charge, he knew of non that escaped but the Irish 
man lately mentioned, and one other man, whom he himself saved, and 
who, in gratitude, served him afterwards faithfully as his cook while he 
lived. He had some difficulty to save this prissoner from the furry of his 
landlady with whom he lodged that night. This womanlived upon the side 
of Locheill, at a small distance from Achadelew, and having lossed one of 
her sons, a very hansome young man, in the action, she, in the trans 
ports of her grief, tooke a fancy in her head that possibly this might 
be the man that killed her sone ; and so, without furder examening mat- 



ters, flew upon him, and wowld have undoubtedly strangled him, if 
Locheill had not interposed, and secured his safety by sending him to 
another house, under a guard. The nixt day Locheill sent him to the 
garrison to visite his friends, and to inform Collonell Bryan how affairs 
had happned ; and he not only executed his commission very faithfully, 
but returned himself within a day or two thereafter, and conceived such 
ane affection for his new master, that he served him ever after with the 
greatest zeall and fidelity while he lived. This much I thought due to 
the memorey of so honest a man. It is a proofe that virtue and honour 
may be found in the meanest breast. 

He was much diverted with the simplicity of some of his men, while 
they were viewing the dead. They had been, some way or other, pre- 
possesed with a fancy that the English had some excressence shooting 
out from their rumps, in form of tailes ; which made some of the meaner 
sort examine several of the dead bodys, with great curiousity and exact 

Several other amuseing storeys are related of this action. I shall 
only trouble the reader with two, whereof the one showes the temper of 
common soldiers, and the other of the Highlanders ; the courage of the 
first being meerly mechanicall, and flowing from dissipline and habite, as 
serving simply for bread ; and that of the last, from the notions they 
have of honour and loyalty, and of the services which they think they 
owe to their Chief, as the root of the family, and the commone father 
and protector of the name. As this has something of greatness and 
generosity in the principle, so the actions flowing from it participate of 
the same spirit. Of this we have already had an illustrious example ; 
and, indeed, the almost unequalled bravery of the Camerons, during the 
terrible and extraordinary skirmish I have described, examplify the same 
in a number of persons. Nor did it less appear hi the generous emula 
tion that spirited them to exert the outmost efforts of their strength and 
courage before their young Chief. One of them having shott an arrow 
at too great a distance, and Locheill observing that it did not peirce deep 
enough to kill the man, cryed out, that "it came from a weak arm ;" 
at which the Highlander thought himself so affronted, that, dispiseing 


all danger, he rushed among the thick of the enemy, and recovering his 
own arrow, plunged it into the man's body to the feathers ! This action 
wowld have coast him his life, if Locheill had not quickly detatched a 
party to his relief. 

The other instance is this : The English, after their defeat, being 
hard put to it by the pursueing enemy, they plunged into the sea, in 
hopes of recovering their ships. One of them, observing that a peice of 
beeff and some small bisketts had dropt out of his pocketts by the floating 
of the laps of his coat, he, preferring the recovery of his provisions to 
the safety of his life, fell a fishing [for] them, and had his head divided 
into two parts by the blow of a broad-sword, as he was putting the first 
morsell of it into his mouth. 

I shall make one other observation on the courage of these people, 
before we dismiss them ; and that is, that, even after they were in abso 
lute dispare of escapeing, not one of them (excepting the person whom 
Locheill saved) called for quarters ; nor did they, in all the fright and 
confusion they were in, part with their arms but with their lives. 

In the mean time, the soldiers that were in the other ship we have 
mentioned landed on the shore opposite to Auchadelew, but somewhat 
more Westward. The people of the nixt villages having discovered 
them before they arived, desserted their houses, and carryed off their 
cattle and other goods to the mountains ; so that these soldiers found 
only ane old feeble man, whom they not only used with great inhumanity, 
but because he wowld not, or perhaps could not, make the discoverys 
they wanted of him, they determined to hang him, and were prepareing 
ropes when they heard the noise of the fire on the opposite shoar. This 
having fixt their attention, gave the poor man an opportunity of crawle- 
ing away to the nixt bushes, where he concealed himself from their 
crewelty. The Loch, at that place, being not much above one mile 
broad, they saw the other side very distinctly, but there being many 
bushes and shrubs, and the ground somewhat uneven, on account of 
certain hillocks and hollow places, they could not descern particular 
objects with that exactness as to make a sure discovery. In order, 
thereafter, to have a nearer view, they again imbarked, and made gently 


to the middle of the Loch, from whence they plainly saw that their friends 
were ingadged, that they were chaced up and down, and very hard putt 
to it by the prevailing enemy. But, suspecting that the Highlanders 
were very numerous, and the officer that commanded them being proba 
bly more cautious than stout, they satisfied themselves with fireing from 
their ship, though at too great a distance to have any effect. In a word, 
they continued there till Locheill retired with his men, and then they 
adventured to land, and beheld the dismall fate of then* countreymen, 
whose bodys they putt on board^the other empty vessell, which they 
hailed along with them to Inverlochy. 

The Governour had the first accounts of his men's being attacked 
from the workmen, who fled in the beginning ; which exceeding per 
plexed him. Though he and his counceill were far from thinking that 
they cowld come in time to the relief of his party, yet they resolved to 
doe all in their power, and to march out with their whole garrison ; but, 
before they had time to sett out, the Irishman, so often mentioned, ar 
rived almost dead with fear and fatigue, and informed that all his men 
were cutt off. The ships cam up in the evening, and brought the dis 
mall proofs along with them. 

The astonishment of the Governour and his officers, upon seeing the 
dead bodys exposed, is inexpressible. The deep wownds and terrible 
slashes that appeared on these mangled carcasses seemed to be above 
the strength of man. Some had their heads cutt doun a good way into 
the neck ; others had them divided across by the mouth and nose ; 
many, who were struck upon the collar-bone, shewed ane orifice or gash 
much wider than that made by the blow of the heavyest hatchett ; and 
often the shearing blade, where the blow was full, and mett with no ex 
traordinary obstruction, penetrated so deep as to discover part of the 
intrails. There were some that had their bellys laid open, and others 
with their arms, thighs, and leggs, lopt off in anamazeing manner. Se 
veral bayonetts were cutt quitt through, and musquitts were pierced 
deeper than can be well imagined. The Governour and maney of his 
officers had formerly had occasion to see the Highlanders of several 
clans and countreys, but they appeared to be no extraordinarey men 


neither in size or strength. The Camerons they had observed to be of 
a peice with the rest, and they wondered where Locheill could find a suf 
ficient body of men of strength and brawn to give such an odd variety 
of surprizeing wownds. But they did not know that there was as much 
arte as strength in fetching these strocks ; for, where a Highlander 
layes it on full, he draws it with great address the whole length of the 
blade, whereas an unskilfull person takes in no more of it than the 
breadth of the place where he hitts. He is likewayes taught to wownd 
with the point, or to fetch a back-strock, as occasion offers ; and as in all 
these he knows how to exert his whole vigour and strength, so his blade 
is of such excellent temper and form as to answer all his purposes. 

Various were the accounts that spread abroad of this action in the 
beginning ; but time at last bringing the treuth to light, it became the 
general admiratione of the whole kingdome. Locheill was by all partys 
extolled to the skyes as a young hero of boundless courage and extraor 
dinary conduct. His presence of mind, in delivering himself from his 
terrible English antagonist, who had so much the advantage of him in 
every thing but vigour and courage, by biteing out his throat, was in 
every person's mouth ; as it is, indeed, often talked off to this day. Nor 
was the generosity of his foster-brother, who willingly sacraficed his oun 
life for the preservation of his Chief, less the wonder and astonishment 
of mankind. The only part of Locheil's conduct I have heard blamed, 
was his artfull stoping his enemy s, who were still double his number, in 
their retreat, that being contrair to the prudent maxim of giveing a golden 
bridge to a retiring foe ; but there must be still some allowance made 
for the fire of youth, and for noble ardor of mind that a young warriour 
is possessed with, in the heat of his courage. 

The English, on the other hand, were more pityed than blamed. 
They did all that men could doe in the circumstances they were in. Not 
a single man of them betrayed the least cowardice, but fought it out 
with invincible obstinacy, while any of them remained to make opposi 
tion ; and their frequent attempts upon the Chiefs life, even after 
quarters were offered, shews that their fortitude and courage remained 
so firm to the last, that they disdained to be the survivors of a defeate, 


which they looked upon as shemfull and ignominious. In short, they 
were not conquered, but destroyed ; and their mine may be atributed 
to these two reasons ; the first, that they lost the use of their shott by 
fireing att too great a distance, for there was not so much as one High 
lander killed or wownded by it ; the second, that they had no arms 
suited to the nature of the combate, their heavey musquetts serving 
them rather to retard the victorey, than to destroy the enemy. 

Locheill, immediatly after this exploite, resolving to return to Ge 
neral Middletoun, commanded such of his men as lived near -the Garri 
son to submitt themselves, and make their peace with the Governour, 
on condition, that he demanded no other terms but to live peaceably. 
By this wise conduct, he secured his people from being ruined during 
his absence ; but while he waited the return of his men, he mett with 
another opportunity of cutting off a party of the enemy, which happned 
on this occasion. 

The submission I just now mentioned, having partly removed the 
fears that the Garrison lay under, the Governour began to send out 
partys to bring in materials for carrying on his fortifications ; and Loch 
eill, being informed of what passed, resolved to make use of the opportu 
nity that their security gave him, and posted himself in a convenient sta 
tion within less than half a mile Westward of the Garrison. That 
same morning, the Governour sent out a command of 200 men, upon I 
know not what errand ; and Locheill, to make surer of them, detatched 
twenty of his to a private place betwixt them and their friends ; and or 
dered them to sally suddenly out, and intercept them in case they should 
chance to fly that way, as they naturally wowld. 

The enemy, having advanced in good order, to a village called Auch- 
intoure, Locheill, who was prepared, rushed upon them with a sudden 
furry, and easily brock them ; for the fatall memorey of Auchadelew had 
so benumbed their courage, that they made no resistance, but fled at 
the first charge. The twenty men I mentioned gave them a full fire 
in the breast, and then attacked them with their swords ; but they 
wowld not be stopt. In a word, they lost one half of their number. 


Locheill, having pursued them to the very walls of their fort, he made 
some few of them prissoners, whom he destributed among such of his 
men as lived out of the reverence of the Garrison. 

A few days thereafter, he marched Northward, at the head of a gal 
lant party, and was received by the General and his friends there with 
great triumph and joy. The noise of the success in Lochaber and of some 
others that the General had lately obtained, gave them hopes of being 
soon in a condition to open their way into the South, where they were 
sure that the King had many friends ; for the severity of General 
Monk's Government was such, that the people were keen to have ane 
opportunity of freeing themselves from that untolerable servitude. Nor 
was less expected, as appears from the following letter to Locheill from 
his cousine, the Earl of Loudon. This Lord was a person of consider 
able parts ; and though he was deeply engadged in the Rebellion, and a 
great friend of the Marquess of Argyl's, who was his Chief, yet, from 
the King's being in Scotland, he became privatly his friend, and keept 
a correspon dance with the Loyalists. He bore the office of Chancelor 
during the bloody reign of the Covenant ; and it seems that the King 
continued him in that post ; at least he acted as Chancellour in the year 



" I hop this will find yow with the Generall, who will communicate 
to yow all occurances and intelligence from this part of the countrey ; 
which makes me forbear to trouble yow at this time with a long letter, 
hopping to see yow shortly towards this part. The signall proof yow 
have given of your affection to the King's service, and true valure in op 
posing and rancountering the rebells that entered your countrey, I 
trust, will be keept in thankfull remembrance by his Majesty, and hath 
endeared yow to all who love their King or countrey ; and your come- 
ing alongst with the General, and constancey in the King's service, will 
procure such recompense and marks of favour to yourself and family 


from him, as will make yow think all your pains and hazards yow can 
be at well bestowed : Which is all I have to wryte at present, but to 
entreat yow to hasten these other letters to my Lord General, if he be 
not with yow, assureing yow that I will, upon all occasions, be ready to 

approve my self, 

" Your most affectionat cousin e, 
"Sept. 9, 1654. (Signed) LOWDON." 

About this time, the famous Captain Wogan arrived in the Highland 
camp. He was a very handsom gentleman, of the age of three or four 
and twenty. When he was a youth of fifteen or sixteen years, he had 
been, by the corruption of some of his nearest friends, engadged in 
the Parliament service against the King, where the eminencey of his 
courage made him so much taken notice of, that he acquired a great 
reputation, and was beloved by all ; but so much in the friendship of 
General Ireton, under whom he had the command of a troop of horse, 
that no man was so much in credit with him. But being improved in 
age and understanding, and falling into the conversation of sober men, 
he began, by degrees, to discover his error ; and the barbarous murder 
of the King gave him so great a detestation and horrour of these impi 
ous rebells, that he thought of nothing but to repair his oun reputation 
by taking vengeance of those who had cousined [cozened] and misled him. 
The fame of the Marquess of Ormond's uniteing with the Irish in 
favours of the King quickly drew him thither, and he behaved with such 
signall valour, that that noble Lord gave him the command of his own 
Guards, and every man the testimony of his deserving it. He came 
over with the Marquess into France, and being restless to be in action, 
no sooner heard of Middletoun's being arrived in Scotland, than he re 
solved to be with him. It was with the greatest difficulty that he could 
prevail with his Majestic to allow him, and to grant commissions for him 
self and some other resolute young gentlemen that were willing to ac- 
companey him. The very nixt day after obtaining his dispatches, he and 
his companions, being seven or eight in number, went out of Paris to 
gether, and tooke post for Calais. They landed att Dover, continued 


their journey to London, and walked the town, [and] stayed there about 
three weeks, till they had bought horses. In a word, they were full 
four-score horse, well armed, when they left that city, and marching by 
easy journeys, but out of the common roads, they arived safely in Scot 
land, where they beat up some of the enemy's quarters that lay in their 
way, and without any misfortune joyned General Middletoune in the 

They were received with all the honour and respect due to such a gal 
lant companey of loyall adventurers, and performed many brave actions 
with Mr Woggan at their head. Locheill sone contracted a most inti 
mate friendship with him, and several others of his party, and often 
shared in the honour of their adventures. No garrison of the enemy was 
secure within many miles of them, and as they were perpetwally in ac 
tion, so they became a terror even to the most adventerous of the rebells. 
But poor Woggan chanceing, in one of these desperat encounters, to 
receive a small wound, which he at first neglected, it became at last in- 
cureable by the excessive fatigue he daily underwent, and the want of 
skillfull surgeons, so that he died of it, to the great grief of the General, 
and all who knew him. His comerads continued till the end of the war, 
and some few of them adventured to return to their own countrey by 
land, and from thence found their way to the King, and the rest accom- 
paneyed the General. 

Monk, in the mean time, observed his former cautious conduct, and 
was resolved, without risking the hazard of a general battle, to spin out 
the war in such a manner, as in the end to compell the Highlanders, 
whom he knew to be destitute of all means of supporting themselves, 
either to submitl!' or starve. He still keept his army in two distinct bodys, 
and within four days' march of each other. They were plentifully sup- 
plyed with all things, while Middletoun, who daily observed the decay of 
his forces, and the ruine of the countrey, and was in great want, was no 
less earnest to come to a battle with one or other of these armys. He 
was vigourously seconded by Locheill and most of the other Chiefs, who 
were keen to open a passage by their swords for their friends in the Low- 
countrey to joyn them, and to free themselves from the ravage and fury 



of a crewall enemy, that daily destroyed their countrey with fire and 
sword. But it was Middletoun's misfortune to have too many of the no 
bility, and others who had been trained up in luxury, faction, and rebel 
lion, in that divided army. These gentlemen being heartily wearey of the 
hardships and dangers they were daily exposed to by that fatigueing war, 
were more anxious to save themselves than to serve their King, and to 
doe honour to their countrey. They opposed the very motion of a battle 
with the greatest vechemencey and eagerness, upon pretence, that if they 
should have the good fortune to engadge one party with success, the 
other, being fresh, might advance upon them before they should be in a 
condition to recover themselves, to the hazard and loss of their whole 

Locheill having, in the mean time, certain information from his friends 
in Lochaber, that the Governour of Inverlochy tooke the advantage of 
his absence to destroy his woods, and that he was resolved, before he ex 
pected him into the countrey, to provide himself in as much as wowld 
serve him for fireing during all the nixt winter and spring, he obtained 
leave from the Generall to pay him a private visite, on condition that he 
left the greatest part of his men behind him. He sett out in the night 
time, in as private a manner as possible, on the head of 150 of his men ; 
and arrived in his own countrey undiscovered, where he was soon inform 
ed of such circumstances as enabled him to putt his designs in execu 
tion. , 

The wood they were then imployed hi cutting grew on the side of 
the great mountain Beneviss, at some more distance than a mile East 
ward of the Garrison, at a place called Stroneviss, which being a slop 
ping ground at the foot of that mountain, and ending in a kind of point, 
seems to be ane excressence growing out of it. Locheill marched to this 
place early in the morning, and posted his men in the following order : 
He divided them into three partys ; one of them, consisting of sixty men, 
he commanded himself, and tooke up his men in a bush of wood, which 
the troops, that were sent along with the hewers, usewally fronted ; other 
two, of thirty men each, he posted on the right and left in concealed 
places, and commanded them to issue out of their stations, as soon as 


they gott the signal, with a great shout, calling out, " Advance ! ad 
vance !" as if the wood were full of men* A fourth, of the same number, 
he sent to a pass betwixt the wood and the Garrisson, where he ordered 
them to ly concealed, and not to stirr from their posts, unless they saw 
that the enemy made great resistance ; but if they gave way, he com 
manded them to intercept their flight ; and, after giveing them a full dis 
charge in their breasts, to attack them with their swords, and to let as 
few escape as possible, but not to kill any that threw down their arms 
and demanded quarters ; for he alwayes endeavoured to putt a stop to 
the barbarous custome of refuseing mercy to a vanquished enemy. 

The English, to the number of four hundred or five hundred men, 
came out at the time expected, and marching without any fear or dis 
turbance, tooke their usewall post. Locheill had layed his measures so 
well, that every thing happned as he projected, and the enemy was 
routed with a dismall slaughter. The noise that his several partys made 
as they issued out of the wood, with the echoeing of the hills, joyned 
with the loud musick of a great number of bagpyps, frighted them so 
that they made no great resistance. They fancy ed that numerous bodys 
of Highlanders were powering in upon them from all parts, and they saw 
no safety but in their heels. About one hundred of them fell upon the 
spott, and the rest being stopt in their flight by the party posted between 
them and the Garrisson, the slaughter was again renewed with greater 
distruction than before. They were pursued to the very ports of their 
Garrisson, not a third of their whole number escapeing ; and all this 
acted before the Governour had the information they were attacked. 

There was one thing very remarkable in this action, that not a single 
officer belonging to that party escaped being killed ; and the reason was, 
that they were the only persons that had courage to make resistance. 
Among them there fell a near relation of, and one so beloved by the 
Governour, that he was usewally called his darling. He was a youth of 
extraordinary learning and parts ; and though he was one of the bright 
est geniuses and greatest wits of the age, yet he had so much humanity, 
sweetness, and modesty in his temper, that he was hatted by none, and 
admired by every person of trew taste. Locheill, when he came after- 


wards to be informed of the fate of this young gentleman, regrated it ex 
ceedingly, saying, that " it was a great pitty that so fine a youth had 
been among such bad companey." 

It is not easy to express the surprize of the Governour upon seeing 
the small remains of his party return so suddenly, all covered over with 
blood and wounds ; but when he heard of the death of his darling, his 
passions swelled into such a rage and fury, that, unable to contain him 
self, he swore to revenge it upon the bloody authors ; and early the nixt 
morning ordered his whole Garrisson troops to be drawn out. They 
were above 1500 men, besides 100 more who were mostly invalids, 
whom he left to keep the fort in his absence ; for, by the General's care, 
he was so well recruited that all his former losses were made up. It 
was no doubt a mortifying sight for him to behold all the way that he 
passed strewed with the carcasses of his men, deformed by a variety of 
ghastly wownds, and many of them weltering in their blood in the last 
agoneys of life ; but the woefull memorey of his darling suspended all 
other reflections. 

Locheill, having timely information of the Governour' s motion, was 
almost as angry as he, that he had not sufficient strength to entertain 
him. However, he did not think it proper to retreat, but betakeing 
himself to strong ground, he keept still in view of his enemy as he 
marched round the mountains with his pyps playing and collowrs flying. 
As he was well acquanted with the several turnings of the hills, so he 
watched all opportunitys, and being allwayes upon the higher ground, 
and some times at a very small distance, he imagined that the enemy, 
who were in a manner strangers, might possibly come to intangle them 
selves among the woods, or fall into narrow paths and other obstructions, 
and inconvenienceys, (whereof there are many in these roads,) as might 
affoard him an occasion of attacking them. But he was dissapointed of 
his hopes. For the Governour, after traversing these rugged wayes for 
many hours, thought it adviseable to turn homewards, and by the help 
of good guides brought back all his men safe to their Garrisson, heartily 
fatigued, and much afronted at their fruitless expedition ; for they had 
suffered many insults from the Camerons, who, as oft as the ground 


favoured them with a nearer approach, called out to them to " advance !" 
That, if the Governour wanted to speak with their Chief, he was there ! 
and the like. 

His name now carryed so much terrour with it, that they very seldome 
hereafter gave him opportunitys of doeing them much harm ; but he 
watched them so dilligently that he now and then snapped up small 
party s, but not considerable enough to deserve a particular detaile. The 
many stratagems he used to train them out, the cold and fatigue he suf- 
ferred, with several amuseing adventures that befell him on these occa 
sions, are to this day the common topicks of conversation in these 
parts. I shall take notice of one of them, which, though not more cun 
ning, seems still more memorable than the rest, on account of the con 
sequence. A good part of the revenue of his estate being payed in 
cattle, and commonly sold to drovers, who dispose upon them to others 
in Lowland mercats, he imployed a subtile fellow, who haunted the 
Garrison, to whisper it adroitly among the suldiers, that a drove be 
longing to himself was on a certain day to pass that way, and that Loch- 
eill himself, being now returned to General Middletoun, it might be 
easily made prize of. In a word, the fellow managed it so, that it came 
to the Governour 's ears, who gave private orders to seize the cattle. 

Again [st] the day prefixt, Locheill ordered some cowes with their 
calfs to be driven, with seeming caution and privacy, to a place at a pro 
per distance from Inverlochy ; but before they came there, the calfs 
were taken from their mothers, and were driven separatly a short way 
before them, though alwayes in their eye. This, as it gave from a dis 
tance the appearance of two droves, so it occasioned a reciprocal lowing 
and bellowing, which being reverberated by the adjacent hills and rocks, 
made a very great noise. The souldiers were quickly allarmed, and ran, 
without observing much order, as to a certain prey ; but Locheill, who 
lurked with his party in a bush of wood near by, rushing suddenly upon 
them, with loud crys, and [had] the killing of them all the way to the Gar- 
risson. The Governour was so angry at the frequent tricks putt upon 
him, and he fell upon a way of watching him so narrowly, that he soon 
brought him into very great danger of either being killed or made prisson- 


er ; for a few days thereafter, he had an express from General Middle- 
toun, with the woefull account of the defeat of a detatchment of his army 
at Lochgarry, by Major- General Morgan, who, with a considerable army, 
surprized and killed many of his men while they thought themselves in 
absolute security. 

The loss was not so great as the discouragement ; for his former suc 
cess, joyned with Locheil's in Lochaber, had not only increased the 
hopes of the Loyalists, who sent him more frequent assurances of their 
being prepared to joyn him, as soon as he appeared in the countrey ; but 
gave him the boldness to invite the King over again, the nixt spring, to 
head the army in person ; and to assure his Majesty, that upon his ap 
pearance he wowld soon find the whole kingdom, (where the servitude 
they groaned under had intirely putt an end to all the jarring factions 
that formerly ruined all, ) ready to declair in his favours as one man. 
But the unhappy ruffle I have mentioned putt ane end to all these pro- 
miseing appearances. The Generall, by the same express, ordered Loch- 
eill to attend him immediatly, but not so much with a view of continue- 
ing the* warr, as of concerting measures for concludeing it as honourably 
as they could in their present circumstances. 

Though Locheill prepared for his journey with all imaginable privacey, 
yet the Governour gott notice of it, and sent informatione of it to Ge 
neral Morgan, insinuating the great service he wowld doe their common 
master, if he had the good luck either to take or kill him. Locheill 
was well enough apprysed of his great danger, and, therefore, [marched] 
not only through the most secret and inaccessible parts by day, but sleept 
all night in the mountains, with centries posted in convenient places for 
his security. He had about 300 good men in his retinue, with pro 
visions to serve them till then* returne. 

Having reached the countrey called Breamar, he took up his quar 
ters in certain small hutts, which are everywhere to be mett with in the 
mountains, and are commonly knowen by the name of sheallings, which 
seems to be a corruption of the word sheildings. They are built occa 
sionally for the shelter of cow-herds and dary-maids, who reside there 
in during the siimmar season ; and as they are often obliged to remove 


from place to place for the conveniencey of pasturage, so these hutts are 
nothing but a few sticks, with the lower end fixt in the earth, and 
bound together, at the tops, with small rops or woodies, and slightly 
coverred over with turff. Such was Locheil's quarters, where the 
fatigue of the day, and a strong constitution, made him sleep soundly 
upon a bed of sweet hadder during the night, with the crops turned 
upwards, without any other bed-cloaths but his plaid. Nixt morning, 
before he awaked, he was intertained with a dream or vision, which look 
ed like an inspiration from heaven to save him, by a kind of miracle, 
from the hands of his enemys. He imagined that a man of a low sta 
ture, but pretty thick, with a reid grizely beard, and dissordered counte 
nance, came to him, and stricking him smartly upon the breast, called 
out, " Locheill, gett up, for the borrowing-days will be soon upon 
yow !" These are the three last days of March, which being commonly 
tempestous, prove fatal to sheep, lambs, and such other cattle as are 
much weakned by the severity of the preceeding winter. They are 
said to be borrowed from Aprile, which is the reason why they bear that 
name among the vulgar. 

Locheill, who, as he had no regaird to dreams, so, though he awaked, 
fell quickly asleep again, but the same person comeing to him a second 
time, gave him, as he imagined, another box on the same part, calling 
out as before, but somewhat louder. Upon this he started from his 
sleep, and beliving that a gentleman of his retinue, who lay by him, in 
another bed, had done this for his diversion, he chid him heartily ; but 
upon the other's denying it, he again fell fast asleep, for he had been ex- 
treamly fatigued the day before ; but the little red-bearded man appear" 
ed a third time, and doubling the weight of his blow, cryed allowd, as 
in a fright, " Arise quickly, Locheill, arise, for the borrowing-days are 
already upon yow !" Att this he gott up from his bed in amaze, and be 
fore he had time to putt on his hose, he was surprized with ane account 
that all the fields were covered with horse and foot, and that a party of 
them were just entering the door. 

Without asking questions, he left the cottage with precipitation, and 
luckily escaping to the top of the nixt hill, he had there leisure to view 


the numbers of his enemys. They consisted of one regiment of dragoons, 
which General Morgan had, upon the information I have mentioned, 
sent into those parts with orders to joyn some companeys of foot from 
the Castle of Killdrummy, a strong old house, once the seat of the Earls 
of Mar, where they lay in garrisson ; promiseing the officer that com 
manded them a great reward if he brought in Locheill, either dead or 
alive. How the officer came to stumble upon him in that retired place, 
is still unknown ; but it is certain that he advanced through roads where 
it was thought no horses could pass, with so much secrecey and caution, 
that he got unobserved through three several guards of Locheil's people, 
(who, it wowd seem, were asleep, ) and surrounded the cottage before any 
person knew of his being there. Some of Locheil's men, with all his 
baggage, wherein were several valuable things, and among them a great 
quantity of unsett diamonds, besides a duzon of silver spoons curiously 
wrought, and on which the whole decalogue was ingraved with great art, 
fell into the enemy's hands. 

Locheill, though he continued his journey with all imaginable caution, 
was the same day very near precipitating himself into a danger as great 
as that he had escaped ; for, when he came towards the evning to ap 
proach the place where General Middletoun had appointed to meet him, 
he perceived a great body of horse and foot advanceing directly to him ; 
but takeing them to be his friends, marched on till he came within mus- 
quett shott of them ; nor did he discover them to be of the enemy till 
they saluted him with a discharge of their carrabins. Locheil's party 
returned the salute, killed a few of them, and quickly retiring to a neight- 
bouring hill, he drew up his party, and resolved to fight them, in case 
they attacked him under such a disadvantage of ground. But the enemy 
retiring, he sleept all night upon the top of a high mountain, where, 
being secure from horse, he was not much affraid of foot. He after 
wards found that those were the very same people that had visited him 
in the morning ; for he having for his security made a compass round, 
and marched upon the highest and most inaccessible parts of the moun 
tains till he came near to his appointment, the enemy, who had keept an 
eye upon him, marching by nearer wayes, gott before him, and wowld have 


undoubtedly succeeded in their designes, had not they fired too soon, and 
the night favoured his retreat. 

He did not loose so much as one man ; and the nixt day mett with 
the General, with whom he stayed a few days, and returned privatly 
into Lochaber ; for the season was now too far advanced to keep the 
fields longer, and the General having, in a counceill of war, determined 
to retire all winter into the Isles, with a few English gentlemen and 
other strangers who cowd not otherwayes live in security, the army brock 
up, and shifted for themselves in the best manner they could. Some of 
them went with Locheill into Lochaber ; others of them joyned the Moss 
troopers, which afterwards became very numerous ; and others lurked 
among their friends till the spring of the year, that they made their 

Dr Skinner, whom I have formerly mentioned, gives us the trew 
secret that induced the General to give over the war : " The Usurper, 
Oliver," says he, "being not yet warm in his seat, and knowing how 
many enemys he had both to his person and fortune, and had greatly 
apprehended their riseing in the Highlands as a prelude to a furder in 
surrection in England, and having greater and more necessarey affairs 
upon him than prosecuting a war in the Highlands, had by his secret 
agents attempted some of the Scotch nobility and gentery in the army, 
and lett them know, that for then* heasty riseing he was content to 
accept their submission ; and upon laying down their arms, and return 
ing quietly to their houses, they should be restored to their estats and 
fortuns ; which being offered to them in the midst of so many straits, 
besides the decay of their forces, and the ill posture of their affairs, in 
duced them not to putt all to hazard upon so great dissadvantage, but 
rather submitt, for the present, in expectation of some more fortunate 
opportunity for recovering their liberty, and restoreing their King." 

Nothing memorable happening Locheill this winter, he and the gentle 
men that were with him waited upon the General, whom they found att 
Dunvegan, the principall seat of the family of Macleod, in the Isles of 
Skye, many Chiefs and other officers likewayes attending him. After 
long deliberation, it was concluded, that the best course they could 


take was to submitt themselves before their utter mine was finished, 
seeing the King was not in a condition to support them, either with 
men, money, or arms. The General, in consequence of this resolution, 
crossed the seas into France ; but a few days before he embarked, he 
presented Locheill with the following declaration : 

" JOHN MIDDLETOUNE, Leutenant- General nixt and immediatly under 
his Majesty, and Commander in Chief of all the forces, raised and to be 
raised within the Kingdom of Scotland. Seeing the Laird of Locheill 
htrhowed so much true loyalty and affection to his Majesty, and the 
good of this kingdom, as never to have submitted to the enemy, but to 
have acted against them, and charefully to have ingadged in this late war 
at the first undertaking of it, wherein he has been very active, and has 
given frequent proofs of his fidelity, courage, and conduct, and hath con 
stantly stood out to the very last, notwithstanding all difficultys, I find 
myself obliged to be carefull of his honour, preservation, and concern 
ments ; and, therefore, doe hereby declair my hearty approbation of his 
good services, and that I shall not be wanting in giveing testimoney of it 
to his Majesty, and elsewhere upon all occasions : And withall, I doe 
hereby allow and desire him to take such speedy course for his safety, 
by capitulation, as he shall see fitt, seeing inneveetable and invincible 
necesity hath forsed us to lay aside this war, and that I can doe nothing 
else for his advantage. In testimony whereof, I have signed and sealed 
these presents att Dun vegan, the last day of March, 1655. 

(Signed) " MIDDLETONB." 

In the mean time, his friends at Inverlochy began to take more liberty 
than they formerly did : They had no enemy to fear while he was absent ; 
and the officers being informed that the fields and hills abounded with great 
variety of game, they sometimes ventured to take their diversion that 
way, but still in bodys, and guarded by a good number of troops. Loch 
eill had notice of all that passed as soon as he arrived, and quickly con- 
veening a party of his usewall followers, he attended at a convenient place 
till he was informed that another hunting-match was agreed upon. 


Their former success having now removed all their fears, they, for their 
better diversion, resolved to hunt separatly, and made wagers about their 
game. Many of the principall officers were ingadged in this match, and 
each company had a small party of souldiers attending them, having pre 
viously aggreed upon a place near the Garrison where they were to meet 
at night. 

Locheill having, from a convenient post, taken exact notice of their 
several routs, with the numbers of the partys, he divided his men into 
as maney, and dispatched them with orders to follow at some distance, 
till they cowld find their oppertunitys ; and then, falling suddenly upon 
them, to allow as few to escape as possible. These orders were execut 
ed with that success, that the greatest part of them were killed, and the 
rest made prissoners. The loss of so many officers was new matter of 
astonishment and grief to the Governour ; who, from the fatall proofe, 
concluding that his enemy was returned, discharged all hunting-matches 
for that season, and tooke such precautions that Locheill found few 
more opportunitys of injureing him. For the Governour, having now 
got himself accquanted with the scituation of the countrey, fell upon 
means of getting exact intelligence of all that passed. The Garrison, as 
I have elsewhere hinted, consisting of two regiments, and these of 1000 
men each, they had many followers, besides their wives and children. 
These people building them houses, at a proper distance from the fort, 
they gradwally increased by the accession of others of desperat circum 
stances, whom the hopes of gain, and the security of living safe from the 
prosecutions of their defrauded creditors, allured from all parts of tbeking- 
dom ; so that this subburbs of the Garrison wowld have soon increased 
into a tolerable mercat town in those remote parts, if the restoration of 
the Royall Family had not putt a stop to it. 

It was no great difficulty for the Governour to find, among such a con 
fluence of needy desperadoes, many bold, cunning fellows, proper 
enough for spyes and intelleginurs. Locheill no sooner mett with them, 
as he often did, but he commanded them to be hanged without delay. 
But still their numbers increased, and he found himself so unsafe, by the 
continwall watch they keept upon his motions, that it was at least danger- 


ous for him to lodge near the precincts of the Garrison. Such of his 
own people as settled among them, or lived in the neighbourhood, not 
exceepting the very meanest, continueing still faithfull to him, he made 
use of them as counter-spyes ; and by their means it was that he so 
often discovered those mercenary villans, and very frequently escaped 
being surprized himself. 

Some dayes after the affair with the officers, he called together some 
of the principall gentlemen of his Clan, and accquanted them with the 
resolution of giveing over the war for that time, of the departure of the 
General, and of many other particulars relateing thereto. He told them 
that he was now the only Chief that stood out, and that he inclined still 
to continue in that scituation, if he thought that he could doe any service 
to his King or countrey, but as all these agreeable hopes had intirely 
vanished by the general submission of all that he could expect any 
assistance or support from, the nixt thing that he was to consider was 
the present intrest of his friends and followers : That, as they had been 
long in a state of war, so their countrey was much impoverished, and that, 
therefore, he was determined to take the first opportunity of bringing 
about an honourable peace : That he hoped soon to have it in his power, 
but th'at the methods he had projected were not yet to be discovered ; 
because, as a great dale depended on chance, so there was a necessity of 
keeping all private till the execution ; and if he failed in that, he was re 
solved to waite another occasion, for he wowld not submitt untill he had 
his terms at his own makeing, which was a favour not to be obtained till 
he was in a condition to compell the enemy to come into his measures. 

As those gentlemen were still more and more pleased with the be 
haviour of their Chief, whom they now looked upon as a person of the 
greatest capacity and conduct, as well in the forming as in the execution 
of his designs, so they unanimously submitted themselves to his judge 
ment, and intreated him to accept of their assistance in executing what 
ever he had projected. Locheill made choise of such of them as he 
judged most proper for his designs, and desired the rest to be in readie- 
ness, in case they should be called for. With these and fifty more in 
his companey, he sett out, with the greatest caution and privacey ima- 


ginable, for Cowall, a cowntrey which lyes opposite to Inverarey. 
The cause of this sudden expedition proceided from an express he had 
received the day before from the Laird of M'Naghtan, a near relation of 
his oun, with whom he keept a closs correspondance, who lived in the 
neighbourhood of Inverarey. He was Chief of his name, eminent for 
his loyalty and bravery, and of the greatest honour and integrity. He 
was a constant follower of the great Montrose, and afterwards joyned in 
all the ensueing wars. He rendered himself so obnoxious to the Mar 
quess of Argyle his neightbour, that he was obliged to sculk long among 
the mountains with the Moss-troopers, who were to be found in every 
place where there were English troops. 

Locheill, observing his former cautious method of travelling, still keept 
the tops of the mountains, and never trusted himself all night to a house. 
He mett with M'Naghtan at the place appointed, and having conversed 
privatly with him for some hours, he continued there till the approach 
of the evening without discovering his intentions. When he thought he 
had just as much time as was necessarey for executing what he and 
M'Naghtan had concerted, he marched silently with his men to a village 
upon the sea-side, about four miles distant from Inverarey, called Portuch- 
rekine ; where arriving about one in the morning, he expressed him 
self to his party in the following terms : " Att a small distance from 
this," said he, "there is an inn, where I am informed that there are three 
English Collonells lodged this very night. They were delegated by 
General Monk with a commission to survey the state of all the Garrisons 
and fortified places in this part of the Highlands. They have been 
already at Invereray, where I watched all opportunitys to have made 
them prissoners ; but they were so much upon their guard, that they 
both went and came by sea, by which it was impossible to come att them. 
However, I hope they have given us now a fairer opportunity of seizeing 
them ; for, being now on their return to make their report, they lodge 
securely without any apprehension of our being so near them. They 
have a strong guard of suldiers with them, but they are dispersed through 
the neighbouring villages for conveniencey of quarters. It is probable 
they may have a centry at the door, and some officers and servants lodged 


with them in the house, and, therefore, to prevent resistance, I have con 
trived the following stratagem, which may be executed quickly, easily, 
and without danger of alarming then* guards. The house being built of 
lyme and stones, it will be no easie matter to breck throw the wall, or to 
force open the door; we most therefore steall softly to it, and after seizeing 
the centry, (if there be any,) we must each of us take hold of the timber 
or kebbers that support the roofe at the back side of it, and pulling all 
at once, there will be an opening large enough for us all to jump hi att 
the same time, and to make every person in the house our prissoners, 
without distinction. If we faill in this, we must putt fire to the thatch 
of the roofe, by which we will either "destroy them, or become masters 
of their persons. If their guards are allarmed, which is the worst that 
can happen, I expect yow will beheave after your ordinary manner ; but 
be sure to make as maney prissoners as possibly ye can, that being the 
chief thing I presently aim att." 

Locheill, having thus lett his party into his designs, they marched 
softly to the inn, where they found all quiet, and executed the projected 
stratagem with that expedition and success, that they were in a moment 
masters of every person within it. Without staying to examine the quality 
of their prisoners, (who were all in the outmost surprize and confusion,-) 
they hurryed them away to a boat, which M'Naghtan had provided for 
them, and having ferryed them to the opposite side, they were not 
allowed to halt till Locheill had them in a place of security. Besides 
the three Collonells I have mentioned, he had (with all their servants) 
severall other officers of note, and among them one Lieutenant- Collonell 
Duncan Campbell, a gentleman of his accquantance. 

It were in vaine to attempt to describe the condition of these gentle 
men, when they found themselves in the power of their enemys, whom 
they considered as savages, and the most fierce and barbarous of man 
kind ; but Locheill, after the first hurry was over, made them soon 
change their oppinion by the civ ill and humane treatment which he gave 
them. Though their quarters were bad, yet they found such a plenty 
of intertainment that surprised them. Their servants were used in the 
same way, and Locheill ordered his people not only to entertain them in 


the most agreeable manner, but even to distinguish them according to 
the rank that they had in their master's service. In a word, as the loss 
of their liberty was the only hardship they had reason to complein off, 
so they quickly recovered their spirits, and began to converse with ease 
and freedom. 

The fame of Locheil's actions had spread itself over the kingdom, so 
that non cowld be ignorant of his conduct and bravery. But the horible 
executions made upon their countreymen in these several rancounters, in 
spired them with a notion that he was crewell and bloody in his temper. 
Besydes the relations they had of them, being either from enemy s, or 
from persons that were not well accquanted with the particular circum 
stances, it is no wonder if they were missrepresented. They were there 
fore curious to hear matter of fact from those that were present. But 
Locheil's excessive modesty often deprived them of that opportunity ; 
they became the more fond of the relation, in which, being at last satis 
fied by Lieutenant- Collonell Cameron whom I formerly mentioned, they 
were equally surprized at the boldness of his undertakings, and the 
singularity of his adventures. 

The place where these gentlemen were confined was ane Isle in a fresh 
water Loch of twelve miles in length, and covered with woods on both 
sides. It is called Locharkike, and lyes about ten miles north of the 
Garrison. The scituation of it is from West to East. It never freezes, 
and its water is admirably light and delicat, being well stored with 
salmond and other fishes. Att the head of it is a large forrest of red 
deer, where there is besides great abundance of other game. Locheill, 
who omitted no civility that he thought wowld add to the pleasure of 
his guests, carried them to the head of the Loch in a boat, where he was 
mett by some hundreds of his men, whom he had ordered to be con- 
veened for that purpose. These people, streatching themselves in a line 
along the hills, soon inclosed great numbers of deer, which, haveing 
driven to a place appointed, they guarded them so clossly within the 
circle which they formed round them, that the gentlemen had the plea 
sure of killing them with broad-swords, which was a diversion new and 
uncommon to them. They passed some days in this forrest very agree- 


ably, and were regaled with variety of venison and wild-fowl. They 
were much diverted with the activitey and address of the Highlanders 
in all these exercises, and instead of the barbarians they were represent 
ed to be, they found them a quick and ingenious people, of great vigour 
and hardiness. 

But what pleased them above all things was their Landlord. His 
politeness, his good sense, his modesty and witt, joyned with an uncom 
mon vivacity and cheirfulness, and a certain anxiety which he showed 
on all occasions of intertaining his guests according to their several 
tastes and humours, made him daily grow in their esteem, and laid the 
foundation of a friendship which afterwards continued and improved to 
their mutwall satisfaction. They often tooke occasion to represent to 
him the necessity of entering into a treaty with their General, whose 
carracter they drew in the fairest light, though not above his reall meritt : 
-They alleaged that he had now gained glorey enough, and had given 
abundant testimoneys of his zeall and attatchment to the Family of the 
Stewarts ; and that it was now high time that he wowld looke to him 
self : That though it might be possible for him to save himself from his 
enemys by the advantage of his scituation, yet what could he expect from 
it, but to add to his oun and the miserys of his people ; and to deprive 
himself of all the pleasures that were suitable to his age and caracter ? 
That as there were none then of his party in arms but himself, so he 
cowd expect no support nor assistance from any : The whole kingdom 
was subjected and disarmed, and the General had so many good troops 
posted through all parts of it, that he could intertain no hopes of future 
commotions in favours of the exiles. 

Though the drift of all Locheil's present designs was to bring about 
an honourable treaty of peace, yet as he wanted to be advised and court 
ed into it, so he at first politically desembled his intentions, and gave 
them such answers as made them suspect but small fruits from their me 
diation and advices : He said, that no wise man cowd trust his safety 
in the hands of their Protector, whose whole life was one continued scene 
of rebellion, ambition, perfidy, hypocricy, avarice, and crewelty. He 
charged him with all the blood that had been shed during the Civil Wars, 


and with the horid murder of the best of Kings : He alleaged that he had 
not only, under the specious pretext of preserving our Religion and li- 
bertys, deprived us of both, but likewayes that he continued to tyranize 
over the lives and fortunes of the King's best subjects, with more barba 
rity than ever the Grand Seniour exercised over his Eastern slaves. He 
then enlarged upon the duty of good subjects, upon the love and regaird 
that an honest man ought to have for his countrey and the happiness of 
his fellow-subjects, and upon the obligations that we are under, as Christ 
ians, of performing all these dutys, according to our different abilities 
and circumstances : He said, that though he was in no condition of 
doing any reall service to his Prince, as affairs were then scituated, yet 
that Providence, which watched over kings and kingdoms, and often 
made use of the most wicked instruments to punish the guilt of nations, 
he hoped in a short time wowld favour them with oppertunitys of serving 
their King and countrey effectivaly ; and that, in the mean time, it was still 
in his power to preserve his conscience and honour unstained, and to con 
tinue in that innocence, loyalty, and integrity of character, that became 
an honest man and good subject." 

These conferrences being often renued, Locheill allowed himself 
gradwally to give way to their reasonings, and Collonell Campbell as- 
sumeing the priviledges that he thought his former friendship and fami 
liarity intitled him to, insisted so strenously in the debate, that Locheill 
seemed to be so far overcome by the strength of his arguments, that he 
acknowleged that it wowld be for his oun and his people's intrest to 
submitt, provided they could procure such articles as wowld sute with 
their honour and the advantage of their countrey ; but that, for his oun 
part, before he would consent to the dissarming of himself and his people, 
and to involve them in the horrid guilt of perjurey by abjureing the 
King, his master, and taking oaths to the Usurper, that he was resolved 
to live as an outlaw, fugitive, and vagabound, without regaird to conse 
quences ! 

The Collonell replyed : That if he wowld only show an inclination 
to submitt, there should be no oaths imposed upon him ; that he should 
have the terms at his own making, and offerred to undertake for the 



performance. He alleaged that there was such a contradiction between 
the judgements that one wowld form of Locheill, from his words and 
actions in the ordinary occurrences of life, and in his politicks, as wowld 
not be easie to reconceill : He was wise, cautious, and deliberat in the 
one, but, in the other, he was not only blind to his own intrest, but ob 
stinate and inflexible to the advice of others who demonstrated the ab 
surdity of his notions : " Can there be any thing," said he, " more ridi 
culous, than to expose one's self to dangers and miserys, out of ane hu- 
morsome view of opposeing a Government that he cannot harm a Go 
vernment that has not only established itself upon the mine of its enemys, 
but that has also become the terrour of the most powerfull potentates of 
Europ ? The most formidable of her Monarchs doe not think it below 
their dignity to court our friendship ; and yet the Chief of a Highland 
Clan thinks it a stain upon his honour, to imbrace the peace and friend 
ship that is offered upon terms of his own making !" 

Locheill smiled at his friend's railery, and promised to return an an 
swer, with a draught of his proposealls, the nixt day, after adviseing with 
his friends. He was as good as his word, and the Collonell was the 
person he fixed upon to carry these proposealls to Generall Monk. He 
was, "however, designed to joyn Sir Arthur Forbes (then a state pris- 
soner in the Castle of Edinburgh, and Locheil's particular friend) in 
commission with him, and to doe nothing without the advice and con- 
currance of the Marquess of Argyle, who still honoured him with his 
friendship as much as ever. He wrote to both, and withall delivered 
written Instructions, allowing his commissioners pretty much liberty of 
altering or receding from most of the articles excepting two, which re 
lated to the delivery up of his arms, and swearing oaths, which he called 
preliminarey ones. 

The Collonell sett out about the begining of May, and made such 
dispatch, that he ended with the General again [st] the 19th, and re 
turned to Lochaber about the 22d, bringing the following Letter with 
him to Locheill : 


" SIR, 

" I have this day agreed upon such articles as I shall grant 
for the comeing in of yourself and party, upon the powers yow gave to 
Liewtenant-Collonell Duncan Campbell to treat for yow, in regaird it 
was not held fitt that Sir Arthur Forbess (being a prissoner) should 
be joyned in commission with him. In case yow shall declair your ap 
probation of these Articles, within fourteen dayes after the date here 
of, I am content they shall stand good, and be performed to yow, other - 
wayes not. I remain, &c. (Signed) GEORGE MONK. 

" Dalkeith, 19th May 1655." 

That General being, himself, a person of great worth and honour, had 
conceived no small esteem for Locheill, and, on that account, made 
very few and inconsiderable alterationes in the Articles that were sent 
to him. 

Collonell Campbell acquitted himself with great honour and prudence 
in his negotiation. He gave the General an exact and faithfull historey 
of Locheil's adventures, and concluded with a relation of the surprize- 
ing manner how they were seized, and of the civilities and intertain- 
ments they afterwards mett with. In a word, he omitted nothing that 
he thought wowld exalt his friend with the General, and ingratiate him 
in his favours. The Marquess of Argyle likewayes bestirred himself in 
this affair. After concerting matters with the Collonell and Sir Arthur 
Forbess, he waited upon the General at Dalkeith, and explained every 
article in such a manner, that he shewed there was a necessity of grant 
ing them, or that otherwayes Locheill could not live in peace ; whereby 
he wowld be obliged to stand out, which wowld occasion no small dis 
turbance in those parts. His Lordship became guarantee for the per 
formance on Locheil's part. 

It is a loss that we have not all the particulars of this very honour 
able treaty. They were destroyed, with many other valuable records, in 
a house of Locheil's, which was afterwards burnt by accident. How 
ever, the most matterial of the Articles are still preserved in General 
Monk's letters to him, from which I shall extract them. 


The first and second I have already mentioned as preliminary Arti 
cles. The first bore that Locheill, in name of himself and of all his Clan 
and followers, were willing to submitt themselves to the General, and 
to live in peace, on condition that his excellencey demanded no oaths 
nor other assurances but his word of honour for the performance. This 
was granted without any ammendment. The second, that he himself, 
and all his friends and followers of the Clan Cameron, should be allowed 
to carrey and use their arms as formerly, before the warr brock out ; 
they behaveing themselves peaceably. This Article was consented to 
in general ; but restricted in these two particulars : 1st, That Loch- 
eil's traine, when he travelled out of the Highlands, should not exceed 
twelve or fourteen armed men, besides his ordinary servants, without a 
permitt from the General, or any other succeeiding him in that office : 
2d/y, That the gentlemen of the Clan should not travell any where out 
of their oun countrey with more than a certain number of armed men, 
to which they were limited ; nor were the Camerons allowed to goe from 
home armed, above a restricted number in company. 

The other articles I cannot class in order ; but the most material of 
them are as follows : The Governour had destroyed a great dale of his 
green woods ; of these Locheill demanded reparation, not only for bygons, 
but in time comeing. The General ordered it from the date of the 
capitulation, but for no more. We shall hear more of this hereafter. 
Locheill demanded a free and ample indemnity for all riots, depredations, 
cryms, and others of the like nature, comitted by him or his men during 
the late wars, and preceeding the present treaty ; which was granted, as 
we shall have furder occasion to observe by and by. It was alwayes 

W 9 V 

articled and agreed to, that reparation should be made to such of his ten 
ants, Clan, and following, as had suffered in any manner by the soldiers 
of the Garrison, &c. Locheil's tenants were owing the cess, tyths, and 
other publick burdens, from the breacking out of the Rebellion to that 
time : Locheill was discharged of these by the treaty, on condition that 
he payed in time comeing. 

The famous dispute between him and Macintosh subsisted at that 
time and long afterwards, as shall be related hi its proper place. Loch- 


eil's father had made some agreement about it, but that gentleman dying, 
he began to trouble himself after the peace, which Locheill forseeing, 
he endeavoured to guard against by ane article in the treaty. What 
Locheil's demand was with respect to this does no where appear ; but 
there is ane extract of this particular article (which is the eleventh in 
number) still extant, whereof the words are as follows : " That the said 
General Monk shall keep the Laird of Locheill free from any bygone 
duties to William Macintosh of Torcastle, out of the lands pertaining to 
him in Lochaber, (not exceeding the sume of five hundred pound ster 
ling,) the said Laird of Locheill submitting to the determination of 
General Monk, the Marquess of Argyle, and Collonell William Bryan, 
or any two of them, what satisfaction he shall give to Macintosh for the 
aforsaid lands in time comeing." 

I am sorey that I cannot satisfie the curious reader with respect to 
the remaining Articles. All I can add is, that they were wholly in 
favours of Locheill, and that they were faithfully performed. The 
General demanded no more, on his part, but that Locheill showd make 
his appearance at the head of his Clan before the Governour of Inver- 
lochy, laying doun their arms in name of King Charles II., take them 
up in that of the Stats, without mentioning the Protector : That he 
should afterwards keep the peace, pay publick burdens, and suppress all 
riots, tumults, thefts, and depredations. 

Locheill, being satisfied with the Articles as they were agreed to by 
the General, in the first place sett all his prissoners att liberty, but re 
solving to perform the ceremoney of laying doun his arms before he re 
turned answer, he begged the English gentlemen to honour him with 
their company, that they might bear witnes of his ready complyance 
with the General's orders, which they wiUingly agreed to. 

Having conveened his Clan, at least such of them as did not reside at 
a very great distance, he putt himself upon their head, and marched to 
Inverlochay in good order, attended by these gentlemen. They were 
dressed in their best cloaths, after the Highland mode, ranged in com- 
paneys under the command of the Chiftans or Captains of their re 
spective tribs, and armed in the same manner as if they were marching 


to battle. So soon as they began to appear, the Governour drew out 
his Garrison, and putt them in order upon a large plain, near the fort. 
The Camerons advanced with their pyps playing, and collours flying, 
and drew up in two lines opposite to the troops ; where, after Locheill 
and the Governour had mutwally saluted one another, and adjusted the 
manner of the ceremoney, the Articles of the treaty were read and pub 
lished with many loud huzzas, and no small appearance of joy on both 

It is surprizeing how soon these bitter enemys were reconciled. The 
Governour had ane entertainment prepared for Locheill and his princi- 
pall friends ; and likewaise treated his men with a plentyfull dinner upon 
the green, in the same order that they stood. Locheill wowld not allow 
his men to mix among the souldiers, least they should quarell in their 
cups. But all his care could not prevent an unlucky affair that fell out 
between one of his gentlemen and Lieutenant-Collonell Allan, ane officer 
of the Garrison. They differed in some disputs while they were at 
their bottle ; and being heated on both sides, matters proceeded to a 
challange. To prevent the consequences, the Collonell was putt under 
ane arrest, and Locheill having undertaken for his friend, the case was 
submitted to the General, who recommended the examination of it to the 
Governour, by whom the partys were agreed. 

Locheill the same day wrote to the General ; and the Governour 
being then ordered to attend him, he and the officers I have mentioned 
sett out for Dalkeith the nixt day. The General was much pleased 
with Locheil's ready complyance, and sent him the letter that follows : 

" SIR, 

" I have received your letter, dated the 26th May, by which 
I perceive yow have confirmed the Articles concluded upon your part by 
Lieutenant- Collonel Duncan Campbell ; and I have spoken to Collonell 
Bryan to examine the bussiness that hath happned between Lieutenant- 
Collonell Allen and some of your friends. I hope that yow will see 
your people to live orderly and peaceably, and to pay their cess as the 
rest of the countrey does, and to be carefull that your Clans keep no 


brocken people among them, nor disturb tbe peace of the countrey. 
This is all at present from, &c. (Subscribed) GEORGE MONK. 
" Dalkeith, 5th June 1655." 

No sooner was this treaty of peace spread abroad, than numberless 
prosecutions were raised against the Camerons for cryms and delinquen 
cies committed by them during the late war ; and some went so far as 
to pretend to call them to ane account for things done while they served 
under Montrose. 

Locheill had immediatly recourse to the General, who not only com 
manded the army, but was likewayes soone therafter Preses to the Coun- 
ceil of State, that governed all publick affairs ; whereby, having suffi 
cient authority to make good the Articles on his part, he wrote to the 
Criminal Judges, then rideing their circuitt at Inverness, in these terms : 


" The greatest part of the people of Lochaber being included in the 
Articles made upon the comeing in of the Laird of Locheill, whereby it 
is concluded, that neither himself nor any of his party shah 1 be ques 
tioned for any thing done during the late wars ; and being informed, that 
there are diverse suits commenced against several of the people of 
Lochaber, for things done in Montrose his time, I desire yow, for the pre 
servation of fewds and occasioning new troubles, yow will not give way 
to any suites to be heard that relate to any action done in the said time, 
before his capitulation. I remain your very affectionat friend and ser 
vant, (Subscribed) GEORGE MONK. 
" Dalkeith, 20th September, 1655." 

Though this letter answered the designe with these Judges, yet others, 
who had been injured in the same manner, commenced new actions 
against them before the sherriff of Inverness, which again obliged Loch 
eill to apply to the General ; who, being now personaly acquanted with 
him, from hencefurth became in good earnest his friend and protector. 

Locheill laid his whole grivances before him, and was redressed in 


every particular. Though the General commonly wrote in a very laco- 
nick stile, yet his letter on this occasion relates to so many different mat 
ters, that it is too long to have a place here. He was so carefull to pre 
vent the consequences of the suites depending before the sherriff of In 
verness, that he not only procured an order from the Counceill discharge- 
ing that Judge to sustain proces for any cryme comitted preceeding the 
first of June 1655, but least that should miscarey, he sent a double of it, 
attested by himself and the Clerk of Counceill, directed to Collonell Wil 
liam Bryan, Governour of Inverlochy, but advised him to dispatch a 
trustee of his oun, with orders to deliver it to the Judge, whom, if he did 
not comply, he promised to prosecute before the Counceill for his dis- 

These repeated orders having putt an effectwallstopto so many trouble 
some suites, the Camerons were at quiet for some years. 

Lochiell had frequently complained that his estate was overvalued with 
respect to publick burdens. The General sent him many letters with re 
spect to that particular ; and still advised him to pay them in the manner 
they were then laid on, least the Marquess of Argyle his warrantee 
should be putt to trouble by his non-performance, which might be con 
structed as a breach of the Articles of his capitulation ; but assured him 
of redress, in case his people payed more than what was their legall 
share : But Locheill, not being fully satisfied with this, the General 
procured him the mannagement of all the publick revenues of that coun- 
trey, and in order to make it easie, wrote to the Commissioners for valua 
tion of the shyre in his favours, which putt an end to that question. He 
likewayes ordered him payment for all the green woods made use of by 
the Governour of Inverlochy since the treaty. The reader will find 
many of his letters relative to the above, and other following particulars, 
in the Appendix, to which he is referred. But it may be proper to ob 
serve here, that the General changed his addresses after executing of 
the treaty, for the first letters he wrote him were directed simply " To 
the Laird of Locheill, alias M'Coldui," (the patronimick of the family.) 
But after that, his addresses are sometimes " To Collonell Ewen Came- 


ron, Laird of Locheill ;" and at others he adds the epithete, " Honour 
able." He continued a closs correspondence with him till the Restora 
tion, and afterwards gave him many proofs of his friendship, which he 
honoured him with while he lived. But to return. 

There having happned some difference between Locheill and young 
M'Martine of Letter-Finlay, one of the principall gentlemen of his 
Clan, concerning the supperiority of that estate, which he inclined to 
have held of himself, the matter proceeded so far that he turned the 
young man out of his estate, and forced him to quitt that countrey. 
Old M'Martine, the father, joyned his Chief, and all his tribe followed 
his example. The General, having been informed of what passed, inter 
posed, by a letter, and desired him to restore the gentleman to his lands, 
unless he had some just grounds for keeping them. He answered him 
at the same time, that he had no quarell with him on that account, nor 
wowld on any other, if he beheaved himself as he ought to doe. But 
Locheill, by his authority and prudence, rnannaged matters so that he 
brought that gentleman to his oun terms, and putt him again in posses 
sion of all that he had taken from him. Non of his Clan ever after this 
presumed to despute his pleasure, and General Monk was so well satis 
fied with his conduct, and the reasons he gave for mentaining a necessary 
authority, that he never middled more in any thing relating to the go 
vernment of his Clan. 

The libertys these people had been indulged, during the long and 
bloody wars that preceeded, rendered them so loose and licentious, that 
it was not an easy affair to manage them. Their Chief was now and 
then obliged to use some severitys that he very much dissliked. He 
began to think that the setting of a Minister of sense and piety among 
them might be of some service in reclaming them ; but the turbulent 
tempers of the Clergeymen of these times, joyned with their stupidity 
and ignorance, their avarice, pride, and crewelty, whereof he had seen 
so many instances while he was with the Marquess of Argyle, gave him 
so bad ane oppinion of them, that he was affraid to admitt any into the 
countrey ; out of a just apprehension that they might, in time, infuse a 
spirite of enthusiasim and dissobedience into his people, under the dis- 



guise of trew religion. This having keept him long in suspense, he was 
at last made believe that there was some possibility of finding out such 
a person as he wanted ; and wrote to the General about it. But not 
withstanding that he received ane answer as favourable and civil as he 
possibly could expect, yet his aversion to the Presbyterian Clergy made 
him so backward and cold in the affair, that nothing was effectwally 
done, till Major John Hill was appointed Governour of Inverlochy in 
place of Bray en. 

This gentleman being of a more religious temper than his predecessor, 
prevailed with him to admitt of one whom he recommended ; and in 
order to gain his complyance the more easily, he obtained a grant from 
the Counceil of eighty pounds yearly for the support of that, and the 
Minister he had chosen for the nixt parish, under pretence that there 
was not a sufficiency of tyths to mentain him. This act is signed by 
General Monk, in name and by order of the Counceil. 

Notwithstanding all the wars and difficultys that Locheill had been 
ingadged in, he found time to indulge his passion for a beautifull young 
lady with whom he was several years in love. She was the sister of Sir 
James M'Donald of Slate, the reputed heir of the antient Lords of the 
Isles, and Chief of the McDonalds. As this gentleman was blessed with 
a very opulent fortune, which his family still possesses, so he had dis 
tinguished himself in the late wars by his loyalty and courage ; and was 
in truth a Chief of great merite. Though Locheill was a fond lover, 
and had often visited his fair mistress, yet he did not think it convenient 
to marry her till now, that his affairs were pretty well settled. The 
matrimonial contract bears date the 24th February 1657 ; and the wed 
ding is still memorable for its magnificence, and the great confluence of 
loyall gentrey that were inveeted to it from all parts. Among these 
was a cousine-german of the bridegroom's, the young Laird of Glenurchy, 
who was already conspicuous for that profound judgement, penetration, 
and capacity, that afterwards accquired him so high a charracter, and 
advanced him into the Peerage, in the reign of King Charles II., under 
the title of the Earle of Breadalbane. Some of his retinue had the 
missfortune to be arrested, as they passed throw Inverness, for carrying 


arms ; but Locheill having certified that they were of his Clan, and 
shown that they were intituled to the use of their arms by his treaty 
with the General, they were all liberated. Nor seems it improper here 
to be observed, that this privelidge was of great use to the neightbour- 
ing Clans, for he generously communicated it to all that demanded the 
favour, by granting certificats that they were Camerons ; so that,' in a 
short time, his name became so numerous as to spread itself over a great 
part of the Highlands. 

He soon thereafter brought his lady to Lochaber, and was complimented 
by his Clan with a sume equall at least to all the charges of that expen 
sive wedding. Att this meeting he was agreeably intertained by a 
Highland Bard, who sung or recited his verses after the manner of the 
antients, and who inherited no small portion of their spirite and simpli 
city. He laboured under the common missfortune of the brotherhood 
of Parnassus, and came all the way from Breamar, or thereabouts, to 
petition for three cows that had been taken from him in the late wars. 
He artefully introduced himself by a panegyrick on the Chief ; and 
while he magnify s his power, he ingeniously compliments his Clan, 
whose friendship and protection he begs : He makes frequent mention 
of those qualitys that were most for his purpose with cunning enowgh, 
for as pity, generosity, and compassion, are virtues inseperable from great 
sowls, so they answered his aim in opening the hearts of those whom he 

The Poem is wrote in a strong, nervous, and masculine stile, abound 
ing with thoughts and images drawn from such simple objects as he had 
either seen or occasionaly heard of ; but expressed in a manner peculiar 
to the emphasis and genius of the Gaulik, for he understood no other 
language. Here is no ostentation of learning, no allusions to antient 
fable or mythology, no far-fetched similes, nor dazeling metaphors brought 
from imaginary or unknown objects. These are the affected ornaments 
of modern poetry, and are more properly the issue of arte and study 
than of nature and genius. But the beauty of this consists in that agree 
able simplicity, in that glow of imagination and noble flame of fancy, which 
gives life and energy to such compositions ; but which, I am afraid, is 


lost in the following translation. As I attempted it with no other view 
but to gratifie the curious, so I have, for their furder satisfaction, given 
also a literall version, in prose, which the reader will find in the" Appendix. 
Though neither resembles the original more than the naked and diss- 
figured carcass of a murdered hero does a living one in full vigour and 
spirite ; for the Gaulick has all the advantages of an original language. 
It is concise, copious, and pathetick ; and as one word of it expresses 
more than three of ours, so it is well known how impossible it is to pre 
serve the full force and energy of a thought or image in a tedious cir 
cumlocution. The translation is as follows : 

To Abrian shears I wing my willing flight, 
To see with wondring eyes the matchless Knight, 
The generous Chief, who the brave Clan commands, 
And waves his bloody banner o're the lands. 
The Hero, to whom all that's great belongs : 
The glorious theam of our sublimest songs, 
Whose manly sport, the savage is to trace, 
Inur'd to toyle, and hard'ned in the chase. 

Strong as an eagle, with resistless blows 
He falls impetuous on his fiercest foes. 
His fiercest foes beneth his arm must dye, 
Or quick as birds before the falcon flye. 
Keen to attack, the approach of danger fires ; 
A mighty foe, still mightyer force inspires ; 
His courage swells the more that dangers grow, 
And still the Hero rises with the foe. 

Oft I, young Chief, have heard thine actions told, 
Thy person prais'd, thy generous name extoPd ; 
Now to my eyes, these graces stand confest, 
With which kind Fame my ravished eares possess'd. 


See ! his fresh looks with manly beautys glow, 
His brawn and air, his strength and vigour show, 
In just proportion every feature shines, 
And goodness softens the majestick lines, 
The charms of modesty through all we trace, 
And winning sweetness smiles in every grace. 

What numerous Tribes thy lov'd commands obey ? 
In shining helms, and polished armour gay ; 
Brave champions all, whose brawny arm s doe weild 
The offencive broad-sword and defencive shield. 
Ah ! many a foe has then laid victime been, 
And hapless widows mourn their edge too keen, 

Immortal Chief ! with early triumphs croun'd, 
Thy conduct guids, thy courage gives the wound. 
Matchless the guns, the bows well-backed and long, 
Pointed the shafts, the sounding queavers strong ; 
Dreadfull the swords, and vigurous are the hands 
Of our well-bodied, feirce, and numerous bands 
Bands, whose resistless fury scours the field, 
Greedy of slaughter, and unknown to yield ! 

Hence your fierce Camerons, (for that name they bear, ) 

As masters rule, and lord it every where. 

Ev'n of such pow'r might sceptred Monarchs boast ! 

Happy when guarded by so brave ane hoaste ; 

Ane hoast, whose matches no one Chief can tell, 

In arms to equall, or in strength t' excell. 

O lett me, Sir, their lov'd protection gain, 
For this I came, nor did I come in vaine ! 
Great as their courage is, their generous mind, 
To want still liberal, and to suffering kind ! 


But first to thee, Great Chief, I make my moan ; 
Heroick Ewen ! Thow sone of prudent John, 
Illustrious Allan's heir, with beauty crown'd, 
And as a lyon bold, when foes surround. 

If, or your judgement does approve my song, 
Or, if my sufferings claim redress of wrong- 
Three cows well-fed, (nor more, alas ! had I,) 
With drink and food sustain' d my poverty ; 
These I demand, oh ! they the victims are 
Of lawless ravage, and destructive war. 

Nor I to those with doubtfull hopes complain, 
Whose liberal hands did former wants sustain. 
My losses, now repeated, aids demand, 
Since I nor milk, nor other cow command 
Else I all summer must on herbage dine, 
And in the cold of shivering winter pine ! 

Brave Callaurt, with the shineing armour shone, 
I nixt adress : To thee I make my moane. 
Yow to the field, the embattled warriours lead, 
And hear with pitty when poor sufferrers plead ; 

Your nat'ral goodness does my hopes secure, 
Nor need I tell yow more, but that I'm poor ! 
With thee I joyne brave Dougal's worthy heir, 
And Martin's sone, who all the virtues share. 
Witness, O ! Heavens ! how I esteem the three, 
So much enobled by their ancestry ! 

Locheill and his company were very generous to the poor Poet ; for 
besides his three cowes, they gave him 300 merks in money, in order 
to incourage his vein. It was unlucky for him that he did not mention 


more of these gentlemen, for those he omitted were not so liberal as the 
rest. However, he returned home very well contented, and made all the 
rocks and woods resound with the praises of Locheill and his Camerons, in 
his poeticall compositions, which are still highly esteemed in these parts, 
and are often the agreeable intertainment of the ingenious. 

About the begining of the last war, a detatchment of the army hap- 
pning to meet with Sir Alexander Livingstone, natural sone to the 
Earl of Callander, as he, with a good number of servants and followers, 
were travelling through those moors betwixt Badenoch and Athole, at 
tacked and defeated them ; whereby they became master of a great dale 
of valuable mov cables, which that gentleman was conveying home from 
Inverness, where they had been for the greater security depositated 
during the fury of the preceeding wars. 

All that Locheill got of this booty was a fine horse, which he after 
wards gifted to the Laird of M'Naghtan. Neither the General nor he 
condemned the action, in so far as the Earl, to whom these goods belong 
ed, had alwayes acted against King Charles I. on the side of the Cove 
nant ; and though it is possible that he might have joyned the present 
King, yet they tooke that for no proofe of his loyalty, because the great 
est part of the Covenanted Lords were forced into that service against 
their will, by the general torrent of the nation, which almost unanimous 
ly declaired for their Soveraign ; nor was any person thought trewely 
loyall, but such as afterwards gave more evident testimonys of it. 

However the matter was, the Earl, having gott information that seve 
ral Camerons were in that party, and that their Chief (though not there 
in person) was complimented with his son's horse, he raised action before 
the Criminal Judges against Locheill, as accessorey, and against his men, 
as actors in the alleaged robbery. Before the day of appearance, Loch 
eill having thought it proper to apply to his ordinary protector the Gene 
ral, he procured the following letter or order from the Counceill to the 


"Mr LORD, 

" His Highness' Counceill here are given to understand that your 
Lordship hath raised criminall letters against Ewen Cameron of Locheill 
and others, for ane alleaged ryot done against Sir Alexander Living- 
stoune in the year 1650 : Upon consideration whereof, and of the prac 
tice in former times, for those intrusted with the Government of this na 
tion, to give indemnity to all thefts and robberys comitted in time of 
war, that so such things, being in oblivion, the publick peace might be the 
better preserved : The said Counceil, looking on it as of consequence to 
the publick peace that men be not criminally prosecuted for things of that 
nature, done in time of the war, have thought fitt to signify unto your 
Lordship their sense thereof j and for the reasons aforsaid to desire 
your Lordship to desist prosecution against the said Laird of Locheill, 
or others, for any alleaged riot in the year 1650, being in the time of 
war ; or otherwaise, to shew cause to the Counceill to the contrairy. 
Signed in name and by order of the Counceill. 

(Signed) " GEORGE MONK. 
"Edinburgh, 8th Aprile, 1658." 

Directed on the foot, " To the Right Hon. the Earl of Callander." 

This letter stopt the prosecution for this time, but his Lordship was 
pleased to move it again after the Restoration, by a petition to the Par 
liament, as shall be observed in its due place. But here, however, it 
will be proper to notice, that the above accident was in [16] 51, and not 
in [16] 50, as the letter bears ; for the complaint to the Parliament setts 
furth the matter to have happned after the sack of Dundee, and when 
the English were become masters of the kingdome, which agrees with 
the time when the Highlanders began the last war, which was in the end 
of harvest 1651, as is before related. 

The reader has been already informed of the obligation that Locheill 
was under by the eleventh Article of his treaty to submitt the yearly re 
venue he should be obliged to pay to Macintosh for the disputed lands 
of Glenluy and Locharkike, from the date of the said treaty, to the 
Marqueiss of Argyle, the General, and Collonell Bryan. The General 


had, agreeably to the said treaty, satisfied Macintosh of all he could ac- 
claym preceeding it ; but there was no agreeing of the partys for the 
time to come. The arbiters had frequent meetings about it, as appears 
from many of the General's letters ; but Macintosh, insisting obstinatly 
for the absolute property, and Locheill being no less resolute, on the 
other hand, to retain the possession, as his predecessors had done, but 
still willing to pay him a sum of money in consideratione of his clame, 
the matter brock up, and Macintosh applyed for a legall remedy. Loch 
eill was strongly supported by many of the great ones ; but as his 
antagonist had plainly the advantage of him in point of law, so he was 
justly apprehensive of being casten in the end, and judged it adviseable 
to protract the time by taking another course. 

Oliver, the Usurper, was now dead, and the General, his friend, was 
become absolute master of the kingdom, which he governed with great 
prudence and moderation. Though he was willing to serve Locheill in 
every thing that was honourable, and had taken all the methods he 
could think on to prevaill with Macintosh to accept of the sume offered, 
yet he wowld not derogatt from his integrity, by influenceing the Judges 
in a matter which the law ought to determine. However, he thought 
it no wrong to propose a submission in another shape, and in order to 
bring it about, he wrote to the Judges in the following words : 


" Understanding that there is a bussiness depending before yow, be 
tween the Laird of Locheill and the Laird of Macintosh, which has con 
tinued these three hundred years in dispute, and hath coast the effusion 
of much blood ; I, therefore, make bold humbly to offer my oppinion 
to yow, that, for the ending of that bussiness, and for the peace of the 
country, that, if your Lordships shall so think fitt, it may be referred to 
two such as they shall agree among themselves, and on whom yow shall 
think fitt to be oddsman between them ; or, in case they shall not agree 
themselves to name any, that then yourselves will name some fitt persons 
to end that differance between them. This will be the best way, in my 
oppinion, to determine the bussiness, both for their satisfaction and the 



peace of the country. So, craving pardon of yow for this boldness, I 
remain your very humble servant, (Signed) GEORGE MONK. 
"Dalkeith, 20th May 1659." 

We hear no more of this affair till the year 1661 again, which time 
the reader shall have a full historey of its progress and end. 

Locheill enjoyed a profound peace during the remainder of this year. 
He formed his politicks with respect to the different party s in the State, 
agreeable to what he thought most for the King's intrest. He alwayes 
expected good things from the General ; and was no sooner informed of 
the desputs between the Parliament and the Generals of the English 
army, and that General Monk had sided with the former, than he de- 
claired that he wowld support him to the outmost of his power, as will 
appear from a letter of thanks inserted in the Appendix, which was wrote 
him on that memorable occasion. Locheill was not dissapointed in his 
hopes of the good General, who having already projected the Restoration 
of the Royall Family, mannaged that grand affair with so much secrecy, 
prudence, and true policy, that he effected it again the nixt spring, to 
the general satisfaction and joy of the three kingdoms. 





IT will be naturally expected that, in the happy reign of King Charles 
II., Locheill would enjoy the fruits of his loyalty with that tranquillity 
and peace which was the general consequence of the Restoration. But 
things fell out otherways, and his troubles and difficultys multiplyed so 
fast upon him, that fortune seemed resolved to putt his fortitude and 
patience to a full proofe, by the necessity of a continued exercise of 
these virtues. 

It is the general opinion of English writers, that the great General 
Monk's design in marching his troops into England, extended no fur 
ther than to crush the factions that then rent the Government asunder, 
and that the Restoration was brought about by a happy concurrence of 
circumstances which he did not forsee. But the Scots, who had a nearer 
view of his conduct, especially dureing the last two years of his admini 
stration, are generally of a different opinion ; for, though the scituation 
of the times obliged him to play the politician, and to proceed with the 
greatest caution and secrecy imaginable, yet, from weighing circumstan 
ces, and ballanceing his actions, it seems no hard matter to draw a 
rational, though not ane absolutely certain conclusion. 


Not to trouble the reader with a particular history of his manage 
ment, dureing the period I have mentioned, I shall only touch att some 
few things which seem most proper to the purpose, and leave it to himself 
to form a judgement. As his education and principles were loyall, so it 
is well known that he served the King with great courage and fidelity, 
till absolute necessity forced him to accept of a Commission hi the Par 
liament's army ; and though it is true that he seemed equally faithfull to 
the Usurpers, yet that might proceed from the impossibility he saw 
there was of doeing any reall service to his Prince by returning to his 
duety till a proper opportunity offered ; and, indeed, it was observed, 
that immediatly after the death of Cromewell, he began seriously to 
apply himself not onely to discover the strength and resolution of that 
party which stood affected to the King and Monarchy, but allso to 
search into the humours, dispositions, and characters of the leading men 
among them. 

His most ordinary method was, to seize and incarcerat their persons, 
and after keeping them in jayle for some time, where they were used 
with great severity ; often personally, and some times by the most rugged 
and surly of his officers, he endeavoured to extort a confession of what 
was land to their charge. If they persisted in a positive deny all, he 
threatned them with the boot, a kind of torture then and long after 
wards used in Scotland, and att the same time told them, with a rough 
assurance, that he had intercepted their letters, and had witnesses to 
prove the facts, and the like. His common charge was, that they cor 
responded with the King, or with the exiles, or that they harboured his 
agents ; and many other things of the like nature. Such as confessed 
he dismissed immediatly, telling them that nothing but their ouning their 
guilt could have saved their lives ; and it was observed, that from that 
moment he never more noticed them. But his carriage to those that 
stood their tryall with resolution and courage was such that soon con 
vinced them that they were hi his favour and esteem. He allowed 
them and their servants the use of their arms, invited them to his 
table, and entertained them with ane openess of countenance, and a 
freedom that was extreamly engageing ; besides, he not only assured 


them of his friendship and protection, but on all occasions expressed ane 
inclination to serve them. 

The King, encouraged by the information he often had of the Gene 
ral's civilitys to his friends in Scotland, sent to him some of his nearest 
relations, with orders to engage him, if possible, to declare himself; .but 
he, with his usewal circumspection, declined giveing a positive answer ; 
and though he dismissed these agents without letting them into the 
secrets of his intentions, yet the King never dispaired of assistance from 
that quarter. The General, however, lett slip no opportunity of in 
gratiating himself with the Loyalists ; but such as he knew to be friends 
to the Government, and more especially the fanatical Clergy, he bridled 
and suppressed in a manner that made both his person and conduct ex- 
treamly odious to them. Besides, as he was exceedingly carefull to 
purge his army of all republicans and fanaticks, and to substitute others 
in their places, whom he knew would be obedient, so he not onely, in a 
publick manner, obtained promises and assurances from the nation in 
general that they would be ready to stand by and assist him in all 
events ; but allso, in particular, from the Chiefs of Clans and others who 
were any way considerable either for their personal merit, or for their 
power and interest. 

Now, if he had not, even att that time, formed designs of serveing the 
King, is it reasonable to think, that he would have been att so much 
pains to gain the friendship, and to secure the assistance of persons who 
had given the Government so much disturbance, and who continued so 
unalterably fixed in their principles of loyalty, that he durst never have 
trusted them in any other than that service ? The gentry in general, and 
a great many of the commons, were armed by his licences, whereof 
thousands of copys are still extant, and the two last years of his go 
vernment were so mild and moderat, except with respect to the Clergy, 
whose petulant and licentious tongues he curbed on all occasions, that 
the nation would not have willingly chainged it for any other, but that 
of their natural Prince. 

Besides the numerous instances that might be given of his civilitys 
and respect to the Highland Chiefs, and others who had exerted them- 


selves most vigorously in the Royall cause, his friendship for Locheill, 
whereof I have given many instances, was extreamly remarkable. But 
whether his confidence proceeded so far as to open his mind, and dis 
cover his resolutions of restoreing the King, or whether Locheill, fro 
his conduct and other hints, onely guessed att his designs, is what I am 
not sufficiently informed of to assert ; but certain it is, that Locheill 
understood as much, as he frequently afterwards told. So much was 
he attatched to the General's person and interest, that he attended him 
all the way to London in that famous expedition, which, in common 
gratitude for the great deliverance it brought us, we ought to think the 
happy effects of a loyall and generous resolution to serve his exiled So 
vereign and enslaved country. 

The people of England seemed to expect from his hands the deliver 
ance he soon gave them. They came in crouds as he cautiously march 
ed forwards, praying for success to his designs, and presenting petitions 
for a free and full Parliament. He treated Locheill all the way with 
great friendship and civility ; and as he was his guest on the road, so, 
when he reatched London, he was no less carefull to see him provided 
with all necessarys. He had him allong with him on all occasions where 
he had ane opportunity of doeing him honour ; and when the King made 
his triumphant entry into London, the General desired Locheill to keep 
all the way as near to him as possibly he could ; and when his Majesty 
alighted, it was his own fault but he held the King's stirrop, as he had 
ane inviteing opportunity to have done. This effect of his modesty, or 
rather bashfulness, he had soon reason to repent of ; for another, who 
had more assurance, gott before him and performed that office, for which 
he was royally rewarded. The General, who was then allmost adored 
like a god, did him the honour to introduce him to kiss his Majesty's 
hands, by whom he was received most graciously ; for, as his character 
was not unknown to the King, so the Generall had the goodness to in 
form him, in a few words, of his merit and services. He was likeways 
introduced by him to the Dukes of York and Glocester ; the former of 
which, having had the history of his actions from General Middletoun, 
and, particularly, of the accident of his biteing out the English gentleman's 


throat at the skirmish of Achatelew, which was then much talked of 
att Court, received him with very destinguishing marks of esteem and 
favour, and very often thereafter took pleasure to jest with him upon 
that and the other adventures of his youth. 

Orders haveing been immediatly thereafter issued out by the General 
for drawing off the Garrison of Inverlochy, he made a present to Loch- 
eill of the houses and other materials that could not be carried away by 
shipping, and ordered Collonel Hill, then Governour, to deliver up the 
keys of the said Garrison to him. The grant bears date from Cock- 
pitt, where the Generall constantly resided, the 18th of June 1660. 

The famous Marquess of Argile being soon thereafter brought to his 
tryall before the Parliament of Scotland, was condemned and forfeited, 
and the sentence putt in execution ; nor could all the great power and 
interest that the Duke of Lauderdale had att Court ward off this ter 
rible blow, though he afterwards found means to save the honours and 
estate of the family to his son. The King, who designed that no inno 
cent person should suffer by this forfeiture, sent orders to his Parliament 
to hear the complaints of all such as had been injured or oppressed by 
the Marquess dureing the Rebellion, and to receive the claims of all his 
lawfull creditors, whom his Majesty ordered to be redressed of their 
losses, and satisfyed of their just debts out of his estate, which now be 
longed to the Croun by the forfeiture. 

Among a multitude of others, Locheill had a considerable claim upon 
a part of Argyle's estate ; whereof he was in the end dissappointed, by 
the contrivance of that pernicious minister, the Duke of Lauderdale ; 
whose wicked politicks, in the event, proved fatall not only to the Loyal 
ists, but even to the Royall Family itself. No claim could be more just 
and legall than that of Locheil's. Donald Cameron, his uncle, who 
acted as his tutor in his nonage, and two of his relations of the same 
name, having, in the years 1650 and 1660, lent to the Marquess the 
sume of 16,345 merks, for their security of the repayment obtained a 
wadsett or morgage on a part of the Marquess of Huntly's estate, which 
then was in Argile's possession by vertue of a gift or grant thereof 
from the Scots Parliament in the year .... But because these gen- 


tlemen did not think that a morgage on a forfeited estate was a sufficient 
security for their money, the Marquess of Argile gave them warranty, 
in case of eviction, on the lands of Swinart and Ardnamurchan, which 
was a part of his own ; and they haveing accordingly realized their tittle 
by infeftment, made it over to Locheill. 

The Marquess of Argile had, while in possession of Huntly's estate, 
bought and acquired right to several very considerable debts owing by 
that family, and thereupon procured the estate to be adjudged to him by 
a decree of Parliament, whereby he possessed it as well in virtue of this 
legall tittle as that of the forsaid forfeiture ; but Huntly, upon the King's 
Restoration, in order to elude the said legall tittle founded upon the 
debts bought in against him by Argile, managed matters so, that, instead 
of accepting back his estate in the way of justice, he procured a new 
grant of it from the Crown, as falling into his Majesty's hands by Argile's 
forfeiture. Huntly, being thus repossessed of his estate, free of all the 
heavy debts that formerly affected it, Locheill was obliged, for satisfac 
tion of the mony owing him by Argile, to have recourse upon the war 
ranty-lands of Swinart and Ardnamurchan, and gave in his claim to 
the Parliament ; for which purpose he had returned to Scotland about 
the end of the year 1661. The case having been examined in Parlia 
ment, all the members agreed that the claim was just and legall, and 
made a favourable report of it to his Majesty ; wherein, after high en 
comiums upon Locheil's gallant behaviour in his Majesty's service 
dureing the Usurpation, they humbly submitt it to his Majesty's con 
sideration, " If it will not be ane act of equity and justice becomeing his 
royall goodness, to grant him a charter of the warranty-lands suitable to 
the extent of the sum." 

Full of the assurance of success, he returned to Court, and though he 
had the great Generall Monk, now created Duke of Albemarle, the Earle 
of Middletoun, and generally all the Loyallists of both nations, to be 
friend and assist him with their interest at Court, yet neither the 
authority of the Scots Parliament, nor the united application of so many 
great men who had merited so highly of the Crown, nor the justice and 
equity of the demand, nor even the King's most solemn promises, were 


of weight enough to ballance the mischiveous policy of one subtile and 
designing man. 

The person I mean was the Duke of Lauderdale, who was then 
Secretary of State for Scotland, and managed all the affairs of that king- 
dome att his pleasure. He was a man of great ability s ; but seemed, by 
his actions, to have conceived ane irreconcileable enmity against all 
those who had most eminently merited of the Crown, and to have im- 
ployed all his great talents in opposition to them. He is commonly 
charged with forming his schemes of policy upon this false maxim, that 
true loyalists and patriots were attached to the Croun from duety and 
principle, which were sufficient motives to secure their fidelity and services, 
but that the enemys of the Royall Family, being wholly acted by interest, 
were to be loaded with favours, and gained by obligations ; as if persons 
of no principle were capable of gratitude, and as if men of honour and 
probity were divested of human passions, and uncapable of resentment ; 
nor is it to be imagined that a society will nourish, or even can subsist 
for any time, where vice is rewarded and virtue neglected. 

But whoever was the author of this accursed policy, it is certain that 
the Court went too much into it ; by which means, great numbers of 
these unhappy gentlemen, who, for their services to the Crown, and their 
zeale for the Royall Family, had lost their estates by the tyranny of the 
Usurpers, were suffered to languish away the remainder of their lives in a 
shamefull poverty, to have their familys ruined, and their names destroy 
ed ; while those who had been instrumentall in drawing on them and 
their country these and numberless other miserys, lived in full affluence, 
and enjoyed the fruits of their wickedness. 

Though Locheill had some better fortune, and escaped being totally 
ruined, which in a great measure he owed to the friendship of the Mar- 
quiss of Argile, and afterwards to the protection of General Monk ; yet 
he was a very great sufferer, by being obliged to support the men that 
he imployed in the King's service at his own charges ; and by the other 
unavoydable calamitys of war. His present demand was not as a reward 
of his services, though he certainly deserved much more, but claimed in 
payment of a just debt, and which he had unavoydably recovered, had 


not the Marquess been forfeited. He had many reasons for his fondness 
in attaining to the possession of the warranty-lands I have mentioned ; 
but his principall motive, besides the legall tittle he had to them, was, that 
they were wholly possessed by a part of his own Clan. 

But the Duke of Lauderdale, his perpetual enemy, though his en 
deavours in favours of the Marquess of Argile proved ineffectuall ; yet 
he resolved not to abandon the son, whom he had a more colourable 
pretence to support ; and haveing then projected methods for restoreing 
him to his father's estate and honours, he craftily dissapoynted not only 
Locheill, but all others who had any claim upon the forfeiture. 

The first methods he took against Locheill was to protract time, 
with a view of wearying and fatigueing him by a fruitless attendance and 
expence ; but the King, being perpetually dunned by the continued appli 
cation of the greatest men of his Court, att last ordered Lauderdale to 
present the signature or grant of these lands to be superscribed by his 
Majesty, according to the usewal form ; and this being a part of his of 
fice, as principall Secretary of State, he was obliged, after repeated 
orders, to comply at last. But when the grant came to be laid before 
the King, he took care that there should not be as much ink in the pen 
as would suffice to write the superscription, so that, when his Majesty 
had wrote the word " Charles," he wanted ink to add " Rex ;" and 
though the King often called for more, yet by misfortune there was non 
in the companey. 

Lauderdale having thus gained his point, for this time, fell upon other 
contrivances to dissapoynt Locheil's making a second application ; 
which were, to stirr up new enemys, and to imploy him elsewhere, by 
giveing him aboundance of work to deffend himself from their attacks ; 
whereby he effectually carryed his designs ; for, before Locheill had 
done with them, Lauderdale finished his schemes of settleing Argyle's 
family, by procureing a gift of the Marquess his forfeiture to the Earl, 
his son, and his younger children ; whereof we shall have occasion to 
speak more fully hereafter. 

The reader has been already informed, that, in the year 1651, Sir 
Alexander Livingstone, natural son to the Earl of Callendar, with some 


attendants and servants, was attacked by a detachment of the Highland 
army in the Brea of Mar, where, after a skuffle, wherein Sir Alexander 
was wounded, he was plundered of a good deale of plate, cloaths, papers, 
and other moveables, which he was carrying to some place of security. 
Among those were some of Locheil's men, which the Earl of Callender 
judgeing to be sufficient grounds for prosecuting Locheill as art and 
part, that is, as accessory to the riot, in so far as by law he was answer 
able, and bound for the peaceable behaviour of his Clan, he accordingly 
raised a criminal process against him in the year 1658 ; but was stopt by 
Generall Monk, who procured ane order of the then Councill for that pur 
pose ; which the reader will find in the Appendix. 

The Duke of Lauderdale of new encouraged my Lord Callender to 
apply to the Scots Parliament for redress of that loss ; assureing him, 
that he could never find a better opportunity than while the Earls of 
Glencairn and Middleton, the one Chancellour, and the other Commis 
sioner, were both att Court, and Rothes, who was of his Grace's faction, 
presideing in their place. 

The Earl of Callendar finding himself so powerfully supported, peti 
tioned the Parliament in January 1661 ; and, notwithstanding it was 
plead for Locheill that he could not be lyable either as principall or ac 
cessory to that riot, in so far as it was committed by a detatchment of 
the King's troops in the time of ane open war, where he was neither pre 
sent in person, nor gave any orders about it ; that he att most was but the 
Collonell of one regiment, for which he could not be made answerable in 
law, while not onely his regiment, but the whole army, was commanded 
by the King's Generall, who sent out that detatchment, and invested 
others with the command, whereby it was out of his power to have pre 
vented what happened ; and that if any person was criminal, it was either 
the General, or the person authorized by him : I say, notwithstanding 
that all this, and a great deale more, was argued for him, both by his law- 
ers and his friends in the Parliament, yet so powerfully did Lauderdale' s 
faction work there, in the absence of the Commissioner and Chancellour, 
that upon the Earl of Callendar' s offering to prove that Locheill actually 


received some part of the goods, the Parliament, by a majority of votes, 
found him guilty, and lyable in the restitution ; and furder declared by 
their sentence, that upon Calender's makeing out the fact alleadged, 
they would receive his oath in litem, that is, a proofe of the extent of 
his damages by his own oath. This sentence was exceedingly severe, 
not to say illegall, for, supposeing that Locheill had committed that vio 
lence in the time of peace, att any time proceeding May 1660 ; yet his 
Majesty's indemnity having pardoned what was criminal in the action, 
he could be onely lyable in simple restitution, but not to the extent or 
value that the party putt upon his losses, as made out by his own oath ! 

The Parliament further granted commission to the Sherriff of Cro- 
marty, and to the Commissioner for the burgh of Montrose, to examine 
the witnesses to be adduced by the Earl of Callendar for proveing that 
Locheill had received a part of these goods ; but his Lordship being un 
able to make out that poynt, Locheill, after a great deale of trouble and 
charges, was acquitted, in spite of all that Lauderdale and his faction 
could doe against him. And thus we see that he was worse used by a 
loyall Parliament, called by a King for whom he had often hazarded both 
his life and fortune, than he formerly was by the Usurpers, who, rightly 
judgeing of the affair by the time and circumstances of action, would 
not so much as sustain process against him. 

But before the commencement of this action, Lauderdale had stirred 
up a more powerfull antagonist against him, the antient and hereditary 
enemy of his family, who laid claim to a great part of his estate. This 
was the Laird of Macintoish, who, though the Chief of a powerfull Clan, 
had for the most part behaved as neuterall dureing the Usurpation ; and, 
therefore, haveing no pretence to any favour by the merit of his actions, 
would not have adventured to attack, at that time, a person so well be 
friended by the Loyalists, had he not been supported by the prevailling 
interest of Duke Lauderdale. 

The originall and progress of this dispute is narrated in the Introduc 
tion ; and, therefore, it will be sufficient to putt the reader hi mind, that 
Angus or ^Eneas Macintoish, haveing, in the year 1291, married the 


heiress of the Clan Chattan, thereby acquired ane opulent estate, whereof 
the Macintoishes pretend that the 40 merk lands of Glenlui and Lochar- 
kik, in Lochaber, was a part. 

Few Chiefs in the Highlands had any other charters for their estates 
in those days but their swords ; and the Camerons pretending some tittle 
or other to that estate, disputed the matter with the Macintoishes, for 
near the space of 400 years. The Camerons still keept the possession, 
notwithstanding that Macintoish did, in the year 1337, obtain a charter 
of that estate from M'Donald, Lord of the Isles, whose exorbitant power 
extended over the greatest part of the Highlands, and had that charter 
confirmed by King David Bruce, att Scoon, in anno 1359. The Came 
rons contravert these facts, and pretend that these charters were never 
produced in judgement, where their authentickness might have been 
tryed ; but, supposeing them to be true deeds, yet they haveing still re 
tained the possession, they alleadged that their right to the estate was 
preferable on that account. However the matter was, the feud still 
continueing betwixt the two familys, it cost Macintoish the lives of three 
of his predecessors, and of several thousands of his Clan and following. 

But Macintoish, finding that all his attempts by force proved ineffec- 
tuall, resolved to make an essay of what he could doe by law, wherein 
he had, indeed, better success. With this view, Sir Lachlan Macintoish, 
then Chief of that Clan, and heretable Steward of the lordship of Loch 
aber, did, in the year 1617, march into that country with a considerable 
body of men, under the pretence of holding Courts ; but was attacked 
by Allan Cameron of Locheill, defeated and chaced out of the country. 
Upon this, he entered a complaint before the King's Privy Councill, 
where there being none to vindicate Allan, who was afraid to appear, 
as well on account of his action against Macintoish, as of some other 
matters of the same kind, for which he could not well answer in law, 
there were letters, that is, ane order or warrand issued out to charge 
Allan to surrender himself prisoner, till he was tryed for the crimes 
whereof he was accused. 

But Allan, still apprehensive of the consequence of surrendering him 
self, thought fitt not to obey the charge, and Macintoish making use of 


that advantage, obtained a decree for putting him in possession of the 
controverted estate, with letters of outlawry and fire and sword, (that 
is, ane order directed to the King's sherriffs, and other persons of power, 
to attack the criminals with fire and sword,) against Allan, his Clan, and 
all others his abbetters and assistants. 

But Macintoish, after a great deale of trouble, not succeeding by force, 
had the good fortune to seize the person of Allan's eldest son John, as 
he was on his journy to Edinburgh, to solicite his father's business by 
the interest of the family of Perth, and other great men who befriended 
him in his misfortunes. The young gentleman was incarcerated and 
detained prisoner in Edinburgh for no less than the space of three years. 
The Councill, notwithstanding of all the intercessions made for him, 
haveing absolutely refused to dismiss him untill he found sufficient caution 
and surety, that Sir Lachlan Macintoish should not onely be admitted 
to the peaceable possession of the estate, but all so that he should enjoy 
it free from all disturbance of the Clan Cameron for the future. [This 
forced Allan to compromise the matter, by the mediation of severall per 
sons of quality ; and, indeed, he had ane easier bargain than could have 
been reasonably expected, as affairs were then scituated.] 

Thus matters continued till the death of Sir Lachlan ; and the 
Laird of Grant, Chief of a powerfull family of that name, acting as tutor 
to Macintoish his son, then a minor, did not onely liberat Mr Cameron 
from his long confinement, but allso made over to him a right of mor- 
gage which he had obtained upon these lands, in order to ingage him in 
the quarrell, from the late Sir Lachlan. But William Macintoish his 
son, haveing liberat that estate from the said morgage, according to the 
forms of law, by consigning the sum of 18,000 merks, for which it was 
impignorated, in the hands of the Provost of Inverness, obtained a de 
cree thereupon against Sir Ewen Cameron of Locheill, who was then a 
child, before the Lords of Session, in March 1639, where none appeared 
to defend. 

Thus were affairs scituated, in January 1661, when Macintoish, en 
couraged by the Duke of Lauderdale and his faction, and supported by 
the Earle of Weems, from whose family the Macintoishes say they are 


descended, took the opportunity of addressing the Parliament by a 
petition ; wherein he charges the Camerons with rebellion, sedi 
tion, and many other the like crimes ; because they had hitherto keept 
him from the possession of ane estate, to which he believed he and his 
predecessors had so good a tittle in law. The Parliament referred the 
tryal of the case to a committee of their own number, commonly then 
called " The Lords on the Bills ;" but the Earl of Middleton, the 
King's Commissioner, and his party, (who were all cavaliers, and of the 
Tory faction,) opposed the petition with that vigour, that Macintoish 
began to dispair of succeeding. But, luckily for him, both Commis 
sioner and Chancellour haveing been called to Court in the May follow 
ing, Lauderdale's faction prevailed so effectually, in their absence, that, 
on the fifth day of June thereafter, Macintoish obtained a decree of Par 
liament, adjudgeing the estate in contraversy to him, and decreeing 
Locheill not only to divest himself thereof, but allso to find surety that 
neither he nor his Clan should, for the future, molest Macintoish nor 
his tenants in the peaceable possession thereof, under the penal sum of 
20,000 merks. 

Locheill, who was then at Court, bussyed in soliciting for a grant of 
the warrantie-lands I have often mentioned, and of a pension of three 
hundred pounds sterling for life, which his Majesty then granted him, 
but never made effectuall, was much allarmed with the news of Macin 
toish his success. The Parliament was not properly judges of the matter, 
except in the case of ane appeale from the Court of Session, which is the 
Supream Judicatory in Scotland in all civill actions, and especially in 
all pleas respecting lands and other heritable rights. This Court claim 
ed the cognizance of Locheil's affair, and were seconded in it by the 
Commissioner and Chancellour ; but the contrarey party, takeing ad 
vantage of their absence, proceeded! to sentence. However, Locheill, 
who never believed that the Parliament would have incroached so far 
upon the priviledges of the Session, prevailed with the Chancellour, who 
has, by his office, the power of presideing in all the Courts of Scotland, 
to write the following letter to that Court in his favours : 



** Since I came to this place, I understand his Majesty has taken such 
notice of the Laird of Locheill his faithfull service done to him, that 
he has proposed a way for composeing the difference betwixt Macintoish 
and him, which will shortly come to your hands : I shall desire you, 
therefore, if Macintoish offer to take advantage of Locheill his absence, 
or to prevent his Majesty's commands by insisting hi ane action before 
you against Locheill now in his absence, that you continue the action 
untill yow know his Majesty's further pleasure, which will be signified 
to yow by my return. This being all at present, 

" I am, my Lords, &c. (Signed) GLENCAIRNE. 

"London, 7th June 1661." 

Directed, " For the Lord President, 
and Lords of Session, now sitting 
att Edinburgh." 

The Lords of Session, haveing intimated the Chancellour's letter to the 
Parliament and Privy Councill, all further procedure was stopt till July 
1662, when Macintoish obtained a decree of removeing against Locheill 
and his Clan, before the Lords of Session, in consequence of the former 
sentence by the Parliament. But perhaps the reader will not think the 
case sufficiently explained, unless he has some of the principal arguments 
in law, which the partys made use of before the Parliament, layed down 
before him. I shall therefore endeavour, in this place, to satisfy him as 
to that poynt ; and in order to make them the more intelligible, I shall 
lay aside all the harsh terms of law that commonly embarrass such plead 

It was argued for Locheill, the defendent, that he and his predeces 
sors had been for these three hundred years and upwards in possession of 
the estate in dispute ; and that though Macintoish pretends that he has a 
charter from the Lords of the Isles, confirmed by King David Bruce, 
yet these charters are now of no force, since neither he, the plaintiffe, 
nor his predecessors, ever had possession by virtue of them : 2<%, That 


though the plaintiffe founds a separate tittle upon the decrees of the 
Court of Session and other Judges in his favours, yet all these decrees 
are surreptitious, and were stolen out against the defendant when the 
kingdome was in confusion by Civil Wars and other calamitys, which 
rendered it unsafe for him to appear and defend ; and that, therefore, 
he had raised action before the Court of Session for having these decrees, 
and all consequent thereupon, found and declared to be voyd and null, 
agreeable to aneact of this present Parliament, entituled. ["Act rescinding 
and annulling the pretended Parliaments in the years 1640, 1641, &c."] : 
3dly, That as to the morgage, to which the defendant's father had right 
from the Laird of Grant, it was onely ane accessory tittle, and can never 
insinuate any approbation of the plaintiff's claim, in so far as by the deed 
of conveyance it is expressly declared, that the accepting of that deed 
should in no manner invalidate or prejudge his other tittles to that estate : 
4thly, That the defendant's right to the estate was still good and legall 
even by that deed of morgage, in so far as it was never yet lawfully re 
deemed, by payment of the mony for which the lands were said to be 
impignorated. The order of redemption used in the hands of the Pro 
vost of Inverness was onely simulated, and elusory ; the mony was not 
actually payed down nor consigned, and though it had, yet since by our 
law all such consignations are upon the hazard of the consigner, it is 
certain that the subsequent death and bankruptcy of that Provost must 
be to the plaintiff's loss, and not to the defendent's, who had no hand in 
the matter : 5thly, That the decree, declareing the estate to be redeem 
ed, is null ; att least there is action raised by the defendent for annulling 
it upon these obvious grounds in law ; 1st, That he being then a child, 
neither he nor his tutor were legally summoned to defend, the summonds 
bearing the citation to have been made att the merkatt-cross of Inverness, 
and not att his dwelling-house ; 2<%, That he was not obliged to answer 
to that Judge, the estate in dispute lyeing and he liveing in a seperate 
jurisdiction ; 3<%, As the decree was obtained in absence of the defend 
ant, so it is otherways defective, seeing it does not mention the mony to 
have been produced att the bar, as it ought to have been, nor that it 


was decreed to be payed to the defendent or to his tutor in the manner 
directed by law. 

To these arguments it was answered for Macintoish, That with respect 
to the 1st, the dependent's and his ansestors' long possession was by force 
and violence, which the law could not justify ; that he was willing to 
putt his case, and risk it upon the authentickness of the charters from 
the Lord of the Isles and King David, if his Judges thought it proper ; 
but as, att present, he did not found his right to the estate upon these 
antient writes, so it was intearly out of the question, whither he or his 
predecessors ever attained to the possession by virtue of them or not : 
To the 2rf, that the defendent was summoned to defend his pretended 
right according to the rules of law, and that, if he did not appear, it was 
his own fault : That though the times were then beginning to be trouble 
some, yet the Rebellion was not actually broke out, and the Judges con 
tinued to act in his late Majesty's name and by his authority, so that he 
had nothing to plead for himself on that score : That however the decrees 
he pretends to quarrell might be lyable to objections, yet they were still 
valid and good in law till anulled by the sentence of a Judge competent ; 
and that the action before the Court of Session was meerly elusory, and 
calculated for no other end but to retard the business in hand ; but that 
all shifts and pretences of that kind were foolish and idle before the High 
Court of Parliament, which had a legislative authority : To the 3d, 
that though the defendent might have had some tittle to the estate from 
his long and violent possession, yet he had effectualy renounced it by 
accepting of the right of morgage from the Laird of Grant, that being 
a plain acquescance in the plantifPs tittle of absolute property : That the 
cautionary clause in Grant's conveyance was useless and impertinent, 
because the law could never enable him to make over the deed of mor 
gage in any other terms than he had it himself; and though it had been 
conveyed and transmitted through a hundred different hands, yet no 
clause or stipulation they could make could prejudge the plantiff, who 
had them all bound to the observance of the conditions in the originall 
contract : To the \ih it was answered, that the order of redemption was 


executed according to our practice ; and that, if the defendant's tutor 
was remiss and negligent in receiving his mony from the Provost, in 
whose hands it was legally consigned, it was his own fault, for the Pro 
vost's death and bankruptcy did not happen till after the plantiffe had 
obtained his decree, declareing the estate to have been lawfully freed 
and redeemed from the morgage, and had likeways procured another 
decree before the Lords of Session for removeing the defendent and his 
Clan from the possession, and executed all the diligence against him re 
quired by our law : And to the 5th, that whatever defects or even 
nullity s may be in the decree there mentioned, yet it is still valid and 
sufficient till rescinded by the authority of a proper judicatory ; and 
if the case were brought to a second tryall, it would soon appear 
that all the defects and nullitys under which it is said to labour were 
but chimerical inventions, without any foundation in truth, or argument 
in law. 

These, and the like, were the arguments used by the partys before 
the Estates of Parliament. Locheill had imployed the famous Sir 
George Lockart, a lawer of the greatest abilitys for eloquence and 
knowledge that ever appeared att the bar. The renouned Sir George 
M'Kenzie, in the character he gives of this great man, says that he 
built his arguments like a well-compacted and cemented vault, impene 
trable in all its parts ; and that his invention furnished him with more 
matter than he had words to express ; and that his words flowed thicker 
upon him than he could easily pronounce. Besides, he was a great master 
in the art of moveing the passions, and spoke with such a wounderfull ve 
hemence and force of action, that he commanded silence whenever he 
opened his mouth, and att once charmed and convinced the audience. 
Had Sir George Lockart' s advice been followed in due time, it is pro 
bable that Locheill would have carryed his cause ; but he neglecting to 
reduce and annull the several decrees I have mentioned, Macintoish had 
plainly the better of him, in point of law ; which undoubtedly had no 
small influence in the decision. 

In the meantime, Locheill, who still continued att Court, was not idle. 
He very well knew his weakness, and endeavoured to make up that def- 


ficiency by the power of interest. By a petition, which the reader will 
find in the Appendix, he supplicated his Majesty, who gave him a pri 
vate audience, and who heard the whole matter with great patience, so 
to interpose his authority as to oblige Macintoish to accept of such a sum 
of monv as the Councill should judge proper in liew of his pretensions 
to the estate in question. He further accquainted his Majesty, that as 
his Clan were, and had been, in the possession for many centurys of 
years, so he knew that they would never part with their antient dwellings 
without a great deale of bloodshed ; and that since he clearly forsaw the 
consequence, he had more than reason to apprehend that this would be 
the last time that he should have the honour of seeing his Majesty. 
That he had been a great part of his youth a fugitive and outlaw for his 
attempting to serve his Majesty ; but that that gave him no great pain, 
because he suffered in a glorious cause, and onely shared in the common 
calamity of his countrey, but that henceforth he must resolve to live 
among hills and deserts, a fugitive and vagabound, meerly because he 
was Chiefe of a Clan, for whom, though he was bound by the law, yet he 
was sure he could not answer when they came to be dispossessed by the 
antient enemy of his family. 

His Majesty, haveing heard all this with his usewall goodness, answer 
ed, " Locheill, I know that yow was a faithfull servant to the Crown, 
and that yow have often, with great bravery, hazarded your life and for 
tune in that cause ; fear not that yow shall be long an outlaw, whatever 
shall happen in that quarrell, while I have the power of granting a remis 
sion : But as to the affair of law and private right, I will not meddle 
with it, but shall wryte to my Councill to endeavour to compromise 
matters, so as to prevent publick disturbance. In the mean time, I still 
think it your interest to hinder Macintoish his attaining to possession ; 
and I assure yow that neither life nor estate shall be in danger while I 
can save them." 

Locheill, much encouraged by this gracious assurance from his Ma 
jesty, continued to make his court to the Duke of Albemarle, to whom 
he related all that had past, and to whom he chiefly recommended it to 
prevent Macintoish his getting any favour att Court. That Duke frankly 


promised to doe him all the services that he possibly could do him ; 
and assured him that he would make his affairs his own. 

Locheill had the honour to be well known to the Duke of York, and 
it was in a great measure to his Royall Highness his intercession that he 
was beholden for the gracious assurances his Majesty was pleased to give 
him of a full remission, in case matters came to extremity. He had 
likeways the goodness to recommend him to the Earl of Clarendon, then 
Prime Minister of State, and to several other grandees of the Court ; 
whereby Locheill began to think himself pretty secure in all events. 
But still he found the Earl of Lauderdale ane irreconcileable enemy. 
That Lord opposed the King's writeing to his Commissioner as long as he 
could ; but the King, haveing positively determined it should be done, 
the following letter was sent to his Lordship : 


" Right Trusty and Well-beloved Cousine and Counsellour, wee greit 
yow well. We haveing formerly written to our Privy Councill about the 
difference likely to arise betwixt the Lairds of Macintoish and Locheill, 
we are still of the same opinion, that though we will not meddle in the 
point of law or right, which (we are informed) is already determined, 
yet we have thought fitt to recommend to your care, to endeavour so to 
settle and agree them as the peace of those parts be not disturbed. 
Given att Hampton Court, the 30th May 1662, and of our reign the 
14th year. 

"By His Majesty's command, (Signed) LAUDERDAILL. 

" To our Right Trusty and Right Well-beloved 
Cousin and Counseller, the Earl of Middle- 
ton, our Commissionour to our Parliament of 

Locheill arrived att Edinburgh about the same time, and hearing 
that Macintoish had obtained a diligence, that is, a warrand for seizeing 
and incarcerating him, he was obliged to supplicate the Councill by pe- 


tition for a personal protection, which he could obtain for no longer 
time than to the 24th of June. Dureing that short time he married the 
sister of Sir Allan M'Lean of Dowart, a young lady of great beauty and 
merite, whom he loved most tenderly while she lived. And haveing 
done what he could to secure his interest with his friends in the Parlia 
ment and Privy Councill, he left the town before his protection was 
expired, and arrived safely with his young lady in Lochaber, where he 
lived for some years in a most profound peace. 

In the meantime, Lauderdale's faction bore such sway in the Privy 
Councill, that his Majesty's Letter was not read till the 4th of Septem 
ber following. This gave Macintosh ane opportunity to petition the 
Councill for a Commission of fire and sword against Locheill and his 
friends ; but the Commissioner and Chancellour opposed the reading of 
his petition with that vigour and firmness, that he could not prevaill for 
that time. The sum of their arguments were, that the giveing of such a 
Commission would be plainly to oppose his Majesty's most gracious in 
tentions of reconcileing the partys, as he had signifyed both to his Com 
missioner and Privy Councill under his Royall hand : That if once Mac 
intosh were armed with authority, he would undoubtedly execute it with 
vigour ; and considdering that the partys were old irreconcileable enemys, 
of no small power and interest, the Clans would divide into factions in 
favours of the party they affected, and sett the whole Highlands in a 
flame : And that, therefore, the Councill ought by all means to en 
deavour ane amicable adjoustment of affairs, whereby all these evils would 
be prevented. 

But Lauderdale's interest still prevaileing more and more att Court, 
the Earle of Rothes was named Commissioner for the nixt session of 
Parliament, in place of the Earl of Middletown ; and it mett, accordingly, 
on the 18th day of January 1663. Macintosh had none now but the 
Chancellour to oppose him, so that he att length obtained warrand to 
charge Locheill to appear before the Privy Councill upon 15 days 
warning, with certification, that, if he failed, their Lordships would issue 
out Letters of fire and sword against him. But Locheill, who was in 
formed by the Chancellour how matters went, not thinking it proper to 


give obedience, the forsaid Commission of fire and sword was upon 
the 25th .... issued out against him and all his abetters, and the Mar 
quess of Montrose, the Earles of Caithness, Murray, Athole, Erroll, Mari- 
shall, Mar, Dundee, Airly, Aboyn, and severall other great men, both 
in the Highlands and Lowlands, are authorized as Commissioners to 
putt it to execution. Att the same time, Letters of concurrence and inter- 
communeing, or outlawry, were issued out against him, and the whole 
name of Cameron ; and all the men, between 60 and 16 years of age, 
within the shires of Inverness, Ross, Nairn, and Perth, are ordered to 
conveen in arms, and to putt the law in execution against these rebells 
and outlaws, when Macintoish should think fitt to call them together. 

One would now think that when near one half of the kingdome was 
armed against a private gentleman and his family, that it was scarcely 
in the power of fortune to save them from utter ruine ; especially when 
that power was to be conducted by ane enemy who was become implac 
able on account of the losses, affronts, and disappointments that he and 
his ancestours had received att the hands of the persons whom he was to 
attack. But we shall see that Providence had ordered matters other- 
ways, and that Locheill and his Clan not onely enjoyed a profound peace 
for the two following years, but even had the address to bring things 
about to the issue they desired. 

The first thing Macintoish sett about, after his arrivall att his oun house 
of Dunachton, was to write to all the great men I have mentioned, pray 
ing them to be in readdiness to execute the King's commands ; and not 
satisfied with this, he visited them one by one ; but after all, he could 
not so much as prevaile with one of them, receiving this answer in gene 
ralThat Locheill was a gentleman for whom they had a very great 
esteem ; that they thought it would be hard to dissposess him of an 
estate that he and his predecessors had so long enjoyed ; that he had 
best accept of a sum of money in liew of his pretentions, since Locheill 
was willing to give it ; and that otherwayes he would find it no easie 
matter to come to his purpose, and save his honour. Thus dissapointed, 
he resolved to try his fortune with his oun Clan, and such auxiliarey 


forces as he could draw together from his friends and neighbours. But 
Locheill, who neglected nothing that he deemed proper for his interest, 
had so artfully mannaged matters with the leading men of the Macin 
toshes, by secret agents, that their Chief was surprized and confounded 
to find them so divided in their oppinions, and refractory to his com 
mands, that two-thirds of them refused to follow him. He att first 
threatned to force them by vertue of the authority wherewith the law had 
invested him ; but finding rough courses inefectwal, he then attempted 
to mollify and gain them by fair words and large promises. He was now 
so harrassed with unreasonable petitions and extravagant demands, that 
he often said, all the estate he was master of, and the one he was to re 
ceive, were both insufficient to satisfie their avarice. 

But if the Macintoshes were troublesome and dissobedient, it is no 
wounder if he found the Clan Vuirich or M'Phersons much more so. 
This Clan was a branch of the antient Chattans, of whom I have given 
an account in the Introduction. They so far looked upon themselves as 
ane independent people, that they brought the matter to a dispute before 
the Councill in the year 1672, whereof we shall hereafter take occasion 
to speak fully in the proper place, and had the good fortune to get them 
selves freed from the yoaks of the Macintoshes, by a sentence of that 

While Macintoish was thus employed, Locheill, to make an essay of 
his mettle, dispatched several small partys into his countrey, with orders 
to carry off the best of the cattle they could fall upon, from such of the 
Clan as continued attatched to his interest. These haveing generally suc 
ceeded, Macintoish, in revenge of the affront, sent a body of choise men 
into Lochaber, and commanded them to surprize and seize as many, but 
especially the leading men of the Camerons, as possibly they could. His 
view was to force Locheill into a compliance with his demands, by de 
taining them prissoners, and threatning their lives. But his party having 
lurked long in the mountains to no purpose, returned home with the 
jxx>r satisfaction of killing two cowherds, whom they accidentely mett, 
while they were looking after their cattle in these parts. This project 


failing, he resolved to reconcile himself with his Clan and friends att any 
price ; and, in the end, effected it, by complying even with their most 
exorbitant demands. 

Locheill, who forsaw the event, and was fully informed of what passed, 
fell upon another way to obstruct his designs. He had, by this time, so 
far insinuated himself into the favour of many of the leading Lords of 
the Parliament and Privy Councill, that he, in January 1665, procured 
an order subscribed by the Duke of Rothes, then Commissioner to the 
Parliament, commanding Macintoish to attend them att Edinburgh within 
the short time therein prefixt ; and dischargeing him to putt his commis 
sion of fire and sword in execution till the pleasure of the Councill was 
further made known. Macintoish, who obeyed with great reluctance, 
compleaned bitterly of his useage att his arival, but had no other answer 
but a positive command to attend there till Locheill, whom the Councill 
had just then sent for, should have time to come up. 

The partys were, upon the day appointed, conveened before the Com 
missioner, Chancellour, Officers of State, and all the other great men 
then in authority, in a full Councill, where his Majestic' s letter being 
read in their hearing, the Chancellour accquanted them with the reasons 
of their being called for, and said : That his Majesty's royall zeall for the 
wellfair and happiness of his people, and the particular commands which he 
had been graciously pleased to lay upon his Parliament and Councill, to 
endeavour a reconcealment between the partys by way of compromise, so 
as the publick peace and tranquility which they happily enjoyed under 
his auspicious government might not be disturbed, could not miss to have 
a due influence on persons so well affected to their Sovereign, and dis 
pose them to agree to such measures, as should seem agreeable to justice 
and the wisdome of his Majesty's Councill. And the Chancelour, 
haveing asked them if they were willing to submitt the controversie be 
twixt them to the arbitration of the Councill, they answered in the 
affirmative, and were dismissed for that time. 

Two days thereafter the Councill called the partys again before them, 
and the Chancelour resuming the discourse, accquanted them that they 
had now fully informed themselves of the value of the estate in question, 

2 A 


and of all the particulars of the dispute : That the Councill, haveing 
seriously deliberated on the affair, were of oppinion, that, seeing Locheill 
and his predecessors had enjoyed these lands for so long a time, and 
that they were possessed by his Clan, that they lay contiguous to the 
rest of his estate, and were att the distance of so many mil^s from that 
of Macintoish's, the partys should agree upon a certain equitable pryce ; 
wherein regaird ought to be had, as well to the yearly rents of the estate, 
as to the other considerations before noticed ; for whatever Macintosh's 
original right to these lands might be, it was not so good but that it 
afforded grounds for a long and a heriditary quarrell between the familys, 
which had occasioned much disturbance and a great issue of blood. 
That though Macintosh had gott the better in point of law, yet, for any 
thing that appeared, it proceeded rather from the advantages that were 
taken either from the unhappy circumstances that LocheiPs family were 
often by missfortune involved in, or from the publick confusions of the 
State, than from any preferrance of naturall right or tittle that had yet 
been heard of : That Locheil's continued possession seems to have given 
him the priority on that score ; and that, in as far as he could judge of 
the affair, he was sincearly of oppinion, that whatever the Chief might 
doe, in obedience to his Majesty's laws, yet his Clan would never allow 
any but themselves to inhabite these lands in peace : And that, there 
fore, he thought it for the publick good that things should be adjusted 
on the plan he had proposed. Macintoish heard this speech with great 
indignation ; but he could not make a better of the case, as it then stood ; 
he saw that the Councill had come in unanimously to that scheme, and 
that non pretended to contradict or oppose it. The Chancelour, haveing 
finished, recomended it to the partys, in very pressing terms, to endea 
vour, by the mediation of their friends, to fix upon a price ; and if they 
could not agree, the Councill would doe their best to adjust the differ- 

The partys, with great numbers of friends and lawers on both sides, 
mett very often ; but were still so wide of one another, that there did 
not appear the least probability of any agreement at that time. Within 
eight dayes thereafter they were for a third time called before the Coun- 


cill ; and the Chancelour, haveing informed himself of what passed att 
these meetings, and of what Locheill would willingly give as the last 
offer, proposed the sum of 72,000 merks to be payed to Macintoish for 
his clame upon that estate ; and this sum, he said, he tooke to be a just 
medium between the demands 'of the one, and the offers of the other. 
The Councill were of the same oppinion, and severall of the members 
spoke in favours of it, adding some new proposalls of their own, by way 
of amendment ; but Macintoish was so far from consenting, that he could 
not even hear what was said with patience . 

Being att length dismissed, he resolved to steall privately out of the 
town ; but haveing got all things ready with the greatest secrecy, he had 
the mortification, just when he was setting out, to be arreasted by an 
order from the Councill, till he found caution that he, his Clan, and fol 
lowers, should keep the publick peace. This he interpreted as ane indi 
rect command to give over doeirig himself justice by force of arms. He 
knew well from whom this blow had come ; and, therefore, att once to 
elude the order, and trick his adversary, he disenabled his intentions, and 
voluntarly offered to delay the execution of his commission against Loch 
eill for a year longer, on condition that the Councill would dispence 
with his finding caution for any others but his oun tenants. Loch 
eill agreed to the proposeall, and the Councill dismissed him. But he 
was soon sensible of his error in takeing his adversary's simple word for 
the performance. For no sooner had Macintoish reached home, than he 
inveited all the leaders of his Clan, with their friends and followers, to ane 
entertainment, except the M'Phersons ; where, by ane obsequious conde- 
scendance to all their demands, he prevailed with them to subscrive a 
bond obligeing themselves to follow him to Lochaber when required. 

But the most difficult task yet remained ; for the M'Phersons still stood 
out, and without them he could doe nothing of moment. Cluny, their 
Chief, was a person of honour and courage, and had several times 
brought a body of 500 men to the field, where non behaved more gal 
lantly in the service of their King and countrey. As he resolved never 
to accknowledge any dependance on Macintoish, so he had no inclination 
to the service he demanded of him ; so that it stood Macintoish the four 


following months before he could bring him to his terms, which were a 
renounciation of any tittle or pretence he had to the Chief ship, and a 
premium of L.100 sterling for his service in that expeadition. 

Locheill, in the meantime, was not ignorant of what past ; and in 
order to perplex his antagonist a little more, he wrote to his friend the 
Earl of Murray, Sherriff-principall of Inverness-shyre, to hold his Cir 
cuit Courts in Badenoch, Strathspey, and other places where the Mac- 
intoishes, Macphersons, and their followers, lived, and to order such of 
them as were his vassalls to attend ; by which they would be then ef- 
fectwally hindered from joyning Macintoish. This stratagem was im- 
mediatly putt in execution, nor could Macintoish, at any rate, prevaill 
with the Earl to dissmiss his men till he had made his tower throw all the 
different parts of his jurisdiction ; which he performed at great leisure, 
and then marched towards Inverness, to adjust a differance between the 
Lord Macdonald's men and that toun ; which haveing performed, he, on 
the 27th August 1665, wrote to Macintoish to come to him, and hear 
certain new proposealls which he had to offer in behalf of Locheill. 

Macintoish, after some difficulty, consented ; and sett out at the head 
of 800 men, appointing Cluny and the Macphersons to meet and joyn him 
at the (Distance of a day's journey from Lochaber. Having triffled away 
some time with the Earl of Murray, and being joyned by all his auxiliareys, 
consisting of Shaws, Ferquarsons, and some others his antient friends 
and allyes, he began his march for Lochaber with a body of 1500 good 
men ; and passing through the wood called Glasrey, he encamped on the 
plain of Cluins on the West side of the river of Airkike. 

Locheill, having heard that Macintoish was on his march, thought it 
was full time to provide for his defence ; and in a few dayes got together 
his whole Clan, who, haveing been prepared beforehand, and willing for 
the service, were sooner with him than he expected. He was likeways 
joyned by a small party of the M'lans of Glencoe, and another of 
M'Grigors, who offered their services as volunteers, and found upon the 
muster that he had gott 900 armed with guns, broad-swords, and targes, 
and 300 more who had bows in place of guns ; and it is remarkable, that 
these were the last considerable companey of bowmen that appeared in 


the Highlands. With these he marched streight to Achnacary, and 
encamped on the bank of the river of Arkike, immediatly opposite to 

This river is fordeable only att one place, on each side of which the 
partys were incamped ; and taking its rise from a great fresh- water Lake 
or Loch, which streatches itself twelve miles further Westward, after a 
short course of one mile through a beautifull plain, disimbogues itself into 
another large Loch lyeing South and North, of ane equall length with the 
former. This last Loch, which bears the name of Loch Lochy, extends 
itself about three miles Southwards from the mouth of Arkike ; and from 
the end or mouth of this Loch issues the great river of Lochy, which, 
after a very rapid course of about eight miles further South, looses itself 
in that arm of the sea on which the Fort of Inverlochy is scituated. So 
strong and rapid is the current, at the mouth of this river, that it dartes 
its streams, and rushes with such force and violence into the sea, that it 
preserves itself intear for a considerable way, and retains its former fresh 
ness, as if it were unwilling to lose itself. The whole length of this 
Loch and river of Lochy from South to North is upwards of twenty 
long miles ; and that of the Loch and river of Airkike from East to 


West is thirteen miles of Scots measure. So that it was impossible for 
the partys, as they were scituated, to come suddenly to blows. 

Locheill, being master of the countrey, had it manifastly in his power, 
either soon to oblige his adversary to abandon his enterprize for the want 
of provisions, or otherways to fatigue his men by a long and difficult 
march of twenty-four miles, through narrow, brocken, and stoney roads, 
by the head of Loch Arkike ; the other way by Loch Lochy being still 
much longer, and shutt up at the end by the sea, unless they attempted 
the fords of the river of Lochey ; which would have been a dangerous 

Macintoish was sensible enough of his bad scituation, and two days 
after his arivall, removed his camp to a little village two miles West 
ward, on the side of Loch Arkick ; and Locheill, after throwing up a 
trench att the ford of Arkike, which he left fifty men to guard, keept pace 
with him, and encamped on the opposite side. Here haveing called a 


rouncill of war, he informed his friends of his resolution of determining 
the quarell by a decisive action, to which he was encouraged by his 
Majesty's most gracious* assurance of a remission : He added, that as he 
had full confidence in the courage of his men from former tryalls, so he 
had no apprehension of the event, notwithstanding of the enemy's odds of 
number : That all the promiseing appearances were on their side ; they 
were masters of the country, all of one name and family, except a few 
hr.ue volunteers, and interested in the affair almost equally with him 
self : That, on the other hand, he knew he had a very brave enemy to 
engage ; but then, they did not think themselves much concerned in the 
quarrell, and non of them, excepting the Macphersons, had ever seen 
blood : That all but the Macintoshes, who did not exceid six or seven 
hundred at most, were strangers and auxiliareys, and allured into the ser 
vice, rather by interest and hyre than by their own inclinations : That 
even the Macintoshes themselves had expressed no great readieness to 
serve, and it was well known that many of them had so little regard to 
their Chiefs honour and interest, that they took the advantage of his 
necessity, and forced him to divide a good part of his estate among them 
before they would comply : That, however, as he was fully determined 
to fight, so he hoped non of them would pretend to oppose him, unless 
they could bring some convinceing reasons for a contrary course : That 
if any of them wanted inclination to engage, and had not putt on a xt 
resolution to die or conquer, he begged of them to retire, and he would 
afford them such opportunitys as would save their honour. The Came- 
rons expressed some kind of ane uneasiness and concern att the last part 
of this speech, that their Chief should so much as suspect that any of them 
would desert him when his honour and interest, joyned with that of the 
whole name, was att stake : They unanimously approved his resolution, 
and desired him to lead them on, and they would convince him that they 
were no worse men than they formerly were against the publick enemy s 
of the kingdome. Hereupon they agreed upon the measures they were 
to take, and resolved in part to putt them in execution that very night. 
In the mean time, the Earl of Breadalbane, who was cousine-german 
to both the Chiefs, and a person of ane extensive genius and vast capa- 


city, haveing resolved to interpose in the quarrell, marched into Loch- 
aber att the head of three hundred men, and offered himself as a me 
diator. He was well acquanted with the tempers, capacitys, interests, 
and views of the partys, and knew how to make the proper use of it ; 
but whither he applyed first to Locheill or Macintoish, is what I am not 
sufficiently assured of to affirm, but certain it is, that Locheill, in conse 
quence of his former resolution, detatched Allan Cameron of Errocht with 
a strong body of choise men to surprize and attack the enemy on the 
very night that Breadalbane arrived. 

Errocht' s orders were to ferry over his men in some boats provided for 
the purpose, to a little island in Locherkike, almost within a muskett shot 
of that side of the Loch on which Macintoish was posted ; and some 
hours before breck of day to waft his men over to a certain place, fitt for 
concealing them, till he could make his proper disposition for attacking 
the enemy ; but if he found them upon their guard, his orders were to 
retire privatly, and to post himself on a certain strong ground which was 
pointed out to him, and where, in the worst event, he could defend him 
self, till Locheill, who was to decamp that night, and to march round by 
the head of the Loch, which was a journey of sixteen or seventeen miles, 
could arive with the main body to his reliefe. 

This detatchment was ferryed over to the island in the manner con 
certed, and Locheill was just entering upon his march, when the Earl 
of Breadalbane, who had been for some hours preceeding with Macin 
toish, arrived, and brought back Errocht, whom he mett in the Isle, 
along with him. Locheill, though much fretted at the disconcerting his 
measures, was still resolved to fight the enemy the very nixt day, and 
to continue his march ; but Breadalbane told him roundly, that he was 
equally allyed to them both ; that he came there to act the part of a 
mediator, and whoever of them proved refractorey, he would not onely 
joyn with the other against him, but also would bring all the power that 
Argile was master of with his own into the quarrell : And he there 
upon showed a Commission he had from the Earl of Argile to that pur- 

Locheill found himself under the necessity of consenting ; and his 


firm resolution of fighting had this good effect, that it hastened on the 
agreement, and in a manner compelled Macintoish, who was pusht on by 
his people, to consent to those very proposealls that had been formerly 
made by the Privy Councill, and afterwards by the Earl of Murray, 
whereof I have already given ane account. 

This agreement was concluded on the 20th of September 1665, about 
three hundred and sixty years after the commencement of the quarrell ; 
which was perhaps of the longest duration of any mentioned in history, and 
considdering the strength of the partys, as bloody as any that has been 
heard of. Though Macintoish gained nothing, yet Locheill and his pre 
decessors were exceeding great loosers by it, for they were so intent 
and keen in defending their possession of that estate, that they either 
gave away or abandoned their originall inheritance, which was four times 
above this in value, as their original Charters from the Lords of the 
Isles, all confirmed by King James IV., with the Charters granted by 
succeeding Princes, errecting the whole into a free Barroney, with many 
large powers and priviledges, testify to this day ; and all this besides 
the loss of the pension of three hundred pounds sterling per annum, 
that I have mentioned, and of Swinart and Ardnamurchan, which now 
belonged to the Earl of Argile, with the rest of his father's forfeiture, 
by a gift from the Crown, in the manner I shall soone have occasion to 

However, as matters were now scituated, the present transaction with 
Macintoish was as good as Locheill could reasonably have expected it ; 
for, besides the yearly rents of the lands, which far exceeded the interest 
of the pryce he payed for them, he had fine old woods of oak and firr on 
both sides of Loch Erkike, and on other parts of that estate, worth 
four times the value of that sum. But still there was a materiall om- 
mission in this bargain, which afterwards, in the year 1688, coast Loch 
eill both trouble and expences ; for he, haveing, from the redeeming of 
the morgage in March 1639, possessed the estate without paying any 
rent, to the time of this agreement, he was accountable to Macintoish 
for all the years of that intervall, which, ammounting to a considerable 
sum, ought to have been expressly comprehended in the treaty. Be 


this as it will, the present differances being thus adjusted, the two Chiefs 
had a friendly conference the nixt day, and exchainged swords, in testi- 
money of a sincere reconciliation, under mutwall promises of ane inviol 
able friendship for the future. The leading gentlemen of the two Clans 
used the same form of ceremoney, and Locheill, haveing entertained 
them all for some days in his house in the best manner he could, diss- 
missed them, in appearance, very well satisfied. 

The spring following, he mett Macintosh att Edinburgh, where the 
treaty was ratified in presence of the Earls of Argile and Breadal- 
bane ; and the first moyety of the sum agreed upon payed. Argyle ad 
vanced the money without any obligation of interest, on condition, 
that Locheill would consent to hold these lands of his Lordship, for the 
yearly payment of one hundred pounds Scots of few-duty, and for the 
service of 100 men in arms when required. These conditions Loch 
eill with great unwillingness submitted to ; but the necessity of finding 
money to pay Macintosh was too urgent to be long disputed. It is 
true the Marquess of Atholl offered him money, but still upon harder 
conditions ; and Locheill refuseing his overture, occasioned some small 
resentment on Athol's side, as we will see hereafter ; but without any 
just ground, seeing the obligations he lay under to Argyl's father and 
himself were sufficient motives to determine him, though the terms 
had been equall. The service of the men the late Earl of Argile dis- 
penced with, by a writt under his hand ; and he had likewayes gott rid 
of the vassalage, by the favour of King James VII., if the intrigues of 
the then Duke of Gordon had not prevented it. By this bargain with 
Argile, Locheill was soone thereafter brought under many difficultys 
and troubles, with relation to his friends, the M 'Leans. The missfor- 
tunes of this antient and honourable family have too near a relation to 
my subject to be passed over in silence : But we must look back some 
years, in order to trace them from their original. 

The Marquess of Argile haveing procured from the Lords of the Trea- 
sourey a grant of the tyths of Argyleshyre, with a Commission to collect 
several arrears of the few-duty, cesses, taxations, and supply, and some 
new impositions laid on the subject by the rebellious Parliament, under 

2 B 


the names of ammunition, and contribution-money, and the like, did 
take out a decree against Sir Lachlane M'Lean of Dowart, Chief of the 
M'Leans, for his quota of these arrears, and for some small sums wherein 
the Marquess was cautioner or suerty for him ; and haveing, after the 
ordinary course of legall diligence, made himself master of his person, 
forced him, in the year 1042, to grant bond for L.I 4, 000 Scots, and to 
subscrive a doqueted accompt for L. 16, 000 more, bearing interest. The 
M'Leans alleadge, that, between the years 1652 and 1659, they payed 
L.22,000 of that debt, partly to the Marquess himself, and partly to the 
Lady Anne his daughter, who had ane assignement to it from her father, 
besides L. 10, 000 which Sir Hector, who succeeded Sir Lachlane, had 
payed to himself in 1651. But this seems improbable; for non but 
fools would have delivered such sums without receipts or acquit cances. 
All the executions that followed on the bonds would have been by our 
law reduced, that is, annulled, upon application to the proper judge, 
if such had been exhibited before him ; and it is not presumable that 
the Marquess would have, in good policy, proceeded to ultimate dilli- 
gence, while he knew that such strong evidences were extant against 
him, that would in time make void the whole. Besides, the scituation 
of M'JLean's affairs, during the course of the Rebellion, fortifyes this pre 
sumption ; for, being deeply engadged in the service of the Crown in 
all the attempts that were made by the Royalists, while the Usurpation 
lasted, they suffered such losses by the depredations of the enemy, by 
the expences of supporting their people, by the totall neglect of their 
affairs att home while they were engaged abroad, and by many other un 
avoidable callamitys of a furious Civill War of so long a continuance, 
that it seems enough if they subsisted themselves, though they had not 
been pressed by any such debts. 

But, however the case may be, it is certain that the Marquess tooke 
no notice of these payments, and that, in the year 1659, he obtained a 
decree, adjudgeing and decreeing the property of M' Lean's whole estate 
to belong to him and his heirs, for payment of the accumulate sum of 
L.85,000 Scots ; nor was there any abatement or deduction allowed for 
the L.32,000, said to have been payed as above. 


The Marquess being forfeited in May 1661, M'Lean and his tutor 
did, in consequence of his Majesty's orders to his Parliament to redress 
all such as had been injured or oppressed by the Marquess, dureing the 
Rebellion, out of his forfeiture, applyed to the Parliament, and proved the 
extent of their losses to have far exceeded the sum for which the forsaid 
decree was obtained ; but the process was stopt, upon I know not what 
pretence, by his Majesty's Advocat-general, before the sentance or de 
cree was pronounced. 

M'Lean's view of compensating the debt in the adjudication being 
dissapointed, my Lord Lauderdale procured a gift of the forfeiture from 
his Majesty to the Earl of Argile and his creditors, to be applyed in 
the following manner: 1st, L. 15, 000 of free yearly rent was granted 
to the Earl himself : 2c%, Allowance was made for payment of morgages 
or proper wadsetts : 3dly, For such debts as were owing by the Earl 
himself, or for which he was bound joyntly with his father : \ihly, For 
my Lady Marchioness her provisions, by her marriage-settlements, and 
for the portions of the younger children of the family : And the remain 
der of the estate was appoynted to be equally divided among the late 
Marquess his creditors. 

Agreeably to this scheme, there was a commission directed to the 
Earl of Seaforth and some others for examining into the rentall or yearly 
revenues of the estate, and making the settlement accordingly : And by 
the report, there remained nothing for paying these creditors but this 
debt of M'Lean's, which is there stated to ammount, att Martimas 1665, 
to the sume of L. 121, 000 Scots, including interest and charges; and 
another sume of L. 20, 000 owing to that family by the Captain of Clan- 
ranald ; which two sumes, the Commissioners haveing decreed to belong 
to the creditors, the Earl declaired himself willing to devest himself of 
any right that he had to them, which, indeed, was none, since they fell 
to the Crown by the forfeiture, and were not returned to the heir of the 
family by the gift. And here it is to be remarked, that M'Lean had a 
fair opportunity offered him of getting out of Argyl's hands, by a trans 
action with the creditors, who never received one sixpence of the sums 
owing them by the Marquess. This unaccountable negligence of 


M'Lean and his managers gave the Earl of Argyle a handle for seizing 
their opulent fortune ; for, without taking notice of the creditors, who 
likewayes neglected their concerns, he infeft himself upon the fore men 
tioned adjudication, and having executed the ordinary course oflegall 
dilligence, he procured letters of fire and sword against them, for getting 
into the possession by force. 

It was unlucky for the family of M'Lean that the Chief was then a 
child, and his tutor a person who seems to have been absolutely unfitt 
for mannageing his affairs att such a juncture ; for, instead of settling 
matters by a composition, or attempting to redress them by law, which 
he had ane easey opportunity of doeing, either by making a handle of 
the Marquess his creditors, or by examening into Argyle's originall tittle, 
which the law would have annulled upon production of the accquit- 
tances and receipts before mentioned, if any such were ; I say, instead of 
settleing matters by one or other of these methods, he vainly squandered 
away his pupill's money, and ruined the poor people by keeping them 
in arms, and hyring the neighbouring Clans to march in considerable 
bodys into the Isle of Mull to defend it from the invasion threatned by 
the Earl of Argyle. 

Had Locheill been acted by principles of interest, he would un 
doubtedly have continued newterall, and though Argyle prevailed upon 
him to come some dayes to Inverarey, yet all the offers he made him 
were inneffectwall to make him desert his friends. He was, it is true, 
very much at the Earl's mercy, as his vassall in a good part of his estate, 
and his debitor in a great sum of money. His Lordship demanded pay 
ment of the debt, and the men he was obliged to send him, threatning, 
if he did not comply, to execute the law against him with the outmost 
rigour : He answered, that he had not the money, nor would he imploy 
his men against his friends. And so parting, without taking leave, he 
hastned to Lochaber, where, joyning the Lord M 'Donald of Glengary, 
the Lairds of Keppoch, Glencoe, and others, they marched into Mull, 
and prevented Argyl's invasion for that year. 

This riseing in arms without legall authority, is no less a cryme than 
rebellion in the construction of law. His Lordship compleaned to the 


Councill, and in order to prevent such opposition for the future, he 
prevailed with them to issue out a long proclamation upon the 29th July 
1669, whereby all former acts with respect to the Highland Chieftains 
are enumerated and ratified, and those who were complained on as most 
turbulent are ordered to find annuall caution for keeping the peace ; and 
among these were his Lordship of Argyle, the Lairds of Locheill, 
M'Lean, and others. The Earl allowed himself to be comprehended in 
the proclamation out of policy. None could oppose a proclamation so 
seemingly impartiall, and as, on that account, it passed without contra 
diction, so it could have no effect against him, seeing he was authorized 
by law in what he intended to act against the M' Leans. 

But Locheill was under some difficulty before he could extricate him 
self out of this snare. He was then under caption, that is, a warrand 
was out for seizeing his person for the debt he owed Argyle, which 
made it dangerous for him to adventure on a journey to Edinburgh, as 
being pretty certain that the Earl would doe all he could to gett him 
into his clutches : But still he thought it more dangerous not to obey 
the orders of the Councill ; and, therefore, in October, he stole privatly 
into Edinburgh, and upon the 28th of that month obtained a personall 
protection from the Councill, in spite of what Argyle, who was himself 
a Councelor, could doe in opposition. 

But still his difficulty did not end here ; for, being fully determined 
not to abandon the M' Leans till matters were some way adjusted between 
them and the Earl, he forsaw that he would be obliged to continue in 
arms, whereby his cautioners, who by law behooved to be persons re- 
sideing in the Low-countrey, would be made lyable to the penalty. To 
elude this difficulty, he applyed to the Councill by petition, praying 
their Lordships, that, in respect that he had used his outmost endeavours 
with his friends in the Low-country to become cautioners for him, and 
that they had all refused, their Lordships would be pleased to accept of 
Highland caution. Argyle, who saw into the design, opposed it strenu 
ously ; but Locheil's interest prevailed, and the petition was granted. 

Though he continued att Edinburgh for the greatest part of the win 
ter, and received several invitations from Argile to an interview, yet he 


positively refused to see him ; and was so much offended att his crewelty 
to the M'Leans, and the affront he putt upon him by the caption I just 
now mentioned, that he drew a pistoll to shoot him as he was stepping 
into his coach, in order to attend the Councill ; but was luckily hindered 
by his servant, who being at his back, suddenly wrested the pistoll out of 

his hands. 

Early in the spring following he made a second expeadition into Mull, 
where he stayed all the summar, and continued to doe so for the three 
or four next succeeding years ; his Lordship not haveing adventured to 
doe any thing by way of force all that while. 

In the spring of the year 1674 he was taken ill of a dangerous bloody-flux, 
which he had drawn upon himself by the cold and other inconvenienceys 
he had suffered in serving his friends the M'Leans. His illness continue- 
ing for the whole year following, he became so extenuated that his phy- 
sitians at last dispared of his life. While he wjis able to speak or write, 
he never failled to assist the tutor of M'Lean with his best advice ; but 
his distemper increaseing, the tutor, who was a credulous good-natured 
man, was easily imposed upon by the subtility of my Lord M 'Donald, 
who, out of meer emulation, bore him no good will, and cunningly in 
sinuated to the tutor that he was too much in friendship with the Earl of 
Argile, to be sincere in his affection to the M'Leans : In short, he gave 
such a malitious turn to all his actions, and so mannaged the easey tem 
per of the innocent well-meaning man, that he brought matters in the 
end to ane absolute rupture. Locheil's advice was slighted, the men 
whom he had in that service neglected, and a small pension which was 
assigned him in payment of his lady's portion out of M 'Lean's estate 
was stopt. While Locheil's advice was followed, the M'Leans con 
tinued simply on the defensive, without injuring any person, but now 
when the conduct was committed to his Lordship, as if he wanted to 
provock the Earl of Argyle, and to draw the hatered of their neightbours 
upon the people whom he served, he advised them to invade the Earl's 
country, where they did nothing but plunder a few innocent persons 
who had never injured them. Being in the end wearyed of that coun- 
trey, and inclineing to return to his oun, as haveing done enough for 


that year's pension, (for he had a considerable one payed him yearly out 
of M* Lean's estate,) he contrived matters so that a few wild horses 
making a great noise in the night, as they run precipitantly by the place 
where they lay encampt, they were surprized with such a pannick that 
they betooke themselves to their heels, and immediatly dispersed. 

In the mean time, the Earl of Argile took a new and more effectwal 
method to attain to his designs. Being Hereditary Justiciarey of the 
Isles, he issued out summondses against all the gentlemen of the name 
of M'Lean, and against as many of the commons as he could find names 
for, to appear before his Justice Court for treasonable convocation in 
arms, making leagues, subscriving bonds for that end, and garrissoning 
houses and castles, &c., to stand their try alls, and to find landed gentle 
men cautioners for them within six days after they were charged. 

The unfortunate M 'Leans, knowing that his Lordship, their mortall 
enemy, was to be both Judge and party, did not obey ; whereupon they 
were immediatly declared rebells to his Majesty, outlawed, and had a 
new commission of fire and sword issued out against them. They were 
watched with the greatest strickness, in order to cutt off all intercourse 
between them and the Lords of the Councill, who onely could redress 
them. Such of them as fell into the enemy's hands were very ill-used, and 
threatned with death ; and the whole name, cooped up within their 
Isleand, were almost starved to death for want of provisions, which their 
auxiliareys had wholly eaten up. 

The Earl, sufficiently apprysed of their misery, invaded the Isle with 
a good body of men, and found no opposition ; but the house of Dowart, 
a strong old Castle, being garrisoned, he published ane indemnity which 
he had obtained on purpose, remitting all crimes committed by them pre- 
ceedingthe 18th of September 1674, on condition that they gave him im- 
mediat possession of M 'Lean's estate, and delivered up the castle ; with 
both which their miserable scituation obliged them to comply. Argile, 
having thus gott possession, endeavoured to prevaill with M'Lean's vas- 
salls to renounce their interest in that family, and to accept of new 
Charters from him, which they obstinately refused to doe ; and forseeing 
that their troubles were not yet over, they again betook themselves to 


arms, and called in my Lord Macdonald and others to their assistance, and 
so much were they irritated against their new master and the Camp 
bells, that his Lordship of Macdonald easily prevailed with them to make 
the invasion upon Argile I have mentioned. This procedure gave the 
Earl a new handle for prosecuting them and their abbetters before his 
own Justice Court, whereby they were again reduced to their former 
miserys, wherein they continued till the year 1676, that the Councill 
commanded them to disperse, and brought the matter to a tryall before 

Locheill, in the mean time, recovering from his long indisposition, 
(which, by the by, was the onely malady he was ever troubled with in his 
life,) my Lord Argile tooke advantage of his resentment against his 
Lordship of Macdonald and the Macleans, and sent some of his friends 
under the pretence of a visite to propose a reconciliation. The gentlemen 
employed in this aifair, being of Locheil's near relation, were so power 
fully seconded by the Camerons, that in the end they obtained his con 
sent to ane interview, to which he was inveited by a most obligeing letter 
from the Earle. 

Before this time, there had been a secrete correspondence carryed on 
between some of the leading men of the Camerons and the Earle, where 
of Locheill knew nothing till his recovery. These friends daily repre 
sented to him, that no less than the safety of his Clan and family de 
pended upon this agreement ; that the sum of money he owed to Ar 
gile was more than double the extent of that wherein the Macleans were 
originally indebted ; that he was his vassall in a great part of his estate ; 
and that it was odds but he would be brought to the same misery, if he 
did not wisely prevent it ; that he had been now ane outlaw, on their ac 
count, for five years successively, his honour was suspected, and his ser 
vices slighted ; but supposeing matters otherwayes, what could he doe 
for them ? Argile was now in possession ; he had power sufficient to 
preserve it ; and was seconded in it by the laws of his country ; that if he 
resolved to serve them effectually, he must doe it by his friendship and 
interest with Argile as a mediator, for it was impossible he could effect- 
uat any thing as ane enemy. 


Locheill sett out in the beginning of June 1675 for the Castle of Dun- 
staffnage, where his Lordship already waited him. This is probably one 
of the oldest buildings extant in the Kingdome, and was, in antient 
times, one of the seats of our first Kings before the destruction of the 
Piets. Att Appine Locheill was mett by some of the principall gentle 
men of the name of Campbell, who were ordered by his Lordship to at 
tend him during that short voyage, a journey by land haveing been 
thought too fatigueing in the state he was in. He was very well received 
by Argile, who, after the first compliments were over, asked him how 
he came to conceive such a mortall enmity against a person who had 
been so much his friend ? Locheill answered, that he never had any per 
sonal hatred against his Lordship, though he had to his designs. Ar 
gile replyed, that he hoped he was now fully sensible that he had chosen 
the wrong side by the returns of gratitude made him for so many years' 
service. "I proposed nothing, my Lord," said Locheill, " but to save 
my oppressed friends from absolute ruine. I expected no reward, and 
I knew they could give me non ; but now, since they seem to slight the 
small services I could doe them, I think myself obliged to meddle no 
more in their affairs till they come under other managers." His Lordship 
said, in answer to this, that he had never proposed to ruine them, but 
their own folly would soon doe it without him ; that he had oftener than 
once offered them very easy terms, which they had hitherto vainly re 
jected, out of a fancy that they could defend themselves by the sword ; 
that after his Lordship had adjusted matters with the late Sir Allan, and 
agreed to restrict his whole claim to the estate of Morvine, which did 
not amount to one half of the value of the sum he owed him, he, the 
said Sir Allan, followed the advice of three or four interested people of 
his name, and threw up the bargain ; that, as he thought both his honour 
and interest at stake, he was determined to bring the affair to a conclu 
sion, whatever trouble it coast him ; that, even after all that, if he had 
reasonable people to dale with, he would be still willing to enter into a 
transaction, and accept of any part of M' Lean's estate of near a suitable 
value, in place of all he could charge him with. 

Locheill readily answered, that if his Lordship would be pleased to 



assure him, upon his word of honour, thathe had no other view but to ob 
lige the M'Leans to enter into such terms as should seem reasonable to 
the friends on both sides, he would make no scruple to attend him into 
Mull, when he pleased ; but that his Lordship was not to expect he 
would ever act the part of ane enemy in that service ; for, however the 
tutor had used him, his innocent young cousine M'Lean had never done 
him any injury, and that, even though he inclined to act against him, his 
men would not follow him. Argile subjoyned, that he wanted no more 
but his countenance in the matter, to show them that they had not him 
to trust to in support of their foolish measures ; that he valued not my 
Lord Macdonald nor his adherents, and that Locheill might rest himself 
assured that he would be as willing as the M' Leans or their friends 
could wish him to conclude the affair by a reasonable transaction, After 
several conferences to this purpose, his Lordship entered into a con 
tract with Locheill, whereby the latter obliged himself to waite upon his 
Lordship in person into the Isle of Mull, attended with fifty men, for 
which his Lordship became engaged to submitt all claims and demands 
on both sides to certain friends after performance. This contract bears 
date 5th June 1675. 

Affairs being thus adjusted, his Lordship inveited Locheill to pass a 
few days with him att Inverarey, where there happned ane adventure, 
which, though of no consequence in itself, will probably divert the reader. 
Locheill, haveing accepted the invitation, had, it seems, for some days, 
neglected to get himself sheaved, which the Earl observing, offered him 
the service of a French valet de chambre, whom he affirmed to be very 
adroit in the mannagement of his razer ; and there being no company 
then present, prevailed with his guest to sett aside ceremoney, and to 
allow himself to be sheaved in the room where they were. There 
chanceing to be two Highland fellows of the name of Cameron, and of 
their Chiefs retinue, in waiting att the door, the Earl, who was then walk 
ing through the room, observed that they stood closs together, and pressed 
hard upon the door with their backs. When the valet had performed 
his work, his Lordship asked Locheill by way of jest, if it was his cus- 
tome to keep a guard-de-corps about him while he was a sheaving ? The 


other, asking the reason of so odd a question, " I have," replyed his 
Lordship, " observed a very misterious conduct in these two fellows of 
yours all the while the valet was a sheaving you. They stood, in a me 
nacing posture, pressing hard upon the door, as if they had designed to 
hinder others to enter the room. One of them had his eyes closs fixt 
upon me, and the other on the valete ; and I am convinced there must 
be something of meaning in so strange a behaviour." "Be so good, 
my Lord," answered Locheill, "as to inquire their meaning att them 
selves ; for, I assure your Lordship, they had no orders from me, nor 
did I so much as know of their being there." The Earl having questioned 
them on the matter, one of them answered, with a brisk assurance, 
that they, knowing well that there had been a differance between his 
Lordship and their Chief on account of the assistance he had given the 
M' Leans, they began to suspect, when the valet was called for, that there 
might be a designe of murdering their Chief under the cover of that ser 
vice, seeing he had a servant of his own who used to performe it ; and that, 
therefore, they were determined, if their suspition proved true, first to 
dispatch his Lordship, and then the valet. " But," said his Lordship, 
"what doe ye imagine would have become of yourselves, if yow had 
done such a thing ?" "That we did not think upon," answered the 
other briskly, "but we were resolved to revenge the murder of our Chief!" 
The Earl praised their zeal for their Chief's safety, gave each of them 
money, and so dismissed them ; telling Locheill that he believed there 
was no Prince in the world that had so loving and faithfull subjects. 

Locheill, being returned to Lochaber, acquanted his lady with all that 
passed between Argile and him ; and assured her, that though he had 
engaged himself to waite on him in person, yet all his Clan were att 
her service. This lovely lady was then big of her third son, Allan, 
(of whom we shall have occasion to speak hereafter,) and dyed sone 
after her delivery. 

By several of Argile's letters to Locheill, it appears that his Lordship 
was not well satisfied with his performance of the articles in the contract. 
In one of these, directed to the Lady Dowager of Locheill, he compleans 
bitterly of her son's ingratitude in not giveing him the concurrence he 


had promised ; and to convince her of the treuth of what he asserted, he 
sent her inclosed a copy of that contract. It would seem that Locheill 
suspected the sincerity of his Lordship's assurances, that he was willing 
to settle the affair by ane easy composition ; but if that was the case, 
Locheill was in the misstake, for his Lordship haveing, without any re 
sistance, obtained absolute possession of M'Lean's whole estate, came 
soon thereafter to ane agreement, and confined all his pretentions to the 
Isleand of Tyree, which was att that time worth about L.300 sterling 
of yearly rent ; but under condition, that if he was disturbed by M'Lean 
or his successors in the enjoyment, his tittle to the whole estate should 
revive, and that bargain become void. 

Locheill waited upon his Lordship into Mull, attended by 50 men, as 
he had engaged ; and, indeed, the Earl was as generous to him as he had 
promised ;* for he gave him a full acquittance for L.20,000 of the sum 
wherein he was indebted to his Lordship, and the discharge bears date 
the 26th October 1678, which seems to have been the year wherein the 
differance between that Lord and the M'Leans was finally concluded. 

One Macintoish of Connage gave some small interruption to the peace 
and quiete that Locheill and his people enjoyed for some years. This 
person haveing officiously obtained commission to uplift some old arrears 
of cess and other publick impositions due by that neighbourhood, 
marched into Lochaber att the head of a good body of such people as he 
could engage to attend him ; but hearing that Locheill, Keppoch, and 
others, were resolved not to allow him to harrasse the country people, 
he sent a small party before him to see if the coast was clear, but these 
being mett and dissarmed in a wood, he returned, and compleaned to 
the Councill. This, however, coast Locheill a journey to Edinburgh, 
where the crime mostly urged against him was his haveing sucli a num 
ber of men in arms, as the plantiff offered to prove he had att that time ; 
but Locheill easily extricated himself, by alleageing, that he had con- 
veened these men in order to bring a certain person to justice who had 
lately murdered a man in that neighbourhood. 

Sometime thereafter, a party of souldiers, who had marched into that 

" N.B This is ane error." 


countrey upon the same errand, chanceing to kill a woman while she 
was hindering them to seize her cattle, a few men of that village gott 
together, killed two of the souldiers, and chassed the rest out of Loch- 
aber. Locheill, who happened to be then with the Laird of Struan, 
Chief of the Robertsons in Rannoch, being soon thereafter summoned 


to appear before his Majesty's Privy Councill to answer for his men, was 
obliged to return to Edinburgh, where he had the good fortune to find 
his Royall Highness the Duke of York. That Prince soon gave Loch 
eill a publick testimoney of his favour and esteem, for he not only re 
ceived him with marks of distinction, but also, in a full court, honoured 
him with his conversation, and putt many pleasant questions to him con 
cerning the adventures of his youth. He likewayes complimented him 
upon his conduct in his affairs with Macintoish, and said, that he was 
well pleased to hear that he had brought it to such a happy issue ; and 
that though the King his brother had bought that estate for him, since it 
was so long in the possession of his family, and so conveniently scituated 
for his Clan, it would have been but a small reward for his services ! In 
the end, he demanded his sword, which Locheill haveing delivered, the 
Duke attempted to draw it ; but it would not doe, for the sword, it seems, 
was somewhat rusty, and but little used, as being a walking sword, which 
the Highlanders never make use of in their own countrey. The Duke, 
after a second attempt, gave it back to Locheill with this compliment, 
that his sword never used to be so uneasy to draw when the Croun 
wanted its service ! Locheill, who was modest even to excess, was so 
confounded, that he could make no return to so high a compliment ; and 
knowing nothing of the Duke's intention, he drew the sword, and re 
turned it to his Royal Highness, who, addressing himself to those about 
him, " You see, my Lords," said he smiling, " Locheil's sword gives 
obedience to no hand but his own !" And thereupon was pleased to 
Knight him. So many expressions of favour soon drew after it that of 
the courtiers, who affected to magnify his exploits, and to compliment him 
on every triffle ; so true it is, that, Regis ad exemplum totus componitur 
orbis ; for we have a certain vanity in imitateing our supperiors. While 
his Royall Highness stayed att Edinburgh, the killing of the souldiers 


was never so much as mentioned ; and truely Locheill thought that the 
Councill had intirely dropt it, otherways it is probable that he would 
have prevailed with the Duke to have interceeded for him. But no 
sooner was he gone, than his enemys tooke the advantage, and pusht the 
prosecution against him and his Clan with outmost rigour. 

This unlucky accident putt him to no small trouble and expense. He 
was obliged to bring a great many of the gentlemen of his name to Edin 
burgh, and it is certain that the poor fellows who were actwally guilty, 
as well as those who were accessorey to the cryms they were accused of, 
had run the riske of their lives, had not Locheill saved them by a strata 
gem : Two dayes before that appointed for examining the witnesses, 
he imployed proper persons to insinuate themselves into the accquant- 
ance of such as he was most affraid of, and to entertain them, under the 
greatest expressions of friendship, with such liquors as they found most 
to their taste ; and after they had made them drunk, to continue them 
in that state till the tryall was over. These fellows performed their part 
so well, that they had all the material witnesses not only drunk, but fast 
asleep in ane obscure house all that day on which they should have been 
sworn and examined. By this means the pannels, that is, the persons 
accused, were all acquitted for want of evidence against them, and Loch- 
eiFs enemys dissapointed of their revenge. 

But what made the greatest noise, at this time, was the famous tryall 
of the Earl of Argile, for the explication he putt upon the oath called the 
Test. This oath being designed as a bullwark to the Protestant Reli 
gion, a clause was added condemning all resistance, and for renounce- 
ing the Covenant, &c. ; and all Officers in Church and State were or 
dained to take it. The Earl of Argile was then a Privy Counseller, and 
one of the Commissioners of the Treasury ; and in order to qualify him 
for these offices, he was obliged to take that oath. He had formerly ex 
pressed some reluctance against it, but in the end was satisfyed to swear 
it, under the following sense and meaning, which he subscrived : "I take 
it as far as it is consistant with itself, or with the Protestant Religion, 
and I declair that I mean not to bind up myself not to wish or endeavour 
any alteration I think to the advantage of the Church or State." The 


Council!, observing that by his equivocall paraphraze, his Lordship 
seemed to endeavour to sett the subjects loose from their obedience, and 
to perpetuate schism in the Church, and faction in the State, in so far 
as every man's opinion was to be his rule with respect to his loyalty to 
the King, and submission to the laws, they became earnest suiters to the 
Earl to pass from his declaratione ; representing, that all such as putt 
limitations upon their alleadgeance were, by Act of Parliament, guilty 
of high treason, and that the reasonableness of laws was not to be dis 
puted after they were enacted. But the Earl continueing obstinat, he 
was prosecuted for high treason before the Parliament ; and the ques 
tion being concerning the relevancey of the lybell, or the point of law, 
whither the charge ammounted to high treason or not, it was given 
against him after a vigorous debate, wherein eight or nine of our most 
eminent lawers did, by orders from the Councill, assist him. His jury 
consisted of eleven of the principall nobility and four gentlemen, where 
of many were his own relations, and their verdict run in these terms : 
" They all, in one voice, find the Earl of Argile guilty and culpable of 
the crimes of high treason, leasing-making, and leasing- telling ; and find, 
by plurality of votes, the said Earl innocent, and not guilty of perjury." 
Many people thought these proceedings against the Earl very severe ; 
but it is agreed upon by all our historians, as well English as Scotch, and 
even by Bishop Burnet, who was no enemy to the Earl of Argile, that 
the King designed to have remitted the sentance, as he soon thereafter 
gave his estate among his children and creditors. But his Lordship was 
indulged so much liberty in the Castle of Edinburgh, even after he was 
condemned, that he found an easy opportunity of making his escape into 
Holland ; where we shall leave him till we have further occasion of en- 
largeing on his actions in his own country. 

The Earl's forfeiture proved a fruitfull source of new troubles to Loch- 
eill, as we shall see by and by ; after relating a small adventure that 
happned in his own country. He had been alwayes remarkably diligent 
to suppress theft and robery ; and for that end entered into contracts 
with all his neightbours, whereby the partys mutwally became engaged 
not only to assist one another in searching for and apprehending them, 


but also to punish the guilty with severity ; and, indeid, the licentious 
ness occasioned by the troubles required all this care and diligence, and 
Locheil's was such that he soon purged his country of that vennine. 
However, there was a Commission under the Great Scale in August 1682, 
which was afterwards renued by proclamation from the Councill in Sep 
tember 1685, issued out to the Sherriff of Inverness-shyre, to hold Cir 
cuit or Itinerent Courts through the Highlands for the tryeing and 
punishing all such delinquents. 

The Sherriff marched into Lochaber att the head of seven hundred 
men for the security of his person and Court ; and was so far from con- 
fineing himself to his Commission, that he received and very arbitrarly 
determined in all complaints brought before him for crims committed 
during the Civil Wars and confusions in the kingdome. Locheill, 
among others, was summoned to this Court. He appeared with a body 
of four hundred men under pretext of guarding the Judge, but in reallity 
to save his people from injustice and oppression. He forsaw that the 
SherrifFs haughty and tiranick procedure would be attended with trouble ; 
and to prevent it, he could fall upon no method so effectwall as that of 
dismissing the Court by some politicall contrivance or other. He singled 
out three or four of the most cunning and sagacious, but withall the 
most mischievous and turbulent amongst his followers. Under pretence 
of inquireing into their conduct, with these he walked a short way from 
the place where the Court was sitting, and pretending to be very thought- 
full and serious, he dropt these words in their hearing, as if he had been 
meditating and speaking to himself: " Well, this Judge will mine us 
all. He must be sent home I wish I could doe it ! Is there non of 
my lads so clever as to raise a rabble and tumult among them, and sett 
them together by the ears ? It would send him a-packing. I have seen 
them raise mischief when there were not so much need for it !" 

The fellows I have mentioned catcht at those expressions with great 
greediness. They quickly mixt among the SherrifPs train, and in three 
moments thereafter, Locheill had the pleasure of seeing that vast croud 
of people in an uproare. The crys of murder and slaughter resounded 
from all quarters. Severall thousands of swords and durks were drawn, 


and yet non knew the quarrell, and such a dreadful noise and confusion 
of tongues ensued, with the rattle of swords and other weapons strikeing 
against one another, that the meeting resembled a company of Bedlamits 
brocke loose from their cells with their chains rattleing about them ! 
The Sheriff, in the meantime, and all the members of his court, were in 
a hideous fright, and, observing Locheill marching towards them att the 
head of his men with their swords drawn, they run to him in great haste 
and begged his protection, which he readily granted, and guarded them 
out of the country. 

Any person who had been a spectator of this uproare, and seen such 
a number of swords glanceing in the air, (for besides those that the judge 
brought with him, there came a great confluence of other people from 
all parts of the country, ) would have been apt to have imagined that 
hundereds would have lost their lives ; and yet onely two were killed, 
and a few wounded, in that noisy squabble, The fellows who began the 
fray, when they found the flame of sedition and tumult sufficiently 
kindled, stole artefully off, and joyned their oun people, whom Locheill 
keept in a body by themselves att some distance ; and the Sheriffe, who, 
after the strickest screutiny, could never inform himself how the quarrell 
began, thought himself so much obliged to Locheill for the safety he 
had afforded him in his retreat, that he procured him the thanks of the 
Councill for that service. However, he declined holding courts in that 
country ever after, though his commission was renewed to him about 
three years thereafter. 

It will seem surprizeing to posterity that the forfeitures of the Mar 
quess and Earl of Argile should, by an odd caprice of fortune, putt 
Locheill in danger of looseing his whole estate, and involve him in a 
share of the punishment, though he was innocent of the guilt. The 
case was this : The Duke of Gordon was either proprietor or supperior 
of all that part of Lochaber lyeing on the East side of the Loch and 
river of Lochy, excepting that portion of it called the Breas, that is, the 
higher parts of it, which belongs to Macintoish, and is and has been for 
several ages rented by Macdonald of Keppoch. The other side of the 
river is Locheil's property, and held of the family of Argile ; and the 

2 D 


superiority was consequently a part of his forfeiture. The Duke of York 
had often signified to Locheill, that he judged it a great hardship that such 
a person as he should be dependent upon any but the Sovereign, and 
promised to take hold of the first opportunity to free him from that kind 
of servitude. But the Duke of Gordon, haveing formerly obtained a gift 
from the Crown of the Marquess of Argile's forfeiture, 'in so far as ex 
tended to the estate of Huntly, included therein the lordship of Loch- 
aber, whereof Locheil's fortune was a part ; and infefted himself therein 
according to the forms of law : And though he often attempted to pre- 
vaill with Locheill to become his vassal for that part of his estate which 
held of Argile, as he formerly was for that called Mammore, yet 
Locheill, encouraged by his Royall Highness his promises, resolved to 
apply to the Crown for a grant of the superiority to himself. 

With this view, he immediatly posted to the Court, where the Duke 
of York sollicited so effectually in his behalf, that he not onely obtained 
the grant, but also a promise of the lands of Swynard and Ardnamur- 
chan, so soon as the writings could be gott ready. Locheill having sent 
this signature or grant to gett the seals appended to it, and otherways 
expedited, in the usewall forms, it was quarrelled in Exchequer by the 
Duke of Gordon's lawers, as containing in it some lands pertaining in 
property to his Grace. The error proceeded really from Locheil's oun 
doers, who had inadvertently copied the signature from ane old charter, 
wherein these lands, now belonging to the Duke, were disponed to Loch 
eil's predicessors by the Crown. Locheill, thus dissapointed by the in 
advertency of his lawers, had the draught of a new signature sent him 
by the very next post ; but King Charles dyeing in the mean time, and 
the Duke succeeding, the hurry and chainges att Court protracted the 
bussiness till Argile's invasion, which threw all into confusion. 

The newes of Argile's landing ariveing att Court about the begining 
of May 1685, made such a noise, that people of all ranks and degrees 
were in the utmost confusion and consternation. The King sent for 
Locheill immediatly, and had a long conference with him upon that sub 
ject, in his oun cabanet. His Majesty shewed him a representatione 
from his Private Committee att Edinburgh, signifying that it would con- 


tribute much to his service to send Locheill immediatly home, in order 
to assist in suppressing that Rebellion. Locheill, thereupon, humbly as 
sured his Majesty that he was ready att all times chearfully to obey his 
royall commands ; and that, though he were not obliged in duty and al- 
leageance, yet that the hazarding his life and fortune would be too mean 
a return of gratitude for so many expressions of his royall goodness. 
The King replyed, that a person who had served the publick so faithfully 
deserved much more, both of the royall favour and bounty, than he had 
yet received ; but that he would find a proper season to testify the es 
teem he had of his merite, and in the mean time recommended to him 
to assist in defeating the rebellious designs of the common enemy with 
his usewall zeale and bravery ; and the King haveing asked Locheill what 
his oppinion was of that affair, he frankly told his Majesty, that though 
the strength of the rebels was much magnifyed at that distance, yet he 
so well knew the scituation of these parts, and the loyalty of the people 
in general, that he was certain it would end in their mine : That Argile 
was indeed very powerful while engaged in the service of the Crown ; 
but that there was no danger to be apprehended when he attempted any 
thing against it : And this he was so confident of, that he undertook, 
with the assistance of the M'Leans, of whose loyalty and bravery he had 
still the best oppinion, to defeat all his designs. 

The King answered, that he doubted not his willingness and capacity 
to execute what he offered ; but that his Councill, haveing already or 
dered the raising .of forces, and recommended the Marquess of Athole, 
then Lord Leutenant of the shires of Argile and Tarbat, as a proper 
person to command them, he was unwilling to contradict their oppinion, 
and ordered Locheill to make what haste he could into his own country 
to joyn him ; promiseing, upon the word of a King, not to forget his ser 
vices, nor his affair with the Duke of Gordon. 

Locheill came post to Scotland ; and haveing on the 20th of May re 
ceived his commission from the Privy Councill, and made such dispatch 
that he raised 300 of his men, sent orders to as many more to follow 
him ; and was the first Chief that joyned the Marquess of Athol at In- 
veraray, where the rendesvouzewas appoynted, and where, in a few dayes, 


there were more men than were necessary for that service, which made 
Locheill return such of his as were on their march to joyn him ; for Ar 
gil's small army did not much exceed 1500 men. They were all High 
landers, except a few Dutch officers and Scotch fugitives. With these 
he encamped on that side of Lochfine which is opposite to Inverarey ; 
and from thence designed to have surprized and attacked the King's 
troops in the night, he being master of all the boats on Lochfine, as after 
wards was discovered from some of their confessions. To prevent such 
attempts, my Lord Atholl commanded fifteen of Lord William Murray s 
troop of horse, consisting of Perthshyre gentlemen, with ane officer, to 
post themselves att a ferry called Kilbride, which is about three miles 
from the town, in order to watch the motions of the enemy. A party of 
the Macleans were posted about the distance of a mile from them, and 
between them and the town were the Brea-of-Mar men ; and, what was 
surprizeing, non of these partys knew of the others being out. 

In the meantime, the Marquess continued att Invereray without doe- 
ing any thing. His Councill of war advised to attack the enemy before 
they had time to gather more strength ; and Locheill, who was keen to 
have ane opportunity of obligeing his indulgent Sovereign, offered to per 
form that service without any other assistants but the Macleans. The 
Marquess misstook Locheil's offer for a reflection on his conduct ; in so 
much that, with ane air of anger and resentment, he answered, that Locheill 
it would seem had a very great confidence in himself ; that he had the 
honour to command the King's troops, and that he was resolved to miss 
no opportunity to discharge himself faithfully of that duty. This sharp 
repulse made a great noise in the camp ; and as all such accidents are 
commonly augmented, there went about a current report of the Mar 
quess his informing the Councill, that he had such grounds to suspect 
that the Earl of Breadalbane and Sir Ewen Cameron were in concert 
with Argile, that he durst not adventure to attack him. 

As one missfortune comes ordinarly on the back of another, it hap- 
pned that Locheill was ordered by Major- General Buchan to march out 
with his men, towards the evening, and reconnoitre the fields, without 
being any ways informed of the partys I have mentioned ; nor could he 


know any thing of them, for they had taken their posts but some few 
hours before. When Locheill came in view of the first party he took them 
for enemys, and prepared to attack them ; but, upon a nearer approach, 
daylight not being yet quite spent, he began to decern their collours,, and 
soon understood his mistake. He had also very near fallen into the 
same errour, when he advanced towards the M' Leans, but they being 
his neightbours, he came likeways to know them. Some of the gentle 
men of that name joyned him for company's sake ; and as they marched 
forward, it being now dark night, they descerned several fires att a dis 
tance, and some people on horseback rideing about them. Hereupon 
they concluded that the enemy had taken the advantage of the night to 
ferry over the Loch, att that narrow passage ; but, in order to be better 
informed, Locheill ordered two of his men to take a full view of them 
from ane adjacent eminence, and in the mean time prepared to attack 
them att all adventures. When his spyes returned, they confirmed him 
in his oppinion, and assured him that their numbers exceeded 1000, 
among which they observed severals on horseback ; for, att the place 
where the gentlemen were posted, there being a great deale of shrubs 
and bushes, they by the light of the fires misstook them att a distance for 
so many men. The gentlemen, in the mean time, hearing a noise, and 
being therewith allarmed, advanced a little forward, and called out to 
stand. But Locheill, convinced that they were of the enemy, making 
no answer, one of them rashly fired a pistoll, and wounded one of the 
Camerons, whereupon the rest fell upon them, and would have un 
doubtedly cutt them all to pieces, had not Mr Cameron of Callart acci- 
dentily known Mr Lynton of Pendrich, as he lay on his back, endeavour 
ing to defend himself from the blows of the broad-sword, by a blunder- 
bush which he held with both hands across his body. This happy dis 
covery saved the rest of these loyall gentlemen, whereof four or five were 
killed and severals wounded. Locheill was so affected at this melancholy 
accident, that he could speak none for some moments, and never was 
known to weep but on this occasion. So strong was the impression that 
it made on him, that even to the last hour of his life he could not hear 
of it without fetching a deep sigh. 


Mean time, the allarm was brought to the camp, that the enemy have- 
ing ferryed undiscovered over the Loch, had surprized and cutt the gen 
tlemen to peices. All things were in the outmost hurry and confusion, 
and the army was immediatly ordered to march ; but before they were 
att any great distance from the town, they were informed of the matter 
as it happned. The Marquess, upon his return, called a councill of war ; 
and this accident being joyned with the malicious report I have men 
tioned, so far confirmed many in their suspitions of treachrey, that some 
had the rashness to propose the ordering out a strong detatchment of the 
troops, and to make Locheill and his men all prissoners ; and the Lord 
Murray, the Marquess, his eldest son, offered to performe that service. 
But Mr Murray of Struan being present in the councill, opposed the 
motion as not onely dangerous, but distinctive of the King's interest ; 
for, said he, " Such a man as Locheill, upon the head of such a body of 
men, will not be easily made a prissoner by force. The M'Leans and 
M 'Donalds will probably joyn him ; whereby the King will not onely be 
deprived of the service of his best troops, but a division made in the army, 
whereof the common enemy will no doubt take the advantage. Besides, 
it would not only be unjust, but even barbarous, to condemn so many 
people, who came there to serve their Prince, without being heard ; and, 
it is more than probable, that when the matter comes to be discovered, 
it will come out wholly to be ane accident, occasioned by some mistake 
or other." This oppinion prevailed, and the councill brock up without 
comeing to any violent resolution. 

Locheill, all this while, keept his men aside, and was joyned by the 
M 'Leans. After the first motions of his passion were over, he began 
to deliberat on what he should do, and soon determined himself not to be 
made a prissoner. If he was to suffer, he resolved that it should be by 
the sentence of his master and Sovereign, who had hitherto honoured 
him with his royall favour. The M 4 Leans encouraged him in this reso 
lution, and generously offered to stand by him in all fortunes. He ad 
vanced near to the camp, that he might the more easily inform himself 
of what passed, and drew up his men in two lines, with orders to the 
left to wheel about in case of being attacked ; that so, being joyned back 


to back, they might make two fronts. In this posture they stood all that 
night, and for most of the day following ; and towards the evening had 
orders to joyn the army, with full assurance of safety ; for by this time 
the Marquess had informed himself fully of the matter, which he owned 
to Locheill to be a meer accident, for which he was not to be blamed, 
and signified as much in a letter he wrote on that subject to my Lord 
Tarbat, who intimated it to the Councill. 

The enemy continueing still on the opposite side of the Loch, att the 
house of Ardkinglaws, and there happening a light skirmish between a 
party of theirs, and another commanded by Captain Mackenzie of Suddy, 
Locheill, who laid hold on all opportunitys of shewing his zeale in that 
service, made what haste he could to have joyned him, with a designe, if 
possible, to have drawn on ane engagement ; but before he came up 
with them, he was commanded to return by ane express order from the 
Marquess. In two days thereafter, the enemy retreated towards a place 
called Glenderrowen ; and the King's troops marched to Ardkinglaws, 
which they had deserted, and followed them till they arrived att the 
mouth or entry of the glen ; and, had they proceeded with any tollerable 
speed to the place where the enemy was posted, they might either have 
killed or made them all prissoners. But, instead of marching directly 
through the glen, the army was ordered to turn about by the foot of the 
hill, and direct their course towards Stralachlan ; by which means the 
passage was left open for their escape. 

The nixt day the army was ordered to march back the same way, and 
to enter the glen, after the enemy were gone ; and the same night Loch 
eill was ordered to march with a strong detatchment of the Clans, to 
prevent Argile's crossing the ferry of Portnadernag, Though he 
marched all that night with the greatest expedition, yet Argile crossed 
the ferry before they could come up with them. Nixt day, however, 
he surprized the Laird of Isleand-greig, with his son and others of the 
rebells, whom he delivered prissoners upon his return to the Marquess. 
Argile was soon thereafter taken by a weaver, who attacked him att the 
foard of Inchinnan near Glasgow, as he was crosseing that small river, 
and used him barbarously. Rumbald, the maltster, who had formerly 


been concerned in the Reyhouse Plot, and many other leading men of 
that party, were apprehended about the same time and sent to Edin 

The army disbanded on the 21st of June 1685, with orders to attend 
the Marquess att Glasgow on the 7th of July thereafter, and Locheill 
parted with him good friends, in appearance. 

The troubles being thus settled, the Councill wrote letters of thanks 
to all the principall persons who had been most active in that service. 
That to Locheill was in this form : 


" These are warranding yow to disband the men under your command, 
and to return them home, with thanks for your harty concurrance in his 
Majesty's service ; and to desire yow to be ready to come out when his 
Majesty's service, and your oun interest, shall require it. This, in name 
of the Councill, is injoyned yow by your most humble servant, 

(Subscribitur) " PERTH, CANCELL. /. P. Z>." 

The Earl of Argile was beheaded publickly att the cross of Edinburgh, 
upon the first of July thereafter, without any new process against him, 
for big actuall rebellion. The reason that lawers give for not bringing 
him to a second tryall is, that haveing been condemned already for the 
crime of High Treason, he could not, by law, be tryed again for the 
very same crime of Treason, for which he already stood convicted, the 
law haveing exhausted its revenge by the first sentance. But truely the 
matter seems indifferent ; for if his sentance for the first crime seemed 
too severe, the second filled up the measure of his iniquity. 

Great were the honours that were heaped upon the Marquess of 
Athole. He was admitted into the Privy Councill, appointed Keeper of 
the Great Seall, and had several other offices bestowed upon him, 
whereby he came to be in great power and authority. Though his 
Lordship seemed satisfied of Locheil's innocence with respect to his 
missfortune att Invereray, yet he inclined, upon I know not what new 
grounds, to have him brought to a tryall for it before the Councill. He 


transmitted a very unfavourable representation of it to the King, and ob 
tained a warrand for apprehending him. But, as he knew that this de 
sign was not easily to be executed by force, he procured ane order for 
Captain Mackenzie of Suddey, for marching into that country with his 
companey, under pretext of suppressing some disorders which he al- 
leadged had lately happened there ; but his private orders were to sur 
prize Locheill, and bring him prissoner to Edinburgh. His eldest 
daughter, Mrs Margaret, being then in the city, had secretly informa 
tion of the designe against her father from some of his friends in the 
Privy Councill, and immediatly dispatched one Cameron, a souldier in 
the City Guards, with letters advertizeing him of his danger. The mes 
senger ariving in due time, Locheill stept aside while the Captain made 
his visite, and being fully determined to ride post to Court, to which he 
was much incouraged by letters from several of his friends there, and par 
ticularly from the Earl of Breadalbane, intimating that he was still in 
favour with his Majesty, and that the information against him was not 
near so invidious as was given out by some who inclined to sow discord 
between him and the Marquess of Athol. He sett out that very day, 
and having conversed with some of his principall friends in Edinburgh 
as he passed by, he took post horses, and arrived att London before it 
was known to his antagonists that he had left Lochaber. 

He found his friends att Court so prepossessed with the notions of his 
guilt, which had been industriously spread about by his adversarys in 
the most odious colours, and so firmly perswaded that the King would 
not see him, but abandon him to the common course of law, that they 
all one by one, after repeated application, absolutely refused to introduce 
him, and many of them seemed even afraid to converse with him, though 
in the most cautious and private manner. 

Robert Barclay of Ury, the famous Quaker, and great favourite of 
King James, a person of very extraordinary parts, whose sister Locheill 
had married some few months before, wrote in his favours to several of 
the English Nobility, with whom he was very intimate and familiar, as he 
was even with his Majesty. All these declined to do him that peice of 
service, though they mostly offered him their friendship with all the 

2 E 


good offices they could do him in private. Mr Barclay, in his letter to 
Locheill, advises him to endeavour by all means to obtain private access 
to the King, and not to trust the clearing of his innocencey to any second 
band ; and to remember the Earl of Middletoun's reproofe with respect 
to his foolish modesty, which was the onely bar to his advancement, and 
had been so often the ruine of his affairs. The reproofe alluded to in 
this letter happened on this occasion : Locheill, the last time he was att 
Court, happening in companey with Mr Drummond of Balhaldys, who 
soon thereafter married his eldest daughter, to make a visite to the 
Earl of Middletoun, he, among other things, solicited his Lordship to 
interceed for him with the King for dispatch in his affairs. The Earl, 
who had observed from his Majesty's speaking with Locheill for some 
minutes, every time that he chanced to see him, and from many other 
marks of distinction, in what high degree of favour he was with his Ma 
jesty, answered, that he was surprized how he, who was the distinguish 
ed favourite att Court, came to demand his Lordship's small interest ; for, 
to his certain knowledge, nothing stood in his way to the highest prefer 
ment but his oun excessive modesty ! " And it seems very odd to me, 
(said he, ) that a person indued with your prudence, judgement, and for 
titude, should be so bashfull in his oun affairs as to want resolution to 
demand common justice from a Prince so prepossessed in your favours 
that he can deny yow nothing : But the treuth is, yow have not the as 
surance to look any person that is your superior stedfastly in the face, 
except he has a naked sword in his hand !" Locheill answered, that 
having passed the greatest part of his youth in the hills, his Lordship 
knew he had not the benefite of a courtly education. 

This was indeed Locheil's greatest foible, which he never could gett 
the better of, though he often attempted it. This very Earl of Middle 
toun, however, deserted him on the occasion I am speaking of, and 
among all his friends att Court he could find non that had courage 
enough to serve him, except Leutenant- General Drummond, who att 
the same time undertooke no more than to accquant his Majesty that 
Locheill was in the city. This General was a son of the Lord Maderty, 
and being in his younger days bred up in the Muscovite service, he left 


it during the Rebellion in order to serve the King, and joyned General 
Middletoun and the other Loyalists of these times. After the death of 
General Dalziell, he was, in reward of his merite, made General of the 
Scotch forces, and afterwards created Lord Viscount of Strathallan by 
King Charles II. He was ane honest man, a faithfull and sincear friend, 
and ane incorruptible patriot ; besides, he distinguished himself by his 
learning and parts, and wrote a genealogical history of the Drummonds 
with judgement and spirite, but it has not yet been printed. 

The Lord Strathallan, haveing, as he promised, informed the King 
of his friend's being in town, his Majesty desired to see him nixt morn 
ing, while he was in his dressing-room ; and being accquanted that he 
had been several days there, and that all his accquantances had declined 
to introduce him, " Tell him," said the King, "that he needed non to 
introduce him to us, and that we expected the first visite !" These ex 
pressions of his Majesty's goodness was more than Locheill expected. 
He punctwaly obeyed his orders, and throwing himself att the King's 
feet, said, that he came there as a criminal with a rope about his neck, 
to putt himself and all his in his royall mercy. His Majesty gave him 
his hand to kiss, and commanding him to rise, intimated that he had 
heard of his missfortune, and that accidents of that nature had often 
fallen out among the best disciplined troops ; and subjoyned, that as he 
believed his zeall in that service had occasioned it, so nothing but his 
being guilty of actwall rebellion would ever convince him that he could 
be dissloyall. Locheill expressed the deep sense he had of his Ma 
jesty's royall goodness in the best manner he could ; and his Majesty 
haveing desired him to relate the particulars of their late expedition 
against Argile, he did it in few words, and in the most modest manner, 
and carefully avoyding all reflections on the conduct of others, he related 
his oun missfortune in such terms as made his Majesty say, that he 
ought rather to have been pityed and conforted for so afflicting ane acci 
dent than accused ; and that it was wholly owing to his Generals, who 
ought to have informed him of the posts of the several partys, which 
would have effectwally prevented it. 

His Majesty being dressed, he commanded Locheill to follow him 


closs att his back; and when he had walked into the middle of the 
Chamber of Presence, where there was a very splendid and numerous 
Court : " My Lords and Gentlemen," said the King in a very gay man 
ner, " I advise yow to have a care of your purses, for the King of the 
Thieves is att my back !" And then, turning about to Locheill, he 
said he would be glade to see him often while he stayed in town, and 
thanked him for his faithfull service in the late Rebellion. Never was 
there a brighter example of the servile complaisance of courteours than 
Locheill had on this occasion ; for he now had them all about him, con 
gratulating him upon his Majesty's favour, and offering him their ser 
vices, though, the very day before, he could find but one among them 
that would serve him so far as barely to mention his name to his Majes 
tic. The King, on his part, lett slip no opportunity of testifying his es 
teem. Sir Ewen never appeared in Court but his Majesty spoke two or 
three words to him ; and if he chanced to meet with him elsewhere, he 
had always the goodness to inquire about his health, and now and then 
to putt some jocose question to him, such as, if he was contryving how 
to steall any of the fine horses he had seen in his Majestie's stables, or 
in those of his courtiers ? 

In the mean time, Locheill was informed by his brother-in-law, Mr 
Barclay, that the Duke of Gordon had taken advantage of his absence 
to raise ane action against him before the Court of Session, for reduce- 
ing or annulling the rights and tittles he had to his whole estate. I am 
far from thinking that his Grace had any view of ever attaining to the 
possession of that estate ; but his designs seem to have been, to com- 
pell Locheill freely to give him the superiority, rather than run the 
hazard of looseing the property. The Duke had two different pleas 
against him : The first was for these lands that held of Argile, and the 
other for the estate of Mammore, which held of himself. To both these 
he pretended right by virtue of his late Majesty's gift of that part of 
Argil's forfeiture, but by different tittles in law. His claim to the first 
was founded upon that antient law, whereby, in horrour of treason, the 
vassall forfeited equally with the supperior ; the law presumeing that 
his principall strength consisted in his vassalage : Besides, by the few- 


dall law, the supperior and vassall were undistinguished persons, and the 
superior's charters comprehended both as absolute proprietor ; and that 
grant becomeing voyd, and returning to the crown by his crime, the 
whole lands therein contained fell with his forfeiture. 

The Duke of Gordon, in order as well to strengthen his tittle to the 
estate he claimed by the Marquess of Argile's forfeiture, as to procure 
a right to the estate of Glenlui and Locharkike, whereof the late Earl 
his son had accquired the superiority, as I have related, did, upon the 
15th January 1685, procure a grant from King Charles of both estates ; 
and did again, on the 29th of January 1686, obtain from King James a new 
signature or grant of both. The King knew nothing of Locheil's inte 
rest in the affair, and highly resented his being imposed upon by the 
Duke, as we shall have occasion hereafter to observe. The Duke's pre 
tence to the estate of Mammore holding of himself flowed from this, that 
Locheill had neglected, while the Marquess of Argile was in possession 
of the estate of Huntly, to get his charters confirmed by the supperior ; 
who, besides his pretended right by Huntly's forfeiture, had adjudged it 
for his debts, as we have elsewhere hinted ; whereby Locheill, being in 
nonentry, that is, having possessed without paying the fees due to the 
superior on his entering to that possession, and without procuring a con- 
firmatione of his charter and infeftment in his own person, the estate re- 
cognosced, that is, the rights became voyd, and the estate returned to the 
superior. Nothing could be more unjust than this claim, for, though 
Duke Gordon had approven of Argile's right to his estate, by refuseing 
to have it restored to him by ane act of justice, and choiseing to get a 
gift of it from the crown, as Argile's property, in order to elude the pay 
ment of his father's debts, yet Locheill thought it a breatch of thealled- 
geance he owed to his Sovereign to accept of a confirmatione of his right 
from any superior, whose original possession flowed from no better tittle 
than ane unjust and ane illegall sentance of forfeiture pronounced by a 
rebellious Parliament. This was, in effect, to make loyalty a crime, and 
to make the predecessor's debts beneficiall to the son. 

Locheill complained bitterly to the King of this harsh useage ; and 
told his Majesty, in plain terms, that, if the Duke prevailed, he would 


be worse punished for his loyalty than others, not even excepting the 
leaders, had been for their rebellion ! The King answered, that it was 
true that both he and his brother had been imposed upon, but that he 
would make him amends. And Duke Gordon being then att Court, his 
Majesty called for him, and spoke to him in terms that did not satisfie 
his Grace, accuseing him of no less than the makeing him the author of 
a barbarous injustice by the surreptitious grant that he had obtained of 
Locheil's estate. The Duke excused himself the best way he could ; 
and to mitigate his Majesty's displeasure, pretended that he designed to 
make no further use of it than to ascertain his right of superiority, which 
Sir Ewen himself could not disclaime. The King replyed, that he would 
receive his excuse, on condition that he would submitt the matter in 
controversie to himself, as arbitrator betwixt them. This the Duke 
could not refuse ; and Locheill most willingly consented ; a submission 
was drawn up in form, and all further procedure was stopt. 

But the Duke of Monmouth's invasion, and other troubles interveen- 
ing, nothing was done in this affair till about the spring of the year 
1688, that Mr Barclay went to Court and solicited the matter, Locheill 
haveing returned to Scotland about the begining of 1686, after subscrib 
ing the submission to the King. 

The Duke of Gordon's was not the only process Locheill was vexed 
with on account of this forfeiture. He was likeways prosecuted att the 
instance of one George Seaton, for a debt owing by the Marquess of Ar- 
gile, to which he had obtained right by decree of the Commissioners and 
Trustees appointed by his late Majesty for dividing the estate, reall and 
personall, of the late Earl among his own and his father's creditors. 
Locheill, being then debtor to the Earl, these Trustees ordered that Mr 
Seton should be payed his claim out of that debt ; but the Duke of Gor 
don haveing also a claim to all contracts and obligations between the late 
Earl and Locheill, in virtue of the grant I have mentioned, insisted like- 
W^s in ane action against him for the same very thing before the Court 
of Session. The King had formerly, in a letter to the Lords Commis- 
sionars of the Treasury, signified his pleasure with respect to that 
debt, and to all other contracts, obligations, &c. wherein Locheill was 


bound to the late Earl, which his Majesty declaired he did not intend 
should be included in the Duke's gift, and therefore commanded that 
they should be discharged. But the Duke haveing shifted giveing obe 
dience, Mr Barclay complained of it to the King ; and informed his Ma 
jesty fully of the state of the dispute betwixt the partys, as also of Mr 
Seaton's claime. The King answered, that he would not suffer Loch- 
eill to be wronged either by the Duke or by any other person ; that he 
would have that affair adjusted speedily ; and that the Duke was to 
waite on him that afternoon in order to excuse his not obeying the letter. 
And the Earl of Perth, then Chancellour, haveing afterwards informed 
Mr Barclay, that all that his Grace had to say was to accuse Locheill 
of I know not what, as he had formerly threatned, he was carefull to at 
tend, and was much satisfyed to hear the King cutt him short, ere he had 
well begun, by telling his Grace that he needed not to insist upon that, 
for he believed Locheill to be a very honest and loyall man ; that he had 
alwayes served him faithfully ; and that he would hear no accusations 
against him. The King was as good as his word ; for, the very next 
post, Mr Barclay sent down the following letter from his Majesty to the 
Commissionars of his Treasury, which I have inserted att length, because 
it will give the reader some further light into the matters then in dis 
pute : 


" Right Trustie, &c. Whereas, 4>y a letter, bearing date the 30th day 
of Jully 1687, we thought fitt to signifie to the Lords Commissioners of 
our Treasury our royall will and pleasure, that Sir Ewen Cameron of 
Locheill should have new rights and charters of the property of his lands 
formerly held by him of the late Earl of Argile, and fallen in our hands 
by reason of his forfeiture, renewed and given unto him by George 
Duke of Gordon, our donatory in the superiority thereof, for a small 
and easey few-duty, not exceeding four merks for every 1000 merks of 
free rent, as the said letter more fully bears ; and did also order that a 
fuh 1 and sufficient discharge should be given to the said Sir Ewen Ca 
meron of all debts, sums of money, and others due by him out of the 


saids lands to the late Earl of Argile, notwithstanding they be now in 
cluded in the said Duke his gift : And we being now informed that 
some questions have been moved against the said Sir Ewen about the 
sume of 10,000 merks due by him to the said late Earl of Argile, as a part 
of the price of the said lands, viz. whither this sum was by our said Letter 
meant and ordered to be discharged, and whither the same be included in 
a former gift granted by us to the Duke of Gordon of theforsaids lands, 
as said is, which bears that we therein make over unto him the right and 
effect of all contracts and minutes made and past betwixt the said late 
Earl and the said Sir Ewen. Therefore, and to the effect that our will 
and pleasure in this matter may be more clearly and distinctly known, 
and that the said Sir Ewen may enjoy the full benefitt of the favour that 
we intended for him, we thought fitt hereby to signify unto you, that as, 
by our aforsaid former gift, we did not intend to dispone unto the said 
Duke of Gordon all sums of money due by the said Sir Ewen to the said 
late Earl of Argile, so it was our purpous and pleasure, in our aforsaid 
letter, that the said Sir Ewen should be discharged and exonered thereof, 
and particularly of the forsaid sum of 10,000 merks due by him to the 
said late Earl, as said is : Wherefore, it is our further will and pleasure, 
that ye take care that the said Sir Ewen Cameron be not troubled nor 
mollested by any person or persons whatsoever upon account of the for 
said sum, nor any demand thereof made from him, in whole or in part, 
but that he be fully exonered and discharged for the same att all hands, 
and in all time comeing, notwithstanding of any procedure that may have 
been already or hereafter may be made against him att the instance of 
any person whatsoever ; for such is our will and pleasure. And so we 
bid you heartily fairwell. Given att our Court att Whitehall, the 21st 
day of May 1688, and of our reign the 4th year. 
" By His Majesty's Command, 

(Subscrived) "MELFORT." 

The Duke of Gordon, finding himself under a necessity of complying 
with his Majesty's pleasure, subscrived the discharge on the22d of August 
thereafter ; and a state of Mr Seaton's claim was sent to the King, who 


stopt all further procedure. Mr Barclay, in the mean time, solicited 
Locheil's affairs with such success, that the King gave them a hearing 
in presence of the Marquess of Powis, and the Earls of Murray and 
Melfort ; and, in the end, determined in favours of Locheill in all points. 
The Duke haveing made several objections, his Majesty commanded 
these three Lords to hear both partys att more length, and to make a 
report of their oppinion to himself: " The King" (says Mr Barclay in 
one of his letters) "launched out into Locheil's praises, and said parti 
cularly, which I believe mortifyed the Duke very much, that he was 
convinced that * Locheill, besides the great services he had done against 
the English, had served him very faithfully in the late Rebellion against 
Argile.' The Duke made a profound bow, and said, that he submitted 
with joy to the King's pleasure, since it was in favours of a person for 
whom his Majesty had so high ane esteem." However, his Grace op 
posed the referees their making a report as far as possibly he could ; and 
his obstinacey and the insatiable desire he had to have Locheil's estate, 
says Mr Barclay, gave them and him unspeakable trouble. 

The Earl of Balcarrass becomeing master of the lands of Swynard 
and Ardnamurchan, in satisfaction of a claim he had upon the family of 
Argile, by a decree of the fore-mentioned Commissioners, and a grant 
from the King in consequence thereof, made ane offer of them to Mr 
Barclay in behalf of Locheill, for the sum of 40,000 merks. Though 
this bargain was soon thereafter concluded, yet the Revolution prevented 
his attaining to the enjoyment. 

The Lords Auditors gave the Duke and Mr Barclay a hearing with 
respect to those lands which Locheill formerly held of Argile ; and Mr 
Barclay haveing presented a charter drawn up in terms of the King's deci 
sion, to be subscrived before them by his Grace, he quarreled it on this 
account, that it did not mention Locheil's lands to ly within his regality. 
The Marquess of Powis answered, that the King intended it to be so ; 
which being contradicted by the Duke, that point was again brought be 
fore his Majesty, " who" (to use Mr Barclay's words) "positively de 
termined that he would not have Locheill nor any of his people lyable to 
the Duke's courts, for he would have Locheill master of his own Clan, 



and onely accountable to him or his Councill for them, and to have no 
further to doe with his Grace then to pay him his few-duty.' This was 
a point gained meerly by the Duke's obstinacey, for Locheill neither 
proposed nor expected such ane immunity ; and the King, who highly 
commended Locheill on all occasions, resolved to leave no further place 
for disputes between his Grace and him, " and plainly insinuats," says 
Mr Barclay, " that he does all this to make him amends for haveing 
given away his supperioritys, which I am sure he repents." 

To give the reader a fuller view of this famous decision, which made 
a very great noise att that time, it seldom occurring that Kings interrest 
themselves so far in private affairs as his Majesty did in this, I shall 
here transcribe the Lords Auditors their report, which runs in these 


" Their haveing been of late some controversies betwixt his Grace the 
Duke of Gordon and the Laird of Locheill, occasioned by reason of a 
grant or charter made by the King to the said Duke, wherein were com 
prehended certain lands, which, by order of his said Majesty, were to be 
reconveyed to the aforsaid Locheill ; which, the more effectwally now 
to perform, his Majestic hath onely referred the whole method of exe 
cuting the said grant to the Lord Marquess of Powis, and the Earls of 
Murray and Mellfort, Secretarys of State for the Kingdom of Scotland, 
by and with the consent of the aforsaid Duke of Gordon, and of Mr 
Barclay, agent for the said Locheill, who hath fully impowered him to 
act in all matters thereunto relating as conclusively as if he himself were 
present. We, the said referees, haveing mett and perused the charter 
presented by Mr Barclay to the said Duke, as to the lands formerly held 
of the late Earl of Argile, and haveing received his exceptions against 
it, with the said Barclay's answers, and the Duke's replys thereunto ; 
and haveing considered of what was said on the one and the other side, 
doe, with all submission, find, and are of oppinion : 

4 1st, That it is agreeable to his Majesty's inclinations and orders to us, 
that the Duke sign the said charter, he being allowed three years (to 
be filled up in the blank of the declaration given to the said Duke by 


the said Barklay) to inspect and re'ctify the rent-rolls, if amiss ; and 
twenty-four merks Scots be filled up for the few-duty in the charter, 
payable by Locheill to the said Duke. 

" 2<%, That the said Barclay sign such a penal bond or obligation, as 
shall be presented to him by us, forfeitable in case the said Locheill 
make not good the tittles and estates to all persons claiming under him, 
within the space of one year after the date hereof, (according to the de 
termination and approbation of the Lord Chancelour, Lord President 
of the Kingdom of Scotland, and Lord Justice-Clerk ;) they paying first 
to him a just proportion of all his charges, in order to the procurement 
of this charter, rateably, according to each party's respective estate and 

" 3c%, We likewayes find, by his Majesty's express command to us, 
that Locheill, under his Majesty onely, is to have the absolute command 
of his oun Clan ; and that, therefore, he be exempted from all other 
Jurisdictions, Regalitys of Courts, or obligations to the aforsaid Duke, 
other than the payment of the aforsaid few-duty of twenty-four Scotch 
merks : Provided, nevertheless, that att the same time the above said 
Duke be fully secured and indemnifyed from all obligations of any 
charge or expense whatsomever, by reason of any depredations, riots, 
thefts, or other causes whatever, that he is, or may, for the future, be 
lyable to upon the account of any misdemeanours or miscarriages done 
or committed, or that shall be done or committed, att any time hereafter, 
by all or any of the tenants of the aforsaid Locheill. 

" To conclude : In evidence of this our oppinion and Report in this 
matter, (so far as relates to that part of the controversey as onely concerns 
the lands formerly held by Locheill of the said late Earl of Argile, ) we 
have hereunto subscrived our names, the 23d day of Jully 1688. 

( Subscrived) " Powis. 


The Duke of Gordon was much displeased with this Report ; and in 
order to delay the matter a little longer, he ordered his Dutchess to make 


a visile to the Marchioness of Fowls, and to prevail! with her to inter- 
ceed witli her Lord to delay giveing it to the King for some dayes : 
But the Marquess absolutely refused to comply, assuring her that it 
was the King's commands that it should not be delayed ; upon which 
the Duke said, that he would receive the intimation from non but his 


The Court removing that day to Windsour, Mr Barclay waited on his 
Majesty within two days thereafter, where, to the no small vexation of 
his Grace, he was obliged by the King to subscrive the charter, accord 
ing to the above Report, in his Majesty's presence : And another of the 
same tenour for the lands of Mammore, being there presented to him, 
he also signed it ; but, haveing made some alterations in it which the 
King would not admitt of, but ordered another to be writt immediatly, 
he subscrived not onely that charter, but also the immunity and accquit- 
tance from his Courts before mentioned, wherein he narrates : " That 
he haveing lately submitted all contraverseys and claims between him and 
Locheill to his Majesty's determination and decision, and that the King, 
after hearing his Grace, and Robert Barclay, trustee for Locheill, the 
better to enable him for his Majesty's service, had decreed and declared 
that the said Locheill, his vassalls, tenants, and servants, shall not be 
subject to his Grace's Regality, nor to any other Court or Jurisdiction 
under him ; but that he and they shall ever depend solely on his Ma 
jesty and his successors, Kings of Scotland, any gift or charter granted 
to his Grace by the late King or his present Majesty notwithstanding : 
And seeing that it was just and reasonable that the said Locheill and 
his forsaids should be secured, conformably to the King's will and plea 
sure, he therefore discharges and exoners him and his aforsaids from all 
dependance upon and subjection to him and his Courts," &c., in very 
ample form. 

Locheill, haveing thus happily concluded his affairs by the favour and 
indulgence of his most gracious and bountifull Sovereign, imagined that 
his troubles were now att ane end, and that he would enjoy the fruits of 
his good fortune in quiet and peace. He was now absolute and inde- 


pendent master of his fortune and Clan. He was clear of all debts, ex 
cepting some inconsiderable sums to his oun people, who were equally 
flourishing ; and his Majesty, in order to better his circumstances, had 
not only designed to purchass for him the lands of Swynard and Ardna- 
murchan from the Earl of Balcarras, and to errect them into a baroney, 
with ample priviledges ; but also to give him a bailliarey or jurisdiction 
over his Clan and followers ; and gave orders to Mr Barclay to get the 
charter drawn up in the most ample form : But, in the mean time, 
there was a cloud gathering in a quarter from which his Majestic least 
expected it, that soon thereafter brock upon him and his kingdoms, 
and putt all into confusion ; and there fell out, att this time, ane acci 
dent in Lochaber which threatned some troublesome consequences to 

We have already hinted that Macdonald of Keppoch had possessed 
ane estate belonging to the Laird of Macintoish, in property, as his kindly 
tenant, for many centurys of years ; but there was so much of force and 
violence in this possession, that Macintoish could look upon himself no 
further as master, than that he some times received such small sums 
in name of yearly rents as Keppoch was pleased to give ; wherefore, 
haveing formed a resolution to dispossess him, he executed the law in the 
ordinary course, and prepared to invade him. Locheill interposed as a 
mediator between the partys, but to no purpose ; and, forseeing what 
would happen, he resolved to meddle no more in the affair, but retired 
to Edinburgh, and there attended the issue. 

There lives in Keppoch's neightbourhood a numerous tribe of the Ca- 
merons, that goe by the patronimick name of the M'Martines. These 
people, by frequent intermarriages with the Macdonalds of Keppoch, be 
ing nearly allyed to, and in great friendship with them, on account of 
the neighbourly interchainge of good offices that commonly passed be 
tween them, and finding that Locheill their Chief had left the countrey 
without signifying his mind, they and many other of the Camerons inter 
preted this silence as a consent, and offered their service to Keppoch. 

Macintoish marched into the Brea of Lochaber att the head of about 


1000 men of his Clan and allys, besides a company of the King's troops 
under the command of the fore-mentioned Captain Mackenzie of Suddy, 
who joyned him by order of the Councill. Though Keppoch hadnot much 
above half this number, yet relying on the courage of his men, and the 
interest that many of them had in the quarrell, he had the boldness to 
encounter Macintoish, and though the skirmish was fierce and bloody, 
yet Macintoish had the missfortune to be defeated with the loss of many 
of his followers, and made a prissoner. Captain Mackenzie (who had 
the charracter of a fine gentleman, and brave officer) was also killed in 
that action. Keppoch, before he dismissed his prissoner, obliged him 
to renounce his tittle to the lands in dispute ; and the Revolution hap 
pening the next year, saved him and his people from the resentment of 
the Government ; and matters were in process of time adjusted between 
them upon a more equall footing. 

The newes of these troubles soon reached the Councill ; and Locheill, 
being by law bound for the men he had there, was in no small fears of 
being called to ane account for them. He advised the matter with the 
Viscount of Tarbat, his friend and relation, who was a Privy Counselour ; 
and his Lordship, who knew that Locheill had several enemys in the 
Councill, haveing some suspitions that they would exert themselves on 
that occasion, promised to advertize him by a sign from a window of the 
Councill Chamber, where they were to conveen on that very account, if 
he was in any danger of being confined. The Councill being mett, 
there was ane Information read, wherein Locheill was accused not onely 
as accessory to, but even as principall author of the blood that was shed, 
in so far as it was notorious, that Keppoch durst not have attacked Mac 
intoish with his oun followers without the assistance of the Camerons, 
for whose crimes Locheill was obliged to answer ; that though he stayed 
att Edinburgh himself, yet that was but a cover ; and even his absence 
was charged upon him as a crime, because it was impossible but he knew 
of Macintoish his designs, which made too much noise for any to be ig 
norant of; and, therefore, he ought to have stayed in the country, and 
endeavoured to have preserved the peace, as the law obliged him. In 


short, it was carryed by a plurality of votes, that he should be immedi 
ately arrested and committed to prison till a further tryall ; and a warrand 
was issued out to the Magistrates to putt the decree in execution. 

But Locheill was before-hand with them ; for, haveing had the signe 
from my Lord Tarbatt as they concerted ; after some perplexity where 
to conceall himself, a lucky thought struck him in the head, of retireing 
into the Tolbooth, or city jayle, under pretext of visiteing one of the 
prissoners. As non could suspect that he would choise such a place of 
concealment, so he communicated the reason of his being there to none 
but to James Cameron the Clerk ; who, favouring his designes, he con 
tinued there till it was dark night, and stealing out by private ways, gott 
safely to Lochaber. 

About the beginning of October thereafter, he had a letter from the 
Chancelour, signifying that the Prince of Orange was prepareing to in 
vade England with a great fleet ; and desireing him to march into Ar- 
gileshyre with as many of his men as he could suddenly gett together, 
and to joyn Sir John Drummond of Macheny, who was then att Inver- 
arey as Lord Lewtenant of that shire. This order was seconded by 
another from the Privy Councill of the 4th of that month. The ren- 
dezvouze was at a place called Killimichaell, where several of the people 
of that country joyning them, their whole party ammounted to about 
twelve hundred men. They effectwally keept that country in obedience, 
till they were informed by the Chancelour that the King, after finding 
himself betrayed and deserted on all hands, had retired into France. 

While they stayed there, Locheill was, by the Lord Leutenant, putt 
in the possession of Swynard and Ardnamurchan, agreeably to a war- 
rand from the Earl of Balcarras, bearing date the 3d October 1688 ; and 
he had thereafter a new grant or charter of that estate from the King 
soon after his arrivall in Ireland. 

Locheill sent his eldest son John with 300 of his men from Inverarey 
towards Drummond Castle, att the desire of the Chancelour, who was 
resolved to retire to Lochaber under his protection, and from thence to 
embarque for Ireland, where he expected to find the King again [st] the 
spring following. It was unlucky for his Lordship that he chanced in the 


mean time to alter his designs ; for, haveing taken shipping att Kirkaldy, 
a town on the coast of Fife, he was there made prissoner, and confined in 
the castle of Stirling. Thus dissapoynted, he returned to Lochaber, 
where he continued all that winter, meditating how he could best serve 
the King ; and the nixt Book will shew us how he accquitted himself of 
his loyalty, and of the obligations of honour and gratitude by which he 
was bound to that unfortunate Prince. 





LOCHEILL employed himself dureing the winter in projecting measures 
for forming a confederacy in favours of King James, and was much en 
couraged in his designs by a letter of the 29th of March 1689, which he 
received from his Majesty, who had some short time before arrived in 

This letter bears ane order to be ready att a call, with all his friends 
and followers, to joyn his forces att such time and place as should be 
appoynted ; with ane assurance, that his Majesty would reimburse what 
charges he should be putt to ; that he would stand to his former decla 
rations in favours of the Protestant Religion, and the liberty and property 
of the subject ; that he would aboundantly reward such as served him 
faithfully, and punish such as did not ; and that he would send Com 
missions with a power of nameing his own officers. 

After receiveing this Letter, Locheill made a visite to all the Chiefs 
that were near him, and wrote to those att a distance, and found them 
all heartily inclined to joyn with him in a confederacy for restoreing King 

*l I 


James. They had afterwards a general meeting, and agreed so well in 
every poynt, that they appoynted their rendezvouze to be again[st] the 
13th of May following, in Lochaber, att a place called Dalmacommer, near 
Locheil's house. They informed King James of their resolutions, and 
prayed him to send them a proper person to head them, assureing him 
of their loyalty, and of their willingness to hazard life and fortune in his 


The odd and sudden turn that affairs then tooke was surprizeing to 
many. The Revolutioners played their game with such cunning and 
artifice, as infused a generall fear of Popery into the multitude, and ren 
dered even those who abhorred all chainges in the State as unactive as if 
they had not been concerned in the matter. 

The Councill att first was very unanimous in favours of King James, 
and concurred in every thing that was offered for his service. The noise 
of a foreign war seemed for some time to have banished their jealousys 
and fears ; and the gentlemen and burgesses sent new offers of their 
duety to all quarters of the country. The militia was ordered to be 
raised and modelled, the Castles of Edinburgh and Stirling plentifully 
furnished, and the whole kingdome putt into a posture of defence. 

It is true, indeed, that some few Scotch Lords, who happned to be 
att London when the Prince of Orange arrived, took upon them to ad 
dress his Highness in name of the people of Scotland, but then they 
had no authority for doeing so, and the Scots Ministry stood then just 
as it had done formerly, without any seeming inclination to a revolt. 
His Highness haveing, in his own name, issued out writts for calling 
a Convention of the Estates of Scotland, many were afraid to answer the 
summonds, least, if the affair had miscarried, it might have been con 
strued High Treason ; and for the very same reason, many who obey 
ed soon deserted the Convention, when they came to reflect on the au 
thority by which it was conveened. 

These things gave the Presbiterians ane opportunity of acting without 
opposition ; but their numbers were so small, that the Convention looked 
liker a Committee than a representation of the kingdome. The first 


thing they did was to vote themselves a free Parliament, and then to 
offer the Crown and Government to the Prince of Orange, which he 
most graciously accepted of. 

The Viscount of Dundee, Sir George Mackenzy, and some others, 
opposed these proceedings with great eloquence and vigour, and endea 
voured to have gott the Convention adjourned to Stirling ; hut haveing 
certain information that six or seven men of these wild Cameronians, who 
came in great multitudes from the West, conducted by Daniel Ker, bro 
ther to Kersland, under pretence of guarding the Convention, were mett 
in a house, with intention to murder the two great men I have named, 
they were obliged to retire. Dundee went away with about fifty horse 
in his company ; and as he passed by the Castle, the Duke of Gordon, 
then Governour, made a sign from the walls to speak with him att the 
Western side of the Castle. Though the place was extreamly steep and 
high, yet his Lordship made a shift to inform the Duke of all that he 
had then resolved on, and begged him to hold out the Castle till it was 
relieved, which his Grace positively promised to doe. 

That night he lay att Dunblain, where he was informed by Mr Drum- 
mond of Balhaldys of the confederacy of the Clans, and of all their reso 
lutions in favours of King James. These agreeable news confirmed him 
in his designs. He marched home to his own house att Didop, and 
though there was a Lyon Herald and trumpet sent after him by the 
Councill, ordering him to return under the pain of high treason, yet he 
excused himself under pretence of his lady's being near her time ; but 
hearing that General Mackay had, upon his refusall, sent a strong party 
to apprehend him, he retreated into the Duke of Gordon's country, 
where the Earl of Dunfermline joyned him with about sixty horse. 

It is presumed that the reader will not be displeased to have a parti 
cular account of the actions of this great man, especially in so far as they 
have a connection with the subject in hand. Besides the assistance I 
have from the Earl of Balcarrass his Memoirs of these wars, and the se 
veral relations I have had of them from many who were eye-witnesses, 
I have before me a Manuscript copy of ane Historical Latine Poem, 
called " The Grameis," written in imitation of Lucan's Pharsalia, (but 


unfinished, ) by Mr Philips of Amrycloss, who had the office of Standard- 
Bearer during that famous expedition. This author joyned Dundee in 
the retreat I have mentioned ; as he intimates in these words, " Ipse 
ego militiam" tyc. : 

" I too attend the illustrious Graeme along ! 
The King, my sword, his hero, claimed my song : 
Such rare examples antient times affoard, 
Thus tunefull Ennius waits on Scipio's sword. 
The muses cluster round, nor less my theme, 
Equal their merit, and their cause the same." 

Dundee's retreat from the Convention gave the allarm to the whole 
nation, and such was the high opinion generally intertained of his con 
duct and courage, that he had private intimation sent him from all quar 
ters, that so soon as his Lordship could gett a body of troops together, 
and that the season of the year was fitt for action, they would risk their 
lives and fortunes under his command, in King James his service. And 
to this they were incouraged by the appearances of success that that 
unfortunate Prince had then in Ireland. From the North he sent ane ex 
press to Locheill, to inform himself of the scituation of affairs there ; 
which haveing been intimated to all the Chiefs in that neightbourhood, 
they agreed to send ane detatchment of 800 men, under the command of 
Macdonald of Keppoch, to conduct his Lordship into that country. Dun 
dee, unwilling to loose the time that he knew his express would take 
before his return, made a toure through the Northern Highlands, and 
soon engaged the people of these parts in that service. Of these our 
Poet says : 

Ad Boream eternis horrentia arva pruinis, fyc. : 

* To the cold Highlands, where feirce Boreas reigns, 
And crusts the hills with snow, with ice the plains, 
We march, and call to arms the Grampian race, 
Who their loved Sovereign's cause with joy embrace. 


They, nixt to Heaven, the Royall name adore, 
And impious traitors even as Hell abhore ! 
Nor dare such monsters breath on Abria's shore. 
But doomed to dye, by various means and wayes, 
His forfeite life the bloody ransome payes." 

Dundee, who loved allways to be in action, haveing with great expe 
dition traversed a good part of these Northern countreys, and engaged 
most part of the men of note to be ready att a call to joyn in his Mas 
ter's service, returned by long marches to his own house, where he found 
his lady in child-bed. But even after all his fatigue, he was again ob 
liged quickly to take the field, and retreat Northward from Generall 
Mackay, who was advanceing with considerable force to attack him. In 
this march, he had, by the return of his express, ane answer from the 
Clans. They gave him new assurances of their zeale for the service, in 
vited him into their countrey, and informed him of the detatchment they 
had sent to receive him on the borders of the Highlands. 

Impatient to meet with these Chiefs, he immediately changed his 
course, and marched directly to Inverness, and found Keppoch, who, 
instead of executing his commission, satt down before that toun, seized 
the Magistrats, and most wealthy citizens, and obliged them to pay him a 
sum of mony for their ransome, before he consented to dismiss them. 
His Lordship was extreamly provocked, and expostulated the matter with 
him in very sharp terms. He told him that such courses were extreamly 
injurious to the King's interest, and that, instead of acquireing the cha 
racter of a patriot, he would be looked on as a common robber, and the 
enemy of mankind ! Keppoch excused himself the best way he could, 
pretended that the toun was owing him sums equall to what he had re 
ceived, and in place of conducting my Lord Dundee in the manner he 
was commissioned, he retreated into his oun country. 

I have already informed the reader that Keppoch commands a tribe of 
the Macdonalds who live in the Breas of Lochaber. He was a gentle 
man of good understanding, of great cunning, and much attached to 
King James, but indulgeing himself in too great libertys with respect to 


those with whom he was att variance, his Mowers became excessively 
licentious, and thought they had a good tittle 'to mine and undoe their 
Chiefs enemys, by all the wayes they could. 

Dundee, being thus dissapointed, returned to the Lowlands, by the 
way of Badenoch ; where he received Letters from King James, with a 
Commission to command his troops in Scotland, besides other Letters 
and Commissions directed to the several Highland Chiefs, which his 
Lordship immediatly dispatched to them. He found the Macphersons 
of Badenoch very keen and hearty in their inclinations for that service, 
and that they waited onely ane order from the Duke of Gordon, their 
superior, to joynthe rest of his vassalls, which he daily promised to send. 

Leaveing Mackay behind him in the North with 800 foot, the Col 
chester regiment of horse, and four troops of dragoons, he returned with 
such expedition, that before it was known he had left the Highlands, he 
surprized the Lairds of Blair and Pollock att Perth, with one of the new- 
raised troops ; and haveing seized their horses and arms, made them 
selves and several other officers his prisoners. From thence he march 
ed into Angus, putt all the disaffected under contribution ; and, comeing 
up with the same quickness to the toun of Dundee, he had allmost sur 
prized the Lords Hollo and Kylsith, who commanded some troops there. 
Hollo, upon the first allarm, made his escape ; but Kylsith, who secretly 
favoured that interest, wanted onely ane opportunity to joyn him. So 
says the Poet I have mentioned : 

" The town resists ; but Livingstoune, who lov'd 
The King in secret, and Dundee approv'd, 
That he might here a fitt occasion find 
T' unite in action, as they did in mind, 
To his oun troop three hundred burghers joyns, 
And bad them fight their way thro' hostile lines. 
But they refused." 

Dundee, being unwilling to lose time before a town which he had 
not strength enough to force, traversed several countreys, and had assu- 


ranees from all the gentlemen, and many of the commons, as he passed, 
of their readiness to joyn him so soon as he appeared with the Clans ; 
and being in the end much pressed by letters from Locheill to goe into 
Lochaber, he marched streight through Rannoch to that country, with 
the good wishes and benedictions of the people as he went along. After 
a very difficult march he arrived safely at the Brea of Lochaber, whereof 
our Poet gives this dismall discription : 

" Nil prefer monies, et saxa, et amnes lacusque," fyc. 

11 Arriv'd on Abria's skirts, we nothing spy 
But mountains frouning in the cloudy sky, 
And rugged rocks which round in fragments lye ; 
Impetuous torrents rage in vales below, 
And pools and lakes, their lazy waters show. 
Thin cotages the unequall fields adorn, 
O'erspread with briars, and rough with prickly thorn ; 
With warring winds and storms the air is toss'd, 
And the ground hard'ned with perpetwal frost ! 
A desart wild, impatient of the plough, 
Where nought but thistles, shrubs, and bushes grow, 
And barren heath : And on the mountains high 
Deep snow in frozen beds afflicts the eye ; 
While streams benumb' d with cold forgett to flow, 
Stiffen in ice, and into solid grow !" 

His Lordship was received by Locheill with all imaginable honour and 
respect, and was furnished with a house att about a mile's distance from 
his own, and all the other conveniencys that the country could possibly 
affoard him. Here, haveing had answers from the Chiefs, with assu 
rances that they would not fail to waite on his Lordship with their seve 
ral Clans again [st] the day appointed for the rendezvouze, he sent ane ac 
count to King James of the present circumstances of affairs, praying his 
Majesty to come over in person to Scotland, where he generally had the 


hearts of the people, and where his Irish troops, who were worth little 
in their own country, united with his French auxiliarys and Highlanders, 
would perform wounders, and compose a very formidable army, that 
would soon make him master of his enemys. He begged his Majesty to 
reflect on the behaviour of the few naked Irish that served under the 
great Montrose ; how different it was from that of their countrymen who 
were commanded att the very same time by the Marquess of Ormond ! 
But that if he did not think it proper to come himself, at least to hasten 
over the Duke of Berwick with the succours he had been pleased so 
often to promise. 

In the mean time, General Mackay was att great pains to sollicite the 
Clans to a revolt ; but he prevailed with non but the Laird of Grant, 
who was so zealous in that service, that he levyed a regiment att his oun 
charges, and thereby brought heavy debts on his estate, which was then 
very opulent. The Laird of Macintoish declaired for neither side ; and 
some others of the Northern Clans followed his example. But that 
General left no stone unturned to gain Locheill. He offered him a great 
sum of mony in hand, the government of Inverlochy, the command of 
a regiment, with what tittles of honour and dignitys he should choise ; 
and assured him that King William had empowered him to make these 
offers.' But Locheill, without opening the Letters, brought them to my 
Lord Dundee, and begged that he would be pleased to dictate the an 

Before the Isleanders and others of the distant Clans had time to come 
up, Dundee's people took two severall expresses from Mackay to Col- 
lonell Ramsay, ordering him to march with all speed through the coun 
try of Atholl, and joyn him att Inverness. To prevent this conjunction, 
Dundee resolved immediatly to attack Ramsay, who commanded a 
body of 1200 horse and foot of the best troops of their army. He had 
then about 1800 men, whereof one half belonged to Locheill ; and 
though he marched with his usewall expedition, yet Ramsay, haveing 
gott information of his advance, retreated with that haste and disorder 
that he blew up his ammunition, and marched day and night till he was 
quite out of the country. Dundee pursued him many miles, and return- 


ing into Badenoch he soon had newes of Mackay's arrival!, and haveing 
taken the oppinion of his officers, he resolved to give him battle ; but 
Mackay also made so quick a retreat, that it was impossible to come up 
with him till it was dark night, and the next morning he was out of his 

The enemy's escape gave his Lordship some trouble, but since he 
could not make a better of it att that time, he sent Keppoch, with a de- 
tatchment, to summond the garrison of the Castle of Rivan in Badenoch 
to surrender. Mackay had some few days before putt some men into 
it ; and Captain Forbess, who commanded them, though he made some 
difficulty att first, yet att last gave it up upon terms, that he and his gar 
rison should be allowed to march away bagg and baggage. 

Two troopers in the mean time arriveing from the Viscount of Kilsyth, 
brought intelligence, that Mackay being reinforced by the junction of 
some fresh men, was on his march to attack the Highlanders, whom he 
believed to be att a much greater distance ; but that if his Lordship 
would use expedition enough, he might that very night surprize and cutt 
them to peices, while they were under no apprehension of his being so 
near them. One of these troopers, whose name was Provensall, further 
informed his Lordship, that he and his .comerade belonged to that regi 
ment of Scots Dragoons, which was formerly commanded by the Earl 
of Dunmore ; and that they had orders from their officers to assure 
him that they were all ready to live and dye with him in that service ; 
that before they left England, all the souldiers of that regiment intended 
to have quitted and dispersed, as his Lordship's oun troop had done ; but 
haveing assurances from their officers, and, particularly, from Captain 
Murray, in whom they had great confidence, that the designe of keep 
ing them together was truely for King James his service, they made a 
sham kind of complyance, but resolved to keep their oath of alledgiance, 
and never to serve King William. Dundee incouraged these troopers 
in their loyall intentions, and promised to execute my Lord Kilsyth's 
advice without loss of time, assuring them that he would be with them 
before nixt morning ; but the afore-mentioned Captain Forbess haveing 
unluckily happned to meet these two men as they were comeing with 

2 H 


their intelligence to Dundee, informed Mackay, who, upon their return, 
immediately clapt them under arreast, seized my Lord Kilsyth, whom 
they keept confined for many years thereafter, and disposed of that regi 
ment, so that they were never capable of doeing any service to their old 


Notwithstanding of this intelligence, Dundee gott up with Mackay, 
and came in sight of him just as he was decamping ; and, in order to 
gett betwixt him and the Lowlands, he marched up Glenlivet, and 
turned doun Strathdown, and would have undoubtedly intercepted and 
forced him to ane engagement, if the darkness of the night, among these 
high mountains, had not favoured his retreat ; for though Mackay, in 
formed by Gordon of Edenglassy of Dundee's march, retreated, or ra 
ther fled with the greatest quickness imaginable, yet Dundee marched 
with that expedition, that he came in sight of him about four in the after 
noon ; but such were the difficultys he encountered in that fatigueing 
march, that it was eleven att night before he could get up with him, and 
was informed next day, that the enemy were att the distance of twelve 
long miles before nixt morning. 

Mr Philips assures us, that the Highlanders came up so closs with 
them at the foot of Glenlivet, that they raised a great shout, and threw 
off their plaids in order to attack them ; but they continueing their flight, 
Dundee detatched Captain Frazer with a troop of horse and some foot, to 
fall upon their rear and provock them to a skirmish, but to no purpose, 
for they still marched the faster till night gave them security. Thus did 
Dundee, says that author, force them to abandon their camp three times 
in one day 

" Uno eodemque die, ter castris exuit hostem /" 

Dureing this march, Keppoch, whose enmity to Macintoish I have 
formerly mentioned, took ane opportunity of doeing him and his tenants 
a great deale of mischief; for, without communicating his intentions to 
any person, he slipt away unobserved with his followers, and ravaged 
and destroyed the country, and, burning his oun house of Dunachton, 


returned laden with booty. Dundee, who in his march had observed the 
country all in a flame, but had not then time to inquire into the matter, 
was in a very great rage when he was informed of the authors. He told 
Keppoch, in presence of all the officers of his small army, that he would 
much rather choise to serve as a common souldier among disciplined 
troops, than command such men as he, who seemed to make it his busi 
ness to draw the odium of the country upon him : That though he had 
committed these outrages in revenge of his oun private quarrell, yet it 
would be generally believed that he had acted by authority : That since 
he was resolved to doe what he pleased, without any regard to com 
mand, and the publick good, he begged that he would immediatly begone 
with his men, that he might not hereafter have ane opportunity of af 
fronting the Generall at his pleasure, or of making him and the better 
disposed troops a cover to his robberys Keppoch, who did not expect 
so severe a rebuke, humbly begged his Lordship's pardon, and told him 
that he would not have abused Macintoish so, if he had not thought him 
ane enemy to the King, as well as to himself ; that he was heartily sorry 
for what was past, but since that could not be amended, he solemnly pro 
mised a submissive obedience for the future, and that neither he nor any 
of his men should att any time thereafter stirr one foot without his Lord 
ship's positive commands. 

Dundee, after so fatigueing a march, thought it proper to refresh his 
wearyed troops, by allowing them a few days rest att Edenglassy. They 
found plenty of provisions which had been provided for Mackay and his 
army ; but he had not rested here above two days, when certain infor 
mation was brought by some officers of the Scots Dragoons who had 
made a shift to gett to the Highland army, that Mackay being now 
strengthned by Collonel Ramsay's Regiment of Dragoons, and ane Eng 
lish Regiment of Foot, had turned the chace, and was on a full march 
to attack the Highlanders, whom he expected to find in disorder. His 
Lordship was sitting att dinner, with his principall officers, when this 
intelligence was brought him. He advised with them immediatly about 
the course they were to take, and it was unanimously agreed to by the 
Generall and his officers to retreat to the hills, not so much on account 


of the enemy's superiority in numbers, which exceeded theirs by more 
than a half, but because of their strength in horse, which the Highlanders 
att that time feared above all things. But it was, however, agreed to 
conceal the reasons that putt them upon these measures, least the High 
landers should suspect their own strength, and dread that of their enemys, 
which might probably intimidate them, and sink their spirits, which were 
then much elated. 

The army was immediatly drawn out without any noise or hurry ; 
and the reason assigned for their return was, to attend the generall ren- 
dezvouze, to which it was said the most distant Clans were already ar 
rived. This prudent conduct had the effect designed, though it lost 
Dundee a few of his followers ; for, being ignorant of their danger, and 
resolveing not to leave ane enemy's countrey empty-handed, a few stayed 
behind, with designe of carrying with them some of the most portable 
moveables they could fall upon. Some of them were surprized by Gor 
don of Edenglassy, who hanged them up to the nixt trees ; and others 
of them were used in the same manner by the Laird of Grant, who had 
espoused Mackay's party with more than ordinary zeale and keenness. 

Dundee retreated towards the hills in very good order, and keept such 
a strong rear-guard, that Mackay, who made but very slow marches, durst 
not venture to attack him. As he was thus marching along the banks 
of the river Spey to the country of Badenoch, two hundred of Sir John 
M'Lean's Isleanders, under the command of M'Lean of Lochbuy, who 
were comeing to meet him, ran the risk of being cutt in peices by three 
hundred English Dragoons that were closs on them before they knew 
them for enemys. It was then night, and the Lord Dundee, who was 
informed of their march, being afraid they might mistake their way, de- 
tatched Macdonald of Glencoe to conduct them to his camp. Though 
they were att no great distance when they were thus surprized, yet the 
river of Spey being between them and their friends, they were obliged 
to throw off their plaids, as their custome is, and to 'force their way to 
wards a neightbouring hill called Knockbrecht, or the speckled hill, where 
they drew up. The officer who commanded the Dragoons, finding that 
there was no possibility of ascending the hill on horse-back, commanded 


his men to light and attack them on foot ; but the Macleans disdaining 
to be insulted, fell doun upon them with sword in hand, cutt severalls 
of them to pieces before they could recover their sadles, killed the com 
manding officer, made many prissoners, and seized more of their horses, 
and haveing given them the chace for a good way, they early nixt morn 
ing entered Dundee's camp mostly mounted on the enemy's horses in a 
triumphant manner. Mr Philips says, that he having the command of a 
party which guarded the foard of Spey that night, had the honour to con 
duct them to the Generall, who, haveing been alarmed with the noise of 
their firing dureing a part of the night, was drawing out his army to come 
to their relief. This author differs in several particulars from my Lord 
Balcarrass, from whom I have taken the above account of that brisk 
action. As this is, perhaps, one of the most elegant passages of the 
whole poem, I have translated it for the pleasure of my readers, referring 
them to the Appendix for the original : 

" Meanwhile, Lochbuy, from the rocky Isle 
Of warlick Mull, advanced to joyn Dundee. 
Three hundred brave M 'Leans composed his train ; 
A generous loyal Clan, whose faithfull blood, 
Untainted, filled his vains ! Quiet he marched along 
The banks of Spey, in silence of the night. 
The Royall camp unknown, a stranger he, 
And unacquainted, in the gloomy shade 
Upon a hostile troop of Belgick horse, 
Th' advanced guards, whom he believed his friends, 
Erroneous fell. Stop ! the hoarse sentry bauld 
In horrid Dutch, and streight upon them fir'd. 
The rest allarm'd, a thundering pale of shot 
Discharg'd, and tore the air with fire and smoake. 
The brave M 'Leans the compliment return' d, 
And scattered flameing death among the foe : 
Then forming in a wedge, their thickest lines 
They peirc'd, and through the furious squadron broke 


With sword in hand ; nor halted they untill 
They gain'd a neightbouring eminence, a rock, 
Whose frouning top among the clouds conceal'd 
Show'd all its battered sides, with ragged stones 
And fragments huge perplex'd, and tooke its name 
From blood which their impervious surface stain' d : 
Where, as with ramparts fenc'd, secure they lodg'd 
Superior to the foe. Thither in haste, 
(And with collected force of different lands, 
Germans, Dutch, English, rebell Scots, and Danes,) 
The adverse troops persue. Oft did they aim 
With fire and sword to storm the rugged camp ; 
But all in vain ! With spears, and darts, and stones, 
And rocks, which, tumbleing doun with hideous din, 
O'erwhelm'd both horse and man, they headlong drove 
The insulting foe, who, with their mangled limbs, 
And brains, and blood, the ragged flints besmear' d ! 

Their leader, daring, haughty, fierce, and proud, 
In war delighted, and with keenest rage 
His foe pursued : Great Brittain's Southern shoare, 
His boasted clime ; the English horse obeyed 
His awfull word, and rough Batavian troops, 
His shining neck a golden collar graced, 
And from his shoulder hung a scarlet sash, 
Over a purple robe conspicuous far 
With golden lace, and rich imbroiderys shone. 
Enrag'd to see his baffled troops repell'd, 
And scattered 'mongst the rocks their tatter' d limbs, 
He gnash' d his teeth ; and, mad with fury bauld, 

* Come doun, ye thieves ! Ye barbarous crew, descend ! 

* And on the equall plain your courage prove, 

' Nor lurk behind these rocks, if ye are men !' 
Then, as impelled by rage, of all delay 


Impatient, furious he commands his troops 
The precipice t' ascend, and drive them down, 
Or leave their battered carcasses a prey 
To wolfs and dogs and fearless leads them on. 

But undismay'd the stout M'Leans beheld 
The audacious foe, and with firm hearts resolv'd 
By manly deeds to answer boastings vain. 
And quick as thought to his unerring eye 
His thoundering peice a warriour bold apply 'd, 
Whence, as from fate, a whizzing bullet flew 
With fire and sulphure wing'd, and att the mouth 
Of the proud boaster entering, peirc'd his lungs 
With rapid speed, and att the lower end 
Its passage made. Doun to the earth he fell, 
And rowleing round his languid eyes, his soule 
Furth issueing with his blood, dissolved in air !" 

Dundee, in the meantime, allarmed with the noise of their shot, which 
was much augmented by the echoeing of the hills, and doubtfull of the 
event, prepared to relieve them ; which he thought might bring on a 
generall engagement. But day soon thereafter appearing, he had infor 
mation of all that happned. The army, continueing its march to Loch- 
aber, met Sir Alexander M'Lean, who was son to the Bishop of the 
Isles, and who brought with him two hundred men out of Argileshire, 
belonging mostly to M'Donald of Largoe and Gallusky. They halted 
two days att Keppoch, where the scarcity of provisions in these barren 
parts obliged the General to dismiss all his men, upon their giveing as 
surance that they would be all ready to joyn him upon twenty-four hours 
advertisement, excepting the few horses he had with him, and those that 
came with Sir Alexander M'Lean, whom he retained as a guard to his 
person. From thence Locheill invited the General back to his old 
quarters att Strone, assureing him that while there was a cow in Loch- 
aber, neither he nor his men should want. However, they had difficulty 


enough to subsist themselves in any tollerable manner, the cattle being 
yet very lean, and all the market towns and countrys, from whence pro 
visions could be had, possessed by the enemy. A few days after their 
arrival the Isleanders, under the command of Sir Donald M'Donald of 
Slate, who brought with him about seven hundred men, and those be 
longing to the Captain of Clanrannald, who had near six hundred, con 
ducted by his tutor, joyned his Lordship. 

Sir Donald is by some esteemed the Chief of the brave and numerous 
sirname of M'Donald, as the direct descendant of the antient Earls of 
Ross ; and many arguments from historey and old records are adduced 
in support of this opinion, though it is, however, much controverted. He 
was a person of great honour and integrity, and conducted all his ac 
tions by the strickest rules of religion and morality. Unalterable in his 
attachment to the Royall Family, he lett slip no opportunity of express 
ing his zeall in that service, and that without any other view than of ful 
filling his duty. He looked upon his Clan as his children, and upon the 
King as the father of his country ; and as he was possessed of a very 
opulent fortune, handed down to him from a long race of very noble an- 
cestours, so he lived in the greatest affluence, but with a wise economy. 

Mr Philips describes the appearance he made att the general rendez- 
vouze in the following manner : 

" Nixt from the Northern world's remotest shoars, 
Where, round th' Ebudae, boisterous Ocean roars, 
The great Sir Donald, Lord of many Isles, 
Whose youthful grace in vigorous manhood smiles, 
Marched o'er the ample field, and of his line, 
In his bright train five hundred warriours shine, 
Well ann'd and fierce, whom from the Skeyan shoar, 
In long flatt-bottom'd boats, he wafted o'er." 

The Captain of Clanrannald was then a youth under the guardianship 
of a tutor ; but even then gave very promiseing hopes of the character 
he afterwards attained to. Notwithstanding of the tenderness of his 


years, he would needs follow the royall standart that he might be early 
initiated into King James his service, which he never deserted. After the 
present troubles were over he traveled into France for his education, 
which was particularly taken care of by the late King James, and soone 
became one of the most accomplished gentlemen of this or perhaps any 
other preceeding age. After he had shined for some years in the Court 
of St Germans, he, by his Master's interest, obtained a command in the 
French service, under the Duke of Berwick, and accquired to himself a 
considerable reputation in that army. After the peace he returned to the 
Court of St Germans, where he fell deeply in love with a young lady 
who then made a great figure there, and who was no less distinguished 
by her uncommon beauty, and the graces of her person, than by the 
vivacity of her witt, and the sweetness of her temper ; besides that her 
prudence and conduct gave no small reputation to her judgement, and 
added much to the lustre of her charms. Two such persons, who 
seemed formed by nature for each other, could not well miss to conceive 
that mutuall esteem that soon introduces love among people of distin 
guished merite ; and the event showed that no couple were ever more 
happily matched. Some time after his marriage he returned to his own 
country, which lyes among the remotest of the Western Isles ; and though 
almost out of the world, yet the reputation this happy pair gained by the 
elegancy and politeness of their taste, drew companey from all parts of 
the kingdom, and formed a kind of a little court which made no small 
noise in these parts. This fine gentleman was afterwards killed at the 
battle of ShernTmoor, and had the happiness, in the last scene of his 
life, to be equally lamented by friends and foes. He lyes interred att 
Innerpeffery, in the burying-place of the antient and noble family of 

The House of Clanrannald is also a descendant of the Earle of Ross, 
but whether in the direct or collateral line, I shall not take upon me to 
determine. The tittle of " Captain" was antiently born by all the High 
land Chiefs ; but it is now in disuse, and this family is the onely one of 
figure that now retains it. We shall dismiss him with tne character our 
poet gives him in his greener years : 

2 i 


" Clanrannald nixt, a Chief of noted name, 
To great Dundee from distant regions came ; 
And though his tender bloom just then began 
To shew the sex, and enter into man, 
When sprightly nature, ere the down appears, 
To sportive passions warms the youthfull years ; 
Yet then, so much his country's love possesed, 
Such thirst of fame inspyred his glowing breast, 
That his great soule left lagging Time behind, 
Where all the future hero early shin'd : 
And to the dangerous fields of honour led 
All those his Isles, all those his Moydart bred. 
A brave brigade, in which five hundred shine 
In all the valour of great Donald's line 1" 

I shall have hereafter occasion to mention some others of the principall 
gentlemen that were ingaged in that quarrell. And, in the meantime, to 

Dundee, being thus strengthened by the accession of the Mac- 
donalds, made a proposal to his councill of war of imploying the time 
that they waited the arivall of the rest of the Clans in disciplining 
their men. The young Chiefs and all the Lowland officers highly 
approved of the motion, but Locheill, now past the sixtyeth year of his 
age, was of a different opinion. He informed the councill, " That as from 
his youth he had been bred up among the Highlanders, so he had 
made many observations upon the natural! temper of the people and their 
method of fighting : That to pretend to alter any thing in their old cus- 
tomes, whereof they are exceedingly tenatious, would intirely ruin 
them, and make them no better than new-raised troops ; whereas he was 
firmly of oppinion, that with their own Chiefs and natural Captains on 
their head, under the conduct of such a General as my Lord Dundee, 
they were equall to as many of the best disciplined veterane troops in the 
kingdome : That they had given repeated proofs of this dureing the whole 
course of Montrose his victoreys, and that in the skirmishes wherein he 


himself had been engaged, he had still the good fortune to route the ene 
my, though allways much superior to him in numbers. Besides, in all his 
conflicts with the Cromelians, [Cromwellians,] he had still to doe with old 
souldiers, whose courage had been fatall to the King and kingdome : And 
that the M 'Leans had given ane evidence, in their late skirmish att Knock- 
brecht, that they were capable not onely to defend themselves against, 
but even to defeat a greater body of the present enemey's best troops : 
That since his Lordship, and perhaps few of the Low-countrey gentlemen 
and officers in the councill, have ever had the opportunity of being pre 
sent att a Highland engagement, it would not be amiss to give them a 
general hint of their method ; that it was the same with the antient Gauls, 
their predecessors, who made so great a figure in the Roman History ; 
and that he believed all the antients made use of the broad-sword and 
targe in the same manner that they did att present ; though the Romans 
and Grecians taught their troops a certain kind of discipline, to inure 
them to obedience ; and that the Scots, in general, have never made such 
a figure in the field since they gave over these weapons : That the High 
landers are the onely body of men that retain the old method, excepting 
in so far that they have of late taken the gun instead of the bow to in 
troduce them into action : That so soohe as they are led against the 
enemy, they come up within a few paces of them, and haveing discharged 
their peices in their very breasts they throw them down, and draw their 
swords : That the attack is so furious, that they commonly peirce their 
ranks, putt them into disorder, and determine the fate of the day in a 
few moments : That they love alwayes to be in action, and that they 
have such confidence in their leaders, that even the most dareing and des- 
perat attempt will not intimidate them if they have courage enough to 
lead them on ; so that all the miscarriages of the Highlanders are to be 
charged on some defect of conduct in their officers, and not either on 
want of resolution or discipline in them." Andhe further observed, "That, 
as a body of Highlanders conducted by their own Chiefs are commonly 
equall to any foot whatsoever, so, when they come to be disciplined in 
the modern way, and mixt with regular troops under stranger officers, 
they are not one straw better than their neightbours ; and the reason he 


assigned for this change was, that, being turned out of their ordinary me 
thod, and not haveing the honour of their Chief and Clan to fight for, 
they lose their naturall courage when the causes that inspired it are re 
moved. Besides, when, by the harsh rules of discipline, and the savage 
severity of their officers in the execution of them, they come to be reduced 
to a state of servitude, their spirits sink, and they become meer formal 
machines, acted by the impulse of fear. He concluded, that, however 
necessarv military discipline might be in standing armys, yet, since it was 
not proposed that theirs was to continue any longer than while the pre 
sent posture of affairs rendered it necessary, they had not time to habi 
tuate it, so as to make it easy and usefull to them ; and that, therefore, 
it was his oppinion that, in all events, it was better to allow them to fol 
low the old habite wherein they were bred, than to begin to teach a new 
method which they had not time to acquire." 

Locheil's oppinion determined the councill ; and my Lord Dundee, 
upon recollecting all that he had said, declared that as he was certain of 
victorey from men of so much naturall courage and ferocity, so he would 
not have made the motion, had he been as well accquanted with them 
as Locheill had now made him ; and that, as every thing he had advanced 
canyed conviction along with it, so, though it did not, yet, as there is no 
argument like matter of fact, he thought himself obliged to take them 
on the word of one who had so long and so happy ane experience. 

While Dundee thus awaited the arrivall of these men whom he had al 
lowed to goe home for want of provision, and of many others who had 
sent him assurances that they would be with him again [st] the time he 
had appointed for the general rendezvouze of the whole, a party of the 
Camerons entered into a resolution of revengeing themselves on the 
Grants, who, as is formerly mentioned, had hanged two or three of that 
name without any further provocation than that of a party quarrell, re 
serving their vengeance against Gordon of Edinglassy to a more proper 
opportunity. They were encouraged in their designe by the anger that 
they observed their Chief had conceived for the loss of his men, and 
they presumed that the General (as they alwayes called my Lord Dun 
dee, whom they loved nixt to their Chief) would not be displeased, if 


they, in the circumstances he was in, could supply him with a drove of 
cattle from the enemy's country. However, they resolved not to run the 
risk of demanding liberty, least they should be refused, but marched pri- 
vatly in a considerable body to the country of Urquhart, where they 
found the Grants in arms ready to oppose them. There happned to be 
among them one Macdonald, of Glengary's family, though living in 
that country, who imagined that the simple merite of his name, and the 
Clan to which he belonged, was enough to protect himself and the whole 
name of Grant from the revenge of the Camerons. Confident of this, 
he came boldly up to them, and acquainting them with his name and 
genealogy, he desired, that, on his account, they would peaceably depart 
the country, without injureing the inhabitants, his neightbours and friends. 
To this it was answered, that if he was a true Macdonald, he ought to 
be with his Chief in Dundee's armey in the service of his King and 
countrey : That they were att a loss to understand why they should, 
on his account, extend their friendship to a people who had but a few 
dayes before seized on several of their men, and hanged them without 
any other provocation than that they served King James, which was con- 
trarey to the laws of war, as well as of common humanity : That as 
they had indeed ane esteem for him, both for the name he bore, and the 
gentleman to whom he belonged, so they desired that he would instantly 
seperate himself and his cattle from the rest of his companey, whom they 
were resolved to chastize for their insolence. But the Macdonald re- 
plyed, that he would run the same fate with his neightbours ; and, daring 
them to doe their worst, departed in a huff. 

The Camerons, without further parly, attacked the Grants, and have- 
ing killed some and dispersed the rest, they made themselves masters of 
their cattle and goods, and carried them in triumph to Lochaber. The 
General and their Chief connived att the action, both on account of the 
provocation they had, and of the supply of provisions which they had 
brought, and generously distributed among the army. But the fore- 
mentioned Macdonald haveing had the ill-fate to be killed in the skir 
mish, Glengary resented his death so highly, that in a great rage he 
went to the Lord Dundee, and demanded satisfaction on Locheill and 


the Camerons. Surprised att the oddness of the thing, his Lordship 
asked, What manner of satisfaction he wanted ? " For," said he, " I 
believe it would puzzle the ablest judges to fix upon it, even upon the 
supposition that they were in the wrong;" and added, that, "if there 
was any injury done, it was to him, as Generall of the King's troops, in 
so far as they had acted without commission." Glengary answered, 
that they had equally injured and affronted both ; and that, therefore, 
they ought to be punished, in order to deter others from following their 
example. Dundee replyed, that had they been troops regularly payed 
and disciplined, undoubtedly they would have been lyable to such a pun 
ishment as the council of war should have inflicted on them ; but as 
they lived upon themselves, and were unacquainted with military laws, all 
that he can pretend to doe was to save the country, in general, from 
ravages and depredations of that nature. But, in the present case, the 
provocation they had was great, they resented a common quarrell, and 
had distributed the booty, which came seasonably enough to supply their 
urgent necessitys. Besides, they had troubled non but the King's open 
and declared enemys, and though it was irregularly done, yet he thought 
it good policy to connive att it. But, on the other hand, he could not 
conceive the offence they had done Glengarry ! They had, it was true, 
killed & fellow of his Clan, who was of the enemy's party, and would not 
seperate from them. " If such ane accident," continued his Lordship, 
" is a just ground for raising disturbance in our small army, we shall not 
dare to engage the King's enemys, least there may chance to be some 
of your name and following among them who may happen to be killed." 

This affair made a great noise in the camp. Such as were not ac 
quainted with Glengary 's temper and policy, began to be apprehensive 
of the event ; for he threatned highly, that since he could not have it 
from the General, he would take revenge att his oun hand. And, when 
it was objected, that he would not be able to make it good, since his fol 
lowers were not near equall to Locheil's in numbers, he answered, that 
the courage of his men would make up that defect. But Locheill 
laught att the storey, and said merrily, that he hoped that a few dayes 
would give him ane opportunity of exerting that superiority of valour 


he boasted off so loudly against the common enemy ; and that he would 
be exceedingly well-pleased to be outdone in the generous emulation. 
The event showed that Locheill made a right judgement of the man. 
For, though they all dined, as they usewally did, with Dundee that very 
day, yet Glengary neither then nor ever afterwards so much as men 
tioned the matter, which, from that moment, was hushed, and the partys 
seemed as good friends as ever. For the truth is, Glengary, who was a 
person of profound judgement and great courage, acted meerly out of 
policy, and meant nothing more by the great noise he made, but to in 
gratiate himself with his people, by humouring their vanity, and shewing 
them that the least injury offered to the very meanest of them was 
equally his own quarrell ; by which means, he gained so upon his com 
mons, that they assisted him to suppress and humble such of the better 
sort as pretended either to rivall or contradict him. 

In this posture were King James his affairs about the middle of July 
1689, when the Lord Murray, son to the Marquess of Atholl, so often 
mentioned, arrived in Atholl ; where he gave out that he was determined 
to joyn Dundee in his late Majesty's service with all the power he was 
able to raise, and soon got together a body of 1200 good men. With 
these, he pretended he would defend his country, till the Highland army 
should be in a condition to march. But Stewart of Ballachan, a depend 
ant on the family of Atholl, began very early to entertain suspicious 
thoughts of his intentions ; and haveing specifyed the reasons of his jea- 
lousys to the Viscount of Dundee, he, by his orders, putt himself and a 
party of his followers into the Castle of Blair, a strong house, and one 
of the seats of the family of Atholl, and well scituated to keep open the 
communication between the army and the people of that country, who 
declared in favours of King James. The Lord Murray, who knew the 
importance of the place, haveing, upon his arrivall, summoned the Go- 
vernour to open the gates, was answered, that seeing he had garrisoned 
the house by his General's orders for the King's service, he was resolved 
to keep it till he was commanded to give it up. 

Enraged to be refused access to his own house, and that too by one of 


his own vassalls, he wrote very instant letters to General M'Kay, who 
was then in the South, to march with all heast to his assistance, and re 
duce the castle ; shewing, at the same time, of what use and importance 
it would be to their designs. M'Kay immediatly upon this drew to 
gether his army, consisting of six or seven regiments of foot, and two 
new-levyed troops of English horse, and marched straight into Atholl. 

Dundee, having had repeated information of M 'Kay's advance, and 
knowing well that if the castle was reduced, it would cutt off all inteli- 
gence betwixt the Northern and Western Highlands, besides that he 
justly putt the highest value upon the loyalty and courage of the Atholl 
men, he resolved by all means to prevent it ; and made such haste with 
the Clans that he had about him, amounting to about eighteen hundred 
men in all, that he arrived before the enemy ; haveing left orders for the 
rest of his army to follow him with all speed, though the day appointed 
for their rendezvouze was not yet come. 

Locheill had non then but his Lochaber men with him, and they did not 
exceed 240 ; but upon the first allarm had dispatched his eldest son John 
and severall other messengers into the adjacent countrys of Morvine, 
Swynart, Ardnamurchan, and other places, through which the Camerons 
are dispersed, to bring them up with all hast. But Dundee, being every 
moment advertized of the quick advance of the enemy, he was affraid 
there might be a necessity of engageing them before Locheill could ar 
rive, if he stayed in Lochaber till these men joyned him. Unwilling, 
therefore, to want the advice and assistance of a person who had given 
so many repeated proofs of his great abilitys in manageing of Highland 
ers, he sent express upon express, commanding him to follow with the 
men he had about him, and to leave the care of the rest to his son. While 
his Lordship waited for Locheill, who came to him before he entered 
Atholl, he dispatched Major William Graham and Captain Ramsay to 
the Lord Murray, (who had not vouchsafed to send any return to the let 
ters he had formerly wrote to him,) with orders to represent to his Lord 
ship the honours and advantages he might procure to himself and his 
family, if he would heartily joyn him in King James his service. That 
it would be ane easy matter to reduce all Scotland, inclinable of itself to 


throw off the present yoak ; that if they succeeded in the first attempt, 
it should be made known to the King that it was owing to him onely, but 
that if he refused so glorious ane opportunity of exerting his loyalty to 
his late kind and indulgent master, who had, even dureing the short time 
that he exercised the Royal authority, so highly distinguished that family 
by the honourable and beneficiall imployments which he had heaped upon 
his father ; he begged him to considder how much such a monstrous peice 
of ingratitude would reflect upon his own and his father's honour. 

But his Lordship was deaffe to all arguments, and would not so much 
as see the messengers, nor return them ane answer ; but they had wisely 
taken care to inform his men of the import of their commission, which 
was every way agreeable to their inclinations. They were soon convinced, 
from the treatment of these gentlemen, that his Lordship had been all 
the while imposeing on them, and therefore, in order to discover his reall 
intentions, they addressed him all in a full body, and prayed him either 
to joyn with my Lord Dundee in King James his service, or otherwayes 
they threatned instantly to leave him. But his Lordship thought it not 
proper to give them any other return, but a command to waite his orders ; 
and they being, on the other hand, already determined how to proceed, 
without further ceremony, run to the river of Tumble which was near 
them, filled their bonnets with water, and drank King James his health 
with many loud huzzas and acclamations, and so deserted him in a full 

Dundee was, in the meantime, on a quick march to Atholl, but before 
he entered that country, Major- General Cannon overtook him with three 
hundred new-raised, naked, undisciplined Irishmen ; which had this bad 
effect, that the Clans, who had been made believe they were to be sup 
ported by a powerfull army from Ireland, with arms, ammunition, and 
all other provisions, saw themselves miserably dissappoynted ; but they 
were still further discouraged, when they heard that the ships that King 
James had sent over with great plenty of meale, beefe, butter, cheese, 
and other necessarys, were taken by English ships in the Isle of Mull, 
where General! Cannon had loytered so long, that the enemy had infor 
mation of their arrival. 

2 K 


But the brave Lord Dundee was not to be discouraged by accidents of 
this nature. He had gained so upon the affections of his small army, that, 
though half starved, they marched forward as chearefully as if they had not 
felt the least effects of want. He arrived attthe Castle of Blair upon the 
27th day of July, and had intelligence that M'Kay with his army had 
already entered the Pass of Gillychranky. " This was a narrow path att 
the foot of a steep, rugged mountain, with a precipice and river below, 
and a high hill on the opposite side, where three men with great difficul 
ty could walk abreast. It is several miles hi length, and though the late 
Duke of Atholl has been att the trouble of making it passable by coaches 
and carriages, yet to this day, ane army might be stopt in its march by a 
few resolute men posted at the mouth or issue of it, and other convenient 
places ; nor is there any other way to march ane army into Atholl from 
the South but by this pass or defile. 

Dundee, before he proceeded further, haveing thought it proper to have 
the advice of his councill, called all his principall officers together, and 
laid the case before them according to the information he had received ; 
and the question was, whether they should continue beside the Castle 
of Blair, the preservation whereof was the occasion of their sudden 
march, untill their troops arrived, which behooved to be within a few 
days, 'the very nixt, or that succeeding it, being the day on which their 
general rendezvouze was appointed, or whether they should march 
directly forward and fight the enemy ? 

The old officers, who had been bred to the command of regular troops, 
were unanimously of the first oppinion, alleadgeing that it was neither 
prudent nor cautious to risk ane engadgement against ane army of disci 
plined men that exceeded theirs in number by more than a half : That 
as the reputation and success of their arms depended upon the first battle, 
so they thought it was wise to attend the arivall of their men, and to try 
their courage by some light skirmishes before they adventured on a ge 
neral action : That by this means, they would in a manner secure a 
victory which would not only give ane eclat to their arms, but likeways 
intimidate the King's enemys, and raise the spirits of his friends, who 
with impatience waited the event of their first attempt : That the High- 


landers, though hardy and brave, were but raw undisciplined troops, who 
had never seen blood ; besides that, they had been wasted and spent by 
want of provisions, discouraged by their late disappointments, and the re 
mains of their strength exhausted and drained off by their last long, 
quick, and fatigueing march, deprived not onely of the comforts, but even 
of the common necessarys of life : That they had, indeed, performed 
wounders in Montrose his wars ; but then, as they had not laboured under 
the above inconveniencys, so att first they had onely to doe with militia, 
who were in every respect inferior to themselves ; but att present, they 
were to fight a numerous, well-disciplined body of regular troops, con 
ducted by ane old, experienced General, and encouraged and heartned 
by plenty and aboundance : And that though the Highlanders might be 
their equalls, which was even a kind of presumption to imagine, yet that 
it would be next to madness to fancy them their supperiors in any one 
quality that belonged to a souldier. That, therefore, it was their oppi- 
nion, that since the General had already accomplished his design by 
covering the Castle of Blair from the seige wherewith it was threatned, 
they ought by all means not onely to attend the arivall of their men, but also 
to give them time to recover their strength and spirits by necessary rest ; 
and that, in the meantime, it were proper to awake and rouze up their 
courage by some brisk attacks and light skirmishes, wherein especial care 
ought to be taken that they should allways have the advantage. 

Such was the oppinion of these gentlemen ; and it seemed supported 
by so many strong reasons, that it for some time occasioned a general 
silence : But, att last, Alexander Macdonald of Glengary, a gentleman 
of no small reputation, took the opportunity of declareing his sentiments 
in that debate. His family is likeways a branch of the antient Lord of 
the Isles, and though he and severall others putt in their claim for the 
Chief ship of the whole Clan of Macdonald, yet it seems but indifferently 
founded. The late Glengary, predecessor to him we speak of, was a 
very faithfull follower of the Great Montrose, and, while the troubles 
lasted, adhered so firmly to that cause, that upon the Restoration he was 
dignifyed with the tittle of Lord Macdonald of Aros ; and had he be 
haved himself with the same integrity to his neightbours as he did to 


his Prince, he had dyed with a very unblemished character. Haveing 
no male issue of his oun body, he intailed his estate upon this Alexander 
Macdonald and his heirs, though it is alleadged by some, that the family 
of Ochterraw was nearer in blood ; but, indeed, there was such a like- 
ness and resemblance in their geniuses and tempers, that, by this succes 
sion, onely the body, and not the spirit and disposition of the Chiefe, 
seemed to be changed ; and if ever the Pithagorean transmigration of 
soules obtained credit from such a similitude of manners and humours, 
there is a greater appearance of reason for it in the present case than 
often occurs. For, he no sooner became master of the estate, than he 
shewed himself a very zealous asserter of the royall cause, and traced 
after his predecessor's footsteps in all his conduct. He was, like him, a 
person of great penetration and good natural parts, but affected more to 
act in the manner of a politician than in that of ane open, frank, and 
sincear neightbour. Most of his actions might well admitt of a double 
construction ; and what he appeared generaly to be was seldome what 
he really was. Meer triffles seemed to be of the greatest consequence 
under his management ; and he loved to meddle with no affair but what 
bore some distant view of honour or profite : such of his neightbours as 
were inferior to him in estate or command he cajolled and flattered, so 
that they became, in a manner, dependant on him, while he had use for 
their service ; but that over, he seldome gave himself the trouble of re 
turning their favours by suitable expressions of gratitude ; yet, still he 
had that address and dexterity in his conduct, as to reingage them as 
often as he had occasion, and still the blame of any ill-useage they mett 
with was artfully charged upon themselves. By this means he ordi- 
narly made as good a figure in the field as some of his neightbours that 
had double his command and following. With his supperiors and 
equalls he lived in constant emulation and jealousey, and governed his 
Clan with the authority and state of ane independent Prince. The 
leaders and captains of tribes he suppressed and keept doun, and sel 
dome allowed any of them the honour of being admitted into his coun- 
cill ; but with his commons he affected great popularity ; and, what was 
odd, he was not only negligent of his person, but even of the economy 


of his house and family, and the reason he gave for it was, that he loved 
not to deviate from the customes of his predecessors. Though he was 
ingaged in every attempt that was made for the restoration of King 
James and his family, yet he managed matters so that he lossed nothing 
in the event. The concerts and ingagements he entered into with his 
neightbours, in the issue of any undertaking for the common good, he 
observed onely in so far as suited with his oun particular interest, but 
still he had the address to make them bear the blame while he carried 
the profite and honour. To conclude, he was brave, loyall, and woun- 
derfully sagacious and long-sighted ; and was possessed of a great many 
shineing qualitys, blended with a few vices, which, like patches on a 
beautifull face, seemed to give the greater eclat to his character. Mr 
Philips represents him att the general rendezvouse in the following 
manner : 

" First from the North, Glengary trades the plain, 
And brought three hundered with him in his train. 
All feirce and brave, in bloom of youth they shine, 
And from the mighty Donald boast their line. 
In triple folds, which many colours grace, 
Short tartan vests their manly sides imbrace : 
Loose from their shoulders hangs the various plade 
Girt round their loyns, in artfull foldings laid ; 
A helmet guards their head, their limbs and thighs, 
Naked, are open to the wind and skyes. 

On a proud steed the Chief himself appears, 
His brawny arm his dreaded fauchion bears, 
A large broad belt from his right shoulder shines 
In polished plate, and to the left declines. 
O'er armour, which refulgent mettals grace ; 
And flowing vest shone bright with golden lace. 

A hundered more, his brother Allan led, 
In belted plaids, and tartan doublets clad, 


With rullions on their feet, and from afar 

Dreadfull in all the implements of war ; 

While to their thighs their threatning broad-swords hung, 

And belts and shields with brazen trappings rung." 

Glengary differed in oppinion from the officers whom I have men 
tioned. He represented that though the Highland army had suffered 
much by the want of provisions, and from the fatigue they had been putt 
to, yet these hardships did not affect them in the same manner that they 
commonly did souldiers who are bred in ane easyer and more plentifull 
course of life : That the Generall would find them both ready and able 
to engage, and perhaps defeat ane equal number of the enemy's best 
troops : That as nothing delighted them more then hardy and adventu 
rous exploits, so it was his oppinion that they should march immediatly, 
and endeavour to prevent the enemy's getting through the pass : That, 
if they could be there in time, it would be ane easy matter to stop their 
advanceing into the country till they were able to give them battle : That, 
supposeing them already clear of the Pass, yet to waite there till they 
were attacked by M'Kay would so discourage their men, that they 
would soon grow of no value, and lose that spirite and resolution which 
commonly accompanys agressors : And that, finally, his advice was all- 
ways to keep the army in sight of the enemy, and to post them in such 
strong ground, as might not onely be a defence to them from sudden at 
tacks, but also enable them to make quick salleys, and engage partys of 
them in brisk skirmishes, as often as opportunity offered. 

The Chiefs in generall subscribed to this oppinion ; but Dundee, 
haveing observed that Locheill was all this while silent, refused to de 
clare his oppinion till the other gave his : "For," said he, " he has not 
onely done great things himself, but has had so much experience, that he 
cannot miss to make a right judgement of the matter, and, therefore, his 
shall determine mine !" Locheill answered, that his Lordship much 
overrated the small things he had done, for they were but little tumult 
uous sallys and skirmishes, without any order or conduct, and that the 
success he had was rather owing to the intrepidity and courage of his 
men than to any thing in himself; and that, therefore, no example 


could be taken from them. That the reason he had not spoke was, that 
he had already determined himself to submitt to his Lordship's conduct, 
which was so exactly adapted to the genius of the Highlanders, that he 
needed no advice ; but that, since he had commanded him to give his 
oppinion, it was in one word "To fight immediatly, for our men," 
said he, " are in heart ; they are so far from being afraid of their enemy, 
that they are eager and keen to engage them, least they escape their 
hands, as they have so often done. Though we have few men, they are 
good, and I can venture to assure your Lordship that not one of them 
will faill yow. It is better to fight att the disadvantage of even one to 
three, than to delay it till M'Kay's dragoons and cavalry have time to 
joyn him. To pretend to stop them in the Pass is a vain project, for 
they have undoubtedly gott through it ere now, and to march up to 
them and not immediatly to fight, is to expose ourselves to the want of 
provisions, seeing we can spare no men for forageing ; besides, we will dis 
cover that, even in our oun oppinion, we are unequall to the enemy, which 
would be of dangerous consequence among Highlanders. If the enemy 
shall be allowed time to march up and offer to attack us, and we retreat, 
it will be still worse. If your Lordship thinks proper to delay fight 
ing, and wait the arrivall of our men, my oppinion is, that we immedi 
atly retreat again to the mountains and meet them ; for I will not pro 
mise upon the event, if we are not the aggressors. But be assured, my 
Lord, that if once we are fairly engaged, we will either lose our army, 
or carry a compleat victorey. Our men love allways to be in action. 
Your Lordship never heard them complain either of hunger or fatigue 
while they were in chace of their enemy, which att all times were equall 
to us in number. Employ them in hasty and desperat enterprizes, and 
yow will oblige them ; and I have still observed, that when I fought 
under the greatest disadvantage of numbers, I had still the compleatest 
victoreys. Let us take this occasion to shew our zeall and courage in 
the cause of our King and countrey, and that we dare to attack ane 
army of Fanaticks and Rebells att the odds of near two to one. Their 
great superiority in number will give a necessary reputation to our vic 
torey ; and not only fright them from meddling with a people conducted 


by such a General, and animated by such a cause, but it will incourage 
the whole kingdome to declare in our favours." 

Ane advice so hardy and resolute could not miss to please the gener 
ous Dundee. His looks seemed to brighten with ane air of delight and 
satisfaction all the while Locheill was a-speaking. He told his coun- 
cill that they had heard his sentiments from the mouth of a person who 
had formed his judgement upon infallible proofs drawn from a long 
experience, and ane intimate acquaintance with the persons and sub 
ject he spoke of. Not one in the companey offering to contradict their 
General, it was unanimously agreed to fight. 

When the news of this vigorous resolution spread through the army, 
nothing was heard but acclamations of joy, which exceedingly pleased 
their gallant General ; but, before the councill broke up, Locheill begged 
to be heard for a few words : " My Lord," said he, "I have just now 
declared, in presence of this honourable company, that I was resolved 
to give ane implicite obedience to all your Lordship's commands ; but, 
I humbly beg leave, in name of these gentlemen, to give the word 
of command for this one time. It is the voice of your councill, and 
their orders are, that yow doe not engage personally. Your Lordship's 
bussiness is to have ane eye on all parts, and to issue out your commands 
as yow shall think proper ; it is ours to execute them with prompitude 
and courage. On your Lordship depends the fate not onely of this 
little brave army, but also of our King and country. If your Lordship 
deny us this reasonable demand, for my oun part, I declare that neither 
I, nor any I am concerned in, shall draw a sword on this important occa 
sion, whatever construction shall be putt upon the matter !" 

Locheill was seconded in this by the whole councill ; but Dundee 
begged leave to be heard in his turn : " Gentlemen," said he, " as I am 
absolutely convinced, and have had repeated proofs of your zeale for the 
King's service, and of your affection to me, as his General and your 
friend, so I am fully sensible that my engageing personaly this day 
may be of some loss if I shall chance to be killed ; but I beg leave of yow, 
however, to allow me to give one < Shear-darg' (that is, one harvest-day's 
work) to the King, my master, that I may have ane opportunity of con- 


vincing the brave Clans that I can hazard my life in that service as freely 
as the meanest of them. Ye know their temper, Gentlemen, and if they 
doe not think I have personal courage enough, they will not esteem me 
hereafter, nor obey my commands with cheerfulness. Allow me this 
single favour, and I here promise, upon my honour, never again to risk 
my person while I have that of commanding you." 

The Councill, finding him inflexible, broke up, and the army marched 
directly towards the Pass of Killychranky, which M'Kay had gott clear 
of some short time before. Att the mouth of the Pass, there is a large 
plain which extends itself along the banks of the river, on the one side ; 
and on the other rises a rugged, uneven, but not very high mountain. 

M'Kay still drew up his troops, as they issued out of that narrow de 
file, on the forsaid plain ; and that he might be capable to flank Dundee 
on both sides, in case of ane attack ; he ordered his battle ah 1 in one line, 
without any reserves, and drew up his field-batallions three men deep 
onely, which made a very long front ; for, as I have said already, his 
army consisted of no less than 3500 foot, and two troops of horse. 
Haveing thus formed his lines, he commanded his troops, that were much 
fatigued with the quick march they had been obliged to make, to prevent 
being stopt in the Pass, to sitt down upon the ground in the same order 
they stood, that they might be somewhat refreshed. 

Dundee keept the higher ground, and when his advanced guards came 
in view of the plain, they could discover no enemy ; but still as they 
came nearer they observed them to start to their feet, regiment by re 
giment, and waite the attack in the order above described. But Dundee 
never halted till he was within a musquet-shot of them, and posted his 
army upon the brow of the hih 1 opposite to them ; whence, having ob 
served distinctly their order, he was necessitated to change the disposi 
tion of his battle, and inlarge his intervals, that he might not be too 
much out-winged. But before he could effect this, the enemy began 
to play upon him with some field-peices they had brought with them for 
the seige they intended, and then their whole army fired upon them in 

platoons, which run along from line to line for the whole time Dundee 

2 L 


took up in disposing of his troops ; which he performed in the following 

order : 

Sir John M'Lean, then a youth of about eighteen years of age, with 
whose character I shall hereafter take ane opportunity to entertain the 
reader, was posted with his battalion on the right; on his left the 
Irishmen I have mentioned under the command of Collonell Pearson ; 
nixt them the Tutor of Clanranald, with his battalion. Glengary, with 
his men, were placed nixt to Clanranald's ; the few horses he had were 
posted in the centre, and consisted of Low-country gentlemen, and some 
remains of Dundee's old troop, not exceeding fourty in all, and these 
very lean and ill-keept. Nixt them was Locheill ; and Sir Donald's 
battalion on the left of all. Though there were great intervals betwixt 
the battalions, and a large void space left in the centre, yet Dundee 
could not possibly streatch his line so as to equall that of the enemy ; and, 
wanting men to fill up the voyd in the centre, Locheill, who was posted 
nixt the horse, was not onely obliged to fight M'Kay's own regiment, which 
stood directly opposite to him, but also had his flank exposed to the fire 
of Leven's battalion, which they had not men to engage, whereby he 
thereafter suffered much. But, what was hardest of all, he had none of his 
Clan with him but 240, and even 60 of these were sent as Dundee's ad 
vanced guard, to take possession of a house from which he justly appre 
hended the enemy might gall them, if they putt men into it. But 
there was no helping the matter. Each Clan, whither small or great, 
had a regiment assigned them, and that, too, by Locheil's own advice, who 
attended the Generall while he was makeing his disposition. The de- 
signe was to keep up the spirite of emulation in poynt of bravery ; for, 
as the Highlanders putt the highest value upon the honour of their familys 
or Clans, and the renoun and glory acquired by military actions, so the 
emulation between Clan and Clan inspires them with a certain generous 
contempt of danger, gives vigour to their hands, and keeness to their 

The afternoon was well advanced before Dundee had gott his army 
formed into the order I have described. The continual fire of the enemy 


from the lower ground covered them, by a thick cloud of smoake, from 
the view of the Highlanders, whereof severals dropping from time to time, 
and many being wounded, they grew impatient for action. But the sun 
then shineing full in their faces, the Generall would not allow; them to 
engage till it was nearer its decline. 

Locheill, as well to divert as to incourage them, fell upon this stra 
tagem. He commanded his men, who, as I have said, were posted in 
the centre, to make a great shout, which being seconded by those who 
stood on their right and left, ran quickly through the whole army, and 
was returned by some of the enemy ; but the noise of the cannon and 
musquets, with the prodigious echoeing of the adjacent hills and rocks, 
in which there are several caverns and hollow places, made the High 
landers fancy that their shouts were much brisker and louder than that 
of the enemy, and Locheill cryed out, " Gentlemen, take courage. The 
day is our own. I am the oldest commander in the army, and have 
allways observed something ominous and fatall in such a dead, hollow, 
and feeble noise as the enemy made in their shouting. Ours was brisk, 
lively, and strong, and shews that we have courage, vigour, and strength. 
Theirs was low, lifeless, and dead, and prognosticates that they are all 
doomed to dye by our hands this very night !" Though this circumstance 
may appear triffleing to ane inadvertant reader, yet it is not to be imagined 
how quickly these words spread through the army, and how wounder- 
fully they were incouraged and animated by them. 

The sun being near its close, Dundee gave orders for the attack, and 
commanded, that so soon as the M 'Leans began to move from the right, 
that the whole body should, att the same instant of time, advance upon 
the enemy. It is incredible with what intrepidity the Highlanders endured 
the enemy's fire ; and though it grew more terrible upon their nearer 
approach, yet they, with a wounderfull resolution, keept up their own, as 
they were commanded, till they came up to their very bosoms, and, 
then poureing it in upon them all att once, like one great clap of thounder, 
they threw away their guns, and fell in pell-mell among the thickest of 
them with their broad-swords. After this the noise seemed hushed ; 


and the fire ceaseing on both sides, nothing was heard for some few mo 
ments but the sullen and hollow clashes of broad-swords, with the dis- 
mall groans and crys of dyeing and wounded men. 

Dundee himself was in the centre with the horse, which were then 
commanded by Sir William Wallace of Craigie. The gallant Earl of 
Dumfermline had formerly that charge, but that very morning, Sir Wil 
liam having presented a commission from King James, that noble Earl 
calmly resigned, much to the dissatisfaction of Dundee ; and from this 
small incident, it is affirmed, flowed the mine and disappointment of that 
undertaking. When they had advanced to the foot of the hill, on which 
they were drawn up, Sir William Wallace, either his courage faileing him, 
or some unknown accident interposeing, instead of marching forward after 
his Generall, ordered the horse to wheele about to the left, which not 
onely occasioned a halt, but putt them into confusion. Dundee, in the 
mean time, intent upon the action, and carryed on by the impetuosity 
of his courage, advanced towards the enemy's horse, which were posted 
about their artillery in the centre, without observeing what passed be 
hind, untill he was just entering into the smoak. The brave Earl of 
Durafermline, and sixteen gentlemen more, not regarding the unaccount 
able orders of their Collonell, followed their Generall, and observed him, 
as he was entering into the smoake, turn his horse towards the right, 
and raiseing himself upon his stirrops, make signes by waveing his hatt 
over his head for the rest to come up. The enemy's horse made but 
little resistance. They were routed and warmly pursued by those few 
gentlemen ; and as to Wallace and those with him, they did not appear 
till after the action was over. 

The Highlanders had ane absolute and compleat victorey. The pur- 
sute was so warm that few of the enemy escaped ; nor was it cheap 
bought to the victors, for they lossed very near a third of their number, 
which did not ammount fully to two thousand men before they engaged. 

It was formerly observed that Dundee was so far out-numbered by 
M'Kay, that he was obliged to streatch his front as near equall to his 
enemy's as possibly he could, in order to prevent being flanked ; but 


this he could not effectuat so ; but still there was a large voyd space in 
the centre, opposite to which the battalion commanded by the Earl of 
Leven was posted ; and which, there being none to attack, remained still 
enteare : besides, on M'Kay's right there was another battalion con 
ducted by Collonell Hastings that outstreatched Dundee's lines so far 
on the left, that there was onely half of it assaulted and cutt off, and the 
other stood still on the field of battle. The sixteen gentlemen I have 
mentioned returning from the pursute of the enemy's horse, were much 
surprised to find these men standing entire, and upon the very ground 
where they were first posted. The brave Earl of Dumfermling proposed 
to gather about fifty or sixty Highlanders, whom they observed strag- 
gleing through the field of battle looking after their dead friends, and to 
attack them. Though none of the companey could speak Gaulick, (as 
the Highlanders call their language, ) yet Mr Drummond of Balhaldys, 
being son-in-law to Locheill, and haveing some acquaintance among 
them, made a shift to get so many of them together, that they adventured 
to march against Hastings' half battalion. But that of Leven's, which 
stood att some distance, observeing this motion, advanced to their assist 
ance ; and the Highlanders, whereof many were rather followers of the 
army than souldiers refuseing to engage, the gentlemen were obliged to 
retreat, and on their way discovered the body of their noble General, who 
was just breathing out his last. The fatall shott, that occasioned his 
death, was about two hand's-breadth within his armour, on the lower part 
of his left side ; from which the gentlemen concluded, that he had re 
ceived it while he raised himself upon his stirrops, and streatched his 
body in order to hasten up his horse, as I have related. Observeing 
still some small remains of life, they halted about the body to carry it off, 
but Leven' s battalion advanceing in the interim, fired smartly upon them, 
and wownded Mr Haliburton of Pitcurr so mortally that he dyed within 
two days thereafter. He was a gentleman of that resolution that he dis 
sembled it for the time, and retired with the rest. He was Chief of the 
name, and of considerable note in the county of Angus, where he joyned 
my Lord Dundee on his first setting out. Mr Philips gives us the fol 
lowing account of him : 


" Brave Haliburton here the hero joyn'd, 
Tho' great his limbs, yet greater was his mind : 
To noblest sires his antient line he ow'd, 
'And lived conspicuous 'mongst the great and good. 
His Prince he loved ; but to the Belgick foe, 
Implacable did his resentment glow. 
Allong a troop of hardy youth he led, 
And 'bove them all conspicuous by the head, 
Dundee he followed, to the Royall aid." 

When the Earl of Dunfermline, who had then his horse shott under 
him, and the other gentlemen, had gott themselves out of the reatch of 
the enemy's shott, and poured out a flood of tears on the hearse of their 
great General, they discovering some Highlanders that had returned from 
the pursute, again employed Mr Drummond to gather as many of them 
as he could, in order to attack these men. He having prevailed with 
about sixty of them to follow him, met, as he returned, some of the Chiefs, 
with a few of their men, who likeways joyned him ; and, marching all in 
a body towards the enemy, they found them possessed of a gentleman's 
house that was near the field of battle, from which it was in vain to at- 
temptto dislodge them. About the middle of the night, the army re 
turned from the pursute, but the enemy took the opportunity of retreat 
ing in the dark, and as they were marching through the Pass, the Atholl 
men, whom I have mentioned, keeping still in a body, attacked them, 
killed some, and made all the rest prisoners ; so that of the troops that 
M'Kay brought with him the sixth man did not escape. No less than 
eighteen hundred of them were computed to fall upon the field of battle. 

When day returned, the Highlanders went and took a view of the field 
of battle, where the dreadfull effects of their fury appeared in many hor 
rible figures. The enemy lay in heaps allmost in the order they were 
posted ; but so disfigured with wounds, and so hashed and mangled, that 
even the victors could not look upon the amazeing proofs of their own 
agility and strength without surprise and horrour. Many had their heads di- 


vided into two halves by one blow ; others had their sculls cutt off above 
the eares by a back-strock, like a night-cap. Their thick buffe-belts were 
not sufficient to defend their shoulders from such deep gashes as allmost 
disclosed their entrails. Several picks, small swords, and the like wea 
pons, were cutt quite through, and some that had scull-capes had them 
so beat into their brains that they died upon the spott. 

The Highlanders, as I have said, payed dear enough for their victory ; 
but it was remarked that few or none of them were killed after they drew 
their swords, and that the greatest part of them fell within a few paces 
of their enemy when they received the last fire, before they themselves 
discharged ; after which, their loss was inconsiderable. 

Locheill lost in this action one hundred and twenty of his men, which was 
just one half of his number, and was occasioned by a furious fire that he re 
ceived in the flank from Leven's battallion, which, as the reader has been 
told, had no enemy to engage. His post was against M'Kay's own regi 
ment, which he routed and destroyed in a manner that few of them ever re 
turned to their colours. So keen was he that day, that he spoke to his men 
one by one, and tooke their several engagements either to conquer or dye. 
He was then past the sixty-third year of his age, but strong, healthfull, 
and vigorous. His men obeyed him so readily, when he commanded 
them to march, that he was not able to keep pace with them ; but, leave- 
ing them to the protection of God, he satt down by the way, and deliber- 
atly pulling off his shoes that pinched him, had the agility to gett up 
with them just as they drew their swords. 

The Highlanders had been so fatigued by that day's work and the 
proceeding marches, that after the pursute was over, they were unwill 
ing to return to the field of battle till they were somewhat recovered by 
a little rest, and it was with no small difficulty that Locheill prevailed, 
in the end, with their Chiefs to lead them back. By this it appears how 
unjustly the Earl of Balcarrass (though otherways ane impartial author) 
has charged them with looseing the fruits of so important a victory by 
their unseasonable avarice. His Lordship alleadges, that so soone as 
they came among the enemy's baggage, they stopt and allowed M'Kay 
and several other eminent persons to escape, while they were employed 


in riffleing it ; and that if the troops that keept the field had beheaved 
as they ought to have done, they might have fallen upon them, and 
changed the fate of the day. But as I have had occasion to talk with 
severall gentlemen, and others who lived in that neightbourhood, and 
who knew the most minute circumstances of that glorious action, and 
likeways with several of the Chiefs, besides Low-country gentlemen 
and others who were eye-witnesses to all that passed, so from their con 
curring accounts of it, I can assure my readers, that the Highlanders 
pursued so far, that they could not distinguish friends from foes before 
they gave over, though the rout began about the setting of the sun : 
That they were so excessively fatigued, that they inclined to rest them 
selves there during the dead of the night : That it was midnight ere 
they returned, which gave opportunity to these troops to attempt their 
escape, as I have related : And that they neither saw the enemy's bag 
gage nor the field of battle, till the sun was some hours up nixt morning. 
And what is a further proof of that Lord's mistake it is universally 
agreed, that the Earl of Leven, though not attacked, and generally all 
those that had horses, fled so early, that some of them rode thirty miles 
that night ; and M'Kay, as soon as he saw his troops broken, went off 
with a few horses in such time, that, notwithstanding of the badness of 
the rdad, he sleept that night in the Castle of Weems in Kaynoch ; so 
that, unless several partys had been posted before hand in proper places, it 
was impossible to prevent their escape. 

That noble author is likeways guilty of another mistake, in chargeing 
the loss of the brave Viscount of Dundee upon the cowardice of Sir 
Donald Macdonald's men. I have already informed the reader of the 
circumstances of that tragical event, from the relation of severalls of the 
sixteen gentlemen who accompanyed him in the last moments of his life ; 
and shall now give ane account of the behaviour of these Macdonalds, 
from as good authority. 

Sir Donald and his battalion were posted on the left of the Highland 
army, and had the misfortune to have their flank exposed to the fire of 
Hastings' regiment ; and Sir Donald, observing several of his men to fall, 
and that there were some houses and dykes opportunely scituated to 


cover his men from the fire, while the army was a forming. He com 
manded them to sitt down, in which posture they continued till orders 
were given to engage. But the aid-du-camp who carried these orders 
not haveing courage enough to pass through the intervall betwixt them and 
Locheil's men, where the enemy's fire was very hott, he called out to 
such of them as were nearest, that the Generall wanted them, and they 
not understanding the orders, and their being entangled among dykes 
and houses, occasioned some confusion, but they quickly recovered them 
selves, and charged with so much bravery that they cutt off the regiment 
that was assigned them. Now, if the reader will reflect on the extent 
of Dundee's front, occasioned by the great intervals that were left be 
tween the battalions, and that Sir Donald was posted on the extremity 
of the left wing, he will not imagine it probable that Dundee, who 
charged in the centre, would make signs, att so great a distance, for Sir 
Donald to advance, who could not possibly perceive him. The truth 
seems to be, that the Earle of Balcarrass, who then was a prisoner of 
state in the Castle of Edinburgh, hearing that Dundee was shott as he 
was makeing signs for his people to come up, and not haveing ane oppor 
tunity of conversing with any of them I have mentioned, mistook the 
matter, and charged the misfortune of his death on the wrong persons ; 
which 1 am convinced he would have rectifyed, if he had given us another 
edition of his Memoirs. 

But the true reason why this victory became ineffectuall was the un 
seasonable death of the great Dundee. He seemed formed by Heaven 
for great undertakeings, and was in ane eminent degree possessed of all 
those qualitys that accomplish the gentleman, the statesman, and the 
souldier. He was descended from the antient and noble family of Mon- 
trose, a family fruitfull of heroes, and illustrious by the great persons that 
have adorned it. The gentleman I speak of had ane education suitable 
to his birth and genius. After he had finished the course of his studys 
att home, he travelled into France for his further improvement ; and 
haveing a strong inclination to acquire some knowledge in the military 
art, he served several years as a volunteer in the French army, under 



the famous Marishall Turenne. But the Prince of Orange being a 
nephew, and afterwards a son-in-law, of the Koyall Family of Great Brit- 
tain, he passed over into Holland, where he soon recommended himself 
to that Prince, who complimented him with a coronet's command in his 

He was then ane Esquire, under the tittle of John Graham of Claver- 
house, but the vivacity of his parts, and the delicacy and justness of his 
understanding and judgement, joyned with a certain vigour of mind and 
activity of body, distinguished him in such a manner from all others of 
his rank, that though he lived in a superior character, yet he acquired 
the love and esteem of all his equalls, as well as of those who had the ad 
vantage of him in dignity and estate. 

In this station he had ane opportunity of adding to his reputation by 
performing a very remarkable service to the Prince of Orange, then his 
master ; for being, in the year 1674, dismounted by the enemy att the 
battle of St Nuffe, and in the greatest danger of being either killed or 
made a prisoner, the gallant Mr Graham rescued him out of their hands, 
mounted him upon his own horse, and carryed him safely off. Mr Phi 
lips, among others of his actions att that time, takes notice of this vigor 
ous exploit, and introduces him complaining of the injustice he received 
att that Court, in words to this purpose : 

" When the feirce Gaule thro' Belgian stanks yow fled, 
Fainting, alone, and destitute of aid, 
While the proud victor urg'd your doubtfull fate, 
And your tir'd courser sunk beneath your weight 
Did I not mount yow on my vigorous steed, 
And save your person by his fatal speed ? 
For life and freedome then by me restor'd, 
I'm thus rewarded by my Belgick Lord. 
Ingratefull Prince !" 

The Prince, in reward of this service, gave him a Captain's Commis 
sion, and promised him the first regiment that should fall in the way ; 


and some years thereafter, there happning a vacancy in one of the Scotch 
regiments, he stood candidate for it, not onely upon the assurance of that 
promise, but also of the letters he procured from King Charles and the 
Duke of York, recommending him to the Prince, in very strong terms. 
But, notwithstanding of all this, the Prince preferred Mr Collier, a son 
of the Earl of Portmore, to the regiment. The Prince then resided att 
his Palace of the Loo ; and Captain Grahame, who was absent while 
this intrigue was carrying on, chanceing to meet Mr Collier in the Pal- 
lace Court, expostulated the matter in very harsh terms, and gave him 
some blows with his cane. The Prince either saw or was soon informed 
of what passed, and ordering Captain Grahame, who had been seized by 
the officer of the guards, to be brought before him, he asked him how he 
dared to strick any person within the verge of his Palace ? The Cap 
tain answered, that he was indeed in the wrong, since it was more his 
Highness his business to have resented that quarrel than his ; because 
Mr Collier had less injured him in dissappointing him of the regiment, 
than he had done his Highness in making him breck his word. Then re 
ply ed the Prince, in ane angry tone, " I make yow full reparation, for I 
bestow on yow what is more valuable than a regiment, when I give yow 
your right arm !" The Captain subjoyned, that since his Highness had 
the goodness to give him his liberty, he resolved to employ himself else 
where, for he would not serve a Prince longer that had brock his word. 

The Captain having thus thrown up his commission, was prepareing 
in haste for his voyage, when a messenger arrived from the Prince with 
two hundred guineas for the horse on which he had saved his life. 
The Captain sent the horse, but ordered the gold to be distributed 
among the grooms of the Prince's stables. It is said, however, that his 
Highness had the generosity to wryte to the King and the Duke, re 
commending him as a fine gentleman, and a brave officer, fitt for any 
office, civil or military. 

He was well received upon his arrivall in England, and soon there 
after preferred by the King to the command of one of the Independent 
troops of horse, that were raised in the year 1677 to suppress the tumul 
tuous Assemblys of the Fanaticks in the West of Scotland. He acquitted 


himself so well of this commission, that about the end of King Charles 
his reign, he was admitted into the Privy Councill, and created a Peer 
by the tittle of Lord Viscount of Dundee. 

He was much in favour with King James during his short reign, and 
when that unfortunate Prince was obliged to leave England, Mr Philips 
says, that he gave the charge of transporting the Queen and Prince after 
him to France to the Lord Dundee, " whjch'was," continues that author, 
" the highest testimony of his favour and confidence." 

Upon the meeting of the Convention of Estates, great numbers of fa- 
naticks crouded into Edinburgh, under pretence of guarding it. ; and 
they having formed severall designes against the lives of all those that 
opposed the violent proceedings of the Convention, his Lordship and 
many others quitted the city in the manner I have mentioned. No sooner 
were his intentions of heading the Royalists divulged abroad, than a 
spirit of loyalty diffused itself through the nation. The people were att 
first lulled asleep with a notion, that the Prince of Orange designed no 
thing further by his invasion, than to force King James to dismiss his 
Popish Counsellors, as he had declared in his manifesto ; for they could 
not be persuaded that the King's own nephew, and son-in-law, would 
ever contrive his mine. But as soon as their eyes were opened, they sent 
assurances to the Lord Dundee that they were all ready to joyn him ; 
and had that brave man outlived that glorious victory which his death 
rendered fatall to the party, the world would have been soon convinced 
how far the proceedings of the new patriots suited with the inclinations 
of the people. 

Great were the preparations that were makeing for his reception in all 
parts. His vigour and conduct in chaceing M'Kay and his army from 
place to place, with inferior numbers, was the general talk and wonder of 
the kingdom. He knew so well to adapt himself to the humours and 
inclinations of the people whom he commanded, that there was a general 
harmony and agreement among all the officers of his little army, and so 
great was the confidence they reposed in his conduct, that they resigned 
themselves intirely to his pleasure, without searching into his designes. 

Though the Highlanders are in general a high-spirited and proud 


people, and of ane unruly and stubborn temper, yet the authority he 
had over them was surprizing, even to those who were best accquanted 
with them. To give the reader ane instance of it : It was his usewall 
custome to steall out privatly and visite his out-guards and sentrys in 
person, in order to keep them to exact duty; and though he never 
punished delinquents, yet he used such artfull methods, as soon made 
them very observant of his orders ; by which means he was never catched 
napping. One night, in one of these salleys, he chanced to meet two 
fellows, each with a mutton on his back, returning to the camp. Though 
the great wants they suffered rendered such pilfery in a manner neces 
sary, yet he reprimanded them in very sharp words, and threatned them 
with death if they committed such cryms for the future. One of the 
fellows, mistakeing Dundee, who was not much distinguished by his 
dress, for one of his troopers, was so provoked with his threatnings, 
that he satt down upon his knees, putt his gun to his eye, and would 
have infallibly shott him dead, had not his comerade cryed to him to 
" Hold !" for "it was the General." The poor fellow was so struck 
with the horrour of his crime, that he dropt down dead upon the spott. 
So quick was he in all his marches, that M'Kay, his antagonist, used 
to say, that all intelligence with respect to him was useless ; for he 
often had him beating up his quarters, when ne believed him to be att 
fifty or sixty miles distance from him. 

Though he was exceedingly forward, yet he was far from being rash ; 
and his conduct att the battle of Killiecranky shows how deliberatly 
and wisely he took his measures ; and the onely step that he is to be 
blamed in was his too much eagerness in exposeing his person ; but 
that he did with a view of gaining a reputation among the Highlanders, 
whom he humoured in all things. 

He advised with Locheill on every occasion, and always followed his 
oppinion ; and so much did he confide in his sufficiencey that he often 
declared that he was the fittest person in the kingdome to command that 
army. They both loved fighting and adventurous actions, and were 
never known to differ in any one poynt ; and Dundee said often that 


be could never have managed ane army so different in customes, hu 
mour, and discipline from those with whom he was bred, if it had not 
been for the lessons he daily had from him. While he was att Edinglassy, 
chanceing to inquire att Locheill, " How the Highlanders would behave 
in case of a sudden allarm ?'* " Yow had best make a tryall, my Lord," 
answered Locheill, "and I believe yow will find, upon the proof, that 
they will, in every shape, answer the character I have given of them !" 
His Lordship, approveing the advice, commanded my Lord Dunferm- 
line to steall with as much privacy as possible with the horse to a cer 
tain riseing ground that lay att some distance, and after lurking behind 
it for sometime, to draw them up in a line, one man deep, and to appear 
suddenly on the ridge of it, in as formidable a manner as he could contrive. 
All being executed according to orders, his Lordship was wounderfully 
pleased to see his men, upon the news of the enemy's advance, fly to 
their several colours with all the allacrity and promptitude imaginable, 
cryeing out to be immediatly led against them, and not to allow the 
cowardly dogs again to escape. 

His Lordship was so nice in point of honour, and so true to his word, 
that he never was known for once to breck it. From this exactness it 
was that he once lossed the opportunity of ane easy victory over M'Kay, 
in Stfathspey, by dismissing Captain Forbess ; who, meeting the two 
troopers sent by the Lord Kilsyth, not onely discovered that intelligence, 
but the neighbourhood of the Highland army, as I have formerly related. 
This is the onely reall error chargeable on his conduct, while he com 
manded in this war. But this is the more excuseable that it proceeded 
from a principle of religion, whereof he was strictly observant ; for, be 
sides family-worship, performed regularly evening and morning in his 
house, he retired to his closet att certain hours, and employed himself 
in that duty. This I affirm upon the testimony of severals that lived 
in his neightbourhood in Edinburgh, where his office of Privy Counsellour 
often obliged him to be ; and, particularly, from a Presbyterian lady 
who lived long in the storey or house immediatly below his Lordship's, 
and who was otherways so rigid in her opinions, that she could not believe 


a good thing of any person of his persuasion, till his conduct rectified 
her mistake, and even had such influence as to prevaill with her in the 
end to marry a gentleman who was a high-flyeing Churchman. 

His Lordship continued the same course in the army ; and though 
somewhat warm, upon occasions, in his temper, yet he never was heard 
to swear. He had made a considerable progress in the Mathematicks, 
especially in those parts of it that related to his military capacity ; and 
there was no part of the Belles Lettres which he had not studyed with 
great care and exactness. He was much master in the epistolary way 
of writeing ; for he not onely expressed himself with great ease and plaine- 
ness, but argued well, and had a great art in giving his thoughts in few 
words. And this chiefly appears when he had occasion to wryte to such 
gentlemen as he knew M'Kay had been tampering with ; where he fre 
quently not onely answers all that was then pled in favours of the Revo 
lution, but also lays before them the duty and obedience they owed to 
King James, as their naturall Sovereign, with great perspicuity and 
strength of argument, in the compass of a small page or two. 

He was, in his private life, rather parsimonious than profuse ; and 
observed ane exact economy in his family. But in the King's service 
he was liberal and generous to every person but himself ; and freely be 
stowed his own money in buying provisions to his army : And, to sum 
up his character in two words, he was a good Christian, ane indulgent 
husband, ane accomplished gentleman, ane honest statesman, and a 
brave souldier and, as he had few equalls among his countrymen in 
these first qualitys, so he had no supperior in the last. 

His memory is celebrated by some of the best Foreign, as well as Bri 
tish writers. But leaveing the reader to peruse these att leisure, I shall 
here intertain him with a few lines written in elegant Latine by the fa 
mous Dr Archibald Pitcairn,* that great favourite of Apollo and the 
Muses, and beautifully translated by Mr Dryden, the greatest genius of 
his age : 

* See the original in the Appendix. 


" O last and best of Scots, who didst maintain 
Thy country's freedom from a foreign reigne, 
New people fill the land now thow art gone, 
New gods the temples, and new kings the throne ! 
Scotland and thow didst hi each other live, 
Thow wouldst not her, nor could she thee survive. 
Farewell, who dyeing didst support the State, 
And couldst not fall but with thy country's fate." 

Besides the death of Pitcur, which I have already related, the Laird 
of Largo, a young gentleman of about twenty-fours years of age, of great 
hopes, and Chieftane of a branch of the M 'Donalds of Kyntyre, was also 
killed in the heat of the action, with several gentlemen of the same fa 
mily. There like ways fell att the same time a brother of Glengary's, 
five near relations of Sir Donald M 'Donald, several gentlemen of the 
M' Leans, and a multitude of others whom it were tedious to recount. 

But the death of Gilbert Ramsay was attended with such remarkable 
circumstances that they deserve to be related. He was a young gentle 
man bred to the law, which, haveing studyed att Leyden with great ap 
plication, he, about the same time that the King left England, past his 
tryalls, and was admitted Advocate with the general applause of that 
learned Faculty. The confusions that followed made him quitt the bar, 
where it was expected he would soone become eminent, and joyn my 
Lord Dundee, whom he attended in quality of a volunteer, with great 
cheerfullness. After that General had made his disposition, and while 
they waited his orders to engage, the gallant Earl of Dunfennline call 
ing for some spirits, and, filling a dram with his own hand, drank " A 
health to the King, and success to his arms." And when it came in 
course to Mr Ramsay, betook the glass in his hand, and addressing himself 
to his Lordship, " I assure you, my Lord," said he, " that this day we 
shall have a glorious victory over the King's enemys ; but I shall not 
have the pleasure of seeing it." And, haveing thus spoke, he pledged 
the health, and drank his glass. 


The gentlemen who were nixt him observeing ane unusewal flush 
and disorder in his countenance, which they had not formerly taken no 
tice of, inquired seriously into the reasons of his expressing himself so. 
He answered frankly, that he had a dream that morning, immediately 
before he awaked, wherein not onely the action itself, with everything that 
was to happen remarkable about it, but allso the order of the troops on 
both sides was fully represented to him ; and that there was not a person 
of any note to fall there but he saw their wounds bleeding : That every 
circumstance that had hitherto happened was a confirmation of what he 
saw before in his sleep ; and that he was now fully convinced that the 
remaining part would come to pass in the same manner. The Lord 
Dunfermline, and the gentlemen on both hands, joyned their endeavours 
to prevaill with him not to engage, but he was obstinate, and said that 
he was determined to acquitt himself of a duty which he thought indis- 
pensibly incumbent on him, seeing his Majesty was deserted by those 
who ought by their offices to have served him ; adding, that he could 
meet death without the least apprehension, and that he had related his 
dream meerly on account of its novelty. Soon after this, the army be 
gan to move, and Mr Ramsay, being one of these sixteen that followed 
my Lord Dundee, fell by Mr Drummond's right hand, where he was first 

I have been the more particular in discribing this action in all its cir 
cumstances, because I have observed that none who have wrote of these 
times have, either out of partiality, or for want of information, been 
pleased to favour the world with a full and genuine relation of it. 

But the greatest proof of the importance of it is the general consterna 
tion wherewith all those of the contrary party were seized, upon the 
first news of M'Kay's defeat. The Duke of Hamilton, Commissioner 
for the Parliament, which then satt att Edinburgh, and the rest of the 
Ministry, were struck with such a panick, that some of them were for re- 
tireing into England ; others into the Western Shires of Scotland, 
where all the people, almost to a man, befriended them ; nor knew they 
whither to abandone the Government, or to stay a few days untill they 



saw what use my Lord Dundee would make of his victory. They 
knew the rapidity of his motions, and were convinced that he would al 
low them no time to deliberat. On this account, it was debated, whether 
such of the nobility and gentry as were confyned for adhering to their 
old master, should be immediately sett att liberty or more closely 
shutt up ; and though the last was determined on, yet the greatest Re- 
volutioners among them made private and frequent visits to these prison 
ers, excuseing what was past, from afatall necessity of the times, which ob 
liged them to give a seeming complyance, but protesting that they all- 
ways wished well to King James, as they should soon have occasion to 
show, when my Lord Dundee advanced. 

But the news of that great man's death quickly dissipated all their 
fears, and the short-lived loyalty of these politicians shortly thereafter 
was changed into ane affected biggotry, and ill-nature against all who dif 
fered from them in opinion ; so true it was, what Dr Pitcairn said of 
him in the forementioned verses : 

" Te moriente, novos accepit Scotia cives, 

Accepitque novos, te moriente^ deos /" 


" New people fill the land, now thou art gone, 
New gods the temples, and new kings the throne !" 

The nixt morning after the battle, the Highland army had more the 
air of the shattered remains of broken troops than of conquerours, for 
here it was litterally true, that 

" The vanquished triumphed, and the victors mourned." 
The death of their brave Generall, and the loss of so many of their 
friends, were inexhaustible fountains of grief and sorrow. They closed 
the last scene of this mournfull tragedy in obsequys of their lamented 
Generall and of the other Gentlemen who fell with him, and interred them 
in the church of Blair of Atholl with a real funeral solemnity, there not 
being present one single person who did not participate in the general 


General Canon, who was the oldest officer there, took upon him 
the command of that melancholy army ; and the third day after the battle, 
which was the same on which the rendezvouze had been appointed by 
the Lord Dundee, they were joyned by five hundred of Locheil's men, 
conducted by his son John and his cousine Glendissery, two hundred 
of the Stewarts of Appine, a party of M'Gregors, commanded by 
M*Grigor of Roroe, two hundred and fifty of the M'Phersons, as many 
of the M 'Donalds of the Breas of Lochaber and Glencoe, and the whole 
men of Atholl ; and haveing marched the day following to the Brea of 
Mar, they were likeways joyned by the people of that country, and by 
the Farquarsons, Frazers, with the Gordons of Strathdown and Glenli- 
vet ; so that the army amounted now to five thousand brave men. Be 
sides these, the Northern Shires were all in arms, and the greatest part 
of the Low-country gentry, through all parts of the kingdome, were ready 
to joyn them, and expected their advance with impatience ; and it was 
generally computed that, before they arrived at the Borders of England, 
they would be forty thousand men strong at least ; so general was the 
inclination at that time to have restored King James. But so soon as 
Dundee's death was generally known, the scene changed, and all those 
mighty preparations, and that universall spirit of Jacobitism, vanished into 

The first thing the new General attempted miscarried, for want of 
conduct ; for, haveing detached a party of Struan Robertson's men, 
and some of those he had from the Brea of Mar, to Perth, with orders 
to seize a considerable quantity of meale and other provisions which the 
enemy had left there, they loytered so long after they had executed their 
orders, that M'Kay had intelligence of their being in those parts, and of 
the bad order they keept ; and marching against them with a strong body 
of horse and dragoons, surprized and defeated them. It is true their 
loss did not exceed thirty men, and that they made good their retreat to 
the mountains, notwithstanding they were warmly pursued by a regi 
ment of horse for many miles ; yet it not onely exposed their want of 
conduct, but also showed that they were not invincible, as their late be- 


haviour att the battle of Kilychranky made many people fondly believe 

tlu-y were. 

M'Kay had so well accquanted himself with the abilitys and characters 
of their general officers, that he now boldly adventured to march against 
them with inferior numbers, though he had often fled from Dundee when 
he was att least equally strong ; and advanced within a few miles of them. 
The neighbourhood of the enemy makeing it necessary for them to ad 
vise how they were to proceed, a councill of war was held in the old 
castle of Auchindown, where the first thing that fell under debate was, 
whither the Low-country officers, who acted as volunteers without 
any command, had a tittle to sitt and vote ? And a second question was 
started, whether or not they should fight M'Kay, whose strength con 
sisted chiefly in horse, immediatly ; or, if they should, in consequence 
of the commands they there received from King James, march to Kintyre 
and the Western Shires in order to suppress them ? 

Locheill and the Chiefs argued strenuously against these officers haveing 
votes in their councill, for these reasons : 1st, They were unacquainted 
with the Highland discipline, customes, and manner of fighting, which, 
differing widely from what they were bred to among regular troops, might 
make their votes of pernicious consequence : 2dly, As it was unreason 
able that simple Captains and subalterns, who brought no accessions of 
strength to the army but their own persons, should have equall powers 
with those that actually had regiments, or att least very considerable 
bodys of good men ; so these officers being supernumerary to the High 
land Chiefs, it was in their power to carry matters as they pleased, in 
prejudice of those who had the actual command. However, they 
agreed that the advice of these gentlemen should be demanded before 
any question of importance should be determined. As to the second poynt, 
Locheill, who took upon him to speak first, as being the oldest Chief 
and of most experience of any there, was of opinion, that, seeing they 
acted by King James his authority, his commands were not to be dis 
puted ; but that seeing his Majesty could not att that distance rightly 
understand the present scituation of his affairs here, he declared that they 


ought immediately to fight M'Kay, and then march Westward : That 
he saw no reason to delay fighting ; they had the marrow of the High 
lands about them, flushed with victory, and eager for a new opportu 
nity of exerting their valour, and of revenging the death of their late 
hrave General, and of so many of their friends : That if they expected 
the Northern Shires and Lowland gentry to joyn them, they must doe 
something to incourage them, and to establish the reputation of their 
new General : That though the enemy had more horse, yet the late cow 
ardly flight of those att Kilychranky had removed all the fears that the 
Highlanders had formerly of them ; and that, for his part, he was so 
little apprehensive of them, that he was willing to fight all they had with 
his own Clan, assisted by the three hundred horse that had of late joyn- 
ed them ; and, in a word, if they lossed this opportunity, when M'Kay 
had no more than equall numbers, and began a cowardly retreat, when 
it was in their power to serve the King effectually, and gain honour to 
themselves, they would not onely loose their friends, their reputation, and 
their army, which would dayly diminish, but they would even become 
the jest and diversion of the kingdome. 

Notwithstanding of what was said by Locheill, who was vigorously 
supported by the other Chiefs, it was carried in the councill of war, not 
onely that the Lowland officers should vote, but that they should march 
through Aberdeenshire, and over the Carnamount, without fighting 
the enemy. It will be hard to assign any other reason for this ridicu 
lous march, excepting that of increasing their army by the conjunction of 
their Northern friends ; but the event showed that they mistook their 
measures, for this retreat proved so fatall to their affairs, that the army 
became dispirited, and dayly diminished, when they saw every thing goe 
cross to their inclinations, and M'Kay's reputation encreased so, that 
the Government was in no further apprehensions of danger from that 

Locheill, seeing the King's orders neglected, and that nothing was to 
be expected but fatigue from their ill-concerted measures, retired to 
Lochaber, in order to repose himself; and left the command of his men 
to his son, who continued with them dureing that inglorious campaign. 


Sir Donald [M'Donald of Sleat] and several others Mowed the same 
example, and left the care of their men to their nearest relations. 

General Canon's army was now so reduced, that he was obliged to 
betake himself to the mountains ; and so marched round the skirts of 
the Highlands, while M'Kay keept the plains below, every day in sight 
of each other, exchanging bravadoes to fight, but the one durst as little 
goe up to the high-ground, as the other descend to the low ; so that 
they were in mutual fear of each other. 

Thus they continued for the space of a month, till Canon had in 
telligence that the Cameronian regiment, so called from their follow 
ing one Cameron, ane extravagant Fanatick Preacher, amounting to 
1200 men, and commanded by Lieutenant- Collonel Cleland, had taken 
possession of Dunkell, with a designe to destroy the country of Atholl. 
To prevent this, he resolved to dislodge them, and might have easily ef 
fected it, had he used a little policy, and sent a small party of five or six 
hundred men to have trained them out of the town, where they were 
strongly fortifyed, and keept the army att a short distance, as he could 
easily have done, without the enemy's getting any intelligence, the people 
thereabouts being all his friends. But he, without regard to good policy, 
marched his army, which was now dwindled away to about three thou 
sand men, in a full body to their trenches, beat the enemy's out-guards, 
and entering the town in the very face of their fire, without any thing to 
cover them, brock through all opposition, and rushed in upon such of 
them as were posted in the lesser houses, where they putt all they found 
to the sword without any mercy. Never was there, on any occasion, 
more resolution and less conduct shown than in this ; and so surprize- 
ing was their boldness, that they stood naked in the open streets exposed 
to the enemy's fire, and killed them in the windows, till they cleared 
the town of them, and drove them into the Marquess of Athol's house, 
which, being a strong place, they were not to be beaten from that post 
so easily. So little did their General reflect on what he was to doe, that 
though he had several cannons and field-pieces which had been taken 
from the enemy, yet when he came to apply them, he had not so many 
balls as he had guns. However, the bravery of his men, in a great mea- 


sure, supply ed his defect in conduct ; and had he had patience to have 
stood to the attack, he would infallibly have carryed his poynt, and co 
vered his weakness by the happy effects of a bold temerity ; for, be 
sides the loss of their two commanding officers, Cleland and Fullartoun, 
both brave men, who, with many others, were killed ; notwithstanding of 
the strength of their post, their ammunition was all spent to a shott, and 
they upon the very poynt of surrendering att discretion, when the General 
commanded his men, even against their own inclinations, to retire. 

Many of the Highlanders were wounded, but not above eighteen or 
twenty of them killed, which looked like a miracle ; but the true reason 
was, that the enemy's shott somewhat resembled thunder, in this, that it 
had more noise than effect ; for, observeing that the Highlanders putt 
their guns to their eye, and that they seldome mist their mark, they had 
not courage to expose themselves, but shott att random, whereby they did 
little execution. There were above three hundred of them killed, and a 
great many more wounded ; but the greatest part of this slaughter was 
of those who were slain att first in the little and less tenible houses of 
the toun. 

By this weak conduct, Canon suffered so extreamly in his reputa 
tion, and his men were so dispirited by his misimploying their valour, 
that, the winter now approaching, they dropt away, and he in the end 
obliged to retreat to Lochaber, where the remainder were dismissed, ex 
cepting the few Irishmen whom I have mentioned, and the Lowland 
officers, who were dispersed into such quarters as the country afforded. 
Nor did the Low-country gentlemen entertain, after this, the least hopes 
of success, unless they gott a General that was capable to conduct them. 
Several of them had proceeded so far, that they knew not how to re 
treat ; and Mr Drummond of Balhaldys, who, from the beginning of the 
war, had keept close with them, haveing stole privately, after the affair of 
Dunkell, into his oun country, was, by a Letter from the Councill of 
the 20th December, thereafter commanded to attend their pleasure 
again [st] the 14th of the nixt month ; which, in common prudence, ob 
liged him and many others to make their submissions by accepting of 


thebenifite of the indemnity, till King James his affairs should be better 
conducted, and in a more promiseing posture. 

I have already mentioned the arivall of General Buchan from Ireland. 
He brought with him some provisions for the army, and Letters for the 
Chiefs from King James. That to Locheill bears date the last day 
of November 1689, and contains^ in substance, a gracious acknow 
ledgement of his and the other Chiefs their zeal and bravery in his ser 
vice, and hi their successfull endeavours to advance his interest ; for 
which he returns them his hearty thanks, and expects that they will 
goe on in the same manner. He desires him not to be discouraged att 
the charges he was putt to on that account, seeing the happy posture of 
affairs, both att home and abroad, would not onely soon enable him to re 
pay all, but likeways to distinguish him by particular marks of his 
royall favour : He says that he was immediatly to send over the Earl of 
Seaforth to head his friends and followers, and promises to send the 
Duke of Berwick with considerable forces to their assistance as soon as 
the season would permitt : He assures him of full protection in religion, 
laws, and libertys ; and recommends unity among themselves, and a sub 
mission to their superior officers. 

King James was then very strong in Ireland, and was att that time 
determined, by the advice of his friends and Councill, to sett on foot a 
considerable army in Scotland ; and on arrivall of the French fleet, 
which he dayly expected, to send over the Duke of Berwick with 8000 
Irish troops to command in chief. All this, and a great many more 
particulars, appears from the confession of one Mr Alexander Strachan, 
who was dispatched with letters and instructions to the Highlanders a 
few days after Buchan ; but being seized att Glasgow, and carryed pri 
soner to Edinburgh, he confessed all that he knew of King James his af 
fairs, and delivered up what papers he had about him to the Councill, 
upon assurance of life and fortune. He likeways carried letters from 
the Earl of Seaforth to the Countess of Errole, and some others ; who 
were immediately confined, and very ill used. 


This winter all was pretty quiet in the Highlands ; and King William, 
in order to have affairs settled in Scotland before he went to Ireland, 
offered the Highlanders a cessation of arms, whereof the Lord Tarbat had 
the management ; but he, for I know not what reasons, not inclineing to 
appear openly in that affair, persuaded the councill, that the Earl of 
Breadalbane, being not onely well accquanted with, but also nearly re 
lated to most of the Chiefs, was much properer than he for that nego 
tiation, and prevailed with them to issue out their orders for him to at 
tend their pleasure. The Earl shifted them for some time, upon several 
pretexts ; but being in the end obliged to appear, the councill commu 
nicated King William's orders, and offered him L.5000 sterling, with 
several other rewards, to bring about the cessation : But he, being de 
termined not to meddle without consent of King James his friends att 
Edinburgh, and they judgeing it highly detrimentall to that Prince's in 
terest, generously refused to concern himself; but these gentlemen, 
haveing more maturely reflected on the posture of affairs in the High 
lands, which was then in [a] very naked and defenceless condition, and 
considered that the proposed cessation of arms would allow them full 
time to provide for their security, and to receive the powerfull succours 
that were then promised them from Ireland, they changed their mind, 
and desired Breadalbane to offer his service. 

The councill gladely accepted of the offer, but they haveing intimated 
his former refusall to King William, could conclude nothing without 
new orders ; and desired the Earl to waite on that King, and settle mat 
ters with him before he went over to Ireland. But King William was 
gone before the Earl's arrival!, which brought the project to nothing. 

The Earl of Seaforth arrived early this spring in the Highlands, but 
brought nothing with him butt Letters and Commissions to the Chiefs. 
That the reader may have a fuller view of the circumstances of affairs att 
that time, I shall here insert King James his Letter to Locheill, which 
was directed thus : 

2 o 




"The supplys yow desire in yours of the 14th of 

February from Inverlochy, yow may find, by what we have already 
writt, we were intent upon sending yow ; for without them we neither 
did expect that our service there could much advance, or our friends in 
the Lowlands be encouraged to joyn yow. But as the transportation of 
horse is matter of difficulty, so we could come to no certain resolution 
till the arrival of the French fleet, which is with us. Now, we shall 
take all necessary measures, and loose as little time as we can in exe 
cuting them ; and must, in the interim, depend upon yow to keep our 
people there in heart ; for we know the power and interest yow have 
with them, and that yow can, by a long experience, show them how cheer 
fully to suffer in a royall cause. How much yow have laboured in ours ; 
how freely yow have spent your substance, and generously exposed your 
oun and people's lives for it, we are fully informed of, and do give our 
royall word that we are not onely resolved to repair your losses, but also 
to increase your fortune, which in our present circumstances we doe not 
question to be soon able to effect ; for we have daily instances of a con- 
timieing Providence over us and our affairs. All your possessions, we 
are satisfied, are now more imployed for the publick good than your 
private advantage. We have therefore sent yow the inclosed order 
about the purchass yow have made from the Lord Balcarrass ; and so we 
bid yow heartily farewell. Given att our Court att Dubline Castle, the 
31st day of March 1690, and in the sixth year of our reign." 

.".'. ' '. H ' " "; '' ') 

The Chiefs conveened upon the arrivall of the Earl of Seaforth, and 
along with Generals Buchan and Canon, Colonel Brown, and the other 
officers I have often mentioned, held a grand councill, in order to con 
cert how they were to proceed in the following campaign. But they 
were generally so enraged att finding themselves dissappointed of the re 
lief they expected of men, arms, and other provisions of war, that many 


of them proposed to offer their submissions to King William, upon terms 
which they were then very sure to obtain : " For how is it possible," said 
they, " for us to resist ane established Government to which all Great Brit- 
tain has already submitted ? Our ruined country will be soon made the 
seat of a bloody war ; against which we have neither men, arms, nor pro 
visions, to defend ourselves ; our people are already reduced to the last 
extremity of poverty and want ; there are two regiments of men to be 
garrisoned in the heart of the country, ready on all occasions to destroy 
the poor inhabitants ; and the Government can place as many more gar 
risons through the several parts of it as they please, without our being 
able to hinder it. In a word, we can expect nothing but the finishing 
of our ruine, and the rendering ourselves absolutely incapable to serve 
King James, when opportunity shall offer, if we make further resistance ; 
whereas, by a prudent submission, we shall at least save the small re 
mains that is still left us." 

Many of them still proceeded further, and alleadged that King James 
had given them up as a prey to their enraged enemys, by abandoning 
them in the naked state they were in : That it was downright folly and 
madness to allow themselves to be led like so many sacrifices to the 
slaughter, in the service of a Prince who fed them with empty promises, 
which it was probable he never would be able, and perhaps never in- 
clineable, to perform ; whereof the preceeding reign had furnished them 
with many melancholy instances : That there was nothing easyer than 
to waft over some thousands of the Irish, which were, in truth, no better 
than raw, undisciplined militia, in their own country, though they proved 
excellent souldiers in this : And that since the King did wilfully, after 
all the remonstrances that had been made to him and his Ministers, ne 
glect his own affairs, it was now high time for them to look to them 
selves, and to observe the first principles of nature, which was self-pre 

Such were the sentiments of many there ; but still the brave Sir Do 
nald Macdonald of Slate, Sir John M'Lean of Dowart, and the young 
Captain of Clanrannald, continued firm to their former resolutions ; and 
Locheill, whose age, wisdome, and experience, gave him a great as- 


cendant over their inclinations, and often determined their debates, de 
livered himself to the following purpose : That the several speeches he 
had heard were not onely surprizeing, but even shokeing to him : That 
some there seemed to have renounced their duty and alledgeance, as 
well as the respect they owed to the majesty of their Sovereign : That 
he was loath so much as to suspect that any of them had been tamper 
ing with the enemy, but he was almost convinced that they had been de 
ceived by the subtility of pretended friends : That whatever might be 
the sentiments of men who were acted by no other principles but that of 
interest, he was certain that it was his duty, as a subject who had sworn 
alledgiance to King James, to serve and obey him as long as he was ca 
pable : That as he was the lawfull successor of the most antient and il 
lustrious race of Monarchs in the world, so he could not transfer his al 
ledgiance without a direct violation of the laws of God and man : 
That though a successful! rebellion might change the names of things, 
yet it could never alter the nature of truth and justice, nor transform a 
violent intrusion to that of a lawfull possession ; and that, for his part, 
he was resolved that the dictates of his conscience should be the rule of 
his actions : That though the case were doubtfull, yet, as a Highland 
Chief, he thought himself bound to King James by the strongest tyes of 
gratitude : That they all knew what that Prince had done, or att least 
was resolved to doe, if ever it pleased God to restore him to the throne 
of his ancestors. " Nor are the last expressions of his royall goodness," 
continued he, " ever to be forgott, which he has been graciously pleased 
to transmitt to us by the Earl of Seaforth. Our countrymen are the 
onely persons he is to trust with the military part of the Government of 
this kingdome ; we are to have his pay as souldiers, with ane indulgence 
either to live att home, with our commands, or where it shall be most 
agreeable ; and if any of us have capacitys for offices in the Civil Go 
vernment, we have his royall promise for it that we shall be preferred, 
according to our merits, to posts of honour and profite ; our children 
are to be educated under his royall eye, our country to be enriched and 
our familys aggrandized ; so that, though our duty did not oblige us, the 
natural tyes of gratitude and generosity ought to prevaill over all other 


considerations, to make us endeavour in some measure to requit his 
royall favours." 

He nixt proceeded to answer the objections against continuing the 
war, and showed them, that " though they had suffered some difficulty s, 
yet they were not equall to those which their late brave General, the 
Lord Dundee, had born with so much cheerfullness : That they had 
received some support from his Majesty, but that great man never had 
gott any ; and that such examples as he ought to be the illustrious ob 
jects of their imitation : That he himself, while yet a stripling, had, in 
the service of King Charles, suffered more than any of them did att pre 
sent : That though he was offered posts and preferments, and all the 
other temptations whereby subtile and designeing men ordinarly debauch 
people from their duty, yet he would not consent to lay down his arms 
while he thought there was one man in the King's dominions that owned 
his authority, and that, after all, he obtained such articles of peace 
as more resembled a treaty between two Princes of equall strength, than 
one betwixt a formidable tyrant and a private gentleman that had none 
but a few friends of his own family to support him : That if they resol 
ved to save their familys, it must not be by a shamefull abandoning their 
distressed master, but by a close union among themselves, and a firm 
resolution to bear up against all adversitys : That they might assure 
themselves the Government had no favour for them, and that they 
would grant no terms that were honourable unless they were forced to 
it ; but that then it was ridiculous to speak of it while the King was att 
the head of a great army, and was supported by the most powerfull King 
in Europe, except they were determined to preferr their ease to their 
honour, and show themselves to be the most contemptible cowards alive : 
That though the scituation of affairs might have delayed the promised 
succours, yet they might assure themselves that his Majesty would make 
good his royall word ; and that, as they were subjects, it was their duty 
to attend his pleasure, and not to pretend to give laws, nor to stand upon 
conditions. For my own part, gentlemen," continued he, "I am re 
solved to be in my duty while I am able ; and though I am now ane old 
man, weakened by fatigue, and worn out by continuall trouble, yet I 


am determined to spend the remainder of my life after my old manner, 
among mountains and caves, rather than give up my conscience and 
honour by a submission, lett the terms be never so inviteing, until! I 
have my master's permission to do it ; and no argument, or view of in 
terest or safety, shall prevaill with me to change this resolution, what 
ever may be the event." 

After this discourse, which was delivered with great warmth and zeale, 
none present had the assurance to speake any more of peace. It was 
unanimously agreed, that untill the season of the year was further ad 
vanced, and the seed thrown into the ground, before they made their ge 
neral rendezvouze, Major- General Buchan, who was now to have the 
command, should march with a detatchment of twelve hundred men 
towards the borders of the Lowlands, and invite such as were inclined 
to joyn him, and to amuse the enemy and fatigue their troops by beat 
ing up their quarters, and allarming them with sudden and unexpected 

None of the Chiefs attended this party, which was ready about the 
middle of Aprile, and marched towards Straspey. That country is 
plain, and Sir Thomas Livingstoun, who commanded in M'Kay's ab 
sence, was in their neighbourhood with seventeen troops of dragoons, 
nine hundred of Grant's men, and three regiments of foot ; and though 
Buchan had timely information, and was advised by his councill to 
march to the woods of Glenlochy, where they could not be attacked but 
under great disadvantage, yet he would not hearken to this advice, but 
the next day, which was the first of May 1690, marched to Cromdale, 
and quartered his men in the neigh tbouring villages. He, however, sent 
two hundred of his best men, under the command of two officers, Grant 
and Brody, to guard the fords of the Spey, and they were so well post 
ed that they might have stopt the enemy in the crossing that great river, 
till Buchan and his party were in a posture of defence ; but they were 
as negligent as their Generall, and allowed Sir Thomas, with his whole 
body, to cross the river and surprize the Highlanders in their beds. 
There were about one hundred of them killed in the first hurry and 
confusion ; but as they soon recovered themselves, they formed into 


partys, made head against the enemy, and fought with that desperat re 
solution in their shirts, that Sir Thomas was glade to allow them to re 
treat without attempting to pursue them. 

Though the loss on both sides was pretty equall, yet the ill conduct of 
General Buchan so discouraged the Lowland gentlemen, that not a man 
of them thought fitt to joyn with him ; and even some of his own party, 
such as M 'Donald of Largo and M'Alaster of Loup, finding every thing 
run cross to their opinions, thought it their safest course to submitt, 
which they did on the 16th of June thereafter. 

Though the Grants generally followed their Chief, yet the Laird of 
Glenmoristoun, a considerable gentleman of that name, sided with the 
Highlanders, and with a party of one hundred and fifty men continued 
with them till the conduct of their Generals took away all hopes of 
success. The enemy was so enraged against him that they burnt his 
own seat to the ground, plundered his people, and made such horrible 
devastations that the poor gentleman was obliged to offer some proposals 
of submissions. The councill did thereupon send orders to the fore- 
named Sir Thomas Livingstoune, commander att Inverness, as he is de 
signed in the said order, to grant him and the Laird of Straglass a safe- 
conduct, in order to a treaty ; but discharged him to conclude anything till 
he acquainted them. However, the government was so anxious to di 
minish that party, that all their demands were granted ; but the particulars 
doe not appear from the records of the Privy Councill, which are my 
principall guides in this and the subsequent parts of these Memoirs. 

Notwithstanding of the forementioned disaster, the Highland Chiefs 
dispatched General Canon with a party of six hundred foot and one 
hundred horse towards the South, which frighted the Ministers of 
State in a surprizeing manner ; for they not onely sent ane express to 
General M'Kay, then in Ireland, to return home with all hast to sup 
press the Highlanders, but posted four thousand five hundred of the 
choise of the West-country militia, with some regiments of horse, in the 
places most exposed, and ordered all the rest of their disciplined troops 
towards the North to cover those countrys. General Canon hovered 
long on the Braes of Perthshire, and falling down suddenly into the 


Low-country, he passed the fords of Forth, surprized a party of dragoons 
commanded by the Lord Cardross, killed some, and chased the rest into 

the parks of Stirling. 

Att the same time, General Buchan, with a party of the Clans, march 
ed towards Aberdeenshire, where, encountering with a strong body of 
horse and dragoons, commanded by the Master of Forbess and Colonel 
Jackson, he resolved to attack them, and, what may seem strange, his 
defeat att Cromdale added to his resolution ; for, haveing observed with 
what boldness and address his men had attacked Livingstoun's dragoons, 
and stopt them in their career of victory, he found that they were no 
more a terror to them, and resolved to make use of this opportunity in 
order to make a second essay of their courage in this kind of engage 
ment. The same reason that encouraged him intimidated the enemy ; 
for, though att first they appeared as if they designed to fight, yet, 
changeing their minds of a sudden, they wheeled about and gallopt away 
as fast as whip and spur could drive their horses, and haveing reatched 
Aberdeen, they allarmed the town with the frightfull cry that the High 
landers were att hand. But Buchan had neither strength nor materials 
fitt for attacking the town, though no less was expected, and the walls 
planted with warlick engines as if they had been immediately to be be- 

These excursions keept the Government in a continual fright, which 
was much augmented by the news of three or four hundred horse, all 
gentlemen of the county of Lennox, their haveing joyned Canon ; who, 
after he had hovered for some time about Menteith and the countrys 
adjacent, marched Northward, and joyned General Buchan. 

Such was the scituation of King James his affairs in Scotland, when 
the news of his being defeated att the river of Boyn arrived. This ac 
tion in a manner determined the fate of that war ; and as the conduct 
of King James his Generals was very weak, so that of King William 
was bold and successful. The Irish behaved as they ordinarly doe in 
their own country, that is, they gave way upon the first appearance of 
the enemy. The 7000 French auxiliarys performed nothing memor 
able, though they afterwards gave King William some trouble, before 


he could reduce that kingdome to a totall submission. In a word, the 
issue of this famous battle opened King James his eyes, and made him 
sensible of the errour he had committed in not following the Viscount of 
Dundee's advice, which was to have come over with his army to Scot 
land in person, or otherways to have sent over such a number of the 
Irish as, in conjunction with the clans, would have formed ane army of 
twenty thousand men, which his Lordship thought sufficient, as affairs 
were then scituated, to have reduced all Brittain to his obedience. The 
few that were sent over with Generall Canon, though raw, undisci 
plined, half-starved, and armless, were not inferior to the clans in cour 
age. They fought att Kilychranky the second or third day after their 
joyning Dundee's army, defeated ane intear battalion of disciplined troops, 
and on all occasions thereafter behaved with the same resolution ; which 
shews of what service ane army of them might have been in any part of 

King William, haveing observed Generall M' Kay's gallantry and con 
duct at the Boyn, thanked him for his good service after the battle was 
over ; but added, that he was much surprised how he came to show so 
much valour and conduct there, and so little of either att Kilychranky, 
where he was shamefully defeated by a handfull of rude undisciplined 
militia. To which M'Kay answered, that he was sorry his Majesty 
should have any occasion to suspect his courage ; but that, however, he 
might, by way of justification, adventure to say, that, if that rude un 
disciplined handfull of militia that fought against him att Killychranky, 
had been posted upon the banks of the Boyn under the same officers, 
his Majesty would have found difficulty to have passed the river that 

To give a character of this Generall, whom we shall not have much 
occasion hereafter to mention, he bears that of being a very generous 
enemy, a good officer, and very zealous in the service of his master. It 
appears by many of his letters still extant, that he was no scholar, and 
that he either was, or politically appeared to be, infected with the silly 
cant and mean notions of Religion that generally prevailed among those 
of his faction. He railed against King James in terms very unsuitable 



to the politeness of a gentleman, and extolled King William for qualitys 
that debased his character, and diminished his reall worth. He talked 
of him, always, not as one that had the libertys of Europe att heart, but 
as if he had assumed the zeal and biggotry of Calvine and Knox, and 
invaded England, and wrested the scepter from his unfortunate father- 
in-law, on purpose to establish Presbitery in Scotland. Now, as most 
of the gentlemen to whom he wrote were of the Church party, he ought 
to have made use of arguments more adapted to their tempers and char 
acters. With respect to the different tittles of the two Kings, he muster 
ed up all the fictions that were then politicaly contrived to gull the 
rabble, as arguments sufficient to make them declare in favours of King 
William, and to convince them that King James had forfeited his right to 
the crown. He insisted on his being a Papist himself, his favouring of 
popery, and his abandoning the Government, and the like, but had not 
the address to show them upon what principles, religious or politicall, 
they could, as subjects and Christians, renounce their alledgiance to the 
one, and transferr it to the other. 

But as such matters seem not to have been his talent, he made a better 
figure in his military character, for, after the death of Dundee, he suc 
ceeded in all his enterprizes, and undoubtedly performed very great ser 
vices to King William ; but while he had that Generall to deale with, 
he was chased from place to place, and was perpetually on the retreat, 
and though he had ane army equall, and sometimes superior to the enemy, 
yet he had much adoe to keep up the character of his party. 

He was, as I have said, a very generous enemy ; and, however he 
differed in his politicks and principles from the Highlanders, yet he always 
commended their valour and loyalty to their old master, and justly ac 
knowledged the brave Dundee, their Generall, to be one of the best 
officers, as well as the most accomplished gentleman of his time. 

After his defeat att Killychranky, when he saw his army intearly 
broken and dispersed, he was in such a consternation that for some mo 
ments he remained, as it were, stupid and undetermined what to doe ; but 
being afraid of falling into the enemy's hands, he made off with whip and 
spur, and never halted untill he arrived at the Laird of Weems his house 


in Apnadow, and the next night he came to Drummond Castle. The day 
following he was joyned by about two hundred of his broken troops, but 
those in such a miserable plight, and so gashed and deformed with their 
wounds, that they moved the compassion of their greatest enemy s. So 
great, however, was the fright of these wretches, that they travelled all 
that night, some of them bound with ropes, or supported by their come- 
rades on their horses, and others trailing their limbs after them, and cry 
ing out with the smart of their wounds. In this dolorous state they 
arrived att Stirling, where they could hardly fancy themselves secure ; 
and their General often said that he made no doubt but Dundee was 
either killed or dangerously wounded, since his quarters were not beat up 
that morning att Drummond. 

When he had ane account of his death, by a letter from the Laird of 
Weems, he said to the bystanders, that he now looked upon his defeat 
to be of greater consequence, and more beneficial to his master's interest, 
than the most absolute victory could have been : " For," said he, " the 
Highlanders will allow none of their own Chiefs to command as General ; 
and they have no other officer that either can conduct them, or that so 
much as knows how to make proper use of so important a victory." So 
confirmed was he in this oppinion, that, haveing gott what troops he could 
together, he marched against Generall Canon, who was much stronger 
than he, and challenged him to fight in the manner I have related. Soon 
after the battle of the Boyn, being sent for by the Scots Privy Councill, 
he returned, and about the end of September thereafter, he marched 
Northward with ane army of twenty battalions and squadrons, and plant 
ed a garrison of two compleat regiments att Inverlochy, under the com 
mand of Collonell Sir John Hill, who had been formerly Governour there 
about the end of Cromwell's Usurpation. 

Though the Highlanders had not forces sufficient to oppose so strong a 
body of troops, yet there was still a party on foot, which gave the Mini 
sters of State some uneasiness. As they affected to appear fond of their 
new form of Government and King, so they were exceedingly anxious to 
have both fully established by a peace. They were daily allarmed with 
the news of some sudden incursion, and of the surprise and defeat of 


partys of the troops. They were no less vexed to see a party still on 
foot, that acted by and acknowledged no other authority but that of their 
late master ; and they even thought it might be of dangerous conse 
quence, in case the King of France inclined to invade Brittain in favours 
of King James. Besides, they were fond to have it believed that they 
had proceeded all along, and formed their new schemes, upon the incli 
nations of the people, which so great a part of the kingdome still stand 
ing out plainly contradicted. 

Upon these considerations, they resolved to bring about a treaty att 
any rate ; and sent severall persons, who were in friendship with both 
partys, to sound the minds of the Chiefs. These gentlemen, though in 
clinable enough to end the miseries of their people, who were intirely 
cutt off from all intercourse with the rest of the kingdome, by ane honour 
able peace, yet they would not hearken to any proposalls without per 
mission from King James. The Ministers att first thought themselves 
affronted by so bold a demand ; but the Chiefs continueing obstinate, 
they found there was a politicall necessity of complying. They, there 
fore, upon the 8th of September 1690, issued out a peremptory order to 
the Earls of Breadalbane and Menteath to attend their pleasure ; and 
haveing deliberatly advised with these Lords, they fixt upon the first 
as the most proper for the negotiation. 

The Marquess of Atholl and Earl of Argile were also equally ambi 
tious of that honour. They imagined that besides the service done to 
the Government, it would be no small proof of their power and interest 
with the Highland Chiefs, who then made a considerable noise in the 
world. These Lords courted them by all manner of caresses and pro 
mises ; but Locheill, who bore a great sway in all their councills, pre 
vailed with them to declare in favours of Breadalbane, who was not onely 
his intimat friend, but his very near relation. Glengary allone stood 
out, and joyned interest with the Marquess of Atholl, whom he befriend 
ed with so warm a zeale that he shutt his eyes to the common interest, 
and did no small prejudice to his country. 

The Earl of Breadalbane, haveing obtained full powers from King Wil- 


liam, had severall meetings with the Chiefs att a place called Achal- 
lader, upon the confines of that Earl's country, where they agreed upon 
the following Articles, as the conditions on which they were willing to 
lay down their arms : 

" 1st, As a preliminary Article, they demanded full power and liberty 
to send such a person as they should make choise of to the Court of St 
Germans upon the Government's charges, in order to lay the state of 
their affairs before King James, and to obtain his permission and war- 
rand to enter into that treaty. 

" 2dly, This Article being granted, they nixt demanded the sum of 
L. 20, 000 sterling, to refund them of the great expences and losses 
they had sustained by the war. In order to obtain this, they represent 
ed that the people were so impoverished, that it would be impossible to 
keep them from makeing depredations on their Low-country neightbours, 
unless they were enabled to stay att home, and to apply themselves to 
agriculture, and the improvement of their country. 

" 3dly, That King William should, att the publick charges, free them 
from all manner of vassalage and dependence on the great men their 
neightbours, as King James was to have done, for which they produced 
his Letters ; that being thereby freed from the tyranny and oppression of 
these superiours, they might hav their sole dependence on the crown, 
and be enabled effectually to suppress thieveing, and imploy their people 
in the service of their country. 

"4thly, That King James his officers might have full liberty either to 
remain att home, or to goe into foreign service, as they pleased, and that 
they, and all others engaged in his interest, should not onely have pass 
ports for that purpose, but also be carryed to the port of Havre de 
Grace, att the charges of the Government. 

" 5thly, That they be all allowed to weare and use their arms, as they 
were formerly wont to doe ; and that no other oaths should be putt to 
them excepting simply that of the alleadgeance ; and that they should 
have a full and free indemnity for all crimes whatsoever committed by 
them, or any of them, dureing the wars ; and that, in the meantime, 
there should be cessation of arms." 



Such were the Articles and terms of surrender that the Chiefs agreed 
upon, and delivered to the Earl of Breadalbane, in order to be obtained 
from King William, who was then in Flanders ; others being in Ireland 
imployed in reduceing the towns that still keept out, under French gar 
risons, for King James. 

But about the end of September, and before this treaty was sett on 
foot, the Earl of Argile was ordered by the councill to march with his 
own regiment to Stirling ; and if there was no descent, as was then 
threatned, to proceed, in conjunction with that commanded by the Earl 
of Glencairn, to Argileshire, in order to reduce the Isles. Major Fer 
guson had been sent thither in the spring proceeding, with a detached 
party of the troops, besides six hundred of Argile's Highlanders, under 
the command of Sir James Campbell of Ardkinglass, who was also ap 
pointed Governour of Dunstaffnage. Argile continued for many months 
in these parts, but we hear of nothing performed by him, except the re 
duceing of the Castle of Isleand- Stalker, keept out by Stewart of Ard- 
sheall for King James, and surrendered upon very honourable terms, 
upon the 9th of October following. 

In this capitulation, there was one very singular article, whereby Ar 
gile obliged himself to free Ardsheall of a debt of 6000 merks Scots, 
owing" by him to the Earl of Perth, as a part of the price of the lands of 
Glencoan formerly fewed from the said Earl ; but it does not appear 
from the records out of which I have extracted the above and following 
transactions, which of the two Earls was to be the loser by this bargain. 

The Ministers seem to have bent the whole force of their policy on 
the reduction of the Highlands. The Privy Councill Records are full 
of their orders, acts, and resolutions, all tending to the same poynt. 
They had formerly pronounced ane act of sequestration against Locheill 
and the other Chiefs, and now, on the 20th November, in order to putt it 
in execution, they recommended it to the Lords Commissioners of the 
Treasury, to give a Commission to Colonel Hill, Governour of Fort- 
William, (as they now began to name the garrison of Inverlochy,) to up 
lift these gentlemen's rents. Though this commission was issued out, 


and the Governour not bound thereby to find surety for the monys, as 
is ordinary in such factorys, yet he durst not execute it, but remained 
confined within the walls of his Fort till the treaty of peace was con 

In the mean time, in order to awe the Highlanders into a complyance, 
Sir Thomas Livingston had orders, by express commands from King 
William, to march and encamp his army (amounting then to 10,000 men, 
whereof a third part were horse and dragoons) in some convenient place 
on the borders of the Highlands, but not to cornmitt any acts of hosti 
lity till further orders. While Sir Thomas was on his march, he was 
countermanded by the Duke of Leinster, then General of the Scots forces, 
who intimated to him that he acted by the particular order and direc 
tion of Queen Mary. Sir Thomas, being next in command under the 
Duke, not onely obeyed, but sent orders to the Earl of Argile, who was 
then in Mull with considerable forces, to superceed all hostilitys, and 
to observe a cessation of arms. The very nixt day Sir Thomas was sur 
prized by a letter from the Master of Stair, Secretary of State, then in 
Flanders with King William, by whose commands it was writt, chal- 
lengeing him for not marching and encamping as he was ordered by his 
Majesty. The matter being layed before the Lords of the Privy Coun- 
cill, they wrote to Queen Mary to know her pleasure ; and she returned 
answer, that the Earl of Breadalbane's negociation with the Highlanders 
was done by his Majesty's command ; that a cessation of arms was a part 
of that treaty, and that the Duke of Linster's orders to Sir Thomas was 
by her direction. 

It happned some time before, that Stewart of Appine, haveing de 
tained a souldier belonging to the garrison of Inverlochy as his pri 
soner, he was surprized and taken with some others by that Governour, 
and sent by sea to Glasgow, by orders from the Privy Councill ; who, 
haveing transmitted ane information thereof to the Queen, she gener 
ously commanded them to be sett att liberty. 

King William was then employed in carrying on a bloody war against 
France, in conjunction with most of the other powers of Europe. He 
had use for all his troops, and being on that account exceedingly anxious 


to get rid of the Highland war, the Earl of Breadalbane found a more 
6MJ complyance with all the conditions demanded by the Chiefs than 
he expected. The greatest deraurr was made att granting the liberty of 
sending to King James, that haveing the appearance of continueing their 
alledgeance to that unfortunate Prince, even after a submission, which 
might be interpreted to be made by his authority. But that article beine 
att last consented to among the rest, Sir George Barclay, a brigadeir, and 
Major Duncan Meinzies, were, by King William's permission, dispatched 
by the Chiefs to the Court of St Germans, to lay the case before King 
James, and to know his pleasure. 

In consequence of this, King William did, upon the 27th of August, by 
a long letter, inform his Councill of this negociation, and signifyed that 
as the vassalage and dependence of severals of the Highland Chiefs upon 
others in their neighbourhood, had occasioned many feuds and differ 
ences among them, which obliged them to neglect the improveing and 
cultivating their country ; therefore, that he was graciously pleased not 
onely to pardon, indemnify, and restore all that had been in arms, who 
should take the oath of alledgeance before the first of January nixt, but 
was likewayes resolved to be att some charges to purchass the lands and 
superiority s which were the subjects of these debates and animosity s att 
the filll and just availl, whereby they might have their immediat and in- 
tire dependence on the Crown : That since none was to sustain any reall 
prejudice, he would take it as ane ill service done to him and the coun 
try if any concerned should, through obstinacy or frowardness, obstruct 
a settlement so advantageous to his service and the publick peace ; and 
that he expected from their Lordships the outmost application of his 
authority to render the designe effectuall. He then orders them to 
emitt a very ample and full Indemnity, without any other limitation or 
restriction, but that all who tooke the benefite of it should be obliged to 
take the oath of alledgeance to him and his Queen before the first of 
January 1692, in presence of their Lordships, or of the Sheriffs or their 
deputys of the respective shires where they lived ; and their clerks are 
ordered to transmitt lists of all them that took the benefite of it to the 
Councill ; and the obstinat are ordained to be prosecuted by the seve- 


rity of law. He likeways orders another proclamation to be issued out 
against the clan M'Grigor, ordaining all heritors who have any of that 
name in their lands to give up lists of them to the clerks of the Privy 
Councill, and to find surety for them. 

In this letter, there is a certain obscure and ambiguous passage, which 
seems to leave the souldiers att liberty to treat the Highlanders, after 
their submission, in the same manner as they might have done before 
that time : The words are " That ye communicate our pleasure to the 
Governour of Inverlochy and other commanders, that they be exact and 
diligent in their several posts ; but that they show now no more zeale 
against the Highlanders after their submission than they ever have done 
formerly, when these were in open rebellion."* 

The Councill immediatly issued out these proclamations ; and in their 
answer, which they sent upon the 29th of that month, take no notice of 
the first part of their King's Letter, but acquaint his Majesty with their 
obedience in emitting the proclamations and in communicating his pleasure 
to the Governour of Inverlochy, &c., in the terms of his said letter. But 
the words I have recited being somewhat unclear, may perhaps be other- 
ways understood than was intended : They therefore humbly beg his 
Majesty's pleasure may be more particularly signified therein. They 
likeways represent that it is probable the Highlanders will take the li 
berty, after publication of the indemnity, to disperse themselves through 
the country, and repair to Edinburgh in the interval between that and 
the first of January, and take occasion to pervert the leiges from their 
duty, and influence them to their way ; they therefore beg to know 
if he will allow them to pass up and down the country, or if they must 
keep themselves within their own bounds during that time : They 
likeways advise the garrisoning of several Castles in the Highlands, and 
conclude thus : " We have sent likeways to the Master of Stair, Se 
cretary of State, to be communicated to your Majesty, the copy of a pa 
per relating to the Earl of Breadalbane's transactions with the High- 

* N.B. This is the first hint or insinuation of the designed massacre that soon followed. 



landers, presented to the Duke of Hamilton, our President, by Sir 
Thomas Liveingston, which was given him by Major Forbess, as he en 
tered in councill yesterday, who declared he had received the same from 
Collonell Hill, his Collonell ; as also the Earl of Kintore presented us a 
paper much to the same purpose, which he declared was received by him 
from one who had it from Lieutenant-Collonell Gordon, nephew to 
Buchan, who commanded the rebells, as a copy of these articles sent him 
by his uncle ; both which copys are attested by the Duke of Hamilton, 
our President. These papers, containing matters of high importance to 
your Majesty's Government, and peace and security of your good sub 
jects, we thought fitt to transmitt the same to your Majesty, as being the 
duty of," &c. 

King William did not think it proper to return ane answer to this letter, 
or, if he did, it is not to be found among the records of that time ; but 
the consequences shew that he inclined that these words, in his letter, 
" that they show now no more zeale against the Highlanders, after their 
submission, than they have ever done formerly, when these were in open 
rebellion," should be explained in the literal meaning, which imports 
that they should be still used as enemys and rebells : For the barbarous 
massacre of Glencoe happened a few months thereafter ; and it appears 
by at letter from the Councill, of the 9th December 1691, to the Lords 
Chief Justices of Ireland, with whom they keept a correspondence, that 
the forces were, immediatly after publication of the indemnity, ordered 
to march towards the Highlands to compell the chiefs to submitt ; be 
sides, there is ane order directed from their Lordships to the Earl of 
Argile, commanding him to march immediatly to the Castles of Dowart, 
Cairnburg, and others within his bounds, and to require them to be de 
livered up, under the severest penal tys of law ; and though delivered 
up, if they within refused to take the oath of alledgiance, to imprison 
them, and prosecute them as traitors. 

That the Highlanders were abused and cheated in the execution of 
the articles of their treaty with King William (who never performed any 
of them but three) plainly appears from this, that though by the preli- 


minary article they were allowed to send to St Germans for King James 
his permission to lay doun their arms, yet the Indemnity that was issued 
out in consequence of that treaty, and King William's Letter to his 
Councill, which I have recited, and was the warrand upon which it pro 
ceeded, did not allow them time to waite the return of their commission 
ers, but circumscribed them to the first of January, without so much as 
mentioning it : And we see Argile's orders to treat the people of Mull 
in the manner just now recited, bears date two days after the publi 
cation, that being on the 29th, and the other on the 31st of August ; 
whereby it is plain that King William meant no more in yielding to the 
conditions of that treaty but to amuze them, and to catch them in the 
snare which he (with so much art and policy) contrived to ruine them ; 
but as it is to be presumed that some of his Ministers were lett into his 
Majesty's secret designs, so the sequel will further explain the matter, 
and shew that he did not mistake his measures. 

The misteryin the passage of the Council's Letter to his Majesty re 
lating to the Earl of Breadalbane, which I have inserted verbatim, falls 
nixt to be unriddled. I have formerly mentioned the competition be 
tween the Marquess of Atholl and Earl of Breadalbane, with respect to 
their being employed in bringing about the treaty, and that Glengary 
not onely sided with the former, but stood obstinatly out against the 
general voice of the other Chiefs. When these two, whom I may call the 
Dunmoirie, since none else joyned them, found that Breadalbane carried 
the poynt, they resolved to imploy all their address and policy to render 
the treaty abortive, and to be revenged on the Earl, betwixt whom and 
the Marquess there were some old grudges. 

The methods the Earl tooke to bring the Chiefs to his lure gave them 
a handle against him, and the contrivances they fell upon to bring about 
the other were drawn from the scituation of affairs, and the terms of the 
Indemnity. Eor the Earl, haveing observed that the offers made by the 
Earl of Argile and Marquess of Athole consisted of lands, money, or su- 
perioritys, and that they were rejected by the Chiefs, who scorned to 
sell themselves, because they [thus] brought no advantage to the common 
cause, which they were determined not to abandon, while there remained 


any hopes of their King being restored, his Lordship resolved to manage 
the matter with more craft and subtility, and to insinuate himself into 
their favours by falling in with their tempers and sentiments. 

With this view, he talkt to them of nothing but his loyalty to King 
James, praised those who had so gallantly supported his interest, and pro 
fessed that as his inclinations were allways turned that way, so, though 
he had been obliged to show a little outward complaysance to King 
William, in order to save himself and his family from mine, yet that he 
was determined to exert himself upon the first favourable opportunity in 
such a vigorous manner, that they and all the world should see that he 
knew the interest of his King and country. 

Such, and many the like speeches he often repeated, as well in pri 
vate as att their publick meetings. He was seconded by my Lord Tar- 
bat, then Justice-Clerk, a person of profound penetration and subtility, 
who pretended secretly to favour the same interest and principles. Two 
such heads united could not well miss to succeed, especially when they 
had to doe with plain honest gentlemen, to whom they were so nearly re 
lated in blood, and with whom they keept up the countenance of a sin 
cere friendship. In a word, they managed matters so artfully, that even 
Locheill himself believed them to be in earnest of the same principles 
and opinion with himself, (as there is still some probability they were,) 
which determined him absolutely in their favours ; and his interest car- 
ryed it with all the other Chiefs except Glengary. 

When the Earl had brought matters to this poynt, he watched all op- 
portunitys that favoured his designs, and finding their party dayly to dimi 
nish in strength and reputation by the bad conduct of their Generals, he 
prevailed with them to agree to a cessation of arms, and by degrees 
brought them to yield to the conditions which I have already sett down. 
But the Marquess of Athole and Laird of Glengary, haveing observed all 
Hreadalbane's procedure with the exactest regard, they resolved to lay 
hold on his speeches and professions of loyalty to King James, and of 
his assurances to the Chiefs to be ready to joyn that interest with all his 
power on the first proper occasion, as the most effectuall means to mine 
him with King William. Glengary carryed some of the Lowland Offi- 


cers, and particularly General Buchan, who stayed in his house, to his 
interest. The greatest part of them being against entering into any 
treaty, because they had nothing to lose, and Glengary pretended to be 
of the same opinion. By their means it was, that the papers mentioned 
in the passage of the Council's Letter, already noticed, was dropt into 
their hands. Whether Breadalbane went so far with the Chiefs as to 
enter into a private treaty with them, and to subscribe the articles, or 
if he satisfyed them with verball promises and assurances, is what I 
cannot determine ; but the paper sent to King William in the afore 
mentioned Letter contains as follows : 


"1st, If there be ane invasion from abroad, or a riseing of his Majes 
ty's subjects in Brittain, then the agreement is null. 

" 2d, If his Majesty does not allso approve the agreement, it is allso null. 

" 3d, And to that purpose there is a passport to be granted to two 
gentlemen to acquaint the King therewith, in all haste. 

" 4th, That if the forces goe abroad, then we will rise. 

" 5th, That if King William and Queen Mary doe deny all or any of 
the Articles agreed on, then my Lord Breadalbane is to joyn us with 
1000 men ; which he promised to perform both on oath and honour." 

It is plain, from the last words of the fifth Article, that the above have 
been gathered from his expressions ; and though it is probable that his 
Lordship expressed himself often in terms as plain, yet Glengary cannot 
be justifyed in makeing use of them in the manner he afterwards did, 
seeing he was of the party in whose favours they were made ; and that 
being allways present, they were spoke in confidence and secrecy, which 
ought to have putt a scale upon his lips, and not used as tools to bring 
ruine upon the speaker, as they were afterwards likely to have done in 

Haveing thus wrecked their malice upon the person, they att the same 


time employed their outmost cunning and policy to render his negotia 
tions useless. They observed that the Chiefs were by the Indemnity 
circumscribed to the first of January, though they were positive not to 
take the benefit* of it untill the return of their commissioners from King 
James. All they had to doe, in such a scituation, was to contrive means 
to get that time over, without their submitting in the terms prescribed. 
To effect this, they artfully raise rumours of a powerfull invasion soon 
to be made by the King of France in favours of King James. Many 
Letters are shown from pretended correspondents, abroad and att home, 
confirming these agreeable news, and often condescending on particulars 
that carryed ane air of probability. They contrive methods to impose 
upon others in the same manner, so that Locheill had many letters sent 
to him from different hands, who were all catched in the same snare, and 
really believed as they wrote, diswading him from entering into any mea 
sures with the Government. 

That the reader may the better see into their management and policy, 
whereby they imposed upon many who were affected to that interest, 
though otherways not over credulous, I shall here insert one of these 
letters, which was directed to Locheill from one Charles Edwards, late 
Chaplain to the Viscount of Dundee, but it neither bears the date nor 
place* from which it was wrote : 

" SIB, Your good and great friend commanded me to shew yow that 
Breadalbane designes to ruine King James his interest and all that belongs 
to him, particularly yourself. He entreats yow not to trust to his fair 
pretences, for his intentions are palpable and clear to all the world now. 
All the fair storys he told yow att Achalader against the Government 
were on purpose to deceive yow ; therefore, meddle no more with him, 
neither directly or indirectly, for there never was any thing that troubled 
the King more than the late cessation, which yow may expect to hear 
from himself very soon. Your friend desired me to shew yow that he 
expects yow will stand it out now as well as yow did in the late troubles, 
and not to make any manner of capitulation untill yow receive com 
mands from your master : And, withall, he says yow can never receive 


your master's countenance, friendship, or favour, if yow make any capitu 
lation till yow receive his orders, for now there are eleven of the con- 
federats broken off. Munster has declared for France, Denmark has 
called home his forces, Sweden has given his answer, that the reason 
why he has raised so many forces is for the peace of Christendome. The 
Pope has given a vast sum of money to King James, which yow may ex 
pect to have a share of very shortly. This yow may assure your self of 
from," &c.* (Signed) " CHARLES EDWARDS." 

Though all the forces of the kingdome were either dispersed in garri 
sons through the Highlands, or quartered on their confines in order to 
fright them, yet not one of the Chiefs tooke the benifite of the Indem 
nity till the arivall of their commissionars from King James. They re 
turned by London, as they had engaged themselves by the treaty, be 
fore they were allowed to sett out in a vessell belonging to the Govern 
ment ; and Brigadeir Barclay haveing shown King James his Letter to 
the Ministers of State, the Secretary keept the principall, and sent a 
double, attested by the brigadeir and Major Meinzies, to General Buchan, 
to whom it was directed. Major Meinzies was charged with this com 
mission ; and haveing come post from London, arrived att Dunkell 
eleven days after setting out from Paris, and some few days before the 
Indemnity expired. He was so fatigued that he could proceed no fur 
ther on his journey, but was obliged to send it by ane express to General 
Buchan, who was then att Glengary, and who did not send Locheill his 
coppy till about thirty hours before the time was out. King James his 
letter is as follows : 


" Right trusty and well-beloved, we greet yow well. 
We are informed of the state of our subjects in the Highlands, and of the 
condition that yow and our other officers there are in, as well by our 
trusty and well-beloved Sir George Barclay, brigadeir of our forces, as by 

* N.B. The original of this and several others is still extant. 

; 9feF- 


our trusty and well-beloved Major Duncan Meinzies : And therefore we 
have thought fitt hereby to authorize yow to give leave to our said subjects 
and officers, who have hitherto behaved themselves so loyally in our 
cause, to doe what may be most for their own and your safety. For 
doeing whereof this shall be your warrant : And so we bid yow farewell. 
St Germans, this 12th day of December 1691, and in the seventh year 

of our reign. 

" By his Majesty's command, 

( Subscribed) " MELFORD." 

Directed," To our trusty and well-beloved 
General Major Thomas Buchan, or to the 
Officer commanding-in-chief our Forces in 
our antient Kingdome of Scotland." 

So far from being true were the rumours and storys spread abroad by 
Glengary, that his scituation att St Germans was not very good. He 
sent no other private instructions to his friends, but that he did not incline 
any of them should cross the seas into France, but the Generals Buchan 
and Canon, and Sir George Barclay, who then chose to reside att Lon 
don, where he had some rich friends. 

Locheill gott to Inverary the very day on which the Indemnity ex 
pired, where the Sherriff of the shyre resided, and with great reluctance 
tooke the benefite of it ; which, though it saved him from a prosecution, 
yet King William made use of this long delay as a pretence to defraud 
him (as he did all the other Chiefs) of his share of the L.20,000 ster 
ling, promised and due to him by the treaty, and of the superiority of his 
estate, which he stood engaged to purchases in the manner I have related. 

Though Locheill cannot be said to have suffered much by Glengary 's 
resentment against Breadalbane, since he was from the beginning deter 
mined not to submitt without King James his consent, except we shall 
suppose it trew, as it was suspected, that General Buchan keept up his 
Majestic' s Letter by that gentleman's influence for several days, on pur 
pose to defraud him of the benefite of the Indemnity, yet it is certain that 


the poor country soon thereafter felt the terrible effects of that mischi- 
veous policy ; for not onely the Chiefs, but many of the inferiour gen 
tlemen and commons, were so buyed [buoyed] up with these false 
storys, that they did not submitt within the limited time, in expectation 
of more agreeable employment ; and though the King's Letter opened 
their eyes, yet it came so late to their hands that it was of no use to 

Major Meinzies, who, upon his arrival, had observed the whole forces 
of the kingdome ready to invade the Highlands, as he wrote to General 
Buchan, forseeing the unhappy consequences, not only begged that Ge 
neral to send expresses to all parts with orders immediatly to submitt, 
but allso wrote to Sir Thomas Livingston, praying him to supplicate the 
Councill for a prorogation of the time, in regard that he was so excess 
ively fatigued that he was obliged to stop some days to repose a little ; 
and that though he should send expresses, yet it was impossible they 
could reach the distant parts in such time as to allow the severall per 
sons concerned the benefite of the Indemnity, within the space limited ; 
besides, that some persons haveing putt the Highlanders in a bad tem 
per, he was confident to perswade them to submitt, if a further time 
were allowed. Sir Thomas presented this Letter to the Councill on 
the 5th of January 1692, but they refused to give any answer, and or 
dered him to transmitt the same to Court. 

King William, who thought himself no further bound by the capitula 
tion than suited his interest, returned for answer ane order to Sir 
Thomas to destroy and cutt them off without mercy, and, att the same 
time, sent the following Letter to the Councill : 


" RIGHT TRUSTY, &c. Whereas we haveing signifyed the outmost of 
mercy, gentleness, and compassion, to these Highlanders who have con 
tinued so long in open rebellion, whereof many of their leaders stand 
convicted by our parliament and condemned as traitors : Now, that all 
of them have refused the favourable and advantageous offers we made 
them, and several of their Chieftanes and many of their Clans have not 
taken the benefite of our gracious Indemnity, we consider it indispen- 



sible for the well of that our kingdome to apply the necessary severitys 
of law. To that end, we have given Sir Thomas Liveingston orders 
to employ our troops (which we have already conveniently posted) to 
cutt off these obstinate rebells by all manner of hostility ; and we doe 
require you to give him your assistance and concurrence in all other 
things that may conduce to that service ; and because these rebells, to 
avoyd our forces, may draw themselves, their familys, goods, or cattle, 
to lurk or be concealed among their neightbours : Therefore, we re 
quire and authorize you to emitt a proclamation to be published att the 
mercat crosses of these or the adjacent shires where the rebells reside, 
dischargeing, upon the highest penaltys the law allows, any resett, corre 
spondence, or intercommuneing with these rebells. You will know, be 
fore these come to your hands, who have taken the benefite of the In 
demnity, and are thereby safe, and who have not, that the names of the 
leaders, in particular, and their clans and tenants in general, who have 
been all engaged and involved with them, may be expressed, that no 
body through ignorance may be insnared. And not doubting of your 
care in what may concern the vigorous execution of this our service, we 
bid you heartily fairwell. Given att our Court att Kengsingtoun the 
llth January 1691-2, and of our reign the 3d year. 
" By his Majesty's command, 

(Subscribed) " Jo. DALRYMPLE." 

By this Letter, it appears that the first design of King William and 
his Councellors was to destroy all the Highlanders who had not sub 
mitted before the time fixt in the Indemnity, without regard to the 
treaty ; whereby they were not obliged to lay doun their arms untill they 
had King James his permission. But King William designed that 
treaty (as we have formerly observed) onely as a lure to decoy them into 
his snare ; and it is more than probable that the effects of the barbarous 
policy of these times had been more generall, if the horrour wherewith 
all Europe was struck att the bloody beginning of it in Glencoe, and 
the hardy and desperate resolution that the Chiefs entered into of unite- 
ing for the common defence, had not putt ane early stop to it : For it is 
clear from that Letter, that the cruell design was not onely to extend 


to the leaders and their men who had been actually in arms, but even 
to their wives, children, servants, and goods, who were all doomed to 
fall promiscuously in that bloody sacrifice ; otherways, what can be the 
meaning of the proclamation dischargeing the leiges to harbour these mi 
serable creatures, or so much as to correspond with them, under the 
highest penaltys of law ? Does not the preamble to the orders for that 
proclamation explain the intention and design of it beyond all doubt ? It 
begins thus : " And because these rebells, to avoyd our forces, may 
withdraw themselves, their familys, goods, or cattle, to lurk or be con 
cealed among their neightbours ; therefore," &c. 

But if there remains any doubt from the words, the facts that followed 
will serve as a commentary upon them ; for, in consequence of the above, 
and other more severe orders that followed, (for I am informed that the 
Councill did not think it proper to register all the orders of that time,) 
the forces entered the Highlands from the severall parts where they were 
formerly posted for that purpose, and were quartered upon the people, 
who knew nothing of their intentions. 

The country of Glencoe is, as it were, the mouth or inlett into Loch- 
aber from the south, and the inhabitants are the first we meet with that 
appeared unanimously for King James. They are separated from Bread- 
albane on the South by a large desert, and from Lochaber by ane arm 
of the sea on the North ; on the East and West it is covered by high 
rugged and rocky mountains, almost perpendicular, riseing like a wall on 
each side of a beautifull valley, where the inhabitants reside. A party 
of the troops were quartered here, as in other parts of the Highlands, 
and they were so civilly used, that they began to contract a friendship 
and intimacy with their several landlords and domesticks. The Laird 
of Glenco having been, like the rest of his countrymen, flushed and 
blown up with the false hopes which the rumours I have mentioned ge 
nerally infused, had neglected to take the Indemnity ; but upon the in 
timation of King James his Letter had surrendered himself to the Go- 
vernour of Inverlochy, who gave him a certificate thereof ; the weather 
being then so excessively stormy, that there was no possibility of travel 
ing to Inveraray, where the Sherriff resided, and who was the onely person 
authorized by the Indemnity to receive the submissions of those within 


his shire. But the Governour of Inverlochy haveing taken it upon him 
to administrate the oath of alledgiance to him, and to give him a certifi 
cate, the poor gentleman thought himself absolutely secure, and dreaded 
nothing less than the fate he soone thereafter mett with from his bloody 
guests, especially considering that the very day after that limited by the 
Indemnity he prevailed upon Sir James Campbell of Ardkinglass, Sher- 
riff of the shire, to administrate the oaths required. 

I have formerly hinted, that the designs of the Court were against the 
whole body of the Highlanders, as afterwards evidently appeared, when 
the bloody fact came to be publickly examined into by the Parliament, 
on the occasion that shall be by and by mentioned. There was then 
nine Letters produced from the Lord Stair, one of the Scots Secretarys 
who attended the Court, to Sir Thomas Livingstone, Collonell Hill, 
and Lieutenant-Collonell Hamilton, and two setts of Instructions to 
them, both super and subscribed by King William ; but all these being 
published att full length in the severall printed accounts we have of that 
tragedy, I shall onely recite such passages of them as I think will putt it 
in a clear light. 

In the first of these Letters, (December 1, 1691,) directed to Lieu 
tenant- Colonell Hamilton, there are these words : " The winter is the 
onely season in which we are sure the Highlanders cannot escape us, 
nor carry their wives, bairns, and cattle, to the mountains." In another 
to him, of the third of the same month, he says : "It is the onely time 
that they cannot escape yow, for human constitution cannot indure to be 
long out of houses. This is the proper season to maule them, in the cold, 
long nights." And in a third to Sir Thomas Livingstone, of the seventh 
of January, he tells them that the design was, " to destroy intearly the 
country of Lochaber, Locheil's lands, Keppoch's, Glengary's, Appine, 
and Glencoe." " I assure yow," continues he, " your power shall be 
full enough, and I hope the souldiers will not trouble the Government 
with prisoners !" The Secretary was, indeed, as good as his word, 
for the first Instructions (January 11, 1691-2) for a general massacre 
bore, in express terms, ane order to Sir Thomas Livingstone to " putt 
all the Highlanders who had not taken the oaths to fire and sword," 
They are the same that were mentioned hi his Majesty's Letter to his 


Privy Councill, formerly recited, as appears from the dates, and were at 
tended with one from the Secretary to Sir Thomas Livingston, wherein 
he makes further ecclaircissements, and takes notice of the King's super 
and subscribeing them, either with a view of giveing the whole glory to 
his Majesty, or to keep himself free from a future prosecution. 

But before Sir Thomas had time to putt his orders in execution, it 
happened luckily for the poor Highlanders, that the Lord Carmarthen, 
afterwards Duke of Leeds, was informed by the Secretary of the con 
tents, which putt him upon a resolution of attempting to gett them coun 
termanded. He represented to his Majesty, that the orders were not 
onely contrary to the laws of all civilized nations, but allso to good policy ; 
for King James was sett aside for attempting to gett above the laws, and 
yet the most arbitrary of his actions came not near such a method of proce 
dure. That the Highlanders were governed by the same laws with the rest 
of the kingdome, and if his Majesty inclined to gett rid of them, he might 
easily effect it under a cover of law, by a tryall before the Parliament ; 
but that fire and sword would sound very harshly in the ears of such 
as pretend to be a free people, such words haveing never been heard from 
any of our native Kings. To this it was answered : That the High 
landers, being not onely in ane actuall rebellion, but in arms, att open 
war with the Government, they had excepted themselves from the bene- 
fite of the law, and therefore might be justly punished by that of the 
sword : That his Majesty's royall mercy was sufficiently evidenced by 
his gracious condescention to their own terms, and by even rewarding 
them for their being in rebellion : That they had refused these most 
bountifull offers, and that they were now to be destroyed as wild savages, 
sucking the blood, and preying upon the goods of their fellow-subjects, 
they being all thieves and robbers, hated and detested by the rest of the 
kingdome : That their utter destruction would be agreeable to all peace 
able and honest people ; and that to attempt to bring it about by a legall 
tryall, would serve onely to putt them upon their guard, unite them more 
closely, and render them desperat, whereof the consequences might not 
onely prove troublesome, but even dangerous : That the method of pun 
ishing them most for his Majesty's interest was that which would strike 


most terrour, and that none could be more so than ane effectual! execu 
tion of the orders already issued out. 

However, after some more debate, it was agreed to restrick the orders 
to a part for that time, thereby to make ane easy essay how that terrible 
method would relish with the three kingdoms. Their reasons for fixing 
upon Glencoe were principally two ; the first was, their scituation, which 
rendered the execution easy ; the second was, that the Secretary had con 
ceived a particular hatred against that tribe upon some former quarrell, 
as appears from one of his letters to Hamilton, first quoted ; wherein 
he has these words : " Just now Argyle tells me that Glencoe hath not 
taken the oaths, att which I rejoice. It is a great work of charity to be 
exact in rooting out that damnable sett." " I have no great kindness 
for Keppoch and Glencoe, and it is well these people are in mercy." 
There is a slur drawn over this last paragraph, which, however, still re 
mained legible. 

This new resolution occasioned second Instructions to be drawn up, 
(January 16, 1691-2,) and the article concerning Glencoe (which was 
the fourth) runs in these words : 


" As for M'lan of Glencoe and that tribe, if they can 
be well distinguished from the rest of the Highlanders. It will be proper, 
for vindication of publick justice, to extirpate that sett of thieves. 

" W. R." 

It was remarkable that his Majesty was pleased to distinguish that ar 
ticle by signing and countersigning it himself, in place of his Secretary, 
who seems to have had a double view in adviseing his master to it ; as 
well forseeing that it would not onely screen himself from unlucky 
consequences, but allso make the actors more zealous in performing that 
service. These Instructions were directed to Sir Thomas Livingston 
and Collonell Hill, and the last had likeways a letter from the Secre 
tary, pointing out the particular method how they were to be executed, 
and enjoyning dispatch and secrecy. 


These gentlemen, haveing commanded the troops to be disposed in 
proper posts, issued out their orders to Lieutenant-Collonel Hamilton 
for the execution ; who thereupon wrote the following letter to Major 
Robert Duncanson, who was quartered with a part of Argile's regiment 
att Ballacholis, which is on the north side of the Ferry, and almost op 
posite to Glencoe : 

" Ballacholis, February 12, 1692. 

" SIR, Persuand to the commander-in-chief and my Collonel's orders 
to me, for putting in execution the service commanded against the rebells 
in Glencoe, wherein yow with the party of the Earl of Argile's regiment 
under your command are to be concerned, yow are therefore forthwith 
to order your affairs, so as that the several posts already assigned by yow 
be, by yow and your several detatchments, fallen in action with pre 
cisely, by five o'clock to-morrow morning, being Saturday ; att which 
time I will endeavour the same with those appointed from this regiment 
for the other places. It will be most necessary that yow secure these 
avenues on the south side, that the old fox, nor none of his cubs, may gett 
away. The orders are, that none be spared from 70 of the sword, nor 
the Government troubled with prisoners. This is all untill I see you, 
from your humble servant, (Signed) JAMES HAMILTON. 

" P.S. Please order a guard to secure the Ferry and the boats there ; 
and the boats must be all on this syde the Ferry, after your men are over." 

" For their Majesty's service. For Major 
Robert Duncanson, of the Earl of Ar 
gile's Regiment." 

This Duncanson was of a sullen, brutal, and savage nature, and well 
qualifyed for such a service. His orders to the Captain that command 
ed in Glencoe were as follows : 


" Ballacholis, IZth February 1692. 

" SIB, Yoware hereby ordered to fall upon the rebells, the M'Donalds 
of Glencoe, and putt all to the sword under 70. Yow are to have spe 
cial care that the old fox and his sons doe, upon no account, escape your 
hands. Yow are to secure all the avenues, that no man escape. This 
yow are to putt in execution att five o'clock in the morning precisely, 
and by that time, or very shortly after it, I'll strive to be att yow with 
a stronger party. If I doe not come to yow att five, yow are not to 
tarry for me, but to fall on. This is by the King's speciall command, 
for the good and safety of the country, that these miscreants be cutt off 
root and branch. See that this be putt in execution without feud or 
favour, else yow may expect to be treated as not true to the King's Go 
vernment, nor a man fitt to carry a commission in the King's service. 
Expecting yow will not faill in the fulfilling hereof, as yow love your 
self, I subscrive these with my hand. 


" For their Majesty's service. To Captain 

Robert Campbell of Glenlyon." 

The bloody work began at the hour appointed, while all the destined 
victims were fast asleep. The first they despatched was Glencoe him 
self, who haveing upon the noise started from his bed, was shott while 
he was pulling on his britches, and fell back in his lady's arms. The 
poor gentlewoman gave a dreadfull shriek, and expyred some few hours 
thereafter. They then served all within the family in the same manner, 
without distinction of age or person. In a word, for the horrour of 
that execrable butchery must give pain to the reader, they left none alive 
but a young child, who being frighted with the noise of the guns, and 
the dismall shrieks and crys of its dyeing parents, whom they were a 
murdering, gott hold of Captain Campbell's knees, and wrapt itself with 
in his cloake ; by which, chanceing to move compassion, the Captain in 
clined to have saved it, but one Drummond, ane officer arriveing about 


the breck of day with more troops, commanded it to be shott by a file of 
musketeers. Nothing could be more shokeing and horrible than the pros 
pect of these houses bestrewed with mangled bodys of the dead, covered 
with blood, and resounding with the groans of wretches in the last agonys 
of life. 

Two sons of Glencoe's were the onely persons that escaped in that 
quarter of the country ; for, growing jealous of some ill designs from 
the behaviour of the souldiers, they stole from their beds a few minutes 
before the tragedy began, and chanceing to overhear two of them dis- 
courseing plainly of the matter, they endeavoured to have advertised their 
father, but finding that impracticable, they ran to the other end of the 
country and allarmed the inhabitants. There was another accident that 
contributed much to their safety ; for the night was so excessively stormy 
and tempestuous, that four hundred souldiers who were appointed to mur 
der these people, were stopt in their march from Inverlochy, and could 
not gett up till they had time to save themselves. To cover the defor 
mity of so dreadfull a sight, the souldiers burnt all the houses to the 
ground, after haveing riffled them, carryed away nine hundred cows, two 
hundred horses, numberless herds of sheep and goats, and every thing 
else that belonged to these miserable people. Lamentable was the case 
of the women and children that escaped the butchery. The mountains 
were covered with a deep snow, the rivers impassable, storm and tem 
pest filled the air, and added to the horrours and darkness of the night, 
and there was no houses to shelter them within many miles. 

Thus fell Glencoe, and all that neightbourhood of his people, as it 
were att one blow. He was a person of great integrity, honour, good 
nature, and courage ; and his loyalty to his old master, King James, was 
such, that he continued in arms from Dundee's first appearing in the 
Highlands, till the fatal treaty that brought on his ruine. He was 
strong, active, and of the biggest size ; much loved by his neightbours, 
and blameless in his conduct. He gained so far upon two of the officers 
that lodged with him, that they refused to be concerned in the murder, 
and would have advertized him, had they known the matter soon enough 



themselves. They were for this disobedience sent prissoners to Glas 
gow, and long confyned. 

Glencoe's family is a branch of the antient M'Donalds (or, as they are 
commonly called, the M'lans) of Ardnamurchan. The tribe is not nu 
merous, but very resolute, hardy, and stout, and have the least vanity of 
any of that great and powerfull clan. The fore-mentioned Secretary 
seems to have had a particular aversion against all the name ; for he 
says, in one of his letters (January 16, 1691-2) to Sir Thomas Living 
stone, that, for his part, he could have wished the M'Donalds had not 
divided, that is, that they had all excluded themselves from mercy by 
not timeously accepting of the Indemnity. 

To finish the character of Glencoe, Mr Philips represents him att the 
first general randezvouze in the following manner : 

Nixt with a dareing look and warlike stride 
Glencoe advanced : His rattleing armour shone 
With dreadfull glare : His large, broad, brawny back 
A thick bull's-hide impenetrably hard, 
Instead of cloaths invest, and though allong 
Twice fifty of gigantick limbs and size 
The warrior led, feirce, hardy, wild, and strong, 
Yet his vast bulk did like a turret rise 
By head and shoulders o'er the surly crew. 
Round, in his left, his mighty shield he twirled, 
And in his right, his broad- sword brandished high, 
Which flashed like lightning with affrighting gleams. 
His visage boisterous, horribly was graced 
With stiff mustachios like two bending horns, 
And turbid firey eyes, as meteors red, 
Which fury and revenge did threaten round. 

Inexpressable was the surprize and amazement wherewith the High 
landers, and indeed all mankind, were struck, as soon as the news of 


this tragedy were spread abroad. Locheill, who lived att no great dis 
tance, sent immediat orders to drive away all the souldiers that were 
quartered upon his people. His neightbours followed his example, and 
expresses were dispatched from Clan to Clan, for uniteing in the common 
defence, so soon as the season would permit. In the mean time, they 
keept strick guards upon all the avenues, inlets, and posts, from which 
they could apprehend any danger ; and were resolved to trust their safety 
to their swords, seeing they could depend no more upon Articles, Treaty s, 
and Proclamations. Glencoe's two sons, with the remainder of that tribe, 
betook themselves to arms, and being joyned by some others, they keept 
together in small partys while they thought themselves in dangers, and 
for the women and children, they took sanctuary among their neight 

The detestable authors of this barbarous massacre were so scandal 
ized and affronted by the general voice of mankind, that they thought 
fitt to proceed no further, and evacuated the Highlands of all their troops, 
except such as were posted in strong houses and other garrisons ; where 
by, the Chiefs finding themselves secure, proceeded no further in their 
intended confederacy. 

James Johnstoun of Weariston was second Secretary of State, and 
satt att the helm. The Convention of the Estates, I have mentioned, 
being turned into a Parliament, for it would then have been dangerous to 
have called a new one, he ruled them att his pleasure, though many of them 
were much enraged att the murder of so many innocents, and inclined to 
have brought the actors to ane account, while the horrour of the thing 
was fresh ; yet, such was Mr Johnston's power and influence over 
them, that he, knowing well where the crime would land, suppressed all 
their murmurs, and saved the criminals from a tryall. But, happening 
thereafter to conceive ane implacable malice against his rival Secretary, 
whom he envyed the honour he enjoyed in his master's favour, in order 
to satisfy his revenge by exposeing his antagonist, though att the expense 
of his Prince's honour, he, in the summer session of the year 1695, which 
was near three years after the bloody fact, brought it to a publick ex 
amination before the Parliament. It was then, and not till then, that 


the true authors were discovered, and all the springs and machinations of 
that execrable contrivance was brought to light. The Parliament voted it 
murder ; but, upon examination of the Letters and Instructions I have 
mentioned, they, by a second vote, acquitted Sir Thomas Livingston, 
Collonell Hill, and their associates, as not exceeding their Instructions. 
But as the Secretary designed no more by this sham tryall, but the expose- 
ing of his collegue to publick infamey, which he fully effected by the 
publication of the aforesaid writts, so the affair ended, and all the crimi- 
nalls escaped, under the shelter of the great person that authorised them. 

The Generals Buchan and Canon, with their officers, haveing ap- 
plyed for permission (March 23, 1692) to transport themselves abroad, 
they obtained, by a recommendation from the Councill, a pass from the 
Chancellour for the ship that was to carry them from the Port of Leith 
to that of Havre de Grace. The Councill, after the Murder of Glen- 
coe, refused no favour to any of that party ; and even went so far as, 
upon application by the Laird of Grant, who was one of their number, 
to grant allowances to several persons who were comprehended in the 
general capitulation to continue att home without takeing the publick 
oaths, because they were not clear to swear them. This remarkable act 
bears date March 23, 1692. 

Sir John M'Lean took the opportunity of this favourable disposition 
to apply for liberty to goe to the Court of England, (April 26, 1692.) 
His petition was presented by the Earl of Argile, and granted by the 
Councill upon condition that he surrendered the Castle of Dowart, and 
the other places that he still keept out for King James, to his Lordship 
before delivery. 

Sir John's family and scituation I have already given ane account 
of. He was of a person and disposition more turned for the Court and 
the camp, than for the business of a private life. There was a natural 
vivacity and politeness in his manner, which he afterwards much im 
proved by a courtly education ; and as his person was well made and 
gracefull, so he took care to sett it off by all the ornaments and luxury 
of dress. He was of a sweet temper, and good natured. His witt 
lively and sparkleing, and his humour pleasant and facetious. He loved 


books, and acquired the languages with great facility, whereby he 
cultivated and enriched his understanding with all manner of learning, 
but especially the belles lettres ; add to this, a natural elegancy of expres 
sion, and ane inexhaustible fancy, which, on all occasions, furnished him 
with such a copious variety of matter, as rendered his conversation allways 
new and entertaining. But with all these shineing qualitys, the natural 
indolence of his temper, and ane immoderat love of pleasure, made him 
unsuiteable to the circumstances of his family. No person talked of affairs 
private or publick with a better grace, or more to the purpose, but he 
could not prevaill with himself to foe att the least trouble in the execution. 
He seemed to know every thing, and from the smallest hint so pene 
trated into the circumstances of other people's business, that he often did 
great services by his excellent advice, and he was of a temper so kind 
and obligeing, that he was fond of every occasion of doeing good to his 
friends, while he neglected many inviteing opportunity s of serving himself. 

Sir John had the good fortune to be taken notice of att Court by 
Queen Mary. She was naturally a good Princess, and had all the sweet 
ness of the Royal Family of the Stewarts in her blood. She had a 
warm side to all her father's friends ; but knowing how much the Scots 
in general, but especially the Highlanders, were detested by the King 
her husband, she had too much reservedness and modesty in her temper 
to interpose in their behalf. But while she commanded herself, which 
was as often as her husband was in Flanders, she served them as far as 
was consistent with the policy of that Court. By her authority it was 
that Sir Thomas Livingstone was stopt in his march to the Highlands 
after the cessation, though he was positively commanded to it by King 
William ; and that Appine and some other prisoners were sett att liber 
ty, as has been formerly observed ; and now she had the goodness to 
make use of the present opportunity of serving Sir John M'Lean. 

He was the onely person of his party that went to Court, which no 
doubt contributed much to his being so particularly observed by the 
Queen, who haveing received him most graciously, honoured him fre 
quently with her conversation, and said many kind and obligeing things 
to him. Sir John, on his part, acquitted himself with so much polite- 


ness and address, that her Majesty soon began to esteem him. He took 
the proper occasion to inform her of the misfortunes of his family, and 
artfully insinuated that he and his predecessors had drawn them all upon 
themselves by the services they had endeavoured to perform to her 
grandfather, father, and uncle. She answered, that the antiquity and 
merite of his family were no strangers to her ears ; and that though she had 
taken a resolution never to interpose betwixt her father's friends and the 
King her husband, yet she would distinguish him so far as to recom 
mend his fortunes to his Majesty, by a letter under her own hand ; and 
that she doubted not but that it would have some influence, since it 
was the first favour of that nature which she had ever demanded. 

Her Majesty's indulgence quickly procured him the compliments of 
many of the courtiers, who offered their services with great appearance of 
sincerity. He made a good enough figure while he remained among them ; 
but his inclinations leading him to the army, he intimated his designs to 
her Majesty, and begged the honour of her commands. The good Queen 
made good her promise, and wrote to her husband in his favours in very 
strong terms. Soon after his arrival in Flanders, he got himself intro 
duced to that warlike Prince, who received him in a manner that sur 
prized all who were acquainted with his temper. He said to Sir John, 
that lie must be a great favourite of the Queen's, since she had taken 
such notice of him, as, contrary to her usewal reservedness, to recom 
mend his fortunes to him : That, as he was the first that had come with 
so powerfull ane intercession, he was resolved to distinguish him by the 
care he would take of his fortune ; and ordered him to give him a me 
moir of his demands in writeing ; and, in the meantime, promised him 
the command of the first vacant regiment. 

Sir John was much carressed while he continued in the army ; and King 
William not onely honoured him with his countenance, but told Argile 
that he must part with Sir John's estate, and that he himself would be 
the purchaser. The Earl of Argile was a person of a frank, noble, and 
generous disposition. He loved his pleasures, affected magnificence, 
and valued money no further than as it contributed to support the ex- 
pence which the gallantry of his temper daily putt him to. He several 


<imes offered very easy terms to Sir John, and particularly, he made ane 
overture of quitting all his pretentious to that estate, on condition of sub 
mitting to be the Earl's vassall for the greatest part of it, and of paying 
him two thousand pounds sterling, which he had then by him in ready 
money ; but the expensive gayety of Sir John's temper made him un 
willing to part with the money, and the name of a vassall suited as ill 
with his vanity, which occasioned that and several other proposals to 
be refused. 

However, as the generous Earl was noways uneasy to part with the 
estate, so he, with his usewall frankness, answered King William, that 
his Majesty might all ways command him and his fortunes ; and that he 
submitted his claim upon Sir John's estate, as he did every thing else, to 
his royall pleasure. But before this transaction could be concluded, the 
battle of Landen happened to be fought between the confederat and 
French armys, wherein the last proveing victorious, Sir John, upon a 
fancy that the King of France would take that opportunity of restoreing 
King James, went immediatly after the action to the Court of St Ger- 
mains, where he was but coldly received. 

King William inquired after Sir John with some anxiety, being afraid 
that he was either killed or made prisoner by the enemy ; but informing 
himself afterwards where he was, he confirmed the Earl of Argile's for 
mer rights to the estate by a new grant, whereby that Lord's successors 
possess it without any disturbance to this day. 

Such were the fortunes of those that appeared for King James, and 
though there were after this several plots and conspiracys entered into 
in his favours, both in England and Scotland, yet they commonly ended 
in the destruction of those that managed them, and served as a pretence 
to draw the bridle harder upon the mouths of such as were suspected to 
befriend them. But none suffered more for that unfortunat Prince 
than the noble family of Perth. I have already mentioned the Chancel- 
lour' s being taken in Fife, and his confinement in the Castle of Stirling. 
He continued there, some times att more, and some times att less liberty, 
according to the different posture of affairs, till after the defeat of the 



French fleet att La Hogg, which procured him a permission to transport 
himself abroad into France. 

The Chancellour was not well out of their clutches when severe orders 
arrived from Court against the Non-jurants, (July 19, 1692,) though 
there is no mention of any motion they had made. The Indemnity was 
no protection to the most innocent and quiet. All those who had gone 
to France since King William's descent into Brittain are ordered to be 
prosecuted, and a process of high treason to be raised against the Duke 
of Gordon, and all others who had been about King James. The Earl 
of Seaforth is also involved in the same calamity, for his invasion from 
Ireland, and his Majesty ordains four hundred pounds sterling to be 
payed to the lawers who should assist the sollicitor in these cruell pro 
secutions. The jayles were immediatly filled with such of the nobility 
and gentry as refused to swear the publick oaths ; and all the disaffected 
are proceeded against with the outmost rigour and severity, as appears 
from the Council's Answer to King William's Letter. But his Majesty, 
not satisfied with this, did by another Letter (November 24, 1692) 
redouble his rigid commands against these unhappy persons, and added 
many others to the list of the proscribed, among whom was the young 
Clanrannald, who, it seems, had not taken the Indemnity. That excellent 
youth thought himself secure by the remoteness of his residence, but 
being allarmed by a citation from the Coimcill, he retired into France, 
where he remained till he became one of the most accomplished gentle 
men of the age. 

About the end of 1694, or beginning of 1695, the young Lord Drum- 
mond, son to the Chancelour, arrived from France. He was imme 
diatly obliged to make his appearance before the Privy Councill, (Feb 
ruary 24, 1695,) and not onely to give security orbaill of one thousand 
pounds sterling for himself, but also of two hundred pounds for his va 
let de chambre and footman, while they continued in his Lordship's 

The discovery of the Assassination Plott, as it is called, putting all 
again into a ferment, drew new troubles after it. Though there were no 


orders out against my LordDrummond, (for he was then allowed no other 
tittle, although his father was created a Duke before King James left Eng 
land,) yet his Lordship, justly apprehensive of being made prisoner, retired 
himself out of the way, and, meeting accidentally with Captain Grant, ane 
officer in the Lord Murray's regiment, he (the Captain) inquired who 
he was ? But his Lordship, who was incog., and inclined to conceall him 
self, not knowing of what regiment Grant was, answered, that he be 
longed to the army as well as himself; and Grant, still officiously insist 
ing to know to what regiment he belonged, his Lordship, by misfortune, 
said, that he was of the Lord Murray's. Grant, who understood this to be 
false, without further ceremony made him prisoner, and though his Lord 
ship immediatly discovered himself, and demanded his warrand, yet 
Grant would not part with him. Such were the misery s of these times, 
that the greatest personages were att the mercy of every inferior officer, 
and insolence and oppression were the qualitys that recommended them 
most. For the Councill not onely approved of Grant's illegall procedure 
by a solemn act, (March 26, 1696, ) but gave warrand to committ his Lord 
ship to the Castle of Stirling. Though he had the fortune to make his 
escape some few days thereafter, yet that was of nobenefite, for he was not 
onely summoned by the Councill to enter his person into custody, (April 
10, 1696,) but the Lord Advocate sued him upon his baill-bond, though he 
had not incurred the penalty, for his Lordship was neither accused of 
breaking the peace, nor of refusing to appear, which were the conditions 
of the bond ; on the contrary, his former committment voyded the obliga 
tions, and the bond became thereby extinct. But such was the violence of 
the times, that the Councill gott over all objections, condemned him in 
the fine, granted warrand to denounce him rebell, and to seize his move- 
able goods for the payment. His Lordship, however, haveing, by the 
advice of his friends in the Councill, surrendered himself within a short 
time thereafter, they did him the justice to return him his bond, and 
committed him to the Castle of Edinburgh, (June 12, 1696.) In a few 
days thereafter, (June 18, 1696,) he had the company of many of his 
principall friends, among whom were the Viscount of Strathallan, the 
Laird of Loggie-Drummond, and others of his nearest relations ; and 



on the 3d of September thereafter, there was ane order issued out to 

search his papers. 

In a word, that noble Lord was miserably harrassed all this reign. 
He represented a family which had allways been a blessing to the coun 
try where it resided ; and he himself was possessed of so many amiable 
uualitys, that he was too generally beloved not to. be suspected by such 
zealous Ministers. He was humble, magnificent, and generous, and 
had a certain elevation and greatness of soule, that gave ane air of dignity 
and grandeur to all his words and actions. He had a person well turned, 
gracefull, and genteele ; and was, besides, the most polite and best bred 
Lord of the age. His affability, humanity, and goodness, gained upon 
all with whom he conversed ; and as he had many friends, so it was not 
known that he had any personall enemy s. He had too much sincerity 
and honour for the times. The crafty and designing are allways apt 
to cover their vices under the mask of the most noble and sublime vir 
tues ; and it is naturall enough for great souls to believe that every per 
son of figure truely is what he ought to be ; there being something so 
wretchedly mean in dissimulation and hypocrisy, that a person of true 
honour thinks it even criminal to suspect that any he converses with is 
capable of debuseing* the dignity of his nature so low as to be guilty of 
sucfoignoble and vile practises. None could be freer of these, nor, indeed, 
of all other vices, than the noble person I speak of. The fixt and un 
alterable principles of justice and integrity, which he allways made the 
rules of his conduct, were transmitted to him with his blood, and are 
virtues inherent and hereditary in the constitutions of that illustrious 

To give the reader ane undeniable proof of the generous maxims of 
that house, it will be proper to notice, that by the laws of Scotland no 
person succeeding to ane estate is, in a legal sense, vested in the pro 
perty, untill he serves himself heir to the person from whom he derives 
his tittle. The heir often took the advantage of this, when creditors 
were negligent, and passing by his father, and perhaps his grandfather, 

* Q. " reducing." Edit. 


served heir to him who was last infefted ; for, unless they were actually 
seased of the estate, according to the forms of law, they were no 
more then simple possessors, and could not incumber the lands with any 
deeds or debts ; whereby the heir gott clear of all that interveened be 
twixt himself and the person who he represented by his service. This 
was ane unjustifiable practice, which the dilligence of creditors might 
allways have prevented, and which is now wholly corrected by ane act 
of parliament obligeing every one possessing ane estate to pay the debts 
of his predecessors, as well as his own, whither representing them by a 
service or not. 

But the house of Perth was always so firmly attached to honour and 
justice, that there are no less than fifteen or sixteen retoures descending 
linealy from father to son, extant among their records. Now, a retoure 
is a write returned from the Court of Chancery, testifyeing the service of 
every succeeding heir ; and is, therefore, ane unexceptionable evidence 
of paying his predecessor's debts, and of performing his obligations and 

Such has been, and still is, the uniform practice of these truly noble 
Lords. The house of Mont rose, and, perhaps, some others of the an- 
tient Nobility, have followed the same course, which will not onely entaill 
a blessing upon their family and posterity, but will likeways be a per 
petual memorial of their integrity, honour, and antiquity. 

The reader will not be surprised att this seeming digression, when he 
is informed that there was a hereditary friendship between the house of 
Perth and the Chiefs of the Clan Cameron, which I have elsewhere 
taken notice of; and as this is evident from innumerable Letters and 
other writes still to be seen among Locheil's papers, so it would have 
been ane injustice done to the gentleman whose life I write, to have 
passed over in silence ane honour whereof he was allways proud. But 
there was still a better reason for mentioning the late Duke of Perth ; 
for he, in effect, became head of the Clans, after his first appearance, 
and it was the jealousy that our Ministers of State conceived from this 
powerfull union, which they allways suspected and dreaded, that occa- 


sioned the perpetual troubles wherein he was involved during the re 
mainder of his life. 

Locheill drunk deeply of this bitter cup ; for, being still ingaged in 
all the plots and designs that were sett on foot for the service of his 
beloved King James, it is no great wonder if the Government keept a 
jealous and watchfull eye over all his motions. The Goveraour of Inver- 
lochy was their informer ; but Locheill, to disarm his jealousy as much 
as possible, not onely commanded his people to humour and serve him 
in all his demands, but allso endeavoured by all means and ways to in- 
sinuat himself into his friendship. [He often sent him compliments 
of venison and other raritys of that country.] He made him many fa 
miliar visits, drunk merrily with his officers, as if his head had been 
disingaged of all business ; and not onely tooke the diversions of hunting, 
fishing, and such exercises with them himself, but gave them the full li 
berty of his forrests, woods, &c. to divert themselves in all pleasures ; 
by which methods he very soon gained his ends. 

In one of these visits, there happened ane adventure which I shall re 
cite for the entertainment of the reader. Chanceing one day to be in 
the fields with one of these officers, who had formerly commanded att 
Inverlochy, during Cromwell's Usurpation, and discourseing occasion 
ally on these troublesome times, the officer, among other remarks, took 
notice that the men were even diminished in their size, and that they 
had lost much of that spirit, brawn, and vigour, which they formerly 
had : " And for example" said he, looking on those who attended 
Locheill " is there any there that has the strength to give such blows 
as our men received att Achadalew, and the other rancounters that we 
daily had with yow ? In these days we thought that a company of 
our men were not matches for twenty of yours ; but att present I can't 
hinder myself from thinking that twenty of ours would beat a company 
of such as these, who seem neither to have strength nor courage." 

Locheill, who never talked magnificently of himself, nor of anything 
that belonged to him, said, that he believed the officer might have good 
reasons for what he alleadged, but that still he could not allow himself to 
think that the odds was quite so great, seeing he had had some late try- 


alls of their courage att the battle of Killycranky, and on other occasions. 
That he was far from thinking that the misfortunes of the English att 
Achadalew, and thereafter, proceeded either from want of strength, cour 
age, or good discipline, but from other obvious causes, such as the in 
equality of their arms, their not being acquainted with the old way of 
fighting, and their being commonly surprized ; besides, continued he, 
we may observe from the historys of all ages, that once ane army is 
soundly beaten, the men become so dispirited, that it is hardly possible 
to recover them dureing that war. Such was your case ; for, after the 
defeat your people received att Achadelew, it was observeable that they 
would not so much as look our people in the face ; and yet the brave re 
sistance they made before they were so intimidated shows that they 
were as stout, and valued their lives as little, or rather less, than their 
enemys did. 

Among those that attended Locheill there was one, whose name I 
have forgott, that was of the same age with himself, of a moderat size, 
and somewhat slender, but hardy, brave, and vigorous. He had been 
a constant companion to his Chief in all his enterprizes, and particularly 
att Achadalew, where he made the first essay of his courage. He was 
a gentleman by birth, though not of the first rank ; and his Chief never 
went from home, but, besides his ordinary servants, he had him and 
half-a-dozen such about him, in whose fidelity and courage 'he could, 
with safety, confide. 

This person (whom I shall call Donald) had no other language but 
the Gaulick ; but observeing that in the conversation between his Chief 
and the officer, the latter frequently looked upon him and his compa 
nions with a kind of contempt, he began immediatly to suspect the truth 
of the matter ; and being upon inquiry informed by his Chief of all that 
passed : " What !" said he, looking upon the officer with indignation and 
fury, " does that Englishman fancy that twenty of his men are matches 
for fifty of us ? If you'll be pleased to allow us, we'll soon show him 
the contrary. Pray, Sir, tell that proud man, that, old as I am, if he has 
courage to venture his person, 1 will yet give him such a blow as he 
shall remember while he lives." 


The officer, who, by Donald's action and gesture, partly anticipated 
his meaning, haveing his words interpreted by Locheill, answered, that, 
though he feared no man upon earth, yet it would be a reflection upon 
him, who was ane officer, to fight with a common fellow. 

Locheill, knowi ng well that these words would offend Donald as much 
M tny that had yet passed, jestingly explained them in the worst and 
most vilifyeing sense, which enraged him so, that he swore by God 
and his Chief, that he could count his ancestours for ten generations back. 
That there was not one coward among them, and that, if it were not for 
the respect that he bore to his Chief, he would teach that proud man bet 
ter manners, and to his cost lett him know he was of better blood than 


The officer was much surprized to observe Donald so transported 
with fury, and haveing asked Locheill what occasioned it, was inform 
ed, that he thought himself highly affronted in haveing his birth and 
quality called in question : " But," added he, " there needs be no 
scruple as to that point, for though he is a poor, yet is he a brave and 
faithfull relation of mine." The officer, haveing now no pretence to 
shift the challenge, accepted it, a glove was cutt, a place appointed, and 
certain articles agreed upon for regulating the combate. 

The day being come, the partys appeared in the field. Donald had 
the honour to be attended by his Chief, with a certain number of his 
friends, armed after the ordinary manner ; and the officer had as many 
gentlemen of the same regiment, who were to be judges of what past. 
The officer stript to the shirt, and though the gentlemen on both sides 
endeavoured to divert the matter from proceeding further, yet he ap 
peared inflexible, alleadgeing that he had been too long a souldier to be 
affraid of any man. Donald, on the other side, being no less earnest, 
stepped aside with some of his fellows, and prepared for action. He threw 
off his shoes, plade, and every thing else that might encumber him, and 
retained nothing but a short tartan jackett, which the Highlanders wear 
commonly nixt their shirts. While he was thus makeing ready, one of 
the bystanders told him, that he was goeing to engage in a very un- 
equall combat, the officer haveing the advantage of fighting with a small 


sword, which he could att one push thrust through his body, before the 
other could possibly fetch a stroke with his chly-more ; whereby death was 
inevitable. To this Donald answered, very unconcernedly, that he knew 
all that very well before hand ; but that, haveing come there with a full 
resolution of ending his life honourably, he had determined himself to re 
ceive the thrust, which he wished might peirce so fully through his body, 
as that he might gett hold of the sword on the other side, where he was 
resolved to keep it fast till he gave the proud Sassanoch such a blow, 
that if it did not immediatly dispatch him, he would att least feel the 
smart of it while he lived. 

Ane Irish officer, who out of curiosity went to take a sight of Donald, 
and who, from his being long conversant among the Highlanders, under 
stood the Gaulick equally well with the Irish, which, indeed, is but a 
different dialect of the same language, chanceing to overhear this dis 
course, run quickly to the other company, and, addressing himself to 
Donald's antagonist, " Sir," said he, " 'tis now full time that yow putt 
your affairs in order, and take leave of your friends, for the desperate 
Highlander that is to be your party in the combate is resolved that yow 
shall both dye." And thereupon repeated what he had overheard. 

All the company, except Locheill, (who knew before hand what was 
resolved,) were struck with wonder; and the officer himself, looking 
somewhat pale upon the strange recital, they again took the opportunity 
to sollicite the makeing up the matter ; and the Governour, happening 
to come up to them att that very point of time, added authority to advice, 
and ordered matters so, that he (the officer) acknowledged before the 
company that he was much in the wrong in what he had said ; that he 
sincearly believed Donald himself, and all the Clan, to be as hardy, robust, 
and brave as men could be ; and that since he had done no personal in 
jury to Donald, he hoped that the publick declaration that he had made 
would be thought sufficient to satisfy his honour. 

Locheill was the more willing that the affair should be made up, that 
he was apprehensive, that in case both, or either of them, fell in the 
combat, it might raise ill blood, which might prove dangerous in the pre 
sent scituation of his affairs. He therefore commanded Donald to ac- 


cept of the appology, and to make another in his turn, signifying that he 
had mistaken his antagonist's meaning, which he was now convinced was 
intended neither to the dishonour of Locheill nor his Clan. Hereupon 
the partys embraced, though Donald often declared that he never did 
any thing with more reluctance. But the presence of his Chief obliged 
him to consent. His antagonist was more generous, and was so sin- 
cearly reconciled, that he ever after shewed the greatest friendship and 
respect for him imaginable, and on all occasions magnified his resolution 
and bravery. 






2 u 



From the remorse which a savage and profligate Baron displayed p. 4. 

THE circumstance alluded to is to be found in the confession of the Laird of Ormiston, 
one of the accomplices in the murder of Darnley. In it he says, " Alswa, in a raige, 
I hangit a poor man for an horse, with mony uther wickit deeds, for the quhilk I aske 
my God mercy." It is almost to be regretted that this fine specimen of the feudal savage 
suffered death for no greater crime ; for whatever might have been the guilt of his mur 
derers, Darnley certainly deserved his fate. 

The heads of subordinate tribes and powerful Cadets p. 5. 

The " Historie of the Kennedies" may be quoted as an illustration of this position, as 
it is almost entirely occupied with an account of the struggles of the powerful Family of 
Bargany to throw off their allegiance to the Family of Cassillis. 

The two following extracts form admirable specimens of the feelings and conduct of 
the lower and middling classes. In their graphic and dismal details, it is difficult to 
find any trace of the subdued and servile spirit which characterises these ranks in the 
merely feudal system. 

" At this tyme the Laird of Colzeone caussit me Lord sett ane tak to ane Mackewine of 
the land of ... quhilk me Lord had promesitt befoir to Patrik Richartt. This 


Patrick Richartt was foster-broder to the Maister of Caissillis, and for that caus the Mais- 
t*r send to this Mackewine and forbad him to tak that man's rowme our his heid, or ellis 
h raid gar all his haruis clattir. This Mackewine being ane prowd cairll, and heflEand 
Colzeone and the Schereff of Galloway to maynteyne him, said he wold tak ony land me 
Lord icoW sett kirn. The Maister reseaffing this ansuer, in ane readge forgaddiring 
with this Mackewine slajis him." 

In this tvme the Laird of Dromaquhryne, M'Alexander, come to me Lord of Cais 
sillis, and tuik ane tak of his teyndis of Dromaquhryne ouer the Laird [of Girvandmaynis' 
heid ;] quhais hous had euer bene tonaudis to me Lord of CaissUlis' house of theis teyndis, 
and the Lairdis of Dromaquhryne had thame off him againe for service ; bot this Dro- 
maaukryne being ane proud manne, \cald be note tennant to me Lord himself andhis man. 
This Laird of Girwandmaynis com to me Lord, and said his Lordship had [done 
him wrangc i] in setting of his teyndis to his awin man owr his heid, and for ony 
gaynis he sail reap be that deid, the samin salbe bot small, my Lord ansuerit and said, 
Ye dar nocht find fait with him, for, and ye do, we knaw quhair ye duell. The uther 
raid, and he byde be that deid he suld repent the same, do for him quha lykitt. Me 
Lord said, Ye dar nocht steir him for your craig, and bad him gang to his yett. The 
Laird of Girwandmayuis rydis his wayis, and thinking that the Laird of Dromaquhryne 
wald cum efter him, he stayitt, and his tua serwandes with him, one ane inuir, callit 
Craiddow, behind an know quhill that he saw him cuming. His broder, the Laird of 
Corseclayis, being with him and Olifer Kennedy of ... bot thai strak neuer ane 
straik in his defense. Girvandmaynis perseiwis him and his twa men with him, callit 
Gilbert M'Fiddis and Williame M'Fidderis, ane boy quha wes the spy. Thay com to 
them on horseback, and strak him with swordis on the heid, and slew him." 

The manner in which he tea* educated and trained p. 6. 

Allusion is here made to the custom of bringing up the Chieftains in the houses of fos 
ter-fathers, of which a particular description will be found in the body of the work. 

And commanded by their respective heads p. 9. 

The following passage, extracted from a MS. History of the Mackenzie*;, at one time 
preserved in the Advocates' Library, and of which Mr J. W. Mackenzie, W.8. is in 
possession of an imperfect copy, (the use of which he has kindly allowed the Editor,) 
shows that considerable strictness of discipline and knowledge of the duties of officers 
was acquired by the Highlanders even at a very remote period. 

" Alexander Mackenzie of Coull being sent from the camp to the hills, with a party of 


six score chosen men that he had still with him, going on every onesett after as he con- 
reaned the goods, he had ane brisk skirmish with the inhabitants of Morar, striving to 
hinder him in a straight pass that he had the goods to drive through, and he himself hav 
ing gotten the pass before any of his company, and killed ane of the inhabitants of the pass. 
John Dhu Mackinninich vich Muchie being the next that came up of his company, offerred 
to shoot him, saying, that it was presumption in him to be so forward as to kill men be 
fore his men came up to him ; withal saying, that he loved not a captain that was swifter 
than his shouldiers, in respect that if he were killed before the shouldiers came up, that 
the shouldiers might be overthrown for lack of a captain, and if they were put to the 
retreat, he wished the captain not to have more speed than his shouldiers." 

By dint of practice, <bc. p. 9. 

General Hawley, in the contemptible harangue he is said to have delivered to the 
chief Officers of the Crown at Holyroodhouse, after the Battle of Falkirk, says, that he 
never saw troops manoeuvre better than the Highlanders ; but they had no training pre 
vious to their rising in arms only a few months before. 

The Highland Sou: p. 9. 

The following passage, also extracted from Mr Mackenzie's MS., proves the use occa 
sionally made by the Highlanders of the bow : 

" Donald Mackinnich gave such race against him that he could not draw hig bow to 
shoot him, but struck him in the shouldier with the bow, wherewith he brack the bow, 
and struck him flat to the ground ; and before he could get up he stabbed him with his 

The general form of the Claymore, &c. p. 9. 

In estimating the relative efficiency of arms, it seems to be very frequently lost sight 
of, that, in the ancient times, and during the Middle-ages, the broadsword, in the hands 
of a foot soldier, at least, was always supposed to be combined with the shield ; which 
enables the swordsman to raise his arm, so as to give a more effectual cut than he can 
possibly do if he is also forced to parry with the same weapon. 

In the ballad of The Bridge of Dee, the Highlanders are described as being " pretty 

" To handle sword and shield." 


In Kemp's Nine Daies Wonder, published by the Camden Society, a " Laudator tern- 

*. J .*^* t vMAslfk #/\ Avnlaifn 

aeti" is nude to exclaim, 

Oh 'twas a goodly matter then 

To tee your sword and buckler men. 

And now a man is but a pricke, 
A boy armed with a poating stick, 
Will dare to challenge cutting Dick. 

Maurice, Prince of Orange, the Due de Rohan, and Lord Orrery, laid great stress 
upon the use of the target. (Vide Lord Orrery's Art of War, p. 26.) 

It is also a mistake to suppose that the claymore was exclusively a Highland weapon ; 
it was used all over Scotland until fire-arms became prevalent. Beague, in his Account 
of the Siege of Haddington, describes the Scotish forces, Highland and Lowland, as be 
ing similarly armed with long swords, large bows, and targets. And Patten, in his Nar 
rative of an Expedition to Scotland, describes the Scotish swords, without making any 
distinction between Highland and Lowland, " as notably broad and thin, and so made for 
slicing, that, as I never saw none so good, so think I it hard to find any better." 

Seem to have acquired Continental celebrity p. 9. 

In the graphic and circumstantial account of the assassination of the Due de Guise in 
1588. printed by Capefigue in his admirable History of the League,* it is mentioned that 
Henry III., after explaining to his friends his intention of assassinating the Duke that 
morning, and obtaining their concurrence, enquired which of them had poignards. There 
were eight present thus armed, of which that of Periac (an enthusiastic Gascon) was a 
Hcotiih one. In the attack made upon their victim it was not till struck by Periac in 
the small of the back that he uttered a piercing shriek for mercy, which reached the ears 
of his brother the Cardinal, who was confined in an adjoining room. 

A body of the Clan Cameron under his second son Donald, &c. p. 15. 

The passage in Gordon's History is so curious, and so well illustrates the narrative, 
that it is here given. 

" All these thinges wer concluded about this tyme at a great meeting of the Covenant- 

* Capcfigup's History of the League, Paris Edition, rol. v. p. 165. 


ers in Saint Johnstoun ; to which meeting likewayes Argylle did invite and bring some 
of the Cheife of the Clan Cameron, specially Donald Cameron, (second sonne to Allan 
Cameron, Mack na Toiche [M'llduy,]) known commonly under the name of Donald 
Guirke, for having in his younger years (as the fame goes) stabbed a country neighbour 
upon some small disobligement, for the which barbarous act he is said to have been highly 
commended by his father Allan as ane hopefull youthe. Allan himself being too weall 
known for to have drivne that trade of throat-cuttinge amongst his neighbours in Loch- 
aber, and a known sorcerer and avowed. 

" That which engadged the Clan Cameron to Ardgyle was not anie antipathie that they 
had to the Bishops or Service-Book, &c., more than their neighbours the Ardgyle men, 
being that most of the people in these places are barbarouse, or if they incline to anie 
profession, it is mostly to Poperie. But the Clan Cameron joyned with the Covenanters 
in opposition to Huntlye's familye, to whom most of them are vassalls in Lochaber, and 
had been several times before crubbed by the Earles of Huntly by force of arms, which 
made them now glad for to lay holde upon anye occasion of revenge. Besyde this, Ardgyle 
had ane eye to these places, either to weackne Huntly, as seeing much of his greatnesse 
did consist in his Highland following, or if he could get a pretext for to gripp to Huntly's 
Highland laundes himself, as afterward he did. But all such at that tyme were welcome 
to the Covenant ; albeit, afterward, about the time of Charles II. his incoming, anno 
1650, they changed their, principles, and Argylle was accessory to the purging out as 
knowing and civill men out of the King's army, as either the Argylle men or the Loch 
aber men wer. Yet lett it be remembered that a pairt of the Clan Cameron at this tyme 
and long afterward, owned the King's quarrell, for most of the Highlanders are inclyned, 
being left to themselves, to be Royallists, happy, at least, though they have little learning, 
that they have not learned to distinguish themselves out of their loyalty by notions un 
known till the latter ages." 

It would also appear that some of the Clan Cameron assisted General 
Middleton, &c. p. 15. 

The authority for this statement will be found in the Appendix, No. III. This en 
gagement is mentioned by Sir Robert Gordon, in his History of the Family of Sutherland. 
Vide p. 537, though nothing is there said of the Clan Cameron being present. Both in 
the Appendix and the last quoted work, it is mentioned that the Laird of Harthill was 
there made prisoner. Sir Walter Scott, in his notes to the Ballad of the Gallant 
Grahames, in the Border Minstrelsy, states that he could find no trace of the manner in 
which this gentleman was taken. He may now be considered as accounted for. 



The Camerons have a tradition p. 1. 

There arc many anecdotes concerning the supposed founder of this family which the 
author's good taste and IOTO of voracity has induced him to omit. Some of them will be 
found in the Life of Dr Archibald Cameron, published in 1753. 

From the above John Ochtery p. 6. 

This paragraph and the subsequent list is taken from the imperfect MS. copy of the 
Introduction belonging to the Locheill family mentioned in the preface, and is not found 
in Sir Duncan Cameron's MS. 

Macintosh of Kinraura p. 7. 

The Editor has been informed that a Latin MS., a copy of which is preserved in the 
Advocates' Library, entitled " De Origino et Incremento Macintoshiorum Epitome," but 
without any name, is the work hero alluded to. From the very cursory inspection which 
he hasbeen enabled to make, it appears (excepting as afterwards noticed) to coincide 
with the statements in the text. 

If the Camerons had any other right, Ac. p. 9. 

It will appear from a subsequent note, that the right of the Camerons was better 
founded than even the author supposes, and that the authenticity of the deeds under 
which the Macintoshes claimed the lands is somewhat doubtful. 

/ know that some of our historians, Ac. p. 12. 

The late Mr Gregory, in his History of the Western Highlands, &c., has followed the 
author in making the Camerons the unsuccessful party in this celebrated conflict ; but 
Mr Skene, in his work on the Highlands, contends that it must have been fought between 


the Macintoshes and the Macphersons. The Editor cannot pretend to throw any new 
light upon this subject, but it may be observed, that the author wrote at a time when 
tradition was still universal in the Highlands ; and the side allotted to the Camerong 
affords the strongest internal evidence of its correctness in the present instance. Had the 
Camerons been described as the victors, it would have been very different. 

The Editor has been unable to discover any argumentative passage regarding this 
combat in the history of the Macintoshes above quoted, but, excepting the Clan Cameron 
and the " Glenchai," (who are mentioned as having fought at the North Inch,) no allu 
sion is made to any other Clan with whom the Macintoshes were at variance at that 
period ; possibly " Glenchai" may be an abbreviation for " Glen" or Clan Cameron ; at 
all events, more dissimilar names are used as synonymous in Celtic history. It would 
be difficult, were we not otherwise informed, to recognise in " Ewen Allanson," " Allan 
M'Coilduy," or " Allan Mac na-toiche," Ewen and Allan Cameron, or to discover that 
the Clan Vuirich were the Macphersons. 

This duel happened in the time of Ewen his sone p. 12. 

It would be a curious coincidence of history with Sir Walter Scott's delightful fiction, 
if this combat actually took place immediately after the death of a great and celebrated 
Chieftain, and during the life of one who was not in any way distinguished. 

Donald M' Ewen p. 13. 

The text here does not very clearly express, whether Donald the sixth chief was the 
younger son of Ewen the fifth Chieftain, or his younger brother. It appears more pro 
bable, that he was his younger brother, as he is generally mentioned in history as 
Donald Dhu M' Allan ; and the text, though not very plain, seems to indicate that signi 
fication, so that probably M'Ewen has been a clerical error for M* Allan ; but as the 
words supplied are inserted in brackets, the reader can form his own judgment upon 
the meaning and accuracy of the text. This Chief is the thirteenth in the genealogical 
account of the Camerons, given in Douglas's Baronage ; for ^the reason stated in the 
preface, it seems probable that the author is nearest the truth. Donald is also considered 
by some as the first who raised the Locheill family to the dignity of head of a Clan, 
though it is certain that they must have possessed considerable power and influence pre 


By her he had no it$ue, Ac. p. 14. 

The following curious anecdote regarding these transactions, taken from the MS. 
history of the family of Mackenzie, already mentioned, will, it is hoped, form an accept 
able illustration of the text. It is much to bo regretted, that its commencement is 

Womaa of little beautie. I believe the cause of his not marrieing her was for 

Knew that Robert Duke of Albanie, then Governour of Scotland, intended o 

any that would marrie her, haveing intentioun to settle that estate one his owne second 
son. When the Ilerotrix knew that she could not attain to her desire, she dissembled 
her grife, and made merrie till night. He haveing got to bed, when he was in sound 
sleep, she came and lay with him in the bed ; then her friends and servants came in 
with light, and cryed, ' Now, M'Kenzie, we are witnesses that thou art Earle of Ross !' 

He leaping from the bed that he was not Earle of Ross, nor ever should 

be in that condition. Imsdiatly they laid hands upon him, and imprisoned him in a 
chamber within the Castle, took his speciall a&ender and tortoured him till he told them 
that [the] house of Islandonnan would never be rendered by M'Cauly, then Constable of 
it, till he would gett the ring that was about M'Kenzie 's finger. 

" Then they went to M'Kenzie and took the ring off his finger, which they sent im- 
mediatly with a partio to Ellandounan, as a sign to M'Cauly to render the Hand to 
that partie. When they came to [the] Ille, they presented M'Cauly with the ring, telling 
him that his master had sent them to receave the house ; that his master and their lady 
had agreed in all tearms for marrieing, and that he was to live with her within tho 
Castle of Dingwall, till order would be hade for their marriage ; and that least he would 
pas from his condescendence, that they as the Heretrix' servants, were to keep his house, 
till the marriage were fulfilled in all requisite Ceremony of the Church. M'Cauly be 
lieving what they said to be true, because he got tho ring, delivered them the house, 
but he hard the contrare when he came out, to wit, that his master was imprisoned, and 
that tho ring was taken of him by force. Then he took beggar's apparel, and came to 
tho Castle of Dingwall, sought almcs under the window of the chamber where his master 
was imprisoned. His master, knowing his voice, looked out and asked what became of 
the house ? He told him he had delivered it upon the sight of the ring. Then he asked 
his master if there were any way of releveing him out of that prison ? He answered, that 
there was a crooked aver, one which the lady stoode ; if that aver could be apprehended, 
it might be it would relive him. He understood this aver to be Alexander Lesslie, tho 
Laird of BaUnagown, the lady's ounclo ; ho was ane aged man, and keeped himself pri- 
vat in tho house of BaUnagown. lie did not come out but once every morning, that he 
came to a wood that was hard beside the house of Ballnagown. to retreat himself. 


M'Cauly came home, gathered a partie that he knew to be faithfull to him, came 

straight to the wood of Ballnagown the Laird timeous in the morning, he 

apprehended him away with him. The alarm goes through the country, that 

the Laird was taken away ; the country gathers, follows M'Cauly, especialy the Ding- 
walls and Munroes. M'Auly, seeing them likely to overtake them, send away two of 
the men with the Laird, and stood with the rest of his men to defend a pass that was 
hard by, which pass was called from that day Balloch-eri-Broigie, the pursuers being 
forced to lay their shoes one their hearts, to keep them from the arrows of the defenders. 

" The two men that M'Auly sent with the Laird, hearing the fight begun, they thought 
it below their manhood to wait on the Laird, and therefore resolved to ty him to a tree 
in the wood that was hard by, and to take their part of the play with their commerads ; 
and according to their resolutione, they did bind the Laird in the wood, and retired to 
the fight themselves ; but at last M'Auly, haveing spent all his arrows, and the country 
gathering more arid more against him, he was forced to quit the pass, and when he had 
quite himself of the enimie, he asked the two, what they did with the Laird ? They 
answered, they left him bound in the wood. In the conflict of Balloch-en-Broig, the 
Laird of Killdin with seven score of his men was killed, and almost all the name of 
Monroe, having lost thirteen that was to succeed Lairds of famillies, ane after ane other. 
But M'Auly finding that they left the Laird in the wood, retires again to the wood, and 
by Providence finds the Laird where he was left. He makes hast away with him, 
comes to the marches of Kintaill, where he meets with fourthie men of the Heretrix, 
carrieing provision to the house. He putts them all to the sword, takes their burdens 
one his back, and one the back of so many of his company as he pleased to bring with 
him. The place where he apprehended them is called yett Aldnabalagan. Straight 
with these burdens, he and his company came to Ellandounan. Haveing his armes un 
der his clothes, to play that Constable like for like, he cryed to open the gates, that they 
were wearied with long travell, that they travelled none but in the night, for fear to be 

" The sillie Constable thinking them to be the carriage-boys, letts them all have entries, 
but how soon they put of their burdens, they apprehended the Constable and such as he 
had with him. How soon M'Auly provided the house in all things necessary for a long 
seige, he sent word to the Heretrix, to deliver his master to his libertie from prisone, 
otherways he would hang her ouncle. The lady, seeing him obstinate, she did sett him 
at liberty, for to gett her ouncle back again. Of this, Alexander Lessly, the Clanlan- 

drers got the lands of Ballnagown, aud How now they are 

called Rosses, I believe, is unknown to themselves they have - 

taken their surname from the country they live in. 

" This Heretrix of Ross married the Lord of the Isles, for which he aclaimed the Earl 
dom of Ross, which occasioned the battle of Harlaw, which was fought in the year 1411. 
"\Vhen this lady's son Alexander, Lord of the Isles and Earle of Ross, came to perfit 


age, hi* mother being still ane instrument of mischeife, moved her son to vex his neigh 
bour*, which made King James the First come in persone to Inverness-shire. He appre- 
hioded Alexander in the year 1420. He brought him prisoner to Pearth, where he was 
accused of oppression, and many barbarous cruelties he used against the Ring's free 
subject* ; but such was the King's clemancie in hopes of his amendament, that he re 
leased him. But benefits obliedges not ignoble mindes, for no sooner was he returned 
to h own territories, but interpreting imprisonment as a shame and dishonour to a 
man of qualitio and power, he gathered together a number of his people and came to In- 
rernesn, brunt the town, and beseidgod the Castle. At the surmize of which all the 
well affected gentlemen of neighbouring shires gathered to armes, whilk moved him to 
disband and goe to the Isles, and from thence to Ireland ; but the King preveened him, 
in setting a price one his head, and sen ling parties to keep all passages from him. At 
last he begann to interceed with his friends at Court. Sundrie did attempt the King's 
clomenc v, but ho would not grant nor assure them of any favour, till Alexander in per - 
sone as a supplicant, would render himself and his estate to his disposure. This finding 
no waj to escape, and being destitute of all help, he was emboldened to come to Edinburgh 
privatly one Ester day, wrapped in a mourning garment, and concealed amongst the 
multitude. The King comoing from the Church of Holyrood House, ho fell prostrat at 
his knees, beseeching for grace ; which at the requist of the Queen ho obtained, for he gott 
his life and privat estate safe, providing he would doe no more harme. William Doug 
las, Earlo of Angus, was apointcd to keep him, and that within the Castle of Tantallan. 
His mother, that sturred him to all this mischeife, was committed to the Isles of St 

Apparently, the Chronicler of the Mackenzies has fallen into some confusion regard 
ing the .exact lady who " set her cap'' so unsuccessfully at Mackenzie. 

The account given in the text corresponds precisely with that given in Tytler's His 
tory of Scotland, and the authorities there quoted.* 

The name of the Ileretrix of Ross, who married Walter Leslie, was Euphemia. Her 
son, afterwards Earl of Ross, was named Alexander ; and her daughter, who married 
Donald Lord of the Isles, Margaret, or Mary,t 

It would at first appear that it is of this Margaret that the anecdote was written, but 
it can scarcely be her, for the following reasons : 1st, The author says shortly after, " It 
made me write this passage of Euffam Leslie, and her husband and sone, to show how 
fortunate Alexander Imrich was in not marrying this woman." 2d, The Lady is called 
llerttrix of Ross, and is described as being in full possession of the estate, but this could 
not have been the Lady of the Lord of the Isles, who had not even a claim to the Earl 
dom till the death or resignation of her niece, the deformed Countess, which did not 
take place till after her marriage. 

Vidt Yol. lit p. 170. f Vide Gregory's Highlands and Ides, p. 30. 


The Mackenzie's lover must thus either have been the Lady who married Walter Les 
lie, or her grand- daughter, the deformed Countess, whose name was also Euphemia. 

The mention of the battle of Beallich-ne-Broig favours the supposition that it was 
the grandmother, at least if we can suppose the engagement mentioned under that name, 
bj Sir Robert Gordon, in his History of the Family of Sutherland,* to be the one here 
alluded to. On the other hand, the dreaded interference of the Duke of Albany certainly 
refers to the grand-daughter. 

The chronicler has evidently confounded Alexander Earl of Ross, son of Euphemia, 
who married Walter Leslie, with Alexander Lord of the Isles and Earl of Ross, the son 
of her daughter Margaret, by her husband, Donald Lord of the Isles, who commanded 
at Harlaw, and thus attributed to the mother the ambition and misfortunes of her 

Perhaps the most probable conjecture is, that the luckless heroine was the deformed 
Countess, who, after the bad success of her bold stroke for a husband, may be supposed 
to have retired in disgust from a world, where her wealth and charms made so slight an 

Donald Lord of the Isles, who being the sone, <kc. p. 15. 

This seems to be a mistake, as both Tytler and Gregory consider Donald as the hus 
band, not the son of Margaret. Vide the passages of these authors already quoted. 

It is an indenture, &c, p. 22. 

The author seems here to have made an oversight, for in the copy of this indenture, 
inserted in the MS. History of the Macintoshes, already quoted, the allegiance of both 
parties is in a previous clause reserved to the King. The deed is, however, so confused 
and verbose, that the mistake is far from astonishing. 

Angus Lord of the Isles p. 23. 
A clerical mistake for Alexander, (vide Gregory, p. 59.) 

Vide Gordon's History, p. 36, who gives the date about 1295, almost too early to have connec 
tion with any of the parties, but the circumstances are extremely similar ; and from the vague^manner 
in which the date is stated, it may not have taken place till many years subsequent to that period. 


And procured from King James the Fourth a confirmation, Ac. p. 26. 

Thia charter is mentioned in an old inventory still in the possession of the Locheill 
family, bearing the following title : 

" At Edinburgh, the xx. day of October, ye yeir of God M.D.lxiiii. 
" Donald Dow M'Conall M'Ewen, Laird of Locheill, has left yir evidents and 
writtings underwritten, to Maister John Spens, burges of Edinburgh." 

And bears date at Edinburgh, Ac. p. 29. 
This charter is likewise included in the above mentioned inventory. 

And overtook him at the end of Loch Lochy, Ac. p. 31. 

Both Sir Robert, Gordon in his History of the Family of Sutherland, (vide p. 1 10,) and 
Bishop Leslie, (vide p. 184,) mention that " Ewen Allanson" was present with his Clan 
in that engagement, and supported Clanranald. 

But the Queen, upon application, Ac. p. 36. 

This' charter is dated 6th March 1563, [and is contained in the inventory already 

Macintosh mortgaged to Locheill p. 44. 

This contract appears, from another old inventory of the Locheill family, to have been 
dated 27th September fc 1598. 

As ^appears by his letter to Locheill p. 48. 

This letter is mentioned in the inventory as " Item, ane letter from King James to 
Allan Cameron, wherein the King promeiss to free him of Macintosh, and that he 
hald all. and may hald this land of the King." 


And left one of his own servants named [Cameron] p. 51. 

The word " Cameron," which is inserted in brackets, is deleted in Sir Duncan Came 
ron's MS., but is still legible. Whether the author was sensible he was wrong, or was 
unwilling to fasten the odium of this horrid cruelty upon a Cameron, must now remain 

But the generous Auchiribreck, &c. p. 53. 

This extraordinary anecdote must, as far as the Editor is aware, rest upon the autho 
rity of the author ; it seems in the highest degree improbable. 

That gentleman having by this drawn, &c. p. 58. 

It appears from a letter contained in the Letters and State Papers during the reign 
of James the First, presented by Adam Anderson, Esq., to the Abbotsford Club, that 
Macintosh's ostensible crime was, that a number of his Clan who were vassals of the 
Earl of Murray, believing that Macintosh, as their chief, was legally answerable for 
their conduct, had entered into a bond to do nothing without his sanction. This, however, 
having been interpreted as an act of disobedience to their feudal superior, Macintosh 
was imprisoned. In the above mentioned letter, addressed to King James the Sixth, 
dated 3d August 1614, he states these circumstances, and enlarges upon the hard 
ship and difficulty of his case, and prays for liberation, which seems to have been 
granted. The history of the Macintoshes, however, like the author, ascribes his con 
finement to the Marquis of Huntly. 

And died about the year 1647, at a very advanced age p. 63. 

It would be impossible to conclude the history of Allan M'Coilduy without giving 
the two following highly characteristic letters, which first appeared in Hailes' Memorials, 
and have since been quoted by various authors. 

It appears that a party of the Camerons, having, in a predatory incursion, attempted 
to carry off the property of Grant of Moynes, were repulsed with considerable loss and 
their aged Chieftain made the following explanation and apology. 


" RIGHT Lovuco 

Mr heart/ recommendation* being remembered to your honour, I have received 
your honour 's letter, concerning this misfortunate accident that never fell out betwixt our 
houses, the like before in no man's days, but praised be God I am innocent of the same, 
and my friends, both in respect that they gi't [went] not within your honour's bounds, but 
[only 1 to Murray-land, where all men take their prey ; nor knew not that Moynes was a 
Grant, but thought that he was a Murray-man, and if they knew him they would not 
itir his lands more than the rest of your honour's bounds in Strathspey. Sir, I have 
gotten such a loss of my friends, which I hope your honour will consider, for I have 
eight dead already, and I have twelve or thirteen under cure, whilk I know not who 
shall die or who shall live of the same. So, Sir, whosoever has gotten the greatest loss, 
I am content that the same be repaired to [at] the sight of friends that loveth us both alike ; 
and there is such a trouble hero among us, that we cannot look to the same for the 
present time, while [until] 1 wit who shall live of my men that is under cure. So not 
further troubling your honour at this time, for your honour shall not be offended at my 
friend's innocence, 

" Sir, 

" I rest yours, 

" Glenlecharrig, 18th October 1645. ALLAN CAMERON OP LOCHEILL." 



" I have received your Lordship's letter concerning the unhappy accident that is fall 
en betwixt the Laird of Grant's men and my kinsmen, which came to our loss, both un 
known to me, because I was in Argylo in the meantime ; for the Laird of Grant was 
the only man I love best in the North, because I came lately out of his house, and it 
[there] came no ill betwixt us sinsyne [since] till this unhappiness came lately ; therefore, 
I am willing to refer it to friends that will wish our well both sides, and specially your 
Lordship be the principal friend there. But my poor friends had nothing but the de 
fender's part, because they were in force to fight or die. Not to trouble your Lordship 
with many words to further occasion, committing your Lordship to God's protection, fec. 
" Lochairkeag, the 27th October 1645. ALLAN CAMERON OF LOCHEILL." 



And were in the utmost surprize and confusion to see Glengarry, &c. p. 104. 

This singular anecdote certainly proves how much of Cromwell's success in the High 
lands was due to the want of zeal, unanimity, and mutual confidence, among the High 
land Chieftains. Glengarry is described by Sir Walter Scott, in his Notes to the History 
of Glencairn's expedition, as the very soul of the confederacy. 

Others of them thrust their bayonets, &c. p. 117. 

The mention of bayonets here may be deemed an anachronism, but, in point of fact, 
according to recent German authorities, that weapon was invented about 1640. In all 
probability, it would be first tried in a country like the Highlands, where the lance or 
pike would be frequently found inconvenient. Pennant, in his sketch of Sir Ewen's life, 
states that bayonets were used at Achadalew, and he has never been contradicted. 

This woman lived, &c. p. 121. 

One is almost tempted to exclaim, that this incident must have been borrowed from the 
onslaught made by Dame Glendinning and the faithful Tibbie upon the unhappy 
Euphuist in the Monastery. 

Re was much diverted, &c. p. 122. 

Can the tradition of the Kentish Longtails have penetrated to the Highlands ? Vide 
Robin Goodfellow, reprinted for the Percy Society, p. 4. 

One of them observing that apiece of beef, &c. p. 123. 

The whole annals of modern warfare do not present an instance of more perfect indiffer 
ence to danger. The coolness of the seamen on board the Monarch at Copenhagen, who 
eat the provisions scattered by the Danish shot, was scarcely equal to it. 



The astonishment of the Governour and his officers, Ac. p. 124. 

Frightful as is the description here given of the wounds inflicted by the broadsword, it 
does not seem greater than is usually stated regarding such combats. It is mentioned by 
PluUrch, that the Greeks, after their first engagement with the Romans, were struck 
with a similar consternation when they saw the corses of their comrades fearfully 
mangled by the Roman scymitara. 

But they did not know that there was as much art as strength, <bc p. 126. 

This description of the mode in which the Highlanders used the broadsword is new and 
curious ; it is similar to that still practised by the Asiatics. 

The day before from the Laird of MacNachtane p. 141. 

MacNanghtane was the name of a small but independent sept which has been settled 
in Argyllshire, from a very remote period, but their power and influence have long been 
absorbed by the Argyll family, from whom they differed most uniformly and decidedly 
in political principles. The lastlineal descendant of this " ancient and honourable house " 
filled the situation of Collector of Customs at Crail or Anstruther, about the middle of 
last century, where ho was celebrated for his agreeable and convivial qualities. As a 
memento of the former influence of his family, he 'got a fac-simile executed of a charter 
in favour of one of his ancestors in 12 , and which is still preserved in the Register 
Office. A copy of this he presented to Dr James Macknight, the author of the Harmony 
of the Gospels, who was understood to be of the clan, and in whose family it still re 
mains. The newspaper which mentioned his death, and which the Editor has seen and 
quotes from memory, contains the following curious remark: " This family having always 
been extremely loyal, is now consequently rery low." 

This is certainly not what is supposed to be the usual consequence of loyalty, though 
in Scotland it has generally held true. 

This act is signed by General Monk, Ac. p 153. 

There was an act passed in 1661, in favour of Lieutenant-Colonel Hill, which narrates 
that an order of the Council in power during the Usurpation had been issued for the 
payment of eighty pounds sterling per annum, for the support of the Clergy in Loch- 


aber, and that Colonel Hill had also advanced them sixty pounds, which is thereby 
ordered to be repaid him. ( Vide Thomson's Acts, vol. vii. p. 267, No. 287.) 

Locheill enjoyed a profound peace, &c. p. 162. 

After the honourable pacification obtained by Locheill, he appears, as mentioned in the 
text, to have continued upon good terms with General Monk, and also to have obtained 
from Argyll the gift of the forfeited estate of Glengarry, which was bestowed upon that 
nobleman by the Committee of Estates. 

Some years ago there was found among the loose papers in the Register Office a sup 
plication by Locheill to the Committee of Estates, in which the services rendered by 
the Clan Cameron to the rebels are enumerated, and a request made for the gift of the 
estate of Glengarry. This supplication is mentioned by Sir Walter Scott in his Notes 
to Fountainhall's Diary, (vide p. 142.) The publication of the present work has been 
delayed for a considerable time, in order to obtain a copy of it, but it has gone amiss- 
ing, and after a long and careful search has not yet been found. 

In all probability, it narrates the circumstances connected with the conduct of 
Allan M'Coilduy, already explained, and was probably presented in concert with Ar 
gyll and Glengarry himself, in order to prevent the estate from falling into unfriendly 
hands. In support of this, it ought to be remembered, that Glengarry was put in pos 
session of his estate at the Restoration, by an act simply rescinding the forfeiture. 
( Vide Thomson's Acts, vol. vii. p. 163.) But, wherever any difficulty was experienced 
in getting back estates so forfeited, the legislature passed severe statutes against the pos 
sessors ; and an act of this nature was actually passed against Locheill for refusing to 
give up possession of part of the Marquis of Huntly's property. ( Vide Thomson's Acts, 
vol. vii. p. 412.) 


And liad that charter confirmed, &c. p. 173. 

It is the opinion of some eminent antiquarians, that the authenticity of the charter by 
King David, in favour of the Macintoshes, is dubious ; but, it is perfectly inexplicable, 
that in all this dispute, no allusion whatever is made to the charter, dated 9th January 


1527, granted bj King James V. in favour of Ewen M'AlIan, which contains the very 
kail ia fMftion. 

From this the legal title of the Camerons seems quite clear. As the charter is verj 
short, it is here printed. 

Jan. 9, 1527. 

" JACOBUS Dei gratia Rex Scotorum omnibus probis hominibus totius terns suae clericis 
et laicis salutem Sciatis quia quadraginta mercate terrarum de Glenlie et Locharcaig cum 
demidietato balliatus de Lochabor et suis pertincn. jacen. infra dominium de Lochaber 
et vicecomitatum de Innerncss quondam Alano Donald patri dilecti nostre Eugenii Alani 
hereditarie spectan. per eum de predecessoribus nostris, nostris in capite tente in inanibus 
nostris ct dictorum nostrorum predecessorum per spatium quinquaginta annorum ratione 
non introitus per decessum diet, quondam Alani exteterunt. Et nos nuper pro bono et 
gratuito sorvitio nobis per dictum Eugenium impresso et impendendo et pro certa com- 
positionc pocuniso nostro thesaurio per eum nomine nostro pro firmis et proficiis dictarum 
terrarum cum domidietatc officii ballivatus predicti et suis pertinen. de dictis terminis 
elapsis persolut. Dedimus et concessimus ac tenore prsesentis cartae nostrso damus et 
concedimus dicto Eugenio hereditarie totas ct integras dictas terras cum demidietate 
hujusmodi ballivatus de Lochaber et suis pertinen. jacen. infra dictum nostrum vicecomi- 
tatum de Innerness. Tenendas et habcndas tolas et integras prsedict. terras de Glenlie 
et Locharkaig cum suis pertinen. ad quadraginta mcrcat. : terranim ut pnemittitur una 
cum demidietate dicti officii ballivatus de Lochaber prarfato Eugenio haeredibus suis et 
assignatis de nobis et successoribus nostris in feodo et hrcreditate in perpetuum. Per 
nines rectas metas suas et antiquas et demissas prout jacen. in longitudine et latitudine 
in boscis planis mosis marressiis viis semetis aquis stagnis molis pratis pasciis ct pas- 
turis molendinis multuris et eorum sequelis aucupationibus venationibus piscationibus 
petariis turbariis carboriis carbonariis lapicidiis lapide et callie fabulibus brassinis brueriis 
genestis cum airiis et earum enitibus hcrezeldis bludoytis et merchetis mulierum cum 
romrauni pastura libero introitu et exitu ac cum omnibus aliis et singulis libertatibus 
fommoditatibus proficiis assiamentis et justis pertinen. suis quibuscunque tarn non no- 
ininatis quam nominatis tarn subtus terra quam super terram procul et prope ad prsedict. 
terras cum demidietate dicti ballivatus officii cum pertinent, spectan. sui juste spectare 
ralen quomodolibet in futurum libere quiete plenarie integre honorifice bene et in pace 
sine aliqua revocatione obstaculo contradictione seu impcdimcnto quocunque. Red- 

' Reg. Mag. Sig. Lib. xxii. R. 51. 


dendo inde annuatim dictus Eugenius et hseredes et assignati sui nobis et successoribus 
nostris unum denarium usualis monetse regni nostri in festo Penthecostes super solum 
dictarum ten-arum nomine albe firme si petatur tantum. In cujus rei testimonium 
huic prsesenti cartae nostrse magnum sigillum nostrum apponi precepimus Testibus Re- 
verendissimo Reverendisque in Christo patribus Jacobo Saucti Andrese Archiepiscopo 
Georgio Episcopo Dunkelden. Gavino Episcopo Aberdonen. nostrorum rotulorum registri 
et consilii clerico dilectis consanguineis nostris Archibaldo Comite Angusiaa Domino 
Douglas Jacobo Comite Arraniae Domino Hamiltoun Georgio Comite de Rothes Domino 
Lesley venerabilibus in Christo patribus Patricis Priore ecclesise metropolitans) Sancti 
Andreae Alexandro Abbate Cambuskjnneth dilectis familiaribus nostris Archibaldo 
Douglas de Kilspindy thesaurario nostro Magistro Thomas Erskine de Haltoun Secreta- 
rio nostro et Jacobo Colvile de Uchiltre compotorum nostrorum rotulatore et nostri can- 
cellarii directore. Apud Edinburgh nono die mensis Januarii anno Domini millesimo 
quingentesimo vicesimo septimo et regni nostri decimo quinto." 

On the 5th day of June thereafter, &c. p. 175. 

A clerical error for July. The act is dated 5th July 1661, and will be found in Thom 
son's Acts, vol. vii. p. 295. When the existence of the above charter is borne in mind, 
its terms are certainly puzzling. It contains a circumstantial narration of the dis 
putes between Allan M'Coilduy and the Macintoshes, corroborating the statements in 
the text. 

It was argued for Locheill the defendant, &c. p. 176. 

It seems most inexplicable, that no notice was ever taken in the course of the pleadings 
of the Charter in 1527, above printed. 

And three hundred more, who had bows in place of guns, &c. p. 188. 

This is almost the last mention of the use of the bow in actual warffcre. 


Though he continued at Edinburgh, &c. p. 1 97. 

This paragraph is only to be found in the Cartsburn MS. ; it is deleted in Sir Duncan 
Cameron's MS., and not in Mr Sharpe's. 


For hi$ Lordikip having, without any retistance, Ac. p. 204. 

It appears from the following letter, addressed by Argyll to Campbell of Kilberry, and 
which the present proprietor has kindly permitted to be printed, that so late as Decem 
ber 1678, Argyll found it necessary to maintain an armed force in Mull, 

Dunsta/nage, 9th December 78. 

I desyre to be also easie to your pairtie, and toprovyde alse weele for them as I can, 
q'for, these are to desyre you not to cross at the Connel, but to quarter to-morrow at 
night in Benedraloch, quher I shall send you ineall, and upon Friday morning I shall 
ause boats wait on you near Rownafynart, to cross you over to Lessmore, quher ye may 
quarter in warm housses till you and I goe together to Mull. I have sent to such of 
your pairtie as are alreadie crossed, to return to you. 

I rest, 

Your loving Cusen, 
For Kilbenrie. ARGYLL. 

But Locheill easily extricated himself, by alleging, <c. p. 204. 

The supplication presented by Locheill upon this occasion is still preserved in the 
Register Office. It is, however, dated in 1669, some years previous to the period it is 
introduced in the text. The supplication is as follows : 

(A.I). 1669, Aug. 24<A.) 




" That wliair I and severally of the gentlemen and others in Lochabbere, being cited 
to compeir before your Lordships in May last, upon a most groundles misinformatione 
givno by Alexander Macintosh of Connage, pretending that we had convocat to oppose 
his Majestic 's forces, and your Lordships were pleased at that time, upone considera 
tions represented to your Lordships in a petitione givne in then, to dispense with the com- 
pearance of the multitud, upon your petitioner's undertakeing that a few of the gentlemen 
should compeire this day. In obedience whairunto, I have come with those gentlemen 


to attend your Lordships' pleasour thairanent. As also, for further cleiring your Lord 
ships anent our innocence of any such crymes, thair are witness present in toune, who, 
it's hoped, will verifie, that the occasione of our meitting was the slaughter of a countre- 
man that happened at that time. And your Lordships haveing prorogat the day till the 
8th of July next onlie ; and seeing, that when I was attending your Lordships heere last, 
some of the nam of Macintosh takeing advantage of my absence, did commit a great de- 
predatione upon a gentleman of my nam, whome I entreat to pursue before your Lordships, 
with all imaginable diligence, and which is impossible for me to insiste in till the first 
Councill day in Agust. Against which tyme, God willing, I shall attend your Lordships 
anent both the persuits. 

" May it therefore please your Lordships, upon consideratione of the premiss, to dis 
pense with any furthere compearance of the said gentlemen, who are now heere, upon my 
compearance, the said first Councill day of Agust ; and if your Lordships pleases to 
examine the witneses who are heere, for cleiring the occasione of any meetting that was 
at the tyme of the alledged convocatione, as also to delay the said matter till your pe- 
titionere come to insist in the said persute, to be intented for the said depredatione. 
And in regaird that some of the persones that are guiltie and accessorie thairto are 
idle, louse vagabonds, who have no certaine residence ; therefore, that your Lordships 
would be pleased to grant Letters in common form, for citing them at the mercat 
crosses of the head burghs of the shyres whairin they haunt, and your Lordships' 
answers, &c. 

" Your Lordships' petitioner's protectione being expyred, it is humblie [craved] the 
same may be renewed till the said pursuits be discussed." 

(Marked on the back,) " Petitione the Laird of Lochill to Lords of his Majestic 's 
Privie Councill, 24th August, 1669." 

In the end, he demanded his sword, &c. p. 205. 

Sir Walter Scott, in his Tales of a Grandfather, narrates this anecdote somewhat dif 
ferently, and postpones it to a later period of Locheil's life. His authority is Crichton's 
Memoirs, as published by Swift. ( Vide Sir Walter's Edition of Swift's Works, vol. 
xii. p. 65.) There can, however, belittle doubt, that the present version is the correct 

It certainly tends to shew that it was not then the custom for Highland Chiefs to ap 
pear at Court in the Celtic garb. 

This unlucky accident put him to no small trouble, <fcc. p. 206. 

The following extracts from FountainhalTs Decisions must allude to this. 
" November I'ith, 1682. Complaints being exhibited against Cameron of Locheill and 
some of his clan, for sorning, robbing, deforcing, and doing violence and affronts to a 


party of the King's forces, who came there to uplift the cess and taxation : The Lords or- 
dained them to be presently disarmed, of their swords, pistols, and skien-durks, and to 
be socurelj imprisoned." 

November 30<A, 1682. At Privy Council, Cameron of Locheill, mentioned 14th No 
vember, 1682, is fined, as the head of that clan, in L.100 sterling, for the deforcement 
and violence offered by his men to the King's forces, when they came there to exact the 
taxations, and three of them are referred to the Criminal Court to be pursued for their 
lire*, as guilty of treason, for opposing the King's authority ; the Clerk- Register became 
cautioner for Locheill. This w<u done, as was thought, to cause him give way to Huntley's 
getting a footing in Lochaber. " 

How could men possibly respect laws so administered ? Such hints as those throw 
more light upon tho disorderly state of the Highlands than volumes of formal disquisi 

Or to wish p. 206. 
11 Or" must surely here be a clerical error for " not." 

That the Earl of Braedalbane and Sir Ewen Cameron were in concert with Argyle, 

<frc. p. 212. 

These suspicions were certainly proved by subsequent events to be ridiculous, and 
came with a peculiarly bad grace from the Marquis of Athol. But Locheil's known 
friendship and connection with the Argyll Family gave them colour ; and possibly some 
correspondence may have taken pjace between Argyll and Locheill upon their private 
affairs. ( Vide FountainhalTs Diary, p. 142.) 

But Locheill, convinced that they were of the enemy, &c. p. 213. 

This unfortunate mistake subjected Locheill, as afterwards appears, to great incon 
venience and suspicions ; but it really appears to have been entirely accidental. It is 
thus mentioned by Fountainhall, in his Historical Observations, who terms it a " very sad 
and unwarrantable mistake." 

" Sir Ewen Cameron of Lochyell's men, throw mistake in not understanding the word, 
being Irishes, atleist Hylandmen, fall upon a partie of the Perthshire gentlemen, to the 
number of twelve, commanded by John Graeme, Postmaster, and under pretence of 
their being Argyl'smen, (whether the mistake was innocent or wilful to get their spoyll,) 
they kill five of them, viz., Pearson of Kippen-Crosse, Paull Dog of Ballingrue, Linton 
of Pittendriech, Naper of Balquhaple, &c. This was a very sad and unwarrantable mis 
take, and deserved a severe rebuke." ( Vide p. 177.) 

Vide also Crichton's Memoirs, as above quoted. 


And used him barbarously p. 215. 
Vide FountainhalTs Diary, p. 51. 

He had the boldness to encounter Macintoish, <fcc. p. 230. 

This is remarkable as being the last great Clan battle which took place in the High 
lands. It is also remarkable as being the first field in which Donald M'Bane, the well- 
known swordsman, made his appearance. 

Donald's account of the engagement is too naive and graphic to be omitted. It may, 
however, be premised, that Donald, having no taste for literary pursuits, was bound an ap 
prentice to a tobacco- spinner in Inverness, but finding himself scrimped of his commons 
by his mistress, he enlisted in Mackenzie of Buddy's corps. Upon Donald's first coming- 
in sight of the Highlanders, he wished that he " had been spinning tobacco." 

" Then both parties ordered their men to march up the hill. A company being in 
the front, we drew up in a line of battle as we could, our company being on the right. We 
were no sooner in order but there appears double our number of the Macdonalds, which 
made us then to fear the worst, at least, for my part, I repeated my former wish, (I 
never having seen the like.) The Macdonalds came down the hill upon us, without 
either shoe, stocking, or bonnet on their head ; they gave a shout, and then the fire be 
gan on both sides, and continued a hot dispute for an hour. Then they broke in upon 
us with their sword and target, and Lochaber axes, which obliged us to give way. Seeing 
my Captain sore wounded, and a great many more with their heads lying cloven on every 
side, I was sadly affrighted, never having seen the like before. A Highlandman at 
tacked me with sword and targe, and cut my wooden handled bayonet out of the muzzle 
of my gun ; I then clubed my gun, and gave him a stroak with it, which made the butt 
end to fly off. Seeing the Highlandmen to come fast upon me, I took my heels, and run 
thirty miles before I looked behind me. Every person I saw or met I took him for my 

The following letter, preserved in the Register Office, also alludes to these transactions. 

Keppach, August 3, 1688. 

I came to this place six dayes agoe, and the first two nights, these rebells in this 
countrey lay darned and did not appear, but since, they, with ther wicked accomplices 
and ther broken relations, from all the countreyes about, have convocate themselves to a 
great number, and doe behave themselves most contemptuously, insomuch that this same 

day, they have seased on some of the King's souldiers, and his Messenger-at-Arms dis- 

2 z 


armed, threatened and ffettered them. My friends and I are here making up a little 
fort, in which we are to leave some men for secureing me in my possessione, this being 
the only most probable means for reduceing the rebells, and had it not been for this, we 
had been at them ere now ; besides that the spates here are impassible ; but how sone as 
the waters fall, we hope to make accompt of them. All my concurrence from the seve- 
rall shyres allowed by the Councell did faill me, except such of my own relations as are 
with me, and Captain Mackenzie of Siddy, and his company. The M'Phersoues in 
Badinoch, after two citationes, disobeyed most contemptuously. I thought it my duty to 
acquaint you heirof, quhairby your Lordship may tak any course your Lordship pleases, 
by making it knoweu to the Councill ; and I am, 

" My Lord, 

" Your Lordship's most humble and obedient servant, 
(Signed) " J. MACINTOSHE 

of Torcastell." 

" For the Earle of Perth, 

Lord Hich Chancellor 

off Scotland, 
" Edinburgh. These." 

The Macintoshes are always represented in the present Memoirs as supported by the law. 
They were, however, quite like their neighbours, in regard to the respect they paid to it. 
Spalding, in the commencement of his History, describes them as being guilty of one of 
the most diverting instances of greed, violence, and treachery, that was ever perpetrated. 

To none but to James Cameron, &c. p. 231. 

One is almost again tempted to remark, that this incident must have been borrowed 
from Rob Roy. 


It ii true, indeed, that some few Scotch Lords, Ac. p. 234. 

Although the following letter, which was found among the papers belonging to the Fa 
mily of Campbell of Kilberry, contains much that is private and unintelligible, yet it 
may not prove an altogether uninteresting illustration of the events alluded to in the text. 


Edinburgh, May 1st, 1689. 

The day before the bearer came here, the Earl of Argyll, Skellmorlie, and Sir John 
Dalrymple, (the day before that,) went away to London with the offer of the Crown to 
King William. So soon as I got yours, I went instantly into the Convention, and caused 
deliver yours (which ye sent to Argyll) to Duke Hamilton, who instantly caused read it, 
and the enclosed orders were appointed to be sent to Loup and you. I think truly the case 
is hard, being poor merchandmen, and is supposed has no other design but trade, yet you 
must obey the States' orders ; but I doubt not but you will be as spare ing of the poor 
men's goods and as discreet to them as you can. Kingstoun was here, and spoke to Duke 
Hamiltoun. I assure you I was at a deal of trouble in this affair, and the more with 
Clerks, because there was no money to be given them. The Convention is adjourned till 
the 20th instant ; there are a great many forces comeing here from England, besyd what 
are come already. It is lyke if their be nothing to doe with them heir, they and more 
will goe to Ireland. I suppose ye may expect about five hundreth men from this to Kin- 
tyre shortly, if not more. General Major Mackay is gone North with some forces in 
pursuit of Dundee, but our news this day is, that Dundee, after he went to Murray, is 
upon his march back, for he could not get, (as is said,) even amongst the Gordons, anie to 
join with him. I shall add no more, but that 

I am, your affectionate Cusing to serve you, 

For Angus Campbell of Kilberrie. 

He was a gentleman of good understanding, efcc. - p. 237. 

An ingenious article which appeared in the Dublin University Magazine, entitled 
" Last Days of Dundee," contains characters of the Highland Chieftains who fought with 
him at Killiecrankie. As the author does not mention his authorities, it is impossible to 
judge of their authenticity, but there is a remarkable contrast between these delineations 
and the text. 

Leaving Mackay behind him in the North p. 238. 

The Editor believes that Mackay 's Memoirs, and the other authentic accounts of this 
campaign, will be found to agree in general with the statements in the text ; but it would 
be in vain to attempt to harmonize the descriptions of the various marchings and counter- 
marchings which took place previous to the battle of Killiecrankie. 


The Laird of Macintosh declairedfor neither party, <fcc. p. 240. 

The conduct of Macintosh upon this occasion proves that Lauderdale was mistaken 
in the relative estimate he formed of Macintosh's and Lochoil's loyalty. ( Vide Ap 
pendix, No. III.) 

But that General left no stone unturned to gain Locheill, <fcc. p. 240. 

Those who accuse Locheill, as has often been done, of self-interested motives in join 
ing Dundee, would do well to peruse pages 18 and 19 of Mackay's Memoirs, and com 
pare that passage with the account given in the text of Locheil's connection with the 
Marquis of Argyll. It is too long to admit of being quoted fully, but the concluding 
paragraph may be given : " However, the General, during his abode in the North, 
having known the King's mind as to the Viscount of Tarbat's proposition, wrote to 
Lochiel at two several times, but had no return, notwithstanding that he proposed fairly to 
Aim under the present government ; he wrote also to a gentleman, Chief of one of the Fa 
milies of the Macdonalds, called Glengary, who returned him a civil ansuer, but instead 
of hearkening to his propositions, proposed to him the example of General Monk to imi 
tate, who restored King Charles." 

It thus appears, that Locheill might have had all he required from either of the Mo- 
narchs, and his demands being nothing more than a complete title to his own property, 
do not eem very exorbitant. 

Before the Islanders, &c. p. 240. 

Somewhere about this time, it is mentioned both by Mackay, p. 24 of his Memoirs, 
and Lord Balcarras, that the Highland infantry, said to be commanded by Locheill, made 
a precipitate retreat from Mackay, who was then very strong in cavalry. 

Two troopers in the meantime, &c. p. 241. 

(Vide Mackay's Memoirs, p. 30.) The coolness with which this great military saint 
recommends (tide p. 240) that Provensall and Murray, two of the suspected dra 
goons, should be put to the torture, is truly edifying. This circumstance, when taken 
in conjunction with his determination to burn and destroy Atholl and the country 
of the Mackenzie's, and his recommendation to extirpate the Lochaber men, (vide pages 


102, 270, 271,) prove that his idea of the duties of a Commander were even more cruel 
than those of Dundee, who never upon any occasion recommended or practised either 
torture or military devastation. But according to the present enlightened ideas, what 
is the extremity of cruelty in a Prelatist and Jacobite, is quite proper and necessary 
in a Whig and Revolutionist. 

Dureing this march Keppoch, &c. p. 242. 

Dundee has been repeatedly accused of this act of severity, but the present vindication 
is entitled to some weight. Even had he authorized it, he would have been no worse 
than Mackay. 

Two hundred of Sir John Maclean's Meanders, <&c. p. 244. 

Vide Mackay's account of this skirmish, pp. 38 and 39, in which he makes the loss of 
the Highlanders very severe. But whatever may have been the loss on either side, it 
contributed materially to raise the spirits of the Mountaineers. 

Repulsing dragoons on ground where their horses could not act was, after all, no 
very astonishing featj but so far from having that unbounded confidence in themselves 
that is generally attributed to them, the Highlanders, like all raw troops, felt considerable 
awe for their disciplined and completely appointed opponents, and were delighted to find 
that they could meet them upon any terms. 

But Locheill, now past the sixtieth year of his age, &c p. 250. 

Locheil's opinion upon" this subject, and description of the Highland tactics, is ex 
tremely curious. Perhaps it may not be uninteresting to contrast it with General Mac 
kay's statement upon the same subject, who describes them as never fighting against 
regular forces, upon " any thing of equal terms, without a sure retreat at their back, par 
ticularly if their ennemies be provided of horse ; and to be sure of their escape in case of 
a repulse, they attack bare-footed, without any cloathing but their shirts and a little 
Highland dowblet, whereby they are certain to outrun any foot, and will not readily en 
gage where horse can follow the chase any distance. Their way of fighting is to divide 
themselves by Clans, the Chief or principal man being at their heads, with some distance 
to distinguish betwixt them. They come on slowly till they be within distance of firing, 
which, because they keep no rank or file, doth ordinarly little harm. When their fire is 
over they throw away their firelocks, and every one drawing a long broadsword with his 


Urge, such M hare them, on his loft hand, they fall a running toward the ennemy, who, 
if he stand firm, thej nerer fail of running with much more speed back again to the 

hills." (Fufcp. 51.) 

How feu- the General was correct in his ideas may bo gathered from the subsequent 
conduct of the Highlanders at Sheriffinuir, Prestonpans, Falkirk, and Culloden, all of 
which battles were fought upon open and level plains, without any hills in the rear of 
the positions. 

But Alexander MacDonald of Glengarry, Ac. p. 259. 

What a contrast is the present character and account of Glengarry to that which is 
usually given ; indeed, it would seem that if the gallant and eccentric individuals who 
are usually denominated the last of the Chiefs, had appeared among their more cool and 
sagacious progenitors, they would have passed for little better than mountebanks. 

Dundee kept the higher ground p. 265. 
This sentence is only to be found in the Cartsburn MS. 

Discovered the body of their noble General p. 269. 

The account of Dundee's death here given tends to throw discredit on the authenticity 
of the letter he is alleged to have written after his wound, and in this the text coincides 
with the most accurate historians. 

Now, if the reader will but reflect p. 273. 

This sentence is likewise only to be found in the Cartsburn MS. Lord Balcarras, 
however, does not say that Dundee made signs, but that he was in the act of riding to 
Sir Donald's battalion. But it may be observed, that as the MacDonalds were posted 
on the extreme left, Dundee, in riding to them, would have exposed his right, not his 
left side ; but there can be no doubt that the fatal shot was received under the left arm. 

How singular that the MacDonalds here, without the slightest difficulty, took up that 
very position which, being assigned them at Culloden, was one of the principal causes of 
the defeat of the Highlanders. 


But the death of Gilbert Ramsay p. 280. 

This singular and striking anecdote must, it is believed, rest upon the authority of 
the text. Ramsay's death seems, however, to have excited some attention, for it is men 
tioned by Mackay, p. 265, where he says, " both Dundie, Pitcur, one Ramsay, and others, 
were killed at the first onset." 

The gallant Earl of Dunfermline's love for ardent spirits appears not to have diminished 
during the course of his campaigns. Mackay says, (p. 277,) " Colonell Canan is in no 
reputation or esteem by them, for he and Dumfermling doe nothing but drink acquavity, 
as I'm informed." 

But notwithstanding of all this p. 275. 

It is commonly supposed that Mackay was Dundee's fortunate competitor upon this 
occasion. But the account here given is so circumstantial, that it is probably correct. 

He was much master in the epistolary way of writing p. 279. 

Possibly the account of the battle of Drumclog, which is the only letter of Dundee's 
which the Editor has seen, may have been an exception to his usual style. But a more 
wretched production, both in point of composition and orthography, was never penned. 

1 have been the more particular, &c. p. 281. 

This is the most circumstantial account of this remarkable engagement which has yet 
appeared, and seems perfectly well authenticated. From it it appears that the High 
land Chiefs were even more uncertain than General Mackay as to the conduct of their 
troops, only the Highlanders took a different mode of animating their men. Locheil's 
going to every man in his Clan, and taking his solemn promise either to do his duty 
or die, may well be opposed to General Mackay's assurance, " that if they kept firm 
and close they should quickly see their enemys take the hills for refuge." ( Vide p. 63.) 
We question if Donald M'Ba^, or any soldier who had previously seen the Highlanders 
fight, would have received this as a fact, and he totally omitted to give any reason why 
their adversaries would act in this manner. Indeed, the General admits that when he thus 
confidently predicted victory, he had not had experience " of their way of nor firmity 


infyktwg" (vide p. 45,) and that his troops were not well trained or armed to en- 
roanter such an adversary, (vide p. 114.) 

It also appears that it was solely owing to there not being a sufficient number of High- 
la nders to attack the whole of Mackay's army, that part of them maintained their ground 
for a short time. This circumstance has been very differently represented. Mackay gives 
an explanation which he concludes by saying it was partly owing to their being English, 
preferring," he says, " the English commonality in my judgment in matter of courage 
to the Scots," (vide p. 59.) This is certainly candid, and the General is borne out by the 
fact, that at no period of their history did the Lowland Scots display so little courage as 
when fighting for Kirk and Covenant. 

It likoways is proper to mention, that an old Highlander, in describing the engage 
ment to Burt, (rufehis Letters from the Highlands, vol. ii. p. 226,) says that there was an 
English regiment which the Highlanders did not care to attack ; the object of the shrewd 
old Celt was obviously to underrate the prowess of his countrymen, to render Govern 
ment less anxious about their conduct. 

But the truth is, nothing more thoroughly demonstrates the utter consternation into 
which both officers and men were thrown, than the fact that such a circumstance should 
have been reckoned any thing more than a bare and imperfect performance of their duty. 
Lord Balcarras is much nearer the truth when he says, that had they chosen they might 
have fallen on the flank of the Highlanders and defeated them. No one can read Gene 
ral Mackay's description of their retreat without seeing that they were quite as unfit to 
resist an attack as their slaughtered brethren, (vide p. 58.) 

Whether this defeat was owing to an unreasonable and unmeaning panic, as is gene 
rally alleged, or, as has been occasionally hinted, to the men finding their weapons utterly 
unfit to encounter the Highlanders in close combat, is a question of no practical import- 
Mice since the universal disuse of the sword and target in regular armies. But whether 
modern troops would have fared better may be judged of from the fact, that these cowardly 
and ill disciplined men (as they are usually called) killed more of their adversaries by 
three vollies than was ever done by a similar number during the whole of the last war. 
As to fixing the bayonet, the old bayonet, when fixed, was a much better weapon than the 
modern, (if there be any correctness in the laws of mechanical action,) and the High 
landers, after receiving tlie last fire of their opponents, gave their own fire, threw down 
their musquets, drew their swords and daggers, and adjusted their targets. If the regular 
forces could not fix their bayonets in that time, what is the use of attempting to train men 
at all ? It is also much to be questioned if any of those columns, which in modern engage 
ments are represented as being driven back so shattered and discomfited by the fire of their 
opponents, as to be physically unable to close, ever lost, like the Camerons, one half of 
their number. 

The present Memoirs amply prove that the Highlanders themselves attributed their 
success solely to the superiority of their arms and mode of fighting. 


At the battle of the Boyne the victors mustered 36,000 men, and lost about 500. The 
vanquished amounted to 33,000 men, and lost about 800, in all 69,000 combatants and 
1300 killed. ( Vide Dublin University Magazine, April 1842, p. 486.) 

At Killiecrankie the Highlanders amounted to little more than 1800 men, their loss 
was 600 ; the Royal forces to about 3500, their loss 1800. The whole number of com 
batants being thus 5300, and the total loss 2400. That is, at the Boyne about one man 
in fifty fell ; at Killiecrankie nearly every second man perished. Yet the carnage of 
the Boyne and the skirmish of Killiecrankie are expressions frequently employed by his 

Donald M 'Bane's account of the latter engagement may not be unacceptable to some 
readers. It is as follows : 

" At length our enemy made their appearance on the top of a hill. We then gave a 
shout, daring them, as it were, to advance, which they quickly did to our great loss. 
When they advanced we played our cannon for an hour upon them ; the sun going down 
caused the Highlandmen to advance on us like madmen, without shoe or stoking, cover 
ing themselves from our fire with their targes ; at last they cast away their musquets, 
drew their broadswords, and advanced furiously upon us, and were in the middle of us 
before we could fire three shots a piece, broke us, and obliged us to retreat. Some fled 
to the water, and some another way, (we were for most part new men ;) I fled to the 
baggage, and took a horse in order to ride the water ; there follows me a Highlandman 
with sword and targe, in order to take the horse and kill myself. You'd laught to see how 
he and I scampered about. I kept always the horse betwixt him and me ; at length he 
drew his pistol, and I fled ; he fired after me. I went above the Pass, where I met with 
another water very deep ; it was about 18 foot over betwixt two rocks. I resolved to jump 
it, so I laid down my gun and hat and jumped, and lost one of my shoes in the jump. 
Many of our men was lost in that water and at the Pass." 

Donald, who continued in the army, served in Flanders during the whole of the Duke 
of Marlborough's wars, and his adventures form the most naive and interesting autobio 
graphy of a private soldier that has yet been published, and certainly prove that the 
British army in those days was in a state of frightful moral degradation. Donald turned 
a most skilful swordsman, and his love for duels became so great, that he frequently fought 
four or five in a day. 

He wound up his career by defeating, (when at the advanced age of 67,) in single com 
bat, a young Irishman, who was then the champion swordsman of Great Britain. After 
this, Donald coolly remarks that he will fight no more, but repent of his former 

The details of this singular rencontre were recovered by the indefatigable Mr Cham 
bers, and appeared in an early number of the Journal, and are here repeated. 

" At the time Bane engaged the prize-fighter, alluded to in the last page of his life, it 
was usual for persons of that description, when expert in the art, to go from place to place 
bidding defiance to all opponents, and after remaini