V v^ ^i«::.*^' 'M '^. *>'^.«^1'* ^^^ p N V ■^'. ^^ ■'j' .0' ».!.•'. • • • I-, <^ .*-J(^iPiC,' .'•^•'<> V ••■ -O^ p.* , *• ^^ . V * ^. *J^\, ^' o^ • • .-> '■■^.. >^- .^ > ■ ' ^ .<^' ♦ A — ^ ■•'*. A MEMOIRS AND SERVICES OF THREE GENERATIONS GENERAL JOSEPH CILLEY First New Hampshire Line. War of the Revolution JONATHAN LONGFELLOW Father of Sarah, wife of General Joseph Cilley COLONEL JOSEPH CILLEY U. S. Senator and Officer in the War of 1812 HONORABLE JONATHAN CILLEY Member of Congress from Maine COMMANDER GREENLEAF CILLEY War with Mexico and War of 1861 GENERAL JONATHAN P. CILLEY First Maine Cavalry, War of the Rebellion REPRINT FROM THE COURIER-GAZETTE Rockland, Maine 1 909 CsM5 yf/ \ God of our fathers, known of old, — Lord of our far-flung battle line — Beneath whose awful hand we hold Dominion over palm and pine — Lord God of Hosts, be with us yet,- Lest we forget — lest we forget. y '^^■3ilf''' 1 ' ,>^^^ ' ' '/ • /, GEN. JONATHAN P. CILLEY The Cilley-Graves Affair Being a Concise Account of the Tragedy Which Ended the Career of a Famous Member of a Famous New England Family. Prom time to time in the last 50 years items and brief articles have been pub- lished in the local press relating to the famous duel in which Jonathan Cilley of Thomaston was killed by William J. Graves of Kentucky. Next to the duel between Alexander Hamilton and Aaron Burr, no event of the character ever attracted more attention, than that beween Graves and Cilley, and it is accordingly a matter of national in- terest, to say nothing of the connect- ions which make it of pronounced local importance. The Lewiston Journal a few weeks ago published a short account of the affair, but with this issue The Courier- Gazette publishes an installment of the first story which has ever been com- piled especially for the convenience of the newspaper readers of the present day. The Journal's story, with some corrections is used as the foundation of this article, and the cuts published by that paper have been remodelled for the purpose of illustration. One of the most noted families in all New England is the one from which Gen. Jonathan P. Cilley of Rockland originated. For more than a full cen- tury not a single member of that fam- ily has been unknown to fame, and some of them have written their names high up in the temple of fame. While dating back several hundred years the family tree has been most conspicuous since the time of Gen. Joseph Cilley of Revolutionary fame. This patriot fought at the battles of Lexington, Stony Point, Monmouth and Bemis's Heights, and with his command was present at the capture of Burgoyne. After the close of the Revolution he was commissioned major general. In the engagement of Saratoga he ac- quired national fame. The enemy had posted a piece of artillery in a position that was doing great damage to his regiment. Becoming iriitated at the havoc. Col. Joseph called his regiment around him and boldly charged the po- sition, capturing the piece. In order to encourage the men to hold fast to their prize the gallant colonel ordered the gun loaded and then leaping upon it and drawing his sword he shouted: "I now consecrate this gun to the cause of American liberty!" The effect Avas electrical and the position was held, while the inci lent became one of the traditions of the war. At the close of the war he re- THREE GENERATIONS. turned to his home in Notting^ham, N. H., where the remainder of his life ■<\as passed in peace and quiet. Battle of Monmouth We present as a matter of historip interest, a letter written by General Joseph Cilley, who took part in the Revolutionary battle of Monmouth— the famous battle at which Washington swore roundly at Gen. Lee: Camp 4 miles above White Plains, New York, July 22, 1778. Col. Thomas Bartlett, Nottinerham, New England, State of New Hampshire —Dear Colonel: — Your favor of the lO'.h of July came safe to hand by Major Titcomb; am much obliged to you for its contents. I left Valley Forge the ISth of June with the right wing of the armv under the command of Gen Lee. in pursuit of the enemy who left Phila- delDhia the 18th. The whole of the army pursued with his Excellency Gen- eral Washington. Crossed the Dela- ware at a ferry called Cold Corels, when it was thought best to send over several parties to harass the enemy's rear. Gen. Scott was .sent first with 1600 picked men from the whole army in order to watch the enemy's motions. I was ordered on this party. Soon it was thought best to give the enemy battle. General Lee was sent on this errand. He called in General Scott, in short he had 5,000 Continental troops besides a number of militia. On the 28th of June he was ordered to attack the enemy with his party, and that General Washington with the whole army would support him. We were at a small town, called Eng- lishtown, about four miles from Mon- mouth Courthouse, where the enemv lay. We began our march before sun- rise; proceeded towards the field of bat- tle; came to the plain — the enemy gave way, seeming to be in great confusion without making any opposition, except some scattering musketry and a ft;w fieid-r>iecGs playing on both sides at long range — when to my great surprise I saw the right wing of our parly giv- ing away in great confusion. There was a morass in our rear. I thoutcht whether it was not intended to cross that in order to take better ground. There was a wood in the rear of ihe party I was with. We were ordered to cross and form in that wood, where we lay some time. The enemy observing this, halted, came to the ri^ht-about and pursued us about two miles, when General Washington came up, ord^r^id our party to make a stand to check the enemy, while the army could form, which was done immediately. Th-i .se- verest cannonading ensued as ever was in America. Our men behaved with great fortitude. The cannonading last- ed two or three hours. I was in the front line of our army on the left wing. His excellency ordered me to take the battalion I then commanded, con- sisting of 350 rank and file, detached from Poor's, Patterson's, Larnard's and Varnam's brigades, with Lii'ut. Col. Dearborn and Major Thayer v.'ho were with me, to go and see wh.at I could do with the enemy's right wing, which was found in an orchard in oui front. I marched on towards them un- til I came within about forty rods, when I ordered my battalion to form the line of battle, which was done. The enemy began a scattering- fire. I or- dered my men to advance, which thev did in good order. When the enemv saw that we were determined to push close to them, they gave way and took post in scouts of woods and gave me a GEN. J. CILLEY Colonel 1st N. H. Line in the Revolu- tion, Great-Great-Grandfather of J. P. Cilley. COL. JOSEPH CILLEY U. S. Senator and Officer in War of 1812, Uncle of J. P. Cilley. BATTLE OOP MONMOUTH very heavy Are under the cover of sev- eral pieces of artillery. I advanced within a few rods; gave them a heavv fire which put them in confusion. Th^'y ran off. I killed a number on the fi^Ad, took between twenty and thirty prison- ers and should have pursued furth<^r but the extreme heat of the weather was such that several of my men died with the heat. We took possession of the field; about 300 of the enemy dead, with several officers, among them was Col. Monckton who commanded the first battalion granadiers. They retreated that night about 11 o'clock in prreat confusion, leaving at the court house five wounded officers and about 40 sol- diers. We should have pursued, but our army was so overcome with llie heat that the General thought not ad- visable to pursue. Desertions still continue from the enemy. At the least computation their army has weakened 2,500 since they left Philadedphia. I think Clinton has brought himself into a fine hobble. He has now a French fleet in his front and General Washington in his rear. I think we shall "Burgoyne" him in a few weeks, which God grant may be the case. Doubtless the particulars of the strength of the French fleet will come to your hand long before this, or I would write you some account of them. This may suffice. They are able to flog all the British sheep in America. Mv love to your wife and mother, I am, sir, with respect, your friend and humble servant, J. Cillev. N. B. — General Lee's behavior is now on trial for his conduct. How it will turn Is uncertain. It is my opinion that if he had behaved well we should have destroyed the major part of Clinton's army. Anti-Slave Senator. Nearly as famous was his grandson. Col. Joseph Cilley, whose life has well been portraited by John R. French, ex- sergeant-at-arms of the U. S. Senate. He wrote: Now was the first election of a .'sena- tor of the United States on the direct an ti- slavery issue. Colonel Joseph Cilley was his name and title; a name honored in all the histoty of New England; a title won on the battle-fields of his country. He was a Democrat, but no longer in party affiliation, for his Democracy knew no color line, and in principle was as uni- versal as the human family. He had not the eloquence of W^iodbury and Hubbard and Pierce, and nothing of their elegance of manners, and, what was of vital importance in this hour, nothing of their obsequiousness of spirit. The gallant General Cilley, of Revo- lutionary fame, was his ancestor. "C'l- ley of Maine," the noble young man who dared some utterance in the House of Representatives hostile to slavery, whereupon Henry Clay marked him as "a dangerous man to have about Con- gress," and so set Graves of Ken- tucky up to his butchering on the duel field of Bladensburg— he was this new senator's youngest brother. Joseph Cilley, at his election to the Senate, was an old man. Not only broken and shattered by the contests of three-SK:ore years and ten, but by the strife of his country's battle-fields, in which he had borne gallant part. He was with Scott and Miller in all the bloody conflicts of the Canadian border in the war of 1S12; and from those fields he had come with but one eye left, and his body weighted with the 8 THREE GEXERATlOS^g. leaden bullets of his country's enemy. Such was the man, the half blind, limping hero whom New Hampshire sent to the Senate, as the vanguard of liberty, on the 13th of June in the year 1846. A new type of a man in that body. Ah! and so different from men lately there from New Hampshire. No one would lead him to his seat. The doorkeepers, usually so obsequious, turned their backs to this man. But he found the vacant seat belonging to Ne-w Hampshire, laid his trusty staff across the desk, and sat down with the air of rightful possesfcion. He looked about the hf 11— scowling upon him from all sides — and though he had but one eye, that blazed with such manly in le- pendence that no shrinking fellow that day thought him blind. His voi^e was not like that of his predecessors. It had not been trained in the schools, nor had it learned the dulcet tones of suppliant -waiting in the salons of the rich and haughty. It had been exer- cised in sterner duties. At Lundy's Lane, at Chippewa, and at Niagara, amid the roar of cannon it shouted de- fiance to British soldiery, and called his countrymen to the deadly charge. Its honest tones, rough they may have been, were now lifted in the nation's Senate for Liberty, unconditional and univer?al, without concealment and without compromise. Right of Petition. He spoke for a state which had met -with a "new birth." He demanded the right of petition, and commenced pre- senting them by the thousand, asking for the abolition of slavery in the Dis- trict of Columbia and in the territories Speak he would, and demanded the freedom of speech for every citizen. He planted himself on the Declaration of Independence, and called the nation to judgment. He stood theie for a fact— namely, the determination of the peo- ple that slavery should go down. He stood there alone, shattered and broken in limb and body, this old sol- dier, but his veins throbbed with rare blood; the blood of one of the most gal- lant families of the state; blood which baptized Revolutionary f.e.ds, and with its purple gore marked the front of every battle of the nation from Bunker Hill to Appomattox. Of the more than three-score senators around the board he alone stood for Liberty. But beneath that national sounding- board, which Charles Sumner in after years described as "the sounding- board of the nation's pulpit," he kne-w his voice would find reverberations which would carry it through the land, and that in good time others would come trooping to his side, until the for- lorn hope he led would become the in- spiring shout of the mighty majority. Insolence and flattery alike were wasted upon this man. No clamor could alarm him. Patronage could not sway him. "Social influence," always so abounding at Washington, in all its riotous luxury couldn't sweep high enough to reach the serene atmosphere of this trusty soldier. The day Joseph Cilley took his seat in the Senate, slavery was doomed. Here an old, crippled soldier had come to ring its knell; and he bid them listen to the tolling; peradventure through counsel and legislation the Nation and Liberty might be saved, and there re- main no occasion for the arbitrament of war. But the slaveholder was proud. He defied God and sneered at his prophet. He would not listen to the warning un- JONATHAN CILLEY Killed in • Duel by Graves of Kentucky, Feb. 24, 1838. JONATrtA]^ ClLLfi-^ 9 til it broke upon his startled ear from the brazen throats of a thousand can- non. Joseph Cilley was the first of his par- ty in the Senate of the United States. This gallant old soldier, limping from battle wounds, half blind by the car- nage of war, led the w'ay to the Senate for that grand company of statesmen who, hearing his bugle call, followed after, until they were a majority in the highest forum of the earth, and em- blazoning upon the pages of the world's history its most luminous record, made this nation a republic of freedom. Jonathan Cilley. The member of this family who pos- sesses the deepest and most melan- choly interest for the people of Maine is Jonathan Cilley who was shot in a duel with Congressman Graves of Ken- tucky in 1S38. This gentleman was born in Xottingham, N. H., in 1802, and was graduated from Bowdoin college in the celebrated class of 1825. Even then he was noted for his brilliant talents and his oratorical powers marked him for a great career. Immediately after quitting college young Cilley settled in the village of Thomaston and began the study of law in the office of the late Senator Rug- gles. It was but natural that amidst such surroundings he should imbibe a love for politics, and in a short time he became thoroughly identified with the Democratic party and its policies. In 1S29 he was admitted to the Lincoln bar and shortly afterward married Mits Deborah Prince, daughter of Hon. Hezekiah Prince of Thomaslon. He then entered actively on the practice of his profession and by his superb ability soon gained a prominent position both as a lawyer and political leader. In the latter line Mr. Cilley rose rap- idly and soon became a member of the legislature. Here he served for Ave terms, part of which time he was speaker of the house and always its leader. By that time his reputation was so firmly established that in 1836, he received the nomination for Con- gress and secured a triumphant elec- tion in a district which at that time was strongly Whig ire its poMtica! lean- ings. The campaign wa-^ed had been a bitter one and the glory of his triumph was more marked from the fact that he was opposed by a powerful section of his own party. Scars were made that even time could not heal, and in one sense his very victory carried with it the seeds of a fatal ending. The gloom of a dark pitfall lay across his path, and even the bri.liancy of his triumph was clouded by the prophetic presentiment of some untimely fate. In speaking of the chaiacter and personal peculiarities of Mr. Cilley, at that time a college classmate, Nathaniel Haw- thorne wrote as follows: Hawthorne's Tribute. "In private intercourse, Cilley pos- sessed a remarkable fascination. It was impossible not to regard him with the kindliest feelings, because his com- panions were intuitively certain of a like kindliness on his part. He had a power of sympathy which enabled him to understand every character and hold communion with human nature in all its varieties. He never shrank f.om the intercourse of man with man; and it w-as to his fieedom in this particular that he owed much of his popularity. In a few words, let us characterize him at the outset of life as a young men of (luirk and i owerful intellect; endowed with sagacity and tact, yet frank and ^10 THREE GEXERATIOXS. free in his mode of action, ambitious of good influence, earnest, active and per- severing'; with an elasticity and cheer- ful strength of mind which made dif- ficulties easy, and the strug-gles with them a pleasure. Mingled with the amiable qualities which were like sun- shine to his friends, there were haisher and sterner traits which fitted him to make head against an adverse world, but it was only at the moment of need that the iron framework of his char- acter become perceptible. "In the summer of 1837, a few months after his election to Congress, I met Mr. Cilley for the first time since early youth, when he had been to me almost as an elder brother. The few days which I spent in his neighborhood en- abled us to renew our former intimacy. In his person there was very little change, and even that was for the bet- ter. He had an impending brow, deep- set eyes, and a thin and thoughtful countenance, which in his abstracted moments seemed to be almost stern. In the intercourse of society it was brightened with a kindly smile that will live in the recollection of all who knew him. "His manners had not a fastidious polish, but were characterized by the simplicity of one who had dwelt remote from cities, holding free companionship with the yeomen of the land. I thought him as true a representative of the people as ever theory could por- tray; his earlier and latter habits of life, his feelings, partialities and pre- judices were those of the common peo- ple; the strong and shrewd sense, which constituted so marked a feature of his mind was but a higher degree of the popular intellect. He loved the peo- ple and respected them, and was prouder of nothing than of his brother- hood with those who had intrusted their public interests to his care. His continual struggles in the political arena had strengthened his bones and sinews; opposition had kept him ar- dent; while success had cherished the generous warmth of his nature and as- sisted the growth both of his powers and sympathies. I was aware, indeed, that his harsher traits had grown apace with his milder ones — that he possessed iron resolution, indomi:able perseverence, and an almost terrible energy — but these features had im- parted no hardness to his character in private intercourse. In the hour of public need these strong qualities would have shown themselves the most prominent ones, and would have en- couraged his countrymen to rally around him as one of their natural leaders." Such is the pen portrait of Jonathan Cilley that has been given us by one of the most brilliant of his contemporaries and personal friends. The universal verdict even of ihis iio'itical enemies is that he was one of the most brilliant sons of Maine, and had it not been for his untimely end he would have been the worthy peer oi the ablest men whose records adorn the history of our state. In the very be ginning of his na- tional fame he was cut down by the hand of a man who was no better than an assajssin, and all the proud hopes of his brilliant future perished. Brief al- though his career may have been, his name is written high in the temple of fame and will long be treasured as one of the most brilliant that has added glory to our state and nation. The following account of the fatal duel was written by Hon. Horatio King, late postmaster general, in his valuable work "Turning on the Light," cilley's speech 11 which account has been pronounced by ex-Governor Hugh J. Anderson as the most complete ever written. The Fatal Duel, A charge of corruption against a Senator in Congress, made by "The Spy in Washington," Matthew L. Davis, correspondent of the New Yorlt Courier and Enquirer, was the basis of the trouble which led to the fatal ren- counter. He was the intimate friend and biographer of Aaron Burr, and while acting as correspondent at the capital, he was excluded, I remember, from the ladies' gallery on account of alleged gross immorality there. In a letter to his paper the charge referred to was set forth as follows: "The more brief my statement the better it will be understoo.1. It is in my power, if brought to the bar of either house, or before a committee, and process allowed me to compel the attendance of witnesses, to prove by the oath of a respectable and unim- peachable citizen, as well as by written documentary evidence, that there is at least one member of Congress who has offered to barter his services and his influence with a department or depart- ments for a compensation. 'Why, sir,' said the applicant for a contract, 'if my projiosition has merit, it will be received; if it has not, I do not expect it will be accepted.' And what do you think was the answer of the honorable member? I will give it to you in nis own emphatic language: 'Merit?' said he; 'why, things do not go here by merit, but by pulling the light stiings. Make it my interest and I will pull the strings for you.' " The editor of the Courier and En- quirer, James Watson Webb, vouched for the character and standing of his correspondent, and called upon Con- gress promptly to initiate the investi- gation thus challenged, both as an act of justive to itself and the country. Whereupon Henry A. Wise, of Vir- ginia, offered in the House of Represen- tatives, on the 12th of February, a mo- tion for a committee of inquiry, em- bodying in the preamble of his resolu- tion both the above extract and the editorial comments there- on. The resolution gave rise to a wariTi debate, and resulted in a determination to biing Mr. Davis be- fore the bar of the House. He appear- ed accordingly, and, having declared that the person alluded to in his letter was not a member of the House, he was discharged. On the 13th of February, John Rug- gles. Senator from (Thomaston) Maine, addressed a letter to the Washington Globe, stating that he had been inform- ed that the charge referred to "was a blow aimed at him." In explanation, he said that a Mr. Jones, of New Jer- sey, had applied to him to draw up a specification and claim for a patent for a trunk-lock. He had consented to do it, "as it was a strictly professional matter." Subsequently he had agreed to take an assignment of one-fourth part of the patent for his services; the papers were drawn and assented to by Jones, but never executed, nor had any compensation ever been allowed for his services. On the l€th of February, at Mr. Rug- gles's request, a committee to investi- gate the charge against him was ap- pointed in the Senate, and he was en- tirely exonerated. In the debate on Mr. Wise's resolu- tion, Mr. Cilley said: "As the course proposed to be pursu- ed on this occasion was novel and ex- 12 ^HREE GEXERAtlOMg. traordinary, he hoped the House would pause before it embarked in this busi- ness on such authority as was pro- duced. This charge comes from the editor of a newspaper, and we all know that in a country where the press is free, few men can expect to escape abuse and charges of a similar descrip- tion. Ordinarily, when we are about entering upon a business of this kind before a magistrate, a conservator of the peace, the charges submitted are obliged to be made distinctly, clearly, andunderthe solemnityof an oath; and why should we now depart from this well-known and well-settled rule? He knew nothing of this editor, but it was the same editor who had made grave charges against an institution of this country (the old United States Bank in 1831), and afterwards was said to have received facilities to the amount of fifty-two thousand dollars from the same institution and gave it his hearty support; he did not think his charges were entitled to much credit in an Am- erican Congress. If he has charges to make, let him make them distinctly and not vaguely; let him make them under the solemnity of an oath, and then it will be quite time enough to act. He trusted the House would not go into an investigation of thi.<^ kind on a mere newspaper statement without any proof." It was the subject of pointed com- ment at the time that, whei^eas, the re' marks of Mr. Cilley were published in the Globe of the 12th, Mr. Webb waited until the 21st of February before de- manding an explanation. Therefore, the presumption was, and it was dis- tinctly charged, that "the offence was taken at Washington, the plot arranged there, and Mr. Webb sent for, after full consultation, and notified that he must take offence at Mr. Cilley's re- marks. This supposition was the more readily credited not only because the same imputation against Mr. Webb had "been thousands of times made on innumerable occasions in Congress" without his ever resenting it in any such manner, but also from the fact that Mr. Cilley's ability and fearless bearing in debate had aroused a deter- mination on the part of certain South- ern gentlemen, if possible, to intimi- date him and destroy his influence. As an illustration of this feeling the fol- lowing extract from the Democratic Review is in point. Referring to the discussion upon Mr. Wise's resolution, above mentioned, the editor, J. L. O'Sullivan, afterwards United States minister to Portugal, and who. I am glad to know, still survives, said: "An altercation of a very acrimoni- ous character on the part of Mr. Wise arose upon this occasion. In reply to Mr. Cilley, Mr. Wise, among general remarks upon the opposition of the friends of the administration to all in- vestigation without specific charges, etc., remarked, 'Every man careful of his honor, when such charges as these are made, will not wait to have them specifically framed,' and in the present instance he would say to the gentle- man from Maine that a member of the party (Democratic) to which that gen- tleman belongs should be the last man to oppose the investigation of a charge like this, for it was much more likely to be him that was meant by the au- thor of the charge than himself (Mr. W.). 'I, sir," said Mr. Wi.'se, 'have no influence with the executive or any of its branches, to sell for a price,' " etc. Afterwards, in the course of the de- bate, the following altercation took place, as we find it reported in the In- telligencer: THE DEBATE 13 " 'But now, because he (Mr. C.) had stood up to defend the character of the House against that anonymous imputation, he was to hear the basest charges against himself. " 'Mr. Wise here asked if the gentle- man from Maine meant to say that he (Mr. W.) had made base charges in re- lation to himself? " 'Mr. Cilley would explain. He did feel that it was ungenerous for that gentleman to have said that the pre- sumption was rather it was he (Mr. C.) than himself (Mr. W.) to whom this charge alluded. " 'Mr. Wise had made no personal charge against the member from Maine, false or true, none whatever; and he again asked that gentleman if he meant to say that he had insin- uated base charges against him. " 'Mr. Cilley responded in substance what he had said. " 'Mr. Wise. Then the gentleman from Maine designs deliberately to in- sult me. " 'Mr. Cilley certainly did not; he ' had not made any charge against the gentleman from Virginia. He knew his rights and those of his constituents on that floor. " 'Mr. Wise understood, and did not understand the gentleman from Maine as disclaiming the charge, that he had made base charges against that gen- tleman. "'Mr. Cilley said that he had dis- tinctly remarked that the gentleman from Virginia had said he (Mr. C ) was more obnoxious to the charge con- tained in the resolution before the House than he (Mr. W.) was; and he could say no less than he had said, fearless of all consequences, but he had no intention to insult any one. The gentleman from Virginia just remark- ed that he had been informed of the name of the member alluded to; why not disclose it? " 'Mr. Wise roi=e and said that he could never again treat that gentle- man with confidence who could ris? in his place and repeat to the House what a member had said in private conversation in his seat. " 'Mr. Cilley had not intended to vio- late confidence. The gentleman from Virginia had said openly in his seat that he knew the name of the member meant. " 'Mr. Wise. But it was in reply to an express question of another mem- ber. " 'Some further explanation thsn took place between Mr. Cilley and Mr. Wise,' etc. "The rerort of it is here cut off. Mr. Cilley sustained himself with perfect firmness and dignity to the end, his manner being, according to our infor- mation, in highly advantageous con- trast with that of his assailant. The latter concluded by the following re- mark, spoken so openly and loud as to be heard at some distance, a remark which Mr. Cilley never affected .o no- tice or to hear: 'But what is the use of bandying words with a man who won't hold himself personally account- able for his words?' " Fully to appreciate this scene, one needs to have known its principal act- ors and observed the calm, firm, aru dignified manner of Cilley In contrast with the fierce look and aggressive bearing of his opponent, as the writer more than once saw him in debate in the House during the winter of 18?!S- 39, while Graves, looking sad and de- sponding, was also still a niemb^" of that body. 14 THREE GENERATIONS. We will next present the correspond- ence, etc., as it appeared in a paper signed by the seconds in the duel, George W. Jones, of Iowa, and Henry A. Wise, of Virginia, which they pub- lished as their "STATEMENT. "Washington City, D. C, Feb. 26, 1S38 "The following is a statement of the facts of the duel between the Honor- able William J. Graves, of Kentucky, and the Honorable Jonathan Cilley, of Maine, agreed upon by George W. Jones and Henry A. Wise, the seconds of the parties, committed to writing between the hours of 10.30 o'clock a. m., February 25th, and 12 o'clock m. this day. The seconds propose, first, to state the correspondence which oc- curred before the challense and which was communicated ih;oiigh others than themselves, neither second having borne any message, verbal or written, to or from either of the principals, un- til Mr. Wise bore the challenge and Mr. Jones bore the acceptance. This correspondence, as it has been placed in the hands of the seconds, is as fol- lows, to wit: "Mr. Graves to Mr. Cilley. "House of Representatives. February 21, 1838.— In the interview which I had with you this morning, when you de- clined receiving from me the note of Colonel J. W". Webb, asking whether you were correctly reported in the Globe In what you are there represent- ed to have said of him in this House upon the 12th instant, you will please say whether you did not remark, in substance, that in declining to receive the note, you hoped I would not con- sider it in any respect disrespectful to me, and that the ground on which you rested your declining to receive the note was distinctly this: That you could not consent to get yourself into personal difficulties with conductors of public journals for what you might think proper to say in debate upon this floor, in discharge of your duties as a representative of the people, and that you did not rest your objection in our interview upon any personal objection to Colonel Webb as a gentleman. Very respectfully your obedient servant, "W. J. Graves. "Honorable Jonathan Cilley. "Mr. Cilley to Mr. Graves. "House of Representatives, February 21, 1838.— The note which you just placed in my hands has been received. In reply I have to state that in your interview with me this morning, when you proposed to deliver a communica- tion from Colonel Webb, of the New York Courier and Enquirer, I declined to receive it because I chose to be drawn into no controversy with him. I neither affirmed nor denied anything in regard to his character; but when you remarked that this course on my part might place you in an unpleasant Fituation, I stated to you, and now re- peat, that I intended by the refusal no disrespect to you. Very respectfully, your obedient servant, "Jona. Cilley. "Honorable W. J. Graves. "Mr. Graves to Mr. Cilley. "House of Representatives, February 22, 1838.— Sir,— Tour note of yesterday, in reply to mins of that date, is inex- plicit, unsatisfactory, and insufficient; among other things in this, that in LETTERS 15 your declining' to receive Colonel Webb's communication, it does not dis- claim any exception to him personally as a gentleman. I have therefore to in- quire whether you declined to receive his communication on the ground of any personal exception to him as a gentleman or a man of honor? A categorical answer is expected. Very respectfully, "William J. Graves. "Honorable J. Cilley. '^r. Cilley to Mr. Graves. "House of Representatives, February 22, 1838.— Sir.— Tour note of this date has just been placed in my hands. I regret that mine of yesterday was not satisfactory to you, but I cannot admit the right on your part to propound the question to which you ask a categorical answer, and therefore decline any fur- ther response to it. Very respect- fully, "Jonathan Cilley. "Honorable W. J. Graves. "Here follows the first paper borne by Mr. Wise: "As you have declined accepting a communication which I bore to you from Colonel Webb, and as, by your note of yesterday, you have refused to decline on grounds which would exon- erate me from all responsibility grow- ing out of the affair, I am left no other alternative but to ask that satisfaction ■which is recognized among gentlemen. My friend, Honorable Henry A. Wise, is authorized by me to make the ar- rangements suitable for the occasion. Your obedient servant, "W. J. Graves. "Honorable J. Cilley. "Mr. Wise states that he presented the foregoing challenge to Mr. Cilley in the parlor at Mr. Birth's boarding- house a few minutes before twelve o'clock, on Friday, the twenty-third instant. "In addition to the foregoing corre- spondence the seconds propose to re- late only such facts and circumstances as occurred within their joint knowl- edge, after their ow^n participation in the melancholy affair. "On the evening of the twenty-third instant, about the hour of five o'clock, Mr. Jones, the second of Mr. Cilley, de- livered to Mr. Graves in the room of Mr. Wise, and in his presence, the fol- lowing note, which was the first paper borne by Mr. Jones, to wit: "Washington City February 23, 1838.— Honorable W. J. Graves: Your note of this morning has been received. My friend. General Jones, will 'make the arrangements suitable to the occasion.' Your obedient servant, "Jona. Cilley. "Immediately upon the preparation of the acceptance of the challenge, Mr. Graves retired, leaving Mr. Jones iwith Mr. "V\''ise, who submitted to Mr. Wise the following propositions for the ar- rangement of the meeting, to wit: "Washington City, February 23, 1838. —Sir: Mr. Cilley proposes to meet Mr. Graves at such place as may be agreed upon between us to-morrow at twelve o'clock m. The weapons to be used on the occasion shall be rifles; the parties placed side to side at eighty yards dis- tance from each other; to hold the rifles horizontally at arm's length downward; the rifles to be cocked and triggers set; the word to be, 'Gentle- men, are you ready?' after which, neither answering 'no,' the words shall be in regular succession, 'Fire, one, two, three, four.' Neither party shall 16 THREE GENERATIONS. fire before the word 'fire,' nor after the word 'four.' The positions of the par- ties at the ends of the line to be deter- mined by lot. The second of the party losing- the position shall have the giv- ing- of the word. The dress to be ordi- nary winter clothing and subject to the examination of both parties. Eaeh party may have on the ground, besides his second, a surgeon and two other friends. The seconds, for the execution of their respective trusts, are allowed to have a pair of pistols each on the ground, but no other persons shall have any weapon. The rifles to be loaded in the presence of the seconds. Should Mr. Graves not be able to pro- cure a rifle in the time prescribed, time shall be allowed for that purpose. Your very obedient servant, "George W. Jones. "Honorable Henry A. Wise. "About nine o'clock p. m., at Mr. Jones's room at Dawson's, Mr. Wise returned to him the following answer, to wit: "Washington City, February 23, 1838. — Sir: The terms arranging the meet- ing between Mr. Graves and Mr. Cil- ley, which you presented to me this evening, though unusual and objec- tionable, are accepted with the under- standing that the rifles are to be load- ed with a single ball, and that neither party is to raise his weapon from the downward horizontal position until the word 'tire.' I will inform you, sir, by the hour of eleven o'clock a. m. to- morrow whether Mr. Graves has been able to procure a rifle, and, consequent- ly, whether he will require a postpone- ment of the time of meeting. Your very obedient servant, "Henry A. Wise. "Honorable George W. Jones. "About eight o'clock a. m. on the twenty-fourth instant, Mr. Jones left at Mr. Wise's room the following note, to wit: "Washington City, February 24. 1838. — Sir: I will receive at Dr. Reillys, on F Street, any communication you may see proper to make me until eleven o'clock a. m., to-day. Respectfully, your obedient servant, "George W. Jones. "Honorable H. A. W^se. "Dr. Reilly's, F Street, February 24, 1838. 10 a. m.— Sir: I have called at this place in conformity to your note of this morning, to inform you that Mr. Graves has not as yet been able to pro- cure a rifle and put it in order, and cannot be ready by twelve o'clock m. to-day. He is desirous, however, to have the meeting to-day, if possible, and I will inform you by half-past twelve o'clock m. to-day what time he will require to procure and prepare a weapon. Aery respectfully, etc., "Henry A. Wise. "Honorable George W. Jones. "Afterwards Mr. Jones left at Mr. Wise's room the following note, to 'Wit: "Washington, 10.30 a. m., February 24, 1838.— Sir: Your note, dated at ten o'clock to-day, is received. In reply I have the pleasure to inform you that I have in my possession an excellent rifle, in good order, which is at the .'^ervice of Mr. Graves. Very respect- fully, etc., "George W. Jones. "Honorable H. A. Wise. "Afterwards Mr. Jones sent to Mr. Wise's room the following note, to wit: LETTERS 17 "Washington, February 24, 1S3S, 11 a. m. — Sir: Through the politeness of my friend Dr. Duncan, I now tender to you, for the use of Mr. Graves, the rifle referred to in my note of ten o'clock this morning. Respectfully. your obedient servant, "George W. Jones. "Honorable H. A. Wise. "And with this note a rifle and pow- der-flask and balls were left at Mr. Wise's room. After the reception of this note from Mr. Jones, Mr. Wise called on him at Dr. Reilly's and in- formed Mr. Jones that Mr. Graves had procured a rifle other than that left at his room by Dr. Duncan, and would be ready for the meeting at three o'clock p. m. It was then agreed that the parties should meet at the Anacostia bridge, on the road to Marlborough, Maryland, between the hours of half- past one and half-past two o'clock p. m., and if either got there first he should wait for the other, and that they would thence proceed out of the District. Accordingly the parties met at the bridge, Mr. Cilley and his party arriving there first, and all proceeded, about two o'clock p. m., to the place of meeting. On arriving at the place, Mr. Jones and ilr. "Wise immediately pro- ceeded to mark off the ground. They then decided the choice of positions. Mr. Wise won the position, and con- sequently Mr. Jones had the giving of the word. At the time Mr. Jones was informed by Mr. Wise that two gentle- men (Mr. Calhoun, of Kentucky, and Mr. Hawes, of Kentucky) were at some distance off, spectators, but they should not approach upon the ground. Mr. Jones replied that he objected to their coming on the ground, as it was against the articles of the meeting, but he entertained for them the highest re- spect. Mr. Wise informed Mr. Jones that, contrary to the terms, he had brought on the ground two rifles; that if he (Mr. Jones) required him to do so, he would immediately send one of them away. Upon Mr. Jones finding that the rifle was unloaded, he con- sented that it should remain in one of the carriages. There were, it is proper to remark, several persons on the ground (besides the hack-drivers and the two gentlemen at a distance be- fore mentioned) who were there with- out the authority or consent of either party or their friends, as far as is known either to Mr. Jones or Mr. Wise, and one of these persons was supposed to be the owner of the field. Shortly after the hour of three p. m. the rifles were loaded in the presence of the sec- onds; the parties were called together; they were fully instructed by Mr. Jones as to their positions, and the words were twice repeated to them as they would be and as they were de- livered to them in the exchange of shots. After they were ordered to their respective positions, the seconds as- sumed their places, and the friends ac- companying the seconds were disposed along the line of fire to observe that each obeyed the terms of meeting. Mr. Jones gave the word distinctly, audi- bly, and in regular succession, and the parties exchanged shots without vio- lating in the least a single instruction. They both missed. After which Mr. Wise called upon the friends generally to assemble and hear what was to be said. Upon the assembling of the friends, Mr. Jones inquired of Mr. Wise whether his friend (Mr. Graves) wais satisfied. Mr. Wise immediately said in substance, 'Mr. Jones, these gentlemen have come here without animosity towards each other; they are fighting merely upon a point of 18 THREE GENERATIONS. honor; cannot Mr. Cilley assign some reason for not receiving at Mr. Graves's hands Colonel "Webb's com- munication, or make some disclaimer which will relieve Mr. Graves from his position?' Mr. Jones replied, in sub- stance, '"^Tiilst the challenge is im- pending, Mr. Cilley can make no ex- planation.' Mr. Wise said, in sub- stance, 'The exchange of shots sus- pends the challenge, and the challenge is suspended for the purpose of ex- planation.' Mr. Jones therefore said he would see Mr. Cilley, and did go to him. He returned and asked Mr. 'Wise again, 'Mr. Wise, do I understand aright that the challenge is suspend- ed?' Mr. Wise answered, 'It is.' Mr. Jones was then about to proceed, when Mr. W^ise suggested that it was best, perhaps, to gi^■e the explanation or reason in writing. Mr. Jones then said, in substance, 'Mr. Wise, if you require me to put what I have to say in writing, I shall require you to put what you have said and may say in writing.' Mr. Wise replied, 'Well. let us hear the explanation beforehand, a.s it may not be necessary to put it in writing.' Mr. Jones then proceeded, as he now thinks, substantially to say. 'I am authorized by my friend, Mr. Cil- ley, to say that, in declining to receive the note from Mr. Graves, purporting to be from Colonel Webb, he meant no disrespect to Mr. Graves, because he entertained for him then, as he now does, the most kind feelings; but that he declined to receive the note because he chose not to be drawn into contro- versy with Colonel Webb.' Mr. Wise thinks this ans'wer of Mr. Jones's was, in substance, as'follows: 'I am author- ized by my friends, Mr. Cilley, to say that, in declining to receive the note from Mr. Graves purporting to be from Colonel Webb, he meant no disrespect to Mr. Graves, because he entertained for him then, as he dees now, the hi.^h- est respect and most kind feelings, but my friend refuses to disclaim disre- spect for Colonel Webb, because he does not choose to be drawn into an expression of opinion as to him.' Such is the substantial difference between the two seconds as to the answer of Mr. Jones. The friends on each side, with the seconds, then retired from each other to consult upon this expla- nation. After consultation, Mr. Wise returned to Mr. Jones and said, 'Mr. Jones, this answer leaves Mr. Graves precisely in the position in which he stood when the challenge was sent.' Much conversation then ensued between the seconds and their friends, but, no nearer approach to reconciliation being made, the chal- lenge was renewed and another shot was exchanged in a manner perfectly fair and honorable to all parties. After this the seconds and their friends again assembled and the chal- lenge was again withdrawn and very similar conversations to that after the first exchange of shots again ensued. Mr. Jones then remarked, 'Mr. Wise, my friend, in coming to the ground and exchanging shots with Mr. Graves, has shown to the world that in de- clining to receive the note of Colonel Webb he did not do so because he dreaded a controversy. He has shown himself a brave man. and disposed to render satisfaction to Mr. Graves. I do think he has done so, and that the matter should end here.' To this Mr. Wise replied, in substance, 'Mr. Jones, Mr. Cilley has already expressed his respect for Mr. Graves in the written correspondence, and Mr. Graves does not require of Mr. Cilley a certificate of character for Colonel Webb; he con- siders himsself bound not only to pre- LETTERS 19 serve the respect due to himself, but. to defend the honor of his friend, Colonel Webb.' These words of Mr. Wise Mr. Jones recollects, and Mr. Wise thinks he added the words, 'Mr. Graves only insists that he has not borne the note of a man who is not a man of honor and not a gentleman.' After much more conversation and ineffectual at- tempts to adjust the matter, the chal- lenge was again renewed, and, whilst the friends were again loading the rifles for the third exchange of shots, Mr. Jones and Mr. Wise walked apart, and each proposed to the other anx- iously to settle the affair. Mr. Wise asked Mr. Jones 'if Mr. Cilley could not assign the reason for declining to re- ceive the note of Colonel Webb, that he did not hold himself accountable to Colonel Webb for words spoken in de- bate?' Mr. Jones replied, that 'Mr. Cilley would not assign that reason, because he did not wish to be under- stood as expressing the opinion wheth- er he wais or was not accountable for wordis spoken in debate.' Mr. Wise then, according to recollection, asked Mr. Jones whether Mr. Cilley would not say that 'in declining to receive the note of Colonel Webb he meant no dis- respect to Mr. Graves, directly or indi- rectly?' To which Mr. Jones replied affirmatively, adding, 'Mr. Cilley enter- tains the highest respect for Mr. Graves, but decline® to receive the note because he chose to be drawn into no controversy with Colonel Webb.' After further explanatory conversation the parties then exchanged the third shot, fairly and honorably a>s in every instance. Immediately previous to the last exchange of shots Mr. Wise said to Mr. Jones, 'If this matter is not ter- minated this shot, and is not settled, I will propose to shorten the distance.' To which Mr. Jones replied, 'After this shot, if without effect, I will entertain the proposition.' "After Mr. Cilley fell, Mr. Wise, for Mr. Graves, expressed a desire to Mr. Jones to see Mr. Cilley. Mr. Jones re- plied to Mr. Wise, 'My friend is dead,' and went on to Mr. Graves and told him that there was no objection to his request to see Mr. Cilley. When Mr. Jones approached Mr. Graves and in- formed him that his requent should be granted. Mr. Graves inquired. 'How is he?' The reply was, 'My friend is dead, sir.' Mr. Graves then went to his car- riage. Mr. "Wise inquired of Mr. Jones before leaving the ground whether he could render any service, and tendered all the aid in his power. Mr. Wise and Mr. Jones concur that there were three shots exchanged. "Such is the naked statement of all the material facts and circumstances attending this unfortunate affair of honor, which we make in justice to our friends, to ourselves, and to all con- cerned, the living and the dead; and it is made only for the purpose of allay- ing excitement in the public mind, and to prevent any and all further contro- versy upon the subject, which already is full enough of woe. We have fully and substantially staled wherein we agree and disagree. We cordially agree, at all events, in bearing unqualified testimony to the fair and honorable manner in which the duel was con- ducted. We endeavored to discharge our duties according to that code under which the parties met, regulated by magnanimous principles and the laws of humanity. Neither of us has taken the least exception to the course of the other; and we sincerely hope that here all controversy whatever may cease. We especially desire our respective friend's to make no publication on the subject. None can regret the termina- 20 THREE GENERATIONS. tion of the affair more than ourselves, and we hope again that the last of it will be the signatures of our names to this paper, which we now afRx. "George W. Jones. "Henry A. Wise." Vain hope! Instead of this being "the last of the affair," the supposed instigators of it were met on all sides with a perfect storm of indignation, and an almost universal demand for a searching investigation of the matter and punishment of the guilty; and the more the circumstances of the tragedy became known the fiercer the cry for retribution. Before proceeding. Ix^w- ever, to depict this feeling, I will intio- duce the sworn statement of William H. Morrell and Daniel Jackson, two chosen friends of Colonel V\'ebb, who, according to their te?timony, "said that it was utterly impossible that a meet- ing could be permitted to take place between Messrs. Graves and Cilley un- til Mr. Cilley had first met him (Webb). and that he was determined to force such a meeting upon Mr. Cilley, be the consequences what they mi-;ht." It wajs accordingly agreed that Col. Webb, with two friends "properly armed, should repair to Mr. Cilley's room, vhen Mr. Webb should offer to Mr. Cilley the choice of his duelling plfitols with the following alter- natives: either then and there to set- tle the question or pledge his word of honor that he would give Colonel Webb a meeting before Mr. Graves at such a placp and time and with such weap- iis as Mr. Cilley might appoint; and In the event of doing neither, then to expect the most serious consequences un the spot. Mr. Webb then added: "Should he refuse either to fight me at the time, or give the pledge required, I shall have no alternative left but to shatter his right arm and thereby pre- vent his meeting my friend." Before this plan could be carried out, it was found that Mr. Cilley had left his lodg- ings for the duelling ground, under- stood to be Bladensburg, to which place Colonel Webb and his two friends immediately repaired. On their way. Colonel Webb designated the following order of proceedings: " 'On reaching the parties,' said he, 'I'll approach Mr. Cilley and tell him this is my quarrel and he must fight me. and that, if he aims his rifle at my friend, I'll shoot him on the spot. We know that, upon this, Messrs. Graves and Wise will interfere, and that we will be ordered off the ground; but I shall tell them that we have come prepared to lose our lives or prevent the meeting, and that it cannot proceed without first disposing of us. Prom our knowledge of the parties, it is prob- able that some one of them will then raise his weapon at me, when I shall instantly shoot Cilley, and we must proceed to defend ourselves in the best way we can.' " After stating that they drove to the usual duelling ground and several other places without being able to find the parties, the witnesses say: "It is un- necessary to add what would have been the course of Colonel Webb if Mr. Graves, Instead of Mr. Cilley, had been Injured. SuflRce it to say that his de- termination was sanctioned by us, and, however much we deplore it, we could not doubt but the extraordinary posi- tion in which he would then have been placed would have warranted the course determined upon." Alluding to the dark intimation in the last paragraph, an able editor, at the time holding a high position under the United States government, remark- ed, "Thus, then, it seems if Cilley had DEATH OF CILLEY 21 Escaped from the field with his life, he would have been doubtless, assassinat- ed by Webb and his associates." Colonel Schaumbourg, a friend of Mr. Cilley, states that before the meeting-, Mr. Cilley said to him: "Mr. Graves has taken upon himself to demand of me to say, and that in language dictated by himself, that James Watson Webb is a gentleman and a man of honor. Now, that is whai I am not going to disgrace myself by saying-. I see into the whole affair. Webb has come on here to challenge me because he and perhaps others think that, as I am from New Eng- land, I am to be bluffed, and Mr. Webb will proclaim himself a brave man. and having obtained acknowledgment on my part that he is a gentleman and a man of honor. But they have calcu- lated without their host. Although I know that the sentiment of New Eng- land is opposed to duelling, I am sure that my people will be better pleased if I stand the test than disgrace myself by humiliating concessions. Sir, the name I bear will never permit me to cower beneath the frown of mortal man. It is an attempt to browbeat us. and they think that because I am from the East, I will tamely submit." Besides the two seconds, the friends of each party on the ground were, on the part of Mr. Cilley, Jesse A. Bynum, member of Congress from North Caro- lina, Colonel W. Schaumbourg, of Pennsylvania, and Alexander Duncan (surgeon.) member of Congress from Ohio; and, on the part of Mr. Graves, John J. Crittenden, Senator, and Rich- ard H. Menifee, member of Congress from Kentucky, and Dr. J. M. Foltz, surgeon, of Washington City. These gentlemen were quite as free from cen- sure in the affair as were some others not present. The greater weight of "public opprobrium and disgust" fell upon Mr. Wise and Colonel Webb, as will appear from quotations we will see from the public records and the press. Mr. Cilley's death was announced in the House of Representatives on the 26th of February by the Hon. John Fairfield, of Maine, and in the Senate, the same day, by the Hon. Reuel Wil- liams, of Maine, and appropriate reso- lutions provided for the appointment of a committee of seven members to in- vestigate the causes which led to Mr. Cilley's death and the circumstances connected therewith; also to inquire whether, in the matter, there had been any breach of the privileges of the House. The resolutions, after con- siderable opposition, were passed by yeas one hundred and fifty-two, nays forty-nine, and this committee was composed of the following gentlemen: Isaac Toucey, of Connecticut, W. W. Potter, of Pennsylvania, George Grin- nell, Jr., of Massachusetts, F. H. El- more, of South Carolina, A. D. W. Bruyn, of New York, S. Grantland, of Georgia, and J. Rajiden, of Indiana. The committee were divided in opinion and made three repoits, Mr. Toucey, afterward Senator and member of both President Polk's and President Buch- anan's Cabinet, presenting that of the majority. It embraces the material facts and circumstances of the duel, and among other things, declares that "It is a breach of the highest constitutional privileges of the House, and of the most sacred rights of the people in the per- son of their repiesentative, to demand in a hostile manner an explanation of words spoke in debate." The committee submitted resolutions for the expul.-ion of William J. Graves, Henry A. Wise, and George W. Jones. Finally, after a long debate, the whole 22 tHREE GENERATIONS. subject was laid on the table by a vote of one hundred and two to seventy- six, a vote of censure merely being passed. Hig-h as party feeling was at the time, indignation' and denunciation were by no means confined to one side in poli- tics. "Never," said Charles G. Green, editor of the Boston Post "was there a more dastardly murder than that of the unfortunate Cilley. The nation should echo with indignation at this hor: ib'e outrage, this cold-blooded assassina- tion." Naming two of the principal ac- tors (Webb and Wise) in the affair, the same editor calls the one "the mi?er- able poltroon," and the other "the wretch," adding, "both of them are equally a disgrace to human nature, and will deceive the execration of man- kind; we hope that the penitentiary or the gallows will soon relieve society of their baneful presence." A Washing- ton correspondent of the Journal of Commerce is quoted as saying that, "After Jones returned the last time, from the conference, with Wi.-e's reply, Mr. Cilley said, in a calm and collected tone, 'They thirst for my blood!' " In a previous conference, as repo'ted by the seconds, Mr. Cilley said that "in decliningr to receive the note from Colonel Webb, he meant no disrespect to Mr. Graves, because he entertained for him then, as he now does, the high- est respect and most kind feelings." "But," as remarked by the Democratic Review, published by I^angtree and O'Sullivan, at the time, "all this was without avail." Mr. Cilley fought under disadvan- tages which (says the Journal of Com- merce) must have been well known to those on the other side, and which in- duced some persons to say that his seconds ought never to have suffered him to fight under them at all. These disadvantages were stated to be that Mr. Cilley, being, as was personally known to the present writer, very near- sighted, could not see to shoot at the distance measured off, which was al- leged to be greater by twenty yaids than that agreed on; that his rifie was so light— only about one-half the cali- bre of that of his antagonist— that it would not carry that distance with ac- curacy; that he was shooting against the wind, which was blowing a gale; and that he stood on rising ground in open light, presenting a plain mark, while his antagonist was shaded by a copse of wood. Under all the.se disad- vantages, after disclaiming all enmity to Graves, and after technical requsi- tion prelim.inary to accommodation in honorable duelling, and even after he had declared that he did not wish to take Graves's life, but entertained for him "the highest respect and the most kisd feelings," Mr. Cilley was shot down! "What," asked the Eastern Argus, "does this prove but that he was foully murdered?" At a great public meeting, held at the capital of Maine, on the 9th of March, 1838, "for the purpose of noticing in a suitable manner the atrocious murder of Hon. Jonathan Cilley," a series of resolutions were unanimously alopted, declaring, among other things, that the duel was "the result of a foul con- spiracy, concerted and approved among a few political leaders, to take advantage of Mr. Cilley and draw him into a quarrel, in order that they might seize upon the opportunity af- forded to gratify personal feelings of private malice and revenge, and re- move out of the way an opponent every day becoming more and more formidable, whose eloquent appeals and retorted sarcasms it would be more easy to silence by the pistol than COURSE OF HENRY A. WISE 23 ahswei- in debate; that in the course pursued by Henry A. Wise in man- ag-ing- and conducting the incidents of the duel after the first fire, there is evidence of deep and vindictive mal- ignity; and that he stands justly chargeable before the world, upon his own showing, of having \iolated e\ ery recognized principle of chivalry by availing himself of his position and the occasion to glut his own feol-ngs of private grudge and ill-will against Mr. Cilley for a former supposed offense given by the deceased, not to his prin- cipal, Graves, but to himself. Wise, a course of conduct worthy only of a re- creant and a dastard; that the studied attempt made by Henry A. Wise to palliate and gloss over his conduct during the duel, apparent in the im- perfect but official account, so called, of the doings, and the special desire expressed in the account, that those who witnessed the scene should make no publication on the subject, afford strong presumptive evidence of a con- sciousness that there were deeds of darkness and treachery in the history of the conflict which would not bear to be told; while, on the other hand, the careful insertion in that account of a statement that Mr. Wise inquired of Mr. Jones, before leaving the ground, 'whether he could render any service, and tendered all the aid in his power,' the murder 'having been already perpe- trated, and the lifeless corpse of Mr. Cilley then lying stretched out before him, is a derision and a mockery upon the better feelings of our nature, worthy only of the man who could coolly triumph over the fallen victim of his own foul machinations; and that in the transaction which termin- ated in the death of Mr. Cilley, con- sidered under the mildest and most mitigated features given to it by those who took part in it, there is presented to the people of Maine a case of ruth- less a^sassinatii.n — of preconcerted and cold-blooded murder of one of their representatives, for having boldly and fearlessly done his duty, and being re- solved to continue to do so." The editor of the Democratic Review, in a position to obtain the most correct information on the subject, was very severe in his comments upon the whole affair, and particularly with reference to Wise's course in insisting, after the second shot, either that Mr. Cilley should "acknowledge Webb to be a gentleman and a man of honor," or that "blood should flow!" "It is not enough that he (Mr. Cilley) has said nothing to the disparagement of Mr. Webb — that he is free in expres- sion of the highest respect and best feeling toward Graves; it is not enough that two shots have been interchanged on this flimsy punctilio of honor, in the language of one of the gentlemen on the field, in his remonstrance, 'based on an abstraction and assumed upon an implication:' it is not enough that all persons on the ground — the second, the surgeon, and consulting friends of the challenged party, the surgeon and one at least of the friends of the chal- lenging side (Mr. Crittenden) — are unanimous in opinion that all has been done that the most fastidious honor can require; it is not enough that he (Wise) 'has put a distinct propo?ition, in decisive terms, as if an ultimatum, fiom an anxiety to bring an end to the combat, that acknowledgment shall be made that no disrespect was meant to Mr. Graves, directly or indirectly, and that it was, in terms, answered afflrm- atively: nothing whatever will suffice but a degrading acknowledgment con- trary to the conscience and truth of the party, and to the well-known majority 24 THREE GENERATIONS. of society, and entirely extraneous to the relation between the parties in the field — an acknowledgment which noth- ing' but a trembling cowardice, widely unlike the brave bearing of poor Cilley, could yield under such circumstances — an acknowledgment which he knew, and could not but have known, could not and would not be conceded. No, nothing will suffice but this abject and impossible submission — or blood! Thv spirit of malignant evil that ruled th-^ ascendant of that dark hour triumphed, and the kind-hearted, the generous, the peaceful, the mar.ly, the noble, ihe true, the brave, lay welterin.j in his own blood!" The following, says the editor of the Review, are substantially the views of the matter which Mr. Cilley expressed freely to his friends on the morning of the fatal encounter: "I am driven to this meeting by a positive compulsion. I have done all that an honorable man could do to avert it. Why should I acknowledge that man to be a gentleman and a man of honor? In truth and conscience I could not do so, and still less can I have it so unreasonably extoriei from me by force and threat. I ha\e no ill- will nor disrespect toward Mr. Graves. He knows it, and I have repeatedly and fully expressed it. I abhor the idea of taking his life, and will do nothing not forced upon me in self-defence. The pretext of the challenge is absurd. I understand the conspiracy to destroy me aa a public man. But New England must not be trampled on, my name must not be disgraced, and I go to this field sustained by as higlh a motive of patriotism as ever led my grandfather or my brother to battle, as an unhappy duty, not to be shrunk from, to my honor, my principles, and my country." On the evening before the duel he charged one of his lady friends, should he not survive, to say to his wife that he "had endeavored to pursue that course in all things which she would approve and his own conscience dic- tated." In a biographical sketch of Mr. Cilley, published in the Democratic Review for September, 1838, Nathaniel Hawthorne says: "A challenge was never given on a more shadowy pretext; a duel was never pressed to a fatal close in the face of such open kindness as was ex- pressed by Mr. Cilley; and the conclu- sion is inevitable that Mr. Graves and his principal second, Mr. Wise, have gone further than their own dreadful code will warrant them, and overstepped the imaginary distinction which, on their own principles, separates man- slaug'hter from murder." Mr. Wise was not a man to rest silent under such opprobrium. On the 16th of March, 1838, he issued a long ad- dress to his constituents in which he gave his own account of the duel so far as he himself was concerned. He be- gan by saying that "the catastrophe had brought upon him much odium and leproach," but claimed that he was bound to act for Mr. Graves, be- cause, said he: "I felt obliged to do for him what I would have called on him to do for me. It is said that I myself was hostile to his antagonist. If so, I may have been incompetent, but I solemnly deny that I was hostile to Mr. Cilley. There had been a slight misunderstanding between us in debate, which passed off with the moment and left no trace of ani- mosity behind. But hostile to him or not, and though hostility might, per- haps, have incited another to take his life — dark and deadly such hate must have been — yet my conduct proves that CONDUCT OF WISE 25 I did earnestly endeavor to prevent the shedding of blood by reconciling his difference with my friend; and the his- tory of the tragedy proves that not only I but two other gentlemen of linown character and standing, who were never accused of hostility to him, and who might have overruled me by their voices and influence, could not re- concile that difference or prevent its result." He says, also, that he rebuked Graves for bearing the note from Mr. Webb, and that he told him that Mr. Cilley's reasons, as repeated by Mr. Graves, for refusing to receive the note "were very proper," and his answer, "cer- tainly satisfactory." Here is what he said Mr. Graves represented Mr. Cilley had in substance verbally declared: That, "in declining to receive the note he hoped it would not be thought dis- respectful to him (Mr. Graves); that he declined on the ground that he could not consent to be involved in personal difficulties with conductors of public journals for what he had thought proper to say in debate upon the floor, and that he did not decline upon any personal objection to Colonel Webb as a gentleman." Mr. Wise appears to have assented to the propriety of Mr. Gra\ es requiring this answer to be put in writing, and so came the challenge, the terms of which Mr. Wise said were regarded as "barbarous and such as might properly be declined; but it was thought they were intended to in- timidate; that the distance was so great as in some measure to mitigate the severity of the weapon, and there- fore I was advised that they S'hould be accepted." It was likewise sugg sted that the challenged party might be the first to fly from these terms. He speaks of his difficulty in procur- ing a suitable rifle for Mr. Graves, and admits that he had asked Mr. Jones to assist him in that particular. At the same time he says, "I wi.=hed to gain time not only to procure a fit rifle, but to afford an opportunity, if possible, to prevent the meeting." He quotes from Mr. Jones's note the passage in which he said to Mr. Wise that he had the pleasure to inform him that 'he had an excellent rifle in good order which was at the service of Mr. Graves, and remarks that, without waiting for an answer, Mr. Jones ten- dered to him "for the use of Mr. Graves, the rifle referred to," and its appendages. Thus, Mr. Wise says, "A weapon, not one of a pair, was ten- dered for the use of Mr. Graves in a manner that was considered taunting." Leaving it be inferred, of course, that one preferred to it had been reserved for Mr. Cilley. He contends, too, that Mr. Cilley "precipitated the time of meeting when the second of Mr. Graves was avowing a want of preparation and a desire for delay." He proceeds to say: "The distance appointed was eighty yards. It is my firm belief that the distance stepped off by Mr. Jones and myself, which we did pari passu, was nearer one hundred yards than eighty. The ground was measured before the choice of positions, and I believe that we both stepped with a view of pre- venting the parties from hitting each other. I kept my eye on Mr. Cilley. It was my duty to see he obeyed the rules. At the first exchange of shots I thought he fired, tJhough perfectly fair, too hurriedly, and his ball did not reach Mr. Graves, because he did not raise his rifle sufficiently high. Mr. Graves fired after Mr. Cilley." At the second shot, he says: "Mr. Graves's rifle went off quickly, and, as he told me afterwards, acci- 26 ^HRteE GENERATIONS. dentally, and into fhe ground. Mr. Cll- ley drew up very deliberately, aimed, I feared, a deadly &hot, and fired. I thoug-ht lie had hit Mr. Graves. It was very apparent to me that Mr. Cilley had shot at the life of Mr. Graves. If. when Mr. Graves's rifle went off, with- out harm to him, he had discharged his in the air or re?erved his fire, the fight would have been at an end." Nevertheless, Mr. Cilley's friends •said that, even admitting that Mr. Wise was correct in his assertion that Mr. Cilley fired after the discharge of Mr. Graves's rifle, it was equally true, according to his own statement, that Mr. Graves, on the first exchange of shots, had done the same thing toward Mr. Cilley. It does not appear how Mr. Wise could reconcile his allegation in this regard with hiis official state- ment, conjointly with Mr. Jones, that the second shot was exchanged "in a manner perfectly fair and honorable to all parties," and that they bore their unqualified testimony to the fair and honorable manner in which the duel •was conducted. Between the second and third shots, in making the proposition he did, that Cilley should say that "in declining to receive Colonel Webb's note, he r.--- nt no disrespect to Mr. Graves, either di- rectly or indirectly," Mr. Wise says he went beyond his instructions; and that he understood Mr. Jones to say that "Mr. Cilley would not say I'htse words alone, nor .without adding words which did away the effect of the word 'indi- rectly,' and which left the parties ex- actly where they were when they came upon the ground." He says, "It was at the instance of Mr. Graves himself that I remarked to Mr. Jones, imme- diately previous to the last exchange of shots, 'If this matter is not termin- ated this shot, and is not settled, I shall propose to shorten the distance.' '' Later— February, 1839 — Mr. Wise availed himself of an opportunity to present his defence before the House of Representatives. I was there and heard it. He was wildly excited and defiant. Said he: "I am ready to be tried. Put me at your bar, and I will plead instantly. I am ready to say on the spot, I did on that occasion just what I will do again under similar circumstances. Let Puritans shudder as they may, I pro- claim that I belong to the class of Cavaliers, not to the Roundheads! You shall not taunt me. What are you doing? You have passed a penitentiary act [the anti-duelling law]. You are then bound to take the defence of character into your own hands, as you have taken arms from the hands of the cavalier. Will you do it? No! I call upon you, I call upon society, eith- er to defend me or give me back my arms. In the face of an approaching election, I say to my good constituents. . . . If you are determined I shall not defend myself when assailed, like a true knig-ht, do not send me to Con- gress, for I shall just as surely fig'ht, if occasion is given, as you send me; and so I shall ever continue until the holy religion of the Cross takes possession of my soul, which may God grant right early." Up to this time, and for nearly two years afterwards, Mr. Wise, in public estimation, stood out prominently as the one individual altogether the most deserving of censure in this matter. As he himself said in an appeal "to the public," in March, 1842, "The whole weight of an almost insupportable odium fell upon my reputation lor my conduct in the affair." But in the winter of that year, or earlier, the relations of some of the Conduct of clay. 27 parties to the transaction had become changed. Mr. Wise had espoused the cause of Pre-sident Tyler, thus separ- ating himself from his old friend Henry Clay, who was a candidate fur the presidency, and to whose fortunes Messrs. Graves and Webb, wi.h the Whig party generally, adhered. It be- gan to be whispered about that Mr. Clay had been consulted and exercised a controlling influence in the affair of the duel, and a direct charge to this ef- fect brought out Mr. Graves, on a call from Mr. Clay, in explanation. I will not extend this narrative by going at length into the particulars of the cor- respondence which followed, and in whidh Messrs. Wise, Graveisi, Clay, Reverdy Johnson, and Charles King took part. Suffice it to say that, ex- cept so far as Wite was concerned, all was said that could be to exculpate Mr. Clay, but, as must be admitted, not with entire success. It came out that he was early consulted by all these .gentlemen, and that he actually "drew the form of challenge which was final- ly adopted." It was a modification of the form submitted to him by Wise and Craves, and the latter states that "it was rather calculated to soften the language and not so completely to close the door to an adjustment of the difflculty." Mr. Wise says that when he and Mr. Graves called on Mr. Clay, in discussing the terms of the duel, which he (Wise) "protested against as unusual and barbarous," Mr. Clay re- marked that Mr. Graves was "a Ken- tuckian, and that no Kentuckian could back out from a lifie." Mr. Wise slated that— "Mr. Clay's friends particularly were very anxiius, for obvious reasons, not to involve his name especially in tl.e alVair. Thus many confidential facts remained un- known on both sides. Mr. Clay him- self, it is true, while all his friends were trembling lest the part he took in it should be disclosed, boldly came to me and said, 'Sir, it is a nine days' bubble! If they want to know what I did in the matter, tell them to call me before them and I will tell them.' This excited my admiration at the time, and was effectual to prevent me from un- necessarily bringing his name before the committee." After all, I think public sentiment, as at first expressed, was not material- ly modified by these later develop- ments, and that it remains unchanged as regards Wise's great culpabiliiy, notwithstanding Graves, in the course of their correspondence, declared to him, "I always have, and now do, most emphatically exempt you from all blame or censure growing out of your connection with the affair. I, and I only, am justly responsible for what- ever was done by myself or those rep- resenting me as my friends on that oc- casion." One of the most stinging accusations against Mr. Wise was made by ex- President John Quincy Adams, in the House of Representatives on the 26th of January, 1842, when a resolution, of- fered by Mr. Gilmer, of Virginia (killed by the bursting of the "Peacemaker" on the "Princeton," in February, 1S44), was under discussion, dei laring that Mr. Adams had U'stly incurred the censure of the House in presenting for its consideration an abolition petition for the dissolution of the Union. Mr. Wise took a leading part in the discus- sion, in the course of which the vener- able ex-President was led to say that, "four or five years ago, there came to the House a man [Wise] with his hands and face dripping with the blood of a murder, the blotches of which were yet hanging upon him." This, in ^8 T'HREE GENEHAf lOl^g. nearly the same langTiage, he twice re- peated, and at the same time said: "I never did beJeve but he [Wise] was the g^uilty man, and that the man who pulled the trigger was but an instru- ment in his hands. This was my belief in the beginning." Of the actors in this deplorable af- fair, the only survivor (December, 1S91) is George W. Jones, of Iowa, Mr. Cil- ley's second. Mr. Graves, after long and intense suffering, both mental and phy.sical, died in Loui.sville, Ky., on the 27th of September, 184S, aged forty- three years. The public funerals held by Congress, and also in Augusta, Thomaston and other places were deeply impressive in their nature and called out a wealth of eulogy, and showed only too plainly the great hold that Jonathan Cilley had upon the people of tihe entire country. "There is a curious psychological fact connected with this matter," says Gen. J. P. Cilley. "Father was killed on Saturday, and the next day being Sunday, my mother took down a copy of Watts' Hymns, and began to turn the pages. Sihe had not heard of fath- er's death, and after turning a few leaves she found a hymn tJiat impress- ed her so profoundly that she marked the page, in order to refer to it again. A short time afterward she learned that the hymn in question was the very one sung at his funeral in the halls of Congress. It was the poem com- mencing with these lines: — "Far, far o'er hill and dale on the winds stealing Li.st to the toUin}^ hell, mournfully pealing; Hark ! hark I it seems to say, As melts those sounds away, So life's best joys decay AVhilst new their feeling. O'er a father's tomb see tlie orphan bendinfj. From the solemn churchyard's gloom hear the dirge ascending ; Hark ! Hark I it seems to say. How short ambition's sway, Life's joys and friendship's ray, In the dark grave ending." "In a few months my father's body was brought home from the Congres- sional burying ground in Washington. "U^hen the vessel reached Rockland, a company of friends took the bo ly fiom the boat and carried it to Thomaston on their shoulders, wihere elaborate and impressive services were held. It al- most seems that I have a dim recollec- tion of the event, although this may bt my own imagination. Even the people of the South denounced father's death as a murder. In the MaysA-ille, Ken- tucky, Monitor, a poem was printed a .■vhort time after the duel, entitled "A Lament for Hon. Jonathan Cilley." Here is the poem, but I cannot tell you the name of the author:— "And thou art dead and lowly laid. The foeman's dread, thy people's aid; And shall no requiem chant for thee, Son of the bold, the brave, the free? Thus saith the bard, as with trembling hand, He touched his harp to a solemn sound; Then softly rose a mournful strain, As those who weep for the early slain. Son of the North— of a hero's line. Why bend they o'er thy lowly shrine? Why stand these mourners in mute array, With weeds of woe in sad display, While many a chieftain, tall and true. With tears thy early fall bedew. And silent awe and gloomy shades, O'er the vast multitude pervades? Why waits that lady, so sad and lone, In her bower afar, her loved one's return? Tne swell of emotion is heard in her sighs. Ah! in vain, lovely lady, shalt thou listen to hear His accents of kindness again fall on thine ear, In the hall of his fathers his footsteps no more, lie lies a i)ale corpse on a far distant shore. Fell he in the battle as his fathers had done? Or fell he in phalanx, the gallant among? Ah ! as for the story too" tragic to tell, How the young and the noble so fatally fell : Too honest to falter, too proud to deny, Too brave to act craven, or dastardly fly. His truth or his valor he never could yield, A martyr to honor— he sank in the fleld." SONS OF JONATHAN CILDEY 29 Thus died the brave and gifted Jona- than Cilley. To our regret for the loss of that splendid genius must be added another grief— that he threw away his life for so sen^eieis a cause. True to his New England blood and training he was ever staunch and steadfast until he swerved in this final scene. If ho had a mistaken sense of honor he pail the forfeit, and we may now well spread garlands above his grave. Had not tiie grim messenger cut short that brilliant genius we know not to what splendid heights it mig-ht have mount- ed. In our imagination we will no longer dwell upon 'his grave, but pic- ture him as still rising on triumphant wing above all struggles and aspira- tions that may surround him on that farther shore. Greenleaf Cilley, son of Jonathan, born in Thomaston. Me., Oct. 27th, 1829 and died at San Isidro, Argentina, South America. Feb. 5, 1899. He at- tended the school of the Rev. Mr. Parkhurst of Standish, Me. for one year, subsequently the Bath High school; was appointed as midshipman in the U. S. Navy, Feb. 26th. 1841, and was ordered to the frigate "Cumber- land," Sept. 1843. Sickness prevented his sailing in the vessel, which he subse- quently rejoined by order of the Navy Department in Naples, Italy. He served in the Cumberland and sloop of v.-ar "Plymouth" in the Mediterranian Squadron until Nov., 1845, and in the Plymouth on the Brazil station re- turning to New York in October, 1846, and was ordered to the Naval school at Annapolis, Md. After a month's so- journ there, he sought for and obtained orders for the seat of war in the Gulf of Mexico in the line of battleship "Ohio," 84 guns, was at the Naval bat- tery near Vera Cruz before and after the capitulation. Assisted the army division at the crossing of the Medelin river on its march to and from Alvara- do, was in the expedition to Tuspan, Mexico, and at its capture, being slightly wounded while storming the shore battery nearest the town. De- tached from the Ohio and ordered to the Naval academy, reporting there Jan., 1848. Graduated as passed mid- shipman the following July, and re- ceived three months leave of absence. At its expiration joined the frigate Raritan and served in it on the Home and Gulf station until detached in April, 1850. After three months leave, ordered to the transport "Fredonia." and conveyed from New York to Beni- cia, Cal., a battalion of the Fourth In- fantry. Made acting master in Callao, Peru, and served as such till joining the frigate St. Lawrence at Valparaiso, Chili, when he w-as appointed acting lieutenant in March, 1852, and finished the cruise in this frigate, returning to Norfolk, Va. in the spring of 1853. Af- ter a short leave was ordered to the store ship Lexington and made the trip to Spezzia. Italy, returning to New York in Dec. 1853. As soon as detach- ed, ordered to the coast survey steam- er Jefferson and left Philadelphia, Feb., 1854 for San Francisco, Cal. on the 25th May of that year when about 120 miles from Penguin Island, Patagonia, and the third day of a hea^-y gale of wind, the vessel broached to and the masts were cut away to right her, fortunately the follo\\nng night the gale broke, and the steamer the following day reached Sea Bear bay and later Port Desire river, Patagonia. Here she was sur- veyed and condemned as unseaworthy. The captain, officers and crew took passage in the French bark "Aristide" 30 THREE GENERATIONS. to Montevideo, and from there were transferred to the store-ship Relief and conveyed to New York, arriving there Nov. 1854. Shortly after was ordered to the steamer "Legare" and served till June, 1855, surveying the Florida reef and bays. Joined the sloop of war "Saratoga" in Aug. as acting master, promoted to master, Sept. 14th, and to lieutenant, Sept. 15th, 1855. Served the entire cruise in the "Saratoga," and was in ;the affair at Graytown, Nicara- gua, when Walker and his filibusters were captured. After a short leave of absence, joined the coast steamer Het- zel and surveyed in the Nortii Carolina sound and Chesapeake bay until Nov., 18r.8, when was detached and ordered to the steamer Metacomet, fitting out for t'he Paraguay expedition at Pensacola, Fla., took passage to her in the steam- er Arctic, arrived in Montevideo in the spring of 1859, and shortly after was ordered to the brig Dolphin and served in her until re-ordered to the steamer Pulaski (named changed from Meta- comet.) Served in this steamer as watch, executive officer, lieutenant commander and senior officer of the station, except an intermission of a few months in 1861, when attached to the frigate Congress, until she was sold in Jan., 1863. Promoted to lieutenant commander, 16th July, 1862. Touk pas- sage with his wife and child in the bark John Wesley and arrived in* New York in June, 1863. As soon as his ac- counts were settled as acting pay- master, took a trip to Niagara Falls, Thousand Islands, Montreal, Quebec, Saguenay, and White Mountains, ' at which latter place he received orders to the gunboat Unadilla, South Atlantic (Blockading Squadron, taking passage from Boston to Charleston. S. C. in the steamer Cirassian. After a short time in command of the Unadilla at Port Royal, was ordered to command the monitor Catskill off Charleston, S. C, and was engaged in blockading the in- ner 'harbor, and at times cannonading For.t Sumpter. In Jan., 1864 returned North, his daughter having died the previous month. In March, ordered to the steamer Fort Jackson and served in the North Atlantic Blockading Squadron off Wilmington, N. C. In a few months was ordered to the line of battle ship "New Hampshire," and took her from Portsmouth. N. H. to Port Royal, S. C, returning in the "Ver- mont." In August, was ordered to the "Colorado" steam frigate as executive officer; served in the North Atlantic Squadron until detached in Nov., 1864. Placed on the retired list 18th Marc'h, 1865. Promoted to commander 12th May 1867. In May, 1866 he embarked with his wife and son in the bark "Ocean Pearl" and went to Montevideo, Uruguaj-, where he engaged in raising sheep on the Estancia Esmeralda, near Mercedes. On the breaking out of a revolution removed with his family to Buenos Ayres and resided in the city for a while, then moved to San Isidro, where he resided several years, a part of which time he ci'uised about the Del- ta of the Parana in the Chalana Luisa At the close of the Paraguayan war, he navigated from Montevideo to Rio de Janeiro and back, the steamer Villette, and subsequently commanded the steamer Angestura from Ascencion. Paraguay, to Colonia, I'ruguay. In July, 1874 he ascended the Parana and Paraguay rivers to Corumba, Brazil, and at that place engaged and fitted out a party of five men. witli whom he descended to the mouth of the river Negra. and was four months exploring the wilds of the Ba'hia Negra. Rt-turn- lak' -v Q 2 < U O >-' u -] u o u u u Q u Q < f- c/1 U O X u D ca z o CO 2 u H SONS OF JONATHAN CILLEY 31 ed to Corumba and paid off his men, and in Jan., 1875, left for Central Boli- via, passing through Santiago, San Jose and Eguez, ttowns of Chequitos and Santa Cruz de la Sierra, Samapata, to Sucre, one of the capitals of Bolivia. For many months he was employed making plans and estimates, and seek- ing from theBolivian Congress the con- cession of a railway from Bahia Negra to Santa Cruz de la Sierra. Congress finally passed a bill authorizing the supreme Government to make terms, but before they could be executed a revolution occurred and nothing could be done. He then proceeded on to tlie Pacific ocean via Misque, Cochaibamba, Oruro, Tacna and Arica, w'here he took steamer to Valparaiso, and from that port embarked in the P. M. S. "Acon- cagua" June 1875. For many montlis engaged in bring- ing up the results of his surveys. Em- barking in iMarch, 1876 with his eldest son, Jonathan for the U. S. and re- mained there eight years. Captain Cilley returned to Buenos Ayres in Jan., 1884 and resided in the capital several years, moving to the town of "Xueve de Julio" in 1S91, and La Plata, Feb., 1893. In June the same j-«ar came with his son, Joseph, via. Southampton and London to the United States and visited the Colum- bian World's Fair Exposition at Chica- go, 111., and his relatives. Returned to Buenos Ayres in April, 1894. Mar- ried in Montevideo, Uruguay, S. A., 13th May, 1861, Malvina, daughter of Gov. Luis and Maria (Saez) Vernet ox ■Buenos Ayres, born 5th Feb., 1830, in the Malvina Islands, otherwise called Falkland Islands. Gov. Vernet was born in Hamburg, Ger. ; lived eleven years in Philadelphia and from there went to South America and married and established himself in business in Buenos Ayres. He was civil and mili- tar.v governor of the Malvina Islands in 1829-'31, when his colony was de- stroyed by Captain Duncan, command- ing the U. S. sloop of war, Lexington, subsequently tlie English government seized his possessions and have held them ever since by right of force. Capt. Cilley had six children, three bo.vs and three girls. The present Gen. Jonathan Prince Cilley has well sustained the reputation of the family line for military valor and intellectual vigor. He was born ifi 1835 and graduated from Bowdoin Col- lege in the class of 1858. Two year.s later he was admitted to the practi.-e of law before the Knox county bar, and at once formed a partnership wiih Lysander Hill and opened an office in Thomaston. The practice of his profession was followed but a sihort time. The smoul- dering fires of rebellion broke over the nation and Mr. Cilley was one of the first men to spring to his country's call. In the early part of 1861 he en- listed one hundred and fifty men and his own name headed the list of volun- teers. It was intended that these men should form a light battery and H. B. Humphrey of Thomaston, offering to give the six guns required, provided that the state would complete the equipment of the battery. The War Department declined the offer on the ground that infantry only was needed at that time. When, however, it was known that cavalry also was to be raised in Maine, Mr. Cilley enlisted, and hi.s name stands first on the rolls of the First Maine Cavalry under -late Sept. 3d, 1861. He was subsequently made captain of Co. B, raised by him 32 THREE GENERATIONS. in the counties of Knox and Walclo, of which he remained in command until he was severely wounded in his right arm and shoulder, and taken prisoner at Middletown, Va., during the retreat of Gen. Banks from the Shenandoah Valley, May 24th, 1862. A short tinie after this misfortune, he received the commission of major, bearing date April 14tih, 1862. After being disabled by his wound for several months. Major Cilley was ordered by the War Derartment, April 1st, IS'63, to report to Gen. John H. Martindale, military governor of Wash- ington, for special duty, and on the 7th was assigned to duty as Judge Advo- cate and Examining officer at the Cen- tral Guard house. He remained on this duty until Aug. 1st, when, although his wound was still unhealed, he again took the field and remained with his regiment until June 24th, 1S64, when he was. once more iwounded. He again re- ported for duty Sept. 24th, and took command of the regiment, having been promoted and mustered Lieut. Col., to rank from June 6th, 1S64. From this time until it was finally discharged .^nd paid at Augusta, Colonel Cilley was constantly present with* and in coin- mand of his regiment and at a later date received the brevet rank of briga- dier general for bravery at the battle of Dinwiddle Court House and Appo- mattox. The 'history of the First Maine Cav- airy is known to all. It was especial y complimented by Gen. Sheridan and is authorized to bear the names of three more battles upon its standaid than any other regiment of the army of the Potomac. This is the best evidenco of his efficiency as a military leader. In his regiment Gen. Cilley was the llrst man that enlisted, the first man wounded, and nearly the last mustered out. He was wounded a thirJ time at Dinwiddle Court House, but kept with his regiment. There are many anec- dotes of Gen. Cilley's services. His ;.c- count of the work of his regiment the nig'ht before and on the mo:ning of Lee's surrender is given for its clfar presentation of its service on that eventful day: "The regiment moved rapidly at first, but slowly as the hours of mid- night drew near and the rebel pickets drew bead on us. Back and still back we pressed them till our brigade, far from all support at the time, lay on the brow of Clover Hill before Appo- mattox Court House, on the road on which if he advanced at all, Lee must come out in the morning. The rebel pickets fired briskly at this point, but stopped as our advance halted. The hour was 1 a. m., April 9. We came dismounted, front into line, with the 1st Maine on the left of the road and the rest of the brigade on the right, and one regiment in reserve. Behind a slight barrier of rails, without blankets, in the cold damp air of April, we wait- ed for morning and Gen. Dee's army. A line of dismounted vldettes was thrown out in our front to give warn- ing of approaching danger. Knowing the difficulty of placing such a line in the darkness, I personally attended to posting them, and when done a desire possessed me to learn something of the force in front. I advanced in front of the line, and stooping to prevent my body being seen against the line of the horizon, for I knew now how near the rebel videttes might be, I crept for- ^vard — well, as far as I dared. I sat on the ground and listened to t'he rebel teamsters in the valley balow packing their wagons, with oaths and impreca- tions savoring of tired horses and wearied, angry men. Thought of the Lazell, 1 yr., 8. mos. Walter, 3 yrs. Jonathan, 5 yrs. GRANDCHILDREN OF GEN. J. P. CILLEY SONS OF JONATHAN CILLEY 33 morning:; of what our small force c<juld do to keep back the rebel hosts in front, not knowing that our infantry were marching all that night to take 1 ost in lur rear. "Lee's foix'es tired and sleepy that morning, did not wake early, and the section of artillery accompanying us moved to the brow of the hill and caused them to open their eyes that pleasant Sunday morning by dropping shot and shell into the middle of their camp. For an hour or more after sun- rise, we watched a column of their cavalry move by our right, half a mile or so away. A© far as we were con- cerned, we could see nothing of any force prepared or placed to support us. It seemed as if we were alone and the army of Lee in our front. When tjieir skirmirihers and advance came in vieiw, never did the enemy more sluggishly come forward. Their line extended be- yond ours by twice its length, but our carbines held them in check till they commenced to lap round our brigade on the right and left, and sharp firing in front told us the heavy effort made to clear this road of its cavalry curtain. Slowly they rolled us back. We re- ceived and we inflicted loss. In ten short days, of which this was the end, our regiment lost in killed and wound- ed of those present for duty (seven killed or mortally wounded on thisday) one third its men and one-half its offi- cers. We w-eretoo sleepy to move rapidly We were too cross to be shoved by bullets. Back from the wooded crest of Clover Hill; back over an open field and a lit- tle rise; back down a long sloping in- cline — straightening our line at Its foot by the aid of a rail fence, and with our men in hand, — we charged up the in- cline or hill, to be again ordered back, and leaving one of our battery guns stalled at its foot. Back up a long rise of ground, covered with woods at the toj) — and the curtain of cavalry cover- ing the last scene or the rebellion was rolled fully up, and before the astonished vision of the rebel force stood Griffin with the 5th and Ord with the 24th Corps and a part of the 25th Corps. A colored division of the latter stepped into the place of our regiment. All night long had they marched, but how refreshing the sight of their black countenances at this time. At the spectacle the rebel host staggered back, and their whole line wavered as if each particular man w'as terror struck. The curtain fell on four years' fighting!" Among the classmates of Gen. Cilley were Col. Drew of Lewiston, Gen. Frank Fessenden of Portland and Hon. Edward B. Nealley of Bangor, and Gen. Ellis Spear of Washington, D. C. Gen. Cilley is now seventy years of age, hut excellently preserved. He is still in the harness and practicing law with his wife's son, Edward B. Bur- pee, in Rockland. He has been twice married, and two children have come to bless his home. The son, Jonathan P., Jr., is now deceased, but the daughter, Mrs. Walter G. Tibbetts, now residing in Alameda, Cal., and her bright and handsome children have been photo- graphed for this article. JONATHAN LONGFELLOW The Father of Sarah, Wife of General Joseph Cilley [By John Scales, A. M.j Jonathan Longfellow was born May 23, 1714, at Hampton Falls; he died in 1774 at Machias, Me.; so he was only sixty years old, but during those three score years he was one of the busiest men in New Hampshire. His father, Nathan Longfellow, was born in 1690, the youngest of six children, being born while his father. Ensign William Long- fellow, w'as away on a military expedi- tion, under Governor Phips, to captui'e Quebec. Thej^ did not capture that city, but instead lost some of the fleet by shipwreck on Anticosti Island, and also several lives were lost, among whom vi-as Ensign Longfellow. William Longfellow was born at Horsforth, Eng., in 1651, so when he died in 1690 he was not quite forty years old. He came to Newbury, Mass., about 1670, and married Ann Sewall in 1678 and resided at Newbury the rest of his years, engaged in trade, keeping a store at the first falls of Parker river, at the head of tide water in that town. Concerning his ancestors in England, the Rev. Robert CoUyer wrote an inter- esting article a few years ago. Mr. CoUyer had recently visited the poet, Henry Wadsworth Longfellow, which visit caused him to write of the uoet's early ancestors in England, who lived in the same section of the country as CoUyer's ancestors. In passing it may be well to state that the great poet was fifth in descent from the immigrant William, through Stephen Longfellow, the blacksmith; Stephen Longfellow, the schoolmaster; Stephen Longfellow, the judge; and Stephen Longfellow, one of Maine's great lawyers. Henry Wads- worlh Longfellow's grandfather, Stephen the Judge, was cousin to Jona- than the Judge, the subject of this pa- per. William Longfellow, the immi- grant, was son of William, grandson of Edward, great-grandson of Thomas and great-greatgrandson of Percival Longfellow, who was born about A. D. 1500. Rev. Robert Collyer, English born, but one of the greatest preachers Am- erica has had, often visited the poet Longfellow. After one of these visits he wrote: "One reason for our meetings was that we might wander together in thought through the green lanes, past the neat hedgerows and over the grassy meadows that were familiar to the feet of his ancestors three hundred years ago. I had sat in the same old church- es they did; I had wondered, as they had at the old warrior In his armor of chain mail; I had stood at the same JONATHAN LONGFELLOW. 35 font at which the child CWilliam the immigrant) was baptized, from whom our good poet had sprung; and in the old churchyard the dust of his fore- fathers lay side by side with that of mine. "The old home was Ilkley, in York- shire. I have copies of the old charters and surveys of the town that date back almost to the Conquest, but no Lone- fellow appears before 1510, and then within ten miles of Ilkley. Those Long- fellows were simply sons of the soil. The first one mentioned was a day la- borer, and he paid four pence as his share to help Henry VIII. fight against France. Later these Loagfellows be- came church wardens and overseers of highways, and gradually climbed to higher places. "Those ancient Longfellows were as purely bits of nature as the oaks in the woods or the heather on the hillside. They had a certain old Saxon insistence upon what they believed was their right. They believed that game be- longed to them as much as the great lords and landowners, hence the Long- fellows were leaders in raids on same. It was the fight of the Saxon against the Norman. Our Longfellow is the flower of all the centuries of his family history, and he makes the race immor- tal." Jonathan Longfellow's mother was Mary Green, daughter of Capt. Jacob Green and grand-daughter of Judge Henrj" Green, who was the earliest owner of the falls, at Hampton Falls river, where he built and the family for four generations owned a grist-mill, and a saw-mill, where now are the mills owned by Mrs. John W. Dodge. It was in the house near these mills that Jonathan Longfel- low was born. Henry Green held vari- ous offices in the town and orovince, being Justice of the Court of Common Sessions: Royal Councellor, 1685-169S, and Chief Justice of the Court of Com- mon Pleas, 1697-1698. His son, Capt. Jacob Green, was prominent in town affairs and captain of a military com- nany from 1699 to 1720, a period when the Indians and French made the office of captain anything but a sinecure po- sition. Jonathan Longfellow's grandmother, Ann Sewall, was sister to Judge Samuel Sewall one of Massachusetts' most distinguished jurists of the Colonial period. She was born while her parents were on the voyage across the Atlantic, it being their second passage. Her father, Henry Sewall, Jr., and grandfather, Henry Sewall, Sr., were the chief men in founding Newbury, Mass., being very wealthy and staunch Puritans. Ann Sewall's great grandfather, Henry Sew- all, was mayor of Coventry, Eng., 1589- 1606, being a very wealthy linen draper, u-hose ancestry is traced back to before the Conquest, to a Saxon I'hane who spelled his name "Saswald," and owned great possessions in lands and at the place of his residence built and owned a 3hurch. Mayor Sewall died in 1628. Such were the ancestors of Jonathan Longfellow. He was a well-born, thoroughbred Englishman. Being the eldest of Nathan Longfellow's children, he was the pet of his grandfather.Capt. Jacob Green and at an early age was instructed in the management of the grist-mill and the saw-mill, which the captain owned at the Falls, and his education otherwise was carefully look- ed after. When Jonathan was twelve years old his grandfather died, leaving the larger part of his large property to his daughter, Marj' Longfellow. When 36 THREE GENERATIONS. Jonathan was sevent<»en years old his father died, which entailed large busi- ness interests on the widow, but she managed all with skill and good judg- ment, being assisted by her oldest son, Jonathan. A few months before he was eighteen years old he became united in marriage with Mercy Clark, who was of the same age as himself. They com- menced housekeeping with his mother, and he managed the mills and the farm. Thus nearly ten years of his life was passed, busily and happily, and he was known as "Jonathan Longfellow, the Miller." Just a few lines about Mercy Clark, his wife. She was born in Ni-;wbury, Mass., December 26, 1714, where she re- sided till she married and settled at Hampton Falls. She was a daughter of Mr. Henrj' Clark and his wife, Eliza- beth Greenleaf. Henrj' was the son of Ensign Nathaniel Clark of Rowley and Elizabeth Somerby, his wife. Nathan- iel was naval oflicer at Newbury and Salem for several years. He was en- sign of the Rowley company of militia, which went with Sir William Phips on the expedition to Quebec in 1690, the eame in which Ensign William Longfel- low lost his life. W^hile at sea, before reaching the St. Lawrence river. Ensign Clark lost his life by accident. Mercy Clark's mother, Elizabeth Greenleaf was a daughter of Capt. Stephen Greenleaf, Jr., and Elizabeth Gerrish, his wife; and he was the son of Capt. Stephen Greenleaf, Sr., and his wife, Elizabeth Coffin, daughter of Judge Tristram Coffin of Newbury and Nantucket. Captain Stephen, Sr., com- vnanded a company of Newbury men in .-i ■ William Phips' expedition of 1690. al -eady mentioned. He was shipwrecked on Anticosti Island, with Ensign Long- fellow, but managed to get home alive. These Greenleafs were distinguished in military and civil affairs in the Massa- chusetts Bay Colony. John Greenleaf Whlttier, the poet, was a great-grand- son of Capt. Stephen Greenleaf, Jr. Such were the ancestors of Mercy Clark Longfellow. Mary Green Longfellow died about 1741, and her death made it necessary to divide the property which had been held nearly intact from the death of her father, Capt. Jacob Green, in 1726. Soon after the death of his mother, Jona- than Longfellow's name appears in the records relating to Nottingham, and for more than a score of years he resided In that part ol the town, now Deerfield, but which was not made a separate town till he had removed to Rye. H( was a land speculator and was one of the active promoters in settling the town of Nottingham, together with the Bartletts, the Cilleys, the Batchelders, th'i Butlers, the Marstons and other noted families of that town, in its early history. Soon after going there his name appears as an officer of the mi- litia, which was required to keep guard against attacks by Indians, and before he left the town he had risen to be cap- tain. The first thing he had to do, when he went to Nottingham to settle, was to build a garrison, which he lo- cated on a little hill on the opposite side of the road from the present Mars- ton residence, about half a mile below Deerfield Parade. This location was then on the frontier of civilization. Between that and Canada on the north there was not the habitation of a whita man. Through that vast wilderness the Indians and their allies, the French, ruthless foes of the English settlements, came and were ever on the watch, during that period, to strike blows of destruction or to in- a u a: u u Q H 5 QQ Ijj en D O X H en Hi X 2 O c2 < o u X H Jonathan longfellow. n flict as much loss of property as possi- ble. Hence it is plain to be seen that Captain Longfellow and his brave wife had no easv task on that frontier guard-line. They were young people then, just past thirty years of age, with a family of six children, the eldest be- ing ten years old. Accompanying this article is a picture of that old garrison, which was torn down only a few years agx). The garrison was the first house built in what isnow Deerfield. The farm, one of the best in town was first owned by a Mr. Leavitt, for about six months, who then sold it to Jonathan Long-fel- low, receiving in payment a certain number of Negro slaves. Where Long- fellow got the slaves, or how he hap- pened to be dealing in such property the writer has not been able to find out; but the probability is that they came from Africa on some of those Newburyport or Salem ships which ex- ported New England rum to the Dark Continent and exchanged it for young Negroes. Sometimes the ship masters car ried their cargoes of black men and women to the West Indies and ex- changed them for sugar and molasses, which they brought home. At other times they brought them home direct and sold them in Massachusetts and New Hampshire towns. From 1740 till after the close of the Revolution slaves were owned in nearly all the larger towns in New Hampshire. Captain Longfellow, being an enterprising and hustling business man, bought and sold the slaves. He did not give all he had to Leavitt, as he had some left after he built and dwelt in the garrison. His sons-in-law, Joseph Cilley and Nathan- iel Batchelder, had some of them after he had removed from the town. Some of the descendants of those slaves live in Exeter now, worthy citizens, un- mindful of their ancestry. The gairison house was very long and wide, but rather low story. It had three large rooms and two smaller bed- rooms on the first floor; ascent to the roof was made through the immense garret by ladders, from which observa- tions could be made to all points of compass, to watch the approach of any enomv. The garret was used for a gen- eral storeroom, and for sleeping apart- ments when the guests were numerous, as, no doubt, they often times were. The walls were made of hewn timbers, of great size. The rooms, except the kit- chen, were ceiled at the top and sides with sheathing, sawed from old timber pines of immense size. In the period of Indian wars it had a stockade which enclosed a large yard; these timbers standing on end reached above the eaves of the house, so nothing of the outer world could be seen. There was a large gate to the stockade for ad- mittance, to the yard. When this was closed it was fastened on the inside with a strong bar, so everything was safe when that was closed. This yard would enclose teams, if necessary: it had sheltered many a family in time of danger from the Indians. At one time a family living in the vicinity of Rand's Corner, by the name of Batchelder, was forced to lice to this garrison. The family consisted of a husband, wife and two children. One bright moonlight night, while the husband and children slept, the wife sat by the fire knitting; she heard a noise in front of the house, which sounded suspicious. She hastily covered the fire with ashes, blew out the candle and awakened her huS'band with the least possible noise. In a few moments a noise at tlie front door in- dicated plainly that the Indians were about thii house. Knowing that It 38 fpHREE (iENERATIO^^!^, would be folly to attempt to defend their home, they wrapped the younser child in blankets and took the older by the hands and, seizing the trusty gun, they quietly made their escape through the back door to the forest near at hand, and hastened to the Longfellow garrison. They succeeded in getting in- side of that big gate and barred it se- curely, though the wife was nearly ex- hausted. Their house was burned by the Indians, but they found a safe shel- ter at the garrison, together with sev- eral other families who had suffered in the same Indian raid. Col. Joseph Cilley, who was born in 1793, was grandson of General Joseph and Sarah Longfellow Cilley. She died in 1811, so that he ''emembered his grandmother perfectly. Colonel Cilley lived to be past ninety years of age, and in his later days delighted to talk of his grandmother. He said he had visited the old garrison with her, in which she lived during Indian times with her parents. One thing that im- pressed his boyish mind strongly was the huge chimney, with the immense fireplaces, in the corners of which one or two could sit comfortably. The kit- chen had a dresser, so called, which filled the place of the modern sideboard. Its capacious shelves were filled with shining pewter platters and plates and other household utensils. The floors were sanded with white sea sand and were kept scrupulously clean. Whon company was to be entertained the while sand was switched into pretty figures with hemlock brooms, by the skillful hands of the housewife or her maids. During the period from 1745 to 1760 the Indians made fi ;;quent raids in that territory, stealing or killing cattle and horses. They cut the (lesh fiom the bones and cut out the toiigueS, which lhe>' cured in smoke to preserve for food on their travels. Frequentiy it waa dangerous for housewives to go out to milk the crjws unless they had a man on guard with a trusty gun. When on" neighbor visited another an armed man had to go with her for protection. From the Nottingham town records it appears tha^, "At a meeting of the Pro- prietors, held at the block house (on the Square), September 8, 1742, Mr. Jonathan Longfellow was chosen As- sessor for the Proprietors, and Lieut. Joseph Cilley, Collector." These gen- tlemen continued to hold those offices for several years in succession. Later they were brothers-in-law, Lieutenant Cilley's son, Joseph, the famous colonel of the Revolution, marrying Mr. Long- fellow's daughter, Sarah, November 4, 1756. Again, August 12, 1752, the records say: "Ensign Jonathan Longfellow was elected one of the Selectmen; also was appointed one of a committee to treat with authorities of the town of Durham relative to building a highway from Nottingham Square to Durham village." Frequently, in 1747, 1748 and 1749, the Provincial Government stationed sol- diers at Longfellow's garrison and placed him in command. It was their duty to range back and forth over a line fifteen miles in length, through the forests from Rochester to Chester, and to give protection to the farmers. Some- times as many as thirty soldiers were on duty. The following from the Pro- vincial Records will give an idea of how Gov. Benning Wentworth and his Councillors conducted the war with the Indians and French. It is copied from the Journal of the House. "Saturday 29th August, 1747. Whereaa iONATiiA^ LONGFELLOW. 39 Capt. Jonathan Longfellow, bj- a war- rant from ye Governor has Inlisted thirty men to go out after ye Indians, upon ye Scalp bounty. But represent- ing to the House that ye men cannot furnish themselves with Provisions and Ammunition, therefore: "Voted, That Sd Longfellow be sup- plied with one month's Provisions & fifteen pounds of powder & thirty Pound.s of Bullets for Sd men. he to re- ceive the Provisions from Coll. Oilman at Exeter, Sd Longfellow to give a Rect for ye same & to account and pay therefor if it appears Yt be not used, or if the men recover any scalps, ye price of ye Provisions and Ammun- ition to be deducted out of ye Bounty on ye Scalps, &: Yt Said Lonerfellow keep a Journal of ye Time & Travel, while he is out on this affair, to be ren- dered to ye Genl Assembly on Oath." The writer has not been able to find a copy of Captain Longfellow's journal nor any statement of how many Indian scalps were captured and the amount of bounty paid. Captain Longfellow was one of the first to start a movement which re- sulted in the division of the town of Nottingham, and the incorporation of the town of Deerfield. The act of in- corporation was not granted till Janu- ary S, 1766, at which time Mr. Longfel- low was in Machias, Me., having lefi New Hampshire two years before that. The first petition for it is dated "Not- tingham, Febry 23, 1756;" the first signer is Jonathan Longfellow; among the other signers appears the name of Green Longfellow, a younger brother of Jonathan, who was then about twenty- five years old, having been born Apri- 3, 'ITSl. The petition was probably drawn by Mr. Longfellow and its argu- ments are strong and well expressed. the point of it all being that the in- habitants of the Deerfield parish were not allowed to use their money raisec! by taxation "for Preaching the Gosper and teaching the Children, which are matters of Great importance to all His Majesties Good Subjects, etc." Mr. Longfellow removed from Not- tingham to Rye about 1761, leaving two of his daughters, Mary and Sarah, who had married respectively Nathaniel Batchelder and Joseph Cilley, and a son, Jacob, and a brother, Green Long- fellow. Mary Longfellow Batchelder, above mentioned, is the writer's great- grandmother, being the grandmother of his mother, Betsey True Scales. Not much is known of his life at Rye. Captain Longfellow removed from Rye, N. H., to Cornwallis, Nova Scotia, in 1764, where he remained one year. In 1765 they sent for him to cross over the bay to Machias, Me., to build a grist- mill and a saw-mill, locally called the "Dublin" mills. He knew all about that sort of work from his early training and experience at Hampton Falls, where he had been trained by his father and grandfather. What induced him to emigrate from New Hampshire to Nova Scotia is not known by any of his de- scendants. After settling in Machiaa he remained there till his death, in 1774. He brought with him to Machias his wife and three youngest sons, Dan- iel, David and Jonathan, aged respect- ively sixteen, fourteen and nine years. Two or three of his children remained at Cornwall is. There were twelve in all, seven sons and five daughters. The first-born was Stephen, 19 July, 1731; the last-born was Jonathan, 28 April, 1756, who died young at Machias. De- scendants of two sons, Nathan, born 30 December, 1743, and Daniel, born 16 December, 17.''>1, arc living in Machiaa 40 •jCttREE GENERATIONS^. and other parts of eastern Maine at this time. Captain Longfellow built the mills and run them and took a leading oart in town affairs, holding at one time or another all of the important town of- fices. In 1768 he was commissioned by the Governor of Massachusetts a jus- tice, and held the first court ever held in Maine, east of the Penobscot river. The court records of Judge Liongfellow are extant at Machias, and manifest knowledge of law and wisdom and mercy in administering it. He was moderator of the first proprietary meet- ing of the town of Machias, Hth Sep- tember, 17'iO, and was one of their lead- ing men till his death, four years later. According to tradition. Judge Long- fellow was a lail, well-proportioned, fine-looking man. He possessed su- perior mental powers and was a man of great executive ability as a business manager. He was an extensive land- owner in Nottingham and was reputed to be very wealthy, as men then rank- ed in riches. He disposed of all of his holdings in that town before going to Nova Scotia. That he was esteemed by his immediate descendants is mani- fest by the fact that grandsons, great- grandsons, and great-great-grandsons were named for him, Jonathan Long- fellow, in families not otherwise bear- ing the Longfellow name. HENRY A. WISE'S ACCOUNT OF THE DUEL The following extracts from an article by Hon. John S. Wise in the Saturday Evening Post of June 2, 1906, gives informatian concerning Henry Clay's connection with the affair of Cilley and Graves, which, though alleged, has never until this account been fully proved. Only that part of the article is given which relates to Jonathan Cilley : The most serious of my father's ex- periences in dueling was that in the fa- mous Cilley and Graves duel, into which he was dragged, against his will, to act as second for a man he knew but slight- ly and for whom he really cared noth- ing. The Honorable Jonathan Cilley, a gal- lant, impetuous, high-tempered man, entered Congress from Maine with the oft-avowed feeling that the members of Congress from the North allowed the Southern members to hector and lord it over them too freely — that they ought to respond to such attacks in kind, and that, when they had done so a few times, such arrogance would cease. The following account of my father's connection with the affair is cooled from an original manuscript drawn up by him and, as late as 1875, submitted to and approved by his lifelong friend, the Honorable George W. Jones, of Iowa, who was Mr. ClUey's second. It is valuable because it has never before been published, and is instructive be- cause it shows some of the points of finesse in the science of dueling. It is not published in full because of sundry strictures upon James Watson Webb, which onlv tend to revive bitterness: "According to my recollection I was not at Washington, but at home in Ac- comac, Virginia, when the speech of Cilley was made and published. I re- turned to Washington after the time when Webb engaged Mr. Graves' ser- vices as a second and put the challenge into Graves' hands, and he. Graves, had delivered it. At no time did I ever con- fer with Webb about the matter, either alone or with Mr. Graves or others. He knew nothing of my advice or counsel to Mr. Graves. "But whether I had returned to Wash- ington or not, I positively aver that the challenge was delivered to Graves and by him delivered to Cilley, without any knowledge or information of the fact on my part. It was only after the challenge was tendered that I was in- formed by Mr. Graves or any one else of its existence. I learned from Mr. Graves himself, who sought my counsel, all I ever knew, or was informed of be- fore the fight, of what occurred between him, and Mr. Cilley on the presentation of the challenge. Mr. Graves' state- ment to me was in brief and in sub- stance as follows: He said, as soon as 42 ¥MfeEE dEMERA¥tO?<S. he obtained a private interview with Mr. Cilley, he announced the object of his visit. He (Mr. Cilley) showed no surprise and seemed to be prepared for the call. He immediately declined to accept the challenge, on the sole srround that he would not admit his responsibility for words spoken by him in debate in the House. Mr. Graves asked him to say whether he declined on the ground that his principal, James Watson Webb, was not a gentleman. Mr. Cilley replied that he would not af- firm or disclaim any reason other than that he was not responsible for words spoken by him in debate in the House. Mr. Graves then inquired whether that was his only ground of declining. Mr. Cilley replied that the only ground he chose to stand upon was his irresponsi- bility to an editor for words spoken in debate in the House. Mr. Graves asked him whether that meant to disclaim any other ground. Mr. Cilley repeated that he meant not to affirm or disclaim any other ground. "Mr. Graves informed me that, upon this, he reported to his principal that Mr. Cilley did not put his refusal to accept on the ground that James Wat- son Webb was not a gentleman but up- on the sole ground stated. My advice to him was that the reason exoressed was suflicient, but some one else ad- vised (whom I am not and never was informed) that he ought to require Mr. Cilley to put his reason for declining in writing. I told him that was regular and proper, but advised him to the pre- ferable course to report his own state- ment and submit it to Mr. Cilley for affirmance or contradiction: that as Mr. Cilley put his declining on tlie ground solely of irresponsibility, he was justified in saying that he did not put it on the ground of Webb's character or any other ground, and that he had no right to demand of him a disclaimer of any other ground. Upon this Mr. Graves drew a paper in substance, re- citing his statement, and adding that, upon that, he had reported and would publish, if necessary, that Mr. Cilley had not decliiied on the ground that Webb was not a gentleman. What he did with that paper I am not and never was informed; but he returned it to me saying that he could not prevail on Mr. Cilley to affirm or to deny his state- ment, or to put his only reason assigned for declining in writing. "I told him neither was necessary, as he had only to make and publish his statement that Mr. Cilley did not put himself on the ground that Webb was not a gentleman, and leave the latter to acquiesce in or contradict his state- ment. If he acquiesced in it, well; if not, it would raise an issue of veracity between him and Mr. Cilley, and I was sure that Mr. Cilley would disclaim any impeachment of his. Graves', veracity, whilst he could easib' explain any re- servation of his right to express any other reason but the one assigned. Mr. Graves had in fact drawn a challenge on the ground that Mi-. Cilley's course impliedly, at least, impeached his ver- acitv, but after conference with me alone he asked me to meet him at Mr. Clay's room early in the evening. "After tea, I called with Mr. Graves on Mr. Clay, and already assembled there were Mr. Clay, Mr. John J. Crit- tenden and Mr. Richard Menefee. They were all consulted. Mr. Graves handed to Mr. Clay the challenge he had writ- ten. Mr. Clay said immediately that the call was not based on the true is- sues. Mr. Cilley had refused to dis- claim personal exceptions to Webb and by the Code of Dueling Graves was MfiNHY A. WISE'S ACCOtINT Ot^ THK DUEL. 43 bound to demand such disclaimer, or stand in the shoes of his principal. He cast aside the challenge drawn by Graves, and with liis own hand and pen drew the challenge which was handed to Mr. Cilley. I immediately objected to the form drawn by Mr. Clay, for the reason that it put the call upon a punc- tilio which never could be and never was settled without blood; that if Mr. Graves put his call on the point of his own veracity, Mr. Cilley had but to disclaim that, and I was sure he would, and that would end Graves' interposi- tion in the affair. Mr. Crittenden and Mr. Menefee sided with Mr. Clay. Mr. Graves immediately copied the paper written by Mr. Clay, the oriprinal of which I have kept, an9 Mr. Graves de- stroyed the form of challenge written by himself. "I then declined to bear the note drawn by Mr. Clay for reason of my stated ob.iection. It left no room for adjustment or explanation and the meeting would necessarily be fatal. Messrs. Clay, Crittenden and Menefee all three protested with me for declin- ing to act as second; and I persisted until Mr. Graves with great feeling rose erect on his feet from his chair, and said: 'Mr. Wise, can you expect me to be governed by your counsel alone Against that of both the Senators of my state and colleague in the House of Representatives, Mr. Menefee, after a full hearing of your objections to the ground of challenge, and after they have been overruled by older heads than your own? If you do,' he continued, with his finger pointed to me, 'I call these colleagues to remember that when you were absent from your seat in the House, and from the city of Washing- ton, I took up your defense against an attack upon you by Mr. Cilley and was ready to stand in your rilace to meet any and all responsibility for you.' [Note: Nothing in the printed debate shows this alleged fact.] 'And now I here say to you that I have more confi- dence in your skill as second than I have in any other person; and if you will not serve me and I am brought dead or wounded from the field, I call these gentlemen to witness that I shall attribute any disaster to me to the want or absence of your skill and e.v- perience.' "I was touched deeply by this appeal and said at once with emotion: 'Mr. Graves, if you put your request to act for you on that ground, I am left no election. I will carry the challenge.' "I did so the next morning, and was careful to keep Mr. Clay's autogranh original — and it was well I did so, as after events proved. You promptly brought the acceptance by Mr. Cilley and the terms of the duel to me at my room. I was alone, with my case of new English nine-inch dueling-pistols open, examining their order and condi- tion. You quietly tapped at my door, l answered, 'Come in.' and I can see your honest old face now, as you entered brusquely, saying: 'Ha! You'll have no use for them.' You looked at the pis- tols and then handed me the accept- ance and terms. I reserved any reply then, and after a little chat about the rifle as a lawful weapon and my igno- rance where to procure a reliable one, you retired. "I sought Mr. Graves and told him that I should object to the rifle. He again took me to Mr. Clay. At once Mr. Clay said: 'He is a Kentuckian and can never back from a rifle.' . . "What occurred afterward, on the field and elsewhere, our joint and sev- eral statementsmade immediately after- 44 THREE GENERAtlOJ4S. the duel show. But there was one subject of reproach to you and myself, which neither could explain withoui damaging our principals. Mr. Graves had three seconds, Mr. Crittenden, Mr. Menefee and myself; and Mr. Cilley had two advisory seconds, Mr. Duncan and Mr. Bynum, besides yourself. Now, no step was taken by nie without consul- tation and agreement with Messrs, Crittenden and Menefee; and I am con fident that you acted with the consent and approval of Messrs. Duncan and Bynum. These four gentlemen were just as responsible for the whole con- duct of the affair as you and I, yet you and I alone were ever assailed for the 'barbarous three exchanges of shots.' Now you and I know that there was really but one deliberate exchange of shots; the third time after each party, in turn— Cilley in his first shot and Graves in his second — had blundered in his fire, and they would not and could not leave tho ground under the acci- dents which would have caused misap- prehension and perhaps ridicule " But the Cilley-Graves duel made a tremendous storm throughout the coun- try. Nothing -was done about it offi- cially, for dueling was countenanced, more or less, but it fas a long time be- fore the bitterness and recrimination about the Cilley-Graves duel subsided. It was brought up against Clay in his next candidacy, and his attempts to shuffle off responsibility upon others caused a breach between him and my father, who charged him with selfishly seeking to relieve himself from the odium of a duel for which he, more than .any living man, was responsible. W 80 ■•..V ,**\.--'. ^- A* nJ ■■■^^ vO-- ^^ • K <■ •^^. * '• .^^^-< A." ^\* ^* ^. V ^;^ ,4^^ ^ % '-^ . ^^ ^ <J> • e - c° ■ • • • A^ V. .^^ *,? ^-* /•>* 'O • i '' •• .f U , • » •?'_ '"^• o'** • • ' ^i^-f/ ^0 » ^ ,0' •v- ^ * • « o » • <" >' ^. '•>';v\' -• ' • • • 'O A^i/*- 'J^. C^ >^^^/ Ev- fx ^^-^ ** o'^ ^^' » > iiiii ii .;.»»?